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THE

. C^'^TMAL RACES

OJ. Ill A. \i ERICA;

Pil SKKTfllES OF KMINENT INDlVIDUAfS.

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Ifil' - ACW»' \T Hi? THK DIFFERKN'T "liTBE.^,

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IATIVE8 AND ANECDOTE^',

C « I' 5 U .; A N A L Y 1 1 C A L I N D F, X
'^>r - \ MITEL G. .ldi.\KE.

Plf^TfefNTH EDJTJON,
'»SKI>, WITH TAH:a»:.JI ABDII!'''^?,

BY J. W. O'NEILL.

5flj? into £ -^•^•rium3 (ilDlarcb Sictl-plati (gngmings.

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272./

THE

ABORIGINAL RACES

NORTH AMERIPA;

CONPRISIHO

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF EMINENT INDIVIDUALS.

AHD

AN HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF THE DIFFERENT TRIBES,

raoif
THE FIRST DISCOVERY OF THE CONTINENT

THE PRESENT PERIOD

WIT^ A DI88BBTATI0I( ON TBBIR

(Drigin, IntiqultieH, Manners nnb Cnstoms,

ILLUSTRATIVE NARRATIVES AND ANECDOTES,

AMD A .

COPIOUS ANALYTICAL INDEX
BY SAMUEL G. DRAKE.

FIFTEENTH EDITION,
RKTISKD, WITH TALOABLl ADDITIONS,

BY J. W. O'NEILL.

fllnstraUlr toit|f pmerous d^olorelr J^ttel-]|laU ^ngnbings.

They wute ui; ky, like tbe April mow
In Um wum noon «• ihrink away;

And ftMt they follow u we (o
Toward the letting day;

Till tbey ihkll Bll the land, and w«

Are drlTan Into the wMtem aaa. — BKTim.

PHILADELPHIA:
CHARLES r>ESILVER.

No. T14 CHK8TNUT STREET.

1860.

%■

Kntered, kooording to the Act of CoDgrem, In the year 1859, by
CHARLES D88ILVER,

_tn the Clerk's Office of the Dlntriei. Court of the United States for the Eastern DiKlrlct of

PennsylTania.

PRINTED BY SMITH A PETKRS,

Franklin ButlUings, Sixth Str<x>t, Iwlow Arch.

Philadelphia.

PREFACE.

TuE history of the aboriginal races of the American Continent is an
interesting study, not only to the people of this Unit>n, but also to those
of other lands, who regard then as the congeners of the nomadic hordes,
which in times long past swarmed over the plains of now civilized
Europe. In many respecis there is a very close resemblance between
the characters and final fate of all the primitive tribes and nations of
the wo.ld — their mode of government, habits, customs, &c., being
somewhat similar — and their recession before the onward march of
civilization, as well as their final absorption or disappearance, following
an inexorable natural law, which decrees the submission of the animul
to intellectual development. From the study of past events alone can
an opinion be formed of the causes which gave origin to them, and for
this reason should every American citizen, who desiro^ to understand
the true history of his country, peruse with attention the records of the
former owners of that soil, which ere long will no more give sustenance
to any of their descendants.

No ordinary task is it for the faithful chronicler to trace the history
of a people who have no written annals, and no written language;
whose only records are of a pictographic character ; and whose traditions
are so vague and unconnected as to be very unreliable. Such are the
difficulties he has to encounter anterior to the discovery of America by
Columbus ; and even subsequent to that period, owing to the unsettled
condition of the country until within the last half century, years of
research and comparison are rendered necessary in order to reconcile
conflicting statements, and unravel the tangled web of confused narra-
tives. Believing, however, that the end to be attained, — ^that of giving
to the world a reliable history of the Indians of the North American

4 PREFACE.

Continent — was one which jiutified the author in making any sacrifice
of time and labor in ita accomplishment, he, for many years, toiled
unremittingly to accomplish this purpose; sparing neither trouble nor
expense in the collection of facta and their sectional arrangement.
Whether he has succeeded in accordance with his hopes he does not
pretend to say; leaving to the judgment of the intelligent reader the
decision of the question, after a thorough and attentive perusal of the
work.

The Indian has been traced through all his misfortunes, wanderings,
and forced transmigrations, to his present home on the western shores
of the Mississippi, where there is every prospect of his speedy absorp-
tion in the Anglo-Saxon current wiiich is so steadily flowing toward the
setting sun ; and the last remnant of the race will soon in spirit, if not
in words, echo the language of a poetic writer, who thus portrays the
sole survivor as apostrophizing the Deity :

'* Where is my home — my forest home ? the proud land of my sires T
Where stands the wigwam of my pride ? where gleam the council fires T
Where are my fathers' hallowed graves? my friends so light and free?
Gone, gone, — forever from my view I Great Spirit I can it be ? "

CONTENTS.

An Alphabetioal Enumbsatioic op
THE Indian Tuibbs and Nations, 9

BOOK I.

Orioin, Antiquities, Hannbbs and
Customs, &o., op tub Ambbican In'-

DIANS.

Chi r. I . Orifin of Uie ntiM TndiBn— Why applied
to the people found in America — AneieDt authora
■uppoeed to katre refoired to America in their
writinjf—Theopompu*— Voyage ofHanno— Oi-
odorui Sirulue— Plato— Arittotle—Sctieca, .19

Chaf. II. Modero tiieoriati upon the lirat peo-
pling of Amorica, 39

CHir. III. Anecdote! and Narrativea, illuatra-
tire of the Manner*, Cuiloim, Tradition!, and
Anliaiiitiei of the Indiana, 34

Chaf, IV. American antiquitiea.— Few Indian
antiquilie*— Of mounda and their content*—
Account of tliiwe in Cincinnati — In the Miami
eountnr — Wurki au|i|M)*od to have been built
for det<iiici<« or forlilicalion*— Some at Piijua —
Near ilumilton — Millurd— Deerfield— Six railea
almve Lebanon — On P.iinI Creek — At Marietta
— At Circluville — Tlieir age uiicctluin — VVorka
on Licking lliver — Ancient mcavationa or wolU
near Newafli — Vurioua other wurk!,,..,,,., 55
^—

BOOK II.

BlOORAPHY AND HiSTORT OP THB

Nortubbn or New Exolano In-
dians.

Chap, I. Conduct of the early voyagera towarda
the IndiMii*— {<ome account ofthu individualB,67

Chap. II, Arrival and Itrat proceedingi of the
EiiEJiah who aettle at Plimoutb — Their firat
discovery of Indiana- Their firat battle with
them — Samoaet — Squiinto — Ma!ii!ait and
other*. 75

Chap. III. Some account of the Maaeaehoislt!
Indiana — Geography of their country— Ita chlcfi
— Cliikatuiibnl — VVamputuck — Hia war with
the Muhnwki, |06

Chap. IV. Of the great nation of the Narragan-
aetta — Oeogrupliy of their country— <7anonTcua
— Miantunnomoh — Hi* relntiona — Aida the Eng-
Ii9h in dnatroying the Poquota— Sella KhoJe
Island— Hi* difficultie* with the Eneliah — Via-
it4 Boaton— Ilia ma^niinimitjr and indepemlence
—Ilia capture and deiith — Circumdancea ofhia
execution— Participation of the white* therein

— IinpnrtinI view of that affair — Tradition*

Ninigret — Mexuin — Cultaquin — Aacanauotick
— Niniarot — Preaent condition of hia deacend-
ant!— Peaaacu! — Killed by ihe Mobaivka,...117

Chap, V. Cncaa— Ilia character — Connection!
— Geography of the Mohegan country — Poquots
— Uncoa — Viaita Boston — Ilia apeecb to Gov-
(Tnor Winthrop — Specimen of the Mohegan
language — Minor cliiefa, ,149

Chap. VI. Of the PtM)uot nation — Oeoirapby of
their country — Saaancua, ;heir firat chief, known
to the English— War— The cause of it, 165

Ohap. VII. Of the I'rnying or Christian Ind' 'na
in New England — Labors of John Eliot — ^\ un-
ban the first Christian anganiore — Indiun lawa
— (Jncaa protests against the attempt to convert
bis people — Ninigrut refuse* to receive mission-
aries — The Indiiiii Bible — Wattaasacomponum
— Hiacoome* — Miohq*oa — Occum, 175

♦—

BOOK III.

Biography and History op the New
England Indians, continued.

Chap. I. Wninpnnoogcliiels — Alexander — Event*
which led to Ihe war with Philip — Ninigret—
Death of Alexander — Saaaamun ly?

C"AP. "■ Lifli of King Phllliv-Hia real nnm*—
The name of hi* wile— Make* rkequenl nale* af
bis lamia — Account of them— His rirai treaty at
Plimouth— Ex|>edition to Nantucket— E>enta
of 1671— Begina the war of ICTS-Pinl ana of
hoetllity— Fighta the Engliah under MoeeW—
—The great Fight at Narragan*«t— Fliea hia
country— Viaiia the Mehawk*— IH-deviwHl
•''•tH"'n~B»enta of I67t>-la banted by Ca^
lain Church— Akkom|>oin — Ills wife and aao
fall hilo the haiida of t'hurch— Fliea to Po-
kanoket— la aurprised and alain— Bpecimrn of

the Wampanoag Lr ngiinge, Ijfj

Chap. III. Livaa or PniLip'a cHixr C»r-
T*iwa — Nanuntenoo— Reason* for hi* aidiag
Philip — ^^Hia former name — Meet* Ihe EnglieE
and Indiana under Cnplain Peirae— Fighu and

deetroy* hi* whole cumimny at Paw tucket

Surprieod and taken— Ilia magnanimity—
Speech to hi* captora— Is executed and hia hody
burnt — Caasaaaii.. 'mon — Catiip,izet— .Mono,
poide — Annawou i* put to death — Uuinoapin
— Hia '.'onnection* oml mariioge — At the cap-
ture of Lnncnster — Account uf hi* wivr*^

Wotamoo — lie i* taken and shot — Tuspequtn

Hi* operation* in Philip's war — .''urrendrrs
himself, and i* put to death — Tatwon — Captnrea
a garriaon in Plimoutb— Tyaska— Other chief*

and inr idonts, a30

Chap, IV. Chief women eonspicuou* in Pbilin'a

war — Mognu* — Her country and rrlatiun* H«r

capture and death — Awaahenks — Her men dio-
armed — Philip endeavor* to engage herngriiiui
the Engliah— la finally in the power ui' Philip-
Reclaimed by Church— Some particular* of tmt

fan li I V , 31^

Ohap, V. A nirtber account of chief* ron*piru-
ou* in Philip's war— Pumham— Taken aud *laia
— Hi* »on Quaqualh — Chickon— Hocononoro—
Potock— Complaint again*! Wilaihow— Uebver*
himaelf up— Put to death— Stone-wall-Jobo— A
great captain — Hia men greatly annoy jha
Engliah army in Narraganaet— Kilb *evrral of
them — They burn a gnrriinn, and kill fit\ecn

E Orson* — A traffic in Indian prisoners The
urniiig of Rehoboth and Providence — John'*
discourse with Knser William* — I* killed
Sagamore John — Fnle of Matooiia* — Put to
death on Boaton Common — His aon hanged for
murder — Monoco — David — Andrew — Jumea-

the-printer — Old Jelbero — S<igamore-Sam

Viaitod by Eliot in 1650— Anecdote— Peter Je-

thero, 857

Chap. VI. Friendly Indiana— Captain Arooe

Esenpel the slaughter at Pawtucket — I'oiB-
manda a company in thn eastern war — Captain
Ligbtfoot — His services in Philip*a war— In iJm
eastern war— Kettcnnnit— Quannapohit— Mau-
tamp — Monoco — Nepanet — Emploved to treat

with the enemy — Bringa lettera from them

Effect* an excbangit of priaonera — Peter Con-

woy — Peter Ephraim,, gg}

Chap, VII, Of the Indiana in New Hampabira
and Maine previous to their war* with tha
white* — Dominion* of the hashalia — Perishes io
war — Pa**aconaway — His dominion* — His las!
speech to his people — Petitions the cunrt of
Massttchusett* — Lands allottpd to him — English
aenda a force to disarm him — Their feir* or bis
enmity unfounded — They seixe and ill treat hia
•on— He eacupes — Traditions concerning him-

Wannalancet— His situation in Philip's war

Meaaengera and letters sent him by the English
— Ho again retires into the wiMemoss — Ma>ely
destroy* his village — Imprisoned for debt — Fa-
vor* Cfhristianity — A speech — Webannwnowit,
■iichem of New Hampshire — Rohinhnoil— ||i«
lalea of liind in Maine — Mniiqnini' — Kenncliis
— 'Assiminusqua— Aldiiguda-iset — Their residin-
ce* und aalea of Ino'J — Melancholy fate of

Chocorua, 377

Chap. VIII, Squando aacliem of Saco^Atlack*

C0NTEKT8.

Ih* t jwn of 8«eo— Slnnhr >ecoaal of bim hy a
lonlempocaijr— Tbr ill Itculnwnt of liU wife •
c*u*e orwai— liif humaiiitjr in iritiirinf • cap-
tive — HatliikawaiMto— CauM* or hia hwlilily —
AiaiiniiMa<|U»— Hia aptwcb — B|M«ch of Tariim-
kin — Mugg — la carriad la Boaloa to aiecuta a
Irealjr — la Mailokawamto'a ambaaaador— Re-
laaae oTTbaoMaCubbot- Madoluwaada'a kiiid-
nu'a to pria<»e»— Mmua altacba Wclla ami ia
beaten orT— Atlaakad tli« neit jraaf bjr ttia In-
diana under Madokawando and a oompany of
Frenchmen — Ar« rapulaad witb |raat loaa— lii-
eidenu uf Iha aiago— Muoa. Caaliana— A further
•ccouot of Moiua — Wanangooet — Aaaa c a m buit
— Further account of Mugg— Hia death — Hy-
mon, Andrew, JeoflTiey, Peter, aod Joaepb — Ac-
count of their depredaliofw— Life of Kankama-
|iia— Treated with neglect— Fliea bin country—
Becomea an enemy— Suipriae of Dover anil
murder of Major Waldron— Maaandowet— Wo-
ronibo— Hia liict captured by Cburcb — Kankani-
a<ua'a wife and cbildten taken — Hopehood—
Coiupieuoua in the niaaaacrc at Salmoo Falla —
Mil deatb— Mattiiha»d«>— MegwuMway, . . . .9Bfi

Chat. IX. BooiaiceD— Treachery of tiM whitea
towarda hin>— la impriaooed at Boaten— AaToa
the life of a female captive — Captnrea Baca—
la killed— Anuhawikwabeml— Hie capture and
death — Egeremel— tfeisad at Pemmaquid— Bar-
baroualy murdered — Treachery of Chubb — Ita
requiut— Captain Ton — tiurpriaea Hampton —
Deny- Hia furt captured by Coloael Church —
ETentaufChurcb'a expedition -Captain Simmo
— TreaU with the Engliah atCaaco— Hiaapeech
—Wattanummon— Captain Samuel— Hia fi«kt
at Damarie Cove— Hegan— One of the -«jne bar-
buroualy dealroyed by Iha whitea— Itogg—
Weelbrook boma Nerigwok— Some account of
the Jeauit Raale— Moultoo'a expedition to I'Ter-
igwuk— Deiith of Mogg— Death of Father Ravle
—Notice of MoultoD— Cbarlevoix'a account ol
tliia aflair — Paugua — Bounty offered for Indian
icalpa— CapUin John Lnvewell'e firat expedi-
tion— Hia aecond hunt for Indiana— Falla in with
Paugua — FighU him and ia clain — Incidenta —
Song* com|MMed on the event, 903

Jhap. X. The 8t. Francia Indiana— Rogera'a ex-
pedition againat them — Philip— Sabatia — Ar-
Dold'a expedition — Natania — Tlie modem Pe-
nobacota — Aitteon — Nrptune — Capt. Francia —
Suaup murdera an Englialiman — Specimen of the
Ponobacot languiige— Kowlea— Hi* prophecy-
Blind Will— Killed by the Uohawka— Aaaacam-
buit— ViaiU Franco and ia knighted b* the king
— AtUcka and bum* Haverhill — Hia d«ath,.3l6

Cmaf. XI. Deatmciion of UeerfieM, and captiv-
ity of Reverend John Williama and familytin
1704, 3»

CHAr. XII. Varioua locidenU io the hiatory of
the New England Indiana, embracing aeveral
imporunt eventa, with a awjuel to aome pre-

viou* memoir*, • .....396

— •

BOOK IV.

BlOOKAPHT AND HiSTORT OF THE

SouTHERir Indians.

Chat. 1. Preliminarr abacrvation* reapectiog the

country of the »outhem Indian* — Win^ ina, the

firat Virginia chief known to the Engliah — De-

■troya the fir«t colony aettled the s^Menatonon

Skiko— Eosenore — Second colony abandon*

the country — I'ubacco 6rat carried to Enj^laiid
— Granganemeo— Hi* kindneaaea— Hia family-
Hi* death — Powhatan— BouiidHrie* of hi* coun-
try— Surpriaea the PavankaUnka — Captain
Smith ficbta hi* people— Opekankanongh Ukea
Smith priaonar— Takea him to Powhatan, who
condemna him to be put to death — Smith'* life
•aved at the intetceaaion of Pocahontaa— Inao-
lence of Powhatan increaaed by Newport'* folly
—Smith bring* bim to term* — A crown *ent over
to Powhatan from Englanfl — 1* crowned em-
perur — Speech— (J*e( atratagcm* to kill Smith
— Ii baided in every attempt— Smith viait* bim

-l>pe«cbe* — Poeahonia* again *ave* Smith and
Ml romradp* from being murdeied by lier father
— Tomocomn, .343

Chap. II. Kellcrtinn uiwn the chnrarlerof Piiw.
hataiv— Pncuhontaa— She aingulurly cnleitaiii*
Captain Smith— Diaaeter of a boat'* crew —
Smith'a attempt to *<irpri»a Powhatan fiu*-
tralod in rnnaequence— Pocahontaa aavei Ilia
life of VVyffin — Betrayed fnio Ihn hnndi of lliu
Engliah— -Japaiawa— Mr. Kolfe mariiia Puca-
Loiilaa— 0|Hichiac<K— Pocahiintoa viait* England
—Her interview with Smith- Dlc> at Graveaend
— Her *on — Opekankanuugh — Made priioner by
Smith — I* *el at libartv — Conduct* the mo»>
aacre of l69!^PIoli tna extirpation of tha
Eiuliili — Conduct* the horrid mi***rre of IM4
— U taken prlaooer— Hi* conduct tnon the oc-
raaion — Baibarou*ly wounded by tne guard —
I.apt apeeeh, and magnanimity in death — Re-
fleet Ion* — Ntckotawanee — Totopotomoi — Join*
the Engli*h Bgalnit the Rechahecrlani — I* ile«
feated and*laln, 3AS

Chap. III. Of the Creek Indian*— Mu*ko|eea —
Prohibit tha nie of ardent ipirit* — Their ii*a
*nd importance — Their origin — Cntawhtia —
Chika«au»— Cherokcea — A mode of flattening
their heada — Complexion lighter than other
Indian* — Seminulea — Ruin* at Onkmiilnee
Field*— Expedition of Soto— Ha kill* 9U0O In-
dian* — Lnudonniere — Oourgea' expedition —
Grijalva — Moytoy made emperor of the Cher-
jkee^'— Sir Alexander Cumming— Hi* travel!
among the Cherokee* — Seven chiefa accompany
him (o England— Attakullakulla — Skijaguatah
— Hiaapsech Io the king— hi* death, 363

Chap. IV. Snitlement of Carolina and Georgia
— Tom.iebichi receiver the Engliah — Goe* to
F%!and with General Oclelhorpe^Make* a
apeeeh to the king — Hi* i^atli— War with tha
Spaniard*— Outacitie — Malachty — Attakulla-
kulla — Indian* murdered — Attakullakulla pre-
vent* retaliation upon white* in hi* power-
Cherokee war begin* — Governor Littleton'*
expedition — Impri*oni their Amba**ador* —
They are m8**aered — Colonel Montgomery lent
again*t them — Battle near Keowee — Chero-
kee* tuke Fort London — Siloue— Save* the
lifn of Colonel Byrd— Colonel Grant eubduc* the
Cherokee*, and they make peace with tha
Whitea— Chlucco, 369

Chap. V. Moncachtape, the Yaxoo— Narrative
of hi* adventure* to tlia Paciflc Ocean — Grand
aim, chief of the Natches — Receive* great in-
ju*tice from the French — Concert* their de-
*truction — 700 French are cut oif— War with
them— The Natchex deatroyed in their torn —
Great-Mortar — H'Gillivray — Hi* birth and edu-
cation^ Viait* New York — Trouble* of hi* na-
tion— Hi* death— Tame-king— Mad-dog, ...380

Chap. VI. Wcatberford — Hi* character aud
country — The coroer-atoneof theCieek confed-
eracy — Favor* the deaign* of Tecumaeh — Cap-
ture* Furt Himm* — Dreadful ma**acre— Sub-
jection of the Creak* — Weatherfuid aurrender*
himeelt- Hi* *peeche>— M'lnto*h— Aid* tha
Americuni— Battle of Auto**ee— Great *laugli-
ter of the Indian* — Battle of the Horae-aboe-
bend--Late trouble* in the Creek nation^
H'Intoah make* illegal lale of land* — Exe-
cuted for breaking the law* of hi* country —
Menaw way — Tu*tenugge — Hawkini —Chilly
M'lntoeh, *on of William— Marriage of hi* aii-
ter— Lovett, 388

Chap. VII, Creek war continued — View of the
Creek country — QaDeral Jackaon ordered out
againat them— Relieve* Ohinnaby— Shelokta—
Path-killer— Capture of Littafutche— The Tal-
luabatche* de*troyed by General Cofffe—
Battle of Talladega — Anecdote — Maaaacre of
the Hallibee* — Further account of Autuaaee
battle — Buttle of Camp Defiance — Tinipoochia
— Battle of Eckanakaka — Pu*hamata — Weatli-
erford — Jim Fife — Battle of Emukfuu — A *ec
ond battle— Fife'* intrepidity — Battle of Enoto-
chopko— Toliopoka— End of the Creek war—

CONTENTS.

Oatlh oribra* frophoti— Monohoe— M'Qamn
— <y<ilbert,alMt Pioininm— Hi* •iplolt*— Ance-
doto— MuriteroTJohn Morria— Mualialal«lM»—
Puihmnata— A|M«ch of Muihilaluku* ■nd ur
Piuhamiita lo Lantjretta ■! Wuhiii(inn— Pu-
•hamiilit diM thura — HillUhafo viaiu iSngland
— KxciUi lb* BamlnolM to war — A mmlarn
Pueahontai — Hurnotlimad — Maaaaerai a b«il'a
craw ia Apalaohieola River— It eapturad with
Hilliihafo, and hangad— NaanathU — Komuml
of Iha Florida Indiana — Tliair wretahed eundi-
tion — M'Queen — Eieli in landt and ilavaa —

Fliai lo Florida, and loaat hit effacu, 3B4

Omap. VIII. Oruundt of ll)o Soininolo war —
CircumiUneat of lliota Indinnt mitunderttood
— Unjuttneta of tlie war — Neamtllila depoaad
— Traatiat— or Moullria Creeli— Pajrna'a Land-
tng— Council at Oamp King — It brokan up by
Oteaola — It it ranawad, and a party agraaa to
amifrata — Otceola'a oppotjtioii — It taiiad and

{>ut in ironi — Paifnt a tubmittion, and it re-
aatad — Exaculai an agreeineni to comply wirh
tha damandt of tha whilat — Tba pbyiieal con-
dition of lbf> Indiana, 410

Oh*p. IX. The Indiiint prepare for war — Aflhir
of lloftown — A mail carrier killed — Salct of
the Indiana' naltia and honet adveriiaed by tlia
Indian afnnt, but nona ukei place^Buminp
and murdera are eommiltad--8altlemenl at
New Hirer detlroyed — Remarkable preierva-
tion of a Mr. Oodfray't iamily — Colunol War-
ren't dereat— Swamp B(ht — Doalruotion of New
Smyrna — Dereat and denth of Major Dade, with
tha dettruction of nearly bit whole party —
Viiit to b t battle-fround, 4M

Chap. X. Uf tha piincipal chlera and war lead-
art of the Semmolet — Otceola — Micanopy —
Jumper— Mniiaere of General Thompton and
othera at Fort King— Battle of the Ouithlo-
aooehee — Fight near Watumka — Oreat dittreaa
of the country — Action of Congreaa upon it —
Battle at Muaquito— Many Craekt join the
Baminolea — Fight on the Suanee River,..,. 430

Ohap. XI. Congreta maket an appropriation for
carrying on the war — Romarkt in the Senate of
the United Statei on the war with tba Semi-
nolea — Debate In the Houae of Repreienlatire*
on tha bill for the relief of the inbabitanta of
Florida — Attack on tome Creekt at Bryant't
Ferry — General Oainea'a campaign in Florida —
Fighta the Indiana on the Ouithlecooobee — Hit
conference with Oaeeola — Reaigiu hia com-
mand, and learet the country — Oaptain Alli-
•on'i tkirmiah— Tha chief Ouehee Billy killed
—Siege of Oamp McLomore— Oreat auiferinga
of ita gnrriaon — Delivered by Captain Read—
The chief Had Wolf alain 496

Ohap. XII. Creek War— Murderi and devatta-
tioni begin — Eleven penont killed near Colum-
bui — Hail routei in poaiettion of the Indiana —
A ateamboat attacked and men killed — Chielb
of the war partiet — Mail ttagea deatroyed — The
town of Roanoke burnt — Colonel Lindaay'a
Florida aflhir — Exeetiive diamay of the people
of Gaergia — Murder of familiet— Fight on the
Obattahooehie — Capture of Jim Henry and Ne-
amathia — Account of the chieft — Surrender of
the Indiana, 433

Ohap. XIII. HMarf tf (JU eiftriatitn uf tike
Chenktu, 437

Ohap. XIV. fxpotriotieii tf tkt Ckenkttt, (•«-
MaaW,. 443

Chap. XV. HUtorf tf fJU Cktnkut, uMtm-
ned, 449

Chap. XVI. flutory of Uu Cketvkiu, caiulud-
*d, 454

Chap. XVII. The Seminole war returned —
Further account of the eauaei of the war — Nu-
mcront caiei of |rro«a impoaltion — Bnd conduct
of government offii-cra — A new tronty of remo-
val urged— A deputition viajta the weat — Their
report — Another treaty — Spoechea ot the ehleft
— Eiaminatlon of the policy of tna government
relative tn a removal of the Indians — Character
of bordercrt — Review of the manner treatioa of
•ale wore procured — The praaident angry at the

I jnicaaaauRwe,. • •••• ••• .v>4

XVIIL OvritMgltstMmli^lktwmm
laa* «/<*• »Mr lUSft— Review of earljr diO-
c»— The Hoglown murder- The inault to

Indiana' pfeaamptlM— Barhaiam treataeat of

three Miekaiauktee, 4«il

Chap. XVIIL

eullle»— The liafloii
Oaoaula— Micaaopy— King Payne— General
Cliiiob't expedition— Gen. Seott allaokad—
Mattaert at Cbarlolta Harbor— Fort Mieanop*
betiegod — Dvatli of oflcert— Ligbtbouta allkfr
-Battle of Welika— Creekt and Cheroke*
affair*— Indiana aurpriaao — Murder*— Battle of
Ban Felatoo— Cot. Lana'i expeditino— Hia
melanaboljr deatli — Gov. Call in eomnaad -
Battlea of the Wahoo Swamp— Geo. Jaaup
teaumee oommaod— Ula eipeditioa to the Wa-
boo, 470

Ohap. XIX. JCmX* ^ lh$ tmr tmring Uu wmt
1837— Expedition to Ahapopka— Otuebe* killed
^eiup parleya wilb the ehiefa— Col. Header*
•on'a axpadition— Battle of I.aka Monroe-
Treaty of F»rt Dade — Unobe«rve<l — Oiceola at
Furt Mellon — Numhera of rhc Seminole*—
Sudden abduction of emigrant*— Jeaup requetta
to be relieved fIromeommand—Weatern Indiana
applied to— Gen. ilttmaadex'* expedition — Cap>
tura of King Philip— Surpriae of the Uchee*—
Surrender of obiafa — Mediation of Roe*— Cap.
lure of Oaeeola and othera — View ofihe aflair
—Wild Cat'* eaoape— Battle of Okechoboe, 177

Ohap. XX. timtradng tkt ntuU ^ 1838 and
1839— Battle of Wacaaa Swamp— Defeat of
Lieut. Powell — Battle of Lueha ilatcha— Gen.
Jeaup wounded— Death of Oaeeola — Ilia char*
aoter — Gen. Jeaup deairea to give up the war,
and allow the Indian* lo live in Florida— Not
allowed by the government— Ilia talk with Toa-
kegee— Indian* *eised at Fort Jupiter— Gen.
Je«up leave* Florida — Death of Philip and
Jumper — Capt. Elli*'* exploit — Indian* auipriaa
Capt. Beall — Familiee murdered — Crew* of
ve**el* murdered — Death of Muabalatubee^
Camp Furbea attacked — Numerou* murder*—
Capt. Ruaaell and Mai. Noel killed— Capt.
Rowell defeated^43en. Macomb lake* command
In Florida — Endetvora to make a treaty — Lieut.
Huliiert killed — Reward for Indiana — Maaaacra
•t Colooabatcbie^Indiana aorpriaed al Fort
Mellon — Murder* on the Wacolla — Blood-
hound* to be employed agaioat the Scminolea —
Depredatlona continue, 484

Ohap. XXI. £e(Nl* ^ O* pmr 1840— A train of
wagon* taken — Lieut. Whedan killed— Dog
exploit*— 'Familie* deetroyed^Oefent of Capt.
Raina— Lieut. Banderaon'* defeat — l^ol. Riley'*
exploit — Col. Green'*— Col. Harney 'a — A com-
pany of player* attacked — Cow Creek akirmitb
—Indian Kay deatroyed — Lieut. Arthur'a ex-
ploit—Eleven familie* deatroyed — Cnpl. Beall'a
nght — Lieut. Haiuon'a battle— Indian bnnged—
Ficlfieation attempted Ihreogb a deputalioa of
Seminole* from Arkanaae— It fail»— Whilea
taken in aiding Indiana— Wild Oaf* *xplai^—
Sad accident— Lieut. Judd ambuahed — Fort
Hanaon burnt — Col, Harney'* voyage to tba
Everglade* — Hann nine Indiana — The chief
Chiakika killed— Fort Walker attacked— Capt.
Davidaon diea — liieut. Sherwood'a ambuih, and
death of Mr*. Montgomery, <91

BOOK T.

BlOORAPHT AND HiBTORT OF THB ImO-

QU0I8 OB Five Nations, and othbb

MEIQUBOBINO TRIBES OF THB WEST.
Ohap. I. Particular* in the hiatory of the Iro.
qooia or Five Nation* — Extent of their domin-
iont — Antlqultiea and Iradltiona — Deatroy tha
Eriea — Wur with the Adirondaka — Speeimea
of Ihpjr language — Account of the chief*—
Grangula — Bluck-kettle — Hia bloody wara with
the French — Adario— Hia aingular ttratagem to
unite hia countrymen againat the Frcncb^De*
atroya Montreal and near a tliouannd inbabitanta
— Die* in peace with the French — Doknniaora
a renowned orator — Feiakatot — The niiraculuua

coinrEins.

■torlei eoncerninc him— Hiitory of the Jonrncj
of 6vs Iioquoia cniafk to England, 499

Chav n. Tunany, a Cunooa aneient Delawara
— Hii hbtorjr— ShikclI'mua— FaTora t>ie Mora-
vian Brethren — Hii reeeptioB of Count Ziiiain-
dorF— Hii death— Cnnaaaatejro—ViiiU Phila-
delphia — Hit apeech to the Delawarea — Anec-
dotet of hiin— Glikhikan— Hia apee h to Half-
king — Hii BttAchnient to the Chriitiao Indiana
— Meeta with much trouble fVom Captain Pipe —
Conduct of UalMIng— or Pipe— Glikhikan per-
iihei in the maaaacre at Onadenhuetten — Pa-
kankfr -His hiiutry — NetawattTeea — Bucomei a
Chr'.dtian— Hii ipeeeh to Pakanke — His doatli —
raxnoui — Tadeiukund— Hia history and daath
—White-eyes — Hia transactions with the niia-
aiouariei— ^kenando— His eelebraied speech —
Carious anecdote of him— Hia death, -"^IS

Chaf, IH. Waahincton's embassy to the French
OH the Ohio — Battle near Ureat Meadows, and
death of Jumonville — Chiefs met with by
Washington — ijhingis — Monacatoocha — Half-
king — Juskukaka — White-thunder — Alliquipa
— Capt. Jacobs — Hendrick — His history — Cu-
rious anecdote of Logan — Cresan's war — Bat-
tle of Point PInasant — Logiin's famous speech
— -Cornelttlfc — His history— Red-hawk — Ellinip-
aico — Tlie barbarous murder of these three —
Melancholy death of Logan — Pontiuo — A re-
nowned warrior — Colonel Roger's account of
him — Hisfralicy — Fall of Michilir.iakin»k — Me-
nehwelina — Siege of Detroit — Pontic's strata-
gem to surprise it — la discovered — Official ac-
count of the afluir at Bloo.'y Bridge — Pontiao
abauilons the siege — Becomes the friend of the
Engliflh — Is assassinated, 530

Chap. IV. Cnpt. Pipe — Situation of affairs on
the frontiers at the period of the revolution-
Bad condition of the Moravian Indiana at this
period— Half-king engages to take them to Cau-
ada — His speech to them — They remonstrate —
Hnlf-king Inclines not to molest them, but Capt.
Pipe's cour.scl prevails, and thejr are aeized —
Pipe's ec'iduct thereupon — Missionaries taken
to Detroit and examined — Pipe goes to accuse
tliem — Changea hia conduct towards them, and
they are acquitted — Remarkable deliverance —
Captain White-eyes opposes the conduct of
Pipe — His speech to his people— Colonel Broad-
head's expedition — Brutal maaaacre of a chief—
Gelelemend — Buokongaholas — Reproves the
murder of Major Trueman and others — In the
battle of Presq'Isle— His death— His intre-
pidity — Further particulars of Captain Pipe —
His famous speech — Expedition and defeat of
Colonel Crawford, who is burnt at the stake —
Ciiiktommo — Kine-crnne — Little-turtle — De-
feats General St. Clair's army — Incidents in that
affair — I<ittle-turtle's opinion of General Wayne
— Visits Philadelphia — His interview with C.
F. Volney — Anecdotes — Blue-Jacket — Defeated
by Gen. Wa^ne in the battle or Presq'Isle,. .554

Chap. V. Life of Thayandaneca, called by the
whites Brant — His education — Visits England
— Cuniniissioned there — His sister a companion
to Sir Wm. Johnson — His letter to the Oneidas
— Affair with Herkimer at Unudilla — Cuts off
Herkimer and 200 men at Oriskana — Anecdote
of Herkimer — Burns Sprinifield — Horrid affair
of Wyoming — Incidents — Destroys Cherry V .1-
ley— Barbarities of the tories^Bullivan's dep-
redatjuns among the Five Nations — Brant do-
foatod by the Americans at Newtown — De-
struction oi'Minisink, and slaughter of 100 peo-
ple— Dustructicn of Harpersfield — Brant's letter
to M'CaUDland — Marringe of his daughter — Her
husband killed — Rrant necnmes the friend of

Feace— Visits Philadelphia — His marriage —
<ands granted him by the king — His death — His
aon John— Traits of character — One of his sons
killed by hini, in an attempt to kill his father —
A <couRt of Brant's arrival in England — Some

account of liis children, 577

Chap. VI. Facis in the history of the Snnect
nation— Sogoyewatba, or Red-Jacket — His fk-

'' Dooi ipeeeh to a miniooair— His tnterviaw
with Colonel Soallinf— Britiah invade his coun
try — Besolvea to repel them — His speech upon

(i the event — Governor Clinton's account of him
—Witchcraft affair — Complains of encroach-
ment*— One of hi* people put to death for being
a witch — He defend* the executioner — His in-
terview with Lufavette— Council at Canandai-
gua— Farmers-brother— Red-Jacket visit* Phil-
adelphia — Hi* ibeech to the governor of Penn-
kylvanio — Speech of Agwelondongwaa, or Good-
peter — Narrative of his capture during the rev-
olutionary war — Farroers-4)rolher, or Honaya-
wus — Visit* Philadelphia — Peter-jaquette —
Visit* France — Account of hia death — Memo-
rable speech of Far>ners-brother — His letter to
the secretary of war — Nctiea of several other
Boneea chieM- -Koyingquatah, or Young-king —
Juskakaka, or Little-billy^Achiout, or Half-
town— Kiandogewa, or Big-tree — Gyuntwaia,
or Corn-plant — Address of the three latter to
President Washington — Grant of land to Big-
tree — His visit tu Philadelphia, and doatii —
Further account of Curn-piant — His own ac-
count of himself— Interesting event* in liis life
— His sons, 593

Ohap. Vil. Teeuip:oh — His great exertions to
prevent th<i •■ uites from overrunning his coun-
try — Hu expedition on Hacker's Creek— Co-
operation of his brother, the Prophet — Rise of
the difflcultier between Tecumseh and Gover-
nor Harrison — Speech of the former in a coun-
cil at Vincennea — Fearful occurrence in that
council — Winnemak — Tecumseh visited by
Governor Harrison at his camp — Determination
of war the result of the interview on botli sides
— Characteristic anecdote of the chief— Deter-
mines, in the event of war, to prevent barbar-
ities — Battle of Tippecanoe— Battle of the
Thames, and death of 'i'ecumaeh — Description
of his person — Im|iortant events in bis life —
Pukeesheno, fiither of Tecumseh — His death —
Battle of Magaugo— Specimen of the Shawanee
iangudge — Particular account of Ellskwatawa,
or the Prophet — Account of Round-head — Cap-
ture and massacre of General Winchester's
army at the River Raisin — M;feeiah, or the
Crane, commonly called Walk-in-the-Water —
Black<4iird — Wawnahton — Black-thunder —
Ongpa tonga, 61S

Chap. Vltl. Black-hawk's war — Historical ac-
count of the tribes engaged in it — Treaty be-
tween them — Murders among the Sioux and
Chippewas — Red-bird — Black-hawk — Indians
insulted — Their country sold without their roii-
sent — This occasions the war, 637

Cbap. IX. March of Major Stillman— Kills
some of Black-hawk's men — Stillman' ~ defeat
— Menomonies join the whites — SettI »it de-
stroyed — Captivity of two young wome! -Con-
gress orders out troop* — Indians cut off by Gen-
eral Dodge — Snider's defeat— Stevenson's de-
feat — Deleat of Major Dement — Battle of the
Ouiscousin — Battle of the 9d of August, and end
of the war, .... , 044

Chap. X. History of the chiel^ under Black-
hawk — Nenpope — Surrender of Ulack-hawk—
Wabokieskie— Indians at Washington, 654

Chap. X(. Observations on the causes of the
war — Indians visit the Atlantic States. 661

Chap. XII. From the lime Black-hawk was set
at liberty in his own country, in 1833, to his
dtalh, on October 3<l, 1838, with other impor-
tai!t matters connected with the Indians in the
west, 673

Chap. Xltl. Some further particulars of early
events on the borders ofFennnvlvaniu, 678

Chap. XIV. Early western history — Incidents
of battles — Skirmishes and defeats, 669

Chap. XV. Events qf the Indiun war ^ 17G3
and 1764, en tki OUo, 689

Apfsndii, 697 — 716

Index 717-738

ALPHABETICAL ENUMERATION

THE INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS

An attempt is made, in the following Table, to locate the various bands of
Aborigines, ancient and modem, and to convey the best information respect-
ing their numbers our multifarious sources will warrant Modem writers
have been, for several years, endeavoring to divide North America into cer-
tain districts, each of which sho'jld include all the Indians speaking the same,
or dialects of the same, language ; but whoever has paid any attention to the
subject, must undoubtedly nave been convinced that it can never be done
with any degree of accuracy. This has been undertaken in reference to an
approximation of the great question of the origin of this people, from a com-
parison of the various languages used among them. An unwritten language
is easily varied, and there can be no barrier to innovation. A continual in-
teraiixing of tribes has gone on from the period of their origin to the present
time, judging from what we have daily seen ; and when any two tribes unite,
speaking different languages, or dialects of the same, a new dialect is pro-
duced by such amalgamation. Hence the accumulation of vocabularies
would be like the pursuit of an infinite series in mathematics ; with this
difference, however — in the one we recede from the object in pursuit, while
in the other we approach it. But I would not be understood to speak dispar-
agingly of this attempt at classification ; for, if it be unimportant in the main
design, it will be of considerable service to the student in Indian history on
other accounts. Thus, the lichees are said to speak a primitive language,
and they were districted in a small territory south of tlie Cherokees ; but>
some 200 years ago, — if they then existed as a tribe, and their tradition be
true, — they were bounded on the north by one of the great lakes. And
they are said to be descended from the Shawanees by some of tliemselves.
We know an important community of them is still in existence in Florida.
Have they created a new language in the course of their wanderings ? or
have those from whom they separated done so? Such are the difliculties Ave
meet with at every step of a classification. But a dissertation upon these
matters cannot now be attempted.

In tlie following analysis, tlie names of the tribes have been generally given
in the singular number, for the sake of brevity ; and the word Indhns, after
such names, is omitted from the same cause. Few abbreviations have been
used : — W. R., west of the Rocky Mountains ; m., miles ; r., river ; 1., lake ;
and perhaps a few others. In some instances, reference is made to the body
of the work, where a more extended account of a tribe is to be found. Such
references ure to the Book and Page, the same as in the Index.

Abekas, probably MuskoRcca, under the French at Tombeckbee in 1750.
Abenakies, over Miine till 1754, then went to Canada; 200 in 1089; IW in 1780.
Absoroka, (Minetore.) 8. branch Yellowstone ; li.t. 46°, ion. 105^ ; lo.OOO in 1834,
AcooKESAW, W. side Colorado, about '200 m. S W. Nacogdoches, in 1805.
Acomak, one of the six tribes in Virginia when settled by the Knglish in 1007.
An.viZK, 4 m. from Nachitoches, on Lake Macdon ; 40 men in IBOo.
AotuoNDAKS, (Algonkin,) along the N. shore St. Lawrence ; 100 in 1786.

INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS.

Affaqoitla, small clan in 1783, on Mississippi r., 8 m. abore Point Coup^.
Aaxwou, (Wampanoags,) at Sandwich, Mass. ; otliers at Ipswich, in 1620, &e.
Ahwahawat, (Minetare,) S. W. Missouri 1820, 3 m. above Mandans ; 200 in 180f.
Ajoubs, S. of the Missouri, and N. of the Padoucas ; 1,100 in 1760.
Alansar, (Fall,) head branches S. fork Sasliashawan ; 2,600 in 1804.
Aloonkin, over Canada ; from low down the St. Lawrence to Lake of the Woods.
Aliatan, three tribes in 1805 among the Rocky Mountains, on heads Platte.
Alichb, near Nacogdoches in 1805, then nearly extinct ; spoke Caddo.
Allakaweah, (Paunch,) both sides Yellowstone, heads Big Horn r. ; 2,300 in 1805.
Allibama, (Creeks,) formerly on that r., but removed to Red River in 1764.
Amali'«te8, (Algonkins,) once on St. Lawrence; 500 in 1760.
An A8AOUNTAKOOK, (Abenaki,) on sources Androscoggin, in Maine, till 1750.
ANDA8TE8, once on 8. shore Lake Erie, 8. W. Senecas, who destroyed them in 1672.
Apaches, (Lapane,) between Rio del Norte and sources of Nuaces r. ; 3,500 in 1817.
Afalachicola, once on that r. in W. Florida ; removed to Red River in 1764.
APFALOuaA, aboriginal in the country of their name ; but 40 men in 1805.
Aquanuschioni, the name by which the Iroouois knew themselves.
Abaparas, S. side main Canada River ; 4,000 in 1836, on Kanzas River.
ABMOUCHiauois, or Mabachite, (Abenaki,) on River St. John, New Brunswick.
ARRENAMU8E, on St. Antonio River^ near its mouth, in Texas ; 120 in 1818.
A88INNABOIN, (Sioux,) between Assmn. and Missouri r. ; 1,000 on Ottawa r. in 1836.
Atenas, in a village with the FacuUi in 1836, west of the Rocky Mountains.
Athapascow, about the shores of the great lake of their name.
Atnas, (Ojibewas,) next S. of the Athapascow, about lat. 57° N., in 1790.
Attacapas, in a district of their name in Louisiana ; but 50 men in 1805.
Attapuloas, (Seminoles,) on Little r., a branch of Oloklikana, 1820, and 220 souls.
ATTIKAMIOUE8, in N. of Canada, destroyed by pestilence in 1670.
Aucosisco, (Abenaki,) between the Saco and Androscoggin River in 1630, &e.
AuoHQUAOA, on E. branch Susquehannah River ; 150 in 1768 ; since extinct.
AYAUAI8, 40 leagues up the Des Moines, S. £. side ; 800 in 1805.
Ayutans, 8,000 in 1820, S. W. the Missouri, near the Rocky Mountains.

Bayaqoula, W. bank Mississippi, opposite the Colipasa ; important in 1699.
Bedies, on Trinity River, La., about 60 m. S. of Nacogdoches ; 100 in 1805.
BiG-PEviLS, (Yonktons,) 2,.500 in 1836; about the heads of Red River.
Biloxi, at Biloxi, Gulf Mex., 1699 ; a few on Red r., 1804, where they had removed.
Blackfeet, sources Missouri ; 30,000 in 1834 ; nearly destroyed by small-pox, 1838.
Blanche, (Bearded, or White,) upper S. branches of the Missouri in 1820.
Blue-muu, W., and in the vicinity of the Rocky Mountains in 1820.
Bbothebton, near Oneida Lake ; composed of various tribes ; 350 in 1836.

Caddo, en Red River in 1717, powerful ; on Sodo Bay in 1800 ; in 1804, 100 men.
Cadodache, (Nacogdochet,) on Angelina r., 100 m. 8^3ve the Nechez ; 60 in 1820.
Caiwas, or Kaiwa, on main Canada River, and S. of it in 1830.
Calasthocle, N. Columbia, on the Pacific, next N. the Chillates ; 200 in 18!A).
Callihix, coast of the Pacific, 40 m. N. Columbia River; 1,200 in 1820.
CAMANCHB8, (Shoshone,) warlike ana numerous; in interior of Texas.
Canarsee, on Long Island, N. Y., in 1610, from the W. end to Jamaica.
Cancbs, (Kansas,) 1805, from Bay of St. Bernard, over Grand r., toward Vera Crux,
Canibas, (Abenaki,) numerous in 1607, and after; on both sides Kennebeck River.
Caranxoua, on peninsula of Bay of St. Bernard, Louisiana ; 1,500 in 1805.
Cabee, on the coast between the I^uaces and Rio del Norte ; 2,600 in 1817.
CABKieas, (Nateotctains,) a name given the natives of N. Caledonia by traders.
Camtahana, between sources Padouca fork and Yellowstone; 5,000 in 1805.
Cataka. between N. and S. forks of Chien River ; about 3,000 in 1804.
Ca. AWr.A, till late, on their river in S. Carolina ; 1,600 in 1743, and 460 in 1764.
Cathi ACUMUF8, on main shore Columbia River, S. W. Wappatoo i. ; 450 in 1820.
Catula::ahikit, at the rapids of the Columbia, 160 m. up; 000 in 1820.
Cath'..akamafs, 80 m. up Columbia River ; about 700 in 1820.
Catulamat, on the Pacific, 30 m. S. mouth of Columbia River ; 600 in 1820.
Cathlanamenamen, on an island in mouth of Wallaumut River ; 400 in 1820.
Cathl.anaqui\h, (Wappatoo,) S. W. side Wappatoo Island ; 400 in 1820.
Cathlapootle, on Columbia River, opposite the Cathlakamaps ; 1,100 in 1820.
Cathlafooya, 600 in 1820, on the Wallaumut River, 60 m. from its mouth.
Catulasko, 90U in 1820, on Columbia River, opposite the Chippanchikchiks.
Catiilathla, 900 in 1820, on Columbia River, opposite the Catnlakahikits.
Catulath, 600 in 1820, on the Wallaumut River, 60 ni. from its mouth.
Cattanahaw, between the Saskashawan and Missouri Rivers, in 1805.
Cauohnswaoa, places where Christians lived were so called.
Chactoo, on Red River; in 1803, but 100; indigenous; always lived there.
Chaouanons, the French so called the Shawanese ; (Chowuns ?)
Cheboee, (Cherokees,) 60 to 80 m. S. of them; called also Mid. Settlement, 1"80.
Chehaw4, small tribe on Flint River, destroyed by Georgia militia in 1817.
Ckkpeyan, claim from lat. 60" to 06°, Ion. 100° to 110° W. ; 7,600 in 1812.
CuEUOKEE, in Georgia, S. Carolina, &c., till 1836; then forced beyond the Missiti,

INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS.

iSbbsxitalowa, (Seninolea,) 580 in 1820, W. side Chattahoochee.
Chibn, (Dog,) near the sources Chien River; 300 in 1805; 200 in 1820.
Chiheeleesh, 40 m. N. of Columbia River ; 1,400 in 1820.

Chickasaw, between heads of Mobile River in 1780 ; once 10,000 ; now in Arkansaa,
Chippanchikchiks, 60 in 1820, N. side Columbia River, 220 m. from its mouth.
Chikamomim, on Kalapony River, Va., in 1661 ; but 3 or 4 in 1790 ; now extinct.
Chikamauqas, on Tennessee River, 90 m. below the Cherokees, in 1790.
CiiiLLATES, mo in 1820, on the Pacific, N. Cohimbia River, beyond the Quieetsoi.
Chillukittequau, on the Columbia, next below the Narrows; 1,400 in 1820.
Chiltz, N. of Columbia River, on the Pacific, next N. of the Killaxthocies.
CuiMNAHPUH, on Lewis River, N. W. side of the Columbia ; 1,800 in 1820.
Chinnook, on N. side Columbia River ; in 1820, about 400 in 28 lodges.
Chippewas, about Lake Superior, and other vast regions of the N., v-y numeron"
Chitimicka, on W. bank Mijs. River in 1722; once powerful, then slaves.
Choktaw, S. of the Creeks ; 15,000 in 1812 ; in 1848 in Arkansas.
Chopunnish, on Kooskooskee River ; 4,300 in 1806, in 73 lodges.
CuowANOK, (Shawanese ?) in N. Carolina, on Beimet's Creek, in 1708; 3,000 in 1630.
Ckowans, B. of the Tuscaroras in N. Carolina ; 60 join the Tuscaroras in 1720.
Christrnaux, only another spelling of Knistenaux, which see.
Clahclellah, 700 in 1820, on the Columbia River, below the rapids.
Clakstak, W. R., on a river flowing into the Columbia at Wappatoo Island.
Clamoctomioh, on the Pacific, next N. of the Chilti ; 260 in 1820.
Clanimatas, on the S. W. side of Wappatoo Island ; 200 in 1820, W. R.
Clannarminimuns, 8. W. side of Wappatoo Island ; 280 in 1820, W. R.
Clatsops, about 2 m. N. of the mouth of Columbia River ; 1,300 in 1820.
Clarkames, on a river of their name flowing into the Wallaumut ; 1,800 in 1820.
Cneis, on a river flowing into Sabine Lake, 1690; the Coenis of Hennepin, probably.
CouAKiES, nearly destroyed in Pontiak's time; in 1800, a few near Lake Winnebago.
CoLAPissAS, on £. bank Mississippi in 1720, opposite head of Lake Puntchartrain.
CoNCHATTAS Came to Appalousas in 1794, from E. the Mississ. ; in 1801, on Sabine.
CoNOAREES, a small tribe on Congaree River, S. Carolina, in 1701 ; long since ^one.
CoMOTS, perhaps Kanhawas, being once on that river ; (Canais, and variations.)
CooKKOO-oosE, 1,500 in 1806, coast of Pacific, S. of Columbia r., and S. of Killawats.
CoopsPELLAR, on a river falling into the Columbia, N. of Clark's ; 1,600 in 1806.
CooBADAS, (Creeks,) onceresiaed near the River Tallapoosie.

Copper, so called from their copper ornaments, on Coppermine River, in the north.
CoEEES, (Tuscaroras,) on Neus River, N Carolina, in 1700, and subspquently.
CoHONKAWA, on St. Jacintho River, between Trinity and Brazos ; 350 in 1820.
CowLiTsiCK, on Columbia River, 62 m. from its mouth, in 3 villages ; 2,400 in 1820.
Creeks, (Muscogees,) Savannah r. to St. Augustine, thence to flirt r., 1730.
Crees, (Lynx, or Cat,) another name of the Knistenaux, or a part of them.
Crows, (Absorokas,) S. branches of the Yellowstone River; 45,(X)0 in 1834.
CuTSAHNiM, on both sides Columbia River, above the Sokulks ; 1,200 in 1820.

Dahcota, or DocoTA, the name by which the Sioux know themselves.

Delaware, (Lenna-lenape,) those once on Delaware River and Bay ; 500 in 1750,

DiNONDADiES, (Hurons,) same called by the French Tionontaties.

DoEOS, small tribe on the Maryland side Potomac River, in 1675.

DooRiBS, (Blackfeet,) but speak a different language.

Doos, the Chiens of the French. See Chibn.

DoTAME, 120 in 1805 ; about the heads of Chien River, in the open country.

Eamuses. See Euusas.

EcHEMiNB, (Canoe-men,) on R. St. Johns ; include Passamaquoddies and St. Johns.

Edistoes, in 8. Carolina in 1670 ; a place still bears their name there.

Emusas, (Seminoles,) W. side Chattahoochee, 2 m. above the Wekisas ; 20 in 1820.

Enesuuhes, at the great Narrows of the Columbia; 1,200 in 1820, in 41 lodges.

Eries, along E. side of Lake Erie, destroyed bv the Iroquois about 1654.

EsAWS, on River Pedee, S. Carolina, in 1701 ; then powerful ; Catawbas, probably.

EsKELOOTS, about 1,000 in 1820, in 21 lodges, or clans, on the Columbia.

EsauiMAUX, all a'.^ng the northern coasts of the frozen ocean, N. of 60o N. lat.

Etohussewakkes, (Semin.,) on Chattahoochee, 3 m. above Ft. Oaines ; 100 in 1820.

Facullies, 100 in 1820 ; on Stuart Lake, W. Rocky Mount. ; lat. 54°, Ion. 125o W.
Fall, so called from their residence at the falls of the Kooskooskee Sec Alaksars.
Five Nations, Mohawks, Senecas, Cayugas, Onondagas, and Oneidns ; which see.
Flat-Heads, (Tutsecwas,) on a large fiver W. R. ; on S. fork Columbia r.
FoLLES AvoiNES, the French so called the Menomiaies.
FoNi) DU Lac, roam from Snake River to the Sandy Lakes.
Fowl-towns, (Seminoles,) 12 m. E. Fort Scott ; about 300 in 1820.
Foxes, (Uttagamics,) called licnards by the F'rench ; disposseiiscd by B. Hawk's war

Ganawese, on the heads of Potomac River ; same as Kanhaways, probably.

CJaviieai), Martha's Vineyard ; 200 in 1800; in 1820, 340.

CiJt.vNU JliVEii, on Uraudr., N. side L. Ontario; Mohawks, Senecas, and oth.{ 2,000.

INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS.

Guos Ybntbrs, W. Mississippi, on Maria River, in 1806 ; in 1834, 3,000.

IIarb-foot, next S. of the Esquimaux, and in perpetual war with them.
Hallibbbs, a tribe of Creeks, destroved in 1813.

Hannakallal, 600 in 1820, on Pacinc, S. Columbia, next beyond the Luckliarso.
Hassanambsits, a tribe of Nipmuks, embraced Christianity in 1660.
HiiiiOHENiMMO, 1,300 in 1820, from mouth of Lastaw River, up it to the forks.
Hellwits, 100 m. along the Columbia, from the falls upward, on the N. side.
Herhino Pond, a remnant of Wampanoags, in Sandwich, Mass. ; about 40.
Hiktanb, (Camanches,) erratic bands ; from Trinity to Brazos, and Red River.
HiNi, (Cadodache,) 200 in 1820, on Angelina r., between Red r. and Rio del Norte
HiTCHiTTEES, once on Chattahoochee r. ; 600 now in Arkansas ; speak Muskogee.
HouiLPOs, (Tushepahas,) 300 in 1820, above great falls on Clark's River.
Hi'MAS, (OHmas,) "Red nation," in Ixsussees Parish, La., in 1805, below Manchak.
lIuuoNS, (Wyandots, Quatoghies,) adjacent, and K. gt. lakes; subd. by Iroq., 1650.

Illinois, " the lake of men." both sides Illinois r. ; 12,000 in 1670; 60 towns in 1700

In:b8, or Tachibs, [Texas ?] branch Sabine ; 80 men in 1806; speak Caddo.

I u WAYS, on loway River before Black Hawk's war; 1,100 beyond the Mississippi.

Iiioauois, 1606, on St. Lawrencp, below Quebec ; 1687, both sides Ohio, to Miss.

IsATis, sometimes a name of the Sioux before 1755.

Itukyemamixs, 600 in 1820, on N. side Columbia, near the Cathlaskos.

Jelan, one of the three tribes of Camanches, on sources Brazos, Del Norte, &e.

Kadapaus, a tribe in N. Carolina in 1707.

Kahunkles, 400 in 1820, W. Rocky Mountains ; abode unknown.

Kaloosas, a tribe found early in Florida, long since extinct.

Kanbnavish, on the Padoucas' fork of the Platte ; 400 in 1805.

Kanhawas, Ganawese or Canhaways ; on the River Kanhawa, formerly.

Kansas, on the Arkansas River; about 1,(' 'I in 1836; in 1820, 1,850.

Kaskas&ias, (Illin.) on a river of same name flowing into the Mississ. ; 250 in 1707.

Kaskayas, between sources of the Platte and Rocky Mountains ; 3,000 in 1836.

Katteka, (Padoucas,) not located by travellers. See Padoucas.

Keekatsa, (Crows,) both sides Yellowstone, above mouth Big Horn r. ; 3,500 in 1305.

Kevche, E. branch Trinity River in 1806; once on tho Sabine; 260 in 1820.

KiAWAS, on Padouca River, beyond the Kites ; 1,000 in 'm)G.

KiaENE, on the shore of Pacific Ocean in 1821, under L.ke chief CVittegntcs.

KiKAPUO, formerly in Illinois ; now about 300, chiefly beyond the Mis^)i8sippi.

KiLi.AMUK, a branch of the Clatsops, on the coast of the Pacific Ocean ; about 1,000.

KiLLAWAT, in a lurge town on the coast of the Pacific, E. of the Luktons.

KiLLAXTHocLBS, 100 in 1820, at the mouth of Columbia River, on N. side.

KiMOENLHS, a band of the Chopunnish, on Lewis's River ; 800 in 1820, in 33 clans.

KiNAi, about Cook's Inlet, on the coast of the Pacific Ocean.

Kites, (Staetans,) between sources Platte and Rock) Mountains; about 500 in 1820.

Ki»iCAKONS inhabited Michilimakinak in 1680; a Huron tribe.

Knistenau.x, on Assinnaboin River; 5,000 in 1812; numerous; women comely.

KoNAOENs, Esquimaux, inhabiting Kadjak Island, lat. 58°, Ion. 152° W.

KooK-Koo-oosE, on the coast of the Pacific, S. of the Killawats ; 1,500 in 1835.

KusKA?iAWAOKS, one of six tribes on E. shore of Chesapeak in 1607 ; (Tuscaroras r^

Lahanna, 2,000 in 1820, both sides Columbia, above the mouth of Clark's River.

Lapanne. See Apaches.

Lautielo, 600 in 1820, at the falls of Lastaw River, below Wayton Lake.

Leaf, (Sioux,) 600 in 1820, on the Missouri, above Prairie du Chien.

Leech Rivek, about 350 in 1820, near Sandy Lake, lat. 46° 9' N.

Lenna Lenapg, once from Hudson to Delaware River ; now scattered in the West

LiPANis, 800 in 1816, from Rio Grande to the interior of Texas ; light hair.

Loucueux, next N. of the Esquimaux, or 8. of lat. 67° 15' N.

LiKAWLS, 800 in 1820, W. of the Rocky Mountains; abode unknown.

Li KKAitso, 1,200 in 1820, coast of Pacific, 8. of Columbia r., beyond the Shallalah.

Luktons, 20 iu 1820, W. of the Rocky Mountains ; abode unknown.

Machapunoas, in N. Carolina in 1700 ; practised circumcision.

Mandans, 1,2-50 in 1805, 1200 m. fm. mouth of Misso. ; 1838, reduced to 21 by sm. po«

Manooaos, or Tutbloes, (Iroquois,) Nottoway River, formerly ; now extinct.

Manhattans, (Mohicans,) once on the island where New York city now stands.

Mannahoaks, once on the upper waters of the Rappahannock r. ; extinct long ago

Marachites, (Abcnakies,) on the St. John's ; a remnant remains.

Mausapeaoues, .)nce on Long Island, S. side of Oyster Bay ; extinct.

MAK.SHP'iES, (Wamparoags,) 315 in 1832; Barnstal)le Co., Mass. ; mixed with blankr.

Mascoutins, or Fire Ind., betw. Mississ. and L. Michigan, 1065; (Sacs and Foxe:« i*)

Massachusetts, the state perpetuates their name.

Mas.sawomes, (Iroquoiti,) once sf)read over Kentucky.

Mathlanous, 500 in 1820, on an island in the mouth of Wallaumut River, W. R.

INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS.

Mates, 600 in 1805, St. Gabriel Creek, mouth of Ouadaloupe River, Louisiana.
Menohinies, (Algonkins,) once on Illinoifl r. ; now 300 W. Mississippi.
ME88A8RAONES, 2,000 in 1764, N. of, and adjacent to, L. Huron and Superior. ^
MiAMis, (Algonkins,) once on the r. of their name ; now 1.500, beyond the Mississ.
MiKASAUKiES, (Seminoles,) about 1,000 in 1821 ; very warlike.
MiKMAKS, (Algonkins,) 3,000 in 1700, in Nova Scotia ; the Suriquois of the French.
MiKauK8BALT0N, (Tushepaha,) 300 in 1820, Clark's River, above great falls, W. U.
MtNETAKES, 2,500 in 180d, 5 m. above the Mandans, on both sides Knife River.
MiNOAWAECAKTON, in 1805, on both sides Mississippi, from St. Peter's upward.
MiNOOES, once such of the Iroquois were so called as resided upon the Scioto River.
MiNSi, Wolf tribe of the Lenna Lenape, once over New Jercey and part of Penn.
MissouBiES, once on that part of the River just below Grand r., in 1820.
MiTCHiOAMiES, one of the five tribes of the Illinois ; location uncertain.
Mohawks, her.d of Five Nations ; formerly on Mohawk r. ; a few now iu Canada.
MoHBOANS, jr M0HEAKUNNUK8, in 1610, Hudson r. from Esopus to Albany.
MoNACAKC, ('fuscaroras,) once near where Richmond, Virginia, now is.
MoNoouLATCHES, On the W. side of the MississippL See Bataooulas.
M0XTAONE8, (Algonkins,) N. side St. Law., betw. Saguenay and Tadousac, in 1609.
MoxTAUKS, on £. end of Long Island, formerly ; head of 13 tribes of that island.
M0BATOK8, 80 iu 1607 ; 40 in 1669, in Lancaster and Richmond counties, Virginia.
Mgsquitos, once a numerous race on the £. side of the Isthmus of Darien.
MuLTNUMAHS, (Wappatoo,) 800 in 1820, mouth of Multnomah River, W. R.
Munseys, (Delawares,) in 1780, N. branch Susquehannah r. ; to the Wabash in 1808.
MusKoOEEs, 17,000 in 1775, on Alabama and Apalachicola Rivers. See B. iv.

Nabedaches, (Caddo,) on branch Sabine, Id m. above the Inies ; 400 in 1805.
Nabijos, between N. Mexico and the Pacific ; live in stone bouses, and manufacture.
Nanuakoes, 120 in 1805, on Sabine, 60 m. W. of the YatUssees ; (Caddo.)
NAMTIK0KE8, 1711, on Nantikoke River ; 1755, at Wyoming ; same year went west.
Narcotah, the name by which the Sioux know themselves.

Narraqansets, S. side of the bay which perpetuates their name; nearly extinct.
NashuayS) (Nipmuks,) on that river from its mouth, in Massachusetts.
Natchez, at Natchez; discovered, 1701 ; chiefly destroyed by French, 1720.
Natchitoches, once at that place ; 100 in 1804 ; now upon Red River.
Nateotexains, 200 in 1820, W. R., on a river of their name, W. of the FacuUies.
Natiks, (Nipmuks,) in Massachusetts, in a town now called after them.
Nechacoke, (Wappatoo,) 100 in 1820, S. side Columbia, near Quicksand r., W. R.
Neekbetoo, 700 in 1820, on the Pacific, S. of the Columbia, beyond the Youicone.
Nehalquinneb, (Wappatoo,) 200 in 1820, N. side Wallaumut River, 3 m. up.
NiANTiKS, a tribe of the Narragansets, and in alliance with them, p. 131.
NiCARiAOAS, once about Michilimakinak ; joined Iroquois in 1723, as seventh nation.
NiPissiNS, (original Algonkins,) 400 in 17m, near the source of Ottoway River.
Nipmuks, eastern interior of Mass. ; 1,500 in 1775 ; extinct. See p. 82, 104, 164, 275.
Nobridoewoks, (Abenakies,) on Penobscot River. See Book iii. 303, 311.
NoTTOWATS, on Nottoway River, in Virginia ; but 2 of clear blood in 1817.
Mtacks, (Mohicans,) or Manhattams, once about the liairows, in New York.

Gakmuloes, (Muskogees,) to the E. of Flint River; about 200 in 1834.
Ocamechbs, in Virginia in 1607 ; had before been powerful ; then reduced.
OcHEBS. See Uchees. — Perhaps Ochesos ; 230 in Florida in 1826, at Ochee BlufH
OCONAS, (Creeks.) See Book iv. 369.

Ojibwas, (Chippeways,) 30,000 in 1836, abou^ < e great lakes, and N. of them.
Okatigkinans, (Seminoles,) 580 in 1820, near Fort Gaines, E. side Mississippi.
Omahas, 2,200 in 1820, on Elkhorn River, 80 m. from Council Bluffii.
Oneidas, one of the Five Nations ; chief seat near Oneida Lake, New York.
Onondaoas, one of the Five Nations ; formerlv in New York ; 300 in 1840.
OOTLASHOOTS, (Tushepahas,) 400 in 1820, on Clark's River, W. Rocky Mountains.
OsAOBS, 4,000 in 1830, about Arkansas and Osage Rivers ; many tribes.
Otaoahies, (Winnebagoes,) %0 in 1780, betw. Lake of the Woods and the Mississ.
Otoeb, 1,500 in 1820; in 1805, 500; 15 leagues up the River Platte, on S. side.
Ottawas, 1670, removed from L. Superior to Michilimakinak ; 2,800 in 1820.
OuiATANONS, or Waas, (Kikapoos,) mouth of Eel r.,Ind., 1791, in a village 3 m. long
OuKAS, E. bank Mississippi in 1722, in 2 villages, quarter of a mile from the river.
Owabsissas, (Seminoles j 100 in 1820, on E. waters of St. Mark's River.
Okas, 2,000 in 1750 ; on Czaw River in 1780, which flows into the Mississippi.
OziHiBS, one of the six tribes on £. shore of Maryland and Virginia in 1607.

Paoanas, on Quelquechose River, La. ; 30 men in 1805 ; 40 m. 8. W. Natchitoches.
Padouoas, 2,000 warriors in 1724, on the Kansas ; dispersed before 1805.
Padowaoas, by some the Senecas were so called ; uncertain.
Paiuh, 200 in 1820, on coast of the Pacific, N. Columbia r., beyond the Potoashs.
Palaohks, a tribe found early in Florida, but long since extinct.
Pamlico, but 15 in 1708, about Pamlico Sound, in N. Carolina ; extinct.
Panoas, once on Red River, of Winnipeo 1. ; afterwards joined the Omahas.
Panis, (Xonicas,) 49 villages in 1750, S. br. Missouri ; 70 villages on Red r., 1755.
4

INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS.

Panneb. See Alijika .r bah, 2,300 m 18M, on heads Bib Horn RWer.
Pascatavays, once » considerable tribe on the Maryland side Potomac River.
Pascaooulas, 26 men in 1806, on Red r., 60 m. below Natchitoches ; from Florida.
Passamaquoddib, on Schood»k t.. Me., in Perry Pleasant Point, a small number.
Paumbe, 10,000 in 1820, on the Platte and Kansas: Republicans, Loupes, and Picts.
Pawistucibkbhuk, 600 in 1820 ; small, brare tribe, in the prairies of Missouri.
Fawtdckbts, (Nipmnks,) on Merrimac River, where Chelmsford now is ; extinct.
Peoans, (Nipmnks,) 10 in 179S, in Dudley, Mass., on a reserration of 200 acres.
Pblloatpallah, (Chopunnish,) 1,600 in 1820, on Xooskooskee r., above forks, W. R
Fbnobsoots, (Abcnakies,) 330, on an island in Penobscot r., 12 m. above Bangor.
Pbnnakooks, (Nipmuks.) along Merrimiio r., where is nov 'Concord, N. H., &c.
Peokias, 97 in 1820, on Current River ; one of the five tribes ui the Illinois.
Pbquakbts, (Abenakies,) on sources Saco River; destroyed by English in 1725.
Pbquots, about the mouth of Connecticut River : subdued in 1637.
PuiLLiMEBS, (Seminoles.) on or near the Suane River, Florida, in 1817.
PiANKASHA'ws, 3,000 ouce, on the Wabash ; in 1780, but 950 ; since driven west.
PiANKATANK, » trib« in Virgicia when first settled ; unlocated.
PiNESHOW, (Siouju) loO in 1820, on the St. Peter's, 16 m. from its mouth.
PiSHauiTPAR, 2,600 in 1816, N. side Columbia River, at Muscleshell Rapids, W. R.
PoTOASH, 200 in 1820, coast Pacific, N. mouth Columbia, beyond Clamoctomichs.
PoTTOWATTOMiE, 1671, ou Noquet i., L. Michigan ; 1681, at Chicago.
PowHATANS, 32 tribes spread over Virginia when first discovered by the English.
PuANB, the Winuebagoes were so called by the French at one period.

QuABAOoa, (Nipmuks,) at a pince of the same name, now BrookSeld, Mass.
QuAPAW, 700 in 1820, on Arkansas r., opp. Little Rock ; reduced by sm. poz in 1720.
QuATHiiAHPOHTLBS, on S. W. side Columbia, above mouth Tahwahnahiosk River.
QuATOOHiB, (Wyandots,) once S. side L. Michigan ; sold their lauds to Eng. in 1707-

QUBSADAS. See COOSADAS.

QniBETSos, on the Pacific 260 in 1820 ; N. Columbia r., next N. of the Quiiiilts.
QciNiiLTS, on coast of the i'acific, N. of Columbia r. ; 260 in. 1820 ; nex/t the Pailshs.
QuiNNECUART, coast Pacific, next N. Calasthocles, N. Columbia r. ; 2,000 in 1820.
QuiNN.TPissA are those called Bayagoulas bv the Chevalier Tonti.
QuoDDiES. See Passakaquoddie. — 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i;.'. 181.

Rapids. See Pawwtucienemuks.

Redoround, (Seminoles,) 100 in 1820, on Chattahoochie r., 12 m. above Florida line.

Redknife, so called from their copper knives ; roam in the refjion of Slave Lake.

Beivstick, (Seminoles,) the Baton Rouge of the French.

Red-'WINO, (Sioux,) on Lake Pepin, under a chief of their name ; 100 in 1820.

RiCABBE, (Paunees,) before 1806, 10 large vill. on Missouri r. ; reduced by small pox.

RiTBR, (Mohegans,) S. of the Iroquois, down the N. side of Hudson r.

Round-heads, (Hurons,) E. side Lake Superior : 2,600 in 1764.

Rtawas, on the Padouca fork of the Missouri; 900 in 1820.

Bachdaouohs, (Powhatant,) perhaps the true name of the Powhatans.

Sankhikans, the Delawares knew the Mohawks by that name.

Saktbes, a small tribe in N. Carolina in 1701, on a river perpetuating their name.

Saponies, (Wanamies,) Sapona Uiver, Carolina, in 1700 ; joined Tuscaroras, 1720

Satamas, a name, it is said, given the Shawanees by the Iroquois.

Sauke, or Sac, united with Fox before 1806 ; then on Missies., above Illinois.

Sadteurs, or Fall Indians of the Frc-nch, about the falls of St. Mary.

Savannahs, so called from the river, or the river from them ; perhaps Vamasee*

ScATTAKOOKs, upper part of Trov, N. Y. ; went f^om New England about 1672.

Seminoles havu been established in Florida a hundred years.

bENECAS, one of the Five Nations; " ranged many thousand miles" in 1700.

Bepones, in Virginia in 1776, but a remnant. See Saponies.

Sebbanna, (Savannahs ?) in Georgia; nearly destroyed by the Westoes about 1670.

Sewbbs, a small tribe in N. Carolina, mentioned by Lawson in 1710.

Bhallalah, 1,200 in 1816, on the Pacific, S. Columbia r. next the Cookkoo-oosee.

Bhallattoos, on Columbia River, above the Skaddals ; 100 in 1820.

Bhanvapponb, 400 in 1820, on the heads of Cataract and Taptul Rivers.

Shawane, once over Ohio ; 1672, subdued by Iroquois ; l,o83 near St. Louis in 1820

Sheabtukle, 900 in 1820, on the Pacific, S. Columbia r., next beyond the Youit*.

Shinikooks, a tribe of Long Island, about what is now South Hampton.

SflOSHONEB, 90,000 in 1820, on plains N. Missouri ; at war with the Blackfeet.

Shoto, CWappatoo,) 460 in 1820, on Columbia River, opposite mouth of Wallaumnt.

SiCAUNiBS, 1,000 in 1820, amons the spurs of the Rocky MountainL W. of the Rapids

Sioux, discovered by French, 1660 ; 33,000 in 1820, St. Peter's, Mississ., and Misso. I

8iss ATONES, upper portions of Psi r., of L. Winnipec and St. Peter's, in 1820.

SiTiMACBA. See Chitimicha.

B:tka, on King George III. Islands, on the coast of the Pacific, about lat. 67° N.

Six Nationi), ilroquoib,) Mohawk, Seneca, Onondaga, Oneida, Cayuga, Shawane.

Skaddals, on Cattrvet River, 26 m. N. of the Big Narrows ; 200 in 18*20.

BtLBBTSOHiSH, 'ifiOO u 1820, on a river r" wheir name flowing into the Lastaw.

INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS.

Skilioot, on Columb' \ River, from Sturgeon Island upward ; 2,500 In 1820.
Skunnbmokb, or Tuckapas, on Vermilion River, La., 6 leaaues W. of N. Iberia.
Smokshop, on Calurobia r., at the mouth of the Labiche ; 800 in 1830, in 2i elans.
Snakq. See Auatans, or Shoshonbbs.

SoKUKiB, on Saco River, Maine, until 1725, when .taev withdrew to Canada.
SozuLK, on the Columbia, above mouth of Lewii 's River; 2,400 in 1820.
SouRiavois, (Milimaks,) once so called by the eirly French.
SouTin, (Ottowas,) a band probably mistaken ft'' '. tribe by the French.
SoTENNOU, (Ohopunnish > on N. siae £. fork of Lewis's River ; 400 in 1820; W. B.
Spokain, on sources Lewis's River, over a larse tract of countiy^W. Rocky Mts.
Squannaboo, on Cataract r., below the Skaddala ; 120 in 1820 ; W. Rocky Mu.
Stabtans, on heads Chien r., with the Kanenavish ; 400 m 1806 ; resemble Kiawas.
Stockbbidob, Nbw, (Mohegans and Iro«uois,) collected in N. Y., 1786; 400 in 1820.
Stockbbidob, Mass., (Mohegans,) settled there in 1734; want to Oneida in 1786.
St. John's, ( Abenakies,) about 300 still remain on that river.
SusauBHAMNOK, OH W. shore of Md. in 1607 ; that river perpetuatea their name.
SussBES, near sources of a branch of the Saskashawan, W. Rocky Mountains.
Stkebons, a numerous race, on the B. side of the Isthmus of Darien.

Taoullies, " people who go upon water ; " on head waters of Frasier's River, La.

Tahsaoboudib, about Detroit m 1723 ; probably Tsonothouans.

Tahuacana, on River Brazos ; 3 tribes ; 180 m. up ; 1,200 in 1820.

Taixahassb, (Seminoles,) 15 in 1820, between (Noklikana and Mikaaankie.

Taxlbwheama, (Seminoles,) 210 in 1820. on B. side Flint River, near the Chebaws.

TAMAB0K..8, a tribe of the Illinois ; perhaps Peorias afterwards.

Tamatles, (Seminoles,) 7 m. above the Ocheeses, and numbered 220 in 1820.

Tabbatinbs, £. of Pascataaua River; the Nipmuks so called the Abenakiee.

Tattowhehallts, (Seminoles,) 130 in 1820; aince scattered among other towns.

Taukaways, on the sources of Trinity, firasos, De Dios, and Colorado Rivers.

Tawakbnob, "Three Canes," W, side Brasos r., 200 m. W. of Nacogdoches, 1804.

Tawaws, (Hurons,) on the Mawme in 1780, 18 m. from Lake Erie.

Tblmocbesbe, (Seminoles,) W. side Chattahoochee, 15 m. above fork; 100 in 1820.

Tbnisaw, once on that river which flows into Mobile Bay ; went to Red r. in 1765.

Tetons, (Sioux,) " vile miscreants," on Mississ., Misso., St. Peter's; " real pirates."

Tionontaties, or Dinondadies, a tribe of Hurons, or their general name.

TocKMrooKS one of the six tribes on the Chesapeak in 1607.

Tonicas, 20 • drriors in 1784, on Mississippi, opp. Poiit Coup^ ; once numerous.

ToNKAHANS, a nbtion or tribe of Texans, said to be cannibals.

ToNKAWA, 700 in 1820, erratic, about Bay St. Bernardo.

ToTEBOS, on the mountains N. of the Sapones, in N. Carolina, in 1700.

ToTVSKBTS. See Mobatoks.

TowAOANNO, or TowoASH, one of thro? tribes on the Bracos. See Tahitaoana.

TsONONTHOUANS, Hennepin so called the Senecas ; by Cox, called Sonnontovans.

Tvkabatche, on Tallapoosie River, 30 m. above Fort Alabama, in 1775.

TcMiCA, (Mobilian,) on Red River, 90 m. above ito mouth ; but 30 in 1820.

TuNXis, (Mohegans,) once in Farmington, Conn. ; monument erected to them, 1840.

TtrsHEFAHAS, and OotlashooT8, 5,600 in 1820, on Clark's and Missouri Rivers.

TU3CAB0HA, on Neus r., N. Carolina, till 1712 ; a few now in Lewiston, Niagara r.

TcTELOBS. See Manooaks, or Manooaos.

TuTSBEWA, on a river W. Rocky Mta., supposed to be a branch of the Columbia.

TwiOBTWBES, (Miamies,) in 1780, on the Great Miami ; so called by the Iroquois.

UcHEE, once on Chattauchee r., 4 towns ; some went to Florida, some west.
Ufallah, (Seminoles,) 670 in 1820, 12 m. above Fort Gaines, on Chattahoochee r.
UoALJACHMDTZi, a tribe about Prince William's Sound, N. W. coast.
Ulseah, on coast of the Pacific, S. Columbia, beyond the Neekeetoos ; 150 in 1820
UNALACHTno, one of the three tribes once composing the Lenna Lenape.
Unamies, the head tribe of Lenna Lenape.
Unchaooos, a ttihv anciently on Long Island, New York.
Upsaboka, (Minetare,) commonly caUed Crows.

Waakicttm, 30 m. up Columbia River, opposite the Cathlsmats ; 400 in 1836

Wabinoa, (Iroquois,) between W. branch of Delaware and Hudson r.

Waco, (Panis,) 800 in 1820, on Brazos River, 24 m. from its mouth.

Wahowpums, on Tf. branch Columbia River, from Lapage r. upward; 700 in 1806.

Warpatonb, (Sioux,) rove in the country on N. W. side St. Peter's River.

Wahfacoota, (Sioux ?) in the country S. W. St. Petci's in 180.^ : never stationary.

Wahesitb, (Nipmuks,) once on Merrimac River, where Lowell, Mass., now is.

Wahpanoao, perhaps the 3d nation in importance in N. £. when settled by the Eng

Wapfinos, at and about Esopus in 1758 ; also across the Hudson to the Minsi.

Wabananconocins, supposed to be the same as the Wappings.

Washaws, on Barrataria Island in 1680, considerable ; 1805, at Bay St. Fosh, 6 only.

Watanons, or Weas. See Ouiatinoms.

Watebees, once on the river of that name in S. Carolina, but long since extinct.

Watefaneto, on the Padouca fork of the Platte, near Rocky MU. ; 900 in 1830.

INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS.

Wawbnoks, (AbenakiM,) onc« from Sagadahoek to St. Oeorge Rirer, in Maine.

Waxsaw, jae« in 8. Carolina, 45 m. aboT< Camden ; name ami oontinuea.

Wkas, or Waas, (Kikrpoos.) See Odiatano^ts.

Wbkisa, (Semin.,) 250 ^n 1820, W. side Chatuhooehee, 4 m. aboTe th« Cheikitaloaa.

Wblch, Mid to be on a aoutbern branch of the Miatouri.

Wbstobs, in 1670, on Aahley and Ediato F Wera, in S. Carolina.

Wbtbpahato, with the Kiawas, i& 70 loagea in 180S, Padouca fork of Platte River.

Whbblpo, on Clark'a River, from the mouth of the LatUw ; 2,S00 in 1820 ; W. R.

"Whiblpoou, (Chikamao^ad,) so called from the place ot their residence.

Whxtb, W, of Hiasissippi River ; mentioned by manytravellers.

'WioBOOiiocos, one of the six tribes in Virginia in 1607, mentioned by Smith.

'WiLLBVAHB, (Chopunnish,) 600 in 1820, on Willewah r., which falls into Lewis's.

Winnbbaoo, on S. side Lake Michigan until 1832 ; Ottagamies, &c.

Wolf, Loups of the French ; several nations had tribes so called.

'WoKKON, 2 leagues from the Tusoaroras in 1701 ; long since extinct.

'WoLLAWALLA, on Columbia r., from above MuscleaheU Rapids, W. Rooky Mt«.

Wtandots, (Hurons,) a great seat at Sandusky in 1780 ; warlike.

Wtcombs, on the Susquehannah in 1648, with some Oneidaa, 250.

Wtmiawb, a small tribe in N. Carolina in 1701.

Tam AORAW, at the bluff of their name in 1732, near Savannah, about 140 men.
Yahasbb, S. border of S. Carolina ; nearly destroyed in 1715 by English.
Yampbbaox, (ComanQhes,) 3 tribes about sources Brasos, del Norte, &c. ; 1817, 30,0001
Tamktons, in tne i>lane country adjacent to E. side of the Rocky Mountains.
Tattassbr, in I-ouiaiana, 50 m. from Natchitoches, on a creek falling into Red r.
Yazoos, formerly upon the river of their aame ; extinct in 1770.
Ybahtbntanbb, on banks St. Joseph's r., which Jows into L. Michigan, in 1760.
Ybhah, above the rapids of the Columbia in 1820 ; 2,800, with some others.
Yblbtfoo, (Chopunnish,) 2bO in 1'820, on Weancum r., under S. W. Mountain.
ToviooNB, on the Pacific, next N. of the mouth of Columbia River ; 700 in 1890.

BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY

OF THE

INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA.

BOOK I.

' ,/-/"//■

BOOK I.

OBlulN, AN'TIQI'ITIES, MANNERS AM) rrsTOMS
Ac. OK THK AMKllICAN INDIANS.

O rooM ili»ir iinei*iit fn'iw r><« *f iln,

lluMT wotilil tlwy lakP U|> t.rml'a Imiitini atnin !

Aft ilioii i()o liillnii, Ibwii-i ' l>u vKi •<■«

Thn i.)lih«r mill tlio niur.lcrcr weak nt wt> ?

TSo'i, '! if hn«t wii"lml ••iitih. hihI iliri'J driipiMI

A.-. •■' ■ V of Uiii <kii>«.

M
•|-

And v«>ii(sanc« «>-'i-ii'.k> what j

. — Oowrki

CHAPTER T.

Orqfit •>/ '*• •••»«« Indian. — Iffiij •;>/-.'-.frf''/ tht praplt found in Amtriea. — .InrienI
aathort «i/7/i- r'i In hnrr rtj'rrrd Ir .•fmrrif/i :m tf"i' irritirtPi — Thtopomf-un —
Voynet of y/iiniuK OitHlorut Suiilii—Fhilo — . lrufloH^~\nfj'a

The imnip Indian wiw ciToneoiwlT H;>iiU«'d to tli* ori^innl rimn nf AiiM^rica*

(•y its first diriroviu-frs. 'V\\>' n'ti-iiijit f > Mxivc at th« Kurt Indi' » by f^iilling
w'St, (Miiwil tli«' disoovrry "t 'in- islnro'^ miH coiitiaoru of AuuTicu. WIkmi
fdfv were nt fli"st (liwovi'red, Ccihimbvji, «ti'{ many after hnn, niiptKirifd tlipy
lia(i nnived ' ilu; (>tmfi»rti ^ilorc> oC tlm cMi'inciii ot" Iritliu, uiid liou o lln' pno-
l>i ■ tliey (b'uiii ilmn' ^w-'rc Ciillod ludiiins. 'I'tio rrror wns not (!i8covere(i (iiilil
thn ii.'tmo liiiil so «>l)taiiir~l, tJrJif it could tiol w»'l! be changed. It is true, that it
nmttfrs Init liith to us Ity '*hat ii'itrie thf '"dijfcnts of a country arc known,
and osiwcinlly iiii>-''' "f Atiuricn, in ns fiu- .- th<' name is s«:ldom nscd among
lis I'lit in njiplicui-;!'- to in' aixiriifiniil Amt'ricmH. Knt witli tlie pcopli; of
Eiiropti it \Mi)< not « 'inimiH.-.-iicit. hitnntcd hetwf(.>n ilie two roimtrics, India
and Amorii'!!, thi> saiM.i '■..■mh' ;.•» tho ndiahitanls of hotlnmst, nt first, lia>e
pmdurod conRidi'ral>t< ■• nvt-i;. ■*, if nut cnnliision ; liocausi-, in P|)i-ul\ing
of an Mian, no ^mv w^^ kn<n ■ "'..'thcr an Anirrican or a Zealandt-r wod
II' imt, unless by tb') coiu »tlii»ii course. Then-fore, in a liistoriciil point
;>f view, the error i:*, at )'■;•" *.■ mucii i • \hi dejilort'd as thiit the name of the
foiuinent itself shonM liav: Jttj«i'i: dcri*-"! iVnrn jhiuncua instead of Columbus.

* So r.iiino'l fr«in Vfxfnrfius Anf
«. ihf coasi i>( Soiuh Ami.'M -n in \lv:'
A^wricB] but Amcricus lia>.l the furlunc '

rinii'iu ; ■ who nn'lo a disoovprv of sniiip pnrt
venrs ;.'■ .' ' itot haM oxplofe<l llie roast oi Noru)
■iiCcr Wii iMi't< upon both.

BOOK I.

ORIGIN, ANTIQUITIES, MANNERS AND v':USTOMS,
&c. OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS.

O could tlioir ancient Incaf rise ng lin,

How would they take up Israel's taunting itrain!

Art thou loo fallen, Iberia? Do we see

The robber and the murderer weak as we .'

Thou, that hast wasted earth, and ilared despJM

Alike the wrath and mercy of the skies.

Thy pomp is in the grave, thy glory laid

liOw in the pits thine avarice has made.

We come with joy from our eternal rest.

To see the oppressor in his turn oppressed.

Art thou the God, the thunder of whose hand

Rolled over all our desolated land,

Shook principalities and kingdoms down.

And made the mountains tremble at his frown?

The sword shall light upon thy boasted powers,

And waste them as they wasted ours

'Tis thus Omnipotence his law fulfils.

And vengeance executes what justice wills, — Cowrci

CHAPTER I.

Origin of the name Indian. — Why applied to the people found in America. — Ancient
authors supposed to have referred to America in their writings — Theopompus —
Voyage of Hanno — Diodorus Siculus — Plato — Aristotle — Seneca.

The name Indian was erroneously applied to the original man of America*
by its first discoverers. The attempt to arrive at the East Indies by sailing
west, caused the discovery of tiie islands and continent of America. When
they were at first discovered, Columbus, and many after him, supposed they
liad arrived at the eastern shore of the continent of India, and hence the peo-
ple they found there were called Indians, The error was not discovered until
the name had so obtained, that it could not well Im changed. It is true, that it
matters but little to us by what name the indigenes of a country are known,
and especially those of America, in as far as the name is seldom used among
us but in application to the aboriginal Americans. But with the people ot
Europe it was not so unimportant. Situated between the two countries, India
mid America, the same name for the inhabitants of both must, at first, have
produced considerable inconvenience, if not confusion ; because, in speaking
of an Indian, no one would know whether an American or a Zealander was
meant, unless by the context of the discourse. Therefore, in a historical point
of view, the error is, at least, as much to be deplored as that the name of the
continent itself should have been derived from l^mericua instead of Columbus.

" So named from Vespittius Ainerieus, a Florenline, who mad a discovery of somo pari
of Ihe coast of South America In MOD, two years after Cabot had explored the coast ofNorlil
America; but Amcricus had tiio fortune (o confer his name upon both.

ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS.

[Book L

It has been the practice of almost every writer, who has written about th«
primitive inhabitants of a country, to give some wild theories of others, con
earning tiieir origin, and to close the account with his own ; which generally
nas been more visionary, if possible, than .hose of his predecessors. Long,
laborious, and, we may add, useless disquisitions have been daily laid before
tlie world, from the discovery of America by Columbus to the present time, to
endeavor to exyjiain by what means the inhabitants got from the old to the
new world. To act, therefore, in unison with many of our predecessors, wo
will begin as fur back as they have done, and so shall commence with Theo-
pompiis and other, from intimationa in whose writings it is alleged the an-
cients had knowledge of America, and therefore peopled it.

Theopompiis, a learned historian and orator, who flourished in the time of
Alexandtr the Great, in a book entitled Thaumaaia, gives a sort of dialogue
betW(!en Midas the Phiygian and Silenus. The book itself is lost, but Slrabo
refers to it, and Mlianus has given us the substance of the dialogue which fol-
lows. Afler much conversation, Silenus said to Midas, that Europe, Asia and
Africa were but islands surrounded on all sides by the sea ; but that there was
a continent situated beyond these, which was of immense dimensions, even
without limits ; and that it was so luxuriant, as to produce animals of prodi-
gious magnitude, and men grew to double the height of themselves, and that
they lived to a far greater age ;* that they had many great cities ; and their
usages and laws were different from ours ; that in one city there was more
than a million of inhabitants ; that gold and silver were there in vast quanti-
ties.! This is but an abstract from Mlianus's extract, but contains all of it that
can be said to refer to a country west of Europe and Africa.^ Mlxan or Mli-
anus lived about A. D. 200.

Hanno flourished when the Carthaginians were in their greatest prosperity,
but the exact time is unknown. Some place his times 40, and oiIkts 140,
years before the founding of Rome, which would be about 800 years before
our era.§ He was an officer of great enterprise, having sailed around and ex-
plored the coast of Africa, set out from the Pillars of Hercules, now called
the Straits of Gibraltar, and sailed westward 30 days. Hence it is inferred by
many, that he must have visited America, or some of its islands. He wrote a
book, which he entitled Periplus, giving an account of his voyaged, which was
translated and published about 1533, in Greek.||

Many, and not without tolerably good reasons, believe that an island or con-
tinent existed in the Atlantic Ocean about this period, but which disappeared
afterwards.

* Buffon and Raynal either had not read this story, or they did not believe it to have been
America ; for they taught that all animals degenerated here. Man^ of the first adventurers
to iho roasts of unknown countries reported them inhabited by giants. Swi/l wrote Gulliver's
Travels to bring such accounts into ridicule. How well ne succeeded is evident from a
comparison of books of voyages and travels before cuid afler his lime. Dubartaa has this
passage :—

Our fearless sailors, in far voyages ■

(More led by gain's hope than their compasses),
On th' Indian shore have sometime noted some
Whose bodies covered two broad acres room ;
And in the South Sea they have also seen
Some like high-topped and huge-armed trecn ;
And other some, wliose monstrous backs did bear
Two mighty w heels, with whirling spokes, that were
Much like tiie winged and wide-spreading sails
Of any wind-mill turned with merry gales. '

ViKine VVeeki, p. 117, ed. 4to, 1C13.

I if^lian, Variar. Historiar. lib. iii. chap. viii.

t Since the text was written, there has come into my hands n copy of a translation of JfLW-
airs work, " in Englishe (as well according to the truth of the Greeke Icxte, as of the Laline),
hy Abraham Flemtng." London, 1576, 4to. It differs not materially from the above, whict
is given from a French version of it.

S Encyclopoedia Pcrthonsis.

(l The best account of Hanno and his vovnges. with which we are acnuainterl, is to Je
found in Mariana's Hist, of Spain, vol. i. 1)3, lOU, lit), 122, l.'J3, and 160, ed. Paris, 1723,
6 vols. 4to.

Chap. I.J

ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS

►

Diodonis Sicidus snys that some "Phoenicians were cast upon a mom fertile
island opposite to Africa." Of this, he says, they kept the most studied serrcoy,
which wtis doubtless occasioned by their jealousy of the advantage the dis(M>v-
ery might be to the neighboring nations, and which tiioy wii^lied to secure
wholly to tliemselves. Diodorua Sicidus lived about 100 years before Christ
Islands lying west of Europe and Africa ai'e certair>ly mentioned by Homer
and Horace. They were culled Atlanlidts, and were su|)posed to be about
10,000 furlongs from Africa. Here existed the j)oets' fabled Elysian fields.
But to be more particular with Diodonis, we will let him 8]>cak for himself.
"After having passed the islands which lie beyond the Herculean Strait, we
will speak of those which lie much farther into the ocean. Towards Africa,
and to the west of it, is an immense island in the broad sea, many days' sail
from Lybia. Its soil is very fertile, and its surface variegated with mountains
and valleys. Its coasts are indented with many navigable rivers, and its fields
are well cultivated ; delicious gardens, and various kinds of plants and trees."
He finally sets it down as the finest country known, where the inhabitants
have spacious dwellings, pnd every thing in the greatest plenty. To say the
least of this account of Diodorus, it corresponds very well with that given of
the Mexicans when fii"st known to the Spaniards, but pei'haps it will compare
as well with the Canaries.

Plato's accoimt has more weight, perhaps, than any of the ancients. He
lived about 400 years before the Christian era. A \mn of his account is as
follows : — " In those first times [time of its being first known], the Atlantic
was a most broad island, and there were extant most powerful kings in it,
who, with joint fcwces, appointed to occupy Asia and Europe : And so a most
grievous war was carried on ; in which the Athenians, with the commo)i
consent of the Greeks, opposed themselves, and they became the conquerors
But that Atlantic island, by a flood and earthquake, was indeed suddenly
destroyed, and so that warlike people ^^<■re swallowed up." He adds, in an-
other place, " An island in the mouth of the sea, in the passage to those straits,
called the Pillars o( Hercules, did exist ; and that island was greater and larger
than Lybia and Asia ; from which there was an easy passjige over to othei
islands, and from those islands to that continent, which is situated out of that
region." * " Mptune settled in this island, from whose son, Mlas, its narno
was derived, and divided it among his ten sons. To the youngest fell the
extremity of the island, called Gadir, which, in the language of the country,
signifies fertile or abounding in sheep. The descendants of J^eptunt reigned
here, from father to son, lor a great number of generations in the order of
l)rimogeniture, during the space of 9000 years. They elso possessed several
other islands ; and, passing into Europe and Africa, subdued all Lybia as fiir
as Egypt, and all Europe to Asia Minor. At length the island sunk under
water; and for a long time afterwards the sea thereabouts was full of
rocks and shelves." t This account, although mixed with fable, cannot, we
think, be entirely rejected; and that the ancients had knowledge of countries
westward of Europe appears as plain and as well authenticated as any passage
of history of that period.

Aristotle, or the author of a book which is generally attributed to him,),
speaks of an island beyond the Straits of Gibraltar ; but the passage savors
something of i earsay, and is as follows: — " Some say that, beyond the Pillars
of Hercules, the Carthaginians have found a very fertile island, but without
inhabitants, full of forests, navigable rivers, and fruit in abundance. It is
several days' voyage from the main land. Some Carthaginians, charmed by
the fertility of the country, thought to marry and settle there , but some sjiy
tliat the government of Carthage forbid the settlement upon pain of death,
from the fear that it would increase in power so as to deprive the mother-
country of her possessions there." If Aristotle had uttered this as a prediction,

* America known lo the Ancients, 10, 8vo. Unston, 1773.

|- Enryclopcedia Perlhensis, art. Atlantis.

i l)e I'nirnbil. auscultat. Opera, vol. i. Voltaire, says nf this book, " On en fesait honncui
Bi X ('arlliaffir.ois, el on cilait un livrc d'Arislote qu'il n'a pas compose." Essai sur ht
Mamrs el I'efj -it del tuUiotu, chap. cxlv. p. 703. vol iv of uis works. Edit. Paris, 1817,
11 8vo.

• I

ON THE ORIGIN OP THE INDIANS.

[DooK L

timt such a thing would take place in regard to some future nation, no one,
perhaps, would have called him a false prophet, for the American levohition
w ould have heen its fulfilment. This philosopher lived about 384 years before
Christ.

Seneca lived almut the commencement of the vulgar era. He wrote trage
dies, and iii one of them occurs this passage : —

-" Venient annis

Siecula seris, quibus oceanus
Vinciila reruin laxet, el ingens
I'aleat tcllug, Typhiscjue novos
Dotcjral orbes ; iicc sit terris
Ultima Thule."

Medea, Act 3. v, 375.

This is nearer pro|)hccy, and may be rendered in English thus : — " The
time will come when the ocean will loosen the chains of nature, and we shall
behold a vast country. A new Typhis shall discover new worlds: Thule
5hall no longer be considered the last country of the known world."

Not only these passages from the ancient authors have been cited and re-
cited by moderns, but many more, though less to the point, to show that, in
some way or other, America must have been peopled from some of the eastern
continents. Almost every country has claimed the honor of having been its
first discoverer, and hence the progenitor of the Indians. But since the recent
discoveries in the north, writers upon the subject say but little about getting
over inhabitants from Europe, Asia, or Africi, through the diflicult way of the
Atlantic seas and islands, as it is much easier to pass them over the narrow chan-
nels of the north in canoes, or upon the ice. Grotius, C. Mather, Hubbard, and
after them Robertson, are glad to meet with so easy a method of solving a
question which they consider as having puzzled their predecessors so much.

CHAPTER n.

Of modem theorists upon the peopling oj Jimerica — St. Gregory — Herrera — T.
Morton — Williamson — Wood — Josselyn — Thorowgood — Adair — R. Williams — C.
Mather — Hubbard — Robertson — Smith — Voltaire — Mitchill — M' CuUoch — lard
Kaim — Swinton — Cabrera.

St. Greoort, who flourished in the 7th century, in an epistle to St. Clement,
said that beyond the ocean there was another world.*

Herrera argues, that the new world could not have been known to the
ancients ; and that what Seneca has said was not true. For that God had kept
it hid from the old world, giving them no certain knowledge of it ; and that,
in the secrecy a"d incomprehensibility of his providence, he has been plcr.t>ed
to give it to the Castilian nation. That Seneca's prediction (if so il may be
considered) was a false one, because he said that a new world would be dis-
covered in the north, and that it was found in tlie west.f Herrera wrote
about 15U8,t before which time little knowledge was obtained of North
America. This may account for his impeachment ofSenecaKs prophecy.

Thomas Morton, who came to Now England in 1023, published in 1637 an
account of its niitural history, with much other '3iU"ious matter. In speaking
upon the peopling of Atnerica, he thinks it altogether out of the question to

* " S. (Jrceoiro sur I'epislrc do S. Clomeiil, dit que pass6 I'occan, il y a vn autre niouil.''
(Herrera, I Dccailc, 2.) This is tlie wiiole passage.

t Il)i<i.3.

X He dieil 27 March, IC'25, at the ape of about fifi years. His name was Tordesillas Antonio
Ue //c/Tcni— one of the best Spauish hisloriaiis. His history' of tlie voyages lo, and sctlloinciil
of America is very miiuile, and very valiialile. The original in Spanish is very rare. Acoi-
tix's iraiislation (into French) 3 v. 4to., IGliO, is also scarce and vaiualile. It is this we cilo.

Chap. II.]

ON THE ORIGIN OP THE INDIANS.

suppose that it was peopled by the Tartars from the north, because " a people,
once settled, must be removed by compulsion, or else tempted thereunto in
hopes of better fortunes, upon commcndationfl of the place unto which they
should be drawn to remove. And if it may bo thought that these people came
over the frozen sea, then would it be by compulsion. If so, then by whom,
or when ? Or what part of this main continent may be thought to border
upon the country of the Tartars ? It is yet unknown ; and it is not like that o
people well enough at ease, will, of their own accord, undertake to travel ovei
a sea of ice, considering how many difficulties they shall encounter with. As,
Ist, whether there be any land at the end of their unknown way, no land
l)eing in view ; then want of food to sustain life in the mean time upon that
sea of ice. Or how shall they do for fuel, to keep them at night from freezing
to death ? which will not be had in such a place. But it may perhaps be
granted, that the natives of this country might originally come of the scattered
Trojans ; for after that Brutus, who was the fourth from Eneas, left Ijatium
upon the conflict held with the Latins (where although he gave them a great .
overthrow, to the slaughter of their grand captain and many others of the
heroes of Latium, yet he held it more safely to depart unto some other place
and people, than, by staying, to run the hazard of an unquiet life or doubtful
conquest ; which, as history maketh mention, he performed.) This people
was dispersed, there is no question, but the people that lived with him, by
reason of their conversation with the Grecians and Latins, had a mixed lan-
guage, that participated of both."* This is the main ground of Morton^ but
he says much more upon the subject ; as that the similarity of the languages
of the Indians to the Greek and Roman is very great. From the examples he
gives, we presume he knew as little about the Indian languages as Dr. Mather,
Adair, and Boudinol, who thought them almost to coincide with the Hebrew.
Though Morton tiunks it very improbable that the Tartars came over by the
north from Asia, because they could not see land beyond the ice, yet he finds
no difficulty in getting them across the wide Atlantic, although he allows them
no compass. That the Indians have a Lutin origin he thinks evident, because
he fancied he heard among their words Pasco-pan, and hence thinks, w' hout
doubt, their ancestors were acquainted with the god Pan,\

Dr. fVilliamsonl says, "It can hardly be questioned that the Indians of South
America are descended from a class of the Hindoos, in the soul'iern parts of
Asia." That they could not have come from the north, because the South
American Indians are unlike those of the north. This seems to clash with
the more rational views of Father Venexas.^ He writes as follows: "Of all
the parts of America hitherto discovered, the Califomians lie nearest to Asia,
We are acquainted with the mode of writing in all the eastern nations. We
can distinguish between tl e characters of the Japanese, the Chinese, the
Chinese Tartars, the Mogul Tartars, and other nations extending as far as the
Bay of Kamschathka; and learned dissertations on th^m, by Mr. Boyer, are
to be found in the acts of the imperial academy of sciences at Peteraburg.
What discovery would it be to meet with any of these characters, or others
like them, among the American Indians nearest to Asia ! But as to the Cali-
fomians, if ever they were possessed of any invention to perpetuate their me-
moirs, they have entirely lost it; and all that is now found among them,
amounts to no more than some obscure oral traditions, probably more and
more adulterated by a long succession of time. They have not so much as
retained any knowledge of the particular country from which they emi-
grated." This is the account of one who lived many years among the Indians
of California.

Mr. Williatn Wood,l who left New England in 1633,11 after a short stay, says,
"Of their language, which is only peculiar to themselves, not inclining to any
of the refined tongues : Some have thought they might be of the dispersed

• Now Caiinnn, book i, pages 17 and 13

} III Ills Hist. N. Cprolinn,!. 21G.

6 Hist. California, i. (JO. His work was published at Madrid, in 1758.

11 Tlie author of n work entitled Neiv hngtaniVs Prospect, published ii

(to. It is H very rare, and, iitgomt' respects, a curious and vuluatilu work.
Ti Prospect, 61.

t Ibid. 18.

in London, IGS'I, in

ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS.

[Rook I.

1:^

Jew's, br ^ause some of their words be near unto the Hebrew ; but by the sam
rule, thdy may conclude them to be some of the gleanings of all nations, l)e-
cause ^iicy have words which sound after the Greek, Latin, French, and other
tongues."*

Mr. John Joaselyn, who resided some time in New England, from the year
1Q38, says, " The Mohawks are about 500 : their speech a dialect of the Tar-
tars (as also is the Turkish tongue)."! In another work,| he says, " N. Eng-
land is by some affirmed to be an island, bounded on the north with the River
of Canada (so called from Monsieur Cane), on the south with the River Mon-
hegan or Htidson's River, so called because he was the first that discovered it.
Some will have America to be an island, which out of question must needs be,
if there be a north-east passage found out into the South Sea. It contains
1,152,400,000 acres. The discovery of the north-west passage (which lies with-
in the River of Canada) was undertaken with the help of some Protestant
Frenchmen, which left Canada, and retired to Boston about the year KM).
The north-east people of America, that is, N. England, &c., are judged to be
Tartars, called Samoades, being alike in complexion, shape, habit and man-
ners." We have given h^re a larger extract than the immediate subject re-
quired, because we would let the reader enjoy his curiosity, as well as we
ours, in seeing how people understood things in that day. Barlow, looking
but a small distance beyond those times, with great elegance says, —

" In those blank periods, where no man can trace
The gleams of thought that first illumed his race,
His errors, twined with science, took tlieir birlh,
And forged their fetters for this child of earth,
And when, as oft, he dared expand his view,
And work with nature on the line she drew,
Some monster, gendered in his fears, unmanned
His opening soul, and marred the works he planned.
Fear, the first passion of his helpless state,
Redoubles all the woes that round him wait,
IMncks nature's path, and sends him wandering wide,
Without a guardian, and without a guide."

Cotumbiad, ix. 137, 6ce.

Revercr'd Thomas Thoroiogood published a small quarto, in 1652,§ to prove
that the inaians were the Jews, who had been " lost in the world for the space
of near 2000 jeai*s." But whoever has read Adair or Bovdinot, has, beside a
good deal that is irrational, read all that in 2'hornwgood can be termed rational.

Reverend Roger IViUiams was, at one time, as appears from Thorowgood's
work,|| of ftie same opinion. Being written to for his opinion of the origin of
the natives, " he kindly answers to those letters from Salem in N. Eng. 20th
of the 10th month, more than 10 yeers since, in hcRc verba." That they did
not come into America from the north-east, as some had imagined, he thought
evident for these reasons : 1. their ancestors affirm they came from the south-
west, and return thence when tliey die : 2. because they " separate their wo-
men in a little wigwam by themselves in their feminine seasons;" and 3. "be-
side their god Kuttand to the S. West, they hold that J^anaxDitnavnt'i [a goa
over head) made the heavens and the earth ; and some tast of affinity with
the Hebrew I have found."

Doctor Cotton Mather is an author of such singular qualities, that we almost
hesitate to name him, lest we be thought without seriousness in so weighty a
matter. But v.'e will assure the reader, that he is an author with whom we
woiiM in no wiso part ; and if sometimes we appear not serious in our intro-
duciion of him, what is of more importance, we believe him really to be so
\nd we are persua«^ed that we should not be pardoned did we not allow hire
to speak upon tl»e mi.^t.?r before us.

• Ibid. nX ed. \1C4.

t rtis account of !» i xoya^'es to New England, printed London, 1G73, page 124.

i New Engliind Reril'-e» 4, !S, printed London, 1672.

6 Its title commeucfcs, ' Digt-'iu Dei : New Discoveries, with sure Arguments lopreve," Ste

i ^ages 5 and h.

\ Getarmitmoit is trod \\ ^'vwan^—HecAeweuier.

Chap. 11]

ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS.

He says, " I> should not paws without remark, that three most memorable
things wiiich iiave borne a very great aspect u|K>n human affairs, did, near tlie
same time, namely, at the conclusion of the RJleenth, and the beginning of the
sixteenth, century, arise unto the world : the first was the Resurrection of
Literature ; the second was the opening of America ; the third was the
Reformation of Religion.''^ Thiu? far we have an instructive view of the sub
jeet, calculated to lead to the conclusion that, in the dork ages, when literature
was neglected and forgotten, discoveries might have been also, and hence the
knowledge of America lost for a time. The reader must now summon his
gravity. "But,"thip author continues, " as probably the Z}et>i7, seducing the
first inhabitants of America into it, therc^in aimed at the having of them and
tiieir posterity out of the sound of the silver trumpets of the gospel, then to be
heiu'd through the Roman empire.* If the Devil had any expectation, that, by
the peopling of America, he should utterly deprive any Europeans of tlwj tvo
benefits, literature and reZigion,' which dawned upon the miserable world, (one
just before, the other just after,) the first fumed navigation hither, 'tis to b^
hoped he will be disappointed of that expectation."t The learned doqt^r,
having forgotten what he had written in his first book, or wishing to inculcate
his doctrine more firmly, nearly repeats a passage which he had at firet given,
in a distant part of his work ; | but, there being considerable addition, we re-
cite it : " The natives of the country now possessed by the Ne wen glanders,
had been forlorn and wretched heathen ever since their first herding here ; and
though we know not ivhen or how these Indians first became inhabitants of ,
this mighty continent, yet we may guess that probably the Devil decoyed those
miserable salvages hither, in hopes that the gospel of the Lord Jesus Christ
would never come here to destroy or disturb his absolute empire over them.
But our Eliot was in such ill terms with the Devil, as to alarm him %vith
sounding the sU.ver trumpets of heaven in his territories, and make some noble
and zealous attempts towards outing him of ancient possessions here. There
were, I think, 20 several nations (if I may call them so) of Indians upon that
spot of ground which fell under the influence of our Three United Colonies ;
and our Eliot was willing to rescue as many of them as he could from th it
old usurping landlord of America, who is, by the wrath of God, the prince t(
this world." In several places he is decided in the opinion that Indians ar^
Scythians, and is confirmed in the opinion, on meeting with this passage of
Julius C(Bsar : " DiMcilius Invenire quam interficere," which he thus rendei-s,
" It is harder to find them than to foil them." At least, this is a happy appli-
cation of the passage. Casar was speaking of the Scythians, and our histo-
rian applies the passage in speaking of the sudden attacks of the Ikulians, and
their agi'.ity in hiding themselves from pnrsuit.§ Doctor Mather wrote nt the
close of the seventeenth century, and his famous book. Magnolia Christi
Americana, was published in 1702.

Adaii, who resided 40 years (he says) among the southern Indians, previ-
ous to 1775, published a huge quarto upon their origin, histoiy, &c. He tor-
tures every custom and usage into a like one of the Jews, and almost every
word in their language into a Hebrew one of the same meaning.

Doctor Boudinot, ia his book called " The Star in the West," has followed
up the theory of Adair, with such certainty, as he thinks, as that the " long
lost ten tribes of Israel" are clearly identified in the American Indians. Such

* This, we apprehend, ia not entirely oneinal with our author, but borders upon plagiarism.
Ward, the celebrated author of the " Simple Cobler of Aggawam," says of llie Irish,
" These Irish (anciently called antliropophasi, man-eaters) have a tradition amon? them. lli;it
when the Devi! showed our Saviour all tlie kingdoms of the earth, and their glory, ihat he
would not show him Ireland, but reserved It for himself. It is, probably, true ; for he halh
kept it ever since for his own peculiar: the old fox foresaw it would eclipse the glory of all
the rest : he thought it wisdom to keep the land for a Boggards for his unclean spirits employed
in this hemisphere, and the people to do his son and heir (the Pope) that service for whicli
Letois the XI kept his Barbor Oliver, which makes tliem so bloodthirsty." — Simple Cobler,
86, 87. Why sc much gall is poured out upon the poor Irish, we cannot sntisfnclorily account.
The circumstance of his writing in the time of Croniwell will erplain a part, if not the whole
of the enigma. He was the first minister of Ipswich, Massachusetts, but was born and die4
m Enfflnnd.

t Magnalia Christ. Amer. b. L | Ibid. b. iiu ( See Magnalia, b. tri

ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS.

[Book I

theories have gained many supporters, it is of much higher cntiquity than
Adair, and was treated as such visionary speculations should be by authors as
far back as the historian Hubbard, who wrote about 1680, and has this among
other passages : " If any observation be made of their manne/s and disposi-
tions, It's easier to say from what nations they did not, than from whom they
Jid, derive their original. Doubtless their conjecture who fancy them to be
descended from the ten tribes of the Israelites, carried captive by Salamanestr
and Esarhaddon, hath the least show of reason of any other, there being no
footsteps to be observed of their propinquity to them more than to any other of
the tribes of the earth, either as to their language or manners."* This author
was one of the best historians of his times; and, generally, he writes with as
much discernment upon other matters as upon this.

That because the natives of one country and those of another, and each un-
known to the other, have some customs and practices in common, it has been
urged by some, and not a few, that they must have had a common origin ; but
this, in our apprehension, does not necessarily follow. Who will pretend that
different people, when placed under similar circumstances, will not have simi-
lar wants, and hence similar actions ? that like wants will not prompt like ex-
ertions? and like causes produce rwt like effects? This mode of reasoning
we think sufficient to show, that, although the Indians may have some customs
in common with the Scythians, the Tartars, Chinese, Hindoos, Welsh, and
indeed every other nation, still, the former, for any reason we can see to the
contrary, have as good right to claim to themselves priority of origin as either
or all of the latter.

Doctor Robertson should have proved that people of color produce others
of no color, and the contrary, before he said, " We know with infallible
certainty, that all the human race spring from the same source,"! meaning
Mam. He founds this broad assertion upon the false notion that, to admit
any other would be an inroad upon the verity of the holy Scriptures. Now,
in our view of the subject, we leave them equally inviolate in assuming a very
different ground ; I namely, that all habitable parts of the world may have been
peopled at the same time, and by different races of men. That it is so peo-
pled, we know : that it was so peopled as far back as we have any account,
we see no reason to disbelieve. Hence, when it was not so is as futile to
inquire, as it would be impossible to conceive of the annihilation of space.
When a new country was discovered, much inquiry was made to ascertain
from whence came the inhabitants found upon it — not even asking whence
came the other animals. The answer to us is plain. Man, the other animals,
trees and plants of every kind, were placed there by the supreme directing
hand, which carries on every operation of natui-e by fixed and undeviating
laws. This, it must be plain to every reader, is, at least, as reconcilable to the
Bible history as the theory of Robertson, which is that of Grotim, and all those
wlio have followed them.

When it has been given in, at least by all who have thought upon the sub-
ject, that climate does not change the complexion of the human race, to hold
up the idea still that all must have sprung from the same source, [Mam,] only
reminds us of our jp-andmothers, who to this day laugh at us when we tell
them that the earth is a globe. Who, we ask, will argue that the negro
changes his color by living among us, or by changing his latitude ? Who
have ever become negroes by living in their country, or among them ? Has the
Indian ever changed his complexion by living in London? Do those change
which adopt our manners and customs, and are surrounded by us ? Until
these questions can be answered in the affirmative, we discard altogether that
inntarian system of peopling the world. We would indeed prefer Ovid^s
method : —

" Ponere durttiem coepcre, suiunque rigorem -,
Mollirique mora, molliiaque ducere formam.
Mox ubi crevcrunt, naturaque mitior illis
Conligit," &c. &c.

Metamor. lib i. fab. xi.
•

* Hist. Now England, 27. t Hisl. America, book iv.

X Why talk of a llieory's clashing with holy writ, and say nothing of the certainly of the
iciencos of geography, astronomy, geology, &c. ?

Ch.vp. II]

ON Tlir OIliniN OF THE INDIANS.

TFmt is, Deucalion niid Pyrrha performed the office l)y tmvcUin<» over the
country niul picking up stones, which, as tlicy cast tiietii over thtir heads,
became young people as they struck the earth.

We mean not to he understood that tiie exterior of the skin of people is not
changed hy climate, for this is very evident; but that the children of pewons
would be any lighter or darker, whose residence is in a climate difTcrent from
that in which they were bom, is what we deny, as in the former case. As
astonishing as it may appear to the succinct reasoner, it is no less true, that
Dr. Samuel Stanhope Smith haa put forth an octavo book of more than 400
pages to prove the unity, as he expresses it, ' of the human race,' that is, that
all were originally descended from one man. His reasoning is of this tenor :
" The American and European sailor reside equally at the pole, and under the
etpiator." Then, in a triumphant air, he demands — " Why then shoulil we,
without necessity, assume the hypothesis that originally there existed different
species of the human kind ?"• What kind of argument is contained here we
leave the reader to make out ; and again, when he would prove that all the
human family are of the same tril)e, he says that negro slaves at the south,
who live in white families, are gradually found to conform in features to the
whites with whom they livelf Astonishing! and we wonder who, if any,
knew this, beside the author. Again, and we have done with our extniordi-
nary philosopher. He is positive that deformed or disfigured persons will, in
process of tmie, produce oflTsjmng marked in the same way. That is, if a
man practise flattening his nose, his offspring will have a flatter nose than he
would have had, had his progenitor not flattenr^d his ; and so, if this oflspring
rej)eat the process, his offspring will have a less prominent nose ; and so on,
until the nose be driven entirely off the face! In this, certainly, our autiior
has taken quite a roundabout way to vanquish or put to flight a nose. We
wish he could tell us how many ages or generations it would take to make
this ft "niJ'i.able conquest. Now, for any reason we can see to the contrary. It
would be a much less tedious business to cut off a member at once, and thus
accomplish the object in a short period; for to wait severs I generations for
a fp.«<hion seems absurd in the extreme. A man must be monstrously blind
to iiis prejudices, to maintain a doctrine like this. As well might he argue
that colts would ba tailless because it has long been the pt ictice to shorten
the tails of horses, of both sexes ; but we have never heard tl it colts' tails are
in the least affected by this practice which has been perfont ed on the horse
so long, t Certainly, if ever, we should think it time to dia over something
of it ! Nor have we ever heard that a female child Itas ever Seen born with
its ears bored, although its ancestors have endured the painf d operation for
many generations — and here we shall close our examination of BIr. Smith^a
400 pages. §

People delight in new theories, and oflen hazard a tolerablf reputation for
the sake of exhibiting their abilities upon a subject on which they have very
vague, or no clear conceptions. Had Dr. Smith read the w ritings of Sir
Thomas Broton, he could hardly have advanced such absurd o,)inions as we
have before noticed ; if, indeed, he were possessed of a san j mind. Dr.
Brown was of the age previous to that in which Biiffon lived. In speaking
of complexion, he says, "If the fervor of the sun were the sole f.aiiso lienof,
in Ethiopia, or any land of negroes, it were also reasonable tliac inhabitants
of the same latitude, subjected unto the same vicinity of the s»>n, the same
diurnal arch and direction of its rays, should also partjike of the same hue
and conii)lexion, which, notwithstanding, they do not. For the iihabitani3
of the same latitude in Asia are of a different complexion, as are tl\3 inlial)it-
ants of Cambogia and Java; insomuch that some conceive the ^?.gvo is
pro]ierly a native of Africa ; and that those places in Asia, inhabit* \\ now by

* Smilli nn Complexion, N. Rrunswiok, N. J. 1810, p. 11. t Ihid. 170, 171.

t Till- author pleads not ffiilliy lo the charge of plag-iarism ; for it was not until some monlhi
after the text was urilteu. that lie knew that even this idea had ocrurred to any one. He has
liiice ri'Bil an e.xtrart very similar, in Dr. Lawrence's valuable I.eelures on Zoology, iV:c.

^ i)n reflection, we have lliought our remarks rather pointed, as ,'Mr. Smith is not a livin|«
aiuihor ; but what called them forth must be their apology.

i '1

I 11

h - i i

m '

I'M

• i I

ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS.

[BouK 1

Moors, aro Init the iiitruHions of iiegrops, arriving first from Africa, as we
generally conceive of Madagascar, and the adjoining islands, who retain the
sanie complexion unto tliis day. But this defect [of latitude upon complex-
ion] is more rcmarkahle in America, wiiich, although subjected unto both the
tropics, yet are not tlie inhahitaiifs black between, or near, or under either :
neitiier to the southward in Hni/il, Chili, or Peru; nor yet to the norlli .vard
in llispaniola, Castilia, del Oro, or Nicaragua. And although in many parts
thereoi", there be at present, swarms of negroes, serving under the Spaniard,
yet were they all transported from Africa, since the discovery of Columbus,
and are not indigenous, or proper natives of America."*

Hence it is evident, that 200 years before Dr. Smith wrote, the notion that
situation of place affected materially the color of the human species, was
very justly set down among the "vulgar and common errors" of the tinn s.

Another theory, almost as wild, and quite as ridiculous, respecting the
animals of America, as that advanced by Dr. S. S. Smith, seems here to jjre-
seiit itself. We have reference to the well-known assertions of Buffbn and
Rnj/nal,^ two philosophers, who were an honor to the times of fYnnklin,
which are, that man and older animids in America degenerate. | This has
been met in such a masterly manner by Mr, Jefferson, § that to repeat any
thing here would be entirely out of place, since it has been so oflen copied
into works on both sides of the Atlantic. It may even be found in some of
the best English Encyclopaedias. ||

Sinith'i does not deal fairly with a passage of Voltaire, relating to the peo-
pling of America ; as he takes only a part of a sentence to comment upon.
Perhaps he thought it as much as he was capable of managing. ** The com-
plete sentence to which we refer we translate as follows: — "There are found
men and animals all over the habitable earth : who has put them upon it ?
We have already said, it is he who has made the grass grow in the fields ;
and we should be no more surprised to find in America men, than we shouhl
to find flies." ff We can discover no contradiction between this passage and
another in a distant part of the same work ; and which seems more like the
passage Mr. Smith has cited: — "Some do not wish to believe that the cater-
pillars and the snails of one part of the world should be originally from an-
other part: wherefore be nstonislied, then, that there should be in Ameiica
some kinds of animals, and some races of men like our oAvn?"|t

Voltaire has written upon the subject in a manner that will a4ways be
attracting, however much or little credence may be allowed to what he has
written. Vve will, therefore, extract an entire article wherein he engages
more professedly upon the question than in other parts of his works, in which
he has rather incidentally spoken upon it. The chapter is as follows : §§ —
"Since many fail not to make systems upon the manner in which America
has been peopled, it is left only for us to say, that he who created flies in
those regions, created man there also. However pleasant it may be to dis-
jMite, it cannot be denied that the Supreme Being, who lives in all nature, ||||
has created about the 48° two-legged animals "without feathers, the color of
whose skin is a mixture of white and carnation, with long beards approaching
to red ; about the line, in Africa and its islands, negroes without beards ; and

* " Pseudodoxia Epidemica : or Inquiries into very many Heceived Tenenis, and common-
Iv received Truths; together with the Kklioio Medici. By niomas Brmvn, Ki. M. D."
Page 373, 6 edition, 4to. London, 1672.

t After speaking of the eiTect of the climate of the old world in producing man and other
animals in perfection, he ndds, " Combien, au contratre, la nature paroU avoir neglig*
nouveau mond ! Les hommes y sont moins forts, moins courage"ic ; snns barbe et sans poil,"
&c. — Histoire Philos. des deitx Indes, viii. 210. Ed. Geneva, 1781. 12 vols. 8vo.

X Voltaire does not say quite as much, but says this: — "La nature enfin avait donne aux
Americanes beaucoup moins d'industrie qu'aux hommes de I'ancien monde. Toule'' ces causes
ensemble ont pu nuire beaucoup k la population." — [Qiuvrei, iv. 19.] This is, however, only
in reference to the Indians.

ft In his Notes on Virginia, Quer. \\\. \\ Perlhcnsis, i. ^37. (Art. Amfr. ^ 38.)

IT Samuel Smith, who published a history of New .lerjey, in 17fi5, printed at Burlinjlon.

** See Hist. N. J. 8. ft Essai sur les Mceurs et I'Esprit dcs Nations. ((F.uvres, iv. 18 )

tt Ibid. 708. ^ fEuvres, t. vii. 197, 198.

Ill Will the reader of this call Voltaire an atheist 7

lux
pes

l.lv

Chap. 11]

ON THE ORIUIN OF THE INDIANS.

in tho snme latitude, otiier nef^oes with bt'nnls, some of them )in\ iiig wool
niid i<oiiie liiiir on their heads; niid airiniig them other unimai.s ijiiiti; wliitp,
having neither hair nor wool, hut a j^iiid of vlijio ^ilk. It dors m t very
clearly ap|>t>ar what sliouid have prevented (•oil from piii< intr on another
eontint-nt animals of the Btinie specie.'*, of a copper color, in the Kime luiitude
in which, in Africa and Asio, tlicy an? found black ; or even from making theni
without lieardd in the very same latitude in wliich otliiTS |)Oi<si-ss them. To
what lengths are we corricd by the rage for systems joined with the tyranny
of prejudice! We see these animals; it is a^'reed that God has had the
power to place them where they are ; yet it is not agreed that he has so
placed them. The satne persons who readily admit that the beavera of Canada
ore of Canadian origin, assert tliat the men nmst liuve come there in boats.
Olid that Mexico nuist liave been peopled by some of the descendants of
Magoff. As well might it be said, that, if th<'re be men in the moon, they
nuist nave been taken there by Aslolpho on his hippogriff, when he went to
fetch Roland's senses, which were corked up in a bottle. If America had
been discovered in his time, and there had then been men in Europe syslem-
alio enough to have advanced, with the Jesuit Lajitau,* tliat the Caribl)ees
d'scended from the inhabitants of Caria, and the llurons from the Jews, he
would have done well to have brought Imck the bottle containing the wits of
these reasoners, which lie would doubtless have found in tiie moon, alon^
with those of .1nfi:elira's lover. The first thing done when an irdiabited island
is" discovered in the Indian Ocean, or in the South Sea, is to inijuire, Whence
came these people? but as for the trees and the tortoises, they ore, without
any hesitation, pronounced to be indigenous ; as if it were more difficult for
nature to make men than to make tortoises. One thing, however, which
seems to countenance this system, is, that there is scarcely an island in the
esistern or western ocean, which does not contain jugglei-s, quacks, knaves,
and fools. This, it is probable, gave rise to tlie opinion, that these animals
are of the same race with ourselves."

Some account of what the Indians themselves have said ujwn the subject
of their origin may be very naturally looked for in this ])lace. Tlieir notions
in this respect can no more be relied upon than the fabled stories of the go<l8
in ancient mythology. Indeed, their accounts of primitive inhabitants do not
agree beyond their own neighborhood, and often disagree with themselves at
different limes. Some say their ancestors came fVom the north, others from
the north-west, ollujrs from the east, and others from the west ; some from
the regions of the air, and some from under the earth. Hence to raise any
theory upon any thing coming from them upon the subject, would show
only that the theorist himself was as ignorant as his informants. We might
as well ask the forest trees how they came planted upon the soil in which
they grow. Not that the Indians are unintelligent in other affairs, any further
than the necessary consequence growing out of their situation implies ; nor
are they less so than many who have writ'nn upon their history.

" In one grave maxim let us all agree —
Nature ne'er ineHiit her secrets should be found.
And man's x riddle, which mua can't expound ! "

J'aiiie's llui.iyc Passioj*.

The difterent notions of the Indians will be best gathered frotn their lives
in their proper places in the following work.

Dr. S. L. Mitchill, of New York, a man who wrote learnedly, if not wi»!ly,
on almost every subject, has, in his opinion, like hundreds before him, set the
great question, Hoio teas America peopled') at rest. He has no doubt but the
Indians, in thefiret place, are of the same color originally as the north-eastern
nations of Asia, and hence sprung from tiiem. What time he settles them in
the country he does not tell us, but gets them into Greenland about the year 8
or 900. Thinks he saw the Scandinavians as far as the shores of the St.
Lawrence, but what time this was he does not say. He must of course make

* He wrote a history of the savages of America, and maintained that llie Caril)bec iaa
fuage was radically Hebrew.

ON THE OltiniN OF THE INDIANS.

[Rook I.

tlieHc |M'0|)lc tlie liiiiliicrd of the mounds soatterod all over the western roiin-
try. Af\er all, we apprehend the doctor woidd have short time for hin emi-
grants to do oil that iiutiirc and art have done toncliin;; these matters. Jn the
hrst place, it is evident that many ajres passed away from the time these
tiiniiiii were liej^un until they were fmislied : 3<l, a u)ultitude of ages must
hav«; pa&-ed since the use for which tliey were reared has been known ; for
trees of the age cf 200 years grow from the ruins of others which must have
had as great age : and, 3d, no Indian nation or tribe lioa tlie least tradition
concerning them.* This could not have happened had the ancestors cf the
present Indians been the erectors of them, in the nature of things, f

The observation of an author in Dr. Rees^t Encyclopedia,^ although saying
no more than has been a'ready said in our synopsis, is, nevertheless, so happy,
that we should not feel clear to omit it: — "As to those who pretend that the
human race has only of late found its way into America, by crossing the sea
at Kamsclmtka, or tJie Straits of Tschutski, either upon the fields of ice or in
canoes, they do not consider that this opinion, besides that it is extremely
dilKcult of comprehension, has not the least tendency to diminish the prodi-
gy; for it would be 8ur|>ri8ing indeed that one half of our planet slioidd have
retnritied without inhabitants during thousands of years, while the other half
was peopled. What renders this opinion less probable is, that America is
supposed in it to have hod animals, since we cannot bring those species of
animals from the old world which do not exist in it^ as those of the tapir, the
glumo, and the tajactu. Neither can we admit of the recent organization of
mutter for the western hemisphere; because, independently of the accumu-
lated difficulties in this hypothesis, and which can by no means be solved,
we shall observe, that the fbesil bones discovered in so many parts of Ameri-
ca, and at such small depths, prove that ceitain species of animals, so far from
huvi:ig l)een recently organized, have been annihilated a long while ago."

Before we had known, that, if we were in error, it was in the company of
nhilosophers, such as we have in this chapter introduced to our readers, we
tl'lt a hesitancy in avowing our opinions upon a matter of so great moment.
Hut, at\er all, as it is only inatter of honest opinion, no one should be intoler-
ant, although he may be allowed to make himself and eveii his friends merry
at our ex|iense. When, in the days of Chrysostom, some ventured to assert their
opinions of the rotundity of the e<»Tth, that learned father "did laugh at them." §
And, when science shall have progressed sufficiently, (if it be possible,) to set-
tle this question, there is a possibility that the Chrysoatoms of these days will
not have the same excuse for their infidelity. But as it is a day of prodigies,
there is some danger of treating lightly even the most seemingly iilisurd con-
jectiues. We therefore feel very safe, and more especially as it required con-
siderable hardihood to laugh even at the theory of the late Mr. Stjmmes.

When we lately took up a l>ook entitled "Researches, Philosophical andAnli-
quarian, concerning the Aboriginal Hislori/ of America, hy J. H. M'Cullou, Jr.
M. D." 11 we did think, from the im))osing a))pearance of it, that some new
n)atter8 on the subject had been diseovered; and itiore particularly when wo
read in the preface, that "his first object was to explain the origin of the men
and animals of Ami rica, so far as that question is involved with the apparent
physical impediments that have so long kept the subject in total obscurity."
hfovv, with what success this has been done, to do the author justice, he shall
speak lor himself, and the reader then may judge for himself.

" Before we attempt to explain in what manner the men and animals of
America reached this continent, it is necessary to ascertain, if possible, the
ciiciuiiHtances of their original creation ; for upon this esseutkl particular de-
pends the great interest of our present investigation. [Wo are not able to
discover that he has said any thing further upon it.l It must be evident that
we can arrive at no satisfactory conclusion, if it be doubtful whether the Crea-
tor of the universe made man and the animals but in one locality, from

* Or none but such as are at varianre with all history and rationality.
f Archaeologia Americana, i. 325, 32G, 3-H, Slc.
6 See Acosta's Hiat. E. and \V. Indies, p. I. ed. London, 1G04.
g Published at Baltimore, 1829, in 8\ o.

i Art. America.

CHAr. II.]

ON THE ORIGIN OF TJIC INDIANS.

to
at

whence tliny were (I'mpcreed over the cnrth ; or whether lin rr(>at(;il tliem in
each of those various situations where w« now find thetn livin^r. Ho far as
this inquiry respects mankind, there con be no reasonnlilc ground to doubt
the one origin of the species. This fact may be proved both physically and
morally. [If the render can discover any thing that amounts to proof in
what follows, he will have made a discovery that wo could not.] That
man, notwithstanding all the diversities of their appcnranre, are but of one
anecics, is a truth now universally admitted by every physiological imturalist.
[That is, notwithstanding a negro l)e black, an Indian brown, a European
white, still, they are all men. And then follows a quotation from Doctor
Lawrenct* to corroborate the fact that men are all of one specie8.J It is true,
this physiologist does not admit that the human species had their origi.-i but
from one pair; for ho ol)8crvc8, tlie same species might have been crcatb I at
the same time in very different parts of the earth. Hut when we liavo
analyzed the moral history of mankmd, to which Mr. Lawrenct seems to have
paid little attention, [and if our author has done it, we would thank him to
show us where wo can find it,] we find such strongly-marked analogies in
abstract matters existing among nations the most widely separated from each
other, that we caimot doubt there has been a time, when the whole human
family have intimately participated in one common system of things, whether
it be of truth or of error, of science or of prejudice. [This does not at all
agree with what he says afterwards, • We have been imable to disceni any
traces of Asiatic or of European civilization in America prior to the discovery
of Columbus.' And again : 'In comparing the barbarian nations of America
with those of the eastern continent, we perceive no points of resend)lance
between them, in their moral institutions or in their habits, that are not apjmr-
ently founded in the necessities of human life.' If, then, there is no oftiiiity,
other than what would accidentally happen from similar circumstances, where-
fore this prating about ^ slronglif-marked analogies^ &c. just co[>ied ?] As re-
spects the origin of animals, [we have given his best proofs of the origin of nmn
and their transportation to America,] the subject is much more refractory.
We find them living all over the surface of the earth, and suited by their phys-
ical conformity to a great variety of climates and peculiar localities. Every
one will admit the impossibility of ascertaining the history of their ori<riiiiil
creation from tlie mere natural history of th» animals themselves." Now,
as " refractory " as this subject is, we did not ..ipect to see it I5it»iercd off
upon a miracle, because this was the easy and convenient maimer in wlii(;h
the superstitious of every age accounted for every thing which they at once
could not comprehend. And we do not expect, when it is gravely announced,
that a discovery in any science \s to be shown, that the imdertaker is going
to tell us it is accomplished by t. miracle, and that, therefore, " he kuows not
why he should be called upon to answer objections," &c.

As it would be tedious to the reader, as well as incompatible with our plan,
to quote larger from Mr. M'Cuiloh'a book, we shall finish witii him after a few
remarks.

We do not object to the capacity of the ark for all animals, but we do
object to its introduction in the question undertaken by Mr. AfCulloh ; for
every child knows that affair to have been miraculous ; and if any part of the
question de])ended upon the truth or falsity of a miracle, why plague the world
with a book of some 500 pages, merely to promulgate such a belief, when
a sentence would be all that is required ? No one, that admits an overruling
power, or the existence of God, will doubt of his ability to create a myriad of^
men, animals, and all matter, by a breath ; or that an ark ten feet square could
contain, comfortably, ten thousand men, as well as one of the dimensions
given in Scripture to contain what that did. Therefore, if one in these days
should make a book expressly to explain the cause of the different lengths of
days, or the changes of the seasons, and find, after he had written a vast deal,
that he could in no wise unravel the mystery, an ^, to close his account, de-
clares it was all a miracle, such an author would be precisely in the predica-
ment of Mr. ATCuUoh.

* Tlie celebrated author of Lectures ou Physiology, Zoology, and the Natural History of
Man

1 1!(

IN !li

ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS.

[Book I

-ill

We do not pretend that the subject can be pursued with the certainty of
nmthematical calculations ; and so long as it is contended that the whole spo-
ciu8 of man spring from one pair, so long will the subject admit of contro-
vrisy: therefore it makes but little or no difference whether the inhabitants
are got into America by the north or the south, the east or the west, as it
regards tlie main question. For it is very certain that, if there were but one
pair originally, and these placed upon a certain spot, all other places where
i)eople are now found must have been settled by people from the primitive
ppot, who found their way thither, some how or other, and it is very unimpor-
tuut how, as we have just observed.

Lord Kairrus, a writer of great good sense, has not omitted to say some-
thing u|)on this subject.* He very judiciously asks those who maintain that
Amt'rica was peopled from Kamskatka, whether the inhabitants of that region
speuk the same language with their American neighbors on the opposite
sliores. That they do not, he observes, is fully confirmed by recent accounts
from thence; and "whence we may conclude, with great certainty, that the
latter are not a colony of the former. "f We have confirmation upon confirma-
tion, tliat these nations speak languages entirely different ; and for the satisfac-
tion of the curious, we will give a short vocabulary of words in both, with
tlie English against them.

EnglwJu Kamskadale. AUoutean.\.

God Nionstichtchitch Aghogoch.

Father. Iskh Athan.

Mother Nas-kh Anaan.

Son Pa-atch L'laan.

Daughter Souguing Aschkinn.

Brother Ktchidsch Koyota.

Sister. Kos-Khou Angiin.

Husband Skoch Ougiinn.

Woman Skoua-aou Ai-yagar.

Girl Kh-tchitchou Ougeghilikinn.

Young boy Pahatch Auckthok.

Child Pahatchitch Ouskolik.

A man Ouskaams Toyoch.

The people Kouaskou.

Persons OuskaamsiC

The head T-Khousa Kamgha.

The face Koua-agh Soghimaginn.

The nose Kaankang Aughosinn.

The nostrils Kaanga Gouakik.

The eye Nanit Thack.

After observing that "there are several cogent arguments to evince that tne
Americans are not descended from any people in the north of Asia, or in the
north of Europe," Lord Kaimes continues, — "I venture still further; which is,
to conjecture, that America has not been peopled from any part of the old
world." But although this last conjecture is in unison with those of many
others, yet his lordship is greatly out in some of the proofs which he adduces
in its support. As we have no ground on which to controvert this opinion,
we mjnr be excused from oxamining its proofs; but this we will observe, that
Lord Kaimes is in the same error about the bcardlessness of the Amencans as
some other learned Europeans.

The learned Doctor Swinton,^ in a dissertation upon the peopling of Ameri-

* See his " Sketchti of the History of Alan," a work which he pubhsheil in 1774, at Edin-
burgh, in 2 vols. 4to,

t Vol. ii. 71.

i The Ai^ouleans inhabit the chain of islands which stretch from the north-west point of
Amcrira into the neighborhood of Kamskatka. It must be remembered that these names nro
in tlic French orlhogrnphy, being taken from a French translation of Billings's voyage imo
those regions, from 1705 to 1794.

^ Docior John Swinlnn, the eminent author of many parts of the Ancient Univtrtal Hix-
tonj. lie (licii in 1777, ngr<l 74.

'ill

[Book 1

jertainty of
whole spo-
of contro-
inhabitauts
west, as it
;re but one
aces where
e primitive
y unimpor-

say some-
aintain that
' that region
le opposite
nt accounts
ity, that the
n confinna-
the satisfac-
ti both, with

ean.l
loch.

cmn.

ta.

nn.

gar.

frhilikinn.

tl)ok.

}lik.

;h.

Chap. II]

ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS.

[ha.
maginn.

>sinn.
(ik.

ice that liie
, or in the
which is,
of the old
of many
ie adduces
lis opinion,
jscrve. that
nericans aa

of Ameri-

774., at Edin-

lesl point of
90 names nro
I voyage into

liversal Hi*-

ca,* after stating the different opinions of various authors who have advocated
in fiivor of the "dispersed people," the Phoeniciuns, and other eastern Uistiiinj:,
observes, "that, therefore, the Americans in general were descended i'runi
some people who inhabited a couiitry not so fur distant from them as Jifryp'
and Phffinicia, our readers will, as we apprehend, readily admi-t. Now, no
country can be pitched upon so proper and convenient for tills purpose as the
north-easteni part of Asia, particularly Great Tartary, Siberin, and morn esjie-
cially the peninsula of Kamtschatka. That jirobably was 'he ti-act thmugli
which many Tartarian colonies jmssed into America, and peopled the mo.st
considerable part of the new world."

This, it is not to be denied, is the most rational way of getting inhabitants
into America, if it must be allowed that it was peopled from the "old world."
But it is not quite so easy to account ior the existence of equatorial animals
in America, when all authors agree that they never could have passed that
way, as they could not have survived the coldness of the climate, at any sea-
son of the year. Moreover, the \ocabulMry we have given, if it prove any
tiling, jiroves that either the inhabitants of North America did not come in
from the north-west, or that, if they did, some unknown cause must have, I'or
ages, susjionded all communication between the emigrants and their ancestors
ujion the neighboring shores of Asia.

In 1822, there appeared in London a work which attracted some attention,
as iiiost works have upon similar subjects. It was entitled, " Description of
the ruins of an ancient city, discovered near Palenque, in the kingdom of
Guatemala, in Sjianish America : translated from the original manuscript re-
port of Capt. Don Antonio Del Rio : followed by a critical investigation and
research into the History of the Americans, by Dr. Paul Ftlir Cabrera, of the
city of New Guatemala."

CajHain Del Rio was ordered by the Spanish king, in the year 178G, to
make an examination of whatever ruins he might find, which he accordingly
did. From the manuscript he left, which afterwards fell into the hands of
Doctor Cabrera, his work was composed, and is that part of the work which
concerns us in our view of systems or conjectures concerning the peopling of
America. We shall be short with this author, as his system differs very little
from some winch we have already sketched. lie is very confident that he
has settled the question how South America rect'ived its inhabitants, namely,
from the Phronicians, who sailed across the Atlantic Ocean, and that the ruined
city descril)ed by Caj.tain Del Rio Wiis built bv the first adventurers.

Doctor Cabrera calls any system, which, in his view, docs not harmonize with
the Scriptures, an innovation ujion the "holy Catholic religion ;" and rather
than resort to any such, he says, "It is better to bi'lieve his [God's] works
miraculous, than endeavor to make nn ostentJitions display of our tiili nis hy
the cunning invention of new systems, in attributing them to natural caus< s."j
The same reasoning will apply in this case as in a former. If \\e are to at
tribute every thing to ijiracles, wherefore the necessity of invesiigaiion ?
These authors are fond of investigating niattere in their way, but are dis-
pleased if others take the same liberty. And should we follow an author in
his theories, who cuts the whole business short by declaring all to be a mira-
cle, when ho can no longer grojie in the labyrinth of his own fiiriiiing, oiu
reader would be just in condemning such waste of time. \Vlieu every tiiiiia
which we cannot at first sight imdei-stand or eomiirehend must not Ix; in
quired into, fi'om siipei"stitious doubis, then and there will be fixed the Iioiiiids
of all science ; but, as Lord Byron said u|)on anot' )r occasion, »,o< fill Van.

"If it be allowed (says Dr. Lawrencf.U that all men are of tiie same
sfiecies, it does not follow that they are all descended from the same family
We have no data for determining this fioint: it could indeed only be settled
by a knowledge of fiicts, which have long ago licen involved in the inipene
liable darkness of antiquity." That climate has nothing to do with the com
plexioii, he offers the fbllcwing in jiroof: —

* IJiiivorsnl History, xx. \i\i, Wi. — Sou Malone'a edition of Ihisictll's Life Dr. Jdlnnon.
V. 271. cd. in 5 V. Vimo. London, IB2I
t I'ngo 30. } Lectures on Zoology, &c. -J-fS. cd. Hvo. Salein, 1828.

I -I

Hi!!

INDIAN ANECDOTES AND NARRATIVES.

TBooK I.

"Tlje establish incnts of the Europeans in Asia and America have now siib-
■isted about three centuries. Vasqv£z de Gama landed at Calicut in 1498 ;
and the Portuguese empire in India was founded in the beginning of the fol-
Icwuig century. Brazil was discovered and taken possession of by the same
nation in the very first year of the 16th century. Towards the end of the
1 jth, and the beginning of the IGth century, Columbus, Cortex, and Pizarro,
subjugated for the Spaniards the West Indian islands, with the empires of
Slexico and Peru. Sir fFaUer Ralegh planted an English colony in Virginia
in 1584 ; and the French settlement of Canada has rather a later date. The
colonists have, in no instance, approached to the natives of these countries,
and thuir descendants, where the blood has been kept pure, have, at this time,
the same characters as native Europeans."*

The eminent antiquary De Witt CHntort\ supposed that the ancient works
'Sund in this country were similar to those supposed to be Roman by Pennant
in Wales. He adds, " The Danes, as well as the nations which erected our
fortifications, were in all probability of Scythian origin. According to Pliny,
the name of Scythian was common to all the nations living in the north of
Asia and Europe." f

CHAPTER III.

Jiiucdotes, JVarratives, fyc. illustrative of the Manners and Customs, ^nti^uitUs and

Traditions, of the Indians.

Iftt. — An Ottaway chief, known to the French by the name of JVhUejohn,
\\i£ a great drunkard. Count Fronlenac asked him what he thought brandy
to be made of; he replied, that it must be made of hearts and tongues —
"For," said he, "when I have drunken plentifully of it, my heart is a thousand
strong, and I can talk, too, with astonishing freedom and rapidity." \

Honor. — A chief of the Five Nations, who fought on the side of the English
in tlie French wars, chanced to meet in battle his own father, who was fight-
ing on the side of the French. Just as he was about to deal a deadly blow
upon his head, he discovered who he was, and said to him, "You have once
given me life, and now I give it to you. Let me meet you no more ; for I
have paid the debt I owed you." §

Recklessness. — In Connecticut River, about "200 miles from Long Island
Sound, is a narrow of 5 yards only, formed by two shelving mountains of
solid rock. Through this chasm are compelled to pass all the waters which
in tlie time of the floods bury the northern country." It is a frightful passage
of about 400 yards in length. No boat, or, as my author expresses it, " no
living creature, was ever known to pass through this narrow, except on Indian
woman." This woman had undertaken to cross the river just above, and
alihongh she had the god Bacchus by her side, yet Neptune prevailed in spite
of tiii'ir unite<l efforts, and the canoe was hurried down the frightfid gulf.
While this Indian woman was thus hurrying to certain destruction, as she liad
every reason to expect, she seized upon her bottle of ruin, and did not take it
from her mouth until the last drop was quaffed. She was marvellously pre-
served, and was actually picked up several miles below, floating in the canoe,
siill quite drunk. When it was known what she had done, and being asked
liow she dared to drink so much rum with the prospect of certain death before
her, she answered tliut she knew it was too much for one time, but she was
unwilling that any of it should be lost. ||

* Lpctures on Zooloffv, iVr. 'Ifil, 4^,'). rd. 8vo. Salem, 1828.

f A Memoir on the Ahliquilks of tlie Western Parts of the State of N. Yovic, pages 9, 10
Bvo. Alboiiy, 181H.
i Uiiiversul Musoiim for I7G3. ^ Ibid. || Peters's Hisl. Coiineclicut

Chap. III.J

INDIAN ANECDOTES AND NARRATIVES.

Jiuittce. — A missionary residing among a certain trilw of Indians, wns one
day, after he had been preaching to them, invited by their chief to visit Jiia
wigwam. After liaviiig been kindly entenained, and being al)out to depart,
the chief took him by the hand and ssiid, " I iiave very bad squaw. Siie had
two little children. One she loved well, the otlier slie hated. In a cold night,
when I was gone hunting in the woocis, she shut it out of the wigwam, and
it froze to death. What must be done with her?" The missionary replietl,
"She must be hanged." "Ah!" said the chief, "go, then, and hang youi
God, whom you make just like her."

Moffit'animify, — A hunter, in his wanderings for game, fell among the back
settleinents of Virginia, and by reason of the inclemency of the weather, was
induced to seek refuge at the house of a planter, whom he met at his door.
Admisnion was refused him. Being both hungry and thii-sty, he asked for a
morsel of bread and a cup of water, but was answered in every case, "No!
von shall have nothing here! Get you gone, you Indian dog!" It happened,
in process of time, that this same planter lost himself in the woods, and, after
a fatiguing day's travel, he came to an Indian's cabin, into which he was
welcomed. On inquiring the way, and the distance to the white settlements,
being told by the Indian that he could not go in the night, and being kindly
offered lodging and victuals, he gladly refreshed and reposed himself in the
Indian's cabin. In the morning, he conducted him through the wilderness,
agreeably to his promise the night before, until they came in sight of the
habitations of the whites. As he was about to take his leave of the planter,
he looked him full in the face, and asked him if he did not know him.
Horror-struck at finding himself thus in the power of a man he had so
inhumanly treated, and dumb with shame on thinking of the manner it was
requited, he began at length to make excuses, and beg a thousand pardons,
when the Indian interrupted him, and said, " When you see poor Indians
fainting for a cup of cold water, don't say again, ' Get you gone, you Indian
dog ! ' " He then dismissed him to return to his friends. My author adds,
" It is not difficult to say, which of these two had the best claim to the name
of Christian."*

Deception. — The captain of a vessel, having a desire to make a present to a
lady of^some fine oranges which he had just brought from "the sugar islands,"
gave them to an Indiau in his employ to carry to her. Lest he should not
perform the office punctually, he wrote a letter to her, to be taken along with
the pre sent, that she might detect the bearer, if he should fail to deliver the
whole of what he was intrusted with. The Indian, during the journey,
reflected how he should refresh himself with the oranges, and Mot be found
out. Not having any apprehension of the manner of communication by
writing, he concluded that it was only necessary to keep his design secret
from tiie letter itself, supposing that would tell of him if he did not; he then;-
fore laid it upon the ground, t nd rolled a large stone upon it, and i*etired to
some distance, where he regal'jd himself with several of the oranges, and then
proceeded on his journey. On delivering the remainder and the letter to the
lady, she asked him where the rest of the oranges were; he said he had
delivered all ; she told him that the letter sai<l there were several more sent ;
to which he answered that the letter lied, and she must not hclime it. Hut he
was soon confronted in his falsehood, and, beggiug forgiveness of the offii-ni'c,
was pardoned, t

Shreivlness. — As Governor Joseph Dudley of Ma»sacluisetts was siqierin
tending some of his workmen, he took notice of an able-bodied Indian, who,
liMlt-naked, would come and look on, as a j)astimo, to see his men work. Tho
governor took occasion one day to ask him lohy he did not wnrk and sxel some
rioth'/i, wherewith to cover himself. The Indian answered l)y asking him ivhjl
lie did not worL The governor, pointing with liis finger to his heiul, .said, "/
work head tonrk, and so have no jiecd to work wiih my hands as yo'.i shoulil."
The Indian then said he would work if any one would enqjloy him. Tha

• Carft/'s Musciiin, vi. W,

t Uriiig's Voyagf to N. England in 1709, Ovo. London, 172G.

ILy;

ti I

INDUN ANECDOTES AND NARRATIVES.

[Book I

governor told liim he wnnted a calf killed, and that, if lie woidd go and do it,
lie would give him a sliilling. He accepted the otier, and went iniincdiiiidy
and kilkd the calf, and then went saunttning about as hefore. The governor,
on obsei-ving what he had done, asked him why he did not dress tlie calt
hefore he left it The Indian answered, "A'o, no, Coponoh; that was not in
the bargain : I was to have a shilling for killing him. Am he no dead, Copun-
oh^" [governor.] The governor, secung himself thus outwitted, told him to
dress it, and he would give him another shilling.

This done, and in possession of two shillings, the Indian goes directly to a
grog-shop for rum. After a short stay, he returned to the governor, and lold
1dm he had given him a bad shilling-piece, and presented a brass one to be
exchanged. The {;overnor, thinking possibly it might have been the case,
gave hi£n another. It was not long before he returned a second time with
another brass shilling to be exchanged ; the governor was now convinced of
his knavery, but, not caring to make words at the time, gave him another;
and thus the fellow got four shillings for one.

The governor determined to have the rogue corrected for his abuse, and,
meeting with him soon after, told him he must take a letter to Boston for him
[and gave him a half a crown for the service.] * The letter was directed to the
keeper of bridewell, ordering him to give the bearer so many lashes ; but,
mistrusting that nil was not exactly agreeable, and meeting a servant of flie
governor on the road, ordered him, in the name of his master, to carry the
letter immediately, as he was in haste to retirrn. The consequence was, tiiis
servant got egregiqusly whipped. When the governor learned what had
taken place, he felt no little chagrin at being thus twice outwitted by the
Indian.

He did not see the fellow for some time after this, but at length, falling in
with him, asked him by what means he had cheated and deceived him so
many times. Taking the governor again in his own play, he answered,
pointing with his finger to his head, " Head work, Coponoh, head work ! " The
governor was now so well pleased that he forgave the whole ofFeuce.f

Equality. — An Indian chief, on being asked whether his people were free,
answered, "Why not, since I myself am free, although their king?" J

Matrimony. — " An aged Indian, who for many years had spent much time
among the white people, both in Pennsylvania and New Jersey, one day,
about the year 1770, observed that the Indians had not only a much easier
way of getting a wife than the whites, hut also a more certain way of getting
a goofl one. ' For,' said lie in broken English, ' white man court — court —
may be one whole year ! — maybe two years before he many! Well — may
be then he get very gocd wife — but may be not — may be very cross! Well,
now suppose cross ! sc( id so soon as get awake in the morning! scold all
day! — scold until sleep! — all one — he must keep him! — White jjcople have
law forbidding throw away wife he be ever so cross — must keep him always !
Well, how does Indian do? Indian, when he see industrious squaw, he
go to him, place his two fore-fingers close aside each other make two like
on? — then look squaw in the face — see him smile — this is all one he say
yes ! — so he take him home — no danger he be cross I No, no — squaw know
too well what Indian do if he cross! throw him away and take another! —
Squaw love to cat meat — no husband no meat. Squaw do every thing to
please husband, he do every thing to please squaw — live happy.' "§

Toleration. — Iti the year 1791, two Creek chiefs accompanied an Am rican
to England, where, as usual, they attracted great attention, and many flocked
around them, as well to learn their ideas of certain things as to behold "the
savages." Being asked their opinion of religion, or of what religion they wei e,
OIK! made answer, that they had no j)riests in their country, or establislu^il
nligion, for they thought, that, upon a subject where there was no possihility
of people's agreeing in opinion, and as it was altogether matter of nurt

* A senlcnce added in a version of lliis anccdole in direy's Museum, vi. 'JO I,
t Uring, lit supra. I'Jd. J Carey's IMuseum, vi. 4U2.

^ Heckewelder's tlist. hid. Nations.

Chap. III.]

INDIAN ANECDOTES AND NAUR.VTIVES.

I ?

opinion, " it was best that every one should paddle his canoe his own way."
Ilcrc is a volume of iustniction in a short answer of a savage!

Justice. — A white trader sold a quantity of powder to an Indian, and iin
jKised upon him by making him beheve it was a grain wliich grew like wheat,
by sowing it upon the ground. lie was greatly elated by the pros|)e<-'t, not
only of raising his own powder, but of being able to supply others, and there-
by becoming innnensely rich. Having prejiared his ground with great cure,
he sowed his powder with the utmost exactness in the spring. Month aller
month passed away, but his powder did not even sprout, and winter came
before he was satisfied that he had been deceived. He said nothing; but
some time after, when the trader had forgotten the trick, the same Indian suc-
ceeded in getting credit of him to a large amount. Tiie time set for payment
having expired. Tie sought out the Indian at his residence, and demanded ]>ay-
inent lor his goods. The Indian heard his demand with great complaisance;
then, looking him shrewdly in the eye, said, " JWe f,ay you when my powder
glow." This was enough. Tiie guilty white man quickly retraced his steps,
satisfied, we apprehend, to balance his account with the chagrin he had re
ceived.

Hunting. — The Indians had methods to catch game which served them ex-
tremely well. The same month in which the Mayflower brought over the
forefathers, November, 1620, tj the shores of Piimouth, several of theiti
ranged about the woods near by to learn what the country contained. Having
wandered farther than they weve apjirized, in their endeavor to return, tiiey
say, " We were shrewdly puzzled, and lo.st our way. As we wandered, we
came to a tree, where a young sprit wits bowed down over a bow, and some
acorns strewed underneath. Stephen Hopkins saifl, it had been to catch some
deer. So, as we were looking at it, fVilliam Bradford being in the rear, when
he came looking also upon it, and as he went about, it gave a sudilen jerk up,
and he was immediately caught up by the legs. It was (they continue) a very
I)retty device, made with a rope of tlujir own making, [of bark or some kind
of roots probably,] and having a noose as artificiajlv made as any roper in
England can make, and as like ours as can be; which we brought away
with us."*

Preaching against Practice. — ^John Simox was a SogkonatP, who, about the
year 1700, was a settled minister to that tribe. He was a man of strong mind,
genendiy temperate, but sometimes remiss in the latter particular. The fol-
lowing anecdote is told as characteristic of his notions of justice. Simon,
on account of his deportment, was created justice of the peace, and when dif-
ficulties occuiTed involving any of his peojile, he sat with the English justice
to aid in making up judgment. It happened that Simon''s squaw, with some
others, had committed some offence. Justice Jllmy and Simon, in making up
their minds, estimated the amount of the offence differently ; ^Imy thought
each should receive eight or ten stripes, but Simon said, " No, jour or Jive art
enough — Poor Indians are ignorant, and it is not Cliristian-hke to punish so
hardly those tcho are ignorant, as those who have knowledge." Simon's judg-
ment prevailed. When Mr. ,ilmy asked John how many his wife sjiould
receive, he said, "Double, because she had knowledge to have done better;" hut
Colonel Jllmy, out of regard to John's feelings, wholly remitted his wife's
punishment. John looked ■> ery serious, and made no reply while in i)iesen(e
of the court, but, on the T , t fit opportunity, remonstrated very severely
against his judgment, and ^A^d to him, " To what purvose do we preach a re/i-
gion of justice, if we do unn'ghleousness in jwtgmev.t "?

Sam Hide. — There are few, we imagine, who have not heard of this per-
sonage ; but, notwithstanding his great notoriety, we might not be though
serious in the rest of our work, were we to enter seriously into his biogriijiliy
lor the reason, that from his day to this, his name has been a by-word in all
New England, and means as much as to say tiie greatest of liars. It is on
account of the following anecdote that he is noticed.

* Muurl'ii KulHiiuii.

INDIAN ANECDOTES AND NARRATIVES.

[Book I.

Sam Hi'h uus a notorious cidor-rlrinkeras well as liar, and used to travel llie
country to and (Vo bef^jrinj; it from tloor to door. At one time he happened
(11 a region of country where cidejr was very luird to be i)rocured, either from
Us scarcity, or from Sam^s frequent visits. However, cider he was iletcrniincd
I.O have, if lying, in any sliape or color, would gain it. Heing not far from
the house of an acquaintance, who he knew had cider, hut he knew, or was
well satisfied, that, in the ordinary way of begging, he could not get it, he set
his wits at work to lay a plan to insure it. This did not occupy him long.
On arriving at the house of the gentleman, instead of asking for cider, he in-
quired for the man of the house, whom, on appearing, Sam requested to go
aside with him, as he had something of importance to conununicate to him.
When they were by themselvea, Sam told him he had tli.t morning shot a fine
deer, and that, if he would give him a crown, he would tell him where it was.
The gentleman did not incline to do this, but offered half a crown. Finally,
Sam said, as he had walked a great distance that morning, and was very dry,
for a half a crown and a mug of cider he would tell him. This was agreed
upon, and the price paid. Now »S«m was required to point out the sjiot where
tht; deer was to be found, whicli he did in this manner. He said to his friend.
You know of such a meadow, describing it — Yes — You know a big ash tree, with
a big top by the little brook — Yes — Well, under that tree lies the deer. This was
satisfactory, and Sam departed. It is unnecessary to mention that the meadow
was found, and the tree by the brook, but no deer. Tlie duped man could
hardly contain himself on considering what he had been doing. To look
after Sam for satisfaction would Le worse than looking after the deer , so the
farmer concluded to go home contented. Some yeara after, he hapj)ened to
fall in with the Itidtan ; and he immediately began to rally him for deceiving
him so, and demanded back his money and pay for his cider and trouble.
ffliy, said Sam, would you find fault if Indian told tndh half the time ? — No
— IVell, says Sam, you find him meadow 9 — Yes —You find him tret'^ — Yes —
What for then you Jind fault Sam Hide, u'Aen he told you two truth to 07ie lie ^
The affair ended here. Sam heard no more from the farmer.

This is but one of the numerous anecdotes of Sam Hide, whicli, could they
be collected, would fill many pages. He died in Dedham, 5 January, 1732,
at the great age of 105 years. He was a great jester, and passed for an un-
common wit. In all the wars against the Indians during his lifetime, he
served the English faithfully, and had the name of a brave soldier. He had
himself killed 19 of the enemy, and tried liard to make up the 20th, but was
unable.

Characters contrasted. — "An Indian of the Kennebeck tribe, remarka-
ble for his good conduct, received a grant of land from the state, and fixed
himself in a new township where a number of families were settled. Though
not ill treated, yet the common prejudice against Indians prevented any sym-
pathy with him. This was shown at the death of his only child, when none
of the people came near him. Shortly afterwards he went to some of the
inhabitants and said to them. When white man's child die, Indian mail he soiry
— he help bury him. — HTien my child die, no one speak to me — / make his grave
alone. I can no live here. He gave up his farm, dug up the body of his child,
and carried it with him 200 miles through the forests, to join the Canada
Indians ! "•

Jl ludicrous Error. — ^There was published in London, in 17(52, "The
American Gazetteer," &c.t in which is the following account of Bristol,
".I. "A county and town in N. England. The capital is remarkable for the
King of Spain^s having a palace in it, and being killed there ; and also for
Crown the poet's begging it of Charles II." The blunder did not rest here,
but is found in "The N. American and the West Indian Gazetteer," J &c.
Thus Philip of Spain seems to have had the misfortune of being mistaken for
Philip of tiie Wampanoags, alias Pometacom of Pokanoket.

^ '

• Tud.ir's Lelters on the Easlorn Stales, 294.

i 2(\ ndilion, 12nio, London, 1788, also niinnymous.

t 3 vols. 12mo. witliout name.

Chap. Ill]

OF CUSTOMS AND MANNERS.

Origin or Meaning of the JSTame Canada. — It is snid, tJint Canada was discov-
ered l)y the Spaniards, Iwfore tiie time of Cartier, and that the Bay of Cha-
leui's was discovered l»y tiiem, ami is the same as the Baife des Espagnoles ;
and tlmt tiie Spaniard.-!, not meeting with any ajjpearances of mines of tiie
precious metals, said to one another, aca nada, which in their language signi-
fied, nothing here, and forthwith departed i'rom the country. The Indians,
having heard these words, retained them in their memories, and, when the
French came among them, made use of them, prohahiy by way of salutation,
not understanding their import; and they were supposed by the voyagers to
be the name of the country. • It was only necessary to drop the first letter,
and use the two words as two syllables, and the word Canada was complete.*

But as long ago as when Father Charlevoix wrote his admirable Histoky
OF JVew France, he added a note upon the derivation of the name Canada,
in which he said some derived it from an Iroquois word meaning an assem-
blage of nouses.f Doctor J. R. Forster has a learned note upon it also, in hia
valuable account of Voyages and Discoveries in the JVortL He objects to the
^ca jYada origin, because, in Spanish, the word for here is not orcr, but aqui,
and that to form Canada from Aquinada would be forced and luuiatural. Yet
he says, " In ancient maps we ofien find Ca: da JVada," that is. Cape Nothing.
"But from a Canadian [Indian] vocabulary, annexed to the original edition
of the Hecond voyage ot Jaques Cartier, Paris, 1545, it appears, that an assem-
blage of houses, or habitations, i. e. a totcn, was by the natives called Canada.
Cartier says, Ilz appellent une Vilie — Canada." Sir. Heckewelder is of much
the same opinion as Charlevoix and Forster. He says, that in a prayer-book
in the Mohawk language, he read ^JVe KAHAt)\-gongh Konwayatsk JVazardh,"
which was a translation of "in a city called Nazareth."

Origin of the JVame Yankee. — Anbury, an author who did not resjiect the
Americans, any more than many others who have been led captive by them, has
the following paragraph upon this word| — "The lower class of these Yan-
kees — apropos, it may not be amiss here just to observe to you the etymology
of this term : it is derived from a Cherokee word, eankke, which signifies
coward and slave. This epithet of yankee was bestowed upon the inhabitants
of N. England by the Virginians, for not assisting them in a war with the
Cherokees, and they have always been held in derision by it. But the name
has been more prevalent since [1775] the commencement of hostilities; the
soldiery at Boston used it as a term of reproach ; but afler the aflitir at Bim-
ker's Hill, the Americans gloried in it. Yankee-doodle is now their pecan, a
favorite of favorites, played in their army, esteemed as warlike as the grena-
dier's march — it is the lover's spell, the nurse's lullaby. After our rapid suc-
cesses, we held the yankees in great contempt ; but it was not a little n:orti-
fying to hear them play this tune, when their army marched dovm to our sur-
render." §

But Mr. Heckeioelder thinks that the Indians, in endeavoring to pronounce
the name English, could get that sound no nearer tlian these letters give it,
yengecs. This was perhaps the true origin of Yankee.

A sir^vlar Stratagem 4o escape Torture. — "Some years ago the Shawano
Indians, being obliged to remove from their habitations, in their way took a
Muskohge warrior, known by the name of old Scrany, \m8oacr ; they bas-
tinadoed him severely, and condemned him to the fiery torture. He uuder-

* The authors who have adopted this opinion, are Doctor Mather, [Maffnalia, B. vili. 71 :1
Harris, [Voya?os, ii.349 ;] Moll, [Geog. li. 194;] /. Long, [Voja^cs ancTTravels, 2 ;] Box-
man, [Maryland, 35 ;] Moulton, [N. York, i. 131 ;] Martin, [I.ouisiana, i. 7.]

Josselyn and Jefrys seem to be without company as well as authorities for their derivations.
The former [N. England Rarities, .')] says, Canada was " so called from Monsieur Cane."
The latter [Ilist. America, 1] says, " Canada, in the Indian language, signifies the Moitth of
the Country, from can, mouth, and ailu, the country."

t Quelques-unes dirivent ce nom du mot Iroquois Kannata, qui sc prononce Canada, et sig-
nifie im amas de cabannes. Hist. Nouv. France, i. 9.

t Travels through the Interior Parts of North America, 1776, &.c. vol. ii. 4<),47. Anburm
was an officer in General Burgoyne's army, and was among the captives surrendered at
Saratoga.

( This derivation is almoil ai ludicroui as thai pven by Innitg in his Knickerbocker.

ANECDOTES, &c., ILLUSTRATIVE

[Book L

wont a great deal without showing auy concern ; his countenance and beha-
vior were as if he suffered not tiie least pain. He told his persecutors with a
hold voice, that ho was a warrior ; that lie had gained most of his martial
reputation at the expense of their nation, and was desirous of showing them,
in the act of dying, that he was still as much their superior, as when he headec'
his gallant countrymen : that although he had fallen into their hands, and for-
feited the protection of the divine power by some impurity or other, when
curiyiiig the holy ark of war against his devoted enemies, yet he had so much
rnnainiug virtue as would enable him to punish himself more exquisitely than
all tlieir despicable, ignorant crowd possibly could; and that he would do so,
if they gave him liberty by untying him, and handing him one of the red-hot
gim-barrels out of the fire. The proposal, and his method of address, appeared
BO exceedingly bold and uncommon, that his request was granted. Then
suddenly seizing one end of the red-hot barrel, and brandishing it from side
to side, lea])ed down a prodigious steen and high bank into a branch of the
river, dived through it, ran over a small island, and passed the other branch,
amidst a shower of bullets ; and though numbers of his enemies were in close
pursuit of him, he got into a bramble-swamp, through which, though naked
and in a mangled condition, he reached his own country."

An unparaUded Case of Suffering. — "The Shawano Indians captured a
warrior of the Anantoocah nation, and put him to the stake, occording to their
usutd cruel solemnities: having unconcernedly suffered much torture, he told
them, with scorn, they did not know how to punish a noted enemy ; therefore
he wus willing to teach them, and would confirm the iruth of his assertion if
they allowed him the opportunity. Accordingly he requested of them a pipe
and some tobacco, which was given him ; as soon as he had lighted it, he sat
down, naked as he was, on the women's burning torches, that were within his
circle, and continued smoking his pipe without the least discomposure : On
this a head warrior leaped up, and said, they saw plain enough that he was a
warrior, and not afraid of dying, nor should he have died, only that he was
both spoiled by the fire, and devoted to it by their laws ; however, though he
was a very dangerous enemy, and his nation a treacherous people, it should
be seen that they paid a regard to bravery, even in one who was marked with
war streaks at the cost of many of the lives of their lieloved kindred ; and then
by way of favor, he with his friendly tomahawk instantly put an end to all his
pains." *

Ignorance the Offspring of absurd Opinions. — The resolution and courage of
the Indians, says Colonel Rogers, "under sickness and pain, is truly surpris-
ing. A young woman will be in labor a whole day without uttering one
groan or cry; should she betray such a weakness, they would inmietliately
say, that she was unworthy to be a mother, and that her of!spring could not
tail of being cowards." f

A JVorlhem Custom. — When Mr. Heame was on the Coppermine River, in
1771, some of the Coj)per Indians in his company killed a number of Esqui-
maux, by which act they considered themselves unclean ; and all concerned
in the murder were not allowed to cook any provisions, either for themselves
or others. They were, however, allowed to eat of others' cooking, but not
until they had painted, with a kind of red earth, all the space between their
nose and chin, as well as a greater part of their cheeks, almost to their cars.
Neither would they use any other dish or pipe, than their own. J

Another Pocahontas. — While Lewis and Clarke were on the shore of the
Pacific Ocean, in 1805, one of their men went one evening into a village of
the Killamuk Indians, alone, a small distance from his party, and on the
opposite side of a creek fiom that of the encampment. A strange Indian
happened to be tliere also, who expressed great respect and love for the white

* Tlie two preceding relalions are from I.rtiir's Vnii'iges ami Travels, 72 and 73, a book of
(mail pretensions, but one <il' ilie best on Indinn hislon. Its author lived among ilie Indiani
ol the Nortli-Wesi, as an Indinu trader, about 19 yeais.

t Cottdse Account of A'. Amciiea, 212. J Journey to the Xorthtm Ocean, 203.

Chap. 111.]

OF MANNERS AND CUSTO.MS.

mnn ; but in reality he meant to murder him for the artirlcs he had nI)ont him
Tiiis happened to come to tiie knowledge of a Chinnook woman, and she
determined at once to save hia life: therefore, when the white man was ahont
to return to his companions, the Indian was goinnr to accompany him, and kill
him ill tlu! way. As they were ai)ont to set out, the woman cauglit the white
man hy tiie clothes, to prevent his going witli the Indian. He, not under-
standing her intention, pulled away from her ; hut as a la.st resort, she ran out
and shrieked, which raised the men in every direction ; and the Indian
became alarmed for his own safety, and made his escape before the white
man knew he had been in danger.

Self-command in Time of Danger. — There was in Carolina a noted chief of
the Yamoisees, who, in the year 1702, with ahout (iOO of his countrymen,
went with Colonel Daniel and Colonel Moore agiiin.^t the Spaniards in Flori-
da. His name was .Irratovimakaw. When the English were ohligcd to
abandon their undertaking, and as they were retreating to their boats, they
became alarmed, supposing the Spaniards wen; upon them. Arrntommakaw,
having arrived at the boats, was reposing him.self upon his oars, and was fast
asleep. The soldiers rallied him fur being sf> slow in his retreat, and ordered
him to make more haste : "IJut he replied, 'No — thoug: rouR gover.nok

LEAVES TOU, I WILL NOT STIR TILL I HAVE SEEN ALL MY MEN BEKORE ME.' "

Indifference. — Archihau was a sachem of Maryland, whose residence was
upon the Potomack, when that country was settled by the English hi 1633-4.
The place of his residence was named, 'i'.e the river, Potomack. As usual
with the Indians, he received the English under Governor Calvert ^Yith great
attention. It should be noted, that Archihnu was not head sachem of the
Pofomacks, but governed instead of his nephew, who was a child, and who,
like the head men of Virginia, was called werowance. From this place the
colonists sailed 20 lcagu(;s farther up the rivtjr, to a place called Piscattaway.
Here a werowance went on board the governor's pinnace, to treat with him.
On being asked whether he was willing the English should settle in his
country, in case they found a place convenient lor them, he maile answer,
" / will not bid you go, neillur will I bid you slay, but you may use your own
discretion." *

Their Notions of the Learning of the Whites. — At the congress at Lancaster,
in 1744, between the government of Virginia and the Five Nations, the
Indians were told that, if they would send some of their young men to Vir-
ginia, the English would give them an education at their college. An orator
replied to this offer as follows: — "We know that you highly esteem the kind
of learning taught in those colleges, and that the maintenance of on young
men, while with you, would be very expensive to you. We are onvinced,
ihereforc, that you mean to do us good by your proposal, and wo 'hank you
heartily. But you who are wise must know, that different nations have differ-
ent conceptions of things; and you will therefore not take it amiss, if our ideas
of this kind of education happen not to be the same witli yours. We have
had some experience of it : several of our young people were formerly brought
U|) at the colleges of the northern provinces ; they were instructed in all your
sciences ; but when they came back to us, they were bad runnei-s ; ignorant
of eveiy means of living in the woods; unable to bear either cold or hunger ;
knew neither how to build a cabin, take a deer, or kill an enemy ; spoke our
language imperfectlv; were therefore neither fit for hunters, warriors, or
counsellors; they were totally good for nothing. We are, however, not the
less obliged by your kind offer, though we decline accepting it : and to show
our grateful sense of it, if the gentlemen of Virginia will send us a dozen of
their sons, we will take great care of their education, instruct them in all we
know, and make men of them." \

Success of a Missionary. — Those who have attempted to Christianize the
Indians complain that tliey are too silent, and that their taciturnity was the
greatest difficulty with which they have to contend. Their notions of pro

Oldinixmi, [Hist. Maryl<niul.1

t FratMin's Essays.

ANECIX)TES, &c., ILI-UfSTRATIVE

[Book I

priety upon matters of converBation arc bo nice, that tliey deem it improper,
111 tliu liiffliest decree, even to deny or contradict any tliiiijjf tiiat is said, at the
time; and iience tlie diiliculty of knowing wlmt effect any thing iiai>i upon
their minds at the time of delivery. In tiiis they [lave a proper advantage;
for liow often thies it hn])pen that people would answer very differently ii|Hm
a mutter, were tliey to consider upon it but a short time ! The Indiana seldom
answer u matter of importance the same day, lest, in so doing, they should be
thought to have treated it as though it was of smuli consequence. We oHener
repent of a hasty decision, than that we have lost time in maturing our judg-
ments. Now for the anecdote: and as it is from the Essays of Dr. Fiaiklin,
it shall lie told in his own way.

"A Swedish minister, having assembled the chiefs of the Susqueliannah
Indians, made a sermon to them, acquainting them with the principal historical
facts on which our religion is founded ; such as the fall of our first parents by
eating an apple ; the coming of Christ to repair the mischief; bis miracles
and sufterings, &c. — When he had finished, an Indian orator stood up to
thank him. ' fFhat you have told us,' said he, 'ia all very good. It is indeed
bad to eat apples. It is better to make them ail into cider. We are much obliged
by your kitulness in coming so far to tell us those things, which you have heard
from your mothers.'

"When the Indian had told the missionary one of the legends of his nation,
now they had been supplied with maize or corn, beans, and tobacco,* he
treated it with contempt, ond said, * What I delivered to you were sacred
truths ; but what you tell me is mere fable, fiction, and falsehood.' The
Indian felt indignant, and replied, ^My brother, it seems your fnends have net
done you justice in your education ; they have not well instructed you in the rules
of common civility. You see that we, who understand and practise those rules,
believe all your stories : why do you refuse to believe ours ? ' "

Curiosity. — "When any of the Indians come into our towns, our people are
opt to crowd round them, gaze upon them, and incommode them where they
debire to be private; this they esteem great rudeness, and the effect of the
want of instruction in the rules of civility and good manners. ' We have,' say
they, ' as much curiosity as you, and when you come into our toiims, toe wish for
opportunities of looking at you ; but for this purpose ice hide ourselves behind
bushes where you are to pass, and never intrude ourselves into your company.' "

Rules of Conversation. — "The business of the women is to take exact notice
of what passes, imprint it in their memories, (for they have no writing,) and
communicate it to their children. They are the records of the council, and
they preserve tradition of the stipulations in treaties a hundred yeara back ;
which, when we com^re with our writings, we always find exact. He that
would speak rises. The rest observe a profound silence. When he has
finished, and sits down, they leave him five or six minutes to recollect, that, if
he has omitted cny thing he intended to say, or has any thing to add, he may
ris,e again, and deliver it. To interrupt another, even in common conversa-
tion, is reckoned highly indecent. How different this is from the conduct of
a jwlite British House of Commons, where scarce a day passes without some
confusion, that makes the speaker hoarse in calling to order ; and how different
from the mode of convereation in many polite companies of Europe, where,
if you do not deliver your sentence with great rapidity, you are cut off in the
middle of it by the impatient loquacity of those you converse with, and never
Buffered to finish it!" — Instead of being better since the days of Franklin, we
appreliond it has grown worse. The modest and unassuming oflen find it
exceeding difficult to gain a hearing at all. Ladies, and many who consider
themselves examples of good manners, transgress to an insufferable degree, in
breaking in upon the conversations of others. Some of these, like a ship

* The story of the beautiful woman, who descended to the earth, and was fed by the
Indians, Black-Hawk is made to tell, in his life, pa^e 78. It is the same ollen told, and
alluded to by Franklin, in the text. To reward the Indians for their kindness, she raused
corn to G^row where iier right hand touched the earth, bcaus where the left rested, and tobacco
where she was sealed.

Chap. Til.]

OF CUSTOMS AND MANNERS.

le
er

er
in

driven i)y a nnrtli-wfster, Iwnring down the small rrall in Jut ronrsc, ronie
npon n.s Ity Hnrprisc, jn<l it' we attvMi|it to pruceud liy raising our \oi<-o.s a
little, we are sure to be drowned by a niucli greater elevation on llieir jMirt.
It is a want of good breeding, wbieti, it is lioped, every young person wliose
eye tliis may meet, will not be guilty of througli lile Tliere is great oppor-
timity for many of mature years to profit by it.

Lost Confidence. — An Indian runner, arriving in a village of bis country nieiit
requested the immediate attendance of its inhabitants in council, as be wanted
their answer to im|>ortant information. The people accordingly assend)led,
but when the messenger had with great anxiety delivered Iiia niessjige, and
waited for an answer, none was given, and he soon ol)served that he was like-
ly to be lefl alone in his place. A stranger present asked a principal chief the
meaning of this strange jirocecdiiig, wlio gave this answer, ^ He once told
us a lieJ"

Comic. — An Indian having been found frozen to death, an inquest of bis
countrymen was couventd to determine by what means he came to such a
death. Their verdict was , "Death from the freezing of a great quantity of
water inside of him, whicii they were of opinion lie had drunken for rum."

w3 serious Q^uestion, — About 1794, an officer presented a western chief with
a medal, on one side of wliich President Washington was represented as armed
with a sword, and on the other an Indian was seen in the act of burying the
hatchet. The chief at once saw the wrong done his countrymen, and veiy
wisely asked, " fVhy does not the President bury his sword too?"*

Self-esteem. — A white man, meeting an Indian, accosted him as brother. The
red man, with a great e.xprebsion of meaning in his countenance, inquired
how they came to be brothere; the white man replied, O, by way of Adam, I
suppose. The Indian added, " Me thank him Great Spirit we ;w nearer brothers."

A Preacher taken at his Word. — A certain clergyman had for his te.vt on a
time, " Vow and pay unto the Lord thy votes." An Indian happened to lie

1)resent, who stepped up to the priest as soon as he had tinished, luid sai.i to
lim, "Now me vow me go home with you, Mr. Minister." The priest, having
no language of evasion at command, sjiid, " You must go then." When he Jiad
arrived at the home of the minister, the Indian vowed ij^ain, saying, " iN'ow
me vow me have supper." When this was finished he said, " Me vow me stay
all night." The priest, by this time, thinking himself sufficiently taxed, re-
plied, " It may be so, but I vow you shall go in the morning." The Lxlian,
judging from the tone of his host, that more vows would be useless, departed
in the morning sans cirimonie.

A case of signal Barbarity. — It is related by Black Hawk, in his life, that
some time before the war of 1812, one of the Indians had killed a French-
man at Prairie des Chiens. " The Britit i soon afler took him prisoner, and
said they would shoot him next day ! His family were encamped a short dis-
tance below the mouth of the Ouisconsin. He begged permission to go and
see them that night, as he was to die the next day! They permitted hini to go,
after promising to return the next morning by sunrise. He visited his family,
which lonsisted of a wife and six children. I cannot describe their meeting
and parting, to be understood by thi whites ; as it appears that their feelings
are acted upon by certain rules laid down by their /?rfacAers / — ^whilst ours are
governed only by the monitor within us. He parted from his wife and chil-
dren, hurried through the prairie to the fort, and arrived in time ! The sol-
diers were ready, and immediately marched out and shot him down !! " — If thia
were not cold-blooded, deliberate murder, on the part of the whites, I have
no conception of what constitutes that C4'ime. What were the circumstances
jf the murder we are not inform,?d ; but whatever they may have been, they
cannot excuse a still greater barbarity. I woidd not by any means be under-
stood to advocate the cause of a murderer; but I will ask, whether crime is
to be prevented by crime : murder for murder is only a brutal retaliation, ex-
cept whore the safety of a community requires the sacrifice.

• EUiol's Works, 178.

N VKK.VTIVES, ic, H.LUSTUATIVE

IBuoK I

Mouminfr much in a short Time, — " A young w'ulow, whoso iiuslmnd liitd
bci'ii il< ad ulxiiit I'iju;!!! duvH, was liasteiiing to fiiiiHli licr grief, in order tiiat
«lic Mii^lit lie inarri)(l to u joiiiig wurrior: slie wuh dettrinini'd, tiiercforc, to

frrievt! iniicli in a .siiori tinii- ; to iliis end siie tore her liair, drank H|>irit.M, and
leat her hreast, to make the tears flow abun(hmtly, hy whieli means, on tiio
i-v< iiinv of the eigliili <lay, sliu was ready again to marry, having grieved suf-
ticienily." *

How to ttwk a hard QneMion. — " When Mr. Gist went over tlie Alleganies,
in i"'eh. 1751, on a tour of discovery for the Ohio Company, 'un Indian, who
spoke good Knglish, came to him, and raid that their great tnan, the Beaver,\ and
Captain Opnamifluuh, (two chiefs of tlie Delawares,) desired to know wliere
the Indians land hiy ; for the French claimed ail the land on one side of the
Ohio Kiver, and the English on the other.' This ipiestion Mr. Gist found it
hard to answer, and he evaded it by saying, that the Indians and white men
were all snhjects to the same king, and all had an equal privilege of taking
np and possessing tlie luiid in conformity with the conditions prescribed by
the king." I

CredidUy its own Punishment. — ^The traveller Wanaey, according to his own
account, would not enter into conversation with an eminent chietj because he
had heard that it had been said of him, that he had, in his time, "shed blood
enough to swim in." He had a gnat desire to become acquainted with the
Indian character, but his credidity deiiarrcd him etfectually from tlu> ^ratifi-
cation. The chief was a Creek, named Flamingo, who, in company with
another called Double-head, visited Philadelphia as ambassadors, in the sum-
mer of 1794. Vew travellers discover such scrupulousness, especially those
who come to America. That Flamingo was more bloody than other Indian
warriors, is in no w\sti probable ; but a mere report of his l)eing a great slied-
der of blood kept 31r. If'ansey from saying any more about him.

Just Indignation. — Hatuat, a powerful chief of Ilispaniolo, having fled
from thence to avoiil slavery or <leath wh<;n that island was ravaged by the
Spaniards, was taken in 1511, when they conquered Cuba, and burnt at the
stake. Afler lieing bound to the stake, a Franciscan friar labored to convert
him to the Catholic faith, by promises of immediate and eternal bliss in the
world to come if he would believe ; and that, if he would not, eternal tor-
ments were his only |)ortion. The cazique, with seeming composure, asked
if there were any Sfianiards in those regions of bliss. On being answered
that there were, he replied, " Then I will not go to a place where 1 may meet
with one of that accursed race."

Harmless Deception. — In a time of Indian troubles, an Indian visited the
house of Governor Jenks, of Rhode Island, when the governor took occasion
to request him, that, if any strange Indian should come to his wigwam, to let
him know it, which the Indian promised to do; but to secure his fidelity, the
governor told him that when he should give him such information, he would
give him a mug of flip. Some time after the Indian came again : " Well, Mr.
Gubcnor, strange Indian come my house last night! " "Ah," says the govern-
or, " and what did he say ?" "He no speak," replied the Indian. " What, no
s|)enk at all ?" added tlie governor. " No, he no speak at all." "That certainly
looks susnicious," said his excellency, and inquired if he were still there, and
being told that he was, ordered the promised mug of flip. When this was
disposed of, and the ludian was about to depart, he mildly said, "Mr. Gube-
nor, my squaw have child last night;" and thus the governor's alarm was
suddenly changed into disappoiuUnent, and the strange Indian into a new-
born pappoose.

Mammoth Bones. — ^The following very interesting tradition concerning
these bones, among the Indians, will always be read with interest. The ani-
mal to which they once belonged, they called the Btg Buffalo ; and oti the

* Aci-ounl of the United Stales by Mr. Tsitift- Ifn/mex, 36.

t Probably the same we have noticed in Book V. as King Beaver.

I Sparks's Washiugtou, ii, 15.

Chap. III.1

EXPLOIT OF HANNAH DU.STON.

early inn[)9 of the poimtry of tlie Oliio, wc see markrd, " f'lfil limits' Iioih'.m paii]
to l)c tiiiiiid here." Tliiy were, for some tiiin', l»y miiiiy siipiiost'd to have Imtii
tlie holies of tlint nniinal ; hut thi-y are pretty gunenilly now h»-he\ i-d to liav>;
l)nloii>5(Ml to a B|)ei'ies of animal long fnice extinct. Thi-y Imvc hitn It.nini
ill various parts of the country ; hut in the f.'reat<'st aliniiiiiince alioiit thi" s;i!t
licks or sjirings in Kentucky and Ohio. There has never hem an entire
skeleton font"' although the one in Peale^s niiiscuin, in IMiiladelphia, was h)
near p<^rfeet, that, hy u little iiigeniiity in Bupplying its delects with woimI-
work, it piiHses extremely well for sueli.

The tradition of the Indians concerning this animal is, that he was carniv-
orons, and existed, as lato ns 1780, in the northern jiarts of America. Some
Delavvares, in the tim(! of the revolutionary war, visited the governor of \'ir-
ginia on husiness, which having hcen finished, some (;ucstioii8 were put t(»
them concerning their country, and especially what they knew or had lii;ard
respecting the animals whose hones had Imhmi found al)>)Ut the mlt licks on
the Ohio River. "The chief speaker," continues our author, Mv. Jtjfirson,
" immediately put himself into an attitude of oratory, and, with a pomp suiteil
to what he conceived the elevation of his suhject," hegan and repeated as
follows : — " In ancient limes, a herd of these tremeniloxis animalu came to the
Big-bone Licks, and began an universal destruction or the bear, deer, elks, buffa-
loes, and other animals, ivhich iw I been created for the vse of the Indians : the
fyeat man above, looking down and seeing this, was so enraged, that he seized his
ighlning, descended to the earth, and seated himself on a neighboring mountain,
on a rock of which his seat and the print of his feet are still to be seen, and hurled
his bolts among them till the whole tvere slaughtered, except the big bidl, lolio,
presenting his forehead to the shajis, shook them off as they fell ; but missing one
at length, it wounded hln in the side ; whereon, springing round, he bounded over
the Ohio, over the Wah ,7i, the lUinois, and, finalbj, over the great lakes, where he
is living at this day^

Such, say the Indians, is the account handed down to them from their
ancestors, and tliey could furnish no other information.

JVarralive of the Captivity and bold Exploit of Hannah Duston. — ^The rela-
tion of this affair forms the XXV. article in the Decennium Luctuosum of the
Magnalia Christi Americana, hy Dr. Cotton Mather, and is one of the liest-
written articles of all we have read from his pen. At its head is this signifi-
cant sentence — Dux Fiemina Facti.

On the 15 March, 1(197, a band of about 20 Indians came unexpectedly
upon Haverhill, in Massacliu setts ; and, as their ntmihei's were small, tliey
made their attack- with the swiflness of the whirlwind, and as suddenly disap-
peared. The war, of which this irruption was a i)art, had continued nearly
ten years, and soon afterwards it came to a close. The house which this
fiarty of Indians had singled out os their object of uttaei , iKlonged to one Mr.
Thomas * Duston or Dunstan,j in the outskirts of the to vn. | Mr. Duston was
at work, at some distance from his house, at the time, and whether he was
alarmed for the safety of his family by the shouts of the Indians, or other
cause, we are not informed ; but he seems to have arrived there time enough
Iwfoi-e the arrival of the Indians, to make some arrangements for the preserva-
tion of his children ; but his wife, who, but about a week before, had been
confined by a child, was unable to rise from her bed, to the distraction of her
agonized husband. No time was to be lost ; Mr. Duston had only time to
direct his children's Hight, (seven in number,) the extremes of whose ages were
two and seventeen, and the Indians were upon them. With his gun, the
distressed father mounted his horse, and rode away in the direction of the
children, whom he overtook but about 40 rods from the house. His first
intention was to take up one, if possible, and escape with if. He had no
sooner overtaken them, than this resolution was destroyed ; for to rescue eitln'r
to the exclusion of the rest, was worse than death itself to him. He thei'efoie
faced about and met the enemy, who had closely pursued him ; each fired

* Mr. Mijrick's Hist. Haverhill, 8G. t Ihitrhinaon.

} Kin^hl houses were destroyed nt this time, 27 persons killed, and 13 carried away captivo.
In Mr. li. L. Myrick's History of Haverhill, are the names of the slain, &c.

EXPLOIT OF HANNAH DUSTON.

[Book 1,

npon the other, and it is almost a miracle that none of the little retreating
party were hurt. The Indians did not pursue long, from fear of raising the
neighboring English before they could complete their object, and hence this
part of the family escaped to a place of uifety.

We are now to enter fully hito the relation of this very tragedy. There
was living in the house of Mr. Duston, as nurse, Mrs. Mary JVeff,* a widow,
whose heroic conduct in sliaring the fate of her mistress, when escape was
ill her power, will always be viewed with admiration. The Indians were
now in the undisturbed possession of the house, and having driven the
sick woman from her bed, rf^'n()elled her to sit quietly in the corner of the
fire-pl.ice, while they compn.:ed the pillage of the house. This business
bciii^r riuished, it was set on fire, and Mre, Duston, who before considered
herself unable to walk, was, at the approacn of night, obliged to march
into the wilderness, and take her bed u|)on the cold ground. Mrs. JK'eff too
late attem[)ted to escajie with the infant child, but was intercepted, the child
taken from her, and its brains beat out against a neighboring apjde-tree, while
its nurse was com|»ellcd to accomp.iny her new and frightful masters also
The ca])tivc8 amounted in all to 13, some of whom, as they became unable to
travel, were murdered, and left exposed upon the way. Aitliough it was near
night when they quitted Haverhill, they travelled, as they judged, 12 miles
iHifore encamping; "and fl.en," says Dr. Maiher, "kept up with their new
masters in a long travel of ><jn hundred and fifty miles, mon or less, within a
few days ensuing." f

After journeying awhile, according to their custom, the Indians divided their
prisoners. Mre. Dus' ", Mrs. JVeJf, and a boy named Samuel Leonardson, I who
had been captivated at Worcester, about 18 months before, fell to the lot of
an Indian family, consisting of twelvf, persons, — two men, three women, and
seven children. These, so far as our accounts go, were very kind to their
prisoners, but told them there was one ceremony which ijiey could not avoid,
and to which tliey would be subjected when they should anive at their place
of destination, which was to run the gantlet. Tli« place where this was to be
performed, was at an Indian village.. 250 miles from Haverhill, according to
the reckoning of the Indians. In their meandering couree, they at length
anived at an island in tho mouth of Contookook River, about six miles above
Concord, in New Hampshiie. JTere one of the Indian men resided. It had
been determined by the cUjitives, before their arrival, that an effort
should be made to free themselves fmm their wretched captivity ; and not
only to gain their liberty, but, a.s we o'lall presf'ntly see, something by way of
remuneration from those who hi Id them in In ndage. The heroine, Duston,
had resolved, upon the fii*sC opportunity that ottered any chance of success, to
kill her captors and scalp them, and to return home with such trophies as
would clearly establish her reputation for heroism, as well as insure her a
bounty from the public. She therefore communicated her d'^ign to Mrs.
AV/f and the English boy, who, it would seem, readily enough agreed to it.
To the art of killing and scalping she was a stranger ; and, tliat there should
be no failure in the business, Mrs. Duston instructed the boy, who, from his
long residence with them, had become as one of tlie Indians, to inquire of one
of the men how it was done. He did so, and the Indian showed him, with-
out mistrusting the origin of the inquiry, it was now March the 31, and in
the dead of the night following, this bloody tragedy was acted. When the
Indians were in the most sound sleep, these tiiree captives arose, and softly
arming themselves with the tomahawks of their mastere, allotted the miinber
each should kill ; and so truly did they direct their blows, that but one escaped
that they designed to kill. This was a womi..\ whom they badly woumled,
and one boy, for some reason they did not wisii to harm, and acconlindy ho
was allowed to escape unhurt, Mrs. Duston killed her master, and Leonard-
son killed tiie man who had so freely told him, but one day beibre, where to
deal a deadly blow, and how to take oft' a scalp.

* Slir was n daiisliti'r of Georrre. Coriiss, nvn\ married Tl'iV/i'ajrt AV//", hIio went ndcr I'r.e
«rmy. ami died nt I'eiiimaiiiiid, Fel>. KiRB. Mtjrirk, Ilisl. Havl. 87.
t Tliulr course was i>rol)iil)ly very indirect, to eludo tuirsuil, X Hist. Mtivcrliill, li9

Chap. Ill]

DESTRUCTION OF SCHENECTADY.

111

All WM over before the dawti of day, and nil things wore got ready for
leaving this place of blood. All the boats but one were scuttled, to i)revont
being |)ni*sued, and, with what provisions and arms the Indian camp ailbrdcd,
they finbarked on board the other, and slowly and silently took the course of
thc'ftlerrimack River for their homes, where they all soon after arrived with-
out accident.

The whole country was astonished at the relation of the affair, the truth of
"which was never for a moment doubted. The ten scalps, and the arms of the
Indians, were evidences not to be questioned ; and the general court gave
them fifty pounds as a reward, and numerous other gratuities were showered
upon them. Colonel JVicholson, governor of Maryland, hearing of the transac-
tion, sent them a generous present also.

Eight other houses were attacked besides Duaton^s, the owners of which,
says the historian of that town, Mr. Mynck, in every case, were slain while
defending them, and the blood of each stained his own door-sil!.

JVarrative of the Destriution of Schenectady.* — This was an event of great
distress to the whole country, at the time it happened, and we are able to give
some new facts in relation to it from a manuscript, which, we believe, has
never before been published. These facts are contained in a letter from Gov-
3rnor Bradstreet, of Massachusetts, to Governor Hinckley, of Plimouth, dated
about a month after the affair. They are as follow: — " Tho' you cannot but
have heard of the horrid massacre committed bv the French and Indians at
Senectada, a fortified and well compacted to\vn 50 nules above Albany (which
we had an account of by an express,) yet we think we have not discharged
our duty till you hear of it from us. 'Twas upon the Eighth of February,
[1G89-90] at midnight when those poor secure wretches were surprised by
the enemy. Their gates were o[)en, no watch kept, and hardly any order
observed in giving and obeying commands. Sixty of them were butchered in
the place ; of whom Lieut. Talmage and four more were of Capt. BidCs com-
pany, besides five of said company carried captive. By this action the French
have given us to undijrstand what we may expect from them as to the fron-
tier towns and seaports of New England. We are not so well acquainted
what number of convenient Havens you have in your colony, besides those of
Plimoutli and Bristol. We hope your prudence and vigilance will lead you
to take .such measures as to prevent the landing of the enemy at either of
those or any such like place." f

We now proceed to give such other facts as can be gathered from the
numerous printed accounts. It appears that the government of Canada had
planned several expeditions, previous to the setting out of this, against various
important points of the English frontier, — as mucli to gain the warric rs of the
Five Nations to their interest, as to distress the English. Governor De JSTon-
ville bad sent over several chief sachems of the Iroquois to France, where,
as usual upon such embassies, great pains were taken to cause them to enter-
tain the highest opinions of tho glory and greatness of the Fi-encli nation.
Among them was Taweraket, a renowned warrior, and two others. It appears
. that, during their absence in France, the great war between their countrymen
and the French had ended in the destruction of Montreal, and other i)laees, aa
will be seen detailed in our Fifth Book. Hence, when Count fVonteiuie
arrived in Canada, in the fall of 1089, instead of finding the Iroquois ready to
join him and his forces which he had brought from France for the conquest
of New York, ho found li'inself obliged to set about a reconciliation of them,
lie tiiereforo wisely despatched Taweraket, and the two others, upon that
design. The Five Nations, on being called U|)on by these chiefs, would take
no step without fii"st notifying tho English at Albany that a council was to be
called. The blows which had been so lately given the French of Canada,
had lulled the English into a fatal security, and they lei this council pass with
too little attention to its proceedings. On tho other baud, the French wcr»

^ * 'I'liis was the (iprmnn name ofn pine barren, such as strclplics itself bolweoii Albany anil
Silioni'claily, over whioli is now n rnil-road.

t FreiK'ii ships, witli land I'lrcci ami munitions, had, but a short time before, hovered upoa
tbo coaaU

■'t

lESTRUCTlON OF SCHENECTADY.

[Book 1

fully and ably ivprcsented ; and tlie result wns, the existing breach was set in
n fuir way to bo closed up. This great council was bogun 22 Januaiy, 16!)0
and consisted of eighty sachems. It was opened by Sadekanaghtie,* a groat
Oneida chief.

Meanwhile, to give employment to the Indians wiio yet remained their
friends, the expedition was begun which ended in the destruction of Schenec-
tady. Chief Justice Smith\ wrote his account of tliat affiiir from a manuscript
letter left by Colonel Schuyler, at that time mayor of Albany; and it is the
most particular of any account yet published. It is as follows, and bears date
15 February, 1G89:—

After two-and-twenty days' march, the enemy fell in with Schenectady,
February 8. There were about 200 French, and perha|)s 50 Cuughnewaga
Mohawks, and they at first intended to have surprised Albany ; but their
march had been so long and tedious, occasioned by the deepness of the snow
and coldness of the weather, that, instead of attemjrting any thing offensive,
they had nearly decided to surrender themselves to the first English tliey
should meet, such was their distressed situation, in a cam[) of snow, but a few
miles from the devoted setdement. The Indians, however, saved them from
the disgrace. They had sent out a small scout from their |)arty, who entered
Schenectady without even exciting suspicion of their errand. When they htid
staid as long as the nature of their business required, they withdrew to their
fellows.

Seeing that Schenectady offered such an easy prey, it put new courage into
the French, and they came upon it as above related. The bloody tragedy
commenced between 11 and 12 o'clock, on Saturday night; and, that every
liouse might be surprised at nearly the same time, the enemy divided them-
selves into parties of six or seven men each. Although the town was impaled,
no one thought it necessary to close the gates, even at night, presuming the
severity of the season was a sufficient security ; hence the fii"st news of the
approach of the enemy was at every door of every house, which dooi*s were
broken as soon as the profound slumbers of diose they were intended to guard.
The same inhuman barbarities now followed, that were afterwards perpetrated
upon the wretched inhabitants of Slontreal.J "No tongue," said Colonel
Schnyk)', " can express the cruelties that were committed." Sixty-three
houses, and the church, § were immediately in a blaze. Enciente women,
in their expiring agonies, saw their intiints east into the flames, being first
delivered by the knife of the midnight assassin I Sixty-three || persons were
put to death, and twenty-seven were carried into captivity.

A few persons fled towards Albany, with no other covering but their night-
clothes ; the horror of whose condition was greatly enhanced by a great fall
of snow ; 25 of whom lost their limbs from the severity of the frost. With
these poor fugitives came the intelligence to Albany, and that place was in
dismal confusion, having, as usual upon such oceaiions, supposed the enemy
to have been seven times more numerous than they really were. About noon,
the next day, the enemy set off from Schenectady, taking all the plunder they
could carry with them, among which were forty of the best horees. The n st,
with all the cattle and other domestic animals, lay slaughtei-ed in the streets.

One of the most considerable men of Schenectady, at this time, was Captain
Jilcxander Glen. If He lived un the opposite side of tlie river, and was sufi'ered
to escape, because he had delivered many French prisoners ii'om torture and
slavery, who had been taken by the Indians in the former wars. They had
passed his house in the night, and, during the massacre, he had taken ihe
alarm, and in the morning he was found ready to defend himself. IJefore
leaving the village, a French officer sunnnoiiec^ him to .i cc uncil, upon the
shore of the river, with the tender of peixmal safely. lie at length adveiiiuicd
(iown, and had the great satisfaction of having all his captured friends tind
relatives delivered to him ; and the enemy departed, keeping good their
promise that no injury should be done him. {{

ftiulasrenmcldie in Powiuii on tlie Colonies, I. 3!)!!.
See 15oi)k V. ^ l^pajj'onl,

I Vharlevoh: colls iiim The Sieuv Coiidre.

t Hist. \. Voik.
II Coklen. I I'l

Chap. III.]

DEST^iUCTION OF SCHENECTADY.

The great Mohawk castle was ahout 17 miles from Schenectady, nrul thoy
did not hear of the niussaere until two days a'ter, owuig to the state of
travelling. On receiving the news, tlmy immediately joined a party of men
from Albany, and pursued the enemy. Al\er a tedious pursuit, they fell upon
their rear, killed and took 25 of them, and did them some otlier damage. Sev-
eral chief sachems soon assembled at A'.bany, to condole with the peojjle, und
animate them against leaving the place, which, it seems, thoy were ahout to
do. From a speech of one of the cliiels on this occasion, tlie following extract
is preserved : —

" Brethren, we do not think that what the French have done can bo called
a victory ; it is only a further i)roof of their cruel deceit. Tlie governor of
Canada sent to Onondago, and talks to us of peace with our whole house ; hut
war was in his heart, as you now see by woful experience. He did tiie same
formerly at Cadaracqui,* and in the Senecas' country. This is the tliird time
he has acted so deceitfully. He has bioken open our house at both ends;
formerly in he Senecas' country, uud now here. We hope to be revenged
on them."

Accordingly, when messengers came to renew and conclude the treaty
which had been begun by Taweraket, beibre mentioned, they were seized and
handed over to the English. They also kept out scouts, and harassed the
French in every direction.

We will now proceed to draw from Charlevoix' account of this affair, which
is very minute, as it respects the operations of the French and Indians. Not-
withstanding its great importance in a correct history of the sacking of Sche-
nectady, none of our historians seem to have given themselves the trouble of
laying it before their readers.

Governor Frontenac, having determined upon an expedition, gave notice to
M. de la Durantaye, who then commanded at Michilimakinak, that he might
assure the Hurons and Ottawas, that in a short time they would see a groat
change in affairs for the better. He pre)>arcd at the same time a large convoy
to reinforce that post, and he took measures also to raise three war parties,
who should enter by three different routes the country of the English. The
fii-st assembled at Montreal, and consisted of ahout 110 men, French and
Indians, and was put under the connnand of M.M. tVJlUlebout de Mantel, and
le Maine de St. Helene, two lieutenants, under whom MM. de Repentigmj,
d^ Iberville, de Bonrepos, de la Brosse, and de Montigm, requested perm is-
eion to serve as volunteer.

This i)arty marched out before they had determined against what part of
the English frontier they would carry tiieir arms, though some j)art of New
York was understood. Count Frontenac had left that to the two conmumdors.
Aller they had marched five or six days, they called a council to determine
upon what place they wotdd attempt. In this council, it was debated, on the
part of the French, that Albany would be the smallest place they ought to
undertake; but the Indians would not agree to it. They contended that, with
their small force, an attack upon Albany would be attended with extreme
hazard. The French being strenuous, the debate grew warm, and an Indian
chief asked them "how long it was since tiicy had so nmch courage." To
this severe rebuke it was answered, tiiat, if by some past actions they had
discovered cowardice, they siiould see that now they would retrieve llicir
character ; they would take Albany or die in the attempt. The Indiiins, iiow-
ever, would not consent, and the council broke up without agreeing upon any
tiling but to proceed on.

They continued their march initil they came to a place where their path
divided into two; one of which led to Albany, and the other to Schenectady:
hero Manlet gave up his design upon Albany, and they marched on harmoni-
ously for the former village. The weatlier was very severe, and for tlie nine
following days the little army suffered incredible hardships. 'I'lio nun wore
oflen obliged to wade through water up to their knees, breaUuig its ice at
every step.

• See Book V.

DESTRUCTION OF SCHENECTADY.

[Book 1

At 4 o'clock in the morning, the beginning of February, they arrived within
two leagues of Schenectady. Here they halted, and the Great ^gnier, chief
of the Iroquois of the Falls of St. Louis, made a speech to them. He exhorted
every one to forget the hardships they had endured, in the hope of avenging
the wrongs they had for a long time suffered from the perfldious English,
who were the authors of them; and in the ch)se added, that they could not
doubt of the assistance of Heaven against the enemies of God, in a cause
so just.

Hardly had they taken up their line of march, when they mot 40 Indian
women, who gave them all the necessary information for approaching the
place in snft-'y. A Canadian, named Giguiere, was detached ii imediately with
nine Iiid'ans upon discoveiy, who acquitted himself to the entire satisfiiction
of his officers. He reconnoitred Schenectady at his leisure, and then rejoined
bis comrades.

It had been determined, by the party to put off the attack one ,, / longer;
but on the arrival of the scout under Giguiere, it was resolved to proceed
without delay.

Schenectady was then in form like that of a long square, and entered by
two gates, one at each end. One opened towards Albany, the other upon the
great road leadmg into the back country, and wiiich was now possessed by
the French and Indiana. Mantet and St. Helene charged at the second
gate, which the Indian women before mentioned had assured them was
always open, and they found it so. D'RerviUe and Repentigni passed to the
left, in order to e"ter by the other gate, but, after losing some time in vainly
endeavoring to find it, were obliged to return and enter with their comrades.

The gate was not only open but unguarded, and the whole j)arty entered
withoiir, being discovered. Dividing themselves into several parties, they
wuy.iuid every portnl, ind then the war-whoop was raised. Mantet formed
and attacked a garrisoi;, where the only resistance of any account was made.
The gate of it was soon forced, and all of the English fell by the sword, and
the garrison was burned. Montigni was wounded, in forcing a house, in his
arm and body by two blows of a halberd, which put him hor3 du combat; but
St. Helene being come to his assistance, the house was taken, and the woimda
of Montigni revenged by the death of all who had slnit themselves up in it.

Nothing was now to be seen but massacre and pillage in eveiy place. At
ilie end of about two hours, the chiefs, believing it due to their safety, posted
bodies of guards at all the avenues, to prevent surprise, and tlie rest of the
night was spent in refreshing themselves.

Mantet had given orders that the minister of the place should be spared,
whom he hud intended for his own prisoner; but he was found among the
promiscuous dead, and no one knew when he was killed, and all his pupcra
were burned.

After the place was destroyed, the chiefs ordered all the casks of intoxicat-
ing liquors to be staved, to prevent their men from getinig drimk. They
next set all the houses on fire, excepting that of a widow, into which Montigni
had been carried, and another belonging to Major Coudre : they were in num-
ber about 40, all well built and furnished ; no booty but that which could bo
easily transyiovted was saved. The lives of about 60 persons were spared ;
chiefly w- • ion, children, and old men, who had escaped the fuiy of the onset,
and 30 Indians who happened to be then in the place. The lives of the
Indians were spared that they might carry the news of what had happened to
their countrymen, whom they were recjuesti'd to inform, that it was not
ajininst them that they intended any harm, but to the Engliish only, whom
tlicy had now desi-oile'l of property to the amount of four hundred thousand
pounds.

They were too near Albany to remain long among the ruins, and tlioy
(Icc'junped about noon. Tlio plunder — .Montigni, whom it was necessary
10 carry — the prisoners, wlio were to tiie niunber of 40 — and the want of
provisions, with which they had in their hurry neglected to i)rovi(Ie them-
selves — retarded mnch then* retreat. Many would have even died ot" (amine,
had they not had 50 horses, of which there remained but six when tiity

1^'

Ch\p. HI]

MURDER OF MISS M'CREA.

lat-
ley
rut

iet,
lie
to

Kit

)in
nd

(-y

f)?
II-
ie,

arrived nt Montreal, upon the 27 March following.* Their want of provisions
oliliged them to separate, and in an attack which was made upon one party,
llinje Indians and six Frenchmen were killed or taken ; an attack, which, for
want of proper caution, cost the army moie lives than the capture of Sche-
nectady ; in which they lost but two men, a Frenchman and an Indian.

Murder o/" JVii'ss Jane McCrea. — ^This young lady " was the second daughter
of James McCrea^ minister of Laming'ton, New Jersey, who died before the
revolution. After his death, she resided with her brother, Colonel JohnMcCrea
of Albany, who removed in 1773 to the neigh'iorhood of Fort Edwai'd. His
house was in what is now Northumberland, on the west side of the Hudson,
three miles north of Fort Miller Fails. In July or August, 1777, being on a visit
to the family of Mrs. McjYeil, near Fort Edward, at the close of the week, she was
asked to remain until Monday. On Sunday morning, when the Indians came
to the house, she concealed herself in the cellar; but they dragged her out by
the hair, and, p!."-''-ff her on a horse, proceeded on the road towards Sandy
Hill. They soo, r«^ another party of Indians, returning from Argyle, where
they had killed the family of Mr. Bains ; these Indians disapproved the pur-
pose of taking the captive to the British camp, and one of them struck her
with a tomahawk and tore off her scalp. This is the account given by her
nephr- The account of Mrs. McJSfeil is, that her lover, anxious for her
safety, «,.nployed two Indians, with the promise of a barrel of rum, to bring
her to him ; and that, in consequence of their dispute for the right of condii't-
ing her, one of them murdered her. Gen. Gaies, in his letter to Gen. Bursoyne
of 2 September, says, ' she was dressed to receive her promised husband.'

" Her brother, on hearing of her fate, sent his family the next day to Albany,
and, repairing to the American camp, buried his sister, with one Lieutenant
Van Vechten, three miles south of Fort Edward. She was 23 years old, of an
amiable and virtuous character, and highly esteemed by all her acquaintance.
It is said, and waa believed, that she was engaged in marriage to Captain
David Jones, of the British army, a loyalist, who survived her only a few
years, and died, as was supposed, of grief for her loss. Her nephew, Colonel
James McCrea, lived at Saratoga, in 1823." f

Under the name of Lnidnda, Barlow has dwelt upon this murder in a strain
that may be imitated, but not surpassed. We select from him as follows : —

"One deed shall tell what fame great Albion draws
From these auxiliars in her barb'rous cause, —
Lncinda's fate. The tale, ye nations, hear j
Eternal ages, trace it with a tear."

The poet then makes Lucinda, during a battle, wander from her home to
watch her lover, whom he calls Heartly. She distinguishes him in the con-
flict, and, when his squa Iron is routed by the Americans, she proceeds to the
contested ground, fancyi. ig she had seen him fall at a certain point. But

" He hurries to his tent ;— oh, rage ! despair !

No glimpse, no tidings, of the frantic fair;

Save that some carmen, as a-camp they drove,

Had seen her coursing for the western grove.

Fainl with fatigue, and choked with burning thirst,

Forth from his friends, with bounding leap, he burst,

Vaults o'er the nalisade, with eyei on flame,

Aii<l fills the welkin with Lucinaa's name."
"Tlia fair one, too, of every aid foilorn,

Ha<l raved and wandered, till officious mom

Awaked die Mohawks from their short repose.

To glean the plunder ere their comrades rose.

Two Mohawks met the maid— —historian, hold ! ''—
"She starts — with eyes upturned and fleeting breath,

In their raised axes views her instant death.

Her hair, half lost along the shrubs she jiassod.

Rolls, in loose tangles, round her lovely waist ;

Her kerchief lorn betrays the globes of snow,

That heave responsive io her wcij;lrt of woe.

* There is no doubt but that they were obliged to subsist chiefiy upon (heir liorsM.
t I'resideul Allen's American ISiogrnphical Uictionuiy, 571.

m \

63 HEROISM OF MRS. MERRIL— WIHTE INDIANS. [RiokI

Willi calciilnlin"^ pause and dcmnn grin

'I'liey seizo '-jrliaiKls, aiiJ, ili'ougli her face divine,

Drive the <lf!srcndiiig axe ! — llie slinek she sent

Altaiiicd her lover's ear; he thither bent

With all the speed his wearied linihs could yield,

Whirled his keen blade, and stretched upon the field

The yelling Fiends, who there dispiuiiig stood

Her gory scalp their horrid prize of blood!

He snnk, delirious, on her lileless clay.

And jiassed, in starts of seii^e, the dreadful day."

In a note to the above i)as8ages, Mr. Barlow says tliis tragical story of Miss
McCrea is detailed almost literally.

" Extraordinary instance of female heroism, extracted from a letter written bif
Col. James Perry to the Rev. Jordan Dodge, dated Jvelson Co., Ky., 20 ^^pril,
1788." — "On the first of April «nst., a ntimber of Indians surrounded the
liousc of one John Merril, which was discovered by the barking of a dog.
Merril stepped to the door to see what he coidd discover, and received three
inusket-balls, which catised him to fall back into the house with a biokcii leg
and arm. The Indians rushed on to the door ; but it being instantly fastened
by his wife, who, with a girl of about 15 years of age, stood against ii, the
savages could not immerliately enter. They broke one part of the door, and
one of them crowded partly through. The heroic mother, in the midst of Jicr
screaming children and groaning husband, seized an axe, and gave a fatal
blow to the savage ; and he falling headlong into the house, the others, sup-

r)osing they had gained their end, rushed after him, until four of them fell in
ike manner before they discovered their mistake. The rest retreated, which
gave opportunity again to secure the door. The conquerors rejoiceil in their
victory, hoping they had killed the whole coinpimy ; btit their expectations
were soon dashed, by finding the door again attitcked, which the bold mother
endeavored once more to secure, with the assistance of the young woniati.
Their fears now came on them like a flood ; and tliey soon heard a noise on
the top of the house, and then found the Indians were coming down the
chimney. All hopes of dtiliverancc seemcil now at an end ; but the wounded
man ordered his little child to tumble a cotich, that was filled with hair and
feathers, on the fire, which made such a smoke that two stout Indians came
tumbling down into it. The wounded iimn, at this critical moment, seized a
billet of wood, wounded as he was, and witli it succeeded in despatching the
half-smothered Indians. At the same moment, the door was attempted by
another ; but the heroine's arm had become too enfeebled by her over-exertions
to deal a deadly blow. She howevt^' caused him to retreat wounded. They
then again set to work to make their house more secure, not knowing but
another attack would be made ; but they were not furdier disturbed. This
aflair happened in the evening, and the victors carefully watched with their
new family until morning. A prisoner, that escaped immediately after, said
the Indian last mentioned was the only one that escaped. He, on returning to
his friends, was asked, 'What news?' said, 'Plagtiy bad news, for the squaws
fight worse than the long-knives.' This aflliir hapjiened at Newbardstown,
about 15 miles from Sandy Creek, and may be depended upon, as I had the
pleasure to assist in tumbling them into a hole, afler they were stripped of
their head-dresses, and about 30 dollars' worth of silver furniture."

Wklsh or White Indians.

** JS/cirrative ofCapt. Isaac Stuart, of the Provincial Cavalry of South Carolina,
taken from his own mouth, by I. C, Esq., March, 1782.

"I waH taken prisoner, about 50 miles to the westward of Fort Pitt, alioiu
18 years ago, by the Indians, and carried to the Wabash, with other white
men. They were executed, with circumstances of horricJ barbarity ; but it
was my good fortune to call forth the synipatiiy of a good woman of the
village, who was permitted to redeem me from those who held me prisoner,
by giving them a horse as a ransom. Alter remaining two years in bondiige,
a Spaniard came to the nation, having been sent from Mexico on discoveries

Chap. III.]

WHITE INDIANS.

IllOllt

jhite
lilt it
the
|)iun',
llage,
I'l'it'B

Ho made application to the chiefs of the Indians for hiring me, and another
white man wiio was in tiio like situation, a native of Wales, and named John
Daveif, which was complied with. We took our departure and travelled to
the westward, crossing tlie Mississippi near Red River, up which we travelled
upwards of 700 miles. Here we came to a nation of Indians remarkably
white, and whose hair was of a reddish color, at least, mostly so. They lived
on a small river which emptied itself into Red River, which they called the
River Post; and in the morning, the day after our arrival, the Welshman
informed me that he was determined to remain with the nation of Indians,
giving as a reason that he understood their language, it being very little dif-
ferent from the Welsh. My curiosity was excited very much by tliis informa-
tion, and I went with my companion to the chief men of the town, who in-
formed him, in a language that I had no knowledge of, and which had no affin-
ity with that of any other Indian tongue that I ever heard, that the forefathers
of this nation came from a foreign country, and landed on the east side of the
Mississippi fdescribing particularly the country now called West Florida) ; and
that, on the Spaniards taking possession of the country, they fled to their then
abode ; and, as a proof of what they advanced, they brought out rolls of parch-
ment wrote with blue ink, at least it had a bluish cast The characters I did
not understand, and the Welshman being unacquainted with letters of any
language, I was not able to know what the meaning of the writing was. They
were a bold, hardy, intrepid people, very warlike, and their women were beau-
tiful, compared with other Indians."

Thus we have given so much of Captain SluarCs narrative as relates to the
White Indians. The remainder of it is taken up in details of several ex-
cursions, of many hundred miles, in the mterior of the continent, without any
extraordinary occurrence, except tiie finding of a gold mine. He returned by
way of the Mississippi, and was considered a man of veracity by the late
Lieutenant-colonel Cruger, of South Carolina, who recommended him to the
gentleman who communicated his narrative.

I had determined formerly to devote a chapter to the examination of the
subject of the White Indians; but, on reference to all the sources of informa-
tion in my possession, I found that the whole rested upon no other authority
than such as we have given above, and therefore concluded to give the most
interesting parts of the accounts without comment, and let the reader draw
his own conclusions. There seem to have been a good many accounts con-
cerning the White Indians in circulation about the same period, and the next
we shall notice is found in Mr. Charles Beatty'a journal, the substance of which
is as follows : —

At the foot of the Alleghany Mountains, in Pennsylvania, Mr, Beaitxj stopped
at the house of a Mr. John Miller, where he "met with one Benjamin SiUlon,
who had been taken captive by the Indians, and had been in different nations,
and lived many years among them. When he was with the Choctaws, at the
Mississippi River, he went to an Indian town, a very considerable distance
from New Orleans, whose inhabitants were of different complexions, not so
tawny as those of the other Indians, and who spoke Welsh, He saw a book
among them, which he supposed was a Welsh Bible, which they carefully kept
wrapped up in a skin, but they could not read it; and he heard some of those
Indians afterwards, in the lower Shawanee town, speak Welsh with one Lewis,
a Welshman, captive there. This VVelsh tribe now live on the west side of
tlie Mississippi, a great way above New Orleans."

At Tuscarora valley he met with another man, named Levi Hicks, who had
been a captive from his youth with the Indians. He said he was once attend-
ing an embassy at an Indiai *own, on the west side of the Mississippi, where
the inhabitants spoke Welsh, ' as he was told, for he did not understand them"
himself. An Indian, named Joseph Ptepij, Mr. Beattjfs interpreter, said he once
saw some Indians, whom he supposed to be of tlio same tribe, who talked
Welsli. He was sure th^y talked Welsh, for he had been acquainted with
Welsh people, and knew some Avords they used.

To the above Mr. Beatty adds : •' I have been informed, that many years
ago, a clergyman went from Britain to Virginia, and having lived some time
l''.ere, went from thiMice to S. Carolina ; but after some time, for some reasoix
5*

WHITE INDIANS.

[Book I.

he resolved to return to Virginia, and accordingly set out by land, accom-
panied with some other persons. In travelling tlirongh the back parts of the
country, which was then very thinly inhabited, he fell in with a party of In-
dian warriors, going to attack the inhabitants of Virginia. Upon examining
the clergyman, and finding he was going to Virginia, thoy looked upon hiin
and his companions as belonging to Uiat province, and took them all prisoners,
and told them they must die. The clergyman, in preparation for another
world, went to prayer, and, being a Welshman, prayed in the Welsh language.
One or more of the Indians was much surprised to hear him pray in their own
language. Upon this they spoke to him, and finding he could understand
them, got tlie sentence of death reversed, and his life was saved. They
took him with them into their country, where he found a tribe whose native
language was Welsh, though the dialect was a little diflfercnt from his own,
which he soon came to understand. They showed him a book, which he
found to be the Bible, but which they could not read ; and on his reading and
explaining it, their regard for him was much heightened." After some time,
the minister proposed to these people to return to his own country, and prom-
ised to return ogain to them with others of his friends, who would instruct
them in Christianity ; but not long after his return to England, he died, which
put an end to his design.

It is very natural to inquire how these Indians, though descended from the
Welsh, came by books ; for it is well known that the period at which the
Welsh must have come to America, was long before printing was discovered,
or that any writings assumed the form of books as we now have them. It
should be here noted that Mr. Bealty travelled in the autumn of 17G6.

Major Rogers, in his " Concise Account of North America," published in
1765, notices the White Indians ; but the geography of their country he leaves
any where on tlie west of the Mississippi ; probably never having visited them
himself, although he tells us he had travelled very extensively in the interior.
"This fruitful country," he says, " is at present inhabited by a nation of Indi-
ans, called by the others the White Indians, on account of their complexion ;
they being much the fairest Indians on the continent. They have, however,
Indian eyes, and a certain guilty Jewish cast with them. This nation is very
numerous, being able to raise between 20 and 30,000 fighting men. They
have no weapons but bows and arrows, tomahawks, and a kind of wooden

Cikes, for which reason they often suffer greatly from the eastern Indians, who
ave the use of fire-arms, and frequently visit the White Indians on the banks
of the easterly branch, [of Muddy River .' ] and kill or captivate them in great
numbers. Such as fall alive into their hands, they generally sell for slaves.
These Indians live in large towns, and have commodious houses ; they raise
corn, tame the wild cows, and use both their milk and flesh; they keep groat
numbers of dogs, and are very dexterous in hunting ; they have little or no
commerce with any nation that we at present are acquainted with."

In the account of Kentucky, written in 1784, by an excellent writer, Mr.
John Filson,yfe find as follows: — After noticing the voyage of Modoc, f/hc
with his ten ships with emigrants sailed west about 1170, and who were, ac-
cording to tlie Welsh historians, never heard of after, he proceeds: — "This
account has at several times drawn the attention of tlie world; but as no ves-
tiges of them had then been found, it was concluded, perhaps too rashly, to be
a fable, or at least that no remains of the colony existed. Of late years, how-
ever, the western settlers have received frequent accounts of a nation, inhab-
iting at a great distance up the Missouri, in manners and appearance resem-
bling the other Indians, but speaking Welsh, and retaining some ceremonies
of the Christian worship ; and at lengtii tliis is universally believed there to be
a fact. Capt Abraham Chaplain, of Kentucky, a gentleman whose veracity
may be entirely depended upon, assured the author that in the late war [revo-
lution] being witli his company in garrison, at Kaskaskia, some Indians came
there, and, speaking the Welsh dialect, were perfectly understood and con-
versed with by two Welshmen in his company, and that they informed them of
the situation of their nation as mentioned above."

Henry Ker, who travelled at long 13 tribes of Indians in 1810, &c., names
one near a great mountain wijich he calls Mnacedeus. He said Dr. Sii/ev

' ill

Chap. IV.I

AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES.

had told him, when at Natchitoches, that a number of travellers had assured
him, that there was a stron<j similarity between the Indian lan<junpo and
many words of the Welsh. Mr. Ker found nothing among any of the Indiana
to indicate a Welsh origin until he arrived among the Mnacedcus. Here
he found many customs which were Welsh, or common to that people, and
he adds; "I did not understand the Welsh language, or I should liave been
enabled to have thrown more light upon so interesting a subject," as tlioy
had "printed books among them which were preserved witli groat care,
they having a tradition that they were brought there by their forefathers."
Upon this, in another place, he observes, " The books appeared very old, and
were evidently printed at a time when there had been very little improvement
made in the casting of types. I obtained a few leaves from one of the chiefs,
eutficient to have thrown lighten the subject; but in my subsequent disputes
with the Indians, I lost them, and all my endeavors to obtain more were inef-
fectual,"

How or at what time these Indians obtained " printed books," Mr. Ker does
not give us his opinion ; although he says much more about them.

There are a great number of others wiio have no. ced those Indians; but
after an examination of them all, I am unable to add much to tiie above stock
of information concerning them. Upon the whole, we tliink it may be pretty
safely said, that the existence of a race of Welsh about the regions of tiie
Missouri does not rest on so good authority as that which has been adduced
to establish tlie existence of the sea-serpent. Should any one, however, choose
to investigate the subject further, he will find pretty ample references to au-
tliors in which the subject has been noticed, in a note to the life of Madoka-
wando, in our third book. In addition to which, he may consult the authorities
of Movllon, ac pointed out in his history of New York.

i§i»i

CHAPTER IV.

American Anti iUiTiES — Few Indian Antiquities — Of Mounds and their con-
tents — Account of those in Cincinnati — In the Miami country — Works sup-
posed to have been built for defences or fortifications — Some at Piqua — JVear
Hamilton — Milford — Decrfield — Six miles above Lebanon — On Paint Creek—
At Marietta — At Circletilte — Their age uncertain — Works on Licking River—
Ancient excavations or wells near JYewark — Various other works.

lOW-

hab-
3em-
inies
o be
icity
evo-
;ame
con-
of

imea
iWeV

To describe the antiquities of America would not require a very great
amount of time or space, if we consider only those which are in reality such.
And as to Indian antiquities, they consist in nothing like monuments, says
Mr. Jefferson ; " for," he observes, " I would not honor with that name, arrow-
points, stone hatchets, stone pipes, and half-shapen images. Of labor on the
large scale, I tliink there is no remain as respectable as would be a common
ditch for the draining of lands, unless indeed it would be the Barrows, of
which many are to be found all over in this country. These are of differ-
ent sizes, some of them constructed of earth, and some of loose stones. That
they were repositories of the dead, has been obvious to all ; but on what par-
ticular occasion constructed, was a matter of doubt. Some have tliought they
covered the bones of those who have fallen in battles fougiit on tlie spot of
interment Some ascribe them to the custom, said to prevail among the In-
dians, of collecting at certain periods the bones of all their dead, wheresoever
deposited at the time of death. Others again suppose them the general sepul-
chres for towns, conjectured to have been on or near these grounds ; and this
opinion was supported by the quality of tiie lands in which they are found,
[those constructed of earth being generally in the softest and most fertile
meadow-grounds on river sides,) and by a tradition, said to be handed down
from the aboriginal Indians, that when they settled in a town, the first person
who died was placed erect, and earth put about him, so as to cover and support
him ; and that when another died, a narrow passage was dug to the first, the

■:i

AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES.

[Book 1

second reclined against him, and the cover of earth replaced, and so on. There
being one of these in my neighborhood, I wished to e.>.l:'3fy myself whetiier
any, and which of these opinions were just. For this ooi,e, I determined
to open and examine it thorouglily. It was situated on I. (ow grounds of the
Rivanna, about two miles above its principal fork, and oj.(josite to some hills,
on w liich had been an Indian town. It wa« of a spheroidal form, of about 40
feet diameter at the base, and had been of about V2 feet altitude, though now
reduced by the plough to seven and a half, having been under cultivation about
a dozen yi.-ars. Before this it was covered with trees of 12 inches diameter,
and round the base was an excavation of tive feet depth and width, froni
wiionce the earth had been taken of which the hillock was formed."

In tliis mound my author found abundance of human bones, which, from
their position, it was evident had been thrown or piled promiscuously there
together ; bones of the head and feet being in contact ; " some vertical, some
oblique, some horizontal, and directed to every point of the compass." These
bones, when exposed to the air, crumbled to dust. Some of the skulls, jaw-
bones, and teeth, were taken out nearly in a perfect state, but would fall to
pieces on being examined. It was evident that this assemblage of bones was
made up from persons of all ages, and at different periods of time. The
mound was composed of alternate strata of bones, s'ones, and earth. Hence
it would seem that barrows, or mounds, as they are most usually called, were
formed by the Indians, whose custom it was to collect the bones of their de-
ceased friends at certain periods, and deposit them together in this manner.
" But," Mr. Jefferson observes, " on whatever occasion they may have been
made, they are of considerable notoriety among the Indians: for a party pass-
ing, about 30 years ago, through the part of the country where this barrow is,
went through the woods directly to it, without any instructions or inquiry, and
having staid about it some time, with expressions which were construed to be
those of sorrow, they returned to the high road, which they had left about half
a dozen miles to pay this visit, and pursued their journey."

In these tumuli are usually found, with the bones, such instruments only as
appear to iiave been used for superstitious purposes, ornaments or war. Of
the latter kind, no more formidable weapons have been discovered than toma-
hawks, spears and arrow-heads, which can be supposed to have been deposited
before the arrival of Europeans in America. What Mr, Jefferson found in
the barrow ho dissected besides bones, or whether any thing, he does not
inform us. In several of these depositories in the city of Cincinnati, which
Dr. Daniel Drake examined, numerous utensils were found. He has given a
most accurate account of them, in which he has shown himself no less a phi-
losopiier than anti<iuary. He divides them into two classes, ancient and mod-
ern, or ancient and more ancient. " Among the latter," he says, " there is not
a single edifice, nor any ruins which prove the existence, in former ages, of a
building composed of imperishable materials. No fragment of a column, no
bricks, nor a single hewn stone large enough to have been incorporated into
a wall, has been discovered."

There were several of these mounds or tumuli, 20 years ago, within a short
space in and about Cincinnati; but it is a remarkalle fact, that tlie plains on
tlie opposite side of the River Ohio have no vestiges of the kind. The largest
of those in Cincinnati was, in 17!)4, about 35 feet in height; but at this time
it was cut down to 27 by order of General fVayne, to make it serve as a watch-
tower for a sentinel. It was about 440 feet in circumference.

Almost every traveller of late years has said something upon the mounds,
or fortitications, scattered over the south and west, from Florida to the lakes,
and from the Hudson to Mexico and the Pacific Ocean. By some they are
reckoned at several thousands. Mr. Brackenridge supposes there may be
3000 ; but it would not outrage probability, I presume, to set them down at
twice tl'nt number. Indeed no one can form any just estimate in respect to
the number of mounds and fortifications which have been built, any more than
of the period of time which has passed since they were originally erected, for
several obvious reasons; one or two of which may bo mentioned: — the
plough, excavations and levellings for towns, roads, anc' vfarious other works,
have entirely destroyed hi'.ndreds of them, which had .lever been described,

Chap. IV.]

AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES.

no
into

lort
on
rest
ime
,cli-

ids.

ce.s,

are

nnd wIio.se sites cannot now be nscertninod. Another preat destruction of
tiiem has boon effected by tiie changinj^ of the course of rivers.

There are various opinions about tiic uses for which tliese ancient rnmaina
were construct(Ml: while some of tiieni are too much like modern fortificationa
to adniit of a doubt of their haviucr been used for defences, others, nearly sim-
ilar in desijfn, from their situation entirely exclude the adoption of such an
opinion. Hence wo find four kinds of remains formed of earth : two kinds
of mounds or barrows, and two which have been viewed us fortifications.
The barrows or burial piles are distinfjuished by such as contain articles
which were inhumed with the dead, and those which do not contain them.
From what cause they differ in this respect it is ditHcult to deterniine. Somo
have supposed the former to contain bones only of warriors, but in such
mounds the bones of infants are found, and hence that hypothesis is over-
thrown; and indeed an liy])otiiesis can scarcely be raised upon any one matter
concerning them without almost a positive assurance tliat it has been created
to be destroyed.

As a specimen of the contents of the mounds generally, the following may
betaken; being such as Dr. Z^raAe found in those he examined: — 1. Cylin-
drical stones, such as jasper, rock-crystal, and granite ; with a groove near one

end.

A circular piece of cannel coal, with a large opening in the centre,

as though made for the reception of an axis ; and a deep groove in tlie circum-
ference, suitable for a band. 3. A smaller article of the same shape, but
composed of polished argillaceous earth. 4. A bone, ornamented with several
carved lines, supposed by some to be hieroglyphics. 5. A sculptural repre-
sentation of the head and beak of some rapacious bird. G. Lumps of lead ore.
7. Isinglass (mica inembranacea). This article is very common in mounds,
and seems to have been held in high estimation among the people that con-
structed them ; but we know not that modern Indians have any particular
attachment to it, A superior article, though much like it, was also in great
esteem uniong the ancient Mexicans. 8. Small pieces of sheet copper, vith
perforations. 9. Larger oblong pieces of the same metal, with longitudinal
grooves and ridges. 10. Beads, or sections of small hollow cylinders, appar-
ently of bone or shell. 11. Teeth of carnivorous animals, lii. Large marine
shells, belonging, perhaps, to the genus buccinum ; cut in such a manner as
to serve for domestic utensils. These, and also the teeth of animals, are
generally found almost entirely decomposed, or in a state resembling clialk.
13. Earthern ware. This seems to have been made of the same material as
that employed by the Indians of Louisiana within our recollection, viz. pounded
muscle and other river shells, and earth. Some perfect articles have been
found, but they are rare. Pieces, or fragments, are very common. Upon
most of them, confused lines are traced, which doubtless had some meaning ;
but no specimen has yet been found having glazing upon it like modern pot-
tery. Some entire vases, of most uncouth appearance, have been found. Mr.
Atwater of Ohio, who has pretty fully described the western antiquities, gives
an account of a vessel, which seems to have been used as a jug. It was found
in an ancient work on Cany Fork of Cumberland River, about four feet below
the surface. The body of the vessel is made by three heads, all joined to-
gether at their backs. From these places of contact a neck is formed, which
rises about three inches above the heads. The orifice of this neck is near two
inches in diameter, and the three necks of the heads form tlie legs of the ves-
sel on which it stands when upright. The heads are all of a size, being about
four inches from the top to the chin. The faces at the eyes are about three
inches broad, which increase in breadth all the way to the chin.

Of the works called fortifications, though already mentioned in general
terms, their nnportance demands a further consideration.

At Piqua, on the western side of the Great Miami, there is a circular wall
of earth inclosing a space of about 100 feet in diameter, with an opening on
die side most remote from the river. " Tlie adjacent hill, at tlio distance of
iialf a mile, and ul the greater elevation of about 100 fiset, is the site of a stone
wall, nearly circular, and inclosing perhaps yO acres. The valley of the river
on one side, and a deep ravine on '.lie other, render the access to three fourths
of tliis fortification extremely difficult. The wall was carried generally along

•I

AMERICAN AxNTIQUlTIES

[Book 1

the brow of flio hill, in one place (Insceiidintr a short distance so as to include
a 8priii<.'. The silicioiis limestone of which it was huilt, must have boon trans-
ported from the bed of tlie river, which, for two miles opposite these works,
does not at present alFord one of 10 pounds weij^lit. They exhibit no marks
of the hammer, or any other tool. Tlie wall was laid up without mortar, and
is now in rums.

"Lower down tJie same river, near the mouth of Hole's Creek, on the plain,
there are remains of great extent. The principal wall or bank, which is of
earth, incloses about H<0 acres, and is in some parts nearly I'i feet hij^h.
Also below Iluniilton, there is a fortification upon the top of a iiigh hill, out of
view from the river, of very ditlicult approach. This incloses about ")() acres.
Adjacent to this work is a mound 25 feet in diameter at its base, and about
seven feet perjiendicillar altitude.

" On the elevated point of land above the confluence of the Great Miami
and Ohio, there are extensive and complicated traces, which, in the opinion of
military men, eminently qualified to judge, arc the remains of very strong de-
fensive works."

In the vicinity of Milford, on the Little Miami, are fortifications, the largest
of which are upon the toj) of the first hill above the confluence of the Kast
Fork with the Miami. "On the opposite side of the Miami River, above
Round Bottom, are similar antiquities of considerable extent. On tlie East
Fork, at its head waters, other remains have been discovered, of which the
principal bears a striking resemblance to those above mentioned; but within,
It difilers from any which have yet been examined in this quarter, in having
nine parallel banks or long parapets united at one end, exhibiting very exactly
the figure of a gridiron.

"Furllier up the Little Miami, at Deerfield, are other interesting remains;
but those which have attracted more attention than any otliers in the Miami
country, are situated six miles from Lebanon, above the mouth of Todd's
Fork, an eastern branch of the Miami. On the summit of a ridge at loust 200
feet above the valley of the river, there are two irregular trapezoidal figures,
connected at a point where the ridge is very much narrowed by a ravine. The
wall, which is entirely of earth, is generally eight or ten feet high ; but in one
place, where it is conducted over level ground for a short distance, it rises to
18. Its situation is accurately adjusted to the brow of the hill ; and as there
is, in addition to tlie Miami on tlie west, deep ravines on the north, the south-
east, and s 5uth, it is a position of great strength. The angles in this wall,
both retreating and salient, are numerous, and generally acute. The openings
or gateways are not less than 80 1 They are rarely at equal distances, and are
sometimes within two or three rods of one another. They are not opposite to,
or connected with any existing artificial objects or topographical peculiarities,
and present, therefore, a paradox of some difficulty." These works inclose
almost 100 acres, and one of the state roads from Cincinnati to Cliillicothe
passes over its northern part

On Paint Creek, 10 miles from Chillicothe, are also very extensive as well aa
wonderful works. " Tiie wall, which had been conducted along the verge of
the hill, is by estimation about a mile and a half in length. It was formed en-
tirely of undressed freestone, brought chiefly from the streams 250 feet below,
and laid up without mortar or cement of any sort It is now, like all the walla
of a similar kind which have been discovered in the western country, in a state
of ruins. It exhibits the appearance of having been shaken down by an
earthquake, not a single stone being found upon another in such a manner aa
to indicate lli.it to have been its situation in the wall. In several places there
are openings, iinmediately opposite which, inside, lie piles of stone."

Dr. Harris, in 1603, very accurately described the remains at Marietta, at
the confluence of the Muskingum and Ohio Rivers. "The largest square
FORT," he observes, " by some called tht town, contains 40 acres, encompassed
by a wall of earth from G to 10 feet high, and from 25 to 36 in breadtli at the
base. On each side are three openings at equal distances, resembling 12 gate-
Ways. The entrances at the middle are the largest, particularly that on the
Bide next the Muskingum. From this outlet is a covert way, formed of two
parallel walls of earth, 231 feet distant from each other, measuring from cen-

Chap. IV.]

AMKRICAN ANTIQUITIES.

1 aa
e of
en-
elow,
walla
state
an
aa
there

ka, at

JAKE

issed
tthe
Tate-
itho
two
cen-

tre to contro. Tho wnlla iit the moat elovatod part on tlio insido are Ql f.^Pt in
height, and -12 in biTiultli at the base, iuit on tlu> oiit.sido avoratre only of five
I'o(!t high. Tliia foriiiH a i)!iHsii;,ffi of about UdO fcot in Icii^'tli, leadiiif; by a
(rradiial descent to the low grounds, wliore it, probably, at the timo of iU con-
struction, reached the niiirjfin of tho river. Its wulla commence at (JO fool
from tlie rampirta of tho fort, and incroiiso in elcv!iti(ni aa the way dosconda
tawarda tho river; and the bottom ia crowned in tho centre, in tho manner of
a weil-for' led turnpike road. Within the walla of the fort, at the north-west
corner, is an obionir, elevated square, 188 feet lonjj, lliti broad, and nine feet
high; level on the sinnmit, and nearly perpendicular at the sides. At tho
centre of eiich of the sides the earth is projected, forminjj gradual ascents to
the top, eciually regular, and about aix feet in width. I^ear the south wall ia
another elovittcd (pmre, I. "iO feet by ItiO, and eight feet high. At the south-
east corner is tlit third elevated scpuire, 108 by .54 feet, with ascents at tho
ends. At the sonth-oiist cornrr of the fort ia a semicircular parapet, crowned
with a mound, which guards tho opening in the wall. Towards the south-east
is A SIMILAR KOKT, Containing liO acres, with a gateway in the centre of each
side and at each conu-r. These openinga are defended with circular mounds."

There are also other works at Alarietta, but a mere description of them can-
not interest, as then; is so much of sameness about them. And to describe
all that ni;iy be met with would till a volume of no moderate size: for Dr.
Harris says, " Vou cfiniiol ride 20 miles in any direction without finding some
of tho nioundft, or vestiges of the ramparts." VVe shall, therefore, only notice
the most promiiient.

Of first importance are doubtless the worka upon the Scioto. Tho most
magnificent is situated 2H miles south from Columbus, and consists of two
nearly exact figures, a (urcle and a square, which are contiguous to each other.
A town, having been built within the former, appropriately received the name
of Circleville from that circumstance. According to Mr. Jltwater, who haa
surveyed thfse works with great exactness and attention, the circle was origi-
nally 11384 feet in diameter, from external parallel tangents, and the square
was !)074 feet upon a side ; giving an area to the latter of -iifZa square rods,
and to the circle 3739 nearly ; both making almost 44 acres. The rampart
of tho circular fort consists of two parallel walla, and were, at .oast in the
opinion of my author, 20 feet iu height, measuring from the bottom of the
ditch between the circumvallations, before the town of Circleville was built.
"The inner wall was of clay, taken up probably in uie northern part of tho
fort, where waa a low place, and is still considerably lower than any other
part of the work. The outsido wall was taken from the ditch which ia be-
tween these walla, and ia alluvial, consisting of pebbles worn smuoth in water
and sand, to a very considerable depth, more than 50 feet at least." At the
time Mr. Jllwaler wrote his account, (about 1819,) the outside of the walla waa
but about five or six feet high, and the ditch not more tl>dn 15 feet deep. The
walls of the square fort were, at the same time, about ''0 feet high. This fort
had eight gatewaya or openings, about 20 feet broad, each of which was de-
fended by a mound four or five feet high, all within the fort, arranged in the
most exact manner ; equidistant and parallel. The circular fort had but one
gateway, which was at its south-east point, and at the place of contact with
the square. In the centre of the square waa a remarkable mound, with a
semicircular pavement adjacent to its eastern half, and nearly facing the pas-
sage way into the square fort. Just without the square fort, upon the north
side, and to the east of the centre gateway, rises a large mound. In the op-
posite point of the compass, without the circular one, ia another. Theae,
probably, were the places of burial. As the walls of the square fort lie pretty
nearly in a line with the cardinal points of the horizon, some have supposed
they were originally projected in strict regard to them; their variation not
being more than that of the compass; but a single fact of this kind can estab-
lish nothing, as mere accident may have given them such direction. " What
surprised me," says my authority, " on measuring these forts, waa the exact
manner in which they had laid down their circle and square ; so that after
every effort, by the most careful survey, to detect some error in their meaairo"
ment, we found that it waa impossible."

AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES.

[Book I.

As it IS not my design to wnjte time in conjectures upon the autliois of
these antiquities, or tlie remoteness of the period in which they wt re con-
Btructe'l, I will continue my account of them, utler an observation upon a
siiijilo circumstance. I refer to the fact of the immense trees found gowing
upon the mounds and other ancient works. Their having existed for a thou-
sand years, or at least some of tiiem, can scarcely be questioned, whon we
know from unerring data that trees have been cut upon them of tiie age of
near 500 years; and from the vegetable mould out nf which they spring, there
is every appearance of several generations of decay uil noes of tlie same kind;
and no forest treeo of the present day appear older than those upon the very
works under consideration.

There are in the Forks of Licking River, above Newark, in the county of
Licking, very remarkable remains of antiquity, said by many to h^: as much so
ns any in the west. Here, as at Circleville, the same singular fact is observa-
ble, respecting the openings into the forts ; the square ones having several, but
the round ones only one, with a single exception.

Not far below Newark, on the south side of tlie Licking, are found numer-
ou' wells or holes in the earth. " There are," says Mr. Mwaier, '' at least a
thousand of them, many of which are now more than 20 feet deop." Though
called wells, my author says they were not dug for that purpose. Tiiey have
tlie appearance of being of the same age as the mounds, and wt re Joubtlesa
made by the same people ; but for what purpose they could have been made,
fetv seem willing to hazard a conjecture.

Four or five miles to the north-west of Somerset, in the county of Perry, and
southwardly from the works on the Licking, is a stone fort, inclosing about 40
acres. Its shape is that of a hcartj though bounded by straight lines. In o/
near its centre is a circular stone mound, wliioii rises like a sugar-loaf frr'u
12 to 1.5 feet Near this large work is anotlior small fort, whose walls are -■''
earth, inclosing but about half an acre. I give these the name of forts, al-
tliougii Mr. Alwaler says he does not believe tliey were ever constructed for
defence.

There are curious remains on both sides of the Ohio, above and opposite the
mouth of the Scioto. Tiiose on the north side, at Portsmouth, are the most
extensive, and those on the otiier side, directly opposite Alexandria, are
the most regalar. They are not more remarkable than many already de-
Bcrihed.

Wiiiit the true height of these ruined works originally was, cannot be very
well ascertained, as it is almost impossible to know the rate of their diminu-
tion, even were the space of time given ; but there can be no doubt that most
of tliein are much diminished from the action of tempests which have swept
over them for ages. That they were the works of a ditlerent race from the
present Indians, has been pretty confidently asserted ; but as yet, proof is en-
tirely wanting to support such conclusion. In a few instances, some European
articles have been found deposited in or about some of the works ; but few
persons of intelligence pronounce them older tlian others of the same kind
belonging to tiie period of the French wars.

As it respects inscriptions upon stones, about which much has been said
and written, I am of the opinion, that such are purely Indian, if they were
not made by some white maniac, as some of them most unquestionably have
been, or other persons who deserve to bo classed among such ; but I would
not be rnlerstood to include those of South America, for there the inhabitants
evidently had a hieroglyphic language. Among tlie inscripti'>ns upon stone
in New England, the " Inscribed Rock," as it is called, at Dighton, Mass., is
doubtless the most remarkable, it is in Taunton River, about six miles below
the town of Taunton, and is partly immersed by the tide. If tliis inscription
was made by the Indians, it doubtless had some meaning to it ; but I doubt
whether any of them. ev'-,;pi such as happened to know wiiat it was done
for, knew any thing of its import. The divers faces, figures of li.iil-liirmed
animals, and zigzag lines, occupy a space of about 20 stpiure feet. The whim-
eical conjectures of many persons about the origin of tiie inscription might
niinise, but could not instruct; and it would bo a wusto of time to give au
account of them.

CH/.r. IV.J

AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES.

de-

tlie
cn-

kind
said

ould
anta
tone

, is
!low
ition
oubt
lone
nied

liin-

A stone, once thought to contain some marvellous inscription, was deposit-
ed a few years since in the Antiquarian Hall, at Worcester, Mass.; and it was
with soiiir surprise, that, on examininjT it, I found nothing but a few lines of
quartz upon one of its surfiiccs. The stone was singular in no respect beyond
what may be found in half the farmers' fields and stone fences in New Eng-
land.

In a cave on the bank of the Ohio River, about 20 miles below the mouth
of the Wabash, called Wilson's or Murderer's Cav.', ere figures engraven upon
stone, which have attracted great attention. It v^as very early possessed by
one Wilson, who lived in it with his family. He a' length turned robber, and,
collecting about 40 other wretches like himself alout him, took all tiie boats
which passed on the river with any valuable goods in them, and murdered the
crews. He was himself murdered by one of his own gang, to get tlio reward
which was offered for his apprehension. Never hiving had any drawings of
the hiorcglypliics in this cave, we cannot form any very conclusive opinion
upon them. As a proof of their antiquity, it has been mentioned, that among
those unknown characters are many figures of animals not known now to be
in existence ; but in my opinion, this is in no wise a conclusive argument of
their antiquity ; for the same may be said of the uncouth figures of the Indian
nianitos of the present day, as well as those of the days of Powhatan.

At Harmony, on the Mississippi, are to be seen the prints of two feet imbed-
ded in hard limestone. The celebrated Ruppe conveyed the stone containing
them from St. Louis, and kept it upon liis premises to siiow to travellers.
They are about the size of those made by a common man of our times, unac-
customed to shoes. Some conclude them to be remains of high antiquity.
They may, or may not be : there are arguments for and against such conclu-
sion ; but on whicii side the weight of argument lies is a matter not ea. ily to
be settled. If these impressions of feet were made in the soft earth before it
was changed into fossil stone, we should not expect to find impressions, but a
fonnation filling them of another kind of stone (called organic) from that in
whicii tiie impressions wore made ; for tiius do organic remains discover them-
selves, and not by their absence.

A review of the theories and opinions concerning the ruoo or races anterior
to the present race of Indians would perhaps be interesting to many, and it
would be a pleasing subject to write upon : but, as I have elsewhere intimated,
my only object is to present facts as I find them, without wasting time in com-
mentaries ; unless where deductions cannot well be avoided without leaving
tlie subject more obscure than it would evidently be without tiiem.

Every conjecture is attended with objections when they are hazarded upon
a subject that cann- 1 be settled. It is time enough to argue a subject of the
nature of this .le are upon when all the facts are collected. To write volumes
about Shem, Ham, and Japhot, in connection witli a few isolated facts, is a
most ludicrous and worse than useless business. Some have said, it is an
argument that the first population came from the north, because the works of
which we have been speaking increase in importance as we proceed south ;
but why they should not begin until the people who constructed them had ar-
rived within 40" of the equator, (for this seems to be their boundary north,) it
is not stated. Perhaps tiiis people came in by way of the St. Lawrence, and
did not need any works to defend them before arriving at tiie 40° of north
latitude. The reader will readily enough ask, perhaps. For what purpose
could fortifications have been built by the first people ? To defend themselves
from wild beasts, or from one another ? With this matter, however, we have
nothing to Jo, but were led to these remarks, preparatory to a comparison bci
tween the antiquities of the north witli those of the south.

On tlie otiier hand, it is said the original i)eople of North America must have
come from the soutii, ard that their progress northward is evident from tlie
same works; with tiiis dift'eronco, that as the people advanced, they dwindled
into insignificance ; and hence the remains whicii they letl are proiiortionato
lo their ability to make them. But there is nothing artificial among the aiuMcnt
ruins of North America that will compare with the artificial mountain of Ana
huac, called Cholula, or Chloluia, which to this day is about 1()4 feet in perpen-
dicular height, whose base occupies a square, the sides of which meusuro 1450

!K1

ilii

AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES.

[Book I

1 i

feel. Upon tliis the Mexicans had an immense wooden temple when Cortez
overrun their empire. A city now bears tlie name of Cliolula, in Puebla,
CiO miles east of Mexico. Yet it appears from Dr. Beck's Gazetteer of Illinois,
that there is standing between Belleville and St. L^iiis, a mound (iOO yards in
circumference at its base, and 90 feet in heif^ht, Alount Joliet, so named from
the Sieur JoUet, a Frcnciiman, who travelled upon the Mississippi in 1G73, is
a most distinguished moimd. It is on a plain about GOO yards west of the
River Des Plainos, and 1.50 miles above Fort Clark. Mr. Schoolcrajl computed
its height at 60 feet, its length about 450 yards, and its width 75. Ita sides
are so steep that they are ascended with difficulty. Its top is a beautiful plain,
from whicii a most delightful prospect is had of the surrounding country. It
seems to have been composed of the earth of the plain on which it stands.
Lake Joliet is situated in front of it; being a small body of water about a mile
in length.

Although the remains of the ancient inhabitants of South America differ
consideratily from those of North America, yet I have no doubt but that the
people are of tlic same race. The condition even of savages changes. No
nation remain- stationary. The western Indians in the neighborhood of the
lakes do not make pottery at the present day, but earthen utensils are still in
use among the remote tribes of the west, which is similar to that dug up in
Ohio, and both are similar to that found in South America.

In speaking of ancient pottery, Mr. Sdioolcrqft observes, "It is common, in
digging at these salt mines, [in Illinois,] to find fragments of antique pottery,
and even entire pots of a coarse earthenware, at great depths below the sur-
face. One of these pots, which was, until a very recent period, preserved by
a gentleman at Shawaneetown, was disinterred at a depth of 80 feet, and was
of a capacity to contain eight or ten gallons."

We see announced from time to time, in the various newspapers and other
periodicals, discoveries of wonderful things in various places ; but on examina-
tion it is generally found that they fall far short of what we are led to ex-
pect from tlio descriptions given of them. We hear of the ruins of cities in
tlie banks of the Mississippi ; copper and iron utensils found at great depths
below the surface, and in situations indicating that they must have been de-

Sosited tiiere for three, four, or five hundred years ! Dr. McMurtrie relates, in
is " Sketches of Louisville," that an iron hatchet was found beneath the roots
of a tree at Shippingsport, upwards of 200 years old. He said he had no doubt
that the tree had grown over the hatchet after it was deposited there, because
" no human power could have placed it in tlie particular position in which it
was found."

Upon some other matters about which we have already remarked, the same
autlior says, " That walls, constructed of bricks and hewn stones, have been
discovered in the western country, is a fact as clear as that the sun shines
when he is in his meridian splendor ; the dogmatical assertion of writers to the
contrary notwithstanding." My author, however, had not seen such remains
himself, but was well assured of their existence by a gentleman of undoubted
veracity. Unfortunately for the case he relates, the persons who discovered
tlie ruins came upon them in digging, at about 18 feet below the surface of the
ground, and when about to make investigation, water broke in upon them, and
they were obliged to make a hasty retreat.

" A fortified town of considerable extent, near the Uivci- St. Francis," upon
the Mississippi, was said to have been discovered by a Mr. Savage, of Louis-
ville. He found its walls standing in some places, and " part of the walls of
a citadel, built of liricks, cemented hif trwrtar." Upon some of these ruins were
trees growing whose annual rings numbered 300. Some of the bricks, says
Dr. jMcMuiirie, were v ' Louisville when he wrote his Sketches ; and tiiey were
"comi)osed of clay, mixed with ciioppcd and twisted straw, of regular figures,
hardened by tlio action of fire or tlie sun."

Mr. Priest, in his •' American Antiquities," mentions the ruins of two cities
within a few miles of each other, nearly opposite St. Louis ; but from what he
Bays of them I am unable to determine what those ruins are composed of.
Alter pointing out tlie sight of them, he continues, " Here is situated one of
those pyramids, which is 150 rods in circuuiforcnce at its base, uud lUO i'cut

Chap. IV]

AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES.

lupon
louis-
la of

■wore
Isays
(were

ftii-es,

lities
It lie
|i of.

of
feet

high." He speaks of " cities," but describes pyramids and mounds. If there
be any thing liive the works of men, at tiie places he points out, different from
what "is cominon in the west, it is very singular that they should not have at-
tracted the notice of some one of the many thousands of people who have for
50 years passed by them. Mr. Brackcnrid^e speaks of the antiquities at this
place, but does not say any thing about cities. He observes, "The most re-
markable appearances are two groups of mounds or pyramids, the one about
10 miles above Cahokia, the other nearly the same distance below it, which, in
all, exceed 1.30, of various sizes. The western side also contains a considera-
ble number.

" A more minute description of those about Cahokia, which I visited in the
fall of 1811, will give a tolerable idea of them all. I crossed the Mississippi
at St. Louis, and after passing through the wood v.'hich borders the river, about
half a mile ir. width, entered an extensive open plain. In 15 minutes I found
myself in tie midst of a group of mounds, mostly of a circular shape, and at
a distance resembling enormous haystacks scatteiod through a meadow. One
of tiie largest which I ascended was about 200 paces in circumference at the
bottom, tlio form nearly square, though it had evidently undergone considerable
alteration from the washing of the rains. The top was level, with an area suf-
ficient to contain several hundred men."

Wiien Mr. liariram travelled into South Carolina, Georgia and Florida, be-
tween the years 1773 and 177(), h'" """' many interesting antiquities. At the
Cherokee town of Cowe, on the Tennessee River, which then contained about
100 houses, he noticed that " The council or town-house was a large rotunda,
eapable of accommodating several hundred people : it stands on the top of an
ancient artificial mount of earth, of about 20 feet perpendicular, and the ro-
tunda on the top of it being about 30 feet more, gives tiie whole fabric an
elevation of about (JO feet from the common surface of the ground. But," Mr.
Baiimin continues, " it may be proper to observe, that this mount, on which the
rotunda stands, is of a much ancientcr date than the building, and perhaps was
raised for another purpose. The Cherokees themselves are as ignorant as we
are, by what people or for what purpose these artificial hills were raised ; they
have various stories concerning them, the best of which amount to no more
than mere conjecture, and leave us entirely in the dark ; but they have a tra-
dition common with the other nations of Indians, that they found them in much
the same condition as they now appear, when their forefathers arrived from the
west and possessed themselves of the country, after vanquishing the nations
of red men who then inhabited it, who themselves found these mounts when
they took possession of tlie country, tlie former possessors delivering the same
story concerning them."

Hence it is to be observed that the mounds in tlie south are not only tlie
same as those in tlie north, but Indian traditions concerning them are the same
also.

At Ottasse, an important town of the Cherokees, the same traveller saw a
most singular column. It stood adjacent to the town, in the centre of an ob-
long square, and was about 40 feet high, and only from two to three feet thick
at its base, and tapered gradually from the ground to its top. What is very
remarkable about this pillar is, that, notwithstanding it is formed of a single
stick of pine timber, the Indians or white traders could give no account for
what purpose it was erected ; and to the inquiries which Mr. Bartravi made of
the Indians concerning it, the same answer was given as when questioned about
the mounds ; viz., that their ancestors found it there, and the people that those
ancestors dispossessed knew nothing of its origin. This is not singular when
reference is had to mounds of earth, but when the same account is given con-
cerning perisliahle material, the shade, at least, of a suspicion is seen lurking
in the back ground. As nrioliior singular circumstance, it is observed that no
trees of the kind of which this column was made {jnn. patuslris) were to be
found at tlint time nearer than 12 or 15 miles.

In the groat council-houses at Ottasse were observed, upon the pillars and
walls, various paintings and sculptures, supposed to be hieroglypiiics of his-
torical legends, and political and sacerdotal afi'iirs. " They arc," ub.servca
Mr. Buiiram, "extremely picturesque or caricature, as men in a variety of at-

li!

AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES.

[Book I

titudes, some ludicrous enough, others having the head of some kind of ani-
mal, as those of a duck, turkey, bear, fox, wolf, buck, &c., and again those
kind of creatures are represented having the human head. These designs are
not ill executed ; the outlines bold, free and well proportioned. The pillars
supporting the front or piazza of the council-house of the square are ingenious-
ly formed in the likeness of vast speckled serpents, ascending upwards ; the
Ottasses being of the Snake tribe."

In tlie fourth book of this work mention has been made of the great high-
T/ays in Florida. Mr. Bartram mentions them, but not in a very particular
manner, upon the St. John's River. As his sentiments seem to be those of a
man of mtelligence, I will offer here his concluding remarks upon the Indian
antiquities of the country he visited. " I deem it necessary to observe, as my
opinion, that none of them that J have seen discover the least signs of the arts,
sciences, or architecture of the Europeans or other inhabitants of the old world,
yet evidently betray every sign or mark of the most distant antiquity."

The above remark is cited to show how different different people make up
their minds upon the same subject ; it shows how futile it is for us to spend
time in speculating upon such matters. And, as I have before observed, it is
time enough to build theories after facts have been collected. It can add noth-
ing to our stock of knowledge respecting our antiquities, to talk or write forever
about Nebuchadnezzar and tiie lost tribes of Jews ; but if the time which has
been spent in this manner had been devoted to some useful pursuit, some use-
ful object would have been attained. As the matter now stands, one object,
nevertheless, is clearly attained, namely, that of misleading or confounding the
understandings of many uninformed people. I am led to make these observa-
tions to put the unwary upon their guard.

In the preceding cliapter I have given various accounts of, or accounts from
various authors, wiio imagine that a colony of Welsh came to America 7 or 800
years ago. It is as truly astonishing as any thing we meet with to observe
how many persons had found proofs of the existence of tribes of Welsh In-
dians, about the same period. As a case exactly in point with that mentioned
at the beginning of the last paragraph, I offer what Mr. Brackenridge says upon
this matter. " That no Welsh nation exists," lie observes, " at present, on this
continent, is beyond a doubt. Dr. Barton has taken great pains to ascertain
the languages spoken by those tribes east of the Mississippi, and the Weisij
finds no place amongst them ; since the cession of Louisiar the tribes west
of the Mississippi have been sufficiently known ; we have had intercourse with
them all, but no Welsh are yet found. In the year 1798, a young Welshman
of the name of Evans ascended the Missouri, in company with Makey, and
remained two years in that country ; he spoke both the ancient and modern
Welsh, and addressed himself to every nation between that river and New
Spain, but found no Welshmen." This, it would seem, is conclusive enough.

Mr. Peck, in his " Gazetteer of Illinois," has aimed so happy a stroke at the
writers on our antiquity, that, had I met with his rod before I had made the
previous remarks, I should most certainly have made use of it. I shall never-
theless use it. After saying something upon the antiquities of Illinois, he pro-
ceeds : " Of one thing the writer is satisfied, that very imperfect and incorrect
data have been relied upon, and very erroneous conclusions drawn, upon west-
em antiquities. Whoever has time and patience, and is in other respects qual-
ified to explore tins field of science, and will use his spade and eyes together,
and restrain his imagination from running riot amongst mounds, fortifications,
horseshoes, medals, and whole cabinets of relics of the ' olden time,' will find
very little more than the indications of rude savages, the ancestors of the
present race of Indians."

END OF BOOK FIKST.

BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY

OF THE

INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA.

BOOK II

!«!<

BOOK II.

BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE NORTHERN
OR NEW ENGLAND INDIANS.

*' 'Tis good to muse on nations passed away
Forever from the land we call our own,"

Yahotder.

CHAPTER I.

Conduct of the early voyagers towards the Indians — Some account of the individ-
uals Donaconn — J}gon<i — Tasquantum, or Squanto — Dehamda — Sketttcarroes^
Jissacumct — Manida — Pechmo — Monopet — Pekenimne — Sakaweston — Epanow —
Manawet — fVanape — Coneconam.

The first vo'-agers to a country were anxious to confirm the truth of their
accounts, and therefore tooit from their newly-discovered lands whatever
seemed best suited to that object The inhabitants of America carried off
by Europeans were not, perhaps, in any instance, taken away by voyagers
merely for this object, but that they might, in time, learn from them the value
of the country from whence they took them. Besides those forcibly carried
away, there were many, doubtless, who went through overpersuasion, and
ignorance both of the distance and usage they should meet with in a land of
strangers ; which was not always as it should have been, and hence such as
•were ill used, if they ever returned to their own country, were prepared to
be revenged on any strangers of the same color, that chanced to come among
them.

In the first voyage of Columbus to America, he took along with him, on his
return to Spain, a considerable number of Indians; how many we do not
know ; but several died on their passage, and seven were presented to the king.
Vincenle Yariez Pinzon, a captain under Columbus, kidnapped four natives,
whom he intended to sell in Spain for slaves ; but Columbus took them from
him, and restored them to their friends. In this first voyage to the islands of
the new world, the blood of several Indians was shed by the hostile arms of
the Spaniards.*

There were three natives presented to Henry VII. by Sebastian Cabot, in
1502, which he had taken from Newfoundland. What were their names, or
what became of them, we are not informed ; but from the notice of historians,
we learn that, when found, " they were clothed with the skins of beasts, and
lived on raw flesh ; but after two years, [residence in England,] were seen in
the king's court clothed like Englishmen, and could not be discerned from
Englishmen." f These were the first Indians ever seen in England.^ They

• My present concern not being with the Indians of South America, I beg leave to
refer the reader to a little work lately published, entitled The Old Indian Chronicle,
in which all the prominent facts concerning the atrocities of the Spaniards towards
them will be found stated.

t Rapin's Hist. Emjland, i. 685. ed. fol. See also Purcluis, 738.

X This is upon the authority of Berkely. Instead of Enqland, however, he says Eu-
rope ; but, by saying the sw, which Columbus had before taken from St. Salvador, made
thi'ir escape, he shows his superficial knowledge of those affairs. Hear Herrera: —

" En stiitte de cela, [that is, after Columbus had replied to the king's letter about a sec-
ond vn}jaije,j it [Columbus] partitpour allcr h liarcelone auec sept Indiens, parce que let
ttutres estoient marts en chemin. II Jit porter auvque luy des perroquets verds, ct d*

' I

CONDUrT OF EARLY VOVAGERS

[Book II.

were brought to the English court "in their country habit," and "spoke a lan-
guage npver heard before out of their own country." *

Tli« Frc ich discovered the river St. Lawrence in 1508, and the captain of
the ship \\l\o Hiude the discovery, carried several natives to Paris, which were
the first ever seen in France. What were their names, or even how many
they were in number, is not set down in the accounts of this voyage. The
name of this captain was Thomas Aubert.\

John Verazzini, in the service of Francis I., in l.')24, sailed along the Amer-
ican coast, and landed in several places. At one place, which we judge to b^
some part of the coast of Connecticut, "20 of his men landed, and wem
about two leagues up into the country. The inhabitants fled before them,
but they caught an old woman who had hid herself in the high grass, with a
yc'ng woman about 18 years of age. The old woman carried a child on her
back, and had, besides, wo little boys with her. The young woman, too,
carried tliree children oi' .ler own sex. Seeing themselves discovered, they
began to shrie' ' t'lc old one gave them to understand, by signs, that the
ii'jn were fled t <vo' .■. They oifered her somr thing to eat, which she

accepted, but the . Jen .ei .^ed it. This girl, who v as tall and well shaped,
they were desirous ji' takin., >. ""ng with them, bu( as she made a violent
outcry, they contented themselves with taking a 'loy away with them."t
The name of New France was given to North Amf rica in this voyage. In
another voyage here, Verazzini was killed, and, as some say, eaten by the
Indians.

In the year 1576, Capt. Martin, afterwards Sir Martin, Frobishcr sailed from
England for the discovery of a north-west passage; " the only thing of thp
world," says a writer of his voyage, " that was left yet vndone." After the
usual vicissitudes attending such an undertaking, at this early period of Eng
lish navigation, he discovered a strait which has ever since borne his name.
About 60 miles within that strait, he went on shore to make discovery of the
country, and was suddenly attacked by the natives, " who had stolen secretly
behinde the rockes ;" and though he "bent himselfe to his halberd," he narrowly
escaped with his life.

Hence there was a well-grounded suspicion in all future communications
with the Indians in this region ; yet, after coi. iderable intercourse, Frobisher'a
men became less wary, and five of them, going on shore from a boat, were sur-
prised and carried off, and never heard of again. After this "the subtile trai-
tours were so wary, as they would after that never come within our men's
danger." Notwithstanding, Frohisher found means to entice some of them
alongside of his ship, and after considerable manuoGvering, one of them had
his fears so far overcome by the alluring sound of a cow-bell, that he came so
near in his canoe, to obtain one of them, that " the captain, being ready pro-
vided, let the bell fall, and caught the man fast, and plucked him with maine
force, boat and all," into his ship. Whereupon this savage finding himself in
captivity, " for very choler and disdaine he bit his tongue in twaine within hia
mouth: notwithstanding he died not thereof, but lined vntil he came in Eng-
land, and then he died of cold which he had taken at sea."

The next year (1577) Frohisher made another voyage to the same coasts of
America, and on some excursion on land he was attacked and wounded by the
Indians. In York Sound he attacked a party, and killed five or six of them,
and shortly after took two women prisoners.

Such were the impressions given and received between tlie Europeans and
Indians in that early day of American history.

This was indeed a comparatively barbarous age. Few of the early voyagers
were better than demi-savages ; for they measured the conduct of the Indians
by their own scale of justice ; in which might was too often taken for right
But we of tliis age — what will be said of us by generations to come, — by

rouges, et d'autrcs choscs digues d'admiraiion qui n'atioient iamais esti veii/'s en Espa^jne."
Hist, dcs Indi's Occident, i. 1U2. Ed. 16G0, 3 tomes, 4to. See also Harris, Voyai/es, ii.
15. ed. 17G4. 2 v. fol. ; Robertson, America, i. 94. cd. 1778, 4to,

* Uerkcly's Naval Iliat. Brit. 268. ed. 17o0, fol. and Harris, Voyages, ii. 191.

t Forster, 432. J Ibid. 434, 435.

Ciii p. I.]

TOWARDS THE INDIANS.

leasts of
by the
jf them,

lans and

loyagers

1 Indiana

Dr right

Ic, — by

\.ipa{/ne.
\ja<jes, ii.

the enlightened of distant ages, — when they inquire for the causes and reasons
for our conduct in our wars with the Indians in our own times ?

The next early voyager we shall notice is Capt. Ihndrkk Hiuhon. From
Robert JutCx journal of his voyage it appears that Hudson discovered the river
which boars his name, Sept. (i. KiOil, and explored it probably as high up at
least as the present site of ffest Point, before he left it. During his stay in
the river Manna-hatn, as it was called by the natives, the conduct of his men
towards those people was most unjust, savage, and cruel. We are told that
their first interviews with tiie natives wore friendly, but we are not told how
they became immediately otherwise. The same day Hudson entered the river,
he sent out John Caiman to make soundings, in which service he was shot in
his throat with an arrow and killed ; and the next day he was buried on a point
of land which has ever since borne his name. What provocation, if any, led
to this misfortune, is not mentioned, nor does it appear that there was any sus-
pension of intercourse, though a few days after several Indians were taken
captive by the ship's crew as they came to trade, and were confined on board.
They oscajicd soon after, however, by jumping overboard.

By the ]5th of September, Hudson had reached considerably above West
Point, and on the 1st of October he began to descend, but cai to an anchor
" seven miles below the mountains." An Indian in a canoe, wi o n --y others
were around the ship, came under the stern, climbed up by the rudd entered
the cabin window, which had been left open, and stole som triflir;^ irticlcs.
Beinr; discovered, he was pursued and killed by the mate, " bj a shot through
Ids breast." By this rash act several were so frightened that they jumped
into the river. As a boat from the ship was pursuing them, one in the water
caugiit hold of the side of the boat; whereupon the cook ci . otf his hands
with a sword, and he was drowned. The next day two canoes approached
the ship, and shot at it with their bows and arrows ; " in r mpense whereof,"
saya Jud, "we discharged six muskets, and killed two or three of them."
Soon after, about JOO Indians appeared on a point of land, "to shoot at us;"
then " I shot a falcon at them," says this author, whom I take to have been
the gunner of the siiip, "and killed two of them. Yet they manned off another
canoe with nine or ten men, which came to meet us ; so I shot at it also a fal-
con, and shot it through, and killed one of them. Then our men with their
muskets killed three or four more of them."

This must truly ever be looked upon as a sad beginning of an acquaintance
between the Indians and white people on the southern boundary of New Eng-
land. The former could not view the latter in any other light than a race far
more barbarous than themselves ; inasmuch as they had seen a score of their
people, one after anciher, sacrificed, while they had killed but a single white
man, probably in a quarrel. We now turn to the northern boundary for
another example or two of early intercourse.

Do7iacona, a chief upon the River St. Croix, was met with, in 1535, by the
voyager James Cartier, who was well received and kindly treated by him and
his people ; to repay which, Cartier, " partly by stratagem and partly by force,"
carried him to France, where he soon after died.* Notwithstanding, Cartier
was in the country five years after, where he found Jlgona, the successor of
Donacona, and exchanged presents with him, probably reconciling him by some
plausible account of the abrjonce of Donacona.

Tasquantum, or Tiiquantum, was one of the five natives carried from the
coast of New England, in 1(505, by Capt. George fFayinouth, who had been
sent out to discover a north-west passage. This Indian was known after-
wards to the settlers of Plimouth, by whom he was generally called 'Squanto,
or ^Squanttim, by abbreviation. The names of the other four were Manida,
Skettwarroes, Deliamda and ^Issacumct.

Although Gorges does not say Dehamda was one brought over at this time, it
is evident that he was, because, so far as we can discover, there were no othe:
natives at that time in England, but these five.

Sir Fcrdinando Gorges says, JVaymoiUh, "falling short of his course, [in seek-
ing the N. W. passage,] happened into a river on the coast of America, called
Pemmaquid, from whence he brought five of the natives" "And it so pleased

Foster, 440-442.

CONDUCT OF EARLY VOYAGERS

[Book II.

niir }Xvoat Ood tiiat " IVaymoidh, on liis return to England, " came into the liarbor
of Piymoiitli, wlicro I tlieii commanded." Tlirce * of whose natives, namely,
Muniilfi, SkelUcarroes and Tasqxunitum, " I seized upon. They were all of one na-
tion, but of several parts, and several faniiliea. This accident must be acknowl-
edged the means, under God, of putting on foot and giving life to all our plan-
tations."

Paying great attention to these natives, he soon understood enough by them
about the country from whence they came to establish a belief that it was of
great value; not perhaps making due allowance for its being their home. And
air Ferdinando adds, "After I had those people sometimes in my custody, I ob-
served in them an inclination to follow the example of tiie better sort ; and in
all their carriages, manifest shows of great civility, far from the rudeness of
our common people. And the longer I conversed with them, the better hope
tln>y gave me of those parts where they did inhabit, as proper for our uses ;
esjjecially when I found what goodly rivers, stately islands, and safe harbors,
those |)arts abounded with, being the special marks I leveled at as the only
want our nation met with in all their navigations along that coast. And hav-
ing kept them full tlirce years, I made them able to set me down what great
rivers run up into the land, what men of note were seated on them, what power
tlicy were of, how allied, what enemies they had," &c.

Thus having gained a knowledge of the country. Sir Ferdinando got ready " a
ship furnished with men and all necessaries " for a voyage to America, and sent
as iicr captain Mr. Henry ClMllovng,] with whom he also sent two of his Indians.
The names of these were Jlssacumet and Manida. Chalons, having been taken
sick in the beginning of the voyage, altered his course, and lost i^ome time in
the West Indies. After being able to proceed northward, he departed from
Porto Rico, and was soon after taken by a Spanish deet, and carried into Spain,
" where their ship and goods were confiscate, themselves made prisoners, the
voyage overthrown, and both my natives lost." One, however, Assacumd, was
afterwards recovered, if not the other. This voyage of Chalons was in lUOG.

It appears that the Lord Chief Justice Popham X had agreed to send a vessel
to the aid of Chalons, which was accordingly done before the news of his being
taken was known in England. For Sir Ferdinando Gorges says, " It pleased
the lord chief justice, according to his promise, to despatch Ciipt- [Martin]
Prin from Bristol, with hope to have found Capt. Chdlounge;" "but not hear-
ing by any means what became of him, after he had made a perfect discovery
of all those rivers and harbors," "brings with him the most exact discovery of
that coast that ever came to my hands since, and, indeed, he was the best able
to perform it of any I met withal to this present [time,] which, with his relation
of the country, wrought such an impression in the lord chief justice, and us all
that were his associates, that (notwithstanding our first disaster) we set up our
resolutions to follow it with effect."

Deliamda and Skettwarroes were with Prin§ in this voyage, and were, with-
out doubt, his most efficient aids in surveying the coast. It appears from
Gorges, that Dehamda was sent by the chief justice, who we suppose had con-
sidered him his property,|| and Skettwarroes by himself. They returned again
to England witli Priri.

* It seems, from this part of his narrative, that he had but three of them, but from
subsequent passages, it appears he had them all. Sec also America painted to the Life.

f C/iut/uns, by some. Gorges has sometimes, C/mlowns, Chaloit, &c.

j 'J"he same wlio presided at the triiil of Sir }V. Ralei/h and his associates, in 1603.
See Pniicc's Worthies of Devon, 672, 673. Fuller, in his Worthies of Em/land, ii. 284,
Bays, " Travelers owed their safety to this judge's severity many years alter his death,
which hapjjened Anno Domini IG**," thinkinu;, no doubt, he had much enlightened
his reader by definitely stating that Sir John Popham died some time within a hundred
years. The severity referred to has reference to his importuning King Junies not to
pardon so many robbers and thieves, which, he said, tended to render the judges con-
t,eniptil)lo, and " which made him more sparing afterward."

§ (jur<ies, one of the main springs of these transactions, who wrote the account we
give, makes no mention of any other citptain accompanying him; yet Dr. Ilo/mes's
authorities, Annals, i. VliS, led him to record Thomas Ihuiuin as the performer of this
voyage. And a writer of 1622 says, Ilanam, or, as he calls him, llaiiiaii, went cora-
niiuider, and Prinne master. Sec 2 Col. Mass. Hint. iioc. i.\. o. This agrees with the
account of Gon/es the younger.

11 lie had probably been given to him by Sir Ferdina>^n-.

Chap. I.]

TOWARDS THE INDIANS.

but from
\t/ie Life.

. in 1603.
. ii. 284,
lis death,
|ghteiieil
\/iu>i(lrcd
not to
Igcs con-

rnunt we
Jlohncs's
Ir of this
Int cora-
Ivith the

The next yaar, 1607, these two natives piloted the first New England colony
to the moutli of Sajjfadahock River, since the Kennebeci<. They left England
30 May, and did not arrive here until 8 August following. " As soon aa the
president had taken notice of tiie place, and given order for landing the pro-
visions, he despatched away Captain Gilbert, with Skitwarres hia guide, for the
thorough discovery of the rivers and habitations of the natives, by whom he
was brought to several of them, where he found civil entertainment, and kind
respects, far from brutish or savage natures, so as they suddenly became famil-
iar friends, especially by the means of Dtlutinda and Skitwarrers." " So as the
president was earnestly intreated by Sassenow, Jlhenmtt, and otfiors, the princi
pal Sagamores, (as they call their great lords,) to go to the liashabas, who it
eeems was their king." They were prevented, however, by adverse weather,
from that ^ourney, and thus the promise to do so was unintentionally broken,
" much to the grief of those Sagamores that were to attend him. The Bashe-
bas, notwithstanding, hearing of his misfortune, sent his own son to visit him,
and to beat a trade with him for furs."

Several sad and melancholy accidents conspired to put an end to this first
colony of New England. The first was the loss of their store-house, contain-
ing most of their supplies, by fire, in the winter following, and another was the
death of Lord Pophnm. It consisted of 100 men, and its beginning was auspi-
cious ; but these calamities, together with the death of their president, broke
down their resolutions. So many discouragements, notwithstanding a ship
witii supplies had arriv^ed, determined them to abandon the country, which
they did in tlic spring.* What became of Dthaimia and Skellwarroes there is
no mention, but tliey probably remained in the country with their friends, un-
less tiio passage which we shall heret'ler extract be construed to mean differ-
ently.!

To return to Tixquantum. Tiiere is some disagreement in the narratives of
tlie contemporary writers in respect to this chief, which shows, either that some
if them are in error, or that there were two of the same name — one carried
away by JFaymoulh, and the other by Hunt. From a critical examination of
the accounts, it is believed there was but one, and that he was carried away by
Waymoidh, as Sir Ferdinando Gorges relates, whose account we have given
nbcjve.}: It is impossible that Sir Ferdinando should have been mistaken in
the names of those he received from WaymoiUh, The names of those carried
oft" by Hunt are not given, or but few of them, nor were they kidnapped until
nine years after WaymoidhJs voyage. It is, therefore, possible that Squantum,
having returned home from the service of Gorges, went again to England with
some other person, or perhaps even with Hunt, But we are inclined to think
there was but one of tlie name, and his being carried away an error of inad-
vertence,

Patuxe:, afterward called Plimouth, was the place of residence of Squantutn,
who, it is said, was the only person that escaped tlie great plague of which we
shall particularly speak in the life of Massasoit ; where, at the same time, we
shall take up again the life of Sqiuintum, whose history is so intimately con-
nected with it.

It was in IGll that Captain Edward HarIow§ was sent " to discover an He
supposed about Cape Cod," who "falling with Monahigan, they found onely
Cape Cod no He but the maine ; there [at Monhigon Island] they detained
three Saluagcs aboord them, called Pechmo, Monopet and Pekenimne, but
Pechmo leapt ouerboard, and got away; and not long after, with his consorts,
cut their Boat from their sterne, got her on shore, and so filled her with sand
and guarded her with bowes and arrowes, the English lost her."||

This exploit of Pechmo is as truly brave as it was daring. To have got

* They had " seated themselves in a peninsula, which is at the mouth of this river,
[Sai^iidahock,] where they built a fortress to defend themselves from their eiK:nios,
which they named St. GvOfs^c." America I'aintcdto the Life, by Fcrd. (Jor^es, L.^rj. \>. 19.

t Sec life Massasoit.

X It is plain, from Prinee Chron. 134, that his authors had confounded the names of
these Indians one with another.

4 Sir Fred. Gors;e.i is probably wrong in calling him Ilcnry Harley.

11 Capt. Smith's Gen. Hist. N. Ens.] ii. 174.

* {

HUNTS VOYAGE.

[Book I.

under the stern of a ship, in the face of armed men, and at the same time to
have succeeded in his desijrn of cutting away and carryinjr off the boat, was
an act ns i)ohl nnd daringf, to say the least, as that performed in the harbor of
Tripoli by our countryman Decatur.

I torn iMoniiiiron Harlow, proceeding southward, fell in with an island
called then by the Indians JVohono. From this place "they tooko Sakawes-
ton, that after he had lived many years in England, went a soldier to the wars
of Bohemia."* Whether he ever returned we are not told. From this
island they proceeded to Capawick, since called Capoge, [Martha's Vineyard.]
Here " they tooke Coneconam and Epenow," and " so, with tine Saluages, they
returned for England."

Epenow, or, as some wrote, Epanow, seems to have been much such a
character as Pechmo — artful, cunning, bold and daring. Sir Ferdlnando Gorges
is evidently erroneous in part of hia statement about this native, in as far as it
relates to his havmg been brought away by Hunt. For Harlow's voyage was
in 1611, and Epanow was sent over to Cape Cod with Captain Hobson, in
1614, some months before Hunt left.

As it is peculiarly gratifying to the writer to hear such old venerable writers
aa Smith, Gorges, &c. speak, the reader perhaps would not pardon him were
he to withhold what the intimate acquaintance of the interesting Epanow says
of him. Hear, then, Sir Ferdinando : —

" While I was laboring by what means I might best continue life in my
languishing hopes, there comes one Henry Harleif} unto me, bringing with him
a native of the Island of Capawick, a place seated to the southward of Cape
Cod, whose name was Epenewe, a person of goodly stature, strong and well
proportioned. This man was taken upon the main, [by force] with some 2U |
others by a sjjip of London that endeavored to sell them for slaves in Spaine,
out being understood that they were Americans, and being found to be unapt
for their uses, they would not meddle with them, this being one of them they
refused, wherein they exprest more worth than those that brought them to the
market, who could not but known that our nation was at that time in travel for
Betling of Christian colonies upon that continent, it being an act much tending
to our prejudice, when we came into that part of the countries, as it shall
further appear. How Capt Harley came to be possessed of this savage, I
know not, but I understood by others how he had been shown in London for
a wonder. It is true, (as I have said) he was a goodly man, of a brave aspect,
stout and sober in his demeanor, and had learned so much English us to bid
those that wondered at him. Welcome, welcome ; this being the last and best
use they could make of him, that was now grown out of tiie people's' wonder.
The captain, falling further into his familiarity, found him to be of acquaintance
and friendship with those subject to the Bashaba, whom the captain well knew,
being himself one of the plantation, sent over by the lord chief justice,
[Popham,] and by that means understood much of his language, found out
tlie place of his birth," &c.

Before proceeding with the history of Epanow, the account of Capt. Tkoma3
Hunfs voyage should be related ; because it is said that it was chiefly owing
to his perfidy that the Indians of New England were become so hostile to the
voyagers. Nevertheless, it is plain, that (as we have already said) Hunt did
not commit his depredations until after Epanow had escaped out of the hands
of the English. Capt. John Smith was in company with Hunt, and we will
hear him relate the whole transaction. After stating that they arrived at Mon-
higon in April, 1614, § spent a long time in trying to catch whales without
success; and as "for gold, it was rather the master's device to get a voyage,
tliat projected it;" tliat for trifles they got "near 11000 beaver skins, 100

* Capt. Smith's Gen. Hist. N. Eng. ii. 174.

t Perhaps not the Capt. Harlow before mentioned, though Prince thinks Gorges
means him.

J If in this he refers to those taken by Hunt, as I suppose, he sets the number
higher than others. His grandson, F. Gorges, in America Fainted, &c., says 24 was tho
number seized by Hunt.

{ Smith had an Indian named Tan^um with him in this voyage, whom he set on
shore at Cape Cod.

Chap. I.]

EPANOW.

yhomas
(owing
I to the
int did
hands
^e will
Mon-
athout
loyage,
\a, 100

Gorges

Iwusthe
set on

martin, and as many ottf re, tlie most of thorn within the distance of 20 leagues,"
and his own departure for Europe, CapL Smith proceeds: —

"The other ship etaid to fit herself for Spain with the dry fish, which waa
sold at Malaga at 4 viala the quintal, each hundred weight two (juintala and a
half. — But one Tkomaa Hunt, the master of this ship, (when I was gone,)
thinking to prevent that intent I had to make there a pluntdtion, thereby to
keep tiiis abounding country still in obscurity, that only he and some few mer-
chants more might enjoy wholly the benefit of the trade, and profit of this
country, betrayed four and twenty of those poor salvages aboard his ship, and
most dishonestly and inhumanly, for their kind usage of me and all our men,
carried them with him to Malaga ; and there, for a little private gain, sold these
Billy salvages for rials of eight; but tliis vilo act kept him ever after from any
more employment to those parts."

F. Gorges, the younger, is rather confused in his account of HunVa voyage,
as well as the elder. But the former intimates that it was on account of Hunfa
Belling the Indians he took as skves, the news of which having got into Eng-
land before Epnnow was sent out, ciiuspd this Indian to make his escape, and
consequently the overthrow of the vogage ; whereas the latter. Sir Ferdinando,
does not attribute it to that. We will now hear him again upon tliis interest-
ing subject : —

" ITie reanona of my undertaking the employment for the island of Capawick.

"At the time this new savage [Epanoiv] came unto me, I had recovered
Jlssacumet, one of the natives I sent with Capt. Chalownes in his unhappy em-
ployment, with whom I lodged Epenaio, who at the first hardly understood
one the other's speech, till after a while ; I perceived the difference was no
more than that as ours is between the northern and southern people, so that I
was a little eased in the use I made of my old servant, whom I engaged to give
account of what he learned by conference between tliemselves, and he as
faithfully performed it."

There seems but little doubt that Epanoio and J}ssacumet had contrived a

fdan of escape f^efore they left England, and also, by finding out what the Eng-
ish most vaiii> d, and assuring them that it was in abundance to be had at a
certain place i;i their own country, prevailed upon them, or by this pretended
discovery we^e the means of the voyage being undertaken, of which w are
now to speak. Still, as will be seen. Sir Ferdinando does not speak as though
he had been quite so handsomely duped by his cunning man of the woods.
Gold, it has been said, was the valuable commodity to which Epanow was to
pilot the Eiiglish. Gorg-es proceeds : —

" They [Uapt. Hobson and those who accompanied hin ;et sail in June, in
Anno 1614, being fully instructed how to demean themselves in every kind,
carrying with them Epenow, Assacomet, and Wanape,* anotlier native of those
parts sent me out of the Isle of Wight,t for my better information in the parts
of the country of his knowledge : when as it pleased God that they were
arrived upon the coast, they were piloted from place to place, by the natives
themselves, as well as their hearts could desire. And coming to the harbor
where Epenow was to make good his undertaking, [to point out the gold mine,
no doubt,] the principal inhabitants of the place came aboard ; some of them
being is brothers, others his near cousins, [or relatives,] who, after they had
commui.<od together, and were kindly entertained by the captain, departed in
their canoes, promising the next morning to come aboard again, and bring
some trade with them. But Epenow privately (as it appeared) had contracted
with his friends, how he might make his escape without performing what he
had undertaken, being in truth no more than he had told me he was to do
though with loss of his life. For otherwise, if it were found that he had dis-

* Doubtless the same called by others Manaioet, who, it would seem from Mr. Hiib-
hard, (Hist. N. Eng. 39,) died before Epanow escaped, " soon after the ship's arrival."

t How he came there, we are at a loss to determine, unless natives were carried off,
of whom no mention is made. This was unqunstionably the case, for when it came to
Oe a common thing for vessels to bring home Indians, no mention, of course, would b«
made of them, especially if they went voluntarily, as, no doubt, many did.
7

iTW

•

il'

•i

EPANOW.

[Book II

covered the secrets of his country,* he was sure to have his brains knockt out
as soon as lie came ashore;! for that cause I gave tiie captain strict cliarge to
endeavor by all moans to prevent his escaping from them. And for the more
surety, I gave order to have three gentlemen of my own kindred to be ever at
liand with him : clothing him with long garments, fitly to be laid hold on, if
occasion siiould require. Notwithstanding all this, his friends being all come
at the time appointed with twenty canoes, and lying at a certain distance with
their bows ready, the captain calls to them to come aboard ; but they not mov-
ing, he speaks to Epenow to come unto him, where he was in the forecastle
of tiie ship, he being then in the waste of the ship, between the two gentle-
men that had him in guard ; starts suddenly from them, and coming to the cap-
tpin, calls to his friends in English to come aboard, in tlie interim slips himself
overboard : And although he were taken iiold of by one of tlie company, yet,
being a strong and heavy man, could not be stayed, and was no sooner in the
water, but the natives, [Lis friends in the boats,] sent such a shower of arrows,
and came withal desperately so near the ship, that they carried him away in
despight of all tiie uiu '"juetteers aboard, who were, for the number, as good as
our nation did afford. And tlms were my iiopcs of tiiat particular [voy-
age] made void and frustrate."

From ti'.e whole of this narration it is evident that Epanoiv was forcibly
retained, if not forcibly carried oft", by English. And some relate}; that ho
attacked Capt. Dernier and his men, supposing they had come to seize and
carry liim back to England. It is more probable, we think, that he meant
to be revenged for his late captivity, and, according to real Indian custom,
resolved that the first whites should atone for it, either with their life or liberty.
Gorges does not tell us what his brave " musqucttcers " did when Epannio
escaped, but from other sources we learn that thoy fired upon his liberators,
killing and wounding some, but how many, they could only conjecture. But
there is no room for conjecture about the damage sustained on the part of the
ship's crew, for it is distinctly stated that when they received tiie "shower of
arrows," Capt. Hobson and many of his men were wounded.§ And. Smitli ||
says, "So well he had contrived his businesse, as many reported he intciHled
to have surprised the ship; but seeing it could not be effected to his liking,
liefore them ail he leaped ouer boord."

We next meet with Epnnow in llilO. Capt Thomas Dormer, or Dermrr, in
the employ of Sir F, Gorges, met with hitn at Capoge, the place where,
five years beibre, he made his escape from Capt. Hobson. Gorges writes,
"Tliis javage, speaking some Englisli, laughed at his owne escape, and re-
ported the story of it. Air. Dormer told him he came from me, and was one of
my servants, and that I was much grieved he had been so ill used as to bo
forced to steal away. This savage was so cunning, that, after ho had ques-
tioned him about me, and all he knew belonged unto me, conceived he was
come on purpose to betray him; and [so] conspired with some of his fellows
to take the captain ; thereupon they laid hands upon him. But he being a
brave, stout gentleman, drew his sword and freed himself, but not without 14
wounds. Tiiis disaster forced him to make all possible haste to Virginia to be
cured of his wounds. At the second return [he having just come from there]
he hid the misfortune to fo'l sick and die, of tlie infirmity many of our nation
are subject unto at their ;irst coming into thoso parts."

The sliip's crew being at the sa ne ti.ne on siiore, a figlit ensued, in which
Bomo of Epmww's company were slain. "This is tlie last time," says a writer
in the Historical Collections, "that the soil of Martha's Vineyard was stained
with iiuman blood ; fjr from that day to the present [1807] no Indian has been
hilled by a white man, nor white man by an Indian."

Ir relation to the fight which Dermcr and iiis men had with the Indians at
the Vineyard, .lioWo»t*[ relates that tiio English went on shore to trade with
tiiem, when they were assaulted i'lul all the men slain but one that kept the

Tlio secrets of tlio siiiuly island CiipoftP, or the noif,'hbnriiip; shores of Capo Coil,
itcvcr tliey aie now, existed only in faith of suuli sanguine minds as Sir Fcrdiiuindo

whatcvc

Bud his aillu-ronts

t We need no lottcr display of the e\-nho( Epanow, or proof of his cunninii: in (loop
plots. t Iklkniip, Anicr. Biog, i. 302. i Sniit/i'x 1 . l",uj;laiiJ, ii. 178.

U Ibid. II N. Eng. Meinoriul, o8, b'J.

Chap. Il.l FIRST SETTLEMENT AT PLIMOUTII.

where,
writes,
and rc-
oiic of
as to bo
id ques-
lic was
fellows
beins; a
hout 14
ia to be
UiereJ
nation

1 which

writer

stained

las been

llians nt
Ido witli
|;opt llie

^]\c Ccitl,
\iliitiinilo

in ilcop
I ITS.

boat. " But tlie [<^aptain] himself pot on board very sore wounded, and they
had cut otr his head upon tlio cuddy of the boat, had not his man rescued him
with a sword, and so tliey {jot him away." S(iuanto was with Capt Deriner at
this time, as will be seen in the life of Miissasoil.

CHAPTER II.

Arrival and first Proceedings of the Eiifflish who settle at Plimmith — Their first
discovery of Indians — Their first battle, tcitli them — Samosct — Sqnantn — Mass.v.-
soiT — Itjanouffh — Aspinet — Cauneeowim — Caunbitast — "Wittuwa vkt — Pek-
suoT — HoBOMOK — Tuliavui/tamon — Obbatinewut — Nanepashamkt — Squaio-Sa-
chcm of Massachusetts — fVebcowet.

In 1G20 some determined white people, with the most astonishing and in-
vincible firnmess, undertooi: to wander 3000 miles from tiie land of their birth,
and, in the most hazardous manner, to take up a permanent abode upon the
borders of a boundless wilderness, — a wilderness as {jrcat, or far greater, for
augl'.t tliey kiKMv, than the expanse of ocean which they were to pass. But
all dangers and difficulties, there to bo encountered, weijfhed nothing- in coui-
parison with tiie liberty of conscience which tliey might enjoy when once
beyor ' 'lie control of their bicfoted persecutors.

Tile '"igular people had liberli) from their oppressor, Jnmei T., to go and
settle . ' !s wilderness, and to possess themselves of some of the lands of
the Indiau, provided they paid him or some of his friends for them. No one
seems then to have q\ieslioned how this kin<j cauie by the right and title to
lands here, any more than how ho came by his crown. They were less scru-
pulous, perhaps, in tiiis matter, as the king told them, in a charter* which he
granted them, thoua^h not till nf'er the;/ Itad sailed for America, "that he iiai>

BKEX GIVEN CERTAINLY TO KNOWE, THAT WITHIN THESE LATE YEAUES
THERE HATH, BY OOd's VISITATION, RAIONED A WOMtEUEUL PLAOL'E, TO-
GETHER WITH MANY HORRIBLE SLAUGHTERS AND MURTHERS, COMMITTEn
AMOUNGbT THE SAl GES AND BRUTISH PEOPLE THERE HEERTOKORE INHABIT-
ING, IN A MANNER TO THE UTTER DESTRUCTION, DEVASTACION AND DEPOP-
ULACION OF THAT WHOLE TERRITORYE, SO THAT THERE IS NOT LEFT, FOR
MANY LEAGUES TOuETHER IN A MANNER, ANY THAT DOE CLAIME OR CHAL-
LENGE ANY KIND OK INTERESTS THEREIN."! This wns, doubtlcss, as wel
known, if not better, to the Pit!rriiiu!(iis they were aptly called) as to King James

After numerous delays and disappointments, the Pilgrims, to the number of
41, with tlieir wives,! children, and servants, sailed from Plimouth, in England,
in one small ship, called the MayHower, on VVednesdny, the fltli of Septomhcr.
Their passage was attended with great peril ; but they siifely arrived at C.ipo
Cod, 9 Nov. following, without the lo^s of any of tiieir innuber. Tiicy now
pioceeded to make the necessary discoveries to seat themselves on the barrru
coast. One of the first tilings they found necessary to do, to preserve ordei
among themselves, was, to forin a kind of constitution, or general outline of
government. Having done this, it was signed by the 41, two days after tiieir
arrival, viz. 11 Nov. The same day, 15 or 1(5 o'" their number, covered witli
armor, proceeded to tiie land, and commenced discoveries. The Indians did
not siiow tiiemselves to tiio Englisii until the l.^th, and then tiiey would have
nothing to say to tliem. About .') or (! at first only appeiu'cd, who fied into tlio
woods as soon as they had discovered themselves, 'I'lie iMiglislimcn tc)llowed
thciii many miles, hut could not overtake tiiem.

First Jiallle with the huliuns. — Tiiis was upon H Doc. 1()'20, and wo will give

the account of it in tlie lan<ruage of one that was an actor in it.

e went

ranging up and down till the sun began to draw low, and tiien wo iiasted out

* 'J'his ell liter bcar^ (l;itp li Nov. Ui'ii). Chulimrs, I'olit. Annuls, 81.
t Ihi: inVs Hist. t!(illo('ti"ns, I, 1(1.), wluic llii! entire eliiiiter muy be seen. It WM
after\v:irii, eiilleil Tni.; (iliANI) i'l.iMOUTlI 1'atint. CUaiiner.s, '\\i.
X i'liuie were, in all, 28 females.

FIRST BATTLE WITH THE INDIANS.— SAMOSET. [Book II.

of the woods that we might come to our shallop. By that time we had done,
and our shallop come to us, it was within night [7 Dec], and we betook us to
our rest, after we had set our watch.

" About midnight we hoard a groat and hideous cry, and our Sontinell called
.^rm, arm. So we bestirred ourselues, and shot off a couple of Musket.s, and
[tlio] noyse ceased. We concluded that it was a company of Wolues and Foxes,
ti)r one [of our company] told vs he had hoard such a noyse in JVew-fuund-land.
About fiue a clocke in the morning [8 Dec] wee began to be stirring. Vpon a
sudden we heard a great and strange cry, which we knew to be the same
voyces, though they varied their notes. One of our company, being abroad,
came running in and cryed. They are men, Indians, Indians ; and witliall their
arrowes came flying amongst vs. Our men ran out with all speed to recover
their annes. The cry of our enemies was dreadfuU, especially when our men
ran out to recover their Armes. Their note was after this manner, fFoatli,
ivonch, ha ha hack woach. Our men were no sooner come to their Armes, but
the enemy was ready to a.ssault them. There was a lusty man, and no whit
lesse valiant, who was tiiought to bee their Captain, stood behind a tree, within
half a musket shot of vs, and there let his arrawos fly at vs. Ilee stood three
shots of a musket. At length one of vs, as he said, taking full ayuie at hnn,
he gave an extraordinary cry, and away they went all."

It is not certain that any blood was shed in this battle; but it was pretty
strongly presumed that the big captain of the Indians was wounded. The
Indians having retreated, the conquerors were left in possession of the battle-
ground, and they proceeded to gather together the trophies of this their first
victory. They picked up 18 arrows, which they sent to their friends in Eng-
land by the return of the Mayflower. Some of these were curiously " headed
with brasse, some with Harts' horno, and otiiers with Eagles' clawes."*

It appeared afterwards that this attack was made by the Nausct Indians,
whose chief's name was Atpinet. Whether he was the leader in tiiis fight, is not
known ; but he probably was. The place where the afl'air luii)poned was called
bv the [ndians jYamskekd; but the English now called it The First Encounter.
'The ELEVENTH OF DECEMBER, ever memorable in the history of
New England, was now come, and this was the day of the LANDING OP
THE PILGRIMS. A place upon the inhospitable shore had been fixed upon,
and was this day taken possession of, and never again deserted. The siiip
until then had been their porniancnt abode, which now they gladly exchanged
for the sandy shore of the bay of Cape Cod.

Welcome, Englishmen ! VVelcouio, Englishmen ! are words so inseparably
associated with tlie name of Snmoset, that we can never hear the one without
the pleasing recollection of the other. Those were the first accents our pil-
grim fathers heard, on the American strand, from any native. We mean intel-
ligible accents, for when they were attacked at Namskeket, on tlieir first
arrival, they iieard only the frightful war-whoop.

The first time Indians were seen by the pilgrims, was upon 15th Nov. 1(520.
" Tiiey espied fiue or sixe people, with a Dogge, coming towards them, who were
Savages ; who, when they saw them, ran into the Wood, and whistled the Dogge
after them."f And though the English ran towards them, when the Indians
perceived it " they ran away might and main," and the English "could not
come near them." Soon after this, Morton says the Indians " got all the
j)owaws in the country, who, for three days together, in a horid and devilish
manner did curse and execrate them witii their conjurations, which assembly

• Monrt's JMation, in 1 Mass. Uist. Col. VIII, 218, 219; or, original t'd. p. 11) & 20.

t Hdution or Jouriud of a I'laiitatiim .selllcd at, J'/i/moiif/i, in N. E. \isuiilly cited
Mourl's licliUion. It was, iio doubt, written by several of the company, or the writer
was assisted by several. Mouit secnus to have been th-j imbliuher. ilo appears not to
have written any part of it but the "To the Header," and I nm inclined to believe tliat
this '}. Mourt, being zealous in the cause of the I'llgrims, may h:;-e oublishcd the work
at his own expense. He published, at least, o?ie other kindred work. I hiive no scru-
ple but tliat tiiihard Hurdiwr was tlie principal author. About the early seltlenieul o(
any country, there never was a more important document. It was printed in 11)22, and
is now reprinted in the Maxn. Hint. Vol, and we hope soon to sec it printed in a yilume
by itself ni a style worthy of its importance. As it stands iu the Hist. tJollections, it
IS very difHcult to cousult, a part uf it being contained in ou<; volume, and the remain-
del iu another.

Chap. U]

THE PLAGUE.— NEW INTERVIEW

KWO.
I were

idiang
|d not
ill the
^vilish
leiubly

&20.

ly citt'd

■ writer

not to
■ve t)i<it
Ic wovk.
lo scm-
Iiicut u(
p.'l, and
|x<)',iiine
lions, it
Tcuiuin-

and service they held in a daric and dismal SAvamp. Behold liow Satan labor-
ed to hinder the gospel from coming into New England ! "

It was on Friday, IGth March, IG'21, that Samoset snddcnly appeared at
Plirnouth, and, says Mourt, " He very holdly came all alone, and along the
houses, strait to the rendezvonn, where we intcrrepted him, not sufl'ering him
to go in, as undoubtedly he woidd, out of his boldness," He wiis naked, "only
a leather about his waist, with a fringe ai)out a span long." The weather waa
very cold, and this author adds, " We cast a horseman's coat about him." To
reward them for their hospitality, Samoset gave them whatever information
they desired. " He had, say they, learned some broken Englisii amongst the
Englishmen that came to fish at Monhiggon, and knew by name the most of
the captains, commanders, and masters, that usually come [there]. He was a
man free in speech, so far as he could express his mind, and or seemly car-
riage. We questioned him of many things : he was the fu-st savage we could
meet withal. He said he was not of those parts, but of INIoratiggon, and one
of the sagamores or lords thereof: had been 8 months in these parts, it lying
hence [to the eastward] a day's sail with a great wind, and five days by land.
He discoursed of the whole country, and of eveiy province, and of thei; sag-
amores, and their number of men, and strength." " He had a bow and two
arrows, the one headed, and the other unheaded. He was a tall, strait man ;
the hair of his head black, long behind, only short before ; none on his face at
all. He asked some beer, but we gave him strong water, and biscuit, and
butter, and cheese, and pudding, and a piece of a nialliu-d ; all which he liked
well." " He told us the place where we now live is called Patuxet, and that
about 4 years ago all the inhabitants died of an extraordinary plague, and there
is neither man, woman, nor child remaining, as indeed we have found none ;
so as there is none to hinder our possession, or lay claim unto it. All the
afternoon we spent in communication with him. We would gladly been rid
of him at night, but he was not willing to go this night. Then we thought to
carry him on ship-board, wherewith he wjia well content, and went into the
shallop; but the wind wa.s high and water scant, that it could not return back.
We lodged [with hiiu] that night at Stephen Hopkh^s^ house, and watched
him."

Thus, through the means of this innocent Indian, was a correspondence
ha[)pily begun. He left Plimouth the next morning to return to Massasnit,
who, he said, was a sachem having under him GO men. The Liiglish having
left some tools exposed in the woods, on finding that they were missing, rightly
judged the Indians had taken th^u). They complained of this to Samoset in
rather a threatening air. " We willed him (say they) that they should be
brought agiiin, otherwise wc would right ourselves." When he left them " he
promised within a night or two to come again," and bring some of MassaaoiCs
men to trade vlth them in beaver skins. As good as his word, Samoset came
the next Sunduv, "and brought with him 5 other tall, proper men. Tliey had
every man a diH-r's skin on hini; and the princij)al of them had a wikl rat's
skin, or stich like, on one arm. They had most of them long hosen up to theii
groins, close nuule; and aboue their groins, to their waist, another leather
they were altogether lik(! the Irish trousers. They are of comjjiexion like oui
English gi|)sie.<; no hair, or very little, on their faces; on their heads long haii
to their slioulders, only cut before ; some trussed up before with a feather
broadwise like a fan ; another a fox-tail hanging out." The English had
charged Samoset not to let any who came with him bring their arms ; these,
therefore, left "tln-ir bows and arrows a quarter of a mile from our town.
We gave them entcrtaimnent as we thought Wius fitting them. They did eal
liberally of our English victuals," and a|)peared very friendly; "sang and
danced after their manner, like anticks." "Some of them had their fiices
painted black, from the forehead to the chir, four or rive fingei-s broad : otliei-s
atler other fashions, as they liked. They brought three or foiu' skins, but we
would not truck with them all diat day, but wished them to bring more, and
we would truck for all ; which they promised within a night or two, and
woidd leave these iMihiiul them, though we were not willing they should ; anri
they brought all our tools again, which were taken in the woods, in our
absence. So, because of the day [Sunday], we dismissed tl.em so soon as wo
7*

CAI i irUNT. -lYANOUGH OF CUMMACIUID.

[Book 11.

'.uUld. IJiit Samosd, our furft acquaintance, eitlicr was sick, or feigned himself
to, <ui(i would not go witii tiiem, and stayed with us till Wednesday iiir"iii!!j».
Then wc; sent him to them, to know the reaMjn they came not according to
th(!ir words ; and we gave him a hat, a [)air of stockings and shoes, a shirt, and
a piece of cloth to tie ahout his waist."

Snmo^"f. returned again, the next day, bringing with liim Sqitanto, mentioned
in the last cn.pter. lie was "the oidy native (says Moo rt's Relation) of
Patuxet, where we now hihabit, who was one of the 20 [or 24] captives, that
J)y Hunt were carried away, and had !)een in England, and dwelt in Cornhill
with master John Slaine, a merchant, and could speak a little English, with
three others." They brought a few articles for trade, but the more itnportant
news "that dieir great sagamore, Massasoyt, was hard by," v.hose introduc-
tion to them accordingly followed.

In June, 1(521, a boy, Jolm Billington, having been lost in the woods, several
English, with Squanto and Tokamahamon, undertook a voyage to Nauset in
search for him. Squanto was their interpreter ; " the other, Tokamahamon, a
special friend." The weather was fair when they set out, "but ere they had
been long at sea, there arose a storm of wind and rain, with much lightning
and tliimder, insomucli that a [water] spout arose not far from ther ;." How-
ever, they escaped danger, and arrived at night at Cununaquid. Here they
met with some Indians, who ijiformed them that the boy was at Nauset.
These Indians treated them with great kindness, invithig them on shore to eat
with them.

Ijianough was sachem of this place, and these were his men. " They brought
us to their sachim (says Mourt) or governor, whom they call lyanough," who
then appeared about 2(5 yeai"s of age, " but very personable, gentle, courteous,
and fiir-conditioned, indeed, not like a savage, save for his attire. His enter-
tainment was answerable to his parts, and his cheer plentiful and various."
Tims is portrayed the atniable charact'jr, lyanoiigh, by those who knew him.
We can add but litllo of him except his wretched fate. The severity execut'd
upon Wiltuwamet and Pcksuot caused such consternation and dread of tho
English among many, that they forsook their wonted habitations, fled into
5wam|)s, and lived in unhealthy places, in a state of starvation, until many died
with diseiLses which they had thus cor racted. Among such victims were
[yanoiigh, ^'Ispincl, Concconam, and many more. Hence tlie B'nglish supposed
tliey were in PcksuoCs conspiracy, as w II be more j)articularly related here-
after.

While the English were with IiianouL^S, at Cia imaquid, they relate that
there was an old woman, whom they judged ' : > less than 100 years old,

who came to sec them, because sho had never ■ . ,j English; "yet (say they)
[she] could not behold us without breaking lor;- ;.. j great passion, weeping
and crying excessively." They inquired the reason of it, and were told that
she had three sons, " who, when ni.'ister Hunt was in these parts, went aboard
nis ship to trade with him, and he carried them captives into Spain." Squanto
being prt;sent, \vho wius carried away at the same time, was acquainted with
the circumstances, and thus the English became knowing to her distress, and
told her they were sorry, that Hunt was a had man, bui that all the other Eng-
lish wore well disposed, and would never injure her. They then gave her a
few trinkets, which considerably appeased her.

Our voyagers now proceed to Nausot. accompanied by lyanough and two
of his men. .flspind was the sachem of this place, to whom Squanto was sent,
Ii/nno)igli and his men having gone before. Squanto having informed .^spinet
that his [Mijflish friends had come for the boy, he "came (they relate) with a

great train, and

brought

the boy with him," one carrying him through the

water. This biung at or near the place where an attack was made en the
l']nglisli, ' '. their first arrival in the coiintiy, as has been related, caused them
to be on tliiir guard at this time.

At tills time, .flspinct had in hi'< company "not less than an hundred;" half
of v'.hoiu attended the boy tr the boat, and the n^st "stood aloof," with their
bowfi r.vA arro'vs, looking o", Aspimi delivered up the boy in a formal man-
lier. -1)1 hung with beads, and mad(! jjcace witli us ; Wf bestowing a knife on

hii,., n'ld
di idler/'

'ikewise on u'luthcr, tJiat first entertained the boy, and brought him

■y-'- Di.

■<*-^„

Chap. II.] IYANOUGH - VSPINET.— DEATH OF SQUANTO.

hut

vith
and

er a

itha

the

I the

hem

half
hell
lon-
on
him

Lianoush did no; accompnny tin; expedition in their n'tiirn from Naiisct, hut
weiit home i)y land, and Wiis ready to entertain the com[)any on tlieir ritiirn.
From contrary winds and a want of Iri-sli water, the voyajiera wen; ohlijicd to
touch again at Cununuquid. "Tli(;re (say they) we met again with Ii/nnoui^h,
ami tlie most of his town." "He, heing still willing to gratify iis, look a ruud-
et, and led our men in the dark a great way for water, hut could find none
good, yet brought such as there was on his ne(;k with tliern. In the meantinie
the women joined hand in hand, singing and dancing hefore the shallop ;* the
men also showing all the kindness they could, Ii/anough Jiimself taking a
bracelet from about his neck, and hanging it about one of us."

They were rot able to get out of the harbor of Cummacpiid from badling
whids and tides, which Ij/anough seeing, the next morning he ran along the
slioi-e after them, and they took him into their shallop, and returned with him
to his town, where he entcrtai'ied them in a manner not inferior to what he had
done bef(jn!. They now succeeded in gettuig water, and shortly after returned
home in safety.

While at Nauset, the English lieard that Massasoit had been attacked and
carried oft' by the Narragansets, which led to the expedition of Standisli and
Alhrlon against Caunbitant, as will be fomid related in his life.

About this time, six sachems of the neighboring country had their fidelity
tested, by being called upon to sign a treaty subjecting tlirinsijlves to King
James, as will be found, also, in tliat life. But to return again to Jlspinet, and
otlier sachems of Cajjc Cod.

By tlie improvidence of a company settled at Wcssagusciis, under the direc-
tion of Mr. Thomas fVeston, in lG'i2, they had been brought to the very brink
of starvation in the winter of that year. In fact, the Plimoiith people wen; but
very Ihtle better oft'; and but for the kindness of the Indians, the worst of
consequences might have ensued to both these infant colonies.

As the winter progressed, the two colonies entered into articles of agreement
to go on a trading voyage among the Indians of Cape Cod to buy corn, and
whatever else might conduce to their livelihood. Squanlo was pilot in tliis
expedition; but he died before it was accomplished, and the record of his
death stands thus in Wi.vslow's Relation : —

"But here [at Manamoyk, since Chatham], though they had determined to
make a second essay [to pass within the shoals of Ca|)e Cod] ; yet fJod had
otherwise disposed, who struck Tisiiuantum with sickness, insomuch as he
there died, which crossed their southward trading, and the more, because the
master's sufliciency was much doubted, and the season very t(>mpestuous, and
not fit to go upon discovery, having no guide to direct them." His disonhir,
according to Prince, was a fever, "bleeding much at the nose, which the
Indians reckon a fatal symptom." He desired the governor would ])r:iy fir
him, that he might go to the Englishmen's God, "l)equeathing his tliiiigs to
sundry of his English I'riends, as remembrances of his love ; of wiioni we
have a great loss."

Thus died the famous Squanto, or Tasquantum, in December, 1G22. To
him the pilgrims were greatly indebted, although he often, through extreme
folly and shortsightedness, gave tliem, as well as himself and others, a great
deal of trouble, as in the life of Massasoit and Hohomok will appear.

Thus, at the coinmencement of the voyage, the pilot was taken away by
death, and the expedition came near being abandoned. However, before
Squanto died, he succeeded in introducing his friends to the sachem of IMana-
nioick and his people, where they were received and entertained in a manner
that woidd do honor to any people in any age. It is tiie more worthy of
remark, as none of the English had ever been there before, and were utter
strangers to them. After they had refreshed them "with store of venison and
other victuals, which they brought them in great abimdance," they sold them
" 8 hogsheads of com and beans, though the people ivere but few"

From Mimamoick they proceeded to Massachusetts, but could do nothing

* ll was a oiistom willi most hidian nntioiis lo clanro when strariRors rni o iimonff tlicm.
Bnroi! I thontan snys it was the maimer of llie Irocii'ois to dance " lorsqif les I'lran^era
u;;« -" j.i,>s leiir paiit, ou qui' li'urs etitiemis envtncnl aes imbassadeurs pour fairt dea prop<y
tit ts de pj-Jc'—Metncires de L'Ameriqiie, ii. 110.

•i i

■* II

:;it

SQUANTO.

[Book II

tliere, Jis l\Ir. JVeston's mrn Iiiul ruined the markrt by f,'iving "asnricli for n
f)uart of corn, as wu used to do for a Itc-avc'r's t^kin." Tlicrcfore they returned
again to Cape Cod, to Naiiset, " wiitin! tiie saclieni Aapinet used tlie governor
very kindly, and vvinire tli(;y houglit tJ or 10 iiogslieads of corn and heaiin: also
ut a |ilac(! called Matlarliiest, wliere tlicy had like kind entertainment and com
also." \Vhil<! here, a violent '■torni drove on .shon; and to damaged their pinnace,
llijit they could not get thei • corn on board the shi|): so they made a stack of it,
and secured it from the weather, by (Covering it with mats and sedge. JLtjnnd
was desired to watch and keep wild animals from destroying if, until they
could send for it ; also, not to sufl'ei their boat to be concerned with. All this
he tiiithfully did, and the' governor returned hoitie, by land, "receiving great
kindness Ironi the Indians by the way." At this time there was a great sick-
ness among the ISIassachu setts Indians, "not ludike the plague, if not the
siuiK-;" but no particniai-s of it are recorded.

Souii! time after, Stnndish went to bring the corn left at Nauset, and, as usual,
gets himself into didiculty with the Indians. One of ^spinefs men lia))p(iiing
to come to on^ of Slandish^s boats, which being left entirely without guard, he
took out a few trinkets, such as "heads, scissors, and other trifles," which when
the Knglish captain foimd out, "he took certain of his company with liim, and
went t(( the saehiMii, telling him what bad happened, and reciuiring the same
again, or the party that stole them," "or else he ivoiild revevire it on tin in bc^re
his departure" and so departed for the night, "refusing xvhatsocver kindness tkeij
offered." However, the next morning, Jispinet, attended by many of his men,
went to the Etigli.-h, "in a stately niainier," and restored all the "trifles;" for
the (!xposing tf which the English deserved ten times as much reprehension
as the man tiir taking them.

S'pinnto being the only pereon that escaped the great sickness at Patuxet,
ir(|uirei.< for an account of that calamity will very rciisonably exjiect to find it
in a history of his life. We therefore will relate all that is known of it, not
elsewhere to l)e noticed in our progress. The extent of its ravages, as near an
we LU!:i judge, was from Narraganset Hay to Kennebeck, or perliai)3 Penob-
scot, nnci Wiis siipi)osed to have connnenced about 1G17, and the length of its
duration s(!ems to have been between two and three yeai"s, as it was nearly
abated in IGID, The Inrlians gave a frighiud account of it, SJiying that they
died so fast "that the living were riot able to bun' the dead." VVhen the Eng-
lish arrive 1 m the country, their bones were thick n|)on the groimd in many
places. Tlii- they looked ui)on as a great providence, inasmuch as it had
destroyed "multitudes of the barbarous heathen to make way for the chosen
people of God."

" Some had expired in fight, — the braiiiia
Still rusted ill their lioiiy hands, —

III plag'ic and famine some."— Campbell.

All wars and disasters, in those days, were thought to be preceded by some
strange natural appearance, or, as appeared to them, unnatural appearance or
phenomenon ; hence the appearance of a comet, in 1G18, was considered by
some the precursor of this pestilence.*

We will givr iiere, from a curious work.f in the language of the author, an
interesting passage, relating to this melancholy period of the history of the
people of J'a.imsoif, in whicli he refers to i^iqvanfo. After relating the fate of
a Frei'i li ship\- crew among the Wampanoags, as extracted in the life of Mas-
sasi.'f '.I cont'.:^i/aD>on of tiie account, he proceeds thus: "But contrary wise,
[the ln>.ii':i>>; 1 iiv'i j said "tl'.ey were so many that Uod could not kill them,"
when iiie d' the i i^nehmen rebuked them for their "wickedness," telling
them tiod wouh' d'l. t"i)y them,] in short time after, the hand of (jod fell
heavily upon vh^in, x.'tli sucii si mortall stroake, that they died on heaps, as
they lay in thf'ir hous. -, and the living, that were able to shift for themselves,
would runne away and let thorn dy, and let their carkases ly above the ground

* 'I'lio year Ifil" seems to have been very fruitful in comet.*, "as therein no le.sa than
four were observed, ' /. Mtither'n JJiiicouise cnncevniiiij Cometa, 108, lioston, 12nio. 1(183.
There may be seen a euiious passage concerning the comet of 1618 in Ruahworth'a Hint,
i'ni. of that year.

t New English Canaan, 23, by Thomat Morton, 4to. Amsterdam, 1037.

[Hook 11

nricli for a
L'y rctunit'd
H3 governor
Ix'uiih: also
It and corn
cir |)iniiiici',

I stuck of it,
L-. Jhjnncl
, until tlicy
li. All this
iving great
great sick-
if not tlio

1(1, as usual,
lia|>|)( niiig
it guard, ho
I'liicli when
h iiini, and
■s; the same
Ihi m bi.J^re
imlness they
)f his men,
rifles;" for
prehejision

at Patuxet,
ct to Hnd it

II of it, not
, as near as
t|>s Penob-
Migth of its
^vas nearly

that they

the lOng-

in many

as it hud

le ci IOSCO

by some
?arance op
iilered by

itithor, an

iry of the

lie fate of

of Mas-

•ary wise,

II thnm,"

tolling

God fell

lion]is, as

eniselvesi,

e ground

less thnn
hiM. ir,S3.
rth'ii Jlist,

Chap. 11]

SQUANTO— MASSASOIT.

without burial]. For in a place where many inliabiteil, then; hath been but
one left alive to tell what became of the rest ; the living being ^as it seeuh;) not
able to bury the dead. They w<!re left for erowes, kites, and veniiiiie to pray
upon. And the bones and skulls, upon the severall places of tin ir haliitatioii-^,
made such a spectacle, after my comuiing into thos(! parts,* lliat, as I travailed
in that forrest nere the IMassachussets, it si'emed to me a iiew-tiniiid (Jojgotlia."

Sir Ferdinando Gor/rex, as we have seen, was well acipiaintt-d wi;li tli' coast
of New England. After his design failed at Sagadaiiock, he tells us that lie
sent over a ship upon his own account, which was to leave; a com|iany undrr
one Fines,^ to remain and trade in the country. These were his own s;'rvants,
and he ordered "them to leave tlu; sliij) and ship's company, for to follow their
business in the usual place, (for, he says, I knew thi'V would not b<' drawn to
Bcek by any means,) by these, and the help of those natives flirineriy sent over,
I conn; to bo truly informed of so much as ga' e me assurance that in tine' 1
should want no undertakers, though as yet 1 was fiireed to hire iiii'ii to stay
then; the winter quarter, at extriMiK! rates, and not without danger, tor that the
warj: had consumed the Kashaba, and the most of tlic great sagamores, with
such 111(^1 of action as followed them, and thosi; that remained were sore
aftlicted with the plague ; for that the country wsis in a manner left void of
inhabitants. Notwithstanding, Vines, and the rest with him that lay in the
cabins with those people that tiled, some more, some less, mightily, (blessed be
Go<l for it) not one of them ever felt their heads to acht; while thi-y stayed
there." Here, although we are |)nt in possession of several of the most impor-
tant fiicts, yet our venerable author is deli(;ient in one of the main jiarticulars —
I mean that of dates. Therefore we gain no further data as to the time or
continuance of this plague among the [ndians ; for Sir Fvnlinnndo adds to the
above, " and this course I held some yetu-s together, but nothing to my [irivate
profit," &c.

In Capt. SmitKs account of New Endand, published in 1G31, he has a
passag(! about the plague, which is much like that we have given above from
Morion. The ship cast away, he says, was a fishing vessel, and the man that
they kept a prisoner, on telling them he fi^ared his God would destroy them,
their king made him stand on the top of a hill, and collected his ])eo|)l(! about
it that the man might see how numerous they wiTe. When he had. done this,
he demanded of the Frenchman whether his God, that he told so much about,
had so many men, and wbettier they could kill all those. On his assuring the
king that he could, they derided hiiu as before. Soon after, the plague carried
off all of the ftlassachu setts, 5 or GOO, l(!aving only .')0, of" whom ^8 were killed
by tlvir neighbors, the other two escaping until the llng'ish came, to whom
they gave their country. The Eiifflisli told th(! Indians that the (':si\'ise waa
the plague. Capt. Smith says thisaecotmt is second luuid to liiin, and therefore
begs to be excused if it In; not true i>i all its particulai-s.

We have now come to one of the most interesting characters in Indian
history.

MA^is vRoiT, ehii'f of the Wampanoags, resided at a place called Pokanoket
or Pawknnnawkut, by the Indians, which is now included in the town of l$ris-
tol, Rliode Island. He was a chief i-enowned more in ])eace than war, and
was, as long as he lived, a friend to the English, iiotwilhstanding they cominitteil
repeated usnqiations upon his lands and libertii s

This chief;- name has been written with great variation, as Wonnameq. it\,^Rsuh-
mequin, Oosntnequen, Osamekin, Owsainequin,Ow!iamequine,Us.<iame(iu>'n, Wasnm-
tfrin, &CC. ; but tin; name by which he is generally known in histoiy, is that with
which we commence! his lift .§ Mr. Prince, in his Annals, says of that name,

"^ir. M'nrtnn first ciimi' over in lli;!^. Ho s-cltliMl iKNir W'cvinoiilh. A(\<'r groat IroiiMf!
ami losses I'roin iliose of ii ilill'orenl nliuion, lie w;is lmiiisl)i'>i mii of (lie coiiiilry. liiiil liad his
proiKTIy seqiii'SH'rt'tl, but soon at\i'r retiirneil. lie died in Vork, Mo., Uitfi. If it Ix; prcleuded
that Aftiitoii litui no rfliirioii, wo say, " .Iiuljjo not." Ho profcssi'd to liiTve.

t .Mr. Rich,inl Vini:i. Aiifrira fMinlnl In thfi Lift', l>y f'enl. (t'nrnf.i. F,si|. ilo. I.ond. Ui.V.l.

} A Efrniil war arnon<r tln^ ludiuns at this liiiri- is mcnlionnl l)y most of llio lir^t wrileri!, but
llie piirticnlars of it (Miniotbo known. It seems to have bt^en bolwccn llic 'I'lirralines and
Hbos to the west of Pasralaiina.

tSomo liavc derived the name of Masxnchu.iplls from tills cliief, hut tbat coiiiootiire is not
e heeded. If any man knew, we may be allowed to suppose that Roger Williams did.

MASSASOIT.

[Book II

"the printod accounts generally spell him Massasoil ; Gov. Bradford writes
liirri ,il(i.<i/ia.ioi/t, and Massasoyct ; l)iit I fin! tho ancient jieopie, from tlieif
liitii(!r.s in I'limoiith colony, pronounced his name Ma-sas-so-it." Still wo find
no inclination to change a letter in a name so venerahle, and which hasheen so
Ioiiij: ('stal)lished ; lor il' u writer .sufVer the spirit of innovation in hini.s(.'ll", he
knows not where to stop, and we jirononnce him no anliqium/.

It has olVen heen thought strange, that so mild a sachem as Massasoil should
have possessed so great a country, and our wonder has heen increased when
W(? consider, ihat Indian jiossessions are iri'nerally ohtained hy i)rowess and
great personal couri'.g<'. We know of none who r,MiId hoast of such extensive
dominions, where ali were contentcul to consider thii'iselves his ii-iends and
children. Powhatan, Ponliac, Liltk-turUe, Tcrumsch, and many more that we
could name, have swaye<l many ''-ihes, hut theirs was a temporary union, in an
emergency of war. That Massasoit should hi; ahle to hold so many trihes
togetiier, without cr)nstant war, re(|uired fpiai>ies helonging only to few. That
he was not a warrior no one will allow, when th(^ testimony of .'Innawon is so
direct to the ])oint. Tor that great chief gave (^"a|)t. Church "an account of
what mighty success he had had formerly, in the wars against many nations
of ludiaHS, when he served .flsuhmcijuin, 1 hilij)\i father."

Tli(! limits of his coimtry towards the iVipundcs, or iidand Indians, are not
precise, hut upon the east and west W(,' are sure. It is evident, however, from
the following extract, that, in 1(147, the Nipnniks were rather uncertain ahout
their sachem, and ])rolialtly helonged at one time to Massasoit, and at another
to th(! Narragansets, or otiiei-s, as circmnstances impelled. "Tin; Nopnat
(Nipnet, or JS'i|)mnk) Indians having noe sachem of tlieir own are at liherty ;
part of them, Ity their own choice, doe appertaine to the Narraganset sachem,
and |iarte to the IMohegens." * And certainly, in IGtiO, those of Quahaog
helonged to .Massasoit or trassaincffiii, as he was then called (if he he the
same), as will he evident from facts, to he fonnd in the life of Uncas. He
owned Cajie Cod, and all that part of Alassachusetts and Rhode Island hetween
Narraganstit and IMassacIuisetts hays ; extending inland hetween Pawtucket
anil Cliarles rivers, a distance not satisfiictorily ascertained, as was said hefore,
together with all tho contiguous ishuids. It was filled with many trihes or
nations, and all looking np to him, to sanction all their e.\j)editions, and settle
all their dilKculties. And we may remark, further, with regard to tho
I\'ipnnd<s, that at one time they were his trihutaries. And this seems the more
prohalilc, for in Philip^s war there was a constant intt;rconrse hetween them,
and -vhen any of his men made an escape, their course was directly into the
coni't;-' of tho Ni|)muks. No such intercourse sid)siste(l hetween tin; Naira-
gansi .'.-. and eitlnn- of thesi;. But, on the contnuy, when a messenger from the
Narragansets arrived in the country of the Nipmnks, with the heads of some
of till! I'higlish, to show that they had joined in the war, he was at first fired
u|ion, though afterwards, when two additional heads were hrought, he was
received with them.

Massasoit had several ])laces of residence, hut the princijjal was Mount Hope,
or Pokanoket. The English early gave it the name of Mount lIo])e, hut from
what ?ircinnstance we have not learned. Some su|)pose the words Mount Hope
corrupted from the Indian words Mo7i-top,} hut with what reason we are not
inl(Miui'<l. Since we have thus early noticed the seat of the ancient chiefs, he-
fore ])roceeding with the life of the first of the Wain|)anoags, w(! will give a
description of it. It appcvirs to the hest advantage from the village of Fall
River, in the town of Troy, INIassachnsetts, from which it is distant aiiout four
miles. From this place, its top very nnich resemhles the dome of the state-

Hi^ loarnoil from tho Indmii tliomsi'lvcs, " that the Mas.inrltn.ietls vers calhd sn from the. Blue
Ililh." Ill llio v<)i'!iliiilHry of Imliaii wonls, liy Kcv. John Cotton, llic dofmiiion of Massd-
diuxitt is, " an hill in thr /'inn of an (trrotr'y hcail."

* JtcTords of lli(! tJ. Col. il Hazard, ii. Wl.

t Mdcn's Cullcctioii of K|)ii,i|)lis, iv. Oa'). President SUhs, in Ins notes to llio second
e<lilioiiof Chl'kch's lli-r. Piiii.u''s Wak, p. 7, spells it Monl-hmip ; \m\ il is nol so in the
le\l of eillier edition. .Moivovcr, we liiivo not l>een aide to discover thai Mon-top is derived
from Indian word or words, and do not liesilalo to pronounce it a corruption of ihi; Iwc
Liijfli.sli words coiiinionlj used in naminy il.

[GooR II

(/ writes
)in tlii'lf
%vo find
i liccn !-o
iisL-lf, he

it should

ll NVllfll

vcss iind
wtctisivc
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! tlmt we
1)11, hi iui
inv tril»'9
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a, arc not
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ain ahoiit
t another
;i Ncjpiiat
It liberty ;
t wichciii,
Quahang
he ho the
nais. He
(1 between
l*awt\icket
lid hefore,
y tribes or
and settle
rd to the
the more
een them,
into the
|h(' Nami-
r from tiie
Is of some
first tired
lit, lu.' was

Hint Hope,

l)nt from

tount Hope

Ive an; not

■hiefs, he-

I'ill give a

\te of Fall

l)out four

Ithe state-

■» ■*

icim the Bliii
li of Massa-

lllic socoml

lot so ill ilip

|; is ticrived

of llifl iwc

MASSASOIT.

[Rook 11

"tho
liiiti

priiitod nrcomits pcncrally pprll liiin ^fassasoU ; Gov. Brai(ford writes

.U/l»«'<»..>'' ■'•••' lf.<-"<' "' • '■■•* • t'-- ' •' ..IM-ifill pM|t|c-. {'■<■>, lluif

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Chap. II.]

MASSASOIT.

house in Boston, as seen from many places in the vicinity, at four or five tnilc-s
di»tan'*e. Its liciglit by admeasureinent is stM to he iilktut '-200 feet.* It im
very steep on tlie siile towards l'oojL«set, umi its appenrunce is very regular
To its natural appearance a gentleiiuui of itristol lius contributed to add
materially, by placing uirau its sunnnit a circular sunuuer-liouse, and this is a
principal reason why it so much resembles the Massachusetts gtate-hoiiSi\
This mount, therefore, since some time previous to 1824, does not ajipear a.s in
the davs of Massasoit, and as it did to his early friends and visitors, ti'insloio
and liamden. ^ . was sullicicntly picturesque without such athiitioii, as an
immense stone originally formed '\\a sunnnit, and completed its domelike
ap|>carunce. The octiigonal summer-house being |)laced U|)on this, comidctes
the cupola or turret. From this the view of Providence, Wurren, Bristol, and,
indeed, tlie whole surrounding country, is very beautiful.

This eminence was known among the Norragansets by the name Pokanokel,
which signified in their language the tcood or land on the other side of the witter,
and to the VVampanoags by the name Sowwanis. And it is worthy remark hero
that Kuequenuku was the name of the |)lace where Philadelphia now stands.
Mr. Heckewelder says, it signified the grove of the long pine trees. There wjis u
place in Middleborough, and another in Ilaynham, where he spent some part
of particular seasons, perhaps the sunnner. The place in Ilaynham was near
Fowling Pond, and he no doubt had many others.

Sir trancis Drake is the first, of whom wo have ony account, that set foot
u])on the shores of New England. This was in 158(i, about seven years at\er
he had taken possession, and named the same countiy New England or iXew
Albion, U|)on the western side of the continent. It is an error of long standing,
that Prince Charks named the coimtry New England, and it even now so
stands upon the pages of history. But it is vry clear that Sir IVancis is justly
entitled to the credit of it. American historians seem to have looked no fur-
ther than Prince and Robertson, and hence ass«;rt that Ca|)t. Smith lamed the
country New England. We will now hear Smith \ on this matter. " New
Enghmd is that part of America, in the Ocean sea, op|)osite to Aoua Jllbion, in
the South Sea, discovered by the most memorable Sir Francis Drake, in his
voyoge aliout the world, in regard whereof this is stiled New England."

Capt. SmiUi, in 1614, made a survey of the coast of what is now New Eng-
land, and because the country was already named New England, or, which is
the same. New Albion, upon its western coast, he thought it most proper to
stamp it anew upon the eastern. Therefore Capt Smith neither takes to him-
self the honor of naming New England, as some writers of authority assert, nor
does he give it to King Cltarles, as Dr. Robertson and many others, copying liim,
have done.

The noble and generous minded Smith, unlike Americns, would not permit
or suffer his respected friend and cotemporary to l>e deprived of any honor
due to him in his day ; and to which we may attribute the revival of the namo
New England in 1014.

It was upon some part of Cape Cod that the great circumnavigator landed.
lie was visited by the "king of the country," who submitted his territories to
him, as Hioh had done on the western coast. After several days of mutual
trade, and exchange of kindnesses, during which time the natives beriu.ic
grtuUly attached to Sir Francis, he departed for England. Whether the '• king
of the country " hero mentioned were Massasoit, we have not the means of
knowing, as our accounts do not give any name ; but it was U|)on his domin-
ions that this first landing was made, and we have therefore thought it pro|>er
to be thus particular, and whi^li, we venture to predict, will not be uiuicirpta-
ble to our readers.^

* Viim<)V<loii, 2."j9.

t Sic Ills " Descn'plioii of X. Englnml," nnd llip error inny lioiirrforlli In- ilispt'i 1 wiih.

t Tlic tirsi niilliorily wliicli wc louiii! lor tlicsu interesting lUcts, (iiilere<lin|if to I'mi/ son of
New Eiipliind,) is n work entitled " Nnvnl Hiocrnpliv," Ate. ol' (Jreiil Uritain, 2 vols. Ovo.
London, li!05, and is in tliese words ; — "'I'lie first iillempt towards n rofiilar roloiiizRlion of
N l'.nj{lnnd, occurs in the year UKXi. It will envily be r<Tollectcd. tlial tins piirl of llie Anicr-
iciiii continent was firsl disliii^ui'-lied liy the captains /iii/7i/ir niui Aiiiiilns; that H\r Fniiicia
l^'-:ikr, when he touched here on lii« reinrii from the West Indies, in loIiCi, was the first Rtig-
iisliinaii wlio landed in these parts, and tu wliuin jne of the Indian kings tuWinitlod his territory j

i!i -^ r

MASSASOIT.

[Book n.

Smith landed in many places upon the shores of Massaaoiff dominions, one
of wliich places he named Plimoulh, which happened to be the same >vLi<-ii
now licars that name.

Our accounts make Capt. Barlholometo Goanold the next visitor to the sjiorrs
of Massaaoit, afier Sir I'Vancis Drake. His voyage was in IGCi, and he was
the first who came in a direct course from Old to New England. He landed
in the same place where Sir Fraricis did 1(5 years Iwfore. The route had hith-
erto been by the Canaries and West India Islands, and a voyage to and from
New England took up neorly a year.

We cjui know nothing of the early times of Mnssnsoit. Our next visitor to
his country, that we shall here notice, was Capt. Thomas Dermer. This was
iu May, 1619. He sailed for Monhigon ; thence, in that month, for Virginia,
in un op(;n pinnace; consequfutly was obliged to keep clos«' in slH)n'. He
found places which had Ihm;u inhabited, but at thut time contained no peopji' ;
and farther onward nearly all were deaci, of a gn'at sickness, which was then

t»revailing, but nearly abated. When he came to Plunouth, all were dead,
'^rom thence he traveled a day's journey uito the country westword, to Na-
niasket, now Middleborough. From this place he sent a measenger to visit
Massaaoit. In this expedition, he rcdeegied tv.-o Fn-nchmen from MatDasoiCs
people, who had been cast away on the const three years lielore.

But to be more particular with Capt. Dermer, we will hear him in his own
manner, which is by a letter he wrote to Samuel Purchaa, the com|>ilcr of the
Pilgrimage, dated 27 Dec. 1G19.

"When I aiTived at my savage's [Squanlo's] native country, ((inding all
dead,) I travelled alongst a day's journey, to a place called ,Yummasta(finft,
where finding inhabitants, I despatched a messenger, a day's journey fartli<>r
west, to Pocanokit, which bordereth on the sea ; whence came to see me two
kings, attended with a guard of 50 armed men, who l>eing well satisfied with
that my savage and I discoursed unto them, (lieiii" desirous of novelty,) gave
me content in whatsoever I demanded ; where I found that former relations
were true. Here I red<!emed a Frenchman, and af\erwanls juiother ot Massta-

and tlial ('n|)t. (Jumio//, who iiiiule n liulc slay in tlic same placi-, irave smli a rrporl of N.
England as to altrael tlic nllontioii of liis advcninrnns ronnlrynuMi, sonic of u horn iinmiHlialrly
procured a charter," &-c. — Vol. I. p. 337, 338 If we oonld know from whence the above was
taken (that is, the aulliority the writer of that work made nse of), it mipht at once, porhajis,
settle the qncslion. OUlmiron, I. 2o, has the s;iine fact, thongli not quite so circunislnniiallv
related. Mr. Uancro/l, in his I. Vol. of the Hist. United Slates, supposes O/ilmixmi, thromjli
carelessness, mistakes Drake's landing in (California, in ]oi'.\ for that in 7i. England, in l.ViO,
because, as we suppose, he had not .seen the fact elsewhere staled. ItuI Dntke was '10 dnyi
from Virginia to Plymouth, which would gfive him time enough to have visited N. En-rliuiil.
See "The !,ife andDangerous Voyajfes of Sir Francis Drake," Slc, small 12mo., London,
(without date), page 1;W. See also Slith's Virginia, p. 16.

What is said in lilome's account of America, p. 210, is not very conclusive. His words
are, " The year following J1585), Sir Richard (ireenvile conveyed an English colony ihiihor
[this author mistakes the situation of the places he describes, In a wrelcl>ed manner], under the
government of Mr. Ralph Lane, wlio continued there (yet he is speaking of N. Eiig.] till the
next year (158fi), but, upon some extraordinary occasion, returned, with Sir Francis Drahf,
into England, being accounted by some the first discoverer thereof." Blame's work was
printed in IfiS?, anif may have l)een Oldmixon's authority. In the Genl. Mag., Vol. XXV.,
p. 21)1. it is said, " Sir Francis Drake, who made a ilisci. " on the coast, continued there biil a
very short time, so that whatever had been known of this country >vas so much forgotten in lfi02,
that Gosnolil fell in with the coast by accident, as he was pursuing another design." Fortter'a
error about Sir Francis's being on the coast in 1.585, is surprising; but it is still more surpris-
ing that any one, pretending to be an historian, should copy it. See Corster, 29.5, and ArifjHtch,
Newfoundland, 74. In J'rinr''s Worthies of Deio , an account of Sir Bernard Drake's
expedition to the New England seas, in 1585, may be seen ; also in Purchase, v. 1882. Queen
Elizaheth sent over Sir Bernard, with a naval force, to dispossess any Portuguese, or otiirra,
that he might find fishing there. He found many vessels employed in that business, some of
which he captured, and dispersed the rest, ami relumed to EnglaiKl v.i'.i. several Portuguese
prizes. Now it is not at all improbable that Etizatiflh had inslricled Sir Francis to coini up
into these seas, when he had finished his designs in South America and Virginia, to see if there
were any vessels of oilier nations usurping the rights of her citizens ; ancT hence iiiiiltpiitive
writers liave confounded the names of Sir Bernard and Sir Francis, they being Imili distin-
guished admirals at that time, and both having ihe same surname, and originally of the same
i'amily. The expedition of .Sir Iternnrd was the year before that of Sir Francis, and Ik nee
arose the anachronism. Several English navigators had been on this coast liefore IGIK). Capt.
Georire Drake made a voyage to the river St. Lawrence in 1593; but wiicthcr a.ny of then
landed in what is now New England, is at present unknown.

Chap. II]

MASSASO

cliiisit, M'ho three years since escaped 6hip>vreck at the north-east of Cape
Co«l."

\Vc linve mentioned liis interview with Mcuaaaoit, whom we suppose waa
one of the kings mentioned in tlio letter, and Quadequina was no doubt tlie
other.

In another letter, Mr. Dermer says tlie Indians would have killed him at
Namasket, had not Sqitanto entreated hard for him. " Their desire of revenge
(he adds) was occasioned by an Englishman, who, having many of them on
lioanl, made great slaughter of them with their murderers and small shot, when
(a-s they say) they offered no injury on their parts."

Mr. Thomas Morton,* the author who made himself so merry at the cx[)cnse
of *hc I'ilgrims of Plimouth, has the following passage concerning these
Frt'nchmen: — "It fortune«l some few ycares before the English came to
inhabit at new Plinnnouth in New England, that, u|>on some distast given in
the Mussachusscts Bay, by Frenchmen, then tradiiig there with the natives for
iM'aver, tliey set u|»on tlie men, at such advantage, that they killed manie of
them, burned their sliipp, then riding at anchor by an island there, now called
Peddock'a Island, in memory of Leonard Peddock that landed there, (where
many wildeaitckiesf haunted that time,wlrich hee thought had bin tame,) dis-
tributing them unto five sachems which were lords of the severall territories
ailjoyniiig, they did keep tliejn so long as they livetl, only to sport themselves
ut them, and made these five Frenchmen fetch them wood and water, which is'
the generall worke they require of a servant. One of these five men outliving
the rest, hml learned so much of their language, as to rebuke them for tlu-ir
bloudy «lcede: saying that God would Ik; angry with them for it ; and that he
woul(l in his displeasure destroy them ; but the salvages (it seems, Iraoisting
of tlieu" strength) replyed, and said, that they were so many that Go«i could not
kill liiem." This seems to be the same stor}', only differently told from that
related above from Smith.

Dec. 11, O. S4 lb'20, the pilgrims had arrived at Plimouth, and possessed
themselves of a |)ortion of MassasoiCs country. With the nature of their
proceedings, he was at first unacquainted, and sent occasionally some of his
men to ol>serve their strange motions. Very few of tliese Indians, however,
were seen by the pilgrims. At length he sent one of his men, who hml been
some time with the English fishing vessels about the country of the Kenne-
beck, and had l°nmed r. Tittle of their language, to observe more strictly what
was progressing jn^ the strangers at his place of Patuxct, which tliese
intruders now called Phmoutli. This was in March, 1G21.

• III liis " New Canaan." 22, 23.

t Modern naturalists do not seem to have been acquainted with (his animal !

t The leneth of a year was fixed by Julius drsar at 365 days and 6 hours, or 3C51 days.
This .j of a day being omitted for 4 years amounted to a whole day, and was then ailded to
the 3(>l in the month of Febntanj, which 4th year was called leup year, because it leaped
forward one d-y. Hut by this supputation it was perceived that the year was loo lonjj, and
consequently the seasons were js^ettiiig out of place. Pope Gregory' (oum\, in 1382, lliat the
vernal equinox, which at (he time of the Nicene council, A. D. 325, fell on 21 March, fell now
10 days l>eyond it ; Iherefore he ordered 10 days to be struck out of October, 1582 ; and to
prevent the recurrei o of the difficulty in future, decreed Uiat 3 day* should be abated in every
400 years, by restorinis^ leap years to 'common years at the end of 3 successive centuries, anil
making leap year again at ihe close of every 4th century. Thus 1700, 1800, 1900, 2100, See.
though divisible by 4, are common years, "but 2000, 2400, 2800, &c. are leap years. This
method of keeping the year is called New Style, and that before the reformation by
Gregory, Old Style. Even this correction docs not set the year exactly right ; but the error
is so small that it nmounts to scarce a day and a half in 5000 yean, and we need not
trouble ourselves about a nearer approximation.

Itcrause this correction had a Catholic or Popish origin, Protestants would not for a long
time adopt it. At length, in the year 1751, the English Parliament enacted, that the 3d of
Sept. of that year should be called the 14th, thereby striking out 1 1 days, which their calendar
at that late period renuired, to reduce it to the Gregorian. And hence the reason of our
calling the 11 Doc. O. S.. the 22 N. 8. The reason also of our adding 11 days instead of 10
is obvious, because, in adopting the Catholic method 170 years after ■' had been introduced
by Gregory, mother day was gained, and therefore 10-{-l^ll.

'JM

MASSASOIT.

[Rook II

Wo Imvo, ill spnakinj^ nf Samosii nnd Sqnanto, ohscnnd tlint it wns tlirniigli
flio (i;.'»'iicy ol'tlic foriiHTiliiit a knowledge wu.s gained lijtiic pilgririi^ ot'.Mas-
itsuil. Il \vu8 upon 'i'i March, KWI, tiiat llu'y Itnmjrlit llic woIcoiik; news to
I'liiiMintli, t!iat their chief was near at hand ;'* "and they hrungiit with them
(say the I'iljirinis) some lew skins to truck, anil some red lierriniis, newly taken
nnd (hied, liut not salted ; nnd signified unto ns, that their u;r<;at sagainorc,
.Maisiinoit, was iiard hy, with (^uuik(jinn(i, his brother. They could not well
express in Knglisli what tliey would ; l>nt after nn honr the king cume to tint
top of an hill [supposed to he that now called ff'atson'n, on the south side of
Town-hrook] over against us, and had in his train {ji) men, that wc could
w«!ll liehold them, nnd they us. Wo were not willing to send our governor
lo them, nnd they unwilling to come to us: so Squanio went ugain unto him,
will) hronght word that we should send one to purley with him, which w» did,
which was Edward fVinslow, to know his mind, and to signily the mind and
will (if our governor, which was to have trading and peace with iiim. We
sent lo tlh! king n pair of knives, and n cop|)cr chuin, with a jewel in it. To
({u(iilt<iuina we sent likewise a knife, and a jewel to hang in his ear, and
>vithal a (lot of strong water, a good quantity of biscuit, and some butter,
which were all willingly accepted."

Tlie Englishman then made a s|H>rch to him nlmiit his king's love ».nd good-
n(>ss to him and bis people, nnd that he accepted of him as his ti'iend and ally
" He liked well of tlic speech, (say the English,) nnd heard it attentively, though
the interiiretera did not well express it. At\er he bud eut(Mi and drunk himself^
and given the rest to his company, he looked upon our messenger's sword nnd
armor, which he bad on, with intimation of his desire to buy it ; but, on the
other side, our messenger sIiowimI his unwillingness to part with it. In the
end he lell him in the custody of Ouadcquinn, his brotb(!r, nnd came over the
brook, and some 30 nicu following liim. We kept six or seven as bosUiges for
onr messenger."

As Afitssaaoil proceeded to meet tlie English, ihcy met him with six soldiers,
who saluted each other. Several of his men were with him, but ail left their
liiiws and arrows behind. They were conducted to a new house which was
partly tinished, ond n green rug was spread upon the Hoor, nnd several cush-
ions for Massasoit nnd his chiefs to sit down upon. Then cnine the English
govi^rnor, followed by n drummer nnd trumpeter nnd n few soldiers, nnd alter
kissing one another, all sat down. Some strong water being brought, the
governor Irank to Massasoit, who in bis turn "drank a great draught, that
inaile IiiiiifJM'eat nil the wliilj.after."

They now proceeded to make ntrcnty,whicii stipulated, that neither J)/(T5ja-
soit nor any of his peojile should do hurt to the English, and that if they
did they should be given up to be ])unislicd by them ; and that if the Englisn
did any harm to him or any of his people, tlM>y (the English) would do the like
to tliem. That if any did unjustly war against him, the English were to aid
him, and he was to do the same in bistuni,and by so doing King James would
esteem him his friend and ally.

"All which (they say) the king spcmed to like well, and it was applauded
of his followers." And they add, " All the while he sut by the governor, be
trembled ler fear."

At this time he is described na "a very lusty man, in his best years, an able
body, gr^ive of countenance, nnd spare of speech ; in his attire little or nothing
ditfering tVoin the rest of his followers, only in a grcnt chuin of white bone
bends about his neck; and at it, behind his neck, linngsa little bag of tobncco,
which be drunk, and gave us to driiik.f His face wus puinted with a sad red

• Moiiii's nnrrativn is licre continued from the hisl extrnct in p. 10, witlmiit any omission.

1 1 |irn>umo llint l>y " drinking tobacro," .smokinf^ is meant. Tlic |>il<;rinis were [iroliably
not iii'(|nuinle(l with the prnrlice of smokinj^ nt ntl, nnd hcnre this sort of misnomt-r is not
striui;;!', dioniijh it may be thought a little odd. How lonf>' smoking went l>y the name oi
diinkin's at I'limontli 1 do not learn ; but in Ki Ui Uiis entry is found in tlio Plimoulh records :
— " Aiillinntj ThachernwA George Pole were chosen a committee to draw up an cvder con-
cerning disorderly drinkini; of Tobacco."

Riigfr Williams says, 1n his Key, " Gciicrnlly all the men throughout the country have a
lohniH'n-biig, widi a pipe in il, hanging at their bnrk."

Dr. 77i(ic/(«r says, that art aged man in Plimouth, who was a great smoker, used lo term

Chap. II.]

M.\SS.VSOIT.

like iiiiirrfy, and oiletl l>otli lirnil anti fiico, tliut lie loctked }rr*'Hsily. .Ml iii»
followfiN likcwi.<jc> wcri', in llii-ir fiici-s, in [lart or in wIhjIc, p.-untcii, sonif lihick,
soni*,' rt'tl, jionu! ycllciw, unil w»nie wliiti' ; mmtf. wjtli cnissrs and oilirr nniic
works; sonu; liad skins un tia-in, nnd somt; naked ; all Mtron<f, tall nirn in ii])-

IM-arancc. Tliv king had in his Itosoni, iianging in a string, a grent Ion,:.' knitb.
|t> niarveiled nnicli nt our trumpet, and s^tnii; of liis men would soinid it iia
well an they could. Samostt and Squanlo stayed all night with us." .Massasuil
retired into the woods, ahout lialfu mile from tlie English, and there •>neani|)ed
at night with his men, women and children. Thus ended .March 'i-^d, Ki'-jl.

During his first visit to tlie English, ho expressed great signs of fear, and
during the treaty could not refrain from tremliling.* rinis it is eitsy to sco
how nnii'h hand he hail in making it, hut would Ihui there had never been icofse
oiif.i made.

It was agreed that some of his people should come nnd plant near hy, in a
few days, and live there all suiumer. "That night we ke|»t good watch, hut
there was no appearance of danger. The next morning clivers of their pi-oplo
cnnie over to us, hoping to get some victuals, as we imagined. Some of them
told us the king would have some of us come to sec him. Caj)t. Standinh nnd
Isaac .llderton went vi-nterously, who were welcomed of him after their man-
ner, lie gave them three or four grotind nuts and some tohacco. We cannot
yet conceive, (they continue,) but that he is willing to have peace with us; for
tln-y have seen our people sometimes alone two or three in the woods at work
auil fowling, when as they ottered them no harm, as they might easily have
done i and especially because he hath a potent adversjiry, the NarrohigiUisets,f
that are at war v.'itli him, against whom he thinks we n:ay he some strength to
him ; f<)r our pieces are terrihic unto them. This morning they stayed till 10
or II of the clo ..; and our governor hiil them send the king's kettle, and tilled
it with peas, which ]ileased them well ; and so tlu'y went their way." Thus
ended the first visit ol' AfassnsoU to tlm pilgrims. We should here note that he
ever after treaterl the English with kinilness, and the peace now concluded
was undisturhcd for nearly 40 years. Not that any writing or articles of a
treaty, of which he ne.er had any adequate idea, was the cause of his friendly
behavior, but it was tin.' natural goodness of his heart.

The pilgrims report, that at this time he was at war with the Narragiuisets.
Itut if this were the case, it could have been nothing more than some small
skirmishing.

Meanwhile Squanto ami Samoset remained with the English, instructing them
how to live in their country ; equal in all respects to Robinson Crusoe's man
Fridaji, and had De Foe lived in that age he might have made as good a story
from their history as he did from that of Alexatuler Selkirk. — "S'juanto went to
fish [a day or two after .Massasoit left] for eels. At night he came home with
as many as he could lift in one hand, which our people were glad of. They
were fat and sweet, lie trwl them out with his feet, and so caught them with
his hands, without any other instrument."

It drinking toliucco. Hist. Plim. W. This wc infer was wiihin the recoilcclion of the au-
thor.

The nolinii that tobacco is so railed from the islnnd Tol)a50, i? crronpously cnterlainod liy
many. When Sir Francin Drake (hsrovcrcd the coniitry lo llie iiorlli of California, in lo7!>,
the writer of the account of his vovago says, ihe Indians presenled the aihniral with a >niall
basket niii'dc of nish«-s, filled with an herb ihcy callo<l tauah. From anotiier passajfe it
a|>|>cars, that Ihc Indians of that rci|;(on. like those of New E'igland, had bags in which tobacco
vas carried. linmey's Votjages, I. 3H— 7.

* Ann with this fact before him, the author of " Tahf of thf Indians " says, the treaty was
madu wilh deliberation and cheerfulness on Ihe part of .Massasoit !

t Few luilian names have been spelt more ways Ician tliis. From Ihe nature of the Indian
lani;iiH<;o, it is evident thai no r shonhl be used in it. Nahiiron-iik and Naiiligansirk, K.
M'illinnis. — Nccheffansilt, Oookin. — Nantyaf^aiisiks, Cullender. — N^inohisfsjanset, M'iiistoit's
Good News from N. /vi;,'.— Nanhy^aiiset, Jiidxe Johnson's Life of den. Greene. — 1 hese are
but few of the |M>rmulalii>ns without the r, and those with il are still more numerous.

TKv meaninji; of tiie name is still uncertain. Madam Knisrh'., in her Journal, !^ and 2.3,
says, at a place where she happened lo put up for a nighl in that country, she heard some of
Ihe " town loners " dispuUni^ about Ihe oriirin of the word Narraganset " One said it was so
named bv Indians, l)ecause there grew a brier Ihere of a prodigious height and bi^ucss, who
quoted an Indian of so barbarous u name for his author that she could not write it.'* Another
said il meant a celebrated spring, which was very cold in summer, aud " as hot as could be
imagined in the winter,"

i m

I i (J

MASSASOIT.

[Book II

Tliifl Sqtutnto bncame aAerwonls an important personage in Indian politirt«,
and HDiiio ut' his niaiKBUvn's rciiiiiul im of aoino managing poiuicioiia of qui
own limcH. In WiSi, he foribitod liiu lilb l»y plotting to destroy tiiat of Massa
soil, IIS will Im- found related in the life of Hobomok, On that oi'caaion, MaaaitaoU
went himself to Plimoiith, " tN^ing much offended and enniged ngniiif<t Tiaquan-
turn ; " hut the governor siicceedod in allaying hiu wrath lor tlint time. Soon
afler, he sent a mesHengcr to cntnnit the governor to constuit to his In-ing put tc
dcatli ; the governor Ruid he denervcd death, hut as he knew not how to get
alon<; without him in his intercourse with the Indians, iic would 8|)aro him.

Determined in his pur|)08c, Maascuoil soon scut the same mcsscnf^er again,
acconiiMUiied by many otnci'S, who offered many lieavcr skins »liat iS.iquanlum
mii^iit m given up to them. They demandetl him in the name of MassaaoU,
ns iM-ing one of his stdijccts, whom, (says Winslow,) by otir first articles of
peace, we could not retain. liut out of respect to the Kngli.sh, they would not
tH;i/e him without their consent. Massaaoit had sent his own knife to be used
in cutting ofl'his head an .' Iiands, which were to l>c brought to him.

IMeantimo SqtuiTUo came and d<;livered himsi^lf up to the governor, charging
Hohomok with his overthrow, and telling him to deliver him or not to the mcs-
Hcngers of MasaaaoU, as he thouglit fit. It seems from the narrative that, ns
the governor wits about to do it, they gn)W imiiatient at the delay, and went
off in a nige. The delay was occasioned by the appearance of a Ixiut in tlio
harbor, which the governor [;r«!tended might l)e that of an enemy, as then; had
been a rumor that tlie French had meditated breaking up the siUtlement of the
Kngjish in this region. This, however, was doidnless only a pn-tence, ond
(•mployed to wear out the patience of his unwelcome visitors. Hencj! that
.Mii.fsaaoit should for some time after "seem to frown" on tho English, as they
complain, is certainiy no wonder.

The next sinnmer, in June or Jidv, Maaaaaoil was visited by sevend of tho
English, among whom was Mr. Edward fVinslow, Mr. Stephen Hopkins, and
Squanio as their interpreter. Their object was to find out his place of resi-
(itnct;, in case they should have to call upon him for assistiuice ; to keep good
the friendly com>8]>ondeiice commenced at Plunouth ; and especially to cause
him to |)revcnt his men from hanging al>out them, and living upon them,
which was then considered very burdensome, as they had l)egim to grow shoit
of provisions. That their visit might Iks acceptable, they took along, for a
present, a trooper's red coat, with some Ince upon it, and a copper chain ; with
these Maaaasoil was exceedingly well pleased. The chain, they told !iim, ho
must seiul us a signal, when any of his men wished to visit them, so that they
might not Ite imposed u|K)n by strangers.

When the English arrive*! at Pokanoket, Maaaaaoil was alwent, but was
immediately s<>nt for. Being informed that he was conung, the English Ix'gan
to prepare to shoot off their guns ; t .lis so frightened the women and children,
that they ran away, and would not return until the i!)ter|)reter assunul them
that tlu'y need not fear ; and wlieii Mnaaasoit arrived, they saluted him by a
diseiiarge, at which he was very naicli elated ; and "who, after their manner,
(s{iys one of the company,] kin(hy welcomed us, and took us into his house,
and set us down by him, where, having deliverecl our message and presents,
and having put the coat on his bacs, and the chain about his neck, he was not
a little jiroud to l)ehold himstdf, and his men also, to sen their king so bnively
uttired." • A new treaty was now held with him, and he very goo<l-naturedly
aswMited to all that was desired. He then made a speech to his men, many of
them iM'ing assembled to soc the English, which, as near as they could leara its
meaniiig, acquainted them with ^\1lat course they might pursue in re,^ard to
the English. Among other tilings, he said, " Jim I not Maaaaaoit, commnndtr
of the country about ua ? la not auch and auch places mine, and the people of
them ? They ahall take their skina to the Engliah, This his |)eople apf)landed.
In his speech, "he named at least thirty places," over which he had control.
"This being ended, he lighted tobacco for us, and fell to discoursing of Eng-
land and of the king's majesty, miu'velling that he should live without a wife.'
He seems to have b';en embittered against the Fnuieh, and wished "us not to
eiiflt-r them to come to Narraganset, for it was King Jamea'a countrj', and he

* Moiirl's Relation, in CrI. Miias. llUt. Hvc.

Chap. II.]

MASS.VSOIT

was King Jamei't mail." IIo had no virtnnls .it this time to ifive to tin' Kiig-
liHli, iiiul iiiglit coming on, tlioy ivtin-d to rrsi siipiH'rlfS!*. lli; Itait lnit oiu;
tM><l, if HO it miglit be culled, "iM-ing only planks laid a loot from tlic ground,
nnd a thin mat njion tlicm." * "lie laid ns on the h^'d with himself and his
wilV, they at the le end, and wt; at the other. Two more of hi.s nun, for
want of room, i)rt'98e«l hy and npon n.< ; so that we were worse weary of our
lodging than of our journey."

"The ne.\t day, many of their sachims or petty governors cnnie to .«ee ns,
and many of their men also. There they went to thoir niuimer of games for
skins nnd knives." It is annising to learn that tie; Ktiglish tried to get u
chance in this gamhiing aHinr. Thi'y sjty, "TJHre wv. challengeil them to
siiixit with them for skin."," hnt tliey were too cmining for them, "only they
desired to see one of lis shoot at a mark ; who shooting with hail shot, they
wondered to see the mark so full of holes."

The next day, oliout oik; o'clock, Mtisaaaoit '>roiight two large fishes anil
lM)iled them ; but the iiilgrims still .'nought their chance for nfresliiiieiit vc-ry
small, as "there were at least forty looking for a share in them;" hut scanty as
it wiL-^, it came very tiiii' \y, as tiiey had fastiMl two nights rtiul u day. The
English now left him, at which he was very sorrowful.

" Vr-i-y iin|)ortunate ho was (says our author) to have us stay villi them
longer. But we d«'s;red to keep the s-.bbath at home, and fearetl we should
either lie Ijght-lieaih'd for want of sleep ; for • /hat wiih Ijad lodging, the sav-
ages' Imrlmrous singing, (for they used to sing themselves aslee|»,j lice and fleas
witliin doors, and miisketoes without, w<; could hardly slee|) all tin; time of our
luliig there ; we much fearing, that if we should stay ony longer, we siiould
not Im! able to recover home lor want of strength. So that, on Friday morn-
ing, before sunrising, we took our leave, and departed, Massasoi/t Ining both
gri(;ved and ashamed, that he could no Ix-tter entert.iiii us. And retaining
Tis(iuantum to send from place to place to procure truck for us, and a|>p(>iiiting
another, called Tokamahamon, in his place, whom we had found faitht'ul before
and atler upon all occa.sions."

This faithful 8cr^'ant, Tokamahamon, was in the famous "voyage to the
kingdom of Nauset," aiid was conspicuous for his courage in the expedition
against Caunbilant.

In IG23, Massasoit sent to his friends in Plimoutl to inform them that he
was very dangerously sick. Desiring to render him aid if jiossible, the gov-
ernor despatclied Mr. H'inslow again, with some mecucines and cordials, and
i/ofcfco/reot as interjiretor ; "having one MuaU^r John Hamdcn, a gentleman of
London, who then wintered with us, and desired much to see the country, for
my foii80it."t In their way they found many of his subjects were gone to
Pokanoket, it being their custom for all friends to attend on »ucli occasions.
" When we came thither (says Mr. Hinslow) we ibiiiid the hoiis*; so full of
men, us we could scarce get in, though they used their best diligence to make
way for ms. There were they in the midst of their charms for him, making
such a helli-sli noise, as it dist«'m|K'n'd us that were well, and, therefore, unlike
to ease him that was sick. Aliout him were six or eight women, who ciiKfed
his urins, legs uiid thighs, to keep heat in him. When they had made an end
of their charming, one told him that his friends, the English, were come to see
him. Having undei'standnig left, but his sight was wholly gone, he asked, t/^Ao
was come. They told him l^vianow, (for they cannot pronounce the letter (,

* La fiiili' says ( Ex|)Cililioii in Amorica, p. II.) of tlie Imliaiis' biuls in general, llial " they
arc made up witli some pieces of wood, upon which they lay skins full of wool or slraw, bul,
for Iheir covcrinor, t'ley use (lie finest sorl of skins, or else mats finely wrought."

t Wiiislow^s llflalion. The IMr. Ilamden mentioned, is supposed, by sonu', to be the
colebrattMl John Hamd- n, fanioHs mi the time of Charles I., and who died of a wound received
in an attempt to intercept Prince liiiprrt, near Oxford, while supporting the cause of the
parliament. See Rapin'a England, ii. 477, and Kewiet, iii. 137.

It would be highly gratifying, could the certainty of this matter bo known ; hut, as yet, we
must acknowleiige that all is mere speculation. Nevertheless, we are pleased to meet with
the names of sucli valued martyrs i-f lila-rty upon any page, and even though ihey should
someliines Jeem rather mal npro/KH to the case in hand. We cannot learn that any of
Hitmden'n biographers have discovered that he visited America. Still there is a presumptioi:

' ' " The villaie /{ampd'-it, thrv', with (l'ii!>itlesR hreniit,

The little tyrant uf his H slds witlisitoucj."— UHir'i Kmot

I \'M

V-h

IN)

MVSSASOir.

I Hook II

but ordiiuiiily ». in tlic pin/c tlMn'ol'.j* lit- dcHin-il f«> s|M'fik «itli iiir. Wlirn
I caiiif to liiiii, mill tlu'y told liini iil it, lit; |iiit I'ouli his liiiiid to iiir, wliicli I
look. 'rii< II lie miid t\vi«'i', tliiiiixli v<Ty inwardly, Kren li'inmnw ! wliicli is tn
fuiy, .//-< //('<(( fyinslow'} 1 aiis\vi-n>d, Ahhe, that is, }V.«. Tliiii In; diiidiled
tli'.s*' words: Mitlla wen wonrkniiH iKimcn, h'iiuvww ! — tiiiit iH to say, () Hvts-
liiu, I slinll nrvtr »cf. tlice Pffain!" IJiit rontiary to his own r.\|Mcliitioiis, an
well as ail his friends, h^ the kind cxrrtions of.Mr. H'inalow, lie in u short time
ciitirt'ly recovered. Tliw lM!iiig a puiuvigi; of great inten'st in the life of the great
Miissimoit, we will here go inon; intodetuil eonccniiiig it. When he had iN-eonio
nhle to s|)euk, he desired Air. U'itislow to provide him a lirotli from some kind
of fowl : "so (sayH he) I took a man with me, and made a uliot at a eoiiple of
dneks, some sixBcoro jmces otf, and killed one, at which he wondered : so w«
returned forthwith, and dressed it, making more broth therewith, which he
niiicli desiretl ; never did I s«'e a man so low bn>iiglit, recover in that measure
in MO short u time. The fowl being e.xtmordinary i'at, I told IJobbnmork I must
take off the top thereof, saying it would make him very sick again if he did eat
it; this lie ac(|uainted Mnssnsaowat tlier(>witli, who would not lie |M-rsuaded to
it, tliough I pn-ssed it very inneli, showing the strength then-of, and the weak-
ness of his stomach, wliieh could not possibly liear it. Notwithstanding, he
made a gross meal of it, and ate as much ns would well have satisfied a man in
health." As ff'inslow hud said, it made him very sick, and he vomited with
such violence that it made the blood 8tr<>uin from his nose. This bleeding
caus(Hl them great alarm, as it continued for four hours. When his nos*; cens<>(l
bleeding, he fell asleep, and did not uwake for (> or 8 hours tnon>. At\er ho
awoke, Mr. Winsloio washi;d his liicc "and supplied his beard and nose with a
iinuen cloth," when taking a quantity of water into his nose, by fiercely eject-
ing it, the blood b(?gan again to flow, and again his attcndonts thought he could
not recover, but, to their great satisfaction, it soon 8top|)C(l, and he gained
strength mpidly.

For this attention of the English he wns very grnteful, and always believed
that his preservation at this time was owing to the lienefit he received from
Rlr. ff'inslow. In his way on his visit to Mnssaaotl, Mr. Winslow broke a bottlo
containuig some preparation, and, deeming it necessary to the sachem's recov-
ery, wrote a letter to the governor of Plimouth for another, and some chickens
in which he gnve him an account of his success thus fur. The intention was
no sooner made kno^vn to Massasoit, than one of his men was sent off, at two
o'clock at night, for Plimouth, who returned again with astonishing quickness.
The chickens Ixjing alive, Massasoit was so pleased with them, and, iR'ing
better would not suffer them to be killed, and kept them with the idea of rais-
ing more. While at McuisasoiCs residence, aiifl just as they were about to
depart, the sachem told Hobomok of a plot laid by some of his subordinate
chiefs for the purjrose of cutting off the two English plantations, which ho
charged him to acquaint tlic English with, whicJi ho did. Massasoit stated
tliut he had been urged to join in it, or give his consent thereunto, but hud
always refused, and usctl his endeavors to prevent it. The particulars of the
evils which that plot brought upon its authors will be found in tlio history of
Wittuwamet.

At this time the English l)ccamo moi-e sensible of the real virtues of Massa-
soit than ever before. His great anxiety for the welfare of his people was
manifested by his desiring Mr. Winslow, or, as Winslow himself expivsses it,
"He caused me to go from one to another, [in his village,] n^questing me to
wash their Mionths also, ^many of his people being sick at that time,] and give
to each of them some ot the same I gave him. Buying they were good folk"

* Every people, and ronscqucntlv eve rv lan|rungc, have their peculiarities. Haron Lahon-
tan, Memoires lie la Amerique, ii. '23(i, 'i.'i7, says, " Je tlirai ile la laiisve des Ilitrnus et lies
Jioqiwis une chose assez curieiise, qui est qii'il iie s'y trotive j)oiiU tie If It res lahiales ; cV*/ a dire,
de b, f, m, p. Cependant, cetle laii<pie drs Iluvons paroit Hre fort belle et de tin son lotit a
Jail beau , quoi qti'ilii ne ferment jamais leurs tei'res en pariini." A ntl " ^ui pass^ qiiatre jour»
h vouloir /aire prononcer d des llitrons les leltres labinles, mats Je 7i'ai p& ij r^llssir, et fr croit
qu'en dix aiis its ne pourroul dire ces mots, bon, fils, Monsiciir, Poiitcliartmiii ; car an lieu dt
dire bon, ils diroient oiion, an lieu de (ils, ils prcnonceroient rils ; a« lieu de mnnsiciir, canun«
«icur, au lieu de Pontcharlrain, Conciiartraiii." Ilcuce it seems their langviges are anuilo
goui.

riup. 11.)

MASSA80IT.

All iiccoiiiit III' his rlmnirttT nil gxven by llohomok will In* tuiititl in the litr of
lliat rliii't' or |i,'inii'.'«'.

'•Many wliilst we win- tlirrc (snyi* Hinitloir) ••iimc to xrc liiiii ; wjiim*, lijf
»lnir n|ioit, iVoiii II pliuT not li's« tliiin KK) iiiilrH t'roni tlicniv."

In liilTi, a sliiirt war was caiTii'il on lM<twi>rii Mtt»»iu>i>\t ami Vitnnninis, tim
wifliciii of till' ^llrl-apln^M'ts, lint tlir [''.n);lisli intrrfcrin^ wiili ii lorrc iinili r
tins spirited l'a|iinin Slnndiah, nulcd it with very little lilotHlshi'd. Miis.visoil
(>xpi>cti-<l a M-rions rontist; and, hh iisnul on hiicIi occasions, changed liisnaiiic,
mat was ever idler known hy the naiiH! of Owanmniuin, or Oimameiptin. Onr
historical records rnrnisli no |mrticulurH of hiti war with the Nurnigunwts, fur
ther liian we have stated.

We may inler from a letter writti-n hv Rof!:er Hillinma, that winie of
I'liiniiiith instiirated Mitusaaoit, or Ouitamequin, as we should now call him, to
lay claim to I'rovidence, whicii jjave that good man s<Miie tronlile, iM'cunse, in
that case, hiM lands were considered as belonging to i'liinonth, in whos<! juris-
diction he was not siitli>red to reside; nnti, nioreovur, he had iMinght and paid
for all he iMtssesxcd, of the Narnigaiiwt luiclieniH. It wiw in WiiTt that .Mr.

he i)osses.sc(
M ncil to thii

If iltiiiiM tfeil to that conntry, to avoid being tu-i/ed atid sent to Knglund. Ilo
found that Viinoninis and Mimitunnomoh were at bitter enmity with Oximme-
iinin, but by his great exeitionn he restort'd iwucr, without wiiich he could not
have been s»'Ciire, in a iKjnIer of the doininion of either. Oiisnmequin was
well ac(|iiain(ed with Mr. H'illiams, whom he ha<l otlen 8«;en during his two
veiux' it'sideiice at I'limouiii, and wils n gn'at friend to him, and then-fbre ho
listened readily to his iN'iievoleiit instructions ; giving up tho land in dispute
between himself and the Narruganset Hachems, which was the island now
called Kliode Island, I'nu Mice Ishind, and perhaps Home others, together with
I'rovidence. "And (says Mr. H'illiams) I never denied him, nor. i/en)i/i'iiom_y,
whatever they desin^d of ine." Hence their love and attachment for him, for
this is their own mode of living.

It appears that, iM-fore .Miantumiomoh''a rovorses of fortune, he had, by wime
means or other, got possession of soini; of the dominions of Ouanmeqitiii.
For at the meeting of tli*; Commissioners of the United Coloiues, in the
antunin of UiJU, they order, "That IMymouth lalwr by all dxie means to restore
lyttommvquin to his full liberties, in respect of any encroachments by the
Nanohiggans«'tts, or any other natives ; that so the |?ro|)ertie8 of the Indians
may be pit'served to themselves, and that no one sagtunore encroach u|ioii tho
rest as of late : and that fVoosnmequin be reduced to those former terms and
agreements between I'lyinouth and liim."*

L'lider dale HKIH, (lov. Winlltrop says, " Owsamekin, tho sachem of Acoonic-
ineck, on this side Connecticut, came to [him] the governor, and brought a
present of 18 skins of iM-aver from himself and the sacli(!ins of Mohegaii
iH'yontl Coiniecticut and Pakontuckctt." They having heard that the Knglish
wen; alioiit to make war n|mn them was the cause of their sending this
present. The govtjrnor accepted it, and told Ouaamequin, that if they hud not
w rouged the Knglish, nor assisted their enemies, they had nothing to feur ;
and, giving him u letter to the governor of Connecticut, disniissed him well
sutisfied.f

In l(i4!), Oiisamequin sold to Miles Standiah, and the other inhabitants of
Duxbuiy, " a tnict of land usually called Satightucket" seven miles square.
This was Bridg<!water. It had lieen Ix^fore granted to them, only, however, in
jiree'mption. They agreed to pay Ouaamequin seven coats, of a yard anil a
half each, nine hatchets, eight hoes, twenty knives, four moose skins, and ten
and a half yards of cotton cloth.

By a deed bearing date SHh March, 1G53, Ouaemaquin and his son JFarn^ itto,
[ff'amsutta,] atlerwards called .flkxamkr, sold to the English of Plimouth "all
those! severull pnrcells of land lyeing on the south-easterly side of Sinkunke,
alias Rehoboth, Itoiuided by a little brooke of water called Moskituosh westerly,
und soc runing hy a dead swamp eastward, and soo by marked trees as Ouaa-
mequin and H'amsillo directed, imto the great riuer, and all the meadow abou<

\: ,.

* liccords of llie U. Colonics.

t Journal, i. 264.

MAS8ASOIT.

riiooK II

thn i«i<li>« of Imlh, and nitoiit tlic ncfk called Chnrlinriiflt, also Papniuiiuwli nock,
iiUm) iIiu iikmkIow Irotn llic Iwy to Krcfonicwctt," Sec. For dim tlit; c-oii8itl*'iu-
lion wiw " ilX) sterling."

Hy a wriliiiv iN'oring dato "tliiri twt-nty-onc of Ht*|itcnil)rr, KiTi/," Otigame-
TMi/i .xjiyis " i I Mam«yMfn do liy tlii>Mu |ircm>ntN rutiiy unii allow tlit; niIo of ii
ffrtniii inland rallt.'d CiatM-waniN'kc, or Hogg lHlun<l, wiiicli my tton Hamnilla
Hol<l to Richard Smith, of I'ortHnioiitii in K. I., witli my i-onM-nt, wliidi dt-t'd
of Ktdc or iNirgain madu tlic 7th of February in tliu yuar J(i5U, I do ratity, own
and roiilirm."

In ll»5(i, Ro^er WiUiamn ravH that Oiuamtquin, by onn of hitt eaclinnK,
'* wiiM at daily hud wiih I'umham alwut the title aiul lorduhip of Warwick ; "
and that liotttiiity was thiily ex|iected. liut we an; not informed that any thing
M'rions ttnik piaco.

This iH the year in which it Iiiih lieen gen«'ndly 8iij)|M)wd that (hisnmeqiiin
iii«>d, but it is an em>r of liulchinson^t tnuinplanting trom Air. lluhbanPa work
into hiH own. That an error should flourish in so good a soil as that of the
"History of the Colony of Massachusi>tt8 ]iay," is no wonder; but it is a
wonder that the "accunite //u/rAuMon" hhou Id M't down tliat date, from tluit

IHissngc of the Indian Wars, which was evidently niadi; wilhout n flection,
t iN'ing nt that time thought a circumstance of no consequence.

That the sachem of I'okanoket should be scarcely known to our n'cords
lietween 1(J57 and KKil, a space of only aiiout three years, as we have shown,
is not very sur|>rising, wIk n we reflect tiiat he was entirely sid)servient to the
English, (U)«i nearly or quite all of his lands l)eing l)efore disposed of, or given
up to them. This, therefore, is « plain reason why we do not meet with his
name to deeds and other instrupients. Amf. iH'sides this consideration, another
sachem was known to l»e avwiciated with him at the fonner iieriod, wlio seems
to have Bcte<l as Oiummeqjxn'a n-pn-sj-ntative.

He was alive in Knil, and as late in that year as Septeml)er.* Severn!
months previous to this, Ontko, with alHiut seventv men, t«-ll upon a defence-
less town within the dominions of Oiuiaimquin^ killing three pei-sons, and car-
rying away six others captive. He coniiilained to tlic Ceneral Court of
Massi!chusett8, wiiicli interlerud in his behalf, and the matter was soon
Betth-d. t

From the " Relation " of Dr. /. Mather, it is clear that he lived until 1662.
Hisword8are,''./9{ej:aru/er being dead, [having died in l(i(»2,] his brother P/uVtp,
of late cursed memory, rose up in his stead, and he was no sooner styled
sachem, but immediately, in the vear l<i(i2, there were vehement suspicions of
his bloody treachery against the I'^nglish." i

Hence, as we do not hear of Alexander as sachem until 16G2, which is also
the year of his death, it is fair to conclude that he could not have Im-cii long in
oflice at the time of his death ; nor could he have been styled "chief sachem"
until atler the death of his father.

Whether MasscuoU had more than two sons, is not certain, although it is
confidently l)elieved that he ha<l. It is proliable that his family was large. A
com|)any of soldiers from Hridgewater, in a skirmish with Philip, took his
sister, and killed a brother of Oujtameijuin, whose name was Unkompoen, § or
Mkompoin, \\ That he had another brother, called Qiiadequiim, lias been
mentioned. ,

Gov. Winthrop gives the following anecdote of Ousameqvin. As Mr. Ed-
ward Hlnalou) was returning from a trading voyage southward, having left hia
vess<'l, he traveled home by land, and in the way ston])ed with his old friend
Masaasoit, who agreecl to accompmiy him the rest of the way. In the mean
time, Otiaamequin sent one of his men forward to Plimouth, to sur|)rise the
people with the news of Mr. Wiiwloiu's death. My his manner of relating it,
and the particular circumstances attending, no one doubted of its truth, and
every one was grieved and mourned exceedingly at their great loss. But

• Some reconls which Mr. Vazgftt ronsiihcd in preptiring his History oi Aldoboroiigh, led
him lo conclude that Massasoit died previous to June, \CM).

t Orifjinal maniiscn'iil dncunients. The particulars of these matters will be given at largcv
H'lieii we come lo treat of the life of Vvrun.

t Itclaiion, 72. J /. Moither, 44. || C/i«)c/i, 38, edit. 4to

CHAr. II.]

F.XPKDITION AOAINST rAUNIUTANT.

prexpntly thry were nn nitirh Riir|iriii(>fl nt wciiifr lii'ii cotniii? in rninpnny
^vitli (hisnriefjuitu ^^ lion it >vnH known ntnon^' tli«> |h'I)|i|c tliiit tlu- Mii-lirin
IkuI sent thin iwvn to tlicni, tlic y «lcninnili>(i why lie nlionld tliU!4 drciivi- tln'ni.
lie ri'iiru-tl tlint it wiiH to Miukf liini tin' nion> wvlconio wiicn lu; did ntiirii,
tind tlint this wuh n niHtoin ofliiH |"'oplc.

One of the tiicmt renowned captainM within the dominioiiN nl' A!ii$sn.v>it wii.s
Cai'.'vhita.nt,* whose n'Hidoiire was at a phiiM- calleil MttUtpumt, in the
preHcnt town ofSwiinsey. Hi« character was much the winie an that of the
fntnoUH Mttaromet. The En;;liHh were nlwavM viewed liy liiin a.s intruders
and eneniicH of hiH race, and there in little douht luit lie intended to wn>t
the country out of their hands on the tirxt opportunity.

In AiijfiiHt, 1<)'2I, Cnunhihint \\n» niipposetl to Im' in the interest of the Nar-
rairans4-tH, and plotting with them to overthrow .If^rMrMoi'/ ; and, lieinir at
NumiiHket seeking, eny the l*il;:rims, "to draw the lii'iirts of Mnamsoj/tx siil>-
jects ti'oiii him ; Hpeuking also distlaintiill^ of us, stormiiif; at the peace !ie-
tween Naiiset, Ciimnmqiiid and lis, and nt 7V,f»i(nn/um, the worker of it ;
niso at Tokamahamon, and one IMiomok, (two IiidiaiiH or Lemes, one of
which hn would treacherously have murdered a little iM-l'ore, lieiiig a special
nnd trusty man of Mnasnsotfts,) Tokamahamon went t<» him, hut the other
two would not ; yet put their lives in their hands, privately w«iit to see if
they could hear of their kiiifr, and, lodging at Namaseliet, were dicovered to
Couhalnnt, who set a gtiard to Ijeset the lioiise, and took Tia(punitinn, (li)r he
had sniil, if he were dead, the Knglisli had lost their tongue.) Hohbitmok see-
ini; that Tisquantum was taken, nnd Coubntant held [holding] n kniti; at his
liuast, heiiig a strong and stout man, brake from them, and came to New I'li-
inoiith, full of fear and sorrow for Tisquantum, \<i\\oi\\ lie thought to Im> slain."

t'pon this the IMimoutli peojile sent un expedition, under SlantHsh, of 14
iiien,+ " and Hohhnmok l()r their guide, to revenge the suppose<l death of
Tinquanlum on Coubatant our bitter enemy, and to retain J^'ejtfof, another
sachem, or governor, who was of this conlederacy, till we iieurd what was
become of our frieiul Mniisasoyt"

After much toil, the little army arrived near the place they expected to find
Caunbitnnt, " Bei'ore we came to the town (sjiys the narrator) we sat down
and eat such as our knajisacks nflbrded ; that being done, we threw tliein
asiile, and all such things as might binder ns, and so went on and l)eset the
iioiise, according to our last resolution. Those that entered, demanded if
Cotibatnnl were not there ; but lear bod Iwrell the savages of speech. We
charged them not to stir, lor W Coubatant were not then;, we would not med
die with them ; if he were, wc came principally for bim, to be avenged on
liim ibr the suppostMl death o\' Tisquantum, and other matters: but howso-
ever, we would not at all hurt their women or children. Notwithstanding,
some of tbctn |)reBsed out nt a private door, and escaped, but with some
wounds. At length perceiving our principal ends, tlicy told ns Coubatant
was n;turned [home] with all his train, and that Tisquantum was yet living,
nnd in the town ; [then] oficriug some tobacco, [and] otlier, sucb as they
had to eat."

In this hurley hurley, (cs they call it,) two guns were fired "at random,"
to the great terror of nil but Squanto and Tokamahamon, "who, though they
knew not our end in coming, yet assured them [m frightened] of our licncsty,
[and] that we would not huit them." The Indian boys, seeing the squaws
protected, cried out, JVeensquaes! JSieensquaes! that is, I am a squaw! I am a
squaw! and the women trie<l to screen tbeiiisclves in HobomofCs presence,
reminding bim that lie was their friend.

This attack upon a defenceless house was mode at midnight, nnd must
have been terrible, in an inconceivable degree, to its inmates, especially the
sound of the English guns, which few, if any of them, had ever lienrd before.
The relator proceeds : "IJiitto be short, we kept them we had, and made
them make a fire tliut we might see to search the house ; in the meantime,

" Corhitant, Cmilnitant, aiitl Conliitant, were ways of wriling his name also, by his cob
li'ni|iiirnries.
t rcii, says ilie Relation.

lliiii

TREATY WITH THE INDIANS.

[Book II

Hobhamtk pat on the top of the house, and cnlled THsq^iantum and Tolcavia'
kamon.'" Tlioy pooh came, with some otlicrs with them, hddio armed and
othei'H naked. Tlic English took away the how8 and arrows iiom thoNo that
woixi armed, hut ]>romitied to return them as soon as it was day, whieii they
prohahly did.

They kept p^Rsession of tlie captured wijrwam until daylight, when they
re'w.sed their prisoiiers, ami marched into the town (as they call it) of the
NduiaKkcts. llcre, it ajtpears, Sqtuinto had a house, to which they went, and
t jok hreakfast, and held a coin't afterward, froui which they issued forth the
(bllowidjif decree against Cmmhilnnt : —

" Tliither came all whose heartu were upright towards us, hut all Covha-
tnnVs faction were fled awa)'. There in the midst of them we manifested
again our intendment, assuring thciu, that, although Covbilnnt had now
escaped us, yet there was no place shoidd secure him and his from us, if he
continued his threutenin.; us, and provoking others against us, who had
kindly entertained him, and never intended evil towards him till he now so
justly destirved it. Moreover, \t' Massasoyl did not return in safety from Nar-
roliigganset, or if herealler he slioidd make any insurrcciion against him, or
ofli'r violence to Tisijtimitmn^ Hohomok, or any of J\lnssaso;iVs snhjects, wo
wouhl revenge it \ipon him, to the o'orthrow of him and his. As lor those
[who] were wounded, [how m-.iiy is not mentioned,] wo were sorry for it,
though themselves procured it in not staying in the house at our conunand :
yet, if they wou]'l return home with ns, our surgeon should heal them. At
this otter one man and tt woman that were wounded went home with us,
l^isquanhim and many other known friends accompanying us, and offering
all help that might he by carriage of any thing we had to ease us. So that
hy God's good providence we safely returned home the morrow night after
we set forth." *

Notwithstanding these rough passages, Caunhitant became in a])pearance
reconciled to the English, and on the IHth Sept. following (1()21) went to
Plimonth and signed a Irefity o*'amity. It was through the intercession of
Mttssasoit that he became again reconciled, hut the English always doubted
his sincerity, as most probably they had reason to. The treaty or eubmission
was in these words : —

" Know all men by these presents, that we whose names are underwritten,
do acknowledge ourselves to be the royal subjects of King Janics, kiiig of
Great Itritain, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. In witness
Avhercof, and as a testimonial of the same, we have subscribed our names, or
marks, as Iblloweth ;

Ohquamehud,

CaWxNACOME,

Obbatinnua,

NATTAWAHlirTT,

Caunbatan".

CniKKATABAK,

quadaquina,
huttmoiden,
Apannow."

Of some of these sachems nothing is known beyond this transaction, and
of Others very little.

Obbatinua is supposed to have been sachem of Shawinut, where IJostou
now stands.

Cawniicome and t^pnnvcw may he the same before spoken of as Conccojwtn
and Epnnow, though I am rather of opinion that ^'Ipannoiv means .flspinrt of
Nauset.f JSiattmmhunt we sliall again meet witii, mider the name JViishoonon.
Coneconiwi was sachem oi' Miinomd, on Cape Cod.

When, in tlic winti'r of Ki'iU, the English traversed the coimtry to trade
with the Indians for corn, they visited him among other clfKjfs; who, tlie\
say, " it seemed was of good resfjcct, and authority, amongst the Indians.
For whilst the; governor was there, within night, in hitter cold weather, came
two men from Manamoyck, before spoken of, and having set aside their bows

* Frdin i}foiiii. lit .iiipra. niiil sisfiiccl only uitli llio onpiliil Icdpr A, wliirli is stippnsi'il to
„„in(l for hilar Al/i'i-toii, «lio »priiiii|iiiiii(Ml Slmiilish porliiips. I'nini the use of lh« proiiuua
in llu; lirst person, llio writer, whoever he wns, iiiust hiive heen prcsuiil

' Sol' chapter i. ul'li. 11,

Rtnn

CHAT

II.J

CAUNHITANT.

and (juivri's, acconlmg to tlicir nininipr, snt down by the fire, and took n pipe
oftnliacro, not nsing nny words in that tnn«', nor any otiier to tliein, l)Mt ull
rcniainod silent, expecting v lien they wouiti speul<. At lengtli tliey looked
toward Canacum ; and one tlieui made a 8liort speech, and delivered a
present to liini, from hissii aim, Avhicli was a Imsket of tobacco, and many
lieads, which the otiier received tlmnkfidly. Aller which he made a long
speocli to him," the meaning of which Hobomok said was, that two of their
men li-ll ont in a game, " for they use gaming as much as any where, and
will play away all, even their skin ti'om their backs, yea their w ive's skins
also," and one killed the other. That the nnirderer w as a powow, " one of
special note amongst them," and one whom they did not like to part with ;
yet they were threatened with war, if they did not kill the murderer. That,
tlierctore, their sachem deferred acting until the advice of Coneconam won
first obtained.

AOer consulting with this chief, and some of hia head men, these messen-
gers desired //biomofr's judgment upon the matter. With some delerenco
he re|>rKMl, that " he tliouglit it was better that one should die than many,
since! lie had deserved it;" "whereupon he passed the sentence of death
upon iiini."

We shall have occasion again to notice this chief, at whose house the first
act of a tragic scene was acted, which in its coinse brought ruin upon its
projectors.

>\'lien Mr. Edward Jnnslow and Mr. John Hamden went to visit Maasasoit
in his sickness, in Ki'iJJ, they heard by some Lidians, when near CaiinbitanVa
residence, that Mnssn.soit was really dead : they, therefore, though with much
hesitation, vent\neil to his house, ho])ing they might treat with him, he being
then thought the successor of Massasoit. But he was not at home. The
squaw sachem, his wife, treated them with crcat kindness, ami learning here
that Massasoit was still alive, they made all haste to Pokanoket. When they
returned, they staid all night w ith Catmbitanl, at his house, who accompanied
them tiiere from MassasoiCs.

Mr. fyinslow gives the account in these words : — "That night, through the-
earnest request of Conhatant, who, till now, remained at Sowaams, or
Puckanokick, we lodged with Jiim at Mattapuyst By the way, I had nnich
conference with him, so likewise at his house, he being a notable politician,
yet full of merry jests and squibs, and never better pleased than when the
like arc returned again upon him. Amongst other things he asked me, if in
case lit were thus dangerously sick, as Massasoit hod been, and shoidd send
word thereof to Patuxet, for maskicst* [that is, physic,] whether their master
governor wouhl send it; and if he would, whether I would come therewith
to him. To both which I answered, yea ; whereat he gave me many joyful
thanks." He then expressed his surprise that two Englishmen should ad-
venture so far alone nito their countiy, and asked them if they were not
afraid. Mr. tHnsloio said, " where was true love, there was no fear." "But,"
said Caunhitant, '^ if your love be s%ich^ and it bring forth such fruits, hoic cometh
it to pass, Dial u'hcn tee come to Patuxet, you stand upon your ^«m/, with the
mouth of your pieces presented towards us?" Mr. If'inslow to\i\ him that was a
mark ot'res|»ect, and that they received their best friends in that manner:
but to this he shook his head, ami answered, that he did not T.ke such sahi
tatioiis, f

Wlicn Caunbitant saw his visitors crave a blessing before eating, and
retiuii thanks ailerwards, he desired to know what it meant "Hereupon 1
took occasion (says om- inilhor) to tell them of God's works of cnMUion and
preservnti.in, of the laws and ordinances, especially of the ten con.Mand
nients." They foimd no partictilar fault with the commaiulments, except
the seventh, but said there were many inconveniences in that a man should
be tied (o oiwi woman. About which tli(>y reasoned a good while.

When Mr. ff'inslow explained the goodness of (lod in bestowing on tliein
all their comforts, ami that for this reason they thaidied and blessed hinij

* In Willinms's Kov, Af'>sl<il is Irnii'^liMcil, " (Jive me some physic."
t Good News I'roai N. Eiiglaiul, Coll. Muss. Hist. Svc.

WITTUWAMET.— PEKSUOT.

[Book II.

"this i'.ll oftliem coiieliidecl to be very well; and said tliey believed nliiKint
ail tjie same things, and tliut tlie same power tliat we ci.ll God tliey called
A7f/i/rt7!." "Here we remained only that night, but never had better enter
tainiiu'iit nmongHt aiiy of them."

Wliat became of this chief is unknown. His name appearing no more in
our nrordH, leads us to suppose that he either fled his countrj' on the luur
dor of If'ittmvamet, Peksvot, and others, or that he died about t;mt time.

WiTTL'WAMET was a MassBchusctts chief, as was his companion Pe'isuot,
but tlieir jtarticuinr residence has not been assigned. Hittincamd was a des-
perate and bold I'ellow, and, like most other warriors, delighted in shedding
the blood of his enemies. It is not improbable but that he became exasper-
ated a<.>ainst the English fro.n the many abuses some of them had practised
upon his countiymen. This will account, perha])s, lor all the severity and
malignity i)ortrayed by the foreliithers iu his character. He was one of those,
they say, who murdered some of the crew of the French ship, cast away
upon Cape Cod, as we have before mentioned.

That fVittuwamet, Peksitot, and some other chiefs, intended to have freed
iheir countrj' of intruders in the year IG23, there can be no doubt, and in re-
lating the rise, progress and termination of their league to effect this object,
we shall, to avoid the charge of partiality, adhere closely to the record.

We have before, in speaking of Cavnecum, or Coneconam, mentioned the
voyage of the governor of Plimouth to that sachem's country to trade lor

corn ; that was in January, 1023.

Not being able to

bri ff awav all he ob-

tained, Cajitain Miles Siandish was sent the next month to take it to Plimouth,
also to purchase more at the same place, but he did r.ot meet with vei"y good
reception, which led him to apprehend there was mischief at hand. And
immediately after, while at ConeconamUs house with two or three of his com-
pany, "in came two of the Massachusetts men. The chief of them was
called Wittmcamat, a notable insulting villain, one who had formerly imbrued
bis hands in the blood of English and French, and had oft boasted of his
own valor, and derided their weakness, especially because, as he said, they
died crying, making sour faces, more like children than men. This villain
took a dagger from about liis neck, which he had gotten of Master Wtstoii'a
people, and presented it to the sachem, [Conec<mam,'\ and after made a long
speech in an audacious manner, flaming it in such sort as the ca()taiii, though
he be the best linguist among us, could not gather any thing from it. The
end of it was afterwards discovered to be as fblloweth. The Massaehu-
seucks formerly concluded to ruinate Mr. Weaton^s colony; and thought
themselves, being about 30 or iO men, strong enough to execute the same :
yet they durst not attempt it, till such time as they had gathered more
strength to themselves, to make their party good against us at Plimouth :
concluding that if we remained, though they had no otln.r arguments to use
against us, yet we would never leave the death of our cotmtrymen unre-
venged ; and therefore tlieir safety could not be without the overthrow of
both plantations. To this end they had formerly solicited this sachem, ns
also the other, called lanovgh^ and many others, to assist them ; and now
again came to prosecute the same ; and since there was so fair an ojjportu-
nity offered by the cajitain's presence, they thought best to make sure of him
and his comjiany."

Coneconam, after this speech, treated Standish with neglect, and was veiy
partial to fVittuwamet, which much increased the jeelousy of the former.
These Indians meantime contrived to kill Standish, having employed a "lusty
Indian of Paomet"to execute the plan. The weather was severely cold,
and Standish lodged on shore at night, and this was the time he was to have
been killed. But the extreme coldness of the night kept him from sleeping,
and thus he avoided assassination.

We have had occasion, in the life ofMassasoit, to mention that that chief
had been solicited to engage in this confederacy, and of his charging Hohomok
to warn the English of it. The people of the places named at that time by
Massasoit, as in the plot, were Nausct, Paomet, Sticconet, Mattachiest, Mano-
met, Agowaywain, and the Island of Capawack. "Therefore, (says Mr
Utnslow in his Relation,) as we respected the lives of oiu* couutrynicn and

Chap. Il.j

WITTUVVAMET— WESTON'S COLONY.

our own safety, he odvised us to kill the men oflMassachui'et, who wore the
luithors of this intended mischief. And whereas we were wont t<» say, we
would not strike a stroke till they first hegan, It', said he, [Massasoit to
Hoboinok,] u])on this intelligence, they make that answer, tell them, when
their countrymen at Wichuguscusset are killed, they not being uhle to detend
themselves, thot then it will be too late to recover their lives," and it would
l)e with difficulty that they preserved tiieir own; "and therefore he coun-
selled, without delay, to take away the principals, and then the plot would
cease."

Meanwhile JVeston^s men had fallen into a miserahle a.id wretched condi-
tion ; some, to procure a daily sustenance, became ser^'ants to the Indians,
" fetching them wood and water, &c., and all lor a meal's meat." Those
who were thus degraded, were, of course, only a few who had abandoned
themselves to riot and dissipation, but whose conduct had aflected the well
being of the whole, notwithstanding. Some of tliese wretches, in their ex-
tremities, had stolen corn from the Indians, on whose complaint they had
been put in the stocks and whipped. This not giving the Indians satisiuc-
tion, one was hanged. This was in February, lii'^.'J.

About this capital punishment much has been written ; some doubting the
fact that any one was hanged, others that it was the real offender, &c. Itut
in our opinion the facts are incontestable that one was hanged ; but whether
the one really guilty or not, is not quite so easily settled. The fact that one
was hanged for another appears to have been of conunon notoriety, both in
Old and New England, firom shortly aller the aflair mitil the beginning of
the next century.*

Mr. Hubbard f has this passage ujion the affair : — " Certain it is, they [the
Indians] were so provoked with their filching and stealing, that they thittU-
ened them, as the Philistines did Samson's fiitlier-in-law, atler the loss of their
corn ; insomuch tliat the company, as some report, pretended, in way of satis-
faction, to punish him that did the theft, but, in his stead, hanged a poor, de-
crepit old man, that was unserviceable to the company, [an old bed-rid
weaver,!] and burdensome to keep alive, which was the ground of the story
with which the merry gentleman, tiiat wrote the poem called Hudibras, did,
in his jioetical fancy, make so muc 'i sport." And from the same author it ap-
jjcars that the circumstance was Will known at Plimouth, but they pretended
that the right person was hanged, or, in our authoi-'s own words, "as if the
person hanged was really guilty of stealing, as maybe were many of the rest,
and if they were driven by necessity to content the Lidiuns, at that time, to
do justice, there being some of Mr. fVestori's company living, it is possible it
might be executed not on him that most deserved, but on him that could be
best spared, or who was not like to live long if he hud been let aloue."

It will now be expected that we produce the passiige of Hudibras. Hera
it is : —

"Tlioiigh nice and dark the point appear,
(Quotli Ralph,) it may hold up, and clear.
That Sinners may supply the place
Of suffering Saints, is a plain Case.
Justice pves Sentence, many times,
On one Man fc another's crimes.
Our Brethren of New England use
Choice Malefactors to excuse.
And hantr the Guiltless in their stead.
Of whom the Churches have less need :
As lately 't happened : In a town
There lived a Cobbler, and but one,
That out of Doctrine could cut Use,
And mend Men's Lives, as well as Shoes.
This precious Brother having slain.
In times of Peace, an Indian,

tNol out of Malice, but mere Zeal,
iecause he was an infidel,)

The mighty Tottipottt/moy,
Sent to our Elders an Envoy,
Cumplaiiiiiig sorely of the Breach
Of League, neld forth by Brother Patch,
Against the Articles in force.
Between both churches, his and ours.
For which he craved the Saints to render
Into his Hands, or liang th' Offender:
But they, maturely having weighed.
They had no more but him o' tn' Trade,
(A Man that served them in a double
Capacity, to Teach and Cobble,)
Resolved to spare him ; yet to do
The Indian floghan Moghgan, too,
Impartial Justice, in his stead, did
If nng an old Weaver that was Bed-rid.
Then wherefore may not you bo skipp'd,
And in your Room anothe'r Whipp'u i "

fit

• See Col. N. H. Hist. Soc. iii. 148. and b. i. chap. iii. ante.

1 Hill. iN. Kng. 77. X Col. N. H. Hisu Soc. iii. 148

9 G

WITTUWAMET.— WESTON'S COLONY.

iBooK II.

The following note was early printed to this passage : — " The history of
the cobbler had been attested by persons of good credit, who were upon tlio
place when it was done." Mr. Butler wrote tliis part of his lludibras
before 1GC3.

Thomas Morton, who was one of the company, though perhaps absent at
the time, pretends that there was no plot of the Indians, and insmuatcs that
the Plimoutheans caused all the trouble, and tliat their rashness caused the
Indians to massacre some of their men, as we shall presently relate ii'oni a
book which Mr. Morton publislied.*

"Master Weaton^s plantation being settled at Wessaguscu'^, his servants,
many of them lazy persons, that would use no endeavor to take the benefit
of the country, some of them fell sick and died.

" One amongst the rest, an able-bodied man, that ranged the woods, to see
what it would aftbrd, lighted by accident on an IrJian bam, and from thence
did take a cap full of corn. The salvage owner of it, finding by the foot
[track] some English had been there, came to the plantation, and made com-
jdaint after this manner. The chief commander of the company, on this
occasion, called a Parliament of all his people, but those that were' sick and
ill at ease.f And wisely now they must consult, upon this huge coni])laint,
that a privy [paltry] knife or string of beads would well enough hnve quali-
fied: And Edward lohnson was a special judge of this business. The fiict
was there in rei)etition, construction made, that it was fellony, and by the
laws of England punished with deatli, and this in execution must be put for
an example, and likewise to appease the salvage ; when struightwuys one
arose, moved as it wcn^ with some compassion, and said he could not well
gainsay the former sentence ; yet he had conceived, within the compass of
his brain, an embrio, that was of special consequence to be delivered, and
cherished, he said ; that it would most aptly serve to pacify the salvage's
complaint, ond save the life of one that might (if need should be) stand them
in some good stead ; being yomu' urd strong, fit for resistance against an
enemy, which might come imei»pectedi^, for any thing they knew.

"The oration made was liked of every one, and he intreated to show the
means how this may be performed. Says he, you all agree that one must
die, and one shall die. This young man's clothes we will take oflj and jiut
upon one that is old and impotent, a sickly person that cannot escape death ;
such is the disease on him confirmed, tliat die he must. Put the yoiuig
man's clothes on this man, and let the sick person be hanged in the other's
stead. Amen, says one, and so says many more. And this had like to have
proved their final sentence; and being there confirmed by act of Parliament
to after ages for a precedent. But that one, with a ravenous voice, begun to
croak and bellow for revenge, and put by tliat conclusive motion ; alleging
such deceits might be a means hereafter to exasperate the minds of the com-
plaining salvages, and that, by his death, the salvages should see their zeal
to justice, and, therefore, he should die. This was concluded ; yet, never-
theless, a scruple was made ; now to countermand this act did rejjresent
itself unto their minds, which was how they should do to pet tlie man's pood
will : this was indeed a special obstacle : for without that (they all agreed) it
would be dangerous, for any man to attempt the execution of it, lest mis-
chief should befall tJiem every man. He was a person that, in his wrath,
(lid seem to be a second Sampson, able to beat out their brains with the jaw-
bone of an ass: therefore they called the man, and by persuasion got him
fast bound in jest, and then hanged him up hard by in pood earnest, who
with a weapon, and at liberty, would have put all these wise judges of this
Parliament to a i)ittif'ul non plus, (as it hath been credibly rej)orted,) and
made the chief judge of them al! buckle to him."

Tills is an entire chapter of the New Canaan, which, on account of its
great rarity, we have given in fidl. In liis next cha|>ter Mr. Morton |)rocoed8
io narrate the circumstances of the "massacre" of ff'ittuwamet, Peksuot, v.nd
oiliL-r Massachusetts Indians, and the consequences of it. But we shall now

* Eiiiitlcd Now Eiifflish Ciinniin,4io. Ainstprdam, 1037.

t Against (hi!> seiiloiice, in llie margin, is — " A poor comp'aiiil."

Chap. II.] WASSAPINEWAT.— .MASSACRK AT WEt-SAGUSCUS.

draw from tlie Pliiiiouth historian, and aflcrwnrds use Morlon^s cliapter aa
we find occasion.

Mr. Winslow says that Mr. Wcsloii's men " knew not of tliis conspiracy of
tlie Lidians before liis [John Sanders, tUv'ii 'overseer'] jroing; neither was it
known to any of us till our return from Sowaams, or ruckanokick : at which
time also another sachim, culled Hassapincwat, brother to Obtaklcst, the
sachini of the Massachusets, who had formerly smarted ibr ])artaking with
Conbalaut, and fearing the like again, to ]iur<;c himself, revealed the siL'ue
thing," las Massaaoit had done.]

It was now the 23d March, 1G23, " a yearly court day" at Plimouth, cu
which war was proclaimed, " in public court," against the Ma.ssachusetts
Lidians. "We came to this conclusion, (says ff'inslow,) that Captain Standish
should take so many men, as he thought sufHcient to make his party good
f^rainst all the Indians in the Massachusetts Iky; and as because, as all
men know that have to do with them in tJiat kind, it is im|)ossihle to deal
with them upon open defiance, but to take them in such traps as they lay
for othera: therefore he should incteiid trade as at other times: but fu-st go
to the English, [at Wessaguscus,] and acquaint them with the plot, and the
end of their own coming, that, coinpai'ing it with their own carriages
towards them, he might better judge of the certainty of it, and more fitly
take opportunity to revenge the same: but should forbare, if it were

Eossible, till such time as he could make sure ff'iltuwamat, that bloody and
old villain before spoken of; whose head he had order to bring with him,
tliat he might be a warning and terror to all that disposition."

We will now hear a word of what Mr. Morton has to say upon this trans-
action. "After the end of that Parliament, [which ended in the hanging
of one,*] soine of the plantation there, about three persons, went to live
with Checaiawback and his company, and had very good quarter, for all the
former quarrel with the Plimouth i)lanters.t They are not like JFill Som-
mers, J to take one for another. Tliere they purposed to stay until Master
Weston^s arrival : but the Plimouth men intending no good to him, (as
appeared by the consequence,) came in the mean time to Wessaguscus, and
there jiretended to feast the salvages of those parts, bringing with them
pork, and things for the jiurpose, which they set before the salvages. They
eat thereof without suspicion of any mischief, [and] who were taken upon
a watchword given, and with their own knives (hanging about their necks)
were, by the Plimoutii planters, stabbed and slaiu. One of which was
hanged up there, after the slaughter."^ When this came to the knowledge
of ChikataubuPs people, they nnu'dered the three English who had taken up
their residence with them, as they lay asleep, in revenge for the murder of
their countrymen.|l

After Standish was ready to proceed against Jfittutcamet, but before he
set out, one arrived from Wessaguscus almost famished,1I and gave the
people of Plimouth a lamentable account of the situation of his fellows;
that not the least of their calamities was their being insulted by the Indians,
'whose boldness increased abundantly; insomuch as the victuals they got,

* As mnitionod in our last extract from this author.

t Referring, it is supposed, to the quarrel with Cuunbitant.

i The person who proposed hanging a sick man instead of the real ofrcnder.

6 New English Canann, 111. J| Ibid.

V His name was Phinelms Prat. An Indian followed him to kill him, but, by losing t..j
direct path, the Indian missed him. In XCiOl, the general court of Massachusetts, in answer
to a petition of Phinelms Prat, then of Charlestown, which was accompanied " with a nar-
rative of the straights and hardships that the first planters of this colony underwent in their
endeavors to plant themselves at Plimouth, and since, wlicreof he v*as one, the court judgeth
it meet to grant him 300 acres of land, where it is to be had, not hii Uering a plantation.''
3/.S. ammivr the^les in our slate-hniise.

I have not been able to disrover the narrative of Prat, after long sv-arch. Mr. Hubbard
protialily used it in compiling his Hist, of New England.

At the court. .1 May, llili."), land was ordered to l)e laiil out for Prut. " in the wilderness on
the east orihe Meirimnck I?'-er, near the upper end of Nacook Ilroiik, on the south-east of it."
Conrt Fi/f.i. ul siiprn.

I'l-il married, in I'limoutli, a daughter of Cnthhert Cuthbertson, in Ifi30. See 2 Col. Hist.
Sor. vii. 1:2'J.

100

MASSACRE AT WKSISAGUSCUS.

[Book II

they I the Indianb] would take it out of their pots, and eat
faces, and that it they tried to prev

[it] befj
liold n

:ore their
revent tiicni, tiicy would Iiold n knife at
their breasts: and to satisfy tlieiii, tliey had hanged one of tlieir couijiany:
" That they had sold tiieir clothes lor corn, and were ready to star^e I)otii
with cold and hunger also, because they eou!d not endure to get victuals by
reason of their nakedness."

This truly was a wretched picture of this srcotid colony of Massachusetts,
the knowledge of which (says H'in ' •) "gave us good encoura^renient tc
proceed in our intendments." Accordingly, the next day, Stanuisk, with
Hobomok and eight Eiiglislinien, set out u|ion the eN]iedition. His taking so
lew men shows how a few English guns were yet fear<'d by the Indians.
Nevertheless, the historians would have us understand that Slamlish would
take no more, because he would not have the Indians mistrust tl-at he came
to fight them; and they wculd insinuate that it was owing to his ^reat valor.

When Siandish arrived at Wessagnscus, he found the peojile scattered
about, apprehending no danger whatever, engaged in their ordinary afliiirs.
When he told them of the danger they were in lioni the Indians, they said
" they feared not the Indians, but lived, and suflercd them to lodge w ith
them, not having sword or gun, or needing the same." Standish now in-
formed them of the plot, which was the first intimation, it apjjcars, they had
of it. He ordered them to call in their men, and enjoined secrecy of his
intended massacre. But it seems from Winslow^s Relation, that the Indians
got word of it, or mistrusted his design ; i»robably some of the Wessagns-
cus uje. warned them of it, who did not believe there was any plot.

Meantime, an Indian came to trade, and ailerwards went away in friend-
ship. Standish, more sagacious than the rest, said he saw treaehei-j' in bis
eye, and suspected his end in coming tlu.-e was discovered. Shortly after,
Peftffwof, "who was a panicse,* being a ma. of a notable spirit," came to
Hobomok, and told him. He vnderstood the captain was come to kill him and the
rest of the Indians there. "Tell him, (said Peks>:ot,) we know it, but fear bun
not, neither will we shun him ; but lot him begin when he dare [s], he will
not take us unawares."

The Indians now, as we might expect, began to prepare to meet the
danger, and the English say many of them came divers times into their
presence, and " would whet and sharpen the jwint of their knives," "and
use nu.ny other insulting gestures a.id speeches. Amongst the rest, Witlv-
wanud bragged of the excellency of his knife. On the end of the handle there
was pictured a woman's fiice ; but, said he, I have another at home, tvh^etirith 1
have killed both French and English, and that hath a man^sface on it ; and by and
by these two must marry." To this he added, IIinnaim namen, HI^^'AIM bii-
CHEN, MATTA ccTs ! that is. By and by it shoidd see, and by and by it should eat,
hut not speak. "Also Pec/rswof, (continues WtWom,) benig a man of greater
stature than the captain, told him though he were a great captain, yet he was
but a little man : and, said he, though I be no sachem, yet I am a man of great
strength and courage. These things the captain observed, yet bare with pa-
tience for the present"

It will be seen, in what we have related, as well as what we are about to
add, that Thomas MortorCs account, in some of the ^nain frets, a,Tree8 with
that of Winsloto. From the latter it appears that Standish, after considerable
manoDUvering, could get advantage over but few of the Indians. At length
having got PfiA»uo< and Wittuwamat ^^ both together, with another man, and
a youth of some eighteen years of age, which was brother to Wittuwamat,
and, villain like, trod in his steps, daily putting many tricks upon the weaker
sort of men, and having about as many of his own company in a room with
them, gave the word to his men, and, the do ir being fast shut, began himself
with Fecksuc*, and, snatching hw ovm knife from his neck, though with much

• " The Paniesns are men of i^eal courage and wisedome, and to these also (he Deuill
appearelh more familiarlv than to others, and as wee conceiue, maketh couenant with them to
presenie Ihem from de'''. by wounds with arrows, knives, hatchets, &c." ^^'iIlslo1c's Rela-
tion, In speaking of tlie origin of calumet, Charlevoix says, some Indians told him that i
was given by the sun (o Panis, a nation upon the Missouri. Voyage dans I'Ameriqu.

Chap. II]

OBTA KIEST.— HOBOMOK.

101

•tnigglinjr, and killed him therewith — tliP point whereof lie liad made ns sharp
as a needle, niid groinirl the hark u\sc to an edge. Wittuwantet and tlie other
man the rest killed, and took the yoidh, icho.n the captain caused to be hanged."

We could now wisli this hk)0(iy talc; were finished, but we have promised
to kfciip close -"> tiie record. IVIr. ffv^low continues, "But it is incredible
how many wounds these two priniescs received be/ore they died, not Tiuiking any
fearful noise, but catching at their weapons, and striving to the last.

"Hcbbamock stood by all tliis time,* and meddled not, observing how our
men demeaned themselves in this action." After the affray was ended, lie
said to Slandish, "Yesterday Pecksuot bragged of his own strength and
stature, said, though you were a gieat captain, yet you were but a little man
but to-day I see you are big enough to lay him on the ground."

Slandish was now sent to a company of Westov^s men, who ordered them
to kill the Indians that were among them. They killed two. Himself with
some of his men killed another, at another place. As they were pursuing
this business, intending to kill all they could lay hands upon, " through tho
negligence of one man, an Indian escaped, who discovered [disclosed] and
ctv^ssed their proceedings."

Joined by some of Mr, JVeston^s men, Standish discovered a few Indians,
and (tursucd them. Standish gained a hill which the Indians also strove to
occupy, and who, after shooting a few arrows, fled. " Whereupon Hobba-
mock cast off his coat, and being a known panicse, theirs being now killed,
chased them so fast, as our people were not able to hold way with him."
One who made a stand to shoot Standish had his arm broken by a shot,
which is all the advantage claimed by the English. The Indians got into a
swamp, and after some bravadoing on both sides, the parties separated.
After issisting the settlers of Wessaguscus to leave the place, the English
returred to Plimouth, taking along the head of fVittuwamet, which they set
up in their foit

Meanwhile the Indian that followed Prat from Wessaguscus, as he returned
from Manomet, called at Plimouth in a friendly manner, and was there
seized and put in irons. Being asked if he knew the head of Wittuwamet,
said he did, and "looked piteously" upon it. "Then he confessed the
plot," and said his sachem, ObtaJciest, had been drawn into it by the impor-
tunity of all the people. He denied any hand in it himself, and begged hia
life might be spared. Said he was not a Massachuset, but only resided as a
stranger among them. Hobomok " also gave a good report of him, and be-
sought for him ; but was bribed so to do it" They finally concluded to spare
him, "the nither, because we desired he might carry a message to Obtakiest.^^
The message they charged him with was this, tliat they had never intended
to deal so with him, until they were forced to it by their treachery, and,
therefore, they might thank themselves for their own overthrow ; and as he
had now began, if he persisted in his course, " his country should not hold
him : " that he should forthwith send to Plimouth " the three Englishmen he
had, and not kill them." f

The English heard nothing fi-om OWoiiea^ for a long time ; at length lie
sent a ^vl)man to them, (probably no man would venture,) to tell them he
was sorry that the English were killed, before he heard from them, also
that he wished for peace, but none of his men durst come to treat about it.
The English learned from this woman, that he was in fereat consternation,
" having forsaken his dwelling, and daily removed from place to place, ex-
jtecting when we would take further vengeance on him." The terror was
now general among them, and many, as we have elsewhere said, died through
fear and want To this dismal narrative Mr. fFinslow adds, " And certainly

* This, we suppose, is the affair to which President Allen alludes, in his American Bio^-
raphy, (SJ<1 ed.) when he says, " he [Hobomok] fought bravely by liis [Standisli's] side, m
1623." If standing and looking on be fighting, tJien did Hobomok JiglU bravely on this
occasion.

t Morton, in his New Canaan, 111, says, these three men went to reside wilh Cliikataubiit ;
hence Morton very reasoniilily suggests, that if the Plimouth pcof)le inlciulcd the men of
Wessaguscus any good, why did they not first see thai all of them were out of danger befort
I>eginniiig war?

102

II,)nOMOK.— vSCiUANTO'S PF.RFIDY.

[Rook II.

it is Ktniii'ic to licar liow ninny t)f liitc liavr, nnil still daily «lio ninoiifrsi
tlu'iri; iicitlicr is tlier*' niiy iikcliliood it uill <>asily rciisi; ; lu'cniisi; tliriiii<:li
fear they 8»!t lilfli; or no corn, wliich is tliu stall' »if lili', and without wiiicli
tiicy cannot lun^ preHenu licaltli and Ktn;n<;tli."

'I'lifso ufliiii'H cull for no coinnicntary, tiiat inti{<t ncronipany every li.inil
tlirouffli every step of the relation. It wonid be weakness, as appears to us,
tit att(-nipt a vindication of the rash eondnct of the Kn^lish. Atnid their
Kuflt-rinfrs, some poor Indians resolved to attempt to appease the wrath of
the l']n<;lish f,'overnor l)y jiresents. Four set out by water in a lioat for
I'linionth, but by accident were overset, and three of thcni were drowned ;
the other returned ba«'k.

When Mr. Robinson, the f«ther of the Plimouth churcn, heard how his
pco|)l(! had conducte<l in this atfuir with the Indians, he \\rote to them, to
consider of the disposition of Captain Standish^ "who was of a warm tem-
per," but he hoped the Lord had sent him among them for a good end. if
they used him as they ought "He doubted," he said, "whether there was"
not wanting that tenderness of the life of man, made aller God's image,"
wliicli was so necessary; and above all, that "'it would have been happy if
they liatl converted some before they had killed any."

The reader has now jmssed through u period of Indian liistory of nuich
interest, , /herein he will doiduless have fbuiul much to admire, and more
tliat he could have wished otherwise. Our business, however, we will
here rcn/md him, is that of a dealer in facts altogether, and he must take
them, dry as they are, without any labored commentaries from us. Although
we have had occasion to introduce Hobovwk several times, yet there remain
tra isactions of considerable interest .n his life yet to be noticed.

IIoBOMOK, or Hobbamock, was a great paniese or war captain among the
Wam])anoags, as we have already had occasion to observe. He came to
Plimouth about the end of July, 1()21, atul continued with the English as
long as he lived. He was n principal means of the lasting friendship of
Massasolt, wiiicIi Morton says, he " much furthered ; and that he was a
proper lusty young man, and one that was in accoimt among tltj Indians in
those jiarts for his valor." He was of the greatest service in learning t'lem
liow to cultivate such fruits as were peculiar to tJie coimtry, such as corn,
beans, &c. The account o. his mission to Massaaoit, to learn the tnilh of a
report that the Narragansets had made war ujton him, and his interruption
and trouble from Caunbitant are already related.

Keing a fiivorite of Massasoil, and one of his chief captains, the pilgrims
found that they need not apprehend any treachery on his part, as Hobomok
was so completely in their interest, and also in that of the great sachem,
tiiat he would advi.se tiiem if any thing evil were on foot against them.
What strengthened them in this opinion was the following circumstance.
Tlie Massachusetts Indians had for some time been inviting the English
into thtir country to trade for furs. When, in March, 1G22, they began to
make ready for the voyage, Hobomok " told ns, (says Winslow,) that he feared
the Massaclnisetta, or Massachuseuks, for they so called the people of that
]>lace, were joined in confederacy with the Nanohig^anneuks, a people of
Nanohigganset, and that they, therefore, would take this opportunity to cut
of[' Ci\\>X. Standish and his company abroad ; but howsoever, in the mean-
time, it was to be feared, [he said,] that the Nanohigganeuks would assaidt
tiie town at home ; giving many reasons for his jealousy ; as also that Tia-
quantum was in the confederacy, who, [he said,] we should find, Avould use
many jiersuasions to draw us from our shallops to the Indians' houses for
their better advantage."

Nevertheless, they proceeded on their voyage, and when tlioy had turned
the point called the GumeVs Nose, a fidse messenger came running into
Plimouth town, apparently in a great fright, out of breath, and bleeding
from a wound in his fiice. He told them that Caunbilant, with many of the
Narragansets, and he believed Massasoit with them, were corning to de-
stroy tilt) English. No one doubted of his slnceri /, and the first tliought of
the peo|)le was to bring back their military leader, who had just gone in
the boat with Hobomok. A piece of cannon was immediately discharged

CuAr. II.]

IIonoMOK— SdUVNTO'S rRllFIDY.

103

ltd

Into

ln'g
Itlie
|(le-
of
iu
led

wliicli, to tlioir p»'oiit j«»y, sdoii ciinscd tlie Ixnit to return, not liiivintr L'ot oni
of luNiriii^. Tlicv liail no soonrr iirriv. d, tliaii lloliomok uM llicni ilicrc w.is
no tnitli ill tlio n'|iort, iiiul saiil it wiis a pi. it of Sijwinlo, m ho was tinii with
tliciii. and cvt'ii oin' of tliosf in the boat; tliat lie knew .Mn.imiifoit would not
undertake siudi an enliM'prise witliont coiisnltinj^ him. llultDniok was r-duli-
dent, hecuuse lie was hiinself a jrreat cliieli aiul one of .Mits.vinoirit counsel-
lors. S(iuanto denied all knowledjre of any jilof, and thus ended the atliiir
The Fniflishj howc^ver, seemed well satisfied that Siiuanio had laid this shal-
low plot tu set them against J\fassasoit, thinking tliev would d(-stroy him, hy
which meuna lie expected to bocoiiie chief sachem liiiiiself; and thi.-* seem.'*
th(! iii.-ire prolmhie, as .Mn.txasoit was (or some time irreconcilahle hecaii.st!
they withheld him from him, when lie had forfeited his life, as in niir nar-
ration has heoii set forth. But entirely to Hatisly the Kiij-lish, Ilohomok sent
his wile to I'okanuket privately to gain exact intelli'ience, and her return
only verified what ! < ' liiishaiid had said.

" ThiLs hy deifrech ^continues tyinslow) we began to discover Tl.i(]umtlum,
wliosc ends were only to make himself great in the eyes of his countrymen,
by means of his nearness and favor with us ; not caring who lill, so he
stood. In general, his course was, to ptsrsuade tluMii he could lead ns to
peace or war at his phuisure ; and would oil threaten tin; Indians, sending
them woril, in a i)rivate manner, we were intended shortly to kill them, that
thereby he might get gitls to himself, to work their peace, insoninch as they
liad hiin in greater esteem than many of their sachems , yea, they them-
selves sought to him, who promi.sed them peace in respect of ns; yea, and
protection also, so as they would resort to him. So that whereas divers
were wont to rely on Massassowat for i)rotection, and resort to his aliode,
HOW they began to leave him, and seek atler Tisqiianlum. Iliit w Ih'ii we
uinlerstood his dealing.s, we certified all the Indians of our ignorance and
iunocency therein ; assuring them, till they begun with us, they should have
no cause to fear : and if any herealler should raise any such reports, they
shoidu punish them as liars, luid seekers of their and our disturbanci! ; which
gave the Indians good satisfaction on all sides." "For these and the like
abuses, the governor sliar|)ly reproved him, yet was he so necessary and
profitable an instrument, as at that time we could not miss him."

To the end that ' „■ might j)ossess his countrymen with great fear of the
English, Tisquanlwn told them the English kept tlie plague buried in their
store-house, and that they could send it, at any time, and to any jtlace, to
destroy whatever persons or jieoplc they would, though they themselves
stirred not out of <loors. Among the rest, he had made Hohomok believe
this tale, wlio asked the English if it were true, and being intbrined that it
was not, it ex[doded like his other impostures.

There is but little doubt that Squanto was in the interest of Caunhilnnl,
and lived among the English as a spy, while Hohomok was honestly, as he
pretended, a strong friend to them ; but for some time it was nearly impos-
sible for them to know which was their best friend, as each seemed emu-
lous to outvie the other in good ofliccs. They were, however, at this time
satisfied ; for, Hohomok^s wife having told Massasoil what liad happened, and
that it was one of Squanto''s men that gave the alarm, satisfied him that that
sagamore had caused it, and he therelbrc demanded him of the Ensflish,
that he might {lut him to death, according to their law, as lias been related.
Rut tlie Englisli, regarding the benefit resulting to them from saving his
life, more than keejiing inviolate the treaty before made with Massasott,
evaded the demand, and thus '^quanto-was permitted to esca[)e.

Hohomok was greatly beloveo by Mn.tsasoit, notwithstanding lie became a
niofessed Christian, and Massasoit was always opposed to the English religion
himself. I^ias been told in the life of the great Massasoit, how valuable
was the agency of Hohomok^ in faithfiilly revealing the mischievous plot of
Caunbilant, which terminated in the death of fVittuwamet and Peksuol. He
was the pilot of the English when they visited Massasoit in his sickness,
whom before their arrival they considered dead, which caused great mani-
festations of grief in Hohomok. He often exclaimed, as they were on
their way, " JVeen icomasu Sagimus, neen tconmsu Sagimvs," &c., which i^

104

A VOYAOE.— NANEPASHEMET.— OBBATINEWAT. [Book II

" My loving Sachein, my lo'' Snrlipm ! many Iiavc I known, but never any
like thee." Then, turning . •, ffinslow, mn], "While you live jou will
never Hee his like ttiiiong tilt um; that ho wns no liar, nor bloody uiul

zrucl like other IndiaiiH. In i..., uiid imssion he wns soon reclaimed ; ea»>y
to h(! reconciled towards such us lind oticndcd him ; that his reason wa?
such as to cause him to receive advice of mean men ; and that he governed
his |)e()jile lietter with few blows, than others did with many."

Ill the division of the land at Plimouth among the inhabitants, Hohomok
received a lot as liia share, on which he resided ailer the English manner
and died a Christian among them. The year of his death does not appear,
but was previous to 1G42.

It has already been mentioned that the pilgrims made a voyage to Massa-
chusetts in the autumn of l(j21. It was in this voyage that they became
acquainted with the fame of JS'ampashcmtt. The I'Inglish had heard that
the Indians in the Massachusetts had threatened them, and they went (says
Mouii) "partly to see the country, partly to make peace with them, and
partly to procure their truck."

Sqtuinto was pilot in this voyage. They went ashore in the bottom of the
bay, and landed under aclift'which some* have supposed was what has
been since called Copp's llill,t now the north part of Boston. This was on
yOth Sept. 1621. lliey saw no Indians until some time after they went
ashore, but found a parcel of lobsters which they had collected, with which
they refreshed themselves. Soon after, as they were j)rocee<ling on an
excursion, " they met a woman coming for her lobsters." They told her
what they had done, and paid her tor them. She told them where to find
Indians, and Squanto went to them to prepare them for meeting with the
English.

Obbatituwat now received the voyagers. This sachem (if he bo the
same) had made peace w ith the English ut Plimouth only seven days pre-
vious, as we have had occasion to notice. He tnld thcni he was sachem of
the place, and was subject to Massasoit ; and that he dared not remain long
in any place, from fear of the Tarratines, who were " wont to come at har-
vest and take away their corn, and many times kill them." Also that Sqvaw-
■SiarAem of Massachusetts was his enemy. This Squaw-Sachetn,t &» we be-
lieve, was chief of those inland Indians since denominated the Nipncts, or
Nipmucks, and lived at this time near Wachuset Mountain. The English
intended § to have visited her at this time, but found the distance too great
to proceed. They received the greatest kindness from all the Indians they
met with, and mentioned that of Obbatinetcat in particular. And they say,
" We told him of divers sachims that had acknowledged themselves to be
King Jantes his men, and if he also xcould submit himself, || we would be his
safeguard from his enemies, which he did."

At another place, " having gone three miles, in arms, up in the country,
we came (say they) to a place where corn had been newly gathered, a house
pulled down, and the people gone. A mile from hence, JVanepashemel,
their king, in his life-time hud lived.lT His house was not like others, but a
scaflbid was largely built, with poles and planks, some six foot from [the]
ground, and the house upon that, being situated on the top of a hill. N04
far from hence, in a bottom, we came to a fort," built by JVanepashemel. It

* Dr. Belknap appears to have been the first who sugffcstecl this. See his Bioa;. ii. 2i!4.

t We had supposed this eminence to have been so called from a copse or clump of trees,
<vhich for a long lime remained upon it, after it became known to the whites ; but Shaw,
Descrip. Boston, 67, says it was named from one Copp, a shoemaker. And Snmv, Hist.
Boston, 105, says William Copp was the proprietor of " a portion of the hill."

t " Sachems or saramoreSj-^which are but one and the same title, — t lie first more usual
with the southward, the other with the northward Indians, to express the title of him that hath
the chief command of a place or people." Hist. N. E. 60.

5 Shattiick (Hist. Concord, 2) says she was visited at this time by tliese voyagers, but I
ani not able to arrive at any such conclusion from any source of information in my pos-
•ession.

II It (Iocs not seem from this that he is the same who before had submitted at Plimouth, as
Mr. Prince .supposes.

V, Mr. Shalluck in his Hist. Concord, says, this " was in Medford, near Mystic Pond."

Chap II.|

NANEPASIIEMET.— ins DEATH, ie

105

was made with »« polos some 30 or 40 foot lonp, stuck in tlie ground, ns lliirk
na tlicy conid Im^ wet ono l)V nnotlu'r, and with these tiu-y iMifloM'd a riiiy
Bonu! 40 or 50 loot over. A tnuich, hn iist iiif:h, was di^^ed on i arh ^iid^•.•
One way there was to get into it with a hrid^te. In the nrnlst of this pali-
sado stood tiio tranie of an lionse, wiiercin, heing dead, lie hiy hiiried,
Ahout a mile from henre, we came to snrii anotiicr, l)iit seated on tin; top
ot' an iiill. Here JSi'anepashemel was kilk-d, none dwelling in it h^ince the
time of his death."

A( eording to Mr. Ltwia, Kantpa-^hfrnet was killed ahont the year Kill), and
I. is widow, who was Squaw-Sitchtm hel<)rc named, contimied the govermnent.f
He lell five children,! *"i"* "* whose names we gather tioni the interesthig
History of Lymi ; viz. 1. Monlowampatc, called hv the English S<t^amore
James, lie was sachem of Sangus. i2. .'ibig'niV, a (faiightcr. 'I. If'onokaqua-
ham, called Saf^amorc John, saeiiem of Wiimesimet. 4. IVinncpurkitt, called
Sasramore Georf^e, or George Rtimnei/marsh, the sncccssor of Montoivampate at
Hangus. Of most of these wc shall speak in iletail hereailer.

S(iu(iw-Sa4:hem, according to the authority last mentioned, was the spouse
of h'appncowet,^ or Jfcbromt, in KiiT). She and her hushand, four years
alh-r, lti;C>, deeded to Jolhiun Gihbonen "the reversion of all that |mrcel of
land which lies against the ponds of IMystic, together with the said ponds,
all which we reserved from Cliarhsstown and (Jamhridge, late called New-
town, after the death of me, the said Sijuaw-Sacfum." Tlie consideration was,
"the many kindnesses and henefits we have received from the hands of
Captain lidward Gibbones, of Boston."

The Squa-Sachem's mark '-^v-
Webcowit's mark -" — "-

i^M

■ai

Webcowlt was a powwow priest, or magical physician, and was considered
next in importance to JVanepashemet among the snhjccts of that chief, aflcr
his death ; as a matter of course, his widow took him to her bed. It does
lot iip|)ear, that he was either much respected or thought nuich of; especial-
ly hy his wite, as in the ahove extract from their «' d, no provision seems
to have been made lor him allcr her death, if , .; outlived her. At all
events, we may conclude, without hazard we tin .k, that if breeches had
been in liishion among Indians, the wife of JVebcowit would have been ac-
couiitahlo for the article in this case.

In um^, Massachusetts covenanted with " Wassamequm, ^aahoonon, Kutch-
ama/]um, Massaconomet, and S(piaw-Sa/:hem,"\\ to the end that mutual bene*
fit might accrue to each party. The sachems put themselves under the
government of the English, agreeing to observe their laws, in as far as they
«liould be made to uiulerstand them. For this confidence and concession
of their persons and lands into their hands, the English on their part agreed
CO extend the same protection to them and their people as to their English
suhjccts.1T

What had become of JVebcoioil at this time does not appear ; perhaps he
ivas off powwowing, or at home, doing the ordinary labor of the household.
We hear of him, however, ioiT yeais aller,( 1647,) "taking an active part"
HI the endeavors made by tlii> English to Christianize his countirmen. " He
asked the English why some of them had been 27 years in the land, and
never taught them to know (Jod till then. Had you done it sooner, (said
he,) wc might have known nuich of God by this time, and much sin might
have been prevented, but now some of us are grown [too] old in sin."

* Miiflil not, 'hen, ihe western mounds have bei n formed by Indians ?

t mil. Lynn, 16.

i Sliattuc/c, lb. who fixes her residence at Concord ; she, doubtless, had several places of
resiilencu.

^ His name is spelt \Vebroieits to MS. deed in my possession, and in Mr. Shatttic"i MSS
HililMcowitts, as appears from his History.

\\ 111 the History of the Narnignmet Country, these names are written Was.^amegiin,
J\tiiiliawanon, Cutshanuuke, Massattomell, and Squa- Sachem. Sue 3 Col. ALus. Hist. Hoc
i. 212.

1i' See Gookin's MS. Hist. Praijirig Jndic ns.

Ill

lOG

SO.MK ACCOUNT OF THE MASSACIIIIHF.TT.S.

[Book II.

TIk! I'lii^'li.Hli hiikI tliey ro|)i>iil(*(l of tiieir ri(>^'l<>ct ; lint iTcollortiiiirtlif>inR<>lvr<i
•iiH\Vfr(-<l, "Von wi-n- not wiilii jr to lieiirv till now," and that (iod had not
UinK'd their heartn till then.*

or tilt! KacliiMim who made tho covvntint aliovc named, the firHt W(>siipp<i.wri
to have lieen Mnsmsoil, on Ihu part of t!i<; \Vanipanoa;:M, who at tiiiH lime
wiiN, p(!rliaps, among the NipninkH; AWiooxon, a Nipnnik chief, with whom
Maasitsuil now re.-sided. Ili.s ref*idenee wan near what wa« wince Mairii.s Hill,
in Worcester county, lie wa« prolmhly at I'liitiouth, KJ Hept., KiiiJ, where
he 8i;,'ned a treaty with eijjht others, aH we have set down in the lilij of Cuun-
bilanl lltti iiunic la there ajicit JVattnwahunt, In Ifinthrop's Journal,
it is JVnahofoivam, and wo Hii|ipoHe he was iiitlier of JVassowanno, mentioned
by fniilney.\ Kulchninnquin was saclierii of Dorchester aiid vicinity, and
Miusaconoiml was Mascononomo.

CHAPTER m.

Somt account of the Massuchusells — Gcogrnphy of their eounlnj — CuiKAXAUBrT —
Wampatcck — his tear with the Muhatcks — Mascononomo — Canonicis — Mos-
TO w A M p A T K — Hmull-jivt JtistTtsscs the In ilia us — Wo n o ii \ q i; a n a m — W i ,n N i; p u B-

KIT — MaNATAIKIUA — SCITTERYOUSSET — NaTTAHATTA WANTS — WahOUMACLT-

Jack-Straw — Jamf.3.

Not long before tlie settlement of Plimouth, tlie Ma.ssachusptts had been
a niuiierous people, but were greatly reduced at tliis time; partly from the
great jilague, of which we have already spoken, and subsequently from their
wars with the Tarratincs. Of this war none but the scanty records of tho
first settlers are to be had, and in them few jiarticulars are preserved; J
therefore it will not be expected that ever a complete account of the territo-
ries and power of the Massachusetts can be given ; broken down as they
Wire at the time they became known to the Europeans ; for we have seen that
their sachems, when first visited by the Plimouth peojile, Avere shilling for
their lives — not daring to lodge a second night in the same place, fiom their
fear of the Tarratines. Hence, if these Indians had existed as an independ-
ent tribe, their history was long since swept awoy " in gloomy toniiiests,"
and obscured in "a night of clouds," and nothing but a meagre tradition re-
mained. For some time after the country was settled, they would tly lor
protection from the Tanatines to the houses of the English.

It is said, by Mr. Gooiin, that "their chief sachem held dominion over
many other petty governors ; as those of Weechagaskas, Neponsitt, Piiiika-
paog, Nonantum, Nasliaway, some of the Nijimuck people, as far as Pokoni-
takuke, as the old men of Massachusetts affirmed. This people could, in
former times, arm for war about 3000 men, as the old Indians declare.
They were in hostility very often with the Narragansitts ; but held amity,
for the most part, with the Pawkunnawkutts."^ Near the mouth of Charles
River " used to be the general rendezvous of all the Indians, both on the
Eouth and north side of the country."|| Hutchinson^ says, "That circle
which now makes the harbors of Boston and Charlcstown, round by Mai-
den, Chelsea, Nantasket, Hingham, Weymouth, Braintree, and Dorchester,
was the capital of a great sachem,** much revered by all the plantations
round about. The tradition is, that this sachem had his principal seat upon
a small bill, or rising upland, in the midst of a body of salt marsh in the
township of Dorchester, near to a place called Squantum."tt Hence it will

* Hist. Coiico'd, 23. t Hist. Worcester Co. 174.

X This war was causpfl, says iHr. Tluhhard, " upon the accoiiiit of some trcnclierj' " on
the part of the western tribes, i. e. the trihes west oi" the Merrimark. Ifi.st. New. En"-. 30.

& 1 Coll. INIass. Hist. Soc. i. hl8. || Hist. N. Eng. 32. °

TT From Nfitl's Hist. N. Ens;., prohal)ly, whioh see.

•* It will he a good while before liie present possessors of the country can boast of such a
sapital.

ft Hist. Mass. i. 4(K). And here it was, I suppose, that the riimouth people landed in iheii

Chap. Ill]

niiKATArnLT— VISITS r.(;.sT()N.

107

he ol)s(>rvo(l, tlint uiiiomk tlin iiccoiints oC the (*iitTn>!«t writrrx, tiic ildii'inioim
of' iIh' dirtt-rcnt wiriiniiis with coiisifjcri'd as i-oinpn'lH'inlt'd witliiii \t'ry
dilli'iriit liiiiit.s ; a kitut of iri'tii-ra! iilm, tlirn-lorc, can luily lii> iiatl <il' llin
rxtrtit lit* their iKiwst'SMioiis. It is rvifli-nt that the .Massachusetts urn; either
fnilijeet to till! Narrapiiiselt.s, or in alhaiice with tiiem ; tor wlieii the latter
were at war witJi tlie Peipiots, Chikntnuhut ami Sairainorc John hoth went
with many men to aid Canonicu.i, who liad sent l<)r them. 'I'iiit* war Ix^^'aii
in l(i.'{"2, and ended in 1(>}5, to the advanta<;e of the I*ei|not»'

We shall now proeeed tf) speuk ot' the ehiels ajrreeahly to onr pint).

Chikntaubut, or Chikkatahak, — in Kn<rlisli, ii hoti.w-n-Jire, — was n .sacheiri of
ronsiilerahio note, and generally snpposed to have had dominion over tho
IMassaelnis(!tts Indians. Thomas Morton meiitioiiM him in his New Ca.xaa.n,
as sachem of l'assoiia<;eNit, (about Weymontii,) and says hix mother waa
buried tiierc. I need make no comments upon tho aiitiiority, or warn the
reailer concerninj; tho stories of .VoWon, as this is done in nlmnst every
book, early and late, about New England ; but Hhall relate the following
Ihim liiiti.

In the first settling of Plimouth, fiomo of the company, in wandering about
tipon disj'overy, came u|ion an Indian grave, which was that of tiie mother
of Chiknlatihut. Over the body a stake was set in tlie ground, and
two bear-skin.s, 8(!wed tog(!ther, s|)read ovct it ; these tho English took
away. Wlicn this came to tho knowledgo of Chikatauhnl, he complained to
liiH people, and demanded inunediato vengeance. When tiiey Wt'ro n.s-
semhlcd, he thus harangued them: "When lust the glorious light of all the
sky was underneath this globe, aiul birds grew silent, I began to settle, as
my custom is, to take repose. IJefore mine eyes were fast closed, nie tlio't
1 saw a vision, at which my sjiirit was nuich troubled, niul trembling at that
doleful sight, a spirit cried aloud, 'Behold! my son, whom I have cherished;
see the ]mps that gave tiiee suck, the haiuls that clasped thee warm, and fed
thee oil ; canst thou lor<;et to take revenge of those wild people, that bath
my monument defaced in u desi)itcful manner; disdaining o\ir ancient anti-
quities, and honorable custom.s. See now the sachem's grave lies like unto
the couuuon people, of ignoble race defaced. Thy mother doth complain,
implores thy aid against this thievish i)eoi)le now come hither; if this bo
snni'r<;d, I siiall not rest in cpiiet within my everlasting habitati<Mi.' "*

Battle was the imanimous resolve, and the English were watclied, and
followed from place to i>lace, until at length, as some were going ashore in
a boat, they fell upon them, but gained no advantage. Atlcr maintaining
the tight (or some time, and being driven from tree to tree, the chief captain
was wounded in the arm, and the whole took to flight. This action caused
the natives id)ont Plimouth to look upon th English as invincible, and this
was the reason why peace was so long maintained between them. Of the
tune and circumstances of this battle or fight we have detailed at length in
a ])revious chai»ter.

MourCs Relation goes far to establish the main facts in the above accoimt.
It says, "We brought sundry of the prettiest things away with us, and cov-
ered tl°, corpse up again," and, "there was variety of opinions amongst ua
uKjuI the end)almed person," but no mention of the bear-skins.

From a comparison of the difleront accounts, there is but little doubt, that
the English were attacked at Namskekit, in consequence of their dei)reda-
tions upon the graves, corn, &c. of the Indians.

In l(i'21, Chikatauhut, with eight other sachems, acknowledged, by a writ-
ten instriunent, whicn we have already given, themselves the subjects of
King James. Ten years oiler this, 23 March, 1631, be visited Governor
Wmthrop at Boston, and presented him with a hogshead of corn. Many of
"his sannops and squaws" came with him, but were most of them setit
away, " aller they had all dined," although it thundered and rained, and the
governor urged their stay; Chikataubut probably feared they would be

voyage lo .Mnssacliusctts before spoken of, and from Squanio who was with them it probably
recfived its name.

* If litis be fiction, a modern compiler has doceivcd some of his readers. The artirle in
the Analrrtic Mairazine may liave been his source of Information, but llie original may ba
seen u: M'r'.m'' N'w Canwn. 106 npH im.

103

CIIIKATAUBUT— ins DEATfl.

[Boor II.

biirdiMisome. At this time he wore English clothes, and sat at the govern-
or's tulile, " where he behaved himself us soberly, &c. as an Englisliman."
Not long after, he called on Governor fVinthrop, and desired to buy clothes
for himself; the governor informed him that " English sagamores did not
use to truck;* but he called his tailor, and gave him order to make him a
suit of clothes ; whereupon he gave the governor two large skins of coat
beaver." In a few days his clothes were ready, and the governor " put him
into a very good new suit from head to foot, and after, he set meat before
them ; but he would not eat till the governor had given thanks, and after meat
he desired him to do the like, and so departed."

June 14, 1631, at a court, Chikalauhid was ordered to pay a small skin of
beaver, to satisfy for one of his men's having killed a jjig, — which he com-
plied with. A man by the name ot'Plastowe, and some others, having stolen
corn from him, the same year, the court, Sei)t. 27, ordered that Plastowe should
rt Jtore "two-fold," and lose his title of gentleman, and pay £5. This I sup-
pose they deemed emiivalent to four-lbld. His accomj>lices were whipped,
to the same amount. The next year we find him engaged with other saclicms
in an expedition against the Pequots. The same year two of his men were
convicted of assaulting some persons of Dorchester in their houses. " They
were put in the bilboes," and himself required to beat them, which he did.f

The small-pox was very prevalent among the Indians in 1633, in which
year, some time in November, ChikataubiU died.

The residence of the family of Chikataiibut was at Tehticnt, now included
in Middleborough. He was in obedience to Massasoit, and, like other chiefs,
had various jjlaces of resort, to suit the different seasons of the year;
sometimes at Wessaguscusset, sometimes at Neponset, and especially upon
that part of Namasket}: called Tehticnt. This was truly a river of saga-
mores. Its abundant stores of fish, in the spring, drew them from all parts
of the realm of the chief sachem.

In deeds, given by the Indians, the place of their residence is generally
mentioned, and from what we shall recite in the ])rogress of this article, it
will be seen that the same chief has ditferent residences assigned to him.

August 5, 1665, Quincy, then Bruintree, was deeded by a son of Chikalau-
but, in these terms : —

§ "To all Indian people to whom these presents shall come; JVampattick^
alias Josiah Sagamare, of Rlnssathusetts, in Newengland, the son ofClakatau-
but deceased, sendeth greeting. Know yoo that tiie said JVampatuck, being
of fiill age and power, acconling to the order and custom of the natives,
hath, with the consent of his wise men, viz. Sqvamos;, liis brother Daniel,
and Old Hahalun, and William Mananioinott, Job JVassoU, Manuntago William
Aa/ianton|| " "For divers goods and valuable reasons therunto; and in
special for "£21 10s. in hand. It was subscribed and witnessed thus : —

JosiAH, alias Wampatuck, his |0 marke.
Damel Squamog, and a mark.
Oi,D Nahaton, and a mark,
William Manunion, and a mark.
Job Noistknns.

lioBERT, alias Mamuntago, and a mark,
William Hahatiin.
In presence of
Thomas Ketahgunsson, and a mark O.
Joseph Manunion, his | — marL
Tjomas Wetmocs, his O mark.

* Howovor true lliis might have been of the governor, at least, we think, he should iio»
have used the plurul.

t " The most usiuil custom amongst thorn in exercising punishments, is, for the sachem
either to bent, nr whin, nr put to death with his own hand, to which the common sort most
quietly submit." U illittmJt.

t Namai'iasuck signified in their lanBruageyi.sVic*, and some early wrote Namascheuck.

\ History of (iiiincy, by Rev. Mr. WlUtiieij, taken front the original in the possession of the
Hon. J. Q. Ailam.i.

Jl iVi'/m^on, or Ahaton, and the same sometimes written AWioWen. See Worlhinglo it
niy. 'Vi/zVnn, 21 lid sold laiius iiiou lyl.'iiries Kiver in 1680. lA.

Chap. III.]

WAMPATUCK.—IIIS MOHAWK WAR.

109

lOt

)Sl

lie

Tliere is a quit-claim deed from " Charles Josias, alias Josins ffaiDpaliick,
grandson of Chikataubut, dated 19 Mar, 1(J95, of Boston and the adjiiccnt
country, and tlie islands in the harbor, to the "proprietated inhabitants of the
town of Boston," to be seen among the Suffolk records.* fVampatuck says,
or some one/or him, "Forasnuich as I am informed, and well assured fioui
several ancient Indians, as well those of my council as others, that, upon
the first coming of the English to sit down and settle in those parts of New
England, my above-named grandfather, Chikatauhit, by and with the advice
of his council, for encouragement thereof moving, did give, grunt, sell, alien-
ate, and confirm imto the English planters," the lands above named.

Besides Josias, there signed this deed with him, Jihuvton, sen., IVUliam Ha-
haton, and Robert Momentauge.

Josias, or Josiah Wampaiiick, was sachem of Rlaltakeesett,! and, from
the deeds which he gave, must have been the owner of much of the lands
southward of Boston. In 1G53, he sold to Timothf Hather^j, James Cudworth,
Joistpk Tilden, Humphrey Turner, fyHliam Hatch, John Hoare, and James Tor-
rey, a largo tract of land in the vicinity of Accord Pond and North River.

In IGG'2, he sold Pachage Neck, [now called Ptchade,] "lying between
Namas.sakett riuer and a brook fullmg into Tcticutt riuer, viz. the most
westerly of the three small brookes that do fall into the said riuer;" like-
wise ali the meadow upon said three brooks, for £21. Also, another tract
bounded by Plimouth and Duxbury on one side, and Bridgewater on the
other, extending to the gi'eat pond Jlattakeeset ; provided it included not the
1000 acres given to his son and George fFampei/, about those ponds. This
<leed was witnessed by George IVampey and John Wampoices.

Alter the death of his fatlier, Josias was often called Josias Chikataubut,
bi the Plimouth Records we find this notice, but without date: "Memoran-
ilum, tiiat Josias Chickabidl and his wife doe owne the whole necke of Pun>
•kateesett to beloirig vnto Plymouth men," &c.

In lG{i8, "Josias C/«'cAYjfu6MM, sachem of Namassakeesett," sold to Robert
Studson of Scituate, a tract of land called J\ranumackeuitt, for a "valuable
consideration," as the deed expresses it. This tract was bounded on the
east by Scituate.

Josias had a son Jeremy ; and " Charles Josiah, son of Jeremy, was the last of
the race."J Of Josiah, Mr. Gookin gives us important information.

ft'ar between the Massachusett Indians and Mohawks. In the year IfiHO, " the
war having now continued between the Matpias and our Indians, about six
years, divers Indians, our neighbors, united their forces together, and made
an army of about G or 700 men, and marched into the Maquas' country, to
take revenge of them. This enterprise was contrived and undertaken
without the privity, and contrary to the advice of their English friends. Mr.
Eliot and myself, in particular, dissuaded them, and gave them several
reasons against it, but they would not hear us." Five of the Christian
Indians went out with them, and but one only returned alive. "The chief-
est general in this expedition was the principal sachem of Massachusett.s,
named Josiah, alias Chekatabidt, a wise and stout man, of middle age, but a
very vicious person. He had considerable knowledge in the Christian
religion ; and sometime, Avhen he was younger, seemed to profess it for a
time ; — for he was bred up by his uncle, Kuchamakin, who was the first
sachem and his people to whom Mr. Eliot preached." §

Of those who went out with Wampatuk from other tribes we have no rec-
ord ; but there were many, ])robal)ly, as usual u{)on such exjjcditions.

This army arrived at the Mohawk fort afler a journey of about 200 miles ;
when, upon btsieging it some time, and having some of their men killed in
sallies, and sundry others sick, they gave ui) the siege and retreated. Mean-
while the Mohawks i)Uisued them,' got in their front, and, from an ambush,

* Priiilfd at length In Snow's Hist. Boston, 389, et cet.
\ Ih-itm's Hist. Scituate, 111,

t ll>iil. Stpiamnus: was n hrollicr of Josiah, and ruled "as sachem during the minorily "
otJeremii. Dr. Harris, Hist. Dorchester, IG, 17.
i 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Hoc. i. IGC.

110

MASCONONOMO OF AGAWAM.

fKooK II

nttaekcd tlipni in a defile, nrd a great fight ensued. Finally the Mohawks
were put to flight hy tiie extraordinary bravery and prowess ol" Chikataubut
and iiis cai)tains. Kut what was most calamitous in this disastrous expedi-
tion, was, the loss oftiic great cliief Chikalauhvt, who, afU-r |)eribrmin<r prcidi-
gi( s of valor, was killed in rejtelling the Mohawks in their Inst attack, with
almost all his ca])tains, in nund)er about 50, as was snp])osed.* This was a
sov«'re stroke to these Indians, and they suffered much from chagrin on
th .'ir return jiomc. The Mohawks considered themselves their masters,
untl altliough a peace was brought about between them, by the mediation of
the English and Dutch on eacii side, yet ,'he Massachusetts and others oilen
Buffered from their incursions.

A chief of much tlie same importance ns Chikataubut and his sons, was
Mnscononomo, or Masconomo, sachem of Agawam, since called Ipstcich,
VViien the fleet which brouglit over tiie colony tliat settled Boston, in IGIJO,
anchored near Capo Ann, he welcomed them to his shores, and spent some
time on l)oard one of the ships.f

On the ySth June, 1()38, Mascononomet \ executid a deed of "all his lands
in Ipswich," to John IHnthrop, ir., for the sum of £20. §

At a comt in Jul}, KiSl, it was ordered, that "the sagamore of Agawam is
banished from coming into any Englishman's house lor a year, under j)enalty
often beaver-skins." || This was probably done in retaliation lor his having
committed acts of violence on tiie Tarratines, who soon after came out
with great force against Mascononomo ; he having, "as was usually said,
treacherously killed some of those Tarratine liunilies."^ It would seem
that he ex])ected an attack, and had then'fore called to his aid some of the
eachems near Boston ; for it so happened that Montowampate and fVonoha-
guaham were at Agawam when the Tarratines ntadc an attack, but whether
by concert or accident is not clear.

To the number of 100 men, in three canoes, the Tarratines came out on
this enterprise, on the 8 August following. They attacked Mascononomo and
his guests in his wigwam in the night, killed seven men, wounded Mascono-
nomo himself, and Montowampate, and Wonohaquaham, and several others who
allerwards died. They took the wife of Moiitoivitmpate captive, but it so hap-
jiened that Abraham Shurd of Pemnmquid ransomed her, and sent her home,
where she arrived on the 17 Sej)tember tiie same autumn.** From Mr. Cob-
befs account, it appears that they came against the English, who, but for an
Indian, named Robin, would have been cut off, as the able men at this time,
belonging to Ipswich, did not exceed 30; and most of these were from home
on the day the attack was to have been made. Robin, having by some means
found out their intentions, went to John Perkins,\\ and told him that on such
a day four Tarratines would come and invite the English to trade, "and draw
them down the hill to the water side," when 40 canoes full of armed Indians
would be ready, under " the brow of the hill," to fall upon them. It turned
out as /Joiiin had reported; but the Indians were frightened off by a false
show of numbers, an old drum, and a few guns, without effecting their

objecttt

We hear no more of him until 1644, March 8, when, at a court held in
Boston, " Cutshamekin and Squaw-Sachem, Masconomo, J^/ashacowam and fVas-
tumagin, two sachems near the great hill to the west, called ffachusett, came
into the court, and, according to their former tender to the governor, desired
to be received under our protcction§§ and government, upon the same tev.is

• 1 Coll. iMiiss. Hist. Soc i. IG7.

t I list. N. Eiijjiiiiiil.

j 'I'liis is (louliilcss ilic most correct spelling of his name. It is scarce spelt twice alike ip
llie IMS. rocDrds.

^S IJocords of (ii'n. C -iirl, v. 381. || Prince, 357.

1! Iliihhiinl's N. K. l;J.

«• Wliitliin])'.'iJin\r.—I.eiris'sUki. F-ynn, 39, 40.— 7'V<'« Hist. I,.swicli, 3.

tf (liiiirK'i-niiisicr, " living; llien in a liiilo liut upon his liuhcr's island on this side of Jcol"
rv's Neck." /J/iS. IWirnitire.
' l; Cohliel's MH. Narroiive.

^^v They dcsi/cd this from tlieir great feor of the Mohawks, it is said.

Chap. III.]

MONTOWAMPATE.-WONOIIAQUAHAM.

Ill

that Piimham niul Sacononoco were. So we causing them to understnnd tlie
articles, and all the ten conininndments of God, and tliey freely tusscnting to
all,* they were soleir.nly received, and then presented the court with twenty-
six fathom of wampum, and the court gave each of them a coat of two yarda
of cloth, and their dhnier; and to them and their men, eveiy one of them, a
cup of sac at their departure ; so they took leave, and went away very joyful." {

In the Town Records of Ipswich, under date It? June 1(558, a grant is made to
the widow of Mascononomo, of "that parcel of land which her hushand had
fenced in," s<ilong as she should remain a widow. Her husband was the liust
of the sachems of Agawam, and with him, says Mr. JFt//, descended "his fehle
and broken scepter to the grave." lie died on the 6 March, 1G58, and was
buried on Sagamore Hill, now within the bounds of Hamilton. His gun and
other valuable implements were interred with him. " Idle curiosity, wanton,
sacrileirious sport, jjrompted an individual to dig up the remains of this chiefj
and to carry his scull on u pole through Ipswich streets. Such an act of bar-
barity was severely frowned upon, and speedily visited with retributive civil
justice." t

MONTOWAMPATE, sagamore of Lymi and Marblehead, was kno^\Tl more
i;eiierally among the whites as Sagamore James. He was son of JSTanrpashemel,
end i)n)tiier of ffonohaqiutham and ff'innepurkitt.^ He died in Kvi'J, of the
small-po.K, "with most of his people. It is siid that these two promised, if
ever tiiey recovered, to live with the English, and serve their God."||
Monlowampale, having been defrauded of 20 beaver-skins, by a man named
ff'nlls, who had since gone to England, he went to (iov. Winlhrop on the 26
Marvh, 1(531, to know how he should obtain recompense. The governor gave
him a letter to Emanuel Downing, Esq. of Louden, from whicli circumstance
it would seem that the chief dttcrmined to go there ; and it is said that ho
actually visited England and receivi d his due.lf The histories of those times
give a melancholy pictm-e of the distresses caused by the sniall-po,\ among tho
"wretched natives." "There are," says Mather, "some old plantei-s surviving
to this day, who helped to bury the dead Indians; even whole families ot
them all dead at once. In one of the wigwams they found a poor uifant suck-
ing at the breast of the dead mother."** The same author observes that, before
the disease began, the Indians had begun to quarrel with the English al)out
the bounds of their lands, " but God inded the controversy by sending the
small-pox among the Indians at Saugus, who were before that time exceeding-
ly numerous."

We have mentioned another of the family of A''anepasliemet, also a sachem.
This wiis fybnohaquaham, called by the English Sagamore John, of Winisiine(.
His residence was at what was then called Rumnetjmarsh, part of which is
now in Chelsea and part in Saugus.§ As early as likU, he had cause to com-
plain that some of the English settlers had burnt two of his wigwams.
" Wliich wigwams," says Governor Dwllcy,\\ " were not inhabited, but stood in
a i)lace convenient for their shelter, when, u|)on occasion, they should travel
that way." The court, upon examination, found that a servant of Sir R. Sal-
ionslall had been the means of tho mischief, whoso master was ordered to
make satisfaction, " which he did by seven yards of cloth, and that his servant
pay him, ;it the end of his time, filly shillings sterrnig."tf Sagamore John died
at Wiriisimet, in 1(5.'J"'}, of the small-pox.§§ He desired to Ixjcome ac(piaintcd
with tiie Englishmen's God, in his sickness, and recpiested them to take hia
two .sons and instruct them in Christianity, which they did.||||

ff'lnni'purkitt,'i'f who married a daughter of Passacona. ^.w, makes considera-
ble figure also in our Indian annals. H(^ was born about lbl6, and succeeded
Monhwampate at his death, in 1()3.'J. The l"'nglish called him George Rumney-

rf,-.

'■ t;

* Tlio arlicli^s wliii'li l!icy subsorihod, will he si'ni !il Inr^o wlion the Mitnuf!criiit Hist, of the
I'liiiiliisr fniliii'i-t, hij Daniel Gookin, shall be piibllsliud. 'I'liey ilo not read precisely at
rcildiTi'd by )yiiitliiop.

t W'iiitlii-im^i .loiinial. t Hist. Ijiswicli, ,'5. 4 Lewis's Hi*!. I, vim, lli, 17.

II lli<i. of New Kn;,'l:ind, 195. H llisloiy of l.yiiii, 3;i. *» Relnlicui, iVc. TX

tt I 'T lo llie Coiinless of Lincoln, 25, edition KlIMi.

i\ I'l Hive's Cliroiiolotrv. ^\i!i History of New Kn-flnml. l!l."). T.V)

Ij II Woudor-working Providence. " tH Spell also H'iH-(/;.',n.t

112

MANATAHQUA.—NATTAHATTA WANTS.

[Book H

marsh, find at one time lie was proprietor of Deer Island, in Boston linrbor
In the latter part of his life, lie went to Barbadocs. It is 8iip|)oscd that ht:
was carried there with the prisonera who were sold for slaves, at the end of
Philip'a war. He died soon after his retuni, in 11)84, at the house of Mumin-
quash, ago-d G8 yeare." Anaioayetsquaine, daughter of Poquanum, is also men-
tioned as his wife, by whom he had several children.*

Manatahqua, called also Black-xmlliam, was a sachem, and proprietor o' ^ia-
liant, when the adjacent country was settled by the whites. Ihs fath«;r .v<?d
at Swainpseot, and was also a sagamore, but probably was dead before tin?
English setded in the country .f A traveller in thi^ then t wiMemess w )rld,
thup notices fi'Uliam, and his possessing Nahant. "One Bluck-iviUiain, au
Indian Duke, out of his generosity gave this pla'^e ii. general to the plantaiioii
of Saugus, so that no other can appropriate it to himself." He was a great
friend to the whites, but his friendship was re|)aid, as was that of many others
of that and even much later times. There Wiis a man by the name of 'Faller
Bagnall, nicknamed Great ^Fof, "a wicked fellow," who had nnich wronged
the Indians,^ killed near the mouth of Saco River, jirobably by some of
those whom he had defrauded. This was in October, IGJl. As some vessels
were upon the eastern coast in search of pirat»!s, in January, 1G33, they jmt in
at Richmond's Island, where they fell in with Black-mlliam. This w.is tiie

Elace where Bagnall had been killed about two years before ; but whether he
ad any thing to do with it, does not appear, nor do I fmd that any one, even
his murderers, pretended he was any way implicated ; but, out of revenge ibr
BagnalVs death, these pirate-hunters hanged Black-mlliam. On the contrary,
it was particularly mentioned {| that Bagnall was killed by SquUfrayset and his
men, some Indians belonging to tliut part of the country.

This Squidrayset, or Sciiterygiissd, for whose act Manalaliqua suffered, was
the first sachem who deeded land in Falmouth, Maine. A crtek near tiie
mouth of Presum[)Scot River perpetuates his name to this day. Mr. f^iV/ia
supposes he Vras sachem of the Aucocisco tril)e, who inhabited L H"^ ^en the
Androscoggin and Saco rivers; and that from Aucocisco come. Casco.lf
There can be but little doubt that Bagnall deser\'ed his flite,** if auj ceserve
such ; but the other was the act of white men, and we leave the rv der to
draw the parallel between the two: perhaps he will inquire, fFerethe »ii'. ierers
of Manatahqua brought to justice f All we can answer «s, The records are si-
lent. Perha|)s it was considen!d an offset to the murder of Bagnall.

JVattahattawants, in the year 1G42, sold to Simon Willard, in behalf of "JMr.
ffinthrop, Mr. Dudley, Mr. JVoioell, and Sir. ^Ilden," a large tract of land U|)on
both sides Concord River, "fllr. IVinlhrop, oiu* present governor. 1200 acres,
Mr. Dudley, 1500 acres, on the S. E. side of the river, Rlr. JVoioelt, 500 acres,
and Mr. Allen, 500 acres, on the N. E. side of the river, and in consideration
hereof the said Simon giueth to the said JVatlahattaioants six fadom of waom-
painpege, one wastcoat, and one breeches, and the said JSTattahaltawants doth
covenant and bind himself, that hee nor any other Indians shall set traj)s witii-
ui this ground, so as any cattle might recieve hurt thereby, and what cattle
shall receive hurt by this meanes, hee shall be lyablc lo make it good." fin
the deed, jYattahattaioants is called sachem of that land.]

Witnessed by The mark of Q Natahattawants.

three whites. The mark of % Winnipin, an h Han

thai traded for him.\\

The name of this cliief, as apjjearsfrom documents copied by Mr. S}iattuck,tt
was understood TalMttawan, Tahaitaioants, Jlltawan, Attawanee, and Jlhatawa-
nee. He was sachem of Musketaquid, since Concord, and a supporter and

•Hisi.Lyiin. f Hist. N. Eiig.

1 1633. William Wood, nullior of iVeio Eng. Proipect.

o Winlhrcp's Journal, i. 02, G3. || Winthrop, ib.

TT Col. Maine Hisl. Soc. i. C8.

**IIe had, in about iliren years, by extorlion, as wo infer from Winthrop, accumulated
Bl)out £'1<X) from ninonff llie Indians. .See Journal iit mpra.
tt Suffolk Ut'L'ords ol Deeds, vol. i. No. 31. W Hisl. Concord, Mass. pasrim chap. i.

Chap. IIIJ

WAIIGUMACUT.— JACK-STRAW.

113

propagator of Christianity among his people, and an honest and npriirlit man.
Tlie celebrated Waban married his eldest daughter. John Tahatimvan was his
eon, who lived at Nashoba, where he was chief ruler of the |)rayiiig Indians —
a deserving Indian. He died about 1670. His widow was daughter of John,
sagamore of Patucket, upon the Merrimack, who man-ied Ootuimos;, nnothei
ruler of the praying Indians, of Marlborough. Her only son by Tahnttawnn *
was killed by some white ruffians, who came upon them while in tlnir wig
wains, and his mother was badly wounded at the same time. Of this affair
we shall have occasion elsewhere to be more particular. JVaan'tfihquaw, an
other daughter, married JVaaniahcow, called John Thomas, who died at Xatick,
aged 110 years.

We know very little of a sachem of the name of Wahgumncut,\ e.vcopt that
he lived upon Connecticut River, and came to Boston in liKJl, with a ro(piest
to the governor " to have some English to plant in his country," and as an
inducement, said he would " find them corn, and give them, yearly, 80 skins
of beaver." The governor, however, dismissed him without giving l:im any
encouragement; doubling, it seems, the reality of his friendship. IJut it is
more probable that he was sincere, as he was at this time in great f«!ar of the
Pequots, and judged that if some of the English would reside with iiim, he
should be able to maintain his country.

There accompanied Wahgumacut to Boston an Indian nained Jackstraic.t
who was his interi)reter, and Sagamore John. We have labored to find some
further particulars of him, but all tliat we can ascertain with certainty, is, thai
he had lived some time m England with Sir f Falter Ralegh.^ How Sir f falter

* Mr. (iookin writes this name Toluitooner, that of the fatlicr Tahatiatrarre. MS. Hist.
Prai/ino^ Indians, 105.

t iValiginnarut, accordinff to Mr. Savage's reading of Wiiithrop. Our text is acrording
to Prince, who also used it'^intlirop in MS. It is truly diverting to sec how the anilior oi
Tales of the Indians has displayed his invention upon the passage in M'ittlhrop's Journal
bringing to our knowledge this chief. We will give the passage of Winllirop, that the reader
mav judge whether great ignorant-e, or misrepresentation " of set purpose " be chargeable
lo Iiim. " He [Gov. Winthrop] discovered after [ Walnrinnaciit was gone], that the said
•agamore is a very treacherous man, and at war with the Pekoalh (a far grsater sagamore.")
Now, every chilcf thai has read about the Indians, it seems to us, ouj'l'l to know that the
meaning of Pekoalh was mistaken by the governor, and no more meant a cliief than (he
Massasoits meant what the Plimouth people first supposed il to mean. In the one case, the
name of a tribe was mistaken for that of a chief, and in the other the chief for the tril>c.
Mistakes of this kind wore not uncommon before our fathers became acquainted with the
i.ountry. Winllirop says, too, the Mohaw s was a great sachem. Now, who ever thought
there was a chief of thai name ?

X Probably so named from the Maidstone minister, who nourished in Wat Tyler's rebellion,
and whose real name was Jtnn Ball, but afterwards nick-nanicd Jack Straw. He became
chaplain to Wat's army, they having let him out of prison. A text which he made great use
of in preaching to his liberators was this : —

When Adam dnlfe and Eve span.
Who was tlien a gentleman .'

Tliis we apprehend was construed, Down with the nobility! See Rapin's Eng. 1. 457. In
Kennet, i. 247, John Wrote is called Jack Straw. He was beheaded.

^ " The imputation of the first bringing in of tobacco into Rngland lies on this heroic knight."
Hinstaiiley's Worthies, 259. " Besides the consumption of the purse, and impairing o( our
inward parts, the immoderate, vain and phanlastical abuse of the lii-llish weed, corriiptelh the
natural sweetness of the breath, sliinilicth the brain ; and indeed is so prejudicial to llic
general esteem of our country." iLid. 211. Whether Jack-straw were the ser\anl who
acted a part in the often-told anecdote of Sir Waller Rale2;h's smoking tobacco, on its first
being taken to England, we shall not presume to assert ; but, for the sake of the anecdote, we
will admit the fact; it is variously related, but is said to be, in substance, as follows. At one
lime, il was so very unpopular to use tobacco in any way in England, thai many who had got
atlnchcd to it, used it only privaiely. Sir Walter was smoking m his study, at a certain time,
anl, being thirsty, called to his servant to bring him a tankard of beer. Jack hastily olx-y-.d
the summons, and Sir Waller, forgetting to cease smoking, was in the act of spouting a
volume of smoke from his mouth when his servant entered. Jack, seeing his master smoking
prodigiously at il;e mouth, thought no other but he was all on fire insiile, having never seen
sndi a plienumenoii in all England before ; dashed the quart of liquor at once inliis face, and
ran out screaming, "Massa's a fire ! ftlassa's a fire ! "

Ihuiiig dismisned the servant, every one might reasonably expect a few words concerring
his master. Sir Walter Ralegh may truly be said to have lived in an age fruitful in great and
Worthy characters^ ^^aptaiii John Smith comes to our notice through his agency, and the

iV'i

■' 11

10'

114

JAMES-PRINTER, OR JAMES-THE-PRINTER.

[Book II

came by him, does not satisfactorily appear. Captains Amidaa and Barlow
Bailed to America in his employ, and on their return carried over two natives
from Virginia, whose names were Wanchese and Manteo.* It is barely possible
that one of these was aftenvards Jack-straw.

A Nipmuck Indian, of no small note in his time, it may in the next place be
proj)er to notice.

James Printer, or James-tlu-prirUer, was the son of JVaoas, brother of Tuka-
jiewillin] and Anaioeakin. When a child, he was instructed at the Indian
charity school, at Cambridge. In 1G59, he was put apprentice to Samuel
Green, to Icam the printer s business ; \ and he is spoken of as having run
away from his master in 1G75. If, after an apprenticeship of 16 years, one
could noi leave his master without the charge of absconding, at least, both the
master and apprentice should be pitied. In relation to this matter, Mr. Hub-

renowned first English circumnavigator was his contemporary. He, lii<e the last named, was
born in the connty of Uevonsliire, in 1552, in the parish of iJudlcy. Sir Humphrey Gilbert,
so well known in our annals, was his half-brother, his father having married Sir Ilum})hrei/s
mother, a widow*, liy whom he had Walter, a fourth son.f The great successes ami dis-
coveries of the celebrated admiral Sir Francis Drake gave a new impetus to the English
nation in maritime aflairs, and consequent thereupon was the settlement of North America;
as great an era, to say the least, as was ever recorded in history. No one shone more
conspicuous ill those undertakings than Sir Walter Ralegh. After persevering a long time,
he established a colony in Virginia, in 1G07. lie was a man of great valor and address, and
a favorite with the great Queen Elizabeth, th« promoter of his undertakings, one of whose
"maids of honor" he married. In this atfair some charge him with having first dishonored
that lady, and was for a time under the queen's displeasure in consequence, but marrying her
restoretl him to favor. The city of Ralegh in Virginia was so named by his direction. He
was conspicuous with Drake and Howard in the destruction of the Spanish armada in 1588.
On the death of the queen, he was imprisoned almost 13 years in the tower of London, upon
the charge of treason. It was during his imprisonment that he wrote his great and leariicil
work, tlie History of the World. The alleged crime of treason has long since been viewed
by all the world as without foundation, and the punishment of Ralegh reftecls all its blackness
upon the character of James I. The ground of the charge was, that Ralegh and others were
in a conspiracy against the ki7ig, and were designing to place on the throne Arabella Stetcart.t
He was never pardoned, although the king set him at liberty, and permitted him to go on an
expedition to South America in search of a gold mine of which he had gained some intima-
tions in a previous visit to those countries. His attempt to find gold failed, but he took the
town of St. Thomas, and established in it a garrison. This was a depredation, as Spain
and England were then at peace, but Ralegh had the king's commission. The Spanish
ambassador complained loudly against the transaction, and the miserable James, to extricate
himself, and appease the Spanish king, ordered Ralegh to be seized on his return, who, upon
the old charge of treason, was sentenced to be beheaded, which was executed upon him i;9tli
Oct. I(il8.§ " I shall only hint," says Dr. /'o/it'/i^/e,|| "that the execution of this great man,
whom James wa.s advised to sacrifice to the advancement of tl;e peace with Spain, nath left an
indelible slain on the memory of that misguided monarch." It appears from another account TT
that Sir Walter, on arriving at the mouth of the Oronoko, was taken " desperately sick," and
sent forward a company under one of his captains in search of the gold mine. That they
were met by the Spaniards, who attacked them, and that this was the cause of their assaulf-
mf^- St. Thomas, and being obliged to descend the river without eflecliiig the object tliey
•Aerc upon.

The following circumstance respecting the celebrated History of the World, not being
gpiierilly known, cannot but be acceptable to the reader. The first volume (which is what
we have of it) was published before he was imprisoned the last time. Just before his execu-
tion, he sent for the publisher of it. When he came. Sir Walter took him by the hand, and,
" alter some discourse, askt him how that work of his sold. Mr. Bnrre [the name of the
puhlisliei] returned this ans'vcr, that it had sold so slowly that it had undone him. At which
words of his. Sir Waller Ralegh, stepping to his desk, reaches his other part of his history to
Mr. Biirre, which he had brought down to the times he lived in ; clapping his hand on his
breast, he took the other unprinted part of his works into his hand, willi a sigh, saying, ' Ah,
iny I'ricnd. hath the first part undone thee, the second volume shall undo no more; this
ungrateful world is unworthy of it.' When, immediately going to the fire-side, threw it ia
and set his foot on it till it was consumed. ""*
'' See Cayley's Life Sir II'. Ralegh, i. 70. ed. Lond. ISlfi, 2 vols. 8vo.

t ."^oine author of Indian talcs might delight himself for a long lime in ringing changes on
t\\<< Indian preacher's name, wiihout invoniiiig any new ones ; for it is not, as t remember,
lipeU twice alike in uur aulhorilies. | Thomas, Hist. I'rinliiig.

♦ " Of Olhn nVhn-l. of Coinpton, E-")." Fnlinhclr's IIU. Ihron, W. 91!l.
t Slilh, lli-t. Viiiiniii, 7. Peconil son, says ^!r. I'ulinhrh, nevon, 11. ai!).
j Rdpin'.i r.iii.'- ii. bil. vVlindiil's notes In Rapin, il. I'JJ.

II Hist, lli'vonshirc, i. Q.".:l, IF Winstaiiiey, Wortlile.s, 250.

** Win.-tiiiili'y, Wurtlilcs, 257.

Chap III.l

JAMES-THE-PRINTF.R.— KUT( n.MAKI.V.

5 on
ibcr,

Irrd says,* " He had attainrd some skill in urintiiijar, and might have nttainrd
n^- le^ had he not, like a false villain, ran away liom his mast(;r bclore hia
t'me was out." And the same author oltscrvt-s tiiat the name printer A'ua
•upcradded to distinguish him from othoi-s named Ja.nts.

Or. I. Mather'; has this record of Jame.i-printer. "July 8, [lfi76.] Whoicas
tlie council at Boston had lately emitted a declaration, sifniifying, that such
Indians as d.d, witJ.ln 14 days, come in to the Englisli, might hope for mere}-,
divers of them did this day rctm-n from among the Nipmucks. Among
others, Jamec a>, Indian, who could not only read and write, but had Icarnrcl
the art of printing, notwithstanding his apostasy, did venture himself upon the
mercy and tru'h of the English declaration, which he had seen and read,
promising for tlie future to venture his life agiunst the common enemy. He
and the other now ome in, aflirm that very many of the Indians an; dead
shice this war began and i v\X more have died by the hand of God, in res|)(ct
of diseases, fluxes and fevers, which have been amongst them, than have been
killed with the sword.''

Mr. Thomas says, J it was owing to the amor patrire of James-printer that he
left his master and joined in Philip^s war. But how much amor patriae he
must have had to have kept him an apprentice 10 years is not mentioned.

It was in l(>t;5 that the second edition of the famous Indian Bii)Ie was
completed. From the following testimony of Mr. Eliot will be seen how
much the success of that luidertaking wjis considered to depend on James-
the-prlnter. In 1683, in writing to the Hon. Robert Boyle at London, ,"\lr. Eliot
i*ays, "I desire to see it done before I die, and I am so deep in years, tli;it I
cannot expect to live long; besides, we have but one man, viz. the Indinn
Printer, that is able to com|)ose the sheets, and correct the press with under-
standing." In another, from the s«une to the same, dated a year after, he says,
" Our slow progress needeth an ajwlogy. We have been much hindered liy
the sickness the last year. Our workmen have been all sick, and we have hut
few hands, (at printing,) one Englishman, and a boy, and one Indian," &c.

This Indian was undoiil)tedly James-the-printer. And Mr. Thomas adds,
" Some of James''s descendants were not long since living in Grafton ; they
bore the surname of Printer."^

There was an Indian named Joh JVesutan, wlio was also concerned in the
first edition of the Indian Bible. He was a valiant soldier, and went with the
English of Massachusetts, in the first expedition to Mount Hope, where he
was slain in battle. "He was a very good linguist in the English tongue, and
was Mr. ElioVs assistant and interpreter in his translation of the Bible and
other books in the Indian language."ij

In a letter of the commissioners of the U. C. of New England, to the
corporation in England, we find this postscript. — "Two of the Indian yoiuhs
formerly brought up to read and write, are put apprentice; the one to a
carpenter, the other to Mr. Green the priuter, who take their trades and
follow their business very well." James-the-printer was probably one of these.
j\'estUan^ we presume, was only an inter[)reter. The above-mentioned letter
was dated 10th Sept. KSGO.

In 1698, James was teacher to five Indian fan.ilics at Hassinammisco.H
In 1709, he seems to have got through with his ajtprenticeship, and to have
hail some interest in carrying on the printing business. For, in the title
pages of the Inilian and English Psalter, printed in that year, is this imprint:
"BOSTON, N. E. Upprinthomimne au B. Green, & J. PRINTER, tviUche
guhtinntamwe Chapanukke nt J^ew Ensj^land, &c. 1709."

We shall now pass to notice a Massachusetts sachem, who, like too many
others, does not appear to the best advantage; nevertheless, we doubt not but
as much so as he deserves, as by the sequel will be seen. We mean

KiUchmakin, known also by several other names, or variations of the same
Hume ; as, Kutshamaquin^ Cutshajiwquen, Cutchamokin, and many more, as, in

*4l

* Niirrntive, Dfi. t Brief Hist. B9,

<illisl. rriiiliii-r, i. 2!)'2. 293.
Il liiCdriimliun I'roin .Mr. /•". Tiirkerman. it.-
a place of stones. I'lioiiias, ul supra.

t Mist. I'riiitiiij,', 1. 290.
llOookin, //?'«'. P 111 iji no- Indians.
Ilassinniniiiiscn, Iliissaimincsit, &c. signified

KUTCHMAKIN.— WAR WITH THE PEQUOTS.

[Book H,

ililFerent parts of our work, extracts will necessarily show. He was one of
tlioso saciicms who, in 1G43 — 4, signed a subinissior. to the English, as has
hern mentioned in a preceding chapter.

In 1(J3(], Kulshamakin sold to the people of Dorchester, Uncataquirtsef,
ijfiiig the part of that town since called Milton. Tiiis, it appears, was at homio
pi riod his residence. Thougli he was a sachem under fVoosamequin, yet, like
Caunbitant, he was oj)|)Osed to the settlement of the English in his coimtry.
He soon, liowever, became reconciled to it, and became a Christian. When
Rlr. Eliot desired to know why he was o|)posed to his people's becoming
Cliristians, he said, then they would pay him no tribute.

When tiie English of Massachusetts sent to Canonicus, to inquire into the
cause of the murder of John Oldham, KiUshamakin accompanied them as
interpreter, fighter, or whatever was required of him.

As no satisfaction could be had of the Pequots, for the murder of Mr. Old-
ham, it was resolved, in 1G36, to send an army into their country " to fight with
them," if what, in the opinion of the English, as a recompense, were not to be
obtained without. The annumcnt consisted of about 'JO men. These first
went to Block Island, where they saw a few Indians before they landed, who,
after shooting a few arrows, which wounded two of the English, fled. The
Indians had here "two j)lantations, three miles in sunder, and about GO
wigwams, some very large and friir, and above 200 acres of corn." This the
English destroyed, "staved seven canoes," and after two days spent in tliis
l)usiness, and hunting for Indians without success, soiled to the main land,
where Kulshamakin pertormed his part in hastening on the Peqnot calamity.
Having waylaid one of that nation, he shot and scalped him. The scalp he
sent to Canonicus, who sent it about among all his sachem friends; thus
expressing his approbation of the nnirder, and willingness to engage his
friends to figiit for the English. As a further proof of his a])proval of tlie act,
he not only thanked the English, but gave Kulshamakin four fathom of
wampum.

Cant. Jjion Gardener gives us some particulars of this affair, which are very
valuable for the light they throw on this part of our early transactions with the
Pequots. The aftiiir we have just mentioned happened immediately after
Endicoll, Turner, and Underhill arrived at Saybrook, from Block Island. Capt.
Gardener then commanded the fort, who spoke to them as follows of their
undertaking : " You come hither to raise these wasps about my ears, and then
you will take wing and tlee away." It so came to pass ; and although he was
much opposed to their going, yet they went, agi'eeably to their instructions.
Gardener instructed them ho\v to proceed, to avoid being surprised ; but the
Indians played them a Yankee trick, as in the sequel will appear.

On coming to the Pequot town, they inquired for the sachem,* wishing to
r)arley with him : his people said " he was from home, but within three hours
lie would come ; and so from three to six, and thence to nine, there came
none." But the Indians came fearlessly, in great numbers, and spoke to them,
through the interpreter, Kulshamakin, for some time. This delay was a strata-
gem which succeeded well ; for they rightly guessed that the English had
come to injure them in their persons, or property, or both. Therefore, while
pome were entertaining the English with words, others carried off" their effects
and hid them. When they had done this, a signal was given, and all the
Indians ran av/ay. The English then fi'll to burning and destroying eveiy
thing they could meet with. Gardener had sent some of his men with the
others, who were unaccountably left on shore when the others reembarked.
Olid weie pursued, and two of them wounded by tlie Indians.

" The Bay-men killed not a man, save that one, Kichomiquim, an Indian
sachem of the Bay, killed a Pequit ; and thus began the war between the
Indians and us, in these parts." f The Pequots henceforth used every means
t? kill the Englisli, and many were taken by them, and some tortured in their
tiianucr. "Thus far," adds Gardener, "I had written in a book, that all men

* Sassacus, says Winlhrop (i. 191.) ; l)iit boiiis: •"''' ''C was sjoiie to Long Island, ihe gm»
ral demanded to see " llic otiicr sacliuni, &.c." wliicti was doubtless Mononotto.
1 3 CoU. Hisf. Soc. iii. 1 H, &c.

pic

Chap. IV.l OF THE NARRAGANSETS— TASIITASSUCK

117

and posterity might know how and why so many honest men had their blood
Bhi'd, yen, and some flayed alive, others cut in pieces, and some roasted alive,
only because Kichamokm, a Bay Indian, killed one Pequot."

'to say the least of our author, he had the best possible means to be corredlif
informed of these matters, and we know not that he had any motive to mis-
represent them.

Governor Winihrop mentions, under date 1646, that Mr. Eliot lectured
constantly "one week at the wigwam of one JVabon, a new sachem near
Watcrtown mill, and the other the next week in the wigwam of Cutshamekin,
near Dorchester mill." We shall have occasion in another chapter to speak
of Kiiiskamakin.

In 1648, Cvtchamekin, as he was then called, and Jojeuny appear as witnesses
to a deed made by another Indian called Cato, alias Goodman. Lane and
Griffin were the grantees " in behalf of the rest of the people of Sudburj'."
The tract of land sold adjoined Sudbury, and was five miles square; for
which Cato received five pounds. Jojeuny was brother to Cato.*

CHAPTER IV.

he
td,

Ian

Ihe
Ins
leu
leu

Of the great nation of the Karragansets — Geography of their country — Canonicus
— MiANTUNNOMou — His rclulions — Jlids the English in destroying the Pequots —
Sells Rhode Island — His difficidtics with the English — I'isits Boston — His mag-
nanimity and independence — Charged with a conspiracy against the tohites — Mhj
ffpfJs it — Waiandance becomes his secret enemy — His speech to Waiandancc and
Llo people — His war with Uneas — His capture and death — Circumstances of his
execution — Participation of the whiles therein — Impartial view of that affair —
Traditions — Ninioret — Mexam, alias Mexano — Affair of Cuttaquin and Uncas
— Character of Jlscassassotick — JVinigret visits the Dutch — Accused by the English
of plotting with them — .dbly defends himself — A'olices of various other Indians —
IVar beticern JVinigret and Jlscassassotick — Present condition of his descendants-
Further account of Pessacits — Killed by the MohawliS.

The bounds of Narraganset were, as described in the tunes of the sachems, f
" Pautuckit Iliver, (iuenebage[Cluinebauge]and Nipnuick,"northerly;" westerly
liy a brook called Wequapaug, not farf from Paquatuck River; southerly by
the sea, or main ocean ; and easterly by the Nanhigansct Bay, wherein lieth
many islands, by deeds bought of the Nanliiganset sachems." Coweesett and
Niantick, though sometimes ap|)lied to this country, were names only of places
within it. According to Mr. Gookin, " the territory of their sachem extended
about 30 or 40 miles from Sekunk River and Narragansitt Bay, including
Rhode Island and other islands in that bay." Pawcatuck River separated
them from the Pequots. This nation, under Canonicus, had, in 1642, arrived
•It the zenith of its greatness, and was supposed to have contained a population
of thirty thoi^sand. This estimate was by Richard Smith, jr., who, with his
father, lived in their country.

In' 1760, or about that year, Mr. Samuel Drake made a catalogue of the
Narraganset Indians. This catalogue contained the names of about 315 per-
sons. Mr. Drake sp(;nt 14 years among tliem, chiefly in the capacity of a
schoolmaster. He wrote an account of them, but whether it was ever pub-
lished I cannot learn. §

A census of those calling themselves a remnant of the Narragansets, taken
Feb. 1832, was 315; only seven of whom were unmixed. The Indians
themselves make their number 304. ||

Of the early times of this nation, some of the first English inhabitants
learned from the old Indians, that they had, previous to their airival, a sachem
named Tashtassuck, and their encomiums upon his wisdom and valor were

* Suffolk Reg. Deeds. There is no name .sig;ned to the deed, but in the place tiiereof, is the
picture of some four-lejsr?ed animal drawn on his back.

~ ' t Four or five miles, says (foo/tih.

fSee 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 210.

( See Beatty's Journal, lOf).

II MS. letter of Rev. Mr. Ely.

118

CANOMCL'S.

rOooK II

•1111. |j ill!' siiiif IIS tin; Diliiwnros rcporteil of tlioir grout chief Tamany, tlial
siiK-f, then' liad not hoiii h\ti l>i|IIu), &ic. TnnhUissxick liad Itiit two cliililrcii, n
ROM iiikI (laiiglitcr; tlu'sc lio joitiod in nmrriagt*, hccunse liu vjoulil find none
woriliy of tliein out of his family. Tlio i)ro(luct of this inurriugo was four
Botis, of whom Canonicus was the oldest.*

('A.N0Mcus,t the great sachem of the Narraganscts, was contemporary with
Miantunnomoh, wlio was liis nephew. We know not the time of iiis birth, hut
a son of his was at Boston in 1031, the next year after it was settled. JJiit the
time of his death is minutely recorded by Governor If'inthrop, in his "Journal,"
thus: "June 4, 1(547. Canonicus, the great sachem of Narraganset, tlied, u
very old man," He is generally supposed to have been about ti3 years of age
whin he died.

The Wainpanoag3 were in great fear of the Narraganscts about the time the
English came to Plirnouth, and at one time war actually existed, and .Massaaoil
fled before Canonicus, and applied to tlie English for j)rotection.

Edward Jfinslou relates, in his Good News from New England, that, in
Feb. l(j'22, Canonicus sent into Plimouth, by one of his men, a bimdlo of
arrows, bound with a rattlesnake's skin, and there left them, and retired. The
Narraganscts, who were reported at this time " many thousand strong," hearing
of the weakness of the English, "began, (says the above-named author,) to
l)reath forth many threats against us," although they liad the last summer
" desired and obtained peace with us." — " Insomuch as the common talk of
our neighbor Indians on all sides was of tlie preparation they made to come
against us." They were now imboldened from the circumstance that the
English had just added to their, numbers, but not to their arms nor" provisions.
The ship Fortune had, not long before, landed 35 persons at Plimouth, and
th(! Narraganscts seem to have been well informed of all the circumstances.
This, (says Mr. Wins/oio,) " occasioned them to slight and brave us with so
many threats as they did. At length came one of them to us, who was sent
by Connmus, their chief sachem or king, accompanied with one Tokamahamon,
a friendly Indian. This messenger inquired lor Tisquantum, our interjireter,
wlio not being at home, seemed rather to be glad than sorry; and leaving for
hiui a bundle of new arrows, lapped in a rattlesnake's skin, desii'ed to depart
with all expedition."

When S(puinto was made acquainted v/ith the circumstance, he told the
English that it was a challenge for wor. Governor Bradford took the rattle-
snake's skin, and filled it with powder and sliot, and returned it to Canonicus ;
at the same tune instructing the messenger to bid him defiance, and invite him
to a trial of strength. The messenger, and his insulting carriage, had the
desired eff'ect upon Canonicus, for he would not receive the skin, and it was
cast out of every community of the Indians, until it at last was returned to
Plimouth, and all its contents. This was a demonstration that he was awed
into silence and respect of the English, by the decided stand and hostile
attitude they assumed.

In 1()21, soon after the war with Caunbitant was over, among those who
sought the friendship of the English, was Canonicus himself, notwithstanding
ho was now courting war again so soon. He had doubtless nearly got rid of
the fiar that the news of Slawfish's conduct first inspired, and ha!d taken up
again his old resohition of fighting tlie strangers at Plimouth.

He is mentioned with great res[)ect by Rev. Roger JViUiams, X in the year
lO.^. After observing that many hundreds of the English were witnesses to
the friendly disposition of the Narraganscts, he says, "Their late famous long-
lived Caunonicus so lived and died, and in the same most honorable manner
and solemnity, (in their way,) as you laid to sleep your prudent peace-maker,
Mr. JVinthrop, did they honor this their prudent and peaceable prince ; yea,

* Hutchinson, i. 458, who met with this account in MS. ; but we do not give implicit credit
to it, its, at best, it is tradition.

t'I'his spelling' does not convey the true pronunciation of the name; other spelliign will b«
noticed in the course of his biography. Its sound approached so near the Latin wotl can<mt<
tun. that it became confounded with it. Qunnoune was early written.

t iMauuscript letter to the governor of Massachusetts.

Chap. IV]

CAMONICUS.— r.IASCUS.

il9

tliroii!;!i !ill tlicir towns niul countries how tViMiufntly do ninny, find ofl tinioa,
our Ln^rlisliMU'n travel ulono with sati'ty ai I i(i\inL' iiimhiess !•'"

The liiilowing statenient of Rof^er U'iUiitinn is in a <le|M)siti(>n, dated Xarm-
panset, Id June, KJd'i, and, altlitdigii varyiii;,' a little \'\u\\\ the nhoxe, eoniains
fiiets very i)ei-tinent to onr jiurpost!. He says," I testily that it was the general
und constant <leclnration, that Canonicus his father had three sons, whereof
Canonkiis was the heir, and his youngest hrother's son Mantinomii (heiause
of iiis youth) was his niai'shal and executiotx'r, and did nothing witiiout his
uiicli! Vanonicus' consent. And theref()rc I declare to posterity, that were it
not for the favor that God gave iik! with Cnnoninis, none of these pans, no,
not Rhode Island, had hecii purchased or obtuinod; for 1 never got any thing
of ('iiiwiiicus hut by gill."

When Mr. John Oldham was killed near Hlock Island, and an invesngafion
BCt oil foot by the English to ascertain the niurderei-s, they were fully salislied
that Cnnnnicus and Mianlunnomoh had no hand in the; alliiir, but that " the six
otlier iNarraganset sachems had." No wonder he took gri-at ofl'ence at the
conduct of the I'.nglish concerning the death ot'.Mliniluiindmoh. The Warwick
settlei-s considered it n great piece of injusticre, and .Mr. Sumitil (iuiion wrote a
letter t'ov Canonicus to the government of Massaehusetrs, notityiiig tlieui tliat
he had resolved to be revenged upon the Mohegans. I'ikhi this the I'.nglish
des|)atcht;d messengers to Narraganset to inquire of ( 'unonivus whether he
authorized the letter. He treated them with great coldness, and would not
admit them into his wigwam for the space of two houi-s atier their arrival,
although it was exceedingly rainy. Whisn they were admitted, he frowneil
upon them, and gave them answers foreign to tht; jiiir|)ose, and retirred theni
to Pessania. This was u very cold reception, compared with that which the
iuessengei"S receivt^d when sent to him for information respecting the' de;itli
of Mr. Oldham. "They returned with acceptance; and good success of" their
business; observing in the sachem nuicli stat(>, great command of his men,
and marvellous wisdom in his answei*s; and in the earriag<; of the whole
treaty, clearing liimself and his neighbors of the nmrder, and otlering revenge
of it, yet upon very safe and wury conditions."

This sachem is said to liave governed in groat harmony with his ne|iliew,
"The chiefest government in the country is divided between a yoimger sachem,
Miantunnomu,VLm\ an elder sachem, Crtu/iaujiacus, of about fom'scon,' years old,*
this young man's uncle ; and their agreement in tlie government is remarkable.
The old sachem will not be ofiended at what the young sachc^m doth ; and the
young sachem will not do what he conceives will displease his uncle."} Willi
this passage before him, Mr. Durfee versities as follows, in his poem called
}f'hatcheer : —

" Two miglity cliicfs, one cautious, wise, and old.
One young, and stron", and terrible in tiglit,
All Narraganset and Cort-eset liold ;
One lodge they build— one counsel fire tliey liglit."

" At a meetitjg of the commissionei's of the United Colonies at Boston, vij
Sept., ir43," it was agreed that Massaclmsetts, in behalf of the other colonies,
"give Conoonacus and the Nanoliiggtinsets to nnd(!rstand, that from time to
time" they have taken notice of their violation of the covenant between them,
notwithstanding the great manifestations of their love to them ! y the English ;
that they had concm-red with .Mianlunnomoh in his late mischievotis plots, by
which he had intended "to root out the body of the English" from the coun-
t^T) l»y g'^^s ""fl allurements to other Indians"; and that he liiid invadetl Uncas.
contrary to the "tripartie covenant" between himself, Unnis, iuid Coniieeiicut.
Therefore, knowing "how i)eaccahle Conanacus and Mn,vii.t, the late liitht^r <if
Mijantenomo, governed that great people,*' they ascribed the latt; "ttnntilts and
outbreakings" to the malicious, rash and am'bitiotie spirit oi' Miaitlunnuntoh,
more than to "any affected way of their own."

Notwithstanding, Mianlunnomoh being now put to death, the English tind
their confederate Indian sachems, namely, " Fncus, sfigamons of the JMohegins,

|Hf'

This was written about 1643.

t Col. K. 1. Hist. .Soc vol. i.

130

CANOMCUS.— HIS WAR WITH THE PEQUOTS.

[UOOK II

and Ilia |)oopIi», fFooaamequine and liis people, Sacanocot and his people, Pum-
ham und his jicople, were diH|Hmi!d, tliey snid, still to have peace witii i!ie
NuiTu;;niisct.s ; but nliould expect a more fititliiid ohservunce of their agree-
ment than they had nhown hitherto." This determination was to be imme-
diately laid b<!tore them, and a prompt answer demanded.

In a pnive assembly, u|)on a certain occasion, Canoninis thns addressed
'Rofrer fVilliama: "I have never siifiered any wronj^ to Ihj ort'en;d to the
En<,'lisli since they landed, nor never will;" and oilen repented the word
fyunnaunewu'jean. "If the Englishman speuk true, if he mean trnly, then
shall I go to my grave in ])eace, and hope that the English and my posterity
shall live in love antl iwace together."

When Mr. h'Uliams said he hoped he had no cause to question the English-
men's wunnaumwauonrk, thai <s, fuithfidness, having long lM;en aecpiainted with
it, Canonicus took a stick, and, breaking it into ten pieces, related ten instances
wherein they had proved false; laying down a pine at each instance. Mr.
Williaina satisfied him that he was mistaken in some of them, and as to others
he agreed to intercede with the governor, who, he doubted not, would make
Batisjuetion for them.

In 1()35, Rev. Rcgcr ffllliams found Canonicits and Jiliantunnomoh carrjing
on a bloody war against the Wampanoags. By his intercession an end was
put to it, and he grew much in favor with all the sachems ; es[)ecially Canonicits,
whose "heart (he says) was stirred up to love me as his son to his last gasp.'*
He sold the Island of Rhode Island to William Coddin^ton, Rofre) 'f'illiams,
and others. A son of Canonicus, named Mriksah, is named by IVilliams as
inheriting his father's spirit. This son is also called Meika, who, afler his
fttther's death, was chief sjichein of the Narragansets, and was said to have
been his eldest sou. Many particulars of him will be found in our progress
onward.

At the time of the Pequot war, much pains was taken to secure the fricnd-
sliip of Canonicus more firmly. Mr. Williams wrote to Governor Wiy.lhrop
concerning him as follows: "Sir, if any thing be sent to the princes, I find
Caiwunicus would gladly acceiit of a box of eight or ten pounds of sugar, and
indeed he told me he would thank Mr. Governor for a box full." In another
letter which Mr. Williams sent to the same by Miantunnomoh himself, he says,
"I am bold to request a word of advice of you concerning a proposition made
by Caunounicus and Miantunnomu to me some lialf year since. Caunounicua
gave an island in this bay to Mr. Oldluim, by name Chibachuwese, upon
condition, as it should seem, that he would dwell diere near unto them." The
death of Mr. Oldham, it ap|)ears, prevented his accepting it, and they oflljred
it to Mr. Williams upon the same eond tions; but he first desired to know
whether, in so <loing, it would be perfectly agreeable to Massachusetts, and
that he had no idea of accepting, without paying the chiefs for it ; said he told
them " once and again, that for the present he mind not to romove ; but if he
had it, would give them satisfaction for it, and build a little house and put in
some swine, as understanding the place to have store of fish and good feeding
for swine." When Miantunnomoh heard that some of the 3Iassacliusi'tts men
thought of occu|>ying some of the islands, Caiwnicus, he says, desired he
would accept of half of it, " it being spectacle-wise, and between a mile oi
two in circuit;" but Mr. Williams wrote to inform them that, if he Jiad any
he desired the whole. This was not long before the Pequot war, which
probably put a stop to further negotiation upon the subject.

There was another chief of tli'- same name in Philip's war, which Mr.
Hubbard denominates "the great sachem of the Narragansets," and Avho,
"distrusting the proffers of the E'lglish, was slain in the woods by the
Mohawks, his squaw surrendering herself: by this means her life was
spared." He was probably a younger son of Canonicus, or an immediate
descendant.

Ill 1G;32, a war broke out between the Narragansets and the Peqiiots, on
neeount of disputed right to the lands between Paueatuek River and Wecapaug
IJrook.* It was a tract of considerable consequence, being about ten miles

"''The natives are very exact and pmicluni in (lie buumls of llieir lauds, belun^iiig lo this

III*

Chap. IV]

CANONICUS.— SOKOSO.

191

wido, ami fifteen or twenty lonjy. Canonicus drew nlnnp witli liim, l)f>ii,|c« liiit
own (iicii, scvorul of the MiiMwieliiiwtts Hiij^ariions. Tliiswn.s iii.iKilaiiird with
ferocity and various Hiicces-s, until WM, when th(! P(M|uots wcie (hiviii Iroin if,
hut wlio, it would seem, eonsidtsred thenisclvcM !):!t litllt; worsted ; for ('(iiioiiinin,
ddulitiu^r hid ahility to hold posHrssion loiiir, and nHJuuiied to iinve it ntaken from
him, mad" a |)re8ent of it to one of hi;' ea|i!.iins. wiio had foui^ht heroically in
con(|Uerinj( it; hut he never held poHscswii;:! : however, alter th(! l'e(|Uots were
Buhdued hy the Kiiglisli, these lands wert- possessed hy the Narrapm.S4ts aj^ain.
The name of this Peipiot eaptain was tioKCso, Hometimes called Soiio,Sjsna,
&,c. lie had killed one of his countrymen and lied to the Narniffanscts, who

Iiroteeted him. This tmct of country was allerwr.rds in dispute hetween the
•inglisli. Sokoso having deeded it to some of them, (U June, l(i<iO,) an I'-nfrlish-
inan atlerwards testifieii, that Sokoso had acknowledt^ed, that, altliou,<rli he had
HMM-ived money for it, he never owikmI it. lUit, acco;ding to the testimony of
K'awaloam, the wife ot\Mia>Uunnonujli, there was doiibtless some false swearing
about it. It was reckoned to contain 'iO,000 acre*, and the following is attested
concerning it: — "1, I t'a walonm, i\o allirm it to ix Socho's or his assigns', and
further, whereas my uncle At/iPif/W sayeth that it is his land, 1 do utterly deny
it hefore all men ; for it was coiKpiered hy my hushand Mianlononuj, and my
uncle Caiwniciis, long lieforc the liiiglisli had any wars with the I'etiuots; and
my uncle Ampgrac/ had no hand in the war. This land was given and past
over to the valiant Captain Soclto, for sei-vice done for us before the English
had any wars with the Pecpiots." *

It is said that, in the war between Uncas and Miantunnomoh, two of the
sons of Canonicus fought on the side of Miantunnomoh, and were wounded
when he was taken prisoner at Sachem's Plain.

Canonicus has been the subject of a poem which was published at Boston,
ill 1803. t Among the tolerable passages are llie following : —

" A miglily prince, of vciieraMe agfe,

A peerless warrior, bul of peace llio friend ; ,

Ilis lireast a Ireasury of maxims sa^e —
His arm, a host — to puiiisli or deteiid."

Canonicvj, at the age of 84 years, is made to oiuiounce his approaching
dissolution to his people thus: —

" I die. — My frien<ls, you have no oause to grieve :
To al>lcr fiands my regal power I leave.
Our god commaiids — to fertile realms I liasln.
Compared with wliicli your gardens arc a waste.
There in full bloom eternal spring abides,
And swarming lishes glide through azure ti<les;
Continual sunshine gilds the cloudless skies,
No mists conceal Kcesuckquaiid from our eyes."

About 1642, a son of Canonicus died, at which his gi'ief was very great;
insomuch that, "having buried his son, he burned his own palace, and all his
goods in it, to a great vaUie, in solemn remembrance of his son."

Like other men ignorant of science, Canonicus was superstitious, and waa
greatly in fear of the English, chiefly, jierhaps, from a belief in their ability to
hurt him by enchantment, which belief, very jirobably, was occasioned by the
mory thfxt Squarito circulated, of which, in a previous chapter, we have spoken.
When Roger Williams fled into his country, he at first viewed him with dis-
trust, and would only frown upon him ; at length he accused him, as well as
the other English, of sending the plague among the Indians ; but, Jis we have
said before, he soon became reconciled to him, gave him lands, and even
protected him. They became mutual helps to each other, and, but for ani-
mosities among the English themselves, it may be fair to conclude, friendship
would have continued with the Narragansets through several generations.

or that prince or pctole, even to a river, brook, &c. And I have known thorn make bargain
nnd sale amongst themselves, for a small piece, or qtmnlily of ground ; not«ilhsi;iiuliiig a
linful opinion amongst many, that Christians have right to heathen's lands." li. IVtliianu.

*See Poller's History of Narrnganset, in Col. R. I. Hist. Soc. iii. 248.

♦ 15v Jchn Lathrop, A. M. in 8vo.

•,i

122

MIANIUNNOMOH.-TIIE PEQUOT WAR.

[linoK II

MiANTU.NNOMOH * WHS the soti of a chief railed Mascv.i, nephew of Canoni-
cus, brothiT or l)n)ther-in-law to JVin{gret,\ and lirotlier of Olash. And, from
a manuscript t among tiie paf)(;ra of the late Dr. Trumhull, it appears that
Mossup, or jyiosipe,^ and Caiijanaquo7Hl,\\ were also his brothers.

"This .Miantoninw" siiys Mr. i/it66ar</, " was a very good personage, [that
is, well made,] of tall statm-e, suhtil and cunning in his contrivements, as well
as hanglity in his designs."1[

As early as 3 Aug. 1(J32, this chief came with his wife to Boston, where ho
Btuid two nights. He was then known by the name of Mecumeh. While hero
he went to church with the English, and in the mean while, some of his men,
twelve of whom had accompanied him, it seems, broke into a house, and
committed a theft, on 5 ]Marcli. Complaint was made to the English gov-
ernor, who "told the sachem of it, and with some difficulty caused him to
make one of his sannaps** beat them." The authors of the mischief were
immediately sent out of to\vn, but Miantunnomoh and the others, the governoi
took to his house, "and made nnich of them."ff

The English seem always to have been more favorably inclined towards
other tribes than to the Narragansets, as appears from the stand they took in
tlie ware between them and their enemies. And so long as other tribes suc-
ceeded against them, the English were idle spectators; but whenever the
scale turned in their favor, they were not slow to intercede.

In the Life of Canonicus, the part Miantunnomoh exercised in the govern-
ment of the great nation of the NaiTagansets is related.

In 1634, Cai'tains Stone and JS/orton were killed by the Pequots, and in 1636,
Mr. John Oldham, by the Indians " near Block Island." Miantunnomoh did all
in his power to assist in apprehending the murderers, and was at much pains
and trouble in furnishing the English with facts relative thereto, from time to
time. Anil when it was told at Boston that there was a cessation of hostilities
between the Narragansets and Pequots, Miantunnomoh was immediately or-
dered to ap])car there, which ho did without delay, and agreed to assist them
in a war against the Pequots ; without whose aid and concurrence, the English
would hardly have dared to engage in a war against tliem at that time.

Early in 1637, (March 21,) to show the governor of JIassachusetts that ho
kept his promise of warring against the Pequots, Miantunnomoh sent him, by
26 of his men, a Pequot's hand and 40 fatliom of wampom. The war with
them now commenced, and though of short duration, destroyed them to such
a degree, that they appeared no jnorc as a nation. One hundred of the Nar-
ragansets joined themselves with the English in its accomplishment, and re-
ceived a i)art of the prisoners as slaves for their services.tt When the war
was over, Miantunnomoh still adhered to the English, and seized ui)on such
of the Pequots as had made their escape from bondage, and returned them to
their English mastere ; gave up to them his claim of Block Island, and other

E laces where the English had found Pequots, akid which they considered as
elonging to them by right of conquest.
About the same time, or in the coui-ae of the year 1638, troubles had grown
to an alarming height between the Narragansets and Mohegans, and, as usual,

*Tliis spellinpf is nccordiiij'' to Winlliirp: wo prefer ll7//mm.s's melliod as more correct,
wliicil is Miantunnomn ; but, havincf employed the former in jur first edi'.on, it is relnined in
this. It is, however, oftoiicr written MtjaiiUmimo now, wHicli only show, another pronuncia-
tion. Tiie accent is usually upon tiie pcimltimato syllable. tJec JalLnder's Cent. Dis-
cmirse,K\^c I.

fMSS. of R. ^VillillmJ!. I Now published in the Coll. Mass. Hist. l^nr.

^Called also ('HssiU'iin'nrh. or SiirquKnch, and Paliciis ; that is, Pes.inrus. He "was
killed by the Moqui, [INIohawlvs.] in tlie wilderness, about 20 niiies above Pisataqua, in his
travel eastward, in the time of the Indian wars, and cllior Indians \/itli him, and were buried
by order of Major IValdimi." 3 Coll. Muss. Hist. Soc.

II " Recoaucd this First of luly, U)59, of Maj'. Humfrey Aderton, [Atherton,] and tlie rest
of his friends, the siime of 75 pounds in Wampam peajf w'h seucral other thinsfs as g-rntuity
for certaino lands giuen y* said RIajf. Aderton and his frlcads, as may af^icare by l.vo seuerall
deeds of gift. 1 say rcceaued l)y me.

CoGINA^UAN ,_^ his nufrk.*

[Mf^. Vncuments.

TT Hist. New Ens;. 4-W). ** A name the sachems gave their attendants.

ft Winthrop's Jouriml. it Miantunnomoh received eijjhty. Mather's Relation, 39.

Chap. IV.]

MI.\NTUNNOMOH.— INTRIGUES OF U.NC.VS.

123

Roger Jf'iUiams exerci.sed all his skill to rcstori; traininillity. iM.-uiy of the
l*e()iiot.s who liad escapeil tli(5 sword of the war of h'ii7, were aiiionjj the
IMohcgaiis, and seem to have taken part with them aarain.-^t .Miantunnomolu
They (lid thi.s, no doiiht, that the Mohegans might screen them from the
l'<nglisii, who were still seizing on all of that nation against whom they could
find any cause of suspicion of having heeu engaged in murdering the English,
or in arms against them.

Mianliv.inotnoh, it is i)robahle, had been ordered !)efore the magistrates of
Connecticut, to give some account of the Pequot refugees in the hands of the
Mohegans, as well as of those in his nation; which may have been a main
cause of the war they had now waged against him. For, when lie set out for
Hartford, he had a guard of "upwards of 150 men, and many sachems, and
his wife and children." Mr. iniliams was with him, and strongly urged him
not to venture upon the journey, even with this force, because of the liostility
of the Mohegaus; but the sarhem would not be dissuaded, although he had
no doubt that the Mohegans and their Pequots were in great force not far off.
And while they were on their niarcli, "about GOO" of them fell upon the
Wunnashowatuckoogs, a tribe muler Canonicus, where they committed exten-
sive robberies, and destroyed "about 23 fields of corn."

Notwithstanding this great ftlohegan army liad prepared an ambush to
intercept and cut off Mianlunnomoh, and gave out a threat that they loould boil
him in a kellle, yet he went to, and returned safe from, Connecticut.*

On this occasion he discovers great braveiy, if it border not too closely
upon tejiKirity ; for, when Williams urged him to retreat, they liad performed
half tlieii* jouniey, or about 50 miles ; and Miantunnomoli's answer was, alter
holdhig a council with his chiefs, "that no man should turn back, resolving
nitli(>r all to die."

The Mohegan sachem, Uncas, was at the same time ordered to a[)pear at
Hartford, to give an account of the Pecpiot warrioi-s, or riiurdcrei-s, as the
English called them, in liis keejiing, as well as to eflect a reconciliation of
differences between him and Mianluimomoh ; but, instead of appearing, he
sent a messenger, with word that he was lame and could not come. The
governor of Connecticut, Mr. Haynes, at once saw through the artifice, and
observed that it was a lame excuse, and immediately sent for him to come
without delay.

Whether cured of his lameness or not before coming, we are not informed ;
but, in a few days afler, the subtle sachem apjieared, not daring to forfeit the
frieiidslii|) of the English, which, it seems, he i)referred to hiding longer his
guilty face from the ])resence of the magnanimous .Miavtimnomoh.

Now before the English, Uncas was charged with the depredations, some
of which were too well attested to admit of a denial, and others were dis-
owned in part. Thr> inquiry seems to have ended afler the parties were tired
of it, without any advantage to the injured Narragauscts, aud we hear of no
measures taken lor their relief.

The next thing in order was a call upon Uncas for an account of the
Pequots which he was sheltering, which resulted only in a new series of
falsehoods fioin him. When he was requested to give their names, he said he
knew none of them, and that there were but 20 in his dominions. Whereupon
witnesses were called, whose testimonies [)roved, in his presence, that hia
statement was false. "Then he acknowledged that he had 30." At length
Mr. Haynes dismissed him, with ordere to bring in their names in 10 days, or
he would take those Indimis by force out of his country. But, when Mian-
lunnomoh was called upon for the names of those with hhii, nothing waa
withheld.

At lliis time, at the request of the English, jli7an<wnnomoft consented to lay
aside all animosities, and take Uncas by the hand. When he had done this,
he urged Uncas to dine with him ; but the guilty sachem would not, though
pres.sed by the English for some time to do so ; and tlius all efforts to bring
about a peace vanished, f

r ■■

,89.

*Coll. II. I. Ilisi. Soc iii. flj.

t Ibid. ill. \X,m.

124

MIANTUNNOMOH SELLS AQUIDNICK.

[Rook II

Rpv. Sanniel Gorton nnd his associates purchased Shaomct, afterwards
railed Warwick, from tlie Earl of Warwici<, of Minntunnomoh ; hut, ns
Ciorton could do nothing right in the eves of the Puritans of Massachusetts,
Pumham was instigated to claim saiil tract of country; nnd, although a
Kiicheui under Miantunnomoh^* did not hesitate, when supported by tiie Eng-
lish, to assert his claim as chief sachem. And the government of Massjichu-
Kctts, to give to their interference the appearance of disintercstediiess, whicli if
would seem, from their own vindication, they thought there was a cimncc to
doubt, "Send for the foresaid sachems, [who had complained of r»!r. Gorton
nnd others, through the instigation of the English,] nnd upon examination
find, botli by English and Indian testimony, that Miantonomo was oidy a
usurper, and had no title to the foresaid lands." f This is against the testi-
mony of every record, and could no more have been believed <Acn, than that
Philip was not sachem of Pokanoket. In all cases of purchase, in those
times, the chief sachem's grant was valid, and maintained, in almost eveiy
instan(;c, by the purchaser or grantee. It was customary, generally, to make
the inferior sachems, and sometimes all their men, presents, but it was by no
means a law. The chief sachems often permitted those under them to
dispose of lands also, without Iwing called to account. This was precisely
the situation of things in the Warwick controversy, of which we shall have
occasion again to speak, when we come to the life of Pumham.

In March, 1638, Miantunnomoh, with four other sachems, sold to William
Coddinffton and otliere, the island now called Rhode Island, also most of the
othcra m Narraganset bay, "for the full payment of 40 fathom of white pcag,
to be equally divided " between them. Hence Miantunnomoh received eight
fathom. He was to "have ten coats and twenty hoes to give to the present in-
habitants, that they shall remove themselves from the island before next winter."
The deed of this purchase, a copy of which is in my possession, is dated
24th March, and runs thus: "We, Canonicas and Meantinomie, the two chief
sachems of Naragansets, by virtue of our general command of this Bay, as
also the particular subjecting of the dead sjichems of Aquednick, Kitacka-
mucknut, themselves and lands unto us, have sold unto Mr, Coddington and
his friends * * the great Island of Aquidnick, lying from hence [Providence]
eastwai'd * * also the marshes, grass upon Qunnonigat and the rest of the
islands in the bay, excepting Chabatcwece, formerly sold unto Mr. Winihrop,
the now Gov. of Rlass. and Mr. Williama of Providence, also the grass
upon the rivera and coves about Kitackamuckqut, and from thence to Pau-
pasquat."

" The mark of ^ Cononicus.

The mark of ^ Yotnesh, [Otash,
brother of Miantun>omoh.]

The mark of A) Meantinomie.

The mark of , — ■> Asotamnet.

The mark of w*^ Meihammoii,

Canonicus his son.
"This witnesseth that I, Wanamatanamet, the present sachem of the island,
have received five fathom of wampum and consent to the contents.

The mark of 4) Wanamatanamet.
"Memorandum. I, Osemequon, freely consent" that they may "make use
of any gi-ass or trees on the niaui land on Pocasicke side," having receiued
five fathom of wampum also.

The mark of /\ Osamequen.

As late as 21 Sept 1038, the hand of Mianttmnomoh is set to an instrument,
with that of Uncas. Said instrument was a treaty of peace, a bond for the
iettling of diflicultics between tliese two sachems and their men, and an

•"The law of the Indians hi nil America is, tliat the inrcrior snrhnms anil siihjrcls shall
plant and remove nl the pleasure of the hie;hesl and supreme sachems." Hotter Williams
This is uuthorily, and we need no ullicr commentary on tiie arbitrary proceedings of .:ic court
nf MiissHcliiisein.

t In maiitiscnpl on file, at the stato-liouse, Uostou.

Chap. IV]

MIANTUNNOMOH.— TREATY WITH UNCA3.

•T.

obligation from both to appeal to the English when any difficnlty should tivhc
between thcni. This treaty was done at Hartford, the substance of which
follows :

1st. Peace and friendship is established between Miatilunnomoh on the j)art
of the Narragansets, and Poqnim, as Uncas was then sometimes called, on the
part of the Mohegans. And all former injuries and wrongs to be forgiven,
and never to be renewed.

2d. Each of the sacliems agree, "that if there fall out injuries" from either
Bide, they will not revenge them, but that they will appeal to the English,
whose derision shall stand; and if either piu'ty refuse to submit, "it shall be
lawful for the English to compel him."

3<1. The sacliems further covenant with the English, that they nor none of
their people shall hai'bor any Indians who shall be enemies to them, or shall
have murdered any white people. They further agree that they will, "as
soon as they can, either bring the chief sachem of our late enemies the
Peaquots, that had the chief hand in killing the English, to the sd English, or
tJike of " his head. As to the "murders that are now agreed upon amongst
us that arc living, they shall, as soon as they con possibly, take off their
heads."

4th. And whereas it is agreed that there are now among the Narragansets
and Mohogans, 200 Peipiot men, besides squaws and ])a|)oosi!s; this article is
to provide, that the Narragansets have enough of them to make up 80, with
the 11 they have already, "and Poquime his number, and that after they, the
Peaquots, shall be divided as above, shall no more be culled Peaquots, but
Narragansets and Rlohegans." They agree to pay for every sanop one fathont
of wanq)om, and for every youth half as nrnch — "and for every sanop
papoose one hanil to be paid at killing-time of corn at Connecticut yearl}',
and shall not suiter them for to live in the country that was formerly theirs,
but is now the English's. Neither shall the Narragansets or Mohegana
possess any part of the Pcquot country without Icaue of them."

John IIaines,
Rog'r Ludlow,
Enw^ao Hopkins.

MlANTINOMMY, •,

PoQuiAM, aliaa Unjlas. -j-"

ivr

The wift! of JMiantunnomoh, named Wawaloam, was alive as late as IGfil,
as appears by an information which she gave, dated 25 June, concerning the
right of Sokoso to sell the lands adjacent to VVecapaug.

On a time previous to liUS, Roger /ri7/ia'»w delivered a discourse to some
Indians at their residence, as he was passing through their country. Miari'
ttinnomoh was present, and seemed inclined to believe in Christianity. Mr.
JVillinms, being much fatigued, retired to rest, while Miantunnomoh and others
i-emained to converse ujon what they had heard. One said to the chief,
" Our fathera have told ds that our souls go to the south-west ; " Miantunno-
moh rejoined, "How dr you know your souls go to the south-west? did you
ever see a soul go that way ? " (Still he was rather inclined to believe, as Mr.
If'illiams had just said, that they went up to heaven or down to hell.) The
other added, "When did he (meaning fyUliams) ever see a soul go up to
heaven or down to hell ? "

Wo have given the above anecdote, which is thought a good illustration
of the mind of man under the influence of a superstitious or prejudiced
education.

When it was reported, in 1G40, that Miantunnomoh was plotting to cut off
tile English, as will be found mentioned in the account of ATnigre/, ami
several English were sent to him in July, to know the truth of the mutter, he
would not talk with them through a Pequot interpreter, because ho wjls then
at war with that nntion. In other respects he complied with their wish(!.s,
and treated them resi)ectfully, agreeing to come to IJoston, for the gratifiofition
of the government, if thcsy would allow Mr. ffillittms to arrompanv iiim.
Tills they would not consent to, and yet he eaine, agreeably to their desiresi
\Ve shall presently see who acted best the part of civilized nieu in this uliiiir
11*

126

MIANTUNNOMOH ACCUSED OF A CONSPIRACY. [Hook 11

t^'^m

He had refused to use a Pequot interpreter for good reasons, but when he was
at Boston, and surrounded by armed men, he was obliged to submit. "The
governor being as resohite as he, refused to use any otiier interpreter, tiiinking
it a dishonor to us to give so much way to them ! " The gi'eat wisdom of the
government now displayed itself in the pci-son of Governor Tlionuis Dudky.
It is not to be exi)ected but that Miantimnomoh should resent their proceedings ;
for to the above insult they added others ; " would show him no countenance,
nor admit him to dine at our table, as formerly he had done, till he had
acknowledged his failing, &c., which he readily did." * By their own folly,
the English had made thf-mselves jealous of a jrowerful chief, and they appear
ever ready afterwards to credit evil reports of him.

That an independent chief should be obliged to conform to transitory
notions upon such an occasion, is absolutely ridiculous ; and the justness of
•he following remark from him was enough to have shamed good men into
their senses. He said, " When your people come to me, they are permitted to use
tlieir own fashions, and I expect the same liberty lohen I come to you."

In 1 1)42, Connecticut became very sus|)icious of Miantunnomoh, and urged
Massachusetts to join them in a war against him. Their feai"s no doid)t grew
out of the consideration of the probable issue of a war with Uncos in his
favor, which was now on the point of breaking out. Even Miissachusetts did
not think their sus|)icious well founded ; yet, according to their request, they
sent to Miantunnomoh, wiio, as usual, gave them satisfactoiy answers, and,
agreeably to their request, came again to Boston. Two days were employed
by the court of Massachusetts in deliberating with him, and we are aston-
ished at the wisdom of the great chief, even as reported by his enemies.

That a simple man of nature, who never knew courts or law, should cause
such acknowledgments as follow, from the civilized and wise, will always be
contemi)lated with intense admiration. "When he came," says H'inthrop,
"the court was assembled, and before his admission, we considered how to
treat with him, for we knew him to be a very subtle man." When ho was
admitted, " he was set down at the lower end of the table, over against the
governor," but would not at any time speak upon business, unless some of his
counselloi-s were present; saying, "he would have them present, that they
might bear witness with him, at his return honie, of all his sayings." The
same author further says, "In all his answera he was very deliberate, and
showed good undei-standing in the principles of justice and equity, and
ingenuity withal."

lie now asked for his accusers, urging, that if they could not establish their
allegations, they ought to suffer what he expected to, if they did; but the
court said 'hey kneio of none ; that is, they knew not whom they were, and
therefore gave no credit to the reports until they had advised him according
to a former agreement. He then said, " If you did not give credit to it, wliy
then did you disarm the Indians?" Massachusetts having just then disarmed
Borne of the Merrimacks under some pretence. " He gave divers reasons,"
Bays Governor JVinthrop,\ ^^ why we should hold liim free of any such con-
epiracy, and why we should conceive it was a report raised by Uncns, &c.
and therefore offer(!d to meet Uncus, and would [trove to his fiice liis treachery
against the English, &c., and told us he would come to us at any time," al-
though he said some had tried to dissuade him, saying that the English would
put liiin to death, yet he feared nothing, as he was innocent of the charges
agiiinst him. I

The punishment duo to those who had raised the accusations, bore heavily
upon Ills breast, and "he j)ut it to our consideration what damage it had been
to hiiii, in that he was forced to keep his men at hoJkie, and not suffer them to
go forth on hunting, &c., till ho had given the English satisfaction." Afler
two (lays spent in talk, the council issued to the satisfaction of the English.

During the council, a table was set by itself for the Indians, which Mian-

t f^cR book ill. clmr
leuiler inny willi propriety exdiiini, wns nnnllior Michael Servetiis : — " I'mir'

" Willi limp's .loiirii.il

} MiTClllO

B'lnii, Afi'.'ini-i^nt'nni, if demaiulc ipie
ill). ! ou's L(u X. iv. 457.

an. vii.
Mirlme

on faulx acciisati'uf soil |)Uiii poena lalioiiis," kVc

Crap. IV.] MIANTUNNOMOH.-HIS WAR WITH UNCAS.

127

HI"-

tiinnomoh appenre not to have liked, and " would not eat, until some food had
been sent him from that of the governor's."

That wisdom seems to have dictated to Massachusetts, in her nnswei to
Connecticut, must be acknowledged ; but, as jnstice to Miantunnomoh a!>nn-
dantly demanded such decision, credit in this case is due only to them, as to
him who docs a good act because it was his interest so to do. Tiicy urged
Connecticut not to commence war alone, "alleging how dishonoralile it would
be to us all, that, while we were upon treaty with the Indians, they should
make war upon them ; for they would account their act as our own, seeing
we had formerly professed to the Indians, that we were all as one ; and in oiir
last message to Miantunnomoh^ had remend)ered him again of the same, and
he had answered that he did so account us. Ujion receipt of this our answer,
they forhare to enter into a war, but (it seemed) unwillingly, and as not well
pleased with us." The main consideration which 'paused Mas.sacluisetts to
decide against war was, "That all those informations [furnished by Connecti-
cut] mifeiit arise from a false ground, "iud out of the enmity which was
between the Narraganset and Mohigan " sachems. This was no doubt one
of the real causes; and, had Miantunnomoh overcome Uncas, the English
would, from policy, as gladly have leagued with hiui as with th.e latter; for it
Avas constantly pleaded in those dajs, that their safety nmst dei)en(l on a
union with some of the most powerful tribes.

There can be no doubt, on iuiriy examining the case, that Uncus used many
arts, to influence the English in his favor, and against his enemy. In the
progress of the war between the two great chiefs, the English acted precisely
as the Indians have been always said to do— stood aloof, and watciied the
scale of victory, determined to join the conquerors: and we will here liigresa
for a moment, to introduce a character, more fully to illustrate the cause of the
operations of the English against the chief of the Narragansets.

Miantunnomoh had a wretched enemy in Waiandance, a Long Island
sachem, who had assisted in the destruction of the Pequots, at their last
retreat. He revealed the plots and plans of Miantunnomoh ; and, says Lion
Gardener, " he told me many years ago," as all the plots of the Narnigansets
had been discovered, tliey now concluded to let the English alone until they
had destroyed Uncas and himself, then, with the assistance of the IMoliawks.
"and Indians beyond the Dutch, and all the northern and eastern Indians,
would easily destroy us, man and mother's son."

Mr. Gardener next relates tiiat he met with Miantunnoynoh at Mcanticut,
Waiandance^s country, on the east end of Long Island. That Miantunnomoh
was there, as IFaiandaiKC said, to break up the intercourse with those Indians.
There were others with Miantunnomoh, and what they said to JVaiandance was
as follows: —

" You must give no more wampum to the English, for they are no sachems, rMi"
none of their children shall be in their place xf theij die. They have 710 tribute
given them. There is but one king in England, who is over them all, and if you
should semi him 100,000 fathom of wampum, he woidd not give you a knife for it,
nor tlumk you," Then said ^^aianrfance, " They will come and kill us all, as
they did tlie Pequits;" but replied the Nan-agansets, "jVo, Vie Pequots gave
them wampum and beav/'r, tchu! i',ey loved so iocll,but they sent it them again,
and killed them because they had killed an Englishnuin; hut you have killed none,
therefore give them Twthing."

Some time after, Miantunnomoh went again, "with a troop of men, to the
same ])lace, and, instead of receiving presents as formerly, he gave presents
to Waiandance and his people, and made the following speocli:—

" Ihotiiei-s, wo must be one ns the Engiisii are, or we shall soon all 1x5
destroyed. You know our fathers had plenty of deer and skins, and onr
plains were full of d(!cr and of turkeys, and onr e< vos and rivers were full of
lisli. Hut, brothers, since these English have seized u|.ot« o.ii lonntry, they
cut down the grass with scythes, and the trees with iixes. Their cows ,ind
horses cat up the grass, and their hogs sfioil our beds of clams ; and liiMilly
we shall starve to death ! Therefore, stand not in your own lignt, I bisi-ecli
yon, lint resolve with us to act like men. All the sachems hotli to thi' iJist
und west have joined with us, and we are all resolved to lidl upon thiin, at c

¥:

■M

ill

128

MIANTUNNOMOII liEFEATF,!) AND TaKEN PRISONER. [Dook It

day appointed, and therefore I have come secretly to yon, because you can
))('rsim(lc tlie Iiidians to do wliat you will. Brothers, I will send over .'iO
Indians to xManisscs, and 30 to you from thence, and take an 100 of
Soutliaiiipton Indians, with an 100 of your own here. And, when you
Bee the three tires that will be made at the end of 40 days hence, in a
clear night, then act as we act, and the next day fall on t.nd kill men, women
and children, but no cows; they must be killed as we need them for pro-
visions, till the deer come again."

To this 8i)eecli all the old men said, " JFiirregen," i. e. "It is well." But
tliis great plot, if the account given by ffaiandance be true, was by him
brought to the knowledge of the English, and so failed. " And the plotter,"
says Gardener, " next spring after, did as Ahab did at Uamoth-Gilead. — So lie
to Mohegan,* and there had his fall."t

Capture and death of Miantunnomoh. — The war brought on between Uncas
and Miantunnomoh was not within the jurisdiction of the English, nor is it to
be expected that they could with certainty determine the justness of its cause.
The broil liad long existed, but the open rupture was brought on by Uncos'
making war upon Scquasson, one of the sachems under Miantunnomoh. The
English accounts say, (and we have no other,) that about 1000 warriors were
raised by Miantunnomoh, who came upon Uncas unprepared, having only
about 400 men ; yet, after an obstinate battle, in which many were killed on
both sides, the Narraganscts were put to flight, and Miantunnomoh taken
prisoner ; that he endeavored to save himself by flight, but, having on a coat
of mail, was known from the rest, and seized by two J of liis own men, who
hoped by their treachery to save their own lives. Whereupon they imme-
diately delivered him up to the conf]iieror. Uncas slew them both instantly ;
probably with his own hand. This specimen of his bravery must have had a
salutaiy effect on all such as afterwards chanced to think of acting the part
of traitors in their wars, at least among the Nan-agansets!.

The English of Rhode Island rather favored the cause of the Narraganscts,
nor could a different course be expected of them, satisfied as they were, that
that nation were greatly wronged ; while, on the other hand, Connecticut and
Massachus(?tts rather liivored the Mohcgans. That Miantunnomoh should not
suffer in his pereon, in battles which, it was now seen, were inevitable, Samiiel
Gorton furnished him with a heavy old English armor, or coat of mail ; and
this, instead of lieing beneficial, as it was intended, j)roved the destruction of
his friend. For, when a retreat became necessaiy, not being used to this kind
of caparison, it both obstructed his efforts at resistance and his means of flight.
About 30 of his men were killed, and many more were wounded.

Being brought before Uncas, he remained without spraking a word, until
Uncas spoke to him, and said, "If you had taken me, I would have besought you
for my life" He then took his prisoner to Hartford, and at his request left
him a prisoner with the English, until the mind of the United Colonies should
be known as to what disposition should be made of liim.

The sorrowful part of the tale is yet to be told. The commissioners of the
United Colonies, having convened at Boston, "taking into serious considera-
tion, they say, what was safest and best to be done, were all of opinion that it
would not be safe to set him at liberty, neither had we sufficient ground for us
to jHit him to death." § The awful design of putting to death their friend they
bad not yet fixed upon ; but, calling to their aid in council "five of the most
judicious elders," " they all agreed that he ought to be put to death." This was
the final decision ; and, to complete the deed of darkness, secrecy was enjoin-
ed upon all. And their determination was to be made known to Uncas

* This e;oes lo show that Miantunnomoh was not killed al)ove Hartford, as Winthrop states ;
for the coiiiilry at some ilisl;uicc from the mouth of Pequot River was cai'.ed Mohegan. It
probably inrhulcd Windsor.

t 3 Coll. Mass. Ifisf. Son. iii. KM.

\ In the records, (Hazard, ii. <18,) but one person is mentioned as liaviiif taken Mianlmno
moh, whose name was Tantoqueson : and there lie is railed a Mohegan e-.ptnin. That there-
fore the Niirraffansels tried to kill him; came upon him onre in the nlshl, and dangerouslj
wounded him, as lie lay in his wigwam asleep. See vole in the Life of Ninigret.

§ VVinlhrop, ii. 131

Chap. IV.] MIANTUNNOMOII.— CONDUCT OF THE ENGLI.SH.

12!)

privately, with direction that he should execute him within his own jiiiisdir-
tion, and without torture.

From tlieir own account of this affair, the English (of the T'liiti^l Ci)lonirs)
stand condemned in the trial of time at the har of history. It i.< iiliowed iliat
Uncos had made war upon Sequasson, in July, 1G43, and doin; him miicli
injury ;* and that, according to a previous agreement with tin- Ijiglish, M!an-
lunnotnoh had complained to the governor of Massachusetts of the conduct
of Uncas, and had received answer from him, "that, if Uncas had done him
or his friends wrong, and would not give satisfaction, he was lefl to ttika his
own course." No account is given that Seqitasson had injured Uncas, l)ut that
Uncas "set upon Sequasson, and killed 7 or 8 cf his men, wounded 13, hurnt
his wigwams, and carried away the booty." *

We will now go to the record, which will enable t>^ to judge of the justness
of this matter. When the English had determined that linens should execute
Miantunnomoh, Uncas was ordered to be sent for to Hailford, "with some
considerable number of his best and trustiest men," to take him to a place for
execution, "carrying him into the next part of his own government, and there

Eut him to death: provided that some discreet and faithful persons of the
higlish accompany them, and see the execution, for our more full satisfac-
tion ; and tliat the English meddle not with the head or body at all."t

The commissioners at the same time ordered, "that Hartford fnniish Uncas
with a competent strength of English to defend him against any present fury
or assault, of the Nanohiggimsetts or any other." And "that in case Uncas
shall refuse to execute justice upon Mi/antenomo, that then Myantenomo be sent
by sea to the Massachusetts, there to be kept in safe dunmcc till the com-
missioners may consider further how to dispose of hini."1

Here, then, we see fully developed the real state of the case. The Mohe-
gans had, by accident, captured J\Kanlunnomoh, after which event, they were
more in fear of his nation than before ; which proves, beyond doubt, that they
would never have dared to put him to death, had they not been promised the
protection of the English

No one can rend this account without being reminded of the fate of JVapo-
leon. We do not say Uiat the English of New England dreaded the power
of Miantunnomnh as much as those of Old England did that of JVapoleon
afterwards ; but that both were sacrificed in consequence of the fears of those
into whose power the fortune of wars cast them, will not, we presume, be
denied.

When tlie determination of the commissioners and elders was made known
to Uncas, he "readily undertook the execution, and taking Minntunnomoh
along with him, in tiie way between Hartford and Windsor, (where Uncas
hath some men dwell,) Uncos' brother, following after Miantunnomoh, clave
his head with an hatchet." J Mather says, they "very fairly cut off hi^
head."§

Dr. Trumbull || records an account of cannibalism, at this time, which we
ought to caution the reader against receiving as true history, as it no doubt
rests on the authority of tradition, which is wont to transfer even the transac-
tions of one continent to another, which is this : — " Uncas cut out a large piece
of his shoulder, and ate it in savage triumph ; " saying, " ' it was the sweetest
meat he ever ate ; it made his heart strong.' " IT

* Iluhbard, N. E. 450. f Records of tlie U. Colonics.

X H'inthrop's Journal, ii. 134. As to the place of Miantunnomnh' s execution, IViiillimp
M'ems to have been in a mistake. It is not very likely that he was taken in the opposite
direction, from Uuca^'s own country, as Windsor was from Hartford. It is also unlikely that
f'licas had men dtoell so far from his country upon the Thames.

A gentleman who lately visited his sepulchre, says the wandering Indians have made a
heap of stones upon his grave. It is a well-known custom of the race, to add to a mrmu-
nii-]ilnl pile of the dead whenever they pass by it. See 3 Coll. Mans. Hist. ^nr. iii. 135, and
JfiYerson's Notes. [Jj* Some wretchedly ignorant neighbors to this sacreil pile (whites, of
course) have, not long since, taken stones Irom it to make wall ! but enough remain to mark
the siHit. It is in the east part of Norwich. Colls. Ihid.

^ Mi>gnalia. _ l| History of Connpfticul, i. 135.

1' That this is tradition, may be inferred from the circumstance of an eminently obscure
tvritc's publishing nearly tlie same story, which he says, in his book, took place upon in«

«''l

A%\

130

DEATH OF MIANTUNNOMOH.— TRADITIONS.

[Book II.

We are now certain that what Dr. Trumbull has given us as unquestionable
hist(jry, from a " manuscript of Mr. H}ide" is only tradition. Having been put
ill |i().«s('i«sioii of a copy of that manuscript,* we deem it highly important tiint
it slionlil be laid before the world, that its true weight may be considered by
«ll who would be correctly informed in this important transaction.

\\\ way of preliminary to his communication, Mr. Hyde says, "The follow-
ing facts being communicated to me from some of the ancient fathers of this
town, who were contemporary with Uncos," &c. ''That before the settlement
of Norwich, the sachem of the Narraganset tribe [Miantunnomoh] had a per-
sonal quarrel with Uncos, and proclaimed war with the Moheg[anls: and
marched with an army of 900 fighting men, equipped with bows and arrows
and hatchets. Uncos be[ing] informed by spies of their march towards his
seat. Uncos called his warriors together, about 600, stout, hard men, light of
foot, and skilled in the use of the bow ; and, upon a conference. Uncos told
his men that it would not do to let y« Narragansets come to their town, but
they must go and meet them. Accordingly, they marched, and about three
miles, on a large plain, the armies met, and both halted within bow-shot. A
l)arley was sounded, and gallant Uncos proposed a conference with the Narra-
ganset sachem, who agreed. And being met. Uncos saith to his enemy word[s]
to this effect: ' You have got a number of brave men xoith you, and so have 1.
Ahd it n pity that such brave men should be killed for a quarrel between you and
I? Oidy come like a man, as you pretend to be, and we unllfght it out. If you
kill me, my men shall be yours; but if I kill you, your men shall be mineJ Upon
which the NaiTaganset sachem replied: 'J% men came to fight, and they shall
fight.''

" Thu:as having before told his men, that if his enemy should refuse to fight
him, he would fall down, and then they were to discharge their artillery
[arrows] on them, and fall right on them as fast as they could;" this was
done, and the Mohegans rushed upon JViiianhmnomo/i'j army " like lions," put
them to flight, and killed "a number on the spot." They "pursued the rest
driving some do\vn ledges of rocks." The foremost of Uncases men got
ahead of Miantunnomoh, and impeded his flight, drawing him back as they
passed him, "to give Uncas opportunity to take him himself."

" In the pursuit, at a place now called Sachem's Plain, Uncas took him by
the shoulder. He then set down, knowing Uncas. Uncas then gave a whoop,
and his men returned to him ; and in a council then held, 'twas concluded by
them, that Uncas, with a guard, should carry said sachem to Hartford, to the
governor and magistrates, (it being before the charter,) to advise what they
should do with him." " Uncas was told by them, as there was no war with
the English and Narragansets, it was not proper for them to intermeddle, in
the affair, and advised him to take his own way. Accordingly, they brought
said Narraganset sachem back to the same spot of ground where he was took :
where Uncas killed him, and cut out a large piece of his shoulder, roasted,
and eat it; and said, '/t was the sioeetest meel\ he ever eat; it made him have
strong hart.^ There they bury him, and made a pillai', which I have seen but
a few yeare since."

This communication was in the form of a letter, and dated at Norwich, 9
Oct. 1769, and signed Richard Hide. The just remark of Mr. Ely upon it I
cannot withhold, in justice to my subject.

" The obove ' Manuscript of Mr. Hyde^ as a tradition, is a valuable paper,
and worthy of preservation ; yet, being written 15i5 years affcr the event
wlii(!h it describes, it is surprising that Dr. Ihumhidl should have inserted it,
ill his History of Connecticut, in its principal paniculiu-s, as matter of fact."}:

In the proceedings of the commissioners of the United Colonics, the main

flojitli of Philip. Otflco, be snys, cut out a pound of Philip's bicedinp body and ate it.
The book is by one Heitnj Tiiimhiill, and purports to be a iiislory of the disrovcry of Amer-
ica, the Indian wars, &c. The reader will fnid it about stalls by llie street-side, but rarely in
B respectable book-slote. It has been forced through many editions, but tiiere is scarce a
Word of true history in it.

* Hv Rev. Wm. Klij, of Connecticut.

t Tnimbtil/ says vieat, but the .MS. is plain, and means mtal,

* Manuscript letter, 1 Mar. 1833.

r^HAP. IV.] NINIGRET— TROUBLE WITH MIANTUNXOMOFI.

131

fncts in reference to the death of Miantunnonwh, contained in the almve
account, are corrohorntcd. Tlie records of tiie commissioners sny, tlint Uncas,
l)efore the hattle, told Miajitunnomoh^ that he had many ways sought liis hfe,
and now, if he dared, he would figiit him in single comhat; hut that .l/irwi-
<wn»iomo/i, " presumuig upon his uumbei-s of men, would have nothing hut a
battle."*

It does not appear from these records, that Uncas had any idea of putting
Miantunnomoh to death, but to extort a great price from his countrjnien, t()r
liis ransom. That a large amount in wampum was collected for this pin|)ose,
appears certain ; but, before it was paid, Uticas received the decision of tjie
liiUglish, and dien pretended that he had made no such agreement, or that the
quantity or quality was not as agreed upon, as will more at length be seen in
the lite of Uncas.

NINIGRET was often called JVTmcra/?, and sometimes JVenekunat,\ Ami-
glud, JVejiegdetl ; and his name was written almost us many other ways as
times mentioned, by some early writers. Janemol was the first name liy
which he was known to the English, lie was generally styled sachem of the
Nianticks, a tribe of the Narragansets, whoso jjrincipal rosid<;nce was at W'e-
kapaug, now Westerly, in Rhode Island. He was cousin to Miantunnomoh, §
and is conmionly mentioned in history as the chief sachem of the Nianticks,
which always made a part of the great nation of the NaiTagansets. J^tnigrct
married a sister of Cashaioashett, otherwise called Harmon Garrei, who wiia
bis ui;clc.

The relation in which the Nianticks stood to the Narragjmsets is plain, from
the representation given by Miantunnomoh to the government of I'^Iassacliu-
setts in 1642. In treating with him, at that time. Governor H'inthrop says,
" Some difficulty we had, to bring him to desert the Nianticks, if we had just
cause of war with them. They were," he said, "as his own flesh, being allie«l
by continual intermarriages, &c. But at last he condescended, that if they
should do us wrong, as he could not draw them to give us satisfaction for, nor
himself could satisfy, as if it were for blood, &c. then he would leave them
to us."

On the 12 July, 1637, Jiyanemo, as his name was written by Governor
Winthrop at this time, came to Boston with 17 men. The objects of his visit
being stated to the governor, ho promised him an answer the next day ; but
the governor, understanding meanwhile, that he had received many of the
Pequots, who had taken refuge in his country after their defeat at Mystic, fii>t
demanded their delivery to the English. JVinigret was very loath to coni|)ly
with the demand ; but, finding he could get no answer to his propositions
without, he consented to give up the Pequots, after a day's cjusideration.
The governor shortly after dismissed him, with instructions f treat with the
English captains then in the Pequot country.

On the 9 Mar. 1638, ^^Miantunnomoh came to Boston. The governor,
deputy and treasurer ti'eated with liim, and they parted upon fair teiuns."
" We gave him leave to right himself for the wrongs which Janemoh and
Wequash Cook had done him ; and, for the wrong they had rlone us, ^ve
would right ourselves, in our own time."|| Hence, it appears that, at this
period, they were not so closely allied as they were afterwards.

The next year, Janemo was complained of by the Long Island Indians, who
paid tribute to the English, that he had committed some robberies upon them.
Captain Mason was sent from Connecticut with seven men to require satisfac-
tion. Janemo went unmediately to the English, and ttie matter was amicably
BL'ttied. H

When it was rumored tlmt Miantunnomoh was plotting to cut off the

t'lil

* See Hazard's Historical Colleclions, ii, 7, 10.

t So wriltcii by Ros;tr Williams.

t Mr. Prince, in his edition of Hubbard's Narrative, prnbal>lv mistook }Vivthrop's MS.,
iiuil « role Asaueiiio nisU'ud of Aija/wiiio. See llie edition l77o. of Nar. p. 40, and Winthrop,
Jour. i. -Jai"

^ I'liiicf snvs lie was uiicle to Muiutwinoiiioh, (Chronolo^, Ii. 59.) but thai could no!
n:ive biTii.

U WiiUhroii's Journal, i. 243. IT Ibid. i. 2()7.

l:»

NINIGRET.— DUTCH AND INDIAN WAR.

[Book II.

Eiurlii*!!, and using liia endeavors to unite other tribes in tlic enterprise, tlie
J'',n!iii.sli sent deputies to him, to Icurn the trutii of the report, as will he found
«lsc\\ here fully stated. The deputies were well satisfied with the carriage of
JMiantunnomoh ; l)ut, they say, " Jancino/i, the Niantit.k saelu.'in, carried iiimself
|)i()U(lly, and refuse*! to come to us, or to yield to any thing; only, he sai<l, lie
>M'uld /lot harm us, except we invaded iiini."* Thus we cannot but Ibrm an
e.\ulted opinion of AYnigrtt, in tlie person of Janemo.

»'i Dukli and liulian toar raged at this time, and was conducted with
unrelenting barbarity by the former party. It grew out of a single murder,
an Itidian having killed a Dutchman in a drunken frolic. The murderer was
immediately demanded, but could not be obtained ; and the governor was
urged to retaliate, and ollen called ujion to take revenge. lie waived the
Bubject, foreseeing, no doubt, that retaliation was a bad course to pursue for
satisfaction, especially with Indians. However, it soon ha{ipened that the
Mohawks iell upon those Indians, killed about 30 of them, and the rest fled
their country ; many of wlrom sought jirotection from the Dutch themselves.
Some evil-miiuletl pereons now thought to revenge themselves on these
Indians, without the danger of suffering from resistance. It is reported that
an inhuman monster, named Marine, a Dutch captain, obtained the consent of
the governor to kill as many of them as he pleased ; and, acting under that
autJiority, surprised and murdered 70 or 80 of them, men, women, and
children. No sooner was this blow of assassination struck, than the Indians
flew to their ai-ms, and began hostilities of the same kind ; and, with such
fury was their onset made, that they cut olf 20 j)ei-sons or more, before the
alarm could spread ; and they were soon masters of their settlements, and the
Dutch were confined to their fort. IJy emjiloying Ca|)tain Underhill, however,
an exfierienced English oWeer in the Indian wars, and some otliei-s of the
English, the Dutch were enabled to maintain their ground ; and, fortufitely.
Boon after, iJo^er jyilliams accidentally arrived there, through whose mediation
a peace was effected, and an end was put to a bloody war. This Marine, who
was the j)rincr])al cause of it, quarrelled with the governor, on account of his
employing Umkrhill instead of him, and even atteni|)ted his life on the
account of it. He jireacnted a pistol at his breast, which, being turned aside
by a bystander, the governor's lite was presei-ved. A servant of Marine's
then discharged a gun at the governor, but missitig him, one of the governor's
guard shot the servant dead, and Marine was made prisoner, and forthwith
Bent into Holland. Williams, having been denied a passage through N. Eng-
land by iiie law of banishment, was forced to take passage for England at N.
York in a Dutch ship, by way of Holland; and this was tlie reason of his
l)eing there in the time of this war.

IV.'fore this war was brought to a close. Captain Underhill, with his comi)any
of Dutch and English, killed about 300 Indians on the main, and 120 more on
Long Island. The Dutch governor's employing the English was charged
ujion him as a "plot" to engage the English in his quarrel with the Indians ;
" which," says WinihrQp,\ " we had wholly declined, as doubting of the justice
of the cause."

It was about the beginning of this war, Sept. 1G43, tliat "the Indians killed
and drove away all the English" on the coast, from Manhattan to Stamford,
the extent of the Dutch claim to the eastward. They then passed over " to
Long Island, and there assaulted the Lady Moodey in her house divers times ; "
but she, having about 40 men at her place at that time, was able to defend
herself. "These Indians at the same time," continues }Vinthrop,t" Bet upon
the Dutch with an implacable fury, and killed all they could come by, and
burnt their houses, and killed their cattle without any resistance, so as the
governor and such as escaped, lietook themselves to their fort at Monhaton,
and th(!re lived and eat up their cattle."

Among the English people who were murdered when this war began, was
a Mrs. Ann Hutchi)iso7i, fi-om whom was descended the historian of ftlassa-
chusetts. She, having given offence to the Puritans of the Bay state, (as
Massachusetts was then called,) by her peculiar religious notions, to avoid

* Wintlirop's Journal^ ii. b.

t Ibid. ii. 157.

\ Ibid. ii. 13G.

riivr. IV.J

NINIGRET— MOHEGAN WAR.

133

porscriitioii, fled rirst to Rhode Island, and afterwards to tlie Dutch possow-
fions, not fiir beyond Stamford. This van in KJ42. When the Indians
hroke nj) tiie settlements there, in Sept. I(i43, they fell ii|ion the (iimily of
tlii.s wnnmn, killed her, a Mr. Collins, her son-in-lnw, and all her family ex-
I'ept one daughter eight years ohi, whom they cariied into captivity, and such
of two other families, TTirockmorton and ComhUCs, as were at liome ; in
all lij persons. They then collected their cattle into tlie houses and set
tlieni on fire and burned them alive! A greater slaughter would have been
made at this time and place, but for the arrival of a boat while the tragedy
was acting, into which several women and children escaped. Hut two of
the boat's crew were killed in their humane exertions to save these distressed
jieople. The daughter of Mrs. HiUrhinson remained a prisoner four years,
when she was delivered to the Dutch governor at New York, who restored
lier to her friends. She had forgotten her native language, and was unwilling
to be taken from the Indians. This governor, with a kindiicss not to be Ibr-
gotten, sent a vessej' into Connecticut River, where its captain contrived
to get several Pequo s on board, whom he secured as prisoners. He then
informed their friends, that they would not be set at liberty until the captive
girl was delivered to him. This had the desired effect, and she was
accordingly rescued.

Notwithstanding a jieaco was brought about in the manner l)efore stated,
vet it was of short duration, and the sparks of war which had for a short time
laid hid in its own embers, was by sordid spirits fanned again into a flame.
The scries of murdero-is acts which followe*!, are nowhere recorded within
my researches, hut an end waM not put to it until 1G46. It ended in a san-

fuinary battle at Stricklaial's Plain, iiear what is since Horse Neck in New
'ork, about 37 miles fi'om the city. The numbers engiiged on each side are
not known, nor the numbers slain, but their graves are still pointed out to
the curious traveller.

To return to our more immediate subject.

We hear little of JVimsrct until after the death of Mtantunnotnoh. In 1C44,
the Narragansets and Nianticks united against the Mohcgans, and for some
time obliged Uncas to confine himself and men to his fort.

This affair prol)ably took place early in the spring, and we have elsewhere
given all the particulars of it, both authentic and traditionary. It appears,
by a letter from Tho. Peters, addressed to Governor Winihrop, written about
the time, that there had been some hard fighting ; and that the MohegauH
had been severely beaten by the Narragansets. Mr. Peters writes: —

" I, with your son, [John fVinthrop of Con.,] were at Uncos' fort, where 1
dressed seventeen men, and left plasters to dress seventeen more, who were
wounded in Uncas' brother's wigwam before we came. Two captains and
one common soldier were buried, end since we came thence two captams
and one common man more, are de:,d also, most of which are wounded with
bullets. Uncas and his brother told me, the Narragansets had 30 guns which
won them the day, else would not care a rush for them. They drew Uncos'
forces out by a wile, of 40 appearing only, but a thousand [lay hid] in am-
busl), who pursued Uncas' men into their o\vn land, where the battle was
iought vario marte, till God put fresh spirit into the Moheagucs, and so drave
the Narragansets back again." So it seems that Uncat had been taken in his
own play. Tho letter goes on: — "'Twould pity your hearts to see them
[Uncus' men] lie, like so many new circumcised Sechemites, in their blood.
Sir, whatever information you have, I dare boldly say, the Narragansets first
brake the contract they made with the English last year, for I helped to cure
one Taiitiquieson, a Mohcague captain, who first fingered [laid hands on]
Miantinomio. Some cunning squaws of Narraganset led two of them to
Tantiquieson's wigwam, where, in the night, they struck him on the breast
through the coat with an hatchet, and had he not fenced it with his arm, no
hope could be had of his life," &c. *

" The English thought it their concern," says Dr. 7. Mather, t " not to suffer
him to be swallowed up by those adversaries, since he had, (though for his

• Winlhrop's Jour. ii. 380, 381.

t Relation, 53.

'11

l:U

NI.NIGRET— NARRAGAN.SET WAR.

[HODK II.

own ends,) iipprovcil liiinscirrHitlifiil to tlu; Eii;:lisli from time to tinic." A.i
army wiis nfcor(liri>:ly r(ii.><i!(l for the rclii'f of Vncax, "J5iit (ih tlicy wcri'
just iiiarcliini; out of Kostoii, tiiaiiy of tin; |iriii('i|ial Niirrii^aii.s('t Indiana, vi/..
I'e.i.iecii.t, .Mc.ntno,* anil H'ilttwash^ Hafraniorcs, and Jlwasequin, dejiuty for the
Niaiitirks ; tlicsr, with a lar^it train, cunio to Hoston, Niiing for peace, lM-in<>
willin<; to HulMiiit to wiiat terms the English hIiouUI see caime to impose
npon them. It was lU'inaiuled of tliom, that they Hlionhl defray tlie cliar^'es
they had put the EiigMnli to,f and that the BncheniH ehouhl 8end their sons
to he ke|>t an liosta^a-s in the huiiils of tlie Kii^Hsli, until sucli time lus tiic
money shouhl lie paid." Al\er rcinarkin^r tiiat from tliis time the Nurra^'aii-
Betf hurlM>red venom in tiieir hearts aguinHt the Englisii, Mr. Mather pro-
••eedH:— "III tlie first ])lace, they endeavored to play legerdemain in tiieir
eeiiding hostages; for, instead of sachems' ciiildren, they tiiought to waid
some other, and to niul^e the Englisii believe that those base papooses were
of a royal progeny; but they bad those to deal with, who were too wise to he
HO eiu(led. Atlcr the expected hostages were in tlic hands of the Englisii,
tlie Narragansets, notwithstanding that, were slow in the performance of
what they stood engaged for. And when, upon an impartial discharge of
the debt, their hostages were restored to them, they became more backward
tliaii formerly, until they were, by hostile pre|)arntions, again and again
ti-rritied into l)ctter obedience. At last, Capt. Jltherton, of Dorchester, was
sent with a small party J of 20 English soldiers to demand what was due.
He at first entered into the wigwam, where old JVitiigret resided, with only
two or three soldiers, appointing the rest by degrees to follow him, two or
tlircH! dro|>piiig in at once ; when his small com|)any were come about jiim, tlio
Indians in the mean time su|)posing that there had been many more behind,
he caught the sachem by the hair of bis head, and setting a pistol to his
breast, protesting whoever escaped he should surely die, if he did not fortli-
witii comjily with what was re(]uired. Hereupon a great trembling and
consternation sur|iriscd the Indians ; albeit, multitudes of them were then
present, with spiked arrows at their bow-strings ready to let fly. The event
was, tiie Indians submitted, and not one drop of blood was slicd."§ This, it
must be confessed, was a high-handed proceeding.

"Some sjiace after that, J\/inigret was raising new trouble against us,
amongst his Nianticks and other Indians ; but upon the speedy sending up
of Capt. Davis, with a party of horse to reduce him to the former peace,
who, ii|)oii the news of the captain's a])proach, was put into such a ]ianic
fear, tiiat he durst not come out of his wigwam to treat with the captain, till
seciiri (1 of his life by him, which he was, if he quietly yielded to bis message,
al)()iit which he was sent from the Bay. To which lie freely consenting, that
storm was graciously blown over." ||

Thus having, tiirough these extracts, summarily glanced at some prominent
passages in the life of JVinigretf we will now go more into particulars.

The caae of the Narragansets, at the period of the treaty before spoken of,
had become rather desperate ; two years having passed since they agreed to
])ay '2000 fathom of "good white wampum," as a remuneration for the
trouble and damage they had caused the English and Mohegans, and they
were now pressed to fulfil thek engagements. JVinigret, then called Janemo,
wjLs not at IJoston at that tunc, but Aumsaaquen was his deputy, and signed
tile treaty then made, with Pessacus and others. At their meeting, in July,
1G47, Pessacus and others, chiefis of the Narragansets and Nianticks, were

* Tlie editor of Johnson's Wonder-working Providence, in Coll. Mass. Hist. Sac. makes a
great mistake in noting lliis cliief as Mianlunnomoh. Mnksali, Mixanno, Meika, &.c., are
iianies ol' the same person, who was llie eldest son of Canonicus. After the death of his falhor,
he was chief sachem of the NarraMiiscts. Jle married a sister of Niiii^ret, who was " a
woman of great power," and no other than the famous Quaiapen, at one lime called Matan-
tuck. Iroin which, probably, was derived Magnus. By some writers mistaking hiin for Mian-
liimiomoh, an error has spread, that has occasioned much confusion in accounts of their gene-

t A yearly tribute in wampum was agreed upon. Manuscript Narrative of the Rev. T
Cobbet, which places the affair in 164o.
I MS. document among our state papers.
<( HeUuioii of the Troubles, dtc, 4io, 1077. || Cobbet's MS. Narrative

Chat. TV]

NiNioRKT— v.')iii".(a\ r >.Ni I! )v:;i!SY

135

sent to liy tlii^EnjjIisli rotiitMissioiKTs, us uill he (imihl in lli" WW- ni' Pixsanis,
JJciii;; wiiriirMi to CDiiK! to IJostoii, l'i:s.vt iJ.f, not liciii!.' williii!,' to jrct any I'tir-
tliiT into tronhlt! liy hoiii;; ()lili;,'t;<l to si;:M w hfitcvrr mticirs ihc l'',ii;.'lisli niiiilit
draw np, (i-i^iied liinisflf sick, niul told tin- inrssi ii;rcrs In- liiiil airii-cil to
Icavf- all till! liimiiieHH to jV7ni/>Tf/. Tliis si-cins to liav<; Imicii wril niHlcrstoml,
and we Nliall next hoc with what ^rnre JViniicret acted his part with the coni-
inissionei!*, at HoHton. Their record runs thim: —

" A ,..ini 3d, [1<)-J7,] JVinecrratt, with some ofthe Nyantick Indians and two
of PesiKiik\i in»!n, came to JJoston, and desiring Mr. John IViixthrop, that cnnie
t'roiM ['('([iiatt i)lantation, niij.'ht he prenent, they were admitted. The eoni-
missioners asked J\'inefp-alt for whom lie caiiio, whidier as a piddick prison
.III the hehaif of Ptaaack^s and tiie rest of the Nai ras^ansets' confederates, or
only for hiinself as a particular sajramore ? He at fust answered that he h;i(l
sfiokewitli Peaaack, hut liad no such comiiiission from him;" and said tii- re
had not heen so pood an iinderstaiidiiig lietweeii tlnMii as he desired ; hitt,
from Mr. ft'inllirop'a ti'Stiiiiony, niid the answer Tfwa. Slanton and lientilirt
Jlrnold hroiijriit Irom Peamnis, and also the testimony of Pcasnrva' two men,
"it apitean.'d to the commissioners that whatever formalitv iiii^'lit Ik; « anting
in Peaaack'a expressions to jVinefrratl, yet Peaaack had liilly enpajred himself
to stand to whatsoever .Vinefrrnlt should conclude." Tliereliin; they pr(»-
ceeded to demand of him why the wampum had not heen paid, and why the
covenant lia<l not heon ol jervcd in oilier jiarticulars. S'iniirnt pretended he
did not know what covenants had heen nindt!. He was then reminded that
his de|)nty executed the covenant, an<l that n copy Avas carried into his coun-
try, and his ifrnorance of it w.is no excuse for him, lor Mr. If'Uliiiins was at
ull times ready to explain it, if he had taken the jiains to recpiest it of him.
"There could, therefore, ho no truth in his answere,"

JVinigret next (l('mande<l, '^ For what are the .Yarraifanaeta to pay ao miirh
wampum'} I kihiw not that the;/ are indebted to the Engliah!" The commi.-
sioners then repeated the old charfres — the hreacli of covenant, ill treiitin;,'
messengers, and what he had said himself to tlit; English messengei-s, namely,
that he knew the English would try to hring alioiit a peace at their meeting at
Hartford, but ho was resolved on war, nor would he iii<[uire who hegaii it —
that if the English did not withdraw their men from assisting Uncaa, he would
kill them and their cattle, &c. According to the records of tlu! cominissionei's,
J^nigret did not deny these charges with n verj' good face. He said, however,
their messengers provoked him to say what he did.

In order to waivv^ the criminating discourse, A'lnigret called for docmneuts ;
or wished the English to make a statement of their account against him, that
ho might know "how the reckoninge stood." The llnglish answered, that
tliey hail rt^ceivcd of Peaaacus, 170 fathom of wampx.'i at one time: — A tier-
wards aomc kettlea and about 15 fathom »nore, " which heinge a contemptible
some, was refused." As to the kettles, they said, "The Narraganset messen-
gers had sould them to Mr. Shrimpton,* a l)rasier in Boston," for a shillii>g a
pound. Their weight was 285 lbs., (not altogether so contemptible as one
might be led to imagine,) which came to 14£. bs., and the wampum to 4£. 4a.
C)d.\ Ofthe amount hi Mr. Shrimpton^s hands, the n.cssengers took uj) 1£.
probably to defray their necessary expenses while at Boston. The remainder
an Englishman attached to satisfy "for goods stollen liom him by a NaiTagan-
set Indian."

JS/inigret said the attachment was not valid, "for that neither the kettlea nor
wampum did lielonge to Peaaacks himself, nor to the Indian that had stollen
the goods," and therefore must be deducted from the amount now due. "The
commissioners thought it not fit to press the attachment," hut reckoned the
kettles and wampum at 70 fathom, and acknowledged the receipt of 240
fathom, [in all,^ besides a parcel sent by jYinigret himself to the governor ;
and though this was sent as a present, yet, as it was not acccjited by the
governor, they left it to JVinigret to say whether it should be now so r on-

* Samuel f^linrnpton, proI>al)ly. who bought a house and lands of Ephrain Turner, brasier,
lituatod in Roston, in 1G71.
t Hence i£. 4s. Gd. -^ 15 = 5s. l-^d. = value of a fathom of wampum in Ifit?.

136

NIiNIGRET.— MOHEGAN CONTROVERSY.

[Book II.

sidered, or whether it should be taken in payment of tlie debt. JVinlgrit said
tlie governor sliould do as he pleased about it. It was then inquired how
niucii he liad sent ; (it being deposited in Culshamokin^s hands, as we Imve
elsewlierc stated ;) lie said he had sent 30 fatlioin of black, and 45 of white, in
value together 105 fatliom. Cutshainokin was sent for to state what he had
received in trust. He had produced two girdles, "with a string of wanipinn,
all which himself rated at 45 fathom, affirming he had received no more.
e,\cej)t 8*. which he had used, and would repa}'." lie was brought before
JVinjffret and questioned, as there appeared a great difference in their ac-
counts, "lie at i;;3it persisted," sa3's our record, "and added to liis lyes, but
was at last convinced [confronted] by JVinif^ret, and his messengers who then
brought the present, and besides Cu.shamokin had sent him at the siune time
10 fathom as a present also." It still remained to be settled, whether this
watni)um should be received as a part of the debt, or as a present; and
JVtnigret was urged to say how it should be. With great magnanimity he
answered : —

" My tongue shall not belie my heart. Whether the debt be paid or not, I in-
tended it as a present to the governor"

It is unpleasant to conti-ast the oharacters of the two chiefs, Culnhamokiti
and JVinigret, because the former had long had the advantage of a civilized
neighborhood, ut.[ the latter was from the dejUlis of the forest, where he saw
an Englishman but seldom. We could stiy nuich upon it; but, as it is
thought by many that such disquisitions are unprofitable, we decline going
into them > ie.

What we have related seems to have finished the business of the day, and
doubtles'^ the shades of iiiglit were very welcome to CiUsliainokin. The next
day, JVinigret came into court, with the deputies of Pessacus, luul spoke to the
following effect : —

" Before I came here I expected the burden ha<l heen thrown upon me,
Pessacus not having done what he agreed to do. However, I have considered
U|)on the treaty of 1645, and am resolved to give the English satisfiiction i)i
all things. I will send some of my men immediately to Narruganset and
Niantick, to raise the wampiun now due to them, and hope to hear what they
will do in three dayx. In ten days I think the wamjium will anive, and I
will stay here cntil it comes. I will tell this to the Narraganset confederates.
But if tliere should not enough at this time bo raised, I desire some forbeaj--
ance as to time, as I <ssu.e you that the remainder shall be shortly paid, and
you shall see me trut to the Englisii. henceforth."

This spo<^h gave the couuiiissionei-s great satisfaction, and they proceeded
to other busuies.s.

Tht! messengers sent out by J\/inigret did not return so soon as was ex-

r)ected ; but, on the 1(5 August, notice was given of their arrival ; sadly,
u)wevcr, to the disappointment of the eouunission s, for tliey brought only
200 fiithom of wampum. The feelings of the court were somewhat changed,
a*id they rather sternly demanded "what the rea.son was, that, so nuieh Ixjing
due, so little was brought, and iV; m whom this 1200 fathom came." J\''inigret
answered that he was <lisa|){)«inted that more; had not heen brought, hut said,
if ho had be<'n at home, moio would have been obtained : that 100 fathom
was sent by Pessacus, and the other 100 by his people

The commissionei-s say, that, "not thinking it meet to l)egin a present war,
if satisfaction, (though with a little forbearance, may he had otherwise,)" told
JVinigret, that, since he had said the wampum would have been gathered and
paid if he had l)een at home hin:-'^lf, they would now give him SO days to go
and get it in; and, if he eould noi. prociue enough by 500 liuliom, still tlit'y
would not molest him until "next 8|)ring planting time," That, as so nnieli
was still due, they would reckon the present before mentioned ; hut, if they
did not bring 1000 fathom in twenty <lay,'<, the commi.^sioners would send no
more messengers into his countrj', "hut take course to right themselves."
That, if they were " Ibreetl to seek satisfaction by arms, ho ami his conllMle-
rafes imist not expect to make; their jieaei-, as lately tli(\v had done, by a little
wami)um. In the mean time, though for lir(;aeh o. covenants they niiglit put
their hostages to death, yet the eoiinuissioners would it)rtliwith deliver tlio

Chap. IV.] NIMGRET.— THE ENGLISH PREPARE FOR WAR.

137

children to JVinifpret,* expecting from liim the more care to .sec eiignue-
nients fully 8nti.«Hci!. And, if tlicy find him real in his performnnce, they will
charge all former neglects upon Pessacus," nud "in such case they expect
from JViniffret his best assistance, when he siiall Ite n-quired to recover the
whole remainder from him. All which J^'inigret clieertully accepted, and
promised t< ^)ei-form accordingly."

Notwithstanding all their promises, the Narmgansets had not discharged
their debt at the end of two yeara more, though in that time they had paid
al)out 1100 fathom of wampum. At their meeting this year, UH'J, at IJoston,
"the commissionoi-s were minded of the continued complaint of Uncas"
against the Narragansets, that they were ".still vndermining his peace mid
seeking his mine," and had lately endeavored "to bring in the Mowhaukes
vppon him," which failing, they next tried to take away Ins life by witchcraft.
A Narraganset Indian, named Cuttaqiiin, " m an English vessel, in Mohcgan
River, nui a sword into his breast, wherby h(!e receeved, to all a|)pearance, a
mortal wound, which murtherus acte the a.ssalant then confessed hee was, foi
a considerable sum of wampum, by tlie Narragansett and Nianticke sachems,
hired to attempt."

Meanwhile JWnigrcf, understanding what was to be urged against him,
apjjeared suddenly at IJoston be(br«! the conunissioners. The old catalogue
of delinquencies was reatl over to him, with 8(!veral new ones appended. As
it respected Cuttaquin^s attempt upon the life of Uncas, JVinigret said that
neither he nor Pessams had any haiul in it, but that "he [Cutlaquin] was
drawn thereunto by torture liom the Mohegans ;" "but he was told, that the
assailant, before he came into the hands of thi^ Mohegans, presently after the
fact was connnitted, layed tlu; charge upon him, with tlie rest,\vhich he
coutirmed, the day Ibllowing, to Capt. Mason, in the presence of tlie English
that were in the bark with him, and often reiteratetl it at Hartford, though
since he hath denied it: that he was presented to Uncas under the notion of
one apjiertaining to Vs.iamequin, whereby he was acknowledged as his friend,
and no provocation given him." Cutlaquin had aflirmed, it was said, that his
desperate condition caused him to attempt the lile of Uncas, "through his
great engagement to the said sachems, having received a considerable quan-
tity of wampum, which he had spent, who otherwise would have taken uway
his liti'."

The judgment of the court was, that the sachems were guilty, and we next
find them engaged in settling the old account of wampum. JVinigret had
got the commissioners debited more than they at first were willing to allow.
They say that it appeared by tht^ auditor's account, that no more than 15291
fathom hath been credited, " nor could JK'inigrct by any evidence make any
more to appear, only la; alh^ged that about (iOO fathom was ])iii<l by measure
which he accounted by tale, wherein there was considerable ditl'erence. The
commisisioners, not willing to adhere to any strict terms in that jiarticular,
(and though by agreement it was to be paid by measure and not by tale,)
were willing to allow (fi liitliom and half in that res|iect, so that there remains
due 408 fiitliom. IJut jVinigret persisting in his f<)rmer altirmatioii, and not
endeavoring to give any reasonable satistiictioti to the commissioners in the
premises, a small incoiisiderabh! parcel of beaver being all that was t<'ndered
to them, though they understood h(> «as better provided." They therefore
gave him to understand that they were altogether dissatisfied, and that he
might go his own way, as they were determined to protect Uncas according
to their treaty with nini.

The. commissioners now expressed the opinion among themselves, that
aflairs looked rather turbulent, and advised that each colony slioidd hold itself
:n readiness to act as ciieumstaiices might reipiire, " wliich they t!n^ rather
present to consideratioM, from an inlbrmation they received since tliiir sitting,
of a marriage shortly intended betwixt JVinigrcVs daughter, and a brother or
brother's son of Sassaquan, tla; malignant, furious Pcfpiot, wliereby probably

" (ih\(l, no (liiiilil, lo rill llM'ni'ii'hi"i oCllii' cxpciKi- dC kiTpiMy llicin ; (or it niiiv| lie rcincin.
l)oro(l, llial ilio English took llicni upini tlio i onililion llial llicy slioulil siii>;i<irt lliuiii ul tlicir
•wn ex|teu!ie.

L>*

138 WAIANDANCE SEIZES jMIAN rUNNOfllOH'S MESSENGER. [Look II

their niiiia arc to gutlier togntlirr, and reunite tlie scattered conqiierc.l Pe-
qiiates into one body, and set tlieni ii|) again as u distinct nation, wiiicli liutli
always been witnessed against i)y tlio Englislj, and may hazard tiie peace
ot'tlie colonies."

The four years next succeeding are fidl of events, but as they linijpencd
chiefly among the Indians themselves, it is very diflicult to learn the purticu-
lai-s. JVmigref claimed dominion of the Indians of a part of Long Island, as
did his predecessors; but those Indians, seeing the English domineering
over the Narragausets, became altogether independent of them, and even
waged wars upon thetn.

^scassasotick was at this period tiie chief of those Indians, a warlike and
courageous chief, but as treacherous and barbarous as he was brave. These
islanders had, from the time of the Pequot troubles, been protected by the
English, which much increased their insolence. Not only had JVini^ret, and
the rest of the Narragansets, suilered liom his insults, but the Mohegans had
also, as we shall more fidly make ajjpear hereailer.

When the English conimissioners had met at Hartford in 1G50, Uncos
came with a complaint to them, "that the Mohansick sachem, in Long
Island, had killed som of his men ; bewitched diners others and himself
also," which was doubtless as true as were most of his charges against the
Narragansets, "and desired tiie commissioners that bee might be righted
therjn. But because the Raid sachem of Long Island was not there to an-
swer for himself," several Englishmen were a|)poiuted to examine into it,
and if they found him guilty to let him know that they " will bring trouble
upon themselves."

At the same meeting an order was passed, " that 20 men well armed be
Bent out of the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts to Pessiciis, to demand the
said wampum, [then in arrears,] which is 308 fathom;" but in case they
could not get tlie wampum, they were ordered " to take the same, or the
vallew therof, in the best and most suital)le goods they can find." Or, if
they could not find enough to satisi'y all demands, tliey were ordered to seize
and " bring away either Pessacus or his children, or such other considerable
sachem or persons, as they prize, and may more probably bow them to
reason."

From Pessaais, they were ordi red to go to JS/ini^d, and inform him that
the conmnssioners had heard " that he had given hs daughter in marriage to
Sasecos his brother, tcho gathers Pequots under him, as if eillter he woiUd become
their sachem, or again possess the Pequot country," which was contrary to
•' engagements," and what they would not allow, and he must inform them
wheilier it were so. To inform him also that Waiuash Cook "comitlains of
sundry wrongs." And that, as to his hunting in the Pe(iuot country, to udbrm
liim he had no right to do so, as that c juntry belonged to the English. The
termination of this expedition, in which .'ViWafrfi was taken "by tiie hair,"
has been previously mentionecl in our extract liom Dr. Mather.

We have in the life of Miantunnomoh given some account of the acts of a
chief called fVaiandance, especially relating to the disorganization of tlio
plans of that great chief We come, in this place, to a parallel act in relation
to JVinigret. About a year afkr tiie death of Miantunnomoh, JVinigret under-
took to organize a plan for expatriating the EngUsh; and sent a messenger
to Maiamlance, the Long Island sachem, to engage him in it. Instead of
listening to his message, JVaiandanre seized upon JVinigreCs messenger,
bound liini, and sent him to Ca|)taiii Gardener at Saybrook ibrt. From tiicnco
he was sent, under a guard of 10 men, for Ifartlbrd. But they were wind-
bound in tiieir passage, and were oi)liged to put in to Shelter Island, where
an old sachem lived, who was Haiandance\i elder brother. Here they let
Mnigrcl^s ambassador escape, and thus he had knowledge that his plan was
discovered and overthrown.

Since we have here introduced the sachem Waiandanre, we will add the
account of his last acts and death. One William Hammond being killed "by
a giant-like Indian" near New York, about l(i;i7, Ca|)tain Hardener told
Waiaiulance that he nnist kill that Indian ; but this being against the advico
of tlie great sachem, his brother, he declined it, and told the captain that that

Chap. IV.] NINKillKI ACCU.Si:i) OF .V I'l.Or WITH TIIF, IHrTCII.

I'W

Iiuli.ni was a mi<rlity jriTiit mmi, and no m.in darod tm'ddlo with Iiiin, ami
that lie liad many iiiends. Some tun- alh^r, he killed another, one Tliomits
F(trrhi;r/on, and in the mean tiiie, ffaimiflana^s iirother haviiij,' died, ii«;
undertook his execution, whicii h • accomplished. This was his last act in
the service of the English ; "ibr in ti.e time of a great mortality among them,
iie dieil, hut it was by poison ; also two-thirds of the Iiulians upon Long
Island died, else the Narragunsjts had liot mode such huvoc hci-c as they
iiave."

JVinigret passed the winter of 1G52 — 3 among the Dutch of New York
This caused the English great suspicion, especially as they were enemirs to
the Dutch at that time ; and several sagamores who resided near the Dutch
had reported that the Dutch governor was trying to hire them to cut otV the
Kn<;lish ; conseijuently, there was a sjjccial meeting of the English coimnis-
sioners at Boston, in April, l(i5!J, occasioned by a rumor that the Narragansets
had leagued with the Diitch to I reak U|) the English sittlements. Where-
U|)on a letter was sent by tliem to their agept at Narraganset, Thomas St a i) ton,
containing " divei-s queries," by him to be interpreted "to JVinegrett, Pessicus
and Meeksam, three of the chicfest Narraganset sachems," and their answers
to he inunediatoly obtained and reported to the commissioners.

The questions to be put to the sachems were, in substance, as follows : —

1. Wluither the Dutch had engaged them* to fight against the I'aiglish. —

2. Wli(!ther the Dutch governor did not endeavor such a conspiracy. —
\i. Whether they had not received arms and immitions of war from the
Dutch.— 4. What other Indians are engaged in the jilot. — .'>. Whether, con-
trary to their engagement, they were resolved to tight against the English. —
G. If they are so resolved, lolial Ihcy think the English will do. — 7. VVhethcr
they liad not better be true to the English. — 8. Similar to the first. — d. What
were their grounds of war against the English. — 10. Whether they had not
better come or send messengers to treat with the English. — 11. Whether they
iiad hired the Mohawks to help them.

"The answare of the sachems, viz. J^Tinigrdt, Pessecus and Mixam, vnto the
queries and letters sent by the messengei-s, Sarjeant fVaile and Sarjen.nt John
liarrell, the 18th of the second month, 1(553."

Mernin seems to have been the first that answered ; aud of tJic firai query
he said : —

"I speak nnfeignedly, from my heart, and say, without dissinndation, that I
know of no such plot against the English, ?ny friends; implicating either the
Dutch governor or any other person. Though I be poor, it is not goods,
guns, powder nor shot, that shall draw me to such a jnot as this against the
English, my friend.>J. f If the Dutch governor had made known any such
intention to me, I would have told it, without delay, to the English, my
friends. With respect to your second questitm, I answer, JVb. What do the
English sachems, my friends, think of lis? — do they think wo should prefer
g.iods, g!in«; powd(>r and shot, before om* lives? our means of living? both
of us and ours? As to the 4th query, I speak from my heart, and say, I know
of no such j)lot by the Dutch governor. There may come fiilsc news and
rejiorts against us; let them say what they will, they are false. It is un-
necessary to say more. But in answer to the 10th query 1 will say, It is just
messengers should be sent to treat with the English sachems, but as for
mysell", I am old, and cannot travel two days together, hut a man shall be sent
to speak with the siicliems. I have sent to Mr. Smith, and Volll his man,
to speak to IMr. Brown, and to say to him, that I love the English sticbems,
and all Englishmen in the Bay: And desire Mr. Brown to tell the sachems

* The lliird p'Tsoii siiiu;iil;ir, /ic, is iisoil lliroiislinut, in llic ori!;;innl, as it waii sujiposcd by
llie |ir()|ioiiii(lurs ihiU oiii'li clii<!l' woiilil Ix- (jiioslioiit'd scparnlply.

t Kvury oiio miisl In; ('orcil)ly roniiiidcd of llio answer given l»y one of onr rovnliilionnry
Worthies, .fosi-ph Reed, Ksq., to a British apciit, on roniliii}? this answer of the chief Mexam,
Ihongh not luider rircninstanees exactly srniihir. Mr. Keed was promised a fortune if ha
Ronld exert liiniself on iho side of the king. Viewing it in the light of a bribe, he ret)lic(l i
" /((HI MO/ vorllt piirchitxin<x, lint, swh n.s I urn, the kiiif:; of (ire'it Jirilnin is not rich enough
to do il." Dr. Onrdon's America, iii. 172. ed. liondon, 4 vols. 8vo. 1788

\ Valkntitu Whitman, an interpreter, elsewhere named.

140

messa(;k to ninigret.— ins answer.

JISOOK II.

of tlie Bay, that the cliild that is now bom, or that is to be born in time to
coin«i, shall see no war made by us against the English."

Pessants spoke to this purpose : —

" I am very thankful to these two men that came from the Massachusftts,
and to you Thomas, and to you Poll,* and to you Mr. Smith, you that are
come so mr as from the Bay to bring us this message, and to inform us of
those things we knew not of before. As for the governor of the Dutch, we
are loath to invent any falsehood of him, though we be far from him, to please
the i*^ 'jjlish, or any others that bring these reports. For what I speak with
ni^ mouth I speak from my heart. The Dutch governor did never propoimd
any such thing unto us. Do you think wc are mad? and that we have
forgotten our writing that we had in the Bay, which doth bind us to the
English, our friends, in a way of friendship .' Shall we irow away that
writing and ourselves too ? Have we not reason in us ? H >< ' can the Dutch
shelter us, being so remote, against the power of the English, our friends —
we living close by the doors of the English, our friends? We do profess, we
abhor such things."

Lastly, we come to the chief actor in this affair, JVinigret. He takes up
each query in order, and answere it ; which, for brevity's sake, we will give in
a little more condensed foi-m, omitting nothing, however, that can in any
degree add to our acquaintance with the great chief. He thus commences: —

"I utterl*' deny that there has been any agreement made between the Dutch
governor and myselfj to fight against the English. I did never hear the
Dutchmen say they would go ancl fight against the English ; neither did I
hear the Indiana say they would join with them. But, while I was there at
the Indian wigwams, there came some Indians that toUl me there was a ship
come in from Holland, which did report the English and Dutch were fighting
together in their own country, and there were s(;veral other ships coming with
ammunition to fight against the English here, and that there would be a great
blow given to the English when they came. But this I had from the Indians,
and how true it is I cannot tell. I know not of any wrong the English have
done ine, therefore wnv should I fight against them? Why do the English
sachems ask me the same questions over and over again ? Do they think we
are mad — and would, fi)r a few guns anf! swords, sell our lives, and the lives
of our wives and children ? As to their tenth question, it being indiflferently
spoken, whether I may go or send, though I krow nothing myself, wherein I
have wronged the English, to i)revent mv going ; yet, as I said before, it being
left to my choice, that is, it bring indilferent to the conmiissioners, whether 1
will send some one to speak with them, I will send."!

To the letters which the English messengera can-ied to the sachems, Mexam
and Pessacus said, " IVe desire there may he no mistake, but that ive may be
undei stood, and that there viay be a true iinderstandir.^ on both sides. We desire
to know tohere you had this news, that tliere icas such a league made betioixt the
Dutch and us, and also to know our accusers"

JVinigret, though of the most importance in this affair, is last mentioned in
the records, and his answer to the letter brought him by the messengers is as
follows : —

"You are kindly welcome to us, and I kindly thank the sachems of Massa-
chusetts tliat they should think of me as one of the sachems worthy to be
inquired of concerning this mutter. Had any of the other sachems been at
the Dutch, I should have feared their folly might have done some hurt, one
way or other, hut they have not been there. / am the man. I have been
there myself. I alone am answerable for what I have done. And, as I have
already declared, I do utterly deny and protest that I know of no such i)lot as
has been apprehended. Wliat is the story of these groat nimora that I hear at
Pocatocke — that I shoidd be cutoflT, and that the English had a quarrel against

• So printed in Hazard, but probnlily moans the same as Voll; V, in the latter case, liavins;
been taken for P. Wo liiwe known siicli instances.

t 'I'lic procodinf^ sonloiico of our text, llio nnllior of Tnh's of the Ititlimis Xh'mVn, " \\o\M
ptiz/le llie most myslifiiiiiu- politician of niodorn linios." Indeed ! What ! a I'iiiiadolphia
lau'ijer? Really, we oannol conceive lliat ll oiip;lit in the least to pnzzle even a Uostou
Liuyer. If a puzzle exist any wliere, we apprelienil it is in some inij-ilifyiiig word.

Chap. IV.]

NINIGRET.— AWASHAW.

141

me ? I know of no such cause at all for luy part. Is it because 1 weiii
tiiitiior to take [tliysic fur my healtli .'' or what is the cause.' I found no surh
entLTtaininent from the Dutch governor, when I was tliere, as to give me any
encouragement to stir me up to such a league against tlie English, my fricndH.
It was winter time, and I stood, a great part of a winter day, knocking at

door, and he would neidier o|)en it, nor sufler others to open
iu. 1 was not wont to iind sucli carriage from the English, my

the

it, to let me

friends."

Not long after the return of the English messengers, who brought the above
ndation of their mission, AwosJmw arrived at Boston, as "messenger" of
JWnigret, Pessacua, and Meiam, with "three or four" othere. An hitiuisition
was immediately held over him, and, from his cross-examhiation, we gather
the following answers: —

"jViHi£7'f< told me that he went to the Dutch to be cured of his disease,
liearing there was a Frenchman there that could cure him ; and Mr. John
n'inthrop knew of his going. He carried 30 fathom of wampum, gave the
doctor 10, and the Dutch governor 15, who, in lieu thereof, gave lum coats
with sleeves, but not one gun, tliough the Indians there gave him two guns.
That, while JVinigrel was there, he crossed Hudson's River, and there an
■'in told him about the arrival of the Dutch ships. As to the com sent to
the Dutch by jYini^et, it was only to pay his passage, the Dutch liaving
brought him home in a vessel. Five men went with JVini^ret. Four came
home with him in the vessel, and one came by land before. One of his
company was a Mohcgan, and one a Conecticott Indian, who lived on the
other side of Hudson's River. A canoe was furnished witli (JO fathom of
wampum, after jYinigreCs return from Monhatoes, to be sent there to pay for
the two guns, but six fathom of it was to have been paid to the doctor, which
was then il;") to iiiin. There were in it, also, two raccoon coats, and two
beaver skins, and seven Indians to go with it. They and the canoe were
captur(.'d by Uncus"

An Indian named ^^ J\'ewcom-Mahixes, sometimes of Rhode Island," waa
one that accom[)anicd Awashaw. " One John Ligldfoot, of Boston," said
J\Iaiiu:es told him, in Dutch, (he had lived among them at Southhold, and
learned their language,) that tlie Dutchmen would "cut off" the English of
Long Island. "Mwcom also confes,seth [to him] that JVinigret said tliat he
licanl that some ships were to come from Holland to the Monhattoes to cut otl*
the English." "Tliat an Indian told him that the Dutch would come against
the English, and cut them oft*, but they would save the women and children
and guns, for th mselves. But Capt. Siinkins ami the said lAghlJbot do both
nftirm that the sail A^(cco»i told them that the Dutchmen told him, us before
[stated,] though hi now puts it oflj and saith an Indian told hijn so." Siinkins
ulfirmed also that \cifco//i told hhn that if he would go and serve the Dutch,
they would give h m £100 a year.

On examining jVeivcom, the commissioners gave it as their opinion that lie
was guilty of i)erfidy, and that they should not have let him escape without
punishment, but for his being considered as an ambassador. They, there-
ibre, desired Awashaw to inibrm J^'inigret of it, that he irnght send him to
them again, " the better to clear himseitl" This we apprehend was not done.
Awashaw next notified the court that he had not done with them, " where-
upon he was sent for to speak what he had further to propound." He de-
manded how they came by their information "^f all these things touching
J^nigrd." They said from several Indians, particularlif " the Monheage In-
dian and the Narraganset Indian, which were both taken by Uncus his men,
who had confessed the i)lot before Mr. Haines at Hartford." Awushaw also
demanded restitution of the wampum taken by Uncus. The commissioners
told him that they had not as yet understood of the truth of thai action, but
when they had thoroughly examined it, he should have an answer.

So, all this Itigislating was about jYinigreVs going to the Dutch; for as to a
j)U)t tlu-re appears no evidence of any ; but when Uncas had committed a
great depredation upon Mnigrd, why — "that altered the case" — they must
in(iuirc into it, which doubtless was all right so ftir; but if a like complaint

i!'"

142

NlMaRET.-UNCAS'S PERFIDV.

[UooK 11

hnd Itpen preferred ngainst JS/inigret by Uncos, we liave reason to tliink it
woulii liave been fortliwitb "iiKjuired into," at least, without an if.

A story, it cannot be culled evidence, told by Uncus, relating to JVIuigrefs
visit to tlie Diitcli, is recorded by the coniniissioners, and which, if it amount
to any thing, goes to prove himself guilty, and is iudecnl an acknowledgment
of liis own perfidy in taking jYinigrefs boat and goods, as charged by ./Iwa-
shaio. It is as follows : —

" Uncos, theMohegan sachem, came lately to Mr. /fo/ns' house at Hartford,
and informed him that JVinnigrett, eachem of the Niantick Narragansetts
went diis winter to the Monhatoes" and made a league with the Dutch gov
ernor, and for a large ijresent of wampum received SO guns and a great box
of powder and bullets. JS/^nigret told him of the great injuries he had
sustained from Uncas and the English. That on the other side of Hudson's
River, JVinigret had a conference with a great many Indian sagamores, and
desinid their aid to cut oft'theMohegans and English. Ahio, that, about two
years since, JS/inigret "sent to the Jluidieage sachem, and gave him a present
of wampum, pressing him to procure a ni:"u skilful in magic workings, and
an artist in poisoning, and send unto him ; and he should receive more one
hundredth fiithom of wampum, which was to have been conveyed to the
Monheage sachem, and the powaugh at the return of him that was to bring
the poison. Uncas having intelligence of these things, caused a narrow
watch to be set, by sea and land, for the apprehending of those persons j and
accordingly took them returning in acaiioo to the number of seven: whereof
four of them were Narragansets, two strangers and one Pecjuatt. This was
done in his absence, while he was with Mr. Haines, at Conecticott, and carried
by those of his men that took them to Mohegan. Being there examined, two
of them, the [Wampeage*] sachem's brother, and one NaiTaganset freely con-
fessed the whole plot formerly expressed, and that one of their company was
that powaugh and prisoner, pointing out the man. Upon this, his men in a
rage slew him, fearing, as he said, least he should make an escape, or other-
wise do either mischief to Uncas or the English, in case they should carry
him with the rest before them, to Conecticott to be further examined. And
being brought to Conecticott before Mr. Haines, and examined, did assert
these particulars."

An Indian squaw also informed " an inhabitant of Wethersfield, that the
Dutch and Indians generally were" confederating to cut off the English, and
that election day, [1654,] was the time set, " because then it is apprehended
the plantations will be left naked and unable to defend themselves, the strength
of the English colonies being gathered from the several towns. And the
afon-said squaw advised the said inhabitants to acquaint the rest of the Eng-
lish with it, desiring they would remember how dear their slighting of her
former information of the Pequots coming upon the English cost fhem."t

It would seem, from a careful examination of the records, that something
had been suggested either by the Dutch or Indians, about " cutting off the
English," which justice to jYinigret requires us to state, might have been the
case without his knowledge or participation. For, the testimony of the mes-
sengers of "nine Indian siigamores who live about the Monhatoes" no how
implicates him, and, therefore, cannot be taken into account, any more than

* 8i'0 (lecliiralioii onward in the rocnrds, {flaz. ii. 22i.)

t Kcli'iring- lo an ali'air of l(iJ7, wliicli Dr. /. Mather relntos as follows: " In the interim,
[wiiilc ("n|>l. Miison was protci'linsf Havlirook fort,] many ol' the I'equods went to a place
iiDU iMJIcd Wftliersjield on Connccticnr Jlivor, and liaving cont'ederaled with the bidians of
that |)lace, (as it was rfcnprally tlionjjiil,) llicy laid in anihnsh for the English people of that
place, aii(l divers of them froinfr lo thi'ir labor in a larfre field adjoining to the town, were set
upon iiy the hidians. Nine of llie English were slain npon the place, and some hordes, and
two young women were taken captive.'' Relation of the Troubles, iic. 26. — Dr. Trumbull
says this happened in April, llht. Con. \. 77.

The cause of this act of the I'e<|uols, according to WInlhrop, i. 2G0, was this, An Indian
called Si''iiiiii had given the English hinds at U'elhersfiold, that he might live hy them and lie
proiecled from other Indians. I!ut when he came there, and had set down his wigwam, the
English drove him awav l>y force. And hence it was supposed that he had plotted the'r
lieslruclion, as ahove related, wilh the I'eqnols.

Chap IV]

NINIGRET— ADDAM.

143

what an Indian named Ronnessoke told JVtcholrts Tanner, as intorprnted by
another Indian caWvAlMdam; the Inttor, tliougli relating to JVtHi>/-f<'* visit,
wa«i only a iieareay affair. Ronnessoke was a sagamore of Long Island.

Ji.iiUvn also interpreted the story of another Indian, called Powanefre, " who
saitli he came from the Indians who dwell over the river, over against the
Moniiatoi-s, where the plot is a working, that was this: that the Dntchinen
fwlccd the Indians whether they would leave them at the last cast, or stand up
with them. And told the Indians they should fear nothing, and not be dis-
couraged because the plot was discovered," Sec.

Allium the interpreter had also a story to tell. He said, " this sjjring [1(5.5:3,
O. S.] the Dutch governor went to Fort Aurania, [since Albany,] and first
\vent to a jilace called Ackicksack, [Hackinsack,] a great place of Lulians, from
thence to Alonnesick, [Minisink,] thence to Opingona, thence to VVarmnoke,
tlien^-e to Fort Aurania: And so far he went in his own person. From
thence lie sent to Pocomtock, [Deerfield, on the Connecticut,] and he cairicd
with him many note of sewan, that is, i)ags of wampum, and delivered them
to the sagamores of the places, and they were to distribute them amongst their
men ; and withal he carrieil powder, shot, cloth, lead and guns ; and told them
he woidd get all the great Indians imdcr him, and the English should have the
scum of the Indians, and he would have those sagamores with their men t'<
cut off the English, and to be at his coitunand whenever he had use of them,
and he was to find them powder and shot till he had need of them. Further
he s^'nt one Govert, a Dutchman, to Marsiey, on Long Island, to JSnitnnahom,
tiie sagamore, to assist him and to do for him what he would have [iiim] do :
But the sagamore told him he would have nothing to [do] with it: whereupon
Govert gave the sagamore a great kettle to be silent. JViitanaham told iiim he
had but 20 men, and the English had never done him wrong, [and] he had no
cause to fight against them. Further, he saith that jMinnegrett, the fiscal,* and
the Dutcii governor were up two days in a close room, with other sagamores ;
and there was no speaking with any of them except when they came tor a coal
of fire, t or the like. And much sewan was seen at that time in ./V7nnegre< j
hand, and he carried none away with him ; " and that Ronnesseoke told him tlu.t
tlic governor bid him fly for his life, for tiie plot was now discovered.

Nevertheless, as for any positive testimony that JVinigret was plotting against
the English, there is none. That he wjis in a room to avoid company, while
his piiysician was attending him, is vei-y probable.

In a long letter, dated 2(ith May, 1(553, which the governor of New Amster- .
dam, Peter Sluyvesant, wrote to the English, is the following passage : — " It is
in part true, as your worships conclude, that, about Januaiy, there came a
strange Indian from the north, called JS/^nmgrett, commander of the Nan'agtn-
sets. But he came hither with a pass from Mr. John Winthrop. Upon which

Itass, as we remember, the occasion of his coming was expressed, namely, to
le cured and healed ; and il^ upon the other siile of the river, there hath been
any assen.hly or meeting of the Indians, or of their sagamores, we know not
[of it.] We heard that he hath been upon Long Island, about Nayacke, where
he hath been for the most part of the winter, and hath had several Indians
with him, but what he hath negotiated with them remains to us imknown :
only this we know, that what your worships lay unto our charge are false
re|)orts, and feigned informations."

The war with Ascassasulk, of which we shall give all the particulare in our
possession, was the next affair of any considerable moment in the life of
ATnigTf/.

In 1654, the government of Rhode Island communicated to Massachusetts,
that the last siunmer, Ninigret, without any cause, " tiiat he doth so much as
allege, tell upon the Long Island Indians, our friends and tributaries," and
killed many of them, and took othera prisonei*s, and wo>dd not restore them.
"This summer he hath made two assaults upon tluun; in one whereof he
killed a iimii and woman, that lived upon the land of the English, and witliii.

* A I/iilcli iidlcer, whose duly is similar to lliiil of Ireiisiirer iiimin>r the Kiip;lish.
t I'd I'lfli! Ilioir |)ipcs, doubtless — the Diilcli n/rreoing woll, In ilio |)arliriilur of sni ikiii;^
tvitli tlic lit liaiis.

\ !•>

144

ISINIGRET.— ASCASSASOTICK'S WAR.

tHooK II.

one of tlieir to\vn8lii|)s ; and niiother Indian, thnt kept the co^va of the Enjf-
lisli." He Imd drawn many of the foreign Indians down from Conncrticiit
and Hudson Rivers, wlio rendezvoused upon Winthroji'a Island, wiicre flicy
killed some of his cuttle.* This war hegan in IGSIJ, and continued "acviral
years." f

Tiie commissioners of the United Colonies seemed blind to all con)y)laints
against Unc(vi ; hut the Narragnnsets were watched and harassed without
ceasing. Wherever we meet with an unpublished document of those times,
the fact is veiy apparent. The chief ot the writera of the history of that
period copy from the records of the United Colonies, Avhich accoimts tiir
their making out a good case for the English and Mohegans. The spirit
which actuated the grave commissioners is easily discovered, and I need only
refer my r»?aders to the case of Miantunnomoh, Desjierate errors rccpiire
others, oftentimes still more desperate, until the first appear small nomparcd
with the magnitude of the last! It is all along discoverable, that those
venerable records are made up from one kind of evidence, and that when a
Narragimsct appeared in his own defence, so many of Ids enemies stood
ready to give him the lie, that his indignant spirit could not stoop to contra-
dict or parley with them ; and thus his assumed guilt passed on for historj'.
The long-silenced and borne-down friend of the Indians of Mooseliansic,|: no
longer sleeps. Amidst his toils and perils, he found time to raise his pen in
their defence ; and though his letters for a season slept with him, they are now
awaking at the voice of day.

When the English had resolved, in 1654, to send a force against the Nar-
ragansets, because they had had difficulties and wars with Jlscassasolk, as we
liave related, JMr. JVUhams ex[)ressed his views of the matter in a letter to the
governor of Massachusetts as follows : — "The cause and root of all the present
mi.schicfs is the pride of two barbarians, Jlscassas6lick, the Long Island sachem,
and JVenekunal of the Narigensct. The former is proud and foolish, the latter
is proud and fierce. 1 have not seen him these many years, yet, from their
sober men, 1 hear he pleads, 1st. that Ascassasolick, a very inferior sachem,
(bearing himself upon the English,) hath slain three or four of his people,
and since that sent him challenges and darings to fight and mend himself.
Sd. He, A^enc/cMTia/, consulted by solemn messengers, with the chief of the Eng-
lish governors, Maj. £n(/ico<, then governor of the Massachusetts, who sent him
an implicit consent to right himself: upon which they all plead that the English
have just occasion of displeasure. 3d. After he had taken revenge upon the
Long Islanders, and brought aAvay about 14 captives, (divers of them chief
women,) yet he restored them all again, upon the mediation and desire of the
English. 4th. After this peace [was] made, the Long Islanders pretending
to visit J^cnckimat at Block Island, slaughtered of his Narragansets near 30
persons, at midnight ; two of them of great note, especially Wtpiteamviock^a
son, to whom J^cnekunat was uncle. 5th. In the prosecution of this war,
although he had dra^vn do^vn the inlandera to his assistance, yet, u])on pro-
testation of the English against his proceedings, he retreated and dissolved his
army. §

The great Indian apostle looked not so much into these particulars, being
entirely engaged in the cause of the praying Indians: but yet we occasionally
meet with him, and will here introduce him, as an evidence against the
jn'oceedings of Uncus, and his friends the commissioners :

" Tlie case of the Nipmuk Indians, so far as by the best and most credible in
telligence, I have understood, presented to the honored general court, [of Mas-
sachusetts,] \.*Uncas his men, at unawares, set upon an unarmed poor people,
and slew eight persons, and carried captive twenty-four women and children.
2. Some of tiiese were subjects to Massachusetts government, by being the
subjects of Josias. ]| 3. They sued for relief to the worshipful governor and
magistrates. 4. Tliey were pleased to send, (by some Indians,) a commission
to Capt. Denison, [of Stonington,] to demand these captives. 5. Unca3 liis

Manuscript tlociiments \ \Vood's Hist. Lone;' Island. i Providonce.

From the oi-ii^inil lelUr, in manuscript, among tlie files in our state-house
Eion of Cliikalaubut

Chap. IV.]

NINIGUET.

145

answer was, (as I lieard,) insolent.

by filthiness, but have, since this demand, sold away (as I lipur) some or

Tlicv did not onlv abuse tbe women

.. ■' all

ot' tliose captives. 7. The poor bereaved Indians wait to see what you please to
do. 8. You were j)leased to tell them, you would present it to the free court
and tlicy sliould expect their answer from tliem, which they now wait for.
!•. J^enccrofl, yea, all the Indians of the country, wait to see the issue of this
matter." *

This memorial is dat..d 12th May, 1659, and signed by John Eliot ; from
which it is evident there had been great delay in relieving those distressed
by tlie haughty Uncos. And yet, if he were caused to make remuneration in
anv way, we do not find any account of it.

In 1(J(J0, " the general court of Connecticut di<l, by their letters directed to
the commissioners of the other colonies, this last siunmer, represent an
intolerable affront done by the Narraganset Indians, and the same was now
complained of by the English living at a new plantation at Mohegan, viz:
that some Indians did, in the dead time of the night, shoot eight bullets into
an English house, and fired the same; wlierein five Englishmen were asleep.
Of which insolency the Narraganset sachems have so far tidien notice, as to
send a slight excuse by Maj. Mherlon, that they did neither consent to nor
allow of such practices, but make no tender of satisfaction." f But they
asked the privilege to meet the commissioners at their next session, at which
time they gave them to understand that satisfaction sh )uld be made. This
could not fiave been otiicr than a reasonable request, but it was not granted ;
and messengers were Ibrthwith ordered to " repair to JVmigrct, Pessictia,
ff'oquacanoose, and the rest of the Narraganset sachems," to demand " at least
four of the chief of them that shot into the English house." And in ca.se
they should not be delivered, to demand five hundred fathoms of wampum..
They were directed, in particular, to " charge jYinigret with breach of cove-
nant, and high neglect of their order, sent them by IMnj. fVillard, six years
since, not to invade the Long Island Indians ; and [that they] do account the
surprising tlie Long Island Indians at Gull Island, and murdering of them,
to be an insolent carriage to the English, and a barbarous and inhuman act."
These are only a few of tlie most prominent charges, and five hundred and
ninety-five | fatiioms of wampum was the price demanded for them ; and " tiie
general court of Connecticut is desired and empowered to send a convenient
company of men, under some discreet leader, to force satisfaction of the
same above said, and the charges of recovering the same ; and in case the
persons be delivered, they shall be sent to Harbadoes," § and sold lor .slaves.

It appears that the force sent by Connecticut could not collect tlie wampum,
nor secure the olTenders ; but for the payment, condescended to t^ike a mortgage
of all the Narraganset country, with tlie provision that it should be void, if it
^vere paid in four months. Q^uissoquus, || A'eneglud^ and Scuttup, II signetl the
deed.

JVinigret did not engage with the other Narraganset chiefs, in Philip^s war.
Dr. Mather ** calls him an " old crally sachem, who had with some of his riieu
withdrawn himself from the rest." lie must at this time have been " an old
sachem," for we meet with him as a chief, as eaily as KkJi

Although JVinigret was not personally engaged in Philip's war, still he
must have suflered considerably from it ; ollen being obliged to send his
people to the English, to gratify some whim or caprice, and at other times
to appear himself. On 10 Sept. 1675, eight of his men came as ambassadors
to Boston, " having a certificate from Capt. Smith," ft who owned a huge

* Mamiscript slate paper. \ RecorJ of llie Uiiilod Colonies, in Hazard.

X Tlie additional ninety-five was for another ofl'ence, viz. '' for the insolcneies committed at
Mr. Bretvsler's, in killing- an Indian servant at Mrs. lirewsler's feet, to her great aflrightmciit,
Hm\ stealing corn, d:c., and other atrronts." Hazard, ii. 433.

6 Kecords of the United Colonies, in Hazard.

11 The same called Qiiequegunent, the son of Magnus. Newcom atid Atvashars wera
witnesses. The deed itself may be seen on tile among our folate Papers.

!I Grandson of Canonicus, son of Magnus, and brother of Qu'-(iueguiie'i'.

•» Brief Hislory, 20.

tt Captain Richard Smith, probably, who settled quite early in that country. Wo find
him there 15 years before this,

13 K

146

NINIGRET.— DIVISION OF THE PLUUOrS.

LUooK If.

estnte m Nnringanset. After having finisl ec' 'heir business, they received
n pass from tlio aiitiiorities to return to tlieir ov country. This certificate
or j)ass was fastened to a staff and carried by o Ju front of the rest. As
they were going out of Boston « a back way,"" tv :nen met them, and seized
U|)on him that carried the pass. These men were brothers, who liad had a
brother killed by Philip's men some time before. This Indian they accused
of killing him, and in court swore to his identity, and he was in a few days
hanged.*

Notwithstanding these affairs, another embassy 'vas soon after sent to
Boston. On the 15 September " the authority of Boston sent a party " to order
JVinifp-et to appear there in person, to give an account of his sheltering
Quaiapen, the sqiiaw-sachem of Narraganset. He sent word tliat he woulil
come " provided he might be safely returned back." Mr. Smith, " living n«'ar
him, offered himself, wife and children, and estate, as hostages" for his safe
return, and the embassy forthwith departed for Boston. A son, f however, of
JVinigrd, was deputed prime minister, "he himself being veiy aged."

Captain Smith accompanied them, and when they came to Koxbury they
were met by a company of English soldiers, whose martial appearance so
frightened tlieni, that, had it not been for thj presence of Mr. &'mi7A, they
would have escaped ns from an enemy.

They remained at Boston several days, until " by degrees they came to this
agreement: That they were to deliver thij squaw-sachem within so many
days at Boston ; and the league of peace was then by them confirmed, which
was much to the general satisfaction ; but many had hard thoughts of them,
fearing tliey will at last [)rove treacherous." {

Ninigret was opposed to Christianity ; not perhaps so much from a disbelief
of it, aa liom a dislike of the practices of those who professed it. When JMr.
Mayhew desired Ninigret to allow him to preach to his people, the sagacious
chief " bid him go and make the English good first, and chid Mr. Mayhew for
hindering him from his business and labor." §

There were other Niantick sachems of this name, who succeeded Ninigret.
According to the author of the " Memoir of the fliohegans," |l one woulrl
Bupjjose he was alive in 171G, as that writer himself supposed ; but if the
anecdote there given be true, it related doubtless to Charles Ninigret, who, I
6Ui)pose, was his son. He is mentioned by Mason, in his history of the Pequot
war, us having received a part of the goods taken from Captain Stone, at the
time he was killed by the Pequots, in 1634. The time of his death has not
been aj<certaiued.

The burying-i)laces of the family of Ninigret are in Charlestown, R. I. It
is said that the old chief was buried at a place called Burying Hill, " a mile
from the street." A stone in one of tlie places of interment has this inscrip-
tion : —

" Here leih tlie Body of George, the son of Cliarles Ninigret, King of the.
Natives, and of Hannah his Wife. Died Decern^, y" 22, 1732 : agerf 6 mo."

" George, the last king, was brother of Mary Sachem, who is now, [1832,]
sole heir to the crown. Marij does not know her age ; but from data given by
lior husband, John Harry, she must be aliut G6. Her mother's father waa
George Ninigret. Thomas his son was the next king. Esther, sister of Thomas.
Gi'orgp, the brother of Mary above named, and the last king crowned, died
aged about 20 years. George was son of Esther. Mary has daughters, but no
sons." H

On a division of the captive Pequots, in 1637, Ninigret was to have twenty,
" w hen he should satisfy for a mare of Eltweed ** Pomroye's killed by his men."
Tliis remained unsettled in 1659, a space of twenty-two j'eai-s. This debt
certainly was outlawed! Poquin, or Poquoiam, was tiie name of the man who
killed the marcft He was a Pequot, and brother-in-law to Miantunnomoh,
w.id was among those captives assigned to him at their final dispersion, when

* Old Indian Chronicle, 30. t Probably Catapazal.

X Old liidian Clironiclo, 32. § Douglas's Summary, 11. 118.

II In 1 ColL. Mass. Hist. Soc. ix. 83. IT MS. coi. .nunication of Rev. \Vm. Ely.

•* Familiarly callod Elty, probably from EUicood. ft Hazard, ii. 188, 189.

Chap. IV.] PESSACUS— COMPLAINTS IlROUCJiri' AGAINST IIIM.

147

the Peqiiot war was enrletl ; at wliich time Pomtroy states ■' all sorts ofiiorsea
were at an liigli prire." Miantunnomoh had a^rn'ctl to pay the (Iciiiaiiil, hut
his death prevented iiiiii. JViniirret was calh'd upon, as he inherited a
coiisiderahle part of .Mianlunnomoka estate, especially his |>art of tiie I'eipiots,
of whom Pomioiain was one. He was aflerwurds called u Niantick and
brother to JVinifrreL*

Pessacls, often mentioned in the preceding |)ages, thongh imder a viniety
of names, was horn ahoiit 1G23, and, consequently, was ahont 20 years of tige
when his brother, Miantunnomoh, was killed. f The same arbitrary course, as
we have seen already in the present chapter, was pursued towards luin hy the
English, as had been before towards Miantunnomoh, and still continued
towards ^nigrct, and other Narraganset chiefs, Mr. Cobbetl makes this
record of him : " In the year 1G45, proud Pessacus with his Narragansits, with
whom JVintgrct and his Niantigs join ; so as to provoke the English to a jiisit
war against them. And, accordingly, forces were sent from all the towns to
meet at Boston, and did so, and had a party of fifty horse to go with them
under Mr. Leveret, as the ca|)tain of the horse." Edward Gibbons was
commander in cliielj and Mr. Thompson, pastor of the church in Braintree,
" was to sound the silver trumpet along with his army."§ J5ut they were
met by deputies from Pessacus and the other chiefs, and an accommodation
took place, as mentioned in the accoimt of JVinigrct.

The commissioners, having met at New Haven in September 164(1, expected,
according to the treaty made at Boston with the Narragansets, us particu-
larized in the life of Uncas, that tiicy woidd now meet them here to seit'e the
remaining difficulties with that chief. But the time having nearly expired,
and none a[)pearing, " the commissioners did seriously consider what course
should be taken with them. Tlicy called to minde their breach of couenant
in all the articles, that when aboue 1300 fadome of wampan was due they
sent, as if they would put a scorne vpon the [English,] 20 futhome, and a few
old kettles." The Narragansets said it was owing to the backwardness of •
the Nianticks that the wampum had not been paid, and the Nianticks laid it
to the Narragansets. One hundred fathom had been sent to the governor
of Massachusetts as a present by the Nianticks, they promising "to send
what was due to the colonies uery speedily," but he would not accept of it.
He told them they might leave it with Cuchamakin, and when they had
performed the rest of their agreement, " he would consider of it." The
commissioners had understooil, that, in the mean time, the Narragansi t
sachems had raised wampum among their men, "and by good ouidence it
appeared, that by presents of wampum, they are practisinge with the Mohawkes,
and with the Indyans in those parts, to engage them in soine designe against
the English and Fncics." Therefore, " the commissioners haue a cleare way
open to right themselues, accordinge to iustice by war; yet to shew how highly
they prize peace with all men, and particularly to manifest their forbearance iuid
long sufFeringe to these barbarians, it was agreede, that first the forcmentioned
present should be returned," and then a declai-ation of war to follow.

At the same court, complaint was brought against the pooj)le of Pessacus by
"Mr. Pelham on behalf of Richard Woody and Mr. Pincham," [Pir.chnn,'^ that
they had committed sundry thefts. Mr. Brown, on behalf of Wm. Smith of
Rehoboth, preferred a siiriilar charge ; but the Indians having no knowledge of
the procedure, it wa^ suspended.

Thus the Nairagansets were sufTered to remain unmolested until the next
year, and we do not hear that the story about their hiring the Mohawks and
othei-s to assist them against Uncas and the English, turned out to be any
thing else but a sort of bugbear, probably invented by the Mohegans. " One
principall cause of the comissioners meetinge together at this time, [20 July,
l(i47,] being," say the records, " to consider what course should bi; lield with
the NaiTaganset Indyans ; " the charges being at this time much the same as
at the previous meeting. It was therefore ordered that Thomas Stanton,

* .Seo Hazard, ii. 152.

\ M.S. letter, subscribiid with the mark of llie sachem Pntnham, on the filo at our oapital,
(Ma>s.)
t .MS. Narrative. $ Mather's Relation, and Hazard.

,1 -.v

148

I'ESSACUS KILLED BY THE MOHAWKS.

[Rook II

Beneilirt Jlrnold, nnd StTgcant ffaite should he sont to Peasacks, A'enegralt
nnd H'ehetnmuk, to know wliy they \\m\ not |)ai(l the wnrnpiiin vm tliey agreed,
mid why they ihd not come to ^ew llavitn ; and that now they might meet
Unrns at lioston ; nnd therefore were ndviscd to attend tliere without diday ;
lint "yf they refuse or ddny, they intend to send no more," and they must
hliidt! tlic consequences. When the English messengers had delivered their
message to Pes.mcus, he sjioke to them iis follows: —

"The reason I did not meet the Knglish saehems at New Haven last year,
is, they did not notify me. It is true I have hroken my covenant thes«; two
years, nnd that now is, and constantly has heen, the gri«-f of my spirit. And
lh(.' reason I do not meet thctn now at Boston is hecanse I am sick. If I were
luit pretty well I would gf). I have sent my mind in fidl to ATnigre/, and
what he does I will altide hy. I have sent Potcpijnnmdt and Pomiimsks to go
and hear, and testify that I have hetrusted my full mind with Mnefrralt. You
know well, however, that when I made that covenant two yeare ago, I did it
in f<!ar of the army that I did see ; and though the English kejtt their cove-
nant with me, yet they were ready to go to Narraganset and kill me, and
the cotnmissioncrs said they would do it, if I did not sign what they had
written."

Moyanno, another chief, said he had confided the business with JVmigrel last
spring, and would now abide ljy whatever be should do.

When the English messengers returned and made known what liad been
done, the commissioners said that Pessacus' sjieecb contained " seuerall pas-
sages of vntruth and guile, and [they] were vnsatisfyed."

What measures the Whites took "to right themselues," or whether any,
immediately, is not very distinctly stated ; but, the next year, 1648, there were
some military movements of the English, and a company of soldiers was sent
into Narraganset, occasioned liy the non-payment of the tribute, nnd some
, other less important matters. Pe.isacu.i, having knowledge of their approach,
fled to Rhode Island. "J\'inicrafl entertained them courteously, (there they
etaid the Lord's day,) and came back with them to Mr. frUliams, and then
Pessaais and Canoniciui' son, being delivered of their fear, came to tlieni ; and
being demanded about hiring the IMobawks against Uncas, they solemnly
denied it ; only they confessed, that the Mohawks, being a great sachem, nnd
their rncient friend, and being come so near them, they sent some 20 futliom
of wanipuni for him to tread upon, as the manner of Indinns is."* The
matter seems to have rested liere ; Pessacus, as usual, having promised what
was desired.

This chief Avas killed by the 3Iolinwks, as we have stated in the life of Ca-
nonicus. His life was a scei^i; of ulinost jierpetual troubles. As late as Sep-
tember, lf)68, his name stands first among others of his nation, in a complaint
sent to them by Massachusetts. The messengers sent with it were. Rich'',
If'aift, Captain }F. WrigJd, and Captain SamK Mosely; and it was in terms
thus :—

" Whereas Capt. Wm. Hudson and John Viall of Boston, in the name of
themselves nnd others, proj)rietors of Innds and fnrms in the Nnrrnganset
country, have complnined unto us, [the court of Mnss.,] of the great insolen-
cies nnd injuries offered unto them nnd their people by several, as burning
their hay, killing sundry horses, and in special manner, about one month since,
forced some of their people from their labors in mowing grass upon their own
land, and nssaulted others in the high way, as they rode about their occnsions ;
by tJirowing many stones at them and their horses, and beating their horses as
they rode upon them," &c. The remonstrance then goes on wnming them to
desist, or otherwise tliey might expect severity. Had Mosely been as well
known then among the Indians, ns he was uflerwards, his presence would
rloubtless have been enough to have caused quietness, as perhajw it did even
ut this time.

VVinthrop's Journal.

Chap. V] UNCAS.— HIS CHARACTER AND CONNECTIONS.

140

CHAPTER V.

Uncas — Ills eharaclcr — Connections — Gtoitntphij of the, Moliegan country — General
account of that nation — Unraa joins the Eiiirlish Uitainst the Pei/uot.i — Cuplnrrs c%
chir'^ at Sachem's llcod — Visits lioston — > lis speech to Governor Winthrop — Sped-
me,i of the jMohciran laoifuagc — Sc(iuas.<ioH — The tear hcticten Uncus and Miantunno-
moh — Examination of its ctitisc — The. jWirraganscts determine to atengc iheit
sachem's death — Forces raised to ,i'Otec.t Uncas — I'essaciis — Great distress of Uncus
— Timely relief from Connecticut — Treaty of lOJ.'j — Frequent complaints against
Uncus — If^ei/uask — Obechickicud — Noweiiua — Woosamequin.

Uncas, cniled also Poquin, Poqiwiam, "oquim, sncliom of tlic Molicgaiis, of
wfioMi wo liave already Iiad occasioK 1 1 say considerable, has letl no very
favoral)le character upon recfird. His life is a series of changes, without any
of those brilliani acts of nias^naniniity, which throw a veil over nunuTons
erroi-8. Mr. Gookin gives us this charact(;r of liini in the year 1074 : (Mr.
James Filch having been sent d)oiit this time to preach among the Mohegans:)
"I am a|)t to lear," sjiys he, "that a great obstruction unto his labora is in tho
Bacheni of those Indians, whoso name is Unkas; an old and wicked, wilful
man, a drunkard, and otherwise very vicious; who hath always been an
opposer and undermin. i of praying to God."* Nevertlieles.><, the charitable
Mr. Hubhard, when he wroio Ins Narrative, seems to have liad some hopes
tliat lie was a L'hristi-.n, with about the same grounds, nay better, perhaps,
than those on w'lidi JJisliop IVarhurlon declared Pope to be such.

Uncus l'.\ud to a great age. He was a sachem before the I'cquot wars, and
was -uive in KidO. At this time, Mr. //ittfcarrf makes this remark upon liim:
•He is alive and well, and may T>robably live to see all his enemies buried
before him."f

From an ejjitaph on one of his sons, copied in the Historical Collections,
we do not infer, as the writer there seems to have done, "that the race of
Uncas ^^ was "obnoxious in colloniril history ;" but rather attribute it to some
waggish Englishman, who had no other design than that of making sport for
himself and others of like humor. It is upon his tond)-stoue, and is aa
follows : —

" Here lies (lie body of Sanseeto
Own son to Uncas granilson to OnekoX
Wild were: tlic famous sacliems of Mohecan
But now tlicy are all dead 1 tliiiik it is icerlieegen." ^

The connections of Uncas wore- somewhat numerous, and the names of
several of them will be ibund as we proceed with his life, and elsewhere.
Oneko, a son, was the most noted of them.

In the beginning of August, 1075, Uncas wm- ordered to appear at Boston,
and to surrender his arms to the English, and give such other security lor hia
neutrality or cooperation in tho war now begun between tho English and
Warnpanoags, as might be required of iiim. Tlie messenger who was sent to
make this reipiisition, soon returned to Boston, accomi)aiiiod by three sons of
Uncas and about (JO of his men, and a quantity of arms. The two yoimger
sons were taken into custody as hostages, and sent to Cambridge, where they
were remaining as late as the 10 November following. They are said to have
been at this time not far from 30 years of age, but their names are not men-

* 1 Coll. Muss. Ilisl. Soc. i. 208. flloheek, since Mcntville, Connecticut, about 10 miles
north of Now London, is the place ''where Unkas, and his sons, and Waniiho, are sachems."
Ibid.

t Hist. New En^. 4G4. — " Alihoii?h he be a friend to the English, yet he and all liis men
continue pagans still," imC. Mt. I. Mather, Brief Hist. 45.

X The writer or sculptor no doubt meant the contrary of this, if, indeed, he may be said to
have meant any thing.

$ A genuine Indian word, and, as it is used here, means, simply, icell. " Then they bid
me stir my instep, to see if that were frozen : I did so. When they saw that, they said that
was icurregen." Slocheell's Nar, of his Captivity amone the Indi<'ns in 1G77.

13*

150

UNCAS ASSISTS IN DESTROYING THE PEQUOTS. [nooK I).

t'oned.* Oncko was omployud with his 60 iiien, aiid proceeded on uii expo
ditioii, ns will he found stated elsewhere.

Uncus was originally a Pequot, and one of the 20 war captains of tlial
fiunoiis, hut ill-fated nation. U|iou some intestine commotions, he revolted
nsraiiist his sachem, and set up for liimself. This took place ahout the time
that nation became known to the Englisli, j il ;ij»s in 1634 or 5; or, as it
would seem from some circumstances, in the beginning of the Pequot war.
Peters, j an author of not much authority, says, that the "colonists declared
liim King of Mohegan, to reward him for deserting Sassacus.''^ We are told,
by the same author, that, after the death of Uncos, Oneko would not deed any
lands to the colony ; tipon which he was deposed, and his natural brother,
Jibimilcck, was, by die English, advanced to the office of chief sachem.
Oncko, not acknowledging the validity of this procedure, sold, in process of
tin:", all his lands to two individuals, named Mason und Harr'ion. But,
meantime, JIbimileck sold the same lands to the colony. A lawsuit followed,
and was, at first, decided in favor of the colony ; hut, on a second trial. Mason
and Harrison got the case — but not the property ; for, as Petcm tells us, " the
colony kept possession under Abimileck, their created King of Mohegan," and
"found means to confound the claim of those conipetitoi"s without estahlis;jing
their own."

By the revolt of Uncas, the Pequot territories became divided, and that part
called Moheag, or Mohegan, ^gW generally under his dominion, and exf.nded
from near the Connecticut River on the south, to a space of disputed c juntry
on the north, next the Narragansets. By a recurrence to our account of the
dominions of the Pequots and Narragansets, a pretty clear idea mo; * J had
of all three.

This sachem seems early to have courted the favor of the Englif^h, which,
it is reasonable to suppose, was occasioned by the ii i- ho was in from his
potent and warlike neighbors, both on the north and ,i the south. In May,
J():j7, he was prevailed upon to join the English in their war upon the
Peipiois. Knowing the relation in which he stood to them, the English at
firet were nearly as afraid of Uncas and his men, as they were of the Pequots.
But when, on the 15 of the same month, they had arrived at Saybrook ibrt, a
circumstance happened that tended much to remove their suspicions, and is
related by Dr. Mather as follows: "Some of Uncas his men being then at
Saybrook, in order to assisting the English against the Pequots, espied seven
Indians, and slily enconq)assing them, slew fi\e of them, and took one prison-
er, and brought him to the English fort, which was great satisfaction and en-
couragement to the English ; who, before that exploit, had many fears touch-
ing the fidelity of the Moheag Indians. He whom they took prisoner was a
perfidious villain, one that could speak English well, having in times past
lived in the fort, and knowing all the English there, hacl been at the slaughter-
ing of all the English diat were elaughtered thereabouts. He was a contin-
ual sjiy about the fort, informing Sassacus of what he could learn. When
this bloody traitor was executed, his limbs were by violence pulled from one
another, and burned to ashes. Some of the Indian executionei-s barbarously
taking his flesh, they gave it to one another, and did cat it, withal singing
about the fiie."|

;^fotw ithsi'inding, both Uncas and Miantunnomnh were accused of harboring
fugitive l'e(iuots, after the Mystic fight, as our accounts will abundantly prove.
It is true they had agreed not to harbor tlieni, but fierliaps the philanthropist
will not judge them harder ibr erring on the score of mercy, than their Eng-
lish fricnils for their strictly religious jiersc-verance in revenge.

A tradiiidiiary story of Uncas pursuing, overtaking, and executing a Pequot
sachi'iu, as I'ivi"' ;., ttiw Historical Collections, may not be un(]nalifiedly true.
It was afn'r Mystic fight, and is as fi)llows: Rlost of the English forces jinr-
sued th(! fiigitives by water, westward, wliiK; some followed by land with
U7icns and liis Indians. At a jioint of land in Guilford, they came ujion n
great Pi <|uot sachem, and a few of his men. Knowing they were pursued,

* Old Indian Cliriinirlf, 15.

{ lUliitkin ol' ilic Tronbk's, ikc. 46.

t In \\\i Hist, of Conncclicul,

Chap. V.]

UiNCAS.— MOHEG A.N LANGUAGE.

151

they had gone into ua a Ijiicent |)(3iiiii.siil;i, "lioping iht'ir imrsuers woiih)
hiive pasjicd hy thuiii. JJiit Uiicas knew Indian's emit, and ordered some ot
his men to siurch tliat point. Tlie IViinots perceiving;- tliat thiy were pnr
sni'd, swam over tlie month of the harbor, whieh is narro\v, JJnt thoy wen.
waylaid, and taicen us they landed. Tlie sachem wa.s sentenced to l)(; uhot to
death. Uncas shot him with an arrow, en' oil" liis head, and stnck it np in
the crotch ofa large oak-tree near the haiboi. where the skull remaiiied lor
a great many years."* This was the oriijin of tSACiiKM'a Ukad, by which
nanu! the harbor of Gnillbrd is well-known to coasters.

Dv.MiUher records the expedition of the r.nglish, hut makes no menticn of
Uiwas. lie says, they set out from Waybroek fort, and "sailed westward in
piwsnit of the IVcjuots, who wereHed that Wiiy. Sailing along to the westvvard
of Mononowuttuck, the wind not answering their desires, tliey cast anclixr.'*
" Some scattering I'equots were then taken and sl.'in, as also the l'«'4not
sachem, belbre exi)ressed,f had his head cut otlj whence that place d]d b(.'ar
the name of Sachem's Head." J

Uncas's tear of the Pecpiota was doubtless the cause of his hostility to
them; and when he saw them vanquished, he ])robal)ly began to relent his
unprovoked severity towards his countrymen, many of whom were his near
relations ; and this may account for his endeavors to screen some of them
from their more vindii-live enemies. The next spring after the war, 5 March,
l(>Jd, " Unkus, alias Okoco, the Monahegan sachem in the twist of Pequoil
River, came to iJoston with 37 men. lie came from Connecticut with .Mr.
Hdyncs, and tendered the governor a present of ^0 liithom of wanipmn.
This was at court, ami it was thought lit by the council to refuse il, till he
hud given satisliiction about the IVcpiols he kej>t, &.e. Upon this lie was
much dejected, and made aecoinit we woidd have killed him ; but, ttvo days
aller, having received good satisliiction of his imiocency, i5L-c. and he promis-
ing to submit to the order of the English, touching the reipiots lie had, and
the differences between the Narragansetts and him, we accepted his present.
And about half an hour after, he cjune to the governor," and made tk»e follow-
ing sjieech. Laying his hand ui)on his breast, he said,

" 7'lns heart vi not mine, but jjoars. I have no men : they arc all yours. Com-
mand me any d\Dicull thing, I will do it. I will not believe any Indian.s'' worils
against the English. If any man sluill kill an linglishnMn, I will j)ut him to
death, were fie never so dear to me."

"So th(! governor gave him a fair red coat, and defrayed his ami his men's
diet, and gave them corn to relieve them homeward, and a letter ol protection
to all II'"!:, »\:c. and he departed very joyfui."§

For the gratification of the etirious, we give, from Dr. Edwnrds^s "Observa-
tions on the Muhkekaneew [Mohegan] Language," the Lord's j)rayer in that
dialect. ^^ .Vogh-nuh, ne spummuck oi-e-on, tutigk mau-weh wnth wtu-ko-se-uuk
ne-an-ne an-nu-woi-e-on. Taiigh ne. aun-chu-wut-am-mun wu-weh-tii-sitk ma-
weh noh pum-mclu JVe ae-noi-hit-teeh mau-weh aiu-au-neek noh likey oie-cheek,
ne aun-chu-untt-am-inun, ne au-noi-hit-teti neck sjmm-muk oie-cheek. Mcn-e,
naii-nuh noo-nooh wuh-ham-auk tptogh nnh uh-huy-u-tum-auk ngum-mau-wih
Ohq-u-ut-a-mou-we-mtu-nuh au-neh mu-ma-clwi-e-au-kch he anmh ohq-u-ut-a-
fnou-woi-e-atJ{ num-peh neek mu-ma-chih an-neh-o-quau-kiet. Cheen hqu-nk-
(piitu-cluh-si-u-kch an-nth-c-henau-nuh. Pun-nee-wih htou-we-nau-nuh neea
maum-tth-keh. Ke-ah ng-weh-cheh kwi-ou-wau-weh mau-weh noh pum-meh; kl-
fin-woi ; es-tah aw-aun tv-tin-noi-yu-wun nt au-noi-e-yon ; han-wce-weh ne kl-
in-noi-een."

Sui'h was the language of the Moiiegans, tlie IVcpiots, the Narragansets and
Nipmueks; or so near did they ap|)roaeh oik' aiiotiier, that each couI<l under-
stand the other tlinnigh the iinited extent of their territories.

Uncas was said to have been engage<l in all the wars against his <'oiuitry-
ineii, on tiie part of the English, during his lif'e-tiine.j| lie shii'liled souk^ of
tin. iidiuit settlements of Connecticut in times of troubles, especially iNoruieh

* llisl. (liiiljhnt, ill 1 Coil. Mass. lJi.il. Noc. 100.

1 Ills IlillllC is not IIKMllldlK I.

if M'i/(//i;(j;;, Jour. i. i!lJ.>-(;

{ Kcliilioii, l!i.

I[ AliS. c'Dii.miiiiiiiMiDii ol' lli'v. !Mr. f'ly

152

UNCAS.— TREATMENT OF MIANTUNNOMOH.

[Book IL

To the inhabitants of this town the Mohegans seemed more particularly
attiiched, probably from the circumstance of some of its settlers liaving
relieved them when besieged by JVinigret, as will be found related in the
ensuing history. The remnant of the ftlohegans, in 1768, was settled in the
north-east corner of New Loudon, about five miles south of Norwich ; at
which place they had a reservation.

The Mohegans had a burying-place called the Royal burying-gromid, and
this was set apart for the family of Uncas, It is close by the lails of the stream
called Yantic River, in Norwich city ; " a beautiful and romantic spot." The
ground containing the grave of Uncas is at present owned by C. GocUlard, Est|.
of Norwich. This gentleman has, very laudably, caused an inclosure to be
set about it.*

When the commissioners of the United Colonies had met in 1643, com-
plaint was made to them by Uncas, that Miantunnornoh had employed a Peqiint
to kill him, and that this Pequot was one of his own subjects'. He shot Uncas
with an arrow, and, not doubting but that he had accomplished his purpose,
" fled to tlie Nanohiggansets, or their confederates," and proclaimed that ho
had killed him. " But when it was known Vncas was not dead, though
wounded, the traitor was taught to say that Uncus had cut through his own
arm with a flint, and hired the Pequot to say he bad shot and killed liiiii.
.Myatdinomo being sent for by the governor of the Massachusetts upou another
occasion, brought the Pequot with bi;n : b\it when this disguise would not
serve, and that the English out of his [the Pequot's] own mouth found him
guilty, and would liave sent him to tlnctis his sagamore to be j)rocee(k'd
against, Mi/antinomo desired he might not be taken out of bis hands, j)roniising
[that] he would send [him] liiiiisclf to Vncus to be examined and punished ;
but, contrary to his ])roinise, and fearing, as it ap|)ears, his own treachery
might be discouered, he within a day or two cut off the Peacott's head, that
he might tell no tales. Alkr this some attempts were made to poison linens,
and, as is reported, to take away his life by sorcery. That being discovered,
some of Sequasson^s company, an Indian sagamore allied to, and an intimate
confederate with Myantinomo, shot at Uncus as be was going down Conectacatt
River with a arrow or two. Vncus, according to the foresaid agreement,"
which was, in case of difficulty between them, that the English should be
applied to as umpires, com})lained to them. They endeavored to bring about
a peace between Uncas and Seqtiasson ; but Sequasson would hear to no over-
tures of the kind, and intimated that he should be borne out in his resolution
by Miantunnornoh. The result was the war of which we have given an
account in the life of Miantunnornoh. We have also spoken there of the
agency of the English in the aftiiir ol' Miantunnornoh^ s death ; but that no light
may be withheld which can in any way reflect upon that important as well as
melancholy event, W(! will give all that the conuiiissioners have recorded in
their records concerning it. But firstly, we should notice, that, af\er Miantun-
nornoh was taken prisoner, the Indians affirmed, (the adherents of Uncas
doubtless,) that Miantunnornoh bad engaged the Mohawks to join him in his
wars, and that they wisro then encamped only a day's journey frxim the fron-
tiers, v.aiting for him to attain his liberty. The record then proceeds: —

" These things being duly weighed and considered; the commissioners
ajiparently see that f^ncus camiot be safe whilr Myantenomo lives ; but that,
either by secret treachery or open force, Irs life will be still in danger.
Wherefore they think he may justly put such a false and blood-thirsty euemv
to death ; but in his own jurisdiction, not in the English i)lantat'ons. And
advising that, in the manner of his death, all mercy and moderation be showed,
contrary to the j, Hice of the Indians who exercise tortun-s and cruelty.
And Vncus having hitherto shown himself a friend to the English, and in this
craving their advice ; [thert.'lbre,] if the Nanohiggansitts Indians or others
pliall unjustly assaidt Vncus lor this execution, upon notice and request the
Liiiglish promise to assist and protect him, as far as they may, against such
violence."

We presume not to commentate upon this affair, but we would ask vvhetlief

* 3 Cull. Mnss. Ilisl. Soo. iii. IJJ.

Chap. V.]

UNCAS.

153

it does not appear as prolmble, that Uncos had concerted the plan with liis
Peqiiot suliject for tlie destruction of Mianiunnomoh, as timt the latter had
plotted for the destruction of the former. Else, why did Mianiunnomoh put
the Pe(|uot to death ? The commissionci-s do not say that the Pe(]not had by
his confession any how implicated Mianiunnomoh. Now, if this Pequot had
been employed by him, it does not seem at all likely that he would have put
him to death, especially as he had not accused him. And, on the other hand,
if he had acknowledged himself guilty of attcuipting the life of Ids own
sachem, that it might be charged upon oihei-s, it is to us a plain re;.son why
Miantunnomah should put him to death, being lully satisfied of his guilt ufion
his own confession. It may be concluded, therefore, that the plot against
Uncos was of his own or his Pequot subject's pin'ming. The Pefjuot's going
over to Mianiunnomoh for protection is no evi<lence of that chief's participation
in his ])lot. And it is highly probable that, alter they had left the English
court, ills crime was aggravated, in Mianiunnomoh'' s view, by some new con-
fession or discovery, which caused him to be forthwith executed.

As tiiough well assured that the justness of their interference would be
callt^d in question, the commissionei-s shortly after added another clause to
their records, as much in exoneration of their conduct as they could find
words in which to express themselves. They argue tiiat, "whereas Uncos
was advised [by them] to take away the life of Mianiunnomoh whose lawful
captive he was, they [the Narragansets] may well undei-stand that this is with-
out violation of any coveiuiut between them and us; for Uncos being in con-
federation with us, and one that hath diligently observed Ids covenants before
mentioned, for aught we know, and retiuiring advice from us, upon serious
consideration of the premises, viz. his treacherous and murderous disposition
against Uncas, &c. and how great a distmber lie hath been of the common
j)cac - of the whole country, we could not in res])ect of the justice of the case,
safety of tlie country, and faithfulness of our friend, do otherwise than approve
of the lawfulness of his death ; which agreeing so well with the Indians' own
manners, and concurring with the i)i-actice of other nations with whom we
are ac(|uaiuted ; we persuaded ourselves, however his death may be grievona
at present, yet the peaceable fruits of it will yield not oidy matter of safety to
the Indians, btit ])rofit to all that inhabit this continent."

It is believed that the reader is now put in {lossession of every thing that
the English could say for themselves, upon the execution of Mianiunnomoh.
He will therefore be able to decide, whether, as we have stated, their judg-
ment was made up of one kind of evidence ; and whether the Narragansets
had any lawyers to advocate tiieir cause before the conunissioners.

After ^Waniimnoniofe was executed, the Narragansets demanded satisfaction
of Uncas lor the money they had raised and paid for the redenqition of their
chief. Tills demand was through the English commissioner; who, when
they were met, in Sept. 1(144, deputed Thomas Slanton to notify both parties
to ai);)ear before them, that tiiey might decide upon the case according to
the evidence which should bo produced.

It ai)pears that Kiencmo* the Niantick sachem, immediately deputed
Jfeetowisse, a sachem, Pawpiamet and Pummtimshe, captains, from the Narra-
gans(!ts, with two of their men, to maintain their action before the commis-
sioners, and to com|)l(iin of some insolences of Uncas besides.f On a full
hearing, the conunissioners say, that nothing was substantiated by them.
"Tliongh," they say, "several discoursi's iiad jtassed from Uncai and his
men, that for such quantities of wampum and such jjarcels of other goods to
a great value, there might have beeu some probability of sparing his Iifi\"
Hence it apjiears that Uncas had actually entered upon a negotiation with
the Narragansets, as in the lift) of Mianiunnomoh has been stated ; and it does
not, it is thought, require but a slight ae(]uaintance with the general drift of
these affairs, to discern, that Uncas had encouraged the Narragansets to send

• The same afterwards called Ninigret. Juiiemn was doiilnless die pronunrialioii, J heiiijf
nt dial lime iironouiiced ji ; tliorelore Jianrmo iiii{|lil liavo hccii sonielliiics uiulerslood Kiant'
mo. Whithi-o}) writes tlie name Atjunemo in one Ijislaiire.

t 'rill- anllior ol' Tales of tin' Iiiiiiaiis seems dismally confused In ntlempling to narrate
lliese all'airs, but see Hazard, ii, 2j and 2G.

[

''''.' N

■w

r' i

1
1

154

UN(:.\S.— PESSACUS.

[Hook IL

wampiim, timt is, their money, giving them to inulerstand tliat ho wonhl not
be hard wiih then. ; in so far, that they had trusted to iiis generosity, and sent
him (I considerahle amount. Tlie very liice of it shows clearly, that it was a
ti"ick of Uncos to leave the amount indefinitely stated, which gave him the
chance, (that a knave will always seize ui)on,) to act according to the caprice
of his own mind on any pretence atlerwards.

The commissioners say, that "'no such parcels were brought," though, in
a few lines alter, in their records, we read: "And for that wampums and
goods sent, [to t77icas,] as they were but small parcels, and scarce considerable
for such a purpose," namely, tiie redemption of their chief: and still, they
udd ; " But Uncos denieth, and the Narraganset deputies did not alhjdge,
much less prove that any ransom was agreed, nor so much as any tieaty
begun to redeem their imjirisoned sachem." Therefore it appears quite
clear that Uncas had all the English in his favor, who, to preserve his fiiend-
ehip, cai-essed and called him their friend ; while, on the other hand, the
agents from the Narragansets were iiowned upon, and no doubt labored under
the disadvantage of not being personally known to tiie English.

As to tlie goods wliicli Uncas liad received, the commissioners say, "A
part of them [were] disposed [of] by Miantunnomoh himself, to Uncas^ coun-
sellors and captains, for some favor, either past or hoped lor, and i)art were
given and sent to Uncas, and to his squaw for preserving liis life so long, and
using him courteously during his imprisonment."

Here ended this matter ; but before the Narraganset deputies left the court,
the English made them sign an agreement, that they would not make war
upon Uncas, " vntill after the next planting of corn." And even then, that
they should give 30 days' notice to the English before commencing hostili-
ties. Also that if "any of the Nayantick Pecotts should make any assault
upon Uncas or any of his, they would deliver them up to the English to be
punished according lo their demerits. And that they would not use any
means to procure the Mawhakes to come against Uncas during this truce."
At the same time the English took due care to notily the Narraganset com-
missioners, by way of awing them into terms, that if they did molest the
Mohegans, all the English would be u[ton them.

The date of this agreement, if so we may call it, is, " Hartford, the xviijth
of September, 1644," and was signed by lour Indiai ^ ; one besides those
named above, called Chimough,

That no passage migiit be left open for excuse, in case of war, it was also
mentioned, that " proof of the ransom charged " must be made satisfactory
to the English before war was begun.

The power of Pessactis and JVinigret at this time was much feared by the
English, and they were ready to believe any reports of the hostile doings of
the Narragansets, who, since the subjection of the Pequots, had made tliv^ni-
selves master.! of all their neighbors, excejU the English, as the Pequots had
done before them. The Mohegans were also in great fear of tlu'm, as well
after as before the death of Miantunnomoh ; but for whose misfortune in
being made a prisoner by a stratagem of Uncas, or his captains, the English
might have seen far greater troubles from them than they did, judging lioni
tlie known abilities of that great chief.

There was "a meeting extraordinary" of the commissioners of the United
Colonies, in July, 1G45, at Boston, " concerning the French business, and the
wars between Pissicus and Vncus being begun." Their first business was to
despatch away iiiossengers to recjuest the a|»pearance of the head men of the
belligerents to appear ti. Mnselves at Boston, or to send some of their chief
men, that the dilHculties hotween them might be settled.

These messengere, Sergea.>t Jo'tn Dames, [Davis ?] Benedict Arnold, and
Francis Smyth, on their first aj'-'.val at Narraganset, were welcomed by the
sachems, w)io offered them guides to conduct them to Uncas; but, eithcv
having understood their intentions, or judging from their appearance '.hat
the English messengers meant them no good, changed their de])ortnient
altogether, and in the mean timt; secretly despatched messengers to the
Nianticks before them, giving them to miderstand what was going forward.
After this, say the messengers, " there was nothing but proud and insolent

Chap, v.]

UNCAS.— DKFENUEn 15Y THE ENGLISH,

155

passages [from JVirdsp^e.t.] The Indian f^iiidea which iJiey liad hroufriit witli
fhoni (Vom PHmhamtnu\ Sokakanoco were, hy frowns and threateniii!^ speochoii,
discoiiniired, and returned; no other s^uides conhl l»e obtained." Tiie
sachems said they knew, hy what was done at Hartfbitl last year, that tiio
English would tn-ge peace, "6i(t thty were resolved, tfiey said, to have no peace
wUhoul Uncas his head." As to who began the war, they cared tiot, hut they
were resolved to continue It ; that if the English did not withdraw their
soldiers from Uncos, they should consider '-■<:. a breach of former covenants,
and would j)rocure as many Mohawks as the English had soldiers to bring
against tiiem. They reviled Uncos for having wounded himself, and then
charging it upon tliem, and said he waa no fi-iend of the English, but would
now, if he durst, kill the Englisii messengers, and lay that to them. There-
fore, not being able to proceed, the English messengers returned to the Nar-
ragansets, and acquainted Pessocus of what had passed, desiring he would
furnisli them with guides; "he, (in scorn, as they apprehended it,) offered
them an old Pracott sqnaw."

The messengere iiow thought themselves in danger of being mas-
sacred ; "thr«!e Indians with l- tciiets standing behind the interpret.^r in a
suspicious manner, while lie wass s|)eaking witii Pessocus, and the rest, frowning
and ex])ressing nnich distemper in their countenance and carriage." So,
witiiout nuicli loss of time, they began to retrace their steps. On leaving
Pessacus, they told him they should lodge at an Etgiish trading house not far
off that night, and if he wanted to send any word to the English, he might send
to them. In the morning, he invited them to return, and said he would furnish
them with guides to visit Uncos, but he would not suspend hostilities. Not daring
to risk the journey, the messengera returned home. Arnold, the interpreter,
testifitMl that this was a true relation of what had passed, wiiich is necessai-y to
be bo "ne in mind, as something may appear, as we proceed, impeaching the
veracity of Jlrnold,

Meanwhile 'le commissioners set forth an armament to defend Uncos, at all
hazards. To justify this movement, they declare, that, " considering the great
provocations offered, and the necessity we should be put unto of making war
upon the Narrohiggin, &c. and being also careful in a matter of so great
weight and general concernment to see the way cleared and to give satisfaction
to all the colonists, did think fit to advise with such of tho magistrates and
elders of the Mast-achnsetts as were then at hand, and also with some of tho
ohi(>f military connnanders there, who being assembled, it was then agreed :
Fii-st, that our engagement bound us to aid and defend the Mohegan sachenu
Secondly, that this aid could not be intended only to defend him and his, in
his fort or habitation, but, (according to the common acce|)tation of such
covenants or engagements considered with the ground or occiision thereof,) so
to aid him as liei^ mii^rht be preserved in his liberty and estate. Thndly, that
this aid nni.st be speedy, least he might be swallowed up in tho mean time,
and so come too late."

" According to the counsel and determination aforesaid, the commissioners,
considering tlie present danger of Uncas the Mohegan sachem, (his fort havin"
been divcre times assaulted by a great army of the Narrohi^gansets, &c.)
aj^reed to have 40 soldiere sent with all expedition for his defense." Lieu-
tenant Athcrton and Sergeant John Davis led this company, conducted by two of
" Culchomakin^s" Indians as guides. JUherton was oniered not to make an
"attempt upon the town otherwise than in Uncos' defence." Captain Mason
of Connecticut was to join him, and take the chief command. Foi'ty men
were ordered also from Comiecticut, and 80 from New Haven under Lieu-
tenai.t Seahj. In their instructions to Mason, the commissioners say, "We so
now aim at the protection of the Mohegans, that we would have no opportimity
neglected to weaken the Narragansets and their confederates, in thei„' number
of iiicp, their cane canoes, wigwams, wampum and goods. We look uj)on
the Manticks as the chief incendiaries and causes of the war, and s'lonhl be
glad tl ley might first feel the smart of it." The Niantieks, therefore, were
particularly to be had in view hy Mason^ and he was informed at the same
time that Massachusetts and Plimouth were forthwith to send "another array
to invadt; the Narragansets."

■ ; ;,:i

156

UNCAS— BESEIGED IN HIS FORT.

[Book tl.

The commissioners now proceeded to mnke choice of a commander in
chief of the two armies. Major Edward Gibbons was unanimously elected.
In his instructions is this passajrc: "Wlieioas tlie scope and cause of tiiis
expedition is not only to aid tiie Mohejjans, but to offend the Narrngunsety,
Nianticks, and otiier their confederates." He was directed also to conclude a
peace with them, if they desired it, provided it were made with special
reference to damages, &c. And they say, "But withal, according to oin*
engagements, you are to provide for Uncos' future safety, that his plantations
be not invaded, that his men and squaws may attend their planting and fishing
and other occasions without fear or injury, and Vssamequine, Pomham,
Sokakonoco, Cutchaniakin, and other Indians, friends or subjects to the English,
b' lot molested," &c.

Soon after the death of Miantunnomoh, which was in September, 1G43, his
brother Pessacits, "the new sachem of Narraganset," then "a yoimg man
about 20," sent to Governor fVinthrop of Massachusetts, as a present, an otter
coat, a girdle of wampum, and some of that article besides, in value about
£15. The messenger, named JFashose,* also a sachem, told the governor that
his chief desired to continue in peace with the English; but that he was
about to make war upon Uncas, to avenge the death of his brother, and liojied
they would not interfere, nor aid Uncas. The governor said they wished to
be ut peace with all Indians, and that all Indians woidd be at peace among
themselves, and that they must agree to this, or they could not accept their
present. IVaskose said he was instructed no further than to make known his
mission and leave the j)resent, which he did, and return<?d to his own country.
This was in February, 1(J44, N. S. Within the same month, the same messenger
appeared again at Boston ; and " his errand was, (says Govc-nor Wirdhrop,) that,
seeing they, at our requi^st, had set still this year, that now this next year w«
would grant their request, and suffer them to fight with Onkns, with many
arguments." But he was answered, that the English would not allow such a
proceeding, and if they persisted all the English would fall upon them.

Planting time, and 30 days besides, had j)asse(l before the English sent an
army to invade the Narragansets. Pessacits and the other chiefs had done all
they could do to cause the English to remain neutral, but now determined to
wait no longer, and hostile acts were committed on both sides.

The traditionary account of Uncas's being besieged in his fort by the
Narragansets will very properly be looked for in this connection, as it has
not only adorned some Arties of the Indians, hut has been seriously urged as
truth in more imposing forms. What we are about to give is contained in
a letter, datcul at New Haven, 19 September, 1796, by Wm. Lejfingicell, and di-
rected Dr. Trumbull.

"At the time the Mohegan trilie of Indians were besieged by the Narragan-
set tribe, in a fort near the River Thames, bet\*'een Norwich and New
London, the provisions of the besieged being nearly exhausted, Uncas, their
sachem, found means to inform the settlersat Saybrookof their distress, and tl'j
danger they woidd be in from the Narragjinsets, if the Mohegan tribe were cut
off. Ensign Thonuts Leffingwell, one of the first settlers there, loaded a canoe
with beef, com and peas, and in the night time paddled from Saybrook into the
Thames, and had the address to get the whole into the fort of the besieged ; —
received a deed from Unras of the town of Norwich, and made his escape
that very night. In consequence of which, the besiegers, finding Uncas had
procured relief, raised the siege, and the Mohegan tribe were saved, and have
ever proved strict friends to the N. England settlers." f

Tlie above agrees very wcjU with Mr. i/i/rfe's account. " When Uncas and
tril)e were attacked by a j)otent enemy, nn(i blocked up in their fort on a hill,
by the side of the great river, and almost starved to death, Lieut. Thos.
Leffingwell, Ci\\n. lienj. Brewster, of said Norwich, and others, secretly carried

* I'orlmps the saivio ns Airaslicrs.

t Copied (Vom (lie origin:)!, for llie aiKlior, by Rev. H w. Ely, who thus remarks upon it :
"This Iriidilioii. I'rom a hifihiy respcclalile source, Tnimhutl stales ns history; yet, in some
minor jioiiils, Hi least, i( woiilil seem i>l)viuus that (he tradition could not have l)eeu strictly
preseivod (or 130 years." i1/^'. latter.

Chap. V]

INTF.RFERENCE OF THE ENGLISH.

157

their provision, in tiie niglit srnsons, upon wliicli the enemy raised the siege." •
111 consideration of wliich, " Uncas gave sundry donations of hind," &e.t

At tiie congress of the counnissioners at Boston, in KMS, ahove mentioned,
it was ascertained tliat tiie jnesent from Pessacus still remained among them,
and therefore lie might think it was probable that the English had complied
with their desires, as they had not returned it. Lest this should be so under-
stood, Cajitain Harding, Mr. IVelbome, and Benedict Jimold, were ordered and
commissioned to repair to the Narraganset country, and to see, if possible,
" Piscus, Canownacus, Janemo," and other sachems, and to return the pres(;nt
before mentioned, and to inform them that the English were well aware of
their beginning: and prosecuting a Avar upon Uncas, and tlieir "having
wounded and slain divers of his men, seized many of his canoes, taken some
prisoners, sjioiled much of his corn," refused to treat with him, and threaten-
ed the English. Nevertheless, if they would come themselves forthwith to
Boston, they should be heard and protected in their journey, but that none
«xce|it tli(>msclves would be treated with, and if they refused to come, the
English were prepared for war, and would proceed immediately against
them.

Harding and Welhorne proceeded to Providence, where Arnold was to join
them. But he was not there, and they were inlbrmed that he dared not
venture among the Narragansets. Wliether he had been acting the traitor
with them, or soinuthing (piite as much to merit condemnation, we will leave
the reader to judge from the relation. Tlie two former, therefore, made use of
Reverend Mr. If'illiams as interpreter in their business, but were reprimanded
by the commissioners for it on their return. On going to the Narraganset
sachems, and opening their business, it ap|)eared that all they were ordered
to charg* them with was not true; or, at least, denied by them. These
charges, it appeai-s, had been jireferred by Arnold, and sworn to u])on oath.
The chiefs said "that lanemo, the Nyantick sachem, had been ill divera days,
liiit had now sent six men to present his respects to the English, and to declare
his assent and submission to what the Narroliiggenset sachems and the Eng-
lish should agree upon."

It ivas in the end agreed, that the chiefs, Pessacus, Mexam, and divers
others, should proceed to Boston, agreeably to the desire of the English,
which they did, in company with Harding and Welhome, who brought back
the old jnesent, and for which they also received the censure of the congi-ess.
They arrived at Boston just as the second levy of troops were marching out
for their country, and thus the expedition was stayed until the result of a
treaty should be made known.

It ajipcarcd, on a conference with the commissionei*s, that the sachems did
not fully understand the nature of all the charges against them before leaving
their country, and in justice to them it should be observed, that, so far as the
record goes, their case ajipears to us the easiest to be defended of the three
parties concerned. They told the commissioners of sundry charges they Lad
against Uncas, but they said they could not hear them, for Uncas was not

* Some very bcamiful verses appeared several years since iii llio Connecticut ftlirror, to
which it seems the above had g'iveu rise. 'I'liey were prefaced with the following among
other observalions : " In the neighborhood of iVlohpgan is a rude recess, environed by roiks,
which still retains tlie name of iTie ' clinir of Uncus;' and tliat the people of Uiicas were
pensliiiig with hunger wiien LeJ/bigwell brouglit him relief. We give the following stauzaj
i'roiii it: —

" The monarch sat on his rocky throne,
Before him the waters lay ;
His guards were shapeless columns of stone,
Their lot^y helmets with moss o'ergrown,
And their spears of the bracken gray.

" His lamps were tl:e fickle stars, that beamed

Tlirongl) the veil of their midnight shroud,
And the reddening flashes that fitfully gleamed
When the distant (ires of the war-dance streamed
Where his foes in frantic rtvel screamed
'Neath their canopy of cloud," &.c.
t MS letter to Dr. Trumbull, before oiled, and life of Miantunnomoh,

158

UNTAS— TREATY MADE AT BOj^TON.

[Rook II.

till re to s|'C!ik for liiiiiself ; and that they liud hindered his being notified of
tilt if CDii mg. As to a hreacii of covenant, tiiey maintained, for some time,
tii( y hu(' coiiiiniited none, and tliat their treatment of tlie Enj?ii»li had been
uiisrc prcaented. "Hut, (says our record,) alter a long deijatu and sonio
priuate coMfenencc, tliey liad witli Serjeant Cullicutt, they acknowledged
they had brooken jjroniise or couenant in the afore nieneoned warns,
luid od'eired to make another truce with Vncas, ehher till next planting
tyrne, as tiiey had done last yeare nt Hartford, or lor a yeare, or a yeare and
a quarter."

They had been induced to make this admission, no doubt, by the persua-
sion oi' CtdUcnt, who, jirobabiy, was instructed to inform them that the safety
of their country depended upon their compliance with tlie wishes of the Eng-
hsh at this time. Ar nrmy of soldiers was at tiiat moment parading tho
streets, in all the po-up'- ity of a modern training, which nnist have reminded
them of the • jIi^ destruction of their kindred at Mystic eight years
before.

The proposit of a ti 'ce being objected to by tlie English, "one of the
sachems offered . •, ick or '.und to the commissi mcrs, expressing himself^
that therewith they jiut the ; : er and disposition cf the war into their hands,
and desired to know tvhal the English would require of them." They were
answered that the exjienscs and trouble they had caused the Englisli were
very great, "besides the damage Fncas had sustained; yet to show their
vwderacon, they would require of them hut twoo Vwiisanil fathome of wliite
wampon for their owne satislU'-'con," but tliat they should restore to Uncas all
the captives and canoes taken from him, and make restitution for all the cl rn
they had spoiled. As for the last-mentioned offence, the sachems asserted
there had been none such ; for it was not the manner of the Indians to de-
stroy/ com.

I'^his most excellent and indirect reproof must have had no small effect on
those who heard it, as no doubt some of the actors as well as the advisers of
the destruction of the Indians' corn, previous to and during the Pequot war,
were now present: Block Island, and the fertile fields upon the shores of tlio
Connecticut, must have magnified before their imaginations.

Considering, therefore, that this charge was merely imaginary', and that
Uncas had taken and killed some of their people, the English consented that
Uncas "might" restore such captives and canoes as he had taken from them.
Finally, they agreed to pay the wampum, " t. auing onely some case in the
mauiier and tymes of payment," and on the evening of " the xxvVjth of tite 6
month, (August,) 1G45," articles to the following effect were signed by the
principal Indians present: —

1. That the Narragansets and Nianticks had made war upon the Mohegans
contrary to former treaties; that the English liad sent messengers to them
without success, which had made them prepare for war.

2. That chiefs duly authorized were now at Boston, and having acknowl-
edged their breach of treaties, having " thereby not only endamaged Vncas,
but had brought much charge and trouble vpon all the English colonies,
which they confest were just they should satisfy."

3. That the sachems agree for their nations to pay to the English 2000
fathom "of good white wampum, or a third i)art of good black wanipem-
peago, in four payments, namely," 500 fatiiom in 20 days, 500 in four montlis,
500 at or before next jilaiiting time, and 500 in two years, which the English
agree to accept as full " satistiiccoii."

4. That each party of the Indians was to restore to the other all thinga
taken, and where caiiois were destroyed, others "in the roome of them, full
as good," were to be given in return. The Englisli obligated themselves tor
Uncas.

5. That as many matters cannot be treated of on account of the iibsence of
Uncas, tiiey are to be dclerred until the next meeting of the eoiiiinis^'ioners
Ht Hartford, in Sept. 1()4(), where both parties should be iieanl.

G. The Narragansct and Niantic; saclieins bind themselves to keep peace
with the English and their successors, "and with Fncas the Mohegaii sache/n

Chap. V.]

UNCAS— MEXAM.

159

le charge of

and liis men, with Vsaamequin,* Pomham, Sokaknooco, Cxdchamakin, Sltoanan,^
Pussaconnway, and all otliurs. And that, in case diilicuitiea occur, they am
to apiily to the English.

7. Tlioy promise to deliver np to the English all fugitives who shall at any
time he found among them ; to pay a yearly tribute, " a month before Indian
harvest, every year after tliis, at Boston," " I'or all such Pecotta as live amongst
them," according to the treaty of l(i.'l8;t "namely, one fathom of white
wampum for each Pequot man, and half a fathom for each Peacott youth,
and one hand length of wampum for each Peacott man-child; and if H'cek'
wash Cake§ refuse to pay this tribute for any Peacotts with him, tiie Narro-
higganset sagamores promise to assist the English against him ;" and to yield
up to the English the wiiole Pequot counti-y.

8. The sachems promise to deliver four of their children into the hands of
the English, "viz". Pissaais his eldest sonn, the sonn of Tas.iwpiannwitt,
brother to Piisacits, .^wtt,ihanoe his soiui, and Ewanf^eso^s sonn, a Nyantick, to
be ke|>t as j)ledgesor hostages," until the wampum should he all ])aid, and they
had met ifncas at nartt()rd, and Janemo and Ih/pdockn had signed the-.e arti-
cles. As the children were to he sent for, fyUowash, Pomam.ie, Jawa^soe, and
iraus^hivamino offered their i)ersons as security lor their iivery, who were
accej)ted.

9. Hoth the securities and hostages were to be supportea at
tho Enjilish.

. 10. Tiiat if any hostilities were committed while this treaty was making,
and before its provisions were known, such acts not to be considered a viola-
tion thereof,

11. They agree not to sell any of their lands without aie consent of tho
commissioners.

12. If any Pequots should be found among them o had murdered Eng-
lish, they were to he delivered to the English. Here Ibllow the names, with
a mark to each.

Pessecus,

AUMSAAQUEN, H ikpiltjf

for the JVianlicla,
Abdas,

POMMCSH,

Cutchamakins,

Weekesanno,

Wittowash.

We do not see Mexam^s or Mixanno's name among the signers, although
he is mentioned as being present, unless another name was then applied to
him. Tiiere were four interpreters em))loyed upon the occasion, namely,
Sergeant CuUicut and his Indian man, Cidchamakin and Josias.**

From this time to tho next meeting of the commissioners, the counti-y
seems not to have been much disturbed. In tlie mean time, however, Uncos,
without any regard to the promise and obligations the English had laid them-
selves under for him, undertook to chastise a Narraganset sachem for some
alleged offence. On opening their congi'ess, at New Haven, letters fiom Mr.
Morton and Mr. Peters, at Pequot, were read by the commissioners, giving
accounts of Uncases perfidy. The complainants were sent to, and informed
that Uncas was shortly to be there, and that they should bring their proof in
order to a trial.

Rleanwhile Uncas came, who, after waiting a few days, and his accusers
not appearing, was examined and dismissed. It appears that the English at
Nameoke, since Saybrook, were tlio suffering party, as their ncMghhorhood
was tlie scene of Uncases depredations. Of some of the charges he acknowl-
edged himself guilty, especially of fighting JVeckwash [Weciiiasli] Cooke so
near te the [ilantation at Pequot ; although he allegcnl that some of tlie Fjitf-
lisli there had encouraged fVequash to hrnt upon his lands. He was intoi nied

IT Aii.asrijuiil.

t I'prlmps t^hri'hdmin, or Sholini.

^ i\'eiiuasli Cook. || iVi'jnleamnrk.

** Son of ChikatauliHl , prdlni!

ii:

ly.

' »

160

UNCAS— NUMKROU.S "IIARGCS AGAINST IIIM.

[MooK n

Jliat liis brother Imd nlso licnn Kiiilty of some oirciiro, hut ncithi-r the accuser
nor the nccuwcrl were |)r('seiit, iiiid, llicrcforf, it could not he iictcd upon. So,
nth'r a kind of reprimand, Unraa was diHinixscd, a.s vvc have Jn«t mentioned.
Hut iH.'foru he had iell tlie town, Rlr. fVm. Morion arrived at court, wilii lluee
Indians, to maintain the action nf;ainst liim; he was, tlierel'ore, calli-d in, and ;i
hearing wa.s iiad, "hut the commissiont-rs founde noe caune to alter the CoriiK r
writinge giuen him." This was as reganled the afliiir with It'eijuash. Air.
Morton tlnii produced a I'equot powwow, named WitmpuKlut, who, he s.iid,
had charged Uncus witii having hired Inm to do violence to another Indiiui, or
to procure it to he done, which accordingly was eflected, tlu; Indian heing
wounded with n lintchet. Tliis crime was at fiint laid to the charge of" Iti-
(juash, as Uncus had intended. "IJut after [wards,] tlu; l*er|uat's powwow,
troubled in conscience, could have no rest till h»! had fliscoured /';iri(» to he
the author." lit; fii-st related his guilt to Roinn,* an Indian servant of Mr.
H'inthrop ; hut, to the 8ur])risc of the whole court, jyampiishit, t\H\ only wit-
ness, on being <juestioned through Mr. Stanton, Ihi^ interpreter, told a story
diametrically the reverse of what he had iM'fbre state<l. "lie cleared Unnis,
and cast the plot and guilt vpon AVcAii'ewA CooA^e and Jiolrin;" "and though
the other two I'eciuats, whereof the one was Rohin''s brother, seemed much
offended," and said Uncas had hired him to alter hi-i charge, "yet he persisted,
and said J^'tckwnsh Cooke and Robin had giuen him a payre of breeches, and
promised him 125 thdomcof wampum, to cast tlit; plot upon Vnciis,iiiui that the
English plantacon and I'efjuats knew it. The conunissioners abhorring this
diuilish talshoode, and advisinge Vncus, if he exjM'cted any favoiue and respect
from the English, to haue no hand in any such desigu(!s or vniust wayes."

Hence it appears that the court did not dr)ubt much of the villany of Uncns,
but, for reasons not required here to he named, he was treated as a fond
parent often treats a disobedient child ; rt'minded of the end to which such
crimes lead; and seem to threaten chastisentent in ilieir words, while their
deportment holds out quiNi difterent language.

At the congress of the United Colonies, at IJoston, in July, lf!47, Mr. John
/rj«//iro/)of Connectictit presentetl a petition, "in the name of many Petpiatts,"
in tlie ])reamble of which Casmamon and bbcchi(ji'»il are named, recpu'sting
that they might have liberty to dwell somewhere under the protection of the
English, which they might appoint. They acknowledged that their saciiems
and peojile had done vt ry ill against the English formerly, for which they had
justly suflered and been rightfully concpiered by the English ; hut that they had
had no hand, by consent or otherwise, in shedding the blood of the English,
and that it was by the advice of JMecquashj that they fled from their country,
being promised by liim that the English would not hurt them, if they did not
join against them. The names of 62 craving pardon and protection were at
the same time conuTumicated.

In answer the conunissioners say, that while Wequash lived he had made no
mention of "such innocent Pequats, or from any other person since ;" and on
" enquiry from Tliomas Stanton, from Foxon, one of Uncus his men, and at lai<t
by confession of the Pequats jiresent, found tiiat some of the petitioners were
in Mistick fort in light against the Englisli, and flcnl away in the smoke," and
that others were at other times in arms against the English and Mohegans,
and, therefore, the ground of their petition was false and deceitful.

It appears that they had taken refuge imder Uncas, who had promised them
good usage, which was probably on condition that they shoidd pay him a
tribute. They resided at this time at Namyok.

At the same court, Obechiqiiod complainetl that Uncas had forciblj' taken
away liis wife, and crimhmlly obliged her to live with him. "Foxon being
present, as Uncases deputy, was questioned about tliis base and unsuft'erable
outrage ; lie denied tliat Uncas either took or k(!pt away Obechuiuod's wife by
force, and affirmed that [on] Ohechiquod's withdrawing, with other P(!quot?,

* His bidiaii name was Casmainon, perliaps the same as ( 'assasshinarnon, or Casaitiiemon,
fi.c.

t Wequash, liie traitor. He bcrame a noted praying Imlian, aflor the Poqnot war, and
was supposed to have died by poi on. Frequent mention will be liiund of Ijiia elsewlicre in
OUT work.

Chap. V]

UNCAS ACCUSRD OF PKRFIDY.

161

from IJnrns, \m wifo refiisod to go witli liiin ; nnd timt, nriinng tlie Indiniis, it is
iiwiinl when (I wife so dcMTtH licr liiislmiid, iiiiotlifr mny tiiki? her, Ohirhii/iKul
ntHrincd timt Uncaa hnd dealt criiniiiully biifurc, uud Htill kcjit licr aguiiiat
her will."

TIkmii,'1i not 8nti«fi»'d in point of proof, the roiiuTiissioiirrs said, " Y«'t nh-
lioriiig tliiit luHtfid ndiilteroiiH cnrrinjii! of Unca.i, iis it is arknowli-d^rcd and
niittigatcd l»y Foxon," nnd ordt-n'd that he Hlionid restore the wife, and that
Ohechi(piod have liberty to settle under the proteetion of tli(! J']nglisli, where
they Hhoidd direct.*

Complaints at this time were as thirk upon the head of f'nrnx a.s enn wel
bo eonceived of, and still we do not imagine that half th(! eriineH he was gnilty
of, !ire on reeord. Another Indian named Sana/i.i, at the same time, complain-
ed that he had dealt in like manner with the wife of another chief, since dead ;
that he had tak(;n away his corn and beans, and attem|)ted his lite also. 'I'lie
court say they found no proof, " first or last, of these charges," still, as to the
corn and beans, " Foxon conceives Unrits seized it b<'cause Simnop, with a
Peqnot, in a disorderly maimer withdrew himself from Uncus " Hence it
seems not much evidence was required, as Unm.i^s de|iuty uniformly jilended
guilty ; and tbi! court could do no less than order that, on investigation, he
should tiiake restitution. As to Sannop, who was "no I'ecpiot," l)nt a "Con-
necticut Indian," he had liberty to live under the protection of the English
nlso.

To tl)e cliargps of the Pequots against Uncas, of "his vnjustice and tyranny,
<lrawing(! wampnm from them vpon new [)retences," "they say they liaue
giuen him wampam 40 times since they came voder him, and that they haue
Bent wainpam by liim to the Engl, 'h 2Ii times," and had no account that he
ever delivered it ; it was answered by Foxon, that Uncus had received wam-
pum divers times as tribute, but denied that, in particular, atiy had been given
iiim for the English, and that "he thinks the nomber of 25 times to be
altogether false."

There were a long train of charges against Uncus for his oppression of tlie
Pequots, which when the coimnissionera had heard through, they "ordered
that Vncm be duly reproved, and seriously enform(;d that the English cannot
owne or protect him in any vnlawful, much lesse trecherous and outrageous
courses." And notwithstanding the commissioners seem not to doubt of the
rascality of their ally, yet nothing seems to have been done to relieve the
distressed Pequots, because that "after the [Peqnot] warre they s|)ared the
Hues of such as had noc hand in the blonde of the English." To say the least
of which, it is a most extraordinary consideration, that because some innocent
people had not been destroyed in war, they might be harassed according as
the caprice of abandoned minds might dictate.

Mr. John Winlhrop next prefers a complaint against Uncus from another
quarter: the NipmuKs had been attacked, in 1G4(}, by 130 Mohegans, under
JVoioequu, a brother of Uncus. It does not appear that he killed any of them,
but robbed them of effects to a great amount ; among which are eimmerated
35 fathom of wampum, 10 copper kettles, 10 "great hempen baskets," many
bear skins, deer skins, &c. Of this charge Foxon said Uncas was not guilty,
for that he knew nothing of JVoivequn's proceedings in it ; that at the time of
it [September] Uncas, with his chief counsellors, was at New Haven with the
comndssioners of the United Colonics ; and that A'owequa had at the same
time robbed some of Uncases own people.

It was also urged by Winthrop, that not long before the meeting of the com-
missioners in September, 1047, this same JVotvequa had been with 40 or 50 men
to Fisher's Island, where lie had broken up a canoe belonging to him, and greatly
alarmed his man and an Indian who were there at that time. That JVowcqiin
next "hovered against the English plantation, in a suspicious manner, with 40
or 50 of his men, many of them armed with gunns, to the anVightment not
onely of the Indians on the shore (soe that some of them bt-gau to bring their
goods to the English houses) but divers of the English themsclues."

* This cliipf is the same, we bolicve, callud in a later part of tlm records (Hazard, ii. 413)
Ablmchivkivond . Ho was fined, with seven otiiers, ten fathom of wampum for going to fight
tiie I'ocomptuck Indians with Uncas, ia the summer of 1659.

14* L

1G2

UNCAS.— WAR WITH THE NIPMUKS.

[nooK II.

These clmrgcs being ndmitted by Foxon, the comrnisBioners "ordered tlmt
Vncus from them be fully iuformecl, that he iiiiist either regulate and continue
bis brother in a righteous and |ieaceuble frame for the future vnderstandinge,
and providing that vpon due proof due restitution to be made to Buch a» liaut!
lM,M;n wronged by him, or else wholy disert and leaue him, that the Narragen-
sett atid others may requere and recouer Batisfaetion as they can."

We pass now to the year 1G51, omitting to notice some few events more or
less connected with our subject, which, in another chapter, moy properly pass
under review.

Last year, Thomas Stanton liad been ordered "to get an account of the num-
ber and names of the several Pequots living among the Narraganscts, Nianticks,
or Mohegan Indians, &c. ; who, by an agreement made after the Pequot war, are
justly tributaries to the English colonics, and to receive the tribute due for this
lust year." Stanton now appeared as interpreter, and with liitn came also
Uncas and several of his men, Wequash Cook and some of "ATnnacrq/?'s" men,
^Robert, a Pequot, sometimes a servant to Mr. IVinthrop, and some with him,
and some Pctjuots living on Long Island." Tiiey at this time delivered 312
fathom of wampmn. Of this Uncas brought 7t), J^inxfrrcVs men 91, &c.

"This wam|)um being laid down, Uncas and others of the Pequots
(lenmnde<l why this tribute was required, how long it was to continue, and
»'iiether the children to be born hereallcr were to pay it." They wore
answered that tiie tribute had been due yearly from the Pequots since 1038,
on account of their murders, wars, &c. upon the English. " Wherefore the
commissioners might have required both account and payment, as of a just
doi)t, iijr time j)ast, but are contented, if it be thankfully accepted, to remit
what is past, accounting only from 1(550, when Thomas Statiton^s employment
and salary began." Also that the ti'ibute should end in ten years more, and
tlmt children hereafter born should be eM'n)pt. Hitherto all male children
were taxed.

The next matter with which we shall proceed, has, in the life of Ousame-
quin, been merely glanced at, and rcsened for this place, to which it more
oroperly belongs.

We have now arrived to the year 1G61, and it was in the spring of this year
that a war broke out between Uncas and the old sachem before named. It
seems very clear that the Wampanoags had been friendly to the Narraganscts,
for a long time previous; being separated from them, were not often
involved in their troubles. They saw how Uncas was favored by the English,
and were, therefore, careful to have nothing to do with the fllohegans, from
whom they were still farther removed. Of the rise, progress and termination
of their war upon the Quabaogs, a tribe of Nipmuks belonging to JVasamagin,
the render may gather tlie most impoitant facts from some documents,* which
we shall in the next place lay before him.

"Mercurius de Quabaconk, or a declaration of tlie dealings of Uncas
and the Mohegin Indians, to certain Indians the inhabitants of Quabaconk,
21,3d mo. IGGl.

" About ten weeks since Uncas' son, accompanied with 70 Indians, set upon
the Indians at Quabaconk, and slew three pei*sons, and carried away six pris-
oners; among which were one squaw and her two children, whom when he
had brought to the fort, Uncas dismissed tlie squaw, on conditions that she
would go home and bring him £23 in peag, two guns and two blankets, for
the release of hci-self and her children, which as yet she hath not done, being
retained by the sagamore of Weshakeun, in hopes that their league with the
English will free them.

" At the same time he carried away also, in stuffs and money, to the value
of £37, and at such time as Uncas received notice of the displeasure of the
English in the Massachusetts by the woi-shipful Mr. Winlhrop, he in!*olontly
liuighed them to scorn, and professed that he would still go on as he had
begun, and assay who dares to controll him. Moreover, four flays since
lliere came home a prisoner that escaped ; two j'et remaining, whom Uncas

* III manuscript, and never before published.

Ciur. v.]

lU'.Fl.F.CTIONS— MKSSAGE TO IJNCAS.

163

threati;n!s tlin one ri' tlicm to kill, and the other to 8cll away tm a slave, and
still tliiratcns to crntiinu) liia war againut them, iiotwiilistaiiilinif any |)roliil)i-
lion wiiats<)(!vi;r; wliosf; very threats are ho t(;n*il)lt', that our Indians dare not
wander far from the towns about the Indians for fear of snrjirise.

From the relation of

1'ambassua,
and testimony of

Wasamaoi.v,

QUAQl/r.QUUNSET,

and others."

From this narrative it is very plain that Uncas cared very little for the dis-

Eleasure of the English : it is plain, also, that he knew as well as they what
ept them from dealing as severely with him as with the Narraganscts, his
neighlHirs. They must succumb to him, to keep him in a temper to aid in
fighting their battles when called U!>on. Hence, when he had committed the
grossest insnifs on other Indians, the wheels of justice oflen moved so slow,
that they arrived not at their object until it had become quite another matter.
It must, however, be considered, that the English were very peculiarly sit-
uated — ujion the very margin of an unknown wilderness, inclosed but on one
side by Indians, whose chief business was war. They had destroyed the
Perpiots, but tiiis only added to their fears, for they knew that reven^'e lurked
still in the breasts of many, who only were waiting for an opportiuiify to
gratify it; therefore, so long as one of the most numerous tribes could possi-
bly be kept on their side, the English considered themselves in safety. They
had madt) many missteps in their proceedings with the Indians, owing some-
times to one cause and sometimes to another, for -which now there was no
remedy; and it is doubtful whether, even at this day, if any set of men were
to go into an unknown region and settle among wild men, that they would
get along with them so much better than our fathers did with the Indians
here, as some may have imagined. These are considerations which nnist be
taken into account in estimating the " wrongs of the Indians." They seem
the mon necessary in this place; for, in the biography of Uncas, there is as
much, I'vrhaps, to censure regarding the acts of the English, as in any other
article "i Indian hietory.

The narrative just recited, being sent in to the court of Massachusetts, was
referred to a select committee, who, on the 1 Jime, reported.

That letters should be sent to Uncas, signifying how sensible the court was
of the injuries he had done them, by his outrage upon the Indians of Quaba-
conk, who lived imder their sagamore, fVassamagin, as set forth in the
narrative. That, therefore, they now desired him to give up the captives and
make restitution for all the goods taken from them, and to forbear lor time to
come all such unlawfid acts. That, if Wassamagin or his sidyects had or
should do him or his subjects any wrong, the English would, upon <hie
proof, cause recompense to be made. Also that Uncas be given to und(!r-
stand and assured, that if he refuse to comply with the request, they were
then resolved to right the injuries upon him and his, and for all costs they
might be put to in tlio ser\'ice. "That for the encouragement and safety of
itie sayd Wassamagin and his subjects, there be by orcler of INIajor ff'illanl
ttn-ee or four armed men, well accomodate in all respects, with a proporcon
of powder, bulletts and match sent from Lancaster to Quabaconk vnto the
sayd Wassamagin, there to stay a night or two, and to shoote of their miis-
quets so otleii, and in such wise, as the major shall direct, to terrific the
enemies of Wnssamngin, and so to return home again." To inform Wassama-
gin and his subjects, that the authorities of Massachusetts would esteem it an
acknowledgment of their regard, if they would permit them to have the
eajnives to be recovered from Uncas, to bring them up in a pro[)er manner,
that Uicy might bo serviceable to their friends, &c. Also, "aduice and re-
fjuire Wassamas;in and his men to be verie carefnll of iniin'ing or any ways
prouoking of Vncas, or any of his men, as he will answer our displeasure

I-,

'.«

164

UNCAS WAR WITH ALEXANDER.

[Book II.

therein, and inciirr due punishment for the same." That if Uncos committed
any otiier hostile act.«, ho must complain to them, &c.* Tlius IVassamegin
was as nnich tiu-jatened as Uncas.

ISIatters seem to have remained thus until the meeting of the commission-
ers ill September following; when, in due course, the business was called up,
and aete<l upon as follows : —

" Vpon complaint made to the coniissionai*s of the 3Iassachusetts against
I'nkas, this following message wa.s sent to him: —

" Vncas, wee liaue receiued information and comi)laint from the generall
court of tlie Massachusetts of youer hostile invading of Ifosamcquin and the
Indians of Quabakutt, whoe ai"e and longe liaue bine subjects to the English,
killing some and carrying away others ; Pjjoyling tlunre goods to the valine of
{\A\h. as they allege." Tnat he had done this contrary to his covenants, and
had taken no notice of the demands of the Mas.saehusetts, though some time
since they had ordered him to deliver up the captives, make rennineralion,
&c. And to all he had returned no answer ; " which," continues the letter,
"seemes to bee an insolent and ])roud carriage of youers. We cannot but
wonder att it, and nuist beare witness against it." He was, as before, required
to return the captives, &c. and give reasons for his oj)erations; and if he
neglected to do so, the Miissachusetts were at liberty to right themselves.

In the mean time, as we apjjrehend, a letter from Uncas was received, writ-
ten by Captain Mason, which was as follows : —

"Whereas there was a warrant sent from the court of Boston, dated in my
last to Vncas, sachem of Mohegen, whcrin it was declared vpon the com-
l)laint of Jfesamequenfj a sachem subject to the Massachusetts, that the said
Fncas liad ofiined gieat violence to theire subjects at Quabauk, killing some aad
taking others captiue ; which warrant came not to Uncas, not aboue 20 daiea
before these presents, who, being summoned by Major John Mason, in full
scope of the said warrant, wherein he was deeply charged if he did not retiU'n
the captiues, and £33 damage, then the Massachusetts would recouer it by
force of amies, which to him was ucTy grieuous : jirofessing he was altogether
ignor.ait that they were subjects belonging to the Massachusetts ; and liirther
sai<l that they were none of H'esamequeii's men, but belonging to Onopeqnin, his
deadly onemic, whoe was there borne ; one of the men then taken was his
own c(iiisii), wlio had formerly fought against him in his owii person ; and yett
sett him att libertie; and iVirther saith that all the cajitiues were sent home.
Alsoe that tyesamequin[\3] son| and diners of his men had fought agai/ist him
diners limes. This he desired might bee returned as his answare to the
comissioners.

^^MlexanJer allis Wamsalta, sachem of Sowamsett, being now att Plymouth,
hee challenged Quitbauke Indians to belong to him ; and further said that liee
did warr against Vncas this summer on that account. §

Signed by

John Mason."

* Here end our RioS. relating to this atTair.

t l?y this it would seem lliai M ssasmt iiad, for some time, resided among the Nipmucks.
He liad, probably, given up Pokanoket to liis sons.

t Tliero can scarce lie a doubt that this refers to Alexander, and that the next paragraph
coiifirnis it ; hence jl/«,vs(i«)i7 was ali.e in May, KiCl, as we have before stated. And the
above letter of Mason was probably written in" September, or while the commissioners wera
ill session.

ij It seems always to have been uncertain to whom the Nipmucks belonged. Rnirer
Williams says, in Itififi, "That all the Nceptnucks were unqueflioiinbly subject to the Nan-
liigonset sachems, and, in a s|iecial nu-iiier, to Mejksah, the son of Caniwimiciis, and late
husband to this old Squaw- Sarliem, now oidy survivin,<5. I have abundant and daily proof of
il." &.e. MS. Iftfer. .See life Massasoit, b. ii. ch. ii.

At one time, Kul.iliamakiii claimed some of dm Nipmucks, or consented to be made n tool
of by some of them, for some private end. But rtlr. I'yiiclion said they would not own him as
a sachein any Ioniser " fhan the .sun shined upon him." Had Uiey belonged to him. IVlassa.
chusells must have owned lliem, which would have involved them n much dillicnlty in 16i8
by reason of several murders among them.

Chap. VI.]

UNCAS SASSACUS.

165

The particulars of flie issue of these troubles were not recorded, and the
presuiiiption is, that Uncaa complied witli the reas^ lable requests of the Eng-
lish, and tlie old, peaceable Ousamequin, being unwilling to get into ilifHculty,
put up with the result without avenging his wrongs. His son, tVanisuUa, as
will be seen, ab . it this time found himself involved in difficulties nearer
home, which probably prevented lum from continuing the war against Uncas,
had he been otherwise disposed.

9ii§e

CHAPTER VI.

Of the Pei/uot natiim — Geography of their country — Sassacus, their first chief, known
to the English — Tassaquanoit — War — llie cause of it — We^uasii — Canonicus and
MiaiUunnomnh accused of harboring fugitive Pequots — Sassamon — Mononotto —
Otas/i — Cassassinnamow.

** Bui. since IVe mentioned Sussactut^ great name,
'rimt 'tiy so niucji a terror wliere it cumo ;
Let : .!, in proseoulion of my story,
!»ay sonielliing of his [iriilu and kingdom's glory." — VVolcott.

] ^nid by Mr, Hubbard,* that the Pequots,f "being a more fierce, cruel,
aiKt < 'ike people than the rest of the Indians, came down out of the more
inlanu parts of the continent, and by force seized upon one of the goodliest
places near the sea, and became a ten'or to all their neighbors." The time of
their emigration is unknown. They made all the other tribes " stand in awe,
though fewer in number than the Narragansets, that bordered next upon
them."t

Their country, according: to Mr. Gookin,^ "the English of Connecticut
jurisdiction, doth nov. , [1()74,] for the most part, possess." Their dominion,
or that of their chief sachem, was, according to the same author, "over divers
petty sagamores ; as over part of Long Island, over the Mohegans, and over
the sagamores of Qtiinapeake, [now New Haven,] yea, over all the ])eople that
dwelt upon Connecticut Iliver, and over some ot the most southerly inhabit-
ants of the Nipmuck country, about Quinabaag." The principal scat of the
sagamores was near the mouth of Pe(|uot Kiver, now called the Thames,
where New London stands. "These Pequot.s, as old Indians relate, could, in
ftn-mer times, raise 4000 men fit for war." jj The first great chief of this
nation, known to the English, wiis

Sassacus, who.se name was a terror to all the neighboring tribes of Indians.
From the fruitfid letters of tlie Reverend Rof^er IVUliams, we learn that he had
a brother by the name of Puppom pages, whose residence was at Monahiganick,
probably Mohegan. Although S(tssacus\'i princi|)al residence was upon the
Thames, yet, in his liiglu st prosperity, he had under him no less than 2(J
sachems, and his dominir>iis were from Narraganset Ray to Hudson's River,
in the direction of the .jca-coast. Long Island was also under him, and Ids
authority was tmdispiitcd fiir into the roimtrj'.

A brother of Sass'icus, named Tassaqiianott, survived the Pequot war, and
was one of those eoi.ijilained of by Uncas in 1(547, for giving his countrymen
"crooked counsell" about a present of wampum, which he had advised to be
given to the English instt-iid of him. It appears that on the death of a child
of Uncas, the Pequots had presented him with 100 fathom of wampum,1[
which, when Tassaquanott knew, he disajiprcved of it, politicly urging, that
if the English were conciliated by any means towards them, it mattered not
much about Uncas.

* Narrative, i. IIC.

t We bolicve lliis iminc meant Gray foxes, hence Gray-fox Indians, or Pcqiiots.

i Misl. New KiiRlnmljSa.

\ See his Collections in I Coll. Muss. Hist. Soc. i. 147. || Ibid.

1J Hazard, Hisl. Col. ii. 90.

V:-

166

SASSACUS.— PEQUOT WARS.

[OooK 11

We are informed,* that Connecticut was claimed by right of conquest at
s»nc time by the first white setth;rs, who found much of it cultivated and set-
ti;;d by its Indian inhabitants, altliough tiiey endeavored that it slioiiid be
understood otherwise. The numbers of the natives in that region were
" tliousands, wlio liad three kings, viz. Connedicote, Qtdnniviog, and Sassa-
cus." Connedicote was "emperor," or chief of cliiefs, an elevation in wliieh
lie and his ancestors had stood for about 400 years, according to their ta-a-
ditions.

About tlie time the English bad determined on the subjugation of the Pe-
quots, Roger Williams wrote to Governor Winthrop of IVIassachusctta, giving
him important directions how they should proceed to advantage, and what
was very important then, gave the Ibllowhig rude draft of their country : —

River Qiinnihticiit,)'

O a fort of Uio Niantaquitj: men, confederate \\'i\\\ the IVquts.
Moliiganic River.

Oliorn- I I I I owaiiko,^ the
O VVeinslinukn, wliero swiiinp | | | | y or 4 miles from

Sasacous, the chief aacliim, ia.

Mis- tick, where is Mainoho,\\ another chief sachim.

River.

Najnri- O laqiiit,t where is H'rpileammok and our friends

River.

In the same letter, Mr. Williams urges the neces&ity of employing faitliful
guides for the English forces; "as shall be best liked of [to] be taken along
to direct, especially two Pequts; viz. Wequash^ [wliose name signified a swan,
and Widtackquiackommin, valiant men, especially the latter, who have livec
these three or four years with the Nanhiggonticks, and know every pass anc
passage amongst them, who desire armor to enter their houses."

In 1(534, as lias been before incidentally mentioned, one Captain Stone was
killed by the Pequots, while upon a trading exjiedition in Connecticut River.
Without knowing the reason of their killing Stone, the English demanded the
murderers soon after, and as Sassacus was involved in troubles with the Nar-
ragansets and all iiis neighbors, he thought it not best entirely to slight the
demand of the English ; he therefore sent mosw-ngers to Boston, where they
arrived (i November, with ofl«;rs of peace, which, after considerable delibera-
tion on the i)art of the English, were accepted, and a treaty was entered into
on the !Hh following.

A messenger had been sent, in October, upon the same errand, but was
dismissed with orders to inform Sassacus, that he must send persons of greater
quality, and then the English would treat with him. "He brought," says
Wintlirop, " two bundles of sticks, whereby he signified how many beaver and
otter skins he would give us for that end, and great store of wampompenge,
(about two bushels, liy his descrii)tiou.)" He had a small present with him,
which was accepted by the English, who gave him in return, "a moose coat
of as good value."

The treaty entered into on the 9 Noveinber, 1(534, between the Pequots and
English, stipulated that the murderers of Cajjfain Stone should be given up to
the English, of whom there were at that time left but two, as attested by the
ambassadors of 5as.?rtctM, who fiirther observed in ex[)lanation, that the sachem
in whose time the act was committed, was dead, having been slain in a war
with the Diiteli, and that all the men conci^rned in it, except two, Imd also
died of the small-pox. This, together with the facts giv^n in concerning the
death of Stone, inclin(>d the English to b«!li(>ve the account altogether; and,
but lor what liajipened idlerwanls, it is probable that the hiatoriiins of tlial

* Bill willi whnt Irulh I know iidi, for it ro^ls iipoii llic niilhorily of I'rters.

t ('oiiiu'clicut. X Ni'uilicli. ^ A iiiiuK; si!jiiil\ iiifj an Oii7',v itcsl. Sidiif Utter

II Pfoliulily Mmionolto.

Chap. VI.]

SASS.VCUS.— TIIK.\TY.

1G7

period would Imvc relied more ui)on the Pecjiiot.s' own nccou.it tliaii tlie gen-
erul rmiior Sin'li ure tlie events ot' time — a oircunistanre may cliiuigo tlio
(hte, nay, tlie ciiaracter of a nation, for a period, in the (^yes of many genera
tions! iiut

" O Time ! tlic beaiilifier of llic dead !
Adorncr of llu; riiiu 1 — lomforirr,
Ami only healer, wlieii llio heart hath bled!
Time, tlic corroeler where our judj^meiits err."

In the progress of the treaty, the Peqtiot ambas.sador.s said, that if the two
men then hving who had been eonc(!rned in Stone^s death, " were worthy of
death, they would move their sachem to deliver them" to the I'higlish, luit thtit
fis to themselves, they had no ])ower to do so, and at once urgeti the jtistn(!.s.s
of their act without qualification. Stone, they said, came into their river tiiid
seized u|»on two of their men, tmd hotmd them hanil and foot, and, in tlitit
situation, obliged them to pilot him up the river. Wht'ii he had gone ti|) as
far as he desired, himself and two other white men, and the two manacled
Indianr,, went on shore, RIeanwIiile they had been watcher! by nint; Indians,
who, when they found the Englishmen asleep on the following night. Cell upon
them and massacred them.

Considering the state of the Indians, no blame cotdd be attached to them for
this act ; two of their countrymen were in the hands of an tntknown jxiople,
who, from every ap[)earance, were about to put them to death, iiiid it wiis by
an act of pure benevolence and heroism that they delivered them out of the
hands of an invjiding foe.

Therefore, being siitisfied with the accoimt, the English agr(ed to iiave
peace witii them,i(rovided they wotild give up the two men when they should
send for them; "to yeld up Connecticut ;" to give 400 liithom of Wiunitom,
and 40 beaver and 30 otter skins ; and that the English should immediiitely
send a vessel with a cargo of cloth to trade with them

The names of these ambassadors an; not recorded ; but one signed the treaty
with the mark of a bow and arrow, and the other with that of a hand.

The .«ame day about 2 or 800 Narragansets were discovered at Neponset,
who had nitirched out for the ptirpose of killing these ambassiulor.*". This
discovery being made befon; the treaty was concluded, the lOnglish met them
ut Koxbury, and there negotiated a treaty between the I'eqiiots and them. l''or
the fm-therancc of which, the Peqtiots instructed the l''ngli'h to present them
with a portion of the wampom which they vere to give to them ; btir not its
coining from them, because tliey disdained to ])>irchiis<^ jietice of that iitition
The Narragansets readily conceding to the wishes of the English, all |)iiitieu
retired satisfied.

Distrttst soon grew again into antipathy ; it having been reported that St>ne
and tlios'^ with him were treacherotisly sin-prised by the i'eiittots who liiid
gone on noard his vessel in a fiMendly niiuiner to trade ; inid seeing (Jiiptiiiii
Slone asleep in his cabin, they killed him, and the other men one atler the other,
except t;a|)tain JVorton, who, it seems, was with him ; he being a resolute man,
d(;fended himself for .some time in the cook-room, but at length, some powder,
which for the more ready use he had placed in an o[)en ves.sel, took fire and
exploded, by which he was so seriously injured, especittlly in his eyes, that ho
cotiid hold out no longer, and he was fbilhwith despatched by them.

This matter at length having become fixed in the minds of the English
according to the latter relation, they were the more retidy to charge other
circumstmices of a like nature u]ion the Petiuots. On tht! 20 .Inly, KilU!, as
l\Ir. John Olilham was on his |)assage passing neiu* iManisses, that is, IJlock
Island, in a small pinntice, 14 Narritganset Indians attacked :ind kilii'd him, and
mad(; his crew prisoners, which consisted only of cwo boys luid two Narraga.i.-ict
Indians. The same ihiy, as John llallop was on his passage from Coimectictii,
in a bark of 20 ton.s, an adverse wind drove him neiu* the same island. On
seeing a vessel in possession of Indians, he bore down upon her, and im
mediittely kninv her to be Captain Olilhamlt. He hiiiled those on boani, but
receiv 'd no answer, and soon saw n boat pii.ss from the v(>ssel to the shore
full of men and goods. As Gallop neanid the siispiciotis vessel, she slipped
her fasti'iiing, and the wind being ofi' the land drilled h(;r towarils Nurnigan-

^r-f

,'C8

EEA-FIGIIT.— JOHN GALLOP.

[Book fi

Bou Not\vit}istan(1ing some of tlic Indians were armed witli giws nnd sv.cjrds
Gallop, l)i'iiij5 ill a stouter vessel, resolved on rniming tlieiii down; lie tlicre-
fijrt! made all sail, and iiiiiiiediately stemmed the pirate vessel on the quarter
with such foree as nearly to ovei-set her, and in their fright six Indians jumped
overhoard and were drowned. The rest standing upon the defensive, nnd
being yet (iu- superior in niimi)ers to Gallop^s crev/, which consisted of two little
boys ui.l one n.au, to board them was thought too hazardous ; Gallop therefore
stood off to repeat his broadside method of attack. Meanwhile he contrived
to lash his anelior to his bows in such a manner, that when he come down
upon the Indians a second time, the force was sulHcient to drive the fluke cf
the anchor through their quarter ; which, holding there, l)oth vessels flouted
along (xgether. The Indians had now become so territied, that they stood not
to the fight, but kept m the hold of the ])iimace. Gallop tired in upon them
sundry times, but without much execution, and meaiitiine the vessels got loose
Trom one another, and Gallop stood ofl" again for a third attack. As soon as ho
was clear of them, four more of the Indians jumped overboard, and were also
drowned. Gallop now ventured to board his prize. One of the remaining
Indians came up and surrendered, and was bound ; another came up and
subniitled, whom they also bound, but fearing to have both on lioard, this last
was cast into the sea. Two out of the 14 now remained, who had got posses-
sion of the hold of the pinnace, and tnere successtiilly del'cnded themselves
with their swords against tiu'ir enemy. Captain Oldham was Ibund dead in
the vessel, concealed under an old s(Mne, and as his body was not entirely cold,
it was evident that lie had been killed about the time his pinnace was discov-
ered by Gallop.

From the condition in which Ohlhaui's body was found, it was quite uncer
tain whether he had fallen in an affray, or been murdered deliberately ; but it
is very jirobable that the former was the fact, because it was uncommon for
the Indians to disfigure the slain, unless killed as enemies, and Ol(lhan.\'i body
was shockingly •'angled. IJut Cajitain Oldham had been killed by the Imvians,
nnd the cry of vengi-aiice was up, and cool investigation must not be lOoked
for. The murder had been committed by the Inilians of ^lanisses, but JMa-
iiisses was under the Narragansets ; t'lerefore it was believed that the Narra-
gansets had contrived his death becau o he was carrying into efti3ct the articles
of the late treaty between the Peqnot:. and English.

Tlie U\o boys who were with INl r. Oldham were not injured, and wen;
immediately gi"en up nnd sent to Bo ton, where they arrived the 30th of the
same month. As soon as Miantunnomtii lieard ol ihe affair of Captain Oldham,
lie ordered JVinifi;rH to send for the boy« .■■ l ,., -ods to Block Island. The
l)oys he caused to lie deliverei' io iMr. Iftllhi.ur, u ,d the goods he held subject
lo the order of the English of iMassachusetts.

Meanwhile, 2t).Iiily, the two Indians who were in Mr. Oldham^s pinimce
when she was taken, were sent by Cavonicus to Governor J'ane. They
hro;'ght a letter from Roger tf'Uliams, which gave uii account of the whole
afliiir, and some circumstances led the I'higlish to believe these messengers
were accessory to tin; death of Oldham ; but we know not if any thing further
were ever done nbout it. The saiiK- letter infbrund the governor 'hat jMian-
iunnomoh had gone, with 200 men in 17 canoi's, "to take revenge, &c."

These events and transactions soon caused the convening of the governor
nnd council of Massachusetts, who forthwith declared war against the Indians
of Maniss(^s. Accordingly J)0 men were raised and jiut uiuler the commaia'
of Captain John fhvlerolt, who was general of the expedition. John UnderhUl
iuid JVathamel Turner were captains, and Jenysi n and Davenport ensigns.
Endccott^s iiistrnclions were to put to tieatli the men of Block Island, but to
make captives of tlie women nnd childri>n. This armament set forth in three
pinnacf s with two Jndians as gnidi's, 2.5 September, l().'J(i.

On li.'i ving at Manisses they saw many Indians, but could not get near
them. At Pequot harbor, a part of the; armament seized a quantity of corn
I' 'longing to tin; Peqnols, ai d were attack-d and obliged to fly However, the
rSaria^nn.'^ets reported fhuf .Here were 1.'} J'tMjnots killed durina -he exjiedition.
T'lf iMiglisI were satisfied ihattlny had li.irbored the nnirdi rers of Oldham,
w iii'li oecasiuncd ilieir sailing to l'e(|uot harbor. It I'l'lng now late in th»3
gt'USOJi, the expedition wm given up, to be resumed early in the s|)ring.

m<^

"H"'*"

Chap. VI.]

PEQTIOr DEPREDATIONS.

169

The Pcquots, being now left to themselves, commenced depredations wher-
ever they tlured a|)[)enr. About the beginning of C)ctol)er, as five men from
Saybrook were collecting bay at a meadow four miles above that j)laee, they
were attacked, and one of them, named BiiHcrfidd, was taken ai.d killed ; frc.ni
which circinnstance the meadow still bears bis name. About 14 days alter,
two men were taken in a cornfield two miles from Saybrook fort. There wero
eix of the whites, and they were surrounded by 2 or 300 Indians, yet all escaped
but two. Thus imboldened by success, they carried their depredations within
bowshot of Saybrook fort, killing one cow and shooting arrows into sundry
others.

On the 21 October, Miantminovioh, fearing ft)r the safety of bis English friends,
came to Boston, accompanic d by two of Canonic I's's sons, another sachem, and
about 20 men. Kiitshaniakin had given notice of his coming, and a company
of soldiei-s met him at Roxbnry and escorted him into the town. Here he entered
into a treaty with the Ijiiglish, by which it was nnitually agreed that neither
should make peaces with the I'ecpiots without the consent of the other ; and to
put to death or deliver up nnu'derers.

About the same time, John Tillci/ was taken and killetl, and tortured in a
most barbarous manner. As he was sailing down Coimecticut River in his
bark, he landed about throe miles above Saybrook fort, a;>d having shot at some
fowl, tb(! report of bis guii directed the Indians to the spot. They took him
prisoiK-r at first, and then cut off bis hands and feet. He lived three days after
his hands were cut off, and bore this torture without comjilaint, which gained
him the reputation of being "a stout !nan" among his tormentors. These
fiicts were rejjorted by the Indians th(!mselves. Another man who was with
Tillcij was at the same time killed.

On tlu^ 22 February, Lieutenant Gardner and nine men went out of Saybrook
fort, and wt>r(! drawn into an ambush, where lour of them were killt.'d, and the rest
escaped with great difKculty.

On April 12, six men and three women were killed atWeathei-sfield. They nt
the same time kdled 20 cows and a boi-se, and carried away two young women.

Alarm was now general throughout the English plantations. Miantunnonwh
having sent a messenger to Boston to notify the English that tbt; Pecpiots had
sent away their women and children to an islami, 40 men were immediately
sent to Nari'aganset to join others raised by Miantunnomoh, with the mtention
of falling upon them by sur|)rise.

In the mean tinie, Captain Mason, with a company of 90 men, had been
raised by Connecticut and sent into the Pequot country. He was accoin-
j)anied by Uncas and a largo body of bis warriors, who, in their march to
Saybrook, 1.1 May, fell upon about 30 Pequots antl killed 7 of them. One
being taken alive, to their i^verlasting disgrace it will bo rcmendiered, liiat the
English caused him to be tortuied ; and the heads of uU the slain were cut off",
and set up on the walls of the l()rt.*

Innnediatoly after Captains M/uson and UntlcrhiU set out t" attack one of the
forts (if Sa.isacun, This fort was situated upon an eminence in the present
town of Groton, Connecticut. The English arrived in its vicinity on the 25th
of May ; and on the 2()lh, bofon; day, with about .500 Indians, encompassed it,
and began a furious attack. The jNlohi'gans and Narragansets discover"d greit
far on a|>proacbing the fort, and could not believe that the English would
dare to attack it, When they came to the foot of the hill on which it v/iis
situated, Captain Mason wt\s ai)prehensive of being abandoned by them, and,
making a halt, sent for Uncas, v/lio led the Mohegans, and fVeqxuish, their pilot,
who was a fiigitive I'equot chief,+ and urged them not to desert him, but to
follow liiin at any distance they ploiised. These Indians had all along told the
English they dared not fight the Pocpiots, but boasted how they themselves
Mason told them now they should see whether Englishmen

woidd fight.

* ]yiiithrop's .louriinl, mid Mitsuti's Ili.sl. l'ec|uol War. — Dr. Mather's account of lliU alliiir
lias t.i'cii given in llio life of I 'urns.

t 'I'lio same, il is bclicvod, olsowiicro called TI'i^mks/i Cnok ; " wtiirh Wpz/miIs/i (says Dr
i. M'ltlii'r) was lir liirlii a sachiMii of llial place [wlicre Sitssnnis lived), hut upon some dispisl
rer< '.veil, lie weiil Iroin llic I'ecimils to ilk- Nair.igaiisols, and bucaiue a cliief cajilaiii under
Mi .ntHitiioiHok."-^lielatwii, n.

% 1

1'"

170

DESTRUCTION OF THE PEQUOTS.

[HnoK n

would (l<rlit or not. Notwitlisfniuling tlicir boiistiiifrs, tliey could not ovoicojne
the terror wliicli ilie name of Sdsmicus liad inspired in them, and tiiey kept at
a safe distance until tli(; fij^lit was over; l)nt assisted considerably in rf peliini^
the attacks of the I'ecpiots, in the retreat from the fort ; — for their warriors, on
recovering fioni tlu.'ir consternation, collected in u considerable bod}', anti
fought the confederates for many miles.

The English had but 77 men, whic': were divided into two companies!, one
led by Mason, and the other by Underhill. The Indians were nil within their
fort, asleep in their wigwams, and the barking of a dog was the first notice
they had of the a|)proach of the enemy, yet very few knew the cause of the
alarm, until met by the naked swords of the foe. The fort had two entrances
at opposite points, into which each [)ai-ty of English were led, sword in hand.
"JVanux! IVanux !''''* was the crv oi Sassacus's invw; and such was their
surprise, that they made very feeble resistance. Having only their own
missile weapons, they could do nothing at hand to hand with the I'.nglish
rapiers. They were pm-sued li'om wiguam to wigwam, and slaughtered in
every secret ]»lace. W(..nen and children were cut to pieces, while? endeavor-
ing to hide themselves in and under their beds. At length fire was set in the
mats that covered the wigwams, which furiously S])read over the whole fort,
and the dead and dying were together consumed. A i)art of the English bail
formed a circutnferenee upon the outside, and shot such as attempted to flv.
Many ascended I'le pickets to cscajw! the flames, but were shot down by those
stationed for that purpose. About (JOO jicrsons were sup])osed to have perish-
ed \v. this tight; or, perhaj)s I should say, massacre. f There were but two
E'lglisli K'lh'd, and out one of those by tlie enemy, and about 20 womided.
Sassacus hii.iself was in another fort; and, being informed of the ravages of
the English, destroyed his habitations, and, with about 80 others, fled to the
Mohnv 1.'^, who treacherously beheaded him, and sent his scalp to the English.

The author of the following lines in " Yamoyden," alludes to this melan-
choly event hajjpily, though not truly : —

" And • isnacOns, ;)o\v no nioro,
Lord ol' ii llioiKiind l)nwini;ii, lli;<l ;
And all llu' riii.ls, Ills boii^t l)oror(',
Were minffli?.! 'viili the inilioiinrod dead,
yaunnp and Sagamore uer; slain,

On ystic's banks, in one red nij;lit:
The onco far-tlreadi-d kinff in vain
iSonj;lit sal'cly in inijiorioiis flijflil ;
And reft of all his rojfal pride,
Vt\ (he liorrc Maqua's lianti ho died."

One of the most unfeeling passages flows from the pen of Hubbard, in his
account of this war; which, together with the llict he records, forms a riiost
distressinir pit tiu-e of depravity. We would gladly tiu'n from it, but justice
to the Indians deiia.ids it, and %ve give it in his own words: —

The Narraganseta had surrounded "some hiuidreds" of the Pequots, and
kept them until some of Captain Slongldon\i soldiers "aia<lo an e.-isy con-
quest of them." "The men among them to the number of 30, were |)rescntly
turned into Cliciron''s ferry-boat, under the connnand of Skipper Gallop, who
dispatched tlien .i little wilhont the harbor!"

Thus w(>i " 30 Indians taken intt) a vessel, carried out to sea, murdered, and,
in the agonu's of death, tin own overboard, to be bin-ied luider the silent
wave." I \Vhei«- ibouts they were ca]ilured, or "without" what "harbor" they
periwic:' we ar.' twu infi)rmed ; but, (rom the nature of the circumstances, it
woui.i boe.-ii tl a' il.ey were taken on the borders of the Narraganset country,
and 'lunleini ;it liie MOUth of some of the adjacent harbors.

That ini'se yow \\retches were thus revengefidly sacrificed, should have
been enough i > allay the hatred in the human breast of all who knew it,
especially the 'uXoiiV? /I.' Iiut he must imagine that, in their |)assage to their
grave, they did not go in a vessel of human contrivance, but in a boat belong-
ing to u river of ln^ll! thereby forestalling his reader's mind that they had
been sent to tha! "bode.

* Allen's History of the Peqiiot War. It siffnifiod, lhi::lislimen.' Englishmen! hi Mason's
hi itory, it is \ T'ltun Oicminx Allen nicrcly oo|>ied (Vi.ni I/ouk, with a linv such variations.

t " II was supposed." savs Mitthvr. '■ that no loss than .')()() or (illO I'cqnol souls wore hrougSil
down to hell that day." Jlelulinn, 1-7. ^Vc in charily suppose, that by hell the doctcr ouly
uieuut death.

Chap. VI.]

LETTER OF CAPTAIN STOUGHTOX.

171

Notwitiistanding tlii! irrent sltuiglitcr at Mi^tick, tlicn" were jrrfat niimlx-rs
of Pcqiiots ill the coii'itry, who wt-re hmitt'il from s\vaMi|) to swuinj), ami their
iiiinilteis thinned coiitimially, until a remnant promised to ajipear no more as
a nation.

The Enf^lisii, under Captain Slovs^hton, cnine into Peqiiot River aI)OHt a
foilnigiit alter tiie Mistieit figiit, and a.-'sisted in the woriv of tiieir e.xtermina-
lion. After his arrival in the enemy's country, he wrote to the governor of
IMa.ssaehusetts, as follows: " lly tiiis piinince, you shall receive 48 or 50
women and ehildren, unless there st;iy any hen^ to he helpful, &c. Concern-
ing which, there is one, I formerly mentioned, that is the iliire.st and largest
that I saw amongst them, to whom I have given a coate to cloatho her. Jt is
my desire to have lier for a servant, if it may stand with your good liking, else
not. Then; is a little squaw that steward Culacul desiretli, to whom he hath
given a coalc. Lieut. Davenport also desireth one, to wit, a small one, that
hath three strokes upon her stomach, thus: — ||| -|-. II(! desireth her, if it
will stand with your good liking. Sosomon, the Indian, desin^th a young little
B(|uaw, which I know not.

" At present, Mr. Haijnes, Mr. Ltullo, Captain Mason, and 30 men are with
us in Pecjuot River, and wo shall the next week joine in seeing what we can
do against i^iassacus, and another great sagamore, Monoivaltuck, [Mononotto.]
Here is yet good work to he done, and how dear it will cost is unknown.
Sassacus is resolved to sell his life, and so the other with their company, as
dear as they can." *

Perhaps it will be judged that Stoiighlon was looking more after the j)rofit
arising from the sale of captives, than li)r warrioi-s to fight .ith. Indeed,
Mason^s accoimt does not give him much credit.

Speaking of the English employed in this expedition, Jf'olcott thus im-
mortalizes tliem : —

" These were tlie men, this was the little l);in(1,
That (Uirsl the forrc ol" llie new worhl wiihstniul.
These were the iiioii that liy iheir swords iiiadu way
For peace and safety in America."

Vacant Hours, 4-1-.

There was a manifest disposition on the pait of Tineas, Canonicus,
Miaiitunnnmoh and jYiniE^et, and [)erhaps other chiefs, to screen the ])oor,
denounced, tmd flying Pequots, who had escaped the flames and swords
of the English in their war with them. Pait of a correspondence about
these sachems' harboring them, between R. fViUiams and the governor of
Massachusetts, is preserved in tin; Collections of tin; 3Iassachusetts Historical
pDciety ; from which it a|)pears, that Massachusetts had re(juestt!d Mr.
ff'illinma to e.\])lain to the chiefs the cons(;quences tc b(! depended iq)on, if
they did not strictly observe their agreement in regard to the fugitive Pecpiots.
Ofashj earned io Mr. Jf'illiams a letter from the ftliissachnsctts governor itpon
this siibjeci. After he had obeytul its contents, as far as lie was able;, he
aiiswereil, that he went with 0/as/i" to the Nanhiggonticks, and having got
( iinounicm and MiaiUunnomn, with their council, together, I acquainted them
fiiith fully with the contents of your letter, W/i f^ievances and threateninns ;
and to demonstrate, I jiroduced the copy of the league, (which Mr. [Sir
Henry] Vane sent me,) and, with breaking of a straw in two t iiree places, I
eliowed them what ihey liad done."

These chiefs gave Mr. fVillianiS to undei-stand, that, when Mr. Govenior
understood what they hail to say, he would be satisfied with their conduct;
that they did not v/isli to make ti()iibl(>, but they "cuuhl relate many particulars
wlicrcin the EnsrliKh had broken their promises" sinc(! the war.

In regiu'd to some squaws that had escaped from the English, Canonicus
said h«! iiad not seen any, but hetud of some, and immediately ordered them to
be carried back again, and had not since heard of them, but would now have
the country searched for them, to satisly the governor.

Miatitunnomoh said he had never heard of but si.x;, nor saw l)ut four of them

' Mni"'. > npl letter of Cnplain Sftmighton, on tile among our stale papers.
'totuash, Mr. Williitms writes his name.

. if

172

OF THE PEQUOT NATION.

[Book II.

which being brought to hitn, lie wa.s angry, and asked those who brouglit thciii
why they did not carry them to Mr. Williams, tiiat he might convey them to
the English. They told him the sqnaws wore lame, and could not go ; upon
'.vliich Mianlunnomoh sent to Mr. fyilliams to come and take them. Mr. }f'il-
liams could not attend to it, and in his turn ordered Miantunnomoh to do it,
who said he was busy and could not; "as indeed he was (says Williams) in a
strange kiii(' uf solemnity, wherein tlie sachims eat nothing but at night, and
all th(! natives round about the country were feasted " In the mean time the
squaws escaped.

Miantunnomoh said he was sorry that the governor shoidd think he wanted
these squaws, for he did not. Mr. Williams told him he knew of his sending
for one. Of this charge he fairly cleared himself, saying, the one sent for was
not for himself, but for Sassamun* who ^^^s lying lame at his house; that
Sassamun fell in there in his way to Pequt, whither he had been sent by the
governor. The s(piaw he wanted was a sachem's daugiiter, who had been a
[)articidar friend of Miantunnomoh during his lifetime ; therefore, in kindness
to his dead friend, he wished to ransom her.

Moreover, Miantunnomoh said, he and his people were true "to the English
in life or death," and but for which, he said, Okase [Unkus] and his Mohiga-
noucks had long since proved false, as he still feared they would. For, he
said, they had never foimd a Peqtiot, and added, " Chenock ejuse wdompali-
mucks?" that is, "Diil ever friends deal so with friends?" Mr. Williams
requiring more |)articular explanation, Miantunnomoh proceeded :— •

" My brother, Yotaash, had seized uj)on Puttaquppuunck, (^uame, and 20
Pequots, and (iO squaws ; they killed three and bound the rest, whom they
watched all night. Then they sent for the English, and delivered them in
the morning to ihem. I came by land, according to \)romise, with 200 men,
killing 10 Pequots by the way. I desired to see the great sachem Puttaquppu-
xinck, whom my brother had taken, wlio was now in the English houses, but
the ICnglish thrust at me with a pike many times, that I diu'st not come near
tlie door."

Mr. Williams told him they did not know him, else they would not ; but
Miantunnomoh answered, "All my company were disheartened, and they all,
and Cutshamoquene, desired to be gone." Iksides, he said, "two of ?ny men,
Wagonckwhut] and Maunamoh [Meihamoh] were their guides to Sesquankit,
fron» the river's mouth." Upon which, Mr. Williams adds to the governor:
" Sr', T dare not stir coals, but I saw them too much disregarded by many."

Mr Williams told the sachems "they received Pequts and wampom without
Mr. Governor's consent. Cannounicus re})lied, that although he and Miantun-
no7nu had paid many hundred fathom of wampum to their soldiers, as Mr.
Governor did, yet he had not received one yard of beads nor a Petpit. Nor,
saith Miantunnomu, did I, but one small present froiii four women of Long
Island, which were no Pequts, but of that isle, being afraid, desired to pul
themselves under my protection."

The PiMjuot war has generally been looked upon with regret, by all good
men, since. To exterminate a ])eoplo before they had any opportunity to
become enlightened, that is, to be made acquainted with the reason of other
usag(>s towards their fellow beings than those in which they had been brought
up, is a gnat cause of lamentation ; and if it proves any thing, it proves that
great ignovance and barbarism lurked in the hearts of their exterminators.
We do not mean to exclude by this remark the great body of the j)resent
inhabitants of the earth from the charge of such barbarism.

In the records of the United Colonies for the year 1G47, it is mentioned that
" IMr. John Winthrop making claim to a great quantity of land at Niantic by
|)urchjise from the Indians, gave in to the conunis.sionei-s a petition in those
woi'ds : — ' Whereas I had the land of Niantick by a deed of gill and purchase
from the Mchem [Sassacus] before the [Pequot] wai*s, I desire the conunis-
Bioiiers will be i)leased to confirm it unto me, and clear it from any claim of

• Prnhalily ilic s;iiiii' nu'.auincd afterwards. He might have been the fainous John Sassa-
mon, or his liriilhcr liaii lend.
t J'L'rliii|)S \\'ulijfiimii(i/l, or ]\'aligiitiiiicut.

Chap. VI.)

MONONOTTO.

173

Englii^h and Indians, according to the equity of llio case.' " Jfinihrop liad no
writing from Sitssnciui, niid full ten years liad tla|)scd .since tlic transaction, but
FrouuUush, fVamberqmtske, iiiu\ JhUitppo tesiificd some time aller, that "ii[>()n
their knowledge before the wars W(^re against the I'diiiot.", Sasmriin iheii
Bacliein of Niantic did call them and all lii.s men together, and told that In; was
resolved to give his country to the governor's son of the Mas.sa(^husetts, who
lived then at Pattuquassat alias Connecticnt Uiver'.M month, and all his men
declared themselves willing therewith. Thereupon he went to him to I'atta-
quasset.«, and when lie came back he told them In; had granted all his country
to him the said governor's son, and said lu; was his gooci friend, and he hoi)e(l
be would send some Engli.sh thitlu'r some tina; hereafter. Moreover, he told
bim he had received coats from him for it, which they saw him bring home."
This was not said by those Indians themselves, but several English siwl theij
heard them say so. The commissioners, however, set aside his claim willi
considerabl(! n]i|)(;arance of independence.

Dr. Dwight thus closes his poem upon tlie destruction of the Pequots : —

" Undaunted, on their foes tliey fierrcly flew ;
As fiort'e the dusky warriors crowd the fijjlit ;
Despair inspires ; lo ooinhal's lace they ^Uir ;
With f^roans and shouts, Ihey rage, uiikno\MU!j fli;^ht.
And close their sullen eyes, in shades of endless iii-rlit.

liulnli^e, my native land, indulge the tear

That steals, impassioned, o'er a nation's doom.
To mo, each Iwi^ from Adam's stock is near,

And sorrows fall upon an Indian's tomb."

And, O ye chiefs ! in yonder starry home,

Accept the humlile Irihule of this rhyme.

Your ffallant deeds, in Greece, or hauglily Rome,

i>V .Maro suns, or Homer's harp suliliine,

Had charmed the world's wide round, and triumphed over I'me.''

Another, already mentioned, and the next in conseqtience to Sassaciut, wag
Mo.\o.\oTTO. Hubbard caWs him a "noted Indian," whose wife and children
fell into the hands of the English, and as "it was ktiown to be by her media-
tion th;'t two I'^nglish maids (that were taken away from Wetithersfield, upon
Connectictit River) were saved from death, in requiltal of whose pity and
humanity, the life of herself and children was not only granted her, but she
was in spcicial recommended to the care of Gov. fFinthrop, of Massachusetts."
fllononntlo iled with Sassaais to the Mohawks, fo," protection, with stiveral
more chiefs. He was not killed by them, its Sassacu- was, but escaped from
thcin wotnided, tind pro lably (hed by tiie hands of his English enemies. He
is thtis mentioned by Governor JVolcott, in his poem upon Winlhrop's agen-
cy, &c.

" Prince Mnnonotto sees his squadrons fly,

And on our general having fixed his eye,

Rage and revenge his spirits quickening.

He set a mortal arrow in the siring."

On the 5 August, WyJ?, Governor JVinlhrop makes *he following entry in hia
journal : — " Mr. Ludlow, i\Ir. Pinchcon, and about 12 more, catne by land from
Connecticut, atid liioiight with them a i)art of the skin and lock of hair of
Sasacus and his broiher and 5 other Pequod sachems, who being fled to the
Mohawks for shelter, with their watnpom (being to the value of £500) were
by them surpiis(;d and slain, with 20 of their best irien. Mononottoh was also
taken, but escapi'd wounded. Thej* brotight news also of divers other Pequods
which had been slain by other Indians, ai\d their heads brought to the English ;
so that now then; had been slain and taken between 8 and 900."

The first trouliles with the Peqtiots have already been noticed. It waa
among the people; of Monnnnttn, that the English caused the; blood of a Pequot
to flow. Some English had beisn killed, bu* there is no more to excuse the
murder of a Peqitot than an I'^nglishtnan. The English had injured the
Indians of Hlock Island ail in their power, which, it seems, did not .satisfy
them, and tiiey next undertook to make spoil upon them in theii- own country
15 *

174

mONONOTTO.-CASSASSlNNAMOX.

[no<K II

iijKHi (oiinrctirut River. "As tliry wcro wiiliin< np tlin rivrr, wiys Dr. /.
Mather, iimiiy ol'tlic l'(M|iiot» on liotli h'kIch oftlie river callcii to tlieiii, desirous
to i\iio\v wliaf was tlii'ir end in eorniii); tliitli»!r." * 'I'liey answeriMl, tliat tliey
desired to H|ieiii< with Sit.isdnin ; \)t\n^' fold that Sasmtnis lind ^onc to Loiif'
Island, tiiey tiien demanded that Minwiwlltt shotdd aopeiir, and ihey |)i('lende(|
he was from home also. However, they went on «liore and demanded thtj
inurderei-s of Cajitain Stone, and were told that iflhey would wait lliey would
send for them, anil that Mmutnolt'} would come immediately. Hut very wisely
the l'e<|uots, in tin; mean time, " traus|)()rt(!<l their goods, women and coildreii
to another |tiare." f (.)ne ol" tiiem then told th(! I'^ifrlifli that MiiutniiUo would
not come. Then tin; Knfjrlisli hegan to do what iniMcliief tiiey could to tiieui,
and a skirmish tbilowcd, wherein one iuiliuii wuh killed, and an i'.tigliHhmai)
w.'is wounded." {

Tiie name of Mimonotld's wife appears to hnve been Wincumikoe. She
shoidd not he overlooked in Hjieaking of J\f(monotto, a.s she was instrmneiital in
s;iviiig the lili- of an Englishman, aw disinterestedly «h Pocahontns Haved that
of Captain Smitli. Home Knglish l)ad gont! to trade with tiie l'e(|uots, and to
recover some horses which tliey had stohMi, or picked np on their lands. Two
of the I'.ngiisii went on slioro, and one went into the sachem's wigwam and
demanded tlic horses. The Indians within slyly ahseiited theniselvcH, and
H iiinniilione, knowing tlieir intention, told him to tiy, for the Indians were
making prejiaravions to kill iiim. He barely escaped to the boat, being follow-
ed by a crowd to the shore.

Cahsassi.^.namo.v was a noted Peipiot rliief, of whom we have 8ome account
as early as Kio'J. In that year a dilKi'ulty arose about the limits of Southcrton,
since called Stonington, in ("oniiecticnt, and sevi'ral Knglish were 8ont to settle
the difficulty, which was concerning the location of VW^kapnuge. "For to
help us (they say) to imderstand where Wekapange is, we desired some Po-
(]natu('k(^ Indians to go with us." Cansun.iinnmnon was one who assisted.
They told the I'.nglisii that " Ccushnwftssvt (the governor of Wekapaugi;) did
charge them that they should not go any fuither than the east side of a little
svvam|), near the east end of the first great pond, where they did pitch down a
stake, and told ns [the English] that Cashdwasset said that that very place waa
\Vekai)ange ; said that he said it and not them ; and if they shoidd say that
VVekapauge did go any further, Cashawa^set would be angry." Cashawas.tet
after tliis liad confirmed to him and those under liim, 8000 acres of land in the
l'e(|uot country, with the provision that they continued subjects of INIassachu-
setts, and should "not sell or alienate tli* said lands, or any part thereof, to any
English man or men, without the court's ap])robation."

The neck of land called Quinicuntiiuire was claimed by both parties ; but
Cassassinnamon said that when i whak; was some time before ciist ashoro
there, no one disputed Cashnwus :eVs claim to it, which, it is believed, settled
the question: Cashawasset was known generally by the name of llarmon
Garrett. §

We next meet ^vith Cassassinnamon m Philip's war, in which he command-
ed a company of Pequots, and accompanied Captain Denison in his successful
career, and was present at the caj)tin*e of Canonchel. \\

In November, 1G51, Cassassinnamon and (3iglit others executed a sort of an
agreement "with the townsmen of Peijiiot," allerward called J\'ew London.
What kind of flgreemeni it was we are not told. His name was subscribed
Casesjjmamon. Among the otiuu" n.-mics we' -ee Ohhachickwood, .Yecsnuwee'gun
alias Daniel, Cutchdmaqviti ami JMalunawamham, Cassassinnamon, it is said,
sigm'd "in his own behalf and the behalf of the rest of Nameeag Indians." U

* I'voliUioM, 44. t Il'id.

t lliiil. I'aplain Lion Hardener, who liad son;e men in lliis afl'nir, gives qiitc a ililTcrent
Bcc'oiinl. See life of Kvtshomnqiiiii, alias Kulshainakin,

>5 Several niaimsrript tlociinieiils. 11 Hubbard.

U 1 Coll. Mass. nut. Sue. X. 101.

Chap. VII]

PllAVING INDIANS.

175

CHAPTKR VII.

Df tlir. Prni/lng or Christian Indians in. A'rw F,n<j;lnnd — Difficult to Chrlstiiiniza
llirm — l.dhors of Joliii Kliot — VVai'Han the Jiral Chrisliiin snguinorr. — Initinn laws
— UiicaM protects iigiiiiist the allcmpt to riinrirt iiis itiojilf — Niiiiifri'l rij'iises to
rirrirc niissionariis — Tlie, Indian liihir. — Piambouiiou — Spf.kn — I'knnaiiannit—

Tl KAI'K.WII.I.I.N — OdNA.MOO AllATAWANCE VV ATTASSACOMPONUM HiACOOMES

MlDllllSUO OUCIJM — TlTUBA.

It must be exceedingly (litfioiilt, ns all experience ha.s shown, to cnn.se any
p<'()])li' to aiiarulon a iH'liet' or f'aitli in a Miatter, unless it he one on wliicli tlie
rciLOiuinj; |)owcrs of the niind can he hroii<f|it to act. The most i^rnorant

which th

J.i

iinced, tliat many ellicts which they witness aii
iiy ohvious catisi's; hut there are so many others for which they eanuot dis-
cover a (•■•luse, th;it th(\v liesitat(! not to deny any ludural cause for them at
once. And uotwith.^taudin^' that, from d.iy to day, causes arc; developinff
themsclv(!s, and showiii;,' tlusm, that many results wliicih they had vii-wed as
pn>eeediii<r li'om a super natural ctuise hitherto, was nothing hut a iiatunil
one, and winch, when discovered, appeared perl"ectly simple, too, yet, (or the
want of the means of investi!,'ation, they woidd he looked upon as miracidous.
Tli(!se fiicts have heeu more than enou^di, amoiiij; the scientili(; world, to
ctnisc them to look upon the most latent causes, with a hope that, in due
tiuK!, they woidd unfold themsidves also; imd, tinnlly, leave nothiiif.' litr any
agent to p('rfi)rm hut n;itnre itself. AV'heii the Indian, theref(>re, is driven hy
reason, or the light of sc-ience, from his stronii-hold of ifrnonmce, or, in
other words, superstition, he is cxtrenady lialile to tidl into the; ojiposite
extreme, to whicli rdlusion luis just heen made, hecans*; he will unhesitatingly
Fay, what once ajjpeared past all discovery has been shown to be most |)laih,
niid thereti)re it is not only possible, but even probable, that others will be
disclosed of a like charact<;r.

It so happeiKS, that in altem|)ting to substitute one faith for another, in the
minds of India. is, that the one jiroposed admits of no better demonstration
than the one already jiossessed by them; for their manner of transmitting
things to he remembered, is the most impressive fuid sacred, as will he else-
where observed in our work. That any thing lidse should be handed down
from tlieir a;;ed matrons and sires, conid not be for a moment believe<l ; and
hence, that the stories of a strange people should be credited, instead of what
they had heard from day to day from their youth up, liom those who covdd
have no possible motive to (h-ceive them, could not be expected ; and there-
lore no one will wonder for a moment that the gosjiel has met with so few
believers among the Indians. All this, aside Iroiii their dealers in mysteries,
the jiowwows, conjurers or ])riests, as they arc - .vjusly denominated, whose
office is healing the sick, ajipeasing the wratii of the invisible spirits by
charms and unintelligible mummery. These characters took ujion them-
selves, also, the important atliiir of determining the liap|)iness each was to
enjoy after death; assuring the brave and the virtuous tlait they should go to
a place of perjietual sjiring, wli(!re game in the greatest plenty abounded, and
every thing that the most perfect :,.'ippiness recpiired. Now, as a belief in
any other religion jiromised no more, is it strange that a new one should be
■ slow in gaining credence?

Considerations of this nature inevitably press in upon ns, and cause us not
to wonder, as many have done, that, ibr the lirst thirty years after the settle-
ment of New England, so little was effected by thegosiiel among the Indians.
The great difficulty of communicating with them by interpreters must have
been slow in the extreme; and it must be considered, also, that a great length
of time must have been consumed bcHbre any of these could jierfoini their
office with any degree of accuracy; the Indian language being unlike ev(M'y
other, and bearing no analogy to any known tongue whatever; and then, the
peculiar custom of the Indians must be; considered ; their long delays bi'tbre
they would answer to any proposition ; hut more than all, \\c ha\e to con

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176

PRAYING INDIANS.— NESUTAN.

[Hook II.

I ■

sider the natural distrust that must necessarily arise in tlie minds of every
|)copie, at the sudden influx of strangers among them. When any new
theory was presented to their minds, the tirst rpiestions that would present
themselves, would most unquestionably he. What are the real motives of tiiiH
new ])eoi)le ? — Do they really love us, as they pretend ? — Uo they really love
one another? or do they not live, many of them, upon one another? — Is not
this new 8tate of things, which they desire, to enable them to subsist by us,
and in time to enslave us, or de|>rive us of our possessions? — Does it nut
oppear that these strangers arc full of nclfishness, and, therefore, have every
motive wirch that passion gives rise to for deceiving us? — Hence, we rcj)eat,
that it can hardly be thought strMUge that Chriutiauity has made bo slow
progress aniong the Indians.

Notwithstanding one of the ostensible objects of nearly all the royal char-
ters and patents issued for liritish North America was tlic Christianizing of
the Indians, few coidd be found c(]ual to the task on arriving here ; where
wants of every kind required nearly all their labors, few could be found
willing to forego every comfort to engage in a work which presented so
many difliculties. Adventurers were those, genendly, who emigrated with a
view to bettering their own condition, insteai) of that of others.

At length Mr. John Eliot, seeing that little or nothing coold lie effected
through the medium of his own language, resolved to make himself mastei
of the Indian, and then to devote himself to their service. Accordingly he
hired * an oldf Indian, named Job JVe»utan,\ to live in his family, and to teach
him his language. When he had accomplished this arduous task, which he
did in "a few months,"^ he set out upon his first attempt; having given
notice to some Indians at JVonantum,\\ since Newton,!! of his intention. With
three others he met the Indians for the first time, '.J8 October, lG4(i. Jf'uau-
bon,** whose nai» 'j signified toind,\\ "a wise and grave man, though no
Sachem, with five or six Indians met them at some distiuice from their wig-
wam.s, and bidding them welcome, conducted tliem into a large apartment,
where a great inunlwr of tlie natives were gathered together, to hear this new
doctrine." \l Afler jjrayers, and an explanation of the ten conuuandments, Mr.
Eliot informed them "of the dreadful ciuse of (io<l that would full iqion all
those that brake them : He then told them who Jenns Christ was, where he
was now gone, and liow he would one day come again to judge the world in
flaming fire."

AAer oboiit an hour spent in this manner, the Indians had lilxTty to ask
any questions in relation to what had been said. Whereupon one stood up
and asked, How he could knoto Jciua Christ? — Another, ff'hether Enf^lishmen
were ever so ifrnorant of him as the Indians") — A third, ft'helher Jestts Vhiist
could understand prayers in Indian ? — Another, How there cotdd be an ima/re of
God, since it was forbidden in the second commaiulment ? — Another, Whethtr,
according to the second commandment, the child must suffer, though he be good,
for the sins of its parents ? — And lastly, How all the world became full of people,
\f they were all once drowned in the flood ?

The second meeting was upon 11 November, following. Rlr. Eliot met the
Indians again, and after catechising the children, and preaching an hour to
the congregation, heard and answered, oinong others, the following (|ues-
lions. — How the English came to differ so much from the Indians in their knowl-
edge of God and Jesus Christ, since they had all at first hut one Father ) — An-
other desired to know, Hoio it canw to pass that sea-water ivas salt and river
water fresh ? — And another, Thai if the water was higher than the earth, how it
happened that it did not overflow it ?

The third meeting took place soon after, namely, on 20 of the same month,

• Nml, Hisl. N. I'',iii;. i. 2i!2. t N. I'lilf. Hioif. Diflioiiiirv, art. Vaaot.

t Sco p. 51 of (liis hook, miie. ^ Nrot. Ilisl. N. Ii^iifr. i, 1','3.

II " Nenr Wiilerlov ii mill, upon the south side o( Cliarles Rivrr, hIioiiI lour or five milei
Irom his own Iioiihi<, [in Koxiniry,] where lived ai llint (inin n'tiAun, one of their principal
men, and some Iixliiiiis with him." iionkin, (Ilisl. Col.) 1(')ll,

IT Noniuilum, or Noonntoinen, sij^nified a place of rfjvking, or rejoicing. Neal, I. 2lfi.

•• Waiiban, Magnalia, lii. llXi. ft VmA.

tl Oa}--brcaking of the Gospel in N. Eng., In Neal, i. 223.

CitAP. Vll]

PRAYING INDIANS— THEIR LAWS.

177

but was not so well attended. The powwows and sachems had dissuadcvl
some, and by threats deterred others from meeting upon such orcasionH.
Still Uiere were considerable numbers that got attacli<>d tu Air. Eliot, and in a
few days after, tVampas, "a wise and sage Indian," and two others, with some
of hia children, came to the English. lie desired that these might be edu-
cated in the Christian faith. At the next meeting all the Indians prt^sent
" offered their children to be catechised and instructed by the English, who
upon this motion resolved to set up a school among them."

Mr. Eliot, notwithstanding his zeal, seems, well to have understood, that
something beside preaching was necessary to reform the lives of the Indians ;
and ttiat was, tlieir civilization bv education. It is said that one of his noted
sayings was, Thf. Indians must oe civilized as well as, if not in order to their
being. Christianized.* Therefore, the request of the Indians at Nonantum
was not carried into effect until a place could lie fixed upon where a regular
settlement should be made, and the catechumens had shown their zei*. for
the cause by assembling themselves there, and conforming to the English
mode of living. In the end this was agnu'd upon, and Natiok was fi\eii a.s
the place for a town, and the following short code of laws was set ui) and
agreed to: — I. If any man be idle a week, or at most a fortnight, he sh'ill pay
five shillings. — II. If any unmarried man shall lie with a young woman
unmarried, he shall pay twenty shillings. — III. If any man shall beat his wife,
his hands shall be tied behind him, and he shall be carried to the place of
justice to be severely punished. — IV. Every young man, if not another's
servant, and if unmarried, shall be compelled to set up a wigwnm, and plant
for hnnself, and not shifl up and down in other wigwams. — V. If any woman
shall not have her hair tied up, hut hang loose, or be cut as men's hair, she
shall pay five shillings. — VI. If any woman shall go with naked breasts, she
shall pay two shillings. — VII. All men that wear long locks shall pay five
shilling, — Vin. If any shall kill their lice between their teeth, they shall pay
five shillings.

In January following another company of praying Indians was established
at Concord ; and there were soon several other places whore meetings were
held throughout the country, from Cape Cod to Narragansetf Of these, Sir.
Eliot visited as many and as oflcn as he was able. From the following pas-
sage in a letter which he ^vroto to Mr. Winslow of Pliinouth, some idea may
be formed of the hardships he under^vent in his pious labors. lie says, " I
have not been dry night nor day, from the third day of the week unto the
sixth, but so travelled, and at nigiit pull off my Imots, wring my stockings,
aiid on with them again, and so continue. But iim\ steps in iind helps." }^

The chiefs and powwows would not have suffered even so much groimd
to have been gained by the gospel, but for the awe they were in of the Eng-
lish power. "Nor is this to be wondered at," says the very good liistor-in,
Mr. N'eal, "for if it be very difficult to civilize barbarous nations, 'tis m eli
more so to make them Christians: All men have naturally a venerntior for
the religion of their ancestors, and the prejudices of education ^ are insupera-
ble without the extraordinary grace of God."

" Tlie Monhcgin Indians were so jealous of the general court's obliging
them to pray to God, that Uncas, their sachem, went to the court at Ilartt<)rd
to protest against it. Cutshamoquin^ another sache>n, came to the Indian
lecture, and openly protested against their building a town, telling the Eng-
lish, that all the sachems in the country were against it. Ho was so lioneMl
as to tell Mr. Eliot the reason of it; for (says he) the Lidians that pray to (Jod
do not pay mo tribute, as formerly they iJid ; which was in part true, for
when>as before the sachem was absolute moster of his subjects ; their lives
and fortunes being at his disposal ; they gave him now no more than they
thought reasonable ; but to wipe off the reproach that Cvtshamonuin had laid
u|)on them, those few praying Lidians present, told Mr. Eliot wliut they liad

• Hiilrhimon, Hist. Mass. i. lfi.3. f Neal, i. 220— ^.TO. t Miisni'tli", iii. I'Jfi.

^ This word, when applied to Iho education of Iho Indians uninnf^ ihein.st'lvos, is lo hi; uii
dentmid in an opposite sense from its conimon acceptation : llius, to instruct in siipeislitiuua
Mid idolatry, ii wlial is not meant by education among us.

i .[li

178

PRAYING INDIANS.— INDIAN BIBLE.

[Book II.

1 ;

done for their sachem the two last years, leaving him to judge whether their

ttrince had any reason to complain." They said they had given him 26
tushels of corn at one time, and six at another ; that, ui hunting for him two
days they htt<l killed him 15 deers ; broke up for him two acres of land ;
made him a great wigwam; "made him 20 rods of fence with a ditch and
two rails about it ;" paid a debt for him of £3, lOs. " One of them ^ave him
a skin of beaver of two pounds, besides manv days works in piantmg com
altogether; yea, they said they would willingly do more if he would govern
them justly by the word of God. But the sachem swelling with indignation,
at this unmannerly discourse of his vassals, turned his back upon the com-
pany and went away in the greatest rage imaginable ; though upon better
r-,onsideration, himself turned Christian not long after."

Mr. Experience Mavheio met with similar occurrcnccg many years after.
Upon a visit to the Nurragansets, ho sent for JVinig'et, the sachem, and
desired of him leave to preach to his people ; but the sachem told him to go
and make the English good first ; and observed, further, that some of the
English ke|>t Saturday, others Sunday, and others no day at all for worship ;
so that if his people should have a mind to turn Christians, they could not
tell what religion to be of. JVinigret fiirther added, that Mr. Maykew might
try his skill first with tlic Pequots and Mohcgans, and if they subniittcd to the
Christian religion, possibly he and his pcojue might, but they would not be
the first.*

In the meanwhile, Mr. Eliot had translated the whole Bible into Indian, f
also Baxter's Call, Mr. ShephereTs Sincere Convert, and his Sound Be-
liever, I besides some other performances, as a Grammar, Psalter, Primci-s,
Catechisms, the Practice of Pietv, &c. §

It is amusing to hear what our old valued friend, Dr. C. Mather, says of
ElioPs Bible. "This Bible;," he says, "was printed here at our Cambridge;
and it is the only Bible tiiat ever wua printed in all America, from the very
foundation of the world." || The same author obsei-ves, thut " the whole
translation was ^vrit with but one pen, which pen had it not been lost, would
have certainly deserved a richer case than was bestowed upon that pen, with
which Holland^ writ his translation of PliUarch"

It was long since inquired, " What benefit has all this toil and suffering

Croduced ?— .s there a vestige of it remaining ? — Were the Indians in reality
ettcred by the great eflbrts of their friends ? " " Mr. Eliot," says Dr. Doug-
lass, " with innnense labor translated and printed our Bible into Indian. It
was done with a good, pious design, but it must be reconed among the Otto-
torum hominum negotia: It was done in the Natick [Nipinuk] language. Of
the Naticks, at present, there are not 20 families subsisting, and scarce any
of these can read. — Cut boni!"**

By the accounts left us, it will be perceived, that for many years after the
exertions of Eliot, Gookin, Mayhem and others, had been put in operation,
there was no inconsiderable progress made in the great undertakuig of
Christianizing the Indians. Nutick, the oldest praying town, contained, in
1G74, 29 fiiniilies, in which perhaps were about 145 persons. The name
Mdick signified a place of hills. iVabcn was the chief muu here, " who,"
says Mr. Gookin, " is now about 70 yeare of age. He is a person of great
prudence and piety : I do not know any Indian that excels him."

Pakemitt, or Pimkapuog, (" which takes its name from a s])ring, that riseth
out of red earth,") is the next town in order, and contained 12 families, or

• Neat's N. England, i. 257. f See book ii. chap. iii. p. 67, ante.

\ Moore's LifeKlidt, 141. $ Ma^nalia, b. iii. l'J7. || Ibid.

IT Philemon Ilollnml was railed the translator-general of liis age ; he wrote several of hit
IranslntioDS with one pen, uiinn wliirli l.c made the following verses :
With one solo pen I writ this book,

Made of a grey goose quill j
A pen it WHS, when I it took,
And a pen I leave it still.

Fuller's Worthies of England.
•• Douglass, Hist. America, i. 172, note. See also IlaUcel, Hist. Notes, "JW, iStc. Doug*^
lati wrote aSout 17'1<>.

Chap. M]

PRAYING INDIANS— WAUBAN.

179

about 60 persons. It was 14 miles south of Boston, and is now included in
Stoughton. The Indians here removed troni the Neponsct. llasHaiDiincsit
is tlie third town, and is now includetl in Cirnllon, mid rontninoil, like the
second, 00 souls. Okommakamesit, now in Alarlhorou^h, contained about
50 people, and was the fourth town. VVamesit, since included in Towks-
bury, the fifth town, was upon a neck of land in Merrimack Kivcr, and
contained about 75 souls, of five to a family. Nasiiohah, now Littleton, wa.s
the sixth, and contained but about 50 inhabitants. Magunkaqiio;,', now Ilop-
kinton, signified a place of great trees. Here were about~ 55 |>ei>>ons, and
this was the seventh town.

There were, besides these, seven other towns, which were called the new
praying towns. These were among the Nipmuks. The first vva.s Maiiclia^re,
since Oxford, and contained aliout 60 inhabitants. The second was nhoiil
six miles from the first, and its name was Chabanakongkomiin, since Dudley,
and contained about 45 persons. The third was Maancxit, in the north-cak
part of Woodstock, and contained about 100 souU The fourth was l^uan-
tisset, also in Woodstock, and containing 100 persons likewise. Wab<|uissit,
the fifth town, also in Woodstock, (hut now included in Connecticut,) con-
tained 150 souls. Pakachoog, a sixth town, partly in Worcester and (tartly
in Ward, also contained 100 people. Weshakim, or Nashaway, a seventh,
contained alwut 75 persons. Wacuntug was also a praying town, included
now by Uxbridge ; but the number of jjeople there is not set down by Mr.
Gookin, our chief authority.

Hence it seems there were now supposed to be al»out 1150 praying Iiulians
in the places enumerated alxive. There is, however, not the Iciist probability,
that even one fourth of these were ever sincere believers in (.'liristiiinity.
This calculation, or rather supposition, was made the year beluie Philip's
war l)egan; and how many do we find who adhered to their profession
through that war ? That event not only shook the fiiith of the conmion sort,
f)Ut many that had been at the head of the praying towns, the Indian iiiinis-
turs themselves, were found in arms against their white Cliristian neighbors.

At the close of Philip's war, in l(i77, Mr. Gookin enumerates ".seven
places where they met to worship God and keep the sabltath, viz. at
Nonatum, at Pakemit, or Pimkapog; at Cowate, alias the Fidl of Charles
River, at Natik and Aledficld, at Concord, at Namekeake, near Chelmsford."
There were, at each of these places, he says, "a teacher, and schools for the
youtli." But, not\vithstanding they had occupied seven towns in the spring
of ](i7G, on tlieir return from imprisonment upon the bleak islands in Bo.-slon
harbor, they were too feeble long to maintain so many. The ajtpearance of
some straggling Mohawks greatly alarmed these Indians, and they were glad
to come '.vithin the protection of the English ; and so the remote towns soon
became abandoned.

We have seen that 1150 praying Indians were claimed before the war, in
the end of the year 1074, but not half this number could be found when it
was [iroclaimed that all such must come out of their towns, and go ity
themselves to a place of safety. Mr. Gookin says, at one time there were
about 500 upon the islands ; but when some had been employed in tiic army,
and other ways, (generally such as were indifterent to religion,) there were
but about 300 remaining. Six years after that disastrous wai-, Mr. Eliot
could claim but four towns! \'u. "Natick, Punkapaog, Wamcsit, and
Chachaubunkkakowok."

Before we pass to notice other towns in Plimouth colony, we will give an
account of some of the most noted of the praying Indians.

H'nulian we have several times introduced, and will now close our account
of him. He is supposed to have been originally of Concord ; hut, at the
time Mr. lUiot began his labors, he resided at Nonantum, since Nmvton.
At Natik, or Natick, he was one of the most efhcieiit oHicers until his
dentil.

Wlion a kind of civi' community was established at Natik, frituban was
tn.'ide a ruler of fifty, and subsequently a justice of the peace. The lollow-
iii^ is said to b« a copy of a warrant which he issued against some of tlio

180

PRAYING INDIANS.— PIAMBO.—TUKAPEWILLIrt. [Book 11

iraiiflgrcssora. " You, you big constable, quick you catch urn Jereinia]i Offscow
ttrojig you hold um, safe you bring um, afore me, Wahan, justice peace," *

A young justice uhkou IVauban what ho wouhl do when Iniliuns got dnink
und quiirrelled ; he replied, " 3Ve um all up, and lohip um plaintiff, and whip
umfendant, and whip um viilnesa"

We liuve not loarned tlie precise time of Wauban^s death, f but ho was
certainly alive in tlie end of the year 1()7(), and, we think, in 1677. For he-
was among those sent to Deer Island, HO Ortoh(;r, 1()7.), and was among the
sick that returned in May, 1U7U; and it is particularly mentioned that he waH
one that recovered.

PiambouhouX wnn the next man to fVauhan,M\A the next after him that
received the gospel. At tlie second meeting at Nonantiun, he brought a
great many of his pcoi>lo. At Nalik ho was made ruler of ten. When
the church at Ilas-sanamesit was gathered, he was called to be a ruler in it.
When that town was broken up in Philip'a war, he returned again to Natik.
where he died. He was one ot those also confined to Deer Ishmd ; hemu;,
he lived until ailer the war. The ruling elder of llassananiesit, called by
some Pinmbmo, was the same persttn.

John Speen was another teacher, contem,»orary with Piambo, and, like him,
WJLS a "grave and pious man." In IGGl, 'limothy Dwighl, of Dedham, sued
John Specn and his brother, Thomas, lor the recovery of a debt of sixty
])Ounds, and Mr. Eliot bailed them. This he probably did with safety, as
John Speen and" liiH kindred" owned nearly all the Natik lands, when the
Christian commonwealth was established there. This valuable possession
he gave up freely, to bo used in common, in 1650. Notwithstanding "he
was among the first that prayed to God" ut Nonantum, and " was a diligent
reader," y»!t he died a drunkard ; having been some time before discarded
from the church at Natik.

Pennahannil, called Captain Josiah, was " Marshal General " over all the
praying towns. He used to attend the courts at Natik; but his residence
was at Nashobah.

Tukapewillin was teacher at ITassanamesit, and his bruth(!r, Anaiceakin,
ruler, lie was, according to Major Gookin, "a pious and able man, und ai>t
to teach.'* He Buffered exceedingly in Philip's war; himself and his
congregation, together with those of the two praying toAviis, " Magtuikog
n'ld Cholionekonhonom," having l)een enticed uvvuy by Philip's fbllower.s.
His fiither, JVaoas, was deacon of his church, and among the number.
They, however, tried to make their escape to the English foon af\er, agree-
ttl)ly to a i)lan concerted with Job Kaltenanit, when he was among Philip's

Iteople as a spy ; but, as it happened, in the attempt, they fell in with an
•jiiglish scout, mider Captain Glhbs, who treated them as prisoners, and witli
not a little barbarity; robbing them of every thing they had, even the minis
ter of a pewter cup which he used at sacraments. At Marlborough, though
under the protection of oflicers, they were so insulted and abused, " e8|i(!-
cittlly by women," that 7\ikapetinllin's wife, from fear of being murdertid,
escaped into the woods, leaving a sucking child to be taken care of by its
father. With her went also her son, 12 years old, and two others. The
others, JVaoas and TukapewUlin, with six or roven children, were, soon
atler, sent to Deer Island. JVaoas was, at this time, about 80 years old.

Oonamog was ruler at Marlborough, and a sachem, who died in the
summer of 1674. His death "was a great blow to the place. He was a
pious and discreet man, and the very soul, as it were, of the place." TIic
troubles of the war fell very heavily upon his family. A burn containing
corn and hay was burnt at Chel.msford, by some of the war party, as it
jiroved afterwards; but some of the violent English of that place determined
to make the Wamcsits suffer for it. Accordingly, about 14 men armed

• Allen's Biojj. Diet. art. Waban.

t Dr. I/omer, Hisl. Newton, says ho died in 1674, but gives no niithorily.
several aulhontics, slinwing that he wos alive a voar la(or, (see I., iii. pp. 10 and 7!'.)
X Piam Boolum, GookMs Hisl. Coll. IftJ..— /*i«;/iAou!, his liisl. Praying ludiaus.

We have cilcJ

Chap. VII.]

PRAYING INDIANS.— WANNA LANCET.

181

themselves, and, under a pretence of scouting, went to the wigwams of the
VVatiicsifs, and ordered tiiem to come out. 1 liey olh yed witliont hi-Hitation,
being chiefly helpless women and children, and not conceiving any harm
could be intended them; but they were no sooner out than fired upon, when
five were wounded and one killed. Whether the courage of the brave Eng-
lish now failed them, or whether they were satisfied with what blood wiis
already shed, is not clear; but they did no more at this time. The one sluiii
was a little son of Tahatooner ; and Oonamog'i widow was severely wounded,
whose name was Sarak, "a wo.iian of good rejiort for religion. Sha wua
Juiigluer of Saeamore-John, who lived and died at the same place, before the
Wfir, " a great friend to the English." Sarah hod had two huslMinds : the first
was Oonamog, the second Tahatooner, who was son of Tahallatoan, sachem of
Musketaqui(L This affair took place on the 15 Novemlier, l(i75.

JVumphotc was ruler of the praying Indians at Wamesit, and Samuel, his son,
was teacher, "a young man of good parts," says Mr. Gookin, "and con speak,
read and write flnglisii and Indian com|)etently ; " being one of thosi; tiinghtat
the expense of the corporation. jYumphow exfierieneed wretched trials in the
time of the war; he with his people having fled away from their homes
immediately after the horrid liarimrity of which we have just spoken, feoruig
to Ite murdered if they should continue there. However, after wandering n
while up and down in the woods, in the dismal month of Decemlier, tlie^
returned to Wumcsit, in a forlorn condition, and hoped the carriage of their
neighl)ors would be such that they might continue there. It did not turn out
so, for in February they again quitted their habitations, and went oft' towards
Canada. Six or seven old jiersons remained Ijehind, who were hindered from
going by infirmity. These poor blind and lame Indians were all burnt to
death in their wigwams. Tiiis act, had it occurn'd by accident, would have
called forth the deepest pity from the breast of every human creature to whose
knowledge it should come. Hut horror, anguish and indignation take the

Clace of |)ity, at being told that the flames which consumed them were lighted
y the savage hands of white men ! ! It was so — and whites are oidy left to
remember in sorrow this act of those of their own color ! But to return —

During the wanderings of JVumphxno and his friends, famine and sickness
destroyed many of them. Himself and Mislic Geor/re, or George JMistic, a
teacher, were nmnbered with the dead. The others, having joined IVanmdan-
cet to avoid fulling in with war jmrties on lioth sides, at the close of the war,
surrendered themselves to the English, at Dover, in August, 1076. New
troubles now came upon them. Some English captives testified that some of
tliem had been in arms against them, and such were either sold into slavery,
cr executed at Koston. Sevend sharcMl the latter fate. JVumpkow^a son Samtiel
barely escaped, and another son, named Jonathan George, was pardoned ; also
Symon Betokam.

JVumphow was in some public business as early as 1G56. On 8 June that
vear, he, John Line and George Mitlic, were, upon the part of thr " Indian
court," employed to nm the line from Chelmsford to Wamesit.* And 23
years after he accompanied Captain Jonathan Danforth of Billcrica in renew-
ing the iKtimds of Brenlon''s Farm, now Litchfield, N. H.f

fVannalancet, whose history will lie fbund spoken U[)on at large in our next
book, countenunced religion, and it was at his wigwam that Mr. Elioi and Mr.
Gookin tield a meetit^g on the 5 May, I(]74. His house was near Pawtucket
Falls, on the Merrimack. " He is," said Major Gookin, " a sober and grave
person, and of years, between 50 and (JO."

John Ahatawunce was ruler of Nashobah, a pious man, who died previous to
1674. After his decease, Pennahannit was chief. John Thomas was their
teacher. " His father was munlered by the Maquos in a secret manncT, as he
was fishing for eels at his wear, some years since, during the war" with them.

fVattatacompnnum, called also Captain Tom, is thus s|)oken of by Mr. Gookin,
who was with him at Pakochoog, 17 September, 1674. " My chief os-sistant
was Waitaaacompanum, ruler of the Nipmuk Indians, a grave and jjious man,
of the chief sacliem's blood of the Nipmuk country. lie resides at Hassana-

li_ ■ »

Allen's llist. Chelmsford.

t MS. letter of John Farmer, Esq.

PRAYING INDIANS.— IIIACOOMES.

rnooK IL

::i'

I-?;-

iii<'!-Il ; Ijiit liy foriiuT u|i|iointincnt, cnllctli here, tog(!thor with some othrrs."
Captain Tom wuh among TukapcwiUhCa cutripniiy, tlitit went oil' with the
cni'iiiy, UH in H|M>uking uf liini wu liavc inailo nicntiim, la thiit company there
were alMint 5iOO, men, women and children. The enemy, being altoiit yOO
strong, ohhgcd tlie pruying Iniiians to gootl' with, or bo killed by them. There
wore, liowever, many who donbtleas preferred their company to '.hat of their
friends on Deer Island. This was aiNiiit the beginning of Decfmlter, 1G75.
CapUiin Tom aAerwards fell into the hands of the English, and, Ijeing tried
and condemned as a relxd, wa<«, on 2() Jnnc, 167(), executed at lioston ; much
to the grief of such excellent men as Gookin and Miot.

Although something had l>een done towards Christiani/ing the Indians in
I'iinioiith colony, about a year bttfore Mr. ElioVa (in<' visit to Nonaiitum, yet
for .soine years after, Massachusetts was considernbly in advance in this re8|>cct.
Si mi; of the principal congregations or praying towns follow : —

At ."Meeshawn, since Provincetown or Truro, and Ptmoiiakanit, since Bil-
[ingsgate, were 72 i)er8ons ; at Potanumaquut, or Nau.^ut, in Eoiitiiam, 44 ; at
Monamoyik, since Chatham, 71 ; at Sawkattwkett, in Harwich ; Nol)84]as8it, in
Yarmouth ; at Mutakees, in Barnstable and Yarmouth ; and Weequakut, in
Banisudili.*, 1?2 ; at Satuit, Paw|ioesit, Coatuit, in Karnstablc, Ma8h[)ee, VVako>
(juet, near Mash|)ce, 95 ; at Co<ltanmut, in AIa8h|)ce, Ashimuit, on the west
hue of Mashpce, VVeesquolw, in Sandwich, 5K! ; Pispogutt, Wawayoutat, in
Waioiiani, Sokoncs, in Falmouth, 36. In all thew places were 4GS2 souls; 142
of whom could n^uil, and 72 write Indian, and 9 could read English. This
account was furni.shed Major Gookin in ]<>74, by the Rev. Richard Bourne of
Sandwich. Philip^s war broke up many of these communities, but the work
coiitinueil long afti-r it dwindled to almost nothing in Massachusetts. In lti85
then; were 1439 considered as Christian Indians in Plimouth colony.

Mr. Thomas Mnuheio Jr. settled in Martha's Vineyard, called by the Indians
JSTopr, in 1042. lie was accom|)anicd by a few English famili'is, who made
liiiii thrir minister; but not Iteing satisfied with so limited usefulness, he learn-
ed ilie Indian language, and lM*gan to preach to them. His first convert was

Iliacoomes, in ir>43, a man of smnll rei>ute among his own people, whost)
resilience was at Gn-at Harbor, near where the English first settled. He was
regularly ordained 22 August, 1670, but he began to preach in 1646. John
Tokinosh was at the same time ordained tcaciier. His residence was at Ninn-
|mng, on the east end of the island. He died 22 January, 1<>84, and Hiacoomea
prtiaciied his funeral sermon. For some yearn before his death Hiacoomea was
ijiiahle to preach. Ho was supposed to have been about 80 years old at the
time of his death, which hap|)ened al>out 1690.

Pahkvhpunnassoo, sachem of Chappequiddik, was a great opposcr of the
gospel, and at one time lieat Hiacoomea for professing a belief of it. Not long
alter, us hii iself and another wi-re at work upon a chimney of their cabin, they
were both knocked down by lightnin.', and the latter killed. Pahkehjnmnaaaro
fell |)artly <n the fire, and but for his friends would have |tcrished, Wheth. r
this e.'ii-a^ie awakened him, is not mentioned; but he soon after became n
Cliri.'itia.i, and Mr. Mayhew aptly observes that "at lost he was a brand pliuked
out of the fire."

Miohqanj, or Myoxeo, was another noted Indian of Nope. He was a convert
of Hiacoomea, whom he had wjnt for to inquire of him about his Go<l. He
asked IHiuoomea how many gods he had, and on being told but ONE, imme-
«l lately reckoned up 37 of his, and disired to know whether he should throw
them all away for one. On being told by Hiacoomea that he had thrown away all
tiiose and many mon>, end was better oft' by so doing, Miohqaoo said, he would
forthwith throw away his, which he did, and became one of the most eminent
of tiiu Indian converts. One of his children, a son, sailed for England in
|i)57, with Mr. Thomaa Mayhew Jr., in a ship commanded by Cnptam Jamea
Garrdt, and was never heard of after. The time of the death of Miohqaoo is
nnkniiwn, but he lived to a great age.

Among the Mohegans and Nurragansets nothing of any accoimt was efl'ect-
ed, in the way of Christianizing them, for a long time. The chief sachems of
those nations were determined and fixed airaiiit-t it, and though it was from
time to time urged upon them, yet very liuji; was ever done.

Chav. VII 1

PRAYING INDIANS.— OCCUM.

183

Sami'som Occi'M, or, ns his nniiio is HjM^It in a scnnon * of lii^i, Ocron, was a
M()li<-piii, (if tilt! fiimily of Btmni Occum, who rtwidcd near IS'ew IjoikIoii, in
('onnertic-nt. Hi! was tlic first of llmt tril)c who was conHpionons in r«>lif;ioii,
if not tlie only one. lie wna horn in 172!i, and lM>roming itttuclitHl to the Ri'V.
Eleazar U'heelotk, the niiniHtcr of Lvbiinon in Connecticut, in 1741 he li(>t*nino
a CliriHtian.f PoascHaing talcnta and great pioty, Mr. ffluelock enti-it»ini>(l
snnguliie ho(>e8 that he would be able to effect much among his coniitrY'iicti
08 a preacher of the gospel. Me went to England in 17()5 to procure nid for
the keening up of a school for tlie instruction of Indian children, which was
l)egun ny Mr. fftieelock, and furthered by a Mr. Moor:, by a donation of a
Mrhool house and land, about 1763. While in England he was introductMl to
Lord Dartmouth, and other eminent pfrsons. He preached there to crowds
of people, and returned to America in Septcnilicr, 17(>8, having landed iit
BoHton on his return, t It is said he was tho first Indian that ]treuniied
in England. He was ordained, in 1751), a preacher to the Montauks on L.
Island. About 'iiis time he visited the Cherokees. He finally settled among
the Oneida Indians, with many of his Mohegan brethren, altout 1768; they
liaving been invited by tlie Otieidas. He died in July, 1792, at N. Stock-
bridge, N. York, aged &).

Titulia is noticed in the annals of New England, from her participation in
the witch tragedies acted here in 1()!)1. In a valuable work giving a history of
that horrible delusion, § mention is thus made of her. " It was the latter end of
Februaiy, 169'., wheii divers young persons lielonging to [Rev.] Mr. Parria' \
family, and one more of the nei^rhlmrhood, began to act afler a strange uiu
unusual manner, viz., as by getting into holes, and creeping under chairs ant
stools, and to use other sundry othi pcafures, and antic gestures, uttering fool-
ish, ridiculous speeches, which neitiier they themselves nor any others could
make sense of." " March the 11th, Mr. Parria invited seven'il neighlioring
ministers to ioin with him in keeping a solemn day of prayer at liis own
house ; the time of the exercise those pcraons were, for tho most part, silent,
out afler any one prayer was ended, they would act and 8|K3ak strangely, aiul
ridiculously, ye' were such as had l)ecn well educated and of good lM;huvior,
the one a girl of 11 or 12 years old, would sometimes seem to lie in a convul-
sion fit, her liiiibs being twisted several ways, and very stif!^ but pn>s(>ntly her
fit would Imj over. A few days l)cfore ibis solemn day of prayer, Mr. Parria'
Indian man and woman, made a cake of rye meal, with the children's water,
and Imkcd it in the ashes, and, as it is said, gave to the dog ; this wnf done as
a means to discover vatchcrail. Soon afler which those ill-affected or afflicted
persons nimed several that tney said they saw, when in their fits, afflicting of
them. The first compluhied of, was the said Indian woman, named TUuba.
She confessed that the devil urged her to sign a book, which he presented to
her, and also to work mischief to the children, &c. She was afterwards com-
mitted to iirison, and lay there till sold for her fees. The account she sinco
gives of it is, that her master did beat her, and otherwise abuse her, to make
her confess and accuse (such as he called) her sister witches ; and that what-
soever she said by way of confessing or accusing others, was the effect of
such usage ; her master refused to pay her fees, urdess she would stand to
what she hod said."

We are able to add to our information of T^uba from another old and
curious work,ir as follows: — ^That when she was examined she "confessed
the making a cake, as is alrave mentioned, and said her mistress in her own
country was a witch, and had taught her some means to be used for the
discovery of a witch and for the prevention of being l>ewitched, &c., but said
"that she herself was not a witch." The children wfio accused her said "that
she did pinch, prick, and grievously torment them ; and tliat they saw her here

• At ilic execution of Moses Paul, for murder, at New Haven, 2 September, 1772. To liis
letter (o Mr. Keen, his name is Occum.

t Life Dr. Wheelock, Ifi. t His Letter to Mr. Keen, in Life Wlieelock, 175.

& Wonders of the Invisil)le World, by R. Calef, 90, 91. 4to. London, 1700.

11 " Samuel Paris, pnslor of the church in Salem- village." Modest Enquiry into the Naturt
tf Wilclicra/l, by John Hale, pastor of tlie church in Beverly, p. 23, IGmo. Uoston, 1703.

IF Modest Enquiry, Si.c. 25.

:4^

t !'i

1^: •'

184

TITL'BA .—WITCHCRAFT.

[BooilL

niul there, where nobody else could. Yea, they could tell where she was, and
what shft (lid, when out of tlieir human sight." Whether the author was a
witness to this he does not say ; but probably he wait not. Go throush the
tvhole of our early writers, and you will scarce find one who witneasecl such
matters : (Dr. Cotton Mather is neorcst to an cxcrption.^ But they generally
preface such marvellous accounts by observing, " I am slow to believe rumors
of this nature, nevertheless, some thmgs I have had certain infonnation of." *

The Rev. Mr. Felt f gives the following extinct from the " Quarterly Court
Papers." ** March 1st Sarah Otbom, Smvh and Dorothy Good, Tituba, servant
of Mr. Parrit, Martha Cory, Rebecca JVUrse, Sarah Clowe, John Proctor and his
wife Elizabeth, all of Salem village, are committed to Boston jail on charge of
witchcraft."

The other ser/ant of Mr. Parria was the husband of Tihiha, whose name
was John. It was a charge against tliem that they had tried rnnans to discover
witches. But there is little probability that these ignorant and siiiiple Indians
would ever have thought of "trying a project" for the detection of witches,
had they not learned it from some more miserably superstitious white per^ns.
We have the very record to justify this stricture. % Take the words. " Mary
Sibly having confessed, that she innocently coimselled John, the Indian, to
attempt a discovery of witches, is permitted to commune with Mr. Parrwl'
church. She had been previously disciplined for such counsel and appeared
well." We are not told who diaciplintd her for the examination. Was it Mr.
Parria 9

This is the only instance I have met with of Indians being implicated in
tMte witchcraft.

• /. Mather's Brief Hisl. Philip'i War. 34.

t In his valuable Annals of Salem, 303.

I Danvers Records, published by the author last cited.

KMD or BOOE BBCOND.

'■■'-*

BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY

oy THE

INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA.

BOOK III.

10'

■!l

1 . ;.

BOOK III.

BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE NEW ENG-
LAND INDIANS CONTINUED.

CHAPTER I.

Ufe of AtzxANnen aliag Wamsutta — Events which led to the war teith Philip—
Wketamoo his wife — Early events in hrr Ufe — Pf.tanasubt, her second Ititshand
— Weetamoo's latter career and death — •Jfini^el — Death of Alexander — John S.is-
8AM0N — His country and connections — Becomes a christian — Schoolmaster — jMin-
ister — Settles at Assawomset — Felix marries his daughter — Sassamon di.irorers
Uit plots of Philip — Is murdered — Proceedings against the murderers — Thej/ are
condemned and executtd,

Alexander was the English name of the citlcr son of Maaaaaoxl. His real
name appears at first to have l)ocn Mooanam, and afterwards fVamsutta, and
\aBt\y Jllexander. The name of jt/ooanam lie bore us early as lG:ji) ; in l(i41
we find him noticed under tlie name IVamatUla. About the yeai' 105*!, lie and
his younger brotlier, Metacomet, or rather Pometacom, were brougiit to the
court of Piimouth, and being solicitous to receive English namoM, the gov-
ernor culled the elder Alexander, and the younger Philip, proliahly from the
two Macedonian heroes, which, on being explained to them, might have flut-
tered their vanities ; and which was probably the intention of the governor.

JUexander appears r>i-etty early to have set up for himself, as will be seen in
the course of this chapter ; occasioned, perhaps, by his marrying a female
sachem of very considerable authority, and in great esteem among her
neighbors.

Namumpum, afterwards called Weetamoo, squaw-sachem of Pocasset, was
the wife of Alexander ; and who, as says an anonymous writer,* was more
willing to join Philip when he began war upon the English, being persuaded
by him that they had poisoned her husband. This author calls her " as potent
a prince as any round about her, and hath as much com, land, and men, at
her command."

Alexander having, in 1653, sold a tract of the territory acquired by his wife,
OS has been related in the life of MaaaaaoU, about six years after, H'eetam.oo
came to Piimouth, and tlie following account of her business is contained ui
the records.

" I, J^amumpum, of Pokeesett, hauing, in open court, June lost, fifty-nine,
[1G59,1 before the govcrnour and majestrutcs, surrendered up all that right and
title of^ such lands as IVooaamequin and Wamaetia sould to the purchasers ; as
appeeres by deeds giuen vnder theire hands, as alsoe the said JVamumpum
promise to remoue the Indians of from those lands ; and alsoe att the same
court the said Wamautla promised J^amumpum the third part of tlie pay, as ia

* Old Indian Cliroiiicle, p. 6

W-

188

ALEXANDER.— WEETAMO.

[Book III

expressed in the deed of which payment Mamumpum haue receiued of John
Cooke, tliis 6 of Oct 1G59 : these particulars as folioweth : item ; 20 yards blew
trading cloth, 2 yards red cotton, 2 paire of shooes, 2 pairt stockings, Q broade
hoes and 1 axe ; And doe acknowledge receiued by me, Namumpum."
Witnessed by Squabsen, fValuUunchquatt, and two Englisli.

Thus this land affair seems to have been amicably setded ; but the same
ycju" o( Alexander's death, whether Iwfore or after we are not assured, J^amum-

imm api)eared at Plimouth, and complained tliat Wamsutta had sold some of
icr land without her consent " The court agreed to doe what tliey could
in conuenient time for her relief."

We apprehend there was some little difficulty between Alexander and his
wife airaut this time, especially if her complaint were before his death, and
we arc rather of the opinion tliat it was, for it was June when her com|>laint
was made, and we should assign a little later date for the death of her husbauvl ;
and therefore all difficulty was settled in his death.

On the 8 April, 16G1, Wamsutta deeded the tract of countiy since called
Rcholwth to Thomas tViUet " for a valuable consideration."* What that was
the deed iloes net inform us ; but we may venture to question tlie fact, for if
the coiitii'icration had in truth l)een valuable, it would have appeared in the
dee^!, and not have been kept out of sight

What time JVamum/Jum deeded hind to /oftn S'ari/br'/ and John Archer, wo
are not informed, but it was probably about the beginning of IGG2. It was a
dee«I of gift, and appears to have l)een only deeded to them to prevent her
huslunul's selling it; but these men, it seems, attempted to hold the land in
violation of their promise ; however, lieing a woman of perseverance, she so
managed the matter, that, in the year ItJUri, she found witnesses who de|K>sed
to the true meaning of tlie deed, and thus was, we presmue, restored to her
rightful [wssessions.

Since we have been thus particidar in acquainting tlie reader with the wife
of fVamsutia, we will, before proceeding with our account of the husband.
Bay all tliat we have to say of the interesting fVeetamoo.

Soon after the death of Alexander, we find JSTamumpum, or Jfeetamoo, asso-
ciat«!d with another husband, named Petonowowet. He was well known to
the English, and went by the familiar name of Ben. Now, unless Ptto-now-
owet, or Pe-tan-a-nuet has been corrupted into Peter Ndnndit, we must
allow her to have had a third husband in Ki75. We, however, are well satis-
fied that tliese two names are, us they appear to l>e, one and the same name.

This husband of fVeetamoo does not appear to have been of so much impor-
tance as her first, fVamsvita; and as he only appears occasionally in the
crowd, we are of opinion that she took good care in taking a second husbtmd,
and fixed upon one that sh> I'as better able to manage than she was tiie de-
tennitied fVamsuitcu

On the 8 May, 1673. Tatamomoek, Petonotoowett, and William alias ^asocke,
sold to JValhaniel Paine of Rehoboth, and Hugh Cole of Swansey, a lot of
land in Swansey, near Mattapoisot, and Sliowamet neck, for £ii5 5s. Weelamoo,
Philip alias Wagusoke, and Steven alias JSfucano, were the Indian witnesst-s.

About the same time, one Piowant was intruded upon by some others
rlaiming his lands, or otherwise molesting him, and the business seems to
have undergone a legal scrutiny ; in this affair both Weelamoo and her hus-
band appear upon our records. They testify that the tract of land Ixxnided
!iy a small river or brook cuWed Mastucksett, yvh'xch compasseth said tnict to
Assoiu'tt River, and so to Taunton River, [by trees, &c.] hath for many vcars
bwn ill the pousession of Piowant. The place of the bounds on Taunton River
was called Chippascuitt, which was a little south of Mastucksett Pantauset,
(^uanotcin, JSTescanoo, and Panowwin, testified the same.

It (Iocs not appear that Pela-nan-u-et was at all concerned in Philip's war
ngaiiiNt the Kiiglish, but, on tiie contrary, forsook his wife and joined them
ngaii'st her. Under such a leader as Church, he must have been eiiii)loyed
n^jaiiiHt his couiitiymen with great advantage. At the time he came over to

• Si'o the Hist, of Atlleboroiii'li, by John Daggett, Esq., p G, uiicro the clued is prcsvrved.

Chap. I.]

ALEXANDER— WEETAMO.

189

the EiigliiUi, lie no doubt expected his wife would do the same, as slie gave
Church to undcretniid as much. A tier the war he was honored with a coiu-
mand over the jtriHoners, who wore jiennittod to remde In the country Imj-
'Wiicn Sc|)ecari and Dartmouth. JVum/nu, or JVomp<ish, and Isaac were u\m
.u the Hame oiHce.

Atlcr Mr. Church left Jlwashonka' council, a few days l)efore the war broke
out, he met with lK>th fFee^amoo and hor huslmnd at I'ocasset. He first met
with the husband, Petananuet, who had just arrived in a canoe from Philip''$
nead (|U(u1er8 at Mount Hofie. He told Church there wouhl cerbiinly l>e war,
for that Philip had held a war dance of several weeits, and liad entertaine(l
tlie young men from ail parts of tlie coinitry. He said, also, that Philip ex-
pected to be sent for to Plimouth, aliout Sassamoti's deatii, knowing hiinsel<*
guilty of contriving that nmrder. Petananuet further said, that be saw Mr.
James Broum of Swanscy, and Mr. Samttel Oorton, wlio was an interpreter,
and two otiier men that brought a letter from the govt^nior of I'hmouth to
Philip. Philip's young warriors, he said, would liave killed Mr. liroton, but
Philip told them they must not, for his father had charged him to show kind-
ness to him ; but to satisfy them, toUl them, that on the next Simday, when
the English had gone to meeting, tliey might plunder their houses, and aller-
^vards kill their cattle.

Meanwhile fVeetamoo was at her camp just back from Pocasset shore, on
tlip high hill a little to the north of what is now Howland's ferry, and Petana-
nuet requested Mr. Church to go up and see her. He did so, and found her in
rather a melancholy mood, all her men having left her and gone to Phllip'a
war dance, mucli, she said, against her will.

Church, elated with his success at Jlwaahonks' camp, and thinking Imth
"queens" secured to the English interest, hastened to I'limouth to give the
governor an account of his discoveries. — This was a day big to Philip ; he
immediately took measures to reclaim ffeetamoo, and had nearly drawn off
Jlwashonks with the vivid hopes of conquest and l)ooty.

IVeelnmoo could no longer remain neutral ; the idea still harrowed upon her
mind, that the authorities of Plimouth had |)oisoned her former husband,* and
was now sure that they had seduced her present one ; therefore, from tho
power of such arguments, when urged by the artful Philip, there was no
esca|H; or irsistan^-c Hence his fortune became her own, and she moved
with him from jilace to ])lace al)out her dominions, in ihe country of Pocasset,
until the MU July, wIkmi all the Wampanoags escaped out of a swamp, and
retired into the country of the Nipmuks. From this time U'eelamoit's o|M'ra-
tions become so blended with those of her allies, that the life of Philip takes
up the narration.

When, by intestine divisions, the power of Philip was destroved arv <>ri;- the
Nipmueks, H'eetamno seems to have been deserted oy almost alf her ; : . ers,
anil, like Philin, she eoughr refuge again in her own country. It was ^/m the
(> August, lt>7(>, when she arrived upon the western bank of Tehticut Iliver in
Mettapoiset, where, as was then supjwsed, she was drowned by accident, in
attempting to cross the river to Pocasstit, at the same |)oint she had crossed
the vear iMiforo in her flight with Philip.

ifer company consisted now of no more than 2G men, whereas, in the be-
ginning of the war, they amounted to 300 ; and she was considered by the
I'-nulish "next unto Philip in 'cspect of the mischief that hath been d(>ne."f
The English at Taunton were notified by a deserttT of her situation, who
olli-red to lead any tliat would go, in a way that they might easily surprise her
ami her company. Acconlingly, 20 men volunteered u|M)n this enterprise,
and siieceede»l in cajituring all but /r«ffrtmoo, " who," according to Mr. Hub-
barril " intending to make an escape fi-om the danger, attemptefl to get over a
river or arm of the sea near by, upon a raft, or some pieces of broken wood;
but whether tired and s)H>iit with swimming, or starved with cold and hunger
she was found stark naked in Mebqioiset, not far from the water side, which
iimdt' HoiiK! tiiink she was first half drowne<l, and so ended her wretched life."
" Her head being (;ut off and set upon a pole in Taunton, was knov/n liy some

!r,. 'tv8

'j..: I '

* Ol.II I.SDIAN CUKUNICLK, p. U.

1 1. Mather.

t Niirralivc, 103 and WJ.

1 <

too

ALEXANDER.

[Book III

>■-:

Indinns then prisoners [there,] which set them into a horrible lamentation."
Mr. Mather ini|)roves upon this passage, giving it in a style more to suit the
ta«te of the times: "They made a most horid and diabolical lamentation,
crying out that it was tlieir queen's head."

Tlie authors of Yamoyden thus represent Philip escaping fi-oni the colil
gi-Bsp of the ghostly form of fVeetamoo ;—

' As from the water's depth she Ctime,
With dripping^ locks and bloated frame,
Wild her discolored arms she threw
To grasp him ; and, as swill he flew.

Her hollow scream he heard behind
('omj mingling with the iiowling wind :
'Why fly from Welumot? she died
Bearing the war-axe on thy side.' "

Although Wtetamoo doubtless escaped from Pocasset with Philip, yet it
tppcars that instead of flying to the Nipmuks sli' soon went down into the
Niaiitic coimtry, and the English immediately had news of it, which occa-
sioned their sending for JS/tnigret to answer for harboring their enemy, as in
his life has been related.

In this connection it should be noted, that the tune had expired, ir which
.Mnignt by his dcptities agreed to deliver U|) fVeetamoo, some time previous to
the great fight m Narraganset, and hence this was seized upon, as one pretext
for invading the Nariiigansets. And moreover, it was saitl, tliat if she were
taken by that formidable army of a 1000 men, " her lands would more than
pay all the charge " the English had been at in the whole war.*

fVeetamoo, it is presumed, left J^nigret and joined the hostile NarragansetH
and the Wampanoags in their trong Ibrt, some time previous to the English
e?{pcdition against it, in December. And it was about tliis time that she
connected herself with the Narraganset chief Qtdnnapin, as will be found
related in his life. She is mentioned by some writers as Philip^s kinswoman,
which seems to have been the case in a two-fold manner; first from her
being sister to his wife, and secondly from her marrying Alexander,h\s brother.
To return to fVamsutta.

A lasting and permanent interest will always be felt, and peculiar feelin<rs
associated with the name of this chief. Not on account of a career of battles,
devastations or murders, for there were few of tliese,t but tliere is left for us
to relate t)"j melancholy account of his death. Mr. HuhbariPs account of this
event is in the hands of almost every reader, and cited by every writer upon
our eiuly historj', and hence is too extensively known to be repeated here.
Dr. /. Mather agrees very nearly in his account with Mr. Hubbard, but being
more minute, and rarely to be met with, we give it entire : —

" In A. D. 166% Plimouth colony was in some danger of being involved in
trouble by the Wampanoag Indians. After Maasasoit was dead, his two sons,
called WamavMa and Metacomet, came to the court at Plimouth, pretending
high respect for the English, antl, therefore, desired English names might be
imposed on them, whereupon the court there named Wamsuita, the elder
brother, Mexander, and Metacomet, the younger brother, Philip. This Alexan-
der, Philip's immediate predecessor, was not so faithful ana friendly to the
English as his father had been. For some of Boston, having been occasionally
at Narraganset, wrote to Mr. Prince, who was then governor of Plimouth, that
JUexamkr was contriving mischief against the English, and that he had solicit-
ed the Narragnnsets to engage with him in his designed rebellion. Hereupon,
Capt. Willet, who lived near to Mount Hope, the )ilace where Jilexaruler did
reside, was appointed to speak with him, and to desire him to attend the next
court in Plimouth, for their satisfaction, and his own vindication. He
seomcd to take the message in good part, professing that the Narraganspts,
wiiom, he said, were his enemies, had ptit an abuse upon him, and he readily
promised to attontl at the next court. IJut when the day for his appearance
was come, instead of that, he at that very time went over to the Narrngausets,
Ins piTtiMided oneinios, whitrli, compared with other circmnstanccs, caiistHi
the gemlt!nu'n at Plimouth to suspect there was more of truth in the iiifor-

•Oid IiidianCllironiclo.p. ;!1,32.

t 111 l()(il, lie wi\s forcod into a war wiih Uncus, the account of which, properly belonging
lo ilio iil'u of Ihal cliiuf, will be loiiiui there related.

CHAP I.]

ALEXANDER.

191

mntinn given, than at first they were aware of. Wlierefore the govertn)r nnd
iimgistrutcH tliere ordered Major Htrulow,(wUo is since, and at this day [I(i77]
governor of that colony,) to take a party of men, and fetch down Mexander.
The major conHidering tnat stmptrnocuit deferre paratis, he took hut 10 armed
men wiili him from Alarshfield, intending to have taken more at tlie towns
that lay nearer Mount Hope. But Divine Providence so ordered, as tiiatwiien
they were about the midwoy between Plitnouth ond Bridgewater,* observing
on hunting house, thejyr rode up to it, and there did they find Alexander and
many of his menf well armed, but their guns standing togetlier without the
house. The major, with his small party, possessed themselves of tlie Indians'
unns, and l)eset the hous.. , then diu he go in amongst them, acquainting tlie
sachem with tlie reason of his coming in such a woy ; desiring Alexaiuler
with his interpreter to walk out with him, who did so a little distance from the
house, and then understood what connnission the major had received con-
cerning him. The proud sachem fell into a raging {Mission at this suqirise
saying the governor had no reason to credit rumors, or to send for him in
such a way, nor would he go to Plimouth, but when he saw cause. It was
replied to him, that his breach of word touching a]i|)earance at Plimouth
court, and, instead thereof, going at the same time to his pretended enemies,
augmented jealousies concerning him. In fine, the major told him, that his
order was to bring him to Plimouth, and that, ()y the help of God, he would
do it, or else he would die on the place ; also declaring to him that if he would
submit, he might expect respective usage, but if he once more denied to go,
he should never stir from the ground whereon he stood ; and with a pistol at
the sachem's breast, required that his next words should he a positive and
clear answer to what was demanded. Hereupon his interpreter, a discreet
Indian, brother to John Sausaman,X being sensible of Alexajider'a passionate
disposition, entreated that he might speak a few" words to the sachem before
he gave his answer. The prudent discourse of this Indian prevailed so far us
that Alexander yielded to go, only requesting that he might go like a sachem,
with his men attending him, which, although there was some hazai'd in it,
they being many, and the Eiin;lish but a few, was granted to him. The
weather being ho^ the major offered him an horse to ride on, but his squaw
raid divers Indian women being in company, he refused, saying he could go on
:''oot as well as they, entreathig only that there might be a complying with
their pace, which was done. And resting several tunes by the way, Alexan-
der and his Indians were refreshed by the English. No other discourse hap-
pening while they were upon their march, but what was pleasant and amicable.
The major sent a man before, to entreat that as many of the magistrates of
that colony as could would meet at Duxbury. Wherefore having there had
some treaty with Alexander, not willhig to commit him to prison, they en-
treated Mojor Winslow to receive him to his house, until the governor, who
then lived at Eastham, could come up. Accordingly, he and his train were
courteously entertained by the major. And albeit, not so much as an angry
word passed between them whilst at Morshfield ; yet proud Alexander, vexing
and fretting in his spirit, that such a check was given him, ho suddenly fell
sick of a fever. He was then nursed as a choice friend. Mr. Fidler, the
physician, coming providentially thither at that time, the sachem and his men
earnestly desired that he would administer to him, which he was unwilling to
do, but by their importunity was prevailed with to do the best he could to
help him, and therefore gave him a portion of working physic, which the
Indians thought did him good. But his distemper afterwards jirevailing, they
entreated^ to dismiss him, in order to a return home, which upon engagement

* Witliir. six miles of the English towns. Hubbard, 10, (Edition, 1GT7.) Massasoit, nnd
/iUcwise Philip, used to have temporary residences in eligible plnccs for fishing, at various
sites between the two bays, Narraganset nnd Massaehnsotls, as at Kaynham, Nnmasket, Tili-
rul. [in Middloborough,] and Miinponset Pond in Halifax. At which of these places lie uix,
we cniniot, with certainty, decide ; that at Ilalifiix would, perhaps, agfte best with Mr. //«/'•
hard's account.

t Lishly, says IIiibbaM. fi.

t Ite had a lirother by the name of Roland.

^ " Entreating those that held him prisoner, that he might have liberty to return home.

ill

ALEXANDER

LBOOK III-

of appcnmncn at the next couit was granted to liiiu. Soon after his being
returned liome he died." *

Thus ends Dr. Mather'a " relation " of the uhort reign of Alexander. And
althougii a docutnent lately published by Judge Davis of Boston sets the con-
duct of the English hi a very favorable light, yet it is very difficult to con-
ceive how Mather and Huhhard could have been altogether deceived in theu
information. We mean in respect to the treatment Alexander received at the
hands of his cnjjtors. They both wrote at the same time, and at different
plo'^js, and neither knew what the other had written. Of this we are confi-
dent, if, as we are assured, there was, at this time, rather a misunderstanding
between these two reverend authors.

This affair caused much excitement, and, judging from the writers of that
time, particularly Hubbardj some recrimination upon the conduct of the gov-
ernment of Plimouth, by some of the English, who were more in the habit of
using or recommending mild measures towards Indians than the Plimouth
people appear to have been, seems to have been indulged iu. Ailer thus
premising, we will offer the document, which is a letter written by the Rev.
John Cotton, of Plimouth, to Dr. /. Mather, and now printed by Judge Davis,
in his edition of Morton^s MemoriaL There is no date to it, at least the editor
pives none ; but if it were written in answer to one from Mr. Mather to
him, desiruig information on that heaa, dated 21st April, 1677,1 we may
conclude it was about this time ; but Mr. Mather's " Relation " would not lead
us to suppose that he was in possession of such information, and, there-
fore, he either was not in possession of it when he published his account, or
that he had other testimony which invalidated it.

The letter begins, "Major Bradford, [who was with Mr. Winslow when
Alexander was suqirised,] confidently assures me, that in the narrative de
Alexandra i there are many mistakes, and, fearing lest you should, through
misinformation, print some mistakes on that subject, from his mouth I this
\wit3. Kt^ports being here that Alexander was plotting or privy to plots,
against the English, authority sent to him to come down. He came not.
Whereupon Major ffinslow was sent to fetch him. Major Bradford, with
some others, went with him. At Munponsct River, a place not many miles
hence, they found Alexander with about eight men and sundry squaws. He
was there about getting canoes. He and his men were at breakfast under
their shelter, their guns being without. They saw tlie English coming, but
continued eating ; and Mr. tVinslow telling their business, Alexander, freely
and readily, without tlie least hesitancy, consented to go, giving his reason
why he came not to the court before, viz., because he waited for Captain
WulePs return from the Dutch, being desirous to speak with him first. Tliey
brought him to Mr. Collier's that day, and Governor Prince living remote at
Eastham, those few magistrates who were at hand issued the matter peace-
ably, and immediately dismissed Alexander to return home, which ho did
part of the way ; but, in two or three days after, he returned and went to
Major JVinslows house, intending thence to travel into the bay and so home ;
but, at the major's house, he was taken very sick, and was, by water, con-
veyed to Major Bradford's, and thence carried upon the shoulders of his men
to Tethquet River, and thence in canoes home, and, about two or three days
uftin*, died."

Thus it is evident that there is error somewhere, and it would be very sat-
isfactory if we could erase it from our histoiy ; but, at present, we are able
only to agitate it, and wait for the further discovery of documents before
Alexander's tiue history can be given ; and to suspend judgment, although

promising to return again if he recovered, and to send his son as hostage till he could so do.
On 'hat consideration, he was fairly dismissed, but died before he got half way home."— «
Ifnbbard.

* It is a pity that such an able historian as Grahame should not have been in possession of
other authorities upon this matter than those who have copied from the above. See his Hist.
iV. Anw.rica, I. 401.

t See his Memorial, 288.

i A paper drawn up by the authorities of Plimouth, and now, I believe, among the MSS.
in the library of the Hist. Soc. of Mas). This was, probably, Mr. Hubbard's authority.

Chap. I.]

SASSAMOiN

103

some may readily decide that the evidence is in favor of the old printed
accounts. It is the business of a historian, where a point is in dispute, to
exiiibit existing evidence, and let the reader make up his o\vii judgment.

We are able, from the first extract given upon tins head, to limit the timo
of his sachemship to a portion of the year 1(JU2.

It will have appeared already, that enough had transpired to inflame the
minds of the Indians, and especially that of the sachem Philip, if, indeed,
the evidence adduced be considered valid, regardui^ the blamubleness of the
English. Nevertheless, our next step onward will more fully develop the
causes of Philip''s deep-rooted animosities.

We come now to speak of John Sajsamo."*, who deserves a particidar
notice ; more especially as, from several manuscripts, we are able not only to
correct some important errors in former histories, but to give a more minute
account of a character which must always be noticed in entering upon the
study of this part of our history. Net that he would otherwise demand
more notice than many of his bretliren almost silently passed over, but for his
agency in bringing about a war, the interest of which increases in proportion
as time carries us Gmm its period.

John Sassamon was a subject of Philip, an unstable-minded fellow ; and,
living in the neighborhood* of the English, became a convert to Christianity,
learned their language, and was able to read and write, and had translated
some of tlie Bible into Indian. Being rather insinuating and ai-tful, he was
employed to teach his countrymen at Natick, in the capacity of a school-
master. How long before the war this was, is not mentioned, but must have
l)een about 1660, as he was Philip's secretary, or interpreter, in 1662, and this
was after he had become a Christian. He left the English, from some dislike,
and went to reside with Mexandtr, and after>vards with Philip, who, it ap-
pears, employed him on account of his learning. Always restless, Sassamon
did not remam long with Philip before he returned again to the English ; " and
he manifested such evident signs of repentance, as that he was, after his re-
turn from pagan Philip, reconciled to the praying Indians and baptized, and
received, as a member, into one of tlie Indian churches ; yea, and employed
as an instructor amongst them every Lord's day."t

Previous to the war, we presume in the winter of 1672, Sassamon was sent
to preach to the Namaskets,): and other Indians of Middleborough, who, nt
this time, were very numerous. The famous Waluspaquin was then the
chief of this region and who appcara to have been disposed to encounijre
the new religion taught by Sassamon. For, in 1674, he gave him a ti» ct of
land near his own residence, to induce him to remain among his jieople. The
deed of gift of this land was, no doubt, drawn by Sassamon, and is in these
words : —

Know all men by these presents, that I, Old Watuspaquin, doe graunt
vnto John Sassamon, allies fVassasoman, 27 acrees of land for a home lott nt
Assowomsett necke. This is my gift, giuen to him the said John Sassamon,
by me the sold Watuspaquin, m Anno 1673, [or 1674, if between 1 Jan. an»l
2o March.]

Old Wai'OSPAQUIN (D his mar/ce.

WiLLiARi TusPAQUiN dV his morke.
Witness, alsoe, Nanehecnt § -|- fcis markeJ*

As a further inducement for Sassamor^ to settle here. Old Tuspa<iuin and
his son deeded to Felix, an Indian whc arried Sassamon's daughter, .58 und
an half acres of land ; as " a home lott," also. This deed was dated 1 1
March, 1673, 0. S., which doubtless was done at the same time witli the other.

i X

r »■ i-'

* "This Siusamon was i>^ birth a Massachusett, his father and mother living in Dorchester,
ui(l thev both died Christians."—/. Matlter.

t Mather's Relation, 74.
\. The inhabitants of the place call it Nemasket.
Namiiisakelt.
^ Spelt also MemthnUt.

In the records, it is almost always written

•■•1.

Ivi

194

SASSAMON.

[Book III

This daughter of Sasaamon wa8 called by the English name Betty,* but her orig-
inal name w us Assowetouoh. To his son-iu-'aw, Snssamon gnve his land, by h
kiud of will, which he wrote himself, not long before his death ; probau'y
about tlie time he became tired of his new situation, which we suppose was al^o
about the time that he discovered tiie design uf Philip and his captains to
bring about tlieir war of extermination.

Old Tuspaquin, as he called himself, and his son, not only confirmed Sassa-
mon^s will, out about the same time made a bequest themcelves to his daugh-
ter, whicli, . ,• say, was "with the consent of all the chieffe men of Asso-
wamsett." This deed of gift from them waa dated 23 Dec. 1G73. It was of
a neck of land at Assowoinsett, called Nuhtcawr.met. The names of ^ome
of the places which bounded this tract were Mashquomuh, a swamp, Suaon-
kususett, a pond, and another lar^e pond called Chup-poggui. Tobias, Old
7Ti)mas, Pohonoho, and Kankunuki, were upon this dc«?d as witnesses.

iTei-ix served the English in Philip's war, and was living in 1G79, in which
year Governor Wi»:«Zou' ordered, " tliat all such lands os were formerly JoAre
Sassamon's in our colonic, shall be settled on Felix his son-in-law," and to re-
main his and his heirs " foreuer." Felix's wife survived him, and willed her
land to a daughter, named Mercy. This was in 169G, ond Isacke Wanno wit-
nessed said will. Thcire was at a later period an Indian preacher at Titicutf
named Thomas Felix, perhaps a son of the former.^ But to return to the
more immediate subject of our discourse.

There was a Sassaman, or, as my manuscript has it, Soifomon, hnown to the
English as early as 1(>37 ; but us we have no means of knowing how old John
Sassamon was when he was murdered, it cannot be decided with probability,
whether or not it were he. This Sosomon, as will be seen in tlie life of Sassa-
ats, went with the English to fight the Pequots.

Sassamon acteJ os inter|)reter, witness or scribe, as the case required, on
many occasions. \V}<en Philip and fVootonekantiske his wife, sold, in 1664,
Mattapoisett to William Brenlon, Sassamon was a witness and interpreter.
The Bumc year he was Philip's agent " in settling the bounds of Acushenok,
Couksett, and places adjacent." Again, in 1665, he witnessed the receipt of
£10 paid to Philip on account of settling the bounds the year before.

There was a Roioland Sassamon, who I suppose was the brother of John.
His name appears but once in all the manuscript records I have met with, and
then only as a witness, with his brother, to Philip's deed of Mattajjoisett,
ubo'e mcniioned.

The name Sassamon, like most Indian names, is variously spelt, but tlie
way it here appears is nearest as it was understood in his last years, judging
from the records. But it was not so originally. Woosansaman was among
the first modes of writing it.

This detail may appear dry to the general reader, but we must occasion-
ally srrntify our antiquarian friends. We now proceed in our narrative.

vVhiio living among the Namaskets, Sassamon learned what was going
forward among his countrymen, and, when he wae convinced that their
design was war, went immediately to Plimouth, and communicated his dis-
covery to the governor. " Nevertheless, his information," says Dr. /. Mathtr,^
" (because it had an Lidian original, and one can hardly believe them when
they do speak the truth,) wns not at fii'st much regarded."

It may be noticed here, that at this time if anj Indian appeared friendly,
all Indians were so declaimed against, that scarcely any one among the Eng-
lish could be found that would allow that an Indian could be faithful or
honest in any afiiiir. And although some others besides Sassamon had inti-
mated, and that rather strongly, that a "rising of the Indians" was at hand,
still, as Dr. Jlfa//ter observes, because Indians said so, little or no attention

* The English somcliincs added her suriuime, and hence, in tlic account of Mr. lifimet, (1
(^ol. Mass. Jlist. Soc. iii, 1.) Jiellij Sn.ietnore, The iioled phice now called JJelli/'s Nick,
ill Middleborough, was named from her. In 17!)3, ihere were eis;ht families ol Indians there,

t Cotuhliait, Kclchiqiiut, Tehticut, Keketliciit, Keliciit, Teightaqitid, Tdvliquel, urc spell-
ings of this name in the various books and records I have consulleil.

t liiidcHs's Middlclioro\igh, in 1 Col. Mass. Hist. Hoc. iii. 150.

•i Relation o/llic Tioulilcs, &c.. l-i.

r.HKr. I] SASSAMON.— rAUSF.S OF THE WAR WITH PIIII.IP.

195

t ' .". il

was paid to tlieir ndvicc. Notwitlistniidinjr, Mr. Gookin, in liis MS. liiston,*
says, that, jtroviona to tlie war, none of tin; (Jhristian Indians had " Iwcn
jitsthf iiliarfTPd, either witli untiiithtuliMss or trenchery towards the Enj.'lisli."
" Bill, on the contrary, some of them liad «lisrovcred the treachery, particu-
larly ffjlcut the ri'ler, of Philip Ijcfore he hegan any act of hostility." In
another place the same author says, that, in April, 1(>75, fVatiban "cairie to
one of the magistrates on purpose, and informed him that he had ground to
fear that sachem Philip, and other Indians his confederates, intended some
iDischief shortly." Again in Mav, ahout six weeks l)efore the war, he came
and said the same, adding that Philip's men were oidy waiting for the trees
to get leaved out, that they might prosecute their design with more ettl'ct.
To return to Stusamon:

In the mean time, some circumstances happened that gave further grounds
of suspicion, that war wa8 meditated, and it was intended that messengers
shoidd he sent to Philip, to gain, if possible, the real state of the case. But
before this was etl'ected, much of the winter of 1(574 had passed away, and
the Rev. Smsamon still resided with the Namaskets, and others of his
countrymen in that neighborhood. And notwithstanding he had enjoined
the strictest secrecy upon his English friends at I'limouth, of what he had
revrialed, assuring them that if it came to Philip's knowledge, he should he
immediately murdered by him, yet it by some means got to the chief's
knowledge, and Sasmmon was considered a traitor and an outlaw ; and, by
the laws of the Indians, he had forfeited his life, and was doomed to s"'»cr'
death. The manner of effecting it was of no consecpience with their, so
Jong as it was brought about, and it is probable that Philip had ordered any
of ins subjects who might meet with him, to kill him.

Early in the spring of 1(575, Sassamon was missing, and, on search being
made, his body was foimd in Assawomset Pond, in Middlehorough.t Those
that killed him not caring to be known to the English, letl his hat and gun
upon the ice, that it might be sup|)osed that he had drowned himself; but
from several marks upon his bo<ly, and the fact that bis neck was broken,
it was evident he had been nmrdered. J Several persons were suspected,
and, u|)on the information of one called Patuckson, Tobias § one of Philip^s
counsellors, his son, and Maltashinnamy, were apprehended, tried by ii jury,
consisting of half Indians,|| and in June, 1G75, were all executed at Plimoiith ;
"one of them before his execution confessing the murder," but the other
two denied all knowledge of the act, to their last breath. The truth of
their guilt may reasonably be called in question, if the circumstance of the
bleeding of the dead body at the approach of the murderer, had any influence
upon the jury. And we are fearfid it was the case, lor, if the most learned were
misled by such hallucinations in those days, we are not to suppose tiiat tlio
more ignorant were free from them. Dr. Increase Mather wrote within two
years of the affair, and he has this passage : " When Tobias (the suspected
miu'derer) came near the dead body, it fell a bleeding on fresli, as if it had
been newly sliun ; albeit, it was buried a considerable time before that." If

Nothing of this part of the story is u[»on record among the manuscripts,
as we can find, but still we do not question the authenticity of Dr. Mather,
who, we believe, is the first that printed on account of it. Nor do the
records of Plimouth notice Sassamon until some time afler his death. The
first record is in these words: "The court seeing cause to require tlie per-

* Not yet published, but is now, (April, 1836,) printing with notes by the aiitlior of this
work, under the dircclioii of the Aincricnii Antiquarian Society. Ft will form a lasliTig; . onu-
moiil of one of the best mouoftho'ie days. The author was, as Mr. Eliot expresses himself,
'• a [illlar in our bidi; n work." lie died in 1(J87, aged 75.

t Some would like to know, perhaps, on what authority Mr. Grahame {Ilisl. N. Amer. i.
402.) stales that Sasmvnon'.i body was found in a field.

\ (rnnlcin'.i MS. Hist, of Christian Indians. This author says, " Siis-Mm/inrf was the first
Christian martyr, " and that " it is evident ho suffered death upon the account of his Christian
profession, and fidelity to the Kiifflish."

4 His Indian name was I'onsupanofxno.

N ^hlhfr's Rclalion, 7t. Ju'l-^e Ihivis retains the same account, (Morton^i Memorial,
289.) which we shall presently show to be erroneous.

II Milliter's llelatioii, 7J.

\ ;

■1

W h

SASSAMON.

[Book IIL

Konnl appearance of an Indian railed Tobiiig licforc the conn, to make fnr-
tli<>r answer to suoli interrogatories as siiall Itc reipiired ot' iiini, in reference
to tlio snddcn and violent death of an Indian culled John Sassamon, late
dfceased." This was in March, 1074, O. S.

It appears that Tobias was present, altliongh it is n»-t so stated, from the
fact tli'U Tuspaquin and ids son ff'illiam entered into bonds of £100 '"jr the
ap|>earance of Tobias at the next court in June following. A mortgage
of land was taken as security for the £100.

June linvin;^ arrived, three instead of one are arraigned as the nnirderers
of Sassamoiu There was no intimation of any one hnt Tobias being guilty
at the i)revion8 court. Now, Wampapaquan, the son of Tobias, and Malta-
ihuminnamo * are arraigned with hnn, and the bill of indictment runs as fol-
lows: " For that lieing accused that they did with jo\nt consent vpon the
52!> of Jamiary ann" lti74, [or 167.5, N. S.l att a i)laceci^led^Mojffl>n«f// Pond,
wilfully and of sett pur|)ose, and of nmllice fore thought, and by force and
amies, murder John Saseamon, an othci- Indian, by laying violent hands on
him, and striking him, or twistting his necke vntill hee wa j dead ; and to hytle
and conceale this theire said nnirder, att '.he tynio and i)lace aforesaid, did
cast hi» dead body through a hole of the iyce into the said pond."

To this they pleaded •' not guiltj'," and put themselves on trial, say the
records. The jury, however, were not long in finding them guilty, which
they express in these words : "Wee of the jury one and all, both Englinii
anil Indians doe joyntly and with one consent agree upon a verdict."

Upon this they were immediately remanded to prison, " and from thence
[taken] to the place of execution and there to be hanged by the head f vvitill
theire bodies aie death" Accordingly, Tobias an<l Matlashunannamo 'vere
executed on the 8 June, 1(575. " But the said Wampapaquan, on soinc -on-
8i<leratious was reprieued until a month be e.\niied." lie was, however, shot
within the month.

It is an error that the jury that found them guilty was composed of half
Indians; there were bftt four, while there were twelve Englishmen. We
will again hear the record : —

"Itt was judged very expedicr.c by the court, that, together with this
English jury aboue named, some of the most indiflerentest, graiiest and
sage Indians should be admitted to bo with the said jury, and to healp to
consult and aduice with, of, and conceniiiig the premises: there names
are as followeth, viz. one called by an Ei.Ldish name Hope, and Maskippagxit,
JVannoo, George ff'ampye and Jlcaiwotiis i these fully concurred witli tiic
jun' in theire verdict."

'f he names of the jurymen were William Sabine, William Crocker, Edward
Sturgis, William Brookes, ,JVath'. IFinslow, John Wadsworth, Jindrew Hinge,
Robert Fixon, John Done, Jon". Bavgs, Jon". Shaio and Benj". Higgina.

Thai nothing which can throw light upon this important affair be passed
over, we will htiO add, from a hitherto exceeding scarce tract, the following
particulars, although some parts of them arc evidently erroneous : "About
five or six years since, there was brought up, amongst others, at the college
at Cambri(lge, (Mass.) an Lidian, named Sosomon; who, after some time he
had spent in preaching the gospel to Uncas, a sagamore Christian in his ter-
ritories, was, by the authority of New Plimonth, sent to preach in like man-
ner to King Philip, and his Indians. But ICing Philip, (heathen-like,)
instead of receiving the gospel, would imme. lately have killed this So iomon,
but by the persuasion of some about him, did not do it, but sent him by the
hands of three men to prison; who, as he was g<'ing to prison, exhorted
and taught them in the Clirisiian religion. They, not liking his discourse,
immediately murthered him after a most barbarous manner. They, return-
ing to King Philip, acquain'ed him with what they had done. About two
or three months afler this niurther, being discovered to the authority of

* The same called Mattashinnamy. His name in llie rcr eds is spell four ways.

t This old phraseology reminds us of the P'ronoh niotle ol expression, couyer te cent, ihal is,
to cut ofTthe neck ^nsu.ad of tlie head ; 'out the FreL<cli say, il sera pendu par son con, und s«
do modern hangmeu, :iliaa jurists, of our times.

OHAr. 11]

LIFE OF KINO PHILIP

197

New Plimouth, Josxah Winaloio being then governor of that colony, core wan
taken to find out the murtherers, who, U|»on search, were found and npnre-
iipnded, and, after a fair trial, wore all hanged. This so exa8|ieratcd King
Philip, thntj from that day oiler, he studied to be revenfjed on the Enj^liHli —

iiiiigaig that the English authority had nothing to do to hang an ludjuii fur
illing another." •

CHAPTER II.

Life of KING PHILIP — Hia real name — The name of hi» wife — Makes frequent
sales of his lands — Recount of them — His first treaty at Plimouth — Ejprdition to
JVantucket — Events of l(i7i — Begins the WAR of l<>7d — First acts of hostUilij —
Sioiimp Fight at Pocasset — JVarrotelij escapes out of his ovm country — is pursued
by Oneko — Fight at Rehoboth Plain — Cuts off a company of English under Captain
Beers — Incidents — Fight at Sugar-loaf Hill, and destruction of Captain Lalhrop's
company — Fights the English under Mosehj — English raise 15(10 men — Philip
retires to Mirraganset — Strongly fortifies himself in a great swamp — Description
of his fortress — English march to attack him — The great Fight at Jfarragansrt —
^gain flies hiscounlry — Visits the Mohawks — lll-demsed stratagem — Eventsof l(w(i
— Returns again to his country — Reduced to a wretcheA condition — Is hunted by Church
— His chief counsellor, Mkompoin, killed, and hissister captured — His wfe and sun
fall into the hands of Church — fVie* to Pokanoket — Is surprised and slain. — Speci-
men of the Wampanoag Language — Oth'r curious matter.

In rrgard to the native or Indian nornc of Philip, it seems a mistake has al-
ways prevailed, in printed accounts. Pometacom gives as near its Indian sound
as can be approached by our letters. The first syllable wus drop|»ed in familiar
discourse, and hence, in a short time, no one imagined but what it had always
been so ; i i neatly every original deed executed by him, which we hove seen,
and they are many, his name so appears. It is tnie that, in those of different
years, it is spelt with some little variation, all which, however, conveyed very
nearly the same sound. The variations are Pumnlacom, Pamatacom, Pometa-
come, and Pomttacom ; the lust of which prevails in the reconls.

Wc have another impoilant discovery to communicate : f it is no other than
tiie name of the wife of Pometacom — the innocent VVoovonekanuske ! This
was the name of her who, with her little son, fell into the hands of Captain
Church. No wonder that Philip was "now ready to die," os some of his trai-
torous men told Chuixh, and that "iiis heart was now ready to break ! " AH
rhut was dear to him was now swallowed up in the vortex ! But they still
liv«'(l, and this most harrowed his soul — lived for what ? to serve as slaves in
an unknown land ! could it be otherwise tlian that mtidness should seize u[>on
hitn, and despair torment him in every place ? that in his sleep he should hear
the anguishing cries and lamentations of H^ootonekanuske and his son ? But
we must change the scene.

It seems as tliougli, for many years before the war of 1075, Pometacom, and
nearly all of his people sold oft their lands as fiist as purchasers presented them-
selves. They saw the prosperity of the English, and they were just such phi-
losophers as ore easily captivated by any show of ostentation. They were forsa-
Ving their manner of life, to which the proximity of the whites was a deadly
poison, and were eager to obtain such things as their neighbors possessed ; these
were only to be obtained by parting with their lands. That the reader may
form some idea of the rapidity with which the Indians' lands in Plitnouth
colony were disposed ofj we add the following items : —

• Present Slate of New England, by a mcrcliant of Bo9..iii, in respect to the present
Bloody Indian Wars, pag'o 3, folio, London, 1676. This, with four olher trarts upon
Philip's War, (covering liie whole period of it, With nolcs by myself, accompanied by a
Phronolooy of all Indian events in America from its discovery to the present lime, (March
7th, 1836,) has jasl been pulilished under the title of the Old Indian Chhonici.e.

t The author fuels a pciiliar satisfaction that it has fallen to his lot to be the first to publish
the real name of the jrreat sachem of the Wumpanoags, and also that of the sharer of hit
perils, Wootoiiekanuski:,

7»

.(J^,

'1' •

ii': ^iil

rillMP.— SAI.KS OF HIS LANDS.

[Rook 111

III n (l(!(5(I (lutt!(l a."} Jiiiin, IfiThl, « fVillinm lirrnton, of Newport, K. I. ntcr-
clwint," " for a vuliiuhlc coiiHidcnition " pnid l>y iiiin, liiiyH ]>luta|iois4!tt of Philip
1'liw (li'c<l liflgiiiB, " I, Punmtarom alins Philip, cliicf Michriii of Mount Hope,
('ou'Miiiii[>Hit mid of all ti-rritoricB tlirrcuiito hrioii^iiif;." Philip mu\ iim wife
Dtli wigiicil tliifl dfcd, und Toekomock, H'tcopauhim,* JVetetwjunaon, Pompa-
itiitsr, Jlpeminiate, Taquankaicke, Pfupionackf Walnpulahut, ^hntelatjuish, John
Stissnmon liio iiiter})rctor, Rowland Saaaainon, and two EngliNlinii'ii, ttigiicd iih

WitlK'HSCH.

Ill KM).'), he sold the country nlioiit Aciisiiena, [now New Itodford,] and
Coaxct, [now in Coinpton.] Philip'a father havinir previously sold Bonie of
the Haiiic, £10 was now given him to prevent any cTaini from him, and to pay
for his marking out the same. John h'ooaansman [one of the names of Sitssa
moiil witnessed this deed.*

Tlie same year the court of Pliniouth presented Philip with a horse, hut on
what account we are not infomiecl.

Ill U'AJii, Wrentham was purchased of Philip by the EngliKh of Dcdhain.
It was then called tVollomonopoagf and, by the amount ass? .-««;d, ap|N<ni-s to have
cost £24 ]0«., and was six miles square. For this tract of land the English had
been endeavoring to negotiate five years-t " In Nov. ICAii), upon notic<; ol' Philip,
Sagamore of Mount Hope, now at Wollomonoiioag, ofTeriiig a treaty of his lands
therealiouts, not yet purchased," the selectmen appoint five pei-sons to negotiate
with him "for his remaining right, provided he can show that he has aiiy."{
Whether his right were questionable or not, it seems a purchusu was made, at
tiiut time, of tlie tract called tVoollommonuppoffite, " within the town bounds [of
Diulhum] not yet purchased." What the full consideration was, our documents
do not state, hut from a manuscript order which he drew on Dedham afterwards,
and the accompanying receipt, some estimate may be formed. The order re-
quests them " to pay to this bearer, for the use of Kino Philip, £5, 5a. in money,
aiul £5 in trucking cloth at money price." In a receijit signed by an agent of
Philip, named Peter, the ibllowing amount is named : " In reference to the payment
of Ki.No Philip of VlounX Hope, the full and just sum of £5, 5*. in money, and
12 yards of trucking cloth, 3 lbs. of powder, and as much lead as will make it up ;
which is in full satisfaction imlh £10 th<U he is to receive ofJVathanitl Paine. §

We next meet with a singular record of Philip, the authoi-ship of which we
attribute to John Sassnmon, and which, I)esidc8 extending our knowledge of
Philip into his earlier times, serves to make us acquainted with Sassamon^s ac-
quirements in the language of the pilgrims.

" Know all men by these presents, that Philip haue giuen power vnto Wa-
tuchpoo |l and Sampson and tneire brethren to hold and make sale of to whom
they will by my consent, and they shall not banc itt without they be willing to
lett it goe it slial be sol by my consent, but without my knowledge they cannot
safely to : but with my consent there is none that can lay claime to that land
which 'iiey haue moi'ked out, it is theires foreuer, soe therefore none can safely
piiiTliase any otherwise but by Watachpoo and Sampson and their brethen;n.

Philip IGtJG."

Whether the following letter were written earlier or later than this we have
no means of knowing ; it is plain, however, from its contents, that it was written
at a time when he was strongly opposed to selling his lands, and that the ])eo-
ple of Plimouth were endeavoring to get him to their court, where they had
reason to believe they could succeed belter in getting them than by a negotia-
tion in his own country. The letter follows : —

" To the much honored Govemer, Mr. Thomas Prince, diDelling at Plimouth.

" King Philip desire to let you understand that he could not come to the
coiiit, for Tom, his interpreter, boa a pain in his l)ack, that he could not travil

* I't'rlinps UiKompoin.

t Woithington's Hist. Dedham, 20— from wliirh work it would seem that ihe ncgotintioii had
bci'i) carried on with Philip, but I'hilip was not sachem until this year.

t Ibid.

A (jleneral Court Files.

Il Sometimes Tukpoo by abbreviation. A further account of him will be found in the life of
Tatoton,

Oraf. 11.1

rillLir.— SALES OF HIS LANDS.

199

BO far,
and ui

', nriil Philip HirtiT in very sick. Philip would iiitrrat timt favor of yoii,
riy of the iiinjt'MtmUi, if uiu-y Kiiglmli or EiiKiaii.s speak alioiit aiii-y land, lit!
|iniy you tu giuu tUeui no aiiMewcr ut all. TIiIh la.st Hnniiiii-r lit; maid that
{iroiniH witli you that liu would not wll no land in 7 years titiir, for that ho
would have no Enfflidli trouble him before that time, In; ha.s not lor^rot that
you proniis hiiii. lie will come a muio ua |>o8(M>ble hu can to speak with you,
and no I rest,

your very loveing friend

I'hilip P
dwelling at mount ho|m nek." *

In iri<17, Philip sells to CorutatU Soulhicorth, and others, nil the meadow
lands from Dartmouth to lVlata|»oisett, for which he had £15. Particular
bounds to all tracts are mentioned in tlie deeds, but as they were generally or
otien stakes, trees, and hea|is of stones, no one at this time C!Ui trace many of
them.

The same year, for " £10 sterling," he sells to T%o.i. JFilki and others, " all
that tract of liuid lying between the Kiuer Wanascottaqu(;tt and Cawatocpiissett,
being two miles long and one broad." Pau>sa(iuens, one of Philip^s counsel
lors, and Tom alias Sawsuetl, an interpreter, were witnesses to the miU:

111 HH>8,^ Philip Pometacom,tinii Tatatnunuupie \ aVius Cashewashe J, miclwinfi,"
for a " vtduahle consideration," sell to sundry English a tract of scuue stpiare
miles. A part of it wa.s adjacent to Pokanoket. In describing it, Memenuek-
quage and Towansett neck are mentioned, which we conclude to be in 8wau-
sey. liesides two Englishmen, Sompointeen^ alias Tom, and JVunanunlnew, sun
of Thomas PiatUs, were witnessi^s to this sjile.

The next year, the same sachems sell 500 acres in Swunsey for £20. ffantieo,
a couns<!llor, and Tom the interpreter, were wilnessea

In I(J(i8, Philip and Uncomvawen laid claim to a part of New-meadows neck,
alleging that it was not intended to \>e conveyed in a former deed, by Ossame-
quin and fFamauUa, to certain English, " although it appears, says the record,
pretty clearly so express«'d in siiid deed," "yet that peace and friendship may
be continued," " Capt. If Hid, Mr. Broum and John Mien, in the behalf of them-
selves and th" rest," agree to give Philip and Uncompawen the sum of £11 in
goods.

Philip Nanoskooke t A^s tl mark,
Vncompawen Am X mark.

Tom Sansuwest, interpreter.

And N1.MR00.

The same year, we find the following record, which is doubly intere.sting,
from the plan with which we are able to accompany it, drawn by Philip him-
self. He contracts or agrees, by the following writing under his hand, m these
words : " this may inform the honoured court [of Plimouth,] that I Philip ame
willing to sell the land within this draught ; but tlie Indians that are vpon it
may liuc vpon it still ; but the land that is [waste]§ may be sould, and H'atiach-
jjoo is of the some minde. I have sed downe all the principall names of thu
lund wee are willing should bee sould."

" From Pacanaukett Phillip p Ma marke."

Uie24ofthel2mo. 1668."

nhli

I'S

* 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soe. ii. 40. The original was owned by a Mr. While of I'liinouth,
about 30 years 350. It is probably another production of John Sa-tsamon.

t Written in another deed, Aturiiaim>maif. This deed was in the next year. It was of
600 acres of land, " more or lesse," in Swansey ; and £20 the consideration. Ilii^h Cole,
Josias WinsloWfJohn Cogsreshall, and Constant Soulhtoorthwete the purchasers, and Waiiueo,
a counsellor, one of the witnesses.

X I'his double name, we suppose, was meant to stand for the signature of himself and wife

^ So in the records.

soo

Wanaicohocliott.

PHILIP.— SALES OF HIS LANDS.

Weweniet.

SooB IIL

Thxa line ia a path.

Sepa-
conetl.

Ascopompsmocke.

Panhanak

Patantatonel.

Aseoochames.

Macliapquiike.

AponeccU.
This ia a path.

Ancqiicassctt.

Cultoyowsekceselt.

" Osamequen^ havine, "for valuable considerations," in the year 1641, sold
to John Brown and Edward Winsloxo a tract of land eight miles square, situ-
ated on both sides of Palmer's River, Philip, on the 30 Mar. 1068, was re-
quired to sign a quit-claim of the same. Inis he did in presence of Umpta-
kvioke, Phillip, and Peebe,* counsellord, Sonconewlitw, Phillip'a brother, and
Tom the interpreter.f This tract includes the present town of Rehoboth.

Also in 16C)9, for £10 " and another valuable and sufficient gratuity," he sells
to John Cook of Akusenag in Dartmouth,^ " one whole island uere the townc,"
called Nokatay.

Tlie same year, Philip and Tuapaquin sell a considerable tract of land in
Middlcborough, for £13. Thomas the interpreter, ff'illiam, tlie son of 7Si9-
paquin, and Benjamin Church, were witnesoes.

In 1671, Philip and " Monjokam of Mattapoisett," for £5, sell to Hugh Cole, of
Swansey, ship\vright, land lying near a i)lace called Jlcashewah, in Dartmoutlu

In 16^2, Philip sold to William Brenton and others, of Taunton, a tract to
the southward of that town, containing twelve square miles, for £143; and,
a few days ailer, adjoining it, four square miles more, to Constant Southworlh.
Others were concerned in the sale of the larger tract, as is judged by the
deeds being signed by JVunkampahoonett, Umnnihum, alias JVimrod, Chee-
maughton, and Captain Annawam, besides one Philip. Thomas, alias Sank-
suit, Avas among the witnesses. The sale of the last tract was witnessed by
Munashum, alius JVimrod, Woackompawhan,^ and Captain .^nnowan.

These are but a part of the sales of land by Pomelacom: many other chiefs
sold very largely, particularly Watttspaquin and Josiaa Wampatuck.

At the court of Plimouth, 1673, "Mr. Peter Talmon of Rhode Hand com
plained against Philip allies Wewasowanuett, sachem of Mount Hope, brother
or predecessor of Pakanawkett as heire adminnostrator or successor vnto bis
brother or predecessor Wamsitta, Sopaquitt,\\ or Alexander deceased, in an
action on the case, to the damage of £800 forfeiture of a bond of such a value,
bearing date, June the 28th, 1661, giuen to the said Peter Talman, obliging

* Called, in Mr. Hubbard's history, Ththe ; he was afterwards killed at Swansey, in the
beg^inniiiff of ihe war. There is a pond in Narraganset of the same name.

\ JtU.iilUs, in his HisToar of Rehoboth, 64, 65, has prinicd this deed from the
original.

X 'J'he place where Cook lived is now included in New Bedford.

i Probably " Philip's old uncle Akkompoin."

li 'I'hat is, nicknamed Alexander, according to Ihe French mode of expression 5 ow par sobri-
qui't Alexander, as I imagine. Mr. Hubbard says of Philip, (Narrative, 10,) that, " for hil
aiiiLiiiious and haughty spirit, [he was] nicknamed King Philip."

>li4

Chap. II] PHILIP— MAKES A TREATY AT PLIMOUTII.

901

liim tho Mid ff'amtitta allirs Jilexandtr to ninke good to liim, \\'w licirPH nn<l a
deed of ^itl of a coiisidernltlu track of land ntt Hapowett mid plun'siuljnccnt,
a8 ill tiiu said deed iH more particiilurly exjircHHcd ; for want wiierof tlie
cotnpluinniit is greatly daniriifyed."

Wiietlicr tlio conduct of tlio people of Plimoiitli towards If'iiTwnitla,
Pomeiaconi'g elder brother, and other neiffhlHtring Indians, made them always
Biispiriotis of the chief sachem, as it had their neighlmrs l)eforo in the case
of jlfiflti/unnomoA, or whether /'AiVip were in reality "contriving mischief,"
the same year of liis coming in chief sachem, remains a question, to this day,
with those best acquainted with the history of those times.

The old benevolent sachem Mnssaaoil, alias H'oosamtquin, having died in
the winter of l(iGl-2, as we lielieve, but few months arter died also ^Utxandet;
Philip^a elder brother and predecessor, when Philip himself, by the order of
succession, came to l»e chief of the Wampanoags.

Philip having by letter complained to the court of Plimouth of some in-
jiiries, at their October term, U'A'iS, they say, " In answer unto a letter from
Philip, the sachem of Pokaiiokett^ &c., by way of petition requesting the
court ibr justice against fVancis IVaat, [/>'«<,] for wrong done bv liim to one
of his men about a ^un taken from him by the sai«l il'aat; as also for %vrong
done unto some swme of the said Indian's. The court have ordered th ..
case to be heard and determined by the selectmen of Taunton ; and in '.^se
it be not by them ended, that it be referred unto the next March coin at
Plinioutii to be ended." How the case turned we have not ibund. Bi'! for
an Indian to gain his point at an English court, unless his case were an ex-
ceeding strong one, was, we apprehend, a rare occurrence.

"He was no sooner styled sachem," says Dr. /. .Mather,* "but immediately,
in the year 16G2, th^re were vehement suspicions of his bloody treachery
against the English." This author wrote at the close of Philip^s war, when
very few could speak of Indians, without discovering great bitterness. Mr.
Morton f is the first who mentions JV/e/acome/ in a printed work, which, being
before any difliculty with him, is in a more becoming manner. "This year,

11GG2,) he obser\'es, " u])on occasion of some suspicion of some plot intended
ly the Indians against the English, Philip, the sachem of Pokanoket, other-
wise called Metacom, made his appearance at the court held at Plimoutb|
August G, did earnestly desire the continuance of that amity and friendship
that hath formerly lieen between the governor of Plirnouth and his deceased
father ond brother."

The court expressing their willingness to remain his friends, lie signed the
articles prepared by them, acknowledging himself a subject erf the king of
England, thus : —

" The mark of ^ Phillip, sachem
of Pocanakett,
The mark of <] Vncumpowett,
vnkell to the above said sachem,"

The following persons were present, and witnessed tliis act of Philip, and
his great captain Uncompoin : —

"John Sassamon,
The mark m q/" Francis, sachem ofJViittsetf
The mark DI o/*Nimrod alias Pumpasa,
The mark ?j> q/^PuNcxquANECK,
The mark 5 o/'A<jUETEquESH."J

Of the uneasiness and concern of the English at this period, from the
hostile movements of Philip, Mr. Hubbard, we presu.ne, was not informed;
or so important an event would not have lieen omitted in his minute and
valuable history. Mr. Morton, as we before stated, and Mr. Mather mention
it, but neither of these, or any wiiter since, to this day, has made the matter
apjiear in its true light, from their neglect to produce the names of tliose
that ap])eared with the sachem.

* Relation, 72, f In his N. England's ftlcmoriH!. { From llie records in nuinuscnpt.

K i,':

in;

p ■■ '

202

PHILIP.— PURSUIT OF GIDBS.

[Book III

For about nine years succeeding 16GS, very little is recorded concerning;
Philip. ]3iirin^' tliis time, lie became more intimately acquainted with his
Englisli nci^lihorH, learned their weakness and his own stren^'th, which
rather incrra!s(!d than diminished, until his fatal war of 1675. For, dunn<^
this period, not only their additional numbers gained tliem power, but their
arms were greatly strengthened by the English instruments ot' war put into
their hands. Ro^er H'ilUnms had early brought the Narragunseis into ii'ieiid-
ship with Massasoit, which alliance gained additional strength on the acces-
sion of the young Metaconut. And here we may look for a main cause ol' that
war, although the deatli of Jllexarukr is generally looked upon by the early
historians, as almost the only one. The continual broils between the Eng-
lish and Narrugansets, (we name the English first, as they were generally
tlie aggres'<ors,) could not be iniknown to Philip ; and it his countrymen
were wrongetl he knew it. And what li'iend will see another abused, with-
out feeling a glow of resentment in his breast? And who will wonder, if,
when these abuses had ibilowed each other, repetition upon repetition, for
a series of years, that they should at last break out into open war.' The
Narraganset chiefs were not conspicuous at tlie period of which we speak ;
tliere were several of them, but no one appears to have had a general com-
mand or ascendency over the rest ; and there can be little doubt but tha*
they unanimously reposed their cause in the hands of Philip. JVini^et was
at this time grown old, and though, for many years allcr the nuirder of
Miantimnomolu, he seems to have had the chief authority, yet pusillanimity
was always rather a predominant trait in his character. His age had ])rob-
ably caused his withdrawal fiom the others, on their resolution to second
Philip. Canonchet was at this period the most conspicuous ; Pumham next ;
Potokf Mitfrnus, the squaw-sachem, whose husband, Mrikaah, had been dead
several years ; and lastly Mattatoag.

Before proceeding with later events, the following short narrative, illus-
trative of a peculiar custom, may not bo improperly introduced. Philip, as
tradition reports, made au expedition to Nantucket in 1GG5, to punish an
Indian who had profaned the name of Massasoit, his father ; and, as it was
an observance or law among them, that whoever should s])eak evil of the
dead should be put to death, Philip went there witli an armed force to exe-
cute this law upon Gibbs. lie was, however, defeated in his design, for one
of Gtifcs'a friends, understanding Philip's intention, ran to him and gave him
notice of it, just in time for him to escape ; not, however, without great ex-
ertions, for Philip came once in sight of him, ailer pursuing him some time
among the English from house to house ; but Gibbs, by leaping a bank, got
out ot sight, and so esca])ed. Philip would not leave the island until the
English had ransomed John at the exorbitant price of nearly all the money
upon the island.* Gibbs was a Christian Indian, and his Indian name was
Jissasavwngh. He was a jireuclier to his countrymen in 1C74, at which time
there were belonging to his church 30 members.

What grounds the English hud, in the spring of the year 1671, for suspect-
ing that a jilot was going forward for their destruction, cannot satisfactorily
be ascertained ; but it is evident there were some warlike preparations made
by the great chief, which very much alarmed the English, as in the life of
Awashonks we shall have occasion again to notice. Their suspicions were
further confirmed when they sent ibr him to come to Taunton and n\i\ke
known tiic- causes lor his ojierations ; as he discovered "shyness," and a re-
luctance to coiMiily. At length, on the 10th of April, this year, he came to a
place about four iniles from Taunton, accomjianied with a band of his war-
riors, attired, armed and painted as for a warlike exnedition. From this
place he sent messengers to Taunton, to invite the English to come and
treat with him. The governor either was afraid to meet the chief, or thought
it beneath his dignity to coiujily with his request, and therefore sent several

• For some 111' wliiii \\v liiwc g veil above, see 1 Co//. Muss. Hint. Soc. iii. \,VJ, liiriiisliud
for llmt wiirk l>y .Mr. Xiicrlifiis Mucij, whoso niiceslor, il is said, a.>»i>le(l in (.t'creliiig
Assasiiiiiii(ii:h,

111 il laii' work. IIi<t. NaiiiiiokuU l\v OtieJ Macy, an account of ilio nnair ii given, but witb
lumu vuiiniliMi li'iiiii iiie aliove.

Chap. 11]

PHILIP.— TREATY AT TAUNTON.

203

persons, aiiionir whom Avns Rogtr Hllllams, to inform liim of their (letcrmi-
natiun, uiui their good dispositiun towards him, and to (U'go his uttendanci- at
Tainiton. lie agreed to go, and hostages were ietl in the iiands of iiis
warriors to warrant his safe return. On eoniing near the village witli a H w
of liis warriors, he made a stop, wiiicli a])p(!ars to liave been occasioned Uy
tlie warlike parade of Uio English, many of whom were for imme«iiately at-
tacking him. These were the Plimoiith people that recommeniled this rash-
uess, but th(>y were prevented by the conuuissioners from Massachusetts, who
met here with the governor of Plimoutli to confi-r with Philip.

In the end it was agreed that a council should be held hi the meeting-
house, one side of which should be occujiied by the Indians, and the other by
the English. Philip had alleged that the English injured the planted limds
of his peoph biit this, the English say, was in no wis«! sustained, lie said
his warlike tin parations wtTe not against the Englisii, but the Nurnigansets,
which the English also say was proved to his fitce to be false ; and that this
so confbunde<l him. that he confessed the whole plot, and "tliat it was the
naughtiness of his own heart that put him u]>on that relx'llion, and nothing
of any provocation from the English."* Therefore, with four of his counsel-
lors, whose names wert! Titvoser, Captain H'ispoke, fyoonkapunehunl, [Unkom-
voin,] and jYlmrod, lu; signed a submission, and an engagement of frienuship,
whicli also sti[)ulated that he should give up all the arms among his people,
into the hands of the governor of I'limouth, to be ke]it as long us the govern-
ment should "see reason." f

The English of lMassachus(!tt.s, having acted as umpires in this afTnir, were
looked to, by both parties, on the next cause of complaint. Philip having
delivered the arms which himself and men hud with them at 'launton,|
promised to deliver the rest at Plimouth by a certain time. 13ut they not
being delivered according to agreement, and some other differences occurring,
a messenger was sent to Boston fi'oin Plimouth, to make complaint ; but
Philip, perliaps, imderstanding what was intended, was (^uite as early ut IJos-
ton in person ; § and, by his address, did not fail to be well received, and a
favorable rejtort of liim was returned to Plimouth ; und, at the simw time,
proposals tiiat commissioners from all the United Colonies should meet
Phili at Plimouth, where all difhculties might be settled. This meeting took
j)lace the same year, September, 1G71, and the issue of the meeting wus very
nearly the same as that at Taunton. "The conclusion was," says Mr.
Mitther,\\ " Philip acknowledged his otfence, und was appointed to give u sum
of monev to defray the chiu'ges which his insolent clamors had put the colo-
ny unto.''

As usual, si>veral articles were drawn nj) by the English, of what Philip
was to submit to, to which we find the names of three only of his captains or
counsellors, Uncompmn, who was his uncle,1I h'ctokom, and Samkmna.

Great stress in those days was laid on the Indians submitting themselves
as "8id)jects to his majesty the king of England." This they did only to get
rid of the importunity of the English, as their course irmnediutely aflerwurdH
invariably showed.

Tiie articles whicli tlie government of Plimoutli drew up at this time, for
Philip to sign, were not so illilM-rul as might be imagined, were we not to
produce some of them. Article second reads, —

" I [PhUip] am willing, and do jironiise to pay unto the government of Plim-
outh £100, in such things as 1 have; but I would entreat the favor that I
might have three years to i>ay it in, fbrasmiieh us I cannot do it at present."
And in article thinf, he promises " to send unto the governor, or whom he shall
a|)point, live wolves' heads, if lie can get them; or as many us ho can procure,

i " (-, •

* Ifiihliaid, l''''iuii Wbi's, 11, 1st cclitinn,

t Tlie !irtioli^» ol tills treaty may be seen in IliMard, Miitlter, and Ilutchiiuct's histohci
thev iiiiioiiiit In lilllr, uiid wu lliuielbro uinit tlioin.

t Miitlier's Relation, 73.

^ P»rliii|)s this wus the lime Mr. Josselyn srw him lhor« rirhly caparisoned, as will hera
aHir tie meiitiuiiod. "|| Mittlier't RelHlion, 73.

11 Called by Church, Akkompoin. Hist. King I'hxiip't War, 110 of my edition.

H''

W" ■)

1 1

204

PHILIP^PLIMOUTH ACCUSATIONS OF 1671.

[Book III.

until they come to five wolves' heads yearly." These articles were dated *
2U S jpt 1G71, and were signed by

ITie mark P q/" Phillip;

The mark T q/" Wohkowpahemtt ;

TTie mark V o/'Wuttakooseeim;

5n^e mark T of Sonkanuhoo ;

Tlie mark 2 o/'Woonashum,
alias NiMROD ;

TTumark Y o/'V/oospascck,
alias Captain.

On the 3 Nov. following, Philip accompanied Takanumma to Plimouth, to
make his submission, which he did, and acknowledged, by a writing, tliat he
would adhere to the articles signed by Philip and the others, the 29 Sept.
l)efore. Tokamona was brother to Awashonks, and, at this time, was sachem
of Seconet, or Saconett. He was afterwards killed by the Narragansets.f

A general disarming of the neighboring Indians was undertaken during the
spring and summer of 1G71, and nothing but trouble could have been expect-
ed to follow.

That nothing may be omitted which can throw light upon this important
era in the biography of Philip, we will lay before the reader all the unpub-
lished information furnished by the records.| Having met in June, 1671,
"The court [of Plimouth] detcrmins all the guns in our hands, that did be-
long to Philip, are justly forfeit ; and do at the present order the dividing of
them, to be kept at the several towns, according to their equal proportions,
until October court next, and then to be at the court's disjiose, as reason may
appear to them, and then to belong unto the towns, if not otherwise disposed
of by the court

" That which the court groum s their judgment upon is, — For that at the
treaty at Taunton, Philip and his council did acknowledge that they had beeii
in a preparation for war against us ; and that not grounded upon any injury
sustained from us, nor provocation given by us, but from their naughty heai'ts,
and because he had formerly violated and broken solenm covenants made
and renewed to us; he then freely tendered, (not being in a capacity to be
kept faithful by any other bonds,) to resign up all his English arms, for our
future security in that respect, lie fiiiled greatly in tlie performance thereof^
by secret[ly] conveying away, and carrying home several guns, that migiit and
should have been then di-livered, and not giving them up since, according to
his engagement; nor so fiir as is in his power; as appears in that many guns
are known still to be amongst the Lidians that live by him, and [he] not so
much as giving order to some of his men, that are under his immediate com-
mand, about the bringing in of their arms.

" In his endeavoring, since the treaty [at Taimton,] to render us odious to
our neighbor colony by false reports, complaints and suggestions ; and hia
refusing or avoiding a treaty with us concerning those and other matters that
are justly offensive to us, notwithstanding his late engogeinent, as well us for-
mer, to submit to the king's autiiority, and the authority of this colony.

" It was also ordered by the court tliat the arm 3 of the Indians of Namaa-
sakett and Assowamsett, that were fetched in by Major Winslow, m\d tiiose that
were with him, are confiscated, and forfeit, from the said Indians, for the
grounds above expressed ; they being in a compliiuice with Phillipe in his
liite plot : And yet would neither by .ur governor's order, nor by Phillipe's
desire, bring in their arms, as was engaged by the treaty ; and the said guns
are ordered by the court to the major nd his company for their satisfiiction,
in that expedition.

" Tliis court have agreed and voted to send "some" forces to " Saconett to
fetch in " the arms among the Indians there.

* There is no tlnle, biii: llie year, set to any printed copy of tiiis treaty. Mr. Ifiibhard by
mistake oiniKud it, an<l tlinse wlio have since wrillen, have not given themselves llie pleasurs
of rrcurriii^'' lo llio nicorils.

♦ ^L'c CliHirli, ii"J. t I'limoutli Colony Records, in inaiiuscripl.

Chap. II]

PHILIP.— PLIMOUTH ACCUSATIONS OF 1671.

205

If then, therefore, these Indians had not already become hostile, no one would
marvel had it now become the case. Bows and arrows were almost entiix'ly
out of use. (luns had so far superseded them, that un(louhte<lly many licaroe
could use tliem with effect, in procuring theu'.st'lvea giune : Nor could it Imj
expected otherwise, for the English had, by nearly 40 years' intercourse, n.-n-
dered llteir arms far more necessary to the existence of the Indians than to their
own: hence their unwillingness to part with them. Philip, it is said, <lirected
the MiddlelH)rough Indians to give uj) their guns. His object in this was to
pacify the English, judging that if wai* should begin, these Indians would join
the Lngiish, or at least many of them ; and, therefore, it affected his cause but
little which party possessed them ; but not so with his immediate followers, as
we have just s<;en in the record.

A council of war having convened at Plimouth, 23 August, 1671, the follow-
ing, besides the mattera ah-eady expressed, they took into consideration : Philip's
" entertaining of many strange Indians, which might portend danger towards
us. In special by his entertaining of divers Saconett Indians, professed ene-
mies to this colony, and this against good counsel given him by his friends.
The premises considered [the council] do unanimously agree and conclude,
that the said Phillip hath violated [the] covenant plighted with this colony at
Taunton in Ai)ril last.

"2. It is imanimously agreed and concluded by the said council, that we are
necessarily called to cause the said sfichem to make his personal appearance to
make his purgation, in reference to the premises ; which, in case of his refusal,
tlie council, according to what at present appears, do dctermin it necessary to
endeavor his rcducement by force ; inasmuch as the controversy which hath
seemed to lie more immediately between him an(l us, doth concern all the Eng-
lish plantations. It is, therefore, determined to state the case to our neighbor
colonic*^ of the Massachusetts and Rhode Island ; and if, by their weighty ad-
vice to the contrary, we are not diverted from our present determinations, to
signify unto them, that if they look upon themselves concerned to engage in the
case with us against a common enemy, it shall be well accepted as a neigh-
borly kindness, which we shall hold ouraelves obliged to repay, when Provi-
dence may so dispose that we have opportunity.

" Accordingly, tetters were despatched and sent from the council, one unto
the said Philhp tiic said sachem, to require his personal appearance at Plymouth,
on the ISth day of September next, in reference to the particulars above men-
tioned against him. This letter was sent by Mr. James Walktr, one of the
council, and he was ordered to request the company of Mr. Roger IVilliams
and Mr. James Brown, to go with him at the delivery of the said letter. And
another letter was sent to the governor and council of the Massachusetts by the
hands of Mr. John Freeman, one of our magistrates, and a tliird was directed to
the govenior and council of Ilhode island, and sent by Mr. Thomas Hinckley
and Mr. Constant Sovihioorth, two other of our magistrates, who are ordered by
our council with the letter, to unfold our present state of matters relating to the
premises, and to certify them, also, more certaiidy of the time of the meeting
together, in reference to engagement with the Indians, if there be a going forth,
which will be on the 20 of September next.

" It was further ordered by the council, that those formerly pressed shall
remain under the same impressment, until the next meeting of the said coun-
cil, on the 13 day of Sept. next^ and so also until the intended expedition is
issued, unless they shall see cause to alter them, or add or detract from them,
OS occasion may require : And that al; ■. tlier matters remain as they were,
in way of preparation to the said exped. )n, until we shall see the mind of
Cod further by ine particulars forenamed, improved for that purpose.

" It was further ordered by tiie council, that all the towns within this jurisdic-
tion shall, in the interim, be solicitously careful to provide for their safety, by
convenient watches and wardings, and carrying their arms to the meetings on
the Lord's days, in such manner, as will best stand witli their paiticulars, and
the conmion safety.

" And in particular they order, that a guard shall be provided for the safety
of the governor's pereon, during the time of the above-named troubler and ex-
peditions.

■■i

2C6

PHIL1P..-PL1M0UTH ACCUSATION^ OF 1C71.

[Book til.

" And the council were summoned by the president, [tlie governor of Plim-
outh,] to make liicir personal apj)earance at Plymouth, on the 13th day of
Sept. next, to attend such further business as shall be then presented by Provi-
dence, in reference to the premises. [Without any intermediate entry, the
records proceed :]

"On the 13 Sept. 1G71, the council of war appeared, according to their sum-
mons, but Phillip the sachem apj)eared not ; but instead thereof repaired to the
Massachusetts, and made complaint against us to divers of the gentlemen in
place there ; who wrote to our governor, by way of persuasion, to advise the
council to a compliance with the said sachem, "nd tendered their help in the
achieving thereof; declaring, in sum, that they resented not lus offonce so
deeply as we did, and that they doubted whether the covenants and ongage-
nients that Phillip and his predecessors had plighted with us, would plairdy
import that he had subjected himself, and people, and country to us any further
than as in a neighborly and friendly correspondency."

Thus, whether Philip had been able by misrepresentation to lead tlie court
of Massachusetts into a conviction that his designs had not been fairly set forth
by Pliinouth, or whether it be more reasonable to conclude that that body were
thorougldy acijuainted with the whole grounds of complaint, and, tlierefore,
considered Pliniouth nearly as much in error as Philip, by assuming authority
not l)eionging to them, is a case, we ap])rehend, not dillicult to be settled by the
reader. The record continues : —

" The council having deliberated upon the premises, despatched away letters,
declaring their thankful acceptance of their kind pn>iier, and invited the com-
missioners of the Massachusetts and Connecticut, they [the latter] then being
there in the Bay, [Boston,] and some other gentlemen to come to Plymouth and
afford us their help: And, accordingly, on the 24 of Sept. 1671, Mr. John Win-
throp, Gov. of Connecticut, Maj. Gen. Levtretl, Mr. That. Danfoiih, Capt. fFnu,
Davis, with divers othere, came to Plimouth, and had a fair and deliberate
liearing of the controversy between our colony and the said sachem Phillip, he
being personally present ; there being also competent interpreters, both English
and Indians. At which meeting it was proved by sufficient testimony to the
conviction of the said Phillip, and satisfaction of all that audience, both [to] the
said gentlemen and others, that he had broken his covenant made with our
colony at Taunton in April last, in divers particulars : as also carried very un-
kuidly unto us divers ways.

"l.In that he "had neglected to bring in his arms, although " competent
time, yea his time enlarged " to do it in, as before stated. " 2. That he had
caiTied insolently and proudly towards us on several occasions, in refusing to
come down to our court (when sent for) to have speech with him, to procure
a right understanding of matters in difference betwixt us."

This, to say the least, was a wretchedly sorry complaint. That an independ-
ent chief should refuse to obey his neighbors whenever they had a mind to
command him, of the justness of whose mandates he was not to inquire, surely
calls for no comment of ours. Besides, did Philip not do as he agreed at
Taunton ? — which was, tlmt in case of future troubles, both parties should lay
their complaints befr-ie Massachusetts, and abide by their decision?

The 3d charge is only a repetition of what was stated by the council of war,
namely, harboring and abetting divers Indians not his own men, but " vaga-
bonds, our profev>)sed enemies, who "'saving their own sachem were hai-bored
by him."

The 4th has likewise been stated, which contains the comi)laint of his going
to Massachusetts, " with several of his council, endeavoring to insinuate him-
self into the magistrates, and to misrepresent mattcre unto them," which amounts
to little else but an accusalion against Massachusetts, as, from what has been
b('l()re stated, it seems tlmt the "gentlemen in jjlace there" had, at least in part,
been convinced that Philip was not so much in fault as their friends of Plim-
outh had pretended.

".'). That he hud shewed great incivility to divers of ours at several times; in
special unto Mr. James Brown, who was sent by the court on special occasion,
us a messenger unto him ;aiid unto Hugh Cole at another time, &c.

"The gent'emen fbrenumed takuig notice uf the premises, havhig fully heard

CHvr. ir.]

PHILIP.

207

wliat the said Phillip could say for himself, having free liberty so to do without
interruption, adjudged tii&t he hud done us a great deal of >vrong and injury,
(respecting the preniiaes,) and also unused them by carrying lies and false
stories to them, and so misrepresenting matters unto them ; and they persuaded
him to make au acknowledgment of his fault, and to seek for recuiiciliatiun,
expressing themselves, that there is a great difference between what he asserted
to the government in the Bay, and what he could now make out concerning
his pretended wrongs ; and such had been the wrong and damage that he IuhI
done and procured unto the colony, as ought not to be borne without comj)e-
tent reparation and satisfaction ; yea, that lie, by his insolencies, had (in Droba-
bility) occasioned more mischief from the Indians amongst them, tl had
fallen out in many years before ; they persuaded him, therefore, to humlh liim-
eelf unto the magistrates, and to amend his ways, if he expected peace ; and
tliat, if he went on in his refractory way, he must expect to smart for it."

The commissioners finally drew up tlie treaty of which we have before sjo-
ken, and Philip and his counsellors subscribed it ; and thus ended the chief
events of 1G71.

A very short time before the war of 1G75 commenced, the governor of
Massachusetts sent an ambassador to Philip, to demand of him why lie would
make war upon the English, and requested him, at the same time, to enter into
a treaty. The sachem made him this answer: —

" Your governor w but a subject of King Charles * of England. I shall not
treat with a subject. I shall treat of peace only unth the king, my brotlier. fVhen
he conies, I am ready." f

This is literal, although we have changed th- >rder of the words a little, and
is worthy of a |)lace upon the same page with the speech of the famous Porus,
when taken cajrtive by Alexander, %

We meet with nothing of importance imtil the death of Sassamon, in 1G74,
the occasion of which was charged upon Philip, and was the cause of l)ringing
about the war with him a year sooner than he had expected. This event pre-
maturely discovered Ids intentions, which occasioned i\.e part'al recantation of
the NaiTagansets, who, it is reported, were to furnish 4000 men, to be ready to
fall upon the English in 1676. Concert, therefore, was wanting ; and although
nearly all the Narragansets idtimately joined against the English, yet the pow-
erful effect of a general simultaneous movement was lost to the Indians.
Philip^s own peopii,, many of whom were so disconcerted at the imexpected
beginning of the war, continued some time to waver, doubting wluch side to
show themselves in favor of; and it was only from thteir beaig without the
vicinity of the English, or unprotected by them, that determined their course,
which was, in almost all cases, in favor of Philip. Even the praying Indians,
had they been lefl to themselves, woidd, no dorjt,manyof them, have declared
in his tlivor also, as a great many really did.

Until the execution of the three Indians, supposed to be the murderers of
Sassamon, uo hostility was committed by Philip or his warriors. AI)out the
tune of their trial, he was said to bw marching his men " up and down the
country in arms," but when it was known that they were executed, he could
no longer restrain many of his young men, who, having sent their wives and
children to Narraganset, upon the 24th of June, nrovoked the people of Swan-
sey, by killing their cattle, and other injuries,^ u.itil they fired upon them and

* Chiir :i II., whose rciffii was from 1660 to 1676.

t Old Iiidiiiii Cliroiiiclo,()!).

t The (•ouqiieror askod hiin how he would bo treated, who, in two words, replied, " Like a
kill!?." IJeiiig' asked if he had no other request to make, he said, " No. Every thiiipf is
coiiiprehciuhMl in that." (Pliilarck's Life of Alexander.) We couM wish, thiil tlfe English
conquerors had acted with as much magnaiiiiiiitv towards the Imhans, as Alexander did
towards those he overcame. Poms was treated as he had desired.

vS " III the mean time King Philip muslerc-d up ahout .^)00 of his men, and arms them com-
pU-at ; and had gotten about 8 or DtX) of his neiy ihoring Indiit/if, ami likewise arms iheiii com-
pli-al ; (i. e. guns, powder and bullets;) but how many he hiilh engaged to he of his |)iirlv,
IS uiikiiown to any among us. The last spring, several Iiniintis were seen in small parties,
about liilinholh and fiivanseij, which not a liltle all'riglited the inhabitanls. Who demiindiiig
the reason of them, wherefore it was so ? Answer was made. That the}' were op'v on tlici'r
•wn defence, for they uiidcr-lood tliat ihc liiiglisli intended to cut them off. .AKoiu tin- '.JOth

208

PHILIP— BEGINS THE WAR OF 1676.

[Book III.

killed one, wliich was a signal to commence the war, and what they had de-
sired ; for the Hiipcrstitious notion prevailed among the Indians, that the party
who fired tlie first gun would be conquered.* They had probably been made
to believe tliis by the English themselves.

It wus upon a fast day that this great drama was opened. As the pco])le
were returning from meeting, they were fired upon by the Indians, when one
was killed and two wounded. Two others, going f r a surgeon, were killed
on their wuj'. In another jiart of the town, six others were killed the same
day. Swansey was in the midst of Philip's country, and his men were as well
acquainted with all the walks of the English as they were themselves.

It is not su])posed that Philip directed this attack, but, on the other hand, it
has been said that it was ogainst his wishes. Hut there can be no doubt of his
hostility and great desire to rid his country of the white intruders ; for had he
not reason to say,

" Exarsere ignes animo : subit ira, cadcntem
Ulcisci patriain, et sccleratas sumero |>oeiias ? "

The die was cast. No other alternative appeared, but to ravage, bum and
destroy as fast as was in his power. There had been no considerable war for
a long time, eidier among themselves or with the English, and, therefore, nu-
merous young wan'iors from the neighboring tribes, entered into his cause
with great ardor ; eager to perform exploits, such as had been recounted to
them by their sires, and such as they had long waited an opportunity to achieve.
The time, they conceived, had now arrived, and their soids expanded in pro-
portion to the greatness of the undertaking. To conquer the English ! to lend
captive their haughty lords ! must have been to them thoughts of vast magni-
tude, and exhilarating in the highest degree.

Town after town fell before them, and when the English forces marched in
one direction, they were burning and laying waste in another. A part of
Taunton, 3Ii(ldleborough, and Dartmouth, in the vicinity of Pocosset, upon
Narraganset Bay, soon followed the destruction of Swansoy, which was burnt
immediately after the 24th of June, on being abandoned by the inhabitant.^.

Though now in great consternation, the people of Swansey and its vicinity
did not lorg<!t to make known their distressed situation by sending runnere with
the utmost despatch to Boston and Plimouth for assistance. "But," says our
chronicler of that day, " before any came to them, they of both towns, Kcho-
both and Swansey, were gathered together into three houses, men, women, and
children, and there had all provisions in common, so that they who had nothing
wanted nothing. Immediately after notice hereof came to Boston, dnmis beat
up for volunteers, and in 3 hours time were mustered up about 110 men, Capt.
Samuel Mostly being their commander. This Capt. Mosehf hath been an
old privateer at Jamaica, an excellent soldier, and an undaunted spirit, one
whose memory will be honorable in New England for his many eminent ser-
vices he hath done the public.

" There were also among these men, about 10 or 12 privateers, that had been
there some time before. They carried with them several dogs, tliot proved
serviceable to them, in finding out the enemy in their awamjjs ; one whereof
%vould, for several days together, go out and bring to them G, 8 or 10 yoimg
pigs of King Philip's herds. There went out also amongst these men, one
Cornelius, a. Dutchman, who had lately been condemned to die for piracy, but
afterwards received a pardon ; he, willing to show his gratitude therefor, went
out and did several good services abroad against the enemy."

All who have sought after truth in matters of this kind, are well aware of tho

of June last, seven or eight of King Philip's men came to Sirnnsey on the Lord's day, and
would grind a lialclii't at an inhabitant's iiousc there; the master told them, it was the sab-
bath day, and their God would be very angry if he should let them do it. Tiiey returned
this answer : They knew not who his God was, and that they would do it, for all him, or his
God either. From thence they went to another house, and took away some victuals, but hurl
no man. Immediately they met a man travelling on the road, kept him in custody a short
time, tiien dismisi him quietly ; giving iiim this caution, that lie should not work on his God's
day, and that he should tell no lies." Clirofiicle, 8, 9.
* <\Uiendar's Discourse ou the Hist, of R. Island.

'■v^=V-fc|

Crai. II]

PHILIP— HIS WAR OF 1673.

2oy

extreme cliffirulty of investigation. Twenty persons may writo an nccD.iiit nf
an afttiir, to tlie passage of which all may have been witneswcs, niid no two of
tiiem agree in many of its particulars. The author of the tmcts wliicli we i-itis
under the name of The Old Indian Chroniclk, wrote his accounts ii. iJostoii,
and we have no doubt of his intention to record evi v event witli tli(! strict! st
regard to truth ; if he had erred, it is doubtless from his recc ling the first dim.s
of an event, which often varies in point of fact afterwards. Huhbard iiiid Mit-
iher, two contemporary historians, had the advantage of a cofn|mri.son of re-
ports, and of revising their works in their passage through the, |)res,s; whereas
the author of tlie tracts wrote them as letters to a friend in London, wliere tliey
were immediately printed. With allowances for these cireunistanees, as full
credit should be given to his relation, as to either of the others. His aceoinit.s
of the first events at Swanscy are detailed in his own words in a previous note,
and we here proceed with another portion of his narrative.

" By this time the Indians hav.) killed several of Oiir men, but the first flint
was killed was June 23, a man at Swansey ; that he and his family had left his
house amongst the rest of the inhabitants, and adventuring with his wife tiiul
son (about twenty years old) to go to his house to fetch them com, and such
like things: (he having just before sent his wife and son away) as ho was going
out of the house, was set on and shot by Indians. His wile being not liir ollj
heard the guns go off, went back," and fell into their hands. Dishonored, and
afterwards scalped by them, she immediately died, and her son was at the sanje
time scalped. "They also the next day [24 June] killed six or seven tnen at
Swanscy, and two more at one of the garrisons; and as two men went out of
one of the gaiTisons to draw a bucket of water, they were shot and carried
away, and aftenvards were found with their fingers and feet cut oif, and the
skin of their heads flayed off," that is, scalped.

" About 14 days after that they sent for more help ; wliereupon the authority
of Boston made Capt. T^mo* Savage the major general in that expedition,
wno, with GO horse, and as many foot, went out of Boston ; having pressed horses
for the footmen, and six carts to carry provisions with them." " They traveled
day and night till they came to tlieir garrisons, and within three clays after
marched, horse and foot, leaving guards in the garrisons, towards INIount Hope,
where King Philip and his wife was. They came on him at unawares, so that
he was forced to rise from dinner, unrt he and all with him fled out of that land
called Mount Hope, up further into the country. They pui-sued tiiem as far as
they could go for swamps, and killed 15 or l(i in tiiat expedition, then returned
and took what he had that was worth taking, and spoiled the rest ; taking all hi^
cattle and hogs that they could find, and also took possession of Mount Hope,
which had then a thousimd acres mider com, which is since .-ut down by the
English, and disposed of according to their discretion. Cornelius [before men-
tioned] was in this exploit, and pursued Philip so hard, that he got Jiis cap off
his head, and now wears it."

It was June 26, that the English marched out of Boston for Swansey ; and
they arrived there two days after, namely, June 28, a little before night.*
Twelve men immediately marched out to invade Philip's territories, who were
attacked by about the same number of /'/ii7jy» ni'-n. The invadere were re-
pulsed, having one killed, and one wounded, and his horse killed under him.
Of the IndiaiiS two were killed.

The next day, June 29, the Indians appeared boldly in view of iie Englisli,
anr^by their shouts, it would seem, dared them to come out and figlit. Mosiljf
sallied out at the head of a company of volunteers, and rushefl furiously npoii
them. They fled to their coverts, but even here made a stand only for a mo-
ment ; for alter one fire they all fled. One of the English, Ensign Savaf^c, was
wounded, the hall lodging in his thigh, and another passed through tlie liriin
of his hat.t Moschj pursued the Indians above a mile, and killed five or six of
them, as they were making their retreat into a swamp. It was in this pui-suit
that the exploit of Cornelius took place, just related, and Philip was not seen at

* Ifuhlmnl, Narrative, 18.

t Church, wlio was in this action, says Savagrt was wounded by his own party : having
Jivideil theinstilvps into two wings, in liicir confusion one fired upon the other.
18»

■■ y ■
■ < ■ ■

! •

it.

210

PHILIP— BATTLE OF PUNKATEESET.

[Rook HI

Mount Hope turain until the next venr. The next day tlie English forces trav
ersed Mount iTope Neck, found Philip's wigwam, but himself and all his peo-
ple liad made good their retreat They found the hcadsof eight of tlie English
that had been killed, set upon poles, at Keekamuit, which they took down and
interred.

On the morning of July 1, as Lieutenant Oakts was returning to head-quar-
ters at Swanscy, having encamped at Rchoboth tlie preceding night, he dis-
covered a company of Indiansj and attacked them. How many were killed is
not stated, but two of Philip's chief captains were among the number, one of
whom was named These, " a sachem of Mount Hope." Of the English one
was killed. The scalps of three Indians that were killed were taken off by the
English and sent to IJoston, which were the first taken by them in this war.*

At the solicitation of Benjamin Church, a company of 36 men were put
under him and Captaui Fuller, who, on the 8 July, marched down into Pocas-
set Neck. Church, who was well acquainted with the Indians, had urged the
officers of the army to pursue Philio on the Pocasset side, being fully jjcrsua-
dcd that there were no Indians in ftlount Hope Neck, the part of the country
they were taking so much pains to guard and fortify ; but they would not hear
to his advice, and the consequence was, Philip burned and destroyed the towns
towards Plimouth. — But to return to the force under Church and Fuller. This,
though but small at first, was divided into two. Church had 19 men, and Fuller
the remaining 17. The party under Church proceeded into a point of land
called Punkateeset, now the southerly extremity of Tiverton, where they
were attacked by a great body of Indians, 300, as Church learned afterwaids,
who nearly encompassed them ; but after a few muiutes fight, the English re-
treated to the 83a shore, and thus saved themselves from immediate destruc-
tion. Church gave oiders for a retreat the very moment he discovered that
the object of the Indians was to surround them. This proved their safety,
although, as they were now situated, they coirid expect but little else tl. \u
to sell their lives at the price of a greater number of their enemies. The.c
Indians were well armed, " their bright guns glittering in the sun," which gave
them a formidable appearance. Thus hemmed in, Church had a double duty
to perform ; that of preserving the spirits of his famished followers, man^ of
whom were ready to give up all for lost, and erecting defences of stones to
defend them. Many were the hair-breadth escapes of individuals in this little
band on this trying occasion. In the language of Church, " they were beset
with multitudes of Indians, who possessed themselves of every rock, and
stump, tree or fence, that was in sight," from which they fired without ceasing.

Boats had been appointed to attend upon the English in this expedition,
hut they had grounded on the Rhode Island shore, and could not come to their
assistance ; at length, however, one got off, and came towards them, which gave
them hopes of escape, but these were of short duration : the Indians fired into
it, and prevented their landing. Church ordered those in it to ride off beyond
musket shot, and to send a canoe ashore ; but they dared not even to do this.
When Church saw that, in a moment of vexation, he ordered the boat to be
gone in an instant or he would fire upon it ; she immediately lefl, and the
peril of the English was greatly increased ; for now the Indians were en-
couraged, and they fired " thicker and faster than before."

Night was now almost enshrouding them, their ammunition nearly spent,
and the Indians had possessed themselves of a stone house that overlooked
them, but as though preserved by a miracle, not one of the English in all this
time was wounded. But fortune's sport was now nearly ended : a sloop was
discovered bearing down towards them, and soon afler. Church announced
that relief was coming, for that the vessel was commanded by " Capt. Gold-
ING, whom he knew to be a man for business." True, it was Golding. He
sent his canoe ashore, but it was so small that it would take but two at a time
to the vessel. The embarkation immediately commenced, and meantime
the Indians plied their shot with such efi'ect that the colors, sails, and stern
of the sloop were full of bullet-holes. Church was the last man to embark,

* I deduce tlie facts in tliis sentence from a comparison of Ilubhard, 20, with if
Chrunu'LE, 13.

Chap. 11.]

PHILIP.— POCASSET SWAMP FIGHT.

211

who, as he was retreating backward to the boat, a ball grazed the liair of
his iioad, two others struck the canoe as he enterrd it, and a fourth lodged
in a stake, wliich accidentally stood just before " the middle of his brenst ! "
Thus this little baud, after a fight of alwut six hours, cscajjed. The party
under Captain Fuller met with similar fortune ; they were attacked by gieut
numbers, but escaped by getting possession of an old house close upon the
water's edge and were early taken off by boats. But two of the party were
wounded. Some of the Indians were killed and wounded this d:iy, but how
many is not known.

The same day this fight took place, a boat's crew went from Rhode Island
to Pocasset to look after some cattle, and were fired upon by the Indian^:, and
one of their number, a servant of Captain Church, was severely wounded.
Some of the acts of the English, in retrospect, do not di.scover that judg-
ment the circumstances seem to have elicited, especinllv that in relation to
the Nurragansets. They had now driven Philip out of fdount Hope Neck,
and, not knowing exactly where to find him, the forces in that quarter re-
mained doubting what next to do. At this juncture Captain Hutchinson
arrived from Boston w4th orders from the government there, " for them to
[Miss into Narraganset, to treat with the sachems, and if it might be, to pre-
vent their joining with Philip." Accordingly they marched into that country,
but all the chief men and warriors fled on their approach. The historical
conclusion is, therefore, that this act was vier'ed by them as a declaration of
war, and it is rational that they should have so con.sidered it; beciiuse the
army assumed a most hostile attitude, " resolving they would go to make
peace with a sword in their hands." Having arrived in the Narraganset
country, three or four days were spent in findiiig Indians with whom to
treat ; (for they could find none to fight ;) at length, four men were Ibund, whom
the English styled sachems, and a treaty was drawn up at great length and
signed by the parties. To ensure its observance the following hostages were
taken into custody by the army : John Wobequob, Weowthim,* Pewkes,
and Weenew, " lour of the sachems near kinsmen and choice friends."
Among the stipulations of the treaty we find these :

The said sachems shall carefidly seize all and every of Philip's subjects,
and deliver them up to the English, ali'> ^ or dead ; that they shall use all
acts of hostility against Philip and his subjects, to kill them wherever they
can be found; that if they seize Phil.^ and deliver him alive to the English,
they shall receive 40 trucking cloth coats ; and for his head alone, 20 of
said coats ; and for every subject of said sachem 2 coats, if alive, and one if
dead. This treaty is dated Petaquanscot, 15 July, 1675 ;

In presence of and signed by the marks of

Daniel Henchman, Tawaoeson,

Thomas Prentice, Taytson,

JS/icholas Paige, Aoamaco,

Joseph Stanton, Interpreter. Wampsii, alias

Henry Haiolaws, i [Indians, Corman.

Pecoe Bucow, ( probably.]
Job Mff.

Philip commanded in person upon Pocasset, where, upon the 18th of July,
he was discovered in a "dismal swamp." He had retired to this place,
which is adjacent to Taunton River, with most of his Wampanoags, and
such others as had joined him, to avoid falling in with the English army,
which was now pursuing him. From their numbers, the English were
nearly able to encompass the swamp, and the fate of Philip they now thought
sealed. On arriving at its edge, a few of Philip's warriors showed them-
selves, and the English rushed in upon them with ardor, and by this feint
were drawn far into an ambush, and "about 15 were sluiu." The leaves
upon tlie trees were so thick, and the hour of the day so late, that a friend
could not be distinguisiied from a foe, " whereby 'tis verily feared," says Dr.
Mather, "that [the English themselves] did sometimes unhapi)ily shoot Eng-

* Probably ilie same railed iii another pince Nowequa.

PHILIP.— FIGHT AT REHOBOTH PLAIiN.

[Book III.

%\^

•1'

lisliiiien iiiNteml of Indians." A retreat was now ordered, and, considering
Philip's escape in)possible, tlie most of tiie forces leil the place, a few ordy
reinuiiiing, "to starve out the enemy." That Philip's force was great at this
time is certain, from the fact tliut a hundred wigwams were found near tlio
•*(lge of tlie swam]), newly constructed of green burk. In one of those the
Enghsh found an old niun, who informed them that Philip was there. He
lost hut few men in the encounter, though, it is said, he had a brother
killed.*

The idle notion of building a fort here to starve out Philip, was suffi-
ciently censured by the historians of that dny. For, as Cantuin Church ex-
presses It, lo build a fort/or nothing to cover the people from nooodij,\ was rather
a ridiculous idea. This observation he made U|)on a ibrt's being built upon
Mount Hope Neck, some time aller every Indian had lell that side of the
country, oud who, in fact, were hiying waste the towns before mentioned.

The swamp where Philip was now confined, was upon a piece of country
which projected into Taunton River, and was nearly 8«!vcn milts in extent.
Afier being guarded here 13 days, which, in the end, was greatly to his advan-
tage, and aflorded him sufiieient time to provide canot^s in which to make his
escape, he passed the river with most of his men, and made good his retreat
into the country u|)on Connecticut River. In efiecting this retreat, an acci-
dent hap])cned which deprived him of some of his choicest and bravest ca]>-
tains, as wo shall proceed to relate.

About the 26 July, 1G75, Oneko, with two of his brothers, and about 50 men,
came to Boston, by direction of tineas, his fatlier, and declared their desire to
assist the English against the Wamponoags. A few English and three Nuticks
were added to their company, and immediately despatched, by way of Pli-
mouth, to the enemy's country. This circuitous route was taken, perhaps,
that they might have their instructions immediately from the governor of
that colony ; Massachusetts, at that time, probably, supposing the war might
be ended without their direct interference. This measure, as it proved,
was very detrimental to the end in view ; ibr if they had proceeded directly
to Seekonk, they would have been there in season to have met Philip in his
retreat from Pocasset ; and this force, being joined with the other English
forces, then in the vicinity, they in all ])robabllity might have Ihiislicd tiie
war by a single fight with him. At least, his chance of escaj)e would have
been small, as he had to cross a large extent of clear and open eoinitiy,
where many of his men must have been cut down in flight, or fought man
to man with their pursuers. Whereas Oneko was encamped at some dis-
lance, having arrived late the night before, and some time was lost in rally-
ingt after Philip was discovered. They overtook him, however, about iO
o'clock in the morning of the 1st of August, and a smart fight ensi^od.
Philip having brought his best men into the rear, many of them were slain ;
among these was Nimrod, alias Woonashum, a great captain and counsellor,
who hud signed the treaty at Taunton, four years before.

From what cause the fight was suspended is unknown, though it woidd
seem from some relations, that it was owing to Oneko's men, who, seeing
themselves in pof^ession of considerable plunder, fell to loading themselves
with it, and thus gave Philip time to escape. From this view of the case,
it would appear that the Mohegans were the chief actors in the offensive.
It is said that the Naticks urged immediate and further pursuit, which did
not take place, in consequence of the extreme heat of the weather ; and
thus the main body were permitted to escape.

Mr. JVewwkin, of Rehoboth, gave an account of the afiair in a letter, in
which he said that "14 of the enemy's principal men were slain." He also
mentioned, in terms of great praise, the Naticks and Mohegans imder Chwko,

Philip having now taken a position to annoy the back settlements of

• This is upon the aiitliority of llm anonymous author of tlie "Present Slate," &.c.,o(
which we shall eisewliere have occasion to take notice. That author seems to have co»
founded the fight between Thebe and Lieut. Oukes with that of Rehoboth Plain.

t Hist. Philip's War, p. 6. ed. 4to.

; Govkin'i MS. Hist. Praying Indians.

^ ( ,

Chap. 11]

AMBUSH AT WlKABAUa.

2i:J

Mass^clmsotts, his warriors fell vigorounly to tlie worit On 14 Jiilv, fivo
people arc killed ut Meiuloii, in Muhs., which ia the first hlood hIuhI hi tin;
coio'iy in thij wur. Those that were killed were about their work in ilie
fielii, and knew not their murderers ; and whether they were killed hy
Phili|)*s men is unknown.

Soon ufler the war begun, Maswichiisetts, fearing the Niitmuks might join
ivilh Philip, sent messengers to treat with them. The yoimg Indians were
found "surly," but the old men were for a renewal of friendship; but tho
person or persons sent upon this business did not acquit themselves in a
manner that gave satisfaction ; (uid Philip, being now in tho country of the
Nipmuks, it was concluded by the authorities of Massachusetts to make u
further test of their intentions. Accordingly, on tho 28 Jidy, Captains
Hutchinson and Whteltr, with a company of 20 mounted men, and 'A Christian
Indians iw pilots and interi»relers, viz. Memecho, Joseph, and Sampson, went
with Kotne of the inhabitants <)f Drookfield, agreeably to appointment, to
meet tiio Nipmuk sacliems. It had been agreed by these saehems to
meet the English in a treaty at a certain tree at Quabaog on the 2 August,
on a plain 8 miles from Brooktield village. Having arrived here aeeording
to agreement, the English found no Indians to treat with. It was now a
question with all l)ut the Brookfield men, whether or not they should pro-
ceed to a c(!rtain ;ilace where they IM-Iieved the Indians to bt;; at hsngth the
confidence of the Brooktield people in the pacific disposition of the Indians,
prevailed, and tin v marched on. The way was so bad that they cotild march
only in single file, an they approached the jtlace where they expected to find
the Indians, and wlieu they came near Wikabang Pond, between a swamp
on the lell and a very abrupt and high hill on the right,* suddenly 2 or liOO
Indians rose ii|), encompassed, and fired ufton them. Eight were killed out-
riL'ht, and three fell mortally woundiul. Of the latter nmnber was Captain
Hutchinson, who, though carried otf by the survivors, died on the 19 August
following. Captain fVheeler had his hors(; shot under him, and himself was
shot tiirough the body ; but his life was saved through the bravery and presence
of mind of a son then with him. This son, though his own arm was broken
by a bullet, seeing the peril of his father, dismoimten from his horse, and suc-
ceeded in mounting his father upon it. A retreat now began, and, by cutting
their way through the Indians, the email renmunt of English got back tu
Br()okfield.t

The tiiree Christian Indians of whom we have spoken, rendered most
eminent service on this day ; for had they not been there, there had been no
possibility of one Englishman's escaping. One of them, George Memecho,
ii-il into the hands of the Indians: the other two, by skill and l)ravery, led
the English, by an unknown route, in safety to Brookfiehl. Yet these In-
dians were afterwards so Iwdly treated by the English, that they were forced
to fly to Philip for protection. Sampson was afterwards killecl in a fight by
the English Indians, and Joseph was taken in Pliinouth colony, and sold for
a slave, and sent to Jamaica. lie afterwards was suffered to return, at the
iiit(Tcessioii of Mr. Eliot. Menucho escaped from his caj)tors, nnd brought
beneficial intelligence to the English of the state of Philip's affai's. |

The English having now arrived at Brookfiehl, as just relat3d, the In-
dians pursued them, and arrived almost as soon ; fortunately, hov over, there
was barely time to alarm the inhabitants, who, to the number of about 80,
flocked into a garrison house, where, through persevering efforts, tiiey were
enabled to maintain tlumselves until a force under Major WUlard cairie
to their relief, Augusf 4. He was in the vicinity of Lancaster, with 48 dra-
goons and lour friendlv Indians, when be received the intelligence of the
perilous condition of Brookfield, and had^ ist taken up his line of march to
sm-prise a lodge of Indians not far from that ])lacc. He now (piiekly

* According to all traililion this place is at the north end of Wickahoajj pond, and the hill
was u cemetery for the Indians; for when cultivated allerwards Ity the whiles, numtTous Ixniirs
were exhumed. Fool's Hist. Urookficid, 30.

t Narrati.e of the affair by Captain Wheeler himself, p. 1 to 5.

X Gookin's MS. History of the I'rayini; Indians.— Joifp/i and Sampson were brothers
*oiis of "old KuBiN Petuha.vit, deceased, a good man." lb.

if'

914

nrUMNO OF DRCMUvFIKLD

[DuoK III

"hail).'*!!! \m roiirs*! for Krookfioltl, distant nimnt 30 miles, which, by n forced
nmrch, \w, renclicd in snlUty tlio ni;5ht followinj,'. Tliat h« was not uttarkod
OS lit; np|)rnachi;d tho distr(!SHe<l •nrriaon, is most extraordinary, (or the
hostiin Indians arc Haid to have guarded every imssajje to it; and there are
riifVerent reasons stated for that neglect: one is, that the guard through
whicli tho English padsed, sufFered them to proceed, expecting auotiier
guard stationed still nearer the garrison would attack tliem in front while
they should fall on tliem in the rear ; another is, that they were «leceived
as to tlio numbers of the English, tiiinking them many more than they
really were, and dared not attack them. It would seem, however, more
|)rohable, that the Indians liad no guard at all at the point in which they
approached at the time they arrived ; for a drove of cattle, which had In-eji
frightened from Brookfield into the woods, followed the rear of H'illard'a
company to tho garrison, and were not attacked, which would not have been
tho case, in all probability, had the Indians been aware of their approach.

No rooner was it known to the besiegers that relief was come, Imt they
fell with more fury, if possible, upon the devoted garrison than before ;
shooting continually from all quarters upon it, which shows that they had
accidentally let the reinforcement get into tho garrison. Thus to a most
fortunate circumstance did this assemblage of English owe their safety.

At the very time WiUard arrived at lirookficld the Indians were con-
triving some machinery to set the garrison on fire; and this mav account
for their remissness in suffering him to come in unmolested. They fust
endeavored by fire arrows, and rags dipped in brimstone tied to long poles
spliced together, to fire the gtu rison, but not succeeding, those within firing
upon them often with such deadly effect, they next, in the language of Mr
Htihbard, " used this devilish stratagem, to fill a cart with hemp, flax, and
other combustible matter, and so thrusting it backward with poles together
spliced a great length, after they had kindled it ; but as soon as it had begun
to take fire, a storm of rain, unexpectedly falling, put it out." *

During this siege several of tiio whites were wounded, though but one
was kiKcd. Of the Indians 80 were supposed to have been killed,t but this
was doubtless setting the number much too high, although they exposed
themselves beyond what was common on similar occasions. On the 5
August they quitted tlie place, satisfied they could not take it, and joined
Philip, who was now about 6 miles from the place where Hvtchinaon was
and)ushed.

After GeorfTf Memecho's return to the English, he gave the following in-
formation: " Ui)on Friday, August 5, Philip and his company came to us at
a swamp, 6 miles from the swamp where they killed our men. Philip
brought with him about 46 men, but women and children many more.
PLilip^s men were, about 30 of them, armed with guns, the rest had bows
and arrows. He observed there were about 10 of Philip^s men wounded.
Philip was conducted to the swamp by two Indians, one of them [was]
Caleb of Tatumasket, beyond Mendon. The Indians told Philip, at his first
coming, what they had done to the English at Quabaog ; then he presented
and gave to three Sagamores, viz. Joh.n, aliaa Apequinash, Quanamsit, and
Mawtamps. to each of them about a peck of unstrung wompom, which
they accepted. Philip, as I understood, told Quabaog andNipmuck Indians,
that when he first came towards the Nipmuck country, and left his own, he
had in his company about 250 men, besides women and children, including
the Stiiiaw-Sacheni [Weelamoo] and her company; but now they liad lelt
him, and some of them were killed and he was reduced to 40 men. ]
heard also that Philip said if the English had charged upon him and his
people at the swamp in his own country [18 July] one or two days more,
they had been all taken, for their powder was almost spent. He also said,

* Captain Wlieeler does not mention liie rain, but says they succeeded in setting the housa
uii tire, wliich was extinguished al great peril by those within, who had two of Uieir men
wouiirled.

i Hcyl's Indian Wars, 101.

Chap. 11]

FIOIIT AT SUGARLOAF HILh.

816

that if the English hnd pursued him close!;'," ns he retreated to the Nip«
inucit country, " ho must needs have been taken." •

A eonHi(h;rai)le number oC partly christianized Indians belonged to the
nei!,'hlK)rhood ofHadley, near which they had a wooden fort to protect them
from any hostile Indians. On the breaking out of the calamities in tiiat
region, these, with all other Indians, were watched, and suspected of con«
niving with Philip, ond an intention of joining with him. To test their pre-
tensions. Captains Lothrop and Burs, who, with a force of 180 men, were
now at Hadley, ordered tnem to surrender their arms to tliem. They hes-
itated to do so then, but intimated that they would imme<liately ; yet on the
following night, 25 August, they led their fort and Hed up the river to-
wards Pecompluk, since Deerfield, to join Philip. The next day Lolhrop
and Beers pursued and overtook them near a swamp a short distance to the
south of Sugarloaf Hill, opposite to the present town of Sunderland. 'J'hc
Indians bravely stood their ground, and a sharp and bloody contest ensued.
They were finally routed, having 2(i of their number slain, while the whites
are reported to have lost but 10 iu killed, and their number wounded is not
mentioned, f

A garrison being established at Northfield, Captain Richard Beers, of Water-
town, t with 36 men, was attacked while on their way to reinforce it, tsept.
3, and 20 of the 86 were killed. iJofcert Pc/>/>cr, of Roxbury, was taken cap-
tive, and the others efVected their escape. Philip's men had the advantage
of attacking them in a place of their own choosing, and their first fire was
very destructive. Beers retreated with his men to a small eminence, and
maintained the unr(piul fight until their anmiunition was spent, at which
time a cart containing annnunition fell into the hands of the Indians, and,
the captain being killed, all who were able took to flight. The hill to wiiich
the English fled, at the i)eginning of the fight, was known aflerwards by tiie
name of Beers's Mountain. "Here," says Mr. Hvhbard, " the barbarous vil-
lains showed their insolent rage and cruelty, more than ever before ; cutting
off the heads of some of the slain, and fixing them upon poles near the
highway, and not only so, but one, if not more, was fcund with a chain
hooked into his under-jaw, and so hung up on the bough of a tree, ('tis feared
he was hung up alive,) by which means they thought to daunt and discourage
anv that might come to their relief!"

'The place where this fight occurred was within about two miles of tlie gar-
rison at Squakkeag, (Northfield,) and the plain on which it began is called
Beers''s Plain. Meanwhile the garrison was reduced to the brink of ruin, and,
like that at Brookfield, was saved by the arrival of a company of soldiers.
Two days after Captain Beers was cut off, Major Treat arrived there with 100
men, and conveyed the garrison safe to Hadley.

Philip probably conducted both aflTairs; this of Cajitain Beers, and that of
Captain Thomas Lothrop, about to be related, although it is not positively
known to be the fact.

Some time in the month of August, "King Philip^s men had taken a young
lad alive, about 14 years old, and bound him to a tree two nights and two
days, intending to be merry with him the next day, and that they would roast
him alive to make sport with him; but God, over night, touched the heart of
one Indian, so that he came and loosed him, and bid him run grande, (i. e. run
apace,) and by that means he escaped." §

About this time, some English found a single Indian, an old man, near
Quabaog, whom they captured. As he would not give them any information
respecting his countrj^men, or, perhaps, such as they desired, they pro-
nounced him worthy of death ; so " they laid him down, Cornelius, the butch-
man, lifting up his sword to cut off his head, the Indian lifted up his hand be-
tween, so that his hand was flrst cut off, and partly his head, and the second
blow finished the execution." {|

* Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. I, 293 — ♦. n.

t Hubbard, Nar.36, 37.— Chronicle, W.—Hoyt, 102, 103.

) Manuscript documents.

^ Chronicle, 25. || Manuscript in library of Mass. Hist. Soc.

' ■']

I-

!■!.■

V
i

■

r f

'■ i

) "5.

216

PHILIP.-.LOTHROP CUT OFF.

[Book III.

It was about this time, as the author of the " Present State " relates, tliat
" King Philip, now beginning to want money, having a coat made all of
wunipunipeag, (i. e. Indian money,) cuts his coat to pieces and distributes it
pItMititiilly among the Nipmoog sachems and others, as well as to the east-
ward as southward, and all round about" *

On the 18 Sept. Captain Lothrop, of Beverly, was sent from Hadley with
about 88 men, to bring away the corn, grain, and other valuable articles,
ti-oni Deerfield. Having loaded their teams and commenced their march
homewaid, they were attacked at a place called Sugarloaf Hill, where almost
every man was slain. This company consisted of " choice young men, the
very flower of Essex county, ' none of whom were ashamed to speak with the
enemy in the gate.'"t Eighteen of the men belonged to Deerfield-J Cap-
tain Mosdy, being not far off, upon a scout, was drawn to the scene of action
by the report of the guns, and, having with him 70 men, chai^^^ed the Indians
with great resolution, although he computed their numbers at 1000. lie
had two of his men killed and eleven wounded. The Indians dared him to
begin the fight, and exultingly said to him, " Come, Mostly, come, you seek In-
dians, you want Indians ; here is Indians enough for you.''^ § On tliis occasion
the conduct otMosely's lieutenants, Savage and Pickering, are mentioned in
high terms of praise, "as deserving no little pait of the honor of that day's
senice." After continuing a fight witli them, from eleven o' clock until
almost night, he was obliged to retreat. || The Indians cut open the bags of
wheat and tlie feather-beds, and scattered their contents to the winds. §
After Mosely had commenced a retreat. Major Treat, with 100 Eiiglitjh and
(iO Mohegans, came to his assistance. Their united forces obliged the Indians
to retreat in their turn.H The Indians were said to have lost, in the varioii"*
encounters, 96 men. It was a great oversight, that Captain Lothrop should
have suftered his men to stroll about, while passing n dangerous defile.
"Many of the soldiers having been so foolish and secure, as to put their arms
in the carts, and step aside to gather grapes, which proved dear and deadly
grapes to them." ** The same author observes, " This was a black and fatal
day, wherein there were eight persons made widows, and six-and-twenty
children made fatherless, all in one little plantation and in one day ; aud
above sixty persons buried in one dreadful grave ! "

The place of this fight and ambush is in the southerly part of Dcerfield, on
which is now the village called B1.00DT Brook, so named from this memora-
ble tragedy. A brook which passes through the village is crossed by the
road not far from tlie centre of it, and it was at the point of crossing that it
happened, ff

Until this period the Indians near Springfield remained friendly, and re
fused the solicitations of Philip, to undertake in his cause. But, now that
Northfield and Deerfield had liillen into his hands, they were watched closer
by the whites, whose cause tlirse great euccosscs of Philip had occasioned
them to look upon as rather precarious. They therefore, about 40 in number,
on the night of the 4 Oct., admitted about 300 of Philip's men into their fort,
which was situated at a place called Longhill, about a mile below the village
of Springfield, and a plan was concerted for the destruction of that place.
But, as in many cases afterwards, one of their number betrayed tlieni. ToTO,tt

• Old Ind. Chronicle. If this were ihe case, Philip must iiave hnd nn immense big coat—
vca, even bigger than Dr. Johnson's great coal, as rc|>rcsenlcd l>y liosivell ; the side pockets
of wliich, he said, were largo enough each lo cont{.in ot;c of the huge volumes of his Iblio
dictionary I

t lluhhard's Narrative, 38. X These were the teamsters.

6 Slanuscript letter, written at the time.

II " Whereupon, allor having killed several of the Indians, he was forced lo retreat, and con-
tinued fighting for all the lime that he and his men were rcirealing nine miles. Cnpl. Mostly
lost out of his company 9, and 13 wounded."— Old. Ind. Chron. 29. This author has
nleixlod the two accounts of Beers and Lothrop together, and relates ihcm as one.

11 /. Mather's Ilisloryof the War, 12. *» Ibid.

tt Last year, (iy.J5), a splendid celebration was held at Bi.oodv niiooK, in commemoration
•f the event, and an oration was pronounced by our Prince of Orntors, the present governor
if this commonwealth. His Kxcellency Euwaud I'.vkiiktt, LI.. D.

\^ Hubbard.— 'lor , Hutchinson.

CHAr. II.]

PHILIP.— SURPRISE OF HATFIELD.

217

\'M

an Indian at Windsor, revealed the plot, and the peoj)le of Springfiehl had
time otilj' to escape into tiieir garrisons. The whole force of ihe IndianH
came like a torrent upon the place the next day, and burnt the deserted
houses and bai*ns, in all 57 buildings. In this business, however, some of
their number were killed * i)y tii ■ puople in the garrisons ; but it is not known
how many. They would have succeeded against the lives of the English as
well as against their proj)erty, had not u force arrived about the same time
for their nlirf

Animated bv his successes, Philip aimed his next blow at the head quar-
ters of the wfiites in this region. With 7 or 800 of his men he fell upon
Hatfield on the 19 Oct., wliicli, had it not been well provided with men, would
have shared the fate of Springfield ; but Captain Mosely and Captain Poole,
with their companies, were in the place, and Ca|)tain Samuel Appkton was at
Iladley on the opposite side of the river; and against such commanders they
could hardly have expected success. Ilowever, they made a bold attempt
on all sides at once ; but their greatest force fell on the |)oint where Captani
Jlppleton commanded. His sergeant was mortally wounded by his side, and
a bullet passed through the hair of his own head; "by that whisper telling
him," says Hubbard, "that death was very near, but did bin no other harm.
Night coming on, it could not be discerned what loss the enemy sustained ;
divers were seen to fall, some run through a small river, [now called JMi/i
River,] others cast their guns into the water, (it being their manner to ven-
ture as nuich to recover the dead bodies of their friends, as to defend them
when alive.)" And thus they were driven from the place, after killing but
three, and wounding 10 of the whites, and burning a small number of
buildings. They had, Ixifore their attack on the town, killed three belonging
to some scouts, and seven others of Captain Mosely^s men. This was among
their last iinportant efforts on the Connecticut River before retiring to the
country of the Narragaiisets.

The Nipnmck sachems had well contrived their attack on Hatfield ; having
made fires in the woods about seven miles from it, to draw out the soldiers,
lor whom they had jirepared ambushes ; but only ten of Moseli/s men were
sent out to learn tlie cause of the fires. These were all cut oA' except one,
according to the Chronicle, but according to Hubbard, seven only were
kille<l. The Lidians probably supposed the main body was cut off, and
therefore proceeded directly to the assault of the town, where a new force
had just arrived ; and hence they met with a brave resistance and final defeatf

The Narragansits had not yet heartily engaged in the war, though there ia
no doubt but they stood pledged so to do. Tlierefore, having douo all that
could he expected upon the western frontier of Massachusetts, and conclu-
ding tliut his presence among his allies, the Narragansets, was necessary to
keep them Iroin abandoning his cause, Philip was next known to be in their
country.

An army of loOO English was raised by the three colonies, Massachusetts,
riiinoulh, and Connecticut, ior the purpose of breaking down the power of
Philip among the Narragansets. They determined upon this course, as they
had been assured that, the next spring, that luition would come with all their
force upon them. It was not known tliat Philip was among them when this
resolution was taken, and it was but a rumor that they had taken part with
him. It was true, that they had promise<l to deliver up all the Wampanoags,
who should flee to them, either alive or dead ; but it is also true, that those
w! t made this liromise, had it not in tluMr power to do it; being piTsons,
chiefly in suborilinate stations, who had no right or authority to hind any but
themselves. And, then-fore, us doubtless was foreseen by many, none of
y/iiYiy* i)eople were delivtred up, although many were known to have l)cen
among them. Thus, in few words, have we exhibited the main grounds of
the mighty expedition against the Narragansets in the winter of KiT.'j.

* \ powlcr plaltpr is still oxliiliilccl in Sprliijrlicld with u liolo lliroiii^li the midclli; of it, made
l>v !i l>all Iroiii tli(> (rurrisoii lit lliis time. An lii<liaii liail takoii it fiom oiiu of (lie drscrted
limiscs, uiid wore it liclbre liis breast ns u sliicld. 'I'liiis sliiuldod, l.e ventured luwardl iho
(arrisoii, ami was sliot. Iloyt, IIU.

t Ol.D l.NUIAl* CUKONICLK, M, 37.

I ' 1,

i- r.j

■'ii

218

PHILIP.— NARRAGANSET SWAMP FIGHT.

[Boor HI

Upon a small island, in an immense swamp, in South Kingston, Rhode
Island, Philip had fortified himself, in a manner superior to what wis com-
mon among his countrymen. Here he intended to pass the winter, with the
chief of his friends. They had erected about 500 wigwams of a superio*
construction, in which was deposited a great store of provisions. Baskets
and tubs of corn* were piled one upon another, about the inside of tlieni,
which rendered them bullet proof. It was supposed that about 3000 persons
had here taken up tlieir residence.

But, to be more particular upon the situation of " the scene of tlie destruc-
tion of the Narragausets," wj. will add as follows from the notes of a gen-
tleman lately upon the spot, for the express purpose of gaining information.
" What was called The Island is now an upland meadow, a few feet higher
than tlie low meadow with which it is surrounded. The island, by my esti-
mate, contains from three to four acres. One fourth of a mile west, is the
Usquepaug ; a small stream also at a short distance on the east." The cele-
brated island on whicli the fort was built is now in the farm of /. G. Clark,
Esq. a descendant of John Clark, of II. I. and about 30 rods west of the line
of the " Pettyswamscot Purchase." Water still surrounds it in wet seasons.
It was cleai-ed by the father of tlie present possessor about 1780, and, although
improved from that time to the present, charred corn and Indian implements
are yet ploughed up.f

President Stiles, in his edition of Church's History of Philip's War,
states that the Narraganset fort is seve a miles nearly due west from the
South Ferry. This agrees with data furnished by Mr. Ely, in stating the
returning march of the English army. Pine and cedar were said to have
been the former growth.^ An oak 300 years old, standing upon the island,
was cut down in 1782, two feet in diameter, 11 feet from the ground. From
another, a bullet was cut out, surrounded by about 100 annvli, at the same
time. The bullet was lodged there, uo doubt, at the time of the fight. We
will now return to our narrative of the expedition to this place m Decem-
ber, 1675.

After nearly a month from their setting out, the English army arrived in
the Narraganset country, and made their head-quarters about 18 miles from
Philip's fort They had been so long upon their march, that the Indians
were well enough apprized of their approach, and had made the best ar-
rangements in their power to withstand them. The army had already suf-
fered much from the severity of the season, being obliged to encamp in the
open field, and without tents to cover them !

The 19th of December, 1()75, is a memorable day in the annals of New
England. Cold, in the extreme, — the air filled with snow, — the English
were obliged, from the low state of their provisions, to mai'ch to attack
Philip in his fort. Treachery hastened his ruin. One of his men, by hope
of reward, betrayed his country into their hands. This man had, probably,
lived among the English, as he had an English name. He was called Peter,^
and it was by accident that himself, with thirty-five others, had just before
fallen into the hamls of the fortunate Captain Moaely. No Englishman was
acquainted with 'he sitMation of Philip's fort ; and, but for their pilot, Ptter,
there is very little probability that they could have even found, much less
effected any thing against it. For it was one o'clock on that short day of
the year, before they arrived within the vicinity of the sv/amp. There was
but one j)oint where it could be assailed with the least probability of suc-
cess; and this was fortified by a kind of block-house, directly in front of
the entrance, and imd also flankers to cover a cross fire. Besides high pal-
isades, an innnense hedge of fallen trees, of nearly a rod in thickness,

* 500 l)iislicls, says Dr. /. Mather
used by tliu liullniis for tubs.

t MS
sliapp is
one 35 ro.ls, aiiollior !20.

X Holiiics's Aimiils, i. 376.

\ Till! nnmo of Peter uinoiijj llic Iiidi iis was so ooinnion, llinl it is |)orlia|)s |>nsl doterinina-
lion uilio tills ojif was. Mr. liubburd calls lilni a I'ugilivu Irom llie Narraguiisuts.

A/ i.ii^iiiia, IM.T-' ■'■. J. lui.t.fc, . Hollow troes, cut ofl' about llie length of a barrel, wor»
)V tlie Indians for tubs. In such (liey secured their corn and other {grains.
a. cominunicatioii of Reverend .Mr. Elij, accouipanied by a drawing of the island. Its
is very similar to the shell of an oyster. Average rectanguicu lines ihrouffli it niei

measure,

.s'-^'t

wJAP. II.]

PHILIP.— NARRAGANSET SWAMP FIGHT.

219

surrounded it, encompassing an area of about five acres. Between tlie
fort aftd tlie main land was a body of water, over whicli a great tree bad
been felled, on which all must pass and repass, to and from it. On coming
to this place, the English soldiers, as many as could pass upon the tree,
which would not admit two abreast, rushed forward upon it, but were swept
off in a moment by the fire of PhUip'a men. Still, the English soldiers, led
by their captains, supplied the places of the slain. But again and again
were they swept from the fatal avenue. Six captains and a great many men
had fallen, and a partial, but momentary, recoil from the face of death took place.

Meanwhile, a handful, under the fortunate Mosely, had, as miraculous as
it may seem, got within the fort. These were contending hand to hand
with the Indians, and at fearful odds, when the cry of " l^ey run ! they
run ! " brought to their assistance a considerable body of their fellow-soldiers.
They were now enabled to drive the Lidians from their main breastwork,
and their slaughter bncame immense. Flying from wigwam to wigwam —
men, women and children, indiscriminately, were hewn down, and lay in
heaps upon the snow. Being now masters of the fort, at the recommenda-
tion of Mr. Church, who letl the second party that entered the fort. General
Winslow was about to quarter the army in it for the present, which offered
comfortable habitations to the sick and wounded, besides a plentiful supply
of provisions. But one of the captaius * and a surgeon opposed the meas-
ure ; probably fiom the apprehension that the woods was full of Indians,
who would continue their attacks upon them, and drive them out in their
turn. There was, doubtless, some reason for this, which was strengthened
from the fact that many English were killed after they had possessed
themselves of the fort, by those whom they had just dispossessed of it.
Notwithstantling, had Church's advice been followed, perhaps many of the
lives of the wounded would have been saved ; for he was seldom out in hia
judgment, as his continued successes proved aflerwards.

After fighting three hours, the English were obliged to march 18 miles,
before the wounded could be dressed, and in a most dismal and boisterous
night. Eighty English were killed in the fight, and 150 wounded, many of
whom died afterwards. The shattered army left the ground in considerable
haste, leaving eight of their dead in the fort.

Philip, and such of his warriors as escaped unhurt, fled into a place of
safety, until the enemy had retired ; when they returned again to the fort.
The English, no doubt, apprehended a pursuit, but Philip, not knowing
their distressed situation, and, perhaps, judging of their loss from the few
dead which they left behind, made no attempt to harass them in their
retreat. Before the fight was over, many of the wigwams were set on fire.
Into these, hundreds of innocent women and childi'en had crowded them-
selves, and perished in the general conflagration ! And, as a writer of that
day expresses himself, "no man knoweth how many." The English learned
afterwards, from some that fell into their bands, that in all about 700
perishcd.f

The sufferings of the English, after the fight, are almost without a par-
allel in history. The horrors of Moscow will not longer be remembered.
The myriads of modern Europe, assembled there, bear but small ]iropor-

* Probably Mostly, who seems always to have liad a large share in the dircciion of all af-
fairs when present.

t There li printed in Hiitchinsoii's Hist. Mass. i. 300. a letter which ^vcs the partirulars of
the Narraganset tight. I have compared it widi the original, and lind it correct in the mala
particulars. He mistakes in ascribing it to Major Bradjord, for it is signed by James Oliver,
a Massachusetts captain. Hutchinson copied from a copy, whicli was without signature.
He omils a passage concerning Tijl, or Tiffe, who, Oliver says, confirmed his narrative.
That man had " married an Indian, a Wompanoug— and, says Oliver, he shot ^) times at us
in the swamp—was taken at Providence, [by Captain Fenner,] Jan. 14th— lirought to us the
Kilh — i^xccuted the l!Jlh ; a sad wretch. He never heard a sermon but once this ll years ; he
never hoard of the name of Jfsiis Christ. His father going to recall him, lost his head, and
lii's unl)uried." Hubbard says, (.Narrative, b'i,) that "lie was condemned to die the death of
a ir^titor," and traitors of those days were i|uarturcd. *' As to his religion, he was found as
giionuit as an heailu'ii, which, no doubt, caused the fewer tears to be shed a> his fui'eral."
A sorrowful record !

! 'i*

■V

f •

220

PHILTP.

[Rook III

tloptothe number of thtir countrymen, compared with that of the army
of Now Enfrliiiid and th'Mrs, at tlie fight in Narruganset. *

Colonel Church, then only a volunteer, was in tliis fight, and ue will hear
a few of his observations, "By this time, the English people in the fort had
begun to set fire to the wigwams and houses, which JMr. Church labored
hard to prevent ; they told him they had orders lioin the general to burn
them; he begged them to Ibrb.ar until he hiid disconrs;'d the general,"
Then, hastening to him, he urged, that "the wigwams were musket-jjroofj
being all lined with baskets and tubs of grain, and other provisions, sutfi-
cient to 8U])ply the whole army until tlie spring of the year; and every
wounded man might have a good warm house to lodge in ; which, other-
wise, would necessarily j)erish with the storms and cold. And, moreover,
that the army had no other jjrovision to trust unto or depend upon ; that he
knew that Plymouth forces had not so much as one biscuit left," The gen-
eral was for acceding to Churches proposition, but a captain and a doctor
prevented it, as we have before observed ; the former tlireatening to shoot
the general's horse under hiai, if he attempted to march in, and the latter
said. Church should bleed to death like a dog, (he having been badly wounded
on entering the fort,) before he would dress his wounds, if he gave such
advice. Church then proceeds : " And, burning up all the houses and pro-
visions in the fort, the army returned the same night in the storm and cold.
And, I sujtpose, every one that is acquainted with the circumstances of that
night's march, deeply laments the miseries that attended them ; especially
the wounded and dying men. But it mercifully came to pass that Capt,
Andrew Belcher arrived at Mr, Smithes, [in Narraganset,] that very night from
Boston, with a vessel loaden with provisions for the army, who must other-
wise have perished lor want " *

After the English army had gone into quarters at Wickford, the Connecticut
troojjs returned home, which was considered very detrimental to the service
by the other colonies ; and soon after a reinforcement of 1000 men was as-
sembled at Boston and ordered to the assistance of their countrymen. In
their march to Narraganset in the beginning of Jan, 167G, they suffered intol-
erably from the cold ; no less than 11 men were frozen to death, and many
others were taken sick by reason of their exposure in that severe season.

Meanwhile the Indians had sent deputies to the commander-in-chief to treat
of peace ; but it was judged that they were insincere in their overtures, and no
terms were settled. While matters were thus progressing, Philip removed his
provisions, women and children to a strong place j)rotected ny rocks, in a
swamj), about 20 miles from the late battle-ground in Narraganset, into
the country of the Nipmuks. At length, the weatlier having become mild, and
the Connecticut Ibrces returned, together \ 'ith a body of Mohegans under
Uncas, it was resolved to su prise Philip in his rocky fortress. Accordingly
the army, consisting now of lUOO men, marched out on this enterprise. On
its approach, the Indians abandoned their position and fled farther noi-thward.
They were [)ursued a small distance, and about 60 or 70 of them killed and
taken, (probably women and children.) The army soon after returned home,
and was chiefly disbanded.

On 27 Jan., while the army was pursuing the main body of the Indians,
a i)arty of about 300 attacked Mr. JVilliam Carpenteh^s plantation, and attempted
to burn his house, which they set on fire, but those within succeeded in put-
ting it out. In the skirmish, one of their number was killed, and two of the
whites were wounded. The assaulting party collected and drove off from
this place 180 shei p, 50 large cattle, and 15 horses, and from a Mr. Harris
another drove of cattle, and killed his negro servant.f

Soon after this, Philip, with many of liis followei-s, left that part of the

* " Our woiiniled men, (in iiuml)cr alxinl 150,) lioiiig dressed, were sent into Rhode Island,
ns die liosl place for llieir arconuiiodiilion ; wlicre, accordinnly, diey were kindly received
l>y llic irovernor and olliors, onlv some (Inirlisli tiuukers were nol free to enterlnin llicin, nnlij
r(nn|><'llcd liy llie {>ovrrn()r. (>l so i;iliiiinaiie, |ieevisli and inilowar<l a <lis|)ositii)n arc liiese
Wihiits, as nol lo vondisnle civiliiy lo iIkim- iIi;iI had Ncnlnred iheir lives, and received dangeniui
Wounds hi llic'ir deli'nci'." Oli/ lial. ('!iriii>ich\ 'i\.
t>ld liidiun Chronicle, M, ii\).—lli,li!Mid, JU.

H.vr. II.

PHILIP.— MEDFlEI.n ATTACKED.

221

coiiiiti-y, uii'.l rcsiiled in tlfforent places upon Connecticut River. Some report
tiiar lit; fook up liis residence near Albany, and that lie solicited the Mohawks
to iiid iiiin against the English, but without success.

Tiie story of the foul stratagiin said to have been resorted to hy Philip
(or this object, is, if true, tlie deepest stain upon his character. According
to one oi' tlie historians* of the war, it was reported at Boston, in tiie end of
June, or beginning of July, 1076, that " those Indians who are known by the
name of Muuquawogs, (or Mohawks, i. e. man-eaters,) had lately fallen upon
Philip, and killed 40 of his men. And if the variance between Philip and
tlie Mauquawogs came to pass, as is commonly reported and appi-ehended,
there was a niai*vellous finger of God in it. For we hear that Philip, being
this winter entertained in the Mohawks' country, made it his design to breed
a quarrel between the English and them ; to effect which, divers of our
returned captives do report, that he resolved to kill some scattering Mohawks,
ond then to say that the English had done it ; but one of these, whom he
tiiought to ' :ve killed, was only wounded, and got uway'to his countrymen,
giving them to understand that not the English, but Philip, had killed the
laen that W(;re murdered ; so that, instead of bringing the Mohawks upon
iJie English, he brought them ujion himself."

The author of the anonymous " Letters to London" has this passage f
concerning PhUip^a visit to the Mohawks. " King Philip, and seme of these
northern Indians, bchig wandered up towards Albany, the Mohucks marched
out very strong, in a warlike posture, upon them, putting them to flight, and
|)ursuing them as far as Hassicke River, which is about two days' march
iiom the cast side of Hudson's River to the north-east, killing divers, and
bringing away some prisoners with great pride and triumph, which ill suc-
cess on that side, where they did not expect any enemy, having lately en-
deavored to make u|) the ancient animosities, did very much daunt and dis-
courage the said northern Indians, so that some hundreds came in and sub-
mitted themselves to the Enghsh at Phnioiith colony, and Philip himself is
run skulking away into some swamp, witli not above ten men attending him."

Aldiough Philip was sup[)Osed to be beyond the frontier by some, and by
others to be " snugly stowed away in some swamp," yet his warriors, whether
directed by him m person or not, is immaterial, as every thing was done
against the English that could well he under such broken circumstances aa
he now labored. On the 10 Feb. 1676, they surjirised Lancaster w ith com-
plete success, thu particulars of which we shall fully narrate in our next
chapter. Eleven days after, (21 Feb.) about 300 Lidians attacked Medfield,
and in spite of 200 soldiers stationed there to guard it, burnt about 50 houses,
killed 18 of its inhabitants, and wounded 20 others. Among the slain were
Lieutenant Mams and his wife : the latter was killed accidentally by Cap-
tain Jacob, She was in bed in a chamber, under which was a room occupied
by the soldiers ; as Cajjtain Jacob was about to leave the house, his gun went
off, the ball from which passed through the chamber floor and killed her.

The Lidians managed this attack with their usual skill ; having placed some
of their number prepared with fire imiilements in various parts of the town,
they set the houses on fire, " as it were," says Major Gookin, " in one instant
of lime." And as the people issued out of them, jiarties lay ready and shot
tliein down. As soon os the whites were mustered to oppose them, they
retired over the bridge towards Sherburne, and set it on fire, so that the sol-
diers could not pursue them. In the jiride of their success, they now wrote
H hitter to the whites, and stuck it up on a post of the bridge. It readsi,

" Know by this paper, that the Indians that thou hast provoked to wrath ami
ansrer will war this 21 years if you ivill. There are many Indians yet. We come
1^00 at this time. Yuu mjist consider the Indians lose nothing but their life. You
must lose your fair hoitses and frt<//e."|

On the 13 March, the entire town of Gioton, consisting of 4 > houses,
was burnt, except one gaiTisoii,§ by shots from which several Indians were
said to have l)een killed.

♦ Dr. /. Mallier, nrief Hisl. 38. f ("liroiiiclp, '.•'.».

t (Jonkin's MS. Hisl. Prnviiig Iiulians.— The above letlor wus doublloss written l>y soiii' ■)!
llie Cliristian Indians wlio liad joined Philip.
( In our Chronicle, 8'J, ii is said tiiat Groion vi&i burnt on the 14th ; that Major WiUar<P»

19*

.• i:

K ••i

I I

II ^

!:•

222

PH^

-SUDBURY FIGHT.

^BooK III

Philip hod for some time directed matters with such address that his
enemies coiil<l not tell where or how to meet him, or whether he actually
were in the vicinity of the frontiers or not. But there can he little doubt of
his special agency and direction in all the important enterprises. On the 18
March, Northampton was assaulted, but not with quite as good success as
was anticipated hy the bcBiegersi for they lost eleven men, while the whites
had but three killed and six wounded.

On the 27 Mi\rch, a large boily of 300 Indians, as was Bup])Oscd, were
discovered encamped not far from Marlborough, which they had burnt the
day before. A company of men belonging to that town, attached themselves
to a number of soldiers under one Lieutenant Jacobs, wlio, falling upon them
in till night while they were asleep in their wigwams, killed and wounded
about 40 of them, without any loss to themselves.

The Indians seem to have resolved that this midnight assassination should
not go long unrequited, and events so determined, as what we are about to
relate will fully exemplify. On the morning of the 20 April, the largest
body of Indians which had at any time appeared, attacked Sudbury, and
before resistance could be made, set fire to several buildings, which were
consumed. The inhabitants, however, made a brave stand, and were soon
.joined by some soldiers from Watertown, under Captain Hugh Mason ; and
the Indians retreated over the bridge, and were prevented from doing any
further mischief during the day, against Sudbury.

Some of the people of Concord hearing of the distress at Sudbury, sallied
forth tor its protection. As they approached a garrison house, they discovered
a few Lidians, and pursued them. These, as it proved, were a decoy, and
they soon found themselves ambushed on every side. They fought with
desperation, but were all, except one, cut off, being eleven in number. This
affair took place immediately afler Captain fVadsioorth had marched from
Sudbury with 70 men to strengthen the garrison at Marlborough ; and the
news of the situation of the place he had just left reached his destination as
soon as he did ; and although he had marched all the day and night before, and
his men almost exhausted with fatigue, yet, taking Captain Brocklebank and
about ten men from the garrison at Marlborough, he marched directly back
for Sudijury. On the morning of the 21st, they arrived within about a mile
and a half of the to>vn, near where a body of about 500 Indians had pre-
pared an ambush behind the hills. From thence they sent out two or threo
of their party, who crossed the march of the English, and, being discovered
by them, affected to fly through fear, to decoy them intO' a pursuit. This
stratagem succeeded, and with great boldness the Indians began the attack.
For some time the English maintained good order, and, having rrtreated to
an adjacent hill, lost but five men for near four hours. Meantime the Indians
had lost a great number, which so increased their rage that they resolved to
put in practice another stratagem, which it seems they had not before thought
of! They immediately set the woods on fire to windward of the English,
which spread with great rapidity, owing to an exceeding high wind and
the dryness of the grass and other combustibles. This stratagem likewise
succeeded, even better than the first ; that, although it served to bring on the
attack, was near proving fatal to its originators, but this was crowned with
complete success. The fury of the flames soon drove the English from their
advantageous position, which gave the Indians an opportunity to liiil upon
them witii their tomahawks! Many were now able to fall upon one, and
resistance fust diminished. All but about twenty were killed or fell into the
hands of the conquerors; among the former were the two captains; some
of tiiose that esca|)ed took shelter in a mill not Ihr off, and were saved bv
the iirrivul of a few men under Captain Prentice, and a company under
Cai)t!iiii Crowell. Both of these officers and their men .'ery narrowly es-
cai)0(l tiie liite of fVadsworth.* As the former was about to fall into a fatal

lioiisi! was biiriil first, aixl tlia '• afterwards ihey destroyed 66 more there, leaving but six
houses sliuidiiiir iu the whole town."

* " So insoli'iit were the In.liniis grown upon their first success against Coptain IVatlsworth,

" od cheer j for they intended to dmc with us fal

that iliey sent us word, to provide store of good
IJosloiiJ on the election day." CItrcmicle, 95.

Chap. 11]

LIFE OF KING PHlLtP.

223

Biiare, he was rescued by a company from a garrison ; und as tlie Inttor np-
proiiclied Sudbury, he saved himself by pursuing an unexpected routf ; and,
though attaci<ed, he succeeded in fighting Ids way through the Indians \yltU
a loss only of six or seven of his men. Captain CroioelCs arrival at this tiine
was accidental, though fortunate ; being on his return from Quabaog, whither
he had been sent to reinforce that garrison.* With this great acliicvement
ended the chief operations in Massachusetts ; and we have now to return
towards Plimouth.

When success no longer attended Philip in Massachusetts, those of hia
allies whom he had seduced into the war, upbraided and accused him of
bringing all their misfortunes upon them ; that they had no cause of war
against the English, and had not engaged in it but for hia solicitations ; an<i
rnany of the tribes scattered themselves in different directions. With nil
that would fbllow him, as a last retreat, Philip returned to Pokanoket. The
Pecom[)tuck or Deerfield Indians were among the first \vho abandoned his
cause, and many of the other Nipmucks and Narragansets soon followed
their example.

On the 11th of July, he attempted to surprise Taunton, but was repnlsedf.
His camp was now at Matapoiset. The English came upon him here, under
Captain Church, who captured many of his people, but he escajjed over
Taunton River, as he had done a year before, but in the opposite direction,
and screened himself once more m the woods of Pocasset. He used rnany
stratagems to cut ofi" Captain Church, and seems to have watclutl and fol-
lowed him from place to place, until the end of this month ; but he was
continually losing one cotnpany of his men after another. Some scouts
ascertained that he, and many of his men, were at a certain iiiacc upon
Taunton River, and, from appearances, were about to repass it. His camp
was now at this place, and the chief of his warriors with him. Some sol-
diers from Bridguwater fell upon them here, on Sunday, July 30, and killed
ten warriors; but Philip, having disguised himself, escaped.^ His uncle,
Mkompoin, was among the slain, and his own sister taken prisoner.

The late attempt by Philip upon Taunton had caused the people of Bridge-
water to be more watchful, and some were continually on the scout. Some
time in the day, Saturday, 29 July, four men, as they were ranging the woods,
discovered one Indian, and, rightly judging there were more at hand, made
all haste to inform the other inhabitants of Bridgewater of their discovery
ComfoH IVUlis and Joseph Edson were " pressed " to go " post " to the govern-
or of Plimouth, at Marshfield, who "went to Plimouth with tiiem, the
next day, [30 July,] to send Captain Church with his company. And Captain
Church came with them to Monponset on the sabbath, and came no iin-ther
that day, he told them he would meet them the next dav." Here JVillis and
Edson left him, and arrived at home in the evening. Upon hearing of the
arrival of Church in their neighborhood, 21 men " went out on Monday, sup-
posing to meet with Captain Church ; but they came upon the enemy and
ibught with them, and took 17 of them alive, and also much plunder. And
they all returned, and not one of them fell by the enemy ; and received no
help from ChurcL" This account is given from an old manuscript, but who
its author was is not certain.^ ChurcKs account differs considerably from it.
He says, that on the evening of the same day he and his company marched
from Plimouth, " they heard a smart fii-ing at a distance from them, but it

• Old Indian Chronicle 79, 92, 93.— Hubbard, SO.— Gookin's MS. Hist.— A son of Caplain
Wadsioorth caused a monumcal to be eroded upon liie place of this liglit, wiUi an inscriplicn
upon it, which time has discovered to be erroneous in some of its historical particulars. It
was recently standin°f to the west of Sudbury causeway, about a quarter of a mile from the
afreat road that leads from Boston to Worcester. Iloyt, 122. Holine.i, i. 380.

t A captive ne^ro made his escape from Philip's men, and ^ave notice of their Intention j
" wheroiipou the uihabitants stood upon their guard, and souldiers were timously sent in to
lliiMu for iluir relief and defence." Prei-alency of Pray.r, JJ.

X " 'Tis said that he had newly cut olV his hair, that he might not be known." Hubbard,
AW. 1(11. ^ '

^ It i^ published by Mr. Mitchell, in his valuable account of Uridgewater, and supposed to hav«
be. a wnlien by Comfort Willis, named above. See 2 Coll. iMass. Hi<t. Soc. Vii. 1,";7.

'X^' '

224

LIFE OF KING PHILIP.

[Book III

[ sing near night, mul tlie firing of short continuance, they missod ttic place,
aud went itiio Jlridgcwater town."

On tin; 1 Angnwt, the intr('])id Church cnine upon Philip's head-ciuurters,
killed and took about 130 of his people, Philip himself very narrowly escap-
ing, ^neii was his precipitation, tliat he lell uU his wampum behind, and hia
wife and son tell into the hands of Church.

No sooner had the story of the destruction of the Indians begun to ottract
attention, (which, however, was not until a long time after they had been

destroyed,) much inquiry was made concerning the ftite of this son of the
ifintows JMelacomet ; and it was not until considerable time had elapsed, that
it was discovered that he was sold into slavery! It is gratilyitig to learn
what did become of him, although the knowledge of the fact must cause pain
hi every humane breast; not more for the lot of young Metacomet, than for
the wretched depravity of the minds of those who advised and executed the
decree o<'slavei"j' upon him.

Great numbers oi' Philip^s people were sold for slaves in foreign countries.
In the beginning of the war Captain Mostly cupturedjSO, wJio were confined
Gt Plimoutli. In September following, 178 were put on botu-d a vessel com-
manded by Captidn Sprague, who sailed from PlimouJi with them for Spain.

Church* relates the attack of Aug. 1 upon the flying chief as follows: —
"Next morning, [after the skirmish in which JlkkDvnpnin was killed,] Capt.
Church moved very early with his company, which was increased by many of
Bridgcwater that listed under him for that expedition, and, by their piloting,
he soon came, very still, to the top of the great tree which the enemy had
fallen across the river; and the captidn sjiied an Indian sitting u))on the
Etump of it, on the other side of the river, an«l he claiiped his gun up, and had
doubtless despatched him, but that one of his own Indians called hastily to
him not to fire, for he believed it was one of bis own men ; upon which the
Lidian u])on the stump looked about, and Capt. Church's Indian, seeing bis
face, perceived his mistake, for he knew him to be Philip; cla])ped uj) his
gun and fired, but it was too late; for Philip inuncdiately threw himself off
the stump, leaped down a bank on the side of the river, and made his escape.
Capt Church, us soon as possible, got over tiie river, and scattered in (piest of
Philip and his company, but the enemy scattered and fled every way ; but he
picked up a considerable many of their women and children, among which
were Philip's wife and son of about nine years old." The remainder of the
day was s|)ent in pursuing the flying Philip, who, with his Narragansets, was
Btill formidable. They {)icked up many prisoners, from whom they learned
tlie force of those of whom they were in p irsuit. At night. Church was under
obligation to return to his men he had left, but commissioned Lightfoot, cup-
tain, to lead a party on discovery, hightfoot returned in the morning with
good success, having made an important discovery, and taken 13 prisoners.
Church immediately set out to follow up their advantage, lie soon came
where they had made fires, and shortly ailer overtook their women and chil-
ilren, who "were faint and tired," and who informed them "that Philip, with
O great number of the enemy, were a little before." It was almost sunset
when they came near enough to observe them, and '^Philip soon came to a
."top, and fell to breaking and chopping wood, to make fires ; and a great
Jioise they made." CAurcft, concentrating his followers, formed them into a
circle, and set down " wthout any noise or fire." Their prisoners showed
I'.^reat signs of fear, but were easily put in confidence by the conciliatory con-
duct of Church. Thus stood matters in Church's camp through the night of
the 2 August, 1G7G. At dawn of day, he told his prisoners they must remain
mill where tliey were, until the fight was over, (for he now had every reason
f o expect a severe one sliortly to follow,) " or, as soon as the firing ceased,
they must follow the tracks of his company, and come to them. (An Indian
is next to a bloodhound to follow a track.) ^'f

It being now light enough to make the onset, Church sent forward two
soldiers to learn Philip's ])osition. Philip, no less wary, hud, at the same
time, sent out two spies, to see if any were in pursuit of him. The "~

re-

• Hist. PhUips War, 38, ed. 4lo.

t Ibid. 33.

Chip. U ]

LIFE OF KING PHILIP.

ppiTtivo s|>ii\-* of tlie two faniniis chiefs gave the alarm to botli cnmps nf the
Kami; tiiiio; but, unhappily for Philip, h\s antagonist was jtrnparcd for tlie
event, while ho was not. "All fled at the first tidings, [of tlie .xjiies,] jell
tlieir kettles boiling, and meat roasting upon their wooden spits, and run
into a swamp with no other breakfast, than what Ca])t, Church atlerwards
treated them with." Church sent his lieutenant, Mr. Isaac Howlmul, on (»ne
side of the swamp, while himself ran upon the other, each with a sfiiidl
party, ho|)ing, as the swamp was small, to prevent the escape of any. Ex-
pecting that when Philip should discover the English at tlio liirtlier extrenii-
ry of the swamp, he would turn back in his own track, and so escape at tlio
Bame place he entered, Church had, therefore, stationed an ambush to entrap
him in such an event But the warinesfi of Philip disappointe<l him. He,
thinking that the English would pursue Jiim into tlie swamp, had formed an
ambush for them also, but was, in like manner, disa|)pointed. He had, at
the same time, sent forward a bund of his warriors, who fell into the hands of
Church and Howland. They, at first, attoinjited to fly, and then ottered re-
sistance ; but Church ordered Matthias* to tell them the impracticability of
such 1 step. He accordindy called to them, and said, "7/* thei/ fired ont srun
Ihey were all dead men." Ihis threat, with the presence of the English and
Indians, so amazed them, that they suffered " the English to come and take
the guns out Oi their hands, when they were both charged and cocked."
Having secured these with a guard, armed with the guns just taken liom
them. Church presses through the swamp in search of Philip, towards tho
end at which that chief had entered. Having waited until he had no hopes
of ensnaring Captain Chut:h, Philip now moved on afl(!r the company he
had sent forward, and thus tho two parties met. The English had the ad-
vantage of the first discovery, and, covered by trees, made the first fire.
Philip stood his ground for a time, and maintained a desperate fight ; but, a
main body of his warriors having been captured, winch, by this time, lie
began to apprehend, as they did not come to his aid, he, therefore, fled back
to the point where he entered the swamp, and thus fell into a second am-
bush. Here the English were worsted, having one of their number slain,
viz. Thomaa Lucas,^ of Plimouth: thus escaped, for a few days, Philip and
some of his best captains ; such were Tuspaquin and Taloson. This was
August the 3d, and Philip's numbers had decreased, since the 1st, 173, by
the exertions of Church. X

Philip, having now but few followers left, was driven from place to place,
and lastly to his ancient seat near Pokanoket. The English, for a long time,
had endeavored to kill him, but could not find iiim off his guard ; for he
was always the first who was apfirized of their approach. He having jnit to
death one of his own men for advising him to make peace, this m».n'a
brother, whose name wrj Alderman, fearing the same fiitc, deserted hmi,
and gave Captain Churr . an account of his situation, and ottered to load liim
to his camp. Early oi. Saturday morning, 12 Aug., Church came to the
swamp where Philip was encamped, and, before he was discovered, bar'
placed a guard about it, so as to encomjiass it, except a small place. He
then ordered Captain Golding^ to rush into the swamp, and i'ull upon Philip
in his camp; which he immediately did — but was discovered as ne ap-
proached, and, as usual, Philip was the first to fly. Having but just awaked
from sleep, and having on but a part of his clothes, he fled with all lii»
might. Coming directly upon an Englishman and an Indian, who composed
B part of the ambush at the edge of the swat ip, the Englisliman's gun missed
fire, but Alderman, the Indian, whose gun was loaded with two balls, "sent

* One of Church's Indian soldiers, but of whom he makes no mention.

t An improvident fellow, given to intoxication, and, from Church's expression about liis
being killed, " not being so careful as lie might have been," it leaves room to doubt whether
he were not, at this time, under the nficcts of liniior. He had been often fined, and once
whipped, for getting drunk, beating his wife and cliildruP, defaming the character of deceased
magistrates, and olTicr misdemeanors.

J Church, M. In the account of Tatosnn, Church's narrative is continued.

^ Captain Roger Goulden, of U. I. Plimouth granted him 100 acres of land on Pocassel,
in 1676, for his eminent services. Flim. Records.

■ 1!

226

Lira OF KING PHILIP.

[UooK UL

one tlirough his heart, and another not aliove two inches from it He fell
upon his iiico in tiie mud and water, with his gun under him."

" Cold, with the beast he slew, he sleeps ;
O'er liim no filial spirit weeps ;

Even that he lived, is for his conqueror's tong:ue j
Uy foes alone his death-song must be sung j

No chronicles but theirs shall tell

His mournful doom to future times ;

May these upon his virtues dwell.

And in his fate forget his crimes."— Spraoue.

The name of the man stationed with Alderman was Caleb Cook,* who had
shared in many of Churches hazardous expeditions before the present. See-
ing that he could not have the honor of killing Philip, he was desirous, if
possible, of having a memento of the mighty exploit, lie therefore prevailed
upon Mderman to exchange guns with him. This gun was kept in tlie family
until the present century, when the late Isaac Lothrop, Esq. ot Plimouth ob-
tained the lock of it from Mr. Sulvanus Cook, late of Kmgston. Sylvamis
was great-gTindson of Caleb.\ The stock and barrel of the gmi arc titili re-
tained by tlie descendants of the name of Cook.l There is a gun-lock shown
in the library of the Mass. Hist. Soc. said to be the same which Jilderman
used in shooting Philin. This Alderman was a subject of Weelamoo, m ho, in
the commencement or this war, went to the governor of Plimouth, and de-
sired to remain in peace with the English, and immediately took up his resi-
dence upon an island, remote from the tribes engaged in it But, after Philip
had returned to his own country, Alderman, upon some occasion, visitetl
him. It was at this time that he learned the fate of his brother belbre
spoken of; or he may have been killed in his presence. This causod his
flight to the English, which he thought, probably, the last resort for ven-
geance. He "came down from tliunce, says CAurcA ; (where PAi/ip's camp
now was,) on to Sand Point over against Trips, and hollow'd, and made
signs to be fetch'd over" to the island. He was immediately brought over,
and gave the information desired. Captain Church had but just anived upon
Rliode Island, and was about eight miles from the upper end, where Alder-
vmn landed. He had been at home but a few minutes, when " they spy'd
two horsemen coming a great pace," and, as he prophesied, " they came witii
tydings." Major Sanford and Capt GoUling were the horsemen, "who
immediately ask'd Capt Church what he wotddgive to hear some news of Philip.
He reply'd. That was what he wanted." The expedition was at once entered
ujjon, and Jilderman went as their pilot. But to return to the fall of Philip : —

"By this time," continues Church, "the enemy perceived they were way-
laid on the east side of the swamp, tacked short about," and were led out of
their dangerous situation by the great Captain Annaivon. " The man that
had shot down Philip ran with all speed to Capt Church, and informed him
of his ex|)loit, who commanded hitn to be silent about it, and let no man
more know it until they had drove the swamp clean ; but when they had
drove the swamp through, and found the enemy had escaped, or at least the
most of them, and the sun now up, and the dew so gone that they could not
easily track them, the whole company met together at the place where the
cnpiny's night shelter was, and then Capt Church gave them the news of
Philip's death. Upon which the whole army§ gave tliree loud huzzas.
Capt. Church ordered his body to be pulled out of the mire on to the upland.
So some of Capt ChurcKs Lidians took hold of him by his stockings, and

* Baylies, in his N. Plymouth, ii. 168, says his name was Francis ; but as ho gives no author-
ity, we adhere to older authority.

t This Caleb Cook was son of Jacob, of Plimouth, and was born there 29 Mar. 1651. He
had two or more brothers; Jacob, born 14 May, 11)53, and Francis, 6 Jan. Uili:) — l. Ilcnce
it is not probable that Francis was a soldier at tliis time, as he was only in his l^lh year.

t Col. Mass. Hilt. Soc. iv. Gti.

^ Eighteen English and twenty-two Indians ronsliluted his army a week before ; but we
know not how many were at the taking of Philip, though we may suppose about the same
(iunibcr. Hence tliis expedition cost the colony £y.

•~T"~T"~ "~" -I

#■/

Chap. II.]

LIIT OF KINO I'MII-II'

007

Bomc by liis siniill breeches, being otlu.>rwiso naked, and drew liim through
the mud uito the ii|(hiiid ; and 11 doh-lid, great, naked dirty bcuHt, he looked
like." Captain Church tlien said, ^Forasmuch as he hns catised nuiny an Eng-
liahmcn^a body to lie unhwried and rot above growid, not one of his bonca shitll be
buned > "

With thf ereat chief, fell five of his most trusty followers, one of wliom
was his chiei captain's son,* and the very Indian who fired the first gun at
tlie commencement of tiie war.

" Philip having one very remarkable hant' being much scarred, occa8i«ie<l
by the splitting of a pistol in it formerly, C'apt. Chtirch gave the head and
that hand to MIerman, the Lidian who shot him, to show to such ge:itlemen
as would bestow gratuities upon him ; and accordingly ho got many a
penny by it." f

Tlie barbarous usage of beheading and quartering traitors was now exe-
cuted upon the fallen Philip. Church, "calling his old Indian executioner,
bid him behead and quarter him. Accordingly, he came with his hatchet,
and stood over him, but before he struck, he made a small s|M!ech, directing
it to Philip," saying, " You have been a very great man, and have made mam a
man afraid of you ; but so big as you be I will noto chop your ass for you.'" lie
then i)rocecdeu to the execution of his orders.

His head was sent to Plimouth, where it was exposed upon a gibbet for
20 years, and one of his hands to lioston, where it was exhibited in savage
triumph, and his mangled Ixwly was deni"d the right of sepulture. It having
been quartered, was hung upon four trees, and there letl as a monumi iit ot
shocking barbarity.

Church and his company returned to the island the some day, and arrived
with the prisoners at Plimouth two days after, namely, Tues'Iay, August 15,
" ranging through all the wootls in their way." They now " received their
premium, which was 30 shillings per head,'' for all enemies killed or taken,
" instead of all wages, and Philips head went at the same price." This
amaunted to only four and sixpence a-piece, " which was all the reward they
had, except the honor of killing Philip."

Having in the year 1824 visited the memorable retreat of the Wampanoag
sachems, we can give the reader some idea of its situation. There is u
natural angular excavation, in an almost perpendicular rock, about 6 or 7 feet
from its base, • . nere it is said Philip and some of his chief men were sur-
])rised on the morning of the 12 August. We have in the Life of Massasoit
described Mount Hope, and it is at the north part of it that the high rock is
situated ; variously estimated from 30 to £9 feet in height, and is nearly 2
miles from the village of Bristol. From the seat, or throne of Kino Philip,
as some have called it, a fine view of Mount Hope Bay opens upon us. Nt^ir
the foot of the rock is a fine spring of water, known to this day by the
name of Philip^s Spring.

Mr. Mden, the curious collector of epitaphs, says " the late Lieut. Gov.
Bradford, [who died at Bristol in 1808,1 in early life, knew an aged squaw,
who was one of Philip's tribe, was well acquainted with this sagamore in
her youthful days, and had often been in his wigwam. The information,
through her, is, therefore, very direct, as to the identical spot, where he fixctl
his abode. It was a few steps south of Capt. James De Wolfe^s summer
house, near the brow of a hill, but no vestige of the wig\vam reiniiins.
The eastern side of this hill is very steep, vastly more so than that at Horse
Neck, down which the intrepid Putnam trotted his sure-footed steed, in a
manner worthy of a knight of the tenth century." "When ChurcKsxwcn
were about to rush upon Philip, he is said to have evaded them by spring-
iiiir froin his wigwam as they were entering it, and rolling, like a hogsliead,
down the precipice, which looks towards the bay. Having reached the
lower part of this frightful ledge of rocks, without breaking his bones, hq
ant upon his feet, and ran along the shore in a north-eastern direction, about
100 rods, and endeavored to screen himself in a swamp, then a quagmire,
i)iit now terra firma."

* Wry j)robal)ly a son of Uncumpoiit, or Woonanltum. f I' ulip's War.

228

LIFE OF KINO PHILIP.

[nooR lit

How much of the nhovc in a|)ocry|>)iul is iiiic<:rtuin, but tl.»t n jmrt of it
is I liavc uo doubt. Tliut Philips cuni|> wuh near tlio top of Moiuit li(>|ii; ut
thi! time lie was surprised, is contrary to rutional conclusion, but .seems
rather to have been tixetl tliere by the imagination of some one, for tlie
pU'asure it miglit afford them in contemplating the maimer of the chicrs
escape by rolling down a rugged precipice.

During tlie bloo<ly contest, the pious fathers wrestled long ond o(\cn with
their God, in prayer, tliut ho would prosper their arms and deliver thtir
enemies into their hands ; and when, upon stated days of pruyei, the Indians
gained advantage, it was looked upon as a rebuke of Providence, and ani-
mated them to greater sincerity and fervor ; and on the contrary, when their
arms prevailed upon such days, it was viewed as an immediate interim.sition
in their favor. The ])hiloso|)hic mind will be siiocked at the expressions of
some, very eminent in that day for piety and excellence of moral life. Dr.
Incrtase Mather,* in speaking of tlie efficacy of prayer, in bringing about the
destruction of the Indians, says, «'Nor could they [the English] cease crying
to the Lord against Philip, until they had prayed the bullet into his heart.
And in 8{)caking of the slaughter of Philip'a people, at Narraganset, he says,
" We have heard of two-and-twenty Indian captain.s, slain all of tliem, aii(l
brought do^vn to liell in one day." Again, in speaking of a chief who had
sneered at the English religion, and who had, " withal, added a most hideous
blasphemy, immediately upon which a bullet took him in the head, and
dashed out his brains, sending his cursed soul in a moment amongst the
devils, and blasphemers, in hell forever." f

The low and vulgar epithets J sneeringly cast upon the Indians by their
English contemporaries are not to be attributed to a single individual, but to
the English in gencrul.§ It is too obvious that the early historians viewed
the Indians as inferior beings, and some went so far as hardly to allow them
to he human.

Like Masaasoit, Philip always opposed the introduction of Christianity
among his people. When Mr. Eliot urged upon him its great importance,
he said he cared no more for the gospel than he did for a button upon his
coat. II This does not very well agree with the account of Mr. Gookin,
respecting Philip^s feelings upon religious matters; at least, it shows that
there was a time when he was willing to listen to such men as the excellent
and benevolent Gookin. In speaking of the Wampanoags, he says, " There
are some that have hopes of their greatest and chiefest sachem, named Philip,
living at Pawkunnawkutt. Somt! of his chief men, as I hear, stand well
iiiLlined to hear the gospel : and himself is a person of good understanding
and knowledge in the best things. I have heard him speak very good words,
arguing that liis conscience is convicted: but yet, though his will is bowed to
(Miihrace Jesvs Christ, his sensual and cariiul lusts are strong bands to hold
liiiu fiist under Satan^s dominions." If And Dr. Mather adds, " It was not long,
bffbre the hand which now writes, [1700,] upon a certain occasion took oft*
tiiejaw from the exposed skull of that blasphemous leviathan; and the re-
nowned Samuel Lee hath since been a pastor to on English congregation,
sounding ond showing the praises of heaven, upon that very spot of ground,
>\liere Philip and his Indians were lately worshipping of the devil." **

The error that Philip was grandson to Massasoit, is so well known to be
such, that it would hardly seem to have required notice, but to inform the

* In his " Pfvalency of Prayer," page 10. t Ibid, page 7.

X .*'iich a.s dogs, wolves, blood-hounds, demons, devils-incarnate, caitiffs, hell-hounds, Jitndt,
monsters, beasts, &.C. Occasional quotations will show what authors have used these.

§ The author of " Indian Tales" has falliored all he could think of upon Mr. Hubbard. He
viiiy he called upon to point out the passage in that valuable author'^ works where he has
called one or any of the Indians " hell-kounds." Such loose, gratuitous expressions will not
do at the bar of history.

II Magnalia.

IT 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 200.

** Mr. Lee was taken by the French in a voyage to England, and carried into their country,
where he died, in Ifi'Jl. This event, it was thought, hastened his end. Perhaps the sur-
viving natives did not attribute the disaster to his usurping their territory, and teaetiinK a
religion they could not believe ; but might thev "ot with equal propriety ?

ClAP. II.]

LIFE OF KING PHILIP.

229

redder of its origin. Tlie following pnsHuge from John Joaselifn's work •
will, hcsides proving hitn to be tlio author of tlio error, at leiist tin; first writer
that HO (It'norniniitcH him, fiirniHlt somo vaiualilc iiiformution. Sp(>aking ut'
liiii Indiims in general, ho mys, "Their bends ai-u their money; of tiiese,
there lire two HortH, blue b«;ad« and white beads; the first is their gold, tiio
lust their silver. These they work out of certain shells, so ciuuiingly, that
neither Jew nor Devil can countorftMt.f They drill them and string them,
and make many curious works with them, to adorn the persons of their sjig-
nmores and principal men, and young women, as belts, girdles, tablets, borders
(<ir their women's hair, bracelets, necklaces, and links to hatig in their ears.
Prince Philip, a little l)etbre I came for England, [1071,] coining to Boston,
hud a coat on and buskins set thick with these l)cads, in pleasant wild works,
and u broad belt of the same ; his Accoutrements were valued at £20. The
Eiii^lisli mercliant giveth them 10a. a fathom for their white, and us much
more, or near upon, for their blue lieads." " The roytelet now of the Pocuu-
akets is i>rince Philip, alius Metacon, the grandson of Masacuoit." \

While Mrs. Jiowlandson was a captive in the wilderness with the allies of
Philip, she mentions meeting with him ; and although she speaks often with
bitterness of the Indians in general, yet of him nothing of that nature a|)j>ears
in her journal. The party she wjts with visited Philip on the west side of
tlic Connecticut, about five miles above Northfield, tlien called Squakeag.
Having arrived at the j)oint of crossing, Mrs. Rowlandaon says, " We must go
over the river to Philip's crew. When I was in the canoe, I could not but l>e
amazed at the numerous crew of pagans that were on the Iwnk on the other
side." She wos much afraid they tiH'ant to kill her here, but, being assured
to the contrary, become more resigned to her fate. "Then came one of
them, (she says,) and gave me two spoonfuls of meal (to comfort me,) and
another gave me half a pint of peas, which was worth more than many
bushels at another time. Then I went to see King Philip ; ho bade me come
m and sit down ; and asked me whether I woidd smoke it; (a usual compli-
ment now a days, among the saints and sinners ;) but tliis no ways suited
me."§

" During my abode in this place, Philip spake to me to make a shirt for
his boy, which I did ; for which he gave me a shilling." " Afterward he
asked me to make a cap for his boy, for which he invited mo to dinner , I
^^ ent, and he gave me a pancake, about as big as two fingers ; it was made
of parched wheat, beaten and fried in bears' grease ; but I tliought I never
ta.sted pleasanter meat in my lifj." ||

It is extremely gratifying to liear any testimony in favor of the humanity
of a cliief who in his time was so much execrated. To say the least of
Philip's humanity, it was as great towards captives, so far as we have any
knowledge, as was that of any of the English to the captive Indians.

As the Indians were returning from their recesses upon the Connecticut,
(in what is now New IIamt)shire and Vermont,) towards Wachuset, "having
indeed my life, (says Mrs. Rowandson,) but little spirit, Philip, wlio was in the
company, came up, and took me by the hand, and said, ' Two weeks more and
you sluill he mistress againJ' I asked him if he spoke true : he said, ' Yes, and
quickly you shall come to your nutster H again,^ who hud been gone from us
three weeks." **

In bringing our account of this truly great man towards a close, we must
not forget to present the reader with a specimen of the language in which he
si)oko. The following is the Lord's prayer in Wampanoag : —

.Yoo-shun kes-vJc-qiU, qiU-tian-at-am-unch koo-we-su-onk, kuk-ket-as-soo-tam-
oonk pey-avrnwo-utch, kut-te-nan-tam-oo-onk ne nai, ne-ya-ne ke-suk-qiU

1 I

* Account of two Voj'ages to New EiiglanH, 142, 143. ~

t Of this he was misinlormed. There was much spurious wampum, which became a sul)
j.;cl <.f legislation. See Hazard's Hi.il. Col. vol. ii.

t .Vrcounl of two Voyages to New England, lUi. He is also called grandson of 7l/a«.?'i.
toi;. ill the work entitled Present State of New England, in resiiect to the Indian VVar, Ibl
London, 1676 i the auihor of (hat work doubtless copied from Josselijn.

j Xan-alii'e of her CaptivHu, 38, 39. || Ibid. 40

Ii Quiitnaf in. See his Lif« ** Narrative of Mrs. Rowtaiulson, C3

IK!'.-

ih .. .

230 LIVES OF PHILIP'S CHIEF CAPTAIN'S— NANU.NTENOO. [I!.,..* Ill

kah oh-ke-it. Jls-sa-ma-i-in-nt-an ko-ko-ke-suk-o-da-e nut-as-e-svk-ok-ke pe
tuk-qun-iieg. Kah ak-quo-an-tam-a-i-in-ne-an nuni-matcli-e-se-orur-iin-on-ash,
ne-ivulch-e ne-na-toun wonk nut-ah-quo-an-tam-au-o-vn-non-og 7iish-noh pasiik
noo-na-rmn-tuk-qtwh-who-nan, kah ahque sag-kom-pa-gin-nt-an en qvich-e-het-
tu-ono-a-nit, qtit poh-qua-ivus-sin-ne-an tvutch nudai-i-tut.*

Since we are upon curiosities, the following may very projjcrly be added.
Tliere is to be seen in the library of the Mass. Hist. Society a large skimmer,
which some have mistaken for a bowl, cut out of the root of ash, that will
Hold about two quarts. On this article is this historical inscription, in gilt
letters: "«3 trophy from Ute ungioam q/" Kino Philip; when hewastlainin
l(>7Gj by Richai'd ; presenled by Ebenezer Richard, hia grandson." \

9eiti

CHAPTER m.
LIVES OF PHILIP'S CHIEF CAPTAINS.

Nandntenoo — Reasons for his aiding Philip — His former name — Meets the English
and In Hans under Captain Peirse — Fights and destroys his whole company at Pate-
tucket — Incidents relating to that fight — JVotice of Captain Peirse — JVanuntenoo sur-
frised and taken — His magnanimity — Speech to his captors — Is executed and his
ody burnt — Cassassinnamon — Catiipuzet — Monopoide — Annawon — His escape
from the swamp when Philip was killed — Captain Church sent out to capture him —
Discovers his retreat — Takes him prisoner — His magnanimous behavior — Hit
speech to Church — Presents him rcith Philip's ornaments — Description of them—
Church takes AnnaiEon to Plimouth, where he is put to death — Quinnapin — His
connections and marriage — M the capture of Lancaster — Account of his wives—-
If'eetamoo — He is taken and shot — 'Tuspaquin — His sales if lands — His opera-
tions in Philip's War — Surrenders himself, and is put to dtath — Reflections upon
his executioners — Tatoson — Early notices of — Captures i garrison in Plim-
outh — Trial and execution of Ketceenam — Totoson dies of a broken heart — Bar-
row cruelly murdered — Tyasks.

NANUNTENOO, son of Mianiunnomolt, " was chief sachem of all the
Narragansets, and iieir of all his father's pride and insolency, as well as of
his malice against the English." | Notwithstanding this branding character,
drawn by a contemporai-y, we need only look into the life of Mianiunnotnoh,
to find excuse for " malice and insolency " tenfold more than was contained
in the breast of JVanunlenoo.

The English had cut to pieces the women and children of his tribe, burned
them to dc th in their wigwams, and left their mangled bodies bleaching in
the wintry blast ! The swamp fi^ht of the 19 Dec. 1675, could not be for-
gotten! JVanunlenoo escaped from this scene, but we cannot doubt that ho
acquitted himself agreeably to the character we have of him.

The first name by which he was known to the English was Canonchet,
tiiough, like others, his name was written with many variations. In 1674, he
was styled "chief surviving sachem of Narraganset," and in a deed in which
he was so styled his name is written " JVatonawnoantonneto alias QunnancAi/,
eldest son now living of Miantomomio" ^ He had been in Boston the Octo-
ber before the war, upon a treaty, at which time he received, among other
prisents, a silver-laced coat. Dr. Mather says, speaking of the Narragansets,
" their great sachem called Qtianonchet, was a principal ringleader in the
Narraganset war, and had as great an interest and influence, us can be said of

♦ FJiot's Indian Bible, Luke xi. 2--1,

t No mention ia mndo to whom, or whon it via* presented, it docs not appenr to us to be
of such antiquity as its inscription pretends ; and the truth of which may very reasonal)ly b«
questioned, in this particular, when the more glaring error of the n!\me of the person said to
hnve killed Fliilip, is stariu? us iu the fare.

t Hubbard, 67.— Mr. Oidmixon calls liim " the mighty sachem of Narraganiet."— Z/>-t(
F.inj>ire.

$ Potter'i Hist. Narraganset, Coll. R. Hist. Soc. iii. 172.

".j'i

\ fvvl

Chap. Iir.]

NANUNTENOO.— PAWTUCKET FlUHT.

231

any among the Indians ;" * and that, " when he was taken and slain, it was an
amazing stroke to tiie enemy," f

Tlie name of Canonchd stands first to the treaty, to which we have just
alhided, wliich was entered into at Boston, 18 Oct. 1675. By that treaty, tiio
Narragansets agreed to deUver to the English in 10 days, "all and eiiery one
of the said Indians, whether belonging vuto Philip, the Pocasset Sqva, or the
Saconett Indians, Quabang, Hadley, or any other sachems or people that
haue bin or are in hostillitie with the English, or any of their allies or abet-
tors." I The names to the ti-eaty are as lollows :

"Quananchett'h \/ mark,

sachem in behalf of himaelf and Conanacus and tlie. Old

Queen and roinham and Quaunapeen, (seal)

Manatannoo couuceller his -\-

mark, and Cannonacus in his behalf, (seal)

Ahanmanpowett's -\- mark,

Witnesses.
Richard Smith,
James Browne,
Samuel Gorton, Jr.
Interpreters.

John Nowhenett's X mark^
Indian interpreter.

coum:eller and his (seal)
CoRNMAN, cJiciffe counceller to
Ninnegrett, in his belialfe, and a seal (S.)"

The Indians having carried their whirlwind of war to the very doors of
Plimouth, caused the sending out of Captain Peirce, (or as his name is uni-
formly in the records, Peirse,) to divert them I'rom these ravages, and destroy
as many of them as he was able. He had a large company, consisting of 70
men, 20 of whom were friendly Indians. With these, no doubt, Peirse
thought himself safe against any power of the Indians in that region.

Meanwhile this most valiant chief captain of the Narragansets, JVanwn/e
noo,§ learning, we presume, by his spies, the direction the English were tak
ing assembled his warriors at a crossing place on Pawtucket Riv<'r, at a
point adjacent to a place since called Altkborou<rh-Gore, and not far distant
from Pawtucket falls. It is judged that .Vanuntenoo was upon an expedition
to attack Plimouth, or some of the adjacent towns, for his force was estimated
at upwards of 300 men.

On arriving at this fatal place, some of I'J'anuntenoo''s men showed them
selves retiring, on the opposite side of the river. This stratagom sufccod-
ed, — Peirse followed. || No sooner was he upon the western side, tlian the
warriors o( JSTammtenoo, like an avalanche from a mountain, rushed down
upon him ; nor striving lor coverts from which to fight, more than their foes,
fought them face to face with the most determined bravery.

A part oi' J^anuntenoo's force remained on the east side of tlio river, to pre-
vent the retreat of the English, which they most effectually did, as in tlie
event will appear. Wln-n Captain Peirse saw himself henuncd in l»y innu-
bers on every side, he drew up his men upon the margin of the river, in two
ranks, back to back,1f and in this manner fought until nearly all of them were
slain. Peirse had timely sent a messenger to Providence lor assistance, and
although the distance could not have been more than six or eight miles, from
some inexplicable cause, no succor arrived; and Mr. Hubbard*** adds, "As
Solomon saith, a faithful messenger is as snow in harvest."

This dreadfiil fight was on Sunday, 2G March, hud, when, as Dr. Mnlfier
says, "Capt. PciVse was slain and forty and nine English with him, and eigiit,
(or more,) Indians, who did assist the English." The Rev. Rlr. JVeivman of
liehoboth wrote a letter to Plimouth, dated the day afier tho slaugiiler, in

* Brief Hiat.^G. \ Prevalency of Praijfr, 11.

t ll may be seen at large in Hazard's Collodions, i. 5%, 537.

5 Tlial Niinuntenoo commanded in person in the light with 'he force un.ler Capt. I'firse \\n%
nccn a queslion ; indeed, our only auUiorily is not very explicil upon ihe inatior, ( //w/i/vin/,
Postscript 7.) who observes that when Denison surprised him, he " wns, at that hioiikmiI,
diveriizing hunsclf with the recital of Capt, Pet/'«e'f slaughter, surprized by his men a few
days before."

|| Dr. Mather (Brief Hist. 24.) says, " a small number of the enemy who in dcspornie
subtlety ran away from them, and they went limping to make the Englibh believe they wcr«
lame," and thus effected their object.

U Deant'i Hist. Scituate, 131. "* Narrative, 64.

Pi '

iil

iil-

i ■

" r',

■■<'■'

232

NANUNTENOO.— PAWTUCKET FIGHT.

[Book III.

which he says, "52 of our English, and 11 Indians," were slain.* The com-
pany was, no doubt, increased by some who volunteered as they marched
through tlie country, or by such as were token for pilots.

J^anuntenoo^a victory was complete, but, as usual on such occasions, the
English consoled themselves by making the loss of the Indians appear as
large as possible. Dr. Mather says, that some Indians that were afterwards
taken confessed they lost 140, which, no doubt, is not far from the truth. +

An Englishman, and perhaps the only one who escaped from this disas-
trous fight, was saved by one of the friendly Indians in this manner : The
friendly Indian being taken for a Narragauset, as he was pursuing witli an
uplifted tomahawk the English soldier, no one interfered, seeing him i)ursue
an unarmed Englishman at such great advantage. In this manner, covering
themselves in the Avoods, they escaped.

A friendly Indian, being pursued by one of JVanuntenoo's men, got behind
the roots ot a fallen tree. Thus screened by the earth raised upon them, the
Indian that pursued waited for him to run from his natural fort, knowing he
woidd not dare to maintain it long. The other soon thought of an expe-
dient, which was to make a port-hole in his breast-work, which he easily did
by digging through the dirt. When he had done this, he put his gun
through, and shot his pursuer, then fled in perfect safety.

Another escaped in a manner very similar. In his flight he got behind a
arge rock. This afforded him a good shelter, but in the end he saw nothing
but certain death, and the longer he held out the more misery ho must suffer.
In this deplorable situation, he bethought himself to try the following device.
Putting his cap upon his gun, he raised it veiy gradually above the rock, as
though to discover the position of his enemy : it had the desired effect — he
fu'ed upon it. The one behind the rock now rushed upon him, before he
could reload his gun, and despatched him. I'luis, as Mr. Hubbard says, " it is
worth the noting, what faithfulness and courage some of the Christian Indians
showed in this fight." Tliat this most excellent author did not approve of the
severity exercised towards those who appeared friendly, is abundantly proved
by his writings. In another place he says, " Possibly if some of the English
had not been too shy in making use of such of them as were well affected to
their interest, they never need have suffered so much from their enemies."

A notice may be reasonably expected of the imfortunate Captain Michad
Peirse, of Scituate. He was one of those adventurous spirits " who never
knew fear," and who sought rather than shrunk from dangers. He was, like
his great antagonist, in the Narraganset fight ; and in 1673, when the govern-
ment of Plimouth mised a force to go against the Dutch, who had enci-oached
upon them in Connecticut, he was a])poiuted ensign in one of tlie companies.
He resided in several places before going to Plimouth. Mr. Deane, in his
IIisio)-y of Scittiate, gives a genealogical account of his family, from which we
learn that he had a second wife, and several sons and daughtere. Of what
family he was, there is no mention.^ He possessed considerable estate, and
made his will on engaging in the war with ;he Indians.

The "sore defeat" of Captain Peirse, and the tide of the Indians' successes
about this time, caused the United Colonies to send out almost their whole
strength.

JVanuntenoo came down fram the country upon Connecticut River, early in
March, for the pur|)ose of collecting seed corn to plant such ground as the
Engiisli had been driven from, and to effect any other object he migio. aiccv
wuli. Whether he had effected the first-named object befoie uiiiing in with
Peirse, we are not able to state ; but certain it is, that he was but few days after
encamped very near the ground where the fight had been, and was there fallen

* Sne llio letter giving tlie names of the company in Deanc's Scituate, 122, 123.

I Mr. Hubbard's account, is the same.

{In the lifcords of Plimouth, under dale March, 1669, there is this entry :—" Af»cA«.
J'eirsr of Scittunto" was presented at the court for vnseemly carriages towards Surah Nichols
of Sritlualo," ami "forasmuch as there appeared Imt one testimony to the p'sciitment, and
that llio testimony was written and not read vnio tlie deponant, the court saw cause to remit
liic said p'scniment."

Chap. III.] NANUNTENOO— HIS CAPTURE AND DEATH.

233

upon at unawarea, when but a few of his men were pre&tnt, and thero taken
prisone ■.

A'anuntenoo was nearly as much dreaded as Philip himself, and consefjuently
his capture caused great rejoicing among his enemies, and inquires to bo par-
ticularly related.

Four volunteer companies from Connecticut b«>gan their march into the
enemy's country the next day after Pawtucket fight. Among the captains
of these comiMinies, George Denison of Southerton was the most consi)icuous.
TJie others were commanded by James JJveiy, John Staunton, and Major Pft/»«r,
who also had the chief command. With these were three comj)anies of
Indians ; one led by Oneko, comjiosed of Mohcgans ; one of Pequots, by Cas-
sasinnamon ; and the other of Nianticks, by Caiapnzet; in all about 80.

When this fonnidable army came near to JVdnunltnoo^s camj), on the first
week in April, 167(5, " they met with a stout Indian of the enemie's, whom they
))rrsently slew, and two old scjuaws," who informed them of the situation of
J^atmnienoo. At the same time, their own scouts brought the same intelligence.
The news of the enemy's approach reached the chief in his tent when but
seven of his men were about him ; the rest wore probably in the neighborhood
attending to their ordinary affairs. And although he had stationed two senti-
nels upon an adjacent hill, to give him timely notice if any ap])earcd, their
surprise was so great, at the sudden a|)proach of the English, that, in their
fright, they ran by their sachem's wigwam, " as if they wanted time to tell
what they saw." Seeing this, the sachem sent a third, to learn the wiuse of
the flight of tlie two fii-st, but he fled in the same manner ; and lastly he sent
two more, one of which, " either endued with i..ore courage, or a better sense
of his duty, informed him in great haste that all the English army was upon
him : whereupon, having no time to consult, and but little to attein|)t an escape,
and no means to defend himself, he began"* to fly with all speed. Running
with great swiftness around the hill, to get out of sight upon t'tc oppasite side,
he was distinguished by his wary pursuers, and they immediately followed
him with that eagerness their important object was calculated to inspire.

The pursuers of the flying chief were Catapazet and his Nianticks, "and a
few of the English lightest of loot." Seeing these were gaining upon him, he
first cast ofl' his blanket, then his silver-laced coat, and lastlv his belt of peag.
On seeing these, a Joubt no longer remained of its being J^ununtetwo, which
rged them, if possible, faster in the chase. Thero was in the company of
Catapazet, one Monopoide, a Pequot, who outran all his companions, and who,
gaining upon JS/'anuntenoo, as he fled ujmn the side of the river, obliged him to
att(unj)t to cross it sooner than he intended. Nevertheless, but for an accident
ill his passage, he would doubtless have eflTected his escajie. As he was wa-
ding through the river, his foot slipped upon a stone, which hrouglit his gun
uniler water. Thus losing some time in recovering liiniself, and also the use
of his gun, it probably made him despair of escaping ; for Monopoide came
up and seized upon him, " within iiO rods of the river side."

JVanuntenoo, having made up his mind to surrender, made no resistance,
although he was a man of great physical strength, of superior stature, and
acknowledged bravery ; and tlie one who seized upon him very ordinary in
that respect. One of the first Englishmen that came up was Robert Staunton,
a young man, who presumed to ask the captured chief some questions. Ho
a|)i)eared at first to regard the young man with silent indignity, but at length,
casting a disdainfiil look u[)on his voutlifid fiice, "this nianlv sjicliem," said, in
broken English, "YOU MUCH CHILD! NO UNDERSTAND MATTERS
OF WAR! LET YOUR IJROTIHJl OR CHIEF COME, HLM 1 WILL
ANSWER." And, adds Mr, Hubbard, he " wius as good as his word : acting
herein, as if, by a Pythagorean metempsychosis, some old Roman ghost had
possessed the borly of this western pagan. And, like .Attilius Iieg}Uu8,\ he

* This elRgnnt passage of Mr. Hubhard brings to our mind that inimitHble one of
( 'tnrigero, in iiis account of llie woful tlajj's of llio Mexicans : " They had ni'ilhor anus to
repel the multitude and fury of Iheir enemies, strength to cleft'nd themselves, nor spare to
(ijllit upon ; the ground of the citv was covered with dead bodies, and tiie waier of every
diuli and canal purpled with blood. Hist. Affxiro, iii, 7.J.

t Afitrcua AUiliiis Regulus, a Roman consul and general, taken prisoner by the Curtha-

ii.;

'•■■\m

! t«

i \ Id

Hulir

234

NANUNTENOO.

[Rook HI.

would not accept of his own life, when it was tendered him." This tender of
life to JVanurUenoo was, no doubt, upon the condition of his obtaining the sub-
mission of his nation. He met the idea wich indignation; and when the
Enghsh told him that he should be put to death if he did not comply, in th(
most composed manner he replied, that killing him Avould not end the war.
Some of his captors endeavored to reflect upon him, by telling him, that Im
had said he wovld hum the English in their houses, and that he had boasted,
in defiance of his j)romise last made to the English, which was to deliver the
Wampanoags to them, that he would not deliver up a fVampnnoag or the pnn'ns;
of a IFampam.is's nail. To this he only replied, " OTHERS WERE AS
FORWARD FOR THE WAR AS MYSELF, AND I DESIRE TO HEAR
NO MORE ABOUT IT."

Had the EnglisI not burned his people in their houses ? Did they ever
deliver up any the i ad committed depredations upon the Narragansets ? No !
— Who, then, will ask for an excuse for the magnanimous JVanuntenoo ? So
indignant was he at their conduct, that he would hear notliing about peace ;
"refusing to send an old counsellor of his to make any motion that way," on
a promise of life if he would do so.

Under the eye of Denison, JVanuntenoo was taken to Stonington, where,
by the " advice of the English commanders, he was shot." His head wa-
cut off and carried to Hartford, and his body consumed by fire. The English

Srevailed upon some of each tribe of their allies, viz. Pequots, Mohegans and
fianticks, to be his executioners, " thereby the more firmly to engage the
said Indians againsi the treacherous Narragansets." * "Herein," says
another writer f of that day, " the English dealt wisely, for by this means the
three Indian nations ai*e become abominable to the other Indians." And a
respectable writer X of our own times says, " It may be pleasing to the reader
to be informed " of the fate of JVanuntenoo !

When it was announced to the noble chief that he must be put to death,
he was not in the least daunted, and all he is reported to have said is this : —

"I LIKE IT WELL ; I SHALL DIE BEFORE MY HEART IS SOFT,
OR HAVE SAID ANY THING UNWORTHY OF MYSELF." With
JVanuntenoo, fell into the hands of the English 43 others. §

The author of the anonymous '^Letters to London " || says the Indians were
"commanded by that famous but very bloudy and cruel sachem, Quononshot,
other^vise called Jifmntonomy," whose "carriage was strangely proud and
lofty cfter he was taken : being examined why he did foment that war, which
would certainly be the destruction of him and all the heathen Indians in
the country, &c., he would make no other reply to any interrogatories, but
this : that he was born a prince, and if pi inces came to speak with him he
would answer, but none j)resent being such, he thought himself obliged, in
honor, to hold his tongue ; " and that he said he would rather die than
remain a prisoner, and requested that Oneko might y)ut him to death, as he
was of equal rank. " Yet witliall threatened, he had '2000 men, [who] would
revenge his death severely. Wherefore our forces, fearing an escape, put the
stoutest men to the sword, but preserved J\Ii/antonomy till they returned to
Stoneington; where our Indian friends, and most of the English soldiers,
declaring to the commanders their fear that the English should, upon con-
ditions, release him, and that then he would, (though the English might

. They sent liiin to Rome to use his endeavors to efTccl a peace, b_v
tnrn williin a given period. The most excrurlaling tortures awnitcci

ginians, 251 yo.nr< B. C.

fiis solemn pminiM^ lo return withui a given period. 'J'he most excruriating 1
him, should he not execute his mission according to his instructions. When arrived at Kninc,
he exhorted his countrymen to hold out, and maintain the war against the Cartliiigininns,
stating their situation, and the great advantages that would accrue. He knew what would
be his fate on returning to Carthage, and many a noble Roman besought him not to rcuirn,
and thus sacrilice his life ; but he would not break his promise, even with his barbarous ene-
mies. This is what is meant by not accepting his own lil'e when tendered him. He returned,
and, if history be true, no Indian nation ever tortured a prisoner, beyond what the Cariiia-
ginians inflieied upon Marcus Atiiliu.i lii'sniliis. See Echard's Hnman Hist. i. 181) — !).

* HiiIiImiiI. t /■ Mather. t Dram, Hist. Scilunle, 12i.

^ Manuscript letter in Hist. Library. Both Hubbard and Mather say 44; perhaps they in
eluded Nanimleiwo.

H Elsewhere cited as The Old Indian Chroniclo.,

Chap llll

ANN A WON.

2aj

have ppiiro witli liim,) be very jiornirions to tlinsn Tndians that now assisted
IIS, the said Indians, (on tiicse considerations, and the n.'isehiel's and initr-
thers he liad done dnring this war,) permitted to i)nt him to death.* And tliat
all niiiriit share in the glory of destroying so great h prince, and con^e under
the ohiigiition of fidelity, each to other, the Pequo(l> shot hitn, the Mihegino
cut oft' Ills head and q)iartered his body, and the JW '..n-no/?* men nicde tlit
fire and burned his quarters, and, as a token of their !t)> "; and fidelity tc I Je
English, j)rosented bis head to the coimcil at Hartford! '

.^JVJVJlfVOJV was a Wampanoag, and one of Philip's n>.st famous coim-
sellors and captains. He was his fast friend, and resistev' is long as there
was a beam of hope; and when at last every chance of siooess had fiiiltd,
he gave liimself up in the most heroic manner, as will appear ivi the follow-
ing account.

At the swamp, when Philip was killed, he escaped with most vH his men,
as has been related, by his thoroughly understanding Hie sitiut.on of his
enemies. "Perceiving (says Church) they were waylaid on the ea>'t side of
the swamp, tacked short about. One of the enemy, who seemed to be a
great surly old fellow, hallooed with a loud voice, and often called out, I-oo-
tash, I-oo-tash. Captain Chtirch called to his Indian Pe<er,t and asked him
who that was that called so. He answered that it was old Annawon, Philip's
great captain, calling on his soldiers to stand to it, and fight stoutly."

"Captain Church had been but little while at Plimoutli, [after the death
of Philip,] before a post from Rehoboth came to inform the governor that
old Jlntutwon, Philip's chief captain, was with his company ranging about
their woods, and was very offensive and pernicious to Rehoboth and
Swansey. Captain Church was immediately sent for again, and treated with
to engage in one expedition more. He told them their encouragement was
80 poor, he feared his soldiers would be dull about going again. But being
a hearty friend to the cause, he rallies again, goes to Mr. Jabez littoland, his
old lieutenant, and some of his soldiers tiiat used to go out with him, told
them how the case was circumstanced, and that he had hitelligence of old
Annaimn's walk and haunt, and wanted hands to hunt him. They did not
want much entreating, but told him they would go with him as long as
there was an Indian left in the woods. He moved and ranged through the
woods to Pocasset."

In the early part of this expedition, some of Captain Church's Indian
Bcouts captured a number of AnnaworCs company, but from whom tliey
could learn nothing of the old chief, only that he did not lodge " twice in a
place."

" Now a certain Indian soldier, that Captain Church had gained over to
l>e on his side, prayed that he might have liberty to go and fetch in his
father, who, he said, was about four miles from that place, in a swamp, with
no other than a young s(]uaw. Captain Church inclined to go with him,
thinking it might be in his way to gain some intelligence of Annaioon; and
BO taking one Englishman and a few Indians with him, leaving the rest
there, he went with his new soldier to look his father. When he came to
the swiimp, he bid the Indian go and see if he could find his father. He
was no sooner gone, but Captain Church discovered a track coming down
out of the woods, upon which he and his little company lay close, some on
one side of the track, and some on the other. They heard the Indian
soldier making a howling for his father, and at length somebody answered
him ; but while they were listening, thc^ thought they heard somebody com-
ing towards them. Presently they saw an old man coming up, with a gun
on his shoulder, and a young woman following in the track which they lay
by. They let them come between them, and then started uj) and laid hold
of them both. Captain Church immediately examined them apart, telling
them what they must trust to if they told false stories. He asked tl.e young
woman what company they came from last. She said from Captain Anna-
won'ar. He asked her how many were in comj)any with him when she lei^

* This seems to us ihe mosl probable arcouiil of the affair of all we have seen,
t The soil uf Awatlionks, it is supposed.

1 , '1

236

ANNAWON.

[Book III-

liim. She eaid 'fifty or sixty.' He asked her how many miles it was to the
place where she left him. She said she did not understand miles, hut he was
up in Sqiiannacoiik swamp. The old man, who had been one of Philip's
council, upon examination, gave exactly the same account." On being
asked whether they could get there that night, answered, " If we go pres-
ently, and travel stoutly, we may get there by sunset." The old man said
he was of Annawon^s company, and that Annawon had sent him down to
find some Indians that were gone down into Mount Hope neck to kill pro-
visions. Captain Church let him know that that company were all his
prisoners.

The Indian who had been permitted to go after his father, now returned
with him and another man. Captain Church was now at great loss what he
should do. He was unwilling to miss of so good an opportunity of giving
a finishing blow to the Indian power. He had, as himself says, but " half a
dozen men beside himselfj" and yet was under the necessity of sending
some one back to give Lieutenant Howland, whom he left at the old fort in
Pocasset, notice, if he should proceed. But, without wasting time in pon-
fltring upon what course to pursue, he put the qtiestion to his men,
" whether they would willingly go with him and give Annawon a visit."
All answered in the affirmative, but reminded him "that they knew this
Captain Annawon was a great soldier ; that he had been a valiant captain
under Asuhtnequin, [Woosamequin,] Philip's father; and that he had been
Philip's chieftain all this war." And they further told Captain Church, (and
these men knew him well,) that he was " a very subtle man, of great resolu-
tion, and had often said that he would never be taken alive by the English."

They also reminded him that those with Annawon were " resolute fellows,
some of Philip's chief soldiers," and very much feared that to make the
attempt with such a handful of soldiers, would be hazui'dous in the extrenie.
But nothing could shake the resolution of Captain Church, who remarked
to them, " that he had a long time sought for Annawon, but in vain," and
doubted not in the least but Providence would protect them. All with one
consent now desired to j)roceed.

A man by the name of Cook,* belonging to Plimouth, was the only
Englishman in the comjiany, except the captain. Captain Church asked
Mr. Cook what his opinion of the undertaking was. He made no other reply
than this: "I am never afraid of going any where when you are with me."
The Indian who brought in his father informed Captain Church, that it was
impossible for him to take his horse with him, which he had brought thus
tin*. He therefore sent him and his father, with the horse, back to Lieuten-
ant Rowland, and ordered them to tell him to take his prisoners immediately
to Taunton, and then to come out the next morning in the Rehoboth roud,
where, if alive, he hoped to meet him.

Things being thus settled, all were ready for the journey. Captain Church
turned to the old man, whom he took with the young woman, and asked
him whether he would be their pilot. He said, "You having given me my
life, I am under obligations to serve you." They now marched for Sqnan-
naconk. In leading the way, this old man would travel so nnich faster than
the rest, as sometimes to be nearly out of sight, and consequently might
have escaped without fear of being recaptured, but he was true to his word,
and would stop until his wearied followers tame up.

Having travelled through swamps and thickets until the sun was setting,
the pilot ordered a stop. The captain asked hiui if he had made any dis-
covery. Ho said, " About that hour of the day, Annawon usually sent out
his scoutb to see if the coast was clear, and as soon as it began to grow
dark the scouts returned, and then we may move securely." When it was
sufficiently dark, and they were about to proceed. Captain Church asked the
old man if he would take a gun and fight for him. He bowed very low,
aiul said, "I pray you not to impose such a thing upon me as to figiit against
Captain Annawon, my old friencl, but I will go along with you, and be helpful
to you. and will lay hands on any man that shall offer to hurt you." Tlicy

* Caleb, doubllcss, wlio was present al the lime Philip was killfid.

Chap. Ill]

ANNAVVON— ins CAPTURE AND DEATlF.

237

had prornofled but a short space, when they hean' a noise, wliich fhcv
coiichiduil to be the pounding of a mortar. This warned tlieni that thcv
were in tlie vicinity of Annawon^s retreat. And here it will be very proper
to give a description of it. It is situated in tiie south-easterly corner of
Rehohoth, about eight miles from Taunton Green, a few rods from the road
which leads to Providence, and on the south-easterly side of it. If a straight
line were drawn from Taunton to Providence, it would pass very nearly
over thia place. Within the limits of an immense swamp of nearly 1000
acres, there is a small piece of upland, separated from the main oidv by a
brook, which in some seasons is dry. This island, as we may call it, is
nearly covered with an enormous rock, which to this day is called Annawim^s
Rock. Its south-east side presents an almost perpendicular precipice, and
rises to the height of 25 or 30 feet. The north-west side is very slo|)ing,
and easy of ascent, being at an angle of not more than 35 or 40°. A more
gloomy and hidden recess, even now, although the forest tree no longer
waves over it, could hardly be ibimd by any inhabitant of the wilderness.

When they arrived near the foot of tJie rock, Coptain Church, with two
of his Indian soldiers, crept to the top of it, from whence they could see
distinctly the situation of the whole company, by the light of their fires.
They were divided into three bodies, and lodged u short distance li-om one
another. Annawori's camp was formed by lelliug a tree against the rock,
^vith hushes set up on each side.

" He passed, in the hcari of that ancient wood—

Nor paused, till the rock where a vaulted bud
Had l>oeri hewn of old lor the kingly dea<l

Arose on his midnight v.ay "— Hemans.

With him lodged his son, and others of his principal men. Their guns
were discovered standing and leaning against a stick resting on two crotches,
safely covered from the weather by a mat. Over their fires were i)ots antl
kettles boiling, and meat roasting upon their spits. Captain Church was
now at some lows how to proceed, seeing no possibility of getting down the
rock without discovery, which woidd have been fatal. He therefore creeps
eilently hack again to the foot of the rock, and asked the old man, their
pilot, if there was no other way of coming at them. He answered, " No ;"
and said that himself and all others belonging to the company were ordered
to come that way, and none could come any other witfiout danger of be-
ing shot.

The frtiitful mind of Church was no longer at loss, and the following strata-
gem was put in successfid practice. He ordered the old mtui and the young
woman to go forward, and lead the way, with their baskets upon their backs,
and when Annawon slioidd discover them, he would take no alarm, knowing
them to be those he had lately SMit forth upon discovery. " Captain Church
and his handful of soldiers crept down also, under tlie shadow of thota two
and their baskets. The captain himself crept close behind the old man, with
his hatchet in his hand, and stepped over the young man's fiead to the arms.
The young Annawon discovering him, whipped his blanket over his head, and
shrunk nj) hi a heap. The old Captain Annawon started up on his breech,
and cried out ' //bifo/i ." which signified, 'Welcom.'"* All hope of escape
was now fled forever, and he made no effort, but laid himself down agiiin in
perfect silence, while his caj)tors secured the rest of the company. For h«)
supposed the English were far inore numerous than they were, and before he
was undeceived, his company were all secured.

'h\

* It is a curious fact, that among the tribes of the west, the same word is used to signify
approbation ; thus, when a speech had been made to some in that region, which ploased
thorn, at the end of each paragraph tlioy would exclaim, " Hoalil Jloali!" — Weld's Trav.eU
in America.

The fact becomes still more curious when we find the same word used yet farther west-
even on the North-west Coast, and with very nearly the same signification. See Dixon's
\'oijiio;e, 189, 4to. London, 1 78'J. In this work it is spelt \V}wali. See, also, liu-ney'i
Voyages, i 3-W, and Colden's Five Nations, ii. 96.

i!M.i; I ;

' I'i

Il^^

238

ANNA WON.

I Book III.

Ono circumstance much facilitated tiiis daring project. It Iia« been l)efi)re
incntioncd, that they lieard the pounding of a mortar, on tiieir approacli.
Tliis continued during tiieir descent down the rocit. A squaw was pounding
I^retn dried corn for tlicir supper, and when she ceased pounding, to turn
the corn, tliey ceased to proceed, and when she pounded again, tliey moved.
This was tlie reason tliey were not heard aa tliey lowered themselves down,
from crag to crag, supported by Bmall bushes that grew from the seams
of the rock. The pounded com served afterwards for a supper to the
captors.

Annawon would not have l)cen taken at this time but for the trCacheiy
of those of his own company. And well may their iMcan exclaim, as did
the Romav,

" A rare renowned, the world's virlorious lords,
Turned on llienisclves willi their own hostile swords."— /loioe's Trans.

The two companies situated at n short distance from the rock knew not the
fate of their captain, until those sent by Church announced it to them. And,
to prevent their making resistance, tlu^ were told, that Captain Church had
encompassed them with his army, and that to niake resistance would bo
immediate death ; but if they all submitted peaceably, they should have good
quarter. "Now they being old acquaintance, and many of them relations,"
readily consented : delivering up their guna and hatchets, they were all con-
ducted to head-quarters.

"Things being thus far settled, Captain Church asked Annawon what
he had for supper, ' for,' said he, ' I am come to sup with you.' " Annaioon
replied, " Tavbut" with a " big voice," and, looking around upon his women,
ordered them to hasten and provide Captain Church and his company some
sujiper. He asked Captain Church "whether he would eat cow beef or
horse beef." Church said he would prefer cow beef. It was soon ready,
and, by the aid of some salt he had in his pocket, he made a good meal.
And here it should be told, that a small bag of salt (which he carried in
his pocket) was the only provision he took with him upon this expedition.

When supper was over, Captain Church set his men to watch, telling them
if they would let him sleep two hours, they should sleep all the rest of the
night, he not having slept any for 36 hours before ; but after laying a half
hour, and feeling no disposition to sleep, from the momentous cares upon his
mind, — lor, as Dr. young" says in the Revenge,

" The dead alone, in such a night, can rest,—"

he looked to see if his watch were at their posts, but they were all fast asleep.
Annawon felt no more like sleeping than Church, and they lay for some time
looking one upon the other. Church spoke not to Annaioon, because he
could not speak Indian, and thought Annawon could not speak English, but it
now appeared that he could, from a conversation they held together. Church
had laid down with Annawon to prevent his escape, of which, however, he
did not seem much afraid, for after they had laid a considerable time, Annawon
got up and walked away out of sight, which Church considered was on a
common occasion ; but being gone some time, " he began to suspect some
ill design." Ho therefore gathered all the guns close to himself, and lay as
close as he possibly could under young Annawon^s side, that if a shot should
be made at him, it must endanger the life of young Annawon also. After
laying a while in great suspense, he saw, by the light of the moon, Annawon
coming with something in his hands. When he had got to Captain Church,
he knelt down before him, and, after presenting him what he had brought,
spoke in English as follows: — " Great captain, you have killed Philip, ami con-
quered his countn/. For I believe that I and my company are the last that war
against the Enirlish, so suppose tlie war is ended by your means, and therefore
these things belong unto yon." He then took out of his pack a beaiitHiiily
wrought belt, which belonged to Philip. It was nine inches in breadth, and
of such length, as when put about the shoulders of Captain Church, it
reached to his ankles. This was considered, at that time, of great value

T^^

^HAP. Ill]

QUINNAPIN.

239

being embroidered all over with money, tlint is, wampumpenp,* of vnrioiis
colors, curiously wroiiclit into figures of birds, beasts and flowers. A second
belt, of no less exquisite workmanship, was next presented, which lielongc d
tilso to Philip. This, that chief used to ornament his head with ; from the
back j)ait of which flowed two flags, which decorated his back. A third was
a smaller one, with a star upon the end of it, which he wore upon his breast.
All three were edged with red hair, which, ^nnmcon said, was got hi the
country of the Mohawks. These belts, or some of them, it is believed, re-
main, at this day, the property of a fiimily in Swansey. He next took from
his pack two horns of glazed powder, and a red cloth blanket. These, it
appears, were all that remained of the efll-cts of the great chief. He told
Captain Church that those were P/tiiip'* royalties, which he was wont to adoin
himself with, when he sat in state, and he thought himself happy in having
an opportunity to present them to him.

The remainder of the night they spent in discourse, in which Annaieon
''gave an account of what mighty success he had had formerly in wars
against many nations of Indians, when he served Jlsuhmequin, Philip's
father."

Morning being come, they took up their march for Taunton. In the way
they met Lieutenant Howland, according to appointment, at his no small sur-
))rise. They lodged at Taunton that night. The next day " Caj)t. Church
took old Jlnnawon, and half a dozen Indian soldiers, and his own men, and
went to Rhode Island ; the rest were sent to Plitnouth, under Lieutenant
Howland.

Annawon, it is said, had confessed "that he had put to death several of the
English, that had been taken alive ; ten in one day, and could not deny but
that some of them had been tortured;"! ''"d therefore no mercy was to be
expected from those into whose hands he had now fallen. His cajitor, Captain
Churchy did not mean that he should have been put to death, and had en-
treated hard for him ; but in his absence from Plimouth, not long after, he
was remorselessly executed. We shall again have occasion to advert to the
execution of Annatcon, and shall now pass to consider the events in the life
of a sachem of nearly equal interest.

QULyJVAPIJV was by birth a noble Narraganset, being the son of Cogina-
quan, otherwise Conjanaquond, who was nephew to Carwnicus. Therefore
Miantunnomoh was uncle to Quinnapin, and Canoniciis was his great uncle.

We find his name spelled in almost every possible way, and for the
amusement of the reader will offer a few of them — Quanopin, Qiwnopin,
Qunnapin, Qfiannopin, Quenoquin, Panoquin, Sowasonish, and Quanepin.
His name has also been confounded with that of Quaiapen, the " old queen "
of Narraganset.

In 1G72, Quinnapin confirmed, by a writing, the sale of a tract of land pre-
viously granted by CogtnaqtMn, his father.

This sachem took part with the Wampanoags in Philip's war, and from
the punishment which the English executed upon him, on bis falling into
their hands, we may suppose he acted well his part in that war, although but
little is recorded of him by the historians of that period. From Mrs. Row-
landson's account of him, we must conclude he was not wanting in attentions
to the fair sex, as he had certainly three wives, one of whom was a sister of
Wootonekanuske ; consequently he was, according to the English method of
calculating relationships, brother-in-law to the famous Mdacomet himself.

QiminflDtn was one of the chiefs who directed the attack on Lancaster,
the 10 Fob. 1675, O. S., and he purchased Mrs. Rowlandson from a Naragan-
set Indian who had seized her when she came out of the garrison, among
the ca|)tives of that place. And it was this circumstance which caused her
to notice him in her Narrative, t fVdtimore, whom she mentions in the follow-
ing extract, as his wife, we have said, was ff'eetamoo, the " queen of Pocasset."

In the winter of 1676, when the NaiTaganscts were at such " great straits,"
from the loss of their provisions, in the great swamp fight, {" corn being two

All Iroquois word signifying u niusclf. Gnntnn'.i flisl, Pennsylvania, page 608.

t ItitJba-d, iXar. im

\ Mr.W'illard's edition of it, (p. ij.) Lancaster, 1828.

240

QUINNAPIN.

[DOOK III.

sliilliiij;.-! .. "iiit with them,") the Erij^lish tried to bring about a peace with
tiieni ; W !if"r terms were too liarti, or some other cause prevented. " Ca-
noncktt a. t^annquin said tiicy would fijrht it out, to the last man, rather
tiiantiie, » ;uld become servants to the EngMsh."* A truly noble resolution,
and well worthy of the character we have of Canonchet.

"My master (says Mrs. Howlandson) had three squaws, hving sometimes
with one and sometimes with another. Omix, this old sr,iiaw at whose wig-
wam 1 was, and with whom my master [Quiiwapin] liad been these three
weeks. Anotuer was ffettimore, with whom I had lived and sei-ved all this
while. A severe anil proud dame she was; bestowing eveiyday in dressing
herself near as much time as any of the gentiy of the land — powdering her
hair and j)ainting her face, going with her necklaces, with jewels in her ears,
and bracc.'Icfs tipon her hands. When she had dressed hers<;lf, her work
was to make girdles of wampum and beads. The third squaw [or wile] was
a young one, by whom he bad two j)apooses."t

While the Narragansets and Nipmucks were encamped at a place on Con-
necticut River at considerable distance above Northamj)ton, jierhaps near as
far as ]Ullows Falls, Mrs. Rowlandson says, "My master's maid came home:
she hf il been gone three weeks into the Narraganset country to fetch corn,
wher J they had stored up some in the ground. She brought home about a
peel- and a hnlf of corn " /

We shall relate, in the L'fc of JVepanef, the mission of Mr. Hoar io Philip's
quarters lor the redem])tion of Mrs. Rowlandson. This was not long after
Sudbury figiit, and the Lidians were i)rej)aring to commemorate it by a great
dance, " which was carried on by eight of them, (as Mrs. R. relates,) ibur men
and four squaws ; my master and mistress yi^uinnapin and fVeetamoo] being
two. He was dressed in his Holland shirt, with great stockings, his garters
hung round with shillings, ami had girdles of wampom upon his head and
shoulders. She had a kearsey coat, covered with girdles of wampom from
the loins upward. Her arms, from lier elbows to her hands, were covered
with bracelets ; there were handfuls of necklaces about her neck, and sev-
eral sorts of jewels in her ears. She had fine red stockings, and white shoes,
her hair i)owdered, and her face painted red, that was alwajs before black.
And all the dancers were afler the same maimer. There were two others
singing and knocking on a kettle for their music. They kept hop])ing uj)
and down one atler another, with a kettle of water in the midst, standing
warm upon some embers, to drink of when they were dry. They held on
till almost night, throwing out their tram/7oni to the standers-by. At night
I asked them again, if I should go home : they all as one said. No, except my
husband would come for me. When we were lain down, my master went
out of the wigwam, and by and by sent in an Indian called James-the-printer,
who told Mr. Hoar, that my master would let me go home to-morrow, if he
would let him have one pint of liquor. Then Mr. Hoar called his own
[ndians, Tom and Peter, and bid them all go and see if he would promise it
before them three ; and if he would he should have it, which he did, and had
it Philip smelling the business, called me to him, and asked me what I
would give him, to tell me some good news, and to speak a good word for
me, that I might go home to-morrow ? I told l.im I could not tell what to
give him, I would any thing I had, and asked him what he would have. He
said two coats and 20 shillings in money, half a bushel of seed corn, and
some tobacco. I thanked him for his love, but 1 knew that good news as well
as that craily fox. My master, after he had his drink, quickly came ranting
into the wigwam again, anrl called for Mr. Hoar, drinking to him and saying
he was a good man ; and then again he would say. Hang him a rogue. Being
almost drunk, he would drink to him, and yet presently say he should be
hanged. Then he called for me ; I trembled to hear him, and yet I was fain
to go to him, and he drank to me, shewing no incivility. He was the first
Inrlian I saw drunk, all the time I was among them. At last his squaw ran
lilt, and he after her, round the wigwam, with his money jingling at hia

* Hubbard.

t Narraiivc, 63, 64.

riiAP. Ill]

DEATH OF (lUlNNAPIN— TUSPAQUIX.

341

knees, btit slie escaped liiiii ; I)iit liuviiig an old s(iiinw, lie ran to her,"* and
troiiMcd the others no more tiiat nijrlit.

A day or two alb.'r, tlie sagamores liad a conncil, or frcmml cniiH, as tlicy
called It, in which the giving up of Mrs. R. was dehatfd. All seemed to
consent tor iier to go, exceja Philip, who would not come to tiie council.
However, siie was soon dismissed, and some who were at first opposed kj iier
going, stieinetl now to rejoice at it. They shook her by the hand, and askt;d
her to send tiiem some tobacco, and some one thing and some another.

VVlieii tiie extensive system of war carried on by Philip was broken in the
west by intestine bickerings, Quinnapin returned with Philip to his country
of the VVainpanoags. About theeiiu of July, lli7(). Captain Church learned by
a captive squaw that Q^uinnapin and Philip were in a "great cedar swamp '
near Ajjonaganset with "abundance of Indians." Tiiis news, together with
a discovery the captain soon alter made, induced him to leave tiiat country
without disturbing so formidable an enemy. Soon alter, (Quinnapin escaped
from a company of IJridgewater men, who killed Jlkkompoin, as he and
Philip's company were crossing Taunton River. The next day. Church j)ur-
sued him, but he eflected liis escape.

Not long after this, he was taken, and, immediately after the war, fiH
August, was shot at Newjioit in R. Island. It ajjpears that Quinnapin had
had some dirticulty with the R. Island people, who, some time before the
war, had cast nim into prison ; but that by some means he had escaped,
and become activo in the war. lie was reported "u young lusty sachem,
and a very rogue." f A court-martial was held at Newport, R. I., on the
2i August, l(i7tJ, by the governor and assistants of that colony, for tlie trial
of Quinnapin, or Sowagonish, as he was sometimes called, and several others.
He was charged with adhering to Philip in the war, which he confessed,
and owned he was in the Narraganset Swamp fight of December, 1(575, and
next in conunand to Canonchel ; whereujjon he was sentenced to be shot the
next day. A brother of his, who had but one eye, named Sunkeejunasuc, had
the same sentence passed upon him. Ashamaltan, another brother, was
tried, but at that time received no sentence.^

Tt/&'P^Qi!7/JV*, whose biograjihy we shall next pursue, was one of Philip a
most faithful captains, and sachem of Assawomset, as we have before had
occasion to notice, in speaking of John Sassamon. His name in printed
accounts differs but little, and is abbreviated from JVatxtspaquin. Also in our
life of Tatoson it was necessary to speak of this chief. From a survey of
the deeds which he executed of various large tracts of land, it is evident
his sachemdom was very extensive. It will be necessary to glance at some
of the conveyances of Waluapaquin for several reasons, the principal of which
is, that the part he acted in the great drama of 1(575 and 1676 may not be
underrated. His conveyances to the Reverend JbAn Sassamon and his fiimily
are already related.

On 9 August, 1(567, " Tuspequin, otlierwise called the Black-sacliem," for
£4, sells to Henry Wood of Plimoiith his right and title to the land on the
east side of " >3amassakett " River,§ bounded "on one end "by the pond
called BlcLck-saxhenCs Pond, or, in Indian, JVanpaiocult ; on the other end, by
a little pond called Jisnemscutl. How mucli was included in the given
bounds, is not mentioned, nor could we now by the description jjossibly
tell how far said tract extended back from the river. With Tuspaquin,
his wife, Amey, signed this deed, and it was witnessed only by two liUglish-
nieii.

On 17 July, 1(369, Tuspaquin and his son William sell for £10 a tract or
parcel of land near " Assowampsett," half a mile wide, and " in length from
said ponds to Dartmouth path." Besides two English, Samuel Henry, Daniel
and Old Harry were witnesses. Evperience Mitchell, Henry Sampson, of Dux-
borough, Thomas Little, of Marshfield, and Thomas Paine, of Eastham, were
the purchasers.

* Narrative, 7»— 75.

t Captain More's account of " Tlic Warr in N. E. visibly ended," &.c. in our ItroiAN
Chron icLE. t PoUer's Narragansel, 98.

ij He, however, reserved the right " to getl ceder barke in the swamps."

21 Q

242

TUSPAQUIN— BURNS BRIDOEWATER.

[Book III

if-' ■

irs

June 10, 10)70, TuspaquinanA his son William sold for £G, to Edward Gray,
"in tlio helmll" of the court of Plinionth," "ull that our nieddow tiiut lyeth
in or iieurc the town of Mi(hlleberry," on tlie west side of a tract bclon^intf
to John Jllden and Contiai^ Southworth, "and is between Assowainsett Pond
and Taunton path, Innng in three parsolls vpon three brookcs;" also anotlier
parcel on the otlit-r side of Taunton patli. Witnessed by " Amic" tl>e wilb
of Tuyjaquin, and two English.

30 June, 1072, Tiumaquin, " sachem of Naniassakett, and Mantowapuct
alias fyUliam his Bon,"^sell to Edward Gray and Josias ff'inalow, lands cm
the easterly side of Assowarnsett, to begin where Naniasket River fallctli
out of the pond, and so south by tlie pond ; thence by |)erisliable boinids
to Tuspaquin^a Pond, and so home to the lands ibrmcrly sold to Henry
Wood.

3 July, 1673, Tuspaquin and his son William sell to Benjamin Church of
Duxborough, house carpenter, and John Tompson of Barnstable, lands about
Middleborough, lor which they paid him £lh. It is described as " lying att
and neare the township of Middleberry," bounded westerly by a river called
JMonhiggen, which runs into a pond called (^uisquasetl, and so by a cedar
swamp to Tuspaquin's Pond ; thence by Henry WooiTa land to a jilace
called Pochaboquelt. Nainidset River is named as a noithern boundary ; and
the two " places " called Tuscomanest and Massapanoh are also named, like-
wise a pond called Snipttiett, and a " river's mouth called Tvppaluett which
rinmeth into a pond called QuiUiiioasheU," Two English, San Harry, and
Joseph of Namasket, were witnesses.

1 November 1673, William Waluspaquin, Jlssaiceta, Tobias and Betoat, for
£10 sell to three English of Barnstable a tract of land bounded by Que-
tatpiash Pond northerly, by Quetaquash River easterly, Snepetuitt Pond, &c.

14 May, 1675, the two Tuspaquins, father and son, " make over to John
Tompson, Constant Souihioorth and others, of Middleborough, " all that tract
of land which we now have in possession, called commonly Assowatnaet
neck or necks, and places adjacent," as a security against the claims of others,
&c. of other lands deeded at the same time ; it, therefore, they are not dis-
turbed in the possession of the former lands deeded, then they "are not to
be outed of Assawamsett neck." Pottawo, alias Daniel, Payman, Pagalt,* alius
Joseph, were witnesses.

For the land deeded they received £33, " sterling." It consisted of uplands
and meadows about the pond culled JSTinipoket, Quiticu8,\ &c., and, judging
from the price paid, was, no doubt, a very large tract.

Thus are a few of the acts of Waluspaquin sketched previous to the war.
We are now to trace his operations in quite another sphere. In our opinion,
Mr. Hubbard was right in styling him " the next noted captain to Philip,^ but
erroneously calls Old Tuspaqmn " the Black-sachem's son." He does not
appear to have known of the son William^ Indeed, we hear nothing of him
in the war, but it is probable he shared the late of his father.

In the spring of 1676, Tuspaquin was marching from place to place with
about 300 men, and was doubtless in high expectation of humbling the
pride of his enemies, and, but for Philip's western disasters, occasioned by
the disaffection of his Pocomptucks and others, his expectations might have
been realized. It was doubtless under his direction that 19 buildings in
Scituate were burnt on 20 April ; and on the 8 May, had not a shower pre-
vented, most, if not all, the houses in Bridgewater would have shai'ed the
same fate. Tuspaquin was known to have led his men in tliis attack.^
The inhabitants exerted themselves to repel the Indians, but, conscious of
their strength, they maintained their ground until the next day, when they
retreated. Notwitiiscanding the rain, they succeeded in burning 17 buildings
before they decamped.

On 11 May, 1676, there were eleven houses and five barns burnt in Plim-
Dwth, and a few weeks after, seven houses more and two barns. Tliese

* Two names, probably ; but in (lie MS. llicrc is no comma between, as is often the ca'.e.
t Titicut, probably, now.

X Mr. Huhhard .says, (Nar. 71.) the Indians were led by one Tusgnogen, but we are satis-
fied Tuspaquin is meant.

Cii p. Ill]

Tt.SPAJUTlN.— H!S COMPANY SflRriMSni).

211

ivi^ro pmltiilily stu'li ;is were at a ronsidoriililo ilistaiiri; frooi tlio villnijp, iiiul
Imd rliit'tly Ihmmi dcs'itctl. This " iiiiMcliieJ" wiih uitribiitcd to Tiispiuium
Hiul hifl iiicii,

Altout thin time, Benjamin Church wns coiniiiist^ioiif^d hy tho govt-'.iuiH'tit
of Pliiiiotitli to lead parties in diflercnt directions over the colony ; and liom
tlie time he commenced operations, the Indians found hut (iw opportunities
to do mischief in Phmoutii colony.

Tuapaquin still kept his pronnil in the Assawoinsnt countrj', nnd for a Ion;'
time iMilHed all the skill Captain Church was mantt-rof in his eiuleavoi's to tiiko
him prisoner. Church receive<l his commission !^4.Tuly, lO/Ci, and the same
ni^ht set out on an ex|)edition against Tuspaquin. His Indian scouts hroiiffht
him l»efbre day upon a company of his pc^ople in Middlehoron^di, every onf!
of whom fell into his hands. Ilow many there were, Church does not say.
He took them directly to Pliinouth, "and disjiosed of them all," exce|)t "oiie
Jeffery, who, proving very ingenious and faithful to liim in informing where
otiier parcels of the Indians harbored, Cant. Church promised him, tliat if
he continued to Iw faithful to him, he should not he sold out of tho conntry,
liiit should 1)6 his waiting man, to take care of his horse, &c., and accord-
ingly he served him faithfully as long as he lived." •

rims strengthened hy Tuapaquin's own men. Church pursued his success-a
with manifold advantage. Ihere was a small tribe residing near Munponset
Pond, which was next captured without loss on either sitle, and there was
henceforth scarcely a week passed wherein he did not capture some of these
people.

Not long after this, it "was found that Tuspaquin had encamped about
Assawomset, and Church set out on an expedition there ; hut finding Old
Tuspaquin was ready for him at the neck betwe«'n the two great ponds, f he
was glad to make the best of his way on towards Acnslmet and Dartnioutli.
As he was crossing Assawomset neck, a scout from Trnpaquin's camp fired
upon him, but did him no injury.

Meanwhile the great Annawon having Imen surprised l)y the indefatigable
Churchy Tuspaquin saw no chance of holding out long ; he therefore apj)ear8
afterwards only intent upon keeping out of the way of the English. This
coidd not be long reasonably expected, as their scouts were ranging in every
direction.

On 4 Sept 167G, according to ChurcVs account, Tuspaquin'a company
were encamped near Sippican, doing " great damage to the English in kill-
ing their c ttle, horses and swine." The noxt day, Church and his rangers
were in their neighborhood, and, after observing their situation, which was
" sitting round their fires in a thick place of bruch,"^ in seeming safety, the
captain " ordered ever;' man to creej) as he did; and surrounded them by
creeping as near as they could, till they should be discovered, and then to
run on upon them, and take them alive, if possible, (for their prisoners were
their pay.) They did so, taking every one that was at the fires, not one
escaping. Upon examination, they agreed in their story, that they belonged
to Tispaquin, who was gone with John Bump and one more to Agawom and
Sipican to kill horses, and were not expected back in two or three days."§
CWc/i proceeds : -'This same Tispaquin had been a great captain, and the
Indians reported that he was such a great pouwau, [priest or conjurer,] that
no bullet could enter him. Capt. Church said he would not have him killed,
for there was a war broke out in the eastern part of the country, and he
would have him saved to go with them to fight the eastern Indians. Agree-
ably, he left two old squaws of the prisoners, and bid them tarry there until
their Captain Tispaquin returned, and to tell him, that Church had been
tl'cre, and had taken his wife, children and company, and carried them
down to Plymouth ; and would spare all their lives, and his too, if he would

* Church, Narrative, 31.

t Just below where Sampson's tavern nov stands.

t 1 suspect Mr. Hubbard mistakes the siluatioj) of this place, in sayings it was " in Lake'i-
Sain, upon Pocasscl neck."' Church is so iiiiro^ardinff of all {^oo^rapliy, that it is quite un-
rertain where it was. If it were near Sippican, It was a long way i'roni any part of Pocasset.

^ By this it seems the place might liave been as far ofl'as Pocissct.

244

TUSPAQUIN AIL'RUERLD AT PLI.MOUTFI— TATOSON. [Bjok HI.

^"--
1'..

BMi;

coiiif down to llirm nnrl briiij^ the otiier two that wore with !iiin, niul ihey
slir)iihl he his soldiers, &.c Cuj)t. Church then roturiifd to IMyiiioiith, leav-
iiij,' tlie old squuwa well provided for, and bisket Ibr Tispaqiiin wlieii ho
returned."

This Church called laying n trap for Tuspnqmn, and it tinned ont as he
e.\|)ectcd. We shall now see with what (aith tlie Knjrlisli acted on this
occaMioii. Church had assured him thiit, if he gave himself up, he should
not bo killed, but lie was not at Plimoutli when Tintprujum came in, having
gone to Boston on business for a fvw days ; " but wiien he returned he
Ibund, to his grief, the heads of Jlnnawon, 'Pispaquin, &cc. rut oft| which
were the last of Philip^s friends " !

It is true that those who were known to have been personally engaged in
killing the English were, in the time of the greatest danger, cut off from

I)ardon by a law; that time had now passed away, and, like many other
aws of exigency, it she 'Id then have been considered a dead letter ; leaving
out of the case tlic fiutl' ^md promise of their best senanT, Church, View
it, therefore, in any light, and nothing can be found to justify this flagrant
inroad upon that j)romisc. To give to the conduct of the Plimoutli govern-
ment a pretext for this murder, (a milder expression I cannot use,) Mr.
Hubbard says., Tu.'paquin having pretended that a bullet could not penetrate
him, trial of his invulnerableness was resolved upon. So lie was placed us
a mark to shoot at, and " he fell down at the first shot" !

This was doubtless the » nd of numerous others, as we infer from the
following passage in Dr. Matner's Prevalkncy of Prayer, lie asks,
"Where are the six Narragnnset sachems, with all their captains and coun-
sellors? Where are the ? . muck sachems, with their captains and coun-
sellors? Where is Philxu and Squaw-sachem, of Pocasset, with all their
r;iptains and counsellors? God do so to all the imjiliicable enemies of
C'lrist, and f his people in N. England"!! The next of P/ii7i)>'s captains,
in our arraii_ement, is

IVtTOSO.Y, also a great captain in the war of 1(575. h seems rather un-
certiiin whether he were a Narragansct or Wampanoag. lie (or one
bearing the same name) signed the treaty made with the Narragaiisets in
the beginning of the war. It is quite ci-rtain that his residence allerwards
was in Sandwich, since Rochester;* and when he .'-igiied the treaty just
named, it is probable he was only lunong the Narragaiisets upon a mission
or visit. He was a son of the "noted Sam liarrow," but of his own
limiily, or whether he had any, we are not iiilbrmed.

We first meet with Talnson,j or, as his name is commonly printed, T^oto-
so«, in l()(i(), in the respectable company of Mr. Secretniy .1/orfon of Plim-
outli, and Jlcanootun, H'annoo, two "graue and sage Indians," and a niunber
more, of whose characters we are not so well prejiiircd to speak. AiiMiig
this nssemhiagi! he is only conspicuous, however, as a witness to a deed of
liie lands iiiion fyeequancett neck. Mr, Morloii's name follows Tn^osoii'a, on
this instrument.

There was a general disarming of the Indians in 1(171, as will elsewhen;
be mentioned. Among a great number onlcred to appear at Plinioiith the
same year, to bind themselves more strongly in allegiance to the I'',nglisli,
we find the name of Tatoson, or, as his name was tlien written, Tuuloztn.
Also Tobij, alias JVauhnocomwit, | and If'ill, alias Washa%oanna,

On the I2th of June, 1(57(5, several Indians, who liad been sent in by
/ira<//(>r</ and CAiirc/i, were "convented before the conncell" at Plimoutli ;
being "such of them as were accused of working vnsufferable niischeitte
vpon some of ours." Among them was one named Watdkpoo, or, as ho

* On llin riji;lil of llio mnin road, ns you pnss from Malnpolsrt to Rorhrslor villaffo, nnd
nlioiil two miles from llic former, at a small dislaiirc froai llic road, is a kind of island in a
nury swamp. Upon this, il is said, was Talcison's camp. Tiiis island is ronnccled by on
isllmms lo llic mam land.

t So almost always in tlic MSS.

t Somi'limi's called Toliif Coh. Tlio same, wo conrliido who joined Philip aflerwards,
•iid lell iutu llie hands of Cuptuiu Clutrcli, as (lid his muthei,and many tnorcal tlic same (inttt

Chap III.] TATOSON.— TAKES A GARRISON AT PLIMOUTII. 241

was often called, Tiikpoo.* Against him, several charges were hioiight, sm li
ns Ills going off to the enemy, un<l trying to deceive tlie governor ahont the
|)r<^spect of war ; telling him that P/ii7i/>'« men had deserted him, and fii;it
he had only a few old men and hoys remaining. At this time were jtrcsciit
three other Indians, wlioso names were Woodcock, Quanapawhan and John-
nnm. The two first were accused hy a squaw of destroying Ctark^s garrison
:it Ei'l River in Plimouth, and murdering the inhabitants. This had been
done tn t!ie 12 March previous, and with such secrecy and effect, that tlie
Englisli knew not whom to accuse of it Many supposed that JVaiusuaqum
conducted the aftiiir, and Mr. //itifcortf charges it upon lim without liesita-
tion, hi.t it is now quite certain that he had nothing to Co with it, as in the
sequel ve shall show.

The I.WO just mentioned, finding themselves detected, accused their fellow
prisoner, John-num, It apfiears that .Viim not only owned himself guilty of
this charge, but ocknovv-ledged, also, that he was concerned in the nmrder of
^^ Jacob Milchel and his wife, and John Popt,\ and soe centance of death was
pronounced against them, which accordingly emediately was executed."

Uelore these were executed, they implicated a fourth, whose name was
Kf.wkenam. Although Tatosun commanded the company that put to death
the peo|ile at ClnrK's garrison, yet Keweenain set the expedition on foot, llo
lived at Sandwich, and was probably one of TalosorCs men. However, on
Saturday, the 11 March, he was at Mr. William C/arA'«, aiid observed how
every part of the garrison was conditiojicd. lie then went to his chief,
Taloson, and told liim that it could ho easily taken, as it was hut slightly
foriilied; and that the next day, being Sunday, would be the proper time to
execute their plan, as the residents would mostly be gone to meeting; "and
in case they left a man at Inme, or so, they might soon (liH|)atch him."

This intelligence was pleasing to Ihloson, and he ibund himself at the
head of ten warriors the same day. Their names were as follows : ff'oo-
nasltenah, Musquash, Wapanpowtlt, Tom, "the son of Tatosoii!s brother,"
Utlsoowecst, a.nA Tom Pianl ; which, with the three belbre 'lamed, made up
the whole company. Connuencing their march before night, they arrived
in the hordei-s of Plimouth, where they lay concealed until the i)eople had
gone to public worship. About 10 o'clock in the morning, they eamo upon
'the garrison, which fell easily into their hands. After killing all they niet
with, they took what ])luiider they could carry, and burned the builtlings ;
then again dispersed into the woods.

There were some of two other families in this garrison, mostly women
aiul children. Three only were of Mr. Clark^s family, hut there were eight
others belonging to the other two. Airs. Elaabeth Clark,t one of the heads
of the family, was among the slain. §

• This Iiulian, wlioin wc sliiill luivc oci-ivsloii sevcrnl limes lo menl n, was not oiic of lliciso
sent ill hy llrailford, ns appoiirs rrtiin Mullier, (Brief Hist. 'U) ) liut tlioy " iiiforiiicil llial ii
lilimily liulinii cnlltMl Tiirkpuo, (who the hisl stiniiiier iimnlcTeil a man of nusloii, nl Nainas-
kol,) with nlioiil '20 Iii<llaiis imiro, was nl n place within ll! miles nf i"limi)nlh." Kifll
lai^lisli anil fourteen Jmlians sueceeiled in takuif; them all, uiid 'JWkpoo was imniccliii'i;ly
exetnled.

t 'I'ho miinler of these peo|)le is supposed to be referred lo l)y Mr. Iluhhard in his
" TnMe." The passage follows : "In June, I(i7(>, [ 1()75 7] a man and a woman were slain hy
the Inilians ; nnolher woman was wounded nnd taken ; but beenuse she had kepi an lu'lian
rliild liil'oie, so mnrh kindness was showed her, ns that she was 3enl bark, al\er they ha<t
dressed her wound ; the bidians jfuarded her till she came wilhin sij-ht of the laiglish." Mr.
Milcliel informs us that llie name of tiie wounded woman was Vorothy Haywood. See 'J Celt.
Muss. Hist. Siir. vii. 1.")'.).

I '■ Who was the danjililer of a y-odly father nnd mother, that enme to N. Knjjland on iho
flreonnl of reliifion." '• 'I'hey also killed her suekmpf child, nnd knocked another child (who
was nhonl eight yenrs old) in Ihe head, simposing Ihcy had killed him, but alli^rwards he
came lo himself." /. Mather, Urief Hist. '21.

^ Wc relate all Ihat is to be found in the MS. records, but the author of the Pvesent Stiil<\
fcc. furnishes the following valuable facts ; " About tliis time, [his last dale nienlioned beinj"
14 Mnrcii,] one Mr. Clarke'.i wife, children, and nil his family, at his farm-house, two milet
from I'liinouth, were surprised and killed, except one boy, who was kiiockl down, and leA foi
dead, but anerwanls taken up and revived. The house !hey plundered of provision ana
foodn to a great value ; eight coinplutti arms, 30/. [Ik.] uf powder, with un aiiswurubio qunn

. "•\

Hilil

246

TATOSOX.— SWAMP FIGHT.

[Book III

rr-^i

Ktiotenam wns beheaded, but how the otlier three were disposed of, wo
are not ihformed ; it is very probable that the whole number suffered in (hit
time. At the trial of Keioeenam and the other three, some of them pleaded
tliat the governor's proclamation was now their protection ; from which it
would seem tiiat they had surrendered themselves. But there was none to
plead t^eir case, except their ace: sers, and they explained things in their
own way. The court said, "Forasmuch as the council had before tliis
engaged to several Indians desirous to come in and tender themselves to
mercy, that they should find favor in so doing: it was fully made known to
siicii Indians as were then present, that the said engagement tvas to be under-
stood with exception against such as by murder as above said had so acted,
and not against such as killed his enemie in the field in a souldierlike way."

This kind of argument would answer among duelists, but when did the
Indians agree to fight the English according to t/icir rules of war? The
former might with equal propriety demand that the English should conform
to their manner, and not depend on their numbers, forts, and superior
weapons.

Although the murder at Clark's garrison was one of those horrible acts
in Indian wai'fare, which would justify the most rigid retaliation, still, as tlie
English began the war, they had no right to expect but that it woidd be
prosecuted by the Indians in all the ways at their command. On this ground
the philanthropist will ever condemn the severity of the English.

Wlien Captain Ckiirch came upon Philip and a great number of his people,
the 3d of August, 1676, " Tispaquin, Totoson, &c." prevented the entire
destruction of some of them, oy combating the English while their chief
and others extricated themselves from a small swamj) into which they had
fled. "In this swamp skirmish Capt. Church with his two men which
always ran by his side as his guard, met with three of the enemy, two of
which surrendered themselves, and the captain's guard seized them ; but

"his two locks ty'd up with
■o—fe »" the back part of his head,
(whom Capt. Church concluded to be Totoson,) ran from them into the
swamp. Capt. Church in person pursued him close, till, coming pretty near
lip with him, presented his gun between his shoulders, but it missing fire,
the Indian perceiving it, turned and presented at Capt. Church, and missing
fire also, (their guns taking wet with the fog and dew of the morning,) but
the Indian turning short for another run, his foot trip'd in a small grape-
vine, and he fell flat on his face. Capt. Church was by this time up with
him and struck the muzzle of his gun an inch and an half into the back
part of his head, which dispatched him without another blow. But Caj)t.
Church looking behind him saw Totoson, tiie Indian whom he tho't he had
killed, come nying at him like a dragon ; but this happened to be fiiir in
sight of the guard that were set to keep the prisoners, who spying Totosmi
and others that were following him, in the very seasonable jiinctui-e made
a i^hot upon them, and rescued their captain, though he was in no small
danger from his friends' bullets, for some came so near him that he thought
he felt the wind of them." * The celebrated Church, in the skirmishes he
hud in these t^«'o days, August 1 and 2, took and killed 173 Indians.

Little more tlian a month after the ftill of Philip, Church surprised Tato-
aons whole comi)any, about 50 persons. He was the last that was left of the
fuiuily of Barroio ; and, says Church, " the wivtch reflecting upon the miser-
able condition he had brought himself into, his heart became a stone within
him, and he died. The old squaw [that Church had employed to persuade
him to submit] flung a few leaves and brush over him— came into Sandwich,
and gave this account of his death ; and offered to show them where she left
his body, but never hud an opportunity, for she inmiediately fell sick and
died also."
The fate of the fathcir of Tatoson does not so much excite sympathy, aa

lily of Icnil for Inillols, nnd 150/. in roi\ily moiioy ; llie snici Mr. Clark himseir iiarro\tlv
es('ii|)iii<f llifir crueltv, by being nl llial iiisluiit at a iiiueling."
* Hist. FhUip'.f \Vur, 41.

the other, being a great stout surly fellow, with
red, and a great rattlesnake's skm hanging to

■ {

Chap. ITl]

MURDCR OF BARROW.-TIASIIQ.

247

does tliJit oftlif! son, but is one of those cases more calculatod to arouse the
fiercer imssions. Tlni ohl chief fell into the hantls of Captain Church, in one
of his successful expeditions in the vichiity of Cape Cod. Church says, in
his history, that he was " as noted a rogue as any among the enfnny," Cap-
tain Church told him that the government would not permit him to grant
him quarter, " because of his inhuman murders and barbarities," and there
fore ordered him to prepare for execution. "Barroto replieil, that the si-n
tence of death against hhn was just, and that indeed he was ashamed to live
any longer, and desired no more favor, than to smoke a whiff of tobacco
before his exrv>uw ^". When he had taken a few whiffs, he said, 'I am
ready ; ' upon which one of Captain Churches Indians sunk his hatchet into
his brains."

TL1SHQ* or TYJlSKS^" was the next man to Philip," says Church; there
were others also said to be " next to him," and it may be all reconciled by
supposing these chiefs as having the chief command over particular tribes.
Mr. HuhhardX says only this of the famous Tiashq: " In June last, [1G70,] oite
Tiashq, a great captain of Philip's, his wife and child, or children, bi'ing
taken, though he escaped himself at first, yet came since and surrenderee!
himself." Dr. /. Mather, writing under date of 22 July, 1076, says it was " this
week" that Captain Church and his Indian soldiers fell upon Tiashq and his
company. It appears therefore that Mr. Hubbard is in error, as the account
given by Church corroborates that of Mather, who speaks thus of his opera-
tions: "It having been his manner when he taketh any Indians by a promise
of favor to them, in case they acquit themselves \ve\\, to set them an hunting
af\er more of these wolves, whereby the worst of them sometimes do sin-
gular good service in finding out the rest of their bloody fellows. In one of
these skirmishes, Tiashq, Philip's chief captain, ran away leaving his gun bo-
hind him, and his squaw, who was taken." § These Indian soldiers, who
performed this exploit, were forced upon it by Church, They had been
seeking Indians about Aponaganset River, and discovered that a large com-
pany of them had just been gathering tiie apples at a deserted settlement on
the east side of it. The English and Indians immediately pursued in their
track.|| "Traveling three miles or more, they came into the country road,
where the track parted: one paicel steered towards the west end of the
great cedar swamp, and the other to the east end. The captain halted and
told his Indian souldiers that they had heard as well as he what some men
had said at Plymouth about them,1[ &c., that now was a good opjmrtunity for
each ])arty to prove themselves. The track being divided, they should fol-
low one, and the English the other, being equal in number. The Indians
declined the motion, and were not willing to move any where without him:
said tkejf should not think tJiemselves safe iviihout him. But tin; ca|)tain insisting
iijion it, they submitted. He gave tlie Indians thi-ir choice to follow which
track they pleased. They replied, TTietj were light and able to travel, therefore
i/he pleased they woidd take the west track. And appointing the ruins of John
Cooks house at Cushnet** for the place to meet at, each company set oir:
briskly to try their fortunes." ff When the parties met, "they very remark
ably found that the number that each company had taken and slain was
efpial. The Indiana had killed three of the enemy, and taken 6!3 jjrisoneifs,
as tile English had done before theni."}:}: Both j)artios were much
njoiced at their successes, but the Indians, told Captain Church " that they had
missed a brave opportunity by parting. They came upon a great town of
the enemy, viz: Captain Tyaafo' company. (Ti/asks was the next man to

* Ifiihhtird, Mather. f Church. t Niirralivp, lOfi.

vS Uriel' Hist. 4';. || C7iMrc/i, 3,5.

1l Till! ilot(!stalion in which the Indians were held by " some men," in nmiiv other phices as
roll as in I'limoiith, will often appear in this work. Such people eonid know nolliin>f oC
inniaii nature, and many wonld not have helieved the Indians capable of good actions, Ihoiigli
oil'' from the dead had assured iliem they were.

** Abbreviated from Acushnet. See Vnnirlass, Snmniary, i. 40.1, who write"! it Acnislinot.
Tims many bidian names are ehanped. Inslend of Aponatfaii^el. we Iii-it I'niiniiniiset , am)
fur Asoiiet, Sonet, &c. Cushnet Is the river on which New Bedford mid Kairlriveii stand.

ft Church, St. U Il'id. •W

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f 1

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iii

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ppii

ass

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248

MAGNUS— HER SURPRISE AND DEATH.

[Book III

Philip.) They fired upon the enemy before they were discovered, and run
upon them with a shout. The men ran and left their wives and chihhen
and many of them their guns. Tliey took TyaM wife and son, and thought
that if their captain and the English company had been with them they
might have taken some hundreds of them, and now they determined rot to
part any more." * This transaction, in the opinion of Captain Church, was a
"remarkable providence," inasmuch, perhaps, as the equality of their suc-
cesses prevented either party from boasting, or claiming superiority over the
other. Nevertheless, Church adds, — " But the Indians had the Ibrtune to
lake more arms than the English." It would add not a little, perhaps, tc
the gratification of the reader, could he know the name of the Indian captain
in this far-famed exploit, or even that of one of his men; but at present they
are hid alike from us and from him.

CHAPTER IV.

Chief iciomen conspicuous in. Philip's war — Maoncs — Her country and relations —
Her capture ana death — Awashonks — Is greatly annoyed in the events of 1071 —
Her men disarmed — Philip's endeavors to engage her against the English — Church
prevents her — Isjinnlhj in the power of Philip — Reclaimed by Church — Some par-
ticulars of her family.

Although, before we had finished the life of Weetamoo, we deemed it
proper to havo deferred it to this chapter, but as we had been led rather im-
perceptibly into many particulars concerning her in that place,t we could
not break off our narrative witiiout a greater impropriety than an omission
here would have been, and shall tlierefbre begin licre with one of iicr con-
temporaries, the bare facts in whose life are suflicieut to maintain a high
interest, we believe, in the mind of every reader.

MAGJ^US was squaw-sachem of some part of the extensive country of
the Narragansets, and was known by several names at different and the same
times ; as Old Queen, Sunk Squmo,l Quaiapen, and Mataniuck. She married
Mtiksah, or Mr "'m, a son of Canonicv^s, and was sister to JVinigret, She had
two sons, Scuttup and Quemiaqtu..zuct otherwise Qnequef^nent, called by the
English Girfeon, and a daughter named Quincmiquet. TJiese two died young.
Gideon was alive as late as 1661 ; Scuttup, and a sister also, in 1664. She
was, in 1675, one " of the six present sachems of the whole Nar.aganset
country."

In the beginning of Philip's war, the English army, to cause the Narragan-
eets to fight for them, whom they had always abused and treated with con-
tempt, since before the cutting off of MiantunnomoKs head, marched into
their country, but could not meet with a single sachem of the nation. They
fiiii in with a few of their people, who could not well secrete themselves,
and who concluded a long tr(!«ty of mere verbosity, the import of vhich they
could know but little, and doubtless cared less; for when the army loll their
country, they joined again in tlie war.

We hear no more of lier until the next year, when herself and a huge
company of her men were discovered by Major Talcot, on the 2 July, in
Narniganset. Tiie English scouts discovered them from a hill, having
j)itclied their tents in a valley in the vicinity of a swamp, as was usually
their custom. About 300 of the English, mounted upon fleet horses, divided
into two squadrons, and fell upon them before they were aware of their ap-
proach, and made a great slaughter of tliem. The Mohegans and P^quots came
upon them in the centre, while the horsemen beset them on each side, and

* Church, X. t Book iii. rlinp. I.

t Trumbull, i. MT. from Iluhhard, I suppose, i. 51. Femalo cliiofs wore called na.'iiks by
Ihe Indians, which signified wife of tho sachem ; hut writers, l-rinsf icfnorant of that fart
Ihouifht il a proper name of a particular oersun, and liencc (lie appellations of Snuke, SuiJkt.
Sjtake, &LC. applied to Magnus.

Chap. IV.J AWASHONKS— TREATS WITH THE ENGLISH.

249

thus prevented many froin escaping into the swamp. When all were kille<l
and taken witliin the ancainpinent. Captain JVewbunf, wiio commanded the;
horsemen, dismounted, and with his men rushed uito the swamp, where,
witiiout resistance, they killed a hundred, and made many prisoners. In all,
they killed and took 171 * in this swamp fight, or rather massacre. Not an
Englishman was hurt in the affair, and hut one Mohegan killed, and one
wounded, which we can hardly 8np]>ose was done by Mngmufs peojde, as they
made no resistance, hut rather by themselves, in their iiny mistaking ono
another. Ninety of the captives were put to death ! among whom was Mag-
nus.} The swamp where this affair took j)lace is near the present town of
Warwick, in Rhode Island ; and thus ends our short history of Masrmis.

AfVJiSHOJ^KS, squaw-sachem of Sogkotiate,t was the wife of an Indian
culled ToiiONT, but of him we learn very little. From her imj)ortant stand-
ing among the Indians, finv deserve a more particular attention ; and we
shall, therefore, go as minutely into her history as our documents will
eiiiihin us.

The first notice we have of Awashoffiks is in 1671, when she entered into
articles of agreement with the court of Plimouth as follows: — "In admitting
that the court are in some measure satisfied with your voluntary coming in
now at liist, and submission of herself unto us; yet this toe expect that she
give some meet satisfaction for the charge and trouble she has j)ut us upon
by her too long stiinding out against the many tendera of peace we have
made to her and her people. And that we yet see an intention to endeavor
tiiR roduci'ment of such as have b;;en the incendiaries of the trouble and
disturbance of her people and ours. And as many of her people as shall
give themselves and arms unto us, at the time ai)pointed, shall receive no
damage or hurt from us, which time appointed is ten days iiom the date
hereotl Thus we may the better keep off such from her lands as may
hproaf>er hring upon her and us the like trouble, and to regulate such as will
not bo governed by her, she having submitted her lands to the authority of
the government. And tliat, if the lands and estates of such as we are neces-
sitated to take arms against, will not defray the charge of the expedition,
that she shall bear some due proportion of the charge. In witness whereof^
and in testimony of the sachem, her agreement hereunto, she hath subscribed
her hand in presence of Samuel Barker and John Almey.

Mark X of the squaw-sachem Awasuncks ;
the mark X ({/"Totatomet, and Somagaonet."
JVitnessed althe same time by " Tattacommett,

Samponcut, and
Tamoueesam, alias JEFFERr.
PUmoidh, 21 Jid;f, 1071."

The last-named witness appeared again, in the same capacity, 4 September
following, when "between 40 and 50 Indians, living near or in the town of
Dartmouth, made a like submission." Ashaioanomulh^ JVomnn, Marhorkum,
Jame.% and John, were other witucsses.

.flwnshonks was at Plimouth when the former articles wore executed, from
which it appears there was considerabh! alarm in Plimouth colony. There
were about this time many other suhmi.ssions of the Inclians in difli;rcnt
plac(!s. This step was taken to draw thcin from Philip, or at least to give a
check to their joining with hiui, as he was now on the point of attacking the
English settlements, under a j)retence of injury done him in his planting
lands.

Not only the chiefs of tribes or clans subscribed articles, but all their men,
that could be prevailed with, did the same. The August following, 42 of
Awashonks^s men signed a paper, approving what she had done, and binding

* TnimlMill. 200 says Cobhot's manuscript; 2W, HiiMiard.

I Hiihl)ard, Ind. Wars, 1. 97, 98. I. Madier's Brief Hist. 39. Truinbiili's Hist. Con-
iK-clinil, i. 317.

\ TIk- nnint of land holow Pooassel, and now cliiofly Included in the town of Complnn
RImi'u Island, and commonly called Second.

'k
fe

250

AVVASHONKS— HER CORRESPONDENCE.

[Book III

themselves in like manner. Out of 42, we can give names of three only —
'Totatomet, Tuniiokum and Sausaman.

It ap[)eai-s from the ibilowing letter from Awashonks to Governor Prince, that
those who submitted themselves, delivered up their arms to the English : —

"Au^'ist 11,1671, Honored sir, I have received a very great favor from
your honor, in yours of the 7th instant, and as you are i)leased to sifrnily,
that if 1 continue faithful to the agreement made with yourselves at Plini-
outh, I may expect all just favors from your honor. I am fully resolved,
while I live, with all fidelity to stand to my engagement, and in a peaceiiblt
submission to your commands, according to the best of my poor ability.
It is true, and I am very sensible thereof, that there are some Indians who
do seek an advantage against me, for my submitting to his majesty's authority
in your jurisdiction, but being conscious to myself of my integrity and real
intentions of peace, I doubt not but you will afford me all due encourage-
ment and protection. I had resolved to send in all my guns, being six in
number, according to the intimation of my letter ; but two of tliem were so
large, the messengers were not able to criy them. I since proffered to
leave them with Mr. Barker, but he not having any order to receive them,
told me iie conceived 1 might do well to send them to Mr. Almy, who is a
person concerned in the jurisdiction, which I resolved to do; but since
then an Indian, known by the name of Broad-faced- mil, stole one of ihcm
out of the wigwam in the night, and is run away with it to Mount Hope ;
the other I think to send to ftlr. Jllmy. A list of those that are obedient to
me, and, I hope, and am persuaded, faithful to you, is here enclosed. Hon-
ored sir, I shall not trouble you further, but desiring your peace an 1 pros-
perity, in which I look at my own to be Included, I remain, your u '^'gned
eei-vant, X Awasuncks."

This letter was very probably written by Mr. Barker, named in it.

October 20, 1071, Governor Prince wrote to Jlwashonks, that he had received
the list of names of her men and husband, that freely submitted themselves
to his majesty's authority ; and assured her that the English would befriend
her on all just occasions ; but intimates her disappointment and his own,
that she had succeeded no better in procuring the submission of her
subjects. "Though," he continued, "I fault not you, with any failing to
endeavor, only to notice your good persuasions of them outwent their
deserts, for aught yet appeareth. I could have wished they had been wiser
for themselves, especially your two sons, that may probably succeed you in
your government, and your brother also, who is so nearly tied unto you by
nature. Do they think themselves so great as to disregard and affront his
majesty's interest and authority here ; and the amity of the English? Cer-
tainly, if they do, I think they did much disservice, and wish they would
yet show themselves wiser, before it be too late." He closed by recom-
mending her to send some of hers to the next court, to desire their arms,
that her people might have the use of them in the approaching season.
Desires her to let him hear from her and her husband.

On the 20 June, 1672, tiie following writing appears on record : Whereas
Awashunckes, squa-sachem, stand indebted vnto Mr. John Almey the sume of
£25 to be paid in porke att three pence a pound, or peage att 16 peney, and
20 pole of stone wall att £4, which stone wall, or £4, is to be Miderstood to
be prte of the lino and twenty pound," therefore Awashonks, having failed
to pav agreeably to her promise, agrees to set off land on the north side of
"the Indian field," next Punkateesett, on the east line till it meets with "a
great runing brooke," thence northerly to afresh meadow, tiieiice bounded to
the river by a salt cove : — this " is morgaged vnto the court of Plymouth " for
the payment of said debt, which debt is to bej)aid 10 of February, 1672, O. S.

" TVie mark X of Awashu.nkks."

To illustrate the connections and genealogy of tiie family of Awashonks
we give fiom the Records of Pliiuouth the liillowing exceedingly valuablo
lai'ts ; —

Chap. IV.] AWASHONKS— r.EJE TS PIIIIJPS (AT.RTLUKS.

251

July 14, 1()73. " Wlnireas Mmnanewni/ [n son of J]washonks] Imth by ("nil
and fl(?iir testimony proved to tliis conn, in holiall' of liiinsulf and hretliren,
tlie sons of Toloiiey, and u kinsman of tlicir* called ^Inumpash, [connnonly
written JS'umposk,] jou to Fokuliawai!^^, that tliey are the chief i)roj>rietors
and sachems of riaconett, or places connnonly so called ; and yet it heing
also probable that Tatuckamna * ^Iwashunckis and those of that kindred who
ore of the same stock, the more remote may have some right to lands there,
as th(W are relations to the above said MaiiMnewny, &.c. and have been long
inhabitants of that place. This conrt adviseth that convenient proportions
ot" land be settled on the above said Tatucamarui Jhoasltanks, &c. at Saconett
albresaid ; concerning which, the above said Mamaneway and his brethren
anil kinsman who have proved their right to those lands do not or cannot
agree, tliis court do a|)point that somfj meet i)ersons, by order of tliis court,
shall repair to the jjlace, and make settlement ol' the said lands by certain
and known boundaries to intent that peace may be continued among the
said Indians, and they may all be accommodated for tlieir subsisting and
payment ol' ♦heir debts in an orderly way."

The same year, we hear again of 2'okamona, or, as ho is then called,
Totonionna, who, with his brother Squainalt, having endeavored to hinder
the English from jtossessing some lands in Dartmouth, was, from some
consideration, not named, induced to relinquish his right to them. And the
next year, lt)74, Mammiawachi/, or, as bis name was belbre written, Mama-
neivai/, surrendered his right also. The rights of these Indians, it is said,
had been sold by others.

We hear no more of ^'Iwashonks until about the connnencemcnt of Philip's
war. The year before this war, Mr. Benjamin Church, allervvards the lamous
and well-known Colonel CVatrc/i f settled upon the peninsula of Sogkonate, in
the midst oiAwashonks's people. This peninsula is on the north-east side of
Narraganset Bay, against the south-east end of the island of Rhode Island.
Here he lived in the greatest I'riendsbip Avith these Indians, until the spring • "
the year 1G75, when suddenly a war was talked of, and messengers were sei.t
by Philip to Awashonks, to engage her in it. She so far listened to their i)ersua-
sions, as to call her princi|)al people together, and make a great dance ; and be-
cause she respected Mr. Church, she sent privately lor him also. Church took with
him a man that well understood Indian, and went directly to the place ap|)oint-
ed. Here they found hundreds of Indians gathered together Irom all parts of
her dominions. Jlwaslionks herself, in a foaming sweat, was leading the dance ;
but when it was announced that Mr. Church was come, she stopped short, and
Kat down ; ordered her cliiels into her presence, and then invited Mr. Church.
All being seated, she inlbrmed him that Metacomet, that is, Philip, had sent
six of his men to urge her to join with him in prosecuting a war against the
English. She said these messengers informed her that the Umpamea,\ that
is, i'limouth men, were gathering a great army to invade his country, and
wished to know of hini if this were truly the case. He told her that it was
entirely without foundation, lor he had but just come from Plimoutli, and no
preparations of any kind were making, nor did be believe any thoughts of
»var were entertained by any of the head men there. "He asked her
whether she thought he would have brought up his goods to settle in that
])lace," if he in the least ajiprehendcd a war; at which she seemed some-
what convinced. Jhuushonks then ordered the six Pokanokets into their
presence. These made an imposing appearance, having their faces painted,
and their hair so cut as to represent u cock's comb ; it being all shaved from
each side of tlie head, left only a tult upon the crown, which extended from
the forehead to the occiput. They had jjowder-horns and shot-bugs at their

his liorso stumbled and threw Tiiiu. hi the fall

iivjini- V%^-33i;i w (IS I ujjiuiuii, cill'i in; i(ii;\iiii iiirdllt 1 -. llOlirS.

X Umpame and Apauin were bidimi iiuincs ol' I'linioullj.

■ ii last liirewell." As he was retiiriiinjr hon
n hlood-vcssel was ruptured, mid he died in about 12 hours

h '■

■/»

i.l

253

AWAS HONKS— TREATS WITH CHURCH.

[Book III.

backa, which denoted warlike messengers of their nation. She now in-
formed them of what Captain Church hud said. Uponwliiuh they discovered
disButisfaction, and a warm talk followed, but Jlwashonks soon put an end to
it ; aller which she told Mr. Church tliat Philip had told his messengers to
tell her, tliat, unless she joined with him, he would send over some of his
warriors, j)rivately, to kill the cattle and burn the houses of the English,
which they would think to be done by her men, and consequently would liill
uj)on her.*

Mr. Church asked the Mount Hopes what they were going to do with the
bullets in their jiossession, to which they scoffingly answered, " to shoot
pigeons with." Church then told Awashonks that, if Philip were resolved on
war, " her best way would be to knock those six Mount Ilopes on the head,
and sheller herself under the protection of the English." When they under-
stood this, they were very silent, and it is to be lamented that so worthy a
man as Church should be the first to recommend murder, and a lasting re-
membrance is due to the wisdom of Awaslwnks, that his unadvised counsel
was not [ut in execution.

These t ix Pokanokets came over to Sogkonate with two of Awashovks^s
men, wh< seemed very favorably inclined to the measures of Philip. They
expressec themselves with great indignation, at the rash advice of Church.
Another of her men, called lAttle-eyes, one of her council, was so enraged,
that he would then have taken ChurcKs life, if he had not been prevented.
His design was to get Mr. Church aside from the rest, luider a jircteuce of
private talk, and to have assassinated him when ho was off his guard. But
some of his friends, seeing tiu'ough the artifice, prevented it.

The advice of Church was adopted, or that part which directed that
Awashonh should immediately put liersolf under the protection of the Eng-
lish, and she desired him to go immediately to Piimouth and make the ar-
rangement, to which he agreed. After kintUy thanking him for his informa-
tion and advice, she sent two of her men with liim to his house, to guard
him. These urged him to seciu'e his goods, lest, in his absence, the enemy
should come and destroy them ; but he vvoidd not, because such a step might
be thought a kind of preparation lor hostilities ; but told them, that in case
hostilities were begim, tliey might convey his effects to a place of safety.
He then proceeded to Piimouth, where he aiTived 7 June, 1C75.

In his way to Piimouth, lie met, at I'ocasset, the husband of fFeetamoo.
He w^s just returned from the neighborhood of Mount Hope, and confirmed
all that had been saitl about Philip's intentions to begin a war. But before
Mr. Church could return again to Awashonks, the war commenced, and all com-
munication was at an end. This he very much regreti-id, and the benevolent
Awashonka was carried away in the tide of Philip's successes, which, as she
was circumstanced, was her only alternative.

Mr. Church was wounded at the great swamp fight, 10 December follow-
ing, and remained upon Rhode Island until about the middle of May 1676.
He now resolved to engage again in the war, and, taking passage in a sloop
bound to Barnstable, arrived at Piimouth the first Tuesday in .Tune. The
governor and other officers of government were highly ])leased to see him,
and desired him to take the command of a co.npany of men to be inune-
diately sent out, to which he consented. We thus notice ChurcKs proceed-
ing, because it led to important matters connected with the history of Awa-
ahonks. Before he set out with the soldiers raised at Piimouth, it was agreed
that he should first return to Rhode Island, for the purpose of raising other
forces to be joined with them. In his return to the island, as he passed from
Sogkonesset, now calhid Wood's Hole, to the island, and when he came against
Sogkonate Point, some of the enemy were seen fishing upon the rocks. He
was now in an open f^anoe, which he had hired at Sogkonesset, ajid two
Indians to paddle it. He ordered them to go so near the rocks that he might
speak with those upon them ; being persuaded that if he could have an op-
portunity, he might still gain over the Sogkonates to the side of the English,

* This inav strena;llion the bolief thai Philip put in praclioc a similar expedioiu to gain tlie
ftli>hu»ks tu liis cause, as we have seen in his hie.

the

Chap. IV] AWASHONKS.— CHUUCH-g HAZARDOUS VISIT.

253

for he knew they never hart any real attachment to Philip, and were now in
Ills interest only lioni necessity. Tiiey accordingly imddiod towards them,
who made sif^ns lor tiietn to approach ; bnt when they had got pretty
near, tiiey sknlkrd away among the rocks, and conid not be seen. The canoe
tlien paddled ort" again, lest tiiey should be fired - :i ; which wiien tliose
among the rocks observed, they showed themselves ■ .ain,und called to them
to comu ashore ; and said they wished to speak wilii diem. The Indians in
the canoe answered them, but those on shore inlbrn.'jd them that the waves
dasheil so upon the rocks that they could not understand a word they said.
Church now made signs for two of them to go along upon the shore to a
beach, wliere one could see a good space round, whether any others were
near. Jinmediutely two ran to the place, one without any arms, but the
other had a lance. Knowing Church to be in tiie boat, they urged him to
come on siiore, and said tiiey wanted to discourse with him. He told him
that had the lance, that if he would carry it away at considerable distance,
and leave it, he would. Tiiis he readily did. Mr. Church then went ashore,
left one of his Indians to guard the canoe, and the other he stationed upon
the beach to give notice if any should approach. He was surjjrised to find
that Geors^e was one of tliein, a very good man, and the last Sogkonate lie
had spoken with, bi ^ one of those sent to guard him to his house, and to
whom he had givei. Jia> ' of his goods when he undertook his mission to
I'limouth. On he'iAj/ t ed wiiat he wanted tliat he called him asiiore,
answered, "that !■ took 'imi for Church, as soon as he heard his voice in the
canoe, and tliat he .vas glad to see him alive." He also told him that .^iva-
shonks was in a swamp about three miles off, and tliat she had Ictt Philip and
did not intend to ivturn to liiiii any more ; and wished Mr. Church to stay
while he should go and call her. This Church did not think prudent, but
said he would ^ome again and speak with .1waslu)nks,tmd some other Inrtiunti
that he siiouU uiie. He tiierelbre told George to notify Awashonks, her son
Pelcr, their chict cajUain, and one JVompash, to meet him two days alter at a
certiiin rock, "at tlie lower end of Capt. Richmond's fiirm, wliich was u
vei-y noted place." It was provided that if that day should prove stormy, the
next pleasant day should be improved. They parted with cordiality, George
to carry the news to Awashonks, and Church lor Newport.

On being made accpiaintod with ChurcKs intention to visit those Indiana,
the government of Rhode Island marvelled much at his presumption, and
'voiild not give him any permit under their hands ; assuring him that the
Indians would kill him. They said also that it was madness on his part,
af\er such signal seiTices as he had done, to throw away his life in such a
manner. Neither could any entreaties of friends alter his resolution, and
he made ready for his departure. It was his intention to have taken with
him one Daniel fVilcox,* a man who well understood the Indian language, bnt
the government utterly refused him ; so that his whole retinue, in this im-
portant embassy, consisted only of himself, his own man, and the two Indians
wlio conducted him from Sogkonesset. As an important item in his outfit,
must be mentioned a hotlle of rum, and a roll of tobacco.

The day appointed having arrived, after paddling about three miles, they
came to the appointed rock, where the Indians were ready to receive them,
and gave him their hands in token of friendship. They went back from the
shore about fifty yards, for a convenient place for consultation, when all at
tiiiee rose up from the high grass, a great many Indians, so that tliey were
t'litirely encompassed. Tliey were all armed with guns, spears and hatchets
tiices jiainted and hair trimmed, in complete warlike array. If ever a man
knew fear, we should ajiprehend it would discover itself upon an occasion
like this. But, judging from his conduct, we should say he was one of those
'• wiio never felt fear."

As soon as he could be heard, Mr. Church told Awashonks that George had
said that she desired to see him, about making peace with the English. She

^ \r>C,l, " Danii'l WiUcocki's tooke tlio oath off fidelitic lliis court." Plim. Rec.
Ill nil'-, (iiK! Wilcox set up a trading house in ilie Narraganset country. S';e Callewler't
Cent. Discourse, 38. If he were the same, it will well account for his being an hitcrpreter.

i;W

S54

AWASHONKS— CIlUIlCll ENGAGES HER MEN. [Uook III.

I'i ■

sui<l, •Yes." Tlipn, said Mr. ChurcJi, "it is ciistonmry wiien people meet to
treat of puuce, to luy uside tiieir urins, and not to appear in sucii iiostiie Ibrui
as your peo|)le do." At this tlittru wuh niucii imirniuring unioiijt^ tiieni, and
Awitslionks a.si{ed iiiin wiiat urniH tliey stiiould lay aside. Seeing tiieir din-
pleaanre, he said, only their iiw\», lor Ibrin's sake. With one consent tliey
tlieii laid away their ^inis, and came and sat down. He then drew out lii.H
bottle of ruMi, and asked Awashonks whether she had lived 80 long up ut
VVachusetl* as to forget to drink ocw/;ec/ie«. Then, drinking to her, he ob-
served she waiciied him very narrowly to see whether he swallowed, and,
on offering it to her, siie wished him to drink again. He then told her tiiero
was no poison in it, and, pouring some into the palm of his hand, .si[)ped it
up. Alter he had taken a second hearty dram, ^was/iojiAa ventnivd to <lo
likewise ; then she passed it among her attendants. The tobacco was next

Ettssed round, and they began to tjdk. ^^iww/ion^.? wanted to know why he
ad not come, as he j)roniised, the year before, oJMiTving tliat, if he had, she
and her people had not joined with Philip. He told her he was prevented
by tiie breaking out of tlie war, and mentioned that he made an attemi)l,
notwitiistitnding, soon alter he left her, and got as far us I'imkatesse, when
a multitude of enemies set n|)on him, and obliged him to retreat A great
murmur now arose among the warriors, and one, a lierce and gigantic fel-
low, rais-jd his war club, with intention to have killed IMr. Churcli, but some
laid hold on him and prevented him. They informed him tiiat this fellow's
brother was killed in the fight at Punk/itecse, and that he said it was Church
that killed him, and he would now have his blood. Church told them to tell
him that his brother began first, and that if he had done as he had directed
him, he would not have been hurt. The chief captain now ordered silence,
telling them they should talk no more about old mutters, which put an end
to the tumult, and an agreement was soon concluded. Awashonks agreed to
serve the English "in what wuy she was able," provided "Plimouth would
firmly engage to her that she and all of her people, and their wi/es and
children should have their lives spared, and none of them transported out of
the country." This, Church told her he did not doubt in the least but Plimouth
would consent to.

ThingH being thus matured, the chief captain stood up, and, after express-
ing the great respect he had for Mr. Church, said, " Sir, if you will please
accept of me and my men, aiid will head us, we will figlit for you, and will
help you to Philip's head before the Indian corn be ripe." We do not ex-
pect that this chief pretended to possess the spirit of prophecy, but certainly
lie was a truer prophet than many who have made the pretension.

Mr. Church would have taken a few of the men with him, and gone di-
rectly through the woods to Plimouth ; but Awashonks insisted that it would
be very hazardous. He therefore agreed to return to the island and i)roceed
by water, and so would take in some of their company at Sogkoiiate Point,
which was accordingly brought about. And here it should be mentioned
that the friendship, now renewed by the indiisti-y of Mr. Church, was never
afterward broken. Many of thesr Indians always accompanied Church in his
nioinorable expeditions, and reuilered great service to the English. When
Philip's war was over. Church went to reside again among them, and the
greatest harmony always prevailed. But to return to the thread of our nai'-
rative : —

On returning to the island. Mr. Church "was at great pains and charge to
get a vessel, but with unaccountable disappointments; Sometimes by the
lidscncfis, and sometimes by the faiut-heartedness of men that he bargained
witii, and sometimes by wind and weather, &c." he was hindered a long
time. At length, Mr. Anthouj/ Low, of Swansey, happening to put into the
harbcr, and although bound to the westward, on being made acquainted with
Mr. ChurcKs case, said he would run the venture of his vessel and cargo to
wait upon him. But when they arrived at Sogkonate Point, although the
Indians Nvere tiiore according to agreement waiting upon the rocks, they met

* Slio li;\(l pn5se<l tlie orccedins; winter, It would seem, willi Philip's people on tlie fro»
tiers ul' Mussuchusells

CHAr IV.l AWASllONK!?.— SURRKNDRRS TO THE ENGLISH.

255

with n co!itrnry wind, and fo rough n sen, th(it none but Peter Jlioashonka
could get on hoard. TIiih Ik; did at groat jterii, iinving only an old hroken
cunoe to g(!t oH' in. The wind and rain now l()reed tlieni up into I'ocaHset
Sound, and tlioy were ohiiged to Iwar away, anil retui i round the north end
of the island, to Newport.

Church now dismissed Mr. Loir, as he viewed their effort against tiie wiU
of Providence. Ife next drew up an account of what hud passed, and de
8i)atclied Peter, on the U July, by way of Sogkonate, to IMimouth.

Major Bradford* having now arrived with an army at Pocasset, Mr. Church
repaired to him, and told him of his transactions and engagements with
Jiwashonks. Bradford directed him to go and intbrm herof his arrival, which
he did. Jlwashoms doubtless now discovered much uneasiness and anxiety,
but Mr. Church told her " that if slie would be advised and observe order, she
nor her people need not fear being hurt." He directed her to get all her
peo[)le together, "lest, if they should be found straggling al)OUt, mischief
might light on them;" and that the next day the army would march down
into the neck to receive her. After begging him to consider the short time
she hud to collect them together, she promised to do the best she could, and
he letl her.

Accordingly, two days ailer, she met the army at Punkateese. Jlwashonks
was now unnecessarily perplexed by the stern carriage of Major Bradford.
For she expected her men would have been employed in the army ; but
instead of that he " presently gave forth orders for Jlwashonks, and all her
subjects, both men, women and children, to repair to Sandwich, and to he
there upon peril, in six days." Church was also quite disconcerted by this
unexpected order, but all reasoning or remonstrance was of no avail with
the commander in chief. He told Mr. Church he would employ him if he
chose, but as for the Lidians, "he would not be concerned with them," ai::!
accordingly sent them off with a flag of truce, under the direction of Jack
Havens, an Indian who had never been engaged in the war. Blr. Church told
Awaslwnks not to be concerned, but it was best to obey orders, and he ^vould
shortly meet her at Sandwich.

According to promise, Church went by way of Plimouth to meet the Sog-
konates. The governor of Plimouth was highly pleased ut the account
Church gave him of the Indians, and so much was he now satisfied of hia
superior abilities and skill, that he desired him to be commissioned in the
country's service. He lefl Plimouth the same day with six attendants,
among whom were Mr. Jabez Howland, and Mr. JVathanied Southworth, They
slept at Sandwich the first night, and here taking a few more men, agreeably
to the governor's orders, proceeded to Agawam, a. small river of Rochester,
where they expected to meet the Indians. Some cf his company now
became discouraged, presuming, perhaps, the Indians were treacherous, and
half of them returned home. When they came to Sippican River, which
empties into Buzzard's Bay in Rochester, Mr. Howland was so fatigued that
they were obliged to leave him, he being in years, and somewhat corpulent.
Church left two more with him as a resen'e, in case he should be ohiiged to
retreat. They soon came to the shore of Buzzard's Bay, and, hearing a
great noise at considerable distance fi-om them, upon the bank, were pres-

* Oi\t of a curious book we take llie following note, as, besides giving' us an interesting
fact coMceriiiiig the major, it coiilaiiis others of value, it was written ui Ki'J?. At thai
time, some pretended tliat the ag^e of people was much shorter in America than in Europe j
whicli gave rise to what we are about to extract. — Mary Brown was the first-born of New-
bury, Mass., who married a Godfi-y ; and, says our book, she " is yet alive, and is become
the mother and grandmother of many children." " The mention of Mary Bruwn brings to
our mind an idle whimsoy, as if persons born in New F^ngland would be short-lived ; whereas,
the natives live long. An<l a judgment concerning Englishmen cannot well be made till 20
or 30 years hence. Capt. Peregrine Wliile, born [on board the Maij/loit'er] Nov. 1C2C,
is yet alive, and like to live. [He died 7 years after, in nOl.] Major William liradford
is more than 73 years old, and hath worn a bullet in his flesh above 20 of them, [which he
doubtless received in Philip's war. He died aged 79.] Elizabeth Alden, (now Paijbodij,
whose granddaughter is a mother,) Capt. John Alden, her brother, Alex''. Hlandish, and
Joliu ffoirlatid, have lived more than 70 years." S. Sewall's New Heaven upon the A'ei*
Earth, m, GO.

! i : M

256

AWASIIONKS— MANNER OF MAKING SOLDIERS. [PonK \H.

'.' »

ently in sij^lit of i

' vast I

of Indi;

of all

niid I

coiii|)any
liorHflmck, niiining raccH, hoiiiu ut fout-hall, soiiio catcliiiij; cl-Ih and flat tinli
in tlie wattii', Huiiie clannnin^', &c." Tliry now iiad to find out \\\mi
Indians tlmsc were, l)efbro tliey dared make tlieniBelvos known to tlitni.
Church therefore halloed, and two IndiauH that were at n distance finni the
r<!wt, rode up to him, to find out what the noise meant. They wen; very
much Huriirised when they found themselves so near Kn<,di8limen, and turned
tlieir horses to run, but. Church makinj; himself known to tiiem, they jrave
liim the desired information. He sent for Jack Havens, who immediately
came. And when ho had confirmed what the others had related, there
arrived a larpe nund)er of them on horseback, well armed. Th«!se treated
the Knf,dish very respectfully. Church then sent Jack to Jlwaahonks, to inlornt
iter that he would sup with her that ni^dit, and lod<j:e in her tent. In tiie
mean time, the English returned with their friends they had hilt at ,Si|)pican.
When they came to the Indian company, tliey " were inunediately conducted
to a shelter, open on one side, whither Jtwashonks and her cliiels soon came
and paid their respects." When this bad tJiken place, there were ^'reat
shouts made by the "multitudes," which "made the heavens to rin<r." About
sunset, "the Ae/o/w* came running from all ciuarters, laden with the tojis of
dry pines, and the like combustible matter, making n huge pile tliereoi; near
Mr. Churches shelter, on the open side thereof. JUit by this time 8U])per was
brought in, in three dishes, viz. a curious young bass in one dish, eels and
flat Hsh ill a second, and shell fish in a third;" but salt was wanting.
When the supper was finished, " the mighty pile of pine knots and tops,
&c. was fired, and all the Indians, great and small, gathered in a ring around
it. Awashonks, with the eldest of her jjcople, men and women mixed, kneel-
ing down, made the first ring next the fire, and all the lusty stout men
standing U|) made the next ; and then all the rabble, in a confused crew,
surrounded on the outside. Then the '-hief caj)tain stejjped in between the
rings and the fire, with a spear in one band, and u hatchet in the other,
danced round the fire, and began to fight with it, making mention of all the
several nations and companies of Indians in the country that were enemies
to the English. And at naming of every i)articular tribe of Indians, be
would draw out and fight a new fire-brand, and at his finishing his fight with
each particular fire-brand, would bow to Mr. C7iurc/iand thank him." Wiien
he bad named over all the tribes at war with the English, be stuck his spear
and hatchet in the ground, and left the ring, and then anotiier stej»ped in,
and acted over the same farce ; trying to act with more fury than the first.
Afler about a half a dozen had gone through with the jieribnnance, their
chief captain stepped to Mr. Church, and told him " they were making
soldiers for him, and what they had been doing was all one swearing ot"
them." Awaslionks and her chiefs next came and tohl I'im " that now they
were all engaged to fight for the English." At tins tmie Awashonks presented
to Mr. Church a very fine gun. The next day, July 22, he selected a number
of her men, and proceeded to Plimouth. A commission was given him,
and, being joined with a number of English, volunteers, co.nimenced a suc-
cessful series of exploits, in which these Sogkonates bore a conspicuous
part, but have never, since the days of Church, been any where noticed as
they deserved.

It is said f that Awashonks bad two sons ; the youngest was William Movn^
mynewit, who was put to a grammar school, and learned the Latin lan^^ ige,
and was intended for college, but was prevented by being seized witi. the
I)alsy. We have been able to extend the interesting memoir of the fiunily
of Awashonks in the early part of this article much beyond any before
printed account ; of Tokamonn we have no printed notice, except what
Church\ incidentally mentions. Some of his Indian soldiers reipiested
liberty to pursue the Noi-ragausets and other enemy Indians, immediately

* Sigriifviii'^/nVn(/s, in Lulian. t Coll. Mans. Hint. for.

X Hist. I'liilip's War, 3'.). It is usual to cite Captain Church as the author or rrcordcr of
liis own action? ; it is so, aUhoug^h his son TVioimis appears as the writer of the history. Tlie
truth is, the fatiier dictated to the son, and corrected wlial appeared erroneous al\er tlic worU
was written.

Chap. V.]

FUMHAM

957

urter tlicy had cii|»turc(l Phlll/i's wife uiid son. "They said tlic Narrngnimcta
kverc urcat iojjimm, uiid they wanted to ho revenged on tliein, Corkillinj; gome
of their relations ; named Tokkainorni~,(.lwashonk^s hrother,) and «onie t)tlier«."

Ahoiit r50 years ago, i. e. 1700, there were 100 Indian nun of tiie tSog-
konato trihi;, a. id tlio general assenihiy appointed A'«m»aiw tiieir eaptain,
who lived to ho au old man, and died uhout 174H, atter the taking of Cape
Ureton, 1745. At tlio commencement of the eigliteenth century, tliey made
quite u resjieetahle religious (Jongnsgation ; had a meeting-liouse of their
own, in wliic.i they were instructed by Uev. Mr. Billings, once u montii, on
Sundays. Tney liad a steady preaclier among tlicmselves, wlioso name wui
John Simon, a man of a stron;,^ mind.

About 17 )0, u very distressing fever carried off many of this tribe, and iu
1803 tliere «\cre not above ten iu Conipton, their principal residence.

CHAPTER V.

jf? furticr aceount of chiefs conspicuous in Philip's war — Pumham — Taken and
slain—His son Qua<iuai,u — Chickon — Socononoco — foxocK — His residence—
C'onftlaint against Wildboio's encroachments — Delivers himself up — Put to death —
Stone-wall-john — .^ great captain — Ji mason — His men greatly annoy th»
English army in A'arraganset — Kills several of them — They burn a garrison, and
kill fifteen persons — A traffic in Indian prisoners — The burning of Uciwbolh and
Providence — Johns discourse with Roger Williams — Is kilted — Sagamukk John —
Fate of Ma loos A3 — Put to death on Boston Common — His son hanged for mur-
der — MoNoco — David — Andrew — James-the-printer — Oi.d-jktheko — Sa(iamoke»
SAM, alias Shosiianim — Visited by Eliot in ItJoii — Anecdote — Peter-jetuero.

PUMIIAM, it may be truly said, "was a mighty man of valor." Our
history has several times heretofore brought him before us, and we shall
now jiroceed to relate such facts concerning him as we have been al)le to
collect. He was sachem of Shawomet, the country where the old squaw-
sachem Magnus was taken and slain, as in her lite we have shown.

As in almost every otiier case, we can only learn how to estimate the
consequence of a chief from the stor}- of his enemies. It is peculiarly so iu
the biography of Pumhunu When it was reported that he was slain, every
clironicler seems to have stood ready, with tlie ink of exultation in liis pen,
to record all the particulars of his fall ; and to make it appear the greater, it
IS to be feared, they have sometimes raised many to a height to wliich tiiey
were not entitled, for that object. But it was not so in the case of Pumhanu
When it was reported at Boston that he was killed, an author in our Chronicl»
said, " If it is so, the glory of tliat nation is sunk with him forever."

This chief was brought into considerable difficulty by the Englisii as early
as 1G45. In 1642, the Uev. Samuel Gorton took refuge in his country, and
was kindly treated by him; and in Januai^ the next year, Mianlunnomoh
and Canonicits deeded to him Mishawomet, or Shaomet, which he afterward
called JVarunck, afler the earl of that name. This settlement was grievous
to the Puritan fathers of 3Iassachusetts, as they soon showed by their
resentment to Mianlunnomoh; and here we cannot but discover the germ ot"
all the subsequent disasters of that sachem. Mr. Gorton was kindly treated
by him, as well as Pumham, until tJie latter was urged by Mr. Gorlon''s
enemies to lay claim to the lands he had purchased of Mianlunnomoh, whom
the court of Alassachusetts declared an usurper,* as in his life has been told.

By the letters of the unimpeachable Roger Willinms, the above conclu-
sions will appear evident. In 1G5G, ho wrote to Massachusetts, showing
them the wretched state Wai^wick was in from their difficulties with tha
Indians, as follows: — "Your wisdoms know the inhuman insultations of
these wild creatures, and you may be plea^ \ also to imagine, that they have

of all their wickedress against

\ ■

not been sparing of your name as the pat

22*

MS. state puper.

!•>;

258

PUMHAM.—SOCONONOCO.— QUAQUALir.

[Book III.

our English men, women and children, and cattle, to the yearly damage of
GO, 80 und 100 £. The remedy is, (under God,) only your pleasure that
Pumham shall come to an agreement with the town or colony." * Now it
ehould he reiiiemhered, that when Warwick was purchased, Pumham and
Bome other inferior sachems received presents for their particulai' interests in
what was sold, agreeahly to the laws and usages of the Indians.

The I'limouth people had their share in the Warwick controversy, having
caused Ousamaquin to lay claim to the same ])lace, or a sachem who lived
with him, named JVawtvaslvawsuck ; hetween whom and Pumfutm the quarrel
ran so hifili that the former stahbed the latter.

The atlairs of Warwick had been under consideration by the commis-
sioners of the United Colonies for several years before this, and in 1G49,
they say, '* Vpi)on a question betwixt the two collonies of the Massachuseta
and Plymouth, formerly proj)ounded, and now again renewed by the com-
missioners of the Massachusetts, concerning'a tract of land now or lately
InMoiiging to PamJmm and Saconoco, two Indi.m sagamores who had sub-
mitted themselves and their pcoi)le lo the Maj^sachusctts govermcnt, vj)|ion
part of which landsom English, (besides the said Indians,) in anno l(J4;i, were
planted and settled." The decision was, that though the said tract of land
fidi witliin I'limouth bounds, it should henceforth belong to Massachusetts.

About l(i4(i, we find the following record f of these chiefs: — "Pomihom
and Saconanoro complaining to us [the court of Mass.] that many Indians
dwelling 20 miles beyond them, (being friends and heljieu to the Narragan-
Betts in their presint wars with Uncas,) are come upon their lands, ar '
planted upon the same against their wills, they not being able of theinselvc
to remove them, and therefore desire our counsel and help, AVe shuL
therefore advise them, if the deputies agree thereunto, to send a messenger
to the sachem of those intruders to come to us to give an account of such
his intention ; and if he come to us, then to otier him i)rotection upon the
siune terms that Pumham hath it, provided they satisfy Uncas for any injuiy
they have done him. If he refuse to come, then we would have our mes-
senger charge them to depart from Pomlmrn and Soconanocho their lands,
which also if they refuse, then we shall account them our enemies." j

Though, by the aid of the English, Pumham had been able to ma'ntain a
kind of independence for some years after the death of the chief sachem,
yet he was among the first who esi)oused the cause of Philip in his war,
as it would seem from his not attending at the treaty in June, immediately
after hostilities commenced. The army who went to make that treaty i)assed
through his eountiy in their march, and, as IVIr. lluhhard states, "They found tho
Indians iu Pomham^s country (next adjoining to Philiiis fjorders) all fled, and
thi'ir wigwams without any peo])ie in tlieni." The J'.nglish army also m.nrch-
ed through his coimtry, in their return frotu the attack on Philip and his con-
federates in Narraganset, in December, l(i75. At this time a small light took
place between some of the English and a niunber of Pumham^s men, imder
a chief whose name was UnAUUALH, who gained some advantage of tho
English, wotiuding four of their men. The wi.ites, however, report that they
killed five of ilie Indians, lluaqualh himself wa3 wounded in the knee. At
the same time they burnt Pimham^s town,); which coi?tained near 100 wig-
wniu:*. The English were commanded by Captnin Pixnlicc, §

Pumham was not the chief captain in the fight at «l'.e great fidls in the (Con-
necticut, which took place 1!) Ma)', l()7(i, although we jiresume, fWun the
known character of him, that he was the most conspicuous in it on the sidi;
of the Indians; being a man of vast jjhysical powers and of extnioidiiiaiy
bravery. In this affair the English acteil a most cowardly part, having every
advantage of tlicir eneihv, who acipiired credit upon the occasion, even at
the time, from the lii.storian. The Eng'i.di came upon them hcl'ore day,
while none were awake to give the alarm, and, "finding them seciu'e iiidee<l,
y<'a, all asleep, without having any scouts abroad, so that oiu* soldiers cama

• Kiilcliinson's piipors, niid Ifuziinl.

t 111 nuiiiii'-rrifit. iiinoii^ the impcrs on (ilc in llio Sfcrcliiry':< ollico, AFiiss. willirml dnlc.
\ Old fill .ui Cliniii. ,01). 'I'liis iiiiilidr liiis Wis niinic Hiiiiihuiii. 'I'licrc wore ninnv ii,
llaacos, at lliis linic, ol' llio use of Ii. Ii«r P. ^ I/iihbaid. Niir. 57.

Uhap. v.]

PUMHAM— THE FALL KIGHT.

259

and put their gmis into their wifrwuins, hefore the Indinns were aware of
tlieni, and made a great and notable shiiigliter amongst tlieni." * Many in
tlieir fright ran into the river, and were hurled down tlie fall8,f some of
whom, doubtless, were drowned. As soon as the English, who were led by
Cajjtains Turner and Holioke, had murdered the unresisting, and the Indians
having begun to rally to ojjpose them, they fled in the greatest conlii.sion,
although they had "about an hundred and lour score" men, J of whom but
one was wounded when the flight began. This enhances the valor of the
Indians, in our mind, esi)ecially as we read the following passage, in Mr.
MuUier^s IJrief History : — "In the mean while, a party of Indians liom an
island, (whose coming on shore might easily have been prevent(!d, and ;he
soldiers, before they set out from Hadley, were earnestly admonished to tiike
care alwut that matter,) assaulted our men ; yea, to the great dishonor of the
English, a few Indians pursued our soldiers (bur or five miles, who were in
numlwr near twice as mimy as the enemy." In this flight Cajjtiiin Turner was
killed, as he was crossing Green River. Holioke exerted himself with great
valor, and seems well calculated to oppose such a chief as PunOmm, We
hear of no other bravery among the English in this massacre, but the follow-
ing passage concerning Holioke, which we are sorry is so sadly eclipstnl.
During the fight, some old i)ersonp, (whether men or women is not men-
tioned,) and children, had hid themselves under the bank of the river. Captain
Holioke discovered them, and with his own hands put five of them, "young
aiid old," to death. § This English captain did not long survive his antago-
nist, for, by his great exertions in this fight, a fever was brought upon him,
of which he died in Septendier following, "about JJoston."||

It would seem from the several accoimts, that, although the English were
sadly distressed in this fight, the Indians could never have repaired tlieir
loss ; which, says the author of the Prksent State, "was almost as much,
nay, in some respects more considerable, than their lives." He continues,
" We destroyed all their anniuufition and provision, which we think they
can hardly be so soon and easily recruited with, as possibly tliey may bo
with men. We likewise here demolished two forges they 1 a(i to mend
their arms, took away all their materials and tools, and drove many of them
into the river, where they were drowned, imd threw two great pigs of hud
of theirs, (intended for making of bidlets.) into the said river." 11 — "As our
men were returning to Hadley, in a dangerous jmss, which they wvnr not
sufficiently aware of, the skulkitig Indians, (out of the woods,) killed, at one
volley, the said captain, and eight-and-thirty of his men, but immediately
alter they had discharged, they fled."

In relating the capture and daiith of Pumham, Mr. Hubbard says,** "Ho
was one of the stoutest and most valiant sachems that belonged to tla; Nar-
ragansets ; whose courage and strength was so great that, after he had been
mortally woiuided in the fight, so as himself coidd not stand ; yet catching
hold of an Englishman that by accident came near him, luul done him
mischief, if he had not been presently rescued by one of his liMlows"
This was on 25 July, 1()7(). Pumhmn, with a few followers, had li)r homo
time secreted themselves in Dedham woods, where it was supposed they
were "almost starved for want of victuals." In this sad condition, they
were fallen ujwn by the English under Captain Hunting, who killed fitfi.'en

• /. Mather, 30.

t Wc rnmiot agree willi our frioiid (icii. ffoyt, llial llicso fills slioiild l)o imnicd Tiirnn's
Falls, iiltliouffli wo once llimiglit i( wril imioii^Ii. We would riillii'r cull lliriii llic Maxxarre
Falls, IK, imleed, tlieir Indiiiii iiiiine oiiiiiiol l)e rcrovereil. A heauliliil view of llii'se celo-
tiraled liills is given by Professor Hitchcock, in tlie volume of plates ncccin|iBiiyiiijj his
Geoli a;v of Mass.

t /. ^falhfr, :\0. § Iluhluyd, Nnr. !!(!. |l Il.id.

11 Manj' of tlie Indians l('arnc<l trades of llie I'.njjlisli, and in the wars tiiniril ilieir knowl-
edge to good noooiiiil. 'I'liey had a forj^e in their (iirl at Narragiiiisel, iiiid the liidinii blnok-
sinitli was killed when that was taken. 'I'lie aiilhiir of the I'nsiiit Slali\\c, says, he; wai
llie only man aniniig;st ihiMn that filted their >>iiiis and arrow-heads ; that ainoii^ other ho' el
ihev InirnI his, deniolished his lor^e, and e.rricul away his tools.

** N.irrative, 100. iu>. edition.

'}¥,''

260

POTOK.— DEATH OF PUMIIAM.

[Hduk ;M

and took tliiity-five of tliein witliout resistance* TJicy foimd licio coii-
Bidemble plunder; "besides kettles, there was ubont half a biisliel of \v;.ii;-
jtumpeag, which the enemy lost, and twelve jjounds of powder, wliirii ilic
captives say they had received from Albany but two days belbre."f A i^(/ii
of Pumham was among the captives, "a very 1'k.ely youth," says Hubbard, \
'•and one whose countenance would have Ik sjjoke favor for him, had in?
not belonged to so bloody and barbarous an Indian as his father was." It
would seem fi'om this unteeling account that he was put to death. Dr.
Matlier says he was carried j)risoner to J5o^^ton. From the same author wo
must add to the revolting picture of the iiitlicr's death. " This Pumham,
after he was wounded so as iliat he could not stand upon his legs, and was
thought to have been dead, made a shift, (as the soldiers were pursuing
others,) to crawl a little out of the way, but was found again, and when an
Englishman drew near to him, though he could not stand, he did, (like a
beast,) in rage and revenge, get hold on the soldier's head, and had like to
liave killed him, had not another come in to his hel[), and rescued him out
of the enraged dying hands of that bloody barbarian," j

That it may be seen how the same story, recorded at the same time, at
the same place, and by different individuals, varies on comparison, we give
here the account of the fight in which Piiinliayji was slain, from an author in
the Chronicle ; in which it will be observed that a difl'erent date is given to
the event. "Upon the 27 of July it was, that about 20 Lidians were slain,
and MO taken prisoners. We had 5 and 20 English, and 20 of our Indian
friends in this exploit. One of these that were slain was Pomhnm. After
lie had received a deadly shot in his back, he withdrew himself from his
men, (for they were all his relations and subjects that were slain and taken
at this time,) and thought to hide himself in a bushy hole, but was found out
by an Englishman, who, as he went to apprehend him, found that the stout
sachem was unwilling to fall into the hands of the English, for he gave him
a stunning blow with his hatchet, which he had reserved of all his weajjons,
and perhaps hiid slain the Englishman, but God ordered it so that he had a
sudden revival, and took courage and grajjjjled with him, \Piimhnm,'\ and
threw him under him, jind others coming in to his assistance, Pumham was
Boon despatcheil. I'liere was about £20 of Ind/un money found in their
baskets," which the English gave to their Indian friends, and their guns they
took to themselves.

A short time before this, a grtndson of this chief was killed liy a party
under Ihnison,^ "who was also a sachem, and another sachem called
Chkkon."

I'O'J'OK, a Narraganset chief, we may pro|terly, in the next place, notice.
None of his acts in Philij/s war are recorded, at least none have come to
our knowledge, but they coi'.ld :iol have been inconsiderable, in the opinion
of his enen:i.s, as fiis lile utoncul for tliem. ^Ve find him first mentioned,
on accoimt of his o|)position to the introduction of Christianity into his
nr.tion. Wlici;, in the begitming of PhiUti's war, the English army marched
into tiic Narraganset country, to treat or figlit with tluit nation, as they nfight
be found inclined, Polok ajipeared as the principtil chief. In the treaty
which was concluded at that time, a condition was urged by him, "that the
English should not send any among them to preach the gospel or call ii])on
them to |»ray to Cod." Ihit the English would not admit such an article ;
but if an article of tliis character had been urged on the other hand, we
doidit \vheflier there would have been any objection urged by the Inditm!-.
On this policy of the I'^nglish /loj^cr ff'illiams should be heard, as, at thia
day even, we need no better commentaiy on the matter in liiuid. If, is con-
tained in a letter II to the governor of ftlassachusetts, and is as fbllowg: —
"At my last departtn-e for I'aigland, I was importuned by y" Narraganset
Bachems, j".id especially by JVcnecimat, to present their petition to the high

• M.S. Niirralivo of llev. 7'. Cobhrt. f Mather's Briuf Hist. '13.

t Niirriilive, iit .supra.

6 Many write Denni.ion, ImU his owti aiMalurc, in iny possession, is as in llie text.

i lu MS. dated Providence, 6:8: Uidi.

Chap. V.]

STONE- WALL-JOHN.— OLIVKRS JOURN.VL.

261

sachems cf England, tliat tlicy might not be forced from their religion ; and,
lor not changing thoir religion, Ije invaded by war. For they said they wore
daily visited with threatenings by hidians, that came from abont the Massa-
chusetts ; that if they would not ;>ray, they should be destroyed by war."
And again, in the same letter: "Are not all the English of this land, (gener-
ally,) a persecuted people liom their native soil? and hath not the (iod of
peace and Father of mercies made the natives more iriendly in this than oiu*
native countrymen in our own land to ns ? have they not entered leagues of
love, and to this day continued peaceable conmierce with us .'' are not our
ffunilies grown up in [)eace amongst them ? Upon which I humbly ask how
it can suit with Christian ingenuity, to take hold of some seeming occasions
lor their destruction."

We are able to fix the ])laceof his residence in the vicinity of Point Jxdilh.
[n the year 1()(J1, Polok, with sevcnd other chiefs, complained to tlie court
of Massachusetts, that *^ Samuel fVildhow, ami otiiers of l.is companie," claimed
jurisdiction at Point Judith, in their country, and lands adjacent. They came
on and possessed themselves forcibly, bringing their cattle and other effects
witii them.* What order the court tdok ni)on it does not ajjpear. About
the close of Philij.^s war, Poioh came voluntarily to Rhode Island, no doubt
with the view of making friends again with his enemies; but was sent to
Boston, where, after answering all their incpiiries, he was put to dt.'ath with-
out ceremony.

It IS related by an author in the Oi.n I.ndian Chronicle, that Potok was
captured by the Ibrces under Majnr Takot, in June, 1(J7(), at or near the
same time Stone- La;/cr-Johv was. In closing his account of the cajjlure of
John, he add.s, " Likewise i^oiiicA'e, tlu; great Indian coun.sellor, a man con-
sidering his education of wonderfid subtletv, was brought j)risoner into
Rhode Island."

In the account carried to London by Captain More, mentioned in the last
chapter, is thi>: notice of Po/o/i : — "'i'here is one /^<i<c/i, a mischievous P^n-
gine, and aConnsellour, taken formerly, said to be in Goal at Rhode Island, is
now sent to Boston, and there shot to deiitii."!

In the detiul of the great IVaiTaganset expedition ol" 1G75, we have omitted
^to notice a by-no-mean.s-unim])ortani Indian captain.

Stone-U'ull-Jolin, Stone-lm/cr-John, and sometimes simply Stnne-wnll, were
names by which his English friends knew him, and we have not discovered
what was his Indian lUiiiie. One writer ol' his time observes that he was
called the Stone-tnycr, "tor that, being an active, ingenious fellow, he had
learned the mason's trade, and was of great use to the Lidians in building
their ibrts, &c." Hence we may hazaril but little in the conjecture that he
was the chief engineer in the erection ol" the great Nurragaiiset Ibrt. wlii(;li
has been described in the lifeof /-*/iiV?/?. Although but litth; is known of him,
he was doubtless one of the most distinguished Narraganset caittains.

The first notice of Stone-la i/cr- John, which we now remember, is con-
tained in a letter of Captain 0!!ver,l which he wrote while on h.',.- march
with the English army to attack the fort, which we have just mentioned. He
says, "Dec. l."> ca[me hi] John a rogui!, with a jircience of peacv\ ainl was
dismissed with [this] errand: That we might speak with sachems. That
eveifmg, he not being gone a (juarter of an hour, his company, that lay Md
behind a hill of our (piarlers, killed two Sidem men, and wounded ii 1 "'1
within a mile of us, that he is dead. Av\ at a lions(! three; miles off, where
I had ten men, they killed two of them. Instantly Capt. jMo.iel;/, myself
iukI Capt. Gardner were sent to letch in Major .'Ippkton^s company, that
kept three nfiles and a half of^', and coming, they lay behind n stone wall,
uiid fired on us in sight of tiie garrison, we kilhsd the captain that killed one
of the Salem men, and had his ca])." Mr. Iluhliard says, "A ihw desperate
Indians, creeping undcjr a stone-wall, fired twenty or thirty guns at .Moseljj in
particular, a commander well known amongst them, but the rest of the coni-

* M.S. Slate Papers.

i Old Indian Chroiiirlc, lU.

X 111 manuscript. See uii account of it in a nolo to tiic life of Pliitip,

%Ml(\.

262

STONE WALL-jOJI"; .-.pp.07; DENCE, die. BURNT. [Uook HI

pnny iiinirmg down upon th m, kMi-'d oni of them and scatterul the rest."
Thus did tlie scouts I'viiii ihe ini .ji hnt^y of t!i'! Indians, under such captains
a.s the Slone-lnijer, aiUH)y tiie Enghsh in their inarch into their country. Iin-
incdiately after tlicse skirniishes, "tiiey hurnt Jerry BiUrs* house, and killed
seventeen [persons.]! Dec. 1(5, came that news. Dec. 17, came news tiiat
Connecticut forces wore at Petaquaniscut ; kiiletJ four Indians and took si.x
prisoners. Tliat (hiy we sold Capt. Davenport 47 Indians, young and old, ibr
£dO in money." t

How much John had to do in the devastations which h^d been perpetrated
the previous season, is unknown, hut ^ve are told that lie had no small
agency in "the sr.cking of Proviilence, "§ and Rehoboth al.so, without doubt.
In the fori'iijr about 30 hoiisis |{ were burned, and in the latter place " near
upon 40" houses and 30 barns.

Shme-ivnll-John was doubtless one who conversed with the Reverend Mr.
JfilliaDis at the time Providence was burned. The sub.stance oi'that conver-
sation is related by our anonymous author, already cited, in these words : —
"IJut indeed the reason that the inhabitants of the towns of Seaconick and
Providence generally escaped with their lives, is not to be attributed to any
com])assionor go.d nature of the Indians, (whose very meniies are inhumane
cruelties,) but, [the author soon contradicts himself, as will lie seen,] next to
God's providence to tiiijir own prudence in avoiding their fury, when they
found themselves too weak, and unable to resist it, by a timely flight into
Rhode Island, which now bcc'Mie the common Zoar, or place of refuge for
the distressed ; yet some remained till their coming to destroy the said towns ;
as in particular Mr. Williams at Providence, who, knowing several of the
chief Indians that came to fire tl»'it town, discoursed with them a consider-
able time, who pretended, their iii oatest quarrel was against Plimouth ; and
as lor what they atlem|)ted again a the other colonies, they w'ere constrained
to it, by the spoil that was done t.iein at Narraganset.1l They told him, that
when Cajit. Pierce engagftii them near Mr. Blackslone,^, they were hound
for Plimouth. They gloried much in their success, pro.'?iishig themselves the
conquest of the whole country, and rooting out of all tht Eii,','lish. Mr. Wil-
liams reproved tlaiir confidence, minded them of their c.-iiellics, and told
them, that the Bay, viz. Bosi:';',i, could yet spare 10,000 men ; and, if they
slioidd destroy all tliem, yet it was not to l)e doubted, but our king would
send as many every year from Olil Ehigland, rather than they should share
the country.** They answered proudly, that they should be ready for them,
nrto that eflTect, but told Mr. Williams that he was a good man, and had been
'vi'l to them formerly, and therefore they would not hurt him."

i liis agrees well with Mr. Hubbard's account of the carriage of John at the
ii i><: he went to the English army to talk about peace, already mentioned.
His words are, "yet could the messenger, [Jb/m,] hardly forbear threatening,
vaporing of their numbers and strength, adding, withal, that the English
durst not fight them."

We have now to close the career of this Indian captain, for which it re-
quires but a word, as he was killed on the 2 July, 1(370, at the same time the
old squaw-gachern Qjnaiapen and most of her people were fallen upon by
Major Talcot, as we iiave related in a ibrmer chapter.

Many Lidians bore the name of John, hut when they were any ways con-
epicuoiis, some distinguishing prefi.x or affix was generally added, as we
have seen in several instances in the preceding chapters. We have already

* Ji'iah was pri)bal)ly liis name.

t "en iiiei' and tivo" women and children. Hubbard, 50. "About 14." 1. Mather,^,
"Eiphlecn, men, women and ••lilldren." Clirimicle, 46.

{ Ciipiain Oliver's MS. leltcr.

6 OluIndianChuoniclKjOB.

y Tliu building conlaining llie rorords of R. I. was con.sumcd at this 'ime, and part of il.i
contents. Some of tliem were saved by l)eing llyown out of a window into some water.
Tiicy l)ear to tliLs timo the marks of their immersion.— Oral information of W, R. Staplrs,
Esq. of Providence.

\ And who could p ik for a better reason 7

•• Tliir' was rather gasconading for so reverend a mBn ! Had he li»'e'' sincf .'uo revoluo
lionary war, he would hardly liavc meant so, whatever he migi.'. have Mid.

'^m'^'mi

'''^^^tii

•i«.*v.

'• ■> i ,''a

Chip, v.]

fllATOONAS.— EXF.CUI'ED \V VCSTf^N.

2f53

{liven the lift of one Sagnn. ore- John, but unoilicr of tint t.. vap, r.tW uiore
conspicuous, (for his treachery to iiis own nation, ) Ji'j-t pi- soiuh iinself.
This Samimore-John was a Nipmuk saclieni, and n .rairor t > Jiin countrj'
On the 27th of July, 1G76, doubtless from a convvjtii>" cl" li.o iiojjclos.siies-a

" : JD »I J Ui ;roy of the

/ Vkith i ini about IdO

n thcii elemejicy, he

M. Kiiglish to be frrcat-

Oj) death's being ini-

of his cause, he came to Boston, and tiircw lii^n?

English. They paidoned him, as he enticed ai-

others. And, that he might have a stronger claiui

seized Matoonas, and his son, against whom he knew

iy enraged, and delivered them up at the same time.

mediately assigned as the lot of Matoonus, Sagamcre-John requested that he

might execute him with his own hands. To render still more horriil this

story of blood, his request was granted; and he took Matoonus into the coiri-

nion, bound him to a tree, and there "shot him to death." To tiio above Dr.

Mather adds,* "Thus did the Lord retaliate upon him the innocent blood

which he had shed; as he had done, so God requited him."

Although much had been alleged against John, before he came in, atlcr-
wards the most favorable construction was put ujion his conduct. Mr. Hub-
bard says, he "affirmed that he had never intended any mischief to the Eng-
lish at Brookfield. the last year, (near which village it seems his jdace was,)
but that Philip, coming over night amongst them, he was forced, for tear ot
his own lite, to join with tiicm against the English."!

MATOONAS was also a Nipmuk cliiefl A son of his was said to liave
murdered an Englishman in l(i71, when " traveling along the road," which
Mr. Hubbard says was " out of mere malice and s|)ite," because he was " vexed
in his mind that the design against the English, intended to begin in that
year, did not take place." This son of Matoonus was hanged, and atterwards
beheaded, and his head set upon a jiole, where it was to he seen six years
after. The name of the murdered Englishman was Zachary Smith, a young
man, who, as he was passing through Dedham, in the month of April, put
up at the house of Rlr. Caleb Church. About half an hour alter he wad
gone, the next morning, three Indians passed the same way; who, as they
passed by ChurcKs house, behaved in a very insolent manner. They had
been employed as laborers in Dorchester, and said ti'ey belonged to Philip;
they left their masters under a suspicious j)retencc. Tii ■ bodyof the >.nurti(!red
man was soon after found near the saw-mill in Dedham, and these Indiums
were apprehended, and one put to death, as is stated above. %

Mr. Hubbard supposes that the father, " ■ n old mu' "lOus villain," bore "an
old grudge against them," on the accoun* thvj ex' '^ution of hit' son. And
the lirst mischief that was done in Massac-I' . 1:8 col. 'iiy was charged to him;
which was the killing of four or five pcf .s at .'imdon, a town ujion I'uw-
tucket River; and, says /. Mather, "hai" .- amended our ways us wc should
have done, this misery would iiave been I'reventel," §

AVhen Maioonas was brought before s .'; ccunci) of M;, sachiisctts, he
"confessed that he had lightly deserved death, a d could expect no other."
" He had often seemed to favor the pniyirg Iji'';"M;;, and the Christian reli-
gion, but, like Sim a Magus, by his after ; v.ctice, 'liscovered quickly that he
had no part nor portion in that matter." ||

The following is the statement of this affair in the Oi.n Indian Cnr nici.e.
John "declared himself sorry that he had fo-t^ht against the Eni: and
promised to give some testimonial to them soon of his fidelity; ar ' m his
return now with his men, women and children, he brought down, boi...u wiui
cords, old Mattoonu^ and his son prisoners, 'fh'*- .M .i.'v mis' eldest son had been
tried at Boston, and executed, 5 or 6 years ago 'or 1 1\ < Kecrable murder by hin^
committed on a young maid 1[ of the Englisli o:i> V> jburn, and his head was

* Hriof History of the War, 4,1.

( N.irralivo, 101. 4lo edition. Iftliis be true, Philip had (l;o chief direction in the i.mbiislilns;
gf flii/rhinsnn and MHieeler at Wicka'.)aug', as related in the life of Philip , but in our opinion
iiol niiK h credit should bo given to any tlii-iif coming from a traitor.

X Maniiscrint anionsr the files in the office of the secretary of the state of Mussnchiinclti.

« Urief Hist. 5. 11 «i/Mr ■■• . IDl.

ff This anlhor is evidently in error about the Woburn murder. Dr. /. Mall'T -i* Ucla
lion, 75, "Some few private murthers there have been, as namely lliose at [Maiili.'Cl;. (, and
Uiat by Matoonas his son, and that at Woburn." No other particulars are given by Mathtr

'k ■■>

264

NETUS.—MONOCO— MURDERS AT SUDRURY.

[Rook mi

fiistcnetl to a pole nt one end of the {.'allows. This old Mattoomui' fiitlu r l,;:d
given it (Hit tliat lie would he avenged of us Ibr his bou's death, which eomiiij:- ;o
the knowledge ol" the council, he was sent ibr and examined ahout it ; and liaviii;,'
denied it, and tliere not heiiig suflicieiit evidence of it, lie was diMiiissed,
having only confessed this, that considering the death of his son, he found his
heart so biir hot tcithin him, but that he resolved to abide a faithful friend to (he
Enirlish, and so that accusation ended. But after sachem Fhilijj had begun
liis niiirders in Plimouth colony, this savage first appeared an enemy to us,
Mid slew the two first men that were killed within the limits of our colony
(to wit, at Mendham) and in that cruel and outrageous attempt at Quahaog
this old Mattoonvs was the princijial ringleader. Ueing now brought a
prisoner to Boston, he was by the council the same day, [28 July,] adjudged,
to be shot to death, which was executed in Boston common, by three Indians.
His head was cut off and placed upon a pole on the gallows, opposite to his
son's that was there formerly hanged. His son, brought along with him,
remains still a prisoner."

While JMatoonas belonged to the Christian Indians, his residence was at
Pakaclioog. Here he was made constable of the town.* On joining in the
war, he led parties which committed several dejiredations. lie joined the
main body of the Nipmuks in the winter of 1()75, when James ({itanavohit
was among them as a spy, who saw him arrive there with a train of Ihllow-
crs, and take the lead in the war dances, f Doubtless (luanapohifs evidence
drew Ibrth the conlessions which he made, and added to the severity exer-
cised at his execution. X

A Nipmuk captain we will in the next jilace notice, who makes a sudden
inroad upon the frontier of Massachusetts, and who as suddenly dis-
appears.

NETUS, on the 1 February, 1670, with about 10 followere, attacked the
house of one Thomas Eanies, 4 or 5 miles bejond Sudbury, and took his and his
son's families prisoners. They then destroyed every thing upon his iiirni,
burnt up his house and his barns Avith the cattle and corn in them, aiul
withdrew beyond the reach of the English, as Totosonhad done at Eel Jtiver.
\' .(Ui this onset was made, Eames himself was absent at Boston to piocuro
ammunition. In all, seven § persons were killed or lell into the hands of this
party of Indians. About three months allerwards, one of the children tjikr ii
at this time escaped, and alter wandering 30 miles alone through the \\ iider-
ness, under extreme sufferings, arrived among the English settlements. t)n
the 27 March following, ^Vetus was killed near Marlborough, by a party of
f^nglish under Lieutenant Jacobs, with n.bcjt 40 oihers.||

VVe have yet to notice a distinguished Nipmuk sachem, called

3IOjSOCO by his countrymen, but, by the English, generally, One-eyed-
John; as though deficient in the organs of vision, which jirobably was the
case, lie was, '^ays an early writer, " a notable iellow," who, ■when Philiii's
war began, lived near Lancaster, and consecniently was acquainted with
every jmrt of the town, which knowledge he improved to his advantage, on
two occasions, in that war. On Sunday, 22 August, 1675, a man, his wile

bill Huhhard, in llic prrfnop to his iNarralive, edition of 1677, snys, " a murlher was comniilled
at Farmiiisjioii, anoilicr at Wobiirn, hy some Indians in their drunken humors upon a maid
servant or two, wlio denied them ihink.'

* tihalluck's Hist. Coneor.l, 31. 1 1 <'ri)l- Mass. Ifist. Soc. vi.St.t).

t The Nipmuks were at this time chiefly under iivo sachems, which, Mr. //wW/k;*/ says,
were " four too many to govern so small a people." The same author suys, " Tlie Nipnets
were under the command of tiic sachem of Mount Hope," which fad is verified l)v numerous
passages of our iiistory. Tlic names of the five principal sadienis were MoNoco, Mautamp,
tjuosTiANiM, Matoonas, and Sagamouk John.

I According to the Cntlon MSS. seven were killed and two children only taken. This agrees
with our Chuonici.k, 77, where it is said " they killed seven people in a barbarous manner,
and carried some away captive." Unhburd, 8't and Table, says liames' wife was killed, and
his son's wife died the next dav, but says nothing of the numl)er killed or taken.

II Compare Hvbhard, 79 and fit.— This was the alVair which he says was done " when it
wa i so dark that an Indian could hardly be discerned from a better man." Sec Rook III.
Chap. II. On !21 Sept. following, three Indians were hanged as concerned in the murder of
Eantes's family.

ClIAP. V.J

MONOCO— PRAYING INDIANS I'KRSFX'UTED.

205

and two chililicn <\eic killed at tliat place.* At this time the Ilassanurnesit
prayiii:;' indiaiis were placed at .Marlhoroiigli by uiiiliority. No siooiier was
it known tliiit a murder was commilted at Lancaster, than not a few were
wantin;; to charge it upon the llassanamesits. Captain Moselij,v,'\u> it seems
was in the neighborhood, sent to their qiiart(!rs, and found " mucii suspicion
against eleven of them, for singing and dancing, and having bullets anil slugs,
and much powder hid in their baskets." For this offence, these eleven were
sent to IJoston 30 August, on sus|)icion, and there tried. " JJut njion trial, the
8. lid prisoners were all of them ac(|uitted from the fact, and wen; either released,
or else were, with others of that fort, sent for better security, and \hr jjre venting
tiitui-e trouble in the like kind, to some of tin; islands below JJoston, towarils
Nantasket." Fifteen was the lunnbcr brought down to Boston, but eleven
only were su8|)ected of the alleged oftonce. The others, among whom were
wibram Speen and John Choo, were taken along and imprisoned, for no oilier
reason but their being acciilentally, at that time, at Marlborough, or the crime
of being Indians. It appears some time had elapsed after the nnu'tler was
comnfitted, before they wore sent down lor trial, or more probably they were
siilfered to return home before being sent to IJeer Island. For Ephraim
Tunier and }Villiam Kent were not sent up to find out where " they all were,"
and what answers they could get from those they slioidd meet, until the
I)eginning of October; at wliicii time these eleven Indians were scattered in
various directions, about their daily callings. And all the information Turner
and Kent lianded into court was, that they were thus dispersed. IViiban and
3Ir. John Wdtxon, who had been ajipointed to reside among those Indians,
were the only persons (piestioned. What steps the court took upon this
int()rniation, we are not informed, but they were about this time sent to Doer
Island.

The names of these Indians, concerning whom more particular inquiry
may hereafter be made by the benevolent antiipiary, it is thought should
be given ; especially as they may not elsewhere be preserved. They
were,

Old-jelhro and two sons, Jamcs-thc-pririter, James Jlcowpanrt, Daniel Munups,
John (.\juiis(]U(iconet, John ^'h(jaenet, George JVonsequesewit, Thomas Mamuxon-
<iua, and Joseph IValapacoson, alias Joseph Spoonant.

Alter a trial of great vexation to these innocent Indians, David, tlie main
witn(;ss against them, acknowledged he had perfidiously accused them; and
at tli(! same time, a |)risoner was brought in, who testified that he knew One-
et/ed-jolni had committed the murder at Lancaster, and a short time alter
another was taken, who confirmed his testimony.

Thesi! Indians l)ioughtall these troubles upon themselves by reason of their
attachment to the English. It *vas in their service that they discovered and
c.ip'.ured .Indrew. a brother of David, who, on being delive'*ed to tlie soldiery,
was shot by them with ferocious preci[)itancy. Therefore, when the Lancaster
min-<ler liap[)ened, Captain Mosehi, having already sundry cliarges against David,
htdd an inquisition upon him to make him coin'ess relative to the Lancaster
affair. 'I'hc method taken to make him confess, (agreeably to the desire
of his inquisitors,) was this: they bound him to a tree, and levelled guns at
his briiast. In this situation, to avert innnediate death, as well as to be re-
venged lor the death of his brother, he i)rocfM!ded to accuse the eleven Indians
before named. For thus fiilsely accusing his countrymen, and shooting at a
boy wlio was looking . M'r 8hee[) at Marlborough, David was condennied to
slavery, and accordingly sold, as was one of the eleven named K'atiipncoson.
This last act being entirely to calm the clamors of the multitude ; after he
had been once acquiltiid, a new trial was got up, and a new jury for this
particular end.f

Andrciu^s history is as follows : He had been gone for some time before the
war, on a hunting voyage towards the hdtes; and on his return homeward,
he fell in among P/n7i//» men about Quabaog. This was about a month

* Tlifi above is Mr. Ifubhani'i iiccouat. Mr. Willani, in his excollt'iil liislory oC l.an-
rastor, nivcs us llio names of six, anil says (iijjlil wore killod. Unl in liis cnnnieriilidii I couill
nine ; uml <?()oA-i« says sov<mi. Our text is arcording to Hitbhurd, Nai'. M.

t tloulcin, Manuscript Hist. I'raving Indians.

260

MONOCO.— FIVE CHIEFS EXECUTED.

[Book III

l)efnre llic ntriir at Lancaster, Tlie reason he staid among the hostile Indians
is vcrv ol vioiis: lie was al'raid to venture into tlie vicinity of tlie wliitcs, lost
tiicy slioiiM tifat iiiin an an enemy. But as liis ill fortune fell out, lie was
found in tlio woods, by his countrymen of Marlborough, who conducted him
to tiio English, by whom he was shot, as we have just related. TJio olH-
cer wiio iinsided over and directed this afiair, would, no doubt, at any other
time, have received a reward jiroportionate to the malignity of the offence ;
but in tliis horrid storm of war, many were aufiered to transgress the laws
with i::,i.i'nity.

From ono account of this affair,* it would seem that one of the Indians
seized by jyioscly at tins time was actually executed ; " for," says the writer to
whom wo refer, " the commonalty were so enraged against Mr. Eliot, and
Capt. Giiggiiis especially, that Capt Guggiiw said on the bench, [he being a
j'idge,] tiiat he was afraid to go along the streets ; the answer was made, you
may thank yourself; however an order was issued out for the execution of
that one (notorious above the rest) Indian, and accordingly he was led by a
rope about his neck to the gallows. When he came there, the executioners
(tor there were many) flung one end over the post, and so hoisted iiim up
like a dog, three or four times, he being yet half alive, and half dead ; then
came an Indian, a friend of his, and with his knife made a hole in his breast
to his heart, and sucked out his heart-blood. Being asked his reason tiiere-
for, his answer [was] Umh, Umh nu, me stronger as I was before ; me l)e so
strong as me and he too; he be ver strong man fore he die. Thus with
the dog-like death (good enough) of one poor heathen, was the people rage
laid, in some measure."

We liave yet to add a word concerning Monaco. When Q^uanapohit was
out as a sj)y, Monaco kindly entertained him, on account of former acquaint-
ance not knowing his character. They had served together in their wars
against the Mohawks. On 10 Feb. 1676, about 600 Indians fell upon
Lancaster, and, after burning the town, carried the inhabitants into captivity.
Among them was the family of Keverend Mr. Rowlandson. Mrs. Row-
landsan, after her redemption, published an amusing account of the aflfair.
Monaco, or Qnc-ei/ed-john, it is said, was among the actors of this tragedy.
On 13 March ibllowing, Groton was surprised. In this afl^air, too, John
Monaco was principal ; and on his own word we set him down as the destroy-
er of ftledfield. After he had burned Groton, except one garrison house, he
called to the captain in it, and told him he would burn in succession Chelms-
ford, Concord, Watertowu, Cambridge, Charlestown, Roxbury and Boston.
He boasted much of the men at his command ; said he had 480 warriors ;
and added — " tVhat vie will me do." The report of this very much enraged
the English, and occasioned his being entitled a " bragadocio " by the histo-
rian. At the close of Philip's war, with others, he gave himself up to Major
Waldron at Cochecho; or, having come in there, at the request of Peter-
jethro, to make peace, was seized and sent to Boston, where, iii the language
of Mr. Hubbard, he, " with a few more bragadocios like himself, Sagamore-
sam, Old-jeihro, and the sachem of Quabaog, [Mautamp,^] were taken by the
English, and was seen, (not long before the writing of this,) marching towards
the gallows, (through Boston streets, which he threatened to burn at his
pleasure,) with a halter about his neck, with which he was hanged at the
town's end, Sept. 26, in this present year, 1676." t

On the 24 .luly, 1675, five of the principal Nipmuk sachems signed an
agreement to mvot the governor of Massachusetts to treat of peace soon after,
but not appearing according to agreement Captain Hutchinson was sent out

* In the Indian Chronicle, Sfi, 27.

t Compare Hiihbard, 33 Riuj 75. — The same, probably, called Mattawnmppe, who, in
1663, wiln'jssed the sale o? Brooklield, Mass., deeded at llial time by a chief named Sliat-
toockqiiis. MaiUam}) claimed an interest in said lands, and received part of the pay. — Kev.
Mr. Foot's Hist. lirookjield.

J This, so Car as it goes, agrees with an entry in Sewatl's MS. Diary, cited in Sliatliick'.i
Concord, (iii — " Smramore Sam S"CS7 (hif-ey d John, Afaliompe [Mantamp] Siiyanuire of
Quabaog. Oeneral at Lancaster, &,c. Jelhro (the father) walked to the gallows. ()iii>i>i/d
John aci'uses Sagamore John tu have lired the first gun at Quabaog and killed Capt Hutch.
iiison."

Chap. V.]

SHOSHANIM.— OLD JETIIRO.

867

to ascertain the cause, and was ambushed by tliem, as we have in the h)i; of
Philip related. At this time, " Sam, saciiem of Wesliacum," and Nktaumh,
are particularly mentioned as having been lianged at Bonton.

It was reported, (no doubt by the Indians, to vex their enemies,) that Mrs.
Rowlnndaon had married Monaco. " But," the author of the Present State,
&e. says, " it was soon contradicted," and, " that she ajipeared and behaved
herself ainouf^st them with so much courage and majestic gravity, tliat none
durst ofFt r any violence to her, but on the contrary, (in their rude maimer)
seemed to show her great respect."

In the above cpiotation from Mr. Hubbard, we have shown at what time
several of tiie Nipmuck chiefs were put to death b'side Morwco.

OLD-JETHRO was little less noted, though of quite a different character.
His Indian name was Tamtanwus, He was |)resent at the sale of Concord
(Mass.) to the English, about which time he lived at Natick. In 1(574, he was
appointed a misssionary to the Nipmuks living at Weshakim, since Sterling,
but his stay there Mas short.* He and his family (of about 12 persons)
were among thos'! ordered to Deer Island, on the breaking out of the wai
the next yeiir. Their residence then was at Nobscut Hill, near Sudbury
His spirit could not brook the indignity offered by those English who were
sent to conduct the praying Indians to Boston, and in tlie night he escaped,
witli all liis family, into his native wilds. His son Pettr had been so long
under tlie instruction of tlie Englisli, that he had become almost one of
them. He deserted his father's cause, and was the means of Ids being exe-
cuted with the other Nipmuk sachems already mentioned. This occasioned
/)r. /. Mather to say of him, " That abominable Indian, Peter-jethro, betrayed
his oum father, and other Indians of his special acquaintance, unto death."
It seema he had been employed by the English for this purpose.

About a month befor« the fall of Philip, the Nipmucka became fully
aware of their wretched condition, who, on the 6 July, 1676, sent an Indian
messenger to the English with a white flag. He came, says our Chronicle,
" from Sagamore Sam of Nassoway (a proud Salvage, wlio two months since
insulted over the English, and said, if the English would first begge Peace
of him, he would let them have Peace, but that he would never ask it of
them ;) This Indian was sent from him with Letters, desiring Peace of us,
and expressely praying us in the name of Jestts Christ, and for his sake to
BTaut it whose holy name they have so much blasphemed. Thus doth the
Lord Jesus make them to bow before him, and to lick the dust And having
made mention of his letter it will not be unacceptable to transcribe some
copies of the Letters sent by him, and others on tins subject, which take as
foUoweth. Tlie reader must bear with their barbarisms, and excuse the
omission ot some expressions in them, that can hardly admit of good
English."

-i

« I'he first Letter, My the &h, 1676.t

" Mr. John Leverett, my Lord, Mr. JVaban, and all the chief men our Breth-
ren, Praying to God : [This Mr. Waban is a Prayins Indian, faithful, and a
Ruler anwmst them ; by their Brethren praying to God, they mean those of the samt
A/'ation.] We beseech you all to help us ; my wife she is but one, but there
be more Prisoners, which we pray you keep well : Mattamuck his wife, we
entrt'ai you for her, and not onely that man, but it is the Request of two Sa-
chems, Saia Sachem of IVeshakum, and the PaJcashoag Sachem.

" And that further you will consider about the making Peace : We have
spoken to the People of Nashobah (viz. Tom Dubler and Peter,) that we would
agree with you, and make a Covenant of Peace with you. We have been
destroyed by your Souldiers, but still we Remember it now, to sit still ; do

' Mr. ShattHck's Hist. Concord, 30.

t 'I'lie tenor of the I'ollowiii^ letters, is very ditrerent from those in April previoyf), which 1
liiiil disi overed in MS. and printed in the former editions of the Book of the Indians. TheM
v\cre llien unl<nown to ine

SIIOSIIANIM— INDIAN LETTERS.

[itooK in.

yon consider it ogain; we do earnestly entreat yrjii, that it may bo so hj
Jeawi Chrisl, O! let it be so ! ^men, ^intju*
It wus signed

Mattamuck, his Mark X.

Sam Sachem, his M<tik 7'.

Simon Pottoquam, i<crilte.\

Ul'PANIPrAQUEM, his — V.

Pakaskokag his Mark '/'."

"Superscribed" " To all Englishmen a/u/ ^ "dians, aZZ of you hear Ulr. Wabaii,
Mr. Eliott."

" Second Ltlla'.

"My Lord, Mr. Leveret at Boston, Mr. JFaban, P.ir. Eliott, Mr. Goolin, niid
Council, hear yea. I went to Connecticot about the Captives, tliat I nii^Jiiit
bring them into your hands, and when we were almost there, the Eii<i;lish hud
destroyed those Indians : when I heard it, I returned back again ; then when
I came home, we were also destroyed ; after we were destroy'd, then Philip
und (^nanipun went away into tin ir own Coimtrey againe; and I knew they
were niueh afraid, because of our offer to joyn witli tlie English, and there-
fore they went bark into their own Countrcy, and I know they will make no
Warre ; therefore because wiien some English men came to us, Philip and
Quanapun sent to kill tiicni ; but I saiil, if any kill them, I'll kill them.J

Sam Sachem.

Written by Simon Boshokum Scribe." §

Third Letter

" For Mr. Eliot, Mr. Gookin, and Mr. Waban.

Consider of this I entreat you, consider of this great businesse that is done ,

and my wonder concerning Philip; but his name is IVewesawannit,'^

he engageth all the people that were none of his subjects: Then when I was
at Penakook^ JVumpho Jolin, Alline,% Sam JVutnpho, and others who were angry,
and jYumpho very mucij angry that Philip did engage so many people to him ;
and JVumplio said it wore a very good deed that I should go and kill him that

* Tliis surpassetli any lliiii";, in suppliralion, thai we have, from the poor Indians. They
rere truly .sensit)le of tlioir cleploral>le rojiilition ! Lillle to subsist upon — the northern and
rt'estern wilderness so full of their native tueinies, that a retreat upon those liunliiiff-s^rounds
was cut oir — all the fisliinj^ places near and upon the coast watched by their successful
enemy — hence nothinn; now remained but to try the efl'cct of an olVer of unconditional sub-
mission I — This letter, however, must not be re«farded as the Ian juaafe of the warriors, it
was the language of the Christian Indian-!, in l)ehalf of them and themselves.

t The name of this sachem a|)proa( Inu^ nearly in soinid to that of the place since called
Worcester, of which Sa^amnre-Jolin was chief, almost induces the belief that hi' is the same.
A sachem of the name having deeded Worcester to the whites in 1G71, is additional proof.
See the elaborate history of that town by It'm. Lincoln, Esq., now In course of publication.

J This letter will be regarded as an admirable specimen of Indian sentiment, and its value
IS much enhanced, as it unfolds truths of great value — truths that lay open the situation of
things at this period that will be gladly received. Sum was a magnanimous sachem. So
was Monaco. We doubt if any thing can in truth be brought against either, that would not
comport with a warrior of their time, but they did not come within the limits of a pardon
oflered in the Proclaination ! When messengers were sent to treat with the Indians for the
redemption of prisoners, to prevent the evil such negotiation was calculated to produce, and
which I'liitip, doubtless, foresaw, he ordered such to be summarily dealt with. Qiianapohit
was suspected ' r a spy, and Philip had ordered him to be killed, but Monaco said, " I will
kill whomsoevei shall kdl Qitanapoliil." S/ios/iamm afterwards said the same when visited
by Mr. Hoar and Nepanft, who were sent to treat for the ransom of Mr. Rowlandson's fam-
ily. " If any kill them, I will kill them," that is, he would kill the murderer. But these kind
offices were forgotten in the days of terror !

^ The same person, whose name to the last letter is spelt PottoqjMm, and in Book ii. Chap,
vii., /Sflokam

\\ This stands in the MS. records, \Veu'(isovanuett. See Hook iii. Chap. ii.

IF There is some error concerning this pt rson's name. John U. Line means the same per-
son, I thnik, in (innkiu's MS. history. See Hook ii. Cluip. vii.; an account of several others
licre mentioned may there also be found.

ClIAl-. VI.]

SHOSIIANIM-AMOS.

2(]a

joyne<I so iiiaiiy to liiiiwlf without caii«e : In like nmiiiipr 1 said ko too.
Tliuii imd you Ibrincrlv s.iid bo at peuce, ami if the Council had wiit word
to kill P/ii'/iy; we should havi; done it: tli'ii let ns clearly Hpeak, wiiut _\ou
and wo shall do. O let it be so »j)eedily, and aimwer us clearly.

I'UMKAMLN,
I'o.VXAKi'l'Kl'.V,

or, Jacob iMuTTAMAKOoii."

"The answer the Council made them, was, 'Thai treaclierous pi ivonn
who began tiie war and tliosi; that have been barbarously bloody, nuist not
expect to have tiicir lives spared, but others that have been drawn into tli<;
war, and actutg oidy as .Souldiers subniittinj^ to be without arms, and to live
quietly and pt.aceably lirir the future shall have their lives 8i)are(l.'"

Sagamore Sam was one ot" those thnt sacked Lancaster, 10 February,
1G7(>. His liidian name was at one time Slwshanini, but in Philip's war it
appears to have been changed to Uskatulii^un ; at least, if hi! be the Hauii", it
was so subscribed by Feler-jeUiro, when tin; letter was sent by the Imlians to
tiie English about the exchange of INIrs. Rowlandson and others, as will be
found in the life of JVepanet. He was hang'.'d, as has been before noted.
Slioslutnim was successor to Matthew, who succeeded Sholan.

This last-iuentioned sachem is probably reli-rred o i)y the author quoted in
Mr. Thoroirgood's curious book. In the sunuinr . '' i l.'i'i, Ueverenil John Ktiot
intended to visit theNashuas, in his evangelical caj)aci y, but understanding
there was war in that direction among the Indians,* delayed his journey (i)r a
time. The sachem of Nashua, hearing of Mr. Eliofs intention, "took *^0
men, armed alter tlieir manner," as his guard, wit.'i many others, and con-
ducted him to his country. And my author adds, " this was a long journey
into the wilderness of (iO nfiles: it proved very wet and tedious, so liat he
was not dry three or tour days together, night nor day." \ One ol'tl:. Indians
at this tinie asked j\lr. Etiol why those who prayed to God an ong the
English loved the Indians that prayed to (iod " more than their own breth-
ren." The good man seemed some a; a loss for an answer, and waived the
subject by several scriptural (juotations.

We may be incorrect in the siq)position that the sachem who conducted
Mr. Eliot on this occasion was Sholan, as jierhaps Passaconaway would
suit the time as well.

CII.VPTER VI.

Frtcndlij Indians — Captais Amos — Pursues Tntoson and Pcnachrtson — Escapes the
sliiughtcr at Pawtuckct — Commands a companij in the eastern war — Captain
LiGUTFooT — His services in Philip's war — In the eastern loar — Kkttkmanit —
His services — QuANNAPonrr — His important services as a spy — Mautamp —
Monoco — Nkpankt — Employed to treat with the enemy — Brings letters from them—
Effects an exchange of prisoners — Petkk Conway — Peter Ephkaim.

A3IOS, commonly called Captain Amos, was a Wampanoag, whose residence
was about Cajjc Cod. We have no notice of him until Pliilip\<t war, at which
time he was entirely devoted to the service of the English. After the Plim-
oudi r''^: '- bad found that Taloson was concerned in the destruction of
Clark's ^ 'rrison, they sought for some friendly Indians who woidd under-
take to deliver him and his abettors into their hands. Captain Jimos ten
dereihis services, and was duly commissioned to prosecute the enterprise,

* III 101-7, tlirpn Indians were killoil between Quabaog and Sprin^eld, by other Indians.
Tiio next year, live others were killed about midway between Quabaog and Lancaster.—
WiiUlirop's Journal, ( iS'uru.'re',? ed.) Such uislances were common ainonjj the Indians.

t Sure Ar^jnmenls to prove that the Jews inhat)it now in America. — lly Tknmas Thorow
enod, 4lo. London, Kio-. Sir Ito^cr L' Estrange answered this book l>y anotlier, entitled
This Americans no .Jews.

23*

^ ^o.

IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

1.0

I.I

11.25

l^|2£ 121

■ 2.2

:^ 1^ 12.0

us I

■lUU

Hiotographic

Sciences

Corporation

33 WIST MAIN STRUT

WnSTIR.N.Y. MS80

(716)«72-4S03

^70

INDIAN STRATAGEMS.— LIGHTFOOT.

[Book III

»nd tn take into that aervice any of his fViends. Meantime, Tcdoton had fled
to Elizabeth bland, in company with Penachason, another chief who was
alHO to be taken, if he could be ibund. This Petutchaaon waa probably Tato-
sotCa brother's son, sometimes called Tom, who, if the same, was alno at the
destroying of Clark's garrison. Yet the wily cliiefs eluded the vigilance of
Captain ^mos, by flying from that region into the Nipmuks' country, where
they joined PkUip.

To encourage greater exertion on the part of the friendly Indians, to
execute their commission, it was ordered, that in case they captured and
brought in either Tatoson or Penaihason, " they may expect for their reward,
for each of them four coats, and a toat apiece for every other Indian that
shall prove merchantable."

We have mentioned in a former chapter the horrid catastrophe of
Captain Peirte and his men at Pawtucket Captain ^moa e8ca])cd that
dreadful slaughter. He fought there with 20 of his warriors, and when
Captain Ptirat was shot down by a bail which wounded him in the thigh,
he stood by his side, and defended him as lon^ as there was a gleam of
ho|)e. At length, seeing nearly all his friends slam, with admirable presence
of mind he made his escape, by the ibilowing subtle stratagem : —

J^anunttnoo'a warriors had blackened their faces, which Captain Amos had
observed, and by means of powder contrived to discolor his own unobser>'ed
by them. When he had done this, he managed, by a dextrous manteuvre,
to pass among the enemy for one of them, and by these means escaped.

What were Captain Jlmos's other acts in this war, if any, we have not
learned ; nor do we meet again with him until 1689. In that year, he went
widi Col. Ciiurch against the eastern Indians and French, in which expedi-
tion he also had the command of a company. Church arrived with his
forces in Sept. at Casco, now Portland, and, having lanctid secretly under
cover of the night, surprised, on the following morning, about four hundred
Indians, who had come to destroy the place. Although the Indians did not
receive much damage, yet. Governor Sullivan says,* the whole eastern country
was saved by the timely arrival of this expedition. In the light at Casco,
21 September, eight of the English were killed and many wounded. Two of
Captain Amoa's men were badly wounded, and iSizin Moses, another friendly
Indian, was killed. There was another Indian company in this expedition,
commanded by Captain Danid, out of which one man waa killed, who was
of Yarmouth on Cape Cod.t

LIGHTFOOT, of the tribe of the Sogkonates, distinguished in Philip's
war, was also in the aervice under Church at Casco ; a memorable expedition,
on more than one account One circumstance we will name, as it well nigh
[troved the ruin of the undertaking. Wiien, on the following morning, after
the arrival of the forces, the attack was begun, it was, to the uiexpressible
Rurpr*- of the English, found, that the bullets were much larger than the
calib if their guns. This was a most extraordinary and unaccountable
occurrence, and great blame was chargeable somewhere. In this wretched
dilemma, the fight having already begun, Church set some at work making
the bullets into slugs, by which resort he was able to continue the fight U
being high water at the time, an estuary separated the battle-ground from the
to>vn. The bullets were to be carried to the army engaged, m buckets, after
being hammered. When the first recruit of slugs was nMde up. Colonel
Church ran with it to the water's edge, and, not caring to venture himself to
wade across, called la those on the other side to send some one to take it over
to the army. None appeared but Lightfoot. This Indian dextrously repassed
the estuary, with a quantity of powder u|)on his head, and a " kettle " of bul-
lets in each hand, and thus the fight was maintained, and the enemy put to
flight

In Philip's war, LishlfooVs exploits were doubtless very numerous, but few
of them have come down to us. He volunteered to fight for the English, at
>4(m»AonA'a great dance at Bu/zrtrd's Bay, air 3ady mentioned. When Lilllt'
tyes was taken at Cushnet, in 1G76, Lighifoot was sent with him to what is

• Hist DUtriet of Maine, 102.

t MS. letter of Captain Basset of the expcditioD'

X-

nt
Ze-
is

Chap. VI.]

KATTENANIT.— EASTERN WAR.

971

now culled Palmer'a bland, near the mouth of Cushnet River, where he lield
hiiQ in gunrd until he could be safely conducted to Plimouth. About the
time JUdiompoin was killed, and Phib^a wife and son were taken. Church
gave him a captain's commission, after which he made several successful
expeditions. — We now pass to characters hitherto less known, though perhaps
of more interest

Very little was known of certain important characters among the friendly
Indians of Massachusetts, which should have by no means been overiooketl,
until the disc'-jry of Mr. Gookin'a manuscript history of the praying
Indians, not long since, and to which we have often referred already. We
shall, therefore, devote the remainder of the present chapter to their history

JOB KATTENANIT seems first to demand attention. He was a Christian
Indian, and lived some time at Natick, but was at one time a preacher at
Magunkog, and belonged originally, we believe, to Hassanamesit. However
that may have been, it is certain he lived there in the beginning of Philijp's
war, when that chiurs men made a descent u])on the place, with the intention
of carrying away those Christian Indians prisoners. Job made his escape
from them at this time, and came in to the English at Mendun. He had still
tlirec children in the enemy's hands, and he was willing to run any venture
to release them. He therefore applied for and obtained a pass, assuring him
safety, provided that, in his return, he should tiill into the hands of the Eng-
lish scouts. Besides liberating his children, consid«ral)le hopes were enter-
tained, that he might be enabled to furnish information ot the enemy. It
unfortunately happened, that, before he had passed the frontier, he lell in
with some English soldiers, who treated him as a prisoner, and an enemy,
even taking from him his clothes and gun, sending him to the governor of
Boston ; " who, more to satisfy the cltiniors of the people than for any offence
committed," assigned him to the commoi. juil, whore he suffered exceedingly;
himself and many others being crowded into a narnjw and filthy place. Af-
ter about three weeks, he was taken out and sent to Deer Island The clam-
ora of tlie people were indeed high at this time, and many accused Major
Gookin, who gave him the pass, of being guilty of furnishing tlie enemy with
intelligence.

After the Narraganset fight, 19 December, 1675, the English were very
anxious to gain information relative to the position of the enemy, and accord-
ingly instructed Major Gookin to use his endeavors to employ some friendly
Indian spies ; who, after considerable negotiation among those at Deer Island,
engaged Job again, and James Ouannapohit, alios Quanapaug. Their reward
Was to be /re pounds apiece ! They departed upon this service before day,
the 30th of December, and, during their mission, behaved with great pru-
dence, and brought valuable information to the English on their return ; but
which, from intestine bickerings among the English, turned to small
account.

James QuannopoTlt/ returned 24th of January following, nearly worn out and
famished ; having travelled about 80 miles in that cold season, upon snow-
shoes, the snow being very deep. The information which he gave was writ-
ten down by Major Gookin,* Among other matters, he stated that the ene-
my had taken up their quarters in different places, probably near Scattacook ;
and innny others, including the Nipmuks, about Menumesse. The Narra-
gansets hud not yet joined PhUip openly, hut while Jamu and Job were among
the Nipmuks, messengers arrived ftom Narraganset which gave them much
joy, for they expressed an ardent desire to join them and nUip in prosecut-
ing the war. They said their loss in tlie great swamp fight was small. In
three weeks, James learned, they would assault Lancaster, which acconlingly
camo to pass, upon the very day which he said tliey intended it. He
learned and thus divulged their plans to a great extent A circumstance now
occurred which obliged him to moke his escape, which was this: He found a
friend and protector in Mavtamp,\ one of the Nipmuk chiefs, who, it seems,

• Tlio snine published in Coll. Mats. Hist. Soe. 1. vi. 20(^—208.

t Tliu saini!, probably, called Netamnp, who was anerwards executed at Doston, ol lh#
Mine liiiiu with Sagamort-sam. See IhibbarJ, 35.

* * !

'r . . ,

t i

* u

1 1

! ""l

-i4

; 11

' I'M

272

KATTENANIT.

[Book III

intenderl shortly to visit Philip ; and insisted that Qmnnapohit should nc<
company him, and it was with no small difficulty he was able to eliitit; the
vigilant eye of Mautamp, and make his escape, which, however, was cffiTtcd
oiily by a cimninff stratagem, as follows :— He told Mavtamp that lie had
ibught agninst Phuip in the commencement of the war, and that Philip knew
him, and that, unless he could go to him with some important trophy, Philip
would not believe him, and would immediately kill him. And moreover,
Tukapeioillin had privately told him that Philip had given out word that cer-
tain praying hidians should be sought after, and, if possible, seized and
brought to him ; for he wanted to put them to death in a cruel manner, with
his own hands, and that ht was one of them. He therefore told Mautamp
that he would go, in the first place, and kill some English, and take tlinr
heads along with him, and then he should consider himself safe. Tiiis
being consented to, he lost no time in retracing bis steps to the frontiers of
the English.

He mentions Monaco, or One-tyed-john, as a great cajituin among the ene-
my, who also treated him kindly, and entertained him in his wigwam during
his stay there ; they being old acquaintance, having served together in their
wars against the Mohawks, ten years before.*

And here also Mr. Gookin gives a favorable accoimt of Monaco. Philip had
ordered that the persons above named should be brought to him, if taken
alive, "that he might put them to some tormenting death, which had hithetlo
been prevented by the care and kindness of a great captain among tnem,
named John-with-one-eye, belonging to Nashua,! who had civilly treated and

Erotected Jamu, and entertained him at his wigwam, all the time of his
eing there." J

Jbo was requested to come away with Qtianapohit, but saw no way of
getting away his children, which was a main oliject with him. He knew,
too, that James could give all the information thev both possessed at tliat
|)criod, and not considering himself in imminent danger, i)referred to tarry
longer.

At VVanexit, or Manexit, they fell in with seven Indians, who took them
and conveyed tliem about twenty miles, across the path leading to Connecti-
cut, northward from Quabaog. These were some of the Quahmsits and
Segunesits. At this place were three towns which contained about 'iOO
warriors well armed. Here they were threatened with death, their mission
being truly guessed. But going to the wigwam of One-eyed-john, " Sagamore
of Nashua," or A/onoco, he charged his gun and said, "I will kill whom-
soever shall kill Quanapohit."^ Some said he had killed one of Philip's
coimsellors || at Mount Hope, and Philip had hired some to kill him ; also
James Speeri, Andrew PUimy, Captain Hunter, Thomas Quanapohit, and Peter
Ephraim. On being ordered to visit PhUip, " Job and he pretended to go out
a hunting, killed tliree dear quickly, and perceiving they were dogged by
some other Indians, went over a pond and lay in a swamp till before day, and
when they had prayed together he ran away." Job was to return to the
enemy, and tell them that Jam^Ji ran away because they had threatened to
kill him. Job, not being particularly obnoxious to them, concluded to
remain longer for the end of ransoming uid children, as we have said. He
returned to the English in the night of the 9th of February, and said, aa
James had before, that on the next day Lancaster would be attacked, for he
knew about four hundred of the enemy were alreaJy on their march, and it
BO result(<d. He further informed the I jglish, that ihe enemy would shortly
attack McdHeld, Groton, Marlborough, and other placet;, and that the Nar-
raganscts hud joined Philip and the NipmiUcs.

While James was there, " a Narraganset brought t" th«5m one English head :
they shot at him, and said the Narragausets were tlie Lnglish friends all last

* or (his war we have given an accounl in Book II. chap. III.
t Called sagamore ofNiishua, iu Ihe Cotton manuscripts,
i Hist. Prating Indians,
y Rel'erriug probably, to Thebe. See Book III. chap. II.

f Colton Manuscript!.

Cup. VI.]

KATTET --'IT.

273

summer. Aftenvards two messengers came with twelve Iiradn, rravi:i<r
their assistance, they then accepted them." •

Before he left the enemy, he appointed a place of safety for his cliildrcn,
and sundry others of his friends, captured at Hassanamesit, whire he would
afterwards meet and conduct them to the English. lie therefore pititionrd
the council for liberty to meet them, which was granted. But lie now lind
new difficulties to encounter, owing to "the rude temper of those tinn s," as
one of the wise men of that age expressed it. f Although both thesf men
had acquitted ttiemselves to the entire satisfaction of the authorities who
sent them forth, yet the populace accused them of giving information to the
enemy, and that they were secretly their advisers, or else they lind not
returned m safety ; to appease which they were confined again to tiio island.
This so interfered with the time set by Job to meet his children and friends,
that great sufferings overtook them, as well as himself; and he knew r.ot
that ever he should have an opportunity to sec his children again. But it
much sooner happened, no doubt, than he expected, although in an indirect
way. About the time he was sent to the island, a vote passed in the general
court of Massachusetts, to raise an army of six hundred men, and Major
Thomas Savage was applied to, to conduct them in the war. He refused,
miless he coind have some of the friendly Indians from the island lor assist-
ants. On a messenger being sent among them, a'tx of their principal and
bravest men volunteered in that service, among whom was Job Kattenunit.
The army marched about the first of March, 1(J75, O. S. But when at Marl-
borough, Job got liberty of Major Savat^e and Major-general Denison, to
attempt the finding of his frientts and children, whom he had aj)pointcd to
meet near Hassanamesit. When it was known to Captain Mosibi, he liehaved
himself very unbecoming towards the commanding officer, and nothing but
his populiuity with the army saved his reputation. Indeed, his conduct
seems quite as reprehensible as that of a more modem Indian hunter in the
Floridas, which all friends of humanity joine»l to condemn. Moaeli/, it
appears, would place no confidence in any Indian, and doubtless thought he
was acting for the best interests of the country. He urged that it was a
most impolitic measure to suffer any Indian to go away at this time, knowing
their natural treacheronsness ; and he doubted not but Job (although a tried
friend) would inform the enemy of the approach of the army, which woidd
frustmte all their designs. The great ascendency which this officer held in
the army cr Vst be understood by a sim[)le statement of the fact, that Major
Savage and vj..aeral Denison were obliged to send after Job before the
soldiery would cease their clamors. Captain IVadsicorth and Captain Syll,
accompanied by James Quannapohit, went in pursuit with the utmost speed.
But they did not overtake him, and he soon retunied to the army without
finding his friends; they, from fear of discovery, having changed their
p'ace, the time having been much longer than was set, and their consequent
sufferings were indescribable.

We snail only add here concerning them, that they afterwards fell into
the hands of a party of English, who treated them in a savage manner,
taking every thing from them. But when they were brought to Major
Savage, he t aated them kindly, and had them sent to Boston, all except four,
who ran away from Marlborough, where they stopped for the night, from
the fear of being murdered, some of the people so abused and insulted them.
\bout two months after that, they were found and brought in by JVepanet
Finally, Job recovered all his children, and, mairyiug again, lived happily.
His wife was one of those whom he had managed to deliver out of tlie
hands of the enemy at such hazard and pains. She had, during their wan-
derings, nursed and kept alive tiis children, one, especially, which was rery
young.

Wlien the Hassanamesits went off with the enemy, James (^uantiapohU
was in the neighborhood with the English forces. Ca|ituin Sj/ll sent out a
Bcojt, and James and Elizer Pegin accompanied. Seven of the enemy were

* Cotton Manuicripts.

t Major Daniel Oookin, wlio was at least a hundred years in advance of that ago.

i> !

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I.- I

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1 'hii

274

EMBASSY TO THE NIPMUCKS.

lU'iOK IIL

Sit ;

: ' ■ li

» *

soon discovered, one of whom was leading an English prisoner. They
discovered the English scout, and fled. Jamu and £/uer pursued them, and
recovered the prisoner, whose name was Christopher Muaiin, who had been
taken from Marlborough. James also took one of the enemy's guns.*

The English having, by means of spies, as in the preceding life w.e have
stated, learned the state of feeling among their enemies, felt themoelves
prepared, as the spring of 1676 advanced, to make overtures to them for
peace, or an exchange of prisoners, or both, as they might be found inclined.

Tom Nepanet was fixed upon as plenipotentiary' in this business. And,
although uqjustly suffering with many of his bretliren upon a bleak island
in Boston harbor, consented, at the imminent risk of his life, to proceed to
meet the Indians in the western wilderness, in the service, and for the
benefit, of those who had caused his sufferings.

JVepanet set out, 3 April, 1676, to make overtures to the enemy for the re-
lease of prisoners, especially the family of Mr. Rowlandson, which was taken
at Lancaster, retumea on the 12 following, with a written answer from the
enemy, aay'mg," fVenou give answer by this one man, hut tf you like my anstver
sent one more man besides this one Tom Nepanet, and send with all true heart
and ivith aU your mind by two men ; because you know and tve know your heart
great sorrowful with crying for your lost many many hundred man and all your
nousf and all your land and umman child and cattle as all your thtr^ thai you
have lost and on your backside stand.

Signed by Sam, Sachem,
KuTqcEN, and
QuANOHiT, Sagamores.
Peter Jethro, scribe.

At the same time, and 1 conclude in the same letter, they wrote a few
words to others, as follows : **Mr. Rowlandson, your wife ami all your child is
well but one dye. Your sister is well and her 3 child. John Kittell, your wife
and all your child is all well, and all them prisoners taken at JS/ashua is all
well.

Mr. Rowlandson, aeyour loving sister his hand p Hanah.
^nd old Kettel wif his hand. -f-

Brolher Rowlandson, pray send thre pound of Tobacco for tne, if you can my
loving husband pray send mre pound of tobacco for me.

" This writing ay your enemies — Samuel Uskattuhgun and Gunrashit, two
Indian sagamores."

Mi-8. Rowlandson, in her account of " The Sixteenth Remove," relates, that
when they had waded over Baquaugf River, "Quickly there came up to us
an Indian who informed them that I must go to Wachuset to my master, for
there was a letter come from the council to the saggamores about redeeming
the captives, and that there would be another in 14 days, and that I must be
there ready." J This was doubtless after the letter just recorded had been
sent to the English. " About two days after," Mrs. R, continues, " came a
compcny of Indians to us, near 30, all on horseback. My heart skipt within
me, thi*^(king they had been Englishmen, at the first sight of them : For they
were dj-essed in English apparel, with hats, white neck-cloths, and sashes
aboi.t their waists, and ribbons upon tlieir shoulders. But when they came
near, there was a vast difference between the lovely faces of Christians, and
the foul looks of those heathen, which much damped my spirits again." §

Having, after great distress, arrived at Wachuset, our authoress adds,
" Then came Tom and Peter with the second letter from the council, about
the captives." " I asked them how my husband did, and aU my friends and

* Gockin's MS. Hist. Clirlslian Indians.

t Or PayqiuiE^e, now Miller's River, Its confluence with the Connecticut is bctweeu
Norlhfield and Alonlnpue.

J Nnrrative of her Captivity, 69.

\ Iliid.'GO. The regimeiiials in wiiirli thcv were now tricked out, were probably takea
(rom the English whnm llicy iiad killed in battle.

Chap. VI.J

NEPANET.— SECOND EMBASSY.

34a

acquaintance. They sniti tliey were well, but vrrj- mclaiiclioly." Tliey
brought her two l)i.«cuits and a |>onnd of toltncco. The tobnrco kIio irave to
the lu'liaiiii, and, when it whs all gone, one tlircatenecl her because she hnd
no mire to give; proimhiy not lielieving her. Slie told him when her
htiflbnnd came, she would give him some. "Hang him, rogue, says he, 1
will knock out his brains, if lie comes here." "Again, at the same breath,
they would say, if there should come an bundre<l without guns they would
do them no lunt. So unstable an«l like madmen they were." • There hnd
been somethuig talked about Mr. Bowlandson'i going himself to ansom his
wife, but she says she dared not send for him, " for tliere was little more .
trust to them tlian to the master they served." •

^1 panel learned by the enemy that they lost in the fight when Capt. Peirst
^vns killed, " scores of their men that sablmth day."t

As they refused to treat with Tom JVeparut (.lone, Pdtr Conitxtrf was joined
with him on a second expedition, as we have seen, which led to several
others, to which some English ventun>d to add themselves, which resulted ia
the redemption of Mrs. Rowlandaon and several otliers.

" When the letter was come, (says Mrs. R.\ the saggamores met to consult
about the captives, and called me to tliem, to inquirt how much my huslmnd
would give to redeem me : When I came and sjit down among them, as I was
wont to do, as their manner is : Then they bid me stan<l up, and said they
wen the general court. They bid me speak what I tliought he wouUl give.
Now knowing that all that we had was destroyed by the Indians, I was in a
great strait." J She ventured, however, to say £20, and Tom and Pdtr Ijore
the offer to Bo5>ton.

Of their return the same WTiter proceeds: "On a sabbath day, the sun
being about s hour high in the atlcrnoon, came Mr John Hoar, (the council
pennitting him, and his own forward spirit inclhiing him,) together with the
two fore-mentioned Indians, Tom and Peter, with the tliird letter from the
council. When they came near, I was abroad ; they presently called me in,
and bid me sit down, and not stir. Then they catched up their guns and
away they ran, as if an enemy had been at hand, and the gims went off
apace. I manifested some great trouble, and asked them what was the
matter. I told them I thought they had killed the Englishman ; (for they
had in the mean time told me that an Englishman had come ;) they said, JVo,
they shot over hia horse, and under, and before his horse, and they pushed him this
way and that way, at their pleasure, showing him what they could do."§

They would not at first suffer her to see Mr. Hoar, but when they had
gratified their tantalizing whim sufficiently, she was permitted to see him.
He brought her a pound of tobacco, which she sold for nine shillings. " The
next morning, Mr. Hoar invited the saggamores to dinner; but when wo
went to get it ready, we found they had stolen the greatest part of the provis-
ions Mr. Hoar had brought. And we may see the wonderful power of God,
in that one passage, in that, when there was such a number of them together,
and so greedy ot a little good food, and no English there but Mr. Hoar and
myself, that there they did not knock us on the head, and take what we had ;
there iieing not only some provision, but also trading cloth, a part of the
20 pounds agreed uiion : But instead of doing us any mischief, they seemed
to be ashamed of tlie fact, and said it was the matckit [bad] Lidians that
did it." H

It is now certain that this negotiation was the immediate cause of their
final overthrow. For before this time the Pokanokets and Narragonsetts
went hand in hand against their conunon enemy, and they were the most
powerful tribes. Tliis parleying with the English was so detestable to Philip,
that a separation took place among these tnbes m consequence, and he an<l
tin; xVarragansets se|Kiratod themselves from the Nipitiiiks, and other inland
tribes, and went off to their own country. Tills was die reason they were
so easily subdued at^er the separation took place.

" Nnrralive of lier Captivity, 64, bd.
X Narrative, ut ««oro, 65.

t Manuscripts of Rev. J. Cotton.
Ibid. 7!, TO. II Ibid. 72. 73.

m»

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276

PETER EPHRAIM^QU.VNAPOHIT.

il!on& III.

■> "1/

It wnR tlimiigli JS/epaneCa means that a |)arty of English, under Captnin
//encAman, were eiinltkd to surprise a body of'liis coiintrynie.i at Wesliakom*
I'onds near Lancaster, 30 May, 1G76. Fx)llo>vin|; in a track pointed oui hy
J^'epanet, the Indians were fallen upon while fisliing, and, being <>ntireiy nn-
prepared, seven were killed, and 2J) taken, cliieflv women and children.

PETER-EPHRAIM and ANDREVV-PITYME were also two other
considerably distinguished Nipmuk Indians. They rendered much sen ice
to the English in Philip's war. They went out in January, 1676, and brought
in many of the Nipnets, who had endeavored to shelter themselves under
Uncaa. But, Mr. Hubbard observes, that Uncaa, having "sliabl)ed" them off,
" they were, in the beginning of the winter, [1676,] brongiit in to Boston,
many of them, by Pe/er-epAraim and Jindrcw-pitymtP Ephraim commanded
an Indian company, and had a commission from governnient. The news
that many of the enemy were doing mischief about Rehohoth caused a jiarty
of English of Medfield to march out to their relief; Ephraim went with
them, with his company, which consisted of 29. The snow being deep, the
English soon grew discouraged, and returned, but Captain Ephraim continued
the inarch, and came upon a body of them, encamped, in tne night. Early
the next morning, he successfully surrounded them, and offered them quar-
ter. " Eight resolute fellows refused, who were presently shot;" the others
yielded, and were brought in, being in number 43. Other minor exploits of
this Indian ca])tain are recorded.

THOMAS QUANAPOIirr, called also Rumney-marsh, was a brother of
James, and was al&o a Christian Indian. In the beginning of hostdities
against Philip, Major Gookin received orders to raise a company of praying
Indians to be employed against him. This company was immediately
raised, and consisted of 52 men, who were conducted to Mount Hope by
Captain Isaac Johnson. Quanapohit was one of these. The officers under
wiiom they served testified to their credit as faithful soldiers ; yet many of
the army, officers and men, tried al! in their power to bring them into disre-
l)ute with the country. Such proceedings, we should naturally coii'^lude,
would tend much to dishearten those friendly Indians ; but, on the contrarj',
they used every exertion to win tlic affections of their oppressors. Qitana-
pohit, with the other two, received from government a reward for the scalps
which they brought in. Though not exactly in order, yet it must be men-
tioned, that when Thomas was out, at or near Swnnscv, in the beginning of
the war, he by accident had one of his han«ls shot oft He was one of the
troopers, and carried a gun of remarkable length. The weather being ex-
cessively hot, his horse was very uneasy, being disturbed by flies, and struck
the lock of the gun as the breech rested ui)on the ground, and caused it to
go off, which horribly mangled the hand that held it ; and, notwithstanding
it was a long time in getting well, j'et he renilered great sen'ice in the war
afterward. The account of one signal exploit tiaving teen preserved, shall
here be related. While Cap'ain henchman was in the enemy's country, he
made an excursion from Haosanamesit to Packachoog, which lies about ten
milts north-west from it. Meeting here with no enemy, he marched again
for JIassanamesit ; and havir^^ got a few miles on his way, discovered that
he had lost a tin case, which contained his commission, and other instructions.
He therefore despatched Thomas and two Englishmen in search of it. They
made no discovery of the lost article until they came in sight of an old wig-
wam at Packachoog, where, to their no small surprise, they discovered some
of the enemy in possession of it. They were but a few rods from them, and
being so few in number, that to have given them battle would have been
ilesperate in the extreme, as neither of them was armed for such an occasion ;
slnitugem, therefore, could only save them. The wigwam was situated upon
an eminence ; and some ware standing in the door, when they approached,
who discovered them as soon as they came in sight. One presented hia
gun, but, the weather being stonny, it did not go ofK At this moment our
chief, looking back, called, and made many gestures, as though he wore dis^
posing of a large force to encompass thei.i. At this manceuvre they all fled

• Roger Williams scls dowc sea as ihe dcliiiilioii of WecMrmu

Chap. VII.]

PASSACONAWAY.

277

being six in number, leaving our heroes to pursue their object Thus their
preservation was due to Ouanapohit ; and is tiie more to be admired, as thry
were in so far destitute of the ini-ans of defence. Captain Quanapohit liad
himself only a pistol, and one of his men a gun wttliout a flint, and tiie
other no gun at rU,*

It was about ti. a time these events occurred, that Captain Tom, of whom
we have spoken, his daughter, and t\\ o cliildren, were taken by a scout sent out
by Captain HenchmarXy about 10 miles soutii-east of Marlborough. They appear
to have been token on the 11 June, and on the 2G of tlie same month Captain
Tom was executed.

CHAPTER Vn.

Of the Indians in Jfeie Hampshire and Maine previi^ts to their roars with the whites —
Dominions of the baaluiba — Perishes in tear — I'AssACo.NAWAy — ///* dominions —
Jlis last speech to his people — His life — His daughter rmirries Wtnnapurket — Peti-
tions liu court of Mass -.husetls — Lands allotted to h'm — English send a force to
disarm him — Their fears of his enmity unfounded — they seize and ilUreal his son-
He 'iscapes — Passaconaway delivers his arms, and makes peace with the English —
Traditions concern'ng — Life of Wannalancet — His situation in Philip's war —
Messengers and letters sent him by the English — Leaves his residence — His humanity
— Fate of JosiAii Nouei. — IViuuiaJanett returns to his country — His lands seized
in his absence — He again retires Into the toUdtrness — Moselu destroys his village,
^c. — Imprisoned for debt — Favors Christianity — A speech — Wehanownowit,
suchcm of JVcto Hampshire — RoBiNiioon — His sales of land in Maine — Monqiiine
— Kennebis — AssiMiNASQUA — Abbigadasset — Their residences and sales of land
— Melancholy fate of Chocobua.

Some knowledge of the Indians eastward of the Massachusetts was
very early obtained by Captain John Smith, which, however, was very
general ; as that they were divided into several tribes, each of which had
their own sachem, or, as these more northern Indiana pronounced tttat
word, sachemo, which the English understood sagamore ; and yet all the
'Biichemos acknowledged subjection to one still greater, which they called
bashalxi.

Of the dominions of the bashaba, >vriters differ much in respect to their
extent. Some suppose that his authority did not extend this side the Pas-
cataqua, but it is evident that it did, from Captain SmiWa account.f Wars
and pestilence had greatly wasted the eastern Indians but a short time before
tl ^ English settled ui tlie country ; and it was then difficult to determine the
relation the trit>es had stood in one to the other. As to the '.rashaba of Penob-
scot, traditidn nates that he was killed by the Tarratines, who lived still
fiir»her east, in a war which wiis at its heigiit in 1615.

PASSACONAWAY seems to have been a bashaba. He lived upon the
Merrimack River, at a place called PennaJcook, and his dominions, at the

fteriod of the English settlements, were very extensive, even over the sachems
iving upon the Fuscatuqua and its branches. The Abenaques inhabited
between the Pascataqua and Penobscot, and the resilience of the chief
sacheni was upon Indian Island.^ Fludkn and Captain Sunday were early
known as chiefs among tiie Abenaques, and Sqtiando at a later' period; but

* Gookin's MS. Hist. Praying Indians.

t •' The princiijal habitations 1 saw at northward, was Penobsool, who are in wars with the
Tercntines, their .t^xI northerly neighbors. Southerly up the rivers, and along the coast, we
found Mecadacut, Segocket, Pemmaquid, Nusconcus, Sagndahnck, Salquin, Aumau<rhraw-
^cn and Kenabera. To those belong the countries and people of Segotago, Pauhunlanuck,
Pocopassum, Taughtanakagnet, >Vabigganus, Nassaque, Masherosqueck, Wawrigwick,
Moshoquen, Waccogo, Pasharanack, &c. To those are allied in confederacy, the countries
of Aucocisco, Accominticus, Passalaquak, Augawoam and Nacmkeek, all these, for any
thing could perceive, differ little in language or any ihin^ ; though most of thcin be sngainos
and lords of themselves, yet they hold the bashahes of Penobscot the chief and greatest
BmoPffst them." 3 Coll. M,tst. Hist. Soc. iii. 21, 22.

\ tlllliamson't Hist. Maine, li. 4.

'^%:

111

.^11

■f -,

'■■ii

t .-14^

41 •

(

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•

278

PA8SACONAWAY.

[OnoK III.

of tiii'Be we Blmll Ite more particular hereafter : the first war hem mo sliniili]
notice is Paasaconaway. lie " lived to a very great age ; for," suyB the aiitlior
Oi' my iMaiui8cri|)t, "1 saw him alive at Pawtiickct, when he was nhoiit
huiiilrcd aiid twenty yoars old."* Before his death, he delivered th»> follow-
ing 8|)ucch to Ilia children and friends : ** I am now going the way ofallJltsK, o»
rcadij to die, and not likely to see you ever meet together any more, iwill now Itnvt
this word of counsel with you, thcd you mau take heM how you quarrel with the English,
for though you may do them much mischief, yet assuredly you will all be destroyed^
and rooted off the earth if you do ; for, I was as much an enemy to the English, at
their frst corning into these parts, as any one whatsoever, and did try all xcays and
means possible, to have destroyed them, at least to have prevented them settling down
here, but I could no way tj^ect it ; therefore I advise you never to contend with th*
English, nor make war wUh them." And Mr. Hubbard adds, " it is to he noted,
tJiut this Passaconawa was tlie most noted powow and sorcerer of all the
country."

A story of the marriage of a daughter of Passaconaway, in 1029, is thus
related. Winnepvrket, commonly called George, sachem of Saugus, made
known to the chief of Pcunakook, tliat he desu'ed to marry his daughter,
which, being agreeable to all parties, was soon consnnunated, at the resi-
dence of Passaconaway, and the hilarity was closed with n great feast. Ac-
cording to the usages of the chiefs, Passaeonaumy ordered a select number of
his men to accompany the new-married couple to the dwelling of the
husband. When they had arrived there, several days of feasting followed,
for the entertainment of his friends, who could not be present at the con-
summation at the bride's father's, as well as for the escort ; who, when this
was ended, returned to Pennakook.

Some time after, the wife of fVinnepurket, expressing a desire to visit her
father's house and friends, was permitted to go, and a choice company con-
ducted her. When she wished to return to Tier husband, her father, instead
of conveying her as before, sent to the young sachem to come and take her
awav. Ae took this in high dudgeon, and sent his father-in-law this answer:
** when she departed firom me, I caused my men to escort her to your dwell-
ing, as became a chieC She now having an intention to return to me, I did
expect the same." The elder sachem was now in his turn angry, and
returned on answer which only increased the difference ; and it is believed
that thus terminated the connection of the new husband and wife.f

This same year, [16G2,] we find the general court acting upon a petition
of Passaconaway, or, as his name is spelt in the records themselves, Papiase-
coneioay. The petition we have not met with, but from the answer given to
it, 've learn its nature. The court say : " In answer to the petition of
Papisseconeway, this court judgeth it mecte to graunt to the said Papisseeone-
way and his men or associates about Naticot, % above Mr. Brenton^a lands,
where it is free, a mile and a half on either side Merremack Riuer in breadth,
three miles on either side in length : provided he nor they do not alienate
any pait of this grant without leave and license from this court, first
oljtained.'^

Governor Winikrop mentions this chief as early as 1632. One of his men,
having gone with a white man into the country to trade, was killed by
another Indian " dwelling near the Mohawks country, who fled away with
his goods ; " but it seems from the same account, that Passaconaway pursued
and took the murderer. In 1642, there was great alarm throughout the
English settlements, from the belief that all the Indians in the country were
about to make a general massacre of the whites. The government of Mas-
such usetts took prompt measures "to strike a terror into the Indians." They
tlierefore " sent men to Cutshanukiny at Braintree, to fetch him and his guns^

* Gookin's Hist, of Praying Indians. This history was drawn up during the year 1677,
and iiow long before this the author saw him, is unknown ; but there can be no doubt but he
was dead some years before Philip's war. Nevertheless, with Mr. Hubbard and our text
lii'i'nrc him, the author of Tales of the Indians has made Pittsaconaway appear in the persoi
of Aspinquid, in 1682, at Agamentacus in Maine.

t licdiiceil from facts in Morton's N. Canaan.

i Auutlicr version of Nalium-keag.

Chap. VII,] WANNALANCET MADE PRISONER BY THE ENGLISH. 279

bo\VH, &c., which wuh done; and he canio willingly: And lH;ing hito in the
night wiien they cunin to HoHton, ho waa put into tho prison ; l>iit the noxl
inornin;;, tiiurm^, n|K)n cxanihiation of him and divers of hia men, no ground
of Huspiciun of Inn partaking in any such conttpiracy, ho wan diIllnis^H^d.
U|)ou the warrant wliich went to IpHwich, Rowley and Nt;wlinry, to disarm
PaasMonamij, wlio lived hy Merrinmck, thev sent forth 40 men armed the
next day." These English were liindereu from visiting the wigwam of
Paasaconaimy, l>y rainy weatlier, '* but they earne to his son's and took him."
This son wo presume waa fVannalancet. This they hud orders to do ; hut
for biking a squaw and her child, they had none, and wem orden-d to semi
fhein buck again immediately. Fearing WannnhinctCa 0!»ca|)<', they " led hini
in a lino, but he taking an opportunity, slip|K:d his line and csi-a|M;d trom
them, i)Ut one very indiscreetly made a shot at him, and niissctd him nar-
rowly." These were called, then, "unwarnmted proceedings," as we sliouhl
Bay they very well might have been. The English now had some actual
reason to feur that Paasaconatoay would resent tnia outrage, and thereliire
'^seiit Cutahamekin to him to let him know that what was done to his son
and squaw was without order," and to invite him to a |mrley at Koston ; also^
*^ to show him the occassion wht>rciipon we had sent to dis)>nn all tlie In-
dians, and that when we should fuid that they were innocent of any such
conspiracy, we would restore all their urma again." Pwimconnwni/ said wiien
he should have his son and squaw returned safe, he would go and sjieak
with them. The squaw waa so much frightened, that she ran away into the
woods, and waa absent ten days. It seems that Wannalancit wits soon lib-
erated, as he within a short time went to the English, " and (h^livered up his
guns, &c."* These w re the circumstances to which A/uin/unnontoA alluded
60 happily afterwards.

At a court in Massachusetts in ll>44, it is stud, " Passaconaioau, the Merri-
mack sachem, came in and submitted to our government, as Pumluiiti, &c.
had done before ;" and the next year the same entry occurs again, with
the addition of his son's submission also, " together with their lands and
people." t

This cliief is supposod to have died about the same time with Massasoit,
a sachem whom in many respects he seems to have much resembled. \ He
was often styled the great sachem, and, according to Mr. Hubbard, was con-
siilercd a great powwow or sorcerer among his people, and his fame in this
respect was very extensive ; and we know not that there was any thing that
they thought him not able to perform : that he could cause a green leaf to
grow in winter, trees to dance, and water to burn, seem to have been ibutii
of common notorietv in" his time.

WANNALANCET, or IVnnolancel, in obedience to tho advice of his father,
always kept peace with the English. He resided at an ancient seat of tiio
sagamores, upon the Merrimack, colled at that time JVaamktke, but from
whence he withdrew, in the time of the war with Philip, and took up liis
quarters among the Pennakooks, who were also his people.

About the beginning of September, 1675, Captain Mosebf, with aliout 100
men, was ordered to march up into the country of the Merrimack to ascertain
the state of aftiurs under Wannaiancet. These men scouted in warlike array
as far as Pennakook, now Concord, N. H. They could not find an Indian,
but came upon their wigwams, and burned them, and also a quantity of dried
fish and other articles. Although this was a most wanton and unwarrantable,
not to say unnecessary act of these whites, yet no retaliation took place on
the part of the Indians. And whether to attribute their forbearance to cow-
ardice, or to the great respect in which the dying adviceof PavracoTwaj^ wag

• ^VitUhTop's Journal. f Ibid.

\ Among other stanzhs in Farmer and Moore't Collections, the following very happily
introduces Pauaconaaoay :—

" Once did my throbbing bosom deep receive
The tketch, which one of Pattaconateay drew.
Well may the muse his memory retrieve
From dark oblivion, and, with pencil true,
Retouch that pictuie strange, with tints and honor* due."

1-^^;

-1

• ''•■rn
t.i

280

WANNALANCET.— INDIANS SEIZED AT DOVER. [Book m

held, 18 lint rrrtaiii ; for Ifanalarwd and his men had notice of the approach
of Moseli/, and lay ironcfulod while ho wus dostroying tlicir eflccts ; and
iiii;;iit liuvc cut oil' IiIh coinpiiiiy, which the young warriors advised, but
ft'atnuduncel would not pt;riiiit u gun to bo fired.

Having; nbuiidant rvuHon now to foar the resentment of the Pa^vtiickctt and
Pcnnakouk Indians, the council of Mussachusetts,? Scptcmlicr, 1075, ordered
that Lieutenant Thomita Ihnchntan, of Cheliiisford, should send some messen-
gers to tiiid him, and persuade him of their friendship, and ur^e his return to hia
place of residence. With tiiis order, u letter was sent to fyannalancet at tho
siimu time. 'J'hey are as follows : "It is ordered liy the council that Lieut
Tho*. Henehnutn do forthwith endeavor to ]>roci're by hire, one or twa
Buitjibie Indiana of VVamesit, to travel and seek to find out and speidc with
fVannalancet the sachem, and carry with thciii a writing from the council,
beiii|( a safe conduct unto tho said suchem, or any other priiicipid men be-
longing to Natuhook, I'enagooge, or other people of those northern Indians,
giving (not exceeding six persons) free liberty to come into the house of tho
said Henchman, where the council will apiioint Cupt Gookin and Mr. £/to< to
treat with them aliout terms of amity anu peace between tiiem and the Eng-
lish ; and in case agreements and conclusions lie not mudc to mutual satis-
fhctinii, tlien the suid sachem and all others that accompany him shall have
free liberty to return buck again ; and this ofler the council are induced to
make, because the said /Vannalancet sachem, us they arc informed, hath de-
dai'ed himself that the Engli.^h never did any wrong to him, or his father
Pa3saconaway,lwt always liveO in amity, and ihat his father charged him so to
do, and that said Ifannalancet will not begin to do any wrong to the English."
The Ibllowing is t,'ie letter to IVantialancet : —

" This our writin<r or safe conduct doth declare, that the governor and
council of Massachusetts do give you and every of you, provided you exceed
not six iiersons, free liberty of coming unto and returning in safety from
the house of Lieut. T. Henchman at Noamkoake, and there to treat with
Capt. Danid Gookin and Mr. John Eliot, whom you know, and [whom] we
will fully empower to treat and conclude with you, upon such meet terms
and articles of friendship, amity and subjection, as were formerly made and
concluded between tho English and old Pasaaconaway, your father, and his
sons and people ; and for this end we have sent these messengers [blank in
the MS.] to convey these unto you, and to bring your answer, whom we
desire you to treat kindly, and speedily to despatch them Imck to us with
your answer. Dated iii Boston, 1 Oct 1(375. Signed by order of the
council. John Leverett, Gov.

Edw I. Ratoson, Seer."

The messengers who went out with this letter, to find fVannalancet, could
not meet with him, but employed another to find him, and returned ; and
whctluT he ever received it is not distinctly stated. However, with a few
followers, he retired into the wilderness near the source of the Connecticut,
and there passed the winter. The next summer he was joined by parties of
Ni[)miiks under Sagamore sam, One-eifed-john, and others, who, coming in
with him, were in liopea of receiving pardon, but their fate has lM*ea
stated.

Major fFaldron of Cochecho had many Lidians in his interest during the
war with Philip. Some of these were employed to entice men from tho
enemy's ranks, and they succeeded to a great extent And by the beginning
of September, 1(376, about 400 Indians, from various clans fur and near, had
been induced to come into Dover. Among these was fVannalancet and hia
company. They came without hesitation, as they had never been engaged
in the war; and many who had been engaged in hostility came along with
them, presuming they might be overlooked in the crowd, and so escape the
vengeance of their enemies ; but they were all made prisoners on the 6 Sep
temlier by a stratagem devised by several officers, who with their men hap
pened then to be at Dover with fValdron, and somewhat more than half of
the whole were sold into foreign slavery or executed at Boston : about 200
were of the former number.

CHAf. VII.]

WANNALANCET RETIRES TO CANADA.

281

The Btrntnfrem macio use of to trcnnn thoiie Indians was as followH: It wiu
propoHi'd l>y the Kn^lisli tlint tliey Blionid join with tlie IndiiuiH in a trninin^',
and iiiive 8iinni-fi;:htti. While prrfonnin^' their cvohitionH, u inovt-niiiit \vt\a
nind*- liy the wiiitcH, wiiicji rntirely snrroiUKlcd tho Indiuni*, und tlity were
all 8(>cnn><l without violence or hlnodnhed.

On tlie 3 May, 1G7(), Thomas Kiinhal of Krudfurd was killed, and liiH wife
and five children carried into the wildern<'t<s. From th<> rircnniHtanee that
H'annalancH caused them to l>e sent home to their friends again, it would
■eeni that tiioy were taken by some of the enemy within his 8acheni<lom, or
by gome over whom he had nome control. From a mannm-ript written about
the time,* we are able to make the following e.xtnict, which goi'8 to show
tliat IVannnlanctt was ever the friend of the English, and also his disposition
to humane actions. Mr. Cvbhet says, "thou^di she [Mrs. Kimbiil,] and her
sucking child were twice condemned bv the Indians, ami the hres ready
made to burn them, yet, both times, saved by the recpiest of one of tiieir own
grandees ; and allerwards by the intercession of the 8.-ichem of Fennicook,
stirred nit thereunto by Major If'tddron, was she and her five children, together
with Philip Eastman of Haverhill, Uikeii captive when she and lier children
were, s<.'t at liberty, without ran.^'om."

The 400 Indians surprised at Cochecho, by Hnlhonie, Frost, Sill, and ff'al-
dron, included Wannalancd with his jieople, who did not pn)bably exceed
lOO. This chief, then, witii a \Vw of his people, being set at liberty, was per-
suaded to return to his former residence at ISaamkeke, but he never felt rec-
onciled here aAerwards, ibr it had i)ecome almost as another place: sonio
Lwless whites had sei/.ed upon his huvU, and looked upon him with envious
eyes, as though he bad been an intrudi;r und had no rigiit there. lie, however,
contimied for about a year afterwards, when, upon the 19 Septcndier, 1677,
he was visited by a party of Indians from Canada, who urged him to accom-
pany them to their country', lie finally consented, and wiih all of his people,
«\Kce|)t two, in number about .W, of whom not above eight were men, depart-
ed for Canada, and was not heard of after, t

It was on this veiy same day, viz. It) September, that a party of Indians fell
u])<>n Hatfield, the particidars of which irruption, though in one view of the
case tJoes not strietly beloii" to the life of ff'annalancet, we give here in the
words of Mr. Hubbard. \ " About Sept. lOth, 40 or 50 River Indians § fell sud-
deidy i.pon the town of Hatfield, whose iidiabitants were a little too secure,
and too i.<;udy to say the bitterness of death was past, because they had neither
wen nor Leard of an enemy in those parts for half a year before. Hut ut this
;imp,as a considerable number of the inhabitants of that small village were
smployed in raising the frame of an bouse without the palisadoes, that defend-
jd their houses from any sudden incursions of the enemy, they were violent-
ly and suddenly assaidted by 40 or 50 Indians, whom they were in no capacity
lo resist or defend themselves, so as several were shot down irom the top of
the house which they were raising, and sundry were carried away captive, to
the number of 20 or more, which was made up 24 with them they carried away
the s«me or the next day frotu Dcertield, whither some of the inhafntants had
unadvisedly too soon rotiuned. One of the company escaped out of their hands
two or three days after, who informed that they had passed with their \)oot
captives two or three times over the Connecticut to prevent being i)ursued."

At first this attack was su[)posed to have been made by a party of Mohawks,
according to Gookin, because it took phce the next day after some of that
natiokt had passed througli the ]iluce with come Christian Indians prisoners,
and a scalp, which was afterwards found to have been taken from the head
of an Indian named Josiak JVouel, \\ near Sudbury. But one of the captives

• By Rev. T. Cohbet of Ipswich.

t Gookin's MS. Hist. Praying Indians. % Hisl. N. England, G36.

^ They inhabited chiefly in New York along the Hudson ; a few in the N. W. corner of
Connecticut, and a few on the Housatunnuk River. Hopkin's Memoir of the Itoiisatunnuk
/ju/iu/w, p. 1.— " The Wabinga, sometimes called River Indians, sometimes Moliiranders,
and who had their dwellings between the west branch of Delaware and Huiison's River, from
Ihe Kittatinney ridge down to the Rarilon." Jefferson's Notes, 308.

y By his deatii lou- small children were left laihcrless. Nnuel and James Sjxxh had bcei

24*

, It

wi<\

m I.

282

ASHPELON.— STOCKWELLS CAPTIVITY.

[Uuiix III

taken at Hatfield escaped, and returned soon aftnr, and reported that the com-
pany of Indians tliat attacked Hatfield consisted of 23 men and focir women,
and were some of those wlio had belonged to Philip's party, but liad taken
up their residence in Canada, from whence tliey made tliis exjiedition.*
Another |)arty lefl Canada at the same time, who, after separating fi-oin the
former, directed their course towards Merrimack, and tlii% was the company
who persuaded or com[)elled tVanrudancet to go with them. That lie went
not by compulsion is very probable ; for the party with whom he went off
" were liis kindred and relations, one of them was his wife's brother, and his
eldest son also lived with the French " in Canada, f

While at Pawtucket, and not long before his final departure, H'annalancd
went to the Reverend Mr. Fwfcc of Cheli/<8ford, and inquired of him con-
cerning the welfare of his ibrmer acquaintances, and whether the place had
sufTered much during the war. Mr. Fiske onswcred that they had been
highly favored in that respect, and for which he thanked God. " Me next,"
said the chief, thereby intiinutiug that he was conscious of having prevented
mischief from failing upon them. I

In 1059, IFanruilansit was t^irown into pvisoii i"or a debt of about £45. His
people, who owned on island in Meiiimack River, three miles above Paw-
tuckett Fulls, containing GO .icres, half of which was under cultivation,
relinquished it, to obtain his release. About 1670, he removed to Pawtiickctt
Foils, where, u|)on an eminence, Ik built a fort, and resided until Philip's
war. He was about 55 yeora of age in 1674 ; always friendly to the English,
but unwilling to be inqmituned about adopting their religion. When he had
cot to be very old, however, he submitted to their desires in that rt'spcct.
Upon that occasion he is rojwrted to have said, " / must acknowledge I have all
my days been used to pass in an old canoey and now you exhort me to change and
Uave my old canoe and embark in a new one, to which I have hitherto been umvill-
ing, but now I yield up myself to your advice, and enter into a new canoe, and
do engage to pray ti God hereajler.

Reverend John Eliot tlius writes to tlie Honorable Robert Boyle § in Englond,

together but half an hour before the former was killeil, and by appointment were lo have met
again. But when Spetn came lo the place, he could lind nothing' of his fricud. They were
brothers-in-law,,

• It seems fi^om the narrative of Quintin Stockwell, that the parly who oommilled this
depredation was led by a great and magnanimous sachem called ASHPELON, of whom,
further than the events of this famous expedition, I have learned nolhiag. " Sept. 19, 1G77,
about sunset," says Slock Dell, " I and nnothcr man being together, tlie Indians with great
shouting and shootmg came upon us, [at Dcerfield,] and some other of the English hard by, at
which we ran to a swamp for refuge ; wiiich they perceiving, nmdo after us, and shot at ur,
three guns being dischorged upon me. The swamp being ° y I slipt in and fell down ;
whereupon an bidian slept to me, with his hatchet lifted up >. icnock me on the head, sup-
posing I was wounded, and unfit for travel. It happened I had a pistol in my pocket, which
though uncharged, I presented to him, who presently slept back, and told me, if I would
yield I should nave no hurt ; boasted that (hey had destroyed ell Hatlield, and that the woods
were full of Indians ; whereupon 1 yielded myself" He was then taken back to Dcerfield,
where he was pinioned, and wiih other cnptives marched into the wilderness. Their suffer-
ings, as usual in Indian caplivily, were most cruel and severe : for many nights together they
were " slaked down " to the cold ground, in ihis manner : The captive being laid upon his
back, his arms and feet were extended, and with cords or withes lashed lo sinkes driven
into the ground for Inal purpose. ISesidos lashing the arms and legs, the neck and body were
also seciWcil in the same way, and often so tight as lo cause swemngs and the most excruci-
ating pains. Wliili- on their march, the captives had frequent opportunities of escaping
siiigTy, but wouUl hdI, (iir frar of endangering the lives of the rest } but at length Bevjamin
Stebhirts, in a journey with his Indian master lo Wachiiset hill, made his escape. When the
rest knew this, they were for burning the remaining captives, but some being opposed to the
measure, they agreed to have a court and debate Ihe subject. Ashpelon told the En,>vlish not
to fear, for he would speak last, and would frustrate the design of burning, for he would show
that it was not Stehhins's fault fur running away, but the fault of the Indian who had him in
charge ; and he brought it to pass, as ho had promised. Having at length arrived among the
French, Slitchnell was pawned lo on? of llicm, and in the end sold for SI beaver skins, and
■ome lime the next year got hor.te again. KepiarlcabU Prin-iihtirri. Hlovir'x Amerini, 221.

t Oonkhi's MS. History. t Al/en's Hisl. (•hclin>l<)r(l, 157.

^ For many years at the h"ad of the Society for Proprgiiiing the Gospel amoiig llic Inilians.
He was a grcni h.-ncfiirlor of N. England, and one of the (biuiders of the Royal Sociolv of
Loudon. He was by birth an Irishman, nut seuled finally aU'xturd, Englat i. He died in Lou

r> I

Chap. VII.]

WANNALANCET.

283

in li 77 : — "We had a sachem of the greatest blood in the country nubmitted
to pruy to God, a little bcfoi-e the wars : his name is fVanalauncei : in the
time of the wars he fled, by reason of the wiek<!d actings of some English
youth, who causelessly all"' 'uisely killed and woimded some of them. He
wus pcn^uaded to come i gain. But the English having plowed and sown
with rye all their lands, tiiey had but little corn to subsist by. A party of
French Indians, (of whom some were of the kindred of this sachem's wife,)
very lately fell ufion this people, being but few and unarmed, and partly by
persuasion, partly by force, carried them away. One, with his wife, child
and kinswoman, who were of our praying Indians, made their cscajie, cumv
in to the English, and discovered what was done. These things keep some
in a continual disgust and jealousy of all the Indiana." *

It may be proper to add a word upon the name of the place which we
have often mentioned in this life, as the same word, differently pronounced,
was applied to a great many places by the Indians, and is the same word
which Dr. /. Mather and some others made many believe was made up of
two Hebrew wordn, to prove Mint the Indians were really the descendants of
the dispersed Jews ; but for which purpose, if we are not misinformed, any
other Indian word would answer the same purpose. The doctor writes
the name JVahumkeik, and adds that JVtiAum signifies consolation^ and keik a
bosom, or heaven ; and hence the settlers of places bearing this name were
seated in the bosom of consolation, f He points out this etymological anal-
ogy in speaking of the settlement of Snlctn, which was called by the Indians
JSTaumJaiag, JVamkeg, jyaamhok, AhumAitAr, or something a little somewhat
like it A sad hosome of consolalion, diil it prove in the days of Tili^a, (to
say nothing of some more mo<lern events,) and even in Dr. Mather's own
days. [Though a digression, we shall, I doubt not, be panloned for inserting
here Dr. C. Mather's account of a curiosity at Amoskeag Fulls, which he gave
in a letter to Loudon, and which afterwards appeared in the Philosophical
Transactions : t "At a place called Aninuskeag, a little above the hideous §
falls of Merimack River, there is a hu^e rock in the midst of the stream, on
the top of which are a great number of pits, nia<le exactly round, like iHurels
or hogsheads of different capacities, some so large as to hold several tuns.
The natives know nothing of the time they were made; but the neighboring
Indians have been wont to hide their provisions in them, in their wars with the
Maqti.-is ; nffirniiiig, Cod liad cut thcin out for that use for tiicm. They si-eni
plainly to be artificial." It could certainly have required no great s«igaeity
to have supposed that one stone placed upon another in the water, so ns to
have been constantly rolled iVoiii side to side by the current, would, in time,
occasion such cavitie.s. One (piite as remarkable we have seen near the
source of this river, in its descent from the Franconia Muniitains ; also upon
the Mohawk, a short distance below Little Falls. They may be seen as you
pass ui)on the canal.

Early purchases of lands bring to our notice a host of Indians, many of

tloii, 1()91, Bffod Gl- yoiirs. The following liiius are no less well conceived by llio poet tliaii
(lusurvcd by lliis benevolent |iliiloso|)lior :

How iiuirli lo Hovi.E the Icnrncd world docs owe,
'I'lic Irarned world docs only know.
He traced (jreal nature's seriel springs ;
'i'lie causes and the seeds of things ;
WImt strange elastic power the air conlaini,
What inulliur earth secures witliin her gecret veins.

Athenian Oracle, i. 67.
» 1 Coll. Sla.1.1. Hht. ,SV. iii, 17!).

t lielalion of the Trniihli's, <.V,o. 20. Dr. Increase Mather was the author of a great many
works, chiefly sermons, muny of which have become curious for their singularity, and some
others valuable for the facts thov contain. His sermons, like many others of that day, had
very little meaning i'l lliem, and coiise(|uently are now forgotten. He was son of Kiclmrd
Mifther, preached in Boston above (!0 years, died in 1723, aged 84 years. See hi. life, by his
son, Dr. Cntlnn Mather, who was born \2 Feb. IGfi'i— 3, die3 13 Feb. 17J7— 8, aged C5. Seo
iiis life by Samuel Mather,
i Vol. v. of Jones's Abridgement, part ii. IGt.

^ We cannot snv what lh(W were in those days, bnt should expect to be laughed at if wt
thould call them hideous at the present time.

fill

384

WEHANOWNOWIT.— ROBINHOOD.

[Book III.

I. ;

I; \r 1 '

whom, though sachems, but for such circumstances of trade, wouhl never
have come to our knowledge. There are some, howeve*", of whom we shall
in this chapti-r take notice, as such notices assist in enabling us to judge how
tJie natives regarded their lands, and the territories of their neighboring
countrymen.

WEHANOWNOWrr was a New Hampshire sachem, whose name has
been considerably handled within a few years, from its beir g found to the
much-talked-of deed conveying lands in New Hampshire to the Reverend
John ffheelwrieht, and others, 3 April, 1638. If Wehanmonowit wore sachem of
tlie tract said to have been by him conveyed, his " kingdom " was larger
than some can boast of at this day who call themselves kings. It was to
contain 30 miles square, and its boundaries were thus described : " lying and
situate within three miles on the northerne side of y* River Meremoke,
extending thirty miles along by the river from the sea side, and from the
sayd river side to Pisscataqua Patents, 30 miles up into the countrey north-
west, and so from the falls of Piscataqua to Oyster River, 30 miles square
every way." The original is in possession of Mr. John Farmer, of Concord,
N. H.* TcMHADOCKYOiN was a son of fVehanovmomt, and his name is also
to the deed above mentioned ; and another Indian, belonging to that tract of
country, named If^atchenowet : these 1 otli relinquished their title to, or con-
curred in the sale of said tract.

RoBiNHOoof was the iiither of a more noted chief, whose Indian name
was tVohawa, but commoidy known among the English as Hopehood. His
territories, as will appeal*, were upon the Kennebeck Ri\er in the first settle-
ment of N. England.

Our first notice of Rol'mhood vuns as follows: "Be it known" — "that I,
Jtamegin^X soe called by my Indian name, or Bobinhood, soe called by
English name, sagamore of Negusset, [or Neguusseag,] doe freely sell vnto
James Smilh," — "jjart of my land, beginning att Merrj'-meeting Cove, and
Boe downward the maine riuer vnto a rocke, called Wmslotce^s Rocke, in the
longe reach, and in breadth eastward ouer the little riuer, runinge tlirough
tlie great mersh, with tlie priuilidges [reserved to me] as hunting, fowlinge,
fishing, and other games." Smith was to pay him or liis heirs, on the 1 No-
vember annually, " one peck of Indian corn." This deed bears date 8 May,
1648, and is signed and witness'-d as follows : — §

Negwinis hia -j- mark.

SONGREEHOOD his I' mwk

and two English.

RoBiiNHooD VJ ^^ mark.
Mr. Thomas A ^" mark.
Pewazegsake £L his mark.
The mark -^-^ o/" Robin.

The next year, 1649, he sold the island of Jeremysf|uam, on the east side
of the Kenneheck, and in 1654 we find him selling h<s place of residence,
which was in what is now Woolwich, to Edward Bateman and John Broum.
In 1()(J3, Bobinhood is mentioned as one of the principal chiefs among the
eastern Indians. ||

In 16()7, the inhabitants upon Connecticut River, about Hadley, sustained
some injury from Lidians, in their lands and domestic animals, and satisfac-
tion therefor was demanded of Bobinhood; at the same time threatening him
with the utmost severity, if the like should be repeated. But whether his
people were tne per|)etrator8 we are not told ; but from the following facts
It may be thought otherwise. " To promote amity with them, license was at
lengtJi given to tlie traders in liir and in peltries, to sell unto Indian friends

if ■ '

* MS. conimunicatlon of Ihni gentleman.

t 'I'liis name was ailoptcci, I have no doubt, as it came somelhine' near liie sound of his
Indian name, as was the case in several instances which we have already recorded : the old
[English rohber ol' that name, or fables concerning him, are among the nr^t in the nursery.
liven at this day, the curious adult will dispense with Air, Ritson't collectiuns of legends con*
tcrniiig him with peculiar regret.

^ The same, I 8up|)ose, called in Snllivim's Hist. Rogomok.

jji From a manuscript copy of the original deed.
U hsielyn, who visited the country at this lime. See his Voyages,

Chap. VII.]

KENN EBIS.-CHOCORUA.

285

guns and ammunition" • Hence these ft 'ends could see no reumn, after-
words, why arms were proliibitcd theiiii us we sliall again have occasion to
'.lotice.

On the breaking out of Philip's war, Robinhood was in no wise inclined
to join in it, and when a party oi' English was sent at that time to learn
the feelings of his people in that re8])ect, he made a great dance, and by
songs and shouts expressed his satisfaction that the English were disposed
to maintain peace.

Mo.vquiwE, "alias JVatahanada, the son of old JS/ataioormett, sagamore of
Kcnnebcck River," sold to irHliam Bradford and others, all the land on both
sides of said river, " from Cnssenocke upwards to Wesserimsicke." Thia
sale bore date 8 August, HU8. The signature is ^jtlonquine, alias Dum-
hanadd." Then follows : " We, Jlgodoademago, the sonne of fFojuhemett, and
Tassucke, the brother of JValahana^la, f do consent freely unto the sale to
Bradford, Paddy, and otlicrs." J

Ken.vebis was a sachem from whom it has been supposed that the Ken-
nebeck River derived its name. But whether there were a line of saga-
mores of this name, from whom the river was so called, or whether sachems
were so called from their living at a certain place upon it, is uncertain. It
is certain, however, that there was one of this name residing there, contem-
poraneously with Robinhood, who, besides several others, deeded and
redeeded the lands up and down in the country. He was sometimes asso-
ciated in his sales with Mbigadaaset, and sometimes with others. In 1(i49,
be sold to Chislopher Lawson all the land on the Kennebeck River up as
high as Taconnct fiilla, now Winslow, which was the residence of the great
chief Essiminasqua, or ^ssiminasqua, elsewhere mentioned. About the
same time, he sold the same tract, or a part of it, to Spencer and ClarL The
residence of Kennebis was upon Swan Island, " in a uelightful situation, and
that of Jlbbigadassd between a river of his name and the Kennel)eck, upon
the northern borders of Merry-meeting Bay." § Swan Island was purchased
of Mhigadasset in 1G67, by Humphy Davu, and allerwards claimed by Sir
John Dam/, a Serjeant at law. ||

We shall proceed to notice here one, of another ago, whose melancholy
fate has long since commanded the attention of writers.

Some time previous to the (settlement of Burton, N. H., that is, previous to
17G6, there resided in that region a small tribe of Indians, among whom was
one named

Chocorua, and he was the last of the primitives of those romantic scenes.
This region was attracting to them on account of the beaver which were
found in its pellucid waters, and its cragged clifts afforded safe retreats to a
plentiful game. It is handed to us by tradition, that Chocorua was the last
of this region, and that he was murdered by a miserable white hunter, who,
with others of his complexion, had wandered here in quest of game. This
solitary man had retired to a neighboring mountain, and was there discovered
and shot. The eminence to which it is said this Indian had retired, is the
highest mountain in Burton, and commands a beautiful view of a great
extent of surrounding country. One of the most superb engravings that
has appeared in all our annuals, is that representing Chocorua in his last
retreat.

It is a fact well kno^vn in all the neighboring parts of the country, that
cattle cannot long siu-vive in Burton, although there a|)pears abundance of
all that is necessary for thcu- support. They lose their appetite, pine and

fc '','^¥i

•! '1

* Williamson's Maine, i. 428, from 3 Mass. Rrc.

t h appears from (lie " Answer to the Rermrks of the PlymotUh Company," thai Esseme
NosQUK was also one (Imt ronscnted lu tlic sale, lie is (lie same whom we shall nniice as

t .'

Axsiiiiinasqiia In our ncx( chapter.
\ i'rnple of Plimoulli.— HtZ/ium .
ic rnliliish und
& W'it/iitmsc
|] Willi tmso

i>|)ie 01 I'limouih.— vyuuam Paddy died at Boston. His g^ravestone was dug out of

(lir nililiish under the old 8(ate-house in 1S30.

tmson, i. 461,

imson, i. 331. Dr. Holmes, in his Annals, places (he sale of Swau Island undei

(■

i (3

* ' ,

if '.

1:1

, ■ ■ t
; 1 ',•

■isV

286

SQUANOO.— BURNING Ot SACO.

[Book IU.

(lie. It is said that Chooorua cursed the English before he expired, and the
Buperstitious, to this day, attribute the disease of cattle to the curse of Cho-
corua. But a much more rational one, wu apprehend, will be found in the
affection of the waters by minerals.

90ffe

CHAPTER VUI.

B^nANDo, tarhem of Saeo—Jlltacka the town of Saro — Singvlar account of him by a
contemporary— The ill treatment of his wife a euuneof war — Hie humanity in restor-
ing a captive — Madokawardo — Causes of his hostility — Assiminasqua — His
speech — Speech of Tarumkin— Muco — Is carried to Boston to execute a treaty — Js
Madokawando's ambassador — Release of Thomas Cnhbtt — MadokawanOo' s kindness
to prisoners — Moxus attacks Wells and is beaten off- — Attacked the next year by the
Indians under Madokawando and a. company nf Frenchmen — Are repulsed tcith
great loss — Incidents of the siege — Mons. Castcins — A further account of Moxus —
Wa.nunqonkt — AssAcoMBUiT — FinihcT accmmt of Mngg — His death — Svmon,
Andrew, Jeoffrev, Pf.ter and Joseph — Account of their depredations — Life of
Kankamaqus — Treated with neglect — Flies his country— Bi comes an enemy^-
Surprise of Dover and murder of Ma j. (F<t/rfroB — Masandowet— Worombo —
His fort captured by Church — Kankamagus's wU'c and children taken — Hupehood —
Conspicuous in the massacre at Salmon Falls — His death— Matt avas do —
Megunnewav.

The first chief wliich will here be properly noticed is Squando, a Tar-
ratine, sachem of the Socokis, commonly called sagamore of Saco. He is
mentioned with a good deal of singularity by the writers of his times. And
we will here, by way of exordium, extract what Mr. Mather, in his Brief
History, &c., says of him. »' Af^er this, [the burning of Casco,] they [the
Indians] set upon Saco, v/heia they bhw 13 men, and at last burnt tiie town.
A principal actor in the destruction of Saco was a strange tnthusiastical snga-
more called Squando, who, some years before, pretended that God appeared
to him in the form of a tall man, in black clothes, declaring to him that he
was God, and commanded him to leave his drinking of strong li(]uor8, and
to pray, and to keep sabbaths, and to go to hear the word preached ; all
whicli things the Indian did for some years, with great seeming devotion
and conscience, observe. But the God which appeared to him said nothing
to him about Jesus Chriet ; and therefore it is not to be marvelled at, that at
last he discovered himself to be no otherwise than a child of him that was
a murderer and a liar from the beginning." Mr. Hvhbard says tliat he was
" tlie chief actor or rather the beginner " of the eastern war of 1G75 — 6 ;
but rather contradicts the statement, as we apprehend, in the same para-

fraph, by attributing the same cause to the " rude and indiscrete act of some
Inglish seamen," who either for mischief overset a canoe in which was
Squanda's wife and child, or to see if yoimg Indians could swim naturally
like animals of tlie brute creation, as some had reported. * The child went
to the bottom, but was saved from drowning by the mother's diving down
and bringing it up, yet "within a while alter the said child died." "The
said Squando, father of the child, hath been so provoked thereat, that he hath
ever since set himself to do all the mischief he can to the English." The
whites did not l>elieve tliat the death of the child was owing to its immer-
sion; still we must allow the Indians to know as well as they. As the
most memorable exploit in which Squando was engaged was the burning
of Siico, it will he proper to enter htru more in detailinto it. The two prin-
cipal inhabitants of the place were Captain Bonithon and Major Phillips,
wiiose dwellings were situated on opposite sides of Saco River ; tlie I'oniier
on the east and the latter on the west. On 18 September, l(i75, Ciiptnin Jion-
Lhon^s house was discovered to he on fire, but himself and family had just

* " They can nwini naturnlly, slrikinir llieir paws under tlieir lliroal like a dog, and not
iprvadiiiK llieir anus as we do," Jonnelyii's Voyage to N, E. I'U.

Chap VIII.]

BURNING OP SACO.

287

before escaped across the river to Major Phillip's, and thus fortunately de-
feated a purt of tlie design of their enemies. For this fortunate e8ca|)e,
however, ihey were under deep obligation to a frienitly Indian who lived
near by ; he having been some how niade acquainted with the design of
SqiMnlo, immediately imported his information to the English.

The fire of Bonithon's house, says Mr. Uxtbbard, " was to them [at PhiUipa'$
garrison,] as the firing of a beacon," which gave them "time to look to them-
selves." A sentinel in the chanil)er soon gave notice that he saw an Iiulian near
at hard, and Mtyor Phillipa going into the top of the house to make further
discovery, received a shot in the shoulder ; but it proved to be only a flesh
wound. Knowing PhiUipt, and supposing him to be slain, the Indians
raised a great shout, and instantly discovered themselves on all sides of the
garrison ; but the English, being well prepared, fired upon tliein from all
quarters of their works, killing some and wounding others. Among the
hitter was a chief who died in his retreat, three or four miles from tlie ulace.
He advised his fellows to desist from the enterprise, but tliey refused, and
after continuing the siege for about an hour longer, they began to devise
some means to set the garrison on fire. But in order to draw out the men
from it in the firat place, they set a house on fire near it, and also a saw and
grist mill ; that not having the desired efi'ect, they called to them in an
exulting tone, and said, " You couxirtUy English dogs, come out and put out the
fire!"

The attack had begun about 11 o'clock in the day, and though the night
partially put an end to it, yet the English were alarmed every iialf hour,
until about lour or five o'clock in the morning, when the work of the preced*
ing night di^overcd itse)'' A noise of axes and other tools had been heard
in the neighborhood of the saw-mill, and it was expected the Indians were
preparing some engine with which to accomplish their object, and it proved
true. A cart with four wheels had been constructed, and on one end they
had erected a breastwork, while the body of the cart was filled witli birch,
straw, powder, and such like matters lor the ready consummation of ther
stratagem. The approach of this formidable machine dismayed some of
tlie Englishmen in tiie garrison ; but being encouraged by their officers, they
stood to their quarters, and awaited its approach. Their orders were not to
fire until it came within pistol shot. When it had got within about that
distance, one of the wheels stuck fast in a gutter, which its impellers not
observing in season, tliey forced the other wheels onward, and brought them-
selves into a position to be efifectually raked by the right flank of the garri-
son. This mistake of the enemy was improved to great advantage by the
English. They i>oiu«d in a sudden fire uiran them, killing six and wound-
ing 15 more. This sudden and unexpected reverse decided the fate of the
garrison. The Indians immediately retreated, and the garrison received no
further molestaticn.

As was generally the case in sieges of this kind, the English learned what
damage they did their enemy, their numbers, &c., some time after the aflair
happened. In this case, however, nothing more is related concerning the loss
of the Indians than we have given, and their numbers Mr. Hublutrd does not
expressly state, but says the people in the garrison "espied 40 of them
marching awuy the next morning at sunrise, but how many more >%ure in
their company they could not tell."* There were 50 persons in the garri-
son, though but 15 of them were able to act in its defence.

But lew dnys before the affair at Saco, viz. on 12 f Septemlier, the family of
Thomas Wakely at Presumpscot River were mnssacreil in a revoltuig inner
The " old man," his son, and his daughter-in-law, then enceiWe, w.^u three
grandchildren, were all murdered, and when discovered by their neighbors,
partly burned in the ruins of their habitation, to wiiich the Indiiuis had set
fire on leaving the place. One of the fiiiriiiy was tnken coptive, a girl about
11 years old, who, after having passed through all t^-" tribes from the Sokokis
to the Narrugansets, was restored to the English at Dover by Squando. But

* Mr. Folsom, Hist. Saco and Hiddeford, 153, lays they were compute! at 100.
t Williamson's Hist. Maine, i. 620.

'4 ^

, t

'I. i

II. .»i

'. I

288

MADOKAWANDO.

[no I. III.

!'. ■ '

A''

Ki.'"

it does not nppenr whether tliis chief had any thing flirther to do in the
mutter, although it iiiuy be interred, ttiat he hud some control or cninirib.^d
over thobe thut held her prisoner. From the cu'cumstunce thut this child
wus shown to the hostile tribes tlirough the country, it would seem thut rhe
eastern Indians were in concert with those to the west ; und it is probuble
that this captive was thus exhibited to prove that they hud tuken up the
hatchet. Upon lier being returned, Mr. ^ubbar(/ reninrks, " She huvuig been
curried up and down the country, "oine hundreds of miles, us tiir us Narru-
gunsct ion, was, this last June, reiumed back to Major Waldrnn^a by one
Squando, the sagamore of Saco ; a strange mixture of mercy and cruelty ! "
And the historian of Maine obsei'ves, that his " conduct exliibited at diHerent
times such traits of cruelty and compassion, as rendered his character
dilHcult to be portrayed."

He was a great powwow, and acted in concert with Madokawando. Thest
t^Mo chiefs " aie said to be, by them that know them, a strange kind of mor-
alized savages ; grave und serious in their speech and carriage, and not
without some show of a kind of religion, which no doubt but they have
learned from the prince of darkness." In anotlier place, Mr. Hubbard calls
him an " enthusiastical, or ruther diabolical miscreant." His abilities in war
gained him this epithet.

Madokawando. of whom we have just made mention, was chief of the
Penobscot tribe. He was the adopted son of a chief by the name of ,^ssi-
minasqua. Some mischief had been done by the Androscoggin Indians in
PhUx ''» war, and the English, following the ejami)le of those whom they
so much reprobated, retaliated on any Indians that tell in their way.

Matlakawando was not an enemy, nor do we learn that his people had
committed any depredations, until ail^r some English spoiled liis corn, and
otherwise did him damage.

Many of the eastern Indians had been kidnapped and sold for slaves,
about the time Philip's war commenced. This, it will not be questioned,
was enough to cause a war, without Philip^s instigation, or the aflront offered
to the wile and child of Squando. The English had prohibited the sale of
arms and ammunition to them, as they had before to the western tribes,
as a means of lessening their power, provided they should declare themselves
liostile ; thus properly regarding their own saiety, and totally disregard-
ing whatever evils might accrue from the measure to the Indians. Knowing
enough had been done to excite their resentment, agents were sent to ])arley
with them, in the spring and summer of 167G, to hinder, if possible, their
taking offence at these proceedings.

Meanwhile the Indians had complained to some friendly English of the
outrage i:pon their friends, who were unacquainted with the circumstance,
and hardly behoved it ; still, told the Indians, that if it were so, those kid-
napped should be restored, and the perpetrators punished. But knowing
the circumstance to be as they had represented, it is ratlier marvellous, that
Indians, instead of at once retaliating, should hearken to unsatisfactory par-
leyings, as will api)ear ; for when the English agents went to treat with them,
or rather to excuse themselves for what they could not, or pretended they could
not, amend, the Lidiaus, in the course of the interview, said, " JVe were driven
from our com last year by the people about Kennebeck. and many of us died. We
had JiQ poicder and shot to kill venison andfotol unth to prevent it. If you English
u'ere ourj'riends, as you pretend you are, you would not suffer us to starve as we did."
" However," says Mr. Hubbard, "the said agent, moAing' /Ae besth£ could of a bad
catise, used all means to pacify Ike complainants." The great " all means " was,
that they should try to get the Androscoggin Indians to come and hold a treaty !
so that if the Enjilish could effect a treo*v with them, then there would be a
general peace with the eastern Indians. This talk, it was said, they received
with joy. •' Yet," adds the sr.me author, still by one fatal accident or other,
jealousies still seemed to increase in th.eir minds, or else the former injuries
began to boil afresh in their spirits, as not being easily digested," &c.

A meeting had been agreed upon at Totononnock, or Taconnet, and
immediately aft*^" the meeting just mentioned a runner was sent down from
thence, with word that Squando would be there with - divers Amonoscoggau

chaf. vm.\

MADOKAWANDO.

289

sachems," wVug-ff having been sent as a messenger to him. Accordingly the
English proceeded to Taconnet. On their arrival, they were honored witli
a salute, and conducted into the council liouse, where they found Madcka-
ieando, ^aaimiruuqua, Tarumkin, Jlopehood Mu^g, and many attendants.
Madokawando was prime negotiator and ^amminasqua chief s]Teaker, who
soon after pr'^ceeded to make a speech, and among other things siid, —

" It is not our custom when messengers come to treat of peace, to seize iipon their
persons, as si)tnetimts the Mohawks do ; yea, as the English have done, seiziiig upon
fourteen Indians, our men, wito went to treat ivith you — setting a guard over them,
and taking away their guns. This is not all, but a second time you required our
guns, ana demanded us to come down unto you, or else you would kill tts. This
was the cause of our leaving both our fort and our com, to our great ?o5s."

This speech caused considerable embarrassment to the English, "yet,"
says Hubbard, '•* to put the best construction might be, on such irregular
actions, which could not well be justified, they told them, the persons who
had so done * were not within the limits of their government, and therefore,
though they could not call them to an account for so acting, yet thoy did
utterly disallow thereof." f And to be as expeditious as possible, the English
commissioners told these chiefs that they came to treat with the Androscog-
gins, and were sorry that Sqxicndo was not there. And it appears that,
though the English reported a peace with the Penobscots, yet Madokawando
and his coadjutors scarcely understood as much ; and it is also evident that
the business was hurrred over as fast as possible by the English commis-
sioners.

AssiMmASQUA, it will be proper here to observe, was a Kanibas sachem,
whose residence was at or near the place where the treaty was held.

What had been said by Jlssiminasqua in the morning was merely prelimi-
nnry, and it was his intention in the afternoon to enter more particuhu-ly into
A. ^'uls ; but the English cut the matter short, and proceeded to treat with
such of the Androscoggins as were present Tarutnkin was their orator, and
he spoke to this effect : —

" / have been to the westumrd, where I have found many Indians unwiUifig to
makejpeace ; but for my own peart, lam unUing," which he confirmed by taking
the English by the hand, as did seven or eight of his men, among whom .
were Mugg and Robinhood's son. The English had now, a& they supposed,
got matters into a regular train ; but Madokawattdo, it appears, was not will-
ing to leave things in quite so loose a manner, as it regarded his people.
He therefore interrupted : —

" fHuU are we to do for powder and shot, ichen our com is consumed? what
shall we do for a winter's supply ? Must we perish, or must we abandon our coun-
try, and fly to the French for protection ? "

The English replied that they would do what they could with the gov-
ernor ; " some might be allowed them for necessity." Madokawando added :
" fFe have waited a great while already, and now toe expert you urill say yes or 710."
The English rejoined : " You say yourselves that many of the western In-
dians would not have peace, and, therefore, if we sell you powder, and you
give it to the western men, what do we but cut mir own throats ? It is not in
our power, without leave, if you should wait ten years more, to let you have
powder." Here, as might reasonably have been expected, ended the nego-
tiation, and massacres and bloodshed soon after desolated that part of the
country.

At the close of the war of 1675 and 6, this sachem's people had among
them about 60 English captives. When it was known to him that the Eng-
lish desired to treat about peace, he sent Mugg, one of his chiefs, to Pascnta-
qua, to receive proposals ; and, that he might meet with good acceptance,
sent along with him a captive to his home. General Gemini, of Massachu-
setts, being there, Ibrced Mugg on board his vessel, and carried him to Bos-
ton, for which treacherous act an excuse was pleaded, that he was not vested
with snftScient authority to treat with him. Madokawando' s ambassador,
.being now in the power of the English, was obliged to agree to such terms

>..-r:i

That is, those <vho had kidnapped their friends.

t IftMard, part ii. 38
T

290

MAIX»KAWANDO.— DESTRUCTION OF YORK.

[BOOE III

f ..

l\-

:h •

^Tf

rff'

as tiie English dictctecL* It is no wonder, therefore, if the great chief soon
appeurs again their enemy. Still, when Mugg was sent home, Madokawando
agreed to the treaty. :iiore readily, perhaps, as two armed vessels of the £ng-
lisli conveyed him.

A son ol' Reverend Tliomaa Cobbfi had been taken, and was among the Indians
at Mount Desert. It so happened thai his master had at that time sen* him
down to CaateirCa trading-house, to buy powder for him. Mugg took him by
tlie hand, and told him he had been at his father's house, and nad promised
to send him home. Madokawando demanded a ransom, probably to satisfy
the owner of the captive, **/earing" he said " to be killed by him, if he yielded him
up withmii he were there to coruent; for he was a deaperate mail, if croaaed, and
had crambd f two or three in that way." Being on board one of the vessels,
and treated to some liquor, " he waUced awhile," says Coblet, " to and again on
the deck, and on a sudden made a stand, and said to Captain Moore, ' Well
captain, since it is so, take this man: I freely give him up to you; carry him
home to his friends.' "I A red coat was given to Madokawando, which ga-/e
him great satisfaction.

The historians of the war have all observed that the prisoners under Ma-
dokawando were remarkably well treated.

In February, 1677, Major Waldron, and Captain Froat, with a body of men,
were sent into the eastern coast to observe the motions of the Indians, who
still reinained hostile. At Pemmaquid, they were invited on shore tc hold a
treaty, but the English finding some weapons concealed among them, thought
it a sulhcient umbrage to treat them as enemies, and a consideiable fight
ensued, in which many of the Indians were killed, and several taken prison-
ers ; among whom was a sister of Madokawando. He had no knowledge of
the affair, having been gone for several months at a great distance into the
country, on a hunting voyage.

We hear no more of Madokawando until 1691. It will be found mentioned
in the account of Egeremet, that in that year a treaU^ was made with him and
other eastern chiefs. This was in November, nnd it was agreed by them,
that, on the first of May following, they woidd deliver all the captives in their
possession, at Wells. " But," says Dr. Mather,^ " as it was no; upon the frm
land, but in their canoea upon the wcAer, that they signed and sealed t) Js in-
strument; so, reader, we will be jealous thai it ^^^ll prove but a fluctuating
and unstable sort of business ; and that the Indians will do alieaa they r.sea
to do."

Meanwhile Madokawando, among other important expeditions which he
planned, attempted one upon York, in which he succeeded nearly to his»
wishes, if not beyond his expectations. Such was his manner of attack, that
the English scarce knew then: enemy; from whence they came, or their
numbers. But it was afterwards found by the Indians' own confession, and
some captives they had liberated, that Madokaicrndo wos the leader in the
business. Whether he had during the winter been to Canada, and got the
assistance of some Frenchmen, or whether Caatiena, his son-in-law, and some
other Frenchmen who then resided among his people at Penobscot, were
with him, we cannot take it upon us to state ; but certain it is, some French
were in his company, but how many is also uncertain, but the number of
Indians was stated at about 250. It was on Monday, February 5, in the year
1692, early in the morning, that York was laid in ashes, all except three c.
four garrisoned houses, and about 75 of its inhabitants killed, and 85 taker,
coptive.

Such only escaped as reached the garrisons, and these were summoned to
surrender, but the besiegers dared not to continue long enough to make any
efl'ectual assault upon them, and thus they escaped. The wretched captives

* A treaty was sio^nnd 9th of Dec. 1G76. Manuscript Nar. of Rev. T. Cobbet. It may be
seen in Hubbard's Narrative.

t The Indian word for kilUd. Wood's N. E. Prospect.

I Manuscript Narrative, before cited. Perhaps this was thf- sHtne Captain Moore wlio car-
ried the news of Philip's defeat and death to Loudon afterwards. See Old Indian CuRoif
ICLE, 106.

J Magnalia, vii. 76.

I'T'

CHAr Vlll.]

MAIX)KAWANDO.

90]

were hurried into the wildemesn, and many suiTercd and died by the way.
The Reverend Shiibael Ihimtner, minister of the place, a man in liigli estinm-
ri'^n for his virtues, was aiwut the first victim ; he was shot as he was mount-
ing his horse at liis own door; liis wife was among tlie captives, and died in
captivity. York was at this time one of tlie most important towns in tlie
country.**

Circumstances having thus transpired, the English had very little reason to
expect an observance of the articles of the treaty before alluded to, yet per-
»ons n'ere sent to Wells to receive the captives, provided they should l)e of-
fered. They took care to be provided with an armed Ibrce, and to have the
place of meeting at a strong place, which was Storer'a garrison-house. But,
as thonuthor Just cited observes, "The Indians being poor musiciana for keep-
ing of time, came not according to tlieir articles." The reason of tliis we
cannot explain, unless the warlike ap|iearance of the English deterred them.
Alter waiting a tvhile, Captain Converge surjjrised some of them, and brought
them in by tbrce, c. I having reason to believe the Indians provoked by tliia
time, immediately u jded 35 men to his ibrce. These, says Mather, " were
not come half an hour to Storer'a house, on the 9tli of Jime, 1691, nor had
they got their Indian treed tairly lighted, into their mouths, before fierce
Moxus, with 200 Indians, made an attack upon the garrison," f but were re-
pulsed and soon drew ofE Madokawando was not here in person, but when
he knew of the disaster of his chief captain, he said, " My brother Moxua has
missed it now, but I will go myself lite next year, and have the dog Converse otd
of his hok."

The old chief was as good as his word, and appeared before the gnrri-
son 22 June, 1602. He was joined by Portneuf and Labrocre, two French
officers, with a body of their soldiers, and their united strength was esti-
mated at about 500 men. They were so confident of success, that they
agreed before the attack, how the prisoners and property should be divided.
Converse had but 15 men, but fortunately there arrived two sloops with about
as many more, and supplies, the day belbre the battle.

Mudokawando'a men had unwisely given notice of their approach, by firing
upon some cattle they met in the woods, which running m wounded, gave
tlie inhabitants time to fly to the garrison. The Inmans were not only
seconded by the two French officers and a company of their men, as before
observed, but M>.: uS, Eseremet and fVorombo were also among them.

They began the attack before day, with great fierceness, but alter continu-
ing it tor some time without success, they iiell upon the vessels in the river ;
and here, although the river was not above twenty or thirty feet broad, yet
they met with no better success than at the garrison. They tried many
stratiigems, and succeeded in setting fire to the sloops several times, by meuis
of fire arrows, but it was extinguished without great damage. Tired of
thus exposing themselves and tliroAving away their ammunition, they return-
ed again to the garrison, resolving to practii-e a stratagem upon that, and
thus ended the first day of the attack. They tried to persuade the English
to surrender, but finding they could not prevail, made several desperate
charges, in which they lost many. Beginning now to grow discouraged,
they sL-nt a flag to the garrison to effect a capitulation, but Converse, being a
man of great resolution, replied, " that he wanted nothing but men to come
and fight him." To which the hearer of the flag said, " Being you are so
stout, why donH you come and fis^ht in the open field like a man, and not fight
in a garrison like a squaw ? " This attempt proving ineffectual also, they cast
out many threats, one of which was, " fVe teiU cut you as small as tobbaco,
before to-morrow momingP The captain ordered them " to come on, for he
wanted work."

Having nearly spent their ammunition, and General Labroa-e being slain,
tliey retu-ed in the night, ailer t>vo days' siege, leaving several of their dead
behind; among whom was the general just named, who was shot through
the iieud. They took one Englishman, named John Diamond, who had ven-

Mof^utiia, vii. 77. — MlUiamson. Hist. iMaine i 628 — 9.

t Magnalia, vii. 7G.

:"-v': •■ ill

i m

^ i.-'

:i • ]

/*■,:■

202

MADOKAWANDO.

[Book III

■ !•;

t ■

'■•I J' ' ■

tured out of the gnrrittoii (ime occasion, whom they tortured in a most
hurliurunH nianm r. Aboi- time of their retreating, they fired upon the

k1uu|)u, uiid killi'd tlio oiil} lust by the vessels during the assauh. In

tiic uttack upon the vessels, ui.i. ng other strutagcnis, tliey iirtpurcd a breast-
v.ork iipun wliet.-ls, whic-i, notwithstanding their previous experience in tliis
kind ol tngino, bt Urookfield and Saco, they again resolved to try, and there-
fore tiideavorcd to bring it close to the edge of the river. When they
hu I got it pretty near, one wheel sunk in the ground, and a French soldier,
endeavoring to lilt it owt with his shoulder, was shot down ; a second was
also killed in the like attempt, and it was abandoned. They also built a rait
in the creek above the vessels, and placed on it aii immense |)ile of combus-
tibles, and, setting them on lire, floated it down towards them. But when
within u few rods of the sloops, the wind drove it on shore, and thus they
were delivered from the most dangerous artifice of the whole. For it was
said that, had it come down against tliem, they could not have saved them-
selves from the fury of its flames.

As laie as 173(J an attempt was made to prove that Madokawando was not
chief suchem of the Peiiobscots, which it seems no one in his liletinie
thought of questioning. Nor had the fiict at this time been questioned but
from mercenary motives. A claim having been set up to lands upon St.
George's River, in opposition to that of the heirs of Governor Leverett, that
fiilsehood was resorted to, to maintain it. The foundation of Leverett's claim
was in a deed dated Pemmaquid, 9 May, lb'94, by which Madokawanao con-
veyed to Sir yVilliam Pkips the tract of land on both sides of St. George's
River, bounded east by Wessamesskek River, west by Hatthett's Cove Island,
thence by a line to the upper falls of St. George's River ; also Mastomquoog
Island in tlic moutii of said river, and St. George's Islands. A valuable con-
sideration is said to have been paid, but what it was docs not a])pear fiom the
deed. The de])onents called upon aflerwards to prove Madokawando^ s i)ow er
to sell that tract, state the consideration variously, tliough none of them defi-
nitely ; some said Sir William Phips gave a large amount in money,* and
one that he gave a hatfidl.] To this deed were the following signatures : —

TVte mark of
Madokawando, ,y. Sagamore

of Penobscot, ^ and a seal.

Signed, sealed and delivered in

presence (f
The mark 2J. of Ldoar Emit,

Sagamore of KennebeL
The mark l^ofW e.nemouet,

cozin to Madokawando.
The mark X o/*Joh.n Saugmore,

of Slie^sgut River, interpreter.
Also 6 or 7 whites.

F.'om un exLinina'.ion of the varions affi'lavits before mentioned we derive
the following interesting historical facts in the life of Madokawando ; viz.
tliat lie died in HiUB, and was succeeded by Wenumoiiet, or, as his name ia
sometimes spelled, fl'enoggonet. This appears from the deposition of Cap-
tain Cyprian Southack, who further savs " that he was with Madokawando,
when a present of 10 barrels of guiipowder, a quantity of fii-e-amis, and
some clothes, were delivered him by Governor Ifillebone, which was a present
sent him by tlie King of France." "And that Monsieur Castain married
the said Madokawando' a daughter."

Joseph Bane deposed, " that, in 1691, he was with Theodore Jltkinson, late
of Newcastle, in N. Hampshire, Esq., said Mkinson^s wife, and Mrs. Elizabeth
Alcock of Portsmouth, widow, and many others at the house of Joseph
Moidton of York in the county of York, when they were taken captive uy
a large number of Indians," that Madokawando was then commander of
said Indians, and was then reputed chief sachem of Penobscot Bane
further relates that he was sold to an Amaroscoggen Indian, with whom he
lived till 1699, and that he was present when Madokawando ordered Thodori

w
pr
dir
all

fcri

J/,.

• DcposiUon otJohn Phillips, i My, nX.—Widdo's Defence, 3.

t Ibid. 35.

230
fan

Chap. Mil]

MADOKAWANOO.— BARON CASTEINS.

293

.llkinson, who was liis cnptive, to write to the govisriior of Massnchiisetts t«
bcikI u veaMcl to Hii(;u(iuiiok with (;oo(Im to redeem tlie enptivcs ; that it was
ucToriliiiL'ly sent there, and .Hkhiaon, hia wile, and about 40 otiiers were
rc'deeiiicu.

John Limgley was taken prisoiirr at Grotou in July, 1(>1)4, and was servant
to Madokawando two years and a halt".

The inliahitunts of Ulack I'oiiit f;ave, yearly, a jwck of corn each to Ma
ttokawando, as an aeknowledgiiitnt tliut he was sachem of Penobscot.

In KJIK) Tobias Oakman was taken by the Indians at Black Point. At
wiiicii time ho says he "personally ktn^yf Edgar Emel who was then chief
Ktchi-m of Kenelnick ancl Squando who was tlien chief sachem of Saco, and
Moxus who was thew chief sachem of Noridgawock, and Shepcot John who
w^s then chief «ac!.< i.i of Shei)sc<)t and with Oorumby, who was then chief
sachem of Pejemscot" Oakman was taken prisoner by 30 Indians in 3
parti s under 3 chiefs ; one from Penobscot, one from Norridgcwok and the
oilier from Pejepseot ; Madokawando, Moxus and Oorumby being the respec-
tivt; sachems ; hence Madokawindo wua sachem of Penobscot at that time.

In the treaty which the eastern chiefs made with Sir. William Phips at
Pennnarpiid, 11 August, l(i!K3, the following hostages were delivered to the
English to ensure its obser>ance. " Aiiassamhamet, brother to Edger Emet ;
Wenomouett, cousin to Madokawando ; JJAGATAWAWo.\oo.\,andSHEEP8COTT
John." *

A daughter of Madokawando, as we have seen, married the Baron De Cas-
teitis, by whom he had several children. "

In all (if our former editions we gave Lahontan'a account of Casteins in a
note, and in the French language ; l)Ut it having been suggested by friends,
that it should not only occujjy a |)lace in the text, but he rendered in English,
I improve the opportunity to make the change.

The Baron De St. Castcina, a gentleman of Oleron in Beam, having for
ahoi't 20 years resided among the Abenakis, gained so much of their esteem,
that they regarded him as their tutelar deity. He had been an officer of the
Carignan regiment in Canada; but when that regiment was disbanded, he
'cast himself among the savages, of whom he learned their language. He
took from them a wife after their maimer, prefck g the forests of Acadie,
to the Pyrenean mountains, which environ his lative country. He lived,
during the first years of his abode with the Indians, in such a manner as to
gain a respect from them, above what can be imagined. They made him
great chict| which is the same as sovereign of the nation, and by little and
little he has worked up a fortune, which any other man would have turned
to good account, and withdrawn from the country with two or three hundred
thousand crowns of gold in his coffers. However, he only uses it to buy
merchandise, with wliich to make presents to his Indian brethren, who,
when they return from their hunting excursions, rciudjurse him for his
presents with a triple atnount in beaver.f The governors of Canada
direct him, and those of New England fear him. He has several daughters,
all of whom are advantageously married to Frenchmen, with each a rich
dowrj\ He has never changed his wife,:f showing the Indians by his
examj)le that God is no' pleased with inconstant men. It is said t.iat he has
endeavored to convert vIk se poor people, but that his \vords produce no
good fruit, and hence it is of no use for the Jesuits to preach the truths of
Christianity to them ; yet these fiithers relax not their labors, and consider
that to confer baptism upon a dying infant repays them ten fold for the suf-
ferings and privations they experience in living among that peoj)le.§

* Waldo .! Defence, 39. — The names of these hostages differ materially from those in the
ih^nalia, vii. So.

t Wc shoulil think thai to a man of a sordid mind, this was " turning a fortune to gooo
account."

I That tliis amounts to a denial, as Mr. Ilalket reads it, (Notes on the American Indians,
230,) that Casteins had but one wife, we do not agree. His not changing his wife, ( II n'«
jamais chang^ dejemme,) migiit be true, if, as some assert, he had several at the same time.

( JWemoires de VAineriqite, ii. 29, 30.

25*

.'■ ■'! '

t\i

2<)4

MOXUS.— DEATH OF MUGO.

[Book IIL

'I'lie town now cnilcil Catttne, on the PcnobHcot River, was the |<lnce of
the n;Mi(l( iit-u of the rreiich huron, und a son of hid Muccccilctl him in th«
0acheni(h)iii of the IVnuhHcotH. Ho wua witii Ihcrville ut the capture of
roniniii(|iil(l in Ki'.Ki, in which c.\|)odition lie led 200 IndiunH. Cuptuin Chubb.
ot' wlioni wo huvo Hpoi<en betoro, coniinunded the tort, whieli wuh wi II
manned and 8U|)piiod, having 15 pieces of cannon and UO men, hut surren-
dered it in u cowardly manner, lie helped defend I'ort Royal in 170<), in
deti-nco of which he was wounded in 1707. He fuially retired to liio native
country, where he ended his days. In IGSti, Governor Jndrua, with un armu-
m<;nt, took posseBsion oi' Caalains village, plundereil his house, and committetl
other depredations, but himself escaped. In ITil, his son was sei/.ed by
the I'nglish, and carried to Boston ; but they not long alter set him at lil)erty

Home have endeavored to ground an argument upon the similarity of the
name of this chief to that of Madock the Welshman, that the eastern In-
dians were descended from a Welsh colony, who, in 1170, left that country,
and were never lieord of niter. The story of some white Indians speaking
Welsh, on the Missouri River, has gained su])])ortcr8 in former and latter
periods. •

AIoxus, or, OS he was sometimes called, Jlgamagus, was also a noted chief.
We can adtl little concerning him, to what has already I)een said. Alter
Madokawando was dead, and the war between the French and English nations
Imd ceased, the eastern chiei's were ready to submit to terms. Moxua seems
the successor of Madokawando, tmd when delegates were sent into the east-
em country to make peace with the Indians, in 1GU9, his name stood first
among the signers of the treaty .f He concluded another treaty with Governor
Dtidley, in 1702. The next year, in comi)any with H'anungonet, Jlssacambuit,
and a number of French, he invested Captain March in the fort at Casco.
After using every endeavor to take it by assault, they had recourse to the
following stratagem. They began at the water's edge to undermine it by
digging, but were prevented by the timely arrival of an armed vessel under
Captain Southack. They had taken a vessel and a great quantity of ])lunder.
.'.bout 200 canoes were destroyed, and tlie vessel retaken. From which
circumstance it may be inferred that their number was great

Moxus was at Casco in 1713, to treat witli the English, and at Georgetown,
ui)on Arowsike Island, in 1717. There were seven otiier chiefs who attended
also at the time and place last mentioned.

MuGG was a chief among the Androscoggins, and very conspicuous in the
eastern war of 1676-7, into which he seems to have been brought by the
same cause ns Madokawando, already stated. He hud been very friendly to
tlie English, and had lived some time with them.

On the 12 October, 1676, he made an assault upon Black Point, now in
Scarborough, with about 100 warriors. All the iidiabitnnts being gathered into
one fortified place upon that point, a few hands might have delended it against
all the Indians on that side of the country.J While the captain of the garri-
son was gone out to hold a talk with Mugg, the people fled from the garrison
and took all their effects along vith them. A few of his own servants, how-
ever, remained, who fell into the hands of the chief, who treated them kindly.
When i-Vd'icia Card was a prisoner among his men, he told him "<Art< he had
found out the way to bum Boston,^' and laughed mueh about the English;
saying he would have all their vessels, fishing islands, and whole country,
and bragged about his great numbers. He was killed at Black Point, on 16
May, the sairie place where, the year before, he had had such good success. He
liati besieged the garrison three days, killed three men, and taken one captive
The celebrated Symon, who had done so much mischief in many jtlaces, was
with him here. Lieutenant Tippin, who commanded the garrison, " made a

* Sno Jnnson's Stranger in America, 270, ed. 4lo. London, 1807 ; Umvertal Magazine, vol.
xciii. 21 ; Dr. Soulhey's Preface to his Madock ; Boiinupt's E.-rprd. ai^ainst Ohio Indians, 69.
?il. 4to. London, 1766 ; Ker's Travels in America, 167 — 172 ; Rurk, Hist. Virginia, ii. 84
Ucatly, Joiir. 24; Moulton's New-York, 1. 45.; Barton's Physical Jour. i. pt. ii. 79
Culumb. Macr. for 1787.

* Alagnalia, vii. 94. It is dated 7 Jan. 1698—9. i Hubbard, Ind. Wart, ii. 46,

CH*r. VIII.]

SYMON ATTACKS IlKADFURD.

293

*.>

HiKTL'Bsi'iil Hliot ii|(aii flti Iiuliuii, tliiit wuH obHiTvefl tu be very hiiRy and bold
in tlio (iMMault, wlio at tliiit tiiiiu whh deemed to Ite Si/imm, tliu urch villuiii niid
iiiciMidiiiry of all the eastward Iiidiaiis, but proved tu l>c uiic uliiiost us good
as liiiiiH(^lt| who was called JMogg," •

Sr.wo.N, jimt nutiied, wan a troublesome fellow, who roiitiiiiied to rrcato
roimideruble alurin to the inhabitants upon the Merrimui-k Uivir, in the vicin-
ity of Newbury and Amcsbury, about which part Heems to have Insen his
residence, as late as the month of July, 1077. On theUth of July, six Indians
were seen to go into the but^hes not liir from tlie garrison at Amesliury ; two
days l)ctbre, several men had been killed in the neighlMirhood, and one woman
wounde«l, whose name was Huimby. Symon was ihe alleged leader of the
iiarty which connnitted the depredation. Mrs. (^nimbij was sure that it was
lie who " knocked her on the head," and she knew the names of many of the
rest with him, and named Andrew, Geoffrey, and Juaeph. She lM>ggcd of Si/mon
not to kill her. He re|)licd, " /F%, ^oodwife (^uimby, do you think that 1 will
kill you .1" She said she was afraid he would, l)ecuiiso he killed all the
English, iSlMmon then said, " 1 will give quarter to never an Knglish dog of
vou ail," and then gave her u blow on the head, which did not happen to hurt
Iter much ; at which, being a woman of great connige, she threw a stone at
him; he then turned upon lier, and "struck her two nion; blows," at which
she icil, and ho Iclt her lor dead, liefore he gave hi r the last blows, she
called to the garrison for help. He told her she need not do that, for, said
lie, "I will have that too, by und by." Symon was well known to many of
the inhabitants, and cs|)ccially to Mrs. (^uimby, as he had tbnnerly lived with
lier father, tfilliam Osiiood.] In April, l(i77, Symon and h'srompaniims burnt
the house of Edward h'eymoulh at Sturgeon Creek, und iilmidcred the house
of one Crawley, but did not kill him, because he liau shown kindness tu
Symon^s grandmothcr.|

Symon was one of the Christian Indians, as were Andrew, Geoffrey, Peter,
and several others of the same com|)any, a circumstance which, with many,
much aggravated their offences. The irruption just mentioned is tiius re-
luted by Mr. //utiarrf ; § " S;i/MU)n und »'J»i</rcic, the two bretliren in iniipiity,
with a few more, adventured to come over Pascat^iipia River on I'orlsiuouth
side, when they burnt one house within tour or iive milis of the town, and
took a maid and a young woman cu])tive ; one of them huving a young child
in her arms, with which not willing to be troubled, they gave leave to her
that held it, to leave it with an old woman, whom the Intliun Symon sj)ared
because he said she had been kind to his grandmothi r; yet one of the two
captives escaped from their hands two days ufier, us did the nthcr, April 22,
who gave notice of the Indians, (being not so narrowly looked to us they
used to do others.")

It wtts on 3 May, 1G7(1, that Symon, Andrew und Peter fell ui)on the house
of Thomas Kimhcd, of Bradford, killed i.im, and curried otF his wife and five
children into the wilderness.|| Having on the whole cout^hided to make
pence with the English while they could, did, before the end of six weeks,
restore the captives. Instead of improving the opportunity of securing their
friendship, the English seized Svmon and Andrew, and confined them in the
jail at Dover. This treatment they considered, us very naturally they should,
only a precursor of something of a different character; and therefore found
means to break jail, und make good their escape. They joined their eastern
li'iends, und hence followed manv other crnelties, some of which we have
already related. About the first cIej)redation which followed their fligiitfrom
Dover, was committed at Greenland. One John Kemston was killed, and his
house burned. A writer of that day, after observing that the perpetrators of
the outrage were Symon, Andrew, and Peter, observes that they were the " three
we had in prison, and should have killed," and clones with this exclamation,

t MS. Documents.

{ Dvlknap's A^ Hampshire.

Hist. N. England.
Hist. N. England, 631.

See llie very crtilitable History of Haverhill, (p. 53.) by Mr M'/rirk, for otJier interesting
pafticulurs respecting this affair

296

SYMON.— ESCAPE OF CAPTIVES.

[Book IIL

|. :

" The good Lord pardon us." * Thus some considered they nai need of par-
don for not deaUng witli more rigor towards tlio Indians !

One of the most important actions in wliich S)fmon wan engaged remains
to he related. Mr. Jlnthony Brackdt, wlio hvcd ut Back Cove, upon a large
estate now owned in part hy Rlr. Veering of Portland, liad heen visited by
Symoji, occasionally, who, like Totoson, in the case of Clarke at Eel River, in
Plimouth, had made himself well acquainted with the situation of his house
and liimiiy. On the 9th of August, 1G7G, some Indians had killed one of Brack -
etVs cows. Brackett innnediutely complained to Sjjmon of the outrage, who
promised to bring to him tlie peri)etrutors. Bleamvhile a complaint was de-
spatched to Major }Valdrun at Dover, wiilch might have heen the cause of the
course Symon immediatti alter pursued; ibr, if, when he had promised to
aid in adjusting the aO'air, uc learned tliat, at the same time, a force had been
secretly applied for, it is a suflicient reason, in this rulHed state of things,
that he should show himself an enemy, as he did, on the morning of the
11th, two days alter the injury was done. Friday was the 11 August, and it
was early in the morning that Symon ai)peared at the head of a party, at the
house of Captain Jlnthony Brackett " Ihcsc are the Indians," said he, " that
killed the cow." No sooner Avas this said, than tiie house was entered, and
the guns seized upon belonging to the limiily. Brackett then asked what was the
meaning of their carriage, and Symon replied, "So it must be," and demanded
of him whether he would go witli them, as a captiv<', or be killed ; to which
he answered, that if the case were so, he preierred to ser^e as a ca))-
tive ; Symon then said they must be bound, und, accordingly, 3Ir. Brackett,
his wife, (who was a daughter of Michael Mitlon,) and a negro, were bound.
Mrs. BracketVs brother JVathaniel, only son of M. Mitton, was of the
family, and made some resistance when they were about to bind him, and
was killed upon the spot. The rest, Brackett, his wife and five children were
carried away prisoners. They continued in captivity until the November
tbilowing, when some of them found means to eflect an escape ; which was
singularly fortunate, and worth relating. In their wanderings, those who
held them captive, came to the north side of Casco Bay. Here news reached
the Lidians that Arowsike Island had been captured by tiieir brethren, and
they at once determined to share in the booty ; so, in their hurry, their eag'er-
ness for the spoil of Arowsike outweighed their fears of losing their j)rison-
ers. Therefore they promised Captain Brackett and the rest, tliat if they would
come aflcr them, they should have a share in the good things which had
been taken ; and accordingly set off and leil them. Mrs. Brackett, taking ad-
vantage of their good leelmg, just before they left, asked them for some
meat, which was readily granted ; she found an old birchen canoe, which had
been probably abandoned by tlie Indians, by reason of its being nearly brok-
en up, but in which it was resolved to attempt an escape : and with the help of
tt needle which Mrs. Brackett also found in an old liouse at that place, she
was enabled so to mend the canoe, that it walled herself and child, her hus-
band and the negro man to tlie opposite shore of the bay, a distance of eight
or nine miles, in safety. They hardly could have expected but what, on
landing near Black Point, they would have been in the vei-y presence of In-
dians, yet it so happened that although they had but just destroyed the settle-
ments there, they had all left the place. And a vessel, which happened veiy
fortunately in that neighborhood, took them in safety to Portsmouth.

The wife of Cajrtain Jlnthony Brackett siiould not be overlooked in ennrae-
ratijig the heroines of our coiuitry. Her name was Jinn. Slie dii d aller this
war, but the time is not ascertained. Her husband married again, a daupliter
of Jlhraham Drake, Senior, of Hampton, whose name was Susannah,] by whom
he had several children. When Colonel Church had tiio nieniorablo fight
with the Indians at Casco, 21 September, Kitt), Captain Brackett wiis killed.
After this his wife and children went to her fiither's at Hampton, l)nt finally
returned to their possessions.

We are now to commence upon the recital of one of the most horrid mas-
sacres any where recorded — tlie sacking of Dover by the famous cliiefs Kan-

nut. N. Enghnd, i. 158.

t Hubbard's Nnr. aii<l U i7/i,sV Porllniiil, i \M — l.i5.

Chap. VIII]

KAXKAMAGUS.— INDIAN LETTERS.

297

kairutgus atid Massandowet, and the barbarous murder of Major fr(ddron and
many of liis people.

K \NKA.MAGUt5, commonly in tlie histories called Hos^kins, Hawkins, or
Hakins, was a Pennakook saciiein, and an artlul, persevering, faithful man, as
long as he coidd depend upon the English for protection. 15nt when Clovernor
Cranfield, of New Hampshire, used his endeavors to bring down the iMohawka
to destroy the eastern Indians, in ltJ84, wlio were constantly stirred up by tlie
F'rench to commit depredations upon tlx; English, Knnkaimtgus, knowing the
Mohawks madu no distinction win re they came, tied to tiie eastward, and
joined tlie Audroscoggins. lie had a fort u|)on that river, where his finnily
and that of another sachem, called fVorombos, or Korombo, lived. IJut belbre
he fled his country, he addressed several letters to the governor, which dis-
cover his fiitelity as well as his fears; and from \\liii'h there is no doubt but
he would always gladly h;>ve lived in his own couitry, and on the most inti-
mate and friendly terms with the English, to whom he had become atUiched,
and had adopted much of their manner, and could read and write, but foi
the reasons ju.'st stated. The following letters fully explain the situation of
his mind and his feelings,at the time heexjiected the Alohawks would ravage
his country : —

•' Mail 15th, 1685, Honor governor my friend. You my friend I desire your
worship and your power, because I hope you can do som great matters this one. 1
am poor ana naked, and have no men at my place because I afraid allways Mohoga
he will kill me every day and night. If your worship when please pray help me you
no let Mohogs kill me at my place at Malamake River called Pamddcog and Jva-
tukkog, I will submit your worship and your power. And now I want pouder and
tuch alminishon, shatt and guns, because I have forth at my horn, and I plant
theare."

This all Indian hand, but pray you do consider your humble servant.

Simon Detookom,*

Joseph X Trask,

King ^ Harry,

Sam c^ Linis,

Wapeguanat n^ Saguachuwashat,

Old X lioBiN ,

Mamajvosgues f Andra.

JOHN HOGKINS,

PETEr 0*0 Robin,

Mr. Jorge X Hodunnonukgos,

Mr. Hope X HoTH,t

John Toneh,

John do Canowa,

John X Owamosimmin,

Natonih, {{ Indian.

The same day, as appears by the date of it, Hogkins wrote the followir.jf
letter, which bears the same signature as the above : —

" Honor Mr. Governor, — JVbfo this day I com your hnuse, I vant se you^ and I
bring my hand at before you I want shake hand to youifyow worship when please,
(I en receive my hand then shake your hand and my hand. You my friend because
I remember .d old time when live my grant father and grant mother then English-
men com this country, then my grant father and Englishmen they ruike a good
governtnent, tliey friend atlwaycs, my grant father living at place called Malainake-
rever, oilier name chif .Yatukko and Panukkog, that one rever great many 7iamea
and I bring you this few skins at this first time I loUl giue my friend,

" This all Indian liand."

The two following are from the same.

" Please your worship, — / will infreat you matllier you mi/fiiend now [ J

this if my Indian he do you long pray you no put your law, hecaiuie som my Indiana
fool, som men much love drunk tlicn he no know wival he do, may be he do mischief
when he drunk if so pray you must let me know wlutt he done because I ivill ponia

* Tho same called lielokom in Gookin, probably.^See atUe, Hook 11. Chap. vil.
t rurliaps Ilopelwod.

< 1

298

KANKAMAGUS.— INDIAN TREATY.

[Book IH.

him about lohat he hauc '^one, you, you my friend if you desire my business, then
sent me I will help you if I can. John Hogkins."

"Jt/r. Mason, — Pray I want speak you a few ivords if your worship when please
because I com parfas twill speake this governor but he go away so r ; say at last
night, and so far I understand this governor his power that your power now, so he
speak his own moidh. Pray if you take what 1 ivant pray com to me because 1
want go hom at this day. Your humble servant,

"May 1(J, lfJ85. John Hookins, Indian sagnwr."

About tlie time these Jetters wer<? written, persons wore sent among the
Indians to ascertain whetlier, us was reported, they were assuming a warlike
attitude. Tliose to whom the inquiry was intrusted, on their retui'u report-
ed, " tiiat four Indians came iVoni Ibrl Albany to the fort at Penacook, and in-
formed tlieni [the Indians tliere] that all the Mohawks did declare they would
kill all Indians Irom Uncus at 31ouut Hope to the eastward as far as Pegypscot

"The reason of jVutombamat, sagamore of Saco, departed his place was, be-
cause the same news was brought there, as himself declared, upon reading
my orders at Penacook. JVatombamat is gone to carry the Indians down to
the same place, where they were before departed from U3 on Sunday morn-
ing, and desired Captain Hooke to meet him at Saco five days after. Both
Bagamores of Penacook, viz. Wonalanset and Mesandourit, the latter of which
is come down, did then declare they had no intention of war, neither indeed
are they in any posture for war, being about 24 men, besides squaws and
papooses. The reason, they said, why they did not come among the English
as formerly, was, their fear, that if the Mohawks came and fought them, and
they should fly lor succor to the English, that then the Mohawks would kill
all the English for harboring them."

Notwithstanding this state of affairs, commissioners met the Indians on
tJie 8 September, 1685, and a peace was concluded "between the subjects of
his Majesty King James II, inhabiting N. Hampshire and Maine, and the In-
dians iidiabiting the said provinces." The ai'ticles were subscribed on the
port of the Indians by

The mark ^ of Mesandowit.
" X of Wahowah,

alias HopEHOOD
•♦ vl/ of TecamoriHick,

alias JusiAS.

The mark ^ of John Nomony,

alias Ufsawaii.
" 3 of Umbesnowah,
alias Robin.

The following signers agree to comply with the terms of the treaty
tlieir neighbors nave done."

fos

The mark 'IS of Netambomet,

of Wahowah, alias

HoPEHOOD.

of Ned Higgon
of Newcome

KANCAMAGUS, alias
John Hawkins, sagamore,
signed this instrument, 19th 7ber,
1685, his a marL

Bagesson, alias Joseph Traske,
his ^ mark.
within written

And agreed to all

Whether Ihgltins were among the Penakooks seized by Major ^Faldron
about ten year.- lieforo, is not certain, or, if he were, it is not proouble any
resentment remained in his breast against him on that account, as tl"! Pen-
nakooks were all permitted to return home; but it is certain tiiat lie as the
director and leader in the dreadful calamity which fell upon ff'ai in not
long afterward, and which is as much chargeable upon the maltreatment
they received from the English, at least, as upon any agency of the I'Vench.
It may bo trr. that many belonging to the eastward, who were seized with
the Pennakooka, an(l sold or left in foreign count ies, had found their way
back among their friends again, and were glad of tins first oiiportuiiity of
revenging themselves upon the author of their unjust expatriation.

Major IValdran li"«tl at Dover, then called by its Indian name, Qttocficcfco

t<: 1

Chap. VII;.] KANKAMAGUS.— DB:sTI{UCT10N of DOVER.

299

in New Hninpsliire, in a strong jrnnison-lioiise, at wliich pla.e were also
four others. Kankamagus had artfully contrived a stratajrein to effect the
surprise of the place, and had others beside the Pennakooks from ditierent
places ready in great numbers, to prosecute the uiidertakinj;. The plan was
this. Two squaws were sent to each garrison-house to get liberty to stay for
the night, and when all should be asleej), they were to open the gates to the
waiTiors. Masavdowet, who was next to Kankamagus, went to Major H'al-
rfron's, and informed him that the Indians would come the next day and trade
with him. While at supjjer with tlie major, Maaandowtt said to him, with an air
of familiarity, " Brother fFaldron, what would you do if the strange Indians
should come.'" To which he vauntingly replied, " that he could assemble
an hundred men by lifting up his finger." In tliis security the gf.tes were
Ojiened at midnight, and the work of death raged in all its fury. One garri-
son only escaped, who would not admit the squaws. They rushed into
Waldron^s liouse in great numbers, and while some guarded the door, others
commenced the slaughter of all wiio resisted. Waldron was now 80 years
of age, yet, seizing his sword, defended himself with great resolution, and at
fii-st drove the Indians before hhn from room to room, until one getting be-
hind nun, knocked him down with his hatchet. They now seized upon, and
dragged him into the great room, and placed him in an armed chair upon a
table. While they were thus dealing with the master of the house, they
obUged the family to provide them a sup{)er, which when they had eaten, they
took off his clothes, and proceeded to torture him in the most dreadful man-
ner. Some gashed his breast with knives, saying, " / cross out my account ; "
others cut off joints of his fingers, and said to him, " JVow will your Jisl weigh
a pound?"

After cutting off his nose and ears, and forcing them into his mouth, he
became faint Irom loss of blood ; and some holding his own sword on end
upon the floor, let him fall upon it, and thus cndiid his misery.

The Indians had been grcuily abused and wronged in their trading with
the whites, and it is a tradition to tliis day all over that part of the country,
that Major fValdron took great advantige of them in trade, aufl did not cross
out their accounts when they had paid him ; and that, in buying la'aver, his
fist was accounted to weigh a pound. Although he may iiave taken no nw)re
advantage of the Indians than the majority of Indian traders, yet, at this dis-
tant day, extenuation will not be looked for in impartial accounts of tiie
transactions of our ancestors with the Indians.

To enumerate the villunies practised upon this devotf^d people, won!<! be
to exijose to everlasting odium the majority of frontier traders from the
earliest to the present time ; but true history, now-a -days, is hut little rea<l,
and little indeed where the facts militate against the pride of ancestry. A
history of wrongs and suftirings preserved only to be read by tho.<t; who
have conniiitted them, must be an unwelcome record ! It was, and to this
day is, in manv places, a uniform practice among speculators or land-jobbers,
to got the Indians drunk, and then make their bargains with them! In the
time of P/ii/iys war, an Andioscoggin Indian said "that he had given an
hundred pnuiul for water drawn out of Mr. P. [Purchas] his well."* lint to
return t ) our narrative.

Several were killed at each of the garrison-houses that fell into their hands.
They kept the place until the ne.xt morning, when, after collecting all the
plunder they could carry, took U|) their march, with 29 captives, into the wil-
derness towards Canada; wluire the chief of them were bought by the French,
and in time got home to their country again. Twenty-three were kille*' he-
fore tliey left the place. This affiiir took place t. . the night of the 2?th f
Jane, lOtiH. Several friendly Indians informed the English at Chelmsford
of the certainty of an attack upon Dover, and they caused a letter to be de-

* Hnhhard, ii. 11.— Thomas Purchase's lioiiso nl l'(!iry|)srot was ninoiig llic first llmt fpjl a
|)rcy Id llie eastum hidiaiis in Philip's war. In llm li(';;i'iiiiiii{f (ifSi'plemlwr, about 20 ortliom
wrnt llicrc, and at first ofTtTcd to trade, hul Mr. J'uixhdse and liis son !)ci-ig Crom liome, llicy
took what they liked without even asking the price of it killed a few sheep and calves, auJ
diiparted. Ibid, 14, 15.

300

HOPEIIOOD.— ATTACK ON KEWICHEWANNOK. [Uook HI

spntched in season to have notified the people, bui on account of some delay
»t Newbury ferry, the l)eiiefit of that information was lost

Four years after. Colonel Church took Worombd's fort, in which were Kan-
kamagxis's wife and children. This fort was upon the Androscoggin, about
25 or 30 miles from its mouth. In another place, we have given a history
of Church's expedition to this Ibrt. The prisoners taken here informed Church
that there had been lately a great council held there by the Indians, in which
"many were for peace and many agains: it; "but they finally agreed to go
with yOO warriors to Wells with a flag of truce, and to offer the English
peace, which if not accepted, they would then fall upon them. " If they
could not take Wells, then they resolved to attack Piscataqua. The which,
jays Churchy when we were well informed of, we left two old squaws that
were not able to march, gaue them victuals enough for one week of their own
corn, boiled, and a little of our pruisions, and buried their dead, and left them
clothes enough to keep them warme, and left the wigwams for them to lye
in : gaue them orders to tell their friends how kind we were to tiicni, biding
them doe the like to ours. Also if they were for peace to come to goodmaii
SmalPs, att Barwick, within 14 days, who would attend to discourse them ;
then we came away with our own five captiues, [English that they had de-
livered,] and nine of theirs."*

In tlie same letter we are informed that among these prisoners were
Kankamagus^s wife and four children. His brothor-in-law was taken, but he
" ran away from them." Among the slain was Kanknmagus^s own sister. A
girl was brought away whoso fiither and mother had been slain before her
eyes. Two of the children of fVoromho were also among the prisoners, all of
whom were carried to I'iinioiith. This expedition upon the Andrcocoggii;
was on Sunday, 14 Septemlwir. 1G90.

A few days after this, CLurch landed at C.".sco, where the Indians fell upon
him by surprise, and were not beaten off' for some time, and then only by
nard fighfMig. ThisAvason the 21 Soptend)er. Church had seven men killed
an«l 24 wounded, two of whom died in a day or two after. The Indians who
made this attack were probaltly led by Knnkamagus and Woromho.

HopF.HOOD was a chief nearly as celebrated, and as much detested in his
time, as the chiefs of whom we have just sitokeii. lie was chief of the tribe
of the Kennebccks geiiernlly known as the Nerigwoks. lie was the son of
Robinhood, a sachem ol" whom we have spoken in a former chapter. Accord-
ing to some writers Hopehtmd was also known by the name fVohaiva.j The
cai'oer of his warlike exploits was long atul bloody. Our first notice of him
is in Philip's war, at the attack of a house at Newichewannok, since Berwick,
in Maine. Fifteen persons, all women and children, were in the house, and
Hopehood, with one only beside himself, Andrew of Saco, whom wc; have be-
fore mentioned as an accomplice with Si/mon, thought to surprise them, and
but for the timely discovery of their approach by a young woman within,
would have effected their purpose. She fastened and held the door, while
nil the others escaped unobserved. Hopehood and his companion hewed
down the door, and knocked tiie girl on the head, and, otlierwiso womiding
her, left her for dea<l. They took two children, which a fence had kept from
escaping. One they killed, the other they carried off alive. The young
woman recovered, and was entirely well afterwards.

One of the most important actions in which Hopehood was engaged was
that against Salmon Falls in New Hampfihire, which is minutely detailed by
Charlevoix, from whose history we translate as follows. Three expeditions had
been set on foot by Govern )r tVonlenac, the troops for which had been raised
at threo places, Montreal, Tl ree Rivers, and Qiiebeclc Those raised at
Three Rivers were ordered against New England ; and such was the insig-
nificance of that |)lace, that but 52 men could he raised, including 5 Algon-
(|iuns and 20 Sokokis : these Indians had lately returned from an eastern
expedition. They had at their head one of tiio officers of tiie colony, to

* M!iiiu$cri|)l Idler written at tliu time l>y Church, and sunt to (iovernor Hinckley of
('liiniiiitli.

t liirris, ill his Voviiirc's, ii. SO'J, w ho snys he wns a Mum ; but as he riles no nutlioritiits,
K'C know not liuw he cainu liv his iiildniiuliuii.

Chap. VllI] HOPEIIOOD— DESTRUCTION OF SALMON FALLS.

301

whom could lie intrusted the execution of an enttrpriiic of such a nature,
with tlijj greatest conHdonce ; such is the testimony which Count Frontenae
gave in a letter which he wrote at the time to .M. de Seignelay. That ofHcer
was the Sicur Herlel. Li the small company which he conunanded, he had
three of his sons and two of his uei)hew8 ; viz. The Sieur Crevier, Lord
of S. I'Vancois, and the Sieur Gatintau.

He lell Three Rivers the 28 January 1G90, proceeding direetly south into
the country, leaving Lake Champlaiu to his left, then turning to the east, and
after a long and rugged ma'^ch he arrived on the 27 * March, near Sahnou
Falls,! which he had reconnoitred by his spies. He then divided his men
into three companies ; the fii'st, composed of 15 men, was ordered to attack
a large fortified house. The second, consisting of 11 men, was ordered to
seize upon a tort, defended by lour bastions. The tliird, which Hertd com-
manded in person, marched to attack u still greater Ibit, which was defended
by cannon. All was executed with a conduct and bravery which astonished
the English, who made at first stout resistance ; but they could not with-
stand the fire of the assailants : the bravest were cut to pieces, J and the
rest, to the number of 5-1, were made prisoners of war. It cost the victors
but one Frenchman, who had his thigh broken, and who died the next day :
27 hoi SOS were reduced to ashes, and 2000 § domestic animals perished iii
the barns, which had been set on fire.

Salmon Falls was but six leagues from a great town called Pascataqua,|!
from whence men enough might be sent to swallow up Hertd, am! cut off
his retreat. In fact, upon tlie evening of the same day two savages gave
notice that 200 ^ English were advancing to attack them. Hertel expected
it, and had taken his measures to frustrate those of his enemy. He drew
lip his men in order of battle upon the edge of a river,** over which there
was a very narrow bridge, one extremity of which he had secured, and it
was impossible for the Liiglish to come upon him at any other point. They,
however, attempted it, despising the small numbers of the French, whom
tiiey engaged with great confidence. Htrtd suffered them to advance with-
out firing a gun, and all at once fell upon them, sword in hand ; 8 were
killed and 10 wounded in the first shock, and the rest fled with precipita-
tion, ft He lost in this encounter tlie brave Crevier, his nephew, and one of
the Sokokis. La Fresniere, his elder son, was shot in tlie knee ; the scur of
which wound he bore lor 50 years. Jf

As Hertd §§ was returning to Canada, he fell in with another ptrty of his
countrymen, which proved to be that raised at Quebec, before mentioned,
under M. de Portnetif,\\\\ a d with him agreed upon an expedition against

• Belknap, Hisi. N. IL i. 132. following' Mather, Ma^nalia, vil. 68, dates Ihis affair 18
March : there is in reality no error, allowing for the difTerence of style, (except one day*,) the
English not yet havin)( adopted the Uregoriui method, which the i<rench had.— See Buuk II
Cap. 11.

f I'ris d'une bourffade Angloise. appelipe Stfmenids.

X About 30 were killed, according to Belknap, Hist. N. H. i. 132.

\ Charlevoix has been misconstrued by some authors, and made to say SOOO head of cattle
vere burned. — See Williavison, Hist. Maine, i. 6IU, who probably did not refer to the text of
Charlevoix, or perhaps used an exceptionable translation. " Deux tnilU jiUces da betail peri-
rent dans les etables, oil I'on avoit nds lefeu." Nouretle France, ii. 51.

II Scnientels ii'otoit qu'd six lieuCs d'une assez grossc bourgade de la Nouvelle Angleterre,
iioiniiK'c Pescadouft. Nouvelle France, ii. 51.

H " About 140 men." Belknap, ii. 132.

** VVoosler's River, in IJerwick. Ibid.

tt The English advanced with ffreat intrepidity, and a warm engagement ensued, which
lasted till night, when they retired with the loss of tour or five killed. Ibid.

tt The English, allhongh warned by the fate of Schenectaday, " dreamt," says Mather, " that
while the deep snow of tlie winter coiilinuc<l, they were safe enough; but this proved as vain
IS a dream of a dry summer. On March 18, ihe French and Indians, bcini; half one, half
t'other, half Indianised French, and half Frenchified Indians, commanded by RIonsieur Artel
and Iloop- Hood, fell suddenly upon Salmon-falls," &c. Magnalia, vii. 68.

64 The English called him Artel, as his name was pronounced. S<;e Magnolia, il id.

11 ii The French wrote English names queer enough, but really I should be sadly puzzled to
tell which should laugh at the other : however, modern writers should not copy old errors of
ignorance. It is easy to see how we come by the name of Burneffe in oui Histories of Net*
England. — Sue Hist. Maine, i, 621.

-4V

•'*!l

v|8

i r^B

:t 1

302

Iior.-.IIOOI)— Dr.STIlUCTION OF CASCO.

[Book III

':i'/

C'lisco. As Portneiif iii!iiclii'<l tliroiigh the couiiti-y of the Abenakis, many
ol" them joined him, iitui hu came \i\lo the neighborhood of Cusco, qccord-
iiig lo (ho Frciirh in'coiiiit, on the 25 3Iuy. On the following uiglit, he pre-
pared un nmhiiHii, and towards morning tin Englishman fell into it and was
killed. The Iniliaiid then rained the wur-whoo]), and about noon 50 English
marched out I'rom the garriBon to learn what was the occasion of it ; they
made no discovery until they were within a few ])aces of the ambush, when
tiny were tired upon ; and before they could resist were fallen upon by the
French and Indians with their swords antl tonialiawks with great slaughter :
but lour escaped, and these were badly wounded.

The English seeing now they must stand a siege, abandoned four garri-
sons, and all retired into one, which was provided with cannon. lielbie these
were abandoned, an attack was made upon one of them, in which the
French were repulsed, with the loss of one Indian killed and one French-
man wounded. Portntuf began now to doubt of his ability to take Casco,
fearing the issue ; for his commission only ordered him to lay waste the
Fnglish settlements, and not to attempt fortified places ; but in this dilemma
Hertd and Hopeuood arrived.* It was now determined to press the siege.
In the deserted forts they found all the necessary tools for carrying on the
work, and they began a mine within 50 feet of the fort, uuder a steej) bank,
which entirely protected them from its guns. The English became dis-
couraged, and on the 28 \ May surrendered themselves prisoners of war.
There were 70 men, and probably a much greater number of women and
children. All of whom, except Captain Davis, who commanded the garrison,
and three or four others, were given uj) to the Indians, who murdered most
of them in their cruel manner; and if the accounts be true, Hopehood
excelled all other savages in acts of cruelty. In the course of the same
month, with a small party he fell upon Fox Point, in New Hampshire, killed
about fourteen persons, and carried away six, alter burning several houses.
This was as easily done, says Cotton Mather, I " as to have spoiled an ordinary
hen-roost." Two companies of English soon collected and pursued them ;
came up with them, killed some, and recovered considerable plunder. In
this action Hopehood was wou'jded, and lost his gun. §

Many were the horrid acts of barbarity inflicted on the prisoners taken
at this time. Not long after this, Hopehood went to the westward, " with a
design, says Mather, to bewitch another crew at Aquadocta into his assist-
ance." The Indians of Canada and the Five Nations were then at war,
and he being in tlieir country, was met by some of the Canada Indians,
who, taking him to be of the Iroquois nation, slew him and many of his
companions. He had been once a captive to the English, and served a time
in Boston as a slave. There appears to have been another Nerigwok chief
of the same name, who treated with Governor Dudley at Casco, in 1703. J

We have, in narrating the events in the life of Madokawando, noticed the
voyage of Major Waldron to the eastern coast of Maine, which was at the
close of Philip's war. How much treachery was manifested at that time by
the Indians, which caused the English to massacre many of them, we shall
not take upon us to declare ; yet this we should bear in mind, that we have
only the account of those who performed the tragedy, and not that of those
who suffered in it.

Captain Charles Fr-^st, of Kittery, was with fValdron upon that expedition,
and, next to him, a i)rincipal actor in it ; and, like him, was killed by the
Indians afterwards. || Mr. Hubbard gives this account of his taking a noted
warrior as follows : — " Capt. Frost seized an Indian called Megunnewa;/, a
notorious rogue, that had been in arms at Connecticut last June, at the falls,

* Madokawando was also nt the taking of Casco, as wore the Doneys and llic Ifisruers
[Higgins] Captain Davis's Nar. in 3 (^oll. Mas. Hist. Hoi-. lOt, 5. — Hopehood had homi taken
prisoiiiT, and held as a hostage, with ahoul a dozen others, and was set nt hl)erty by Amiros
lome lime before, lliid.

t This agrees with the Knglish accoiir.ts, abating 10 days, ns observed in a note on the last page.

t Magnalia Christ. AiTKMicana, b. vii. 73.

& "An heathen Indian wonhl rather part with his head than with his gun." Loskiel, ii. 2H

|l At his native place, 4 July, 1ULI7. MS, Utter of Mm Faniier, Esq.

^*,V;

Chap. IX.]

BOMAZEEN.

303

and sir that brave ntid resolute Capt Tttmer, when he was slain about
Green River; and lielped to kill Thomas Brackd* at Casco, [11th] Anpist
last, [11)7(5.] And with the Iielp of Lieut. JViUter, according to tlie major's
order, carried liiin aboard " tiieir vessel. " By this time," the same author
continues, "some of the soldiers were got ashore, and instantly, according
to their major's command., pursued the enemy towards their canoes. In the
chase, several of the enemy were slain, whose bodies these [soldiers] found
at their return, to the number of seven ; amongst whom was Mattaliando,
the sagamore, with an old powow, to whom the Devil had revealed, as some-
times he did ' i Saul, that on the same day he should be with him ; for he
had a little before told the Indians, that within two days the English would
come and kill them all, which was at the very same time verified upon
himself." Here we must acknowledge, notwithstanding our great respect
for this author, tliat his commentary upon that passage was rather gratuitous.
He might have considered that Satds among the English would not be want-
ing of whom parallels might be made. Indeed, the nistorian of Kanknmagus
might say the Deoil was less deceitlul with this powwow than he was after-
wards in the case of Major Waldron.

The Englisii took mucli plunder from the Indians at this time, among
which were al)out 1000 lbs. of dried beef, and various other commodities.
Meffunneivaif, after having fallen into their hands as we have stated, was shot
without ceremony.

CHAPTER IX.

KoMAZGKN — Treachery of the whites totearda him — Ts imjrrisoned at Boston — Saves
the life of a female captive — Captures Snco — Is killed — Arruhawikwabkmt —
His capture and death — Eoeremet — Seized at Femmaquid — Barbarously mur-
dered — Treachery of Chuhh — Its requital — Captain Tom — Surprises Hampton —
DoNv — His fort captured byColonel Church — Events of Church's expedition — Captain
SiMMO — Treats with the English at Casco — f/wspeecA— Wattanummon — Captain
Samuel — His fight at Dumaris Cove — Heoan — One of the name barbarously de-
stroyed by the whites — Mogg — Westbrook bums Kerigwok — Some account of the
Jesuit Rasle — Moulton's expedition to J^erigiook — Death of Movg — Dealli of Father
Rasit — jYotice of Moulton — Charlevoix's account of this affair — Paugus — Bounty
offered for Indian scalps — Captain John Lovewell's first expedition — His second
hunt for Indians — Falls in with Pacgcs — Fights him, and is slain — Particulars of
the affair — Incidents— Songs composed on the event.

We will continue here our catalogue of eminent chiefs of the east, which,
though a remote section, has no less claim than any other ; and the first of
them which we shall introduce was called, by the whites,

BoMAZEEN, who was a sachem of a tribe of the Canibas, or Kennebecks,
wliose residence was at an ancient seat of sagamores, upon a river bearing
their name, at a place called JVorridgewock. f Whether Botnazeen were the
leader in the attack upon Oyster River in New Hampshire, Groton in Massa-
chusetts, and many other places, about the year 1694, we cannot determine,
but Hulchinson says he was "a principal octor in the carnage upon the

•^r

*:^^

i ■

A-

" He was brother to Anthomi, ami was killed the 11 August, as we have mentioned in our
account of Sijimm. These Indians, or some of their party [that captured Anthony Bracket]
went over upon the neck, where they shot John Miinjoy and Isaac Wakely. Three men, who
wore going to reap at Anthomj Bractfi's, having heani from Munjoy and W'ij/Sre/t/ of the trans-
action llicre, loft tlicm to return, when, hearing tlie guns, they turned towards Tlwmas Bracket's,
who lived near Clark's Point, where they had left their Ccinoe, having probably crossed over
from Purpooduck. Here they saw Tlwmas Bracket shot down, and his wife and children
taken; they then made their escape to ^/(/n/ow'« garrison, at the lower end of the neck, which
hnil become a place of refuge. WiV/iV* Hist. Portland, i. 144. — This was an extensive depre-
dation, 34 persons having been killed ami carried into captivity. ,

t Nerigwok is believed to be the most proper way of spelling the name of this place, as
agreeing best with its orthoPnv ; at least, with that heard at and in the vicinity of it, at this
dky, as pronounced by the oldest inhabitants. It is a delightful place, and will be founri else>
where described.

>i%

IW' ■ '. ■!

S't' '<"■'

B'- , J

304

ARRUHAV.lKVVAnEMT.— TAKEN AND KILLED. [Book IIL

English," after the treaty which lie luul made with Governor Phips, in IHPS.
In 16<J4, he curiie to the Ibrt at I'eniniaqiiid with a flag of truce, and was
treacherously seized by those who coniniundcd, and sent prisoner to lioston,
where he remained some montlis, in a loathsome prison. In 17(M1, new bar-
barities were committed. Chehnsibrd, Sudbiirj', Groton, Exeter, iJover, and
many other places, siiliered more or less.* Many captives were taken and
carried to Canada, and many killed on the way. A poor woman, one liebecca
Taylor, who had arrived at the Kiver St. Lawrence, was about to be lian{:ed
by her master, an " overgrown Indian," named Sampson, The limb of the
tree on which he was executing his purpose gave way, and, while he was
making a second attenipt, Bomazeen happened to be passing, and res-
cued her.

We hear of him just after the death of Jirruhamkwahtmt, in October,
1710, when he fell upon Saco with (50 or 70 men, and killed several peojtle,
and carried away some captives. He is mentioned as a " notorious iellow,"
and yet but few of his acts are upon record. Some time after the peace of
1701, it seemed to be confirmed by the appearance of Bomazeen, and another
principal chief, who said the French Iriars were urgin<f them to break their
union with the English, " iiwi that theu had made no impression on them, for
they loere asfrni as the mountains, and should continue so as long as the sun and
nwon endured." On peace being made known to the Lidians, as having taken
place between the French and English nations, they came into Casco, with
a flag of truce, and soon after concluded a treaty at Portsmouth, N. H.,
dated 13 .luly, 1713. Bomazeen^s name and mark are to this treaty.

When Captain Moidton was sent up to Nerigwok, in 1724, they fell in with
Bomazeen about Taconnet, where they shot him as he was escaping through
the river. Near the town of Nerigwok, his wife and daughter were, in a
barbarous manner, fired upon, the daughter killed, and the mother taken.

We pui'posely omit Dr. C. Mather^s account of Bomazeen^s conversation
with a minister of Boston, while a prisoner there, which amounts to little
else than his recounting some of the extravagant notions which the French
of Canada had made many Indians believe, to their great detriment, as he
said ; as that Jesus Christ was a French man, and the \'ir"in Mary a French
woman ; that the French gave them poison to drink, to inflame them against
the English, which made them run mad. We hear of otiiers, who, to excite
them against the English, endeavored to make them believe, among other
absurdities, that they put Jesus Christ to death in London.

Arruhawikwabemt, just mentioned, was a sachem of the same tribe, and
was said to be of Norridgewock also. We can find but very few particidars
of him, but, i'rom the fate he met with, it is presumed he had been very
instrumental in continuing or bringing about the eastern war of 1710. In
that year. Colonel fValton made aii expedition to the eastern coast of Maine
with 170 men. As they were encamped upon an island, the smoke of their
fires decoyed some of the Indians into their hands, among whom was Jlrru-
haudkwahemt. Penhallotv says, he was "an active, bold fellow, and one of an
, tmdaunted spirit; for when they asked him several questions, he made them
no reply, and when they threatened him with death, he laufrhed at it with con-
tempt! At which they delivered him up unto our friendly Indians, who soon
became his executioners. But when the squaw saw the destiny of her
husband, she became more flexible, and freely discovered where each party
of them encamped." The savage perpetrators of this act called themselves
Christian warriors ! and it must be acknowledged that civilization gains
nothing in contrasting tho conduct of the whites, under Walton, and that
of Bomazeen towards a captive, just related.

Egeresikt, as we have seen, was chief sachem of Kennebeck in 1G90,
and his priuciiml residence appears to have been at Machias. This chief,
and HoNQLiD, with three or four othrrs, having been invited to a conference at
Peminaquid, were treacherously murdered there, IG February, 1G96. Their
seizure and murder could not have bceu outdone, by the greatest barbarians,

• Bomazeen was supposed to have led the party llint allackcd llic south part of Oyster River,
now Durliam, in wliicli 10 persons were killed. This was on 27 April,

Chap. IX.]

EGEREMET.

30.1

for faithlessness ; and we shall learii that its author paid for it in due time
with his lite. We are not disposed to add to transactions which are iu
themselves sufficiently horrihie, but wo will venture to give tiie account aa
we find it in Dr. C. Maihtr's decennium litctuosum : — *

" Let us, before the year be quite gone, see some vengeance taken upon
the heads in the house of the wicked. Know then, reader, that Capt. .March
petitioning to be dismissed from his command of the fort at Peiiima([uid,
one Chub succeeded him. This Chtib found an opportunity, in a |)retty
chubbed manner, to kill the famous Edgeremet and Abenquid, a couple of
principal sagamores, with one or two otlier Indians, on a Lord's day. Some
that well enough liked the thing which was now done, did not altogetiior
like the manner of doing it, because there was a pretence of irentif between
Chub and the sagamores, whereof he took his advantage to lay violent hands
on them."

Thus the manner is seen in which this horrid and cold-blooded act is
related ! ! Few are the instances that we meet with in history, where Indian
treachery, as it is termed, can go before this. The reverend author adds, " W
there were £my unfair dealing (which I know not) in this action of Chub,
there will be another February not far off, wherein the avengers of blood will
take their satisfaction." By this innuendo, what befell Captain Chubb after-
wards is understood, and of which we shall presently give an account

The point of land called TrotVs JVeck, in Woolwich, in the state of Maine,
was sold, in 1685, by Egertmet and several other sachems. In 1(393, on the
II August, with 12 other chiefs, he made a treaty f with Sir JVillinm Phips, at
Pemnmquid, to which their names stood as follows, and without marks, iu
the printed account

Edgeremett.
SIadockawando.
Wassambomet o/" JVoridgicock,
Wenobson of Teconnot, in behalf

of MOXDS.
Ketterramogis of jYarridgwock.
Ahanquid of Penobscot.
bomaseen.
Nitamemet.

Webenes.
awansomeck.
Robin Doney.
Madaumbis.

Paquaharet, alias Nathaniel.
John Hornybrook.
John Bagatawawongo, alias
Sheepscott Johuv
Phill. Dunsttkis, Squaw, i'
terpretera.

Before this, in 1G91, " New England being quite out of breath," says Dr.
C. Mather, a treaty, or truce, was entered into between the eastern sachems
and Messrs. HiUchinson and Townsend, of Boston, and others of the eastern
coast, at Sagadahock. Here ten captives were given up by them, and the
English gave up eight captive Indians. One was a woman by the name of
Hull, who had been of great service to them, having written letters on
various occasions, such as their affairs required, and with whom they re-
gretted much to part Another was MUhaniel ffhite, who had been bound
and tortured in a wretched manner. His ears were cut off, and, instead of
food, he was forced to eat them, after which, but for this time y treaty, tlie
sentence of burning would have been executed upon him. This truce
stipulated that no hurt should be done the English until May, 1692, and that,
on the first of that mouth, they would deliver, at Wells, all English captives
in their hands, and, in the mean time, would inform of any plots that they
miglit know of the French against the English. Egeremet being the chief
sachem, and most forward in this business. Dr. Mather utters his contempt
for him by saying, " To this instrument were set the paws o( Egeremet, and
five more of their sagamores and noblemen." J

This treaty may be seen at length in the Collections of the Mass. Hist Soc,
but is dated one year earlier than it is in the Magnalia. The fact tiiat it was
niade ujjon the water, as Dr. C. Mather says, and as we have quoted in the
life of Madokawando, appears from the lust paragraph of that instrument,

* Mag-iialia, b. vii. 89. f It may be seen in the Magndia, vii. 83.

1 Magnalia Christ. Americana, book vii. art, zzviii. p. 94.

26* U

I ■ !

(r'"

306

EGEREMET.— KILLED AT PEMAQUID.

[llonK III.

which is in these words : — " Signed and sealed interchangeahly, upon tlie
water, in cunoes, at Sackatchock, when the wind blew." It was lieadod, " At a
treaty of peace with the eastwanl Indian enemy sagamores." The otlier fivo
sachems, beside Eiieremd, were ToquelmtU, fVatumbomi, ff^atombamet, Walumht,
[yVorom.boa,'\ and John Hawkins, [or Kankamagus?[ The places for which they
stipulated are, according to the treaty, " Pennecook,Winnepisseockeege, Ossepe,
I'igwocket, Amoscongen, Pechepscut, Kcnnebeck River, and all other places
adjacent, within the territory and dominions of the above-named sagamores.''
The witnesses were, Dewando, [the same called Miwando, by Penhallow
jtrohably,] Aed Higon, John ^Iden, jr., and JVathaniel Mden.

The next year, Egeremet was with Madokawando, Moxus, and a body of
French under Labrocre, and made the notable attack upon the garrison at
Wells, which will bo found recorded in the last chapter.

We will now inform the reader of the wretched fate of Captain Pasco Chub.
It was not long after he committed the bloody deed of killing the Indian sag-
amores, before he and the fort were taken by the French and Indians. He
was exchanged, and returned to Boston, where he suffered much disgrace
for his treachery with the Indians.* He lived at Andover in Massachusetts,
where about 30 Indians made an attack in 1698, on 22 February, in which
he, with othere, was killed, and five were captivated. It was not thought that
they expected to find him there ; but when they found they had killed him
it gave them as much ioy, says Hutchinson, " as the destruction of a whole
town, because they had taken their beloved vengeance of him for his perfidy
and barbarity to their countrymen." They shot him through several times
after he was dead.

In his characteristic style, Mr. Oldmixon speaks of this event.f He says,
" Nor must we forget Chub, the false w»etch who surrendered Pemmaqiiid
Fort. The governor kept him under examination some time at Boston, and
then dismissed him. As he was going to his house, at Andover, the Indiana
surprised him and his wife, and massacred them ; a just reward of his trea-
son." The author, we think, should have added, according to the jurispru-
dence of savages.

The most favorable accoimt given of the conduct of Chub, and indeed the
only one, follows : " An Indian sagamore's son appeared with a flag of truce, and
Cajit. Chub went out to tliem without arms, man for man. An Indian asked for
rum and tobacco: the captain said, 'A'b; it is Sabbath day.' They said,
' JVe will have rum, or we tcill have rum and you too.' Two Indians laid hold on
the captain. Then he called to his men, to fall on, for God's sake. Then he
made signs to his men, to cokne from the fort One of the English had a
hatciiet under his coat, took it out and killed an Indian; and then jurs
killed two more Indians, and took another alive, and wounded another, sup-
posed mortally. Then many of the enemy came near to the English, who
retreated all safe to the fort." X

There was another sagamore of the same name, noticed in the following
wars with the eastern Indians, who was friendly to the whites ; it was proba-
bly he who sometimes bore tlie name of Moxus.

* Harris's Voyages, ii. 305, (ed. 17C4,) says Chub was arrested by Colonel Gedney, who was
sent east wilti three ships of war, on hearing of the surrender of the fort,and that no French or
Indians could be found ; that after he strengthened the garrison, he returned home.

" Col. Gedney had been by land with 600 men, to secure the eastern frontiers. Finding the
enemy gone, he strengthened the garrisons, which were not taken. He also arrested Pasco
Chubb, for surrendenng Pemaquid Fort, while under his command in July, and had him
brought to Boston. Here Captain C/u/AA was confined, till it was decideclthal he should
lose nis commission, and not be eligible for any other. This unfortunate man, with his wife
Hannah, and three others, were killed by the Indians at Andover, Feb. Hi, 1698." Rev. Mr.
Felt's Annals of Salem.

A naval force was sent at the same lime ; hence the accounts are not altogether irrecon-
cilable. Three men-of-war were sent out in pursuit of the French, " but meeting with con-
trary winds, they could never gel sight of tliem." Neal, His. N. Eng. ii. 661.

t Hrilish Empire in America, i. 77, 78.

i Manuscript letter in library Mass. Hist. Soc. written in the following month. As it was
written at a great distance from the place, and from a report of the day, Tittle reliance can be
placed uponlt. Ii may have been Cliub's report of the case.

CAPTAIN TOM— DONEY.
Indii

307

CiiAr. IX.]

Ill the Iiidinn war of 1703, tlioro wna a great Indian captain who resided
soiiu'wlieie to tlu; eiist of PaMcataqtia River, who iriado his name dreaded
among the scttieiiientH in tiiat region, h' some bloody cxpeditiona which he
condncti'd. lie wan called, hy tiie Kngli.sh,

Cai'Tai.v Tom. On 17 August of this year, this daring war-captain, with
aliout 30 others, surprised a part of Hampton, killed five p<>rsnns, whereof
one was a widow //iwaey, " who was a reinarkuhle speaking (.luaker, and much
lamented by her sect." At\er sacking two houses near the garrison, they
drew otr.*

Many Indians bore the name of Tom. Indian Hill, in Newbury, was owned
by Greet/ Tom. lie is supposed to have lieen the last Indian proprietor of
lands in that town. In written instruments, he styles himself, " I Great Tom
Indian." f

We come, in the next place, to an interesting portion of our eastern history.
It has been generally su|)posed that the name Dony, or Doney, was tha name
of an Indian chief, but it is now quite certain that he was a Frenchman, who
look up his residence among the Indians, as Baron de St. Casteins did. There
appears in our history, in lt>45, a "Monsieur Dony" who had some difficulty
with Lord de la Tour, alnjut their eastern possessions, and he was, doubtless,
the same of whom we have an account afterwards, in the war of lt)lK), with
the eastern Indians. At this time, there were two <if the name in Maine,
fatiier and son. The son, perhaps, like Casteins the yomiger, was half Indian,
but of this we are not sure ; nevertheless, to preseiTt? our narrative of the
events of Colonel Churches expedition of 1090, we shall notice them among
others.

Church landed at Maquait, 12 September, before day, and, after a wet,
fatiguing march into the woocls of about two days, on the south-west side of
the Androscoggin, came into the neighborhood of a fort. They came upon
an Indian and his wife who were leading two captives ; and immediately pur-
suing and firing upon them, killed the Indian woman, who proved to be the
wife of Younf^ Doney.X We can only hope it was not their design thus to have
killed an innocent woman. Which party it was that fired upon them (for they
divided themselves into three) is unknown, and we in charity must suppose
that, at considerable distance, and in much confusion, it was dfficult to know
an Indian man from a woman.

As Church expected, Doney ran into one gate of the fort, and out at the
other, giving the alarm so eftectually, that nearly all within it escaped. They
found and took prisoners " but two men and a lad of about 18, with some
women and children. Five ran into the river, three or ibur of which were
killed. The lad of 18 made his escape up the river." The whole numl)er
killed in this action was "six or seven." The English had but one womided.
They took here, at this time,§ a considerable quantity of corn, guns, and ammu-
nition, and liberated Mrs. Huckings, widow of Lieutenant Robert Hucktnsrs,
taken at Oyster River, Mrs. Bar'^ard, wife of Benjamin Barnard, of Sahriou
Falls, ^nne Heard, of Cocheco, a young woman, daughter of one Willis, of
Oyster River, and a lx)y belonging to Ext^ter. These captives, says Church,
" were in a miserable condition." They learned by them that most of their
men were gone to VVinter Harbor to get provisions for the Bay of Fundy In-
dians. This information was given by a prisoner taken in the fort, who also sal;!
that the Bay of Fundy Indians were to join them against the English, in the
spring. "I'he soldiers, being very rude, would hardly spare the Indian's lile,
wnile in examination ; inteniling, when he had done, that hb slioiild be exe-
cuted. But Capt. Hucking's wife, and another woman, ('own on their knees
and t>He!red for liim. saying, that he had been a means of saving their lives,
and a great many more ; and h;u1 heljted seveml to opportunities to run away
and make their escape ; and that never, since he eaine annngst them, had
fought against the Englisii, but being related to Hakin's \\ wife, kept at tlie

• Penlmlli'w, liul. Wars, 8 ; Farmer's IMknap, i. 1G7.

t MaiHiscript Hist. Newlmry, by J. Coffin.

X_ And llio saiiK! oallod in the Masjimlia Robin Uoney.

Says my record, which is a inaiuiscripl loltor Ironi Church, wrilicn at that time.

'I'lie same callud KatiJcunutnta.

^ 11

308

DONEY.-^APTAIN SIMMO.

[Book HI.

W-- 'v

m '

fort with then I, liaviiij? iM^eii tlu-re two years ; l)iit lii.s liviicj was to tho west-
ward of JJoHtoii. So upon their rnqiiewt, Iuh life wiw Mpurt'd."

Two oiil H(|imws W).'re leil in tht; fort, proviiled witli proviBioiis, unu iistriict-
ed to tell those who returned who they were, and what they were determined
to do. They then putybitr or five to death, and dccnini)ed. Tliosc, we nnist
biijipose, were ciiiefly women and children ! " Knocked on the head for an ex-
uinple." We know not that any excuse tan be given for tiiis criminal ait ; and
it ii degrading to consider that the civilized nni»t he sujiposed to imagine tliut
they can prevent Imrharities by being wretchedly barbarous themselves.

ley can pi
Old Do

_ NEY, as he is culled, was next to b<! hunted. Ab they were em-
Imi'kingatMaqiiait, Mr. Anthony Bracket * came to the shore and called to them
to take him on board, which they did. He learning that an English army was
thereabout, made his escape from the Lulians, with whom he had been some
time a prisoner. The .leet now proceeded to Winter Harbor, from whence
they despatched a detachment of GO men to Saco Falls. When they cume
near, they discovered Doney's company on the opposite side of the river, who
chiefly made their escape. A canoe, with three Indians, was ol)served coming
over the river ; they did not see the Englisli, and were fired upon, and " all
tiiree perished." Tliis gave the first alarm to Doney's company. They did
not, however, leave their ground without returning the fire ol" the English, by
which Lieutenant Hunnewell was shot through the thigh.f When the parties
fired u[)on each other. Old Doney, with an English captive, was higher up
the river, who, hearing the firing, came down tu see what it meant ; and thus
he discovered the English time enough to escape. Doneti fled from the
canoe, leaving his captive, who came to the English. His name was Thomas
Baker, who had lived before at Scarborough.

There were many other movements of the English after this, in which
they got much plunder, and which tended to cause an uneasiness among
them, and their final determination to return home. Church urged a longer
continuance, but was outvoted in a council of officers, and thus ended the
expedition^ Many in the country rej)roached Church with cowardice, and
almost every tiling but what we should have looked for. If putting; to death
captives had been tlie iliarge, many might have accorded Amen! But we do
not find that urged against him.

Two years after this, in l(il);3, Robin Doney became reconciled to the Eng-
lish, and signed a treaty with them at Pcmma()uid. But within a year after,
he became suspected, whether with or without reason, we know not, ond
coming to the Ibrt at Saco, probaiily to settle tlio difticultj', was seized by the
English. What his fate was is rather uncertain, but tlie days of forgiveness
and mercy were not yet

Among the chiefs which we shril next proceed to notice, there were seve-
ral of nearly equal notoriety.

Ca])tain Simmo's name should, perhaps, stand most conspicuous. We
shall, theretbre, go on to narrate the events in his life, after a lew preliminary
obseiTtttions.

Whenever war commenced between the English and French in Europe,
their colonies in America were involved in its calamities, to an unknown and
fearful extent. This was the aspect which affairs wore in 1703. W^ith the
first news, therefore, of its flame, the New Englanders' thoughts were turned
towards the Lidians. Governor Diullejj immediately despatched messengers to
most of the eastern tribes, inviting them to meet him in council upon the pen-
insula in Falmouth, on the 20 Jvne, His object was so to attach them to the
English, that, in the event of hostilities between the rival powers on this side
of the Atlantic, they would not take arms against them. Agreeably to the
wishes of the English, a vast multitude assembled at the time appointed :
the chiefs Adiwando and Hi:gnn for the Pemiakooks, Wattanummon for the
Peqiiakets, Mesambomelt and fVexar for the Androscoggins, Moxus and Hope-
hood (perhaps son of him killed by the Mohawks) for the Nerigwoks, Bonut'
zeen and Captain Samuel lor the Kennebecks, and If'arrungunl and IFanadu-

• Son o( ArUhomj, who was killed by the Indians, as we have related, ante.
t Official letter in MS. Troni the expedition.

Chkt. IX.]

CAPTAIN SAMUEL.

301)

gxmhverU for tlie Penobscots. After a short ppecch to them, in which the
fiovcrnnr e.xnresscd brotherly affection, and a desire to Hettle every ditliciilty
"whicfi hud happened since tiic hist treaty," Captain Simmc rej)iied bb
foMows: —

" If'e thank you, good brother, for coming so far to talk with tut. It is a gnat
favor. Thf doiulsjUu and darken — but we still sing toilh lure the songs of peace.
Jfe.ievp m>j words. — So fak as the su.v is above the earth are olr
THorciiTs from war, or the least rupture between us."*

The jrovoriior was tiieii presented witli a belt of wampum, was to confirm
tiie tnitii of wiiut liad been said. At a previous treaty, two lieaps of small
stones jiud been thrown together, near by the treaty ground, and called the
Two-brothers, to signify that the Indians and Knglish were brothers, and were
eonsidercd by the parties in the light of seals to their treaties. They now
repaired to these heaps of stones, and each increased their tnagnitude, by tho
addition of other stones. Thus was happily terminated this lamous treaty.
Some jiarado and rejoicing now commenced, an«l a circumstance transpired
which threw the Knglish into great fear, and, perhaps, greater suspicion. A
grand salute was to be tired upon each side, at jiarting, and the English, od-
visedly, and very warily, it must be confessed, but in oiipearance comj)liment-
ary, expressed their desire that the Indians would fire fust. The Indians
received the compliment, and discharged their guns ; to their great surprise,
the Englisli found they hud been loaded with bullets. Tiiey had before
doubted of their sincerity, but, owing to this discover)', considered their
treacherj' certain, and marvelled at their escape. However, it can only be
presumed, tliut, according to the maxim of the whites, the Indians hud come
pre|mred to treat or fight, as the case might require; for no doubt their guns
were charged when they came to the treaty, otherwise why did they not fire
upon the English when they saluted them ?

What became of Ca])tain Simmo we have as yet no account. Several of
the other chiefs who attended this council were, perliaps, etpiully con-
spicuous.

Wattaxummon being absent when the council first met on the 20 Jiuie,
no business wjis entered upon for several days. However, the English
afterwards said it was confirmed that it was not on that account that they
delayed the conference, but that they exjtected daily a reinforcement of 200
French and Indians, and then they were to seize upon the English, and
ravage the country. Whether this were merely a rumor, or the real state
of the case, we have no means of knowing, ffattamimmon was 8U|)posed
to have been once a Pennakook, as an eminence still bears his name about u
mile fi-om the state-house in \e\v Hamjtshire.f

Captain Samuel was an Indiun of great hraverj', and one of the most for-
ward in endeavoring to hdl the flarsof the English at the great council just
mentioned. What gave his |>retensions the air of sincerity was his coming
with lioniazeen, and giving some hiforniation about the designs of the Frenclu
They said,

" Jllthongh several missionaries have come among vs, sent by the French friars
to break the peace between the English and vs, yet their words have made no iinpre^-
ffionttpon tis. We are as firm as the mountai.ns, a.nd will so continue,

AS LONG AS THE SUN AND MOON ENDURES."

Notwithstanding these strong exiu-essions of friendship, "within six weeks
after," says Penhallow, " the whole eastern country was in a conflagration,
no house standing nor garrison unattacked." The Indians were no doubt
induced to commit this depredation from the influence of the French, many
of whom assisted them in the work. And it is not probable that those
Indians who had just entered into the treaty were idle spectators of the
scene; but who of them, or whether all were engaged in the aftair, we know
not. A hundred and thirty people were said to have been killed and taken,
within that time.

Cajjtain Samuel was either alive 20 years after tliese transactions, or another

• This is Mr. Wit/iamson's version of the speech, Hist. Maine, ii. 3G.
i MS. conununicuiion of J. Farmer, Esq,

310

IIEGAN.— MOGG.

[Book III

la!

of the name made liiiiiself conspicuous. In June, 1722, this wanior chief, at
tiie head of Hve others, boarded Lieutenant Tt7/on, as he lay at anchor a fishing,
near Daniaris Cove. They pinioned him and his brotlier, and beat them
very sorely ; but, at last, one got clear and released the other, who then fell
with great fury upon the Indians, threw one overboard, and mortally wound-
ed two more.* Whether Captain Samud were among those killed is not
mentioned.

There was a Captain Sam in the wars pf 1745. In the vicinity of St.
George's, Lieutenant Proctor, at the head of 19 militia, had a skirmish with tJie
Indians, 5 Sept., in which two of their leaders were killed, viz. Colonel Morris
and Captain Sam, and one Colonel Job was taken captive ; the latter being sent
to Boston, he died in prison. To quiet the resentment of his relatives, the
government made his widow a valuable present after the peace, f

W«; should not, perhaps, omit to speak separately of another chief, who
was present at the famous treaty mentioned above ; we refer to

Hegan. His name is also spelt Hegon and Heigon. There were several
of the name. One, called Mogghdgon, son of Walter, was a sachem at
Saco, in 1664. This chief, in that year, sold to Wm. Phillips, " a tract of
land, bemg bounded with Saco River on the N. E. side, and Kcnnebunk
River on tlie S. W. side." To extend from the sea up Saco River to Salmon
Falls, and up the Kcnnebunk to a point opposite the former. No amount is
mentioned for which the land was sold, but merely "a certain sum in
goods." J One Sampson Hegon attended the treaty of Pemmaquid, in 1698 ;
John, that at Casco, in 1727 ; JVcd was a Pennakook ; Walter, brother of
Mogg ; § The fate of one of the name of Hegon is remenjbered among the
inhabitants of some j)arts of Maine to this day. He was tied upon a horse
with spurs on his heels, in such a manner that the spurs continually goaded
the animal. When the horse was set at liberty, he ran furiously through an
orchard, and the craggy limbs of the trees tore him to pieces. Mather, in
his Decennium Luctuosum, || seems to confirm something of the kind,
whicli took place at Casco, in 1694, where the Indians, having taken some
horses, made a bridle of the mane and tail of one, on which " a son of tiie
famous Hegon was ambitious to mount." "But being a pitiful horseman, he
ordered them, for fear of his falling, to tie his legs f'aist under the horse's
belly. No sooner was this beggar set on horseback, and the spark, in his own
opinion, thoroughly equipped, but the nettlesome horse furiously and ])resently
ran with him out of sight. Neither horse nor man was ever seen any more.
The astonished tawnies howled after one of their nobility, disappearing by
Bucli an unexpected accident. A few days after, they found one of his legs,
(and that was all,) which they buried in Cai)t. Brachtt s cellar, with abundance
of lamentation."

Here we cannot but too plainly discover the same spirit in the narrator,
which must have actuated the authors of the deed. He who laughs at crime
is a particijjator in it. — From these, we i)ass to affiiirs of far greater notoriety
in our eastern history ; and shall close this chapter with two of the most
memorable events in its Indian wariiire.

MouG, the chief sachem of Norridgewok in 1724, may very appropri-
ately stand at the head of the history of the first event. IIow long lie had
been sachem at that period, we have not discovered, but he is mentioned
by the English historians, as the old chief of Norridgewok at tliat time.
Notwitiistanding Mogg was the chief Indian of the village of Nerigwok, or,
as Father Cliarlevnix writes it, Narantsoak, there was a French priest settled
here, to whom the Indians were all devotedness ; and it is believed that
they •nidertook no enterprise without his knowledge and consent. The
name of this man, according to our English authors, was RalU, but accord-
ing to his own historian, Charlevoix, it was Rasle.^ The depredations of
the Alu'-naquis, as these Indians were called by those who lived among them,

• Penliallow's Tnd. Wars, 8C.

i .MH. among ilic files in our state-liousc.

IiMagnalia, vii. 87.
Hist. Gen. lie la Nouv. Fr. il. 3S0, et suiv.

t IVillianuion's Ilisl. Ble. ii. 241.
^ MS. k'llcr of John Fanner, Esq

Chap. IX-l

MOGG.— DESTRUCTION OF NERIDGWOK.

311

were, tlicrefore, directly charged by the English upon Father Rash ; hence
their first step was to oft'er a reward for his Lead.* The object of the expe-
dition of Colonel IVesthrook, in 1722, was ostensibly to seize upon him, but he
Ibund the village deserted, and nothing was effected by the expedition but
the burning of the place. Father Raale was the last that left it, which he
did at the same time it was entered by the enemy ; having first secured the
sacred vases of ins temple and the ornaments of its altar. The English
made search for the fugitives, but without success, although, at one time,
they were witlnn about eight fbet of the very t:ce tliat screened the object
for which they sought. Thus the French considered that it was by a remark-
able interposition of Providence, or, as Charlevoix expresses it, par tine inain
invisible, that Father Rasle did not fall into their hands.

Determined on destroying this assemblage of Lidians, which was tiie
head-quarters of the whole eastern countiy, at this time, the English, two
years after, 1724, sent out a force, consisting of 208 men and tlu-ee Moiiawk
Lidians, under Captains MouUon, Harman, and Bourne, to humble them.
They came upon the village, the 23 August, when there was not a man in
arms to oppose them. They had leit 40 of their men at Teconet Falls,
which IS now within the town of Winslow, upon the Kennebeck, and about
two miles below Waterville college, upon tlie opposite side of the river.
The English had divided themselves uito three squadrons : 80, under Har-
man, proceeded by a circuitous route, thinking to surj)rise some in their
corn-fields, while Moxdton, with 80 more, proceeded directly for the village,
wliich, being surrounded by trees, could not be seen until they were close
upon it. All were in their wigwams, and the English advanced slowly and
in perfect silence. When pretty near, an Indian came out of his wigwam,
and, accidently discovering the English, ran in and seized his gun, and
giving the war-whoop, in a few minutes the warriors were all in arms, and
advancing to meet them. Moulton ordered his men not tc fire until the
Indians had made the first discharge. This order was obeyed, ami, as he
expected, they overshot the English, who then fired upon them, in their
turn, and did great execution. When the Indians had given anotiier volley,
they fled with great i)recipitatiou to the river, whither the chief of tiieir
women and children had also fled diu'ing the fight. Some of the lliiglish
])ur.sued and killed many of them in the river, and others liill to |)illugiiig
and burning the village. Mogg disdained to fly with the rest, but kept pos-
session of a wigwam, from which he fired upon tiie pillagers. In one; of
his discharges he killed a Mohawk, whose brother observing it, nislied upon
and killed him ; and thus ended tJie strife. There were about (JO warriors
in the place, about one half of whom were killed.

The famous Rasle shut himself up in his house, from which he fired upon
tiie English ; and, having wounded one. Lieutenant Jar/itc^jtolNewbury, { burst
open the door, and shot him through the head ; although Moulton had given
orders that none should kill him. He had an English boy with him, about
14 years old, who had been taken some time before I'rom the frontiers, and
whom the English reported Rasle was about to kill. Great brutality and
ferocity are chargeable to the English in this affair, according to their own
account; such as killing women and children, and scalphig and mangling
tiie Ixidy of Father Rasle.

There was here a handsome church, with a bell, on which the English
committed a double sacrilege, first robbing it, then setting it on fire ; herein
Hurpussing the act of the first English circumnavigator, in his depredations
upon the Spaniards in South Anitiica ; for he only took away the gold and

* " Apr^s plttsieurs tentalives, d'ahord pour engagi'.r ens sauvagos jf-tr /fs ojfrcs el Iri
promesses [es plus sMuisanles h le lirrer mix Ariglois, ou du mains a le lenvoijer a (iiiebfc, et
i\ pri'tidre en sa place U7i de letirs ministres ; ensiiile pour le surpetulre et pour I'etde.rer, let
AiKj^tois v'solus de s'en di'J'aire, quoiqu'il lew en diit coliter, varenl sa tete a prix, et promirenl
mille livres sterling h celui, qui la leur porteroil." Charlevoix, ut supra.

t Who, I ronrludo, wns n volunteer, as I do net thiil his immc upon tlio return made by
Moulton, which is npoii file in the Rarrel, west wing of our slulc-house.

X Miuiuscripl History of Newlmry, by Joshua Cojin, S. H. S., which, should the world
evi>r bu so foriuunie as to see in print, we will insure them not only great gratification, but
u luiid of amusement.

312

PAUGUS— LOVEWELL'S FIGHT.

[Book IIL

H ■•

silver vessels of a church, and its crucifix, because it was of massy gold, set
about with diamonds, and that, too, upon the advice of his chaplain. " Thia
might pass," says a reverend autlior, "for sea divinity, but justice is quite
aiiotiior thing." Perhaps it will be as well not to inquire here what kind of
divinity would authorize the acts recorded in these wars, or indeed any wars.

Upon this memorable event in our early annals, Father Charlevoix should
l»e heard. There were not, says he, at the time the attack was made, above
50 warriors at Neridgewok ; these seized their arms, and run in disorder, not
to defend the place against an enemy, who was already in it, but to liivor the
flight of the women, the old men and the children, and to give them time to
gain the side of tiie river, which was not yet in possession of the English.
Father Rasle, wai-ned by the clamors and tumult, and the danger in which
he tbund his j)roselytes, ran to present himself to the assailants, hoping to
draw all their I'ury upon him, that thereby he might prove the salvation of
his flock. His hope was vain ; for hai'dly had he discovered himself when
the English raised a great shout, which was followed by a shower of shot,
by wiiich he fell dead near to the cross which he had erected in the centre
of the village : seven Indians who attended him, and who endeavored to
shield him with their own bodies, (ell dead at his side. Thus died this
charitable i)astor, giving his life for his sheep, after 37 years of painful labors.

AlthougJi the English shot near 2000 muskets, tliey killed but 30 and
wounded 40. They spared not the church, which, afler they had hidignanfly
proljincd its sacred vases, and the adorable body of Jesus Christ, they set on
fire. They then retired with precipitation,* having been seiziid with a sud-
den panic. The Indians returned immediately into the village ; and their
fir.st care, while the women sought plants and herbs proper to heal the
wounded, was to shed tears upon the body of their holy niissionarj". They
found him pierced with a thousand shot, his scalp taken of^^', his skull frac-
tured with hatchets, his mouth and eyes filled with dirt, the bones of his
legs broken, and all his members mutilated in a hundred difl'erent ways, f

Such is the accouut of the fall oi' Rasle, by a brother of the faith ; a deplo-
rable picture, by whomsoever related ! Of the truth of its main particulars
there can be no doubt, as will be seen by a comparison of the above transla-
tion with the account preceding it There were, besides Mogg, other chief
Indians, who fell that day ; " Bomazeen, Mogg, Wissememet, Job, Cara-
BESETT, and Bomazeen's son-in-law, all famous warriors." The inhumanity
of the English on this occasion, especially to the women and children,
cannot be excused. It greatly eclipses the lustre of the victory.

Harman was the general in the expedition, \ and, for a time, had the honor
of it ; but MoiUton, according to Governor Hutchinson, achieved the victory, and
it was aflerward acknowledged by the country. He was a prisoner, when a
mall boy, among the eastern Indians, being among those taken at the
destruction of York, in 1092. He died at York, 20 July, 17G5, aged 77.
The township of Moultonborough, in New Hampshire, was named from
him, and many of his posterity reside there at the present day.

Under the head Paugiis, we shall proceed to narrate our last event in the
present chapter, than which, may be, lew, if any, are olVener mentioned in
New England story.

Pauous, slain in the memorable battle with the English under Captain
Loveu'cll, in 172.1, was chief of the Pequawkets. Fryeburg, in Maine, now
iiiphides the principal place of their former residence, and the place where
the hattle wiis ibiight. Jt was near a considerable body of water, called
Saco Pomi, which is the source of the river of the same name. The cruel
and harhaioiis iiiiird(>rs almost daily conunitted by the Indians upon the
drti-nceli'ss lionlier inhabitants, caused the general court of Massachusetts
to ofler a bounty of £100 l()r every Lidian's scalp. Among the excursions

* They encamped the rollowiii^ night in tiie Indian wigwams, under a guard of only 40
men. Jfutchiiuion, ii. 'M'i.

t Hisloire Genoralo <lc Nouvolic Franco, ii. 382— '1.

I He did not arrive at the village till near night, when tlic action wasovr. lltUcMm-
ton, ii. 313.

HAP. IX.]

'AUGUS— LOVFWELLS FIGHT.

313

performed by Lovewell, previous to that in wliicli he was Itilled, tlic most
important was that to tlie head of Suitiioii-fhli lliver, now Wakefield, in
New Hampshire. * With 40 men, he came upon a small company of ten
Indians, wlio were asleep by their fires, and, by stationing his men advan-
tageously, killed all of them. This bloody deed was performed near the
shore of a pond, which has ever since borne the name of LovewelCs Pond.
Afler taking off their scalps, these 40 wairiors marched to lioston in great
triumph, with the ten scalps extended upon hoojts, displayed in the Indian
manner, and for which they received £1000. This exploit was the more
lauded, as it was sup[)08ed that these ten Indians were upon an expedition
against the English upon the frontiers; having new guns, much ammuni-
tion, and spare blankets and moccasons, to accommodate captives. This,
however, was mere conjecture; and whether they had killed friends or
enemies, was not quite so certain as that they had killed Indians.

It is said that Paugus was well known to many of the English, and per-
sonally to many of LoveweWs men. That his name was a terror to the
frontiers, we have no doubt ; and that his api)earance at Pequawket, when
met by Lovewell, was enough to have struck terror into all tliat beheld him,
may not be questioned, we will let the poet f describe him.

I. 'Twas Paugus led the Pequ'k't tribe :
As runs the t'ox, would Paugus run ;
As howls (he wild woKj would he howl ;
A huge bear-skin had Pauints on.

2 But Chamberlain, of ThmslMc,
One whom a savage ne'er shall slay,
Mel J'angus by the water-side,
And shot iiiin dead upon that day.

The second in command among the Indians on that memorable day was
named Wahwa, but of him we have no particidars. Captain Lovewell
marched out from Dunstable with 40 men, about the 16 April, 17^5, of which
event the poet thus speaks : —

3. What time the noble Lovewell came,
With fifty men from Dunstable,
The cruel Pequ'k't tribe to lame.
WiUi arms and bloodshed terrible.

4. With Loveioellhtavc John Harwood came;
From wife and babes' twas hard to pari ;
Young Harwood look her by the hand,
And bound the weeper to his heart.

6. " Repress that tear, my Mary, dear.
Said Harwood to his loving wife;
It tries me hard to leave thee here,
And seek in distant woods the strife.

6. " When gone, my Mary, think of me,
And pray to God that I may be
Such as one ought that lives for thee,
And come at last in victory."

7. Thus left young Ilanrood, babe and wife;
With accent wild she bade ailicu:

It grieved those lovers much to part,
So fond and fair, so kind and true.

8. John llanvood died all bathed in blood,
When he hail fought till set of day ;
And many inoio we may not name,
Fell in that bloody bailie fray.

9. When news did corne to Ilaneood's wife
That he with Lorewell fought and died ;
Far in the wilds had given his life

Kor more would in this home abide ;

10. Such grief did seize upon her mind,
Such sorrow filled her faithful breast,
On earlh she ne'er found peace again,
But followed Harwood lo his rest.

They arrived i.ear the place where they expected to find Indians, on the
7 May; and, eariy the next morning, while at prayers, heard a gun, which
they riglidy suspected to be fired by some of Paugus's men, and imme-
diately prepared for an encounter. Divesting themselves of their jmcks,
they marched forward to discover the enemy. lUit not knowing in what
direction to proceed, they marched in an opposite direction from the In-
dians. This gave Paugus great advantage ; who, following tiioir tracks,
soon fell in with their packs, fiom which he learned their strength. Being
encouraged by his superior numbers, Pmtgus courted the conflict, and pur-
sued the English with ardor. His number of luvn was said to huve been

* In December of the previous year, (1721,) wilh n few followers, he made an expedition lo
(he north-east of Winnipisiogce Lake, in whicii he killed one and look unollier prisoner. For
these he received the bounty ofterod by government.

t The editors or publishers of Iho N. H. collections have inserted the above lines, in
imitation of the ancient Chevy Chase ; but whence lliey were obiained, or who was their
author, they do not inform us; perhaps, like that of which Ihey are an iinitntion, the autlioi
remaius uuknown. We give it entire.

;it

iip ^ij < w.ij iwi iji. . .1, i^>wnwwpww!tiwwwi

314

T'AIJOUS.— LOVEWELL'S FIGHT,

[Boot III

a i-»,r

80, while that of the Englisii consibted of no more than 34, having left ten
in a fort, which they huiit at Ossipee ; and one, an Indian named Toby, had
before returned home, on account of lameness. The fort at Ossipee was I'or
a retreat in case of emergency, and to serve as a deposit of part of their
provisions, ol' which they disencumbered themselves before leaving it.

After marching a considerable distanc?^ from the place of their encamp-
ment on the morning of the 8 * May, Ensign flyman discovered an Indian,
who was out hunting, having in one hand some fowls he bad just killed, and
in the other, two guns. There can be no probability that he tliought of meeting
an enemy, but no sooner was he discovered by the English, than several guns
were fired at him, but missed him. Seeing that sure death was his lot, this
valiant Indian resolved to defend himself to his last breath ; and the action was
as speedy as the thought : his gun was levelled at the English, and Lovewell
was mortally wounded. Ensign Wyman, taking deliberate aim, killed the poor
hunter; which action our pout describes in glowing terms as follows* :

II, Seth Wtjman, who in Woburn lived,
A marksman he of courage true,
Shot the first Indian whom ihey saw ;
Sheer through his heart tlie bullet Hew,

12. The savage had been seeking game ;
Two guns, and eke a knife, he bore,
And two black ducks were in his l)and;
He shrieked, and liell to rise no more.

He was scalped by the chaplain and another, and then they marched
again by the way they came, to recover their packs. This movement was
expected by the wily Paugus, and he accordingly prepared an ambush to
cut tliem off, or to take them prisoners, as fortune should will.

13. Anon, there eighty Indians rose,

Who'd liid themselves in ambush dread ;
Their knives they shook, tlieir guns they

aimed.
The famous Paugus at their head.

14. John Loveicell, captain of the hand,

His sword he wav<-d, that glittered bright.
For the last time he cheered liis men.
And led them onward to the fight.

Wlien the Indians rose from their coverts, they nearly encircled the
English, but seemed loath to begin the fight ; and were, no doubt, in hopes
tliat the English, seeing their numbers, would yield without a battle ; and,
therefore, made towai'ds tliem with their guns presented, and threw away
their first fire. They then held up ropes which they hud provided for secur-
ing captives, and asked them if they would have quarter. This only encour-
aged the English, who answered "only at the muzzles of their guns;" and
they rushed toward the Indians, fired as they pressed on, and, killing many,
drove them several rOds. But they soon rallied and fired vigorously m
their turn, and obliged tlie English to retreat, leaving nine dead and three
woui lied, where the battle began. Lovewell, though mortally womided be •
fore, had led his men until this time, but fell before the retreat

Although we transpose the verses in the song, to acconnnodate them to
the circumsttmces of the fight, yet we cannot avoid entirely their irregular-
ity in reference to it. By li\e next that follow, it would seem, that Lovewell
received a second wound before he fell.

15. " Fight on, fight on," brave Lox-ewell said ;
"Figlil on, while Heaven shall give you

breath!"
An Indicia ball then pierced him through,
And l.in-ewrll closed his eyes in death.

In this Kith vcrtse the poet, perhaps, had referer<;e to the morning prayer,
which Mr. t\ye, the chaplain, made before marching, on the day of the
battle ; or, perhaps, more probably, to the ejaculations he made on the field
after he was mortally wounded. In the morning he prayed thus patriotically :
" We came otit to meet the enemy ; we have «l! along |)rayed God we might
find them ; we had rather trust Providence with otir lives ; yea, die for our
country, than try to return without seeing them, if we might ; and be called
cowards for our pains." \

16. Good heavens ! is this a time for prayer t
Is this a time to worship God ;
When LoK&wetl's men are dying fast.
And Pausus' tribe liath IcUUie rod ?

* This was O. S. and corrospoiids to May 19, N. S. — Sec

* Address of C S. Davis, (p. 17,) delivered at Fryebiirg,

vote in li.sl chapter.
lUO yours al'iur the fijjjht.

Chap. IX.]

PAUGUS.— LOVEWELL'S FIGHT.

17. The chaplain's name was Jonathan Frye ;
III Aiitluver his father dweh,
And oil with LoveweU's men he'd prayed,
Before the mo.tal wound he felt.

iii. A man was he of comelv form,

Polished and brave, well learnt and kind j
Old Harvard's learned halls he left,
i ar in the wilds a grave to find.

19. Ah ! now his blood-red arm he lifts,
His closing lids he tries to raise ;
And speak once more before he dies,
In supplication and in praise.

5!0. He prays kuid Heaven to ^ant success,
Brave LoveweU's men to guide and bless,
And when they've shed their hearts'-blood

true.
To raise them all to happiness.

21. " Come hither, Farwetl," said young Frye,
" You see that I'm about to <fie j

Now for the love 1 bear to you,

Wlien cold in death my bones shall lie ;

22. " Go thou and see my parents dear.
And tell them you stood by me here ;
Console them when they cry, Alas'.
And wipe away the falling tear."

23. Lieutenant Farwell took his hand.
His arm around his licck he threw,

And said, "Brave chaplain, I could wish
That Heaven had made me die for you."

24. The chaplain on kind FartcelPs breast.
Bloody, and languishing, he lell ;

Nor after that, said more but this,

" I love thee, soldier; fare thee well I "

" The fight continued," says the Reverend Mr. Symmes, " very furious and
obstinate till towards night. Tlie Indians roaring and yelling and howling
like wolves, barking like dogs, and making all sorts of hideous noises : the
English frequently shouting and huzzaing, as they did after the first round.
At one time Captain yVyman is confident they were got to Powawing, by
their striking on the ;/roimd, and other odd motions ; but at length fVytnan
crept up tovards tl em, and, firing amongst them, shot the chief Powaw, and
broke up their meeting." ♦

S5. Good heavens! they dance the powow
dance.
What horrid yells the forest fill !
The grim bear crouches in his <len,
The eagle seeks the distant hill.

26. " What means this dance, this powow
dance ? "
Stern Wyman said ; with wondrous art,
He crept full near, his ride aimed,
And shot the leader through the heart.

The first of the following stanzas is very Lappily conceived, and although
not in the order of the poet, is as appropriate here, as where it originally
stood.

27. Then did the crimson streams, that flow'd,
Seem like the waters of tlie brook,
That briirhtly shine, that lou'lly dash.
Far down the dills of Agiochook. t

28. Ah ! many a wife shall rend her hair,
And ma- y a child cry, " Woe is me,"
When messengers the news shall bear,
Of Loi>eweU's dear-bought victory.

* Narrative of the fight at Piggwacket, vii.

t The Indian name of the White Mountains, or, as the people of New Hampshire would
say. White Hil's. The natives believed the summits of these mountains (o be inhabited by
invisible beings, but whether good or evil we are not informed. Nor is it of much importance,
since they reverenced the one as much as the other.

It is alw lys highly gratifying to the curious to observe how people primitively viewed
objects which have become familiar to them. We will here present the reader with Mr.
Josselyn's description of the White Mountains, not for its accuracy, but for its curious exirava
gance. " Vour score miles, (upon a direct line,) to the N. W. of Scarborow, a ridge of
mountains run N. VV. and .\. E. an hundred leagues, known by the name of the White
Mountains, upon which lieth snow all the year, and is a landmark twenty miles ofl'at sea. It
is a rising ground from the sea shore to these hills, and they are inaccessible but by the gul-
lies whicli the dissolved snow hath maile. In these gullies grow savcn bushes, which beinjj
taken hold of, are o good help to the climbing discoverer. Upon the top of the highest ot
these mountains, is a large level, or plain, of a day's iourney over, whereon nolhiiig grows
but moss. At the farther end of this plain is another iiill called the Sugar-loaf, to outward
appearance a rude heap of massic stones piled one upon anotlier, and you may, as you
nsrend, step from one stone to another, as if you were going up a pair of stairs, but winding
still about tlie hill, till you come to the top, which will require half a day's time, and yet it is
net above a mile, where there is also a level of about an acre of ground, with a pond of
rioar water in the midst of it, which you may hear run down, but how it ascends is a mystery,
rrom this rocky hill you may see the whole country rounil about ; it is far above the lower
clouds, and from hence we beheld a vapor, (like a groat pillar,) drawn up by the sun-beams
out of a great lake, or poiul, into the air, wliere ii was formed into a cloud. The country
bevond these hills, northward, is daunliiig terrible, being full ol rockv hills, as thick as mole-
nills in a meadow, and cloalhed with infinite thick woods." Ano tin^lnniVs Rarities, 3, 4,
Sad recollections are associated with the name of thesr. mountains. Th<? destruction of lives,

■>..■«

m ^

316

PAUGUS.—LO*^ WELL'S FIGHT.

[Book III

\ : ^^'

I'll

11 ■ - '

29 With footsteps s'ow shall travellers go,
Where Lorewell's pond shines clear and

bright,
And mark the plaie where those are laid,
Wlio tell in Lovewell's bloody figiit.

30. Old men shall shake their heads, and say
" Sad was the hour and terrible,
When Lovewell, brave, 'gainst Paugtu

went,
With fiAy men from Dunstable."

If miracles had not then ceased in the land, we should be induced to ])asij
to tlieir credit the extraordinary escape of several of the wounded English-
men. Solomon Keyes, having received three wounds, said he would hide him-
self, and die in a secret place, where the Indians could not find him to get
his scalp. As he crawled upon the t^liore of the pond, at some distance
from the scene of action, he found u canoe, into which he rolled him-
self, and was drifted away by the wind. To his great astonishment, he
was cast ashore at no great distance from the fort at Ossipee, which he Ibund
means to recover, and there met several of his companions ; and, gaining
strength, returned home with them.

Those who escaped did not leave the battle-ground until near midnight.
When they arrived at the fort, they expected to have found refreshment, and
those they had lell as a reserve ; but a fellow, whose name is not mentioned,
who deserted the rest when the battle began, and fled there, so frightened
tiiem, that they fled in great confusion and dismay to their homes.

The place where this fight took place was 50 miles from any white inhab-
itants; and that any should have survived the famine which now stared
them in the face, is almost as mirucuious as that tlicy shotild have escaped
death at the hands of the courageous warriors of Paugus ; yet 14 lived to
return to their friends.

Filly men, from New Hampshire, afterwards marched to the scene of
action, where tiiey found and buried tiie dead. They found but three In-
dians, one of whom was Paugus. The rest were stipposed to have been
taken away when they retreated from the battle.

Thus progressed and torminatcd the expedition against the Pequawkets.
And although the whites could scarcely claim the victory, yet, as in the case
of the Narragansets, the Nortiiern Indiuiis nceived a blow from which they
never recovered. With the Aiidroscoggiiis, the Petiuawkets soon after retired
towards the sources of the Connecticut River. After remaining in those
regions about two years, tliey sej)arated, and the Androscoggins removed to
Canadti, where they were afterwards known as the St. Francis tiibe. The
Pequawketa remained upon the Connecticut, who, in the time of the revolu-
tionary war, were under a chief named Philip. In 1728, a tract of country,
since Pembroke, N. II., was granted to the men that went out with Loveivdl,
and it for some time bore the name of LoveweWs Town.

Wo had here nearly conchided to close our account of this affair, but
cannot relieve ourself easily of the recollection of the following song, with-
out inserting it, although we, and others, have elsewhere published it. It is
said to have been composed the same year of the fight, and for several
years afterwai'ds was the most beloved song in all New England :

1. Of worthy Captain Loreirell I purpose now to sing,
How valiantly he served his ouiuilry and his king ;

He and his valiant soldiers did range the woods lull wide,
And hardships tliey endured to quell the Lidian's pride.

2. 'Twas nigh unto Picwackct, on the eighth day of May,
They spied a rebel Indian soon after break of day 3

He on a bank was walking, upon a neck of land,
Which leads' into a pond, as we're made to understand.

3. Our men resolved to have him, and travelled two miles round.
Until they met the Indian, who boldly stood his ground ;

Thrn speaks up Captain Lovewell, " Take you good hsed," says he;
" 'I'his rogue is to decoy us, I very plainly see.

occasioned by an avalanche at the celebrated Notch, in 182(5, vlil not soon he forgollcn.
Mr. Moore, of Concord, has published an interesting account of it in the Coll. IN. H. Hist. iSoc,
vol. iii

CHAf. IX.] PAUGUS.— l.OVEWELL'3 FIGHT. 317

4. " The Indians lie in ambush, in some place nigh at hand,
In order to surround us upon diis neck of land ;
Tli("re(i)ro we'ii marrh in order, and each man leave his pacic,
Thai we may briskly fight them when llley shall us attack."

5. They rnme unto this Indian, who did them thus defy j

As soon as they came nigh him. two mnis he did let fly,
Which wounded Captain Lorewell, anu likewise one man more j
Dut when lliis rogue was running, they laid him in his gore.

C. Then having scnined the Indian, they went back to the spot,

Where they had (aid their packs down, but there thev found them not ;
For the Indians having spied them, when ihcy them down did lay,
Did seize ihcm for their plunder, and carry tliem away.

7. These rebels lay in ambush, this very place hard by,
So that an English soldier did one of them espy.

And cried out, ■' Here's an Indian I " with that they started out,
As fiercely as old lions, and hideously did shout.

8. With that our valiant English all gave a loud huzza.
To shew the rebel Indians they feared them not a straw;
So now the fight began, as fiercely as could be.

The Indians ran up to them, but soon were forced to flee.

9. Then spake up Captain Lovetcell, when first the fieht began,
" Fight on, my valiant heroes ! you see they fall like raiu."
For, as we are informed, the Indians were so thick,

A man could scarcely fire a gun and not some of them hit.

10. Then did the rebels try their best our soldiers to surround
But they could not accomplish it, because there was a pond,
To which our men retreated, and covered all die rear;

The rogues were forced to flee them, although they skulked for fear

11. Two logs there were behind them that close together lay.
Without being discovered, they could not get away ;
Therefore our valiant English they travelled in a row,
And at a handsome distance as they were wont to go.

12. 'Twas ten o'olock in the morning when first the fight begun.
And fiercely did continue till the setting of the sun,
Excepting that the Indians, some hours before, twas night.
Drew ofl* into the bushes and ceassd a while to fight.

13. But soon again returned in fierce and furious mood.
Shouting as in the morning, but yet not half so loud.
For, as we are informed, so (hick and fast they fell.
Scarce twenty of their number, at night did get home well.

14. And that our valiant English, till midnight there did gtay,
To see whether the rehels would have another fray {
But thev no mure retumin<<;. ttiey mi'te nSF tnwani* th^r home.
And brougnt away their wounded as tar as they cuma cunie.

15, Of all our valiant English, there were but thirty-four,
And of the rebel Indians, there were about four score.
And sixteen of our English did safely home return :
The rest were killed and wounded, for which we all must mourn.

16. Our worthy Captain Lorevjell among them there did die 5

They killed Lieutenant Robbins, and wounded good young Frytf
Who was our English chaplain ; he many Indians slew.
And some of them he scalped when bullets round him flew.

17 Young Fullam too I'll mention, because he fought so well ;
Endeavoring to save a man, a sacrifice he fell.
And yet our valiant Englishmen in fight were ne'er dismayed,
But still they kept their motion, and iVynum captain made ;

18. Who shot the old chief Paugi;s, which di<l the foe defeat.
Then set his men in order, and brought olT the retreat ;
And braving many dangers and hardships in the way.
They safe arrived at Dunstable, the thirteenth day of May,

a?*

,1 ■

1 ' ' I
I u

318

ST. FRANCIS DESTROYED.

CHAPTER X.

[BuOK III

77ie St. Francis Indians— Ko frets' expedition against than — Philip — Sabatis— •
Arnold's expedition — Natanis — The modern I'cnubscots — Aitteon — Nehtunk—
Captain Francis — Susup murders mi Englishman — Specimen of the Penubscoi
language. — Rowi-es — his prophixy — Di.inu Win, — Killed by the Muhatcks — As-
8ACAMB0IT — Visils France and is knighted by the king — Mtuctis and burns Havet'
hill — His death.

11 .

Towards the close of tlie last chapter, mention was made of the St-
Francis Lidians, and, as tlicy were, a i)art of them, the remnant of the once
respectable Androscoggins,* tlieir history will here be resumed. We have
already related some of their hardships and sufferings, both in Philip's war
and the French wars afterwards, when they had to contend with the old
experienced chief. Colonel Church; and also their severe disaster in opposhig
Lovcwdl.

After their arrival upon the Lake St. Francis, from which their village took
its name, they were under the influence and guidance of French ecclesias-
tics. Tlieir village, in 1755, consisted of about 40 wigwams and a church,
and a friar resided among them. What time the Androscoggins joined the
St. Francis tribe has not been discovered ; but whenever war existed between
France and England, they generally had some participation in it, the fre-
quent occurrence of which at length ended in their almost total destruction,
in 1759.

Before the capture of Quebec, in that year, and while the English army
under General Jlmherst lay at Crown Point, an expedition against St. Fraiii'"
was ordered by him ; being so " exasperated," says Colonel Rogers, " at the
treatment Capt. Kennedy had received from those Indians, to wliom he had
been sent with a flag of truce, and proposals of peace, who had been by
them made prisoner with his party, that he determined to bestow upon them
a signal chastisement." This does not appear, however, to be all that was
charged against them, for Major Rogers continues, " They had, within my own
knowledge, during the six years past, killed and earned away more than
600 persons." Accordingly Major Rogers was despatched upon tliis enter-
prise with 142 effective men, including officers, and a few Indians of the
Pequawket tribe, under Philip, their chief. It was a most perilous undertak-
ing ; near 300 miles of wild country to be passed, late in October, 1759.
When they came in sight of the town, towards evening, on the 5 October,
the inhabitants were dancing about in great glee, celebrating a wedding.
Half an hour before sunrise the next morning, the English fell suddenly
upon them, in three divisions, and completely surprised them, killing 200
Indians, and (capturing a few women and children.f With such secrecy and
promptitude did the English act on this occasion, says our author, "that the
enemy had no time to recover themselves, or take arms in their own defence,
until they were mostly destroyed." Some few ran down to the river to es-
cape by swimming or in their canoes, but were pursued and destroyed
Their village, except tliree houses, was burnt, and many persons in it By
seven o'clock the butchery was ended, and a retreat was immediately com-
menced. Two Indian boys were brought away prisonei-s, one of whom was

* " At St. Franijais, from some of Zans^he'darankiae, or people from the month of this Hrrr,
I Icnriipd, thai they call >t, or rather its hanks, Amilcunfrantvfuoke, or banks of the river
tdiniivdinsin dried meat." Kendal's Travels, lii. 1*}.

t I hitcly received a letter from a ffentlemaii who siibscrihed himself " Joseph Alex.
Mdsta, an huliau of the St. F'rancis trioe," complainins of the inaccurate account g^ivcn by
Major Rogers of tlie destruction of that tribe ; but as the author of the letter dors not frive
an account himself, nor direct me where I can obtain one, belter than 1 have used, I ain con-
strained to reprint my account without much emendation. The only facts which 1 run (father
from Ills letter, are, that, " before this event [Rojfors's Expedition] took place, the St. Francis
tribe numbered from 18(X) to 2000 inhaliilaiils ; but since, this iiinnbcr has made rapid decline,
and at present on the point of total dissolution." J.etttr, dated Vinceimes, Vi. 2'} April, iH36.

riiAP. X I rniLip op pigvvoket.— Arnolds expedition.

319

nHined Sthalis. The English coiTimandcr snys, " We found GOO scalps Imng-
iiig upon jioles over tlie doors of their wigwams."

Altiioiigii the Englisli had made siicli liavoc among the Indians, yet a
wretcliod calamity awaited them in their homeward march. They hnd but
one of tiieir numbor killed, who was an Indian, and six wounded, during the
iiiussacre, but ou their return many were lost in the wilderness, starved and
frozen to death. The scenes of individual sufFering, could they be I.nown,
would probably exceed those which followed LoveutWa fight. Having mis-
taken the Upper for the Lower Coos, some set off by poiut of comimss, at d
were never heard of alter, and the enemy followed and cut off others. But
Philip, at the head of his company, made good his retreat without losing a
mun in the way.

Besides this expedition, in which Philip was one of " Rogers' rangers," he
was ut the capture of Louisburgh, under General Amherst, and was the
first man that took possession of the fortress.*

In the winter of 1757, when the English and French armies had gone into
winter quartere, Colonel Rogers was left in command of Fort Edward,
and had several severe battles with the French and Lidians in scouting
exjxditions. In one of these, he fell in with a superior force to his 0',vn,
near Ticonderoga, and lost many of his men, in UMIed and prisoners. This
was on 21 Januarj'. The chief, Philip, was in tnat aflliir, and acted as ser-
geant. Concerning this ciiief, it is further said tliat he was but "half Indian,"
and that in the revolution, he joined the Americans, saying "he was a whig
ludiau."

Mention has been made cf an Indian of the name of Seeatis or Sabatis.
There were several of the name, and doubtless it was peculiar to the Abena-
quies ; and hence that Sabatis, captured at St. Francis, was desceiuled
"om an Abenaquis iiimily, who had settled there. It is possible also, that
e may be the same who afterwards resided, near the head waters of the
Keniiebeck, with a brother named JS/atamis, wlio is brought to our notice
in the accounts f of General JlrnoliTs expedition through that region in the
fail of 1775 ; but this is conjecture. However, what is known of these two
brothers follows.

General Arnold having, on his arrival in the Kennebeck River, ordered a
small band to proceed in advance of the army, to discover and mark out a
route for it, gave strict orders that JVatanis should be captured or killed. This
order had been given, because the general had been informed that he had
been fixed there by the English of Canada, as a spy, to give information
if an enemy should approach in that direction. But this, at it proved, was
false information, and JVatanis was the friend of the Americans, as also was
his brother iSofta/w, who lived about seven miles higher ur the river, above
him.

The residence of JVatanis was a lonesome place, '^pon the bank of the
river ; his cabin, situated in the centre of a green, the border of which was
beyond musket shot from it, was a discovery which added to the suspicions
of the party, who, having arrived in the neighborhood, 4 October, surrounded
it at every point, and run in upon it with great eagerness; expecting, without
doubt, to have taken him prisoner. In this they were disappointed, for it ap-
peared that the place had been deserted a week. Near by, at the shore
of the river, a map drawn upon birch bark, was found in the top
of a stake, very accurately delineating the courses of the rivers towards
Cauadf , and lines denoting places of crossing from one to another. Tl is
greatly surprised them, but they profited much by it. Nothing was seen of
any Indians during t le excursion of the ex|)loring party, who, "after about 2^
days, in which they suffered every thing but tieath, rejonied the army.

When the army had arrived within the bounds of Canada, which was on
the 4 November, "we for the first time," says Mr. Henry, "had the pleasure
of seeing the worthy and respectable Indian, JVatanis, and his brother, Saba-

* Rni^cr.i' Reminiscences,
f Si;e thai of Jtulffe Jolin J.
S09, niul Col. Maine Hist. Sor

cndix to new edition.
leiiri/, 32, to 3(!, and 11, &.c.

i. m.

See also Shallu's IVhIes, ii.

320

NATANIS—SABATIS.— PENOBSCOT INDIANS. [Hook II!.

tis, with some others of tlieir trihe." jYatanis went to each of the compatiiea
of s\)'wt>, iiiiil shook tluMii by the haiul, as though lie liad been formerly
ncquaiiituil with th(;m. He explained liiniself by telling them, that he liad
kcjit close to them all the time they were making their discovery iK-yond hia
renidcrice, and until they returned, but did not dare to make himself
known, for ii;ar thoy would kill him — a wise resolution.

Natams and yABATis, with 17 otliers of their tribe, joined the army
on the Iliver Clmudiere, and marched with it to Canada. When the attacK
on Quebec was made, 81 December, 1775, Ab/anw was wounded by a shot
through the wrist, and fell into the hands of the British general, Carleton,
who innnediately si* him at liberty. These were the first Indians employed
in the revolutionary contest by the Americans.*

We caimot jjass over the momentous undertaking of Arnold, without re-
questing the reader to notice how many men of note and eminence survived
its ruins — General Daniel Morgan of Virginia, then a captain — General Henry
Dearhorti of Massachusetts, of like rank — TiTnoihy Bigelow of Massachusetts,
a major — Return J. Meigs, father of the late postmaster-general, of the same
rank — Samuel Spring, 1). D. of Newburyport, a chaplain— -^aron Burr of New
Jersey, and General Benedict ^rnoW of Connecticut.f Numerous others de-
serve equal notice ; but it is not our province to enumerate them here. And
from this digression we return to notice another chief nearly similar in name
to the last.

At the treaty of Gfeorgetown, on Arrowsik Island, held by the eastern
tribes with the English, 9 August, 1717, Saft5a<ii>, as his name was then writ-
ten, appeared for the Androscoggins. Also at tlie treaty of Casco, dated
25 July, 1727, we find among the signers Sahatisls of Arresagontacook.J
What part Sabalis acted in the tragedies from 1722 to 1725, does not appear.
In the History of Maine§ we find the following passage concerning Sab-
batisl, as he is there called. " In 1730, a chaplain was allowed at Fon George ;
and it was in this place, where Sabbalist, the Anasagunticook sagamore, re-
quested government to keep some supplies: for, said he, in ^cold ivinters and
deep snows, my Indians, unable to go to Fort Richmond, sometimes suffer.'' "

We now pass to our own times to notice some modern Indiana in the
state of Maine. In 1816, the Penobscot tribe at Old Town,l| having lost its
sachem, entered upon the election of another. It was some months before
they could agi'ee upon a successor, although it is their custom to elect a near
relation of the deceased. At length party spirit having run unreasonably
hig'' their priest, who is a Roman Catholic, interfered, and they forsook the
rival candidates, and elected John Jiitteon. This man, it is said, was a de-
scendant of Baron de Saiiii Castiens. The induction into office took place
19 September, 1816. At the same time John JVej)lune was constituted his
lieutenant, and Captain t^rancis and another were confirmed as chief
captains.

A specimen of modem oratory among these Indians is given by Mr. Wil-
liamson, who heard it, in his History of Maine. It was made in a court,
by John JVeptune, in extenuation of the murder of one Knight, by Peol Susup,
The case was nearly as follows : In the evening of 28 June, 1816, this Indian
was intoxicated, and at the tavern of said Knight at Bangor, (whether he had
procui'od iiquor there with which to intoxicate himself, we are not informed,)
and being noisy and turbulent. Knight endeavored to expel him from his
house. Having thrust him out of door, he endeavored to drive him awuy,
and in the attempt was stabbed, and immediately died. On his arrest, Susup
acknowledged his guilt, but said he was in liquor, and that Knight abused

* Judge Henry, 75.

t Henry, our aiilliorily before mentioned, was a private, aged but 16, who ran away from
his father, and joined the army clandestinely; he died in 1810, aged 32. Morgan tlicd in
1G02, ml. 05; Dearborn in \W, .tI. 78; Mries in 1323; Spring m 1819, set. 73 j Arnold in
1801, at London, nfl. (il ; Uiirr died in New York, in 1836.

X Coll. N. H. Hist. Soc. ii. 2«. 2C0. $ Williamson, ii. 159.

11 In 1011, this tribe consiste<l of bnl 67 families, and 2U persons. In 1820 there were 277
iouls. Their increase, says I)i. Morse, Appendix to Indian Report 65, is owing to ail
•bligatioD of the chiefs imposed upou tiieir young men to marry early.

Chap. X]

A ITTEON — N E PT U N E.

321

liim, or ho had not done it. Being brought to triul in June the next year at
CiiHtiiic, by U''vi(-e of counsel, lie pleaded no< ^()% ; and alter a day Mpent in
his trial, a verdict waa rendered, according to the defence Het up, mutt-
tlatighter. Susup had a wife and severd children ; four of whom, with their
mother, were present, as were many other Indians from St. Juhns and PasHn-
maquoddy, besides a great crowd of whites.

Atler sentence was declared, Susup was as'.ied by the court if he ! ad any
thing to say for himself; to wiiich he replied, "John Neptune will sjicuk for
ttK." Neptune rose up, and, having advanced towards the judges, delib-
erately said, in English,

" You knoiD your people do my Indiana great deal torong. They ahuae them
vert) much — yes they murder them ; then they walk right ojf— nobody touches thtm.
This makes my heart bum. Well, then my Indians say, we mil go kill your very
had and wicked nun, Ab, ItelPem never do that thing, we are brothers. Some
time ago a very bad man* about Boston, shot an Indian dead. I'oiir people said,
surely he should die, but it was not so. In tlie great prison house he eats and lives
to thts day. Cei '.ainly he never dies for killing Indian. My brothers say let that
bloodyman gofr. e — I'eol Susup too. So we toish. Hopeflls the hearts of us
all—'Feace w good. These, my Indians, love it well. They smile under its shade.
The white men and red men must be always friends. The Great Spirit is our
father. — Ispi'ak what Ifeel.^^

" Susup was sentenced to another year's imprisonment, and required to find
sureties lor keeping the peace two years, in the penal sum of 500 dollara ;
when JohnMeptuixe, Squire Jo Merry JVeptune, of his own tribe, Cajit. Solmond,
from Passamaquoddy, and Capt. Jo Tomer, from the River St. Johns, became
his sureties in the cognizance." f

Captain Francis, the first captain of the tribe, has been mentioned, and
who, according to the historian of Maine, is a man of good understanding. If
the inlbrmation he has given concerning the eastern Indians be correct, — and
we see no cause to doubt it, — it is of much value, and no less interest. He
assured Mr. Williamson, " that all the tribes between the Saco and the St.
Johns, both inclusive, are brothers; that the eldest lived on the Saco; that
each tribe is younger us we pass eastward, like the sons of the same father,
though the one at Passamaquoddy | is the yovjgest of all, proceefling from
those upon the River St. Johns and Penobscot.§ ' Always^ he affirms, ' / could
understand all these brothers very tcell when they speak ; but ivhen the Mickmaks or
the Mgonquins, or Canada Indians talk, I cannot tell all what they saiy.' "

Before dismissing tlie interesting Tarratines, it may be proper to present a
specimen of their language.

Metunk^senah, ouwa^ne, spum^keag-aio, kee\iuck tle-we-seh, keaW-daheV'-dock.,
now-do^-seh, keah'^-olct-hauVtt mon-a, numah-zee, nCse-taK'-mah, Vhah-lah-wee^-
keunah, spum^-keag-aio, me-leu^neh, neo^ah, ne-quem-pe-bem-geesWcoque, mnje^
me, gees^-cool, ar'CoTi, mus-see-a^tos^see, neo^iah, commont^en-esk-sock, H-hnh-lah-
wee-keunah, num-e-se-comele^ent, tah-hah-la-we-u-keah-ma-che-ke^-cheek, a-que-hc\
a-que-ah-lah-ke-mje-sah!'coque, n^gaJCne, numa-zee\ nea-nah, neoje, saiv-got.

* " He alluded to one L'rermore, who had received sentence of death for killing an In-
dian, which was commuted t: hard labor for life in the state's prison." Williamson.

An Indian named Crevay, a Penobscot of the tribe of St. Francis, to avoid being- dis-
tressed by the war on the frontiers of Canada, with his wife wandered down into MassarUi-
setts, and erected a wigwam on the shore of Spot Pond, in the town of Stoneham, where tl.ny
lived. At length some abominable while rutlians, on the night of the 23 November, 181.3,
shot him while he wew asleep, and badly wounded his squaw. Not being killed outright, this
Indian crawled from his wigwam, and was found the next day almost lifeless and in great
agony, and he expired in a few days after. The names of the murderers I will not give, for
I abhor to sully my page with them. Four were giiilty. One fled from iustire, two were
tried and contlemncd to be hanged, December 25tli, following. Report of the Trial.

\ Ibid.

X The Indians said. Pascodiim-oqiton-keag. Pascodum mcanl pollock ; ofjuon, catch 'err
great many ; eae, lam or place.

^ Penops, rocKt ; keag, & place of.

•rf 'X\

; .s ■«

•mn^mf—^^

322

ROWLS.— BLIND-WILL.

Iris ■; .

1^?"'

[Book ni

ivoo-saiv^me, keah-dabeliT-ock, ego-mahy keeloah\ noa^chee, done-ak''le, sazooa^
neah^kts, qnoa^-que,*

In Hprnking of the New Hampshire sactiemf, it was not intended thut sn
conspicuous a chief as Rowls should liuve l)C(>n silently passed over, and
Iherelore we will give him a pluco here. This chief has of lute years hecoine
noted, from the circumstunre of his name's heing found to tiie celebrated
/f'Aee/wn'jf/ii deed of 1G29. That deed, it maybe projier to remark, ])iirported
to have been given by Passaconaway, RunaatoiU, fVehanownoivit, and Howls.
The tract of country conveyed was included between the Pus<-ataqua and
Merrimack Rivers, and bounded iidand by aline from "Pawtucket" Falls
in tlie latter, and Newichawannok in the Ibrmcr. It is pretty certain, now,
tliat these sachems gave no such deed at the time specified.

Rowls was sach(jm of the Newichawannoks, and his dwelling-place was
upon the north side of the Pascataqua, not ibr from Quampeagan Falls, in
ijerwick, then Kittery. " In 1643, he conveyed the lands of his vicinity to
Humphreif Chadhourn ; and others afterwards, to Spencer ; the former being
the earliest Indian deed found upon our records. It is certain that all the
Indians ui)on the river to its mouth, were his subjects, though ho was under
Passaconaway ."f Mr. Hubbard I says, "There was within the compass of the
seven years now current, [about 1070,] a sagamore about Kittary, called
RotUs or Rolles: who laying very sick, and beurid, (being an old man,) he ex-

t)ected some of the English, thut seized upon his land, should have shown
lim that civility, as to have given him a visit in his aged infirmities and sick-
ness. It matters not much whether it was totally neglected or not ; to be
sure at the last, he sent for the chiefs of the town and desired a favor of them,
viz. that though he might, as he said, challenge [claim] all the plantation tor
his own, where they dwelt, that yet they would please to sell or give him a
small tract of land, possibly an hundred or two of acres, and vvitlmll desired
it might be recorded in the town book, as a public act, that so his children,
which he left behind, might not be turned out, like vagabonds, as destitute of
an habitation amongst, or near the English, adding this as a reason : Thut he
knew there would shortly fall out a war between the Indians and the English,
all over the coimtry, and that the Indians at the first should prevail, and do
much mischief to the English, and kill many of them : But after tlie third
year, or after three years, all the Indians which so did, should be rooted out,
and utterly destroyed." This account, the same author says, " is reported by
Maj. JV(ddron, Mr. Joshua Moody, Capt. IVost, that live upon, or near the
place."

A chief named Blind-ioill was successor to Rolls, and in Philip's war served
the English. Why the word blind was prefixed to his name is not mentioned,
but proltably he hud lost an eye.

Li 1677, the wretched expedient was resorted to by the whites, of employing
the Mohawks against the Tarratines, and two messengers. Majors Pinchon
and Richards, were despatched to their country. They were kindly received
by them, and promised their assistance. "Accordingly some parties of
them came down the country, about the middle of March, and the first
alarm \\as given at Amuskeeg Falls ; where the son of Wonolanset being
hunting, discovered 15 Indians on the other side, who called to him in a lan-
guage which he did not understand; upon which he fled, and they fired
near 30 guns at him without effect. Presently after this they were discovered
in the woods near Cochecho. Major Waldron sent out eight of his Indians,
whereof Blind-will was one, to make further discovery. They were all
surprised together by a company of the Mohawks ; two or three escaped,
the others were eithpr killed or taken. Will was dragged away by his hair ;
and being wounded, perished in the woods, on a neck of land, formed by the
confluence of Cochecho and Ising-glass Rivers, which still bears the name
of Blind-vnlVs Neek."§ Such were the exploits of the allies of the Englisli

• Williamson^ Maine, i. 513.
^ Belkiuxp, Hist. N. H. i. li^,

t Williainson, i, 4(50.

X Indian Wars, ii. &'

Chap. X.]

ASSACAMIUIIT.

323

at this time; nor do we fiiiil that nny others wore performed of a ditTcmil
churuftcr. iNotwithstiiiidiiif;, tlie Miime inisoriildt^ |M)liry was tnlki'd of iif^ain
iihoiit nine ycar.t atler ; hut we do not learn that it was carried into |)ri.ctiee.

It way, perhaps, at the tinn; of wliich we have? been s|)eakin>r, that tiie Nur-
ragansct chief Ptssacus was intiriUired, as lias been mentioned.*

We had not tlms loiij? delayed our notice of ont; of the most renowned
chiefs, hut from the luitoward eircumstanee of having mislaid a vahialile
communication concerning him.f The sachem of wliom we are now to
^|/«ak was known amon<^ the French hy the name of J^'escambioitit, but
among the Englisii he wari calhtd

AssACAMBUiT, t and Jlssacombuit.\ This chief was as faithful to tho
French as one of their own nation ; and our account of him bcfrins in KMK!,
when, with IhervUle and the iiunons Monl!^^/, he rendered important service
in the reduction of the English Fort St. Joiins, .'JO November, of that year.
Heing ap|>rized of the approach of the French and Indians, tiie English sent
out 88 men to oppose then), who, on the 28, were met and attacked by a part
of Ibervillt's army, under Montifpv/ and JVescambioiiit, and defeated with tho
loss of M men. On the night before St. Johns capitulated, Iberville, with
.Wscambioiiit as his second, at the head of 30 men, made a sally to burn one
part of the town, while D'.^fitys and Montis;n}i, with 00 others, were ordered
to fire it at another point. Jloth i)arties succeeded. §

In l(>i)"J, he is noti'- -d for some cruelty, which, it was said, he inflicted upon
a child, named Tho' lasin ifoiwp. He having ordered it to carrj' something to
the water side, it cried ; he took a stick and struck her down, and she lay
for dead. He then threw lier into the water, but she was saved by another
Indian. She was an English captive, and was soon alter restored. This
account was handed Dr. Mather, by one who had just returned from Casco
Bay, where he liad biien to hold a treaty with tiie Indians. The account
closes in 'leso words: "This ^Issaronibuit hath killed and taken this war,
(they tell me,) 150 men, women and children. A bloody Devil." ||

It is said that Mauxis, Wanuriironet, and Jlssaconihuit, were " three of tlie
most valiant and puissant sachems " of the east.t Their attack upon the ibrt
at Casco, in August, 1703, has been mentioned.** In 1704, some of the Ahe-
naquis, having est^iblished themselves in Newfoundland, were attacked by the
English, and some of them killed. Whereupon they applied to Govenior
VaitdreuU for assistance to repel them, and he sent Montigny with a few
Canadians, who joined themselves with about 50 Abenaquis under AesramW-
oiiil, and attacked the English with great success. They pillaged and burnt
one fort, and took many prisoners, ft

In 1705, M. Subercase, having succeeded M. Brouillon in the government
of Newfoundland, endeavored to make thorough work with the remaining
English there. Their success was neai'ly complete, and here again A'escnm-
hiouit is noticed as acting a conspicuous part Subercase's army consisted of
400 men,|t in all, and they set out from Placentia 15 January, upon snow-
shoes, with 20 days' provisions. They suffered much from tlie rigor of the
weather, and did not fall upon the English until the 26, which was at a place
called llebou. They next took Petit Havre. At St. Johns they found some
resistance, where the English now had two forts, which were supplied with
cannon and mortars, and, after losing five men in killed and wounded, were
obliged to raise the siege, in consequence of want of powder; having dam-
aged much of what they brought with them in wading rivers. They next
attacked Fonillon and took it. §§ This was 5 March. Here was also a fort,

* See B. II. p. 68. note §. f From Rev. Mr. Felt, of Hamillon. t Penlinlhir.

^ Charlevoix, ii. 193. |{ Magnalia, vii. 95. '' I'cnhatiow fi.

** Page lOi, lib. iii. ft Charlevoix, ii. •Z\n.

XX This is according to Charleroix,h\A Penhallow says5(X). ami Aiuiixtrh, {H'isi. Newfound
and, 1^23.) ahoitt 500. Charlevoix is, doubtless, nearest tlic truth.

§^ Le tionrff/iit brfili', apres i/iioi Montignv, qui avnil amenr h rette expedition sonJidHt
NESCAMBiouiT,yH< Ataclic orec Ics sauvusies, et vne partie Jes Canailieus, f/eitr atler (lit Cut4
de Carhonniere, et de Honneviste, avc order de hruler et de detruire loiile le dile, re qu'i
fxecHta sans verdre un sad twmme, tant la terreur etoit grandt paniii les Aii^luis. N
France, ii. .100.

Vi ill

Ii »l

.'? ii

324

ASSACAMBUIT.

[Book III.

into wliicli the inliabitaiits at first retired, aud endeavored to defend themselves,
but soon surrendered prisoners of war,*

Not long after tiiesi; se: vii:es J^escamhioiiit sailed for France, and in 1700
visiti'd his majesty. King Louis XIV, at Versailles. Here, among other emi-
nent j)ersonages, lie became known to the historian Charlevoix, f The
king having preaented him an elegant sword, he is reported to have said,
holding up his hand, "This hand has slain one hundred andfoHijofyovr majes-
ty's enemies in JVew England;" I and that whereupon, the king forthwith
knighted hir- and ordered tliat henceforth a pension of eight iivres a day be
allowed him ior life.

JVescambioiiil returned to America in 1707, and the next year accompanied
Rouville to attack Haverhill in Massachusetts. The French had intended a
mi'ch more formidable conquest, and had engaged bands of Indians from
ft)ur nations to cooperate with tliem, and all were to rendezvous at Lake
Nikisipi(jue, as they called Winnipesauke or Winnipisiogee. But all except
tlie Algonquins and Abenaquis under JVescamiioiiit, having failed and deserted
them, they were on the point of abandoning their entei-prise altogether.
Having made known their situation to Governor Vaudreuil, and requested
his orders, he directed, that though all the Indians deserted them, they should
not give " /er the expedition. Des Chaillons having communicated this intel-
ligence to the Indians, they entreated him to lead them forward, and said they
would foii -w him wherever he chose to go.

From Nikisipique they maiched, at last, with 200 men, fell upon Haver-
liili,i and sacked it. The attack was made, sun about an hour high, 29
August, 1708. The contest was short as the opposition was feeble. The
Faglish lost about 100 persons by this irruption, 40 or 50 of whom were
killed at Haverhill. JVescamhioilit, in this aflair, fought by the side of the
commander-in-chief, and performed prodigies of valor with the sword which
he brought from France.

Having burned the fort and many of the buildings in the village, || they
began to retrace their steps, with precipitation. The English, having rallied,
formed an ambush in the edge of the woods, about a mile and a half froifi
the town, attacked them vigorously, killing and wounding many of them. In
the ambush v^uc 60 or 70 English, who, aller hanging ui>c!i their flanks for
near an hour, retreated. In this last affair the French suffered most. In
both encounters. 18 men were wounded, three Indians and five Frenchmen
killed. In th-' arv.hvish fell Hertel of Chanibly, and Vcrcheres, both oflicers of
exjterience ; fciid the renow!)^d A'^sacambuit, as though, elsewhere, like Mill-
ies, invulnerable, was woundid by a shot in the foot. This lust attack had
the happy effect of iinmcdiately restoiing many of the prisoners.

From 1708 to 1727, we hear nothing of Assacambiiit. In June of the latter
year, his death is recorded, accompanied with a short account of him, in a
news[)aper of that time. Mention is made, imong other things, that, like
Hercules, he had a"lamous club" which lie always carried witii him, on
which were 98 notches, denoting the number of " English " he had killed ;
that he was knighted wli'le in France, the insignia of which, on his return
Imiiie, he wore upon his breast in largo letters. In this newspaper commu-
nication he is styled ' Old -L'scaj/jfemV," " formerly the principal sagamore of
(the now dispersed) tribe of the Saco or Pigwacket Indians." He probably
went to reside among the St. Francis tribe about 1700. He was restless when
there was no war, and our account says, " when there was something of a
prosjiect of settled peace, about 30 yeais ago, [1700,] he marched off the

* Arispixch, 124. t Ilisl. Gen. dc la Nouv. Franre, ii. 32G.

f J'eiiliattow, 40. This must ho, wc think, a great misrepresentation of his real spcerli,
as sul)sei|uenl details will lead one to suppose. Perhaps he might have sn\i\ forty.

^ " Us prirent alors le parti de viarcher caiitre tin village appellt' IIawukuii., compose de
rintcinq h Irente maisons bien hAtis, arec nn fort, on logeoit le. goavenienr. Ce fort avoit line
garrison de tretite soldals, et il y en aroit an inoiiis dix dans chaqne maison."

II Charlevoix says, " Toutes les maisons se d^fendirem anssi trh-bien, et enrent le mfmt.
sort, ll'y eitt environ cent An^lois de tii^s dans ces dijprentes attaques ; pinsienrs aiitres, qui
atlendirent trop tard h sortir da fort et des mahnna,"y (yiteM briMos." None of the English
account:} mention lliis, and il was douhllcss supposition, without I'uuudatiou in fact.

UllAP. XI.]

DESTRUCTION OF DEEIUIKLD.

325

pronnd as .1 disbanded officer, left liis brethren and travelled towards the Mis.
sissippi, where lie was constantly engaged in wars, and never heard of till
the last fall he returned to those [eastern] parts." This was [irohably the
report among the English of New England ; but in truth he was with the
Frerch in Canada, as we have seen. Had PENiiAiiLOW[)ubiished his Indian
VVa j one year later, he would not, probably, have closed his account as he
did concerning him. He says that, at his return Irom France, he was so
exalted that he treated his countiynieu in the most haughty and arrogant
manner, " murdering one and stjibbing another, which so exasperated tliose
of their relations, that they sought revenge, and would have instantly exe-
cuted it, but that he fled his countiy, and never returned alien"

4'"

9i0^e

CHAPTER XL

Destruction of Dcerficld, and captivity of Reverend John Williams and family,

in 1704.

Sometimes in a volume, and sometimes in a pamphlet, the narrative of
this affair had often been given to the world previous to 1774, by one of the
})rincipal actors in it, whose name is at the beginning of this chapter, and
which is doubtless familiar to every reader of New England legends. The
edition of Mr. Williams's work, out of which 1 take this, was prej)ared by the
renowned New England annalist, the Reverend Thoirxts Pnnce, and was the
.5th, [)rinted at Hoston " by Jokn Boijk, next door to the Three Doves in Marl-
borough Street, 1774." It was a closely printed 8vo. pamphlet of 70 pages.

It will be necessary to relate some important facts of historical value
before proceeding with the narrative. As at several other times, the ])lan
was laid early in 1708, in Canada, for laying waste the whole English fron-
tier, but like former and later plans, laid in that region, this but partially
succeeded. TJiough the eastern settlements from Casco to Wells were
destroyed, and l!iO i)eo|)le killed and captivated, the sunnner before, yet the
towns on the Connecticut had neglected their precautionary duty. And
altiiough Governor Dudleif of Massachusetts had but little while before been
notified of the design of the French, yet it was impossible to guard the
eastern coast against the attack. Deerfield had been palisaded and '^0
soldiers ])laced in it, but iiad been quartered about in different houses, and,
entirely forgetting their duty as soldiers, were surprised with the rest of the
town. The snow was deep, wliich gave tfie enemy an easy entrance over
the pickets. The French were commanded by Hertel de Rouville, but tiie
couuiianders of the Lidians remain unknown.

Mr. liiltiams tiiiis begins his narrative: "On Tuesday the 2i)th of Feb-
ruary, 1703-4, not long before break of day, the enemy came in like a flood
upon us; our watcii being unfaitliful : an evil, vvliose awful eflects, in a siu--
pri/fd of our fort, should bespeak all watchmen to avoid, as they would ncit
bring tiie charge of blood upon themselves. They came to my housts in tiie
beginning of the onset, and by their violent endeavors to break open do'jrs
and windows, with axes and hatchets, awakened me out of sleep; on which
I l(>ii|)cd o'lt of bed, and rimnitig towards tlu; door, pcrceiveil the enemy
making their cntranoc into the house. I called to awaken two soldiers iii
the chamber; and returning toward my bedside fVir my arms, the enemy
immediately brake into my room, I judge to the nmnher of '20, with painted
tiices, and hideous acclamations. I reached up my hands to the betl-tester,
for my pistol, uttering a siiort petition to God, expecting a jirescnt passagis
through the valley of the shadow of deatli." "Taking down my pisiol, 1
cocked it, and |)Ut it to the breast of the first Indian who came up; but my
pistol misshig fire, I was seized by 3 Lidians who disarmed me, and hounil
me naked, as I was, in my shirt, and so I stood for near the space of an
hour." Meanwhile the work of destruction and piilairi! was carried (ui with
great fury. One of the three who captiu'ed Mi;, ff'illiams was a captain,
28

li 'J
- 1

!^HK ;

1 l^^^^^^H) •

J^^Hi.

■ 1

I^^Bi'

"■' ! .*

326

DESTRUCTION OF DEERFIELD.

[RUOK 111.

o'F*

aj,'aiiist \vl;oin, nijs our captive, "the jiulginent of God did not long slunibci*
(or hy stiii-risiiig Jie received a inoi'tul shot from my next neighl)or'8 house."
This, tiiough not u garrison, and containing but seven men, withstood tlic
ellbrts of the (300 Frencli and Lidians whicli now beset them. That lumsc
remains to this day, bearing ujion its front door the marks of the hatchet.'*

Alter about two hours tlie enemy took up their march from the town,
having phindered and burnt it, and ])Ut 47 persons to deatli, including tlio.se
Killed in making del'ence. Mrs. WUliama having lately lain in, was fceblt',
which, without the scene now acting beibre her, rendered her case hopeless ;
i)iit to this was added the most shocking murders in her presence — two
o<" her children were taken to the door and killed, also a black woman be-
longing to the family.

" About sun an hour high," continues the redeemed captive, " we were all
carried out of the house for a march, and saw nmny of the houses of my
neighbors in flames, perceiving the whole fort, one house excepted, to be
taken !" " We were carried over the river, to the foot of tlie mountain, about
a mile from my house, where we found a great nund)er of our christiaii
neighbors, men, women, and children, to the number of 100 ; nineteen of
whom were altenvard murdered by the way, and two starved to death near
Coos, in a time of great scarcity, or famine, the savages underwent there.
When we came to the loot of our mountain, they took away our shoes, and
gave us Indian shoed, to prepare us for our journey." The army had Icll
their packs at this place, and while they tVGve getting ready to decamp, tlie
few English that had escaped at the town, and a few from Hatfield, who had
been notified of the fate of Deerfield by one or two, who had escaped there,
pursued, and in a meadow between the town and the main body, met a party
of the enemy, and a sharp fight ensued. The small band of Englishmen
did not retreat until the main body under Rouville were about to encircle
them, and then they le/l nine of their number slain. Such was the success
of the English in the beginning of the fight, that, fearing a defeat, Rouville
had ordered the captives to be put to death; but, fortunately, the bearer of
the iiital message was Killed by the way.

'J'hree hundred miles of a trackless wilderness was now to be traversed,
and tliat too at a season of all others the most to be dreaded ; boughs of
trors formed the beds of enceinte women and little children for 40 days,
which was the time taken lor the journey. The first day's journey was but
about four miles, and although one child was killed, in general the children
were treated well ; probably, the historians say, that by delivering them at
Canada, the Indians would receive a valuable ransom for. them. Mr. Williams
proceeds: "God made tlie heatiien so to j)ity our children, that though they
had several wounded persons of their own to carry upon their shoulders,
for 30 miles before they came to the river, [the Connecticut 30 miles above
Deerfield,] yet they carried our children, uucapable of travi ling, in theii
arms, and upon their shouldiers."

At the first encampment some of the Indians got drunk with liquor they
found at Deei-field, and in their rage killed Mr. fVilliams's negro man, and
caused the escape of a Mr. Jlleiandcr. In the morning Mr. Williams was
ordered befbre the commander-in-ciiief, (he considering him the princijjal of
the captives,) and ordeied to inlbrm the other captives, that if any more at-
tiMnpted to escape, the rest should be |)ut to death. In the second I'liy's inareli
oecnrred the death ofMrs. Williams, the affecting account of which W(^ will give
nearly in the language of her husband. At the upper part of Deerfield
meadow it became necessary to cross Green River. The Indian that cap-
tured Mr. Williams was unwilling that lie should speak to the other captives ;
but on the morning of the second day, that Indian cajrtain being appointed
to command in the rear, he liad another master put over him, who i.oi only
allowed him to speak to others, but to walk with his wife, and assist her aloiii;
This was their last meeting, and she very calmly told him that her strength
was failing Itist, and that he would soon lose her. She sjioke no discoura-

* See (^c)l. Iloi/I's Aiil. lli-scnr. wliicli, wc aro gluil lo oUscrvc, is llie Uusl voliiint* of Now
Ellglaii'l liiiliiui wars llial lias yd a|i|it'iii'0(l.

Chap. XL]

DESTRUCTION OF DEERFIEL1>.

327

ging words, or complained of thn Imrdness of her fortiino, Tlie company
soon came to a halt, and Mr. Williams's old niastor resumed his Ibrnier
Btution, and ordered him nto the vaii, and his wife was obliged to travel
nnaided. They had now arrived at Green River, us we have related. 'J'hia
tiny passed by wading, although the current was very rapid, (which was the
cause, no doubt, of its not Iveii^g frozen over,) and about two feet in depth.
Alter passing this river, they hud to ascend a steep mountain. "No sooner,"
suys Mr, Williams, " had i overcome the difficulty of that ascent, Ijut I was
permitted to sit down, r,nd be unburthened of my pack. 1 sat pitying those
who were behind, and intreatcd my master to let me go down and help my
wife, but he refused. I asked each of the prisoners, as they passed by luc,
after her, and heard, that passing through tlie above said river, she fell down
and Avas ])lunged all over in the water ; alter which she travelled not liir,
for at the foot of that mountain, the cruel and bloodthirsty savage who took
hiT slew her witl: his hatcixit atone stroke." The historians have left us no
record of the character of this lady, but from the account left us by her
husband, she was a most amiable cofnpaniou. She was the only daughter of
Reverend Eleazer Mather, minister of Northampton, by Ifis wife lOsthcr,
daughter of Reverend John tVarham, who came from England in KiJBO.

Tlie second night was spent at an encampment in the northerly part of
what is now Rcrnanlstown, and in the course of the jjreceding day" a young
woman and child were killed and scalped. At this camp a council was held
upon the propriety of putting Mr. Williams to death, but his master i)revuiled
on the rest.to save his life ; for the reason, no doubt, that he should receive
a high price for his ransom. The fourth day brought them to Connecticut
River, about 30 miles above Deoi-fit-hL Here the wounded, children and \m'i-
gage were put into a kind of sleigh, and passed with facility upon ilit; river.
Every day ended the suffering and captivity of one or more of the |)risoner.".
The case of a young woman naiiifd Marij Brooks, was one to excite excess-
ive pity, and it is believed, that had the Indians been tlie sole directors of the
captives, such cases could hardly have occurred. This young woman, being
enceinte, and walking upon the ice in the river, oflen fell down upon it,
probably with a burthen upon her; which caused premature labor the fol-
lowing night. Being now unfitted, for the journey, her master deliberately
told her she must be put to death. With great composure she got liberty of
him to go and take leave of her minister. She told him she was not aliaid of
death, and after some consoling conversation, she returned and was executed !
This was March 8.

At the mouth of a river since known as IViUiams's River, upon a Sunday, the
captives were permitted to assemble around their minister, and he prea(;licd a
sermon to them from Lam. i. 18. At the mouth of White River Rouville di\ ided
liis force into several jiarties, and they took different routes to the St. Lawreni-e.

In a few instances the captives were ])urchased of the Indians, by the
French, and the others were at the different lodges of the Indians.

During his ca|)tivity, Mr. WUliam^ visited various [)laces on the St. I-aw-
reiicc. At Montreal he was humanely treated by Governor Vaudrcuil. In
his interviews with the French Jesuits he uniformly found them using every
endeavor to convert him and otliers to their religion. However, most of the
cuptives remained steady in the Protestant faith. And in 17(X), fifty-seven
of them were by a flag-ship conveyed to Boston. A considerable inimber
r(;maiiied in Cimada, and never returned, among whom Avas Eunice Williams,
daughter of the minister. She became a firm catholic, married an Lidian,
by whom she had several children, and sj)ent her days in a wigwam. She
visited Deerticld with her Indian husband, dressed in Indian style, and was
kindly received by her friends. All attempts to regain her were ineffectual.
Reverend Eleazer Williams, late a missionary to the Groenbay Indians, is a
descendant. He was educated by the friends of missions in New England.

In the History of Canada by Charlevoix, the incursions imdertaken by thi!
French and Indians are generally minutely recorded ; but this against l)eer-
lield he has unaccountably summed up in a dozen lines of his work. The
following is the whole passage:

In the end of autumn, 1703, the English, despairing of securing the lu-

I I

I'I'f ' • 1

i *^>'^

U:^ '.

328

MONEY OF THE INDIANS.

[Book III

dians, made several excursions into their country, and massacred all such as
they could surprise. Upon this, the chiefs demanded aid ofM. de Vaudiexdl,
and he sent thorn during tlie winter 250 men under the coiumand of tlie
Sieur Hertcl dc Rouville, a reformed lieutenant, wlio tooic the place of his
already renowned f'lther, whose age and infirmities prevented his under-
taking sucli great expeditions. Four others of liis children accom|>anied
RouvUie, who in their tour surprised the Englisii, killed many of them, and
made 140 of them prisoners. The French lost but three soldiers, and some
ravages, but Roiwille was himself wounded.*

Hi§t

CHAPTER XIL

Various incidents in the history of the JVew England Indians, embracing several
important events, with a sequel to some previous memoirs.

He felt liU lifo'a blood froezing fist ;

Ho ^'rasped liif) bow, liix lance, und steel ;
Ho win ol" Wampanoiifi's lu^t.

To die wero easy — not to ylidd.
HU eyns were fixed upon the sky ;

He pimped lis on tlic ground be full ;
None lint his Ibes to see him die —

None but bid foes bis duutb to tell.

The perfornmnces of one Cornelius, "the Dutchman," in Philip's war, are
very obscurely noticed in the histories of the times, none ol" thoni giving iis
even his surname; and we have, in a former chapter, given the amount of
what has before been published. I am now able to add concerning him, that
his name was Cornelius Consert; that the last time he went out against the
Indians, he served about six weeks ; was captain of the forlorn hope in the
Quabaog expedition, in the autumn of the first year of Philip's war; marched
also to Groton and Chelmsford, and was discharged from service, "being
ready to depart the country," October 13, 1G75. It was prol)ably in his
Quabaog expedition that he committed the barl)aroiis ex|)ioit u|)on "an old
Indian," the account of which has been given ; it was doubtless during the
same expedition, which appears to have terminated in September, that " he
brought round five Indians to Boston," who, being cast into prison, were
afterwards "delivered to Mr. Stmiiel Shrimpton, to be under his (inplov on
Noddle's Island," subject "lo the order of tlie council." I shall here pass to
tSmo further account of the money of the Indians.

We have quoted the comical account of the money of the Indians of New
England, by John Josselyn, and will now quote the graphic and sensible one
given by the unfortunate John Lawson, in his account of Carolina, of the
money in use among the southern Indians. "Their money," he says, " is of
different sorts, but all made of slndls, which are found on the coast of Caro-
lina, being very large and hard, and difficult to cut. Some English smiths
Jiave tried to drill this sort of shell money, and thereby thought to get an
advantage, but it proved so hard that nothing could be gained;" and Morton^
in .his New English Canaan, says that, although some of the English in Now
EngicitiU have tried " by example to make the like, yet none hath ever attained
to any perfection in the composure of them, so but that the salvages have
found a great difference to he in tlte one and tlie other; and have known the
counterfeit beads from those of their own making; und have, and doe .flight
tliein" Hence the conclusion of Joxsclj/n, before extracted, namely, thut
" neither Jew nor devil conid counterfeit the money of the Indians." Mr.
ZirtU'SOJi continues: "The Indians often make, of the same kind of shells as
those of which their money is made, a sort of gorget, which they w(!ar about

* Ilislciirt! (ic'iicriilo do la ISoiiv. France, ii. 2',I0.

Chap. XII]

CORMAN— NANUNTENOO.

329

their necks in a string: so it hangs on their collar, whereon soinotinies w
engraven a cross, or some ochi sort of figure which conies next in their fiincy
There are otlier sorts valued at a doeskin, yet tlie gorgets will sotneiimes sell
for three or four huckskins ready dressed. There be others, that eight of
them go readily for a doeskin ; but tlie general and current species "f all the
Indians in Carolina, and I believe, all over the continent, as Itir as the bay of
Mexico, is that which we call Peak, and lionoak, hut Peak more especially.
This is that which at New York they call Wampum, and have used it as
current money amongst the iidiabitants for a great many years. Five cubits
of this purchase a dressed doeskin, pud seven or eight buy a dressed buck*
skin. To make this Peak it cost the English five or ten tiiues as much as
they could get fur it, whereas it cost the Indians nothing, because they set
no value upon their time, and therefore have no com|)etition to fear, or that
othcra will take its manufacture out of their hands. It is made by grinding
the pieces of shell upon stone, and is smaller than the small end of a tobacco-
pipe, or Ip-ge wheat-straw. Four or five of these make an inch, and every
one is to be drilled through and made as smooth as glass, and so strung, as
beads are. A cubit, of the Indian measure, contains as much in length as
will reach from the elbow to the end of the little finger. They never stand
to ({uestion, whether it he a tall man or a short one that measures it. If this
wampum-peak be black or purple, as some part of that shell is, then it is
twice the value. The drilling is the most difiicult and tedious part of the
manufacture. It is done by sticking a nail in a cane or reed, which they roll
upon their thighs with their right hand, while with their left they apply the
hit of shell to the iron point. But especially in making their ronoak, four of
which will scarce make one length of wampum. Such is the money of the
Indians, with which you may buy all they have. It is their mammon, (as our
money is to us,) that entices and persuades them to do any tiling, part with
their c, pi>es or slaves, and, sometimes, even their wives' and daughters'
chastity. WrJi it they buy ofT murderers; and whatever a man «'an do that
is ill, this wampui*} will quit him of, and make him, in their opinion, good
and virtuous, though rever so hlack before." To retinii to tiie cliiefs.

Of the Narraganset biJian Corinan very little had been found when he was
noticed before, and it is biU little that we can now add concerning the
"cheiife counceller" of the "old crafty sachem" of Niantik. It appears that
in the month o( September, 1675, Carman was in Boston, whither he had
been sent as an ambassador by the Narraganset sachems, and especially by
Ninigret; and although Ninigret was a peace-maker, and had not been any
how implicated in the war then going on, yet, such was the rage of the popu-
lace agains'. all Indians, that it was not deemed safe for even a friend fi'om
among thei i to walk alone in the streets of the town. On the evening of the
28th of Sej temher, as Carman, now an old man, was walking through one
of tlie stree s, guarded by persons on each side of him, a certain miscreant,
named IVilliim Smith, ran furiously against him, and thus separating him
from those about him, did, by another motion, strike his feet fiom under him
in such a manner that his head and shoulders came in violent contact with
the ground, very seriously injuring Inm. Complaint having been made to
the governor and council, they had both Smith and Cormnn hronuht before
them the next day, and the charge against the former being established by
the evidence of Mrs. Sarah Pickerini;, who siw the fiict conunitted. "the
court, in hearing of the case, judged it meet to bear due testimony against
such abuse, and seniciicc the said Smith to pay, as a fine to the country, the
sum of forty shillings, cr be whipt with ten stripes; also to pay the said
Carman for his damage the siun of ten shillings in money." It is very diffi-
cidt to understand the grounds of the decision of the honorable court, unless
they seriously thought that the grounf/ on which jioor old Corman fell was
hurt four times as much as he was! If this was not its reason, why should
forty shillings be paid to the rauntry and oidy ten to Gorman ?

As new local and other histories appear, and the «lecaying manuscrijits arc
put in a situation and condition to he conveniently considted, new lights are
daily reflected on the dark passages of our history. The inrs'nce o\'A''(inun
lenoo at the battle of Pawtucket, or, as it is more commoulv called, Peirst'a
28*

fit,

"'■tl

330

COLONF.I, CHURCH.— INDIAN LETTERS.

[nooK in

figlit, Ims been f|ucstionc(l l)y a v(>ry exrellent local liistorian, Mr. Bliss, in
liis liistory of Keliobotli, but, uM appreliciitl, I'rom a luiscoiistiuction of some
passajrus in Hubbard's Narrative, fs|)eciuliy iiom tbat passage wbire it ia
Baid tliat Nanutiteiioo, wiien surprised by Deiiisoii's men, "was divertisiiig
himself vvitb the recital of Captain Peirse's slaughter, surprised by his men a
few days liefbre." It is true that this sentence will admit of two construc-
tions, either that the chief was diverting himself by recounting to his meu
his jiarticular acts in that tragedy, or by a general account of its progress, or
that they were diverting him; the fbrnicr would be by no means improbable,
especially if some of those about him hud not been in the action, which
woidd not be at all strange, as nunil)ers of them were, doubtless, strolling
upon hunting and other expeditions when the buttle was lought. That
Nanuntenoo did not leave the Connecticut River until the "first week in
April" cannot be true, nor In that loosely stated date does Hubbard reftr to
his leaving the Connecticut, but to "about the time" of his capture. If he
refers to the time of his leaving the river, he reli'rs to his men also, vnIio, he
Buys, did not leave until alter he tiid; but it was his men that defeated I'eir^e.
These are all the lights we arc able to throw on that great event, and must
here leave it in the same doubt we found it, and which is ever, most likely,
to shroud it.

It would be highly gratifying to be nble to give sketches of some of the
prominent English ca})tiiins, or others, who were cons|)icuous in Indian
history, but our design and limits both preclude such digressions, and we
cannot indulge in but a few. In a recent rand)le in the Hill burying-ground,
in Middleborough, I discovered the grave of a Lieutenant Nathaniel Hourh-
worth, ui)on the head-stone of which it is inscribed that he died January
14, 1710, in his G'2d year; he was tlierefbre about 28 in the time of rhilij)'s
war, and is, very probably, the same who distinguished himself on many
occasions under Ca|)tain Cliiuch. He lies among a group of graves of his
family cojinections. We did not intentionally omit to notice the death of his
commander in anotlier cha])ter. Colonel Church died on the 17 of Jiinuaiy,
1718, in the 78th year of his age, and lies buried ut Compfon in Massa-
chusetts. He was born ut IMymouili in Uiii\}, and not long after removed to
Duxbury with his father.* He was a housewriglit by trade, as were his fiitlier
and one or two of his brothers. How many he had I am not sure, but Caleb
and Joseph are mentioned, und a sister who married an Irish, and liv(<d in
Compton. In 1G74 he bought land of the government and j-emoved to
Sogkonate, the then Indian name of the tract of country since Compton.
Here he was pros|)erously making a fiu'ui when Philip's war broke out, and
was obliged to quit his improvements. Possessing a remarkably active mind,
vigorous body, and glowing ))atriotism, he was n^ long an idle sj)ectator of
the war, engaging in it withf)Ut reward as a volunteer; and our previous
pages have shown that he raised himself to the chief military place in the
country, und several civil offices of honor. Ader Philip's war Colonel ChiU'ch
resided at Bristol, then at Fall River, and, lastly, again at Sogkonate; in each
of which places he left a good estate. In his latter years he had become
very corpulent, and burdensome to hiinstlf. The morning before his death
he visited his sister, Mrs. Irish, about two miles from his residence, on horse-
back; returning home, his hor.-;e stundiled, and threw him with such force
upon the ground that a blood-vesssd was broken, and he died in about Vi
hoiu's alter. Hi- married Mrs. Alice Soutbwortii, by whom he had fi\e sons
and one daugliei-. One of his sons, Thomas, publii-:h',d "The Entertaining
History of Phiii|/s War," which has bf.yn published in 4to., 8vo., 12nio., and
ia authority in all matters where Church was himself concerned.

We have next to recur to the subject of the Indian letters, pending tlu;
redemption of Mrs. Rowlandson. Those given in the third cha])ter f)f this
book were copied from a transcript made at the time they were nutiivid fiom
the Indians, but a recurrence to the originals bus supplied the following
additions, yrpiinet, when sent out on the 3 April, 1070, as noted on |iuge
iX), ha<l with him the following letter from Governor Leverett:

* His biogra[)lii'rs hiivc saiil llml he was l)orii at Diixhiirv ; bill Judge Davis iiil'ornicd me
tliat lie WHS burn ut I'lymoutli, uiul tliat stiiiic rocurils lie had secu (here were his pudiufiiv

ch\p. xri.]

INDIAN I.F/nr.ItS — M.VDOKAWANDO

331

" For the Ind'utn Sas;anwres nnd people Vmt are in wnrre aixainit us, — Iiitelli-
goiicj! is come to lis that you liiive soiiio i'^iii^lisli, C'spcciiilly womoii iiikI
cliUlreii, ill P!i|iti\ity umong you. We iiave tlicrefbre si'iit tlie iiujsstMijtcr
offi'iiiii,' to icdeeiii tlieiii, either for payment in goods or wainpom, or hy
exchange of prisoners. VVe desire your answer J)y this our niesseuirer, wiiut
l)rice you demand for every man, woman, nnd cliild, or if you will exchange
for Indiaiia. [f you liave any among you tliat can write vour answer to tliis
our message, we desire it in writing; and to tliat end have sent paper, pen
and incke by tiie messenger. If you lett our messenger iiave free accest^e to
you, lieedome of a safe retiirne, wee are willing to doe tlie hlte by any mes-
senger of yoiire, provided he come unarmed, and carry a white flag upon a
static, visible to be scene, which we take as a flagge of truce, and is used by
civilized nations in time of warre, when any messengers are sent in a way
of treaty, wJiicli we have done by our messenger. In testimony wliereof I
have set to my hand and seal.

John Leverett, Gov^r.

Boston, 3] March, 1676. Passed liy the council.

Edward Rawsox, Sea-etary"

The answer returned to this letter is that printed on page 90, which does
not differ essentially from the original; nnd the English at Boston imme-
diately complied with the request of the Indians, by sending two messengers
to renew the negotiation. By these messengers an answer was returned,
written by James tlie Printer, as follows:

^^ For the Governor and Council at Boston: — The Indians, Tom JVepcnomp
and Peter Tatatiqunea, hath brought us letter from you about the English
captives, especially for Mrs. Rolanson. The answer is, I am sorrow that I
have don much wrong to you: and yet, I say, the fault is lay upon you ; for
when we begun to quarrell at first with IMiinouth men, I did not think that
you should have so much trouble as now is : therefoi-e I am willing to liearo
your desire about the captives. Therefore we desire yon to sent Mr. Rolon-
son and goodman Kettle (for their wives) and these Indians, Tom nnd Peter,
to redeeine their wives: They shall come and go very safely: Whereupon,
woe ask Mrs. llolonson, how much your husband willing to give for you.'
Shee give on answer, ^0 pound in goods : but John Kettel's wife could not
tt 1. And the rest, cuptives, may lie spoken of hereatlcr."

When this letter was taken to Boston, the governor immediately dcspatclied
anotlior. " To the In Han Sachems about fFachuset. — We received your letter
by Tom and Peter, which doth not answer ours to you ; neither is it sub-
scribed hy the sachems; nor hath it any date, which we know your scribe,
James Pirnter, doth Wfll understand should be. We have sent the said Tom
nnd Peter ngaine to you, expecting you will, speedily, by them, give us a plaine
and direct answer to our last letter, and if you have any thing more to pro-
pound to us, wee desire to have it from you under your hands, by these our
messengers, and yoii shall have a speedy answer. Dated at Boston, 28 April,
1()7()." Such are all the additions we are able to make to that memorable
negotiation, which was one of the immediate causes of Piiilip's reverses and
final overthrow.

Of a chief so prominent as Madokaicando, we are glad to he, able at nny
time to extend our memoir, for, in our opinion, finv leadera of nny country
npj)ear to better advantage. Taking nothing but what his enemies have said
of him, we have much to admire. No warrior was ever more humane to
I'risoiierH than Madokawando, where he commanded in [lerson. He entered
into the war against the English with the greatest reluctance, but when he
hnd once "stepped in," they found him no commnn foe. Repeated depreda-
tions from the whites at length brought him into the field ; the desolation of
Y(irk followed; its inhabitants were nearly nil killed or led into captivity, the
p\rti(Milar8 of which we have ulrendy related. Before Wells he was not so
successful, but (or that failure he is not accountable, as the e.v|)edition against
It was under the direction of two prominent French officers. Ifis preservti-
tion and liberation of Thomas Cobbet were acts of pure humanity.

332

MOXUS TAKES PEMMAQUID.

[Book III

K')

ill

I"'

Whether the expedition against Groton was under the immediate direction
of Mudokuwando, or not, we are not informed, hut it was, without doubt,
executed under the command of one of his ciiief captains, the noted Moxus,
or, as lie was sofnc-times called, Toxus. Tiiat place was laid waste on the
!27ih of July, 1<J94; 23 people were killed, and 13 led into captivity. The
scalps of the unfortunate slain were said to have been presented to Governor
FiotUe^iac by Mndokawando himself.

At the destruction of York was taken the family of the Rev. Mr. Dummer
and our authority made us say that Mrs. Dummer died in captivity, but we
ai*e now assured, by other testimony,* that slie lived to return out of captivity,
having been redeemed. For such termination of a wretched fate she was,
no doubt, indebted to Madokawando.

This chief seems to have had unlimited control over the country upon the
Penobscot River, as has been seen from what we have already before stated ;
judging from the amount of property paid him, from time to time, for sundry
tracts of his country. Yet, though we are satisfied that the amounts he
received were large, still they are expressed in such vague terms that it is
impossible to arrive at any thing like a tolerable notion of their extent. One
testifies that, far a certam tract of land, Madokawando "received a large
amount of money ; " another, that he received a hatful ; and a third states it
to have been "a hatful of pieces of eight." j

We have said that the great sachem was succeeded at his death hy Wena-
movet, and at tlie same time " JV/oxwa seemed his successor." We find nothing
yet to vary this statement, but in explanation we would note that Wenamovet
appears not to have been a war chief, or in any other way very conspicuous,
except as a counsellor ; and though in name the successor of J>/arfoAai«rtnrfo,
yet was willing to let "fierce Moxus" bear his well-earned title of chief in
all matters of war.

One of the most signal ex])loits ot'Morus was the capture of Pemmaquid,
on the 2d of August, IGSt). From this place his men led 16 of the English
into a most miserable captivity, whence but very few ever returned. A con-
siderable number were killed before the foit was taken, among whom was
the worthy Ciptuin Gj/les; three other captains were also slain, and the fort
capitulated the second day, and all within it were suffered to leave it and
return to the English settlements in safety. J

We have seen that the chief Bomazeen was intrapped and thrown into
prison in Boston, in 161)4. He was also a prisoner there lour years after,
having jjrobably been retained all this time to restrain acts of barbarity on
white captives; and it was rumored that he had been the leader at Groton,
which probably had some influence in lengthening his captivity, but it is not
now a question who the leader was in that sanguinary exploit. Mr. John
Gyles returned out of a ten years' captivity in 1698, and on the 14lh of Octo-
ber of that year, he says he was sent for by Lieutenant-Governor Stoughton,
to interpret a conftreiice with liomozeen and other Indians then in jail. This
same Mr. Gyles, afterwards ca|)tain of Fort George, went as interpreter with
Captiiin Southack in the province galley to the eastern shores, for the ransom
and exchange of captives. Our chief was at this time exchanged, and the
galley returned to Boston in December, 1698.

Whether, upon mere suspicion, injury was added to crime in the case of
Bomazeen, we cannot, upon our slender evidence, aver ; but if it were a parallel
case to that of the seizure and death of Egeremet and HonquiJ, or, as others
write his name, Jihanquid., Jihenqxiid, &c., it could scarcely be surpassed in
atrocity. There are no facts to show that Jlbenquid had been an enemy to
the E'nglish, or, if an enemy, that he had been engaged in any depredations.

Notwithstanding it is a custom among some tribes of Indians to obliterate
all remembrance of the dead, their near connections, it was by no means
common among all tribes, for we have Iiad occasion to mention many
instances where the name of a noted chief has been perpetuated, both

* (frei'iileiif's Erclcsiastir.ij Skololios of Maiiifi, p. 10.

f Ti." prinled treaty of ITK, and authorilips vt svpra.

i Narrative oi John Gyles, as publislicd in our " Imlian riptivities."

Chap. Xil.]

AnENCll'lD.— INDIAN TREATY OF 1723.

333

among tlie western ns well ns among the eastern Indi;nis. Jihenquid was
killed l>y Captain Chuhb in lOiKj, and in 172.1 there was another chief of the
same name, of equal distinction. And he deserves some notice in this place,
as do many others. While Captain Lovewell was on his march against the
l'e<|nawkcts, measures were being devised in JJoston for a |>eace with the
eastern Indians, There were, at the same titnc, several Indians there, some
as ])ri<oners and others as hostages, and the English concluded to send some
of tlieni out to inviti? their countrymen to come to Boston to settle diflictilties;
accordingly Sitqua.cxia and JVibine, one a hostage and the other a captive,
wtre despatched npf .i that business. Tliny, "alter some time," returned and
reported, "that 'lie Indians were generally disposed to a peace, for that the
losses tliey m< i with, and the daily terror they were niKler, made their lives
miserable. After this they went out again," and meeting with several others
of their . ountrynien, received further assurances of a general desire for
peace. Whertiipou commissioners were sent with those two Indians to
Fort St, (Jieorge, to procun; a meeting of chiefs and to make a treaty. They
arrived there on the 2il Jidy, and on the 14th thirteen chiefs had assemiiled,
not at the (brt, but at a safe distance therefrom, tearing treachery from their
white brethren on a more extended scale than they had experienced not
many days before.* However, after consi<lerabIe |mrleying, in which the
Indians made the English swear by their God, in the most solenm manner,
that their intentions were of a tenor with their pretensions, the parties came
together.

The battle of Pequawket was recent, and it was evident that the Indians
had become conscious of their weakness, and did not urge their wrongs at
this meeting, although, as it were, in their own country, l)ut seemed deter-
mined to have peace on any terms. They did iiideetl, to the detnand of the
Engli.sh, "Why they had made war nj)on them?" reply, that it was because
thi'V had taken up their land, even to Cape Newagen ; and not only seized
upon their lands to that ])lace westward, but that they had there beaten two
of their men to death. To this the English conimissioners answered : "The
hinds are ours, and we can show you they were liiirly bought of your fiithers;
and if your men were beaten to death by the English, it was your business
to complain to our g^vernmeHt, and not to make war." This seems to have
silciiced the poor Indians, and we hear nothing i'urther from them at this
time but an earnest desire that peace might be concluded, or that a cessation
of arms might take place. The commissioners intbrmed them that they had
not power to grant a cessation of arms, but said that, j)robably, if a deputation
of their chiefs would go to Boston, it might be granted by their government.
It was finally agreed that the two chiefs, Loron, or, as he was sometimes
called, Sa^iiaarain, now an old and venerable chief, and Ahanquid, should
return with the English to Boston, and see what could be done towards a
general peace.

Loron and Ahanquid having come to Boston, it was soon after settled
that these two chiefs should go iuto their country, and return in 40 days with
a sufficient number of chiefs, with whom a proper treaty might be made.
Meanwhile several depredations having been committed on both sides, the
time of the return of the Indians was considerably protracted in consequence :
and, as we have in a previous chapter mentioned, the forty days had nearly
twice expired before their reappearance; but, in the begitniing of November,
the fiiithful Loron and .Vmnquid returned to Boston, bringing with them
Jirexm, IVancis Xnvicr, and JMarnnumba, representatives from the eastern
Indians, clothed with full power to negotiate of peace. More than a month
was passed by these chiefs in Boston before a treaty was signed. This wa3
done on the 15 December, 1725, and peace was thereby restored lo Iho
eastern frontiers.

* " And indeed tliey had cause of bciiia; so, for tliiil about 10 days before, ['20 June, st-YS
Vi'illiamson, ii. IW,] niidcr a lln^ of Iriice, some of the English treacherously atlcmplcd ';c
lay violent hands upon iheiii. but lost one in the skirmish and had another wrundcd, '»i. ,ii
was the occasion of the like luihappy disaster that afterwards happened uuto Caotain Sau,^^ t
in Penobscot Bay." PenlicUlow, 120.

-1;

r[ f-

834

CAPTAIN TOM— WAFIWA.

[Book III

III our notice of Captniii Tom in a J^^ ioiiH clinjUer, and his deprcdatic;! '.O
Hniii[>ton, it siioiild Imvc been ntnted tii. ' s hml ubiiiuiant excuse for ro'-,!;'.;-
tioiis of tin- nature there de8(-ril)ed. I ^^'th of time, to whatever number
of years extended, is no guaranty tlial ^ injury will not i)e repaid by an
IiKhan, with Iiuriaii interest; and //ciiiJiiW did not more strictly observe his
vow to war against liie Koinans. lliaii tiie savage of America adiiered to liie
resohition of revengiii>( an insult, even though its origin were reinived
several generations from him. In tlie chapter already referred to, we liave
detail(!d tiie expedition of Colonel CInirch u,)on tlie Androscoggin, and his
rapture and destruction of a fort some 30 or 40 miles up that river.* Tliic
fort was the residence of Aoamcus, more generally known among the English
as Gnat Tom. This chiefj according to my antiiority, was taken cajitivc at
the time of the assault by Church, "but he slijit away from the liands of his
tiio careless keepers, which was a disaster they much complained of. But
if tills ])iece of carelessness did any harm, there was another which did some
pood; for Great Tom having terrilily scared a part of his men with the
tidings of what liad hap[>oned, and an English lad in their hands also telling
tlumi some truth, they betook themselves to such a y/ig-Zii in their /ng-Zi/, as
gave ^\r. Anthoni) Bracket, then a p.isonerwith them, an o|)portunily to fly
four score miles another way." P. it we have recorded tlie escape of poor
Jlnlliomi Braikii, who, says Ur. Mi'iher, "if he had not <bnnd one of Clinrcli''»
vessels aproiind at Maquait, \vo»dd have been miserably aground liimselt;"
afler all liis severe travel and siifl'erings to effi^ct an escape.f And imw we
have arrived at llie extent of our intbrmation concerning Jigamcxis.

Wahwa shall here receive additional notice. He maybe tlie same spoken
of before,^ though there the name, if it be the same, lias another 8yllal)le in
it. He was the renowned Hopehood, doubly celebrated by the stroke of
oblivion aimed at his Jiead by the classic Magnalian. But Wahwa could
liardly have lieen Hoprhood of Ki/ii, § as he would have been very old at
Z<oi'firc//'s fight, in 17^5; yet it is not impossible, notwitiistanding lie is made
to die,|| by the hand of the Moliawks, not long af\er the capture of Salmon
Falls, in KWO, "while on his way westward to bewitch another crew at
A(|uadocta." His name of Ifupehood had, very jirobably, been mannflictured
out of an Indian name ap|)roachiiig it in sound, as are many otiiers we
possess.

He did not leave the scenes of his exploits until the summer of 1(190, as
we have seen : H he was the leader at Fox Point, in Newington, in May of
that year; and he very probably had the direction of the party, if he did not
lead it, who, on the 4tli of July, killed eight people as they were mowing in
a tiehl near Lamprey River, and took a boy captive. On the 5th tJiey
attacked Cafitain Hillov^s garrison at Exeter, but Lieutenant Bancro/?, arriving
to its reliefj beat oft' the Indians "with the loss of a few of his men." One
man they were forced to leave without scalping, and though shot in 9
places, was still alive. To these desperate wounds they had added two
blows witli the tomahawk at his neck, endeavoring to sever his head from
his body; "which blows, you may be sure," says blather, "added more enor-
mous wounds unto the port-hoUs of death already opened, and fr<im which
his life was running out as fast as it could." When discovered by his friends
he was looked upon as dead, but on being stirred was observed to gasp;
•'whereupon an Irish fellow then present, advised them to give him another
dab with a hatchet, and so bury him with the rest." Yet this man recovered,
and was afterwards well. His name was Simon Stone. There are daily
occurrences, which in those dajs would have been viewed as miracles, or as
retaliations of the Creator upon miserable wretches for thoughtless acts of
expressions. Upon all such as came to the knowledge of Collon Mather lie
laid his potent hand with manifest saticfiiction. IJoubtless the poor Irishman
thouglit it would have Immmi a flivor to the wounded man, who could not live,
to put hiin out of lii>s misery; but this weighed nothing in the mind of the

" Flirt " Amotinscoinriii," arcordiii!; to the Magnalia, alioiil '10 miles np llic livor.

t Ma-siHiVui, ib. t Page 105, lit, 121-, -..(e & Pago IIG. II liv Mather, Magiialia

% P".oO 118.

5 H

CitAP. XII. 1

iiorrnooD— SF.VF.UF. iiattle.

335

liiHtoriun. "Tcapiie," lie snys, "oh he wna foolishly pulling a canoe ashore,
about tills time, with the cock of his fruii, it went oHJ hreiiking hia arm with
u fi-arlul wound, hy which he was made a cripjile ever alter."

By a council of war held at Portsmouth, occutsioned by these de|)re<l«iiona of
'that nicmorahle tiger Hopehood" it was ticcided that Captain H'iswitll shoidd
po out in search of him with a large scouting party. Several other prom-
inent men, being emulous of the service, oHering to join him in command
with another party, it by lot fell on Captain Floyd, Having rendezvoused at
Dover to the number of alrout one himdred men, they marched into the woods
on the since memorable day, July 4tli, MM. On the (Jtli, having sent out
tlieir scouts " before breaktiist" in the morning, they "Immediately returned
with tidings of breakfast enough lor those who jiad their stomachs sharp stt
•or lighting." The piuties inunediately met at a place called WlieelwriL'ht'a
I'ond, in Lee, and an obstinate battle ensued, which lasted from two to three
hours. Owing, however, to the Indian mode of fighting, adopted by the
Knglisli, comparatively but few were killed. Neither party could boast of a
victory, for, as at Pequawket, each was glad to retreat from the other. Of
the whites above 30 were killed and wounded, of which 15 were of the Ibrmer
nundier. Among these were included Captain Wwwnll, his lieutenant, Flae^,
and Sergeant IValker. Captain Floyd maintained the light until most of Tiis
men had retreated, which obliged him to retreat also. " For this some blamed
him, who, jirobably, woidd not have continued it as long as he did." Captain
Converse visited the battle ground the next morning, and brought off seven
wounded still alive, but the Indians had removed all of theirs, and it could
never be known how many of them were killed. There was no doubt about
the ])recipitaucy of their retreat, as they lell much of tlieir plunder upon
the field.

The same week "these rovers made their descent as far as Aniesbury,
where Ca[>tain fhot being ensnared by them, they tortured him to d(uitli.
This so alarmed the other inhabitants, that they Hew from their beds to their
garrisons, otherwise before the next morning they had found their beds their
graves. However, they killed three persons, burnt three houses, and many
cattle. In fine, from the first mischief done at Lamprey-eel River, (on July
4th,) to this last at Aniesbury, all belonging to one Indian expedition, forty
Enirlish iieoi)le were cut oftl"

Thus Hupehood is considered the leader in all these transactions, although
our chroniclers of that day do not mention him, excelling where we have
done so, nor do they mention the names of any other Indians. He was the
commander of his countrvinen at tlie taking of Casco, on which event the
garrisons of Purpooduck, Spurwink, Black Point, and Blue Point, drew off
to Saco, and in a lew days from Saco tln^y retreated to Wells, "twenty nules
within the said Saco, and about half Wells drew off as far as Lieutenant
Storer's. But the arrival of orders and soldiers from government stojiped
them from retiring any farther; and Hopehood, with a party that staid for
farther mischief, meeting with some resistance here, turned about, and having
first had a skirmish with Captain Sherburn, they a[)peared the next Lord's-
day at Newichawannok or Berwick, where they burnt some houses and slew
a man." This last event was three days previous to the massacre at Fox
Point, before related.

We now are to speak again of Wahiva^ and as we have before considered
him a different chief from Hopehood Jf'ahotvah, we shall still do so, yet the
character of his exploits agrees well with those of that chief; but that argues
nothing as to his identity, for numerous other chiefs correspond equally
as well.

On the 27th of October, 1726, a band of seven Indians surprised the family
of Philip Dnrell at Kennebunk, capturing ten persons, eight women and two
children, and can'ied them off. The attack was made late in the allernoon,
while i\Ir. Dnrell was absent. On his return he found his house in flames,
r^Iiairs piled on the fire, trunks split to pieces, but no traces of his wile ancl
children. The Indians had been watching for an opjiortunity to attack when
Mr. Dnrell should be absent, fearing, it was thought, his powerful arm, if made
when he was at home. Twenty-three years before Mrs. Durill had been a

'«1

336

ACTKON— WAHWA.

iOooK IIL

EI^HHI-i

<• ;-^

U^HIB.

t » .-

HHf

1 J '.'

ilBlli^

i • i!

■(:■*,

i. '> ^ *

rnptivo,* but unlike most of licr Hex in like circuniHtanceB, aho foreboded no
ovil of a like kind from tlie Iiuiiani', lint looked ujion lier former eMptnre by
tlicm UH \v(! do npcHi a inaludy tliut never attacks u second time; bnt in tliid
case it waM otlicrwi.xe.

Tlie j)er|)etrul(»rH were iinrHiied with vijror the next niorninp, wliicli caused
tlie IndianH to put most ol tlieir captives to death, by which means they were
able to make ^mod their (li^dit.

It was li>r some time doubtful what Jndiaiis, or how many, iiad committed
this horrid act, but it was finally ascertained that the bloody " H'tiliira, J'nu-
cnunaumpoijte, formerly a Mohegan, JHeon, aHerwards known as Captain
JMoses, an Arisaffuntacook, Omhorowees, Mnnncenhotchiu, J'ier, Siinp;ebnv<j:iinilo,
probal)ly of the same tribe, though one or more was of Wowenok, but then
residing among the Ht. Francis Indians. Yet five-and-twenty years or n)ore
nllerwards, (,'olonel Job, a noted orator and chief sjieaker at Governor i^hirleifs
treaty in 1754, denied that ^'kteon was an Arisagnntacook, and said he was an
Albany Indian ; but as Job was accused of telling lies in his talk at the treaty
by one of bis own party, not much dei)endence can be given to what be tlid
Buy.f liut it appears that he was a Norridgewok, but having taken an Aris-
agnntacook woman for a wife, became one of them. He was the s^anie chief
wlio, on the 28 April, 175$i, with a i)arty of 10 or 12 of that tribe, fill upon
lour men on a branch of Contoocook River, shot one of them dead, one
escaped, and the otlier two were taken and carried to Canada ; but this aflair
we shall notice more at large i)resently.

We hear of but one that ever returned of those taken at Kennebunk. His
name was John Ihirell, son ol' Philip, wliose fiimily were destroyed; and be,
though be was redeemed in about two years, was, according to the historian
of Kennebunk, "ever afler more of an Indian than n white man." He was
•ilive when (jlovernor Sullivmi wrote his bistory, and resided there. It was
not long after WuhwiCs depri.'dation, that two fi'ieiKily Indians, Qiiinoi.ie, of
Wowenok, and Of^icsand, were sent by the governor of 3Ii'ssachns.'!ts to
lenrn the filter of the ca|)tives, as well as what Indians had done the misehief;
these and)assadors, fi'om causes not e\plai)ied, though doubtle>s no uneommoii
ones on such undertakings, were not heard of ibr nciU'ly a year after, and then
could give no satisfiictory accoimt in the l)u.<iness they undertook. At the
treaty of (.'asco, in 1727, Jhiyniivwwwclt, chief speaker of the Arisagunfai'ooks,
said be bad learned that a boy taken at that time was among the French.
Tbis was probably John Durdl.

Aflcr peace was made, and intercourse commenced again between the
Indians and the settlers, it seems U'nhwa nsed frequently to visit Kennebunk,
and oflen talked familiarly with the friends of those be had massacred. Like
most other Indians, he would get drunk when he could get licpior. On one
occasion, as he lay drunk at the house of a Mr. Baxter, whose wife was among
the murdered in the exploit above related, some of Baxter's acquaintances
advised him to tumble him into the well,|: but he had too nuich humanity to
wish to immortalize his name by an act so dastardly. And ff'alnm remained
a monument of bis own cruelty, but not a more despised one than the
advisers of his death ; while the injm-ed man, deprived of his nearest friends,
remained n moniunent of humanity.

We now return to Adeon, and his expedition to Contoocook. A small
company of yotmg men, four in nimdjer only, went out early in tlie sjjring
of the year 1752, to bunt in the north-western part of New Hampshire. Their
names were, Jimos Eastman, of Concord, John and William Stark, of Du)d)ar-
ton, and David Stinson, of Londonderry. What we are about to relate will be
of more interest to the reader, doubtless, if he is told that John Stark, of this
party of hunters, was the same who afterwards defeated Colonel Banvi at
Bennington, in the early part of the revolutionary war. These young men,
wandering far beyond the confines of civilization, were, on the 28tli of April,

* Uradbiiry's History of Knincliniik Port, 120, 121.

t He was a fearless, bolil follow ; accused Governor Shirlei/ of " letting liis young men act
the Deiii's part by doing mischief to the bulians," iiutwilhstanding his protestations of justice
to ihrm.

J History of Keiuicbunk Port. 121.

Chap. XII.]

ST.VRKS CAPTIVITY.

337

|>ui*suiii{j their nnliinim oinployment on a brnncli of tlie Pt'ini)rpwiisct, railed
Jiikur's River, in wimt is .xiiicu Riiiiiiioy, when Huddeiily they wero Hnr|iri.-ied
l)y t(!ii Indians nndi-r tlio limioiis Adeon, who at this time wa.s known by tlio
naini) of Captain Mosat. The whites had, bnt little while lu-foro, di.-ieovcTcd
traces of Indians, and had become alarmed, and were determintid to leave
tiii'ir position. Aeeor(bni,'ly, John Stark went out very early in the morning
to collect their trap.^, and while thus separated from his companions, was
m:id(! prisoner. As soon as he was secured, he was ordered to direct them
to his friends. This he undertook to do, but purposely led them two miles,
farther tiom tiiem, iioping that, l)y some means, they might take the alarm
and escape ; but it was not to be ended so. They seem not to have im«
ajfined that John was taken by Inilians, and soon l)egan to shoot off their
tmis ' > direct him where they were. This also dire(!ted tiie Indlan.s, and
tney i.muediately p/toceeded down the river, beyond the whites, and taking u
(Station, wayiaiil them as tiiey came down. All that had now passed had not
tJikim lip much time, for about Himrise the party appeared, two in a boat, fyU-
tiam Slfirk and Sliiuion, and Hiuflnvm on the shore, who ne.xt fell into the In-
diaii.s' liands. They now ordered John to hail his friends in the boat, to decoy
tli(!iii to tiie shore; but, with v boldness characteristic of great minds, ho
called to them, and instead of requesting them to land, told them ho was
tiikeii, and ordered them to save themselves by pulling to the opposite shore.
They piilhid accordinglj', and were (piickly fired upon by four of the Indians,
whose guns were loaded. Like u truly heroic spirit, without regarding the
risk he ran, at the moment of the shot John knocked up tv/o of the Indians'
giiiis, and repeated the munojiivre when the rest cf tho [larty fired a second
volU'v. He then hallooed to his brother in the Ijoat to fly with all his might,
lor all the guns were discharged. He did so successfully; regained the shore
and es( aited. Poor Slinson was killed, and the boat and oars were pierced
with bullets. John was sorely beaten and ill used at first, lor the liberties lie
had takiMi in giving their .-ihots a ial.se direction; but they al\erwards used
him kindly.

The wiiites had collected a considerable quantity of furs, of which the In-
dians |)osscssed themselves, and commenced their retreat. TlniV made '
stop at Lower Coo.s about the jJivsent vicinity of Haverhill, N. H., where they
had letl two of their l)arty to prepjire provisions agi inst their return. After
one night's stay here tiiey [)roceeded to Upper Coos. From this place Cap-
tain .Moses despatched three of his men with Eastman to St. Francis, while
the rest of the company hunted on a small stream in that neighborhoocL
Stark was meantime closely watched, and every night confined. They al-
lowed him to himt, and he, having shot one beaver and caught another in a
trap, was ai)probated by a present of their skins.

At length, on the 9 of July, Captain Moses returned with his prisoner to St
Francis. Here the two captives were compellrid to run the gantlet. East-
man fared hard in that business ; but Stark, understanding Indian play better
seized a club from an Indian at the head of one of the ranks through whicl
he was to run, and laid it about him with such force, that running the gant-
let was wholly on the part of tlie Indians; for they were glad to escape and
leave the ground to him, mud. to the delight of the old Indians, who were
seated at a distance to witness the sport.

Fortunately, Stark and Eastinan^s captivity was not a long one. In about
si-Y weeks irom Stark^s arrival at St. Francis, there arrived Captain Stevens, of
No. Four, and Sir. }Vheelwriji:U, of Boston, in search of some captives, who
had been taken from Mas.sachusetts, and not finding any, redeemed Stark and
Eastman, who arrived home, by way of Albany, in August following. The
same Indians accompanied them to Albany, where they sold the fiirs they
had taken from them, to the amount of £500, old tenor. Stark paid for his
ransom 103 dollars, and Eastman GO dollars. The names of two others of the
Indians who did this mischief, were Francis Titigaw, and Peer, a young chiefi
each of whom has been mentioned as chief in the capture ; but it is not
material.

■U the treaty of 17^7, wiiich the preceding relation required us to notice,
a entiou was made by the chiefs, p^ that treaty, of a great many Indians, and

a9 w

338

SIEGE OF WALPOLE, N. II.

[Book III

H'noiig others, of one of consideruble note, of whom we have before* said
doinethiiig, it| indeed, he he the snine, namely, Sabatis. Tliis Indian Jiad pre-
viously, tiiouf;h perhajjs not long bctbrc that treaty, with otliers, taken many
captives m their depredations on the English frontiers. At tliis time he was
living at St. Francis in Canada, and had two cajitives with him ; but their
names we cannot learn, lie was of a bloody disposition, and the act which
terminated his career was by a hanl ndt less bloody, though, perhaps, more
necessarily so. We have, on another occasion, and in another work,t related
the circumstances of it, mid shall therefore pass it over here. lie was killed
in 175:3, and we have before expressed the opinion that he was the father of
him brought away a eajjtive from St. Francis by Captain Rogers in 17r)l>, and
who in 1775 followed the fbitnnes of Arnold's expedition against Quebec.

As noted an exploit as we have passed over in our history is that which
was enacted at Walpole, N. II., in the year 1755. If Philip, the leader of the
Indians on that occasion, be the samq that we have beltre given some account
nf, his patriotism as well as his courage must have u'u^crgone an imirartant
change ; but as we cannot settle that matter to tlio satisfiiction of the critical
antiquary without spending more time than we shall get credit for, we will
relate the affair at VValpole as we have heard it.

One John Kilbum had settled at that j)lace in 174[», and thorgh far beyond
any other settlement, and frequently watched, avid sometimes annoyed by the
Lidians, jet no hostile act was attenqjted upon him until 1755. When it be-
came certain that war would soon begin between England ard France, meas-
ures were takiMi by CJeneral Shirleij to warn the settlers ah ng *!ie exteiisive
frontier of Ntnv England of the ap[)roaching calamity, 15ut the Indians seem
to have known or expected it sooner than the English, frt jefbre the latter
had receivetl word from General Shirley, the cunning /I ■ /), in the capacity
of a s])y, had visited every ])rincipal settlement, under the pretence of trading
ibr flints and other hunting munitions, all 'long the Connecticut River; and
it was not until two Indians, employed by ituieral Shirlci/, had inlbrin(>d the
settlers that 400 or 500 Iiidiims were preparing in Canada to make a descent
uj)on them, that Philiji's expedition for trade was understood in its real char-
acter.

Kilbum lived in a good garrison-house, and on the day Philip ajipeared
against it with some 300 Indians, he, with three otlu-r men, were at work
some (iistarice from it ; but k( ei)ing a good watch, the ludians were discov-
ered in time to afi()rd them sufbcieiit o[)portunity to regain the garrison with-
out moUistation. The timely discoveiy was made about mid-day, August 17,
and in less than half an hour after, they were surrounded by I'J7 fierce war-
riors, flushed with confidence of an easy and speedy victory ; the remainder
of the Indians forming an ambush of reserve at the mouth of Cold Kiver
about half a mile from the garrison.

Meanwhile Philip I'tid endeavored to cut off Colonel liellotvs, who, w ith
30 men, was milling r.bout a mile east of Kilbuni's; but in this he was foiled
by a masterly manu'uvre of the colonel. His men were returning fiom the
:nill, each with a bag of meal ujx)!! his back, when his dogs by their growling
gave timely notice of the neighborhood of an enemy, and tlu; thoughts of an
ambush at tin; same moment passed through his mind: he as soon knew
what to do. He orderi'd his men to throw off their bags, advance; to a cer-
tain emincMice over which their path lay, and about which he doubted not the
Lulians wci-c preparei^ for him. The ground contiguous was covenul with
high s\\v'''l li'in. I'p to these; liellows and his nam crawled, into tlie very
presence of the (iiemy. They now, agreeably to the jilan |)ropose(l at tia;
discovery, sprung upon their fi'f.-t, and giving a tremendous whooi), alter the
nianncr of their adversary, dropped down aijain the same instant. The In-
ifi"" • .ii titt. very moment rose; up, forming a thick fi'ont across tlie path in a
semicircle. V.nv\\ oi' liellows' s nam had now an Indian in his power; and
i^uch was the efliM-t oftlie first fin; of these HO men, that Philip and his whole
|)arty pn^cipitately retreated, and the victors, without waiting Ibr a further

* A:itr, p:iu;n inr), VX, of lliis flnok.

\ l\\ the Ai>i»enilix to my ediiiun of Church's Philip's War, &c., page 337.

Ch>p. Xll.]

SIKOE OF WAI.roi.E. N. 11.

339

displiiy of luetics, regained their garrison, not liaving one of tiieir nunilier
kiil<!(l or woiiudoil. Of the loss of the InihtmH no mention is made.

Finding so warm a reception from Colontd Bellows, Philip, it would seem,
as well as the colonel, had no notion of taking a second hand at the san)«
game, and, as we have said, immediately appeared lielbre KUburrCs garrison,
whore he hoped lor better success. Philip was an old ac(iuaintanco here,
and approac.iiing the house as near as he could find a tree for shelter, called
out to Killium, " Old John, young Jchn, come oiU here. He give you good qmtr-
Icr.'' Philip is representea as of jreat stature, and proportionate strength;
and Kilhum was not his inferior. 1 le answered tl»e warrior " with a voice of
thunder," that flowed over the adjacent hills, "Uuarter! you black rascals!
begone, or we'll quarter you."

'i'lnis stood the affiiir which was shortly to decide the fate of W'alpole,
between six English, four men and two women, and about 400 Indians, at the
commencement of the siege. Philip returned to his men, and, alter a short
pauise, the silence was broken by yells and whoops of the whole body of In-
dians, which appeared, as we have heard the old people express it, "a« though
all the devils in hell had broke loose." A liuiotis onset was now begun, and m
a lew minutes the roof of the house was perforated like a sieve. As usual in
their attacks on gan-isons, they employed stratagems, but when the whole
atlernoon was sj)ent, they found they had made no impression, but were
greatly weakened themselves, and at night drew off, thus ending their inglo-
rious expedition.

Huch deeds could a few men, well provided, perform, well knowing it was
not numbers that could save them in times of peril, while many others, rely-
ing upon the::- numbers, neglecting their duties, have liUlen an easy i)rey to
an enemy not half equal to themselves. Kilbum had extra guns in his house,
and his wile and daughter cast bullets, and performed every other service in
their power. When one of the men's guns became too nuich heated to Ijo
used with safety, a woman exchanged it for another, so that every man was
every moment at his place. When their lead began to grow short, blankets
were suspended in the roof, to catch the balls of the enemy, with good suc-
cess; and thus many of the Indians fell by their own bidlets ! To use their
powder without loss of time, they poured it into hats, which were placed close
at hand ; by such means an incessinit fire was kept up, which jirobahly de-
ceived the Indians in regard to their mnnbors. They found time, heiiire
drawing off, to kill all the cattle, burn and destroy all the hay and grain he-
longing to the settlement; but this was looked upon as nothing, scanMsly to
be considered towards the price of their deliverance. We do not learn as it
V,-,,-, ever known to the English what the loss of the Indians was;* but the
garrison lost Mr. Peak, who, exposing himself too nuich l)efore a port-hole,
was shot in the hij). The wound would probably have been cincd if good
surgical aid could have luicn had ; hut it jtroved mortal in five days atler the
battle. Each of these men, A'i7/>i(ni and PcnAr, had a son with them in the
garrison; and such was the force opposed to that army of Indians ! Jouv
Kii.mii:>f lived to he 85 years of nge, and died on the 8 April, 178!>, and lies
buried in the Walpole hurying-ground. The son [John) attained the same
age, and died at his residence, in .Shrewsbury, Vt., in 18!«.f

Only two days atb;r tlu! battle of IJunker's Hill, there arrived at Cambridge,
the head <piiu'ters of the Americans, a tlcpntation from the Penobscot Indians,
ol" wliom the cch^hrated Orono was chief. An order was ])assed lor their
entertainment while there, an<l "for their return home." They came to ten-
der tlicir services to the Americans in the war now begun, which was done
by Orono, in a six-ech to a i'onnnitl(^e of the provincial congress, on the iil
.lunc, 1775. "In iiehalf <>f iIk; whole Penobscot trihc," the chief said, if the
gri('\!nces mider wliich his people labored we're removcMJ, they would aid
with their whole l()rce to deliMul tlie coinilry. Those grievances were briefly
stated, and consisted chiefly of trespasses by the wliiteT upon lliei.' titrl !•"

* Kilhui-n, during' llic cnffnifoiiipiil, had n dolibcriiti' sliol al a ! '.rg'^ in li '.n, ^vllo^l lit) >ai
fiill, and he Ix-licvcd i( was I'liilip himscIC

♦ C'hifdy from llie Cols. N. Hist. Soi: ii. 5.! — J8.

i' ■

340

NATANIS.— SABATIS.

[Book III

Inndfl, cheating them in trade, &c. The committee returned an affenionate
address ; and although the groans of the dying, from the late terrible field (if
iMittle, were sounding in their ears, they say nothing about engaging the Lidiana
in the war, but assured them that " as soon as they could take breath from
their present fight," their complaints should receive attention. Some of the
Peiiobiscota did eventually engage in the war, but we have no pat aculars of
them.

We have said before,* upon authority which will generally be received,
that JVo/anw and Sabalis were the first Indians employed by the Americana
in the revolution, and we see no reason yet to form a different opinion, al-
though our attention has been called again to the subject,t and some facts
state'l for our consideration, which have elicited further investigations and
comparisons, of which the following is the resultf Of a chief named Swau-
sen, or Swashan, well known on the borders of New Hamjjshire in the latter
French wars, we have before given some noiice ;§ at that time, or about the
I" lose of those wars, he retired to St. Francis. When the revolution began, he
seems to have decided on taking the part of the Americans ; and with a few
followers marched to Kennebeck, and with some of the Norridgewoks ren-
dezvoused at Cobbossee, now Gardiner, at the mouth of the Cobbosseeconta
River. Over the Norridgewoks, or Pequawkets, or some of both, was a chief,
named Paul Higffins, who, though a white man, had lived so long among In-
dians, that to all intents he was one of them. He was born at Berwick, but
had been taken captive when quite young, and spent most of his days with
them. This company set out for Cambridge, the head quarters of General
Washington, about the beginning of August, 1775, under the direction of one
Reuben Cobunu There were 20 or 30 of them, " and they were rowed down
in canoes to ftlerrymeeting Bay by tiieir squaws ; " here they left them, and
proceeded to Cambridge on loot, where they arrived about the 13 August.||
They tendered their services to the general, who gave them all the encour-
agement he could, consistently, but evidently advised them to remain neu-
ti'al.H SwaslMii said half of his tribe was ready to join the Americans, and
that four or five other tribes stood ready, if wanted, and that the Canadians
were in favor of the Americans also ; and this was the general opinion, and
corresponds with accounts given by intelligent settlers on tlie frontiers.
They say, " We have had jwsitive accounts from many of the Lidian tribes,
who have been ai)plied to J)y Governor Carlcton to distress the settlements •
but they say they have no offence fiom the people, and will not make war on
them. The French, too, say it is a war of our own raising, and they will
have no part in it,"** We hear no more of Swashan.

Of AssACAMBUiT, an extended account has been givcn,tt and we should
not again recur to him, hut to correct the statement, that " nothing was heard
of him fi'om 1708 to the time of his death." We have since found that in
1714, he Wds at Portsmouth, upon a friendly visit with several other Indians.
On the 10 May of that year, as the Indians were nhont to leave the place,
" the council of N. H. ordered their treasurer to iurnish him and his jompan
ions with necessary provisions and liquors to carry them io their severa
habitations."

* Piige 136, ante, of tliis Book.

t III a polite and obliiring inninicr, by Rev. Wm. S. Bartlett, of Little Falls, N. Y

t As early as May I'Jtli, 1775, the provir.rial congress of Mas.snchuse ts "Voted, That
Captain John Lane iiave enlisting papers delixcred to him, for raising a company of In-
dians at the easlwnid."

« r- Is. N. H. Soc. ill. 76 7.

II l»..j>. communication of Rev. W. S. Bart.-ett.

If liotta, i. 228.

** Aliron's Remembrancer, i. 147 — 149.

tt Book HI. p. 13!)— 141.

;,<

BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY

OF THE

INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA

BOOK TV.

X^) '

::i;

,1 J:

<'ig

..>'*

BOOK IV.

BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN

INDIANS.

u I wi)' "> to my tent, and lie down in deapair ;
I wil. , jint me witli biacic, and will sever my hair ;
I will sit on the shore where the harrican* blows,
i^^nd reveal to the God of the tempest my woes ;
I will weep for a season, on bitterness fed,
For my kindred are gone to the mounds of the dead ;
But they died not by hunger, or wasting decay :
The steel o( the white man hath swept them away,"

AlfORTMOUI.

CHAPTER L

Preliminary observations respecting the country of the southern Indians — Wisaink,
the first Virginia chief knoicn to the English — Destroys the first colony settled
there — Menatonon — Skiko — Ensenore — Second colony abandons -the country —
Tobacco first carried to England by them — Curious account of prejudices against it
— Granoanemeo — His kindnesses — His family — His death — Powhatan — Boun-
daries of his country — Surprises the Payankatanks — Captain Smith fights his people
— Opekanlcanough takes Smith prisoner — The particulars of that c^air — He marches
him about the country — Takes him, at length, to Powhatan, who condemns him to be
put to death — Smith's life saved at the intercession of Pocahontas — Insolence of
Powhatan increased by ^femporC s folly — Smith brings him to terms — A croion sent
over to him from England — Is crowned emperor — Speech — Uses every stratagem to
kill Smith — Is baffled in every attempt — Smith visits him — Speeches — Pocaiiontas
again saves Smith and his comrades from being murdered by her father —

ToMOCOMO.

The difficulty of rightly partitioning between the southern nations and the
Iroquois, or Five Nations, can easily he seen by all such as have but very
partially taken a survey of them, and considered their wandering habits.
Therefore, should we, in this book, not always assign a sachem to his original
family or nation, we can only plead in excuse, that we have gone according
to our best information. But we have endeavored to draw a kind of natural
boundary between the above-mentioned nations, distinguishing those people
l)P\ond the Chesapeake and some of its tributaries, as the southern Indians,
1111(1 those between that boundary and the Hudson, by the name Iroquois.
To tlicir respective tcmtories inland, we shall not, nor is it necessary to, fix
I founds, in our present business. We arc aware that some writers suppose
•liiit all the Indians, from the Mississippi to the vicinity of the Hudson, and
even to the Connecticut, were originally of the same stock. If this were the
case, tlio period is so remote when they spread themselves over the country,
that tJM'se great natural divisions had long since caused quite a difference in
the inluiliitants which they separated; and hence the propriety of noticing
them according to our plan.

344

M'INGINA —SETTLEMENT OF VIRGINIA.

[r?ooK IV.

II'.',

).«!
|'..:i*l

It is said tliut tlie territory from the sea-coast to the River Alleghany, and
from tlio most soutiiern waters of James River up to Patiixent, in tlie state
of fliaryland, was inhabited by three different nations, and that the language
of each diffi'red essentially from the others. The English called these
nations by tlie unmes Powhatans, Manahoc', and Monacans', these were the
Tusciiroras. The Povvhntans were the most powerful, and consisted ot
several trii)es, or coinmunities, who possesged the country from the Bea-coa«t
to the fails of the rivers.*

To give a tolerable catalogiie of the names of the various nations of
Virginia, the Caroliiias, and thence to the Mississippi, would far exceed oiir
plan. We shall, therefore, pass to notice the chiefs of such of those nations
ris are distinguished in history, pointing out, by the way, their localities, and
wnulevcr shall appear necessary in way of elucidation, as we pass, and as we
have done in the ])receding books.

WiNoi.N'A was first known to the English voyagers Amidas and Barlow,
who landed in Virginia in the summer of 1584, uj)on an island called, by the
Inclians, JVokokon. They saw none of the natives until the third day, when
three weic; observed in a canoe. One of them got on shore, and the Englisli
went to liini. He showed no signs of feai', "but spoke much to them," then
went boldly on board the vessels. After they had given him a shirt, hat,
wine, and some meat, "he went away, and in half an hour he had loaded his
canoe with fish," which he immediately brought, and gave to the English.

Wingina, aX this time, was confined to his cabin from wounds he had lately
received in battle, probably in his war with Piamacum, a desperate and bloody
chief.

Upon the death of Granganemeo, in 1585, Wingina changed his name to
Peinissapan. lie never had much faith in the good intentions of the English,
■ind to him was mainly attributed die breaking up of the first colony which
settled in Virginia

It was upon tne return to England of the Captains Amidas and Barloio,
from the couiitiy of Jf^wgina, that Queen Elizabeth, fi-om the wonderful
accounts of that fruitful and delightful jdace, named it, out of respect to
herselfj Virginia ; she being called the virgin queen, from her living unmar-
ried. But, with more honor to her, some have said, "Because it still seemed
to retaui the virgin purity and plenty of the first creation, and the people
their primitive innocency of life and manners."! Waller referred to this
country when he wrote this : —

" So sweet the air, so moderate the clime,
None sickly lives, or dies before his time.
Hcav'n sure has kept this spot of earth uncurst,
To show how ail thmgs were created first."

Sir Richard Greenvil, stimulated by the love of gain, next intruded himself
upon the shores of Wingina. It was he who committed the first outrage
upon the natives, which occasioned the breaking up of the colony which he
left behind him. He made but one short excursion into the country, during
which, by foolishly exposing his commodities, some native took from him a
silver cup, to revmge the loss of which, a town was burned. He left 108
men, who seated themselves upon the island of Roanoke. Ralph Lane, a
military character of note, was governor, and Captain Philip Amidas, lieutenant-
governor of this colony. They made various excm-sions about the coimtry,
in hopes of discovering mines of precious metals; in which they were a long
time duped by the Indians, for their ill conduct towards them, in compelling
them to i)ilot them about. Wingina bore, as well as he coidd, the provoca-
tions of the intruders, luitil the death of the old chief Ensenore, his father.
Under pn>teiice of honoring his funeral, he assembled 1800 of his p(>ople,
with the intention, as the English say, of destroying them. They, therefore,
upon the information o£ Skiho, son of the chief Menatonon,| fell U|)on them,
and, after killing five or six, the rest made their escape into the woods. This

* From a commiiiiicniioii of Secretary Tliompson to Mr. Jefferson, and appended to the
Notes on Virginia, ed, of 1801.
t Slith, 11. X Smith calls him Uio " lame king of Moratoc.''

Chap. I]

WINGINA.— DEATH OF ENSENORE.

345

was done upon the island where IVingina lived, and the English first soiz(>d
upon the boats of liis visitants, to prevent their escape from the island, with
the intention, no doubt, of murdering them all. Not long after, " fVingina
was entrapped by the English, and slain, with eight of his chief men."

SIenatonon was king of the Chawonocks, and Okisko of the Weopo-
meokea, "a powerful nation, possessing all that country from Albeniarle
Sound and Chowan River, quite to the Chesapeakes and our bay."* At tins
time, Menatonon was lame, and is mentioned as the most sensible and luider-
standing Indian with whom the English were at first acquainted. It was he
that made Lane and his followers helieve in the existence of the mine already
mentioned. "Socager were they," says Mr. Slith, "and resolutely bent n|)on
this golden discovery, that they could not he persuaded to return, as long as
they liad one pint of corn a man left, and two mastiff" dogs, vvhieli, bi ing
boiled with sassafras leaves, might afford them some sustenance in their way
back." After great sufferings, they arrived upon the coast again.

The reason why Menatonon deceived the English, was berause they made
him a prisoner for the purpose of assisting them in making disrovcries.
After he was sot at liberty, he was very kind to them. Two years after,
when Governor HTiite was in the country, they mention his wife and child af
belonging to Croatun, but nothing of him.

Jf'hite and his company landed at Roanoke, 522 July, 1587, and sent 20 men
to Croatan, on Point Lookout, with a friendly native called Ma.nteo, to see
if any intelligence could be had of a former colony of 50 men left there Ity
Sir Richard Greenvil. They learned, from some natives whom they met, that
the people of Dassamonpeak, on what is now Alligator River, had attacked
them, killed one, and driven the others away, but whither tliey had gone
tione could tell. One of their present company, a principal man of tlieir
government, had also been killed by the same Indians. Tiiis tribe and
several others had agreed to come to Roanoke, and submit themselves to the
English ; but not coming according to appointment, gave the English an
opportunity to take revenge for former injuries. Therefore, Captain Stafford
and 24 men, with Manteo as a guide, set out upon that business. On coming
to their village, " where seeing them sit by the fire, we assaulted tJiem. The
miserable soules amazed, fled into the reeds, where one was shot through,
and we thought to have been fully revenged, but we were deceived, for they
were our friends come from Croatan to gather their corn ! " " Being thus
disappointed of our purpose, we gathered the fruit. we found ripe, left the
rest unspoiled, and took Menatonon, his wife with her child, and the rest with
us to Roanoak." f But to return to Wingina.

While the English were upon the errand we have been speaking of, Win-

fina •pretended to be their friend, but deceived them on every opportunity,
y giving notice to his countrymen of their course and purpose, and urging
them to cut them off. He thought, at one time, that the English were
destroyed, and thereupon scoffed and mocked at such a God as theirs, who
would suffer it. This caused his father, UHseno/e, to join their enemies, but on
their return he was their friend again. He, and many of his people, now
believed, say the voyagers, that "we could do them more hurt being dead,
than lining, and that, being an himdred myles from them, shot, and struck
them sick to death, and that when we die it is but for a time, then we return
again." Many of the chiefs now came and submitted theinselves to the f-ng-
lish, and, among others, Ensenore was persuaded again to become their friend,
who, when they were in great straits for provisions, came and planted their
fields, and made wears in the streams to catch fish, which were of infinite
benefit to them. This was in the spring of 1586, and, says Lane, " we not
having one corn till the next harvest to sustain us." What added greatly to
their distresses, was the death of their excellent friend Ensenore, who died
20th of April following. The Indians began anew their cons])iracies, and the
colony availed themselves of the first opportunity of returning to li^nglaiid,

* Slith's Virginia, It. By "our baj " is meant Junes River Bau,
\ Smith's Hist. Virginia.

346

GRANGANEMEO.— HIS KINDNESS TO THE ENGLISH. [Iook IV

vhjch was in the fleet of Sir Francis Drake, which touched there in its way
lioni an expedition against the Spaniards in the West Indies.*

Tiie conduct of Lane and his company in this fruitless attempt to establish
themselves in Virf^inia, was, in the highest degree, reprehensible. They put
to death sonif! ot the natives on the most frivolous cnarges, and no wonder
they wens driven out of the country, as they ought to have been.f While
tlicy w<'ro there, they became acquainted with the use of tobacco, and, taking
it to England, its introduction into general use soon rendered it a great article
of coinmerce. And here it will not be improper to notice how many different
persons have !iad the credit, or, perhaps, I should say discredit, of introducing
this " Indian weed" into England ; as. Sir Francis Drake, Sir Waller Ralegh,
Ralph Lane, and some others. Now, as some writer observes, the reader may
father it upon whom he pleases, as it is evident Sir Francis Drake took Ralph
Lane u '■ tobacco both together into England ; and no one will dispute the

'cTicy oi' the gallant knight. Sir Walter Ralegh, for he sent out Lane in his
*;() j'l>y Mr. John Josselm, in his "Two Voyages to N. England," has this
P"c~nge "Others will nave tobacco to be first brought into England fram
i .1 bj S <• r-ancis Drake's marine: s."

'iliere we i • uiy who affected a violent disgust towards the use of tobac-
co ; the rnoHt coii,si)icuous was Kin ; James, whose mind seems to have been
just weak enough to fight windmill j. He even wrote a book denouncing its
'jse in the severest terms he could c ommand. It grew spontaneously in Win-
gandacoa, (Virginia,) and the natives called it Uppowoc. It is generally sup-
posed to be called tobacco from the island Tobago, but this derivation is much
questioned, t

Granganemeo was a chief very favorably spoken of. As soon as the arrival
of the English was made known to him, he visited them with about 40 of hia
men, who were very civil, and of a remarkably robust and fine api)earance.
When they Imrl left their boat, and came upon the shore near the ship,
Granganemeo spread a mat and sat do^vn upon it. The English went to him
armeil, but he discovered no fear, and invited them to sit down ; after which
he performed some tokens of friendship ; tlien making a speech to them, they
presented him with some toys. None but four of his people spoke a word,
or sat down, but maintained the most perfect silence. On being shown a
pewter dish, he was much pleased with it, and purchased it with 20 deer-
skins, which were worth, in England, one hundred shillings sterling! ! The
dish he used as an ornament, naking a hole through it, and wearing it about
his neck. While here, the English entertained him, with his wife and
children, on board their ship. His wife had in her ears bracelets of pearl,
which reached to lier middle. Shortly after, many of the peo|)le came out of
the country to trade, " but when Granganemeo was present, none durst trade
but himself, and them that wore red copper on their heads as he did." He
was remarkably exact in keeping his promise, " for oft we trusted him, and
he would come within his day to keep his word." And these voyagers further
report, that " commonly he sent them every day a brace of bucks, conies,
liares, and fish, and sometimes melons, walnuts, cucumbers, pease, and divers
roots."

In their wanderings. Captain Amidas and seven others visited the island of
Roauoake, wliere they found the family of Granganemeo living in great com-
fort and plenty, in a little town of nine houses. The chief was not at home,
" but his wil(3 entertained them with wonderful courtesy and kindness. She
made some of her people draw their boat up, to prevent its being injured by
tlic beating of the surge ; some she ordered to bring them ashore on their
liiicks, and others to carry their oars to the house, for fear of being stole.
When they came into the house, she took off" their cloathcs and stockings,
and washed them, as likewise their feet in warm water. When their dinner
was ready, they were conducted into an inner room, (for there were five in

* Relation of Lane, printed in Smith's Virginia.

t Herriot'.i Obsorvniioiis, (one of Lane's company,) printed 'n Smitli.

X Stith's Hisl. Virginia, 19.— See Book ii. Cliap. ii.

wt^

VLLN ^

rttifwur

i*'iil

GRANGANEMEO.— HIS KINDNESS TO THE ENGLISH. [1 ook IV

• " 'Ml UfUlllhl V,

I :■■■ . •■.[.. I 1.;' I.nnr .tiul liix
tlichi!' \\> - .11 Vir;:iiiia, 'VW. ■'
to il> Kill s«)iiif lit" ihi! imt>-
fiiv;^ v\i:ic (Irivi'li ou.t ol' '
tin y H>'r»' ilicri', tliey >»< ■
it it> Liij^liiiiil, iih iriti'"''!

Ill riililllll'JTO. A"'!

]» : '(Ills lin> '" li;i. .
'I'i.s •• lti<li;kii v»
Hnl/ih lidh*
(iil'i' (■ il .!•

w..,,.> uhi) aflertei! •

i'iill>il>i«'tMi:»l \^tk* K

III

-I I!. It.
.illM'll '"li.

iliita,; .i:..l

,.,. II I. ,ii'f 1 '■.. J .,
'Ji fniJtlfl.-H Utti /?|J 1 ti> .

■utmr, ri'i)!-t:li('ii!jiulc. 'I M' ■
•Vunli.ii.i ( liurgcs, and i>o ^\ ; ■

rl.y 0\>g]\t to llJlVt; Ix-fll. t W

i((i tin: use ot toliai.co, nnii. rnkii..;
• i<ooii j«:mJi..ictl il a grp •■ <■
j.i(>I>«'r to noiiiii liow iii.-ii._^

P.f/Tj/M ))iike, "^ir }f':iUtr iiol'tc'-,

; oIa-it* ■ •, tlic rcutli'i in i»

"^Vfiti/n'f />/(/t. took Jtaiiifi

: <■ A{\\ (lir^puto til •

• i.nf /.(.. - in Ilia

■■f\,'- hlii 'b\6

• -If'-mid 111 '■!

'.i« of fill ..

■ lnni' U'l-n

'■'■: ■■•. •:■..'. :; i/- v-ii i;* ji'iil.K-il;^' its

..itin.l. it gic»vsptii;tnn<'Ousl\ itiUin-
nllcfl it f'l'jioiruc. Il Is ^'cntrally sup-

»jmf.. ti ;ii (If iv.lltul it){>ii(<'o iVuin t]iu islajul Too ji-, but i!»is (i* rivuiiui! is inu--),
<jii:'.-'tiiinril. *

(JK^'HANKMKO'Mis n cliit f vt TV l"i vomliiy i^|icik(;ii of! As sooti r.s tlie ii^rnnl
of 'Iici Kiiuiisli wiui nimli; Ivnown I'l iiini, liu vi-^il-'il llitiii \\iili kIjuiu 40 ul' iuit
mill, \v1h) wfic vrrj' civil, iwid ■ f a ittuiui'l^Hbly robust mvl ftue ;ijii>(.'aruii«'t'»
Wiicfi tln^y hoil l"ft llt»»ir f«-iBt. oii'l '•n'lio lipr.ri tl'fi ^iiorf ueur thf sliip,
(Irnnifaiifmrn tsy.rfiui << •■ r '■ ''' ■ ' "■ ' '••

U^UIIul, 1)1 If ll!' iiir.f',

iio ,icr('!-

. , . ! witji It, (un^ { '1 • . ill) .

► .itii-', *M»i»:. v.i^rv V'.-'ij, 111 i.i iriand, oil"' )iuiictr*;>( hJii'-h: ',-- M«-r'uit'! ; I'lm
'5i;«li if u.;li^l^ enn I. til d J.iiii, with iiis .vilu aiifl
ctiiMnii, '111 bo. nl tin ir ^hip. Hi^ \vi*i; htul lu iier vr-* bracelets of jn arl,
w Ir II rt'ii'-iii^il to h»;r mitiillf. i"'liiirtly alb.r, lufiuy of lii- iieoplo fniiio oiii <•'
ihi' loiuiiiv (I) tniilif, "but whcu '/'r.;«4ru«emfo wns |i:-fM'!,i. none durst tnut<;
l;iit liiiii.H.ir. rii;-! !li-rv. tbof w (.'••; r<i[ *■ j-'j-.n oil iht-.i; i i m!-; us I,.' iliil." Ho

nidJ.ii-.;-'!'

,(i>ii I r

•■■I'lfi

lii^
I.

.11 '1

liw', " *

irusied liiiii, aid

-. ..•

■rd." •

■,.!:;. r5 I'lirtl.fr

•. V flHJ ■•> i

OiClji'S.

lUN, ii;':ij!i;

i \r|-b

'. .:• ' -nd <A'

ill rmti-

. ;!■■ . ■■■ • ■•; .■:! boini',

i coiiri*-^' » I'.l i.iiidnissi. Sin.

... I'l pii"' 1 lit (I* iK'iiig ini'iivd by

<■' •' *,rit .' •■ I ' r ' no iboil*

",i 'I. 1 r.'-\

;i, at' !ikowisc- :!.''; iVi't lO wairr wiafr .inir •tinii '

\> <., • iluctcd into :ii; mv.<^: ■ • were tivo m

sufgc ; ist'im: slir urdt r
>'.:i'H U> eari'V . - o oriry ro
nir" into tlio ii. :^ , si'c ; • i

I i/.v:. prir.U iLi. >V«i</'i'.i \ .ijf.r. .
«<'n i'li .<i. i ■(!'-' I > Aunt's con. ,>;»«),) pri:;'
M-i. Vlr/jic'S, I'.'- —J^'e Itook ii. CIiajj ii.

.vnitt.

•^i

,<'

r/) -N
/(nvhftfrtr,

'II,

(fill vt'r/i'

^s-ix.^

( llatonj(S "<\ yieuee/ut, a(iiu//(fr to the rinr/fity ^//•irirc^
yow/iitfan I'jWp^rnur of ^litiinoiif^',>'/\rinonrl! his vtrain/f/
'rtfit iiiirf hiintirf-tu in f/ii' I r/vistntn /f/ttj , and

I'l/IVff

Chap. I]

DKATII OF MANTEO— POWHATAN.

347

the hoiiHO, <!ivi(le<l by inat.f,) where they found hominy,* boiled veni.soii, mid
roafited fi.li ; uiid, ns a dcHtnt, niuioiia, boiled rootx, ancl fruits of various Horts.
Wliilo t!iey were at meat, two or tiirce of her men came in with their bows
»<nd a'^rows, wiiicli made tlie Eiigiittli take to their arms. But nhe, perceiving
their distrust, ordered tlieir bows and arrows to Iks broken, and tliemscives to
be beaten out of the gate. In the evening, tlie Enghsh returned to tiieir iioat ;
and, putting a little oif from shore, hiy at anciior ; at whicii slu; wits iinich
concerned, and brought their supper, half boiled, pots and all to the nliore:
and, seeing their jealousy, slie ordered several men, and HO women, to sit all
night upon tlie shore, as u guard ; and sent five mats to cover them from the
weather," \ Well hath the poet demanded, " Cull ye them savage ? " If the
wife of Granganemeo waa savage, in the common acceptation of tlio term,
where shall we look for civilization ?

Sir/t. GrcenvU, having arrived on the coa.st in 1585, anchored off the island
Wokokon, 2G May, and, by means of Manteo, had some intercouree with the
inhabitants. At lluttera.s, where they staid a short time, soon after, Gmn-
ganemeo, with Mantto, went on board their ships. This waa tlie lust visit ho
made to the English, for ho died very soon oiler.

This must close our account of the excellent fiimily of Grangantmeo, and
would that the account of the English would balance as well, — but they exhibit
their own, — and one item more from it, and we close the comparison. For a
small kettle they took 50 skins, worth in England £12 10s. sterling.}:
We have now arrived at the most interesting article in Virginia history.
Powhatan was, of all the chiefs of his age, tlie most famous in the regions
of Virginia. Tlie English supposed, at first, that his was the name ot' the
country ; a common error, as we have seen in several cases in the previous
books of our biography, but, in this case, unlike the others, the error pre-
vailed, and a part of his people, ever ufler the settlement of the English, were
called the Pmchalans, A great river, since called the James, and a bay re-
ceived his name also. § He hud three brothers, OpUchepan, Opekankanough,
and Calatanugh, and two sisters. His principal residence was at a place
called fVerotvocomoco, when the English came into the country ; which was
upon the north side of what is now York River, in the county of Gloucester,
nearly opposite the mouth of Queen's Creek, and about 25 miles below the
fork of the river. [| He lived here until the English began to intrude them-
selves into his vicinity, when he took up his residence at Orukakes.

Powhatan was not his Indian name, or rather ori^'inal name; that was
Wahunsonacock, He is described as tall and well-proportioned — bearing an
aspect of sadness^-exceedingly vigorous, and possessing a body capable of
sustaining great hardships. He was, in 1607, about GO years of age, and his
hair was considerably gray, which gave him a majestic appearance. At his
I'csidence, he had a kind of wooden form to sit upon, and his ornamental
robe was of raccoon skins, and his head-dress was composed of many feath-
eis wrought into a kind of crown. He swayed many nations upon the great
rivers una bays, the chief of whom he hud con(|ueied. He originally claimed
only the places called Powhatan, (since named Huddihaddocks,) Arrohattocn,
(now Appomattox,) Youghtanund, Pamunky, Mattapony, Werowocoinoco,
and Kiskiuk ; at which time, his chief seat was at Powhatan, near the falls of
James River. But when he had extended his conquests a great way north,
he removed to Werowocomoco, as a more commodious situation.

At the termination of his warlike career, the country ujion James River,
from its mouth to the falls, and all its brunches, was the boundary of his
country, southerly — and so across the country, " nearly as high as the falls of
all tlie great rivers, over Potowmack, even to Patuxent, in Muiyland," and

* " A food made of Indian corn, or maize, beaten and carefully liuskcd, something like
urinely in England ; and is an excellent dish various ways."

t Slith's Hist. Virginia, 10, 11. t Smith's Hist. V

^ These, according to Heckewelder, Philos. Trans. 31, should have been called f
"which would signify the river of progeny, fruilfulness, the fruitful river.''

II About two miles below where Rirhmond now stands. The farm of a gentle
niunc oi Mayo included the site of a part of his town, in 1813. — Campbell's Virginia.

mia.
'latlian,

of th«

348

POWHATAN.— SURPRISES PAYANKATANK.

[Book iV

Bomo of the nations on the north shore of tlie Chesapeake. Ilis (]ori)inioiii^
according to his law of succession, did not fall to his children, but to hiii
brothers, and then to his sisters', (the oldest firet,) thence to the heira of tiie
oldest ; but never to the heirs of the iriules.

He usually kept a guard of 40 or 50 of the most resolute and well-foniu'd
men about him, especially when he slept; but, after the English came into liis
country, he increased them to about 200. He had as many, and such wonun
as he j)le:'.scd ; and, when he sl('|)t, one sat at his head and another at his tret.
When he was tired of any of his wives, he bestowed them upon such of his
men as most pleased him. Like the New England chiefs, he had many jjlaccs
where he j)assed certain seasons of the year; at some of which he had very
spacious wigwams, 30 or 40 yards in extent, where he had victuals provided
against his coming.

In 1008, he surprised the people of Payankatank, who were his neighliors
and subjects. Captain Smith, in the account, " tcrit with his own hand,''^ says,
" the occasion was to vs vnknowne, but the manner was thus." He sent sev-
eral of his men to lodge wiUi them tlje night on which he meant to fall upon
them; then, secretly surrounding them in their wigwams, conunenced a horrid
slaughter. They killed 24 men, took off their scalj)s, and, with the women
and children prisonei-s, returned to the sachem's village. The scal[)s they
exhibited upon a line between two trees, as a trophy, and the loerowance (their
name of a chief) and his wife Powhatan made his s^jrvants.

Up to the year 1(307, every attempt to settle a colony hi Virginia had failed ;
and, at this time, would have failed also, but for the unexampled perseverance
of one man. 1 need but pronounce the name of Captain John Smith. The
colony with which he came did not arrive until the planting season was over ;
and, in a short time, they found themselves in a suffering condition, from want
of suitable provisions. Smith, therefore, undertook to gain a sup{)Iy by traffick-
ing with the Indians back in the country, who, being acquainted with his
situation, hisulted him and his men wherever they came ; offering him but a
handful of corn, or a piece of bread, for a gun or a sword. "But seeing by
trade and courtesie there was nothing to be had, he made bold to try such
concKisions us necessitie inforced, though contrary to hia commission." So
he fired upon them, and drove them into the woods. He then marched
to their village. There they found corn in abundance, which, after some
inancBuvring, he succeeded in traduig for, and returned with a sui)j)ly to
Jamestown.

Smith, soon after, proceeded to discover the source of the Chikahaniania.
When he had [)as8ed up as far as it was navigable for his barge, he left it in a
wide place, at a safe distance from the shore, and ordered his men not to go
on shore on any condition. Taking two of his own men and two Indians, he
proceeded to complete his discovery. As soon as he was gone, his men went
on shore ; one was killed, and the rest hardly escnped. Smith was now 20
miles into the wilderness. Opekankanovgh, with 300 warriors, having leainetl,
fiom the men they had just taken, which way he was gone, followed after huu,
and came upon the two Englishmen belonging to his company, and killed
them both wlr' J asleep, he being absent to sIkiuI some fowls for provisions;
they then continued their pursuit after him. He was not far from his canoe,
anil endeavored to retreat to it, but, being hard pressed, made a shield of one
of his Indians, anu, in this manner, fought upon die retreat, until he had killed
three, and wounded divere others. Being obliged to give all his attention to
his pursuers, he acciilentally fell into a creek, where the mud was so deep that
he could not extricate himself. Even now, none dared to lay hands upon him ;
and those whom their own numbers forced nearest to him, were observed to
tremble with fear. The Indian he had hound to his arm with his garters,
doubtless saved him .'rom being killed by their arrows, irom which, owing tv.
his Indian shield, he received but very little hurt, except a wound in his
thigh, though his clothes were shot full of them.

When he could stand no longer in the mire, without perishing with cold,
he threw away his arms, and suffered them to come and take him. After
pulling him out of the mire, they took him ■ > the i)lace where his men had
just been killed, where there was a fire. They now showed him kindnesa.

Chap. 1.]

POWHATAN.— SMITH'S CAPTIVITY.

349

rubl)ing liis benumbed liml)s, and warming him by the fire. ITo a.sked for
their chief, and Opekankanoup^h ai)peared, to whom lie gave a small coiiipass,
Tiiis amused them excecthngly. "Mncii tliey marvelled at the |)Iayinjr of the
fly and needle, which they could see so plainly, and yet not touch it, hecause
of the gliiss that covered them. ]hit when he demonstrated, by that glohc-like
inwei>, the roundnesse of the earth, and skies, the spheare of the sunne, and
niooiie, and starre.s, and how the sinnie did chase the night round aliout the
world, continually — the greatnes.se of the land and sea, the divci"sity of the
nations, varietie of complexions, and how wc were to them antipodes, and
many other such like matters, they all stood as amazed with admiration!'
Yet, notwithstanding he had sucli success in explaining to them his knowledge
of geograi)hy and astronomy, (how much of it they understood we will not
mulertake to say,) within an liour aller, they tied him to a tree, and a nultitude
of them seemed prepared »o shoot him. But when their bows \\<-rc bent,
Opckankanongh hekl up his comita.ss, and they all laid down their weapons.
They now led him to Orai)akas, or Orakakes, a temporary seat of Powhatan,
on the north side of Chikahominy swamp, in what is now Gloucester county
on York river.* Here they feasted him, and treated him w.ll.

When they marched him, they drew themselves up in a row, with their
chief in the midst, before whom the guns and swords they had taken from the
Englisli were Ijorne. Sinilii came next, led by three great men hold of each
arm, ani' on each side six more, with tlieir arrows notched, and ready, if he
siiould attem])t to escajie. At the town, they danced and Rung about him, and
then put him into a large house, or wigwam. Here they kept him so well,
that he thought they W(!re fatting him to kill and eat. They took him to a
sick man to cure him ; but he told them he coidd not, uidcss they would let
him go to .Jamestown, and g(!t something with which he could do it. This
they would not consent to.

The taking of .Jamestown was now resolved upon, and they made great
preparations for it. To this end, they endeavored to get Smilh^s assistance,
by making large; promises of land and women ; but he told them it coukl not
be done, and .iescribod to them the great difticulty of the undertaking in such
a manner that they were greatly terrilied. With the idea of procm-ing some-
thing curious, Smith [)revailed upon some of them to go to Jamestown ; which
join-ney they performed in the most severe frosty and snowy weather. IJy
this means, he gave the peojile there to understand what his situation was, and
what was intended against them, bj' sending a leaf from his pocket-book, w itii
»( few words written upon it. He wrote, also, for a few articles to he sent,
which were duly brought by the messenger;. Nothing had caused such
astonishment as their bringing the very articles Smith had promised them.
That he could talk to his friends, at so great a distance, was utterly hicompre-
hensible to them.

Being obliged to give up the idea of destroying Jamestown, they anuised
themse'vcs by taking their captive from ])lace to |)lace, in great ])oiu}> and
triumph, and showing him to the difierent nations of the dominions of Poic-
hnlan. They took him to Youghlamnmd, since called Pamunhcy River, the
country ovc" which Oiiekavkunoiif^h was chief, whose j)rinci|ial residence
was where the town ot I'annmkey since was ; thence to the Mattaponies,
I'iaukatanks, the Naiitaiightacimds, on l{appahanock, the Nominics, on the
I'atowniack Ilivm* ; thence, in a circuitous course, through several other
nations, back again to the resi(len(!e of Opekankanough. Here they laaciised
coujurations upon him for three successive days; to ascertain, as tiiey .said,
whether he iiuendi'd them good or evil. This ])roves they viewed him as a
kind of god. A bag of gunpowder having fidlen into their hands tln'y pre-
served it with great care, thinking it to he a grain, intending, in the spring, to
phmt it, as they did corn. He was here again fea.sted, and none could eat
until he had done.

Bering now satisfied, having gone through all the mancenvres and pranks
with him they could think of, tlusy i)roceeded to Powhatan. "Here more than
200 of those grim courtiers stood wondcu'ing at him, as he had bei^n a monster,

liancro/t'n Ilisl. U. Slates, i. lUi,

3o0

l»OCAlIONTAS SAV1.S THE LIPK OF SMITH.

[Book IV

till Powhalan aiici liis trayne had put themselves in their greatest braveries.
He was Siutcd hcfore a fire, upon a seat like a bedstead, having on a robe of
raccoon nkins, " iind all the tayles hanging by.*' On each side of him sat a
yonnjj; woiiiiin ; and n])on each side of the house two rows of men, and with
as niiiiiy women behind them. These last had their lieads and shouldei'S
painted red — some of whose heads were adonied with white down ; and aboui
their necks white beads. On Smith's being brought into (he presence of
Poivhntan, all present joined in a great shout. "The queen of Apamatuck was
a|)|)oint(;d to l)ring him water to wash his hands, and another brought him a
bunch of fenthere, inslmnd of a towel, to dry them." Then, having feasted him
again, "ailcr their best barbarous manner they could, a long consultation was
lield, but the conclusion was, two great stones were brouglit before Powhalan
— tiicn as many as could lay hands on him, dragged him to them and thereon
laid his head, and being ready, with their clubs, to beat out his brains, Poca-
hontas, iho king's dearest daughter, when no entreaty could prevail, got his
head in her amies, and laid her own upon his, to save him from death."

Powhalan was unable to resist the extraordinary solicitations and sympathetic
entreaties of his kind-hearted little daughter, and thus was saved the life of
Captain Smith ; a character, who, without this astonisliing deliverance, was
sufficiently renowned for escapes and adventures.

The old snchem, having set the sentence of death aside, made up his mind
to employ Smith as an artisan ; to make, for himself, robes, shoes, bows, arrows,
and pots ; and, for Pocahontas, bells, beads, and copper trinkets. Poivhatari's
son, named N'antaquaus, was very friendly to Smith, and rendered him many
important services, as well after as during his captivity.

"Two days after, Powhatan, having disguised himself in the most fearfullcst
manner he could, caused Captain Srmth to be brought forth to a great house in
the woods, and there, upon a mat by the fire, to be left alone. Not long after,
from bchinde a mat that divided the house, was made the most dolefuliest
noyse he ever heard ; then Powhatan, more like a Devill tlian a man, with
some 200 more, as black as himselfe, came unto him, and told him, now they
were friends ; and presently he should go to Jamestowne, to send him two
great gmuies, and a gi7ndestonc, for which he would give him the countiy of
Capahowosick [Capahowsick], and forever esteem him his sonne, JVantuquond,
So to Jamestowne, with 12 guides, Powhatan sent him. That night they
quartered in the woods, he still ex. acting, (as he had done all this long time of
his imprisonment,) eveiy hour to oe i)ut to one death or another." Early the
next nioniing, they came to tiie fort at Jamestown. Here ho treated hi.-;
guides with the greatest attention and kindness, and ofiered Rawhunt, in a
jesting manner, and for the sake of a little sport, a huge mill-stone, and two
deiiii-ciilverins, or nine pound cannons, to take to Powhatan, his master ; thus
fitljillins his engagement to sejid him a grindstone and two guns. This
Rawhunt was a sachem under Powhatan, and one of his most faithful captains,
and who, it seems, accompanied Smith in his return out of captivity.

"They found them somewhat too heavie, but when they did see him dis-
charge them, being loaded with stones, among the boughs of « great tree
loaded with isickles, the yce and branches came so tumbling down, that the
|)nt)ie salvages ran away half dead with fear. But, at last, we regahied some
coiil'ercnce with them, and gave them such toyes, and sent to Powhatan, his
women, and children, such pi-esents, and gave them in generall full content." *

Powhatan was now completely in the I'higlisli interest, and almost every
other (lay sent his daughter, Pocahontas, with victuals, to Jamestown, of which
riey were greatly in need. Smith had told Potvhatan that a great chief, which
was Captain Kcwport, would arrive from England about that time, which
coming to pass as he had said, greatly increased his admiration of tlie wisdom
)f the I'liglish, and h(^ was ready to do as tliey desired in every thing, and,
out for llie vanity and ostentation of JVewjwrt, matt(^i's would have gone on
well, and trade flourished greatly to their advantage. Ihit he lavished so many
pn^senls upon Powhatan, that he was in no way inclined to trade, and soon

* This is ('ii|iliiin Smitli's own iircoiiiit, wliirli I simll follow iiiiiiutt'ly ; adding occasioiiallj
from t^lilli, lo iiliistrale tlie geograpliy of llio coMnlr_)'.

Chap. I.]

POWH A 1 AN.— NEWPORT S FOLLY.

361

began to slinw Iiis liiiiif!;litinos.i, by demanding five times tlio value 'ifan iirticlf,
or his r()iitoiii[)t for what was ofli-red.

By JVcwporfs iniprndcnce and folly, what liad rost Smith so fiiiifh tdil ;iiid
pains to acliiove, was blown away l)y a single breath of vanity. Ntvcitliclcss,
Ilia great iriind, continually exereiscd ih difficult mattei-s, l)r()uglit l'ii> siihile
chief again to 'is own tcsrins. Himself, with JVewport, inu\ about tiO others,
went to Poioliatan^s residence to trade with him. " VVlierojn Powhatan inrrird
himself so proudly, yet discreetly, (in his salvage uianner,) as made us ail to
admire his natural gifts." He pretended that it was far beneath his dignity to
trcuie as his men did. Thus his cratl to obtain from J\''ewpnrt his goods tiir
whatever he plctiaed to give in rctiu-n. Smith sjiw through Powhutan''3 ( iiifr,
and told JVeinport how it would turn out, but Ix-ing determined to show liiin-
self as dignified as the Indian chii'f, repeuted of his folly, lik<! too niiuiy others,
when it was too late. Smith was the interpreter in the business, and ^yur/KiH
the chief. Poiohalan made a speech to him, when they were about to enter
upon trading. He said, "Captain JVctvport, it is not agri-eable to my greatness,
in this jieddling manner, to trade for trifles; and I (.'sleejii you also a great
wcrowance. Therefore, lay me down all your commodities togethi'r; wh.it 1
like I will take, and in recompense give you what I think fitting their value."
Accordingly, JVeii^ort gave him all his goods, and received in return only
about three l)ushels of corn ; whereas they expected to lur,i> obtained twenty
liogsheads. Tliis transaction created some hard thoughts between Smith and
JVtivport,

If it add to raise Poichatan in our admiration, it can detract nothing fl-om
the character of iSmiV^, to say, that he was as wily as the great Iiwlian chief.
For, with a few blue beads, which 'le pretended that he had shown him only by
accident, and which be would hardly |)(u-t with, as he prerended, because diey
were of great j)rice, and worn oidy by great kings, he completely got his (-nd,
at this time, answered. Tantali/ation had the desired effect, and Powhatan was
so infatuated with the lin-e, that he was almost beside himscdf, and was ready
to give all he had to possess them. " So that, ere we tiepaited," says my
relation, " for a pound or two of blew beades, he brought over my king fi/r )i
or 300 btishells of corne."

An English boy was lefl with Powhatan, by Ca|)tain JVcwporl, to learn the
language, maimers, customs and geogra|)by of his country ; and, in return,
Powhatan gave him JVamontack, one of his servants, of a shrewd luid subtle
cajiacity, whom he afterwards carried to England. Powhatan hecauK! olli'iided
with Cajjtain Smith, when JVewport li'fl the con: ry, in JfiOH ; at whose depart-
ure he sent him 20 turkeys, and denifiiuied, in return, 20 sword.s, which were
grant(!d. Shortly after, he sent the same number to Smith, expecting the like
return ; but, being disn|)pointcd, ordered his men to seize the iMiglish wher-
ever th(W could find them. This caused ditH(;idty — niimy of the English
being rolbed of their swords, in the vicinity of their forts, 'fhey contiinied
their depredations until Smith surprised a mimber of them, from whom he
learnc' that Powhatan was endeavoring to get all the arms in his power, to bo
able to massacre the English. When he found that his |)lot was discovered,
lie si'iit Pocahontas, with i)resents, to excuse himself^ and pretended that the
mischief was done by some of his ungovernable chiefs. He directed her to
endeavor to effect the release of liis men that wen; prisoners, which Smith
consented to, wholly, as he pretended, on Iter account; and tlivs penct; was
restored, which had been continually interrupted for a co;..-i,l"i.d)le tiuie before.

On the 10th of Septend)er, KiOB, Smith was elected goveri/or of Virginia.
jYcwport, going ofttsn to England, had a large share in direct!. ig the afliiiis of
the cdioiiy, from bis interest with the proprietors. He arrived about this time,
iuul, among other baubles, brought over a crown for Powhatan, with direeiioiis
for his coronation ; which bad the ill effect to make him value himself more
than ever. JVttiyporl was instructed to discover the country of the MonacaJis,
a niition with .vhom Pcwhalan was at war, and whom they would aygist him
against, if be would aid in the business. Cajitain Smith was sent to him to
invite him to Jiunestown to receive presents, and to trade for corn. On luriv-
ing at Werowocomocn, and delivering his mi'ssag(! to the old chief", be rejilied,
" if your king have sent me presents, I aliio am u king, and this is my land.

1-"'

•t

352

POWHATAN.— ORDERS THE DEATH OF SMITH.

[Book ,'V.

l]ii;lit (lays I will stay to receive them. Your father [meaning A" y^;, I] 'is «>:)
rotno to nie, not I to him, nor yet to your fort — neither wi". I bif^ »i! puc)i a
bate. As for the Monacans, I can revenge my own injuries; an J as f( r Jlt-
quanachuck, where you say yoiu" brother was slain, it is a contrary way from
tiio.se jmrts you suppose it ; but, for any salt water beyond the mountains, the
relations you have iuul ii*om my people are false." Some of tlie hidianB had
made the Enghsh believe that the South Sea, now called the Pacific Ocean,
\vas but a short distance back. To show Smilli the absurdity of the stoiy, ho
drew a map of the country, upon the grouuil Smith returned as wise as lie
>\ t nt.

A house was built for Poic/ffl/an, about tliis lime, by some Germans, who ■ ime
over with JVewport. These men, thinking that tlio I'iUglish could not subsist
in the coiuitry, wantonly betniyedalltlic serr.-ts of tlieir condition to Powhukm,
which w.ts again the source of much trouble. They even urged him to put
till the English to death, agreeing to live; with him, and assist him in the exe-
cution of the horrible i)roject. Powhatan was plea.sed at the proposition, and
thought, by their assistance, to effect what lie had formerly hoped to (lo liy
engaging Smith in such an enterj)rise. Their first object was to kill Captain
Smith ; by which act, the chief obstacle lo success would be removed ; and,
accordingly, they took every means in their jjowci to cfft'ct it

In the first place, he invited him to come and trade Ibr corn, hoping an
oppoilunity, in that busine.'^s, would offer. That his design might not be mis-
trusted, Powhatan promised to load his ship with corn, if he would liring him
a grindstore, .TO sword.s, some nuisket.s, a cock and a hen, and i quantity of
copper and beads. Smith went accordingly, but guarded, as though sure of
meeting an enemy.

In their way, the English stopped at Warrasqiieake, and wee informed,
by the .sachem of that place, of Powhatan's intentions. That sac'uM. kindly
entertained them, and, when they departed, fm-nished them with giiidcs. On
account of extreme bid weather, they were obliged to soend near a week at
Kic(piotan. This obliged them to keep their Christinas among the Indians,
and, according to our authorities, a merry Christmas it was ; having been
" never more merry in their lives, lodged by better fires, or ted with greater
jilenty of good bread, oysters, fish, ffesh, and wild fowl."

Having arrived at Werowocomoco, after much hardship, they ftcnt to Pow-
Imtan lor provisions, being in great want, not having taken bi;t three or (bur
days' supj)ly along with liiem. The old chief sent them immediately a supply
of bread, turkeys, and ve dson, and soon after made a feast for them, accord-
iUp. to custom.

Meanwhile, Powhatan pretend. ,!i ' p, had not sent for the English ; telling
them he had no corn, "iuid hi,-; jiiofie much less,"* and, therefore, intimated
tiiat he wished they would go fli' j.'.'.in. But Smith ])ro(luced the messenger
that he had sent, and so confronted him ; Powliatan then laughed heartily,
and thus it passed lor a joke. He then asked for their conunodities, " but he
liketl nothing, excei)t guns and swords, lUid valued a basket of corn higher
than a basket of copper ; saying, he cotild rate his corn, but not the copper."
Ca|)tain Smith then made a speech to him, in which he endeavored to work
u|)on his feelings and sense of honor ; said he had sent his men to build him
a house while his own was mgiected ; that, because of his promising to liup-
ply him with corn, he had neglect(;d to sujjply himstlf with i)rovisions when
he might have done it. Finally, Smith reproached him of divers negligences,
dt'ce])tions, and jirevarications ; but the main cause of Powhatan''s refusing
to trade seems to have betiu because the English did not bring the articles
le most wanted,

\\ hen Smith had done, Powhatan answered him as follows: — "We have
but little corn, but what we can spare shall be l)rought i.vvo days hence. As
to your coming here, 1 have some doubt about thi^ reason of it. I am told, by
my men, that you came, not to trade, but to invade my peojile, and to jjossess
my country. This makes me less ready to relieve you, and frightens my

* Tlio PMiIci iii:\y wi-iultT how (Ills could be, but it is ao in llic old history, by Stitli, 8(5.

Chap. I.]

POWHATAN -HIS SPEECHjS.

ItfMiole irom brinting iti tlieir corn. And, therefore, to relieve tlieni of iiia<
I'e.ai, leave j iiir iiriiis aboard your bni ts, since they are needless here, wliint
we are all friends, and forever Powliutans."

In these, and other speeches of like amount, they spent the first dny. " Mil J
vvliilst they expected the coming in of the country, they wraufrlcd Powhatmi
out of 80 bushels of corn, for a copper kettle; which the president sieiii;'
him much affect, [value,] he told him it was of much greater value ; yet, in
regard of his scarcity, he would accept that quantity at present ; jjrovided ho
should have as nnieh more the next year, or the IManakin country," were tiiat
condition not complied with.

This transaction will efpial any thing of the kind in the histniy of New
England, but wo will let>ve the reader to make his own comment.

At the same rime, Powhatan made another speech, in which were soint!
very singular passages, as reported by Sniiih, One was, that he hail seen tlie
death of all his people three times ; and that none of those thr'-e generations
was then living, exee|)t himself. This was evidently only to make the Kng-
lish think him something more than human. The old chief then went on
and said,

"lam now grown old, and must soon d'e ; and the succession must de-
scend, in order, to my brothers, Opilchapan, Opekankanou<!;h, and C'atitt(tiiii;h,*
and then to my two sisters, and their two daughters. I wish their experience
was equal to mine; and that yoiu" love to ms might not be less than ours to
you. Why should you take by ibrce that from us which you can have by
iove? Why should yon destroy us, who have provided you with food?
What can you get by war? We can hide our provisions, and lly into the
woods; and then you must consequently famish by wronging your frijsuds.
What is the cause of your jealousy.' You see ns unarmed, and willing to
supi>ly your wants, if you will come in a friendly manner, and not with
swords and guns, as to invade an enemy, I am not so simple, as not to know
It is better to eat good meat, lie well, and sleep quietly with my women and
eliililren ; to laugh and be merry with the English ; and, being their friend,
to have copper, hatchets, and whatever else I want, than to lly iiom all, to lie
cold in the woods, feed upon acorns, roots, and such trash, and to be so
hunted, that I cannot rest, eat, or sleef). In such circumstances, my nu.a
must watch, and if a twig should but break, all would cry out, ^ Here comes
Capt. Smith;* and so, in this miserable maimer, to end my miseral)le life;
and, Capt. Smith, this mi^ht be soon your fate too, through your rasl ^ss tiiKi
iinadvisedness. I, therefore, exhort yoii to peaceable councils; and,.'' )Ve :'.M,
I insist that the guns and swords, the cause of all our jealousy and n> c -..ics.s,
be removed and sent away."

Smith interpreted this speech to mean directly contrary to ^vhat 1 \;M'essed,
and it rather contirmcd, than lessened, his former suspirions. He, lioweve;,
made a speech to Powhatan, in his turn, in which he endeavored to '■t uvineo
him that the English intended him no hurt; nriiing, that, if they li.ui, bo;v
easily they might have eifected it long before; and that, as to their p rishi i;.j
with want, he would have him to understand that the English hir.' vays to
supply themselves indinown to the Indians; that as to his sending awa_\ tlie
arms, there was no reason in that, since the Indians were always allowed to
bring theirs to Jamestown, and to kecj) them in their li'Uids. Seciiiig .S'mii'Vs
inflexibility, and des|)airing of accomi)liBhing his intended masbacre, he spoke
again to Smith as follows: —

"Capt. S:iiith, I never use any worowanee so kindly as yourself; yet f i:ri
you I receive the least kindness of any, (^apt. J\''ewport gave me swords, tip-
per, clothes, or whatever else I desired, ever acce|)ting what I oflereil I ii" •
and would send away bis guns when n-quested. No one refuses to lit- (it my
feet, or do what I demand, but you only. Of you I can have nothliig, but
what you value not ; and yet, yon will have whatsoever you pleus(>, Capt.
jVewport you call fiither, and so you call me; but I see. in spite of us both,
you will do what you will, and we must both study to humor and content you.
But if you intend so friendly, as you say, send away your arms ; for yon sew

Calaimugli, IblUli,

354 POWHATAN.— HIS INSTRUCTIONS TO TOMOCOMO. [Book IV.

my iiiidesigning simplicity and friendship cause me thus nakedly to forget
myself."

Smith now was out of all patience, seeing Powhatan only trifled away the
time, that he might, by some means, accomplish his design. The boats of
llio English were kept at a distance from the shore, by reason of ice Smith,
therefore, resorted to deception ; he got the Indians to break the ice, that his
men might come in and take on board the corn they had bought, and, at the
same time, gave orders to tliem to seize Powhatan ; Smith, in the mean time,
was to amuse him with false promises. But Smithes talk was too full of
flattci-y not to bo seen through by the sagacious sachem ; and, before it was
too Ir.te, he conveyed himself, his women, children, and effects, into the
woods; having succeeded in his deception better than Smith; for two or
three squaws amused him while Poivhatan and the rest escaped. Unwilling,
liowever, to renounce his purjiose, Powhatan sent Smith, soon after, a valuable
l)racelet, as a present, by an old orator of his, who tried to excuse the conduct
of his sachem ; he said Powhatan ran off because he Avas afraid of the liUg-
lish uriiis, and said, if tlioy could be laid aside, he would come with his peo-
ple, and briiif corn in abundance. At length, finding all artifices -iain, Pow-
hatan resolved to fall upon the English, in th(!ir cabins, on the following night.
J}ut here, again, Pocahontas saved the life of Smith and his attendants. She
came alone, in a dismal night, through the wooils, and informed Smith of her
father's design. For this most signal favor, he ofliered her such articles as ho
tlioi gilt would please her; but she would accept of nothing, and, with tears
standing in her eyes, saiil if her father should see her with any thing, he
would mistrust what she had done, and instant death would be her reward ;
and sin- retired by herself into the woods, as she came.

Powhatan was so exasperated at the failure of his plots, that he threatened
death to his men if they did not kill Smith by some means or other. Not
long alter, a circumstan(;e occurred, which gave him security the rest of his
administration. One of Powhatan's men, having, by some means, got a
quantity of powder, pretended that he could manage it like the English.
Several came about him, to witn /^s his exploits with the strange commodity,
when, by some means, it took fire, "and blew him, with one or two more, to
death." This struck such a dread into the Indians, and so amazed and
ti ightcned Powhatan, that his people came from all directions, and desired
peace;* many of whom returned stolen articles that the English had never
belbre missed. Powhatan would now send to Jamestown such of his men
as had injured the Eiiglish, that they might be dealt with as they deserved.
The same year, 1609, he sent them nearly half his crop of corn, knowing
then; to be in great want.

Captain Smith, having, by accident, been shockingly burned by his powder-
bags taking fire, for want of surgical aid, Avas obliged to leave the country
and go to England, from whence he never returned. He published the
account of the first voyages to Vu'ginia, and his own adventures, which is
al"ost the only authority for the early history of that country. lie died in
London, in l(i;i],f in the 52d year of his age.

The l)utchn)on of whom we have spoken, and who had been so assiduous
to bring ruin upon the colony, came to a miserable end. One of them died
'»■ \,j;"tchedness, and two others had then" brains beat out by oi-der of Powha-
tan. ?i r their decej)tion.

Afii ) Smith had left Virginia, the Indians were made to believe that he was
dead, rowhatan doubted the report, and, some time after, ordered one of his
cO'inseJ!<!i3, named Utlamatomakin,\ or Tomocomo,^ whom he sent to England,
to find I'it, if possible, where he was. He instnicted him, also, to note tho
mmiher of the people, lo leta-n the state of the country, and, if he Ibund Smith,
to make him show him the God of the English, and the king hm\ (jueen.
Vhen he arrived at Pliniouth, he took a long stick, and began to perfurm a
paif of his mission by cntting a notch for every person he should see. Ihit

• Dill not the Eiig;lisli of Now Eiiglauti owe tlicir safety lo Massasoit ami Miunfunnomoli's
fear of (I'c same arliclo ?
t Jossilyn, N. Eiiy. Karities, IOC. J: Or Uttamaccomack , Smith. J Purchas.

Chap. II.]

DKATII OF POWHATAN— ins SUCCESSORS.

>•>

he soon gave up tlint biisiiirss. And, wlien lie rpliimed to his own cc initry,
his chief usked him, uiiiong otiicr things, to give him an account of* tiic nnm-
ber of the inhohitants in Kngland. liiw answer to tliat inquiry, we iiaziu'd nut
niucli in .saying, is nearly as ext<'nsively known as the golden rule of Confu
cius. It w'lxa as h)llows: " Count the slurs in the ski/, the leaves on the trees, and
the sand upon the sea-shore,— for such is the number of the people of Ens^land."

ToMOCOMO had married a sister of Pocahov.tas, and, probably, accompanied
her to England.* While there, the famous antiquary, Samufl Purrhas, had
an interview with him, and from whom he colle(;ted many facts relating to
the mannei-s and customs of his countrymen ; the result of ■which he atler-
wards published (i his Pilgrims, f

The difficulties were almost perpetual between Potchatan and the English
very little time passed, while he lived, hut what was full of broils and di.s.satis-
luction, on the one part or the other. Few Indian chiefs have iidlen under
our notice, possessing such extraordinary characteristics as Powhatan. He
died at peace with the Eng.ish, in April, 1018, and was succeeded by Opitcha-
van, his second hrother, who wa.s known afterwards by the name Ilopntin.

Our readers will be com()clled to acknowledge that Captain Smith was
barbarous enough towards the Indians, but W(! have not met with any thing
quite so hoiTiiile, in the coin-se of his proceedings, as was exhibited by his
successor. Lord De La iVar. This gentleman, instead of taking a mean
course between tli'; practices of Smith and jVewport, went into the worst
extreme. Finding Powhatan insolent, on his arrival in the country, he
determined, by severity, to bring him to unconditional .submission. Having,
therefore, got into his hands an Indian prisoner, his lordship caused his i-ight
hand to be cut off. In this maimed and horrid condition, ho sent him to
Powhatan ; at the same time giving the sachem to understand, that all his
subjects would be served in this manner, if he refused obedience any longer;
telling him, also, that all the corn in the cotmtry should be immediately
destroyed, which was just then ripe. J: This wretched act increased, as
reasonably it should, the indignation of Powhatan, and his acts were governed
accordingly.

9ei0e

CHAPTER n.

Reflection vpnn the charncter of Powhatan — Pocahontas — She singnhirhj entertains
Captain Smith — Disaster of a boat's crew — Smith's attempt to surprise Poir/iatan
frustrated in consequence — Pocahontas saves the life of IViiffin — littraijed into the
hands of the English — Japazavs — Mr. liolfc marries Pocahontas — Opachisco —
Pocaliontas visits England — Her intcrv.cin with Smith — Dies at Gravesend — ITtr
son — OpEKANKANouGH — Made prisoner bij Snith — Is set at libertij — Nkmattanow
— Murders an Englishvuin — Is mvrdcred 171 his turn — His singular conduct at his
death — Conducts tlie massacre of lt>!<J2 — Plots the extirpation of the Eni'lisb — Can-
ducts tlie horrid massacre of lG-14 — Is taken prisoner — His conduct upon the
occasion — liarharonshj reounded hi/ the guard — Last speech, and magnaniviitii in
death — lieflections — Nickotawavck — Totopotomoi — Joins the Engli; h against
^ tlie Rcchahccrians — Is defeated and slain.

It is impossible to say what would have ■ 'en the conduct of the great
Powhatan towards the English, had In- been treated by them as he ought to
have been. The unconmionly luniable, virtuous, and feeling disposition dt'
his daughter, will always he brouglit to tnind in reading his history ; and, mit-
wiilistanding he is described by the historians as possessing a sour, nmrnse,
and savage dis|)osition, fvdl of treachery, dei-eit and cumiing — and whose
word was never to be dejiended upon — yet, on the vi^y Jiag*; that he is thus

■* INIr. O/i/m/.rdfi (Hril. l'"m|iirc, i. i;8.j. ) snys, " 'rii:il wlicii Ihi" priiii'css Pnraiinntns rariii;
lor F.ii!>Uiii<l, 11 com arousa. or lord of lu-r own luilioii. uUtutk'il Ikt; his name was L'tlamarco-

f/,„H:''

t Vol. V. b. viii. cliap. vi. page 935. J Ilarrit, \'ovagcs, ii. 226.

:!•■

l->;''

no6

POCAHONTAS— SAVES THE LIFE OF A CAPTIVE. [IJook IX

rcprosmted, we shall finil the same faults set Ijiin as examples by the Eiij;lisli
thcnisclves.

The first and most mcmoral)le events in the lifi; of Pocahontas have neces-
sarily been dftailud in the aecoiint of her (iitlipr; tlierelore we shall, under her
own iiniiif, f(iv(! those wliieh are more disi-oimectcd with his.

PO( 'AllONTAS was born about the year ]5!)4 or 5, and henee was no more
than 12 or 13 yeai-s old when she saved the lifJ; of Captain Smith, in ](>07.
Mnc ry jiartirnlar of that most extraordinary scene has been exhibited. The
name Pocohiintcs or Pockohi'mtes, says Hccli^welder, means a run between two
hills. It has been nuintioned, that, at the sugfj^stion of Captain JVewport, Smith
went with a few men to Werowocomoeo, to invite Powhatan to Jamestown
to rec(!ive presents, hoj'ing thereby to influence him to open a trade in corn
witli them.

When ho arrived at that place, Powhatan was not at home, but was at the
distance of 30 niili^s off. Pocahontas and her women received him, and while
li(! waited for her father, they thus entertained him: — " In a fayre j)laine field, (says
Smith,) they made a tire, before which, he sitting upon a mat, suddaiidy amongst
the Avoods was heard such a hydeous noise and shrecking, that the English
bctookc themselves to their arms, and seized on two or three old men by
them, sn|)posing Powhatan, with all his ])ower, was come to sur|)rise
tln;m. Ihit [)resently Pocahontas came, willing him to kill her if any hurt
were; intended ; and the behelders, which were men, women and children,
satisfied the captain there was no such matter. Then presently they were
jtresented with this anticke ; 30 young women came naked out of the woods,
onely covered behind and before with a few greene len-ies, their bodies all
painted, some of one color, some of another, but all differing. Their leader
liad a fayre ])ayre of buck's homes on her head, and an otter-skiime at her
girdle, and another at her arme, a quiver of arrowes at her backe, a bow and
arrows in her hand. The next had in her hand a sword, and another a club,
another a pot-stieke, all horned alike ; the rest every one with their seuerall
devises. These fiends, with most liellish shouts and cryes, rushing from
among the trees, cast themselves in a ring about the fire, singing and dancing
with most excellent ill varietie, oil falling into their infernall jiassions, ami
soieuudy again to sing and daunce. Having spent neare an hourc in this
mascarado, as they entred, in like manner they departed." After a short lime,
they came and took the English to their >\igwams. Here they were more
tormented than before, "Avith crowding, pressing, hanging about them, mot
teiiionsly crying, 'Love you not me? love you not me ?' " When they had
finished their caresses, they set before them the best victuals their country
utlbrded, and then showed them to their lodgings.

While Captain Smith was upon an expedition into the country, with an
intention of surprising Powhatan, there happened a mi^lancholy accident at
home, to a boat's crew, which had been sent out in very severe weather, by
one who was impatient to have the direction of mattci's. In the boat were
Captain ff'aldo. Master Scrivener, the projector of the expedition, Mr. .finthonr)
GosnfAd, brother of the well-known Bartholomew Gosnold,* and eight others.
Uy the sinking of the boat, these all perished, and none knew what had become
of them, until their bodies were found by the Indians. The very men on
whom Smith depended to remain at the fort for liis succor, in ease he sent for
them, were among the number. Therefore, to prevent the failure of this
expedition, somebody nnist be sent to apprize Smith of the catastrophe. None
volunteered for the hazardous service, but IMr. Richard lf)lffin, who was
obliged to undertake it alone. This was a time when PowluUan was very
insoK'nt, and urged daily the killing of Smith upon his men. Nevertheless,
after many difliculties, he arrived at Werowocomoeo. Here he found himself
amidst prej)arations for war, and in still greater danger than he had yet been.
Ihit Pocahontas appeared as his savior. Knowing the iiiteniion of the war-
riors to kill him, she first secreted him in the woods, and then directed those
who sought him in an opposite direction from that he had gone ; so, by this

* Who had miserably pt'rishcd by disease and famine at Jamestown, 2i Aufj., 1G07 Sea
Bancroft, U. Stales, i. 114.

riiu'. II.] POCAHONTAS.— nCTRAYED TO THC ENGLISH.

357

means, Iio osrapod, and got safe to Smith at Paniunkcy. Tins was in the

WilitiT of 1(.0!».

\\v next licar of her saving the life of Ihnrjj Spilmmi, who was one of [il
tliiit went to trade, upon the confidence of Powliutan, but who wen; nil, cxrejtt
Spilman, killed l>y liis people.

Such was the wretched state to wliich the colony of Virginia was now
reduced, that scarce a jmrallel in the ainiais of the world can Ur found. Ao
sooner had Smith left the countrj', but all was in confusion. OtKcers spent
their time in riotings, while the niiMi seem to have taken no ni(;ans for delence
or preservation ; so that the Indians made constant spoil upon their domestic
animals, and whatever else had been provided for their snpjiort. Insonnich,
that whi'n Ca()tain Smith had been gone six months, the colony was reduced
from above 500 to almut GO persons. Herbs and roots were eaten to sustain
life, in the early |)art of their (listresses ; but as the famine increased, the skins
of liorses were eagerly devoured, and an Indian, who had been some time
dead, was di.-iinterred and eaten by these miserable creatures. Iri one instance,
a wretched man killed his own wife, and preserved the body by salt, which
enormity was not discovered liiitil it had been chiefly devoured.*

It was dining this soasf)n of horror that Captain Ratdiff went out with 30
men, who were fre|»amied as we have related. This was in the begiiming of
the year KilO. Spitmiin lived many j-ears afterwaj'ds among the Patowamack
Indians, by the cart; of Porahnntas.f

l''rom HM\ the time Smith left tlie country, nntil IGll, PocaJiontas was not
seen at Jamestown. In the latter year, she was trt.'acherously taken prisoner
by Captjiiu ./Jr^ifj/, and kept by the English to j)revent Powhatan from doing
them injury, tnid to e.vtort a great ransom from him, and such terms of peace
as tiiey should dictate. At the time she was betrayi'd into the han<ls of Cap-
tain ..'h-fral, she was in the neighborhood of the chief of Potomack, whose name
was Jiipazaws, a |)articular friend of the English, and an old acquaintance of
Captain Smith, Whether she had taken up her residcmce here, or whether she
was here only ujion a visit, we are not informed. But some have conjectured,
that she retii'cd hen; soon after Smith''s (le()aitnre, that she might not witness
th(! frequent min'ders of the ill-governed English, at Jamestown. Captain
.Irs'il was in the J'otomack River, for the purpose of trade, with his ship,
when he learned that Poahonlas was in the neighborhood. Whether Japa-
zntcn had acquired his treachery from his intercourse with the English, or
whether it were natural to iiis disposition, we will not imdertake to decide!
heri' ; but certain it is, that he was n-ady to practise it, at the instigation of
>lr<s'iL And i()r a copper kettle lor himself, and a few toys for his sepiaAV, lit;
enticed the innf)cent girl on hoard ^/fu/'s ship, and betrayiid her into his
hands, ^t was efl'ected, however, witlu.'.it compulsion, by the aid of his S(|uaw.
The caj) ain had jirevioiisly promised that no hurt should befall her, and that
she should be treated with all ti.Mulerness. This circumstance should go as tar as
it may to excuse Jnpnzmvs. The plot to get her on board was well contrived.
Knowing that she had no curiosity to S(;e a ship, having before seen many,
Jajiazaws^ wife |»retended a great anxiety to see one, but would not go on
lioard unless Poraliontas woidd accomi)any her. To this she cons(!nt''tl, but
with some hesitation. The attention with which they were; receiviMl on board
soon dissi|)ated all fears, .''nd Pocahou.as soon straye<l from her betrayers into
the gun-room. The captain, watching his op[)ortunity, told her she was a
pri.soner. When her confinement was known to Japazawi and his wife, they
feigned more lam(;ntation than she did, to keep her in ignorance of tin; plot ;
and, alter receiving tiie ])rice of theii i)erfidj', were sent ashore, and .'Iri^ttl,
with his pearl of great price, sailed tor Jamestown. On l)<;ing informed of the
reason why she was thus captivated, her grief, by degrees, suicided.

The first sle|) of the English was to inform Powhatan of the captivity of his
daughter, and to d(;mand of him their men, guns and tools, whicli he and his
people had, from time to time, taken and stolen from them. This iinex|)('ctr'(l
news threw 'die old, stern, calculating chief into a great dileimiia, and what
course to take he knew not ; and it was three months btsfore he returned any

• Keitli's Hist. Virginia, 121.

t Stillt, Hist. Virginia, IIG.

358

POCAHONTAS— MAia.ir.S AN EISGI-ISIIMAN.

[DooK IV

nnswi r. At tlu; tiid of tliis time, by tlie advice of liis council, lin w.'nt l».ick
Ki'ven Kiiglisliiiifii, witii cacii n pun wiiuii had Imjcii spoiled, and tliiH answer
lli.st wlitii tiiey slmidd rctii'-M his danglitcr, he would make full satislaction
iiiid f^ive tiieiii SUO biishi'ls of com, and he llicir fiiciid forever; that lie liad
iiii luore guns to return, the rest being lost. They sent him word, that they
would not restore; her, until he had coinj)lied wilh tlu^ir demand ; and that, an
lor the guns, they did not believe they were lost. Seeing the determination of
tlie r-uglish, or his inability to satisfy them, was, we upprehciul, why they
" heard no more from him fi)r a long time al\er."

In the spring of the year ItiV.i, Sir Thomas Dale took Pocahontas, and went.
with a ship, up PowhaUui's River to Werowocomoco, the residence of her
father, in hopes to etfeet an exchange, ami bring about a peace. Poivhalnn
Wfts not at home, and they met with nothing but bravadoes, antl a dispof^iiion
to fight from all the Indians they saw. AJler burning many of their ha! lifa-
tions, and giving out threats, some of the Indians came and made peace, as they
called it, which opened the way for two of Pocahontas's brothers to come on
board the ship. Their joy at seeing their sister may be imagined.

A i)articidar friendship had some time existed between Pocahontas and a
worthy young Englishman, by the name of John Rolfe ; which, at length,
growing into a sincere attachment, and being tnutual between them, he made
known his desire to take her for his companion. This being highly approved
of by Sir Tliomas Dale, and other gentlemen of high standing and authority, a
consunnnation was soon agreed n|)on. Acquainting her brother with her
(letermination, it soon came to the knowledge of her father also; who, as
higldy approving of it as the English, immediately sent Opachisco, her luicle,
and two of his sons, to witness tlie performance, and to act as her servants
upon the occasion ; and, in the beginning of April, 1G13, the marriage was
t^olenniized according to api)ointment. Potvhatan was now their friend in
reality ; and a friendly intercourse commenced, which was, without mucli
inti-rruption, continued until his death.

Porrthonlns lived happily with her liusband, and became a believer in the
Englisii religion, and expressi;d no desire to live again among thos(' of her
own nation. When Sir Thomas Dale retunied to England, in IGKi, Pocahon-
tas accompanied him, with her husband, and several other young natives.
They arrived at Plimouth on the 12th of June of that year. She met w itii
much attention in that country, being taken to court by the Lord and Lady
Delaware, and others of di-tinction. She was, at this time, called the Ludy
Rebecca. Her meeting with Ca|)tain Smith was affecting ; more es]><'cially as
she thought herself, and very justly, no doid)t, too slightly noticed by him,
which caused her much grief. Owing to the barbarous nonsense of the times.
Smith did not wish her to call him father, being afraid of giving ott'ence to
royalty, by as,suming to be the father of a king's daughter. Yet he did not
intend any cause of offence, and did all in his power to make her Iia|)py. At
their first interview, affer remaining silent some time, she said to him, " You
promised my father, that what was yours shmtld be his ; and that you and he tcould
be all one. liein^ a stranger in our country, you called Powhatan ya//ier; and I.
for the same reason, will now call you so. low were 7wt afraid to come into my
father's countrtj, ami strike fear into cveni body but myself; and are you here afraid
to let me call you fat ker? I tell you, then, I mil call you father, and you shall call
vie child ; and so I will forever f>e of your kindred and country. They always told
US that you tcere dead, and I knew not othenoise, till I came to Plimouth. But
Powhatan commanded Tomocomo to seek you out, and knoio the truth, because
your countrj/men are much given to lying."

The useful and worthy yoimg Pocahontas, oeing al)Out to embark for her
native comitry, in the beginning of the year 1U17, fell sick at Gravesend, and
died ; having attained only the age of 22 yeai-s. She left one son, whose name
was Thomas Rolfe, very young ; and whom Sir Leiois Steukly,* of Plimouth

* " As lo the infamous Sir I.ciri.s f!liir!fii. who hail belrayod Ritlerrh, he was taken soon
nflcr [Riih\i;k was Ix-liended] in Wliiu liiill. cliiipinj^ the very gold wliirli was the produce of
\\U inlaniy, and tried and coiidonincd lor it ; ajid having stripped liimsell' to his shirt to raise
Tniiney to purchase liis |)ardon, hi^ hani^hrd hiniscH" to the Inland of Snndy, where he died.
riDlh mad and a heirg'nr. in less than two years alter Sir WalUr Raleigh."— •Prince's Worthiej
of Devon, 611.— Harding's iXaval Hiogiapliij, \. 330.

Chap. II] OPEKANKANOUOII-SEIZED BY CAPTAIN SMITH.

;r>9

(Ichiicd to he lilY with liiiii, tlmt lui ini^'lit direct his ('(iticatioii. Hiif, fn»iii tlio
iiuiimiily jmrt this }fciitl(!iiian took agaiiiMt tlie iiiifortmiatt! lidlifrh, iio wtiH
hroiif^ht into such merited disrepute, that he found iiinisek' ohh{.'(il to turn all
his attention to his own preservutmn ; and the son of IWalumlini was taken to
London, and there cdueated by his unele, Mr. Hettrji IlolJ'e. lU: aOerwa'-ili
came to America, to the native country of his mother, where he iMcame a
pentleman of great distinction, and possessed an nini)le fiirlime. lie left an only
(laughter, who married Colonel Robert Bollhiff, and died, leaving an only son,
Major Jo/in /io//i;i^, who was the father of Colonel John Holliiifr, iu\t\ several
dangliters; one of whom married Colonel Richard Randolph, from whom are
descended the distinguished John llANnoLi-H, and those bearing that name in
Virginia, at this day.*
Barlow thus notices Pocahontas .•^•

" Rlcst Pocahontas ! fear no liirkinp cuile ;
Thy luTo's love slinll well reward liiy sniiln.
All, sodilie the wandorer in his (lespcrale pliK'i',
Hide him hy day, and mini his fares liy niylil;
Tlio' suvaf^o nalioiis, with thy ven;fet'ul sire,
I'lirsui' difir victim wilh nnccasinif ire —
And llio' their threats ihy startled ear assail,
l.et virtue's voice o'er filial tears prevail," — Coi.cmhiai).

OPEKANKANOUGH has already received our notice. Tie was n very
conspicuous character in his time, and was styled, by tht; Virginians, King of
the I'lununkies. The dreadtiil massacre, of which he was author, brings to
mind his name oflener than almost any other chief of his times.

There seems to be some contradiction, or ditlercncc of opinion, with regard
to the origin of this chief. Somt; of the Indians rejOTrted that he caiiK! frtJiii
the west, and was not ti brother of Powhatan ; but that story, we jinlge, is
merely a fable, invented and told by his enemies, to influence the English
against him, tliiit tiiey might destroy him.

Opekaiikanous^h seems to have borne the name of Mnns;opeomen in 1(521, t fi
circumstance unnoti(;cd by most historians, and, therefore, we conclude that it
prevailed only among his own tribe, and, perhaps, even among them lill into
disuse soon allcr.

Opitchai'an, called also Oetan, and lastly Sa/iauopeomen,t was the sticcessor
of Powhatiiit, but he seems never to have been otherwise noted. "The dcf'cts
of the new emperor," says Mr. iiurAr, "were aggravated in the minds of the
Indians, by a comparison with the accomi)li8hed Optkankttnoiiich, who, in the
coinicil and the field, was the most conspicuous warrior amongst the I'owlwi-
tans ; and who, during the lifetime of the late cm|)eror, had pro(Mir(,'d from the
free tribe of the Chickahominies, the title of their king." The same author
calls Opitrhapan a "feble and decrej)id" chief, who "was little calculated to
secure respect, or enforce obedience." §

In 1()08, the Indians had become universally at variance with the Englis'i,
and insulted them whenever they appeared abroad ; knowing their miserable,
half-starved condition. Insult fallowed insult, upon both sides, and, hut lur
the never-tiring perseverance of Smith, this colony, like the first, would hiive
been sf)on destroyed. The Indians woidd promisu to trade with them, but
w hen they went to them for that ])tn'poso, they only " laughed at their calam-
ities;" sometimes -ttting jokes upon them, and at others, running away into
fh(^ woods.

In thisextremity of their ciru'mstances, though in the de|)th of winter, Smi7/j
resolved to make himself master if some of the Indians' store of provisions, by
some metuis or other. He, therefore, proceeded to Pamunkey, the resilience

' .I(iHN ItANDoi.pii, of Roanoke, died in Philadelphia, 24 iMay, Iii3k Ho had come lliere
ill very low health, intendinaf to embark for Europe in a (ew days. Hnvintr met with some
perplevllv in pronirinj;^ lodjjinjjs on his arrival in Philadelphia, lieniff taken I'roin the steam-lnat
II on; hotel alter another, ill a bad hack, in bad weather, he was aiicli nritate<l, and, from liiii
i'rei|iieiit allusions to it in his sickness, it was su|)pose(i to have hastened his end. He wat
iibont 111) vears of ajje at his dcatli.
t Uia/c's Va. i. il2S. t Ibid. § Hist. Virginia, i. 233.

^ \r '^^

IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

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(716) •72-4503

360

OPEKANKANOUGH.— NEMATTANOW'S DEATH. [Uook IV

m^ji

nf Opekankanoufrh, with 15 men, where he tried to tmde with him (or rorn
but, not succeeding, he, in a dcsjierutft rnnnner, seized upon the chief by V.'m
■inir, in tbe midst of hia men, "with his pistoli ri-ndiu lM>nt ngninM his breast.
Thus he led tlie trembling king, ncure dead witii fenr, amongst all hiu |m>o-
pie."* Smith tolil liim that Ik; had attempted to nun-der him, which was tlie
cause of his treating him thus. No one can doul)t, on reading the history of
those affairs, that the Indians all wished Smith dead, but whether they all
wanted to kill him, is not (|uite so plain.

One great end of Smithes design was now answered ; for OpekankanougVs
people came in loaded with ])resents to ninsom their chief, until his Itoats
were completely filled. News being brought of a disaster at Jamestown, ho
was set at lilM-rty.

Nemattanow, n renowned warrior, we hnve to introduce here, as well on
account of his supposed agency in bringing about the great massacre of l(i*i2,
(18 for the object of exhibiting a trait ot' character erpially to l)c admired unci
lamented. We are not certain that he lielonged to the people of Opeknnka-
tiouffh, but it is storied that a jealousy existed Imtween them, and that the chief
iiatl informed Sir George Yiardlej/ that he wished Nemattanotc'a throat were
cut, some time l>efbre the massacre took place, to which wc have alluded.
However, Opekankanough {\n\vn\ it afterwards, and afliicted great indignation
ut his nuirder, and the Indians said the massacre was begun by him, to revenge
^VcmaUnnow's death. Ihit our present object is to fwrtray the character of
.Yeniatlanow, who was both eccentric and vain, and " who was wont, out of
bravery and parade, to dress himself up, in a strange, antic, and Itarlmric,
fashion, witli feathers, which, therefore, obtained him the name of Jack-nf-lhe-
feather." He was even more po|)ular among his countrymen than Opekanka-
notiffh, which, doubtless, was the ground of that chief's jealousy ; especially
as lie was one of the greatest war-captains of his times. He had \wvn in
many fights and encounters with the English, always exposing himself to the
greatest danger, and yet was never wounded in any of them. This circum-
stance caused the Indians to believe in his invuhierubility, and lience he was
by them considered superhuman. Only almut 14 days Iwfbre the nuissincn',
Jack-of-the-feather went to the house of one Morgan, where he saw many such
articles exhibited as were calculated to excite admiration in such people.
Jack, i)erhaps, had not the mcmns to purchase, but, it seems, he was resolved,
some how or other, to possess them. He, therefore, told Morgan, that if ho
would take his commodities to I'amunkey, the Indians would give him a great
price for them. Not in the least mistrusting the design of JVemattanow, the
simple Englishman set out for Pamunkey, in ■ i)any with this Indian.
This was tlie last the English heard of Morgan. However, strange as \, may
seem, Jack^s ill-directing fiite sent him to the sisme place again, and, what was
still more strange, he had th ■ cap of the nmrdered Jl/organ ufion his head.
Morgmi's servants asked hiwi where their master was, who very delil>enitely
answered, that he was dead. Tliis satisfied them that he had munlered him.
They, therefore, seized him, in order to take him before a ningistnjte at
Berkeley ; but he made a good deal of resisfince, which caused one of his
captors to shoot him «lown. The singidur part of the tragedy is yet to ho
related. Though mortally wounded, .yematianoio was not killed outright, aiul
Jiis captors, which were two stout young men, got him into a boat to pntceed
to Mr. Thorp's, the magistrate. As they v ere going, the warrior l)ecame satis-
fied that ho must die, and, with the most extraordinary earnestness, Ix'soiight
that two things might be granted hiui. One was, that it should never be told
to iiis coimtrymen that he was killed by a bullet ; and the other, that he »<hould
be buried among the English, so that it should never be discovered that he
had died, or was subject to (leath like other men. Such was the (iride and
vimify exhibited by an Indian at his death. The following inference, there-
fore, is naturally to be drawn ; that n desire to be renowned, and held in
venenition by posterity, is not confmod to the civilized and leutned of any ago
or nation.

* I'lrlinps llii! New KiiKliiiidrrs followed Smilli's example, BAcrwnrii.i, in the cqsi' of .liV.r-
tniU'-, i\iiiigrtt, and olliers.

Chap. II.] OPEKANKANOUGH.— SECOND GREAT MASSACRE.

361

Meanwhile, Opfkankanoitfrh, tlie better to increase the rajro of his wniTiors,
affoctcd ^eat pnof at \emnUanow^a death, which had the effect he intended
owinjr, especially, to the favor in which that warrior had stood amonjj the
Indians. But the English were satisfied that this was only pretence, as wo
have before observed •, because they were informed of his trying to engage
some of his neighbors against them, and otherwise acted suspiciously, some
time before MmaUanoiD'a death ; of tiio justice of which, however, the Eng-
lish tried arguments at first ..id tiircats afterwards, to convince them. By
his dissimulation, Opeknnknnoufrh completely deceived them, and, just before
the massacre, treated a messenger that was sent to him with much kindness
and civility; and assured him that the peace, which had been some time
before concluded, was held so firm by him that the sky should fall sooner
than it should be violated on his part. And such was the concert and secrecy
among all the Indians, that, only two days before the fatal 22 March, some
kindly conducted the English through the woods, and sent one of their youtk
to live with the English, and learn their language. Moreover, on the morn-
ing of that very day, they came unarmed among them, and traded as usual,
and even sat down to breakfast with their victims, in several instances. Never,
|)frlui|i.x, was a nias.sacre so well contrived and conducted, to ensure success,
I1.S was this of Opekankanoufrh. The English were lulled intoa fatal security
und even unknowingly assisted the Indians in their design ; lending theni
their boats to coiniiiunicate with distant tribes, and furnisliing them with
various utensils, which were converted at once into weapons of death.

'J'lie 22 March, 1622, having come, and the appointeii iiour of that mein-
oralili! day arrived, with a siniultaneousness unparalleled on any former occa-
sidii, the Indians rose from their ambushes, and, with the swiftness of the
tiger, appean-d, in a moment, amidst the English settlt -mcnts. Age, sex, nor
(■ou<titioii, shielded no one; their greatest benefactors v ere imong their first
victims. Tiius, in the space of about one hour, fell three hundred amijbrty-
scvcn men, women, and children. By this horrid calamity, out of bO planta-
tions, six oidy were left uninjured. And these were saved by the timely
information of a Christian Indian called Chanco.

The ensuing summer was spent, by the surviving English, in strengthening
themselves against further attacks, and preparations for taking vengeance on
the Indians; wholly neglecting all improvements, works of utility, and even
their planting. Every thing was lost sight of in their beloved project of
revenge ; and the English, in their turn, showi>d themselves more treacherous,
if not more biu-barous, than their enemy. For, under pn'tence of making
|ieace again with them, they fell upon them at unawares, and nuirdered many
without mercy. This crime was vastly oggravated, in that, to induce the
Indians to come forward and make peace, the Etiglish had not only solemnly
assured them forgiveness, but likewise security and safi.-ty in their persons.

It was, for some time, supposed that Opekankanough was among the slain,
but, if Mr. Beverly was not misinformed, the siune wichem, 22 years after-
wards, executed a still greater mussucre upon the English, us, in the ne.Yt
place!, W(! shall relate.

How long Opekankanough had been secretly plotting to cut off the intruders
of his soil cannot be known ; but, in l(i44, all the Indians, over a space of
couiilry of (jtt) miles in extent, were leagued in the enterprise. The old chief
at this time, was supposed to be near 100 years of age, and, though unable to
walk, wonhl Imj present in the execution of his belovocl project. It was upon
the 18 .\pril, when Opekankanough, borne in a litter, led his warriors for-
ward, and commenced the bloody work. They began at the frontiers, with a
Jetcrmination to slay all l)efbre them, to the sea. After continuing tiie mas-
sacre two days, in which time about 500* persons w«'re unirdered, Sir H'illiam
Berkeley, at the head of an armed force, checked their progress. The destruc-
tion of the iiduibitimts was the greatest upon York and I'amuukry Rivers,
where Opekankanough commanded in person. The Indians now, in their
turn, were driven to great extremity, and their old cliicf was taken jtrisoner

*' 'I'hi* is tlic niiinbor gencrnlly siot down in the liislnries, Imt tlin probably just scrutiny of
Mr Itancn/l, Ilis(. U. 3. i. 221, caused liim to lix uimiii (lio munbur 3U0.

3C2

DEATH OF OPEKANKANOIGH.— TOTOPOTOMOI. [Book IV

and cniiicd in triumph to Jamestown. How long after tlie mnRsncre tliia
liu|)p"n<'(l, W(j are not infonncd ; but it is said that tlic tiitij^nes he had pre-
viously undergone hud wasted nway his flesh, and destroyed tiio elasticity of
his muscles to tiiat degree, that lie was no longer able to raise the eyelids
from ids eyes ; and it was in this ibrloni condition, that he fell into the hands
of his enemies. A soldier, who had been appointed to guard him, barbarously
fired upon him, and inflicted a mortal wound. He was supp<)S<;d to h.ivu
been |)roniptcd to the bloody deed, from a recollection of tlie old chief'.-?
agency in tlie massacre. Just l»efore he expired, hearing a preat bustle and
crowd about him, he ordered an attendant to lift U|) liis eyelids; when he
discovered a multitude pressing around, to gratity the untimely ciniosity of
'leliolding a dying suchom. Undaunted in death, and roused, as it were, from
sleep, at the conduct of the confused inultitude, he deigned iiot to oliservc
them: hut, raising himself from the ground, with the expiring breath of
authority, commanded that the governor should be called to him. When the
governw came, Opekankanough said, with indignation, " Had it been m>/ for-
tune to liavt taken Sir Wm. Berkf.lev prisoner, I tooidd not ineanli/ liave
exposed him as a show to my people ; " * and soon after expired.

It is said, and we have no reason to doubt the fact, that it was owing to the
cncroaclunents upon his lands, that caused Opekankanough to determine upon
a massacre of the whites. These intrusions were, nevertheless, coidimnuhin
to the grants of the proprietors. He could hanlly have expected entin; eon-
quest, as his people had already begun to waste away, and English villages
were K|)ringin" up over an extent of country of more than ."iOO miles, with a
populousness beyond any preceding example ; still, he was determined upon
the vast undertaking, and sacrificed himself with as much Ao?ior, it will, per-
haps, be acknowledged, as did Leonidas at Thermopylae.

Sir William Berkeley intended to have sent him, as a present, to the king
of England ; but assassination deprived him of the wretched sutisf iction, and
saved the ciiief from the mortification, f

None of the Virginia historians seem to have been informed of the true
date of this last war of Opekankanough; the ancient records of Virginia, siys
Mr. Burk, are silent even upon the events of it, (an extraordinary omission.)
Mr. Beverly thinks it began in l(i3<J, and, although Mr. Burk is satisfied tiiut it
took place after 1641, yet he relates it under the date 1(J40. Anil we are not
certain that the real date would ever have lu^en fixed, hut for the inestimable
treasury of New England history, fVinlhrop^s Journal, t

That it took place subsequent to 1G41, Mr. Burk assures ns, upon the evi-
dent^e of the MS. records ; for they relate that, in 1(340, one John Burton had
been convicted of the murder of an Indian, and that his punishment was
remitted, "at the intercession of Opekankanough, and his great men." And
that, in the end of the year 1641, Thomas Rolfe, the son ol Pocnlmntns, peti-
tioned the governor for nermission to visit his kinsman, Opekankanough, and
Cleopatre, the sister of his mother. That, 'hereforc, these events happened
previous to the war, and death of Opekankanough. ^

NicKOTAWANCE succccded Opekankanough, us a trihutajy to the English.
In 1648, he came to Jamestown, with five other chiefs, and brouglit 2U beaver
skins to he sent to King Charles. He made a long oration, which he con-
cluded with the protestation, "that the sun and moon should first loose their
glorious lights, and shining, before he, or his people, should ever more here-
after wrong the English."

ToToi'oTOMoi pi'obably succeeded JVickotawance, as he was king of Pa-
niunkey in 165(). In that year, a largo body of strange Indians, called
Rechaliecrians, came down from the inland mountainous country, and iiircibl^

* lierfrbi, Hist. Virg. 51. t See nrilisli Empire in Aiiioricn, i. 210, 1.

X Wlicllier it l)e preiicrvecl in Ilening's Statutes, I have not Icuriicil, but presumed il, I'ruio
the inri-rciico of liancroft.

^ Like most of the early writers, the author of A New Deacnplion of Virginia, (2 foil.
iKs. Hist. 8uc. ix. 111.) speaks of the Indians in terms dirtutod liy indi^nalioii. "Tlirir

'lal bloody monster upon a hundred years old, wn.s
tract was published ui IGJ'J, but no date is given lo

ureal kiuji;," he says, " Onechanktnme, that bloody monster upon o hundred years ohi, was
taken by Sir William Berktly." Thi» Ira- ^ " '- ' " ■" ' - •'- '- -' -

the inassucre.

Chap. Ill] THE CRF.KK NATION.— ORIGIN OF THE NAME.

363

I«<t88es8(>il tlieiiiHel.ra of the country altoiit the iblls of Jnmes River. Tlie
esfi.slature of Vir^'iiiia wa.s in st-ssion, when tiie news of tlieir comiiifr wns
rtM-riveil. Wliat i-aii.M; tiie Eii^li^li had to !><-iul out nn army ai>aiiist tliuin,
our 8o.inty rrconlti do not tuitisfartorily !«how:* but, at all events, they
<iotcrniin;'d at once to dispossess thcni. To that end, an artiiy of uhout 100
men was raised, and |)ut under the dircetion of Colonel Edward Hilt, who
was joiui'd liy Totopotomoi, witli 100 of liis warriors. Tliey did not find tlie
Iteeliahi'iriaiis un|M'e|)arcil, hut of the partieuhu's of the meeting of the ad-
verse parties we are not informed. Tiie event, however, was, to tiie allies,
most disastrous. Tolonolomoi, v/itli tlie mo.-it of his men, was slain, and the
]'ii<rlish suffered a total defeat, owing, it is said, to the criminal management
of Colonel Hill. Tiiis officer lost his coiiimis.sion, and Ida pro|>erty was
taken to defray the losses sustained hy the country. A peace seems to have
been conclu<!ed with the Indians soon after.

■*»»§0e

CHAPTER III.

Of the Creik Indinnt—Sfuskogees — Prohibit the use of ardfnt spirits — Their rise and
importanre — Their origin — Cutawhas — Chikaaiuis — Chrroktcs — Ji mode of flattening
their heads — Coinplcxion lighter than other Indians — Seminotes — Ruins at Oak'
viulgre Fields — Expedition of Soto — Kills 2fMM) Indians — Laudonnirre — Oourgts'
erpedition — Grijaha — Moytov made emperor of the Cherokees — Sir Alexander
Cumming — Ilis travels among the Cherokees — Seven chiefs ateomvany him to Eng-
Ltnd — .ittakultakulla — Skijaoustah — His sperch to the king — Hts death.

I.v the preceding chaiHers of this book, niueh lias been narrated of the
southern nations in general ; and, in particular, of many prominent indi-
viduals and events. It is designed, in the pres«-nt chapter, to speak more
partieulaily upon the events of the great nation of Cnn-k Indians.

It will he proper, in the first place, to give some general account of the
nation, whose men of enrnence 'lave lieen, and an; to lie, noticed ; for there
are some facts that will .. necessarily hill in otlierwi.se; hut, in such di-
gn'ssion, if so it should he termed, our chief axiom is not overturned, which
i.s, that to rt'iite the history of the men of a country, is to write the history
of such country. The read«!r, however, should be reminded, that a general
history of a people at oiu; perio<l, will not exactly apply to them at another.
1 his observation is not only true with regard to their ])olitical and civil liis-
t')rv, but alsT) iii i-egard to the maniiers and customs of the same nations:
these liiets are true, both as they n-gard |)oople called civili/ed, as well as
those called savage. Hence, descriptions of tribes or nations by one obsener,
at one time, difi'er from those of another at a diflTen^nt period ; and yet both
may he true in the main particulars. Students, then'fon», not aware of this
itict, may be disposed to tliscredit writers for such disagreements, which, in
fact, an altogether imaginary. I^iit it is time to commence U])on the imme-
diate business of the present chapter.

The Creek Indians take their nan)e from that of the country in which they
live; that is, the English gave them the nnme of Creeks, liccause their
country is full of creeks.

* Hv ilie t'olliiwinif prciiiiilOc and rp<ofve of llie Ic^islitlurp, all we possrss, toiirliinir litis
n)iilliT. is to lie ^iilliiTcil : — " Wlioroas iiiCnrninlinii hnlli bocn received, dial mniiy wcslcrn or
iiilaiiil Imliaiis arc drawn from the mniiiitnins, and lately set down ifar tlie falls of Jaiiie!)
IJivi-r. In llii> iiiinilior of (i or 700, wlierehy, upon nciny several conslileralions heiiifr l>ad, il \*
roiiirived (»reat daiisrir mifjlil ensue to iliis colony. This nssemlily, llierefore, do think lit
mid resolve, llial these new rome hidians lie in no sort siifTered to seal themselves there, or
any plare near us, it havin<r rost so miirh blond to expel and exiirpals those (icrlidioiM and
Irenrheroiis Indians, which were there formerly. It '>eiiip so apl a place to invade lis, and
'viihin Ihi" limits, wliii'h, in a just war, were formerly eoiiiHiercd liy us, and by us rcser-cd, at
the ctuiclusiuii of |icuco, with the ludiuus." Jiiirlc, I list. Virgiuia, ii. lOA.

3C4

CREEK LANGUAGE.— CHEROKEE INVENTION. [Book IV

Tlie nation of moat importance amone the Creeks was, in 1775, the
Miiskdgncs. That community, or nation, like tlic Iroquois, was more politic
tlian tJK'ir neighlrars, and vastly increased their strength and importance hy
(iirounigirig small declining tril)cs to incorporate themselves with them. At
nne time, another most wise resolution was adopted among them, which, ahove
all others, should be mentioned ; that was a prohibition of the importation of all
kinds of ardent spirits into their country, llow long this resolution was main-
tained, or at what period, cannot, at tliis time, be stated. It was very probjibly
at the period of their greatest prosperity, which was just before the breaking
out of the revolutionary war. The Muskogees had another excellent regulation,
namely, the men assisted their women in their planting before setting out on
their warlike and other expeditions. This was called the Creek nation,
which, in what was called its best days, about 178G, contuined 17,000 souls ; *
but they were reckoned, in 1829, at 20,000.

Some have, latterly, given the name of Creeks only to a part of the nations
of w)'''h we have begun to treat; but it is here intended to include under that
head all the tribes between the Savannah on the east, the Mississippi on the
west, and the country bordering on the Ohio on the north.

The following is a specimen of their language, which will answer tolerably
well as a specimen of all the southern languages, from Carolina to the
Mississippi: —

Isti tsukhvlhpi laksakat Tshiliofv inhomitsi tomis; momais fvtsv opunaho-

an im afvlski tomis.f In English, Lying lips are an abomination to the Lord ;
ut Ihcif that deal truhf are his delifiht.

The following is Choktau reckoning: Achvfa, 1, Tnklo, 2, Tuchino, 3,
I shtn, 4, Tuhlapi, 5, Haiiali, 6, Untuklo, 7, Untnchina, 8, Chakali, 9, Pokoli, 10.
By j»refixing auh to the names of the digits, they arrive at 20; then, by pre-
fixing Pokoli (10) to the series of digits, they aiTive at 30, and so on.^

The Cherakees have now a written language, and, before the lute troid)le3
with Georgia, were making good advancement in all the useful arts. One
of the most remarkable discoveries of modern times has been made by a
Cherokee Indian, named George Guess. His invention was that of a syllabic
alphabet of the language of his nation, which he applied to writing with
un|)aralleled success. Young Cherokecs learned by it to write letters to their
friends in three days' time; and although the inventor used a part of the
English alphal)et in making up his own, yet la was acquainted with no other
language but the Cherokee. This invention was brought to inaturity in 1826.
Two years after, a newspaper, called the Cherokee Pjheisix, was established
in the Cherokee nation, pnnted chiefly in Cherokee, with an English transla-
tion. <§ Being considered an independent nation, tlnty instituted a form of
government similar to that of the United States.

It was some time after the Natchez massacred the French, that the principa.
nation of Creeks, the Muskogees, began to rise into importance. For a time
after that memorable event, the country of the Natchez was desolate ; but
when some years had elni»sc<l, a tribe seated themselves tlu;re, and it became
the seat of a powerful notion ; and this was the Muskogees. That nation,
like the ancient Romans, hiul, in about 30 years, extended their dominions
over a fertile country near 200 miles square ; had 3500 bow-men, and 50 con-
siderable towns. They had dominion also over one town of the Shawanese.
Their chief places were upon the branches of the Alabama and the Apalachi-
eola rivers; the fieople upon the latter b<!ing called the /owt Creeks. This,
as well as the other nations whom we call Creeks, are generally supposed tu
linvc originally come from the south or south-west ; but the Indians them-
selves l)cTieve, or pretend to believe, that they came from the east, or place of
the sun's rising; concerning which opinion we may observe once for all, that
it most probably had the same origin among all ignorant people, which arose
from no other than a desire that others should think them descended from the

* It is rnmmoii to rerkon a third warriors.

f Tliis spiTiincii I Inke from a little volume, called the " Miiskogne (Creek) Assistant,"
piii)lislio(l in Hoslon, 13.'15, hy the Am. llonr<l of Com. for Foreign Missions.
i Clioklnii AritliMK-lir. printed n.i almvc.
^ l/ist. Missions, ii, 3i>i.—Missiotianj Herald,

"• T-fci

Chap. Ill]

COUM'RY OF Tlin SOLTIIKUN INUIA.VS.

3&3

81111 ; tlmt iH'iii;^ tlie most glorious niid noltio ori);iii of wliicli thoy loiiKI ron-
ccivo. Iii(lee<l, siirli is not altogetlicr iiiiiiutiiral ; for tliut liiiMiimry i|uick(Mii
uml enlivens every thing tlint htm life, wlirtlier nniiniil or vegetnble.

Hesidf! the Muskogees, the KnUiulmhs, or CittuwiNiH, Clierokees*, Choktniis,
anil (.'liikiwiiiis, were other numerous trilws 8|ircad over the great country
of wiiicli Nve have s|>oken.

The Katauhaha and the Chiknaaus vv('re very warlike : but their vicin-ty to
Europeans WiW jw detrimental to thein, and even M:ore so, than their own
exterminating wars ; for, ua in other eases, as soon as an intercourse com-
nien<-ed, degradation and ruin followed.

The Chcrokees have withstood the deletery cflTet t.T of civilization much
beyond what can be said of any other tribe of Indians. Their country is
chietly in Alabama, Mississi|i|ii, and Tennessee ; but they occupy u'umj the
western |)art of the state of (ieorgia. IJefore the war of 1812, their comitry
covered '^-1,U00 ai|nare mil-js.* Numliera of this trilK! have emigrated to
Arkansaw.

Tile Choktaus possessed a country not so fdled with creeks and rivers as
tlic Muskogees. This circumstance, it is said, was a great liinderance io their
prosperity; for in their wars with their neij'hlwrs, they sutlered greatly fn>m
their iirnorance of swiuuning. There were L pper and Lower Choktuu towns ;
(he former wen^ situated al>out KiO miles from the Chikasaus, and the latter
about "JOO above New Orleans. The people of this nation Hattened their heads
by wearing bags of sand on tliem,f and, acconling to Father Henn:pin,\ the
heads of all the Indians upon liie Mississippi arc flatter than those ot Canada.
It is said also that they are of • lighter complexion; but this lias reference
only to tiie Muskogees, accoiuing to some writers. The Choktaus princi-
pally inhabit .>Iississippi. Tliey were, in 1820, set down at 25,000 souls, and
are rather increasing.

Till- CiiikiLsiuis are sujiposed to have come from the west of the Mississippi,
and as it was a custom among the Creeks for their unoccupied lands to Ix;
taken by any that came among them, us emigrants, the Chikasjius fouinl no
olistaeles in the waT of establishing themselves on this side the Mississippi.
Where they first established theinselvca is unknown, but in 1770 they were a
powerful and warlike nation, and were seated upon the western branches of
the Mobile. Tlie trdte of Yazoos belonged to this natioti. The Chikifaus
reside in Mississippi, Kentucky, and Tennessee. They do not exceed 4i)00
in nund)er.

The Seminoles were a nation made up similar to many others, and chiefly
of Muskogees. The Creeks called them Seminoles, which signified iciY'/,
because they had estranged themselves from their Ibrnier country. This
nation w.is princi|)ally seated, 40 years ago, upon the rivers A])alachicola and
Flint, and had a large town o:\ Calos Bay, on the west side of East Florida.
Tliey now reside in Florida, a scattered remnant of about I2(X).

The names alone of the different clans or tribes of these nations would fill
■everal pages, and it is not necessary here to enumerate them ; we shall there-
fore, afler some general observations, pass to the conaideratioa of those chiefs
who have been conspicuous.

There are upon the east bank of the Oakmulge, near its confluence with
the Ocoue, beautiful fields, exti'usivi^ly known as the Oakmulge fields ; they
are upon the rich low lands of the river, and upon the elevated part of them
arc yet visible remains of a town. These fields extend 20 miles along the river.
The Creek Indians give this account of them, namely, that here was the place
where they first set down r.fler crossing the Mississippi ; that their journey
from the west had been attended with incredible suffering, and that they were
opposed at every step by various hostile bauds of Indians, and that oii reach-

* Dr. Moise'i Report.

f Adair. — '' As soon as the rliild is horn, the nurse provides a cra<llc or wornlcn rase, hol-
loweil and fashioned, lu rercive the infiinl, tying prostrate on its bark, that part of the ras«
where the head reposes, bciiig fashioned like a brick-mould. In this poriablu niarliiiie (hi
little bo.' is lixcd, a ba^ of sand being laid on his forehead.''— 0ui-ffan, hib.

1 New Discovery. 176.

31»

1 1

360

SOTO'S KXrr'.DITION.

[DooK IV

iiiK tliifl jilnpo llicy fortified tlicmsdvcH, and could jjrocerd no fiirtlier, and n1
|);ii;;ili fraiiicd ground uiid became conquerors in tlu;ir turn.

'I'liuii; ure few gruutur curioiiitiuH iti tlie soutli, than tlie great liighwiiys oi
nmdH, wliicli, 50 yuurH ogo, struck the traveller with 8Hr|iri«e. In Went Florida
they are ittill ouMily traced for near 50 iiiiles in a straight line upon the Uklu-
koncy lUver. All history is silent about them ; and it is a sin^'ulur tiu't that
th« Indians will make no use oi* them, but studiously make then* paths in any
odier direction, *

The country of the southern Indians has sutFured in some respects as much
iw fonie parts of South America; it liaving been traversed and ovcrnm from
time to time by bunds of mercenary whites. In the year 1538, Ferdinand de
nolo, with a commission from the Emperor Charles v., sailed with a consid-
eralile dcet for America. He was a Portuguese gentleman, and had been
widi Pizarro in the conquest (as it is called) of Peru. His (■onunission con-
stituted him governor of Cuba and gci.end of Florida. f Although he sniled
from St. Lucur in 15;)8, he did not land in Florida | until May, l^VX With
ahosit 1000 men, 213 of whom were provided with horses, he undertook tho
(■oii(|iiest of Florida and countries adjacent After cutting their way in vari-
ous directions through numerous tril>es of Indiuus, traversing nearly 1000
miles of country, losing a great part of their army, their general died upon
the biuiks of the Mississip|>i, and the survi.-ors were obliged to build vessels
in which to descend the river ; which, when they had done, they siul(;d for
Mexico. This expedition was five yerrs in coming to nothui^, and bringing
ruin upon its performers. A populous Indian town at this tune stood at or
near the mouth of the Mobile, of which Soloes army had possessed themselvi>8.
Their intercourse with the Indians was at first friendly, but at length a chief
was insult<>d, which brought on hostilities. A battle was fought, in which, it
is said, 2000 Indians wero killed, and ti3 Spaniards.

We shall not attempt here to go more into detail concerning the bnnd of
marauding Spaniards under Soto, as it will answer the present pur|)ose to
observe, that what has just been related, is but one of the many butcliiries
committed by that btuid ; and, moreover, our accounts arc rather indistinct
upon the whole afiuir, and savor much of exaggeration.

The French, under Reni de Laudonniere, settled in Florida in I5<>1, near
where Pensacola was since built The Spaniards claimed the country, and
hence the bloody wars which followed. This first settlement of the Frenrli,
projected by Admiral Coligni, was soon broken up by the Spaniards : they,
in the basest and most savage manner, murdei-ed the whole colony. A
religious war at this period cUstracted the French nation, and this outrage
would have remained unrevenged, but for the indignation of an individual.
In l5^u , Dominique de Gourgis sailed to Florida, took three forts from the
Spaniards, put the men to the sword, and hanged all the other settlei-s I'e
could find. § A French garrison was again established, but, being leil without
protection, wcs soon retaken by the Spaniards, ^vho remained musters of the
country for more than a hundred years. ||

From these transactions of antiquity, we must descend to times nearer our
own. In the year 1730, Sir Alexander Cumming travelled among the southern
Itidians, and from whose account we are able to give sevend interesting par-
ticulars. At this period, he relates that the Cherokee nation was governed
by seven Mother Towns, each of which chose a king to preside over them
and their dependants. He was elected out of certain tumiiies, and the descent

• n'illi,„M's W. Florida, 32.

\ Vhnudon de DeUmdine, Nouvcnu Did. Historique, art. .Soto.

i " So callud, beciuise il was first discovered by the .Spaniards on Polme-Sunilay, or, as
llio n; ; inierpret, Eft<ler-day, wliicli lliey call Pasqua Florida, and not, as Tlieuet wrilelh,
for llio iloiiri'tliliig verdure tliereof." I'lirchas, 7fi'J. Modern writers of discoveries would do
i.i'tler were they to look more to the sources of inforiP'.lion.

6 See an animated accoinil of these bloody afiairs in Johnson's Life of ficnoral Greene,
.. Am, &.C.

II liupratz, i. 1—3. Juan de Grijalva discovered the rnunlry upon tin fiiilf of Mcxiro in
]dUi,{lfi'rrer<i,'[\. 199,) and some report thai he carrie<l oil' liulinns as .slaves. (.Sec WiV-
/law.?'* Florida. 5(0.) But we are not aware that the fai't is clsew In k; recorded, llinera,
tlioujfh very minute, does not name il I'lirdias ('112) iigrees "iih iiim

■' i ^l

■ .-1 .{

I. «

cmaf. ni]

MOYTOY MADF. KINO OP TIIK rn'^.FKS.

!W7

was rcifiinlcd only on \\w iiiotlifr's side. TIicho mother towiiit were, nrronling
to Sir %rHcxnndrr, 'raiiiitm.sic, Kcttouiili, IJnti-nury, 'J'<-lli(|iio, Kntootowic, Kcyo-
\vc«', iiiul Not'vi'0(!e. Four of tlieHu towim were without kind's nt tliin time,
tlicy liiiviii<r liied. Some tow i< liuil iiriiiccH, as our uutiior called tlioiri;
iinniely, Tuinii^so, one ; Hettecho, niic ; ra88i-t(cli('0, one ; Iwutwve, one ; Tel-
liijiio, two; TnniiiiH^ie, two ; CunnoMtee, one ; Cowee, one.

The chief Moytoif wns culled em|)ei*or, and presided over the seven towns,
in 17<iU. His residence watt at Telli(|UO. On the 3 April, this year, deputies
from all |iurts of the nation met at Nequassie, and in presence of Sir
JiUxniukr Cumming and 12 other Englishmen, declared Moytoij e nperor; he
hiivin<( been ;.^minated by Sir Jiltxandtr.* The nation consented to receive
Mw/loy us their king, provided he was held accountable to Sir Jlkxander, At
the (■(■mniony of declaring Moytoy king or emperor, by whose order Sir
Jllfxander was placed in a chair, fiimscif and the conjurerr. standing about
liiui, and a throng of warriors "stroked him wi'li 13 eugleiT tails, and their
siiijfcrs sung from morning till night." Aller this was done with, he made a
spct'oli to the great concourse of Indiai 8 ; in which, among a good deal Ix'sidcs,
he disphiyed the power and goodness of the king lieyond the great water;
and ''recjuired J)/f)i/'o>/ and all the head warriors to acknowledge themselves
dutiful subjects and sons to King George" "all which they did on thoir knees,
calling upon every tliif>g that was terrible to th<.>m 'o destroy thetii, and that
thev might become no |)eople, if they violated their protnisc and obeiiicnce."

The next day, 4 April, "the crown was brought from great Tamiassie,
which, with iive eagles' tails and lour scalps of th.'ir enemies, Moyloy pre-
sented to Sir Alexander, impowering him to lay the same at his majesiy's feet."
The conjurers were well pleased with the English baron, and tuld him they
would follow all his din>ctions. "That '.^!ien he letl them they would still
consider him as jiresent in the person of Moutoy of Telliquo, who would
punctually do what he had bid." Sir JllexanJer was now at Taiinassie, 400
miles Iroin Charleston, according to his reckoning, and hnd but 15 days to
arrive there in, to go for England in the Fox inan-of war, which was then to
will. He therefore asked .Moytoy if the Indians could travel there in so short
a time on toot. The chief suiil it might bo done, and that he would have
accompanied him, but for the dangerous illness of his wife, and reijiieistcd him
to choose such as he desired from among his people, to go with h::n. f

Accordingly, Sir Jllexandtr chose, as evidences of what had happened,
Skijagusla, \. the head warrior of Tassetchie, " a man of great power and
int(!resit, who had a right to be a king," AttakuUaktUla, and Olassite, or OiUa-
cite, a third warrior, Collannah, a fourth; "and from Tannassie, the remotest
town of tlie country, he took Clogoillah and Oukanaekah,^ warriors." About
y;» miles from Charleston they met with the wju-rior Ounakannoicine, a
friend of these chiefs, "who had just comt; from the Kattarbe nation, and
desired to go along with his countrymen, to which Sir Alexander coiiscrnted."

They went on board the Fox, a man-of-war, and sailed Irom Charleston
Bay 4 May, and arrive J at Dover 5 June; thus performing a passage across
the Atlantic in u month and a day, in 1730, not much inferior to what is done
now-a-days. At Dover Sir Alexander " took post to London, with tiie crown

* This part of ihe sentence is upon the authorily of a good writer, {Hewatl, Hist. Carolina,
ii. 5,) but Sir Alexander Aoa not sny quite as much in his account.

t Sloyloy was a bitter enemy atU-rwards. In 1758 he wcnl with his warriors to a place
called Statiquo, and killed several whites, without, as was said, any provocation. Uewatt,
ii. 220.

{ Or Kiia/iusla. This chief wt» one of t!ic sei-en, as will appear immediately onward,
althouf^h Sir Alexander, in his coiimunicalion, does not name him. Neither duos he name
AUakiUlakutia, or Oulassile; yet it is certain they were both in England, and we believe at
this time : they make up the number seven, with those named in his own narrative. That
Allakiillnkiilla was, see Ifexatt, ii. 221, and Wynne, ii. 2(!0, n. We can onlv nroount for the
blanks in the narrative, by sup[)osine tiiat Sir Alexander's amanuensis did not understand
him, (l()r he did not w. te himscIC,) and the enumeration of the eliiels which lie look willi him,

is very blundering. Thus, after naming one only, it is set down, " and ■

B third warrior," (fee.

I'crhaps Ockonoalola, who was called the gieal warriir of the Cherokee nation Ikuati

i *8

! •'!!

CUKKK rniKF.S VISIT F.NGLAND.

lUooE IV.

of tlic Cluriiki-p tinlion, li'nvin^ tin; Iiidinnn liohind to roino up witli the man-
ot'-wiir. Ill' l<'t till! Nirntni-y of state iiiit(i(>(liiit(>lv knowiliat li*! Iiud (iill (hiwit
from tlint iiiitioti to i y ilicir crown at Urn innjcxty h f*'<-t, niiit that hr had hrnnght
over Hcvcii Indian chicli*, na an evidonco of tho truth. His niajcHty waH fim-
riounly pli'iiwil to ordiT H\r -lUiamler to hrin^ in hin pcoph! to the inMtalhtlion,
tho IHth ofJuMc, whiTO they were cxtreniely ^inrpriwd at thi- niagriitironce of
every thin^' ahont them : they romparcd the king and «pieen to the himi, the
|tririceH to the stars, and themHelvcH to nothing. On the tWd of June, Sir
tlkxttnilrr was intro<hired to hiti majesty, and npon his knee, in presence of
the roni1, declared tho fidl power he had received, the Indian chiet's all
kneeling at the same time, at) u testimony of their nnhmission and ai>|M-ohation.
Sir Jlkxanikr laid tho en»wn of \.\w Cherokee nation at his majesty s li-et, with
the five eagles' tails, us an end)lemof his majesty's sovereignty, and tour scalps
of Indian enemies; all which his majewty was gnicionsly pleased to accept of."

While in Kngland, tliey made a treaty with the king, every arti<-le of which
was accompanied, on his part, with presents of somt; sort or other: such as
cloth, gntis, vermilion, hattdietM, kinves, &c. This tn;aty was dated at White-
hall, 7 Sepieirdier, 1730, and from it we get the names of the wven chiefs. It
begins, " Wherojis yon, Scataousta Oukaii, chief of the town of 'IVsseta ;
yon, ScALiLosKKN Ketaousta ; yon, Tetiitowf. ; yon, Cloooittah; yon,
CoLA.N.-vAH ; yon, U.n.vaconoy ; yon, Oucou.nacou, huvo Iwen deputed by the
whole nation of the Cherokee Indiana, to come to Gn-nt Hritain,"* &c. After
the treaty was ftnished, o certified copy was pres«'n»'.!d to tho chiefs by Sir
Meiunihr Cummin/r ; npon which Skijagustah, in the name of the whole,
made the following s|><;ech ; —

" We are come liiiher from a monntiiinons place, wliere nothing l»iit dark-
ness is to Im) fomid ; hut we are now in n |)lace where there is light. 'J'liere
was a person in onr country, lie gave us a yellow token of warlike honor,
whicli is left with Mnj)to;f of Telliquo, and as wiirrim"s we received it. He
cam<; to us lik<; u warricu- from you. A man he iH : his talk is upright, and tho
token ho left preserves his memory among us. We look tipon yon as if the
great king were present; we love you as re|)re8enting the great king. We
shall die in the same way of thinking. The crown of onr nation is dit)i>rent
from tha* which the great King GKonoK wears, and from that we saw in the
tower. liut to us it is all one. The chain of friendship shall he carried lo
our peo|)le. Wo look upon the great King George as tho gun, and as our
father, and upon ourselves as his children. For though we are red, and you
are white, yet our hands and hearts are joined together. When we shall have
acquainted our people with what we have seen, our children from generation
to generation will alwa)3 remember it. In war we shall always be one with
you. The enemies of tho gn;at king shall be our enemies. IJis people and
ours shall be one, and shall die together. W^e came hither naked and |)oor as
the worms of the earth, but you have every thing, and wo that have nothing
must love you, and will never break the chain of friendship which is betwei n
us. Here stands the governor of Carolina, whom we know.f This small
rope^ we sliow you is all that we have to bind onr slaves with, and it niay bo
broken. But have iron chains for yours. However if we catch your slaves,
we will bind them as well as wc can, and deliver them to our friends, and take
no pay for it. We have looked roimd for the jierson that was )n our country
— he is not here : However, we must say he talked uprightly to us, and we
shall never forget him. Your white |)eople may very safely build houses near
us. We shall hurt nothing that belongs to them, for we are children of one
father, tho gn>at king, and shall live and die together."

When Skijdfriislnh had proceeded thus fur, he luid his feathers upon a table,
and closed us follows : —

• Report of the Commissioiirrs (173C) on the Affairs of Georgia, p. 53.— If Atlakutlakulla
were among these cliiefs, he went under another name, as did also Oiilacite. Sec a few pages

forward,

t There was at this lime nn governor, though Rnhert Johnson was nominally siirh.
the governnienl of (Carolina was delivered lo Ihe crown of Knglund, for about jt!n,000.
$3n wn< reappointed in 17.31.

X String oi wampum, probatily.

In 1729
Jitm-

CH»P. IV]

TOMoriiinii.

169

"ThiH is our way of talking, wiiicli iM tlic snnio tiling to iiia ns your li'ttere in
tlio IhioIc arc to yon, and to yon, beloved men, w« deliver tiieso leallieni iii
contirmation of all we have said."

In OctolMT, the Indiana cnilmrked at Portfinioiitii with Mr. Johnson, the
governor of Carohna, for their own country, and in the sumo Nlii|t in wiiicli
tliey went over.

Skijac^istah, or, aa he waa aonictiinea called, KUtaguitit, " woa brother of
Oucconnoatota, or the great warrior, and also chief of Chote. He lived to bo
very old, and died in May, 17U8.

»###«

CHAPTER IV.

Settlrmtnt of Carolina and Gtorgia — Tomociiiciii rrreires the Ensriith — Coea to Eng
land with General Oglethorpe — Miiket a tprech to the King — His death — ll'ar with
the Spaniards — Outacitif. — Mai.achtv — ATrAKi'i.i.AKui.i.A — Indians murdered
— Attakui.i.akui.i.a prevents retaliation upon whites in his ptnorr — Chrroket ll'ar
beirins — Governor Littleton's expedition — Imprinons their Ambassailors — Thru are
massacred — Colonel Montgomery sent atrainst them — Battle nrar Keoipee — Lnrro-
hers take Fort London — Siloi'ce — Sates the life of Colonel Byrd — Colonel Grant
subdues the Cherokees, and they make peace teith the whites — Ciiluccu.

The presumption is pretty strongly supported, that Sir Walter Raltsh vit'tted
ilie southern shores of North Ainerica. SVhen General Oglethorpe Tandt;d in
(leorgia, in 1732,* O. S., and conwnunicated to the Indians the eontentN of a
journal of Sir Wa/Zcr**, they w^emed to have a tradition of him, which they had
t()ndly cherished ; altliough, if the person tiiey met were Ralegh, a himdred
years had elapsed since ho was there. They pointed out to Mr. Oglethorpe a,
j)lace near Yamacraw bluff, since Charleston, on which was a large mound,
ni which was buried, thev said, a chief who had talked with Sir Halter Ralegh
ii|)on that spot. The chief had requested his people to bury him there, that
the place nnght be kept in veneration.

TOiMOCIilCHI was the principal chief, or Mico, as chiefs were railed, «)f a
small band of Creeks and \ nmasecs, who, having in some way otl'cnded their
countrymen, fled their country, and "wandered about in tlic woods some time,
until about 173f2, when they begged leave of this government to sit down on
the high land of Yamacraw, on the south side of Savunnuh river, at or near
the place where the new town of Savannah, in Georgia, is now situated."!
They consisted of but 17 or 18 families, and their first chief appears to have
Ijeen called Bocaciiee. Several chief men, of various tribes, came to welcome
the English, immediately af\er their arrival. " They were as follows : From
the tribe of Coweeta, Yahan-lakee:, their king, or mico ; Essaboo, their warrior,
the son of Old-brim, lately dead, whom the Spaniards called cmpetor of the
Creeks, with ei^ht men and two women attendants. From the tniM; of Cusse-
tas, Cusseta, their mico ; Tatchiquatchi, their head warrior, with four attendants.
F'rom the tribe of Owseecheys, Ogeese, the mico, or war king ; JK'ealhloiith-
ko and Ougachi, two chief men, with three attendants. From the trilM; of
Cheechaws, Outhleteboa, their mico, ThlaiUho-thlukee, Figeer, Soolamilln, war
captains, with three attendants. From the tribe of Echetos, ChiUabecche and
Robin, two war captains, (the latter was bred among the English,] with four
attendants. From the tribe of Polachucolas, Gillatlee, their head warrior, and
five attendants. From the tribe of Oconas, Oueckachumpa, calle<l by tin; Eng-
lish Long-king, Koowoo, a warrior. From the trilx; of Eufaule, Tomaumi, head
warrior, and three attendants.

* Many geiitiemcii in England cnnlributed, in various ways, lliis year, liir the advunceinrnt
of tlie colony ; some in cauTe, some in labor, some in provisions, ami oihiirs as sii|ili,.rs. The
contribution of one gentleman, lor its singularity, sliall be inciitiojieil. ".Mr /linne gave u
lilvcr boat and 8|>oon for the tirst child born in Georgia, which being born of .Mrs. C7(u>', wtro
jivcn accor<lingly." — Commissioners' Report on (ienrgia Affairs, p. 119.

* Report of the Commissioners, ut supra, 11, IIG, 117.

370

TOMOCIIICIII AND OTIIKKS \ISIT ENGLAND. [Book IV.

"TIh! IndiaiiM iN-iiig nil wMitfil, Oufrkachumpa^ a very tall old man, Ftoml,
ati<l iiiadi! a r.|>f<rli, wliioli waH ititcq)i-<*tt'd by Mr. tViggan and Mr. A/iiMTorr,*
ill wliiili III' said all tli<- lands to tlitt Boiitliward of Havunnali Kivi-r IM-Toiiged
to llic Crtt'ks. Ill- wild, the liidiuiia wen; |K)or, hut the fuinio Power that gave
the I'jigliMli hriatli, gave tlietii breath alw). That tliot Power had given tho
KiigliMli the iiioxt wiHdom. That, as they had conic to uiBtnict them, they Hhould
have all the laiida which they did not tiHo theiiifielves. That this waa not only
liiH mind, but the inindH of the eight towns of Creeks, who had, after roiiHiilt-
ing together, wiit some of their chief men with skins, which was their wealth.
At tliiH period of Oueekachumpa'a speeeli, some of the chieti* of the eight
luwiiH brought each a bimdio of biu-kV nkins, and laid them down before Mr.
Offltlhorjie. Then the chief said, " Theat are the brsl tbinfra we possess, Init we
rive them trilh n ifood heart. I thank you for your kindness to Toniochichi, and
lis people. He is my kinsman, and, tnoui^h he was banished from his nation, he
s a flood man and a f^reat warrior. It was on aceount of his tviadom and justice,
hiU the banished men chose hint their king. 1 hear that the Chtrvkees hare
'iiiied some Knglishmen. If you [addrcHsing Mr. Oglethorpe] will command vs,
we will go against them with all our force, kill their people, and destroy their
living."

\\ lien Oii'ckachvmpa had done sjieaking, TomocAifAi drew near with liiii
iiK'ii, and, afier making a low bow, said, — " / wcs a banished man, and I came
here poor and hel/dess to look for good land near tiie tombs of my ancestors, and
tvhin you came to this plact. 1 feared you would drivt us away ; for we were weak
and wanted com. Bui you confirmed our laiul to v.s, and gave ua food." The
other chicfM spoke in the sai.xe inaniit r as Ouetkachumpa had, and then agreed
upon and executed an amicable treaty.

My till! asHi.xtance of bis inter,ireter, Ma-.y Musgrove, General Oglethorpe had
iK'en able to draw together, at oi e time, .'iO chiefs from the upper and lower
Creek towns, and, by his conciliatory conduct, had secured their friendship,
lie next resolved to take a deputation of them to Kngland, hoping what they
might witness and experience there, would result in lasting benefits to both
their nations and the English. Accordingly, measures having been taken for
the furtherance of this project, tho general and the Indian cliieis embarked
for Kngland, in the Ahlliorough mun-of-war, and arrived nt St. llellens, in
the Isle of Wight, 10 Juno, 1734. The names of the Indians were Tomo-
CHiciii, Se>awki, his consort, and Toonakowi, the prince, his nephew ;
also IIiLLisi'iLLi, n war captain, and Apakowtski, Stimalecui, Sim-olciii,
lIiNGUiTHi, and UMriirciii, five other chiefs, widi their interpreter.

Immediately after their arrival, orders were given for prejiarinj; jiroper
habits lor them, in order to their being introduced at court. This having
been done. Sir Clement Cotlerel, knight, master of the ceremonies, was sent,
Au^'ust 1, with three of the king's coaches, drawn by six horses each, to thu
(jieorgiu ollice, where the chiefs, all except one, were taken in and carried to
Kensington, where their introduction to his majesty. King George II., took
place. The one left at tho Georgia office was sick with the small-pox, of
which he died the next day. ToMOCiiicni, after presenting the king with sev-
end eagle's feathers, which were considered, by his nation, the most respectful
present they could send, delivered the following speech to his majesty : —

" This day I see the majes.y of your face, the greatness of your house, and
the niimlicr of your people. I am come for the good of the whole nation of
the Creeks, to renew the iMjace they hat' long ago made with the English. I
am come over in my old days ; and, though I cannot live to see any advantage
to myself, I am come for the good of the children of all the nations of the
Upper and Lower Creeks, that they may be instructed in the knowledge of
the English. These are the feathers of the eagle, which is the swiftest of
birds, and who flieth all round our nations. These feathers are a sign of
peace in our land, and we have brought them over to leave tliciii with yon,
great king, as a sign of everlasting peace. O ! great king, w hatsoever words

* Jlid wife was llie iiilprprelcr, aoronliii^ to .irCu//, i. 35, who was a half breed imniod
nfanj. Oglethorpe lirst purcliasecl her iViciKlship with presents, and allerwards allowed iier a
buiidrcd pounds a year for her services. — Commiisioners' Report on Ueorgia AjJ'airi.

riiAP. IV.] ToMiMinriii and otiif.r.s visit knolam).

371

yon rIiiiII my unto inc, I will tcl! lliciii (Ititlifully to all tlii> kiii^'H of tiic Creek
nntioiis." '1 lit; kind's nimwcr, tlii>iif;li slicirt, wuh, in the liigliuot dc^p'uc, con-
riiiiitory, nixl wiiiit was l«rin«!»l j;nuM(»nn.*

Winn liie tiiirtk were intrcMiiiocit iit court, his niajcHiy received thiMii u|miii
his thnih);, in the iircttencc chttnibcr, iittcndcil hy tliu otVircrM of Htatc, and a
niiiniToun courL Tlwy wen; introduced l»y the Uuke of Grn/lon, ciianiltcriaiii
of his iiiajcHty's houHvhold ; and, utlcr the ceremonies, tlicy ruttirned to their
a|Hirtiiieni>s at the (leorffiu oflice.

Their fn«t care, ull«r i-eturning from court, was to inter their deci-used
companion, which was accontin^ly done with gn'ot ceremony, in the hnrial-
>:round of St. John the Kvanxelist, Wcftmiiister, according to tin; custom of
the "("heroki'e Creeks," which wiw in the following manner : — "The tleccawd
l» iiig S4>wed up in two hianket.4, with one ileal hoard iuder and another over
liini, and tied down with a cord, v>ms pinceil n|M)n a liicr, and carried to tii<;
place of interment. There were only present at the time of Iiih being put int(»
the jrrave. King Tomo, anil some ol the chic(?>, the iip|M!r church warden of
the jiarish, and the grave digger. When the corpHe was laid in the eaith, the
clothes of the deceaseil were thrown into the gnive ; after this a r|uantity of
glass heads were cast in, and then st)me pieces of silver ; the custom of those
Indiiins heing to bury all the deceased's clH'cts with him."

.'Mthough we ha\e the names of all tlu; chiefs given us that went over with
Mr. OfrUihor/ie. we have not the means of knowing which it was that died.
Indians often died on their visits to Europe. One of the five Iroquois chicls
died in Knglan<l,f in 1710, and of his name too we are ignorant.

iMr. ()^Uihorpe\t chiels, after having been showed the chief curiosities in
and about London, were taken to Sitilhead, where the English fleet lay, that
they might go on Inmrd and view the tremendous ship BrUatmla, and some
otiiers of great magnitude. On the 30 October, 17JM, a little jmst noon, they
cnd)arked ut («ravesend, on Itoaril the Prince of Wales, for Georgia.

Of Tomochichi, who was the most prominent character among thetn, we
have yet a little to add. He lived imtil be bad attained his 97th year, and died
1.J October, 1731>, five years, wanting 15 days, after be sailed from England.
He resided, at the time of his death, about four mile- from Savannah. He
was highly Iwlovcd by the English, having always be -n tlu ir particular friend,
fought lor them in war, and aided them by his counsel la peace. He was
aware of the approach of death, and ex])ressed but 'itile desire to live longer,
as he should l>e unable to aid his allies any more against tiie Spaniards.
For General Oglethorpe he expressed the greatest tenderness, and entreated
the Indians to liear in remembrance the kinilnesses with which the king of
England had treated him, and lio|)ed they would always remain bis subjects.
Having expressed a wish that his l)ody might be buried among the English in
Savannah, accordingly, bis corpse was there interred in Percival Square, witii
militaiy parade, anil Genend Oglethorpe ordered a pyramid to be erected over
it, with an aftpropriate inscription. I

Thus are traced the first steps in the history of Georgia, and thus did every
thing iiromise a continuance of that frienilship so well begun by (ienenti
Oglethorpe. Nothing was left undone^ while the Creek chiets were in Eng-
land, to impress upon their minds exalted ideas of the power and greatness of
the English nation. The nobility were not only curious to see them, but
entertained them at their tables in the most magnificent style. Multitudes
flockwl around them, conferring gilbj ami marks of res[MH;t upon them. The
king allowed them £20 sterling a week, during their stay, and it was compiued
that, at their return to America, they brought presents to the amoimt of £400
sterling. After remaining in England four months, they embarked at Grave-
send for Georgia. They were conveyed to the place of cndjarkation in his
majesty's carriages. §

in the invasion of Georgia by the Spaniards, in 17-1;}, many Indians were
Irawn into the controversy, on both sides. Toranocuiri, ]| or Tooanohowi, a
nephew of Tomochichi, was shot through the right arm, in an encounter witli

* Harris, Voyajjes.

t JU'CaJt, Hist. Georgia, i. ISO, l!t7.

t Kii/m's Travels in America, i. "D.

^ II). i. 40. J llarrit.

372

OUTACITE.— INTERVIEW WITH GOV. NICHOLSON. [Book If

tlie Spaiiinnls, by a SpnttUli captain. Tooanohowi dn^w liU putol with his lefl
miul, and shot the captain through the head.

Thus, witli the S|>uniai-ds upon one hand, and the English upon the otiier
mid the French in the midst of t>;<;ni, tiie Creeks oud Cherokees became sub-
ject to every possible evil to which tht caprice of those several nations ciive
rise. In 1723, a chief, whose nume we find in wrifera of that day, IVootaasitaw,
Woosntasate, Woohtssltau^ fVroselnsato:v* &:c. is styled " Governor of tlie Lower
and Middle Settlenients uf the Chariket's." lie is presumed to be tlie same
with Otacite, or Otassite, one of tlie prisoners above enumerated, and from
what we are about to relate of him, his eminence will be apparent. In 1731,
Francis JS/icholson went over as governor of S. Carolina, who wab said to have
been very successlhl in nmiioging aAiiii-s with the Indians. Soon after his
arrival, the Cherokees despatched messengers to Charleston to adjust some
diflicnlties which had for some time existed; and, not long after, another more
full and complete deputation arrived. Governor JVickohon o|>ene<l the council
by a long speech to " ff'ootassite, King, and to the lieails of the Lower and
Middle Settlements of the Churokee Nations."

In the course of his sjicech, he observes, that, vlien they delivered their
acknowledgments and paid their submission to tho government, "the other
day," they hud made mention of 37 towns that had sent down their chiefs for
that pur|)ose, and wished to be g^tisfied that these towns vvere represented,
that his words might be carried to all their inhabitants. After laying much
stress on their submission and respect to th? king of England, he sjieuks thus
sensibly upon tlieir trading with the whites, which at the same time discovers
to us the origin of former troubles.

After ordering that if cither party injured the other, restitution should be
made by the aggressor, he says, " Frequent complaints have been made that
your people have often broke open the stores belonging to our traders, and
caiTy'd away their goods ; and also pillaged several of their packs, when
employ'd «iid entrusted to carry them up ; and restitution has never been
made, which are great faults: We therefore recommend to yon, to take all
possible precautions to prevent such ill practices for the future," &c. "And to
prevent any injury or misunderstanding, we have imss'd a law, which appoints
commissioners that are to go twice a year to the Congorce, or Savaiia giirri<>oii,
to hear and redress all grievances."

" Hoosatasate being a man in great esteem amongst you, having given fre-
quent testimonies of his affection and firm adherence to this government, and
bi-ing appointed king over you by the former governor | of this province; so
I, wlio am sent immediately from his majesty, having the same regard to »«
deserving a man, and in compliance with your own request, that I v ild
constitute proper commandei-s over you, do now declare the sjiid H'oosati,. le,
your leader and commander in chief over all the lower settlements of tlie
Cherrokees, and give him a commission for that oflice, under the broad st al
of this his Majesty's province," &c. " I expect that you, ff'oosalastUc, do, within
a month after your return, call together all the chief men in your district, am'i
that you niid<e them thoroughly pcquainted with what I now sjiy to you, and
require of you, and shall give directions, that all the Englishmen amongst yuu
shall be at that meeting. That your xncient government may be restored, I
recommend to you to keep yotir j'onng men in that due decorum tliey us'd to
be," &c. This treaty was held 3 February, 1721, O. S., or this is the date to
Go /er'ior Nicholsons sjieech ; but it appears by our account tliat it wos the
middle of March before the Indian deputies left Charleston,

Although there were events, in every year, of importance, yet, in this |t1ace,
we shall luke up tkie period rendered more memorable by die diatinguislied
chiefs

» He^Balt, 1. 298.

t James Moore, who, according to Hewait (I. 27(>). wa.'i put into office in opposition to «h«
resrular course, by a kind of revolnlionarv spiiil. Sue Oldmiron, who is far more pa'liculaj',
1.348. — Moore was elected in 1701. The author of " Tlic Hrilish Dominions," {HZ,) sb>i
the Indians were cruelly treated during bis administration. Tliere were several other govern
ors before NicltoUon, beside Moore.

Ir'

lA/X: ■ I

OUTAC 1 T E,

dlicf of lllC CHRKOKEES

r»KP. iv.f

ATTAKULLAKULLA.

1)1, ' 1. " -

ss •

rill';. ».»-r- l«i>

• "■ i.uiko ;•'
iiutde 6
tiim-, ■

nl f : VKU.l.A Hiul ('(•KO^■(•^^T0•]■A.* Tlie lan.r ..f C
'^W -«l•M^^^ t: «iti>tiMi(l<. of F,iirui>fauS to Iht Hl;on,>;:<. Tin' mir>.<'

373

^far,

riin

.. . .•!

.jtciKlod liv ill.'. H'olJ'kim miJ tlic Uttiistp ••.l:ii»",

\t! .-i ImiHlrcd of thfii-j;' *>|'ie, camr lo Cluirl. >.;..ii.

..ji\, h\ a •.roop ot'liorMiiiu'ii. .vlio c<>f.<)iirt<Ml tl.-in i"

" i.riUr, ill gicnt rrintc This >\a?^ t" > t'hioc ili«;ii)

flii-ii' ;illk-, mill, to this ei ••, liiv- ir'jV'in- i, (iUr,,t^

, in the liidinii iimtiiipr. MnUuMif, wi ••. iit •liis

I'H tlio head i'ln!;f among the CrcoKs jin*fn'i-ii ihn

iiy oti wWifis, (ind rfudil}' rousi'ntcd to n jvvtt'; wi'h ifiw

I :;"t<)a \H-a. i- wit' the Clieroki'f.^, Ik- fi(\<\. Uiat w»* a

.t, niid he i'iii.-4t .h'libcrnto with his pcuidf, 1> ' .rf :'|

I h" C!ii'i>>kf.' •< Acre ahi-udy un'ltr the (>roiceti''H id"

.!■ • 'd'ihei»i had, nm jonit,' Ih'">)i-i , !'f'iii kiliml by tho ('p.M"k»,

. . trhc.^d of ('harh\'t'<;i. Tho jmiiy wliich ooimci"!-;! tlii«t

t.iiirw** '\ius •► I iij Mdlarhiif. .NulwitifslaiidiUL', » crsfiniii'n of hcstih. '.<•!* ^i-' i.i"

t'l hin. '::kfii I'lu'-'-, f.r iiuinhfr.s •Ci-u.i !i ii/i'ioii |<>iii;'d the Kn^lish immcdiatflv

.•diiT the capture nf Osvvt,;o, by ih'-. Fn.iich, .n 17r>(i. Tin; CherokefS an;

piiiif --hirly miiMii, us iia\iii^ r.-iidon'd cfitjenttal scniw in liie i xix-ditio;!

H'v'iiot Fort if Mieyiitf ; li'U a circiiii.^t uice hujipiimnl, -vhiln those warriors

• MUiriuiiji: ',«"un' lion: ilmt e.\|)t'dition, whicli involved iliom in iw inirue-

, . ■». : i M|(l. (41, r.(i'di*li, 111 wh'-sc -vrvi--' li.^y hnd i;wii t-ngagi'ti. ILivinif

- J woni (Hit vvitli toil mill i'ati'^uo, oij coniiif!.' to ihe

I • i... ' ift> .i."i>'?i' ni t||i>s<' !i!i||ii.i.'-, w'ui'li liiliMijjrd

I This Dr. Iln-

IV,. v.r. .1,. .

— " SfVi-nd ruiii|)ai.,- • --t in. i , «, , . . ,

Stuturijc, Bt tlin liiifiM-TUnatr ()hi«), MJinntl ihid
ixcoiist' ilu'y wcTu lottthiwl to our fiiufli;d arrsii(rii'i< 11, i ■ 'i"j •
liitni — uore \'iy inotli roiit> miii'd, — nii-.l hidl ^T.rvf.ti at ui- ai;. < •». •■
their lM-ai:a told tht:M(, t'x-n-ti.n', to :i oirii iii.iii<', jr., fi»»Mii ti iind nijiin .;
tiioiiin w :ih«iiji n M!|i|»l/ of provifii'iu''. This titoy did, and iiiii'di'tii;
lorct'U Uii in to ijikc iw tunch ax IjurIv !-ii!>,iotif'd iintiiro, \v!i<n ritiirn lu to
i),v"- .'vi 1 .■ .• iM III r!ii'lr joiimiy. tlu- G' nn.-iii iidmhitnnis "i^lio't iit>y

. ••. ..( lliofth^'r wa.Tior!<, in ilitfTCiit [ilac*".-*

• ,i,i ; •.,' .v' . Uri'isli Riil.i)i:i-i." It tiii'.vr

* ' .id otFi'red li Howard

: 8 lU o'lUil'-r, nil'!
i(j \v>-rc Inki'ii ("ifnii u ti
.■'<■•>( ill wiyiutr, fiT^w fin- •

• in |ll•^lv;l?^•^^>. For V

till ur ;ui ! *i -!_■ ' ■' • '■
iniMNV t ! »ii

r
'r-'^H-d

tidii'ivt III
rh (•iitlf;' t
aiK '< lUu!

i by ilio iHickwo'iilsiii ■■■ of Virginia.
>i- mncb dii*trf'f!' and luisny nnii:i;^ tin- luiiiiou t'ligaffi'd, as nuv
rt jT'iii "1 coiiijtry wiw |>hiiitt.d liy the wliite.s.

.\t on«: (dacr, a llion.-ilcr .'iil('rliiii;od a jmtty of liiiliaiis, find tii;il.ed th*-'iii
kiiidlVi whilf, at tin; wune tiiin-, h-- caused a ;,'anpr of hij; kiiidnii rtil)i.in> to \h
i/i iiiibii-^h wlicr. ih y W"Tc to paK«, and, wIh.ii ih<*y arrivcii, lmrl>aron.>-ly*«htjt
Mum uovMi lo a iiiaii ! Tht' nr'n>. was forthwiih rnnifd to thi> Chi ro!

nation, mid iho i;l!' rl of it ii[Min ]\n- <
fit rtrii'it;, . riuv sci/.i'il tlicii toiiialu;
wisdom "C .Hfitknli tkuiln, woo!,,' iia'i'
»h<'ir country ii|»<)ii H''IIi<'- ni'dlor.". <>■ ■■
!iii;l firhcUl, h<- wa.S ?i:iioiiy 'l-.^ liui

liod^ i>f 'iii .1..1I I lors, was liki- t!iat ui

' • hill!, lull till- til'-'.

I'niilisliiiiiMi, Uicn ill

•; . .Vrf .lUnLuUn'inil.i w.is a

J. . .; thCt niimi^-rs, luii^llit- dtnii^)!

• Oiir iiin.»»l<>inli, (Isicniiiiosi.ilii. tVv.i^nwaala, If'vMk. — l»<'C'.no,to(n. R'iih.<w — Ailakul-
'*\iill" •*«< jpiu-rally ca!li-,l '.lii> L-Uik carptiUer.
f )li»l "S'solll ('I'rolin.i. i IlV.i. _

; lliM. Ami'i I" linns. 21-'i. 'I'hni llic liulinnt i.i.ki.,< 'mm'x wiis no iircl'-^t fur liu' t" ^ '■ c*f
•» '(••; imu. nnjrj.irH evulciil. ' K-. ,•.•»•■ Cm;"!;!!!! it'Cill, i. 'j.'i7.) tlw lior»«>s ■" >"*»
*n wild in llin >t<i«Hi«. il Him cti«i,'in^rv, Niili ainoij; itio liidiaiiH aim tvliilo |>n>p!>' "n^it
«. ■ . jtc) till 11 I'.iid nppri'jir'iiit'-' lli'/iii u> ili'-ir ikvii iiic.

.C-j

iw-,;?

» •

.»

Chap. IV.J

ATTAKULLAKUI.LA.

373

ir^i-

ATTAKUIXAKULLA and OCKONOSTOTA/ The fame of Carolina
had, in 175H, dmwn a multitude of Europeans to her shores. The same year,
on the 2G May, Malachty, attended by the fVolf-king and the Ottiisce cluef,
vvitli about 20 others, and above a hundred of their people, came to Ciiarleston.
They were met, on their way, by a troop of horsemen, who conducted them to
the town, by the governor's order, in gn;at state. This was to induce them
to make peace and rdmain their allies, and, to this end, the governor, Glenn,
made a very pacific s|)ecch, in tlie Indian manner. Malachlt/, who, at this
time, seems to have been the head chief among the Creeks, pi-esented the
governor with a quantity of skins, and readily consenteil to a peace with the
English ; but, in regard to a peace with the Cherokees, he said, tl.'ol was a
matter of great moment, and he must deliberate with his people, bcCore he
couki give an answer. The Cherokees were already under the protection of
the English, and some of thetn had, not long before, been killed by the Creoks,
ill the very neighborhood of Charleston. The party which committed this
outrage was led by Malachti/. Notwithstanding, a cessation of hostilities seems
M have taken place, for numl)ei-sof each nation joined the English immediately
atttr tlie ca[>ture of Oswego, by the French, in 1756. The Cherokees are
particularly named, as having rendered essential service in the expedition
against Fort Duquesne ; but a circumstance happened, while those warriors
were returning home from that expedition, which involved them in an imme-
diate war with the English, in whose service they had been engaged. Having
lost their horses, and being worn out with toil and fatigue, on coming to the
frontiers of Virginia, they picked up sc'-eral of those animals, which belonged
to the inhabitants of the places through •.vhich they travelled. This, Dr. Ram-
say \ says, was the cause of the massacre which they suffered at that time.
But IMr. Mair,\ who lived then among the Indians in those parts, says,
— " Several companies of the Clieerake, who joined our forces under Gen.
Stanwix, at the unfortunate Ohio, ailirined that their alienation from us was
iiecause they were confined to our martial arrangement, by unjust sus|)icion of
tiiem — were very much contenuied, — and half starved at the main camp :
their hearts told them, therefoi*e, to return home, as fn'emen and injured allies,
though without a supply of provisions. This they did, and pinching hunger
forced them to take as much as barely supported nature, when returning to
their own countrj". In their journey, the German inhabitants, without any
provocation, killed, in cool blood, about 40 of their warriors, in different places
— though each party was under the command of a British subject." It must
be remembered that, upon Bmddock^s defeat, Virginia had offered a reward
for the scalps of hostile Indians. Here, then, was uii inducement for remorse-
less villains to murder, un<l it was impossible, in many cases, to know whether
a scalp were taken from a frieu'l or an eiien.^. Out of this, then, we have no
hesitation in saying, grew the excessive calamities, which soon after distressed
the southern provinces. Forty innocent men, and friends, too, murdered in
cold blood by the backwoodsmen of Virginia, brought on a war, which caused
us much distress and misery among the parties engaged, as any since tiiut
rogion of country was planted by the whites.

At one i>lace, a monster ei;tertuiiied a party of Inilians, and treated them
kindly, while, at tin; same time, he caused a gang of his kiii(ire<l riitruiiis to lie
in ambush where they were to pass, and, when they arrived, barbarunsly shot
them down to a man ! The news was forthwith carried to the Clurokee
nation, and the effect of it upon the minds of the warriors, was like tliut of
electricity. They seized their tomahawks and war clubs, and, but for the
wisdom of JlUakullnkulln, would have murdered several Englishmen, then in
their country U|)on some mattere respecting a treaty. As Makultakulla v.us a
rrhief sachem, he was among the first apprized of the murders, and the design

* Ouconnostntah, Oiiooiinoslota, Oiironiio«lnla, lt^i/»n«.— Occonoslola, Ramsmj. — AtUikid-
Utkul/a was generally callecl llie Utile car})e>Uer.

t Hisl. Soulli Carolina, i. ICil).

X Hist. Amor. Iiidiuns, 245. That tiic Indians' taking; horses was no pretext for the niiinlers,
even at the time, appears evident. "As (says Captain M'Call, i. ii57.) the horses in those
parts ran wild in the woods, it was customary, ("oth among the Indians and while people on ihe
iroDtiers, to catcl tliem and appropriate thcni to their own use."

' ,4'

pi--:

374

ATTAKULLAKULLA.— I.ITTLCTON'S ILL CONDUCT. [Book If

of vengeance. He thdrtfbre goes immediately to tliem., and informed them of
llioir (fanger, and assisted tliem to secrete tliemsalves ; then, without Inns of
time, lie assembled liis warriors, and made u speecli to tiiem, in whicli lie
inveiglicd, with great bitterness, against tlio murderous Fnglish, and urgtd
immediate war against them; ^^andiiever (said he) ahull tlie hatchet be buried _
unlil the blood of our countrymen be atoned for. Let us not (he continued) violate
our faith, or the laws of hospitality, by imoniing our hanu. . the blood of thosv
who are now in our power. They came to us in the confidence of friendship, with
belts oj" wampum to cement a perpetual alliaiKe toith iw. Let us carry them back
It their oion settlemevls ; conduct them safely within their confines, and then take
up the hatchet, an I endeavor to exterminate the tvhole race of them." This counsel
was adopted. Before commencing hostilities, however, the murderers were
(ii-manded, but were blindly refused tliem, anu we have related the conse-
(jucnces.

The French, it was said, used their influence to enrage the Indians ; but if
tliat were the case, we should not deem it worth naming, as it appears to us
that nothing more could be necessary to inflame them tliau the horrid out-
rages of which we have spoken.

It a[)pears from another source,* that Governor Littleton was met at Charles-
ton by a deputation of 32 Cherokee chiefs, among whom was Ochonostota,
who, on hearing of the warlike movements at that place, had set out to visit
the F.nglisi), and if possiblr to prevent a war with them. For although some
of tiieir young waiTiors hai. committed several acts of violence, yet the great
body of the nation were friendly towards the English, and desired pt^ace.
IJut instead of seizing on this opportunity of treating with the chiefs, he
insultingly told them, "That ho woidd soon be in their "ountry, where
he would let them know his demands." Ockonosiota began 'o speak in
reply, "but the governor being determined that nothing should prevent his
iiiilitiuy expedition, declared he would hear no talk he had to make, ncithei
in vindication of his nation, nor any proposals with regard to peace." TUe
LiouttiiaMt-Governor Bull saw the bad policy of this step, and urged the
ntcessity of hearing what Ockonosiota, the Great Warnor, as ho was called,
luid to say, and settling their difficulties ; but this good advice had no effect
on Litlleton, and he marched from Charleston in October, a few days atlcr
At <■' place of rendezvous, about 140 miles from that plate, his force amounted
to about 1400 men. The chiefs, by order of the governor, had marched witli
the army to this place, and, although burning with resentment at their treatment,
yet they discovered no signs of discontent. When the army was about to march
ti'om Congarecs, (this being their place of rendezvous,) the cliiels were all mado
prisoniTS, and under guard were marched to Fort Prince Ceorge. f

Their resentment now showed itself; " stung to the heart by such base
treatment," they cringed in sullen silence, and we may sujipose that " tliey
8|"»"t their time in concerting plots for obtaining their libertj', and satisfaction
l()r the injuries done them."|

Being now at Fort Prince George with his army, Litlleton foimd himself in
about the same repute with his own men as with the injured Indians; he
therefore concluded not to carry his conquests any further at present, but to
make a treaty, and retain captive Indians enough as hostages to insure ita
oi)servancc. He therefore sent a messenger to AttakidlakiUla, who was reck-
oned the wisest man in the nation, or the best friend to the English, request-
ing him to come to Fort George. He immediately came ; and to show the
Englisii he was their friend, produced a French prisoner whom he liad just
taken in an expedition against that nation, and whom he presented to Gov-
ernor Littleton. A "congress" was now (about IS DeceniL^r, l/.W) held
witli AttakidlakuUa, in which i> 'ang speech, in which all the grievances he
could think of were enumerated by the governor ; after which the chief
made another, in which he promised to do all he couid to persuade his coun-
tiyiii"!! to give the governor the satisfaction he demanded ; yet he said, " il

* Hewatt, Hist. Carolina, 11. 2IC.

t 'I'liis fort was upon llie Sav.iiinali River, r.oar the Cherokee town called Kcowee.

i Hetratl, Hist, Carolina, ii. lii.

Chap. IV.] ATTAKULLAKULLA.— IMPRISONMENT OF HOSTAGES. 375

neither wouUI nor could l)e complied with, as ihey had no coerci\e authority,
one over another." He dt-sircd that some of the chiefs thi-ii confined Miijiht
\te lihi^rated to aid him in restoring tranquillity; and accordingly Ockonoslota,
tyiot, chief ')f Keowee, and the head warrior of Estatoe, were given up, and
two Indians were taken in exchange and put in irons. The other Cherokees
present, ohserving what was going forwani, withdrew into the woods, and .U-
UtkuUakulla, presuming the business must end here, withdrew also. It hud In-en
premised, or rather demanded, in the governor's speech, that 24 Iiidian^, who
were known to have killed white people, should be given into his hands to lie
put to death, or otherwise dis|)osed ot. Two only had been delivered, and S'i
yet reinaineil of the number of the murderei's, in their own native litrcsts.

As soon as Litllelon knew of JlUakullakulla's departure, he sent for him, and
he iniMiediately returned, and the business of a treaty v/as renewed, and on
the 20 Uecembcr, 175'J, it was signed by

Attakui-lakui.la, Otassite, Oco>.\okca, and

OUCO.NNOSTOTA, KiTAGUSTA, KlLLCA.NNOKKA.

By article III. of the treaty,* it was agreed that 22 chief-, (those who had
been treacherously si-jzi'd,) should remain as hostages, to ensure the delivr-ry
of the like number of mmderers to the English. There seems, however, to
have been but 21 retained, whos ; names we are able to give Im'Iow, aiul wiio,
under the name of hostages, were thrown iiito a dismal, close prison, scarce
large enough for six men, where they remained about two months, and were
then masacred, as in tin? se([uel we siial! show: —

Chenohe, Ousanatanali, Tallkhanut, Tallitahe, Qitarrasalliihe, Connasnratnh,
Kataelui, Olassile of Walogo, Oasaih>lttah of Jore, Knlmlelah of Cowetche,
ChisqimUilw.. , Skiagusla of Sticoe, Tanaeslo, WuluiUlu:, H'ljfjuh, Oucahihista-
nah, .V7co/cA<", Tony, Tvaliahoi, SlntJlisloske, and Cltistie.\

Things liiiving been thus settled, Mr. Litllelon rt tiUMied to Charleston, w here
In- was received like a con(|ueror, although what he had done, it will appiar,
was worse than if he had done notliing.

Ockonoslota, for good reason, no doubt, entertainc<l a deep-rooted h?.tred
against Captain Cotymore, an otiicer of the garrison, and the army had but just
liU the cotmtry, when it was found tiiat he was hovering about the garrison
with a large number of warriors. But it was uncertain, for some time, whitli-
er they intended to attack the fort, or whether they wished to continue near
tiit^ir friends, who were imprisoned in it. However, it is said, that, by some
means, a plan was concerted between the Indians without and those confined
within the fort, for surprising it. Be this as it may, Ockonostotn, on tiie l(j
Feliruaiy, 1700, practised the following wile to effect the object. Having
jilaced a |mrty of his warriors in a dark cane-brake near at band, he sent a
sipiaw to the ganison to invite the commander to come out, tor he liad some-
thing of importance to communicate to him. Captain Colymore imprudently
went out, accomiHinied by two of his officers, and Ockonoslota appeared u|ion
tin; op|)osite bank of the Savannah, with a bridle in his hand, the better to
conceal his intentions. He told the captain he was going to Cliarlestr>n to
efi'ct the release of the hostages, and requested that a white man might
accoiiqtany him; and that, as the distance was great, he would go and try to
catch a horse. The captain promised him a guard, and hoped he would
succeed in finding a horse. Ockonoslota then quickly turned himself about,
and swinging his bridle thrice over his head, which was the signal to his
nun, and they promptly obeying it, about 30 guns were dischargetl upon the
otTicers at the same moment. Captain Colt/more received a shot in his lell
breast, from which he died in two or three days after, and both the oth'rs
wt re wounded, t On recovering the fort, an attem|)t was made to |)ut the

* [l is printed at leiiglli in llie Bt.iTlsn Empiuk, by Jluddlesto/ie Wijiiiie, Esq. ii. 273 —
2''i ; ail author of no iiiroiisiclcrabic merit on our afl'airs.

t Several of lliese 22 were of the number who had been in England in 1730, and fxcculed
» treaty witli the kin^, as has been before stated, and as will be seen by comparing the names
!.liovc With those named in the treaty.

1 " Two bidian women appeared at Keowee, on the other side of the river. Mr. Doherty
went out, and acrostiug tlicni, asked what news ? Ockonoslota Joined them, pretending some

BilJH ■' t

''A

376

CHEROKEE WAR— MONTGORiERY'S EXPEDITION. [Bock IV

hostages in irons. An Englishman, wbo laid hold on one of them for tliut
|)(ni)us(\ was stalibod and slain ; und, in the scuffle, two or three more were
wounded, und driven out of the place of rontinenient. The tragedy in the
I'jrt had now only commenced ; the miserable prisoners liad n-jxlled their
ussassins for the moment, and, doubtless, hoped for deliverance from their
friends without, who had now closely besieged the place. But, unfoilunately
for these poor wretches, the fort was too strong to be carried by tlieir orta jf war,
and the dustunlly whites found time and means to murder their victims, one by
one, in a manner too horrible to n-late.* There were few persons among
the Cherokjies who did not lose a fri<;nd or relation by this massacre ; and, ud
one man, the nation took up the hatchet, and dfsolutions quickly followed.

Meanwhile, singular as it may appear, Attakullakulla remained the fast
friend of the whites, and iise<l all his arts to induce his coiuitrynien to make
IH'ace. But it wils in vain he urged them to consider that they had more
than revenged themselves; they were determined to carryall before them.
.lltakidlakuUa Vt an iww au old man, and hud become much attached to tho
Knglisli, from several causes. On the other hand, Ockonostota was a stern
warrior, in the vigor of manhood, anci, like the n;nowned Ponliac, was deter-
mined to rid his country of his barbarous enemies.

The leaders in every to\»n seized the hatchet, telling their followers that the
spirits of murdered brothers wei"e flying around them, an<l calling out for ven-
g<>ance. All sung the wui-song, and, burning with impatience to indirue their
hands in the blood of their enemies, rushed down among innocent and de-
fenceless families on the frontiere of Carolina, where men, women, und
children, without iViKtinetion, fell a s<icrifice to their merciless fury. Such
of the whites us fled to the woods, and escaped the scalping-knife, perished
with hunger. Every day brought fresh accounts to the capital of their
ravages and desolations. But, while the back settlers impatiently looked to
their governor for relief, the small-pox ragetl to such a degree in town, that
lew of the militia could be prevailed on to leave their distressed families to
serve the public. In tiiis exti-emity, an express was sent to Genend Amherst^
the comnu uder-in-chief in America, for assistance, in terms too pressing to
be dcined. Accordingly, he ordered a battalion of Highlanders, and four
companies of Royal Scots,t under the co.nmand of Colonel Montgomerif,
afterwards Earl Eglinton, to embai'k at New York for Carolina. In tho
mean time, Littleton, having been appointed governor of Jamaica, H'illiam
Bull succeeded him ; a change much to the advantage of the province.

Colonel Montgomery arrived in Carolina towards the end of April, to the
great joy of the people, who had taken measures to cooperate with him to the
lM!st advantage ; but, as the conquest of Cunada was the grand object now,
^Jeneral Amherst had ordered Colonel Montgomery to strike a sudden blow tor
the relief of the Carolinians, and then to return to head-quurters at Albany,
without loss of time ; and we have scarce an example in military history,
where an oiHcer fulfilled his conunission with giruter promptitude. He soon
ufier rendezvoused at the Congarees ; and, lK;ing joined by many gentlemen
of distinction as volunteers, l)csides the principal strength of the country, he
marched for the heart of the Cherokee country. After reaching u plai-e
called Twelve Mile River, he encamped upon advantageous ground, and
marched with a party to surprise Estatoe, about 20 miles from his camp, fn
the way, he took Little Keowee, and put every man to the sword. Estatf)e
lie found abandoned, except by a few that could not escape, and it wn-i
reduced to ashes, as was Sugar Town, und every other settlejncnt in tlie
lower nation. About 6G Indians were killed, and 40 taken prisoners; but the

niauers of business ; he drew Irom I'le fort several of llie olliccrs to converse witli lliom."—
Ilayicood't Hist. Tennessee, 30.

* " A l)otll6 of poison was found with one of the dead hostages, probaMy iiilended to bo
dropped into the well ; and several tomahawks were found buried in iho carlh.'' I hi it"' nod.
Hist. Tennessee, 30. — Any stories would gain credence among the whiles, whirli went lo
make the Indians as bad as themselves. Wlielher the boiile spoken of ronininol poison,
may be questioned J and, if it did, it maybe reasonably doubted whellicr Ihe Indians knew
any thing about it.

t i am following Ifi'irnlt. but ihc Annual Register, iii. G2, says, "a regiment of Highland
ers, a battalioh of Uoyul Auiericiins, a body of grenadiers," &.C.

Chap. IV]

CHEROKEE WAR— BATTLE OF ETCHOE.

377

warriors lind grnemlly escaped to the tnonntains anti de8crt8. Thus far, the
cainpaig . ,.n\ been pro8|M>roii8 with the wiiitea, Out three ur four men having
been killed ; l)ut it had no otlier cfVect upon tlie Indians than to increase their
ruge.

Rleauwhile, Fort Prince George had l)ccn closely invested, and Colonel
Montgomery marched to its relied From this place, tv/o friendly chiefs
were dei^patchcd to the middle settlements, to offer [)eace to the j>eople there,
and orders were sent to those in command at Fort Loudon, to use moans
to hring about an accommo<lation with tiie Upp.ir Towns ; but the Indians
would not hear to any terms, and Colonel Montgomery was constrained to
march again to ri^ni the enemy. He had now the most difficult part of his
service to perform. The country through which he had to march was
covered by dark thicketc, numerous deep ravines, and high river Imnks ;
where a small number of men miglit distress and wear out the best appointed
army.

Having arrived within five miles of Etchoe, the nearest town of the middle
settlements, the army was attacked on the 27 June, in a most advantageous
place for the attacking party. It was a low valley, in which the bushes were
so thick, that the soldiers could see scarcely three yards before them; and in
the bottom of this valley flowed a muddy river, with steep clay banks.
Through this place the army must march. Rightly judging the enemy had
not omitted so important a pass, Colonel Montgomery ordered out a company
of rangers, under Captain Morriion, to enter the ravine and make discovery.
No sooner had he entered it, but the fierce war-whoop was raised, and the
Indians daited from covert to covert, at the same time firing upon the whites.
Cuptu'a Morrison was immediately shot down, and his men closely engaged;
but, bi-ing without delay supported by the infantry and grenadiers, they were
able to maintain their ground, and the battle became obstinate ; nor could the
Indians be dislodged, until near an hour of hard fighting. In the mean time,
the Royal Scots took possession of a place between the Indians and a rising
ground on their right, while the Hig.hlanders sustained the light inttintry and
grenadiers on the left. As the left became too warm for them, and not well
understanding the position of the Royal Scots, the Indians, in their retreat,
fell in with them, and were fliarply encountered ; but they soon effected their
retreat to a hill, and coula no more be brought to action. In this fight, 96 of
the whites were killed and woiuided, of whom 20 were of the former num-
ber. Of the Cherokees, 40 were said to have been killed.

The Indians had now been driven from one ravine, with a small loss ; but
Colonel Montgomery was in no conditiHu to pursue his advantage liuther, and
he therefore, after destroying so much of his provisions as would afford
hoi-scs for the wounded, began his retreat out of the Indian country, and, in
obedience to his comndssioii, soon afler returned to New York ; not, how-
ever, without leaving 400 men for the security of the province. But it was
soon seen, that what had yet been done only increased the rage of the
Indians, and their depredation continued at the very heels of the n^treating
army. They immediately cut off all eoninmnication with Fort Loudon,
which was garrisoned with 200 men.* Ockonostota, with his numerous
warriore, kept strict watch, insomuch that there was no means of escape. At
length, the garrison having miserably subsisted, for some time, u|»on poor
famished horses, dogs, &c., many of thini became resolved to throw them-
selves into the power of the Indians, wishing rather to die by their hands,
tha.i miserably to perish within their fortress. Captain Steuart, an oflicer
among them, was well known to the 'ndiaiis, and possessed great address and
sagacity. He resolved, at this crisis, to repair to Chote, the residence of
Ockonostota, and make overtures for the surrender of the garrison. He,
accordingly, efiected his object, and returned with articles of capitulation
agreed upon. Besides the names of Ockonostota and Paid Demere, the
commander of the garrison, the name of another chief was to the articles,
called Cunigacatgoae, The articles stipulated, that the garrison should march

* Tlie Clinrokees were now supposed to number 3000 warriors, and it was daily expected
lliat the Ctiocktawg were about to join tlicm.

32*

378

OCKONOSrOTA.— MASSACRK OF THE KNCJf.ISH.

[Hdok IV

<j^ as rimrh powder iind ImB
slionUi inorcli Hi Virginia

out with their arrim and driiiiif), each nnldirr
■8 his <)tru><>i-8 shuuld tiiiiii^ iii!Ct>wnry, and tin
unmole.sti'd,

Accordiiij,dy, on 7 Anfriist, 17(iO, tlio Enpiish tool; ii|) their march for PVirt
Prtnco (j('orj,'f. TI;oy had proceeded but alont 15 miles, wlicn they cnrninp-
e<l, for the ni<.'ht, upon a 8inall plain mear Tuliquo. Tiiey were accompanied
thus fiir liy Ockonostota in perHon, and many othcro, in a tViendly mtinner,
but at nijrht they wilhdrew without giving any notice. The army was not
molested during the night, l)iit, at dawn of day, a sentinel ciime rmuiin:; into
camp with the information that a host of Indians wen* cn'e|>ing up to sniTonnd
them. Captain Demere had scarce time to ntlly, b<;fore the Indians InoUe into
his camp with great fury. TIk; poor emaciated soldiers made lint feclile
resistance. Thirty of their numlN>r fell in the first onset, among whom was
tlieir capUiin. Those that were ahle, endeavored to save themselves hy flight,
and otiiei-s smrendered themselves ujion the place. This massacre, it will not
be forgotten, was in retaliation for that of the hostages already related. Among
the prisoners was Captain Stcuarl. They were conducted to F'ort Loudon,
which now l>ecamc OckonosM(Cs head-(piarters.

JlUdkullakulla, learning that his fricn<l Stcuarl was among the captives, pro-
ceeded immediately to Foil London, win re he ransomed liim at the ex|)enso
jf all th(^ property he could comman<l, and took care of him with the greatest
.endeiiiess and atfection.

The restless Ockonostota next resolved to invest Fort Prince George, llo
was induced to iiiidertaku that jtroject, as fortune had thrown in his way some
of the iiieuns for such an undertaking, hitherto beyond his reach. Before
alHlicating Fort London, the English had hid in the ground sev<'nd hags of
jwwder. 'J'liis his men had lound. Several cannon harl also been lell iM-hind,
and he designed to force his English prisoiiers to get them through tlu! woods,
and manage tiieiii in the attack upon Fort Prince George. JJiit JUlakidla-
kulla defeated tliese openitions, hy assisting Captain Steuart to escape. He
even accompanied him to the English suttlcineuts, and returned loadinl M'ith
presenf!.

The French were said to have had their emissaries busily emidoyed in s|)ir-
iting on the Indians. One, named Letois Lalinac, an officer, is particularly
mentioned. He i>crsuaded them that the English had nothing less in view
than their total extermination, and, furnishing them with arms and ammuni-
tion, urged them to war. At a great council of the nation, afler brandishing
his hatchet, he struck it into a log of wood, calling out, " fhio is the man that
vrill lake this up for Ihe king oflVance ? "

SALOUE or Sii.6tEE, a young warrior of Estatoe, instantly laid hold of it,
and cried out, " / am for tear. The spirits of our brothers who have been slai»i,
still call U|)on its to avenge their death. He is no better than a womnn that
refuses to follow me." Othera were not wanting to follow his example, and
the war continued.

SUduee was a Cherokee chief, and wos introduced by Mr. Jefferson, to illus-
trate the observation in his Notes on Virginia, that the Indian "is affectionate
to his children, careful of them, and indulgent in the extreme ; that his affec-
tions comjm'hend his other connections, weakening, as with us, from circle to
circle, as they recede from the centre ; that his friendships are strong and
faithful to the uttermost extremity." "A remarkable instance of this appeared
in the case of the late Col. Bi/rd,* who was sent to the Cherokee nation to
transact some I iisiness with them. It hn])pened that some of our disorderly
people had just killed one or two of that nation. It was therefore proposed
m the council of the Chcrokees, that Col. Bip-d should be put to death, in
revenge for the loss of their countrymen. Among them was a chief called
SUduee, who, on some former occasion, had contracted an acquaintance and
friendship with Col. Byrd. He came to liim every night in his tent, and told
him not to he afraid, they should not kill him. After many days' deliberation,

* Perhaps llic Siime mentioned by Oklmiron, (i. 283,) who. in spcakin;; of llie Iiulian pow-
wows, says, " one very lately conjured a shower of rain for <^ol. liyrd's pinnlation in lime of
drouth, for two bottles of rum ; " and our author says he should nol have believed, had he not
round it in un author who wag on the spot !

Chap. IV.] SIl.OUEE.— SAVES THE IJFE OF COLONKI, RVKD.

379

nowfvcr, tho dotcrrniimtinn wiw, rontrary to SUoure^a c'X|MTtJilion, thnt liyra
sIkiiiIiI III! |)iit to (IruiIi, ami some wnrriorM wcro ilrH|mt('lii'il uh <!\<;ciiiioiin'H.
Sildwe allciitlcil tlicin ; niui wlieii tlii-y fiitcrttl the tent, lu> threw hiiii^'lt'
lii'twet II thi'iii and Jii/rd, nnil Buiil to tlie wnirioin, 'This mitn is inif J'rienil .
bij'ore you fret at him you must kill me ! ' On wliicli they n;liiiiiiMl, niid the coun-
cil ri'K|icett'<l tliu |)i-iiici|ili! 8o niu<:!i, as to rcrcde tVoiii their dcteriiiinaiioii."

A iiion; iiiipolitic niiy
Viij^j'inia, as wo Imve before related. It h' true the j^oveinineiit of Viijc'iiiia wiia
not alone in iliis criminal himinens, but that IxittefM not her ea.^c. The diMir of
enormity being thus opeiiud, it was easy to l.uvc foreseen, that many iiicn upon
tiiu Irontiers, "of luul lives and worse print iples," says an intelligent writer,*
stood ready to step in. As the event proved, many friemlly Indians were
murdered, and the govcrniiieiit defrauded. It was at the news of a murder of
this description that Colonel Uitrd was seized.

Such was tho condition of the country, that n second apfdication was mado
to General Amherst for aid, and lie |iromptly atlbrded it. ('olonel James Grant
arrived there early in 17(il, and not long after took the field with a Jbrce of
English and Indians, ainoiinting to alMiiit 2(X)0 men.f He traversed the Cher-
okee country, and subdued that peojilu in a hard-fought buttle, near the sumo
place where Colonel Montgomery was attacked the year lielbre. It lasted
about three hours, in which about (X) whites were killed and wounded. The
I0S.S of the Indians was unknown. Colonel Grajit orderetl his dead to be sunk
in the river, that the Indians might not find them, to practise upon them their
barbarities. He then proceeded to the destruction of their towns, 15 in num-
ber, which he accomplished \vithout molestation. J Peace was at lust ellected
by the mediution of AUahdlakulla. This chief's n'sidence was ii|>on tiio
Tennessee or Cherokee River, at what was culled the Overkill Totcns. In 1773,
when the learned traveller, liarlrnm, travelled into the Cherokee country, he
met the old chief on his way to Charleston ; of which circumstance hi; s|ieaks
thus in his Travels: — "Soon after crossing this lurge brunch of the Tanase, I
observed descending the heights, at some di.stance, a company of Indian.", all
well mounted on horseback. They came rapidly forward ; v their nearer
u|)proach, I observed a chief at the head of the caravan, and ap| chending him
to be the Little-carpenter, emperor or grand chief of tiie Chcrokee.s, as they
came n|>, I turned oft* from tho path to make way, in token of respect, wiiich
com|iiimont was accepted, and gratefully and magnanimously leiiirni-d ; for
hi.s highness, with a gracious and cheerful smile, came ii|> to me, and clapping
his iiaiid on his breast, oflercd it to me, saying, I am .'Hn-cxd-adla, an<l heartily
shook bands with me, and asked me if 1 knew it ; I unswerod, that the good
spirit who goes befor«j me spoke to me, and said, that is the great Jlta-cul-cxdlaP
IVlr. Bartram added, that he was of Pennsylvania, and though that was a great
way oft', yet tlie name of AttakuUakxdla was dear to his white brothers of
Pennsylvania. The chief then asked him if he came directly from Charleston,
and if his friend ^'John Steioart were Avell." Mr. Bartram said he sjiw him
litely, and that he was well. This was, probably, the same person whom
Jlllttkidlakidla had assisted to make an t.icape, as we have just related.

In carrying out the history of the two i\i\c\\ Jiitakidlakidla and Ockonoslota,
we have omitted to notice Chlucco, bet'er known by tho name of the Long-
warrior, king or mice of the Seminoles. He went out with Colonel Montgom-
ery, unci rendered him essential service in his unsuccessful expedition, of wjiich
>\ e have spoken. A large band of Creeks accompanied him, and there is but
III tie doubt, if it had not been for him and his warriors, few of the English
would have returned to their friends. But, as usual, the English leader, in his
time, had all the lionv- ' of successfully encountering many difficulties, and
ictiiiiiiiig with his own life and many of his men's. It was by the aid of
Clducco, that tiie army escaped ambush after ambush, destroyed many of the
Cherokee villages, and finally his warriors covered its retreat out of one of the
most dangerous countries through which an army could pass. Long-tvarrior
nns what the New England Indians termed a great powwow. That he was

* Doctor Dui-nabij. \ llewalt. { Annual Register, iv. 58 ; Heicall, ii. 218 — 51.

1 a

380

MONCACIITAPL.

lliiioK IV.

ft man |K)B§efl8ing a goml tniml, may fuirly bo inferred from IiLb nliility to
witliMUiiid the temptation of intoxicating liquors. lie had >)ecn known to
remain hoImt, wlien all his trilie, iind many wliitcs among them, had all been
wullowinv in the mire of drunkenness together. In the year ]77ti, ut the
head of altoiit 40 warriors, lie marched against tho Chocktawa of West Flor-
ida. What was tho issue of this e.x|K!dition we have not learned. We may
tuve again occasion to notice Chlucco.

-^H^t

CHAPTER V.

MoNCACHTAPr.iMe Yazoo — A'arrntiee of his adventures to the Pacific Ocean — Grahd-
«uif, chief of the Xatchez — Receives great injustice from the French — Concerts their
destruction — 700 French are rut off^lVar teith them — The A'atchez destroyed in their
turn — Grkat-mohtar — M'Gii.MVRAr — //*'* birth and education — Visits J^'eic York
— Troubles of his nation — His death — Tame-kino — Map-uoo.

MONCACIITAPE was a Yozoo, whose name signified, in the language of
that iml'ion, killer of pain and fiitifrtie. How well he deserved this name, the
sequel will unfold. He was well known to the historian Du Pratz, ultout
17()0, and it was owing to his singular good intelligence, tiint that traveller
was able to add much valuable information to his work. " This man (says
Du Pralz*) was remarkable for his solid understanding and elevation of
sentiment; and I may justly compare him to those first Greeks, who travelled
chiefly into the cast, to examine the manners and customs of difllerent nations,
and to communicate to their fellow citizens, upon their return, the knowledge
which they had ocqiiired." He was known to the French by the name of tliff
Interpreter, as he ( ^ ild communicate with Eovenil other nations, having gained
a knowledge of their languages. Monsieur Du Pratz used great endeavora
among the natiopd upon tlie Mississippi, to learn their origin, or from whence
they came ; and observes concerning it, "All that I could learn from them
was, that they came from between the north and the sun-setting ; and this
account they uniformly adhere to, whenever they give any account of their
origin." This was unsatisttictory to him, and in his exertions to find some one
that could inform him better, he met with Moncachtape. Tho following is the
result of his communications in his own words: —

"I )iad lost my wife, and nil the children whom I had by her, when I
undertook my journey towards the sun-rising. I set out from my village
contrary to the mclinution of all my rclations, and went first to the Chieasaws,
our friends and neighbors. I continued among them several days, to inform
myself whether they knew whence we all came, or, at least, whence they
themselves came; they, who were our elders; since from them came the
languoge of the country. As they could not inform me, I proceeded on my
journey. I reached the country of the Chaouanous, and afterwards went up
the Walmsh, or Ohio, near to its source, which is in the country of the Iroquois,
or Five Nations. I left them, however, towards the north ; and, during the
winter, which, in that country, is very severe and very long, I lived in a village
of the Albenaquis, where I contracted an acquaintance with a man somewhat
older than myself, who promised to conduct me, the following spring, to the
great water. Accordingly, when the snows were melted, and the weather was
settled, we proceeded en-stwanl, and, after several days' journey, 1 at length
saw the great water, which filled me with such joy and admiration, that i
could not speak. Night drawing on, we took up our lodging on a high bank
above the water, which was sorely vexed by the wind, and made so great a
noise that I could not sleep. Next day, the ebbing and flowing of the water
filled me with great apprehension ; but my companion quieted my fears, by
tssuring me that the water observed certain bounds, both in advancing and

* Hist. Louisiana, ii. 121.

. . IJ

Chap. V. |

ADVKNTIKES OF MONC'ACIITArn.

3dl

rt'iiriiiif. Having mitinfifil our oiiriopity in vinwiiiff tlie grrnt wntnr, we rrtiimrtl
to the villn^c ol' the AlH-im<|iiiis wlieru I coiitiniUMi the toNowiiig winter; niiil,
filler the Hnnwn wen> melted, my com|>niiii>ii aiitl I went nnil viewed the great fall
ot'the River St. I,invreiiee,at Ninguni, whieh wni* distant from the village wvera
dnyrt' jniiriiey. The view of this ureat fall, at timt, made my huir ntand on end,
and my heart almont leap out ot itM place ; hut atlerwanfn, Ijefore I Icll it, I
lin<l tlie rouragc to walk iiniler it. Next day, wo took the HhorteHt road to tlie
Ohio, and my companion and I, rutting down a tree on the hunks of the river
we formed it into a |M;ttiaugre, which 8erve«i to conduct me down the Ohio
and the MiHHissippi, uller wiiich, with much difficulty, I went up our small
river, and at leiurth arrived safe among my n-lationx, who were n-joiced to s«>e
ine in jrood health. — This journey, instead of saliNtying, oidy served to excite
my curioHity. Our old men, for several years, hud told me thut the ancient
n|)eecli informed them that the red men of the north come originally nmch
higher and nmch further than the source of the River Missouri ; and, us I hud
longed to see, with my own eyes, the land from whence our first fothers came,
I took my precautions for my journey westwards. Having |)rovided a small
nuantity of com, I proceeded up Hlr)ng the easti-m Imnk of the Kiver Mississippi,
till I cuine to the Ohio. I went up along the hank of this hint river, alxxit tlie
fourth |)art of a day's journey, that I might he ahio to cross it without heing
curried into the IVIississippi. There I formed a cnjcux, or rail of canes, by the
nssi^^tnnce of which 1 passed over the river; and next day meeting with u herd
of lniHuioes in the meadows, I killed a fat one, ond took from it the fillets, the
liiinch, and the tongue. Soon oAer, I arrived nniong the Tnmarous, a village
of the nation of the Illinois, where I rested several days, anil then proceeded
northwards to the month of the Mis'soiiri, which, after it enters the great river,
runs for a considerahle time without intermixing its muddy waters with the
clear Mreain of the other. Having crossed the Mississippi, I went up the
Mij^soiiri, along its northern bank, and, after several days' journey, I arrived at
tlie nation of the iMissouris, where I staid a long time to leum the language
that is spoken bevond them. In going along the Missouri, I jiasscd through
meadows a whole day's journey in length, which were quite covered with
hiifthloea.

" When the cold was past, and the snows were melted, I continued my jour-
ney up along the Missouri, till I came to the nation of the west, or the Caiizas.
Atlerwurds, in consequence of directions from them, I proceeded in the same
course near 30 days, and at length I met with some of the nation of the Otters,
who were hunting in that neighborhood, and were surprised to see me alone.
I continued with the hunters two or tliree days, and then accompanied one of
them and his wife, who was near her time of lying in, to their village, which
lay far off" betwixt the north and west. We coiitintif ' our journey along the
Missouri for nine days, and then we marched directly northwards for five
days more, when we came to the fine river, which runs westward in a direc-
tion contrary to that of the Missouri. We proceeded down this river a whole
day, and then arrived at the village of the Otters, who received me with as
much kindness as if I had been of their own nation. A few days after, I
joined a party of the Otters, who were going to carry a calumet of peace to a
nation beyond them, and we embarked in a pettiaiigre, and went down the
river for 18 days, landing now and then to supply ourselves with provisions.
\>'licn I arrixed at the nation who wore at peace with the Otters, I staid with
them till the cold was passed, that I might learn their language, which was
common to most of the nations that lived beyond them.

" The cold was tiardly gone, wnen i again emnarKed on the fine river, and
in my course I met with several nations, with whom I generally staid but one
night, till I arrived at the nation that is but one day's journey from the great
water on the west. This nation live in the woods about the distance of a
league from the river, from their apprehension of bearded men, who come
upon their coasts in floating villages, and carry off their children to make
slaves of them. These men were described to be white, with long black
beanls that came down to their breast ; they were thick and short, had largo
heads, which were covered with cloth ; they were always dressed, even in tlie
greatest heats ; their clothes fell down to the middle of their legs, which, with

) *

1 ■

) ■

382

GRAND SUN.

[n.u>K IV.

;l.

in, i
M 1

I t

b:
]''
ill*

-1,

iheir feet, wore covered with red or yellow stuff. Their arms riiatlc n •.'i-cat
fire niid a gnnt noise; and Mhen they saw themselves ontnuniocred In red
men, tliey retired on board tiieir large i)ettiuugrc, their number noni<tinn'.«
amounting to thirty, but never more.

"Those strangei-s came from the sim-setting, in search of a yellow Blinking
wood, which dyes a fine yellow color; but the people of this nation, that they
might not lie tempted to visit them, had tiestroyed all those kind of trees.
Two other nations in their neighborhood, however, having no other wood,
could not destroy the trees, and were still visited by tlie st-ngers; and Ix'ing
greatly incommoded by them, had invited their allies to assiaa them in making
an attack upon them, the next time they should return. The following sum-
mer I accordingly joined in this expedition, and, after travelling five long days'
journey, we came to the ])lnce whtjre the bearded men usually landed, where
we waited seventeen days for their arrival. The red men, by my advice,
placed themse! es in andniscnde to surprise the strangt?rs, and accordingly
when they landed to cut the wood, we were so successful as to kill eleven of
them, the rest immediately escaping on board two large pettiaugres, and flying
westward upon the great water.

" Upon examining those whom we had killed, we found them much smaller
than ourselves, and very white; they had a htfge head, and in the middle of
the crown the hair was very long ; their head was vvTapt in a great many folds
of stuff, ajid their clothes seemed to be made neitlier of wool nor silk ; they
were very soft, and of different colore. Two only, of the eleven who were
slain, had fire-arms, with powder and ball. I tried their pieces, and found
that they were much heavier than yours, and did not kill at so great a
distance.

"After this expedition, I thought of nothing but proceeding on my journey,
and, with that design, I let the red men return home, and joined myself to
those who inhabited more westward on the coast, with whom I travelled
along the shore of the great water, which bends directly betwixt the north
and the suu-si'tting. When I arrived at the villages of my fellow-travellers,
where I found the days very long, and the nights very short, I was advised by
the old men to give over all thoughts of continuing my journey. They told
me that the land extended still a long way in a direction between the "north
and sun-setting, after which it ran directly west, and at length was cut by the
great water from north to south. One of them added, tlmt, when he was
young, he knew a very old man who had seeii that distant land before it was
eat away by the great water, and that when the great water was low, many
rocks still appeared in those parts. Finding it, therefore, impracticable to
proceed m>ich further, on account of the severity of the climate, and the want
of game, I returned by the same route by which 1 had set out; and, reducing
my whole travels westward to days' journeys, I compute that they v\oida
have emjjloyed me 3G moons ; but, on account of my frequent delays, it was
five years before I returned to my relations among the Yazoos."

Tims ends the narrative of the famous traveller .Moncachtape, which seems
to have satisfied Du Praiz, tlmt the Indians came from the continent of Asia,
by way of Behnng^s Straits. And he soon after left him, and returned to his
o\vn country. It would have been gratifying, could we have known more of
the history of this verv intelligent man. The same author brings also to. our
knowledge a chief called

GRAND-SUN, chief of the Natchez. Although Sun was a common name
for all chiefs of that nation, this chief was jmrticularly distinguished in the fu-st
war with th(> French, which exhibits the compass otour information concern-
ing him, and whicl; ive purpose here to sketch. He was brother to tlii> great
warrior, known to tiie French by the nan.e of Stimj-sf.rpent, and like him
was a friend to the whites, until the haughty, overbearing disposition of (ine
man brought d(>struetion and ruin on their whole colony. This atliiir took
place ill the year I7'i\\ The residence of the Ihaud-sun was near the I'nncli
post of Natelicz, where he had a beautifid village called the K'liilr .-Ifiplv. iM.
f/e ChnpaH iiad been reinstated in the command of the |)ost, wlience he was
for a time removed liy niason of misconduct, and his abominable inju.-iice to
the Indians became more conspicudiis afterwards than b. Ii)re. To graiil'y his

Chap. V.J URAND-SUN.— MASSACRE OP THE FRENCFI IN NATCHEZ. 383

piiile nixl avarice, he had projected the building of an elegant villngn, and
none uppcured lo suit his purpose so well as the White Ap|)le of the Grand'
tun. lie »(iit lor the chief to his fort, and unhesittitiiigly told him that his
villiiife niuist be inuiiediatcly given up to him, for he had resolve<l to erect one
n league scpiare upon the same ground, and that he nuist remove elsewhere.
The great chief stifled his surprise, and modestly replied, "That his ancestors
had Jived in that village for as many years as there were hairs in his double
cue, and, therefore, it was good that they should continue there still." When
this wus interpreted to the commandant, he showed himself in a rage, and
thri'atened the chief, that, unless he moved from his village speedily, he
would have cause of repentance. Orand-sun left the fort, and caid he would
assemble his counsellors, and hold a talk u])on it.

In this council, which actually asseuihled, it was proposed to lay l»efore the
coinmundaiit their hard situation, if they should be obliged to abandon their
corn, which then was just beginning to shoot from the ground, and many
other articles oii which they were to depend for subsistence. Hut, on urging
these strong reasons, they met only with abuse, and a more peremptory ortler
to remove immediately. This the Grand-sun reported to the cotmcil, and
they saw all was lost, unless, by some stratagem, they shouhl rid themselvea
of the tyrant Chopart, which was their final di^cision. The secret was con-
fided to none but the old men. To gain time, un olfer was to be made to<he
avaricious commandant, of tribute, in case he would permit them to remain
on their land until their harvest. The oft'er was accepted, and the Indiana
set about maturing their i)lun with the greatest avidity. Bundles of sticks
were sent to the suns of the neighboring tribes, and their import explained to
them by the faithiul messengers. Each bundle contained as many sticks as
days which were to pass before the massacre of all the French in the Natchez.
And that no mistake should arise in regard to the fi.xed day, every morning a
stick was drawn from the bundle and broken in pieces, and the day of the last
stick was that of the execution.

The security of the wicked, in the miilst of their wickedness, and their
deafness to repeated warnings, though a standing example before them U]»on
the pages of all history, yet we know of but few ins! .ices where they have
profited by it. I need cite no examples; our jjagcs are udl of them.

The breast of women, whether civilized or uncivilized, cannot bear the
thoughts of revenge and death to prtsy upon them for so gnsat a length of
time as men. And, as in the lust case, I need not produce examples ; on our
pages will be found many.

A female sun having, by accident, imderstood the secret design of her peo
pie, partly out of resentment for their keeping it from her, and partiv from
her attachment to the French, resolved to make it known to them, lint so
fatally seciu'e was the comiTiandunt, that he would not hearken to her messen-
gers, and threatened othera of his own peojile with chastisement, if they con-
tinued .such intimations. But the great council of so many sinis, und other
motions of their wise men, justly alarmed many, and their complaints to the
conunandant were urge*'., until seven of his own people were j)ut in irons, to
dispel their fears. And that he might the more vaunt himself ujmn their fears,
ho sent his interpreter to demand of the Grand-sun, whether he was about to
fall upon the French with his warriors. To dissemble, in such a case, was
oidy to Im; expected from the chief, and the inteipreti'r rejiorted to the com-
mandant as he desired, which caused hitn to vilue himself upon his fbrmer
coiUempt of his people's fears.

The ',V)i\i of Noveini)er, 1729, at length came, and with it the massacre of
near 700 |)eo|iIe, being all tlu; French of .\at(;liez. Not n man escaped. It
lieing upon the (!ve of St. ./ltulrew\i day, facilitated the execution of tlii; horrid
design. Ill such contemi)t was M. Chopart held, that the suns woidd allow no
wiurior to kill him, hut one whom they considered a mean peruoii. He was
armed only with a wooden tomahawk, and with siicli a contemptibl(> weapon,
wielded by aa contemptible a person, was M. Chopart pursued from his house
into his garden, and there met his death.

The design of the Grand-sun and his allies was, to have followed u[i their
lucci'ss until all the French were driven out of Louisiana. But somi- tribe*

3S4 GREAT-MORTAR.— IS ATTACKED BV THE CHICKASAUS. [Book IV.

■A

would not nid in it, and the governor of LDnisiana, promptly seconilcd by the

K^ople of Now Orleans, shortly after nearly anniliiluted the whole tribe of the
atclicz. The Choctaws offered themselves, to the numl)er of 15 or IGOO
men, and, in the following February, advanced into the country of the Natch-
ez, and were shortly after joined by the French, and encam[)ed near the old
fort, then in possession of the Grand-sun. Here flags passed lietween them,
and terms of |>Bace were agreed upon, which were very honorable to the
Indians ; hut, in the following night, they dccam)>ed, taking ail their prisoners
and baggage, leaving nothing but the cannons of the fort and halls l)ehind them.
Some time now passed before the French could ascenain the retnjat of the
Natchez. At length, they learned tliat tlMjy had crossed the IMississippi, and
settled upon the west side, near 180 miles above the mouth of Red River.
Here they built a fort, and remained quitlly until the next year.

The weakness of the colony caused the inhabitants to resign themselves into
the hands of the king, who soon sent over a sutficient fon:e, added to those
still in the country, to Inimble the Natchez. They were accordingly invested
in their fort, and, struck with consternation at the sudden approach of the
French, seem to have lost their former prudence. They made a desjwrate
sally upon the camp of the enemy, but were repulsed with gn.'at loss. They
then attemi)ti;d to gain time by negotiation, ns they had the year before, but
couW not escape from the vigilance of the French oflicer; yet the attempt
was made, and many were killed, very few eHcai)ed, and the greater nmnber
driven within their fort. Mortars wcmc used by tiieir enemies in this siege,
and the third bomb, falling in the centre of the fort, made great havoc,
but still greater consternation. Drowned by the cries of the women and
children, Grand-sun caused the sign of capitulation to be given. }Iimself|
with the rest of his company, wore carried prisoners to New Orleans, and
thrown into ])rison. An increasing infection caused the women and children
to be taken out and employed as slaves on the king's plantations ; among
whom was the woman who had used every endeavor to notity the connnand-
ant, Chopart, of the intended massacre, and from whom the particulars of the
affair were learned. Her name was Slung-arm. These sla\es were shortly
after embarked for St. Domingo, entirely to rid the countiy of the Natchez.*
The men, it is |)robable, were all put to death.

GREAT-MORTAR, or Yah-yah-tustanagt, was a very celebrated IMuskogee
chief, who, before the revolutionary war, was in the Fi-ench interest, and
received his supplies from their garrison at Alabama, which was not far dis-
tant from his place of abode, called Okchai. There was a time when he
inclined to the English, and but for the very haughty and imprudent conduct
of the superintendent of Indian affiiirs, among them, might have been re-
claimed, and the dismal jieriod of massacres which ensued averted. At a
great council, appointed by the siii)erintendent, for the object of regaining
then- favor, the pi|)e of peace, when passing around, was refused to Great-
mortar, because he had favored the French. This, with nnich other ungener-
ous treatment, caused him ever atler to hate the English name. As the super-
intendent was making a speech, which douhtlefes contained severe and hard
sayings against his red hearers, another chief, called the Tobacco-eater, sprung
upon his feet, and da-ting his tomahawk at him, it fortunately missed him, but
stuck in a plank just above his head. Yet he would have been immediately
killed, but for the interposition of a friendly warrior. Had this first blow been
effectual, every Englishman jjresent would have been immediately put to death.
Soon after, Grcat-inorlnr caused his j)eople to fall u|)on the English traders, and
th(!y nun-dered ten. Fourteen of the inhabitants of Longcane, a settlement near
Ninety-six, t next were his victims. He now received a commission from the
French, ami the b(!tter to enlist the Cherokees and others in his cause, removed
with bis family far into the heart of the coimtry, ujton a river, by which he
could receive supplies from tin. fort at Alabama. Neither the French nor
Grcat-tnortttr were deceived in the advantage of their newly-chosen position*
foryoungwarrioi-s joined him therein great numbers, and it was fast becoming

* Mods. Du I'riil:, Hisl, dp Lnuisiaiin, tome i. oh. xii.
t >So cullticl because it was *JG miles from tlio Cherokee.

Adai .

Chat. V.j

MGILLIVRAY.

335

a gciuTiil rendezvous for all the Mississippi Indians. Fortunately, however,
for tiic I'jiglisli, tlic Chiekusaws in their interest plucked U|) tiiis Bohon upas
before its hraiiclies were yet extended. They fell upon them hy surprise,
kiih'd the brother of Great-mortar, and completely destroyed the design, IL-
fled, not to his native place, but to one from wlience he coidd best annoy the
English settlements, and commenced anew the work of death. Augusta, in
Georgia, and many scattering settlements were destroyed.* Those ravagen
were continued until their united forces were defeated by the Americans under
General Grant, in 1761, as wo have narrated.

We have next to notice a chief, king, or emperor as he was at different
times entitled, whose omission, in a biographical work upon the Indians, would
incur as much criminality, on the part of the biographer, as an ouiission of
Buohonsrfhflas, White-eyes, Pipe, or Ockonostola; yea, even more. Wo mean

ALEXANDER M'GILLIVRAY, who was, perhaps, one of the most con-
s|)icnous, if not one of the greatest, chiefs that has ever borne that title amf)ng
the Creeks; at least, since they have been known to the Europeans. He
flourished during half of the last century, and such was the exalted opinion
entertained of him by his countrymen, that they styled him "king of kings."
His mother was his predecessor, and the governess of the nation, and he had
s(?veral sisters, who married leading men. On the death of his mother, he
came in ciiief sachem by the usages of his ancestors, but such was his disinter-
ested patriotism, that he left it to the nation to say whether he should succeed
to the sachemship. The people elected him " emperor." He was at the head
of the Creeks during the revolutionary war, and was in the British interest.
After the peace, he became reconciled to the Americans, and ex[)ri'ss(d a
desire to renounce his public life, and reside in the U. States, but was hindered
by the earnest solicitations of his countrymen, to remain among them, and
dir."ct their aftiiirs.

His residence, according to General MilJ'i'ii,\ who married his sister, was
near Tallahassee, about half a league from wliat was formerly Fort Toulouse.
He lived in a handsome house, and owned 60 negroes, each of whom ho pro-
vided with a separate habitation, which gave his estate the appearance of a
little town. \

.WGillivrau was a son of an Englishman of that name who married a Creek
woman, and hence was what is called a half breed. He was born about 17;W,
and, at the ago often, was sent by his father to school in Charleston, Avhere he
was in the care of Mr. Farquhar JWGillivraij, who was a relation of his liither
His tutor was a Mr. 5^fee(/. He learned the Latin language under the tuition
of Mr. William Henderson, afterwards somewhat eminent r.mong the critics in
London. When young M'Gillivray Avas 17, he was put into a coimtiiig-houso
in Savannah, but mercantile afiliirs had not so many charms as '.mnks, and he
spent all the time he could get, in reading histories and other works of useful-
ness. After a short time, his father took him home, where his supi'rior talents
soon began to develop themselves, and his promotion followed. He was often
styled general, which commission, it is said, he actually held undcM* Charles
HI., king of Spain. This was, probably, before he was elected emperor.

To be a litde more particular with this distinguished man, I will hazard a
repetition of soimc facts, for the sake of giving an account of him as recorded
byone§ who resided long with him, and consequently knew him well. He
was the son of a Creek woman, of the fimiily of the Wind, whose tiither was an
officer in the French service, stationed at Fort Toulouse, near the nation of the
Alabamas. This officer, in trading with the Indians, became; acquainted with
the mother of our chief, whom he married. They had five chii "..'ii, two boys
and three girls. Only one of the boys lived to grow up. As among other
tribes, so among the Creeks, the children belong to the mother; and when
AFGillivray^s father desired to send him to Charleston to get an education, hu
was obliged first to get the mother's consent. This, it seems, was easily
obtained, and young JirGillivray was put there, where he accpiircd a good

* Adair's II t. N. American Iiidiniis, 25-1-, i&p.

+ Mcinoire > • coup-d'oeil rapido sur mes ciiirerciis voyages el mon si'joiir dans la niilioi

X Ibid. $ General MUfutl.

33 Z

Creek, p. 27.

386

M'GILLIVRAY.— HIS VISIT TO NEW YORK.

[Book IV.

education. He did not return for some time to his nation, which was at the
commcnccmout of the revolutionary war; and he then went, commissioned by
the royalists, to invite liis countrymen to a treaty upon the frontiers, and to
unite tlicm against the reliels.* He generally spoke the English language,
which was not pleasing to his mother, "vho would not speak it. t

After the war he became attached to the Americans, and although the bor-
derers caused frequent troubles, yet he made and renewed treaties with them.
In 1790, he came to New York with 29 of his chiefs. Owing to some misun-
derstanding, he had refused to treat at Rock Landing a short time before,
where conunissioners from the U. States had attended ; and the government,
jiistly fearing a rupture, unless a speedy reconciliation should take place,
despatched Colo el Marinus fVilltt into the Creek country, with a pacific letter
to General JWGilltvray. He succeeded in his mission, and the chiefs arrived
in New York 23 July, 1790.^ They were conducted to the residence of the
secretary of war, General Knox, who conducted them to the house of the
president of the U. States, and introduced them to him. President Washing-
ton received tliem "in a very handsome manner, congi-atulated them on their
safe arrival, and expressed a hope that the interview would prove beneficial
both to the U. States and to the Creek nation." They next visited the governor
of the state, from whom they received a most cordial welcome. They then
|)rocecded to the City Tavern, where they dined in company with General
TTnor, and otlier officere of government. A correspondence between Governor
Telfair, of Georgia, and ^^ Alexander MGillvary, Esq." probably opened the
way for a negotiation, which terminated in a settlement of difficulties. From
the following extract from M'Gillivray's letter, a very just idea may be formed
of the state of the afiiiirs of his nation previous to his visit to New York. "In
answer to yours, I have to observe, that, as a peace was not concluded on
between us at the Roek-landing meeting, your demand for property taken by
our warriors from off the disputed lands caimot be admitted. VVe, also, have
had our losses, by captures made by your people. We are willing to conclude
a peace with you, but you must not expect extraordinary concessions from us.
In order to si)are the further effusion of human blood, and to finally determine
the war, I am willing to concede, in some measure, if you are disposed to treat
on the ground of mutual concession. It will save trouble and expense, if the
negotiations are managed in the nation. Any person from you can be assured
of jM'rsonal safety and friendly treatment in this coimtry." It was dated at
Little Tellassee, 30 RIarch, 1790, and directed to "His Excellency Edward
Telfair, Esq." and signed "^/cx. M'Gillivra;/."

This chief seems afterwards to have met with the censure of his people, at
least some of them, in a manner similar to that of JWIntosh recently ; an<l was
doubtless overcome by the persuasions of designing whites, to treat for the
disposal of his lands, against the general voice of his nation. One Bowles, a
white man, led the coimcils in opposition to his proceedings, and, for a time,
M^Gillivraif absented himself from his own tribe. In 1792, his party took
Boivles prisoner, and sent him out of the country, and solicited the genern! to
return. § To this he consented, and they became more attached to Mm than
ever. He now endeavored to better their condition by the introduction of
teachers among them. In an advertisement for a teacher, in the sinnmer of
1792, he styles himself emperor of the Creek nation. His quiet was soon
clisiurbed, and the famous John Watts, the same summer, with 500 warriors.
Creeks, and five towns of the Chickamawagas, committed many depredations.
The Spaniards were supposed to be the movers of the hostile party. JWGil-
lirraij died at Pensacola, February 17, 17)3, || and is thus noticed in the
Pennsylvania Gazette: — "This idolized chief of the Creeks styleil himself
king of kings. IJut, alas, he could neither restrain the meanest ftillow of his

* Milfort, .■?2,'t, ,TJI. t .Sec Jhlmrs, Amor. Anneils, ii. ^?A.

X Colonel Willil's Narrnlive, 112. " Tliry were received willi {{real splendor l>y (lie Ti\[n-
niiiny Soriety, in die dress ol'tlii-ir order." on dieir landing, lb.

^ III 1791, (his litnvles, widi five chiefs, was in Enjr|an<l. and wo find this noliee of him in
di ^ I'liropean IMapn/ine of dial year, .nl. It), p. 2()li ; — '''I'lie ambassadors consisted ol' two
Cedes, an<l of iMr. JSnirU-ii, (a native of .Maryland, who is a Creek by adoption, nnd Uic pres-
tiit general of llial iialion,} and three Chcroket'S. j] I.td/ort,Z'i!>.

Chap. V.l

MADDOG— THE SOUTIIEKN BOUNDARY.

387

Dation from the coi.imission of a crime, nor punish him after he had commit-
ted it! lie might pernuade or advise, all the good an Indian kuig or cliiet
can do." Tliis is, generally speaking, a tolerably correct estimate of the extent
of the power of chiefs; hut it should he rememhered that the chiefs of
different trihes exercise very dilferent sway over their people, according as
such chief is endowed witii the spirit of govermnent, hy nature or circum-
stance;. There is great absurdity in applying the name or title of king to
Indian chiefs, as that title is connnonly understood. The fii'st Europeans
conferred the title u|)on those who appeared most prominent, in their first
discoveries, for want of another more appropriate ; or, perliaps, they had
another reason, namely, that of magnifying their own exploits on their return
to their own countries, by reporting their interviews with, or conquests over,
" many kings of an unknown country."

Contemporary with General jW Gillivrai/ was a chief called the

TAME-KING, whose residence was among the Upper Creeks, in 17;>1 ;
and he is noticed in our public documents of that year, as a conspicuous chief
in matters connected with establishing the southern boundary. At this time
one Bowles, an English trailer, had great influence among the Lower Creeks,
and usetl great endeavors, by putting himself forward as their chief, to enlisi
all the nations in opposition to the Americans. He had made large promises to
the Upper Creeks, to induce them not to hear to the American conmnssioners
They so far listened to him, as to consent to receive his talk, and accordingly
the chiefs of the upper and lower towns met at a place called the Half-wivj-
house, where they expected Bowles in person, or some letters containing definitd
statements. When the chiefs had assombled. Tame-king and Mad-dog, ut'tiic
upper towns, asked tiie chiefs of the lower, "whether they had taken Bowleses
talks, and where the letters wei"e which this great man had sent them, and
where the white man was, to read them." An Indiim in Bowleses employ said,
"he was to give them the talk." They laughed at this, and said, "they could
hear his mouth every day; that they had come there to see those letters and
liear them read." Most of the chiefs of the upper towns now lefl the coun-
cil, which was about the termination of Bowleses successes. He was shortly
afterwards obliged to abdicate, as we have already declared in the life of'
flrGUlivray. He returned again, however, afler visiting Spain and England,
and spending some time in prison.*

Mr. EllicoU ol)servos,t that, at the close of a conference with "vindry tribes,
held 15 August, 1799, in which objects were discussed concerning his passage
through their country, that "the business appeared to terminate as favorably
as could be expected, and the Indians d chu-ed themselves perfectly satisfied ;
but I nevertheless had my doidtts of ilieir sincerity, from the dej)redations
they were constantly making upon our horses, which began upon the
Coeneuck, and had continued ever since ; and added to their insolence, from
their stealing every article in our camp they could lay their hands on." Mr.
Ellkott excepts the Upjjcr Creeks, generally, from participating in these rob-
beries, all but Tame-king and his people.

Though we have named Tame-king first, yet Mad-dog was quite as con-
spicuous at this time. His son fought for the Americans in the last war, and
was mentioned by General Jackson as an active and valuable chief in Jiis
expeditions. His real name we have not learned, and the general mentions
him oidy as Mad-dog's son.

In the case of the boundary already mentioned, the surveyors met with ti-e-
qiient difiiculties from the various tribes of Indians, some of wiiom were
influenced by the S|)anish governor, Folch, of Louisiana. Mad-dog appeared
their friend, and undeceived them res|)ecting the governor's (jretcnsions.
A conference was to be held about the 4 May, between the Indians, Governor
Fukli, and the American conunissioners. The place of meeting was to be upon
Coenecuh River, near the southern estuary of tiie Imy of l'ensac(jlii. When

* III! was coiifiiicil ill llic Aloro caslli; iii llio Ihivana, willi lliroo (^luTukros lliat accoiii-
panicil him. Tliis was in I7i)i. ll was saiii iliat iliis iiivelLTali; oiiciny of tliu Unilctl Stales,
liini'li's, was wiUi llii- liuliaiis, at Si. Clair's duloat. — Can-y's Miueum, xi. 40 f.

t 111 his Journal, 214.

■^r..

'■\\

388

WEATHERFORD.

[Book IV.

!!;!

tlir Aincricnns arrived tliere, Mad-dog ni<!t them, and infonnod Colonel
Hawkins, the Indian agent, tliat two Indi'ins liad just gone to the Tallesseea
with had talks from tlie governor. The colonel told him it cotdd not Imj pos-
sihle. Shortly after, Mad-doe asked Colontd Haxoldns and Mr. EUicott, the
cotniTii.ssioner, if they snjjposed that Governor Fotch would attend at the treaty ;
they said, " Most a'fsuredly." "./Vo," returned Mad-dog, "/te tpill not attend, he
knows what I shall say to him about his crooked talks. His tongue is forked,
and, as you are here, he ivill be ashamed to show it. If he stands to ivhat he has
told us, you tvill be offended, and if he tells us that the line ought to be marked, he
Jti7/ contradict himself: but he mil do neither ; he will not come." It turned out
as Mad-dog declared. When it was found t\ at the governor would not attend,
the chief went to Colonel Hawkins and Rlr. EUicott, and, hy way of pleasantry,
said, " PVell, the governor has not come. I told you so. A man tcilh turn tongues
can only speak to one at a time." This observation has reference to the gov-
ernor's duplicity, in holding out to the Indians his determination not to sutler
a sm-vey of the boundai^, while, at the same time, he pretended to the Ameri-
cans that he would facilitate it.*

Mad-dog was an upper town Creek, of the Tuckaabatchees tribe.

90gee

CHAPTER VI.

Weathekford — His character and country — 77te comer-stone of Ike Creek confed-
eracy — Favors the designs of Tecumseh — Captures Fort Minims — Dreadful mat
sarre — Subjection of the Creeks — Weai.herford surrenders himself — His speeches—
M'Intosh — Aids the Americans — Battle of Autossce — Great slaughter of the Indians
— Battle of the Horse-siwe-hend — Lute troubles in the Creek nation — M'Intosh makes
illeijal sale of lands — Executed far breaking the laws of his country — Mrnawwa v
— TusTENUGCE — Hawki!«9 — Chill* M'Intosh, son of William — Marriage of his
sister — Lovett.

WFjATIIERFORD, one of the most conspicuous war chiefs of the Creek
nation, demands an early attention, in tla biographical history of the lato war.
Mr. Claiborne, in his Notes oji the War i.\ the South, informs us that,
"among the first who entered into the views of the JJritish commissioners was
the since celebrated JFecdherford;" that he was born hi the Creek nation, and
whose " father was an ithierant pedler, sordid, treacherous, and revcngcfnl ;
his mother a full-blooded savage, of the tribe of the Seminoles. lie partook
(says tlie same author) of all the bad qualities of both his parents,! and
engrafted, on the stock he inherited froni others, many that were peculiarly
his own. With avarice, treachery, anrl a thirst for blood, he combinps liisi,
gliittnnyi and a devotion to every species of criminal carousal. (Fortime, in
her freaks, sometimes gives to the most profligate an elevation of mind,
which she denies to men whose propensities are the most vicious.) On
IVealhcrford she bestowed genius, eloquence, and cottrage. The first of these
qualities eiiablcd him to conceive great designs, the last to execute them;
while eloquence, bold, impressive, and figurative, funiished him with a pass-
port to the favor of his countrymen and followers. Silent and reserved, uidcss
when excited hy some great occasion, and superior to the weakness of
rendering himself cheap by the frequency of his addresses, he delivered his
o|)inions but seldoin in council; but when he did so, he was listened to with
delight and approbation. His judgment and eloquence had seciu'ed the
r<'s|M'ct of the old ; his vices made him the idol of the young and the tin})rin-
cipled." "In his person, tall, straight, and well proportioned; his eye black,
livt.'ly, and penetrating, and indicative of courage and enteq)rise ; his nose
{irominent, thin, and elegant in its formation ; while all the features of hia

* Ellicott's Journal, 203, fcc.

f I'lic reader should be early apprized (liat this was wriUen at a time when iome prejudice
midu have infected the miud of ilie writer.

Chap. VI. WF VTHERFORD.— MASSACRE AT FORT MIMMS.

389

face, harmoniously arranged, speak an active and disciplined mind. Pa*
sionatcly devoted to wealth, he had appropriated to himself a fine tract ot
■and, improved and settled it ; and from the profits of his father's pack, had
decorated and embellished it To it he retired occasionally, and, relaxing
from the cares of state, he indulged in pleasures which are but rarely found to
afford stitisfaction to the devotees of ambition and fame. Such were the
opposite and sometimes disgusting traits of character in the celebrated
fi'eatherford, the key and corner-stone of the Creek confederacy!"

It is said that this chief had entered fully into the views of Tcciimseh, and
that, if he had entered u|K)n his designs without delay, he would have been
amply able to have overrun the whole Mississi{)pi territory. But this fortu-
nate moment was lost, and, in the end, his plans came to ruin. Not long
Iwfore the wretched butchery at Fort Mimms, General Claiborne visited tha''
post, and very particularly warned its possessors against a surprise. Af\er
giving orders for the construction of two additional block-houses, he con-
cluded the order with tliese words : — " To respect an enemy, and prepare in
the best possible way to meet him, is the certain means to ensure success."
It was exj)ectcd that ffeatkerford would soon attack some of the forts, and
General Claiborne marched to Fort Early, as that was the farthest advanced
into the enemy's country. On his way, he wrote to Major Beasley, the coni-
iiiander of Minims, iufbniiing him of the danger of an attack ; and, strange
as it may appear, the next day after the letter was received, (30 August,
1818,) H'eathcrfurd, at tliu head of about 1.500 warriors, entered the fort at
noon-day, when a shocking cai-nage ensued. The gate had been lefl open
iiiid unguarded ; but, before many of the warriors had entered, they were
met by Major Heasle}/, at the head of his men, and for some time the contest
was bloody and doubtful ; each striving for the mastery of the entrance.
Here, ni-iii to man, the fight continued for a quarter of an hour, with toma-
hawks, knives, swords and bayonets : a scene there jiresented itself almost
without a parallel in the annais of Indian warfare ! The garrison consisted
of 275: of these only l(iO were soldiers; the rest were old men, women and
children, who had here taken refuge. It is worthy of very emphatical
remark, that every officer expired figliting at the gate. A lieutenant, having
been badly woirided, was carried by two women to a block-house, but when
be was a little revived, he insisted on being carried back to the fiital scene,
which was done by the same heroines, who placed him by the side of a ilead
companion, whese he was soon despatched.

The defenders of the garrison being now nearly all slain, the women and
children simt themselves up in the block-houst's, and, seizing upon what
wea[)ons tliey could find, began, in that perilous and hopeless situation, to
defenti themselves. But the Indians soon succeeded in setting these houses
on fire, and all such as lefiised to meet death without, (lerished in the flames
wi;hin!! Seventeen only escapod of ail the garrison, and many of those
were desperately wounded. It was judged that, during the contest at the
gate, near 400 of JVenthtrfonVs warriors were woundetl and slain.

The horrid calamity at Fort Mimms, in the Tensau settlement, as it is
called, was not the commencement of the bloody war 'vith the Crefk Indians.
The motions of the Shawaiiee Prophet had been scrutinized by people upon
the frontiers of several states, and memorials fiom Indiana and Illinois had
been siMit to the president of the United States by some of their |)riu('ipai
inhabitants, in 1811, calling on him to send out an armed force for their
security.

In the summer of 1812, some families were cut off near the mouth of the
Ohio, and soon after, upon tlte border of Tennessee, two other families,
consisting of women and children, were butchered in a manner too shocking
for description ! Georgia was also a sufferer in the same kind.

In resjiect to the bloody affair at Fort Mimms, a difli;rent aspect has been
thrown around it from that generally given in the histories of tiie war. The
severe, though probably just reflections of Judge Martin upon the conduct
of the unfortunate Beasley, has passed without contradiction. Not oidy had
tiiat officer been warne(r by General Claiborne of his dangi r, as already
Bfited, but a Creek Indian informed him in a friendlv niann-r that he must
33*

■t .

1) ■

' I

300

WEATIIERFORD SURRENDERS.— IMS SPEECH. [Book IV

cxjiect an attack in less than two days. Wlien be had made his coinmunica
tiDH, he led the place, "and was liardly out ol" sight, when 20 or 30 of hia
connti yiriLii cnnie in view, and forcibly entered the fort. In the attetn|)t to
shut tlie gtiW, Beasky wu^ killed: the garrison revenged his death Ly that
of all the assailants. This first party was, however, soon followed by a body
of about 800 : the garrison was overpowered, the ibrt taken, and every man,
woman and child in it, slaughtered, with the exception of four privates, who,
thouffh severely wounded, effected their escape, and reached Fort Stod-
dard."* Benslty himself was carried into the kitchen of one of the housef
\\ ithin the fort, and was there, with many others, consumed in tfie burning
ruins !f

When the news of this afl^air was circulated through the countr)', many
cried aloud for vengeance, and two powerful armies were soon upon their
march into the Indian country, and the complete destruction of the Lidian
power soon followed. The Indians seeing all resistance was at an end,
great numbers of them came forward and made their submission, ff'ealher-
J'oril, however, and many who were known to be des|)erate, still stood out;
pe)haf)S from fear. General Jackson determined to test the fidelity of thos^j
chiefs who bad submitted, and, therefore, ordered them to deliver, without
delay, Wcatherford, bound, into his hands, that he might be dealt with a.s he
desci-vcd. Wlien they had made known to the sachem what was requirefl
of th(Mn, his noble sjjirit would not submit to such degradation ; and, to bold
tli!'m harmless, be resolved to give himself up without compulsion. Accord-
ingly, he proceeded to the American camp, unknown, until he apjieared
l)elbre the commanding general, to whose presence, under some pretence,
h(! gained admission. General Jackson was greatly sin-priscd, when the chief
Kiiid, ^^1 am Wealherford, the chief tvho commanded at the capture of Fort J\Kmms.
I desire peace for my people, and have come to ask it.^ Jackson had, doidnless,
determined upon Ins execution when he should be brought bound, as he
had directed; but his sudden and unexpected appearancCj in this manner,
saved him. The general said he was astonished that he should venture to
up|)e!ir in his presence, as he was not ignorant of his having been at Fort
IMinuns, nor of his inhuman conduct there, for which he so well deserved to
die. "I ordered," continued the general, "that jou should be brought to me
bound; and, had you been brought in that manner, I should have known
how to have treated you." In answer to this, JVeatherford made the follow-
ing fanious speech : — '

" / am in your poioer — do ttrith me as you please — / am a soldier. I have done
the ivhiles all the harm I could. I have fovghl them, and fought them bravely.
If I had an army, I woxdd yet fight — / woiUd contend to the last : but I have none.
My people are all gone. I can only weep over the misfortunes of my nation.^

General Jackson was pleased with his boldness, and told him that though
he was in his pov/'er, yet he would take no advantage ; that he might yet join
the war party, and contend against the Americans, if he chose, but to depend
upon no quarter if taken afferward ; and that unconditional submission was
his and his people's only safety, Weaiherford rejoined, in a tone as dignified
as it was indignant, — " You can safely address me in such terms noio. There
was a time xchen I could have answered you — there was a time tvhen I had a choice
— / have none now. I have not even a nope. I coidd once animate my loarriors
to battle — hut I cannot animate the dead. My warriors can 7io longer hear my
voice. Their bones are at Talladega, Tallushatchcs, Emuckfaw and Tohopcka.
I have not surrendered myself without thought. Ifliile there tvas a single chance
of success, I never left my post, nor supplicated peace. But my people are gone,
and I now ask it for my nation, not for myself: I look hack with deep sorrow,
and wish to avert still greater calamities. If I had been left to contend with the
Georgia army, I woidd have raised my com on one hank of the river, and fought
them on the other. But your people have destroyed my nation, ion are a brave
man, I rely upon your generosity. You will exact no terms of a conquered
veople, but such as theif should accede to. IfTiatever they may be, it loould now be
madness and folly to oppose them. If they are opposed, you sluill find -me

Murlhi's Ilisl. Louisiana, ii. :31G.

t Perkins's Lale War, l'J8

Chap. VI] BATTLE OF AUTOSSEE AND OF TOHOPEKA.

391

amoiifrat the sternest enforcers of obedience. Those who would stUl hold out, can
be infaenrcd only by a mean spirit of revenge. To this they must not, and shall
not siicrifwe the Inst remnant of their country. You have tola our nation where we
mlfrht go and be safe. This is good talk, and they ougld to listen to it. They
sh(dl listen to U," And here we must close our prosem account of H'eatherford,
(ind enter upon tlmt of a character opposed to him in tiio fiehl, and, if wo <"an
hdif vc the writers of their times, opposite in ahnost all the aflaira of life. This
was tilt! cclehrated and truly luifortunato

General WILLLIAM ftl'INTOSH, a Creek chief of the trihe of Cowotavv.
He was, like M^Gillivray, a half-breed, whom he considerably rosembicd in
several particulars, as by his history will appear. He was a prominent leader
of t<ueh of his countrymen as joined the Americans in the war of 1H12, IH, and
14, tmd is first mentioned by General Floyd,* in his account of the bailie, as iu"
caUed it, of Autossce, where he assisted in the brutal destruction of 200 of his
nation. There was notiiing like fighting on the part of the people of the
l)lac(', as we can learn, being surprised in their wigwams, and hewn to pieces.
"The Cowetaws," says the general, " umhr JWIntosh, and Tookaubateiiians,^
under Matl-dog\<i-son, fell in on our flanks, and Ibugiit with an intrepidity
worthy of any troop.-*." And after n-lating the burning of the i)hice, he thus
proceeds : — " It is difficult to determine the strength of tiie enemy, but from
the information of some of the chiefs, wiiich it is said can be relied on, there
were assembled at Autossce, warriors from eight towns, ii)r its defence ; it
being their beloved ground, on wliich they j)roclaimed no white man could
ai)|)roach without inevitable destruction. It is difiieult to give a |)reeise
account of the loss of the enemy ; but from the number which were lying
scat -red over the field, together with those destroyed in the towns, and the
man/ slain on the bank of the river, which respectable otlicers aflirm that
they saw lying in heaps at the water's edge, where they had been precipitated
by t'>(!ir surviving friends, [! !] their loss in killed, independent of their wound-
ed, li'Ubt liave been at least '200, (among whom were the Autossce and Tallasset;
kings,) and frotn the circumstance of their making no efforts to molest oiu-
return, probably greater. The number of buildings burnt, some of a superior
order for the dwellings of savages, and filled with valuable articles, is supposed
to be 400." This was on the 29 November, 181.'?.

jyrintosh was also very conspicuous in the memorable battle of the Horse-
shoe-bend, in the Tallapoosie River. At this place the disconsolate tribes of tlio
south had made a last great stand, and had a tolerably regular fortified camp.
It was said that they were 1000 strong. They had constructed their works
with such ingenuity, that little could be effected against them but by storm.
"Determined to exterminate them," says GeneraUacAson, "I di'tached General
Coffee with the mounted, and nearly the whole of the Indian f()rce, (>arly f)n
the morning of yesterday, [March 27, 1814,] to cross the river about two miles
below their encampment, and to surround the bend, in such a manner, as
that none of them should escape by attempting to cross the river." " Beant
company of spies, who had accompanied Gen. Coffee, crossed over in canoi i
to the extremity of the bend, and set fire to a few of the buildings which wei i
there situated ; they then advanced with great gallantry towards th(! breast-
work, and commenced a spirited fire upon the enemy behind it." This force
not being able to effect their object, many others of the army showed great
arilor to participate in the assault. " The spirit which animated them was a
siu'e augury of the success which was to follow." " The regulars, led on by
their intrepid and skilful commander. Col. Williams, and by the gallant Maj.
Montgomery, soon gained possession of the works in the midst of a most tre-
mendous fire from behind them, and the militia of the venerable Gen. Doherly^s
brigade accompanied them in the charge with a vivacity and firmness which
would have done honor to regulai-s. The enemy was completely routed.
Jt\ve hundred and fjly sevenl were left dead on the peninsula, and a great
iHimber were killed liy the horsemen iu attempting to cross the river. It is
believed that not more than twenty have escaped.

" riie fighting continued with some severity about five hours : but we con-

* Ih-annan's oHiciai leltcrs. t Tuc'kalialclie Uartram, 447

\ These are tlin general's italics; at least, Brannan so prints his u/rii-inl IcUvr.

.1 J %

.('•J

i i'i

392

MINTOSirS TREATIES.

[DooK IV

It (
I':

tinned to destroy many of tliem, who had concealed themselves under tlio
bunks of tlie river, until we w(!re prevented by tiie night. This morning we
killed Ki who had been concealed. We took about 2o0 prisoners, ail women
and children, except two or three. Our loss is lOG wounded, and 25 killed.
Major Mcintosh, the Cowetnu, who joined my uriny with a part of his tribe,
(n"eatly distinguished hims<;lf."* Truly, this was u war of extermination ! '
The friend of humanity may inquire whether all those poor wretches wlio had
Ki'creted themselves here and there in tlie "caves and reeds," had deserved
death ?

The most melancholy part of the life of the unfortunate Mlntosh retnains to
be record«!d. The late troubles of the Creek nation have drawn forth many
a sympathetic tear from the eye of the philanthroitist. These troubles were
only the consequences of those of a higher date. Those of 1825, we thought,
completed the climax of their aflliction, but 1832 must sully her annuls with
records of their oppression also. It is the former period with which our article
brings us in collision in closing this account. In that year, the government
of tlie U. States, by its ogents, st^emed determined on possi ssing a large tract
of their country, to satisfy the state of Georgia. .WIntosh, and a small part of
the nation, were for conceding to their wishes, but a large majority of his
countrymen would not hear to the proposal. The commissioners employed
were satisfied of the fact, and connnuuicated to the j)rcsident the result of a
nifoting they had had for the ])urpose. He was well satisfied, also, that
^^lnlosh could not convey the lands, as he represented but a small part of his
nation, but still the negotiation was ordered to be renewed. A council was
called by the commissionei"s, (who were Georgians,) which usscnililod at a
place called Indian-spring. Here the chief of the Tuckanbatclieese spoke to
them as follows : " VVe met you at IJroken Arrow, and then told you we had
no land to sell. I then heard of no claims against the nation, nor have I since.
We have met you here at a very short notice, and do not think that the chitts
who are here have any authority to treat. General JWIntosh knows that we
are bound by our laws, and that what is not done in the ])ublic sipiare, in the
general council, is not binding on the nation. I am, therefore, inuler the
necessity of repeating the same answer as given at Broken Arrow, that we
have no land to sell. I know that there are but few here from the ui)per
towns, and lany are absent from the lower towns. Gen. Aflntosh knows that
no part of the land can be sold without a full council, and with the consent of
oil the nation, and if a part of the nation choose to leave the country, they
cannot sell the land they have, but it belongs lo the nation." " This is the
only talk I have for you, and I shall return home immediately." He did so.
The ill-advised conuiiissionera informed Mcintosh and his party, that the Cieik
nation was sufficieiuly rejjresented by them, and that the United States would
bear them out in a treaty of sale. The idea of receiving the whole of the pay
for the lands among themselves, was doubtless the cause of the concession of
M'Intosh and his party. "Thirteen only of the signers of the treaty wei-e
chiefs. The rest were such as had been degraded from that rank, 'ud un-
known peinsons ; 36 chiefs ])resent refused to sign. The whole party of
Mlntosh amounted to about 300, not the tenth i)art of the nation." Still they
executed the articles, in direct violation to the laws of their nation, which
themselves had hel|»ed to form. It must be remembered that the Creeks Imu
made no inconsiderable advances in what is termed civiiization. Tlicy had
towns, and even jirinted laws by which they were to be governed, similar to
those of the United States.

The treaty of Indian-spring, dated 8 Januar)', 1821, gave universal uneasi-
ness ; and, from that day, JWIntosh lost popidarity. It was generally believed
that he hud been tam|)ered with by the whites to convey to them the inher-
itance of his nation ! and the following letter pretty clearly proves such
suspicions had been justly grounded. It is dated

"Newtown, 2\st October, 1823.

" RIy Friend : / nm going to inform you a few lines, as a friend. I toant you
'o give me your opinion about the treaty ; \ whether the chiefs will be ivilllng or not

Branuan, ui supra

t 't'liat at Iii'liaii-spriiig, 8 January, 1821.

Chaf. VI]

M INTOSII.— HIS VILLANY DETECTED.

393

If the chiefs ftel disposed to let the United States have the land, part of it, Ticant you
to let me know ; I will make the U. Slates rommissioi <s ffive you 2000 dollars,
A. M'Coy the same, and Charles Hicks 3000 dvUtti.i,for present, and nobody
Shall /cnoio it ; and if you think the land wouldeii [shouUTnt '.>] sold, I will be sal-
isned. If the land sKovdd be sold, I will get you the amount before the treaty 81^11
[is signed ;] and if you get any friend you waiU him to received, tlicy shiUl receive.
Aothing more to inform you at present.

" I remain your affectionate friend, WM. McINTOSH.

"JoH.v Ross.*

" .^in answer return.

" N. U. The whole amount is $12,000, you can divide among your friendt,
exclusive, $7,000."

lli^iice thorrj cnn Im5 no question as to tho guilty conscience of ^Plntosh,
ultiiougli sonic ports of tiie above letter are scarcely intelligihlc. He hud
mistukt'h his friend ; Ross wua not to he bought; for three days after the letter
was written, viz. 24 October, a council was held, and Mcintosh was present ;
the letter was read, and he was publicly exposed.

Notwithstanding wliat had been done at Indian-Spring, it ap|)rars, from the
above letter, that another attempt at selling land was made in l^ .':), but could
not be carried into ett'ect, the viliany of Mcintosh was so apparent; and it
app^'urs that it could not be brought about until 12 February, \i'25, wliich is
tiie (late of the last treaty made by .Mcintosh.

" APIntosh was aware, that, after signing the treaty, his life was forfeited.
Hi', and otlii-rs of his coadjutors, repaired to Milledgeville, stated their fears,
and elaiiufd the protection of Georgia, which was promise*' by Gov. Troup."
It must be observed that the greater part of the |iurehased territory was within
the elaiined limits of Georgia ;f and that the Georgians had no small shore in
tiie whole tnuisaction. It is not stranger that the people of Georgia shouJd
conduct as they have, than that the United States' government siiould place it
ill her power so to act. To take, therefore, into account the whole merits of
the cas(',»it must bo remembered, that, by a compact between the two parties
in 1H02, the former, in consideration of the latter's relinquishing her claim to
the Mississippi territory, agreed to extinguish, at the national expense, the
Indian title to the lands occupied by them, in Georgia, whenever it could be
done, upon reasonable terms. X Who was to decide when the practicable time
had arrived, we believe was not mentioned. However, previous to 1825, the
United States had succeeded in rxtiiiguishing the aboriginal title of l.'),000,000
acres, and there were yet about 10,000,000 to be bought off. § Tiie change of
life from wandering to stationary, wiiich the arts of civilization had efwcted
among the Indians, made them prize their possessions far more highly than
heretofore, and hence their reluctance and o])position to relinquish them.

Thus much it seemed necessary to premise, that the true cause of the fate
of .W/n/os/i should be understood. It ap/ears that when the whole of the
nation saw that the treaty which he and his jjarty ha.' made could not be
abrogated, forty-nine fiftieths of them were violent against them ; and there-
fore resolved that the sentence of the law should be executed upon him.
The execution, and circumstances attending it, are thus related : || "About
two hours before day, on Sunday morning, 1 May.H the house of Gen.
.Wlntosh was surrountled by Menaw-ioay, and about 100 Oakfiiskee warriors.
.Wlntosh was within, as likewise were his womeu and children, ai'd some
wliite men. Menaw-way directed an interpreter to request the whites, and
the women and children, to come out, us tlie warriors did not Wish to harm
them; that Gen. MWntosh had broken the law that lie himself had long
since made, and they had come to execute him accordingly. Thi;y came
out of the house, leaving flTIntosh and Elomi-tustenugge, one of his adherents,

* Thnn President of the National Council of the Creeks.

t Perkins, Hist. II. Stales, a work, by the way, of great value, and wiiich we are surprised
slinul<l have issued from tlie press with little or no notice.

i Amer. An. Kegr. i. 6 Ibid. || In the .\nnnal Rcgislor, tit supra.

IT JO April is mentioned, in another part of the same work, as the ilutu of Ihe execution,
and so il is set down by Mr. Perkins, iu his liist. U. S.

394

MINTOSil AM) OTHERS PUT TO DEATH.

[IJODK IV.

It *•

therein, 'flio wiiniorH tlicn sui firi! to tlm lioiisf? ; niul ns jWlnlosh niul liiis
coiiiradt! [TusUnuirife] iittiiii|it((l t(» ronu! out ut tli(! «li)or, tln-y hIioI tlicin
botli down. Tlif winie day, uhont I'i o'clock, tlicy Uuna Sam Hawkins, a half
lirecd, in iliu llnckhoHseligu H(|nai-o. On Monday, tJie '2 Alav, a parly of
llulilmo JndianH tired on and wounded Ben Ilaivkina, another half hri ed, very
badly. The chiefs stated, at the time, that no danger whatever wan to he
apprehended by persons travelling through the nation ; that they were friendn
to the whites, and wished them not to bts alarmed by this execution, which
was only a compliance with the laws that the great chiefs of the nation niiide
at Polecat Spring. Chilly J^VIittosh escaped from the house with tiie wliite.s,
and was not fired at or woundi^d." lie is now chief among the we^'tern
Creeks, and some time since increased liis notoriety by beating a nieudjer of
Congress, in Washington.

The great agitation which the execution of the head chiefs of the JWInlosli
party caused was allayed only by the interference of the United States' gov-
ernment. (iovtTuor JVoup of (Jeorgia decliued vengeance against the Creek
nation, ilenoimcing the execution of the chiefs as an act of murder ; however,
lie., by some means, learned that his judgment was gratuitous, and, by advice
of President Mains, desisted Irom acts of hostility, the survey of the disputed
lands, &:c.

We have not learned nnich of the family of J\rintoah. His princijjal resi-
drnce was on the Chattahoochie, where he had two wives, Susannah and
PeggiJ, OIK! a Creek, the other a Cherokee woman, and this is the place where
he was killed. About 50 miles from this place, on the western bruii(;li of tiie
Tallapoosa, ho had a plantation ; here lived another of his wives, named Eliza.
She was tiie daughter of Stephen Hawkins, and sister to Samuel and Benjamin
Hawkins,* whose fate we have just related. On 14 August, 1818, Jennij, his
eldest daughter, was married to ff'illiam S, Mitchel, Es(|., assistant Indian
agent of the Creek nation. They were married at a place called Thtacakkkah
near Fort IVlitchel, in that nation, f

General AVIntosh participated in the Seminole campaigns, as did another
chief of the name of Lovelt, with about UOOO of their warriors. They joined
the American army at Fort Scott in the spring of 1S18.|

-^i00e

CHAPTER VII.

Creek war continued — View of the Creek country — General Jackson ordcrrd out
against them — Relieves Chinnaby — Shelokta — Path-killf.r — Capture of Lilta
fiitche — The Tallushatches destroyed Inj General Coffee — Buttle of TuUiidcga —
Anecdote — Mas 'acre of the Hallibees — Further account of Autossee battle — Buttle of
Camp Defiance- -Timpoochif, — Battle of Eckanukaka — Pushamata — If'eathrrford
— Jim Fife — Battle of Emukfau — A second battle — Fife's intrepidity — Battle of
Enotochopico — Tohopeka — End of the Creek war — Death of three Prnphrts —
MoNOHOE — M'QoEEN — Coi.BF.RT, ulius PiOMiNco — His exploits — Anccdotc — Mur-
der of John Morris — Mijshalatubec — Pushamata — Speech of Mushalatubec and
of Pushamata to Lafayette at Washington — Pushamata dies there — Hili.isharo
visits England — Excites the Seminoles to war — A modern Pocalumtas — IJornot-
i.iMKD — Masfii-rrs a boat's crew in Apalachieola River — Is captured with Ilii.i.is-
HAGO,an(/ bun Jill — Neamathla — Removal of the Florida Indians — Their wrr.tched
conrfitJon— M'QuEEN — Rich in lands and slaccs — Flies to Florida, and loses his
effects.

At this period the Creek Indians occupied a country cojitainiiig about POO
square miles; bounded on the north by Tennessee, east by Georgia, south by
the Floridas, and west by the Mississipjii ; the soil and climate of which
could not Ix! considered inferior to any in the United States. These Indians,
consisting of Creeks, properly so called, Chikassnvs, Choktaws, and Chero-

♦ Ri'porl ol'llic Seli'ol <^)inmiltee of llio House of Ueprcseiiliilivcs, I'. S., 578, &.c.

t n'Ucs's Rcjrisier, 14, 407. { N. Y. Moiiilily Mag. ill. 74.

Chap. VII]

SHKLOKTA.— P.\TII-KII,I,ER.

no."

kees, hud for a loiij? tinio Immjm on nriiiralilti tcrtiis with their wiiite mijilihom,
exchiiiigiiijr tht'ir furs and other nrticles with iht-ni for such others iw tlicir
wants re(|uirfd. Tliis mute of tilings, hut for tiitJ hreai<inff out of the war in
Canada, niif,'ht, and wouhl, in nason, have contiiui<><l, and the great Creek
nation would have increased, and at this day have gained vu^itly in popnhition
and importance, iiihteud of being disnuMnhered, itH iidiahitants smt into
hanislnnint, and finally mined. Intertnarriagcs between Indians and whiles
had hiconio frecjuent, from which a race of half-hreeds were springing up,
and instead of slavery, the Indian women were taking their projter places in
society, and the men were cultivating the fields. And notwithsUinding the
Prophet and Tecumseh had used all their eloquenco to engage them in an
early (piiurel, it was not until they heard of the success of the liritish at Mal-
«len, that they decided on taking up the hatchet, gencndly. Such wius the
alacrity among the northern Indians on the capttu-e of General Hull, on the
](J August, 1812, that runners arrived from among them to the Creeks some
lime before it wua known to their white neighbors.

For the horrid butchery at Teiisjui, tlie lollowcsrs of WefUherford, ^fonohoe,
and AFQ^uin, or M'C^ueen, were shortly to atone, in the most summary man-
ner. There was a great encampment of Creeks imder ff'eather/ord, at the
Tallahasse. or Tullushatches towns, oii the Coosa River, a northern branch of
the Alabama. The eyes of the south seemed to centre upon General Jackson
to execute vengeance on the Indians, and notwithstanding he was confined to
ills room, from a wound in the arm, which he had lately received in a private
(piarrel, when the news of the massacre arrived in Temiessee, the governor of
that state issued an order to him to raise 2000 men with all possible (lesi)atcli,
and rendezvous at Fayetteville. Colonel Coffee was already in the field.
Jacksoii's march into the enemy's country was hastened by a false alarm, and
when he had got into the Indian country, he found himself almost destitute
of provisions tor his army, which caused considerable delay. At a place on
the Tennessee River, called Ditto's Landing, General Jackson met with Colonel
Coffee's regiment. Ilere he remained several days, but despatched Coffee
with 700 men to scour the Black Warrior River. At Ten Islanils, on the
Coosa, was a band of friendly Creeks, at whose head was a chief named
Chinnaby. This chief had a kind of fort there, and was now blockaded in it
by the war party. Chinnaby, hearing ofjackson^s position, sent liis son, Sue-
LOKTA, also a principal chief, to the general's camp, for relief, who, without
loss of time, marched up the river, but was obliged to cncamii at the distance
of 24 miles from Ditto's, from the failure of his suitplies. While here, 1'atm-
KiLLER,* a Cherokee chief, sent two runners to him, confirming the former
news, and that without immediate relief^ they said, they should be immediate-
ly cut off, for the hostile Indians were assendiling in great force from nine
towns. Jackson now resolved to move on, and told the ntesscngers oi PiUhf
killer to speak thus to their chief from him : —

" The hostile Creeks will not attack you until thei/ have had a brush with me,
and that, I think, will ptU tliem, out of the notion of fighting for some time."

When the army had arrived within a few miles of the Ten Islands, it was
met by Chinnaby. This ohl chief had succeeded in capturing two hostile
Creeks, which he gave up to General Jackson. The army was yet about IG
miles from the Indian encampment, and in a lamentable condition for want of
provisions ; insomuch, that almost any one but Jackson would have despaired,
and given up the campaign ; but his resolution was not to be shaken, and he
happily diffused his spirit into his men. He said, in a letter to Governor
Blount, that whilst they could procure an car of com apiece, they would not give
up the expedition.

* We would liere observe that Path-killer was, in 1822, a Christian chief, and governed
ill ihc same tribe with the famous Mr. Charles Hicks ; and his residence was in that year 25
miles from Tiirl^eytown. The missionary, Mr. Butrick, notes in his Journal, thai Path-kilter
was " Ihc king oi frst beloved man, of the Cherokee nation," and that Mr. Uicks was "the
srcond tieloied man." Patli-kUler had had a son murdered by some while man, Ijefore tliis
visit, and complained of the outrage, and said he had wrilleii twice to the presi4;nt of lli«
United States about it. Both these chiefs died in tlie winter of 182G.

396

PATH-KILLER.— BATTLE OF TALLUSHATCHES. fBooK IV

m .

i^x^'*-^

^ 1

On tlie 28 October, Colonel Dyer returneil from the capture of a town
called Littufutche, on the head of t^anoe Creek, which empties into the Coosa
from tite west His force consisted of 200 cavalry, and they brouglit in 29
prisoners, chiefly women and children.

Tlie Itidians were now drawn off from Ten Islands, and had taken post at
Taljiisliatches, on the south side of the Coosa, Coffee was immediately
despatched with 900 men to attack them. This he did on the 3 November,
snn about an hour high in the morning. A number of men in advance of the
main body, sent forward for the pur|K)se, drew out the warriors from their
cabins, who made a fierce attack upon them. The Americans gave way by fall-
ing back upon the main body, agreeably to their preconcerted plan, which had
the good effect of bringing the Indians at once into their power. Having fired
upon them, they made a successful charge, and soon obliged them to shelter
themselves in their wigwams. Colonel Coffee says, "The enemy retreated
firing, until they got around, and in their buildings, where they niude all the
resistance that an overpowered soldier could do — they fought as long as one
existed, but their destruction was very soon completed. Our men rushed up
to tiie (loora of the houses, and in a few minutes killed tlie last warrior of
tiieni. The enemy fought with savago fury, and met death with all its horrore,
without shrinking or complaining — not one asked to be spared, but fought as
long as they could stcind or sit. In consequence of their flying to their houses,
and mixing with the families, our men, in killing the males, without intention
killed and wounded a few of the squaws and children." In this sanguinary
aflliir, 18G Indians were killed; and the connnauder thought, that there were
enoujfh othei-s killed in the woods, which they could not find, to make up in
all 200. This calculation, he observed, he thought a reasonable one. They
took captive 84 women and children, and " not one of the warriors escaped
to carry the news ; a circumstance imknown heretofore ! " The whites had
5 killed and 41 wounded ; " none mortally, tiic greater part slightly, a number
with arrows : this apjieai-s to form u very principai part of the enemy's arms
for warfare ; every man having a bow with a bundle of arrows, which is used
lifter the first fire with the gun, until a leisure time for loading offers."

The destruction at Tallushatches was rendered the more complete by their
being entirely surrounded on every side by the troops. Some have said that
even the women united with the warrioi-s, and contended in the battle with
fearless bravery. This may account lor many that were killed ; but General
Coffee does not mention it.

Meanwhile General IVhite had been detached to Turkeyto^vn, for the relief
of Path-killer, and he was now ordered to join the main army, with as nuich
expedition as he was able. This request was tnmsmitted on the 4, and
renewed on the 7 Noveml)er, 1813 ; and on the evening of the same day, an
Indian brought news to the general, that Talladega was besieged by a great
body of the enemy, and would certainly be destroyed, unless immediately
relieved. Talladega was a fort occupied by friendly Cteeks, about 30 miles
below Ten Islands.

Without loss of time. General Jackson marched to relieve Talladega. His
operations were conducted with such promptitude, that by midnight following
the same day, he was within six miles ot his enemy. Here he encani|tcd
until al)out daylight. Then moving on, at sunrise he came within half a mile
of the Indian encampment, which was only about CO rods from I'ort Talla-
dega. The general, having formed his line of battle like the Spanish Armada,
moved on to the attack. The Indiaiis were not taken by surjirise, but rushed
upon their adversaries with such impetuosity that they made considerable
impression in one part of the line ; insomuch, that a considerable body of
militia gave way. Their jdaces being immediately supplied by the mounted
men, the Indians fought but a short time, before they were obli^rr j to fly for
the mountains, about three miles distant. In their fligiit they we:e hard pressed
by the right wing of the Americans, and great munbers were cut down. In
the whole nflliir, 2!)!) were killed, that were found, of the Indians ; and tlie
whites lost l.'» in killed, and 8'* were woinuled, several of whom allerwanis
died. Over 1080 Indians were said to have been engaged, and some of them
afterwards said their loss at the battle of Talladega was (iOO.

Crap. VH.]

BATTLE OF AUTOSSEE

397

It was expected that n supply of provisions would arrive at Camp Strother
at Ten Islands, before tlie army should return there ; hut on its arrival, a total
failure was experienced by the hungry soldiers ; even what had been left
behind of the general's private stores had bevn distributed — it was a inelan-
eholy time, indeed, and reminds us of the sufferings of captives in the old
Indian wars, who were obliged to subsist upon berries and roots. It was
during this campaign that a circumstance occurred which has been variously
related ; and, as it is an excellent anecdote, we will lay it Inifore our readers.

One morning, a soldier, with a doleful countenance, appror;ched Gene^ral
Jackson,a\u\ told him he was almost faminlied, and knew not what to do. The
general was seated at the foot of a tree, and was observed by the poor half-
starved soldier to be eating something. This no doubt caused him to make
his com|>laint, thinking it u favorable time to have his wants relieved. The
general observed, that it was never his custom to turn away a hungry person,
when he had it in his power to relieve lum : then, putting his hand into his
pocket, took out a handful of acorns, and, offering them to his astonished
guest, observed, that such was his fare, and all he had, but to that he was
welcome. The soldier went away contented, and told Ids companions they
ought no more to complain, so long as their general was obliged to subsist
upon nothing but acorns. Out of this grew the story, that the general having
invited his officers to dine with him, set nothing before them but a tray of
acorns and some water.

Meanwhile mutiny after mutiny took place in General Jackson's army, and
the campaign came near being abandoned. A circumstance, too, occurred
about this time, ever to be lamented. General Cocke, of East Tennessee,
coiisitlering himself possessed of a command independent of Jackson, gave
his orders to some brigadiers, at the same time that General Jackson did.
General /r/u/c chose to act imder General Cockers orders, and this occasioned
some confusion, and, in the end, the lamentable affair to which we have just
alluded, and of which we now proceed to give an accotmt.

The Hallibee Indians, who had been the principal sufferers at Talladega,
had dcspati^hed ambassadors for General Jackson's camp, to sue for jJeace
which they woidd accept on any terms he might please to grant them. At
the same time these proposals were out, (Jeneral White marclied against theii
towns, and on the 18 Novend)er completely surprised them ; killed (JO war-
riors, took 25(j prisoners, and made good his retreat without the loss of a
man.

The Indiana thought they had been attacked by General Jackson^s army,
and that therefore they were now to expect nothing but extermination ; and
this was thought to be the reason why they fought with such desperation
afterwards. And tridy they had reason for their fears: they knew none but
Jackson, and supposed now that nothing short of their total destruction would
satisfy him. as their conduct exemplitied on every occasion. They knew
tliey had asked peace vr any teriris, and their immediate answer was the
sword and bayonet. A company of Clierokees aided not a little in this affair.

Wo have given the chief liatures of the battle of Autossee, when drawing
a sketch of the life of Mcintosh. Here may be added some other matters of
history, for the better understanding the events of the memorable Creek war.

Autossee is situated on the south bank of the Tallapoosie, 18 miles from the
Hickory Ground, and 20 above the jiuictiou of that river with the Coosa.
With General FloyiVs white troo))s were four com|)anlt's of friendly Indians.
M'lnlosh led the Cowctaus, and Mad-dogs-son the Tookaubatchians, or Tuka-
batchies. The nami's of tiie otlier leaders are Uui set down, but there were
doubtless several of tiiem, as there were abotit S.'iO warriors who accompanied
llie expedition. Tiiat sure work was intended, will not be doubted, when it
is known that the force, exclusive of Indians, Avas K.IO men. When the army
arrived near the place where it was expected Indians would be found, and
having discovered one small town before it was light in the nioruing, the
general was surprised inuuediately after by the discovery of another, 'i'his
vas tilled with men who hud lieeii apprized of his approach, and were j)re-
piird ft)r battle. The order of battle was immedialely changed, mid tiie army
proceeded in two divisions to attack both towns at once. Tiie besicg<'ni
34

; 03

, i|

398

BATTLE OP THE HOLY GROUND.

[Book IV.

mti

m
w

£.. J,

l)eing provided with artillery, soon accomplished their work, and all the
resistance the Indians seem to have made, was in endeavoring to effect a
retreat into caves and other hiding-places. Nevertheless, tlie Georgians hud
11 killed outright, and 54 wounded. Among the latter was General Floya
himself severely, and Adjutant-General JVeivvian slightly.

flTIntoah and Mad-does-son's loss was considerable, but was not thought of
impoitance enough to Y)e communicated by their allies, who were greatly
indebted to them, if, indeed, destroying their own countrymen made them so.
They did not, however, do so much biitchcring as they intended, or, rather, aa
they agreed to do ; for the day before the massacre, they agreed to post thpTi-
selvcs on the opposite side of the river, and to kill all who should attempt an
escape. Had they done this, very few would have escaped.

Aller resting a few days, General Floyd marched to Camp Defiance, 50
miles directly into the Indian country, and westward of Autossee. Here, early
in the morning of 2 Januai-y, the hostile Indians killed his sentinels before they
were discovered, and then with great fury attacked Ids camp, and for a quarter
of an hour continued to fight with bravery. IJy this time the army had got
fori:: d in order of battle, and soon obliged the Indians to fly. One company
of whites, under Captain Broadnax, hud its retreat cut off by the assailants, and
escaped only by cutting its way through them.

In this fight, TiMPOocHiE-BARNUEL, or Barnard, a half-breed, chief of the
Uchies, commanded a company of them, and, in the language of tlie general,
" greatly distinguished himself." It was owing to his j)romptness, that Cap-
tain Broadnax was enabled to effect a retreat. The enemy, in that manoeuvre,
had advanced within 50 yards of the artillery. All the other part of the Indian
army took shelter within the lines, and looked on during the contest.

After this battle, 37 Indians were found dead on tlie field, as the whites
reported ; and of their own number 17 were killed, and 130 wounded. At the
first onset, General iN'eivman liad three balls shot into him, which prevented
his further service ; and several of the principal officere had their horses shot
under them. How the Indians under Timpoochie fared in these |)articulaj-s,
we have not yet learned.

fVeatherford, Francis, Sinquisturs-son, with some Shavvanese, had established
themselves on the Alabama, above the mouth of the Cahaba, and there built a
town, which they called Ilckanukaka. Its name signified that it was built
upon holif ground ; and hence the prophets told their followra that they had
nothing to fear, as no polluted and murderous whites could ever enter there.
However, General Claiborne, at the head of a small urmy, accornp»nied by a
band of Choktaws under Pushamata, their chief, resolved to make a tiial of the
virtue of the Indian prophets' pretensions.

fVeatherford and his followere, being apprized of the approach of the army,
had put themselves into an attitude of defence. On 23 December, 1813, as
the army approached, they were met by the Indians, and a short engagement
followed. As usual, the Indians gave way, and were pursued ; but as their
town was surrounded by fastnesses, few were killed in the pureuit. Thirty
were found dead of the enemy Indians, and of the urmy, two or three were
killed, and as many wounded. This was quite an Indian depot, the nptors
having found here "a large quantity of provisions, and immense property of
various kinds." It was all destroyed with tiie town, which consisted of 200
houses: the women and children had only time to escape across the Alabama.
The next duy, another town was destroyed, eight miles above, consisting of (iO
houses. We will now proceed with General Jackson, until lie puts un end to
the Creek war.

On the 17 January, 1814, General Jackson marched, at the head of 030 men,
from near Fort Strother, for tiu? heart of the enemy's country. In Ids route
lay Talladega, the residence of Fife, a notcnl warrior, and friend of tlie whites;
and here he joined the army with 200 of his men. The Indians were sup-
posed to be assembled in great numbers, at the Great Bend of tiie Tallapoosie,
from 14 or 15 of their towns upon that river ; and it was daily expected that
they would attack Fort Armstrong, in tiieir vicinity, which war in no state to
meet them. It was the news of its situation, that caused Jackson to march to
its inunediate relief. When he hud arrived at Ilallibee Creek, tiie general,

Ill >

Chap. VH.]

BATTLE OF EMUKFAU

399

from the accounts of his spies, supposed he must he in the iinmcdiate vicinity
of the enemy, and lie soon after encampatl at a smnil Ilallibee villaj^e, called
Enotocho|)ko. Here he discovered that he was 12 miles from the enemy,
who were U|)on an island in the Tallapoosie, neai* the mouth of a creek called
Emukfau. The next day the army encatnped very near Emukfau, and had
eveiy sign of being hard by the adverae Indians. The order of encampment
was that of battle, and evejy precaution was taken to guard against surprise
About 6 in the morning of the 22d, the warriora from Emukfau fell with great
force upon JacksovJs left flank, and the left of his rear ; and although the
attack was made in full confidence that they should rout their adversaries, yet
they were disap()ointed, and no ground was gained by the onset. The assjiil-
auts fought with a determined bravery, and it was near half an hour before
they could be made to retire. The Americans, having encamped in a hollow
square, met the attack at advantage, hut it was pnly at the point of the bayonet,
that the Indians were put to flight. Fife, at the head of his warrioi-s, joined in
the pui-suit, which conthuied about two miles, with considerable havoc.

Mutters did not end here ; for, in a short time, the Indians returned again to
the attack, and with greater success than before. They attacked a picket at
advantage, at a small distance from the main body, and General Coffee, in his
turn, att<icked the left flank of the attacking party. As his number of men was
small, he soon found himself m imminent danger of being entirely cut ofl'.
General Jackson, seeing this, ordered Fife to advance to his rescue, which he
did with the utmost promptitude. This attack of the onemy was upon the
right flank, and was, as it turned out, only a feint to weaken the left by draw-
ing the force from that quarter to its sujiport; but the general was not to be
outwitted by such a manoeuvre. lie kept the left flank firm, and the alarm
gun soon gave notice, that that part was assailed. The general here met the
enemy in j)erson, seconded by Colonel Carroll, who ordered the (;liargc, and
led on the pui-suere. The friendly Indians were successful at this time also,
slaying many of their countrymen as they fled.

Meanwhile General Coffee had got deeper into difficulty, and was contend-
ing at fearful odds with a brave band of warviore, and was again relieved by
the Indians under Captain Fife, This, Fife was enabled to do, only by charg-
ing them with the bayonet. The enemy seemed determined to wrest their
country from the invaders, and retired slowly, at fii-st, as men driven from
their country will always do. Mfe and his connadcs puraued them about
three miles, killing 45 of them, which they found afterwards. The reason of
Cvffve^s great peril, was this, Fife having been ordered to his rescue before the
attack on the left was made lUe second time ; and now, hearing the firing ia
that direction, supposed his aid was more needed in tiiat (]uartir; and thus
Coffee was lefl without support. He was severely wounded, and his aid-de-
camp. Colonel Jl, Donaldson, and three others, were slain.

General Jackson, not having provisions for a longer stay, and being con-
siderably crippled, began a retreat to Fort Strother. The most memorable
part of this ex|)edition is yet to be related. The Indians now supposed the .
Americans were beaten, or they would not retreat. They thereibre resolved
to juirsue and harass them. Jackson expected this, and marched, in order of
battle, through one dangerous defile after another. At length, on the morning
of the 24, after having nearly passed one of the most diuigerous places, at
Enotochopko Creek, his rear was attacked in a spirited manner ; and although
it was not at all imexjiected, yet the columns gave way, and a good deal of
confusion end slaughter ensued. At length, a six-pounder was, with great
ditticulty, dragged up a small eminence which commanded the battle-ground,
and being chniged with grape-shot, did great execution, and was a principal
means of |)utting the enemy to flight.

'I'lie getting the cannon up the hill was done at the greatest ])eril ; the men
wlio undertook it being sure marks for the enemy, having lunliing to screen
tliein in the least. Uy the time they had discharged it once, l.irnteiwiiil .Inn-
ttroms, Captain Hamilton, of East Tenix'ssee, ('.•i))tains Uiwlfonl mu\ M'(
hiui all liilli'it. /ir«'//bn/ exclainuHl, as he lay,
mail full, hut i/ou must save the cannon."

The m'lny having,

My brave ftllaws, iconic if tioci

menntnm.', recovered from their

|)aiii(-, altai K, .1 in ilieir

^rT'l"

i<ii '

m i{.

J '

400

DEATH OF MONOnOE THE PROPHET.

[Hook IV.

turn, and tlic Indians were every where put to flight, and pursued nbci:t two
miles. The Indinns' loss in tiiis buttle was 189, tliat were found. The Amer-
icans had, iu i)oth days' fights, 24 killed, and 71 wounded. It was evident
now, that tlie Indians wen^ satisfied that they were not victors, for in their
flight they threw away their packs and arms in abundance, and the ai'my met
with no iurtli(;r molestation during their return march.

We have now arrived to the termination of the Creek war. It ended in the
battle of the fiSreat Hond of the Tallapoosie, as we have related in the life of
Aflntosh. This bend, usually called the Horse-Shoe, by the whites, was
'^lled by the Indians Tohopeka, which, in their language, it is said, signified a
horseshoe : therefore the battle of Tohoi)eka, the Great Bend, and the llorse-
Slioe, are one and the same.

Nothing could be more disastrous to the deluded Creeks than this battle.
The loss of tlicir great prophets wa.s, however, the least. Three of them, and
the last upon the Tallapoosie, fell among those whom they had made believe
that no wounds could be inflicted upon them by the whites; and incredible
as it may seem, that although they had witnessed a total failure of all their
prophecies hitherto, such was the influence those miserable impostors held
over the minds of the warriors, that they still believed in their soothsayings,
and that their incantations would at last save them, and that they should finally
root out the whites and possess their country. Such are the errors of delu-
sions in all ages — it is visible in all history, and will continue to be so until a
knowledge of the nature of things shall diffuse itself, and the relation of cause
and effect be more e.vtcnsively known.

MoNOHOE was one, and we believe the son of Sinquistur was another, who
fell in the great battle of Tohojjeka. In one of his accoimts of the battle.
General Jackson observes: " Among the d(!ad was foimd their famous pro|)het,
Monokooe, siiot in the mouth by a grape shot, as if Ileuven designed to chastise
his impostures i)y an approja'iate punishment." The manner in which he was
killed, required but little aid from the whites to satisfy the Indians that he was
a false proi)het, and it was soon generally believed among them.

Tiiese prophets were decorated, says Colonel Eaton, " in the most fantastic
manner — the j)lumage of various birds about their heads and shoulders; with
savage grimaces, and horrid contortions of the body, they danced and howled
their eantations." Monohoe, in the very act of divination, nnutering to the
6un, with eyes almost strained from their sockets, and his limbs distorted in
every possible mmatural direction, received his death wound. The iiiith of
the warriors in such abominable fooleries must now have been shaken ; but
the Ilallibee massacre was alone sufficient to account for their desperation — as
we have seen, their most submissive offers of peace had been met by tiio
sword — all confide ice therefore in the humanity and integrity of the whites,
had, in their minds, been forfeited. From every appearance it was evident
that they had determined to conquer at Tohopeka, or never to survive a defeat ;
for they did not, as on former occasions, send away their women and children :
•about 300 of these were taken.

Wnether the famous j)rophel Hillishago, or Francis, wore in this buttle, is
not known. On 18 April, 1814, General Jackson wrote from his camp, at the
junction of the Coosa and Tallapoosie, saying, "Peter JWQMin has been taken,
but escaped ; he must be taken again. Hillishagee, their great prophet, haa
also absconded ; but he will be found." In this, however, as will lie seen,
the general was no prophet ; for Francis and McQueen were both al'/e in 1817.

The friendly Indians rendered the Americans most efficient aid in this
battle, and tiieir loss in killed and wounded was greater in proportion to their
nund)ei-s than that of the whites. In all 23 were killed, and many more were
wounded.

It was sujjposed by General Floyd, that in the battle of A'ltossee he had
killed the rainous projthet and king "of Tallassee, but it turned out not to be so,
fijr he fell into the hands of the Americans afterAvards. He was supposed to
be a hundred years old, his head being entirely white, and bowed idmost to
the ground, lii;^ name, we believe, was Encah-lhlukkohopoiee. He was taken
aboiit tli(! time of If'eathcrfonrs surn-nder ; and but for the protection afforded
him by the whiles, their friends, the Creeks, would have put him to death

5 ^■♦l

Chap. VII.]

COLBERT.— PIAMINGO.

431

without mnrcy But Wealherford had nothing to fear from them : they care-
fully avoided meeting, and ;vnen any by accident or neccs.sity cnme into hia
presence, they were observed to tremble with fear. Such is the difference in
the carriage and aspect of men.

We will close the present chapter by detailing some particulars in tlie lives
of several distinguished chiefs.

It was very seldom that the names of any chiefs appeared in the accounts
of the late war, but they were many, especially in the south, and deserved as
much notice, and often more than many that did receive it. When the war
was over, some of them occasionally visited Washington, and the novelty of
their appearance sometimes caused them to receive such notices as follows:
" On tlie 8th ultimo, [Feb. 1816,J arrived Col. Return J. Meigs, the agent of
the U. States in the Cherokee nation, with a deputation from tlie nation, con-
sisting of Col. Lowry, Maj. Walker, Maj. Bidge, Capt. Taylor, Adjt. Ross, and
Kunnesee. These Indians are men of cultivated under?* .luings, were nearly
all officers of tise Cherokee forces which served under General JncJfeaon during
the late war, and have distinguished themselves as well by their bravery as by
their attachment to the U. States."

In June following, another deputation visited the capital of the United
States, of whom it was said, their appearance was such as entitled them to
the highest respect. The delegates were from the Chickasaws, and consisted
of General WUliam Colbert, the sx^-it war chief of that nation, Major Janies
Colburt, interpreter; Etlissue; Mingo, the great warrior; Jlppasantubhee, a
chief; Chastauny and Colleetchee, warriors. Most of these lought for the
whites in the south. General Colbert was now aged, having fought with the
Americans in St. Claires army, with seven others of his countrymen ; one of
whose names was Piomingo, or the Mountain-lader, of whom we shall pres-
ently speak.

In the late war, while his men were preparing to join the Americans, Col-
bert, impatient to be unemployed, joined the third regiment of the United
States infantry. When he had served with them nine months, he returned
to liis nation, collected his warriors, and marched to Fo. t Montgomery on the
Alabama, from thence again«t Pensacola, crossed the Esanibia, and j)Hrsued
the hostile Creeks almost to Apalachicola, killing many of them, and retimi-
ing to Fort Montgomery with 85 prisoners. He and his comrades were now
at Washington, to obtain a settlement of the boundaries of their country.
Accordingly commissioners were sent into their country, ond on the 20 Sep-
tember following, [1816,] a treaty was entered into. In this treaty Colbert is
styled ftlujor-Greneral, and by the sixth article of it he was allowed an annuity
of 100 dollars during life. His name is not to the treaty of Hopewell, made
10 January, 1786, but that of Piomingo is. To that of Chikasaw Hlulfs,
24 October, 1801, instead of his mark, we find W. C, which shows that he
iiud been paying some attention to learning ; but in subsequent treaties his
mark again appears.

From the circumstance that the name of Piomtng-o is not seen to any of the
treaties after that of Colbert appears, induces the belief that he is the sjune
person, and that, from his attachment to the wliites, he took une of their
names.

Piomingo is thus mentioned by General St. Clair, on Jiis arrival at his
quartera. "Oct. 27. Payamingo amved in camp witli his warriors. I was
so vmwell, could only see him and bid liim welcome." "Oct. 29. Payamingo
and his people, accompanied by Captain Sparks, and four good riflemen,
going on a scout; they do not propose to return under 10 days." We hiive
no account of the success of the excursion, but they did not join the army
again until after the defeat, which took place six ilays after. As tli(!y were
proceeding to Fort Jefferson, one of the enemy mistook them for his com
iiuiiions, and was captured before he discovered his mistake. Piomingo
accosted him with harsh language, saying, "Rascal, you have been killing tohite
men!" Ho then ordered two of his men to exteiul his arms, and a third to
shoot him. When this was done, and his scalp taken, they proceeded to join
the army.

Wc learn the name of oro other who was with St. Clair. He was callet*
34* 2A

402

MUSHALATUBEE.— PUSHAMATA.

[Boor IV

Iff '

James Anderson, and was brother to the chief John Morris, who, 23 June,
1793, was murdered not above 600 paces from Governor £Zounfj house, in
Knoxville, He was shot by some unknown persons. The governor ordered
him to bo l)uried in the burying-ground of the white people, with military
honors. A procession was formed, beaded by himself, and he was interred
with great respect.

In 1793, tlie Spaniards of Louisiana made large offers to the Chikasaws, to
induce them to forsake the Americans; but their offers were treated with
cont(!mpt, especially by Piomingo,

MusHALATUBEE was a ChiRasaw chief, with whom General Lafayette
became acquainted in his last visit to this country. His first knowledge of
him, as will appear from the following extracts out of M. Levasseur^s work,
"Lafayette en Amerique," &c., was at the residence of tlie "sage of
Monticello."

Mushalatubee, and Pushamala, a Chocktaw chief, already mentioned, were at
Washington when the general arrived there, in December, 1824, being there
at the meeting of congress, according to custom, with many other chiefs,
to brighten the chain of friendship, receive presents, and make known the
wants of their counti-ymen. At this tune Mushalatiibee made the following
agreeable speech to General Lafayette.

" You are one of our fa hers. You have fought by the side of the great
Washington. We will receive here your hand as that of a friend and father.
We have always walked in the pure feelings of peace, and it is this feeling
which has caused us to visit you here. We present you pure hands — hands
that have never been stained with the blood of Americans. We live in a
country far from this, wiiere the sun darts his perpendicular rays upon us.
We have had the French, the Spaniards and the English for neighbors; but
now we have only the Americans ; in the midst and with whom we live as
friends and brothers."

Then Pushamata, the first of their chiefs, began a speech in his turn, and
expressed himself in these words: "There has passed nearly 50 snows since
you drew the sword as a companion of Washington. With him you have
combated the enemies of America. Thou hast generously mingled thy blood
with that of the enemy, and hast proved thy devotedncss to the cause which
thou dcfendedst. After thou hadst finished that war, thou hadst returned
into thy country, and now thou comest to revisit that land where thou art
honored and beloved iu the remembrance of a numerous and powerful peo-
ple. Thou seest every where the children of those for whom thou hast
defended liberty, crowd around thee, and press thy hands with filial affection.
^Ve have heiu'd related all these things in the depths of the distant forests,
and our hearts have been ravished with a desire to behold thee. We are
come, we have pressed thy hand, and we are satisfied. This is the fii"st time
that we have seen thee,* and it will probably be the last. We have no more
to add. The earth will part us forever."

" In pronouncing these last words, the old Indian had in his manner and
voice something very solemn. He seemed agitated by some sad presenti-
ments. We heard of his death a few days after ; he was taken sick, and
died before he could set out to return to his own people. When satisfied
that his end was approaching, he caused all his companions to be assembled,
and he desired them to raise him up, and to ])Ut upon him all his ornaments,
and bring to him his arms, that his death should be that of a man's. He
manifested a desire that at his interment the Americans would do him mili-
tary honors, and that they would discharge cannon over his grave. They
|)n)riiised him that it should be done ; he then talked freely with his friends,
and ex|)ired without a groan in the midst of conversation." His monument
occupies a ])lace among ilie great men in the cemetery at Washingtoii. Upon
one side is this inscription: —

' Tlioy niiglil not liavc been iiilrodiiccil to llio goiioral when he saw lliem at iM;. JfJ)'ei\ioi>'.i.
M. I.evasscnr says, in spcakiii"- of the fndi.iii deiiulalion, " A hvir tele liuieiil i.'eiix cliefc iiiie
finiis arinris vniis s'assenir tin j'nur ii la talile (/■■ M. .lejj'erson, pendant tiotre si'j'i»<r a Moiktcello.
Je les reionnus A leiirs oreilles decoiij.i'e.i en loiigues laitit'>'es, ganiies de tongues lames dt
plonUi."

Cii-p. Vll.]

DEATH OF I'USHAM ATA— EPITAPH.

403

'•PuSir-MA-TAIlA, A ClIOCTAW CHIEF, LIES HERE. ThJS MONUME.NT TO HIS
MEMORY IS I.RECTED BY HIS BROTHER CHIEFS, WHO WERE ASSOCIATED WITH
HIM IN A DELEGATION FROM THEIR NATION IN THE YEAR 1824, TO THE GENERAL
GOVERNMENT OF THE UnITED StaTES."

And on tlie other:

" PUSH-MA-TAHA WAS A WARRIOR OF GREAT DISTINCTION. IIe WAS WISE
«N COUNCIL, ELOQUENT liV AN EXTRAORDINARY DEGREE ; AND ON ALL OCCA-
SIONS, AND UNDER ALL CIRCUMSTANCES, THE WHITE MAN's FRIEND. IIe DIED

IN Washington, on the 24th of December, 1824, of the crami-, in the

60th YEAR OF his AGE."

That Piishamata, or Pushmataha, wns n warrior, has been said. In the late
war with England, he assisted in subduing his countrymen at the south. In
General Claiborne's army he distinfi^uished liimself, particularly in the battle
of the Holy Ground, (called by the Indians Eccanachaca,) upon the Alabama
Hiver, 80 miles from Fort Claiborne. Here the celebrated fVealherford re-
sided, also Hillishajro the prophet.

In the treaty which the chiels and warriors of the Choktaus held with the
U. S. commissionLis, 18 October, 1820, "at the treaty ground, in said nation,
near Doak's Stand, on the Natches Road," the following passage occurs:
"Whereas the fatlicr of the beloved chief Mushvlalubee, of the lower towns,
for and during his life, did receive from the United States tlie sum of 1.50
dollars, annually ; it is hereby stipulated, that his son and successor, MiixJnda-
tubee, shall annually be paid the same amount during his natural life." lUiicc
it would lead us to suppose, without further investigation, that both the father
and son had rendered the country very important services.

As has been the case in all former Indian wars, so in the present, ercry
neighboring Indian is viewed with distrust No sooner had the present
existing Seminole war begun, than, by report at least, hundreds of the Creeks
were leaving their country for Florida, to join their hostile neighbors. Early
this spring, 1836, it was reported far and wide that the Chocktaws had taken
up the hatchet. This occasioned a national council to be called, which
assembled on the 12 May. The venerable chief Mushulatubee was present,
and, aT.ong other things, said, "/K makes my heart bleed to he accused of this
treachery, when it is well known I and mi/ tribe have fought side by side with
Gen. VVayne, Jackson, and others, against the Seminolcs, Creeks ana British,''^

HiLLisHAGO, or HILLIS IIADJO, it appears, survived General Jackson's
campaigns, and, not long after, went to England, still hoping to gain assist-
ance from that nation to enable him to operate with ellect against tiie Amr-ri-
cans. He was, upon his return, the imiuediate instigator and cause of the
Seminole war, having taken up his residence among that nation, unable to
stay longer in his own country. The belief was imposed upon him by some
abandoned English traders, that there was a provision in the treaty of Ghent
for the restoration of their country. He received much attention while in
England, and some encouragement, but nothing absolute. An Eniilisli
journal thus mentions his arrival : — "The sound of trum|)cts announrcd the
approach of the j)atriot Francis, who fought so gloriously in onr cause in
America during the late war. Being drest in a most splendid suit of red and
gold, and wearing a tomahawk set with gold, gave him a highly imposing
appearance."

He received large presents from the king's stores, but, it is said, that of
these he was chielly defrauded afterwards by the notorious IVoodbine, who,
it seems, accompanied him in his travels.*

About the end of November, or beginning of December, 1817, a war party
of Seiiiinoles captured an American, and conveyed him iuimrdiately to their
principal village, called Mikasauky. Here it appcai-s dwelt Fnmcis and bin
iUmily. The American, whose name was j\T Krimmon, was ordered to hi!
inuiiediately burnt to death. The stake was set, M^h'rimmon, with his head

• yeiniiiole War Dccimio.ils, p. '23, |iirliii'-lifil h_v oriicr (!' i<iii:;ess.

-,-r'

404

IIORNOTLIMED.— NEAMATHLA

[Book IV.

';;!

Blmvpd, was bound to it, nnd wood wns ]iilod up about Iiini. When tlie
Indians liad finished their dance, and the fire was about to be kindled, a
daughter of the chief, named Milly, who hud been witnessinj^ the preparations
witli a sad countenance, flew to her father, and, upon lier knees, begged tliat
be would spare tiie prisoner's life ; and it was not until, like the celebrated
Pocahontas, she showed a determination to jJcriMh with iiiui, that lier father
consented to prolong bis life for the present. It was still his intention, if
he could not sell the victim for a certain sum, to have carried liis former pur-
{)ose into effect ; but on ofl'ering him to tlie Spaniards, at St. Marks, the
demanded sum, 7^ gallons of rum, was paid ibr him, and thus his liberation
was effected.

Afl(!r Francis fell into the hands of the Americans and was hanged, his
family, consisting of a wife and several daughters, surrendered themselves to
the Americans at St. Mark's. The youngest daughter, Milly, about fourteen
years of age, was treated with great attention by all the officers for having
saved the life of jyVKiimmon. She was said to have been very handsome.
When ATKrimmon heard of her being among the captives, he went and offered
himself to her as a partner. She would not, however, receive him, until
satisfied that he was prompted to offer himself from other motives than a
sense of the supposed obligation of his life havuig been saved by her.

Mikasauky was the chief rendezvous of the war party, and had been known
dt least a century by the name of Baton Rouge. This name was given it
by the French, and the Anglo-Americans called it the Red Sticks, to avoid
♦•>e us(! of the same name in French. Hence the Indians who made this
their quarters, were called Red Sticks. At this period they had revived the
l)racticc of setting up poles or sticks, and striping them with red paint, which
was only when they intended war. The Americans, not knowing their prac-
t:c€, sujjposcd these poles were painted with red stripes in derision of their
liberty poles. Mikasauky, now Red Sticks, was upon a border of Mikasauky
Lake.

HORNOTLIMED, or as General Jackson called him, "Homattiemico,
tin old Red Stick," was another princi])al Seminole chief, whose residence
was at Foul Town in the beginning of the war ; but, being driven from
tlience, he repaired to Mikasauky. Three vessels having arrived at the
mouth of the Apalachicola on the 30 November, 1817, with militaiy stores for
the supply of the garrison, were, from contrary winds, unable to asccnid.
Lieutenant Scott was despatched for their assistance, in a boat with forty men.
Tiie old chief Homotlimed, who had just before been driven from Foul Town,
by a detachment of General Gaines^s army, with a btmd of his warriors, liafi
conceaI(!d themselves in the bank of the river ; and when Lieutenant Sroti
and his men returned, they fired upon them, and all except six soldiers, wlic
jumped overboard and swam to the opposite shore, were killed. Twenty of
the soldiers had been Icfl for the aid of the ascending vessels, and about the
same number of women and sick were in their places. These fell into the
hands of Homotlimed and his warriors, who dashed out their brains upon the
sides of the boat, took off their scalps, and carried them to Mikasauky, where
they exhibited them upon their red pole, in memory of their victory. This
chief and his companion, HUlishago, were doomed shortly to expiate with
their lives for this massacre.

The Mikasauky town was soon after visited by the army, but the Indiana
had all fled, their red pole was left standing, and the scalps upon it ; many of
which were recognized as having been taken from Lieutenant Scott^s men.
At length a vessel cruising near the mouth of Apalachicola River, to prevent
file esca|)e of the Indians in that direction, with English colors displayed,
decoyed on boa'-d the famous chiefs, Honiotlimed, and the prophet tVancis.
Tliese the AmericanB hanged without trial or delay.

NEAMATHLA was a warrior of note and renown, before the war of 1812
with Great Britain, He was a Seminole chief; but where his residence was
previous to that war wo have not heard ; but afler the Seminole war, he lived
upon a good estate, at Tallahassee, of which estate a mile square was under
im|)rovement. This, in 1823, JVeamatlla, at the head of the chiefs of his
nutiun, gave up, with other lands, for the benefit of the United States, by a

Chap. VII.]

NE.VMATHLA.— THE SEMLNOLES.

405

treaty which they made with its agents at Moultrie Creek, in Florida, on the
18 September of that year.

Ill an additiuna' article of said treaty, we read — " Whereas jVea Matlda,
John Blount, Taski Hajo, Mutlato King, Emathlochee, and EconcfuUimico, six
of the ])rincipal chiefs of the Florida Indians, and parties to the treaty to
which this article has been annexed, have warmly appealed to tlie connni»-
tioncrs for i)ennission to remain in the district ol country now inhabited by
them, and in consideration of tlieir friendly disposition, and past services to
the U. States," it was agreed that J'^eamathla and his followers should have
lour square miles, embracing Tuphulga village, on Rocky Comlbrt Creek ;
Blount and Hajo a. tract on Apalachicola River ; Mullato King and Ematldochee
upon the same river ; and Econchatiinico on the Clmtahoocliie. With J\'tu-
muUda there settled 30 men ; with Blounl, 43 ; Mullato King, 30 ; with Emalk-
tocltte, 28 ; with Econchatimico, 38 : the other Florida Indians, by the same
treaty, were to remove to the Amazura, or Ouithlacooche river, upon ilie
peninsula of FloridiU

liut whether "the other Florida Indians" had any hand in making this
tniuty, does not appear, thougli from afler circumstances, there is no proba-
bility that they had. Heace two facts are duly to bo considei J concerning
this transaction, as they have led to fatal mistakes: one is, as it concerns the
number of the Seminoles; and it will be asked. Were their numbers greatly
underrated, that it might seem that those who made the treaty were the niont
important part of tlie nation.!' If this pro)>! ,in come out affirmative, tl en,
I say, this mistake, or imposition upon the inhabitants of the United States,
has been afutal one. The other fiict or circumstance resolves itself into
another problem, but not more difficult of solution than the other. It may bo'
thus stated : Had these few chieis any authority to stipulate for, or bind any
others but themselves? If not, where is the obligation for them to leave
their country and habitations ? Rut I forbeai' to pursue this subject further
in this place, and will return to JVeamattda.

The United States agreeil by the same treaty to award 500 dollars to J^ta-
matlUa, as a compensation for the improvements abandoned by him, us well
us to meet the expenses of his removal.

A word more of the countrymen of jYeanuUfda, who emigrated to the
western coast of the peninsula, before we proceed to other subjects. " The
land," says Jlr. Williama,* to which they are ^* legally banished, consists of dry
sand ridges and interminable swamps, almost wholly unfit for cultivutic m ;
where it has cost the U. States more than their land was worth to support them.
They are now in a starving condition; they have killed the stock of the
American settlers, in every pait of the territory, to support them'cives,
already ; and there is no present prospect of their situation becom iig im-
proved." What is calculated to add to their miserable condition, is ti." limits
within which they are restricted ; they are not allowed to go nearer than within
15 miles of the sea. A garrison wus established at Tampa to supply them with
necessaries, and keep them in order. Recent events, however, hud consid-
erably changed their condition before the connnencement of the |)resent dis-
tressing war, and they are found nmch more numerous, and far better oft", as
to resources, than was sujiposed they could be.

A cliielj whom the whites called Peter McQueen, has been incidentally
mentioned, in our account of tlie Creek war. His Indian name was Talmu-
CHES Hatcho, and he belonged to the tribe of Tukabatchie. In 1814 he flecl
before the Americans under General Jackson, and took up his residence in
Florida, and was among others declared an outlaw. In 1817 he was chief of
the Tullapoosius, and resided upon the Oklokne or Okoloknee River, and was
styled "an old Red Sticic" He was one of the 12 Creek chiefs who gave Mr.
Alexander Arhuthnott power of attorney to manage their affaire. This was done
on the 17 June, 1817. He was a chief of consequence, |)osses3ed a valual)le
property, in lands and negroes. His effects were seized upon as lawful booty,
about the time of his escape from Tukabatchie. A half-breed, by the iiaine
of Barney, shared 10 negroes that had belonged to him, and a chief called

* Accouiil oT Florida, 72, 73.

400

KING-PAINn IS KILLED IN BATTLE.

[Book IV.

, . -If

Jluchi-hakhe, uliiis Colonel, had 20 more. To tlie persona who had made
pliimlur of liifi slavi'K, he protested, they could have no claim upon him, nnd
that he had never injnrnd them. He the i.foru applied to Mr. It Jlrbulhnoit,
to int<Tce<lo with the o(H(!er at the United tjtati'tt military post, Fort Gaines, for
some relief; this he did in a very respcitful letter, but with what success, we
ore as vet unprepared to speak.

KII>^G-PAINE was a chief who might have demanded early attention, but
w ho, not having been very conspicuous but in a single affair, has been defer-
red to this place. Early in 18ia, nt the head of sundry bands of Seminolcs
iiiiil negroes, who had run away from their American masters, King-paine
iKsued forth in quest of blood and plunder. There were several other clnal's
at (he same time, (among whom Bow-legs* was conspicuous,) who assisted in
making war on the frontiers of Georgia. Whether either or botii of the
al)ove-named chiefs commanded the daring party, who, on 11 September,
1812, attacked and defeated a small force under Captain Williams, we ore not
ci'itain ; but it is certain that they commanded a large force soon alter, when
General J^ewman marched against them, and fought him with desi)eratioii.
Captain Williams, with about 20 men, was convoying some loaded wagons
towards Davis Creek, and when within about 10 miles of their destination,
tiniy were attacked by a party of Indians and negroes, supposed to be 50 in
number. Although the whites were few, they protracted the fight until all
their ammunition was expended, their captain mortally wounded, and six
others sliglitly. They then eflectcd a retreat, leaving their wagons in the
hands of their enemies. Two of the Americans were killed, and, it was sup-
posed, a nmch greater number of the enemy.

Expecting a force would be soon sent against them, King-paine, with Bow-
legs as his lieutenant, marched out from the Lotchway towns, at the head of
150 warriors, as was supposed. They were not disappointed with regard to a
force being sent against them, for in the mean time General JVeirman, f of the
Georgia volunteers, marched with 117 men to destroy the Lotchway towns.
Wiien he had arrived within about six miles, he fell m with the Indians, all
of whom were mounted. It appears the parties met unexpectedly, and no
time was lost on either side in preparing for battle. Having dismounted, the
Indians advanced a few paces, hoping thereby to intimidate their udvei-saries;
but JVewman, at the same time, ordered his men to charge, which being
l)rompt!y obeyed, uic Indians were put to flight. The batUe-groimd, being
skirted with swamps upon three sides, was advantageous for the operations of
the Indians ; nevertheless, before gaining these coverts, a well-directed fire
stojiped the flight of many, among whom was King-paine himself, and Bow-
I'gs was severely wounded ; but this was only the commencement of the
fi^lit ; fbr no sooner was the fall of the great chief known among his men,
than they returned and charged in their turn, but were again forced to fly,
leaving the body of their leader in the hands of the whites. This, more than
any, or all considerations together, wrought up their minds to desperation,
and they determined on its recovery, or to sacrifice themselves in the attempt ;
•uid they accordingly returned agiiin to the charge, which, it is said, was met
with firmness by the whites, who, after encountering several shocks, again
succeeded in routing them ; but they immediately returned again, with greater
fury than before, and with greater success ; for they obliged the Americans to
give ground in their turn, and aflcr some time spent in this most desperate
work, they succeeded in recovering the body o{ King-paine, and carried it ofK
Their loss in the several charges was unknown, but supposed by the whites to
have been about 30; while, on their own side, they report but one killed and
nine wounded. This fight was on the 2G September, and lasted about four
hours.

* To a document exhibited in the trini of Arbiithnott and Amlirister, his name is signed
Boi.KCK. This was probably his real name, whii h required but a slight corruption to chango
it into Ihw-lesrs.

t Tliomson (Hist. War, 61) writes this olTirer's name Nncnan; but Brtnnan, Perkini, and
liritcieiindire, all write it as in the text. 'J'here is a town in Florida ca.'ed NnvitansviUe,
where a newspaper is printed.

Chap. Vll.J (iURISTERSIGO.-IIH BATTLE WITH (JEN. WAVNE.

407

The >\liite3 were grcntl} distressod after this fight, for the IndiariB were
rpinforrcd, nnd harassed ihem until the 4 October, when they gave up the
iHisiiieas and retired. General Aeipman, having thro\.'n up a slight work, was
able to pnivent being entirely cut oft', and at length retreated out of the coini-
try. The Indiana did not give up the siege until they had ' een pretty siverely
cut up. The whites, by concealing themselves on the night of the !3d, made
tlicni believe they had abandoned tfieir fort ; and they came up to it in a body
without apprehending danger ; when on a sudden they received a most deadly
fire, ond inuncdiately fled.

We shall close this chapter with some revolutionary and other mattenj.
TheCherokees had engaged not to operate with the Hritisli, towards the close
of the wor ; and what is very singular, all the time that the gr<;atcst successes
attended the British arms, they strictly adhered to their cngugcMnent ; and it
was not until the fortune of war had chttnged, and the Americans had hecomn
masters of nearly all the country, that many of the ill-fated Indians, instigated,
no doubt, by abandoned white desperadoes, fell upon the settlement called
Ninety Six, killing many pesons, and burning several houses. Upon this,
General Pichns took tiie fiehi, at the head of a band of mounted men, and in
about five weeks following the 10 September, 1781,* finished this Cherokee
war, in which 40 Indians v.ere killed, Vi towns destroyed, and a great numlxjr
of men, women and childien taker prisoners, f A white man by the name of
haters was supposed to havv^ been the prime mover of the Indians, who with
a few of them fled through the Creek cuiuitry into Florida, and made good
their escape.

On 17 October, 12 chiefs and 200 warriors met General Pickens at Long
Swamp Creek, and a treaty wus concluded, by which Georgia acquired u
large accession of territory. X

VVe have next to relate the bold exploits of a Creek warrior, of the t.ame
Gurislerstfro.^ The British held possession of Savannah, in June, 1782, and
General Wayne was sent there to watch their motions. On the 21 IMay, Col-
onel Broum marched out of Savannah to meet, according to appointment,
a band of Indians under Emistessigo, or Guristersxgo. But some ditfuudty
among the Indians had delayed their march, and the movement of Brown was
disastrous in the extreme. General Wayne, by a bold manopuvre, cut of!" his
retreat, fell upon him at midnight, killed 40 of bis men, too\ 20 prisoners, and
the rest escaped only under cover of darkness. In this fight If'ayne would
not permit a gim to be fired, and the execution wus eflijcted wholly with the
Bvvord and bayonet ; the flints having been previously taken from the soldiers'
guns.

Meanwhile, Emistessigo was traversing the whole transverse extent of Geor-
gia, (strange as it may seem,) without being discovered, exee|)t by two boys,
who were taken and killed. It was the 24 June, however, before he arrived
in the neighborhood of General Wayne, ' ho was encamped about five miles
from Savannah. Wayne did not expect an attack, especially by Indians, and
consequently was completely surprised. But being well seconded by \\\a
ofticej-s, and happily resorting to his favorite ])lan of fighting, extricated hnn-
self from imminent danger, and put the Indians to flight, after a hard-fought
battle.

The plan adopted by the Indian ("lief, though simple, was wise ; but in its
execution he lost some time, whici; was fatal to him. He captured two of
Wayne's cannon, and while endeavoring to turn theiji upon the Americans,
they had time to rally. And, as the sword and bayonet were only used by
them, no chance was left the Indians to take advantage of position from the
flashes of the guns of their adversaries. If Wayne merited censure for being
taken thus unprepared, he deserved it quite as inuch for exposing himself in
the fight beyond what ])rudenci^' required; but more than all, for putting to
death 12 prisoners who had been decoyed into his power, after l\w fight.

The severest part of the action was fought at the cannons. Emistessigo was
oath to relinquish such valuable trophies, and he did it only with his life.

I .^

* Johnson's Life of Green, ii. 347.
J Johnson's Life of Grfn, ii. 318.
j Lee. Dr. Holmes writes Emistessigo.

t Lee's ,'\romoTs, 382, 383.

Annals, ii. 310.

408

GRANGULAKOPAK.— Bia WARRIOR.

[Book IV.

1 1 ' ■

Seventeen of hia %vnrrior8 fell by his side, besidos hia white guides. He
received a speur and two iMiyonets in his l)ody Ijefore ho fell, and encouraged
his warriors to the last. When he liei^an to fuint, he retired a few steps, and
uhnly laying hiinself down, breatli(;d his last without a ^roiin or struggle.

This chief was six feet three inches high, weighing about 220 poiuuls, bear-
ing a manly and t-xpressive countenance, and 'M years of age ; and General
Lee a<ld8, " Guristeralgo tlied, as ho hud lived, the renowned warrior of the
Overhill Creeks." In this singular afliiir but 12 Americans were killed and
wounded. Among the [thmder taken from the Indians were 117 |mckhonR-s,
laden with pcltiy. Exertions were made to capture those warriors that es-
caped from the attack on IVayne^s camp, but so well did they understand tUe
country, that not one of them was taken.

Although not in the order of time, we will introduce here one of the earliest
advocates for temi)erance that we have met w ith among the Indians. This
person, though a Creek, was a descendant, by his own accomit, of the renown-
ed Grangida. His name was Onughkalbjdawuy-grangulakopnk. All we know
of his history, can be told in a few words, and but for one speech of his which
happened to be preserved, even his name we had never perhaps heard. That
lie lived in 174ri, and was eminent tor his good morals, except the speech,
belbro mentioned, is all we know of him. As to the speech, which is so liighiy
extolled, it has, liko numerous othoi-s, we are of opinion, passed thntigh too
many hands to be considered by all who may meet with it as genuine ; ncver-
thiless, throwing aside all the umneaning verbiage with which it is encumbered,
nn Indian spcccii might remain that would be read with |)leasure. As it stands
in the work before us,* its length excludes it from our pages, and we shall select
but few sentences. It was delivered in a great council of the Creek nation,
and taken down in short hand by some white present, and about four yeara
at\er came into the hands of an agent of Sir IVMiam Johnson, thence into tiie
hands of sundry others.

"Fathers, Brethren, and Countrymen. — We are met to dcliljerate.
Upon what ? — Upon no less a subject, than whether we shall, or shall not be a
peojile ! " "I do not stand up, O countrymen ! to profjoso the plans of war,
or to direct the sage experience of this assembly in the regulation of our alli-
ances : your wis«lom renders this unnecessary for me." — " The traitor, or
rather the tyrant, I arraign before you, O Creeks ! is no native of our soil; but
rather a lurking miscreant, an emissary of the evil princii)le of darkness. 'Tis
that pernicious liquid, which our pretended white friends artfully introduced,
and so plentifully pour in among us!" — "O, ye Creeks! when I thunder in
your eai-s this denunciation ; that if this cup of perdition continues to rule
among us, with sway so intemperate, ye will cease to be a nation ! Ye will
liave neither heads to direct, nor hands to protect you. — While this diabolical
juice undermines all the ])owers of your bodies and minds, with inoffensive
zeal, the warrior's enfeebled arm will draw the bow, or launch the a\)cnr in the
«hiy of battle. In the day of council, when national safety stands sui^pended
on the lips of the hoary sachem, he will shake his head with uncollected spirits,
and drivel the babblings of a second childhood."

The above, though not a third of the speech, contains chief of all that was
intended to be conveyed in several pages. A true Indian 8|)eech need not
here be presented to show the difference of style between them ; but as we
have a very good one, by the famous Creek chief, J3ig-warrior, not elsewhere
noticed, it shall be laid before the reader. It was delivered at the time Gcr>
erul Jackson was treating with the Creeks, about the close of the last war with
England, and was in reference, as will be seen, to the conditions demanded of
the vanquished. And, although Big-warrior was the friend of the Americans,
yet lie now felt for his countrymen, and atler saying many other things, con-
cluded as follows : —

" The president, our father, advises us to honesty and fairness, and promises

* Surinons, &.C., by Rcvcroiul William Smith.

CiiAf. VII]

niG WAnuioiis spkecii to jackson.

409

tliat iiifltice alinll l)c done : I hnpo nnd trust it will he ! I made this wnr,
wliicli liori proved so tiitul to my country, tlint tti); tr<-nty entrnd into ii lt<n^
time ajro, with tiitiier Wasiiiwoto, might not Ik; broken. To hi;* frii'iidly
arm I liold tii>4t. I will novc-r hreak that bright chain of friciidslii|) we made
tdgcijiir, and which Iwund us to stand to the U. States. He wius u father to
tlie Muscoircc pioph; ; and not only to them, but to all the |)€ople iMMieath the
Mun. His talk J — <•• hohl in my hand. Tlu-re sits tlie agi.>nt he iieiit among
ns. Ncv(!r haH he broken the treaty. He luis lived with us a long time. He
hiiH seen our children born, who now have children. By his direction, cloth
was wove, and clothes were made, and spread through our country ; but the
Kkd Sticks came, and destroyed nil; — we have none now. Hard is our
situation; and you ought to consider it. I state what all the nation knows:
nothing will I keep secret. — There stands the littlo warrior. While we weru
seeking to give satisfaction for the murders that had been coinmittetl, he
proved a mischief-maker; lie went to the British onthe lukco; he cnme back,
and brought a package to the frontiers, which increased the murders here.
This conduct bus already made the war party to suffer greatly ; but, although
almost destroyed, they will not yet open their eyes, but are still led away by
the British at Pensacola. Not so with us. We were rational, and Lad our
senses. We yet are so. In the war of the revolution, our father beyond the
waters encouraged us to join him. and we did so. VVe had no sense then.
The promised he made were never kept. We were young and foolish, and
fought with him. The British can no more p«!rsuade us to do wrong. They
have deceived us once, and can do it no more. You are two great people.
If you go to war, we will have no concern in it ; for we are not able to fight.
We wish to be at peace with every nation. If they offer me arms, I will say
to them, You put me in danger, to war against a {M'ople born in our own land.
They »!i.. ,1 never force ii into danger. You shall never see that our chiefs
are boys in council, who will be forced to do any thing. I talk thus, knowing
that (iitlier WashiiNoton advised us never to interfere in wars. He told us
that those in peace were the happiest people. He told us, that if an enemy
attacked him, he had warriors enough, and did not w*ish his red children to
help him. If the British advise us to any thing, I will tell you — not hide it
from you. If they say we must nght, I will tell them, No."

He had t)revionsly spoken of the causes of the war, and of the sufferings it
bad brought upon them, but asked indulgence from compassion. The fine
tract of country, now the state of Alabama, was argued for by Slielokta, another
famous chief, who had largo claims on the whites, but Jackson would not
concede. This chief had rendered them the greatest services in the war, and
appealed to JacksovHa ftieliugs, by portraying the clangers they had |)a8sed
together, aiid his faithfulness to him in the must trying scenes ; but all availed
nothing.

Big Warrior was a conspicuous chief for many years. In 1821, one of his
nation undertook to accompany a Mr. Iaicos as a guide, and killed him by the
way. Complaint was immediately made to Big-warrior, who ordered him
to be executed without delay. In 1824 he was the most noted among the
opposers of the missionaries. In this ii. was thought he was influenced by the
Indian agents, which opinion was perhaps strcngtheued from the fact that a
sub-ugent, Captain Walker, had married his dauglter. He was head chief of
the nation when General APIntosh forfeited his life by breaking the law of
the nation in selling a part of the Creek country. The troubles of his nation
having brought him to Washington, at the head of a delegation, he fell sick
and died there, 8 March, 1825.* He was a man of colossal stature, and pro-
portionate physical powei-s ; and it is said " his mind was us colossal as his
fxHly," and that he had done much towards improving the condition of his
countrymen. He had a son named Tuskehenaha.

* Niles's Register, xxviii. 48.— By a passage in the report of a comniiltee of oongress oo
•he Creek aiTairs in 1827, it would seem tliat Big-warrior died as early as February.

410

GROUNDS OF THE SE.MJNOI.E WAR.

[nc«K IV.

CHAPTER VIII.

;^^iii

Grounds of tne SennnoJe ll'ar — Circumstances of those Indians misunderstood — Just
ncss of the IVor — Neamathla deposed — Treaties — Of Moultrie Creek — Paijue's
Landing — Council at Camp King — Is broken vp by Osceola — It is reneicrd, and a
party agree to ew' rate — Osceola's opposition — Is seized and put in irrns —
Feigns a submission and is released — Executes an agreement to comply with the
demands of the whites — The physical condition of the Indians.

Having, in a former clunjUer of this our fourth book, given mnny of tho
necessary particulars for a right understanding of the former Florida war, it
will not be necessary here to repeat the same, and we shall, therefore, proceed
at once to a notice of the gi junds of the present war with the Indians in that
region.

It has been formerly said, that nearly all the Indian wars have the wniie
origin ; and, on attentively examining the subject, it will be found that the
remark has mncb of truth in it. The Seminoles of Florida have been found
quite different fr< ■>• what they had been supposed. Every body bad consid-
ered tiiem a nunt outcast remniint, too much enfeebled by their proximity to
the whites, to !>e in tiie least dreaded in a war. Indeed, such conclusion was
in perfect i;l mdance with the accounts which were circulated among intelli-
gent [)eople ; but the truth seems to be, people have always been misinfonned
on the su!ject, owing chiefly to the ignorance of their informei-s. Nor is it
strange that misinformation should l)e circulated, when it is considered that
the very agents who lived among them, and those who made treaties with
them, could not give any satisfactory account as to their numbers or other
circumstances. General Jackson, iu 1817 and 18, made an easy matter of
ravaging a part of Florida, His being opposed but by very few Indians, led
to the belief that there were but few in the coiuitrj'. The war of 1814 was
then too fresh in their recollections to suffer tliem to adventure too much, and
the probability is, that liut few could be prevailed upon to join in a w;!r again
60 soon. Hence, one of two conclusions must now evidently be fixed upon,- -
either that the Seminole Indians were much more numerous, 20 years ago,
than what was suppo. d, cr that they have increased very considerably witiiin
that time. For my pu t, i urn conviri/red that both conclusions are correct.

When we are told, liiat at such a tune, and such a ]tlace, commissioners
of the United States government met a delegation of the principal chiefs of the
Southern Indians, and raade a treaty, the articles of which were satisfactory
to the Indians, two or three queries present themselves for solution ; as, by
wnat means have the chiefs been got together; what her chiefs and ])rinci-

Cal men are there l)elonging to such a nation, who did not participate in the
usiness of the treaty. Anxious to effect their object, commissioners have
sometimes practised unwarrantable means to obtain it ; especially in encour-
aging sales of territory by a minority of chiefs, or gaining their consent to a
removal by presents.

In the early part of the present war, the number of Seminole warriors was
reckoned, by pei-sons ujmn the spot, at 2000 ; but they have generally, since
that period, been rated higher. But it is my opinion, that 2000 able men, led
by such a chief as Osceola has proved himself to be, are amply sufficient to do
ail that has bin done on the |)art ->♦' the Indians in Florida, in 1835 and (5.

There can be but one opinion, among discerning peo))le, of the justness of
the present war, as it a|)pears to me ; nevertheless, however luijustly created,
on the part of the whites, the most efficient measures should have been taken,
in ils earliest stages, for its Bupjjression ; because, the sooner it is ended, the
fewer will l)e the sacrifices of lives ; to say nothing of the concomitant suffer-
ings of individuals, and destructions of property. It has been frequently
nsked, what the execntive and the congress of the nation have been about all
this time ! A few soldiere have !)een sent to Florida at a time ; some have
been cut otl", and tln^ servic<'s of others rendered alioitive, by some ehildisb
bickerings among their otlicers auout "precedency of rank." But whose fault

•

:«K IV.

—Jit.it

PuijHt'a

!, and a

iri-ns —

c'Uh the

of the

war, it

roperd

in tliat

■

? Sill lie

lat tlie

1 I'niind

■onsid-

nity to

on was

iiitelli-

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)r is it f

ed that

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s witli

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tter of

nis, led

14 was

"h, and

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ipon,-

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within

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as, by

princi-

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s liave

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irs was

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en, led

t to do

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reated,

tal<en.

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suffer-

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MiEA Mi\xniiiL.A

Scminolo War Chief

Chap. VIll]

XKAMATllLA DEPOSF.D.— TREATIES.

411

ii is ihiii iliosi' iiiii'ir
HtriKiiijiis ol' riiicii » '
ll'>pi Ct tu fill li n;

suliificiit noi'^i-'. ■
A writer lin- •
and, n:-: they
words: — "S'i
imulc hy " ■

of ifuMl ' I'

for the !•

..ij htivc Im." ill liirn^ iif.dtT coininii-.sio!;." «: m-
:is to ir^tH till in in .-ill. 1: (111 : V. Kwtii-i! pusili '. in
.! not take n|i< II mo to siuu^, tlie iiii;!.- l/uii i, rjf

' following fiictp r'-Ihtivo to lh«* Sflounvil.'a recimtly,
i to my course r.f remarks, 1 pv<^ thtnu in his onn
I tlie roMion, [o'i riorjila to the I*. S.] n 'i. Aty w;i.i
-iininoli-*^ •oiistritcd to nliiKjviiHl! f ■ ;' - 'lin Inticr luiri
,.'<.■ to ffie luntre of ihi." piiiinsiilu.— - ■ , . .jtri- ciuisisiiiii;
it' I'ine bnrrr'is of till' worst doticrijjiioii, ajid l< riiiiiuuiiiM;
n iincx[ilon:(l nnd impassiihle muislios. WrH'ti th>; ti'Oi'
rr. ■»•,:- ifi,« psoeiition of tlv- tr^ nty, old .Vtlia Miihln, tiic ht-mi of fiio tnhf,
thoiig»ii jf fi-ivorfd too jnnch of the ciiimin^ and \Viiialcey of tin- vvhif.i innn.
«irid miniiiiom'd liis warriors to resist it. (Jov. DvmJ, wh5 siiccepded (»t'n,
Jiicksnu in O.if. chief niOgistracy of this territory, hmk-. in vp< o ' W «ru-i' •'•teij,
dojtosed the war leudeiv, and cli-vntod the \toi>?v. party to the cliieftaineii s.
Till; Seiiiinoles rciiroii poaeeahly to the territury assigncl theiri, and old ,\\htt
,Matkla retired to tho Cr(.el»s. bv \:'''^-n Jie W;is t.iised to the (ii.,'i.i:y ot' a
cliiet:"

The next oren» of c-maidcrahle inoiriciii in tho history of the Soiniiioles, in
tl»' fjatuihifc- Of tlii:-! aOJiir f am alil' to .sp ■ .k in t!ie lui-

giia: ■ <■ ■ \ ;■■ " ! Mif part of the wliif" s, Tlio iiili>ilutd

to wfioiri i ' ••>«. will be pani'"'))nrly notieed iiere-

afttr '"• ■ ., ,, .,t. .,.. , '.. !oit is iJje |»ii)jfr'^B* of this war.

I ■ • . KHia cfinnti»r, iHM»*v»«n of ihe treaty w ,M"uHrii» Creek ; hm,
before g<>in;r i!K«> the pfirtjeiihirs of th»t at Puvne'"* l^nciinff. it will be »k<<^»-
H.iry to nmk-^ n \c\\ «<}diti«»w«l iii-*epi ;■-..> is. 'Hip Jndiyi;.-* who r;>itM'Ht*'ii t'»
that treaty, i>y siii'ii eoi-.^'!' • : ' •■ i" <tf thi !.',
KlJitrs, to give lip tlieir jK f"-. ; lO'iiidaritM
i" tlie ti;rritory, t'.ie extienie pinoi i-: vNliiih niw fn>( !■ m,- iie.'iiis .onn \Ti mili's
lo the sea coast of the Gulf of Mexieo. For any losses to whieh they niijiht
be subjected bv their removal, the governnient agreed to make liberal tlonaiiuiiH,
.■tl,-Jo to provide implements of hn./bandr}, sehooU, &c., and pay an atmnity of
5()l)0 do.'ltirs for '.JO years; besides whieh tli- re were presents of <;iini, meat,
■Vi . &c. It Wii?« r-^ijtiiji.'d of tlio Indians that they should preve'tit abst ondiiis'
slaves tVnni t'lkins refose amori;' ti>en!. hihI they were to use ;i!l proper exer-
tions " ■ ' ':''■' • "■

<> -! !h«5

, . '1

s^ ; . . . _ .1 , , •'. . ■ . . ■ . ■ .v

\\!iii'i -tio Iniiid States uirent, Major {iihl. Ifis,n[thrfifg, njni jhti i.K:'tprt»ier,
fiifhiirffit, wero to have ea.h one mile s<piaro, in fee siiiipl*?, «« a nuuk of ifu;
■■I'jHiiieiiw rhey p'posed in these ollieeifl of the fjovem.'Ut'nt."

f'.efei-" this treaty was carried into effect, tlie ftulinns were mtritdi d upon,
end thv'y frradnally bouan to be rather slow in i!io delivery ol' di- Minavvay
in ifroes. ('lamors were iii"'r. fore loud against thcii>, and iliiTliidtii's i<>llo\ved,
r 1 ipiiek piiecession, for sevend yem-s. At leiifrth it was determined that tho
!*''minole.s siioiild be, somehow or other, r n, out of Florida, antl tin; treaty of
rayne's l.aiidinp was jrot up (or this obje! ,

.Vecoidin^My, in IKlii, on the '>ib of iMay, a treaty was rntered ir.K. "on
«*,'k!awaha Hiver, known by the muiie ot' tie tiX'aty ot' i'ayne's l.tnuliiiL',
by which they stipukited to rcIiti'iMish all tin if possessif>iis in Florida, and
I iiiiirrate to tho conniry allotted to ih" rre^'K^ w«»st (d'tin' iMissi.ssippi ; in eon-
^i<l^ r.itioti of wliieli tho ji^oventtnniit nn.-* to pay l5,lfSj doll ns, on their anival
m! 'heir new home, and give to eat't 'f th*; w.-irr- r.-i, women and eliildren mie
blanket iM.l one iione spun froek, 'J'he who'- removal wn.s stipulated to \ukn
pin'c within thr'-e years af>er tliP rafificHti"*' ,"

What ulijeet tbi- govi riimeiit eonid h.-x,- i.'ji,! in view by sfipiilafinn: lliaf (i.r
loiliHiis slutuld deliver into its hati-i'- ail their cattle and horsis, prl•vlo^^^ oi
tlifir emlj;r«tioii, I know Tiot, o .les.H it wni* the intention of ii.s a;r"ii'- t-.
Kpfutalc in itnrk.t ; or pirhais the iih.'m!h by whittli the Iiiilinis W4:r<
tra(t»t|a>ncd, woidd not adniii i>f ilieir 'ein;; tran«purici With il;-;;i. L^ ...«.

■i : .

1"^

:•: 3

SciMinnio \V-ii ('• I.

Chap. Mil]

NKAMATlll.A DKPOSr.D.— TREATIES.

411

il is tlint thnso officore slioiild liavo been there under cnininissioiip «: iii-
Btructioiis of siicli a nature as to sot them in such an awkwanl pooi'ii "i in
re.xpcct to each other, I will not taivc upon me to state, the facts Lcif y of
sufiieient notoriety.

A writer liiis given the following facts relative to the Seniinoles recently,
and, as they are suited to my course of remarks, I give thcin in his own
words : — " Shortly after the cession, [of Florida to the U. S.] a treaty was
made by which the Seminoles consented to relinquish by far the better part
of their lands, and retire to the centre of the peninsula, — a quarter consisting
for the most part of pine barrens of the worst description, and terminating
towards the south in unexplored and impassable marshes. When the tim<;
came for the execution of the treaty, old JVeha Mathla, the head of tiie tribe,
thought it savored too much of the cunning and whiskey of the white man,
and summoned his warriors to resist it. Gov. Duval, who succeeded Gen.
Jackson in the chief magistracy of this territory, broke in upon his v.'ar council,
de|)osed the war leaders, and elevated the peace party to the chieftaincies.
The Seminoles retired peaceably to the territory assigned them, and olil JVeha
Mathla retired to the Creeks, by whom he was raised to the dignity of a
chief."

The ne.il event of considerable moment in the history of the Seminoles, is
the treaty of Payne's Landing. Of this affair I am able to speak in the lan-
guage of the principal agent m it, on the part of the whites. The individual
to whom I refer, General JViley Thompson, will be particularly noticed here-
after, from the melancholy fate which he met in the progress of tiiis war.

I have, in a previous chapter, spoken of the treaty at Moultrie Creek ; but,
before going into the particulars of that at Payne's Landing, it will be neces-
sary to make a fer' additional observations. The Indians who consented to
that treaty, by such consent agreed "to come under the protection of the U.
States, to give up their possessions, and remove to certain restricted boundaries
in the territory, the extreme point of which was not to be nearer than 15 miles
to the sea coast of the Gulf of Mexico. For any losses to which they might
be subjected by their removal, the government agreed to make libci'al donations,
also to provide implements of husbandry, schools, &c., and pay an annuity of
5000 dollars for 20 years ; besides which there were presents of corn, meat,
&c. &c. It was required of the Indians that they should pnivent absconding
slaves from taking refuge among them, and they were to use all proper exer-
tions to apprehend and deliver the same to their proper owners."

Our account next go. s on to State, that the harmony which exi.stcd at the
conclusion of this treaty was very great, and that the Indians were so well
satisfied with its provisi his, "that they had a clause expressly inserted, by
which the United States agent. Major Gad. Humphreys, and the interpreter,
Richards, were to have ea^h one mile square, in fee simple, as a mark of the
confidence they reposed in these officers of the government."

Before this treaty was carried into effect, the Indians were intruded upon,
and they gradually began to be rather slow in thu delivery of the runaway
negroes. Clamors were therefore loud against tlietn, and difficulties Ibllowed,
hi quick succession, for several years. At length it was determined that the
Seminoles should be, somehow or other, got out of Florida, and the treaty of
Payne's Landing was got up for this object.

Accordingly, in 1832, on the 9th of May, a treaty was entered into " on
Ocklawaha River, known by the name of the treaty of Payne's Landing,
by which they stipulated to relinquish all their possessions in Florida, and
emigrate to the country allotted to the Creeks, west of the Mississipjii ; in con-
sideration of which the government was to pay 15,400 dollai-s, on their arrival
at their new home, and give to each of the warriors, women ami children one
blanket and one homespun frock. The whole removal was stipulated to take
place within three years after the ratification."

What object the governirient could have had in view by stii)ulating that the
Indians should deliver into its hands all their cattle and horses, previous to
their emigration, I know not, uidess it was the intention of its agents to
speculate in stocks ; or perhaps the mode by which the Indians were to be
trantiported, would not admit of their being transported with them. Uu thid

f 'im

::r

412

EXECUTIONS.— COUNCIL AT CAMP KING.

[Book IV.

■•iiii!

};'!'
».,/!!j

08 it might, we shall see that this stock affair was among the beginning of the
s[iarks of" war.

It ap|>cai-8 that between 1832 and 1834, it had become very apparent lliat
no removal was intended by the Indians ; and it was equally apparent that
tliose who had engaged a removal for the nation, were not the firet people in
it, — and, consequently, a difficulty would ensue, let the matter be urged when
it would. General Thompson was the government agent in Florida, and lie
(whether with advice or without, I am not informed) thought it best to have a
talk with some of the real head men of the nation, upon the subject of removal,
which he effected about a year before the time of removal expired, namely, in
the fall of 1834.

Meanwhile, the chief who had been put in the place o£ JVeamathla, by Gov-
ernor Duval, had been executed, by some of the nation, for adhering to tiio
whites, and advocating a removal beyond the Mississippi. The name of the
chief executed upon this account was Hicks. To him succeeded one namcil
Charles, or, as he is sometimes called, Charles OmculJa, and he shared the .same
fate not long after. Nine warriors came into his council, and learning that he
insisted upon a removal, shot nine bullets through his heart! No more doubt-
ful characters were now raised to the chieftaincy, but a warrior, named Louis,
well known for his hostility to the whites, was made chief.

In the council which General Thompson got together for the purpose of
holding a talk, as has been remarked, appeared Osceola, and several other
distinguished chiefs. This council was held at Fort King, and was opened
by General Thompson in a considerable speech, wherein he endeavored to
convince the Indians of the necessity of a speedy removal ; urging, at the same
time, that their own safety, as well as that of their property, required it ; and
requested their answer to the subject of his discourse, which he presented in
form of propositions. " The Indians retired to private council, to discuss the
subject, when the present young and daring chief Aceola (Powell) [Osceola]
addressed the council, in an animated strain, against emigration, and said that
any one who should dare to recommend it should be looked upon as an enemy,
and held responsible to the nation. There was something in his manner so
impressive and bold, that it alarmed the tiirtid of the council ; and it was
agreed, in private talk, that the treaty should be resisted. Wlien this was made
known to the agent, he made them a long and eloquent harangue, setting forth
the dangers that surrounded them if they were subjected to the laws of the
palefaces, where a red man's word would not be taken ; that the whites might
make false charges against them, and deprive them of their negroes, horses,
land.s, &c. All this time Aceoln was sitting by, begging the chiefs to remain
film." When this was finished, a chief, named

"IIoLATEE Mico, said die great Spirit made them all — they had come from
one woman — and he hoped they would not quaiTel, but talk until they got
ihiough." The next chief who spoke was named

MiCANOPEE. He wjus the king of the nation. All he is reported to have
said was, that he had no intention to remove. " Powell then told the agent
he had the decision of the chiefs, and that tlie council waj broken up. In a
private talk, an old chief said he had heard much of his great father's regard
for his red children. It had come upon his ears, but had gone through
them ; he wanted to see it with his eyes ; — that he took land from other red
skins to pay them for theii-s, and by and by he would tJike that also. The
while skins had forked tongues, and hawks' fingers ; that David Blount told
him the people in the great city made an Indian out of paint, and then sent
after him and took his lands, (alluding to the likenesses of the chiefs, in the
war department, at Washington.) He wanted, he said, to sleep in the same
land With his faUicrs, and wished his children to sleep by his side."

The plea set up, that Spain ceded Florida to the United States in 18i;>,
without any provision for those Indians, need only to be noticed to show its
nbsin-dity. It is worthy of remark, that when the riglit of the Seminoles to
the lands of Florida was talked about, the idea was derided by many influential
men ; hut when such pei-sons desired to take possession of some of the
territory, tliey seemed more inclined to acknowledge the Indians' righis by
agreeing to pay them for them, than of exercising either tiieir own righl,or that

Chap. VIII.]

OSCEOLA 13 PUT IN IRONS.

413

of the United States, by taking unceremonious possession. Tliis can be
accounted for in tlie same way that we account for one's l)iiying an article tliat
he desires, liecause he dares not tai^e it witiiotu.

When a removal was first urged upon the Seminole Indians, their cliiefd
said, "Let us see what kind of a country this is of which you talk, then if we
like it, it is time enough to exchange ours for it." liut it is said, the govern-
ment agent had no authority to authorize a ileputation of Lidians to visit the
promi.sed land, and here the matter rested awhile.

How long alter this it was, I shall not undeitake to state, that the Indians
maile known tiieir desire of exchanging their country ; but this was said to
have b;>en the fact, and the result was the treaty of Payne's Landing, already
described.

It appi^ars that General Tliompson, nothing discouraged at the result of the
council which had been terminated by the wisdom of Osxola, without the
shghtest concurrence in any of his measures, by unceasing efforts had pre-
vailed upon a considerable number of "chiefs and sub-chiefs to nieet him
afterwards and execute a writing, agreeing to comply with the treaty of 1832."
This Wiis evidently done without Osceola's consent, but its being done by some
whom he had considered his partisans, irritated him exceedingly. He now
eaw that in spite of all he could do or say, the whites would get terms of
agreement of some of the Indians; enough, at least, for a pretence for their
designs of a removal.

In this state of things, Osceola remonstrated strongly with the agent for thus
taking tiie advantage of a few of his people, who doubtless were under much
greater obligation to him than to the peojile of the United States. Remon-
strance soon grew into altercation, which ended in a ruse de guerre, by which
Osceola wu.s made prisoner by the agent, and put in irons, in which situation
he was kept one night and part of two days.

Here then we see the origin of Osceola's strong hatred to General Thompson,
While lying in chains he no doubt came to the fi.xed ri;solution to resist the
whites to his utmost ability, and therefore, with perfect command over himself,
dissembled his indignation, and deceived the agent by a pretended compliance
with his demands. The better to blind the whites, he not only promised to
sign the submission which he had so strongly objected to, but promised that
his friends should do so, at a stated time ; and his word was kept with the
strictest accuracy. He came to Fort King with 79 of his people, men, women,
and children, and then the signing took place. This pmictuality, accompanied
with the most perfect dissimulation, had the effect that the chief intended it
should — the dissipation of all the fears of the whites. These transactions were
in the end of May and beginning of June, 1335.

Thus we have arrived very near the period of open hostilities and blood-
slied ; but before proceeding in the details of these sanguinary events, it may
not be improper to pause a moment in reviewing some of the matters already
touched upon. The first to which the attention is naturally called, is so
l)romincnt as scarcely to need being presented, but I cannot refrain asking
attention to a comparison between the numi)er of "chiefs and sub-chiefs,*^
(which was Sixteen) who on the 23 April, 1835, agreed to "acknowledge the
validity of the treaty of 9 May, 1832," and the numlter of warriors and chiefa
now in ojjcn hostility. These have not been rated below 2000 able men.
Does any body supi)ose that those 16 " chiefs and sub-chiefs," (among whom
was not the "king of the nation" nor Osceola,) had lull power to act for 2000
warriors on so extraordinary an occasion ? The question, in my mind, need
only be stated ; especially when it is considered how ignorant every body was
oftiie actual force of these Indians.

It will doubtless bo asked, how it happens mat the Indians of Florida, who,
a few years since, were kept from starving by an ai)propriation of congress,
should now be able to maintain themselves so comfortably in their fastnesses.
The triitli undoubtedly is, that the "starving Indians" were tiiose then lately
forced down into the peninsula, who had not yet learned the resoiuces of the
country; for not much has been said about the "starving Indians of Florida"
toy s(!veral years past.

In addition to the great amount of cattle, hogs, corn, grain, &.c. taken
35*

414

DEVASTATIONS BEGIN.

fBoox IV

from the wliites, from the comriiencemcnt of tlie war to the present time, the
Seminolcs make flour of a certain root, called coonty, upon 'vvhicli they can
Bubsist without inconvenience for a considerahle length of time, which is of
incalcuiahle advantage to them in their war operations.

The strength of the Indians has been not a little augmented by the blacks.
Some accounts say there are 800 among them, some of whom have joined
them, on absconding from their white owners ; but it is well known that the
Florida Indians own many slaves. Old Micampy is said to have 80.

f$\

•<mii9t

CHAPTER IX.

•^

t£^

77je Indians prepare fur war — Affair of Hogtown — A mail-carrier hilled— Sales of the
Indians' cattle and horses advertised by the Indian, agent, but nunc takes place—
Burnings and viurders are committed — Settlement at A'no River destroyed — Re
markabte preservation of a Mr. Godfrey 's/umi/i/ — Colonel Warren's defeat — Sicamp
fight — Destruction of JVeio Smyrnur;- Defeat and death of Major Dauk, with the
destruction of nearly his whole party — Visit to his battle-ground.

From April until harvest time, preparations had gone on among the Indians,
and they only waited for the whites to begin to compel a removal, when the
blow should be struck. The time allowed them over and above the three
years, to prepare for their journey to the prairies of the Arkansaw, was spent
in making ready to resist at the termination of it.

As early, however, as the 19 June, 1835, a serious affray took place between
some whites and Indians, at a place called Hogtown, not far from Rlickasauky
in which the former were altogether the aggressors. The Indians, about seven
in number, were discovered by a gang of whites, hunting " beyond their
bounds," upon whom they undertook to inflict corporal punishment. Two
of the Indians were absent when the whites came up to them, and they seized
and disarmed them, and then began to whip tliem with cowhide whijis.
They had whipped foui-, and were in the act of whipping the fiilh, when the
other two Indians came up. On seeing what was going on, they raised the
war-whoop and fired upon the whites, but whether they received any iiijuiy,
we are not told ; but they immediately returned the fire, and killed boii the
Indians. When General Thompson was made acquainted with the affair, he
simnnoned the chiefs together, and stated the facts to them, and tliey
disclaimed all knowledge of it, and, it is said, agreed to deliver the offenders
into the hands of the whites, to be dealt with according to their laws.
This must be taken as the story of the whites ; for in this case they, and not
the Indians, were the "offenders." It was altogether a singular rej)ort, that
after the Indians had all been whipped and killed, they should be required to
give up the offenders ; but such was stated to be the fact, and I know not that
It has been contradicted.

Frequent signs of uneasiness had been manifested during the summer
among the Indians, some of whom could not be restrained from acts of vio-
lence by the chiefs, although, it is pretty evident, such acts were against tluir
advice. A mail-carrier was killed and robbed between St. Augustine and
Camp King, and two or three houses had from time to time been broken
open in different places ; but it is not impossible but that these acts might
have been committed by other people than Indians. However, the Indians
were mistrusted, and not only mistrusted, but re[)orled as the perpetrators ;
and whether they were or not is but of small moment, as affairs tunicfl out.

Things remained in this state until December following, when tiic Indian
agent notified such of the Indians as he was able, that their time li.'ul expireil,
and that they must fcrthwitli p.-epare for '.Iicir journey over the JMississijjpi,
and to that end must bring in flair cuttle and horses according to the terms
of the treaty. And so confid'^nt was he that tliey would be brought in, that
Im; had advertised them for sale, and the 1st and 15th of the luonth were the

;hap. ix.j

ESC.Vl't; Ol" MRS. GODFREY.

415

lays in vvliich the sales were to be made. The appointed days passed, and no
(ndianH appeared; and it was innncdiatcly discovere<l tliat they had sent then
«\'onien and children into the interior, and the warriors were niarcliing IVoin
place to place with arms in their han<l8, ready to strike.

Consternation and dismay was depicted on tiie countenances of the bor-
dering whites, and they began to fly from their dwellings, which were imme-
diately tlestroyed by the Indians One of the first places attacked was the
plantation of Captain Priest, the buildings on which were burned. Small
compaiiies of whites were immediately organized for scouring the country.
One of these was fired upon by some Indians in ambush, who wounded two,
one supposed mortally, and a son of Captain Priest had his horse killed under
him. tsoon after, as 30 or 40 men were at work getting out ship-timber on
Drayton's Island, in Lake George, they were fired upon and driven from the
place. None were wounded, although the bullets passed through the clothes
of some of them.

On the 5th of Jan. 1836, a small party, supposed to be about 30, of Indians
struck a fatal blow on a poor famdy at New River, which is about 22 miles
to the north of Cape Florida. It was the family of the light-house keeper of
this pla-.e, named Cooky. And what renders the case peculiarly aggravating
is, that this family, like that of Clark, at Eel River near Plimouth, in Philip^s
war, were, anil hud always been, on terms of great intimacy with the very
Indians who destroyed them. Mr. Cooky, being absent when tiie attack was
made, escaped the butchery. The number murdered was six, one of whoni
was a man named Flinton, ti-oni Cecil county, Maryland, who had been hired
as a famdy teacher, his mother, wife, and three children. Flinton he found
shockingly mutilated, apparently with an axe ; his two older cluldren were
lying near him shot through the heart, with the books they were using at the
tune they were murdered by their sides; from which circumstance it is
evident they met death at the same moment they knew of the vicinity of the
foe. His wife, with the other child at her breast, he found about 100 yards
from the others, both apparently killed by the same bullet. Mrs. Cooky had
formerly been a captive among the Indians, understood their language, as did
one of the childre ., a boy, and both were much liked by them.

Here the Indians found a rich booty. They cai-ried off about 12 barrels of
provisions, 30 hogs, 3 horses, 480 dollars in silver, one keg of powder, above
200 pounds of lead, and 700 dollars worth of dry goods.

A family of several pei*sons in the neighborhood of Cooky^s, witnessed the
murder, and barely made their escape. Also another, that of the widow Rig-
ky ; herself, two daughters and a son ; these escaped by flight to Cape Florida,
riere were soon gathered about GO i)ei-sons, who hud escujjed from along the
coast, and not being able to subsist long for want of provisions, made a signal
of distress, and were soon discovered by a vessel, which took them to St.
Augustine.

Ihere was, among the families who fled to save their lives about this time,
one, very remarkably preserved. The family of Thomas Godfrey, viz. his
wife and four female children, having escaped to a swamp unobserved, were
relieved by a negro, about the end of the fourth day. This man was drawn to
the spot by the moans of one of the children, whose poor furnished mothei
could no longer give it its usual support at the breast. This negro belonged
to the hostile Indians, and came upon these sufl^erers with an uplifted axe ;
but when he saw the children in their disti'ess, his arm was unnerved by the
recollection that his own children were then in the power of the whites. IIo
therelbre came to the humane resolution of setting them at liberty, which
could not bi! done, without great hazard, for the Indians were yet in posses-
sion of all the adjacent country; but he directed them to remain as qiuet aa
possible until night, when he would bring them something to eat. This ho
did, and also brought them blankets to sloe[) u|)on. The next day a company
of mounted whites dispersed the Indians, and the negro conveyed Mrs.
Godfrey and her children in sight of them, and then made his escape. The
husband of Mrs. Godfrey had some time bclbre been ordered out in deleiice
Bf the country.

Nothing but devastations of the inost alurnung and destructive chuructei

\ hH

410

DF.STRUCTION OF NEWSMVRVv

[Book IV.

Ill-

■t>

fH'"in to li.ivo «)rriiriT(l in the region of Enat Florida, ^oitg as there wat
u |i!iH;t' IcCt, which \\n» not strong enniigli to witlintund 'i. Hack.

Ahout tht! 18 oi' December, Colonel Wnrrtn, at the hcmi of n email detach-
ment of his regiment, was ordered to convoy a train of wagons loaded with
provisions and inimitions from St. Augtistinc to the main Ijody, which was
encamped at Fort Crooni, near Micanopy's town. While on their march they
were attacked hy a superior force of Indians, who killed 8 or 10 of them, and
jHit the rest to fligiit, almost in sight of the force they were sent to relieve.
All the wagons iell into the hands of the Indiana, which, uiler taking from
them what tiiey desired, broke them up and burnt them.

On the 20 of December, as Genenil Call, with the Middle Florida troops,
was marching for Fort Draine, his advanced guard discovered a house on tire
^ear Micanopy, and a trail of Indians was discovered leading to a pond, which
was full of bushes and logs. This pond the whites nearly encircled, and
oltliough at first no Indians were seen, yet the flushes of their guns soon

I)ointed out their hiding-places, and considerable firing ensued on both sides ;
)ut the fire of the Indians was soon silenced, and on searching the Ixig four
Indians were found dead, but all the others, if thjre were any more, had
cflfected their escape. In this swamp fight, three w'lites were badly wounded,
and one killed.

On the 2() of December, a band of about 100 Indians, under n chief narued
Philip, and a mnnber of Indian negroes, made an attack on New Smyrna, to
the south of Moscpiito Inlet, on the east side of the Peninsula, where they
foimd nothing to obstruct their ravages. They began with the house of Mr.
Dunham, which when they had j)lundered, "j)arties of them scattered about
the neighboring plantations of Cruder, Depej/.iter, and Hunter. The Indian
negro, John Cftmr, endeavored to decoy Mr. Hunter from his house, on pre-
tence of selling him cattle and horses ; lie, however, having heard by his
negroes that large numbers of Indians were about, and in the allernoon he
crossed the river to Colonel Dummefs, The Indians held possession of Dun-
\am^s house all day, and about one the next morning set it on fire, together
with all the out-buildings. In the course of the 27, they burned and dt^stroycd
all the buildings on Cruger's and Depeyster's plantations except a corn-house,
and, on Hunter's, all except a corn-house. They now crossed over the river
to Colonel DummePs house, and after destroying every thing in it, set that on
fire, but from some cause the fire did not burn it. Tliey next burnt the house
of Mr. Ratdiff, a little to the north of Colonel DummeVs, and broke and
destroyed the lantern and every thing belonging to the light-house."

The war having now become serious, and the Indians no longer looked
upon as a despicable foe, the most melancholy forebodings were entertained
for the very existence of the strongest places in Florida, and the call for
protection from that quarter had become loud and frequent ; but notwith-
Btanding war had been expected all the preceding autumn, no effectual meas-
ures had been taken by the proper authorities to check the Indians in such au
event. There had, however, late in December, >i-rived at Fort Brooke a small
number of United States' troops under Major i)«K/e, of the 4th regiment of
infantry, the official account of whose operations and defeat, I give as follows,
in the language of Major Belton. It should be observed, that Major Dade was
detached for the relief of General Clinch at Camp King, who was supposed
to be in the most imminent danger from the Indians, and also in great want
of supplies.

His despatch was dated at Fort Brooke, 1 January, 1836, and proceeds as
follows : — "The schooner Motto arrived on the 21 December from Key West,
with brevet Major Dade and his companj, A infantry, 39 strong, Avith a small
Biipplv of musket-ball cartridges, after looking in at several points between
the Key and this place. Being thus reinforced, I hesitated no longer to put
Gardiner's company, C 2d artillery, and Frazer's company, B 3d infantry, in
motion for Fort King, pursuant to General Clinch's orders ; which movement
had been ordered on the 16th, and suspended the same day, on account of
intelligence 1 had received of the force of the Micka'^ jkies, and their strong
position, near the '"r^rks of the Wythlacoochee. 1 despatched the public
schooner Motto on 23d, with Lieutenant Duncan, 2d artillery, to Key Weat

f i.n

Chap. IX.]

DEFKAT OF MAJOR DADE.

417

for a battery of two twolvo-poiinderH, and hucIi stores as could lie serviceable;
uiid nt a o'clock, on 24tli, the comimnii-s, Gardiner^a und Ihizicr's, niudo filly
Imyonets each, by details from those companies remaining here, and with onu
of the two six-i)oimders of this post with four oxen, I hud ordered to be
piircbuscd, one light wagon and ten days' provisions wvru put in march.

"The first halt of this command was at Little liilluboro' Kiver, seven
miles from this post, iie bridge of which I had reconnoitred by hulians of
EmnthMa band the (lay before. From this I beard from Maj. Dmte pressing
mc to tbrward the six-pounder, by all means, it having been lell by the failuiu
o\' the team four miles out. I accordingly ordered the purchase of three
horses anu harness, and it joined the column at nine that night. On the
night of the 24th, I heard that the transport with Mai. Mountfoid and com-
pany, long and anxiously expected, was in the bay. I sent at one o'clock u
letter to hiin, (received at day-light) by an Indian express, urging him on.
lie landed with his strong company on the 25th about noon, and informed
me that Legatees company, under Lieut. Grayson, nearly full, must be
near at hand. Of this Maj. Dade was informed by a gallant volunteer,
Jewell, C company, 2d artillery, who had left the detachment with the news
of the burning ot Dig Hillsboro' bridge, near which Maj. D. had halted the
second day, 25th. 1 also intbrmed him that I was using every exertion to
push on about thirteen hundred rations on puck-horses, with what ammuni-
tion could be spared. A duplicate of this was sent the next day by a young
Indian, who became lame und could not overtake the column, and returned
with his letters. Pr. Jewell joined Maj. Dade about 11 o'clock ou the night of
the 25th.

" In the chain of events, it is proper that 1 should mention, that three
Talhdiussee Indians came in on the evening of the 22d, and caused great
excitement in Itolase Emathla^s camp. They brought a talk of Inicanopas
of a pacific or neutral character, or they atiected it ; but I believe not dis-
tinctly, until after I had made them prisoners, while in full council with
Emathld's warriors, which step I considered imperative, if they were spies,
luid as much so if they were charged with any propositions likely to detach the
chiefs from the treaty ; or indeed by an act of self-devotion, to take the sculps
of Emathla, Black Dirt, and Big }Farrior, faithful chiefs, ^vho have been
hunted ir this way since the scalping of Charles EmatlUa. In a council with
Ematlda that night, Maj. Dade expressed every confidence in Indian charac-
ter ; and particularly upon the salutary influence of Abraham upon Micanopa.
On reflection I detained two of the imprisoned Tallahassees, as hosUiges, und
sent the youngest and best runner with letters to General Clinch, and GeneraF
Thompson, via Inicanopa, as I could do no better, and of course, through
Abraham^ lands.

"These letters of course involved many details; but numbers and other
fucts, to guard against treachery, were stated in French. The runner returned
two days beyond his time, with a message from Abraham and Broken Sticks,
stating my talk was good, and that I might expect him on the 30th. This we
freely rendered that he would be at the attack fixed for Christmas week.
A negro, his intimate, named Harry, controls the Pea Creek bund of ubont a
hundred warriors, forty miles south-east of us, who have done most of the
mischief, and keep this post constantly observed, and communicute with the
Micknsukians at Wythlacoochee by means of powerful bands of Eulijllalis
and Alafiers, under Little Cloud, and the Alligator. In tracing Maj. Dade's
movements, I have every reason to believe that he made on the 2Gth six
miles, 27th to Big Wythlacoochee ; on the fiflh dny, 28th, to the buttle-grouud,
sixty-five miles.

"Here it may be proper to state that Maj. Mountford's command was ready
^o move on the 26th, but the transport, in which was a coniituny of the 2d
urtillery under Lieut. Grayson, imtbrtunately entered the wrong bay, and
got mto shoal water, and was not seen, or certainly heard of, till the morning
of the 28th of December, when, by sending a party with a flag as a signal,
Lieut. Grayson was put in possession of instructions, and landed his
I'oinpany at a point four miles v/est of us, on the east side of Tampa Buy
(proper) and joined at sunset that evening ; his transport did not get round to

2i>

418

DEFEAT OF MAJOR DADE.

[Book IV.

K'U

land liis bnggngc till the 30th ; so long an interval as to put all hope of jiinc-
tiori out of tliu (|UC!<tiun, and Maj. MountforiVa baggage was unladed.

"Now it becomes my nieiancholy duty to |)roceed to the catastrophe of this
fated band, an elite of energy, patriotism, military skill, and courage. On the
2yth, in the uftenioon, a man of my company, John Thomas, and temporarily
tmnslerred to C company, second artillery, came in, and yesterday Pr. Ransom
Clark, of same company, with four wounds very severe, and stated, that an
action took place on the 28th, commencing about 10 o'clock, in which every
oflicor fell, and nearly every man. The command entrenched every night,
and about four miles from the halt, were attacked, and received at least fifleen
rounds before an Iiidian was seen. Maj. Dade and his horse were both killed
on the first onset, and the inter|)reter, ^ Louis.'' Lieut. Mudge, third artillery,
received his mortal wound the first fire, and afterwards received several other
wounds. Lieut. Basenetr, third artillery, was not wounded till after the
second attack ; and, at tlie latter part of that, he was wounded several limes
before he was tomahawked. Capt. Gardiner, second ortillery, was not
wounded until the second attack, and at the last part of it. Mr. Bascnger,
after Capt. Gardiner waa killed, remarked, "lam the only officer left ; and,
boys, we will do the best we can." Lieut. Keaus, third artillery, had both
arms broken the first shot ; was unable to act, and was tomahawked the latter

|)art of the second attack, by a negro. Lieut Henderson had his left arm
)roken the first fire, and after that, with a musket, fired at least thirty or forty
shot. Dr. Gatlin was not killed until after the second attack, nor was he
wounded ; he placed himself behind the breastwork, and with two double-
barrelled guns, said, "he had four barrels for them." Capt. Frazier fell early
in the action with the advanced guard, as a man of his company, B third
oi-tiilery, who came in this morning, wounded, reports.

" On the attack they were in column of route, and after receiving a heavy
fire from the unseen enemy, they then rose up in such a swarm, that the
ground, covered, as was thought, by light infantiy extension, showed the
Lidians between the files. Muskets were clubbed, knives and bayonets used,
and parties were clenched; in the second attack, our own men's muskets
from the dead and wounded, were used against them ; a cross-fire cut down
a succession of artillerists at the fence, from which forty-nine rounds were
fired ; the gun-carriages were burnt, and the guns sunk in a pond ; a war-
dance was held on the ground. Many negroes were in the field, but no scalps
were taken by the Indians ; but the negroes, with hellish cruelty, pierced the
throats of all, whose loud cries and groans showed the power of life to be
yet strong, The survivors were preserved by imitating death, excepting
Thomas, who was partly stifled, and bought his life for six dollars, and in his
enen>y recognized an mdian whose axe he had helved a few days before at
this post. About one hundred Indians were well mounted, naked, and
painted. The last man who came in brought a note from Capt. Drazier,
addressed to Maj. Mounlford, which was fastened in a cleft stick, and stuck in
a creek, dated, as is supposed, on 27th, stating that they were beset every
night, and pushing on.

F. S. Belton, Capt. 2d Artillery:'

Such was the fate of Major Dade and his gallant companions. Osceola was
present, as was the old chief Micanopy. Of the latter, it is said, he had, in
the beginning of the troubles, avowed that he would neither leave his country,
nor woidd he fight ; but when the force under Major Dade approached his
town, he altered his resolution, seized his rifle, and shot that officer.

The situation of affairs, at this period cannot better be described than in the
language of a gentleman attached to Major Mountford's command, stationed at
Fort Brooke, and is contained in a letter, dated on the first day of the year : —
" We are," says he, " really in the theatre of war of the most horrible kind.
We arrived here on Christmas day, and found the inhabitants flying in from all
quarters to camp. Major Dade, with seven officere and 110 men, started, the
day before we arrived, for Fort King. We were all prepared to overtake
them the next day, and were upon the eve of departure, when an intervention
of circumstances deferred it for one day ; and, in \he course of that day, three

Chap. IX.]

VI.^IT TO D.\l)K'.S nArrLR-GROUNI).

410

t»f»l(liorts horrilily nmnglcd, cnuw info cnmp, nnrl hroii^lit tlio inolnnrlioly tid-
ings that Major l)ii It ami ((very oftictT nnd man, except tlu'iMsclvcs, wcro
iiitirdiri'd and terribly mangled. Wv are at work, nigiit and day, entrciu-JiiMg
oursrlvcH in every |iosNil)li; manner. We exiwict every moment to he attacked,
as the NivagcH have 8\vorn we Khoiild ail Ik; inas-sacred hel'ore the (itii ol" Jan-
uary. Wo are only uhoiit '200 stronjj, with otKcers and men, and ahoiit r)0
eitizens, and I'^O friendly Indians, under their chief, Black Dirt, The saviigerf
ure wud to inimher 4000,"

Aller the arrival of General Gaines in Florida, he ordered a d<nnchment,
under Captain Hitchcock, to vi-^it the battle-ground of Major Daile. And when
he had performed his orders, he gave the following report of that distressing
spectacle. His repor' is dated "Fort King, Florida, Feb. 22, 18.'{()," "'id is
addressed to General Gaines, as follows: — "Agreeably to your directions, I
observed the battle-ground, six or seven miles north of the Onithlecooche river,
when; Major Dade and hi.s command were destroyed by the Seminole Indians,
on the 28 Dec. last, and have the honor to subtnit the ibilowing report : —

"The force utider your command, which arrived at this jKJSt to-day from
Tam|)a iJay, encamped, on the night of the li)tli in.st, on tlje groimd occnjjitMl
by Major Dade on the night of the 27tli of Decendier. He and his [)arty were
destroyed on the morning of the 28tli DecemlMT, about four miles in advance
of that position. He was advancing towards this |)ost, and was attacked from
the north, so that on the 20th in.tant wc; came on the rear of his battle-ground,
al)out nine o'clock in the morning. Our advanced guard had passed the
groinid without halting, when the General and his staff came upon one of the
most ap[)alling scenes that can be imagined. We fiist saw some broken and
scattered boxes; then a cart, the two oxen of which were lying dead, as if
they had fallen asleep, their yokes still on them ; a little to the right, one or
two horses were seen. We then came to a small enclosure, made by felling
trees in such a vianner as to form a triangi.iar breastwork for defence. With-
in the triangle, along the north and west faces of it, were about thirty lindies,
mostly mere skeletons, although much of the clothing was left upon them.
These were lying, almost every one of them, in precisely the nositiou they
must have occupied during the fight, — their heads next to the logs over which
they had delivered their fire, and their bodies stretched, with striking regular-
ity, parallel to each other. They had evidently been shot dead at their post.s,
and the Indians had not disturbed them, except by taking the scalps of most
of them. Passing this little breastwork, we found otiier bodies along the
road, and by the side of the ron'l, generally behind trees, which had been
resorted to lor covers from the enemy's fire. Advancing about two hundred
yards further, we found a cluster of bodies in the middle of the rocd. These
were evidently the advanced guard, in the rear of wliicli was tiie body of
Major Dade, and, to the right, that of Cap'., Eraser.

"These were all doubtless shot down on the first fire of the Indians, except,
perhaps, Capt, Eraser, who must, however, have fallen vi^y early in the tiglit.
Those in the road, and by the trees, fell during the first attack. It was during
a cessation of the fire, that the little band still '•emaining, about thirty in num-
ber, threw up the triangidar breastwork, which, from the haste with w hieh it
was constructed, was necessarily defective, and could not protect the men in
the second attack,

" We had with us many of the personal friends of the ofliccrs of Major
Dade's command ; and it is gratifying to be able to state, that every ofticer w.-is
identified by undoubted evidence. They were buried, and the cannon, a six-
pounder, that the Indians had thrown into a swamp, was recovered, and placed
vertically at the head of the grave, where, \* is to be hoped, it will long remain.
The bodies of the non-commissioned officers and privates were buried in two
graves ; and it was found that (!very man was accouiued for. The command
was composed of eight ofliccrs, and one lunidred and two non-commissioned
of1icoi-s and privates. The bodies of eight officers and ninety-eight men were
interred, — four men having escaped, three of whom reached Tampa Bay ; the
fourth was killed the day after the battle,

" It may be proper to observe, that the attack was not made from a ham-
mock, but in a tliiniy-wooded country ; ilie Indians being concealed by |iaimettc
and gni-in, wiiieh has since been burned.

' V #

420

PRINCIPAL SEMINOLE CHIEF'S.

5.1

1.1*

[Book IV

" Th' two companies were Capt. Fraser's, of the 3<1 artillery, and Cnpt
Gnrdiner's, of tlie ^d artillfry. The olHrere were Major Dade, of the 4th
inftiiitry, Capts. Frazcr and Gardiner, second Lientenanl Basinger, brevet second
Li(!iit. if. Henderson, Mudge [late of Boston] and Keais, of the artillcrj-, and
l>r. 7. S. Gatlin:'

I'loin a comparison of the above report with the official accoinit before
given, of Captain Helton, n(^arly every thing conciuiiii!; this signally great
disaster is learned ; but from the report of tiie three men that iiad the singidar
fortune to escape, many incidents have, frotn time to time, been gathered, and
communicated through tiie newspapei-s. In fact, until the late visit to the
battle-ground, no other account, but such as could be gathered from the three
poor half-murdered sohliers, could be obtained ; and yet it appears that they
gave tiie facts as they really were. They all came in separatel}', sorely
wounded, — one of them with no less than eight wounds. He was supposed to
be dead, and was thrown promiscuously into a heap of the slain, about w ich a
dance was held by the Indians, before leaving the ground. Tliis man crawled
away in the following night, and thus ellected his escape.

Htees^

CHAPTER X.

Of the principal chiefs and war leaders of the Seminoles — Osceola — Micanop,--
Jl'mpkr — Massacre of General Thompson and others at Fort King — Battli < ?
TiiF OuiTHLF.coocnE — Fight near Wetumka — Great distress of the cmintry — .Iction
of Coigrcss upon it — Battle at Musqiiito^Manij Creeks join the Sentinoles — Fight
on the Suanee River.

There has been occasion already pretty fuily to sketch i.ie character of the
cliii'f geucraily called Powell by the whites, but whose real name is Osceola,
or Ostoln. This chief has shown himself to be, thus far, equal to the desperate
cause in which he is engaged. We, at a distance from the Indians, marvel
that they should be so short-sighted as not to see that to wage a war is only to
hasten their ruin ; but, when wo tlius reflect, we do not consider the scanty
information which the Indians have of the real strength of the whites. Our
means of getting a knowledge of the Indians, is incalculably greater than theirs
iij of getting a knowledge of us. They cannot read, neither can they converae
(or but very few of them) with intelligent white men ; therefore, that they
know mncli less of us than wo do of them, nnist be vcit apparent. They
know nothing of geogra])hy. If an Indian, in the interior of Florida, slioidd
be told that New England was a great place, without considerable troid)lc he
could not bo made to miderstand whether it were a great town, as large as a
village of 50 wigwams in his own country, or as large as the whole of Florida.
We leani eveiy thing of this nature by comparison ; and how shall the Indian
com))ieliend our terms, but by comparing ihem with his own .'' Hence it is
owing, mainly, to the unavoidable ignorance of the Indians of our actual con-
ditio! , tluit induces them to hazard a war with us. I know, from the best
luitliority, that the western Indians, previous to Black Hatches war, were gen-
erally of the opinion that they were far more numerous than the whit(\s ; and
when a trader told them they eertaitdy were not, they laughed at him with
scornful gestures. We have no reason to believe the Florida Indians any
better inibrmed ; and, besides, they are cheated and baffled so oflen by knaves
who go akuoiig them *'". iluit pur|)ose, that they imagine all the whites to be
of the same character, and they cannot tell whether a talk really comes from
thi'ir great fiuher, the president, or whether some impostor be cheating them
with one of his own, to get their lands for his particular benefit.

With this view of tlie case l)efbre us, it will lun ap])ear altogether rinac-
?ountablc that a daring chief, like Osceola, should engage in a war. He is said
not to be a chicjf by birth, but has raised himself by his courage and jiecnliar
abilities to that station. His father is said to Imve been uu Englishman, anJ

Chap. X.] MASSACRE OF GENERAL THOMPSON AND OTHERS. 4"21

hip mother i\ Creek woman. lie belongs to the Red Stick tribe. In person
be is slender, but well formed, muscular, and capable of enduring great
fatigue; is an excellent tactician, and an admirer of order and discipline. He
would frequently practise military manoeuvres with the whites, and none of
tlieni, it was observed, could excel him. His com}ilexion is rather '.iglit, deep
restless eyes, char and shrill voice, and not more than about 35 years of age.
He is said to have conducted in person every impciUMit action from tiie time
of WairtrCs defeat to the battle of the Ouithlecooirhee. General Thompson
imprisoned him, as we have before related, because he would not acknowl-
edge his authority, and for asserting that the countiy was the Indians', "that
they wanted no agent, and that he had better take cue of himself."

Of old Micanopy as well us Osceola I have alreacy had occasion to sjieak.
He was said to have joined the latter with 500 men : he is a short, lliick-si;t,
"ugly-looking Indian, and much given to intoxication." Jumper is jliicano-
pv'.* (rliief counsellor, and a warrior of great perseverance, activity, and
courage. Wo shall now take U|) the narrative of events in the order of their
occurrence, and the next of importance was the massacre near Camp King,
wliich happened on the samy day, but at a later hour than the destruction of
the detaclnuent under Major Dade.

Osceola, it will be remembered, had been roughly treated at this place, not
many months before, and had been by coercion obliged to comply with the
demands of ]Mr. Agent Thompson, about a removal, &c. He was known
alterwards to declare that Thompson siionld pay with his life for his conduct.
Accordingly, with a small bantl of warriors, at noon day, on the 28 of Decem-
ber, he approached Camp l\.in<r tor this avowed piu'pose. Thompson rcsid.d
here, and was in the eni|)loy of the United States' government, as agent for
the removal of the Seminole Indians, and other affairs concerning them. He
was a man of considerable conseciuence, and had formerly, it is believed,
been a member of congress. Whether it was his usual custom to dine out
of the Ibrt, we are not inlbnned, but on this fatal day, it seems, he, with nine
other gentlemen, met at the store house of Mr. Rogers, wliich was but VJ50
yards from the i'ort, and while seated iit dinner there, they were attacked by
Osceola; and what was remarked, at the time, as very singular, was, that
those j)eople should I)e beset and slain, and all scali)ed, within reach of two
six-pound cannon then mounted upon the fort, which was garrisoned with 50
men ; but such are the liicts upon record.

Mr. Rogers was silting at the head of his table, and (he first intimation of
the presence of Indians was a volley of, as was judged, 100 guns. The door
of the hous(i beii'^ ojien, nothing prevented the deadly aim of the Ibe, who,
after the first discharjie, rushed upon the house with savage tiny. Those
who were not killed jiimprd out of liie windows, on each side, and lied; five,
who ran to the ibrt, es(!aped ; the others, in running lor a haimnock near by,
were shot down. The negro woman, a coolc, ran behind the coiniter and hid
behind a barrel. Ositola, i.t the head of his warriors, rushed into the house,
but did not discover her, and immediately left it. The names ol'the five that
were killed, were, (itjiieial Thompson, Lieutenant Vonslnntinc Smith, Erastus
Rogers, sutler, a Mr. Suggs and Hilzler. F'it\ei]n bullets were fbiuul to have
been shot through GentM-al Thompson, and Ki through iMr. Rogers. Their
heads were scaljied ail over, as liir as the hair exteiuled.

IJloody events now l<)llowed eacii other in tpiick succession. A\'e have
seen that upon the same day ha|vpened the two niassat;res last I'ehited, .'uid
scarcely iiad the news of them ceased vibrating on the ear, when the battle of
the Ouithlccooclnje was amiouni'i d. Tiie movements of d'eneral Clinch, in the
very end of the year 18.T), brousrht about this event, which will presmtly be
detailed in his own words. He was lying in garrison at Vuvt Drane, a
stockade about ',]0 miles from Camp King. He had here a ])lanta!ion, upon
which was a hirg<> crop of corn ; this he lib(!rally dealt out to the soldiers ;
other supitlies having failed. On the arrival of (.'eneral Call, an e.xpediiion
wa.s innnediately set on loot for the liead-cpiarters of the lii<liuns.

As the narrative; of every transaction is ol" inci'eased imi)ortaiife anil value,
iii proportion to the means of knowledge and veracity of the narrator, we are
always led to u tlesire to hear the history ot' such transactions Irom tin; very

;)0

:fj

422

BATTLE OF THE OUITHLECOOCHE.

[Book IV.

actors ill tliein; because, from such sources, we seldom fail ofamving at the
truth. A commander or leader in a battle or expedition, if lie would wish to
misi-epresent a transaction, would, in scarce one time in a thousand, dare to
do so ; because all his followers, or at least all those wronged by a lalse
statement, would rise in evidence against him. I need not, however, have
prefaced General Clinch's official account of the Battle of Ouithlecoochee
with these observations, for, from the very face of it, his dim at the strictest
veracity is apparent. But it is proper that we know how to value the real
sources of history ; it was to this end that the above observations were made.
J will now proceed with General Clinches account ol'liis battle with Osceola.

" Head 'Quarters, Territory of Florida, Fort Drane, Jan. 4, 1836.
"Sir — On the 24 ultimo, brigadier Gen. Call, conunanding the volunteers
called into service by his excellency, G. R. Walker, acting givernor of Flori-
da, formed a junction with the regular troops at this post, and informed me
that his command had been raised to meet the crisis ; that most of their terms
of service would expire in a few days, which made it necessary to act
promptly. Two large detachments were sent out on the 15th [Dec] to
scour the country on our right and left flank. Lieut. Col. Fannmg, with
three companies from Fort King, arrived on the 27th ; and, on the 2L)th, the
detachment having returned, the brigade of mounted volunteers, composed
of the 1st and 2d regiments, commanded by Brig. Gen. Call, and a battalion
of regular troo|)s commanded by Lieut. Col. Fanning, took up the line of
march for a point on the Ouithlccooche river, which was represented by our
guides as being a good ford. About 4 o'clock on the morning of the 31st [of
Dec] after leaving all our baggage, provisions, &c, protected by a guard
commanded by Lieut. Dancy, we pushed on with a view of carrying the ford,
and ol'surjirising the main body of the Indians, supposed to he concentrated
on the west bank of the river; but on reaching it, about day-light, we found,
instead of a good ford, a deep and rapid stream, and no means of crossing,
cxc(!pt in an old and damaged canoe. Lieut. Col. Fanning, however, soon
succeeded in crossing; the regular troops took a position in advance, whilst
Brig. Gen. Call was actively engaged in crossing his brigade, and in having
their horses swam over the river. But belbre one half had crossed, the bat-
talion of regulars, consisting of about 200 men, were attacked by the enemy,
who were strongly posted in the swamp and scrub, which extended from the
river. This little band, however, aided by Col. Warren, 3Iaj. Cooper, and
Lieut. Yeoman, with 27 volunteers, met the attack of a savage enemy, nearly
ihree times their number, headed by the chief Oseola, with Spartan valor.
The action lasted nearly an hour, during which time the troops made three
brilliant charges into the swamp and scrub, and drove the enemy in every
direction. And after the third charge, although nearly one third of their
number had been cut down, they were ibund sufliciently firm and sfenrly to
fortify the formation of a new line of battle, which gav<i entire '^irotectiou te
the flanks, as well as the position selected for recrossing the troops. Brig.
Gen. Call, after using every effort to induce tlie volimteers remaining on the
cast bank, when the action commenced, to cross the river, and in arranging
the troops still remaining on that hank, crossed ovci a::;', endered important
service by his coolness and judgment in arranging part of his corps on the
right of the regulars, which gave much strength and security to that flank.
Col. Fanning displayed the greaU'st firnuiess throughciit the action, and
added much to the high re|)ufatiou long since establislu d. Captains Drane
and Mellon exhibited -eat biavery and judgment, and likewise aililid to the
character they ae(|uire(l in ilu; kite war. Nor was Caj)t. Gates wanting in
firuuu'ss. Capt. //>«. .}f. Gritham, 4th nifsuitiy, was l''ailcssly brave, and
althouiih very severely wounded eiu'ly in the cngMgemeiit, continued to head
Ills company in the most gallant ninnner, milil lit^ ri-cived another severe
wound, when ho was taken from the tield. Ills lirotlier, Lieut. Cainj)bell Gra-
futin, conunanding tlu? adjacent ennipany, \\aM like\'ise smeri ly \\(>uiided
etuiy in the fight, but continui'd wiili liis men until another wound foi'ced
him, from loss of blood, to retire fioni ilie field. 1 lent. .MiiUhi'rl, wlio com-
niaiuled a company, contrihuted much, hy his galla'.itry, to encourage his men.

! Wi

Chap. X]

BATTLE OF THE OUITIIIECOOCIIE.

423

Lii'uta. Talcot, Capron, John Graham, Riilgelij, (who was wonnded early in the
iictioi),) and Brooks, all displayed good courage and coolness tlirouglioiit the
action. When almost every non-commissioned oificer and private exhibited
sncli firmness, it was almost impossible to discriminate between them ; but
the commanding-general cannot withhold his high approbation of judgment
and courage displayed by sergeant Johnson of H company, third artillery, on
whom the command of the company devolved, after Lieut. Graham was
removed from the field ; and who, although severely wounded, continued at
the head of the company till the action was over. Also of ««'rjreants Kt lot
and Lofton, and corporal Paget, 4th infantrj'. Sergeants tScaJjicld and Potter
D company, 2d artillery ; sergeant Smith, C company, first artillery, and cor
poval Chapin, C company, 3d artillery. Colonel John Warner, commaiuhini
1st regiment volunteers, Maj. Cooper, and Lieut. Yeoman of sanie corps, whc
had formed on the left flank, were all severely wounded, while leading tlieii
littli' hand o the charge, and all behaved with great bravery, as well as
adjutant Phillips. Lieut. Col. Mills disj)layed great coolness and judgment
(luring the action, and in recrossing the river with his command. Lieuts.
Stewart j"id Hunter of the 2d regiment, with a few men of that regiment, were
judiciously posted on the right, and, from their reputation for firiimess, would
have given a good account of the enemy, had he made his appearance in that
quarter. Col. Parkill, of the F. volunteers, who performed the duties of
adjutant-general, displayed much military skill and the utmost coolness and
courage throughout the whole action ; and his services were of the first
im|)ortance. Col. Rcid, inspector-general, displayed much firnniess, but he
had his horse shot, and received a slight wound early in the engagement, and
was sent with orders to the volunteers. My volunteer aid, RIaj. Ljitlt; and
Maj. Wclford, aid to Brig. Gen. Call, were near me throughout the aciion, and
displayed the most intrepid courage and coolness. Col. J. H. Mcintosh, one
of my aids, and Maj. Gamble, aid to Gen. Call, both displayed much finnness
and courage, and were actively employed on the left flank. I also feel it due
to Lieut. Col. Bailey, Capt. Scott, and Lieut. Cuthbert, to say, that, although
the action was nearly over before they could cross the river with a lew of the
2d regiment, they took a judicious position, and showed much firmness.
Capt. IVyatt, of the same corps, was entirely employed in erecting a tempora-
ry bridge, and manifested much firmness. Much credit is also due to the
medical department, composed of Doctors ff'ightman, Hamilton, Handolpli, and
Bradon, for their activity and attention to the wounded.

"The time of service of the volunteers having ex|)ired, and most of them
having expressed an unwillingness to remain longer in the service, it was
considered best, after removing the dead and taking care of the wounded, to
return to this post, which we reached on the 2d instant, without the least
interruption, and, on the following day, the volunteers from Middle Florida
took up the line of March for Tallahassee ; and this morning tlios(r from East
Florida proceeded to their respective homes, leaving me a very few men to
guard this extensive frontier. I am now fully convinced that there has been
a great defection among the Florida Indians, and that a great many Creeks
have united with them , consequently it will require a strong force to j)ut
them down.

"J also have the honor to enclose you a list of the killed and wonnded of
the res|)ective regiments and corps. I am, sir, with high respect, your most
obedient,

D. L. CMxcit,
Brevet B. General U. S. Arnvj, Commanding,

"R. Jones, Adjutant- General U. S. .Irmy."

"Return of the killed and wounded at the battle of the Ouithlecooche on
the Hist day of December, 18.'}5. — C company, 1st artillery, Cnpt. Gates com-
miinding — one artificer killed; 1 corporal and .'5 privates wounded, I) com-
j)any, 2(1 artillery, Capt. G, Drane commanding — 1 privnti' kill(!d ; ] second
Lieut., 1 corporal, anil 12 privates wounded. F com|)auy, 2d artillery, ht.
Ca|)t. Mellon coimnanding — 1 artificer killed. C com|Kuiy, 'M artillery, 1st
Lieut. Maitland commanding — 1 artificer killed, imd 7 privates wounded. H

W !

424

FIGHT NEAR WETUMKA.

[Book IV,

company, 3d artillery, 1st Lieut C. Graham commanding — 1 private killed
I first Lieut., 1 sergeant, 2 corporals, and 12 privates wounded.

"Total— -4 killed, and 52 wounded." How many of the wounded died
after the return was made out, I cannot ascertain ; but uo doubt many did, as
is always tiie case. The loss of the Indians is, as usual on such occasions,
variously estimated. Some friendly Indians who came into Tallahassee, said
that Osceola lost 104 men, and was himself twice wounded during the battle.

There were with General Clinch, as guides in his expedition, three or four
[udians of tlie white party, relatives of the chief, Charles Omathla, who doubt-
less rendered eminent service.

Osceola was observed foremost of all his iiKm in this battle, and was well
known to General Clinch and many of his men. He wore a red belt, and
three long feathers. Having taken his stand behind a tree, he would step
boldly out, level his rifle, and bring <lown a man at every fire; nor was ho
dislodged until several volleys from whole platoons had been fired upon hint.
The tree behind which he stood was literally cut to pieces. It is almost a
wonder that he had not now fulfilled the measure of his threat made on a
former occasion, which was to kill General Clinch. He jjrobably tried his
best to do it, for the general received several sliots through his clothes.
General Thompson, Charles Omathla, and General Clinch were the three per-
sons ho had declared vengeance against.

An officer in General Clinch's army wrote the next day after the battle, to
a friend in Washington, " You will see from Gen. CWich^s ofiicial letter,
gi>iMg an account of the battle, that he says nothing of himself. I was in tins
battle, and allow me to say to you resp(;cting him, what I s^aw and know to he
true. Throughout the engagf^ment he was in the hottest of the fight. His
horse was shot under him in two places, neck and hip. A ball jtassed through
his cap, entering the front, and i)assing out at the back i)art of the toj). An-
other ball passed through the sleeve of the bridle-arm of his coat. This was
my first b«':',e, and I may not be the best judge, but I do not believe that any
man ever displayed more intrepid courage than Gen. Clinch ilid on this
occasion. At one moment a little confusion occurred among the troops, in
consequence of some soldiers giving the word "Retire!" The general
immediately threw himself in front of the men, and his horse staggering
under him, he dismounted, advanced to the front, and, amidt. a shower of
bullets from the Indians, said, that before he would show his back to the
enemy, ho would die upon the field. The high and chivalric bearing of the
general kindled among the men an enthusiasm, which, I believe, was never
surpassed. A gallant charge fi)llowed, which routed and drove the enemy
from the field, and they did not again show themselves. We kept the fieUl
about three hours, and then rccrossed the river in good order, and without
disturbance."

The next events which occurred were not of so much moment as those
immediately preceding them ; but it is our duty to notice all, which we will
do in the onhn* of time.

On the 12 .January, "Col. Parish, at the head of 200 mounted volimteers,
co.nposed of the companies of Ca[)t. ./?Wo»j, Bellami/, and Caswell, had a sharp
encounter with a large body of Indians near Wetumka, in Middle Florida.
The attack commenced with the advanced guard under Capt. Jielinmv, who
had l)een allowei! by the enemy to pass their main body. Col. Parish imme-
diately hastened forward to his support, when siuldenly he was attacked on
both flanks by the enemy in ambush. The volunteers made an unsuccessfiil
attempt to charge on lioi-sebaek ; they were then dismounted and fitimi'd in
admiraiile order. They then chai-'cd the enemy in a manner worthy of
veterans. In the mean time, Cajjt. lieVamj, having routed tlu; attacking party
opposed to him, fell back on the main Iiody. The enemy were soon forced
to tak(; slujlter in a ihicket. YKy this time, night coming on, it was not thought
prudent to fidlow them, when; the localities of the place and the tiarkness
would have given them great advantages. Oiu' men rested on tlunr arms in
tin- open ])iM^ woods, prepared to renew thi' action at day-light ; hut during
the ni^'lit tile savages ell'ecti^d their rein-at. Their less must liiive iicen con-
siilerable, as six dead \)odies were counted in one pint of the field of battle.

Chap X.]

CONGRESS.— BATTLE OF DUNLAWTON.

425

Two dii}-s after, Col. Parish marched for Fort King, and arrived there in
sul'ety. He tluui proceeded to PowelVs \^Osceola^s^ town, and destroyed it.
The vohniteors tlien returned to Fort Drane."

The host opinion can he formed of the distress of the people of Florida at
this period, from the sufferers theuiselves, or those momentarily expecting to
become such. On the IG January, a newspaper published at Tallahassee
contained as follows: — "Since the engagement on the Wythlacoochee, no
intelligence has been had of the main body of the Indians. The situation of
the inhabitants east of the St. John's and south of 3t. Augustine, is truly
deplorable. New Smyrna has been burnt, and all the fine plantations in that
neighborhood are broken up. Many of the negroes have been carried off, or
have joined the savages. The Indians are dispersed in small parties, aud
wlien pursued they take refuge in the thickets, which abound every where,
and fight with desjieration, until they are dead, no matter by what numbers
they are assailed. It is literally a war of extermination, and no hope is
entertained of putting an end to it, but by the most vigorous measures. In
the mean time, the number of the enemy is daily increasing by desperadoes
fi'oin other tribes, and absconding slaves. The Mickasooky tribe is considered
the loatling [one] of the Seminolcs. "">ey have always been noted as the
most ruthless and determined of the savage race."

IJiit it must not he Bup|)osed, that the measure of the Bufferings of the
Floiidians was yet full, at this date of our history, nor even at the very writing
hereof, (20 July,) although the whole coast from St. Augustine to Ca[)e Florida
is in the hands of the Indians, and has remained so ever since the 11 Febru-
ary. Nevertheless, nothing seems yet to have oc<;urred sufliciently alarming
to awakcai the sympathies of the heads of the nation. But on the 30 January,
Mr. jniile, in the house of representatives, asked leave to introduce the fol-
lowing resolution: —

"Ilesolvea by the senate and house of representatives of the United States of
America, in Congress assembled, That the pn .-i lent of the U. States he
authorized to cause lations to be d(.>livered from the public stores to the
untbrtuiiate sufferers who have been driven from their homes by Indian
dej)redations, until they can be re-established in their possessions, and enabled
to procure provisions for the sustenance of themselves and flunilies."

Tins resolution, after some debate, was passed, and became a law. The
notice of this act of congress is in anticipation of the order of events ; but one
thing is certain, that if I have noticed congress a litUe prematurely, they have
not conunitted the like yau/< in noticing the affairs of Florida.

Upon the 17 Jarmary, as George IV. Rockleff and Jem/ Bowers, pilots in the
sloop Pilot, of Mosquito, were proceeding up Halifax River, and when nearly
opi)osito Mi-s. ArulersoiCs plantation, they were tired upon by Indians, about
100 in number, as they judged, who continu'cd their fire about a quarter of an
hour. They ov(!rshot the men, but the sail and rigging of their vessel was
much injured ; 30 bullets having passed through the mainsail.

The next day, 18 January, Major Putman, who was at the head of the
independent company, styled the St. Augustine Guards, stationed at Mos-
(piito, proceeded to Mrs. ^inderson^s plantation, at a jilace called Dun Lawton,
about 50 miles south of St. Augustine, on the Haliflix Uivir, upon <liscovery.
It will be remembered that the whole of the Moscpiito country was destroyed
on the 2(\ and 27 of December, as we have before related, and the buildings
of Mrs. .Anderson were at that time burned. While there, this company, com-
jtosed of the generous and spirited young men of St. Augustine, joined by a
few fVom Mosquito, making about 40 men, was attacked by I.IO Indians, as
was supposed Mr. Geo. Anderson and Mr. Douglas Dummit, standing on
guard, saw two Ind' .is approaching, upon whom they lirecl, killing one and
wounding the other. Dummit ran to the fallen Indian, and as he w.is stoojiing
over him, received a wound in the bark of the neck. At llii^ same moment
the whole body of the Indians rushed out of a Hcruh, distant a littlis more
tliiiii inuski!t shot, and connnenced a fin-ions attack upon MMJor Pulm(tu''s men,
who, from behind the fragments and luokcn walls of tin- hin-iit lHiildin<rs
gave the Indians a warm reception ; and altlioiigli but 10 in niimlKT, tuning
coverts from which to fight, and the Indians bring in open space, tliev ke[it

426

CONfiKESS AND THE SEMINOLE WAR.

[Rook IV

t ii '

them at luiy for about an lioiir During tliia time but one hod been wounded.
The Iiuliuiis now cliarged tiiom vvitii such determined fury upon tiieir flnnivs,
tliut tlioy were obliged to fly to their bouts, wiiich were at considerable
distance from tlie siiorc, and were closely ])ursued by the Indians. In their
hurry, the whites rendered all their guns, but one, usel^^, by wetting them,
with tills one, however, tiiey fired as ollen as possible, and pushed off with
energy ; but the water being shallow for a great distance, they were in the
most immhient danger of being boarded by the numerous Indians ; in such
event, every man must have jierished. However, they escaped with 1!) hailly
wounded, and several of these mortally. One boat fell into the hands oi" tin-
Indians, in which were eight or ten men, wlio all jumped overboard and
escaped, except one, n Mr. Edward Gould, who swam to Pelican Island, and
was there lefl; nor was it in the power of the others to relieve hiin, they
being pursued by the Indians in the boat which they had just taken. He was
not heard of ulterwards, and Wiis supposed to have been drowned next day
in endeavoring to swim from the island. A Air. Marks swam to the opposite
beach, and escaped to Ihdowville ; the othere were taken into the boats again.

Great fears having, all along, been entertained that the Seminoles would
be aided by tlie Creeks, it is now confidently aflirmcd that at least 1000 of
them have gone down into Florida for that end.

About the 20 January, Captain Hooder, on the lower Suanee River, finding
the opposite side in possession of the Indians, crossed over with nine men to
attack them. As they landed, two of his men were shot down ; one with
nine balls, the other with five. With his remaining men he charged the
Indianc with great boldness. In the mean time his boat got adrill, and no
other alternative was lefl but victory or death. After a close and deadly coiu
lest of some minutes, the Lidians were routed with severe loss.

»#»##>«

CHAPTER XI.

CowGRESS makes an appropriation for carrying on the tear — Remarlis in the Scnat9
of the United States on the war loith the Seminoles — Debate in the hmsc of repre-
sentatives on the bill for the relief of the inhabitants of Florida — Mack, on some
Creeks at Bryant's Ferry — General Gal''cs's campaign in Florida — Fights the
Indians on the Ouithlacoochee — His conference with Osckola — Resigns his com-
mand, and haves the country — Captain Allison's skirmish — The chief Ouchee
Billy killed — Siege of Camp McLemore — Great sufferings of its garrison — Deliv-
ered by Captain Read — The chief Mad Wolf slain.

Towards the close of the preceding chapter, notice was taken of the delay
in congress, and by the executive of the nation, to agitate the subject of this
war. At length Mr. Webster of the senate, from the committee on finance,
reported, without amendment, a bill making further appropriation for sup-
pressing hostilities with the Seminole Indians, and asked for its immediate
consideration, as the state of the country required its passage with the utmost
despatch. The amount of the appropriation was 500,000 dollars, and the bill
was passed afti r some explanatory remarks; which remarks, as they not only
set the affairs of the war forth as they were known in Washington at that
period, but discover to us something by which we caa judge who has been in
fault there, shall here be laid before the reader.

"Mr. Clay saul he should be glad to hear the communications from the
departments read, ••i order to see whether tlu'y gave any Hccount of the
causes of tiiis war. No doubt, he said, whatever may have been the causes,
it was nccessju'y to put an end to the war itsi-lf, by all the possil]le means
within oiU' power. Ihit it was a condition, alti gctiicr without iirccedt ul, in
which tiiiMMiuntry was now placed. A war v.is rtiging with the most ran-
corous violence within our borders; con^rress had bien in session nearly
two months, during which time this conflict was raging ; yet ol' the causes oi

Chap. XI.]

CONGRESS AND THE SEMINOLE WAR.

427

the war, linw it wns prodiicetl, if the fault was on one side or on both sides,
in short, what liad liglited up the torcli, conj^ress wa.s ultojLtctiier uninformed,
and no inquiry on the suhject had been niacle by citlier branch of tiie legis-
hitui'e. He should be glad, he said, if tiie chairman of tlie committee on
finance, or of the committee on Indian affairs, or any one else, would tell him
how this war had burst forth, and what were its causes, and to whom the
blame of it was to be charged.

"Mr. fVcbsler replied, that he could not give any answer to the senator
from Kentucky. It was as much a 'imtter of surprise to him, as to any one,
that no official communication hat *'n made to congress of the causes of
the war. All he knew on the aiivect he liad gathered from the gazettes.
The communications from the departments spoke of the war, as a war grow-
ing out of the relations between the Indians and the government of the U.
States, and gave no reason to suppose that it had its origin in any quarrel
with the citizens. It i)roi)abiy grew out of the attempts to remove these
Indians beyond the Mi8.->is.siiipi. According to the latest accounts, the country
between Tallahussei! and St. Augustine was overrun by hostile Indians, and
the communication between those ))laces was interrupted. The view taken
by the gentleman from Kentucky was imdoubtedly the true one. But the
war rages, the enemy is in force, and the accounts of their ravages are dis-
astrous. The executive government has asked ll)r the means of suppressing
these hostilities, and it was entirely proper that the bill should pass.

" Mr. White expressed his regret that he could add nothing to the informa-
tion given on this subject He knew nothing of the cause of the war, if it
c<- nmenced in any local quarrel or not. It was the object of the government
t "'move these Indians to the west side of the Mississippi, and he was appre-
hensive that the difficulty had arisen out of this measure. He hati, however,
no information, which was not in the possession of every other senator. He
was for the bill.

" Mr. Benton said he was also ignorant of the causes of the war. Some
years ago, he said, he was a member of the committee on Indian afiiiirs. At
that time these Indians in Florida were in a state of starvation ; tli(^y would
not work, and it was necessai-y that they shoidd be fed by the U. States, or
they must subsist on the plunder of our citizens. These Indians are a very
bad tribe, as their very name signifies, the word Seminole, in Indian, being,
^wild runaway Indians,^ They were therefore considered a bad race. It was
obviously the best policy to remove these Indians to a place where they would
be able to obtain plenty."

When the bill for the relief of the distressed inhabitants of Florida was bi fore
the house of representatives, which was noticed in our lust chapter, the follow-
ing interesting debate arose upon it, which shall be laid before the reader, for
the same reasons which caused the remarks in the senate to be given above.

"The resolution having been twice read, the house, on motion of Mr.
ff'hite, agreed to consider it now.

"Mr. IK said that he would not occupy the time of the house further than
to say, that in East Florida, five hundred families were driven from their
hmnes, and had had their possessions destroyed in the progress of a war,
which had commenced in consequence of relatiors between the Imlians ami
t] '\i government, and with which the suffering inhabitants of that coimtry
have had nothing to do.

"Appropriations had frequently been made to succor Indians when in cir-
cumstances of distress, and he hoped that no member of the house would
object to the adoption of the resolution for the succor of our own citizens.

"Mr. Granger of New York rose and said, — Mr. Speaker, in the little
observation I have had of men and things, I have learned that i)recedent is
ofien used to restrain our generous impulses, but seldom to impel us to gen-
erous action. In the little time I have been here, I have not been so much
gratified with any thing that has occuired, as I have at the prompt maimer in
which this house has stepped forward to provide means for carrying on the
war in Florida. Whilst we have been witliout any official information from
tl :? executive department of government — whilst the newspajiers Utiyc been
discussing the question, whether censure should rest upon one of the dejmrv

If:.'

428

FIGHT AT BRYANT'S FERRY.

[Book IV.

le s.^nate. If they had, the erroneous )niprcssion aa
pa . "?nt, or the executive, would not have gone

on 'vays and means, thai
"Mr. Graijg-er resumed.

iMciits, or r|)on .he commanding officer in Florida, this house and the other
hraiitli (if ih(; I gisbturc have stepped forward to suatuin this war, although
no r((|tii.sitioii lias been made by the chief magistrate of the nation. Sir I
rejoici! that they have done so.

"Mr. Cambrekng rose to explain, and Mr. Granger yielded the floor.

" Mr. Camhrdeng said, that great injustice Iiad been done in the newsjjapers
to tlio conduct i>ursued by the departments. The committee of ways anil
means had been furnished with tha first communication on which they acted
by the secretary of war. They next day received a second communication
with all the documents relating to the Indian war, and which contained all
the information that was requisite. The documents had not gone forth to the

Cubllc — which was an extrao-^inary circumstance. They certainly were sent
y the committee to this houef, md ought to have accompanied the bill and
been printed and ser
to the remissness of

into tiie newspapers, i is n< i 'e fault of the executive, c r of the committee

>'.d had ^'^ Heen done.
_ If the ^^:\. :eman had listened t ) me a little longer,

he wouKl have discovered that I intended no censure on th i executive ; but as
he has chosen to challenge me to speak, I do say that the histoiy of this nation
can present nothing like the silence which has existed on this subject. I do
say tiiut whilst this hall has been ringing with plaudits upon one administra-
tion, and whilst we have been called upon day after day to hunt up the
bones of dead quarrels here — whilst your settlements have been laid wat*te
and desolate, no communication has been made to this house as a branch of
the government. Whatever information you have, even upon the gentleman's
own showing, is a letter from the secretary of war to the chairman of the
cotnmittee of ways and means.

" Mr. Cambrekng. That letter contained all that was necessary.

"Mr. Granger continued : Sir, I repeat that, with a war known to exist in
this country, we have been occupied in hunting up the possibility, not only
of a war which might take place hereafter with a foreign nation, but also to
discover whether a war was last year likely to have existed.

" We have war enough upon our hands to take care of. The war-cry is up
in the woods; the tomahawk glitters in the sunbeam; the seal ping-knife is
m-ged to its cruel duty; the flower of your chivalry is .:rewed along the plain,
and yet every depaitment of this administration is as dumb as the bleeding
victims of this inglorious contest.

"In legislating for a suffering people, I want no precedent but that which
my Creator has implanted in my iKjsom. I do not believe that we stand here
with the sympathies of our nature chilled and frozen by the mere force of the
oath which we have taken ; 1 do not believe that our duty requires that we
should be thtis chilled and frozen. I believe that the existence of this govern-
ment depends upon its extending its fostering hand to the unfortunate when-
ever it can be done within the limits of the constitution. Especially should
this be the case, where the sufferers reside within a territory, and have no
state government to which they can look for succor.

" Such is the true course to be pureued in this nation ; and then our people
will feel that they are indeed members of one common family, and that,
whilst they beai* equal burdens, they are the equal recipients of the bounty
and protection of the government.

"On motion of Mr. White, the resolution was read a third time and passed."

We have now to return to the recital of warlike operations. About the
middle of January, great alarm spread through the confines of Georgia, that
the Creek Indians were imbodying in various parts of their country, and the
utmost consternation prevailed. On the 23 January, it being reported at
Columbus, that the Indians were in force at Bryant's Ferry, 1.5 miles below
that place, a company of whites, consisting of about 20 or 30 men, under
Captain Jfatson, marched down upon discovery. They discovered 30 or 40
Indians, some of whom had rifles, but it does not appear that they hud done,
or intL'uded, any mischief. However, the whites pmsued tliein, and pretty
Hoon a firing commenced, and, though of short duration, two wen; killed on

Chap. XL]

GAINES'S SEMINOLE CAMPAIGN.

4i!)

each side, nnd tlie whites were driven from the ground, having several of
their number wounded.

Tlie next operations of imj)ortanre were those between tlie forces uiidei
General Gaines and Osceola, and u|)on tiic mernorai)lc Ouitblocooclue. Gi^n-
eral Gaines was upon a tour of inspection nnd duty, wiien he tirst learned that
serious disturbances had occurred between the whites nnd Seuiinoles. This
wns about the 15 January, nnd tlie general was nrrived at New Orleans. His
previous head-quarters had been at Memphis, in Tennessee. He thereliire
called on the governor of Louisiana, to have a body of volunteers in readiness
for military service, and set out liirnself innnediately for the scene of hostilities.
At Pensncola he found some vessels of war, undi;r Commodores Dallas nnd
Bolton, and Captain IVehh, wlio iiad already commenced operations in the
neitrl'.borliood of Tampa IJay, and other adjacent inlets. Colonel Twig<!:s had
neen ordered to receive into service eight companies of volunteers, to be raised
by tlie governor of Lotiisianu, and tlie regular force nt Ilaton Rouge, Mew
Orleans, and other stations in the ittmiediate vicinity of New Orleans, and to
hold himself in readiness for a movement towai'ds Tampa. This force con-
sisted of about 1100 men.

That no time should be lost, General Gaines returned immedi.' 'y to New
Orleans (about 2(5 Jaimary), and, on the 4 F^ebruary, was under ./ i* -nin for
Florida, with his forces organized. He arrived at Tampa, with r'.i ft es, in
three steam-boats, on the Oth, and, on the 13th began to proce -I intc i. 3 In-
dian country. His first movement was to the east, on the Alafii. Ilivei, having
understood there had been a fight in tliat direction, near Fort Brooke, between
the hostile and friendly Indians ; but aller two days, no enemy being di.'<eov-
ered, the lino of march was altered for Fort King. General Gain 's army had
but ten (lays' ratiims; but, by advices, lie wns assured that there was plenty at
Fort King.

On the 20 Feiiruary, the army passed Major Dade's fa. . field, on which
was found 10(5 men, all of wliom they decently interred. All tiie ofUcers who
fell in that disastrous fight were identified, and, what was very remarkable,
every man was accounted for ; but wliat struck every one with the greatest
Btu'prise, was, that the dead were in no instance ])illaged ; articles the most
esteemed by savages were untouched ; the oflicers' bosom-pins remained in
their places; their watches were found in their pockets, nnd money, in silver
nnd gold, was left to decay with its owner, — a lesson to all the world — a testi-
mony that the Indians are not fighting for plunder! — nay, they are (ightiiig
for their rights, their country, their homes, their very existence ! The urms
nnd ammunition were ail that had been tuken, except the uniform coat of
Major Dade.

On the 22 February, the army nrrived at Fort King, much to the agreeable
surprise of the garrison, which it had been reported was cut off by the Indians.
Owing to the country's being in possession of the Indians, no supplies harl
jirrived ; and, the next day, a trooj) of horse was despatched to Fort Drane,
(2*2 miles north-west,) in hones to obtain further supplies. They returned the
24, but with only seven days* additional rations. To this they added two days'
more at Fort King. The general scarcely knew what course next to take ; but
he finally coneliidod to move down the Oiiithlecoochee, over General Clinch's
battle-ground, and so to Tampa, thinking such a route might bring him in
contact with the main body of tlie Indians. Accordingly the army moved, on
the 2()tli, from Fort King, and, at two o'clock on the 27tli, arrived at General
Clinches crossing-place. Here, while examining and sounding the river, the
Indians fired ujion them, nnd set u|) n fierce war-cry ; but their numbers wort
not sufficient to make nny mat<;rial impression, although they continued the
fight for about half an hour. The whites lost one killed, and eight wounded.
On the 28th, the army, having resumed its march, was again attacked, about
two miles from its former position, and a fire was kept up about half of the
day. At the commencemont of the action. Lieutenant Izard, of the United
States dragoons, fell, mortally wounded. In the course of the fight, another
was killed, and two wounded. In the evening, express was sent to Fort
Drane, with directions fi)r the commanding oflicer to march down with a
frirce upon the opposite side of the Ouiiblecoochee, and thus come upon ih»>

430

GAINES'S SEMINOLE CAMPAIGN.

[Hook IV.

|{!i||

V if

renr of tlie tiidiiins ; which movement, should it miceeed, it was hoped, woulil
finish the war.

On llic riiorniiig of the 29th, no Indians were to he seen ; hut the gcnrral did
not relax his |)rceauti(ins, A party wan preparing tiiiihcr and canoes for cross-
ing tiie river, when, aiiout !i o'elocit, tiiey were sharply fired upon, and, at the
same time, the cMcampMHrnt was attacked upon every side, hut tiiat towards
the river. Tiie Indians now seemed in great force, (12 or 1500, as wiw supposed,)
having lieen collecting, from ail (piarters, since the fight on the jirevions day.
Tliey continued the contest two hours, in which time one man was killed and
33 wounded. Among the latter was the general himself, — a rifle hall having
passed through his lower li[i, knocked oiu one tooth, and damaged two others.
When it was found that the general was wounded, his companions expressed
much regret ; hut he talked of it as a matter of sniall moment ; said " it waa
very unkind in the rascals to take away a tooth which he valued so highly."

On reconnoitering the enemy's ground, after he had fled, Gaines's men found
one of their dead, which hud heen dragged a considerahle distance and left
unhuried, from which circumstance they conjectured he had fled in haste.
His rifle had been taken away, hut he was found to be well provided with
amnnmition, having plenty of [)owder and sixty bullets. The place of this
attack Gaines called Camp Izard.

The flight of the Indians was no security for their not appearing again ; for,
on the 2d of March, they returned, ami commenced pouring in their shot upon
the whites, which, at intervals, they contiiuied to do until the 5tli. BIcantime
all of their provisions were exhausted, and they began the slaughter of their
horses to sustain life. But it is said that, during all this time, no one was heard
to murmur or com|>lain.

On the night of the 5th, about 10 o'clock, a call was heard from the woods,
and some one requested a parley. On the officer of the guard's demanding what
was wanted, it was answered that the Indians were tired of figiiting, and wished
for peace. The general ordered the officer of the guard to answer, that if the In-
dians wished to treat, to send a messenger the next morning, with a white flag,
nud he should come and go in safety. He replied, " veiy well," anrl added that
" he desired to have a friendly talk, and to shake hands." Accordingly, on tho
morning of the Gtli, about 300 Indians filed out from the river, and took a
position in the rear of the whites, about 500 yards off. They exj)ected nothing
now but a most bloody contes^t, supposing the main body of the Indians to ho
concealed in a neighboring hammock. Both parties remained a siiort time in
suspense, each doubting what the other would do. At length, one or two
advanced within hailing distance, and, being joined with othera, repeated what
had heen said the night before. The general now sent out to them a staft'
officer, and they told him they did not wish to fight any more, but recpiosted
that the army should withdraw from the Ouithlecoochee. Osceola was at the
head of the Indian deputation. When the officer who had met the Indians
reported this talk to Gaines, he ordered him to return to Osceola, and to inform
him, in the plainest terms, that they would be subdued, that a large force was
on the way into their country, and tliat, unless they submitted, every Indian
found in arms would be shot. When this was communicated to the Indians,
they said they would go and hold a council, and would meet theiri again in the
afternoon. The meeting in the afternoon, accordingly, took place, and the
Indians urged what they had said in tiie moridng, and added that they had
lost many of their men by death and wound.*, and were tired of the war ; but
as their governor (as they styled Micanopy) was not there, they must first con-
sidt him, and asked to have the war sus|)ended imtil lie could be considted.
They were told that if they would cease from acts of hostility, go south of the
Ouithlacoochee, and attend a council when called u[)ou by the United States
commissioners, they should not be molested. This they agreed to, and, at the
same moment, General Clinch came ujion the main hodv of the IndiaiiH, and

they all fled with the lUmost j)recipitation, ])rol)ahly ( (diidiiig iliis was a

stratagem which the whites had prepared to cut them oil'. Clinrlt cami' with
500 men and su])plies, which was doubtless more agreeable to the >iarviiig
army, than even a treaty with Osceola.

Tlie Indians seem to have heen well acquainted v.'.th the condition of CJen-

Ciiij. XI.]

SIEGE OF CAMP M l.EMORE.

431

ernl Gaineit'a army ; for, during the interviow with Osceola, he nsked hew tlioy
were oH'Ibr provirtionSjiiiul when tiiey told him they litid enough, he shook his
head, saying, "It is not so; you liave notiiing toeat; but, il' you will comic over
the river, I will give you two heeves, and some bnuidy." It is tiiereloro
surprising that lie should have been now asking for peace. It sliovvs, liowever,
tliat he was well aware of the hopelessness of his case ; and, although he was
able to deal with General Gaines, he early knew of tlu; approach of General
Clinch, and it was, probably, on his gaining that knowlt;dgu, that he concluded
to see what kind of terms could be got of the whites, as the affairs of war
then stood.

General Gaines, having transferred his command to General Clinnh, left for
New Orleans about the 9 March, and General Clinch proceeded with his
united forces to Fort Drane. A negro spy, who had been sent among the
hostile Indians, from Camp Izard, soon after returned, and confirmed the
peaceable intentions of the chiefs: they told him, that in their various skir-
mishes with General Gaines on the Ouitldacoocho they had lost 30 men. Of
the whites but 5 were killed, and 60 wounded. It is rather uncotnnion that
there should be so great a disproportion between the slain of the parties, when
it is considered that the Indians almost always fought from coverts.

On the 9 March, Captain Allison of the Florida volunteers had a skirmish
near his camp, not far from Fort Brooke. He routed the Indians, whom ho
judged to be a thousand strong, and took considerai)le plunder. Hence, not-
withstanding the Indians were supposed to desire peace, skirmishes contimjed.
And on the SiS Mareli, a coitipany of volunteers were attacked about six miles
from Vohisia, in which the whites lost three men killed, and six woimded, and
the Indians tive or six. Among the latte. was their chief, called Oucliee Billy, or
Billij Hicks. He was found the day aftck the fight, concealed in some brusfi.

About the 5 April, Major .McLemore, by order of General Scott, took a
position on the Ouithlacoochee, and erected a block-house, which was called
Ca.np McLemore. Here, about 40 men, far removed into the heart of the
Indian country, were to remain until relieved by the General, or Majtr
McLemore, who, it apj)ears, after establishing the post, immediately left it.
This small force seems to have arrived here at a most fortunate time, for it
was four days before they were discovered by the Indians, and during this
period they had completed a block-house lor their protection.

It is scarcely to be credited that this little company of men, sent here by
the commander-in-chief of the army, should be left without the means of
escape in extremity of circumstances, and no way kept open by which their
situation from time to time might be known ; such, however, was the case, and
for about six weeks nothing was heard of them. They had not been provided
with provisions for more than two weeks, and it was the general impression
of every one that they had all perished by famine or the hands of the
Indians.

The following account of the siege of Camp McLemore by Dr. Lawrence,
surgeon thereat the time, shall be given in his own words: — "We had just
completed building the block-house, and dug out a spring near the edge of the
fort, when, on the morning of the 9th of April, at a little before dawn of day,
we were attacked by the Indians, who had encompassed us on three sides, and
were in number about 150 or 200. The engagement lasted one hour and
three quarters, when they found out, to their sorrow, that our reception was
not oidy too warm, but that they had ventured too near us without due reflec-
tion. On the next day, we had one man killed on his post by an Indian rifle,
fired from the opjjosite side of the river. On the 15 April, we were attacked
by a body of the savages who had completely surrounded us, and whose num-
ber we computed at 4 to 500, though we have since heard that Powell had
1000 to 1500 of them. This was the hottest engagement we had during our
stay on the Ouithlacoochee. They fired their guns by hundreds at the same
moment at our block-house, and succeeded
escape, our boat — wliieh they took down the
battle. The engagement continued two hour
three men slightly wounded.

"On the 24th, we had a very severe battle, in wliicli they displayed liieir

m taking our only means of

river and destroyed aft. i- tiie

5 and 45 miiiuto, and we had

433

DEATH OF MAD WOLF.

fBooK IV.

i i

ingenuity l>y shooting fire-Birowii on fire upon tlie roof of tlin lionse, which
destroyed the roof und loft iia e.xposcd to the? inclemency of the weutiier.
This arrow-liring wu8 iiorformed by 20 of tiieir men, wiiilHt al)out .') to 500
iiHed tlieir (jmiis. We lind, on this occaHion, two or tiirco of our men woimded.
We prolmhiy Itillcd 40 or 50 of the InihaiiH. Tiio iiij^ht nllcr tiie hatile, \vn
lioard their cliicf hail iih, and say, "that he was going away in the morning,
and would troidile tis no jnore," He kept his j)roini.s(! very well, though lid
did give us ahi>ut 100 guns the next morning, en? he \ci\. Our captain, Holto-
man, was killeil on the 13 May, whilst endeavoring to fortify and strengthen
our position. The Indians contitiuc<l to give us a passing shot, from 50 to
100 guns, every five or six days, though he ke|)t u spy ujion us at other times.
I'lie ofticerK were 21 days living on corn, without salt or meat, und the men
about 28 days."

It appears that the great danger of ascending the Ouithlacoochee, togethrr
with the known circumstances of tin; garrison, had fixed in the minds of nil
those who were able to lend them aid, that they hud been cut oft'; und there-
fore, to hazard any thing to clear up this extremely doidnful case, was con-
sidered next to crime itself. At length, the poor di.stres.sed handful at Cumj)
McLemore, found among their number, three that would venture out for
succor, and they arrived at Tallahassee in a canoe, about the 16 April. This
circumstance, in all probabilit}', proved the saftty of their fellows, as W(?ll ns
themselves. A company was mode up at St. Marks, and under Captain Leigh
Read, proceeded in a steam-boat for the Ouithlacoochee on the 22 May, and
on the 24 took off the garrison without the loss of a man.

While these affairs were being transacted on the Ouithlacoochee, a consid-
erable force marched from Volusia to a point on the Oklawaha River, distant
30 miles, on their way to Fort Brooke. The river being higher than usual,
the force was obliged to halt to build a bridge for the passage of their cannon
niid baggage wagons. On the opposite side of a lake, on the left of the
detachment, two fires were soon discovered, whicii it was supposed were
mad(! as signals by two parties of Indians. Colonel Butler immediately |)ro-
ceeded to cros.s over the river with his battalion, and when he hud marclietl
about three miles, some Indians were discovered and pursued by the advanced
guard. General Joseph Shelton was oi Butler's \y>nM, who, being ahead of the
advanced guard, charged upon one of the Indians, who was in the rear of the
retreating party. At about 25 paces from him, the Indian turned, and they
botli levelled their rifles — Shelton firea firet, and mortally wounded the Indian
in the neck, who then endeavored to make his escapt;. Shelton droj>ped his
gun, and rushed on him with his pistol, which mi.ssed fire at five or six
paces from him. The Indian now turned and shot Shelton in the hip, and
ut the same moment another white came up and shot the Indian in the back,
and he was immediately despatched. The ball which entered Shelton's hip
passed round near the spine, and was cut out, and he wns recovering

I have been particular in detailing this uffuir, as the Indian who fell in it,
proved to be a chief of distinction, known among the whites by the name of
Mad Woff, which was the English signification of his name. In Indian it
was KoHAHAJO. He was of Micanopys tribe, and hud under him 40 or 50
warriors, and wns probably one of the leaders on the Ouithlacoochee, who
beset General Gaines so long. His name was given in among them by Black
Dirt, as Coahaijo. It is also to the treaty of Payne's Landing, und he was
one of the Indian deputation who visited tlie counti-y west of tlie Mississippi
afterwards.

The next day after Kohahajo was killed. Colonel Butler and Goodicin, with
a battalion of mounted men, were sent to reconnoitre Pilaklikaha, the resi-
dence of Jum/?cr und JWicano/Ji/. When they hud proceeded about six miles,
their advanced guard received a sharp fire from a hammock on the left, but
were soon dislodged by a charge from the main body. Two of the whites
were badly wounded, one horse killed, and four wounded. Afler another
considerable swnmi)-fight, in which several were wounded, the army pro-
ceeded to the Indian town, but it had been deserted for a long time. They
burnt it, und tlii'ii proceeded to Fort Brooke.

All officer in General ScolVa army at Tampa wrote on the 15 April : — " All

CHAr.XlI]

CREEK WAR.

439

the militia will leave us by tiin 20 Mnv, and the rrgiilnra will go into Biimmnr
quartern at this place, Ke^ West, Volusia, Mosquito, and oiio or two mora
posts at the south. Without the greatest good lu(^k nothing will be done thia
summer, and the war must l)e renewed in the autumn."

About the time General Gainea left Fort Draine, General ScoH arrived
there, with instructions to assume the chief command of the forces in Florida.
Since that time the operations have been of not much importance. About
the 20 March, Captam Hitchcock communicated the following vnluabin
information respecting the hostile Indiana, which wos given him by the
friendly chief, Black Dirt, whose Indian name is Tdck-aluster Harjo. Ho
says that in the fights with General Gainea were the following chiefs and
warriors, viz.: — ^Jumper with 30, Asschola [Oaceo/a] with 7, Ai.lburtu-
iiARjo with 30, Jarharto Chee with 30, Carciiar Tosknusk (Mecosukee)
with 470, Mecanop (principal chief) with 80, Abram (JVe^o) with 80, VVf.ea
Flocko Mattez with 70, Yarharhacjo with ItiO, Toskieucar with 50,
EcHUA Mattez with 50, Hat How Emattez with 30, Charles (a Negro)
with 3, CoAHARJO with 1, and Toparlagef with 40.

There had been alwiit 400 Seminoles collected at Tampa, chiofly women
and children of BlcKk DirVa trilie, who were on the 12 April shipped oS' for
" beyond the Mississippi" by General Scott.

Hi§t

CHAPTER XIL

Oreek War — Murders anu, devastations begin — Eleven persons killed near Colum
bus — Mail routes in possession of the Indians — ^ steam-boat attacked and men
killed — Chiefs of the war parties — Mail stages destroyed — The town of Roanoak
burnt — Colonel Lindsay's Florida affair — Excessive dismay of the people of Geor-
gia — Murder of families — Flight on the Chattahoorhie — Capture of Situ Henky and
Neabiathla — Iccount of the chirfs — Surrender of the Indians.

ADjnTANT-G«5ERAL Mclfitosh WTOte from Fort Mitchel, Alabama, (on the
Chattahoochiei, 15 miles above Columbus,) 7 May last, as follows : — " It has
just been reported to me, that Col. Floumoy was shot dead by the Indiaii» on
the 5th instant, about 15 miles below this post. I am also informed that a
report is currently circulating among the Creeks, that the Seminole Indians
have defeated the whites in Florida. This report will no doubt imbolden
them to many acta of hostility that they would not otherwise daro commit.
A constant communication must be kept up between them, as the Creeks are
conversant with every transaction that occurs in Florida. Marshal, tiie half-
breed, says he is apprehensive mischief will be done by the Indians before
long. Other friendly Indiana are of this opinion. Opothleyohola, priiici|)al
of the upper Creeks, says he cannot keep his people together, or restrain
them."

At the same time Colonel Flourrwy vras killed, ten others met a like fate,
some ' '■ them within 12 miles of Columbus, at the Ochee Bridge on the Old
Federij Road. " The Indians have entire possession of that road, and all the
settlers i ave fled. A train consisting of 150 wagons, with about 150 fugitives,
on their way to Columbus, were fired upon, on the 10 April."

Up to th' 18 May, at Augusta, (Ga.) it was reported that all the southern
mail routes were in possession of the Indians, except that to IMobile. The
day before, all the mails were brought back. Colonel CroweWa plantation,
anil many others, had been burnt, and a stage agent and two drivers had been
killed. The governor of Georgia had ordered two regiments of volunteers to
take the field. About this time the steam-boat Hyperion was attacked on her
passage up the Chattahoochie, and two pilots and one passenger were killed.
She was then run on shore on the Georgia side, and after being abandoned,
was taken and destroyed by the Indians.

The Creek towns and tril>es which have declared themselves hostile are a
37 2C

434

CREEK WAR.— STEAM-BOAT DESTROYED.

[Book IV.

jIT

part of the Ocliees, the Hitclietns, the Pah-lo-cho-ko-los, the So-wok-ko-los,
and a part of the Ufalhiys. The principal cliiefs wlio have sliovved tlieiiiselves
as their leaders, are old Neamatula, of whom we have already several times
B|)okeii, chief of the Hitchetas, Jim IlE^aY, and Neo Mice. Many friendly
Indians immediately joined the whites, one of the principal leaders of whom
is a chief ciilied Jim Hot. The war party have discovered great boldness.
Ahout the 10 May a party came within 30 or 40 yards of Fort Mitchell, a
strong and well-defended place, entered the hospital, and carried ofl' wiint
they pleased, and the gairison thought it not best to disturb them.

On the 14 following, the mail from Montgomery to Cohunbus was attacked
about 20 miles from the latter place. A driver on that route was riding along
the road on horseback, about 50 yards ahead of the stage, when he was fned
upon by about 30 Indians, yet he unaccoimtably escaped injury. Ilis horse
took fright and threw him, and he escaped into a thicket. Wlivn he arrived
at the next stage relay, tl.s horses had got there, but without any carriage, imt
hid about them some fragments of their harnesses. Mr. Mams, who was in
the stage, made his escajjc by leaping into the woods when the stage upset.
A driver and two others were killed. Tnere were It) hoi-ses belonging to
the line in tlie company, of which but three were recovered, and these were
wounded.

About this time the old steam-boat Georgian was burnt while lying at
Roanoak, and all on board, except the engineer, jjerished. The town of
fCoanoak was at the same time laid in ashes, but the citizens esca])ed to a
fort. Irwinton, a flourishing town on the Georgia side of the river, soon aller
Bhared the same fate.

Meanwhile some aflliirs of considerable moment were transpiring in Flori-
da. Colonel hindsay had been despatched, at the head of about 750 men, froiu
Fort Brooke, with orders to proceed to Fort Alabama, to destroy it, and bring
away the sick, wounded, and provisions. Having proceeded there, and
effected their object, the forces marched again for Fort IJrooke. Before
leaving the foit, a mine was prepared, by leaving powder in the magazine,
which should exjjlode on its being opened. They had got but a mile or two,
when .he mine was sjirung with a fearful noise, but what effect it had ))ro-
duced was not known. The whites had missed two of their number the day
before, whom they found on their return march, about 12 miles fiom Fort
Alabama, killed in the way, and one shockingly mangled. While the army
was contemi)lating this spectacle, it was fired upon by 500 Indians, as was
suj)posed, from a hammock, no more than 30 yards off. The whites immedi-
ately formed, and fired in their tm-n, and a regular tight ensued. The Indians
could not be dislodged until sevend rounds of grajie shot from the artilleiy
had been poured in uj)on them , This was a bloody affray for them, but their
loss was not fully known ; several were found dead on the field, and numerous
traces of others who had been dragged ofl' dead or severely wounded were
discovered. The whites had 3 killed and 22 woumled.

A letter addressed to the editor of the Uichmond Enquirer gives a foarfid
picture of tiie aflliirs in the '^rcek country. It was written i Talbotton, (Ga.)
11 May, and is in these >voriis; — "1 .vrotc you yesterday, informing you ot
the hostile movements of the Creek Indiajis, and the commencement of their
murderous career. We have fidl information here to-day of the distressing
Btat(! of things among the whites who have settled over in that territory. The
Indians are killing all — men, wo'nen, and chiUlren. Vast niunbei-s have been
butchered without doubt; and the whole country on this side of the Chatta-
hoochie is in uproar and contiision. The population of the territory had
become consiilerablc, and they who have been fortunate enough to esc ipe are
conte over in droves on the Georjria sine; some with a part of their children ;
some who have lost their children; some their husbands; and many children
without fiither or mother; some are found as they were wandering ahout si>
young that they could give no account who their parents wctc. So perfect a
inixture and conliisi(>n as never was witnessed before. Manv have seen a
part of their families min-dcred. One gentleman saw 'is fatlier shot down
near him, and his mother and sisters. Some of the dead have Vww brought
over Hhuckingly mangled. It is thought tlie whole nation is in hostile array ;

Chap. Xll]

MLRUF.R OF MANY FAMILIES.

435

111

ing

LMi ;
nil

SI)

•1 a
n a
iwn
Kilt

ay;

tlicir warriors are roinjiutcd at G or 7000 strong. Tlie general impression is,
that a part of the SemiiioleH have come up among tiieni. Tlie town of Co-
lumbuy is in great danger of an attack, as they have threatened it strongly.
\ con;pany of 40 or 50 men left Columbus yesterday morning, and went over.
On their return at ni .^it they brought hi seven children, which they had found
scattered about."

Such are the accounts which have been daily circulated for two months
together and although they are distorted in many particulars, yet out of thetn
we are .ii present to collect all that is known of this war. The Columbus
Centinel of the 13 May contains the following facts, which are conlirmed
from other quarters : — "On INlonday we received information that hostilities
liad commenced on the road between Columbus and Montgomery, at the
Uchee bridge, and further on, and in the evening the bridge at this jilaee, the
streets leading from it were thronged with the unfortunate refugees, who
were fleeing before their savage neighbors. The pitiable condition of many
of them was past the power of description. Wives severed from their hus-
bands, and parents from (he:- children ; all dismayed, all terror-stricken ; jire-
sentcd a scene which we nevti again desire to see. An interesting-looking
girl, just blooming into woinanh; ;)d, was brought in on horseback, behind a
benevolent stranger, who had found her in the nation, making her way, unat-
tended, to this place, i ;ie stuiteil with her parents, but before they liu<l
proceeded far, they were brutally shot down before her eyes. She fled to the
woods "'id escaped from her savage pursuers, and was found and brought to
Colinn' 'IS above stated. A young man arrived at this jilace also witnessed
the sav. lurder of his parents. Another young man, in the act of fleeing,
perceiveu iie Indians dragging away his sister. He returned, declaring he
would rescue her or die in the attempt, and he has not been heard of. From
this time their deeds of savage barbarity have been too numerous to particu-
larize. A woman was brongiit in on Tuesday, wounded in the hand, whose
husband had been shot the preceding evening at the Uchee bridge. Col. »'l. Ii.
DawsorCs negroes, who were taken by the Indians, and made their escajie,
state that they saw three corpses on the road near the Uchee bridge; a man,
woman and child, who nad all been murdered. We learn that about liiO
friendly Indians have rejiorted themselves at Fort Mitchell, and are ready to
assist the wliites. Accounts to the 17 May further state that the Indians had
entered the house of one family, and murdered the whole — including husband,
wife, and six chil'lren. All were scal|)ed, and the children beheaded. The
house of a BIr. Colton had been attacked, and himself killed."

Generals Scott and Jesup wern at Fort Mitchell on the 3 June ; the for-
mer left that place on that day witii an escort of 150 men for Alabama, to take
the conimaad of the troops of that state. On the 4tli, Capt. /'«^c r('|)orted in
General Scott that a party of Indians was about to cross the Chattalioochie in
their way to Florida, and steps were immediat(!ly made to stop tlieni. Tiie
day before a party was stopped by a com|)any of Georgia militia, after a sharp
f kirmish, in which one white and sevral Indians were supjiosed to have been
Killed. Two chiefs were woui.ded, EalaJuiyo in the shoulder, and Jim Htnnf
in the head. The action tool- |tlace across the river, which being high and
wide, little was cff'ected. Tlie Indians dared the whites to come ovci-, calicd
them dogs and cowards, and the most the whites could do was to ntaliule in
the same sort of language.

About the end of .lune, a party of whites, who were scouting on Flint River,
accide-ntally found a young woman about three miles from Caudiridge, \\ lio
had been wounded by u shot in the breast. She stated that, on the 2(\ of
June, about 300 Indiaiis killi'd all the family to which she belonged, 13 in
number, except hers(;llj and her fiither, who made his escape. Alter being
shot, she feigned death, and as the miinlered were not scal|nd, sin; made her
escape after the Indians left the scene of butchery.

Up to the Itj June, all the houses of the whites in the Creek coimtry had
b(!en burned. On the 13th, in an attack on an Indian town by s(Mne \\)iit<s,
24 persons were taken, auiong v.lnini were three chiefs. 'J'hese were held as
liostages at Fort Miicliell, and word was sent to the hostile i>nrty, tiiat if they
did not come hi and surrender they shoidd be jiut to death. The next day,

Ijiip'

436

CAPTURE OF JIM HEXRY AND NEAMATHLA.

[Book IV.

120 came in and declared tlienisclves friendly. As laie as tlie 28th of June,
it V fis reported at Coluinl)iis, Ga., tliat tiie Creek war was probably at an end,
"as livr as fighting was concerned. Jim Henry's party Jiave nearly all been
taken. They were confined at Fort Mitchell, and all the smiths were at work
making handcuffij for them." These will donbtless he sent beyond the Mis-
pissii)])i, "except the chiefs, five or six in number, who will be punished with
death," as was sui)posed.

On the 1st of July, Jim Henry fell into the hands of a batxl of friendly In-
dians, under a chief named Jim Boy. For a few days previous he was sup-
posed to have been on his way for the "promised land;" but he was found in
the Creek nation, a few miles from Tuskegee. About the same time old
JS/eamaUda gave himself up to the whites, and was, on the day of the cap-
ture of Jim Henry, with about 15C0 others, sent off for Arkansas. The circum
stance of his falling in with the whites is said to be as follows: — General
Jessup had left Tuskegee with about 700 men, intending to make a direct
march for JS/eamcdhla's camp, which was on Hatchahubbee River. As Jesup
marched along, his forces increased to 2700 men, of which 1500 were In-
dians, under tlie chiefs Hopoithleynhola and Jim Boy. When he had arrived
within about seven miles of JVearnuthla's camp, he ordered a halt, to refresh
his men and horses, at the expense of the beautiful oatfields of the Indians.
While the army lay here, a scout discovered JVeamalhla on horseback. He
had concluded to surrender, and had a white cloth tied about his head, and
some white gannent for a flag, extended upon a stick, and was approaching
towards them. They ordered him to halt, but he gave no heed to them, until
within a few paces. He was talien to Gen. Jessup^s camp, and made prisoner.
With him were his son and daughter, and a niece cf JVea Mico. The two
females were released, but his son was confined with him at Fort Mitchell
On being asked where he was going when he was taken, he said his life had
been threatened by his own people, and he was hastening to Fort Mitchell, to
give himself up.

JVea Mico had some days before given himself up. He was considered a
great chief. David Hardige, a half-breed, was taken by surjjrise, with about
n hundred of his men, with their women and childi'en. By the 8th of June,
there had been secured between 3 and 4000 Indians, which were despatched
for the west as fast as circumstances would admit.

A party of about GO warriors, who were endeavoring to escape into Florida,
were overtaken by Col. Beat, in Chickasatchic Swamp, Baker county, Alabama,
and a considerable skirmish ensued. Nine Indians were killed and 20woiui(l-
ed. Of Col. BeaVa men, two were killed and seven wounded. The Indians
were left in possession of the swamp.

The following account was published in the Georgia Herald ofthe28 June,
at Columbus. It is headed, "Grand Entree into Fort Mitchell," and
then proceeds : — " On the 22 Juno, we witnessed the grand entree of a drove
of savages into the Fort [Mitchell] consisting of men, women and children,
in all about .1000; among them 200 warriors; they were brought in by a bat-
talion of Alabama cavalry, under the command of Maj. Gen. Patterson. The
mm were placed within the walls of the fort, while the women and children
were encamped on the outside. It was an assemblage of human beings, such
as we had never before witnessed, and the sight filled us with thoughts and t'eel-
iugs to which we shall not give vent at this time. They were of all ages, from a
month old to a hundred years, — of all sizes, from the little papoosie to the
giant warrior. The old " Blind King,^' as he is called, rode in the centre of
the throng, and altiiough it has been many years since he beheld the light of
day, yet bus the feelings of hostility continutid to rankle at his heart. The
nutn(!s of the hostile chiefs who have been taken and have come in, are jVea
E-Mathia, Octo Jlrcho-Emalhla, [probably son of JVeamathla,] Miccocholey, oi
Blind King, Tustee-.Yiiggce, Chopko-Yar-oar-Hadjo."

»-^r-f.

m^..

Wv, >

ill

' />'■

V '//,•!,■/>:■ Or///)' .'aj/ f>//C'f/.>''

'• *♦ T f:

'^^m^"

Chap. XIII.]

HISTOIIV OF THE ClIKKOKEES.

437

CHAPTER xia

UI3T0Uy «iF Vil»-. f \C*TKlA.TIO.N OK TUF CHKK'**'

enli'it ,

•>■•<•■ ^niiMiai, tliKt tbii Unli-ff of tli«M prcacnt tiitiPk munt not 1i" wri'i'
■u.-!t .11 my 0|>irfii>n. ii 'i«, fif.-'f'ii *t> ir. lii!<ioii.-iri, ami very pr<'JM>liiii' r
• ■' ii> «rile 111 " ili«t h'-:, thnl nl> i\n\y "iiijiil prolirl timir mUlik'-" ft ■
•1 IV iIh- tru'li I- nm ti;ie ••ii<iu;-li u li.' writ in !lii Hyo we tivu in:

> t> I'M lltJ* liialfkri ii I . tia frunii a. it II. a »..^I« nf .fiti 1l.itj.« ri.«l flii> titnii.1 I.

■hi.y

- •• ' ' •* *■ ■'■»■"-•• .- ■' ' "y' "-• "-" •"

h ve tlio iii.itu[iui tu (Mail bU ti'O iierli nt .iiii li.'Uri, iisi tlio tiniuii

".''lil! Ill Uic w>iita iou>\'« wrtnts llicr" i« n.' eti"! :
Ho «nl(t, ' hryonJ ilvo'o liil ,. lie wijukI not comi>,'
Hill •" iln^ »i!«ii'rn SCI.- !.;■ Imni!« exKiml,

K.'C yi-t Ilia pr)iiii»u dii;* up.jii lil» tu<iguc." — I'NruBi.istiEii Tm.

U lui-F. tl>f! Will- is protrrp-siii;; in Flojitla, wv will procccil to lay opnti

l>w imiics ol' Cherokee liistory, |>ray!ng, ia xho. nid.n i\w\ lor it.-; -|ici.(|y
'oii'lu.sioii.

'I'Ik >iiu;itioTi of llic Cliemk'.'O roiiiitry it; most ilfiightfui ; it i:- every fliiiiic
i'frtl heart coiihl wish, whither uetiiatetl hy th«' h<;t.t or worst <»f' inotivcs. It
;• .• II) alKMit tlMity-ti''^ ili>>rn'tv-i i T jiorUieni latitude. Ijomidcti rth luid west
i'v 'r<'ijiiuK»e*i, on the i^ontit h\ Alnh«ir»;i, and e/i'^turly l)y (;i«'orpia aii(! Norili
' '•'iliiia, coiii|»ri.«i!i,i; al><iiit 8.(.fM) *>\i::tr- tinle:*. h\ If'W it e<'Pi;(iu(5d 11. [75;
• IfVer VI •• ,i'Hi!!.,' [tiM'u luM to the I int<d iS!i«i>;j» lor th-- iiiH) of (i- o. jjut.

fhiit riiu- ■ • 'i I'Y livicrr sprinu:-, in . vj-r :.,,it, ^•''

t;i.ii.- nre ok' . '!■ i j/reur >:!■•::('; hy tli, a.-'l I iti;m ; ii

II'. ''1' sujierior 'i(M/)ii! if:«; oi '/•mi' ";,'• i..l r'';<er\oir«, rj>ii>ie'l byspiunif •■f
1*11 . 1 lolly nuiff'. ot" iiiouiitaiiis wlileli Mn Irh across the \',i.t'U.-. i!.''! , ' :i„
ii'M'i'i it is liill^ ; liiit ill tiie *Mitli HI'- iiiiiiierotiii fi-rtile plain.-, in .tl

Willi t.-i'! trees, lliroiii(li wlii'-ii heiniiiiiil .srr<'iiiiis "f wuti;! '.riide, '.. i .liji-
ill va.-t iurds, roam, and lior.e.s are j'li lUy, aiid in ;:ll Uif sirdii .iry Us«:s lunong
llie Indi.'ms. Flocks ol'slx i-p, tmat.-^, aiiil s^virir, live om the slopes of the Jiill-<.
Oil their iiavii;ahle rivers tlic (' lii;n>kei« have vt^sscls enjjaifed in coiiiiiieree.
Their s[>riii;,' ope;).-' in ^'re-if heiury; iiic moU is exee'letit !i>r com, '.ittoM,
i.)i)aec'o, wlieai. Oat.-*, iudJ!.'*!, sweet aiii! Irish potatoes; and tho peopKi had, in
Ifr'io, hei'viii to li.vport t'oiioii ?.i Nc'v (' : ans in th«frr own m ir^.seL-.

They have )»ii!iJic roaiif*. .hhI tuvpr.n. wt.ih {food at'e< i: ('il;ir,.ius, and
hiitler iUi'i •heeee nr.-' ruiiioi ui i»|h»'i ih.- ardiuary tahlfs ot' lav Jndian inliab-
iii.ii! -. Ne.it nnd f!o«tn»hiii;^ vili,in«'« i'"ve ■i'jmmI', -si. ■» ' .i-.fo tji'tny. •'oltoii

lUjliV-

■iindf. Theni is

} had ifi-

ai)(l woolh'ii eh ^hfi vou nianivfa'.'iun >^ i.uS
scari'flv a Inmily wliJeh doe' e* <

Their iiado is nlinoM wholiy can; .

arts are eonsidorahly enltivated, aiin.x .;■. i;^... uir, , : < ^^
teiilioii of ilii' inhaliilanl--'.

\u I'-i'.t, there Were ahoot 10,(100 inliahitai.ls, and in \fih
eri'ahud to i:>.."iii;k ail natives; there wrre, in addition, 147 \\liil«; na-ii niarrj. d
!o the naiioM, and 1\\ wliite women. Of .f^^laves there were 1.'277. lltMiet! it i<
;i..iin that the CiirrokeeM th) not le'roiist', hut have, in al-uni iive jears. -n-
••nsHsed over ;i,.'50O. This is etpial, at It ast, to the inerciise of wliite popula-
itmr under similar cireiiinstanees,

IJy the laws of the nation, rlie whiif^* n • :dl<>\ved the prtvijejfes of iiulives,

Af, pt Ih.nf of KiilVrnL'e, toudlier with the - mtdiirihility to Imld I'tihi.s, Somo
«>l (he ("^h.-rokees, lit'lowins: the; exaiiudi' * dieir wmtlieru n^:i;J;ld)ol•s•, hii\e
t><"riiino ;ihive-lioldris; hnyini^' tli. ir m
iiiio t'le lali'iii. And here the n-ih et,>
ih" relative harharity of iljo white nod
Kirm rtoiithern Hiali.viwn, iluit tiir fndl: •
they eouli! not think of living beside ;
bv thptn to tliese biirhnriiiu.i! Hut, iml.'*.
1* I "•. mix with thoir bluvt"^

; h<' i.'ifiou was reoriranize'! in I?'"'', ■ tnl by a r«*p<>lve of its ii-iti-eud cotin-
• t 1 \'.;t;d into eijrht disirici-, tae'i i .vhieh had die jirivii-fiv of swndtug
87 •

•viiiio MU!!i who Liriiifj ihciii

ly tirisv- in the iiapiiry upon

:i,ii. It \>aA sfrtiiijjiy urjied hy

■ •re sneh Imrbjiroiih wretches ih; :

and yet poor Africans arc m' !

die- whiles in o;k pjuticiilur, th* v

»i«:.i(

■10'

Chap. XIII.l

HISTORY OF THE CHEUOKEES.

437

CHAPTER xm.

HISTORY OF THE EXPATRIATION OF THE CHF.ROKEES.

"Sottip entertiin, that tho history of these present tiinon must not bo written by any one nlivo ;
vvliich, in my U|>iiiion, is (liH;;r:iieriil to lui liiKtuti.in, nnil very prejudicial to [)o«ti>rity ; na if they
were to write at ii di.Jtanre, that ohflcurity niiirlit protect their mistakes from discovery. Otheri
ul!4o say the truth is not lipe enough to he writ in the age we live in: 80 politicians would
not h.ive the hi^itoriun to tread on the heck of tho times, Icit the timet tread on liis heels."

VVlN3Ti\I.r.

" Still to the white man's wants there is no end :

lie said, ■ ln-yund those hills he would not come.'
But to the westerti seas his hands extend,
Ete yet his promise dies upon his tongra." — UrtrusLisHEo Poem.

While the war is progressing in Florida, we will proceed to lay open
a tew pages of Ciierokee history, j)raying, in the mean time, for its speeily
conclusion.

Tlio situation of the Cherokee country is most delightful ; it is every thing
that heart coidd wish, whether actuated by the best or worst of motives. It
lies in about thirty-five degrees of northern latitude, hounded north and west
by Tennessee, on the soiuh by Alal)aina, and easterly by Georgia and Nortli
('arolina, com[)rising about 8,000 sipiare miie.s. In 1802 it contained 11,175;
tho difiijrence huvuig been sold to the United States for the use of Georgia.

That coimtry is well watered by living springs, in every part, whose loim-
taiiis are like reservoirs raised to a great height by the art of man ; they hav-
ing the sujjerior advantage of being natural reservoirs, raised by .springs in
their lolly range of moimtains which stretch acro.ss tlie whole nation. In the
nortli it is hilly ; but in the south are numerous fertile plains, in jjart covered
with tall trees, through which beautiful streams of water glide. Here cattle,
in va.^t herds, roam, and horses are plenty, and in all the ordinary uses among
the Lulians. Flocks of sheej), goats, and swine, live on the slopes of the hills.
On their navigable rivers the Cherokees have vessels engaged in commerce.
Their spring opens in great beauty: the soil is excellent for corn, cotton,
tobacco, wheat, oats, Jidigo, sweet and Irish potatoes ; and the people had, in
18'2.5, begun to export cotton to New Orleans in their own vessels.

They Iiavt; ])ublic roads, and tavtjrns with good accommodations, and
butter and citeese are coiimion upon the ordinary tables of the Indian inhab-
itants. Neat and (iourishing villages have already sprung into being. Cotton
and woollen cloths are manufiiciiu'ed, and bi/ milive Indian hands. There is
scarcely a liimily which does not rai.se cotton siiflicient lor its own use.
Their trade is almost wholly curried on by native Cherokees. The mechaiiitj
aits are coiisidenibly cidtivatetl, although agricultiue chiefly engLgcs the at-
tention of till! inliabitants.

In 1819, tbiMM! were about 10,000 inhabitants, and in 1855 they had in-
creased to 1!{,5(>;{, all natives; there were, in addition, 147 white lu.en married
ill the nation, and 7;? white women. Of slaves there were 1,'277. Hence it is
jilain that the Clierokees do not decrease, but have, in about five years, in-
creased over J},500. This is etpial, at least, to the increase of white popula-
tion imder similar circumstances.

By the laws of the nation, the wliites are allowed the privileges of natives,
except that of sufirage, together with their ineligiiiility to hold offices. Some
of the (Cherokees, following the exam|)le of their southern neighbors, lia\e
become slave-holders; buying their ncgro(>s of white men who iuing them
into tho lalion. And here the reflection iifitiirally iifi.ses in the iiii|uiry upon
the relative barbarity of the white and red m(!ii. It was strongly urged by
some soiilhern slalesmrn, that the Indians were such barbarous w retches that
they could not tliink ot" living beside them; and yiit ])oor Ali-icaiis are sold
by them to these barhnrlnns! But, unlike the whites in one particular, they
will not mix with their slaves.

The nation was reorganized in 1820, and by a resolve of its national coun-
ril, divided into eight districts, each of which had the privilege of sending
37*

438

HISTORY OF the; CIIKROKEES.

[BuoK IV.

four mcni1)ors to tne legislatiiro. The pny of nionibers was pptablislied at
one dollar per (lay; that of the speaker being li.xed at one and a hall' dollars
and the principal chicls were to receive 150 dollars a year. Home ol" tlieli
principal laws and regidations were — a prohibition of j-piritiioiis liqnors be-
ing brought into the nation by white men. if u white man took a Oherokeo
\\ ile, li(i must marry her according to their laws ; but her pro|)erty was not
ariected by sncli union. No man was allowed but one wife. A judge, mar-
shal, sheriff and dejjuty, and two constables, were co'.iimissii ned in each dis-
tiict. Endiezzlement, intercepting and opening sealed letters, was j)unished
by a fine of 100 dollars, and 100 lashes on the hare back. No business was
allowed on Simdays; and fences were regulated by statute. They also had
u statute of limitations, which, however, did noi affect notes or settled ac
eoimls. A will was valid, if found, on the decease of its maker, to have been
written by him, and witnessed by two creditable p«'rsons. A man leaving no
^\ill, all his children shared e(pial, and his wile as one of them ; if he h.-lt no
children, then the widow to have a fourth j)art of all pro])erty ; the otlier
three lijin'ths to go to his neanist relations. And so if the will' died, leaving
jtroperty. Before the division of the nation into districts, and the aj)point-
mt^nt of the above-named civil officers, there was an orgiuiized conijiany of
light-horse, which ex(!cute(l the orders of the chiefs, searched out oflenders,
and brought them to justice. It was a fundainental law, that no land shouhl
be sold to the white j)eople, without the authority of a majerity of the nation.
Transgressors of this law were punished with death.

The Cherokees were similarly situated to the Creeks, in respect to the Uni-
ted States. They had been treated with from the earliest days of the n!j)ub-
lic, as an independent nation, with only this diflerence — the United States
regarding treaty stipulations with them without any regard to their weakness,
or inability to defend themselves against unjust intrusions. And thus were
they considered through the early administrations of this government; until
])olitical intrigue had become the order of the day, and to strengthen a party
l)y the accession of a state, it was found necessary to disregard sacred trea-
ties, not at first by an open denial of obligations, but by a perversion of lan-
guage, authorizing "any means to encompass the end." And like tlie Creek
nation, the Cherokees were tampered with, and eventually divided and ruined ;
thus verif'ing that remarkable passage of Scripture, namely, "a house divided
against its 'K' cannot stand."

The con. (;i]uences which, by evei-y thinking mind, were considered sure to
follow, did follow ; but not so immediately as had been anticipated, reasoning
from tlie summary course which the Creeks had j)ursued in executing ven-
geance upon the heads of a similar faction, for a precisely similar outrage
upon the will and the laws of that nation. But the day of retribution was
at hand, and the heads of the Cherokee faction have met a like (ate in the
distant land to wliich they had forced their despairing executioners. The
history of the fate of Kidge and his associates will go down upon the same
page of history with that of Mackintosh ; over which the i)hilanthropist of
succeeding ages will mourn, and the philoso|)her will frown witli just indig-
nation, as he contem])lates the source of guilt whence the stream flowed.

But the bare recit{d of the events in the history of the Cherokees is suffi-
cient to create the deepest ii'eliiigs of commiseration in every breast, without
any reflections ti-oui the historian.

Georgia, finding she could not drive the United States govei^nment into
Ihu" measures for the forcible possession of the Cherokee country, resolved
to do soon her own account; but not having the courage to go sword in
hand, and do it ai a blow, she resorted to the equally condenmable course of
management, which was to seize U])on the country under cclor of law. And
those laws, made for the very occasion, were so exceedingly oppi-essive that
X\n' Indians could not live mulcr them.

The laws alluded to were ])assed on the 20tli of D(>cember, 182!), by the
legislature of the state of (Jeorgia, and were of this complexion: "It is here-
by ordained that all the laws of (icorgia are extench^d over the Cherokee
coiuitry. That after the Jst day of .June, 1850, all Indians then and at that
time residuig in said territory, shall be liable and subject to such laws a)"t

Chap. XIII.]

HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES.

439

rt'sfulations as tlic Iej,'iriliitiirc may hereafter prescril)e. Tliat all laws, usages,
and customs, made and estahlislied, and entorccd in tlic said territory, l>y tlie
said Clierokce Indians, be, and tlie same are iiereity, on and atler tlit^ 1st day
of June, ItiMO, declared null and void ; and no Indian, or descendiint of an
Indian residing within the Creek or Cherokee tuitions of Indians, shall he
d.inied a (lompetent witness, or party to any suit in any court, when; a white
ni:ui is a deti'iidant." Such is a specimen of the laws allude<l to; trained to
throw the Jiidians into entire couliision, that they might he the mort! easily
overcome, destroyc-d, or forced I'roin the laud of their nativity.

That the Cherokees could not live tinder the laws ot' (Jeorgia i.s most
inanilest, and it is etpially mamtest that said laws were never made in expec-
tation that they could be subinitt(!d to. Thus tli(! constitution of the I'liited '
Slates was trampled on with iin|Miniiy, by an utter disregaril of one of it.s
('.\|)ress provisioii.s, "That no state shall pass any law or laws going to imi)air
the obligation of contracts." Now, how could a Cherokee compel a (leorgiau
to pertiirm a contract? Thus was the axe not only laid at the foot of the
tree of Cherokee liberty, but it was shortly to be wielded by the strong arm
of |)ower with deadly etlect.

Alarm now, as well it might, was seen perched upon the brow of every
true Cherokee, and they bisgan to revolve in their minds the nature of their
condition, and to in({uire of one another what they were to do. They remon-
strated, but remonstrance wa>5 met with contumely, and all the haughtiness
that characterizes the triumph of might over right.

Though conscious of the rectitude of their intentions, the Cherokees were
determined not to jiersist in any course, however just it might a])pear to them,
without first consulting some of the ablest jurists and best men, as well as
the most devoted to the good of their country, among the eminent men of the
L'nited States. There was but one opinion among them. Chief .Fiistici; 'VFar-
sliall. Chancellor Kent, William Wirt, iMr. Justice iM'Lane, Daniel Webster,
and Henry Clay, are names carrying authority with them; an array of talent
which other nations may eipial, but not surpass.

Accordingly the Lidians brought their case before the supreme court of the
United States, where it was argued with fidelity and ability by IMr. Sargent
and Mr. Wirt, and finally and clearly given in favor of the Cherokees. Mr.
Wirt Irppily adverted, in his argument, lo the jiast and present eondiiet of
Georgia; niininded her that, with the other states, she had coi())erated with
the most Christian assiduity and perseverance to bring about a chaiigi; in the
intellectual and moral condition of that people t and having completely
effected the purpo.so, she found in this very change,' i ground of (piarrcl with
them, as well as with her sister states, her auxiliarie. in tlu^ laudable work;
accusing these of hyitoci isy and an aflijcted benevolence, by which they were
violating Georgia's soveicignty in bringing U|) an independent government
within her chartered limits; that so long as they were savages and barba-
rians, Georgia had no objection to their governing themselves, but having now
become civilized, and consecpiently capaltic of governing tliemselves, their
right of self-government must cease. "Hence we ask," says Mr. W'irt, "what
can this unfortunate people do ? "

" The existence of this remnant of a once great and mighty nation," added
!Mr. Wirt, "is at stake, and it is for this court to say whether they shall be
blott(!tl out from creation, in utter disregard of all our treaties. Tlii'y are
here in tlie last extremity, and witii them must perish tonsver the honor of
the Amijrican name. The faith of our nation is iiitaliy linked with their
e.xislence, au<! the blew which destroys them (pieiiches forever our own
glory:, t<)r what i:lory can there be of which a ])atriot can ne proud, affer the
good name of his country shall have d(>parted ? We may gather laurels on
the rii^ld of battle, and troi)hi(!S on flu; occ^an, but they will never hide this
foul blot uiKUi our escutcheon. 'Remember the Ch(!rokee nation,' will be
answer enough to the ]iroudest boasts that we can ever make. Such, it is
possible, there may be who are willing to glory in their own shame, but thank
Ifeaven, tliey are comparatively ti'W. The great majority of the AiiK^rican
jieople see this subject in its true light. And I cannot believe that this honor-
able court, possessing the newer ol' preservation, will stand by and see tlnse

440

HISTORY OF Tin: CUCROKEES.

[ISooK IV

people stripped of tlicir property and cxtirpntcd from tlic enrlli, wiiilo they
arc lioldiiif,' up to us tlnir treaties and elaitninjr llie fulfilment of our en^tage-
ments. h' truth, and tiiitli, and honor, and jiislice, have fled from every other
jmrt of our oountry, we shull find thcni here, if not, our sun has yone down
in treachery, blood, and erinie, in the tiice of tlie world; and instead of being
proud of our eountry, we may well eall upon the rocks and mountains to
hide our shame liom earth aiKl heaven."

riiich were the opinions of the great and good upon the Cherokee question ;
hut how was he mistaken in respoet to the virtue of a government, of which
lie was a pillar and chief siipiioiter in all its just dealings! With what grief
must he liave seen, notwitlistanifing the sacritices and efforts he had made
to obtain justice, and the decision of the highest tribunal of his country,
all disregarded, this decision set at naught, and that country's si/7i go liown
in treuclicn/, hlood, and crime! And it is with (lee]» mi'lanclioly we add, that
the great statesman and ]iliiluiithn>pist saw the near appmach to the horizon
of the once glowing star of empire of a noble ])eo|'.le! lie saw, as his own
lanii) flickered ou the cvv. of departure to another world, tliat de<'p stain fitll
upon the escutcheon of his country's honor, \\ liich he had so niiich feared.
\\ ii-i,iAM Wirt descended to the tomb in the beginning of tla; year Ifiliiy.

Th(! Cherokecs, like the Creeks, had, by designing and avaricious men,
been divided into two jjarties, which were distinguished fiom one another by
very marked diflerences. The peojile composing the first were generally
temperate, industrious, and fhigal ; liad made great advancement in the arts
of civilized liti-, and hence; had become tar more .ittached to their country
than those of' an opposite character. The other jiart of the nation consisted
of a majority of indolent, intemiierate. roving, and ignorant citizens; always
restless, ever ready to hear to nny new siiKxah-toiigued miscreant, who might
throw himself among tlicMii ii]»on any design, ^'et there were many among
the second party whose character was good, and who were made seriously to
think that it would he f()r their interest to sell out their possessions, and take
up a new country beyond the Mississi|)|ti. Ihit the talent and learning were
not with them, and consecpiently they had not the ability to judge of such u
project, according to tiie admonitions of the true policy of the nation.

At the period of Cherokee history now under consideration, that nation
contained a population of 18,000 souls. How near it was divided in rcsjiect
to numbers is not i)recisely known, but that part 1 have denominated the first
was by liir the most numerous, as well as '.\h\ jiiost respectable. These two

1)arties had each its head or leader, and was known by his name. Mr. Jolm
ioss led the first, and ]\lajor Ridge the second. IMr. Koss had become an
eminent citizen, and being |)nssessed of a fine education, res])eetabl(' talents,
and extensive and enlarged views ui)ou all subjects, soon becani*! piominent
without any efforts to make himself so. On ihi' other hand IMr. Ridge, though
girf.ly beloved by his own people, and highly res|iectcd among the whites,
had not the moral courage to withstand tempations that u trtie patriot
requires.

Such was the condition of things, when it was decided by the supreme
court of the United States, that Ccorgia must not execute her pernicious laws
in and over the Cherokee country. Yet, as has already been observed, she
did proceed to execute them, and finding that many of the Indians would not
at once be forced away by tlieir cruel and oiiprcssive execution, but continued
to suffer under them, resort was had to buying up such of the chiefs and
head men of the nation as money wou'il succeed with. And, finally, a treaty
was made with such men as bribery iniliieiiced, and on its sciigth, event-
ually, tin; Cherokecs were f<)rced beyriid the Mississipj)i.

The engagement entered into with Ceorgia by the T'nited States govern-
ment in 180'<i, has, in iv former chapter,* been noticed. In that compact there
was no stiitulation that the Cherokecs should, at any time, be forced to sell
their remaining lands; but when they were iciV/incr, if any such time should
ever arrive, and the ])rice should not he an objection, then the United Stjites
had thepoiwr, and not till then, to buy lut the Cherokecs,

* 13ook IV., page o3, aiile.

Chap. XIII.]

HISTORY or Tiir, fiii:iioKKi:s.

441

But, in 18;}o, Georgia liiid becoino ho clainorous, that "the government"
tlioiight best to make um uttcnipt to treut willi tlieso Indians to go west, on
some terms or otiier. Accordingly, tiio president appointed one Rev. J. F.
tschcrnit-riiorn, of Ncnv Yorit, to proceed to the Cheroiiee country for that
j)urpose. He j)roce(!dcd to the nation, and, with some trouiih-, got tiie cliiefs
together, and ()|iened the natnn; of liis niissi()n betijre them. He waa
informed that tliey wouM not treat for tlie sale of tiicir country on any con
ditions, and the connnissioner gave; up tiie design luiil returned to Wash-
ington. Jhit there is no salety to tlie iiuiocent where the cui)idity of designing
knaves can In; brought to bear upon thiuu.

'I'lie ])lan inunt'ifiaii-ly adoi)tcd by Scliermcrliom was to seduce some of tho
ciiiefs by gratuities of luoucN, and tiiereby to get together sucii as he could
of the nation, and, if possible, make a treaty with them which should biiul uh
the rest; but to tlit; honor of the secretary at war, (Jen. Cass, it will be re-
niemhered, that wiieii such a proje(;t was made known to him, he rejected it
with disdain. Whether this instrument of injustice was countenanced by
men higher in otlice than the secnstary at war, 1 leave to be determined;
but however that might l)e, it is certain that Hchermerhorn was found without
loss of time ])ursuing that nefarious plan, which Gov. Cass had set his seal of
nn(pialitied disapj)rol)ation U|)on. lie circulated noticesof his design through-
ftiit the CluM-okee nation, refpiesting them to meet him in council ; and fuially
he got a nuiid)er of the nation together, which he called a council of tlie nalion,
and made a treaty with them. J{y the stipidations of this treaty, (fiilsely so
called,) tln! whole country was to be given u|) to the whites within two years
li-om the time it should be ratilied by the senate of the United States.

The great majority of the Cherokees, as has been observed, woidd have
nothing to do with Schermerhorn, and consecpiently, whatever he did had
nothing to do with them ; and when its acknowledgment and acceptance
were urged at Washington, it was rebutted with the astounding memorial,
signed by near Jifleen thousand of the nation, protesting in the strongest terms,
that the instrument j)rocured ])y Schermerhorn was utterly false, and iniaii-
thorizcd by the Cherokees. Yet after all that those 1.5,000 people coidd do,
that tredli/ was, with some little variation, published to the world, at the city
of Washington, on tin; 14th of IMarch, 18U), as the act of that nation!

When tli(! nation tbund that the party which had executed the treaty were
going to Washington to furtiier its ratitication, the council of the nation im-
mediately appointed a delegation of twenty of its best men to proceed there
also, clothed with authority to represent their countrymen truly. It had be-
come now apparent that if they would not sell their country for ivliril it teas
the pleasure of the government to give, they would be driven trom it without any
thing; therefore, all that was letl lor them to do, was to g(!t the best terms
tii(!y could. And it was finally agreed by the authorized delegation, that they
would abide by such an award as the senate should make lor their lands, pro-
vided that when it was laid belbre the nation, it should be consented to by it;
accordingly, a paper was signed by the Indians, agreeing to abide the action
of the senate. Of that action, l\ir. Ross, the principal chief, says, he would
not have complained, if it had been "fully and fliiriy" obtained ; but "a res-
olution was submitted at midnight, on the 3d of March, just as the senate
were about to separate, premising, tluit, in its opinion, the president ought to
allow a sum not exceeding 5,000,000 . f dollars. This resolution, proposed in
a Inury, was carried in as great a lun-rv, and, though a mere opinion, not
pledging either the i)resident or tho senate to any consetpient action, was
represented to us as an ^award^ and we were told we had engaged ourselves
to be bound by it."

The delegation next proceeded to lay the matter before the nation ; which
liaving done, the "award" of the s(Miate was unanimously rejected. Ihit Gen,
Jackson had now taken the matter into his Ik <is, and whatever might be
said or done by an Indian council, would make no lillerence with his deter-
mination. And when he found that they were reluctant to submit to what
they had never had any intention of agreeing to, he ordered Mr. Secretary
Harris to inform them, "that no pro{)ositions for a treaty would heicaftci- ho
made, more favorable than those now offered. The sum of five millions of

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443

IIISTOIIV OF THE CIIF.UOKKES.

[Book IV

dollara was fixiul upon by tlie senate, an nn ample oiuivalcnt for tlie relin*
qniHliMHMit ()l° all their rights and poHsessions ; thut most assuredly the presi-
dent would nut HunctioM any ex|H.-ctation, that more tiivorcble urningenientfl
woidd herealter be held out to them ; that thifl wuh the last jr.-opoaition the
president would make them while he was president, and they might abide the
conM'(|ueMc*cri ; that they need not expect cither brunch of the government
would ever do any more, and that, therelbre, they need not e.\i>ect another
dollar."*

Thus nil further negotiation was cut off, and the Indians liad nothing fur-
ther to <lo, but to submit to what tliey had long Ibrcseeu would probably lie
tlieir only alteriuitive.

With regard to the treaty of Dcccml)cr, ISW, procured by Schermerhom,
and since called by his name, as also » the treaty of New Lc I iota," we liave
but a remark or two more to make ; and, firstly, it will be uiquired, who or
what part of the Cherokee nation made that treaty ? According to the ac-
count of Schermerhom himself, the number which he got together to treat
with, <lid not exceed (jOO persons, men, women, and children; of which num-
ber l)Ut 70 wi!i"c men, and of these, aliout 30 were Arkansas emigrants, or
Cherokees enrolled tor emigration, and consequently had no real interest in
the nation, and had no right to act in matters affecting its affairs. The reatler
has only to compare this statement with the memorial before spoken of,
sijrncd by 15,000 persons, to enable hitn to decide on the magnitude of the
injustice done that ])cople. Secondly, of the course "this great and mighty
government" has pursued to disinherit Indians in certain cases.

hi IVIuy, 18;fi>, Gen. Carroll was sent with instructions by our government,
to induce the Cherokees to remove. Some pnssa^ves in those instructions
would never lie believed, were they not past contradiction, and staring us by
thousands in the fiice. They recite, that, whereas nothing could probably be
efiecled in open council, by negotiation, " be must go to them, not as a nego-
tiator, hut as a friend ; appeal to the chiefs and inlVuential men, not together,
but apart ; make offers to them of erlensive reservations in fee simple, and
other rewards ; secure, even from the chiefs, your official character ; move upon
tiiem in the line of their prejiulices ; tell them, unless they remove, their laws
ujill be trodden under foot; enlarge upon the advantages of their condition in the
west." Such is another si>ecimeu of another state paper, which emanated from
ihis administration.

The case has changed. Tlie whites Imve become powerful, and the red
men have become weak. They are able to destroy, or drive them l)efbre
them to another country, and how has it turned? The red men have gone.
Who are the "cruel savages?" In the "great debate," as it was termed, on
*l<e "Lidian bill," in 1830, some of its supporters pointed to the «ast, and cried
o' t, " Savages ! savages ! " iKJcause the voice of humanity had been heard in
mat direction ; but they might, with almost equal propriety, have pointed to
the ca]iital of the state of Georgia— even that, where those most oppressive
laws origijHited, contained philanthropists too. The votes in that house stood
out little more than eciually divided, on the bill to take forcible possession of
the Ciierokee country. But the philanthropist is derided and scorned ; and
that people have only escaped the iron grasp of superstition's haiul, to die by
that of avarice. It used to be a proverb, that Justice had leaden feet, but yet
was sure to o.ertake her enemies ; but where her feet are clogged with gold,
the ])roverb requires a new explication.

We have seen how the Schermerhom treaty was disposed of in the senate
of the Ifnited States. The house of representatives nnist vote the appropria-
tion, or it could not be carried into effect. Wli(;n it came up there lor action,
sonic I'livo as a reason for voting for it, thut tlicy had no choii-e, but w«!re
botuid to ilo so, because the treaty had been ratified by the |)resi(lent and
senate, and it was hence the law of the Innd. On the other hand, it was

* T\* ciTiiiinly was a stale papor worlliy "f " My ■rovcniinfiil," " My ntrrcnrv," and
Bhiive ml, "Mv rp'Jpniisiliilily." Mr. Jacksnii had lu-l'oro lolil ciTiiiiii lii'liaiK llinl all llie
lands l)i>y»iid dip .Missis:4i|i|ii belon^cil to liiiii! \( iliu Cliuroki'cs buliuvcd liii told llio Irulk,
no one will wi.iider they uid uol wish to go tliore I

CH»r. XIV.]

HISTORY OF THE CHEROKKKS.

443

ar^Kui that the action of the president and senate ronid ni'vcr iiuike llmt in*
Htriinient u treaty whieli was ihlse, and hud not lieen n^n'ced to Ity liiit onu
party ; that this wna tnie uhini<hintiy a|>p«'anMl l>y a protrst then iN-lbru the
i)oii.se, signed by almost the entire Cherokee nation. And lM.'Hi<U;s this, tiie
most zealous advocates fi)r removal did not priUend that the treaty wns tiiirly
made by the nation, or by any Iwdy authorized by it ; but they ar^ned that
the bill oiii'ht to |Kt8s from necessity, as it was to benetit the Indians mora
t'rui any iMMly else. And witii thia kind of argument the bill passed, 10*2
to !•?.

Thus we are to be judges of what is lN;8t for our neighlmr, and if he does
not conform to our wishes, we will force him to do so. On the same princi-
ple wu may say, that it is decreed by unerring fate that the red men must be
Hwept from the face of the earth ; but do<>s it iollow that we must hasten their
ruin ? With as nnich reason all mankind might conunit suicide, iKicause liite
has decreed that we must all die, sooner or later.

As soon as congress had disposed of the ( °li<;rokee question, the executive
of the nation, apprehensive that trouble would arise between Georgia and the
Cherokees, oniered Gen. Scott to repair thither without delay. He was soon
on the way, witli about 2,000 men. This was eurlv in the year 1838. Mean-
while Gov. Gilmer liad tlireatened "collision," unless the work of expulsion
was inunediately begun. How much in tear Mr. Van Burcn stood of this
and other bravadoes, we do not undertake to say ; but he pressed matters aa
fast as he could, more afraid, doubtless, of the votes, than the steel of Georgia.

But what did that excellent old general find on his arrival in the Cherokee
country .' Armed Indians be\iind every bush, prepared to shed the last ilrop
of tlieir blood in defence of their beloved country ? No. Not a semblance
of op|)08ition ^vas there; aiI was quietness; all were alK)ut their ordinary
afTairti, in their own fields. . r>d hy their own habitations. Having established
his head quarters in the nation, he issued a procia nation, requesting them to
assend>le at certain |)oints, from whence they would lie sent to Arkansas.
They obeyed tlie summons, and thus, in due time, the whole nation were
removed.

:il

»«r#«

CHAPTER XIV

EXPATR1ATI0:« OF THE CHEROKEES, CONTINUEU

" Wlii'te i» mv hnmi- — my fofnt home? tho prouil Innd of my fires i
Whrri) I'Iniiili tho wi2««iii iif my priilo ? \Vli<"r« itli'iim llif cuiiin'il hrei
Wht-re nv mv ralh*»r<' hnllowptl jjr.ivnn? my rriciiil'i, ho lishl fttnl fr«i» •
(iuiio, gone, — furever from my view ! Qreut Spirit ! cun it be .' "—A. \V. B.

It liiis somehow or other happened that great changes have taken place
in the minds of our rulers, or some of them, within u lew years, in regard to
what certain laws and tn;aties mean. As late as IH'^ no question was
rais<;d almut the rights of the Intlians ; nothing was attempted to be done, 6i/
govcmmcn/, on their lands, without their consent being first obtained ; no one
even dreamed of laying out a road through their lands without their permis-
sion. Itnt, of a sudden, it is discovered that the government has lK>en lalior-
ing under a great mistake all the time of its existence ; that during the ad-
ministration of Andrew Jackson, wisdom had shed her light so abundant, that
ninnliers had ristm up in her fidl armor, and unhesitatingly declared that the
vt'ry men who formed our constitution knew very little about it ; that under
its |)rovisions no valid treaty could l>e made with Indians ; that neither
WAsni>oTON, Jefferson, nor Jon.v AoAMS, coidd make the discovery; but
it nuist lie reserved to add lustre to the era of which we are s|)eakinir.

The compact iM^tween the general government ond (leorgia, in 1H02, is the
principal theme of their oppressors. Now every Inwly knows that with that
compact the Cherokees hail nothing to do ; they hail no hand in forming it,
nor never consented to it A treaty is a compact of mutual coneessiotm and

444

HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES.

tUoox IV

'■I

''■■;f

agreements iHJtween nations. The Cherokees agreed tliat if they ever sold
tticir lands, or any part of them, it should he to the United States. Now this
was, as times have been, a very important concession on the jpart of the Li-
diaiis ; but if tlie faith of the United States )iad been kept inviolate, it would
as yet have amounted *.o but little, — a small tract of land here and there, —
but it has now amounted to an entire countiy. When the treaties were
formed, it was supposed that against this concession the United States had
put one of much greater moment, namely, tliat of p-otedion. What have we
seen? the whites in possession of dl the lands of the Lidians, the Jiidiaiiri
protected? Not by the United States; for it has driven them where it can-
not, from the nature of their situation, protect them. These conclusions
inevitably ibllow, and we challenge proof in contradiction.

That we have given the Indians more than their lands were worth, has
been urged as an argument that no wrong has been done them. That has
nothing to do with the point at issue. Unenviable must the mind of that
man be, who holds nothing almve price, mere pecuniary compensation.
What tliough the government did stipulate that it would buy out the Chero-
kees as soon as it could be done, (a very foolish bargain, by the way,) on
reasonable and equitable terms; is it to be understood that they mvsl sell
their lands just wiien a demand is made for them? This argument is too
fallacious to be thought of by rutioiiid men. Hence the only way lett to dis-

1)08sess a nation, too weak to defend themselves by force, is to declare tlioy
lave no right where they are. And, to the astonishment of all the worUl,
such were the grounds of argument, and such the arguments that succeeded
in an American congress in ruining a nation. What though the nation were
small, and consequently weak ? So much the greater the crime. Are not
laws made for the protection of the weak against tlie strong ? as well in
property as j)erson ? Shall the United States of enlightened America deal
woi-se with their friends and allies than ancient desjwtic Rome ? Even na-
tions sulxliied by the Romans, and included in their dominions, were suffered
"to live under their own laws, and be governed by their own magistrates."*

It has been urged as a reason lor disinheriting the Cherokees, that it is ab-
surd to allow a nation to exist under a separate government, within another
government or state, and hence unconstitutional. Allowing all this to lie
true, (which we do not,) what has it to do with the Cherokees ? Had not the
Cherokees as good a right to say to a state which had undertaken to extend
a line l)eyond them, "You have no authority to do this, and must instantly
desist." Now tliere can be no question but that a state would be compelled
to desist, if the party so included were able to defend itself against usurpa-
tion. This happening not to l)e the case with the Cherokees, a cordon is
passed about them, at first, merely nominal ; but, at length, like the coil of
the serpent, it is drawn tigliter and tighter, until they discover, too Inte, tlint
a deatli-blow is aimed at their very existence. Who, or what is Georgia,
that it should clai/n priority to the Cherokees? Were not the Cherokees a
nation long before it wtis heard of? Which permitted the other to grow up
by its side ? How long is it since the '^herokees were able to drive that hand-
ful of white intruders l)eyond a more formidable boundary than the Missis-
sippi? They did not attempt it Their "avarice" was not strong enough to
tempt them to so cruel an action. No. They took them by the hand at
Yamacraw Bluff, and at Moisten, -nd said, " Brothers, here is land enough
for us and for you. Lie down upon our skins until you can make wigwams
and mats for yourselves." How have these kindnesses been returnetl ?

We will hear what Georgia herself said about the validity of Indian trea-
ties, no longer ago than 18525. In that year a treaty was made with the
Creeks, by which a cession of a portion of their territory in Georgia whs
made ; and by an article in sai«l ti-eaty, it was provided, that the United States
Blioidd protect the Indians against the encroachments and impositions of the
whites, imtil their removal should take place. The governor of Georgia,
C M. Troup, issued his proclamation in accordance widi the treaty, a passage
of which is hi these words:

Valtel, " Law of Nnliong," B. I. cli. i. sec. II.

Chap. XIV.]

HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES.

445

« I linvo thought proper to issue this, itiy proclnniation, wnniing all per-
Rons, citizens at tieorgia, or otiiers, against trespassing or intruding upon
lands occupied by the Indians within the limits of tliis state, either for the
purpose of settlement or otherwise ; as every such act will be in direct viola-
tion of the provisions of the treaty, aforesaid, and will expose the aggressora
to the most certain and sunnnary punishment by the authorities of the state,
and of the United States. All good citizens, theretiire, pursuing tlie dirtntes
of ffood faith, will unite in onlbrcing the ohlif^ations of the treaty as the supreme
law."

How (loos this accord with a resolve of the legislature of that state, but a
few years afterwards, to take forcible possession of the country of the Cliero-
kiM>s? A comparative view of these enactments led a bigli-mintled senator*
to (ieclai-e, "that treaties were very lawfiU when made for the iwe of Georgiiu"

III 1HU4, tiie Cieorgia delegation in congress, in an address to the president
of the I'liitcnl States, complained, in no very modenite terms, of the injustice
done to their state, by the delay of the government in not extinguishing the
Clierokce title to lands within its limits; thei'eby acknowledging what they
denied nitcjrwards, namely, that the Clierokees had any title. They say, "If
lli(! ("iierckees are unwilling to remove, the causes of that unwillingness are
tn be traced to the United States. If peaceable purchase caimot Im: made in
the ordinary mode, nothing remains to be done but to or(h;r their removal to
n designated territory beyond the limits of Georgia," And, in conclusion,
they add, "Our duty is i)erlbrnied by remonstrating against the policy hereto-
fore pursued, by which the interests of Georgia have been disregarded; and
by insisting, as we do, most earnestly, upon an immediate fultilmeut of the
obligntions of the articles of cession of 1802."

Siicii is a specimen of the language of two senators and six representatives
of Georgia, to the president of the United States, upon this question. And
v/o veiitiu'o to asKert that the autocrat of all the RuHsias is not more despotic
in his decrees, thaii these gentlemen were on this occasion.

A \'cw days atler the address of the (Jeorgia delegates, the secretary of
war, the Hon. Joiirr C. Calhoun, issued his report on our Indian relations,
in which he says, " The United States have ever Imjcm solicitous to fulfil, at
the earliest period, the obligation of the convention, by the extinguishment
of the Indian titles within the limits of Georgia ; a most satisfactory proof
f which may be found in the number of treaties which have been held for
that purpose, the (piiuitity of lands which has been acquired, and the price
paid. In ftict, such has been the solicitude of the government, that but little
regard has been had to tlie ])rice, whenever it has been found possible to obtain a
cession of lands to the state. The price given has tiir exceeded that whicU
has ever Iwcn given in other purchases from the Indians." Thus a mighty
clashing of opinions is apparent on a comparison of these two extracts.

From certain otimr facts in Mr. Calhottri's report, it appears that, in 1802,
the Clierokees owned 7,15'2,110 acres of land in the limits of Georgiiu Since
tlie late war with England, they had held two treaties with the United States,
by which they had ceded JH)5,.'U0 acres. Emigration had lieen uniformly
encouraged, and many had voluntarily gone to Arkansas. To this course
nobody objected. IJut in this way mattei-s progressed too slow for greedy
speculators, and it was urged that, as many Clierokees had emigrated, a pro-
portionate quantity of the country should be set off lor (Georgia. An enuiner-
ntion or census had been ottempted, to ascertain what the proportion would
lie. anil it was eventually concluded that one third of the nation had lefl the
country, and a treaty was entered into at Washington, in 1811), by which that
amount of territory was ceded. IJetween 181!) and ]H>4, two att(;in|tts to
treat with them for further cessions of territoiy had been made, and both
proved abortive. "It cannot be doubted," says Mr. (Calhoun, "that much of
till' difficulty of acquiring additional cession fi-om the Clierokees, and the
other southern tribes, results from tlie'r growing civilization and knowleilge,
by which they have ieiuned to place a higher value upon their lands than
more rude and savage tribes. Many causes have contributed to place them

* Mr. Frelinghutjsen, of New Jersey.

446

HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEE:^.

[i:ooK IV,

El I

higher ill the BCiile uf civiiizution than other Iiidiuns within our limits — tlie
guiiiui iiatiire of (heir eliiimte, wliich ciiublett tiieiii to |>um8 more reaiiily from
Uie iimitor to tiic herdi^iiiaii Htute; and tliv tertility of tlieir soil, uiid tiiu viihie
of their Htupie urticieH, |mrticu!arly cotton. To tiiei>c, however, must Im; added
the liiimuiiu and benevolent pohcyoftlie government, which hus ever directed
a tbsteiiiig care to the Indians within our limits. This policy is us old us the
government itself; and has been habitually and strongly extended to the
Cherokee nation." Such, in 1824, were allowed to be the reasons why the
Cherokees could not he prevailed upon to forsake their country. Now, if
they hud no right there, hut that of suH'erunce, why is it that ♦' this Ibstcriny
])olicy, as old us the government," has been held ibrth and mai:ituined towardM
them? The reason i« obvious: no ])resideut l>elbre Gen. Jackson, could bring
his mind to do un he liu^ done.

At some future day, uck some remnant of the Cherokees, of tlie Creeks, or
of the SeminoleH, if uiiy nhould remain, why they should leuve the lands of
their fathers to U'conie wunderers beyond the Mississippi, and their reply
can be no other than thin : " We were Ibrced uwuy by the white men. Some
ot' our men were traitors; of :hem they bought our rights, knowing tticm to
be false.''^

Compare the language held by Uen. Jackson, in 1821, with what he has
since suid und done. On the IHtli of January of that year, he wrote from
his head (piurters at Nashville, to Path Killer, and other Cherokee chiefs, ub
follows : " Friends and brothers : I have never told a red brotlier u lie nor
deceived hiin. The intruders [on your lands,] if they attempt to return, will
be sent off. But your light*horse should not let them settle down on your
land. You ought to drive the stock away Irom your lands, and deliver tlio
intruders to the agent ; but if you cannot keep intruders from your land,
report it to the agent, und on his notice, I will drive them from your land."

On the (ith ot June, 1830, he informs the Cherokees, "that, having no
power to interfile and oppose the exercise of the sovereignty of any state,
over und upon all who may be within the limits of any state, they will pieimre
themselves to abide the issue of such new relations, without any hope that
he will iuterlere." It must be borne in mind, thut the Indians iiad done
nothing meanwhile to forfeit any one right, or the protection promised them
by ail tlie treaties, sunctioned by ull the presidents, including Juckson himself!

In April, 1824, u deputation of Cherokees wus at Wushington, und on the
15th day of' that month they laid befbre congress a memoriul "on matters of
vast importance" to them. In this memoriul they refer to the oppressive
stand taken by the governor of Georgia, as communicated by him in u letter
to the sccrctuiT of war, and to the acrimonious and incongruous ndtlress of
the Georgia delegution to the president, already noticed. Ui)oii these the
delegation reinuik : " We cannot but view the design of those letters us uji
attempt, bordering on u hostile disposition towurds the Cherokee nation, to
arrest Irom them, by urbitrarj' means, their just rights and liberties." And
this is the harshest language they any where compluin in, in answer to tlie
grossest insults.

Tn regard to the cession of more land, they declare their sentinients in the
following words: "In relation to the dinposilion und deUnnination of the
nation, never af^ain to cedt another foot of land is positively the prodvdion und
voice of the natiim, und whut bus been uttered by us, in the coiniminicalions
which we have mude to the government, since our an'ivul in this city, ia
expressive of the /r«e sentiments of the nation, ugreeubly to our inslructions,
und not one word of which has been put into nur mouths by a white man. Any
surmises or stntements to the contiury nre ill-founded und nngeneioiis." It
should be remembered, that it hud been basely insinuated by their eneniies,
in every public way, that the Indiuns were influenced by designing while nun
from the north, in ull their o])position to the will of Georgiu. 'J'liis iiu iiKuiul
was signed by Joii> Ross, George Lowkev, the mark of Major Kiugf.,
und Elijah 1Iick».

Immediately after this, Gov. Trntip writes from Milledgeviile a very (v</(-
clusivn letter to Mr. Culliotm, sccrrtiiry of war, so fin- as sojihistiy and angry
words can be conclusive on a subject. As u specimen of his logic, we will

:MAr. XIV.]

iiHToi.Y OF TiiK cnt:tio;;EE9.

447

cite «8 follows from U\h coiiiiiiiiiiicotion. Fomsniuch "as tlie I'liritans of
Now liii<r|aiid, uiiii Cliiakers of I'tMin^ylvuiiiii, liad never repaired tlie wrongs
done Indians, wliy m (iuoi-<;ia to Im; called upon to make propitiator^' ofter-
iiiffs?" And " if tlie jirinciplu of I'enn'tt treaty wad right, all otiiers tlial liavo
tbilowed uro wrong."

Aliont the same time tlie Clicrokco memorial was before the house of
representatives, of which we have s(iokcn, its auth' "s, to counteract certain
false reports of their traducera, pul)lit>hed in the iVatioiial Litclligencer a
statement of their case, from which we note the ibilowing passages: "Not
satislied with wishing the executive of the United States violently to rupture
the solenm bond of oui rights to our lands, and to put at defiance the pledged
which existing treaties contain, guarantying to us our huids, it is attempted
to take from us the intellect wjiich has directed us ui conducting the several
negotiations witii conunissioners appointed to treat with us lor our lands, and
with the executive government, by the unlbunded charge, that Hhe last letUr
of the Clwrokeea to the secretary at tear conlnitu internal evidence that il was
never written or dictated by an Indian,^ Whilst we profess to be compliiiicnted
on the one hand by this blow at our intelligence, we cannot, in justice, allow
it to pass, upon the other, without a flat contradiction. That letter, and every
other letter, was not only tcrilten, but dictated by aii Indian."

We are not surprised that the Georgia statesmen are not willing to allow
that they have insulted so much intellect and hitelligence, aware, as they must
have lieen, that in point of manner and matter, their own coniimsitions, side
hy side with the Cherokees, would suffer in no inconsiderable degree by
comparison. In closing they say, " It is not for us to vindicate, or attempt to
. indicate, our great father the president; he does not need an Indian's aid,
nor an Indian's eulogy ; but, however we are Iraund to love him, yet it is due
to j;istice to state, that we have been ollen pained, and especially of late, at
the earnestness with which be has pressed upon us the subject of ceding our
lands. Why he liius acted thus we are at a loss to conceive. We are not
ignorant of the nature of the convention of 1802. We know every one of
its promises. If, however, these ore to be violated, and the fell wur-whoop
should ever be raised against us, to dispossess us of our lands, we will gratify
the delegation of Greorgia, in their [irescnt earnestness to see us removed or
destroyed, by adding additional fertility to our land, by a deposit of our body
und our bones ; /or we are resolved never to leave them btU by parting from them
and our lives together.'" Such was the resolution of the Cherokees at this
period. But fifteen years' suffering overcame them, and tliey were compelled
to submit to a fate they could not avert.

We have, in an earlier page,* stated the manner in which the Creeks hod
been divested of their country, and the fiital catastrophe that fell upon tlie
heads of the chiefs, who, against the will of the nation, had bargained it
uway. The most prominent character in that work among the Creeks was
Gen. William M'Intosh. We have, in the same place, stated the attempt
made by that chief to hrWtc Mr. Ross to undermine his nation, in the same
corrupt manner as himself iitid done in regard to his own; and the part
enacted by the Cherokees, upon that occasion, is now necessary to be stated.

A meeting of the legislative council of the Cherokees was held in Octolier,
1823, to hear what the agents of our government had to say to them, they
having procured the meeting. The object, of course, was well understood,
and the agents urged their case in every possible form; but they were
answered in the most manly manner, that the nation would never part with
another foot of land. Gen. M'Intosh v/as present at this conference, and with
his son was treated with every kindness, and during the proceedings were
seated by the side of Mr. Ross, as was customary with both nations at their
councils, when any distinguished chiefs were present, to signify' that good
correspondence between them exist* d. At, or about this time, M'Intosh ven-
tured to recommend a cession to some of the chief men in conversations ,
what feigned encouragement he met with, to draw out his real character, i»
not upon our records, but it is certain that a communication in writing was

• Of this Book, Oiap vi., p. 32.

r i^

' Vtfl

• iii

h' "ii

448

HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES.

[Bojx IV.

^Jm

!»'

1i'. *'

I 1

i I

thereupon riuiclc to Mr. Robr, wIio, witliout delnv, Icid it before the council,
wlien it WU8 decided that it Bhoidd lie rend in Ai'lntotih's prem-nce. He wrs
accordingly culled in, and his letter wos read,* uUer which Air. Itoss niude t]ie
tollowin^ addresn:

"My triciuls: five ycnrs have clapRod since I have Iwcn called to prcBide
over the national connnittee; and your upprolmtion of my conduct in the tli:^-
cliarge of my oiiicini duties, is rnunileBted by the HUcccsHive rcappointmcntH
which you have bcBtowed on me. The trust w Inch you have rcponed in me
has Imjcii sacredly muinUiined, and Hhall ever be iin-i'crvcd. A traitor, in all
nations, is looked upon in the darkest color, and is more despicable than tlia
meimest reptile that cniwls u]ton the earth. An honorable and h> nest char-
acter is more valuable than the filthy lucre of the whole world. Tiierefbre, 1
would prefi;r to live as poor as the worm that inhabits the earth, than to >raiii
the world's wealth and have my reputation as an honest man tarnished by
the acceptance of u |)ecuiiiary brilH;, lor self-nirgrnndizement. It has now
become my jminful duty to inrm you that a gross contempt is ofliired to my
character, as well as to that of the nie:!il)ers of tho general council. This
letter which I hold in my hand will speak lor itself, liut, fortunately, the
author of it has mistaken our character and sense of honor."

This took place on the tiA Octol)cr, 18iS}, and was but the commencement
of the denunciations M'lntosh was to receive. As chief speaker of the nation,
the duty of severely reprimanding the traitor devolved on Major Ridge. This
was an exceedingly painful duty to liim, es|>ecially as they liad been old
friends and officers together; liud fought under Jackson, side by side, at
Taladega, Tohopekn, and in numerous other battles; they had been co-
laborers in the civil litOd ; frequently called together to settle and adjust
im|iortant mutters between their respective nations ; and they were, at this
time, undtT an appointment as connnissioners to run the botnidary line
lietween the two nations. Hut all these considerations and circumstances
did not cause Major Kidge to shrink Irom his duty. He said that what he
was about to say must not only be heard by the Ulieroke«;s, but by others, tin
and wide. He adverted to tlieir acknowledged muxims in relerence to tho
duties of those intrusted with their government, who, if once found astray
from tlieir duty, were never again to l^ trusted. M'lntosh, he said, had borne
the character of high moral rectitude among his own people, the Creeks, but
how stands his character now? "1 cast bini behind my back. He may
depart in peace. I here publicly disgrace him. He now Knows we are not
to be bought with money. We will not exult over lidlen greatness. He may
go to his own nation, and in the bosom of his liimily mourn the loss of a
good name." Such is the substance of the speech of Major Kidge, who him-
self fell into the same siiare alierwards, and sutiered the same tiite, with the
man he now so pointedly and justly condemned.

In 1829, a society wns formed in New York, "for the emigration, prpser\-a-
tion, and improvenie»,t, of the aborigines of America," an account of which
was transmittal to tiie president of the United States, then at the Rip Raps,
in Virginia. The president replied to a letter which accompanied the ac-
count, througli Major Eaton, in a very conciliatory and gracious manner.
One passage is especially worthy of notice, from its surprising contrast with
what was uflenvun's avowed by the same authors. "I beg leave to assure
you," says the general, "that nothing of a compulsory course, to eflect the
removal of this unlbrtunuto race of people, has ever been thougnt of by the
president ; although it Ims been so asserted." Now, all the world knows
wliut bos since been said and <lone. In a sort of a reply which Mr. Benton
made to Mr. Clay in the senate, in 1835, he said he rose not lor the purpose
of taking any part in the little discussion, [about Indians,] but of culling-
up a voice far more powerfid than his own — that of Mr. Jefferson." But as
he said nothing in his hulf hour's talk that he attributed to Mr. Jefferson, or
that Mr. JeHerson ever thought of| except that good man's name, it is fair to
presume that that wus the extent of his argument We are prej»nred to use
something more than the nume of Jefferson against the op])ressors of tlie In-

Tlie same we liave givon, ante, page 5'i.

Chap. XV.l
(linns, and v

IIISTOKY OF THE CIIEROKEKS.

440

offo

of hia Round and Rolmr convictions. "I

Boinc

opinion," lio Buys in a ifltcr to (J«u. A'nor, of 10 August, 17S>1, "tlmt povi-rn-
luent should firmly maint^iin iIiIh ground ; tlmt the IndiauH Jinvu a right to
the < 'cupation of their landr*, indtpeniltnl of I he stales tvilhin whose chartered
llmita theu happen to be ; that, until they cede thein ity treaty, or otiicr trauHae-
tion equivalent to a treaty, no act of a etato can give a right to such lands;
that neither under the present constitution, nor the ancient confederation, hail
any state, or ]icrHoiis, a riglu to treat with the Indiaim wiliioiit thn consent of
the general government ; that that consent has never Ijecn given to any treaty
for the cession of the lands in ((uestion • that the government is determined
to exert all its enerfQifor the patronage ami protection of the rights of the Indiana,
and the preser>'ation of peace lietween the United States and them ; and that
if any settlements arc made on lands not ceded hy them, without the previous
consent of the United States, the gc t'ernment will think itself bound, not only
to declare to the Indians that such settlements are without the axdhurity or pro-
tection of the United States, bid to remove them also by the public force. Such
was the "voice" CoL Benton said he was to "call up," to drown that of the
friend of the Indians. But "how are tiio mighty fallen ! " The helpless In>
dians have been forced to fly Ixjlbre the steel of the white man to inhospi>
table regions, leaving their fine fields and comlbrtuble houses to their ava-
ricious oppressors.

Uut atler all that has happeiicd, all Uia wrong that has been done the
Indian, all the wrong that lias been done to every countryman of Jeflcrson,
we would not change our condition with a subject of Algiers, because we
have well-grounded ho])C8 that good men will ere long stand in the |)lace
where justice emanates ; yet it fills the heart of the philautlu:t>pist with sor-
row, that their coming cannot relieve the Cherokees.

The dey of Algiera holds out no pretensions to Christians that they may
expect justice at his hands ; but he says to them, " Do you not know that my
I)eople are a band of robljers, and that I am their captain ? " * A president of
the United States has said tliat he intended no harm to the Cherokees; but
what has he done ?

It is painful to be compelled to reproach the government of a beloved
coutitry with acts like these ; but we ha\e no alternative, excepting in a der-
eliction of duty. We would gladly have been spared this part of our under-
taking ; but Justice has claims upon us now as strong as she had upon our
government, and we cannot so deliberately disregard them.

.tV .

*:)■

90006

CHAPTER XV.

niSTORT OF THE CHEROKEES, CONTINUED.

" Tliejr have t:tken the renlm which our anceitori gnve ;
Tlioy h:ivc thrown their chains o'vr the linil anil the wave ;
Thf- ruri-iit i wu<itect with swonl nnil with flame ;
And what liava wo left hut our once honorud name?" — Alorzo iiiiwia.

We have seen how Jefferson viewed the rights of the Indians, as guaran-
tied to them in the times of Washington ; and what have the Cherokees since
done, that they are to forfeit those rigJits ? Have they forfeited tliem by adopt-
in.^ tlie manners and customs of a civilized people ? or by fighting their bat-
tles ? That a president of this day should say to them, when they are about
to be grossly tyrannized over by a state, " that he has no power to interfere
and to oppose the exercise of the sovereignty of any state, over or upon all
who may be within the limits of any state ; that, therefore, tliey must prepare
themselves to abide the issue of such new relations, without any hope that he
will interfere;" — thus did Gen. Jackson speak to the insulted Cherokees, ou

* See «lr. liiiiiU's IWicf Exaiiiination, &c., p!ig:e 16.

38 • 2D

I ''-

460

IIISTORV OF THE CHEROKEES.

[Book IV.

^ ■

the 6 June, 18%. He, at tlie same time, assured them "that ho loves tliem;(!)
llmt lie is tlieir friciKi; that lie feels lor them ns a I'uther feels for his chiU
dren." With whatever truth this might iiave Iteeti spoken, we do not hesitate
to itresumc that such was not tlie way tiie Cherokees lelt "for tiieir children."
And in an address to the jieoplc of the United Htates, which tliey jiuhlished
on the 17 J ily of the some yeur, they say, "It would be impossible to dcKcribe
tht sorrow which uflects their minds, on learning that tlie chief magintrate of
tlie United States has come to this conclusion, that all his illustrious prede.
cessoiN had held intercourse with them on erroneous principles ; principles
tliat co'jid not be sustained ; that they hud made promises of vital ini|iortuiicu
to them, which could not be fullilled — promises made hundreds of times, in
almost evei*y conceivable manner — oUeii in the Ibrm of solemn treaties —
eometimes in letters written by the chief magistrate with his own hand — very
often in letters written by the secreUiry of war under his direction — these,
all these, are now discovered to lie upon liilse prinei|)le8."

The Cherokees had now l)ecome cajiablc of meeting the white people with
the arguments of reason, and not with steel ; and they were capable of judg-
ing between sincerity and mere jirctension. This was well jiortniyed by
the chief Speckled Snake, in a s|ieech which he made in a council which
had been summoned to hear a talk from President Jackson read to them. It
was as follows :

'^Brothers! We have heard the talk of our great father; it is very kind. lie
nays he loves his red children. Brothers! When the white man first came to
these shores, the Muscogees gave him land, and kindled him a fire to make
him comfortable ; and when the pale fiices of the south* made war on him,
tlieir young men drew the tomaliawk, and protected his head from the scalp-
ing knife. But when the white man had warmed himself before the Indian's
fire, and filled himself with the Indian's hominy, he liecame very large ; he
stopped not for the mountain tops, and his feet covered the plains and the
valleys. His hands grasped the eastern and tlie western sea. Then he be-
came our great father. He loved his red children ; but said, ' You must move
a little fiuthcr, lest I should, by accident, trcud on you.' With one foot he
pushed the red man over the Oconee, and with the other he tram|)kd down
the graves of his fathers. But our great fiither still loved his red children,
and he soon made them another talk. He said much ; but it all meant noth-
ing, but ' move a little fiirther ; you are too near me.' I have heard a great
many talks from our great father, and they all l)eguu and ended the same.
Brothers! When he made us a talk on a fbrmer occasion, he said, 'Get a little
farther; go beyond the Oconee and the Oakmulgce ; there is a pleasant coun-
try.' He also said, ' It shall be yours forever.' Now he says, » The land you
live on is noi yours; go beyond the Mississippi; there is game; there you
may remain while the grass grows or the water runs.' Brothers! Will not
our great father come there also ? He loves his red children, and his tongue
is not forked."

The doctrine of a right inherent in the government of the United States to
remove the Cherokees by force, is comparatively new. It was not thought or
even dreamed of before 1808. In that year a deputation from that nation was
encouraged to visit the seat of government, more for the renewal of friend-
Bhip than any thing else perhaps, who, in a conference they hnd with Presi-
dent Jefferson, " declared their amcioxts desire to engage in the purstiit of agri-
culture and civilixed life, in the country they then occupied;" but said, "as all
their countrymen could not he induced to exchange the hunter's life for an
agricultural one, they requested that their coimtry might be divided by a lino
lietween the upper and lower to^vns, so as to include all the waters of the
Highwassee River to the upper to^vns ; that, by thus contracting their society
within narrower limits, they might begin the establishment of fixed laws and a
regular government. Those wishing to lead the hunter's liite, owing to the
scarcity of game in their country, requested lilierty to go over the Mississippi,
and occupy some vacant lands belonging to the United States. To tliese

• The Spaniards of Florida endeavored to break up the Eiiglisii setilcnieiit under Gen.
Oglethorpe in Georgia.

riMP XV)

iii.sToiiv nK rm; niF;u(>KKr..s.

451

Gen.

propoHitioiis the |>r(;Hi<leiit giivc li'm entire niicl iiri(|iiMlifu'(l a|i|ir<>liali()ii. No
olijitctioii is heard ot' aguiii.'<t tiieir erecting n govfrninent lur tiienwf l\08, or
a wisli to reHtrniii tlicin in anv niiinncr.

Kvontimliy, some four or hve tiioiisand of tiin lower town Cherokers did
eiiiigratu to ArJcunsuH, and there n wretched lite ninny of thetii worrieii oia ;
niuny fell in wuni with the Otuiges, some few got \mrk to tlieir own coiiutry,
and sickness swept off many more. 8nch IriiilM of emigration tended to
strengthen the upper towiiM in their reHolntion of enltivuting tiio land ; and
wlien, in lif£\, connnissioners were appointed to treat with them tc)r their
counti-y, and tor tiieir removal west, they directly refused, and showed how
much l»etter off they were lor continniiig in their own nation than those who
had emigrated. And here ended tor some years all attempts on the part of
the United States to treat with them lor u removal. The seeds of avarice,
although sown, had not cnmc to maturity, but, like a plant in an uncongenial
soil, remained without seeming to flourish or decay; yet at length a proH|M>r<
ous cidtivator being found in a president of the United Htutcs, its growth soon
BStonishtM all beholders, and its hmnches cast a deathlike shade over a pros-
perous nation, and withered it away.

We have betbre remarked \t\mn the discovery made by the southern poli-
ticians, namely, that from the time of VVashi.V3Ton, there had been no presi-
dent (including that great man) who knew what laws and treaties meant ;
that all the time and money which had been siient in making treaties, had
been thrown away ; for it was now discovered that Indians were only tenants
at will, and had no right on any lands within certain state Imnndaries, any
longer than the charity of the good people near them would humanely per-
mit In fiv-t, all these treaties were now found out to be uncorutitulionaL
This doctrine was finallv the hinge on which the whole business turned.
But Georgia herself could condescend to treat with the Cherokees in '7KJ,
and obtained from them a considerable tract of country. Did that state con-
descend then to acknowledge the Cherokees an independent nation to get
from them by treaty that which she was not strong enough to take by force ?
I will not aver that it was so. One thing, however, there is, about which
there can be no misconception ; the (Cherokees were then powerful ; and
though, in the war with Lngland, which had just terminated, they fought
against us, they now came tbr^vnrd and declared lor us ; and their alliance
WHS considered of no small account, situated as we then were in relation to
the Spaniards in Florida, And, besidc^s, it must lie considered tliat at the
close of the revolution, our people desired peace with the Cherokees as much
as they v.ith us; and, in the language of Chief Justice Marshall,* " When the
United States gave peace, did they not also receive it ? Did the Cherokees
come to us, to our seat of government, to solicit peace ; or did our govcni-
ment send commissioners to them to ask it ?" The result, however, was the
treaty of Hopewell, " within the Cherokee nation," and not at New York, that
that celebrated treaty was made.

The series of usurpations commenced upon the Cherokees ami other
Indians, has at length, in this present year, 1840, reached the climax of
oppression contemplated by its originators. That people had long viewed
further encroachments upon them as certain, inasmuch as such encroach-
ments had never actually ceased from the day of their acquaintance with the
white man ; but the awful thunder which burst upon them in our day had
never been thought of by the whites, much less by themselves, until within ii
few years. They had, indeed, as early as 1823," observed a dark cloud gather-
ing in the north-east, but they rationally thought that the extent of country it
must pass over, before it should reach them, would qiialif- its rage, and waste
its deadly effects; happy for them had it proved as tliey had hop<>d, rinil m
every friend of humanity and justice had hoped it would ; but it catne and
Bweiit away the Cherokees.

The monstrous project of a removal of nil the Indians within our limits
beyond the Mississippi, is not chargeable to any one of our chief magistrates,
but Mr. Monroe is conspicuous among them. He proposed it with difiiduucb

• Opinion in llie case, Worcester vs. the Sl-ite of (ieorgia, p 14.

lii

b .v>

453

mSTOKV <)!■ Tin: rilKIJOKCF.S

[roi.i rv

ill Ills oponinjf rncHsapi! to roiiffn-.xH, on tlic 7lli of Dorniil)or, IP2-1 ; nnd licre
K-t UN oliscrvf, iliiit tlic Hii^'^rsiioii wim iiiailt: ii|ion tlir hiiiii- inoiitli, inul iicorl}
til*' siiiif (lay ol'tlKi iiioiitli, that our lalliciM caiiK; to tli<>m! r<liori-H; uiiii on tLu
M7lli ol Jatnuiry, tiillowing, In; Mrongly recoiiiini-iulril tlic iii<-a>>ur<>. lie wdh
iiiiliji'cd to |iru|H)S(* Hiich a plan, lie Haul, u» tlit; only oii<; liu coiiUI duvino to
rrlii'vo till) country t'roin the dillifuity liy which Iih i-xccMitive was surrounded,
tiiul which «!very day thickened, (jcorjfia was |ii(*Miiij5 with Hcvere earnoHt-
iiess; allegiiifr that the tiiiu; had arrived when the Indian title to liindN within
it.'< limits should Ih.> extinguislKul, and the new states were crowding on all
sides with iinihie iiniiortunity, that their claim for Indians' lands was as good
ar> their neighhorh'. I'lu! iiresident, iherelbre, like n haiikrupt, who, to get rid
ot'a dilliciilt demand to-day, ohiigates hiniMelt'to iiuy u greater one to-morrow,
disregards tliu dictates ot' his own jiidgiiient. It was under tlieso circuin-
stunceg that u removal was recoiiiineiid<Ml.

Hut with this recommendation of removal, Mr. Monroe, although he speaks
ni' force, repudiates in the strongest terms its employment. And wc cannot
douht his suggestion was dictated hy the purest lienevolence. Ho says, "The
condition ot the altorigincs within our limits, and especially those who urn
within the limits of uiiy of the states, merits peculiar attention. Ex|>erience
lias shown, that 'Jiiless the trilx's l)e civilized, they can never be incorporated
into our system, in any form whatever. It has likewise shown, that in the
regidar augmentation of our population, with the extension of our settle-
nie!.>ts, their situation will become deplorable, if their extinction is no*
menaced. Some well-digested jdan, which will rescue them from such
calamiies, is due to their rights, to the rights of humanity, luid to the honor
of the nutio:i. Their civilization is indispensable to their safety, and this ran
l)c accomplished only by degrees. Difficulties of the most serious character
present themselves to the attainment of this very desirable result, on the
territory on which they now reside. To remove them from it by force, even
with a view to their own security or ha]>piuess, would be revolting to
humanity, and utterly unjiistifiuble."

And touching this matter we hove a very cleor view of the o])inion8 of Mr.
Monroe, regarding Indian rights, in another message, in which he expresses
himself Of) follows: "I have no hesitation, however, to declare it as my
opinion, that thp Indian title was not aflected in the slightest circumstance
by the compact with CJeorgia, and that there is no obligation on the United
atates to remove the Indians 61/ foree. The express stipulation of the compact,
that their title should be extinguished at the ex|>en8e of the United States,
w hen it may lie «lone peaceably^ and on reasonable conditions, is a full proof
that it was the clear and distinct understanding of both parties to it, that the
Indians had a right to the territory, in the disposal of which they were to be
regarded aa free agents. An attempt to remove them by force would, in my
o|iinion, he unjust. In the future measures to be adopted in regard to the
Indians within onr limits, and, in consequence, within the limits of any state,
the United States have duties to perform, and a character to sustain, to which
they ought not to be indiHerent" But what have the admonitions of all good
men availed? And the more we meet with, tlie more we are astonished at
the result of things, and the more severely do we deprecate and denounce
the advocates of the course pursued.

The president evidently had not thought very seriously about the removal
of the Indians at this time, tt\id knew little of the history, or actual state of
the Cherokees ; they had then become considerably civilized, and instead of
decreasing, were increasing. But about two months after, he again makes
the Indian subject the object of a special message, in the outset of which he
holds this language: "Being deeply impressed with the opinion, that the
removal of the Indian tribes from the lands which they now occupy within
the limits of tiie several states and territories, to the country lying westward
uiid northward thereof, within our acknowledged boundaries, is of very high
importance to our Union, and may be accom])lished on conditions and in a
manner to promote the interest and happiness of those tribes, the attention
of government has been long drawn, with great solicitude, to the subject"

First a removal is barely thought about, then talked about, then proposed,

Omp. XV.]

iiisTCUY OF Tim ciir.iu»K;;i:s.

4 J

then 8troii^'ly rccominciKli-d ; so fnr tli<Tt> inn.'<t In> no coiniiiilsioii, Ihtiiiim- it
W()ii!(| )m3 too iHirL-tiiOMl uii oiitnige on the I'liniiiion m-iisu ot' the |i(Mi|ih-;
Im-ciiiiho tlie IndiiiiiH in"// rciiiovo witlioiit lorre; they nin lie liouffhi out.
Thiie showed thut they conhl not Ik; ohlif^ed to m-\\ their country ; tlien the
project of extending state hiws over them is Mtarte«l, wliich, thouj:h ^lnl•^»n^*li-
tiitionul, ran Im; entiiroed in spite of the ffenemi government, to the in<-al-
i-iihdilu mischief of the Indiann; and lK-f<i«TeH, couUl it lie Hnp|io8ed that the
general government woidd rcsixt Htutc Iaw8 unto a drop of wliitu hlood in
deli-nee of liic rights of Indiana f A i»rci)0!«terous idea! A result \vhi«'h eouUI
not Ih! nllo\ve<l to happen in these days of iiglit and reason in ahundanee.
While the executive of the gcnend government is ]>ondering the matter, not
oiilv Indians, hut citizens of the United States, among them as instruetorH,
and by the direction nnd imder the authority of the pre^iih'nt liimseif, are
sei/ed l)y an armed force, dragged tu a distant n'gion, and thrown into prison !
.Months pass away, and the guvtniment is stii! pondering on what is to Im) done.
In the mean time Georgia sends out an armed force to protect the Indians,
and we will hear how this force performed tlie service, as set forth in a
memorial to congress from some of the most respectable of the Chcrokces,
in isn.

" In the name and authority of G. R. Gilmar, governor of Georgia, a bill
was tiled in chancery, in the su|)eri(>r court of Hall county, in July Iast,(l8:i0,)
against certain Cherokee^, praying for an injimction to stop them from digging
and searching for gold within the limits of their own nation ; and the bill
lM;ing sworn to lieforc Judge Cluyton, he awarded an injunction against the
parties named in the bill as detciidants, commanding them, forthwith, to
desist from working on those mines, under the penalty of 1/0,000 dollars ; at
the siunc time and place there were unmolested several tlioiisaiid intruders
from Georgia and other states, engaged iii robbing the nation of gold, tor
which the owners were ordered not to work by the said writ. Under the
authority of this injunction, the sheriff of Hall county, with an armed force,
invaded the nation, consisting of a colonel, a captain, and IJO or 40 of the
militia of the state of Georgia, who arrested a niuiil)er of Cherokces engagetl
ill digging for gold, who were at first rescued by the troops of the United
States, stationed near the place, and the sherifi and his party tlu in^elvca
mndc prisoners, and conducted fifteen miles to the military camp, when a
council of examination was held, and the exhibition of their re.-pective
authorities made, which resulted in the release of the sheriff u:.d his party,
nnd a written order by the commanding officer of the United State? troop's,
rlirecting the Cherokees to submit to the authority of Georgia, and that no
further protection could be extended to them at the gold mines, as he could
no longer interfere with the laws of Georgia, but would afford aid in carrying
them into execution. On the return of the sheritf and his party, they passed
by the Cherokees who were still engaged in digging for gold, and ordered
them to desist, under the penalty of Ixsing committed to jail, and proceeded
to destroy their tools and machinery for cleaning gold, and after committing
some further aggression, they returned. Shortly afterwords, the sheriff, with
a guard of four men, and a process from the state of Georgia, arrestecl three
Cherokees for disol»eying the injunction, while peaceably engaged in their
laliors, and conducted them to Wadkinsvillc, a distance of 75 miles, before
the same judge, A. S. Clayton, who then and there sentenced them to pay a
fine of 93 dollars, costs, and to stand committed to prison until paid ; and
also comi»elled them to give their bond in the sum of 1,000 dollars, for their
pereonal appearance before his next court, to answer the charges of violating
the writ of injunction aforesaid. They were retained in custo<ly five days,
then paid the costs, and gave the required bond. They appeared agreeably
to the Iionds, and Judge Clayton dismissed them, on the ground that the
governor of Georgia could not become a prosecutor in the case. For these
unwarrantable outrages, committed on their persons and property, no apology
was offered, nor to this day has anj' of their money been refunded."

If tliere are any blacker cases of outrage any where conmiitted in a
Christian country, we are not informed of them. Such would not be sub-
mitted to in Turkey or China. The manner in which aflairs were managed

454

HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES.

[Book IV

in Georgia, under color of law, is a disgrace to tlie least civilized community.
Gen. Macomb marched the troops of the United States into tlie Cherokee
country, ke said, to guard against the difficulties which it was apprehended
would grow out of tlie conflicting operations of tlie Cherokees and the
lawless intruders upon the mineral district, and having fuljilltd the inatructiona
of the government, the troops were directed to return for the winter to tlieii
respective quarters."

About the same time Gov. Gilmar wrote to the secretary of war, requesting
the withdrawal of the troops, observing that Georgia could enforce her own
laws. When this notice was received at Washington, the secretary wrote to
Gilmar that he had "just ordered tlieir withdrawal, because tlie object for
whicii they had been sent was, in a great measure, accomplished!" Now, if
the Cherokee country belonged to Georgia, it is difficult to see what business
the general government had to send its troops into her territory, to remove
gold diggers or any other kind of diggers, whether digging lawfully in their
"own diggings," or unlawfully in thos^ of another It was a new doctrine,
but of a tenor with all the re°t, that the United States must enforce the laws
of Georj^iiu That is i-- say, she must enforce them for Georgia, if Georgia
desired it, or if no., there would be no interference on tlie part of the general
government.

CILVPTER XVL

1*^^
**.•

?' ?4i

1 *

BISTORT OF THE CHEROKEES, CO^'CI.UDED.

" Come, Lethd, come ! thy tide oblivions roll
O'ur all that pruud complacency of soul,
'I'liat generous ardor, tliat cnli%'ening flame,
That wurmi-d my licMoin, wlien I heard thu name
Of my onre honored country; — let thy wave,
Diirk as Avernus, gloomy as the grave,
Drown every vestige of that country's fame,
And shade the light that bursts upon her shame!" — Purport.

To mark the progress of oppression, we here note as follows from the
Cherokee Phcnix, under date, "Aew Echota, 19 February, 1831. This week
we present to our readers but half a sheet The reason is, one of our printers
has lei\ us ; and we expect another, who ig i^ tvhite man, to quit us very soon,
either to l)e dragged to tlie Georgia peniten -y for a term not less tlian four
years, or for his personal safety to leave tlie nation, to let us shiA lor our-
selves us well as we can. Thus is the liberty of tlic press guarantied by the
constitution of Georgia. But we will not give up the ship while she is afloat.
We have intelligent youths enough in the nation, and we hope before long to
make up our loss. Let our paU'ons bear in mind that we are in the woods,
and, as is said by many, iu a savage country, where printers are not plenty ;
and therefore they must not expect to receive the Phoenix regular for a while,
but we WiJl do the best we can."

One month after, namely, March 19, the Phoenix says, "The law of Geor-
gia, making it a high misdemeanor for a white man to reside in the Cherokee
nation, without taking the otith of allegiance, and obtaining a permit from the
governor of Georgia, or his agent, is now in a course of execution. On lust
Suhbutli, afler the usual time of divine service, the Georgia guard arrived, and
arrested thi-ee of our citizens, viz., Rev. Samuel A. Worcester, Mr. J. F.
Wheeler, one of our printei-s, and Mr. Thomos Gunn, the two lust being citi-
zens, with Cherokee families. Mr. Isaac Proctor, assistant missionary at Car-
mel, hud the evening before been taken, and came with the guard as a pris-
oner. On Monday they were marched to Etahwah, where, the same evening,
were taken the Rev. John Thompson, uiiJ Mr. William Thompson." Upon
tills oiitnige the editor of the Pho'iiix in jckly remarks, that his object was
tilniply to give facts, and not lii*1nl<re In ony ri'iimrks upon their origin. Wil-
iuni ^riioinpson was thrown into jail, but ullerwuids dit-chuigcd, it being

Chap. XVI.]

HISTORY OF THE CIIEROKEES.

455

ascertained that lie did not live in the nation. The missionaries and two
others were taken before Judge Clayton, on a writ of habeas corpus, and lib-
erated by hii)' II the ground tliat they were agents of the government ; tliey,
however, m; uo such plea. It was aptly suid by the Cherokees, tliat if the
iiiissionaries were agents of the government, tlic public might rest assured
ttiut Uen. Jackson would reform them out

Tliey were true prophets ; for it seems tliat Mr. Worcester, lieing postmas-
ter lit New Echoto, was an agent of government, and wtis discharged to moke
room tor a more certain process against him. The next thing to be done was
to drive him from the post othce, which Mr. Barry did without delay, and put
another in his place, who, liesides performing his duty of postmaster, per-
formed onother, of more jirofit to himself, probably, of selling li(]uors to the
iuiduns, in violation of the laws of tlie United States, as well as tliose of the
Cherokees.

W'o will produce another short narrative, exhibiting the progress of crime
and cjipression against the Cherokee nation, belbru pu»<sing to other details.
It is contained in a letter from John Kidge to Elias Boudinot, and is in these
words*: "The Georgia guard, under Col. Nelson, ore now here [at Ougillogy]
with four prisoners, Mr. Elliott and Mr. Dennis, white men, citizens uf this
nation by maniuge, and the Rev. Mr. Trott, also a white man, who are
charged with a violation of the Georgia laws, in living in this nation by its
allowance and laws. The other is Mr. John West, a young gentleman, a
Cherokee, who is charged with the high crime of using insolent language to
the guard. These four I saw last night under guard, chained together in uair«,
and fastened together with locks. Air. David Vann, a memlier of the Chero-
kee senate, and Thomas Woodward, ai'e also arrested, but not chained, who
are not allowed to know the reason of their aiTcst until they arrive at head
quarters, 70 or 80 miles from their homes. The guard are still in ])ursuit of
other men. They have a wagon along, in which tliey have a drum, on which
thev beat, and a nfe, to make martial music."

'fhe above was under date of June 1. On the 21 May, some of the prin-
cipal Cherokee citizens assembled at New Echota, and issued an appeal to
the people of the United States, which, though claiming nothing but justice,
and asking for protection, time passed away, and none were tbiuid to step
forward to relievo them. We have a heavy debt to pay, at some time ond \a
some manner, which will, it is feared, be more difficult to discharge, than it
would have been to have supported the Cherokees against an iiisigniHcant
rabble of self-constituted, inflated contemners of law and justice.

Li 1826, Georgia sent on commissioners to make a topographical survey
through the Cherokee nation. C. R. Hicks was then principal chief, who
forbids the proceeding in a friendly letter to Mr. W. Lumpkin, under whom
the survey was to be prosecuted. No attention being paid to this notice, Mr.
Hicks sent his son with two other Indians to remonstrate with the surv«;yor
in more pointed terms. He was told, that unless he desisted, his instruments
should be taken from him. Not thinking it proper to incur further displeas-
ure, he accordingly desisted for that time. It was against the express will of
the Cherokee council that any sui-vey should be undertaken without an order
from the secretary of war, because no state hiis any authority to go u|)on the
lands of the Indians for any such purpose ; and even the United States never
take such liberty without a grant from them.

Affiiirs progressed, without much of interest until the next year. Mean-
while Georgia had been intbrmed that she was transcending her powers, and
that she would not lie tolerated by the United States in her encroariinu'iits
I'pon the Indians. Whereupon, Gov. Troup, not finding any object whereon
ti use his sword, if he had had one, seized that " mighty instrument of little
iiitMi." his pen ; and liad we not known that steam is harmle8.'3 when there is
intliing to confine it, we should have apiirehended "an awful exjilosion."
Take, as a specimen, what he says to the Hon. James Harbour, secretary at
war: "Sir, you ar-j sufficiently explicit as to the means by wh.cli you propose
to carry your resolution into effect. Thus the military character of the
menice is estabhshed, and I am only at liberty to give to it the defiance
which it merits. From the first decisive act of liostility, you will bo consid-

i-.,''^

1 •:■■

456

HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES.

[Book IV

ered and treated as a public enemy ; and with the less repugnance, because
you, to whom we might constitutionully have appealed for our own defence
against iuvasioii, are yourselves invaders ; and what is more, the unblushing
allies of tlie savages, whose cause you have adopted."

Vapor is soon dissolved in air, and words i'rom a southern furnace amount
to no more in this case than echoes from an icebijrg. In 1828, a long re-
port was made by a committee of the house of representatives of Georgia,
seconded by sundry resolutions of a character with I'ormer proceedings. It
was resolved, that inasmuch as the United States had failed to procure the
Cherokee lauds " as early," and upon as " reasonable terms," as it might have
done, they had tl.ereby ^^ palpably violated their contract urith Georgia, and are
now boiuid, ut all hazurdsj and without regard to terms, to procure aid lands
lor the use of Georgia ; that all said lands belong to her absolutely, and that
the Indians are tenants at her will." This, the coumiittee s"\''. was tlieir last
appeal.

The administration of BIr. Adams being at an end, Georgia liad no longer
any thing to fear, but practised its abuses with singular impunity. Parties
from that state would go over the Cherokee line, steal and drive off their
stock; and the Indians had not the least remedy left. Some despairingly
said, "If tliey could get uo redress, they could feel deeply the injustice done
theitu"

Had the upright and consummate statesm- n, John Quincy Adams, been
continued in the presidential choir, the fate of the Clierokees would have
been different ; at least, so long as his sage counsel hud been followed, tliey
would have been secure in their rights. In his message to congress on the
5 February, 1827, lie said, " It is my duty to say, that if the legislative and
executive authorities of the state of Georgia should persevt e in acts of en-
croachment upon the territory, seciu'ed by a solenm treaty to the Indians, and
the laws of the Union remain unaltered, a superadded obligation, even higher
than that of human authority, will compel the executive of the United States
to enforce the laws, and fulHl the duties of the nation, by all the force com-
mitted for that purpose to his charge." It was to such decisive language, held
l)y tJie head of the government, that the Clierokees owed what little quiet
they had, until 1829, when a new interpretation given to our laws changed
order into anarchy.

On the 15 September, 1831, eleven persons were brought to trial at Law
rcncevii'e, for the crime of living in the Cherokee nation, without taking an
oath to obey the lawj of Georgia. They were all brought in guilty by a jury,
after being out fifteen minutes. Nine of the convicts were pardoned, on giv-
ing assui-ances that they would not offend again. The two missionaries,
VVorcestcr and Butler, having, as they averred, committed no crhne, would
accept no pardon, and were accordingly taken to the penitentiary. The gov-
ernor (Gilniar) of Georgia, dreading tho expression of jiublic opinion, was in
hopes to have got rid of the missionaries at a cheaper rate than was now
promised, writes to the inspectors of the prison, requesting that they would
" converse with each convict alone, and ascertain fiom them whether they
are disposed to promise not again to ofl'end the laws, if tlicy should be par-
doned." But this overture amounted to nothing, for they were determined
in tlioir course, and went accordingly to "hard labor" among (oloiis! Prison
clothes were put on them, bearing iibout their waists the iniiiuls of their
names in large red letters.

In November following, Georgia was cited to appear before the supreme
court of the United States, to show cause why the judgment of one of her courts
should not be set aside in the case of JMessrs. Butler and Worcester. Geor
gia, through her executive, raised the cry of state rightt*, and said that any ut-
temjit of the United States to interfere with her criminal jiu'isdiction, woidd
challenge the most determined resistance, and, if persisted in, would inevitabif
annihilate the Union. When tlio case came on, there was no a])i)earance on
the part of Georgia ; thus showing its conteni])t li)r that tribunal. And when
it was decided that that statt; hiid no right to imprison any persons on the
ground assumed, and a mandaiiins was S(!rved on the coiut which had tried
he missiontivies, for a habeas corpus, it was refused, and the mandamus

/i*

! '!

Chap. XVI]

HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES.

457

.i*

disregarded. Thus stood matters in March, 1832, and nothing was expected
to be done in favor of tiie prisoners for a year to come, owing to the delays
conseqiitnt upon law proceedings. And iiere we will remark, that laws are
excellent wiicn they suit the views of avaricious men, but when they thwart
their haise pro|)ensiiies, they are exceedingly oppressive. In the time of Mr.
Jetierson's administration, Pennsylvania attempted to resist a mandate of the
suprcfne court, hut in due time wisely yielded to her duty ; and he it remem-
bered, that Georgia was among the foremost to declare that Pennsylvania
should be coerced into subtnission.

lu Sc|>tember, 1830, a detachment of «^nited States troops again scoured
the gold mine country. At the upper mines they arrested upwards of one
hundred i)ersons, whites and Cherokees. The latter, after bemg kept under
guard one night, were dismissed with the peremptory injunction, not to dig
any morz. Hence it follows, that if the Cherokees had potatoes in the ground,
they had no right to dig them up, neither had they any right to plant them.
In i>hort, Georgia having carried her injustice as far as she could, the United
States steps in and lends her a hand in extending it !

About the time of this mi7(^ary expedition, the principal men of Agnohee
district met in council, and, in an affectionate and feeling manner, thanked
all those citizens of the United States who hud in any way come; forward and
raised their voices against their oppressors. They, at the same time, issued
an address to us, which would do honor to the head or heart of any philan-
tin'opist that ever flourished upon the proudest page of history. And we
doubt if there exists that nation under the sun, even in this enlightened age,
which would have suffered as the Cherokees have done, without taking
revenge on their inhuman oppressors. To what then are we to attribute
their nohle and philosophic forbearance : to their civilization or degradation ?

As matters now stood, it seemed that serious difficulty must ensue hetv.een
the United States and Georgia, if swaggering and high-sounding words had
any meaning, when proceeding from governors, ex-governors, and others,
hi.L'li III otKce in that state. But while the deci^<ion of the supreme court was
Bleeping, Gcorgi:i was sweeping onward in full triumph ; she parcelled out
the Cherokee country, and drove the honest owners out of doors, put her
own citizens in their places from one corner to the other of their country ;
every white man who had moral courage enough to question these nefarious
proceedings, was obliged, at the s:ime time, to exercise discretion enough to
keep himself at a safe distance from penitentiary jurisdiction.

Hence, in alraut a year from the time the missionaries were thrown into
prison, Georgia had got full and undisturbed poss»ssion of all the country in
question, and had nothing to fear from mis.<ionary or any other influence. It
was therefore concluded that a sort of a drawn game might be played with
tlie supreme court; thinking, probalily, that it was not worth while to try
their strcii;.'th with it at this time, for if tliey should, it might estaltlish a pre-
cedent which would prevent a profitable use of the same farce hereafter,
when it miglit be convenient for them to usurp other powers.

It seemed now tmderstood, that if Georgia would liberate the missionaries,
thny would not urge their suit any fuither against her; and accordingly, Gov.
Lumpkin, in a very gracious manner, proclaimed, on the 14th of January,
1833, that " whereas the prisoners hud signified to him that they had in-
structed their counsel to prosecute their suit no further, and should therefore
' leave the question of their continuance in confinement lo the magnanimihj of the
state;* and taking into view the tiiumphant ground which tne state finally
occupies in relation to this subject in the eyes of the nation, as has been
sufficiently attested through various ciianncls, especially in the recent dver-
whelming rededion oj President Jackson, the known defender of the rights
of the state throughout this controversy ; and above all, the maonammity of
Georgia being app.-aled to, know ye, that I have thought proper to remit the
further execution of their sentence, and that they be forthwith disclmrgcd."
Inns nearly a year had passed since the suprtine court had docided tha^ the
acts of Georgia were a violation of the laws of the land,*

* The drci^ion was made by Judge Mitrsiliall on (lie 3d March, 1832.

t \ ^

I.:

i (■;

n i!„.,

i'§m

458

HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES.

[Book IV

No reflections will ever be required upon this aflTair from the historian, aa
tiiey will imtiiraily suggest themselves to the mind of every reader, who hua
only to consider, that argument had very little to do where Andre tv Jackson
was concerned.

In the mcmorinl which the chiefs of the Chrrokee nation submitted to
congress on the 3d of March, 1829, are remarks and reasonings so pertinent
and cogent, that it is surprising to us how it could have b<en disregarded by
honorable men. Among other things noticed, they remark that, "Jt is with
no little surprise that we have seen, in a document printed for the use of
congress, connected with the subject of Indian emigration, the tbilowing
sentiments: 'from the ascertained feelings of the chiefs of the southern
Indians, there is a fixed purpose, by threats or otherwise, to keep their people
from emigrating' And, 'there is no doulit but these people fear their chiefs,
ind on that account keep back.' " Tht-se insinuations, the memorialists say,
if meant fbr them, are the production of culpable ignorance or willul fidse-
liood. 'J'he idea that their people are overawed and in lear of their chielis,
is ns ridiculous as it would be to suppose the people of the United Statts are
afraid of their rej)reHentatives. "The great Washington," they continue,
"advised a plan and aflbrded aid for the general impro tment of our nation.
President Jefiervon followed the noble example, and in concluding on address
to a delegation, he said, ' I sincerely wish you may succeed in your laudable
endeavors to save the remnant of your nation, by adopting industrious occu-
pations and a government of regular law. In this you may always rely on the
counsel and umstance of the United States.^" But of what avail have been the
determination of Washington and the earnest desire of Jefferson?

The "Book of the Troubles and Miseries of the emigrating Indians," has
not been published. Hundreds have been swept off by sickness on their
rugged road; old an-*. Irflrm persons have fallen under the fatigues and hard-
ships of their journ y; huhJreds have been buried beneath the waves of the
Mississip])i in one awful catastrophe ; * wives left husbands on the way, never
more to join them; mothers are hurried from the graves of their children.
Mrs. Ross, wife of the great chief of that name, languished and died before
reaching the unknown land to which she was bound ; but I cannot go into
these particulars.

On the 19th of July, 1832, a fast wa'j observed in the Cherokee nation.
President Ross, in his proclamation recommending it, observes, that " whereas
the crisis in the affmre of the nation exhibits the day of tribulation and
sorrow, and the time appears to be fast hastening when the destiny of this
people must be sealed ; whether it has been directed by the wonted depravity
and wickedness of man, or by the unsearchable and mysterious will of an
all-wise being, it equally becomes us, as a rational and Christian community,
humbly to bow in humiliation," &c. This is ])roduced as an ever-standing
memorial for all such as may desire to contrast the actions of the Indians
with those of Georgia; that they may be able to judge which best deserved
the name of a Christian community.

Thus, in the year 1832, the Cherokees gave up nil hope of receiving justice
at the hands of our government, and we see in the Phosnix of June, among
others, these observations: "The gigantic silver pipe which George Wash-
ington placed in the hands of the Cherokees, as a memorial of his warm and
abiding fiiendship, has ceased to reciprocate ; it lies in a corner of the ex-
ecutive chamber, cold, like its author, to rise no more." And in the same
piiragraph they refer to the value of the gold mines, as follows:

" The value of the Cherokee nation can hardly be set down in figures. It
is wflrth more than one hundred millions of dollars. Let us estimate. From
l-'ro^rtown, near the source of the Chestatee, commences the gold region, and
is termeil tiie limit of Georgia. From this point almost one lumdred miles
on a straight line south, or towards the western corner of Cat roll county, is

* On llie 31st of October, 1837, as the steamboat Monnioiiili, wiili (100 cmifrraliii"; Iji<liaiis,
was ascending the Mississippi, it was run into by another vessel, mid 31 1 of those iniserabis
creatures ilrowiied! Tliat such a number should have been crowded inio one boat is incred.
iblo, and we .ire iiifoniicd that the boat was an old, coMdemnod vessel, li was probably hired
"heap by the contractors for removing lM<liaiis !

Chap. XVI.]

HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES.

459

one continued bed of gold. Tlie width of this region is not yet known, but
at tlie southern pnit it is soiniithing lii\e thirty miles broad. Millions ot
dollars' worth of gold have been taken here l)y thousands of intruders."

Let the oppressors of tlie Cherokees look well to their motives of action.
Are they ignorant of the acts of the S|mniards in the south ? or are they
acting upon the same principles? If the respective cases be analyzed, the
excuse for Georgia is not half as good as for the wholesale murderers of the
Mexicans and Peruviana; for there cantiot be so strong a motive to action aa
when the agent is acting under the firm conviction that he is executing the
will of God. It was a dark and superstitious age when South America waa
desolated. The Indians of that country were in the very depths of a bloody
Buperstitiou ; inhumanly sacrificing thousands a year of tlitir innocent country-
men in their religious performances, and with a cruelty that cannot be ima-
gined; for it required ages to find out the various refined modes in which to
practise their diabolical executions. They even shocked the Spaniards, who,
to put an end to them, thought themselves justified in destroying those who
practised them. Gold was, at first, a secondary consideration. What hua
Georgia to plead at the bar of future history but " gold ? " With unprincipled
men what will its corrupting influence not do ? What has it done to Spain ?

The poor Cherokees have said, "Georgia, beware of the pits thine avariee
has made;" echo has reverberated it frorn every hill, and children yet unborn
will hear it from their cradles to their graves. To all whom these facts shall
come, a voice will speak which cannot be misunderstood. No traveller shall
thread the fertile valleys of the ancient Cherokees without feeling deep
emotions of sorrow in his breast, that he had not lived at a time when he
could have rendered that oppressed peoj)le assistance. As a people, we have
not done our duty to those Indians. Why did we not rise to a man, and
cause justice to be done them? Where is the honest man who is not now
sorry that he had not done it ? And does he not say he would do it, were a
like case to arise again ?

To the " Cherokee Phoenix," the first newspaper ever published by Indians,
we have been considerably indebted for many valuable items of intelligence
in this part of our work ; and we again notice it for the last time, in all prob-
ability; forasmuch as Georgia has laid her lawless hand upon it, we CiUi
expect no other. In October, 1835, the Georgia guard took possession of
that newspaper establishment, and its further issue stopped, unless it would
uphold the course of Greorgia against the Indians.

At thjs time Mr. John Ross lived in Tennessee, and was recognized as a
citizen of that state. But for some cause or other, that "guard," of infamoua
memory, then rnder the command of one Capt. Bishop, proceeded to the
residence of Mr. loss on the 7th of November, made prisoner of him, seized
upon all his papers and records of the nation, and marched him into Georgia.
Mr. John II. Paine, of New York, happening to be then at the residence of
Mr. Ross, was treated in like manner. He had been engaged in the laudable
pursuit of material for an historical work on the Indians, and had many
papers containing memoranda for that object, of great value to himself, but
ot" none whatever to others; these were also seized. These individuals,
howi'ver, were not long detained, but tliey got no redress for the injury and
insult, that has ever come to my knowledge. Where the " magnanimity" of
Georgia was now, which was so prominent in the case of the missionaries,
we leave to the determination of others.

What, then, are the first fruits of this expatriatio.i of the Cherokees?
Deadly feuds among them, executians and murders. These have but begun,
and how or where ihey will end, are events hidden in the future. It is well
known that the principal men who sold their country, Major Ridge, his son,
Jihn Ridire, Elias Boudinot,* and otheio, have been executed in pursuance
of the laws of the Cherokees, for their wickedness in violating the most vital
of their rights and their constitution. Who could have expected any thin
different from those Indians? They had been induced to form a code o:

• He, it is believed, is tlio sntne who was educated at tlio Missidiiarv school at CoriiwDll, in
Comicclicul, and who, about 18:^5, married a white lady, Harriet K. Uold, of that village.

I !•-

i 'i

460

HISTORY OF THE CHEROKKES.

[Boor. IV.

laws many years ago by Washington and Jefferson, and to live under the
openitioii of tliose laws until, in 1830, they were forced to abandon *hein by
the interll;rence of Georgia.

It had been an old stan<ling low among the Cherokees, as well as among
the Creeks, " that if any persons or person should sell any lands by treaty,
without tlie authority of the nation, they should be punished with death."
In 183i), this law was bro '~t up in their legislature, and confirmed as the
luw of the land. John Ridge himself brought it forward, a,jd Elias Boudinot,
editor of the Cherokee Phoenix, published it It was a law before letters
were known among the Cherokees, and was first printed, we believe, in 18*<?J.

Having seen the Cherokees driven beyond the Mississippi, if v e would
pursue their history we must follow theui into that region ; but ai best we
can know but littla about their affairs now, the intercourse between them
and intelligent white men having, from their remote situation, become unfre-
qucnt. Towards the close of the year 1838 the business of emigration was
completed, and this was no sooner effected but the white inhabitants border-
ing on Arkansas began to express great alarm, believing the Indians were
making preparations to spread destruction among them. But their fears
were without any foundation ; the Cherokees having found enough to do for
several months to prepare shelters for themselves and families. Yet amidst
their busy preparations of this sort, to pocify their white neighbors, they con-
vened the nation in a great council, in which it wos solemnly protested that
all reports which had neen circulated of t'leir hostile intentions towards the
whites were without foundation, and utterly false.

The next matter of moment took place in June of last year, 1839. Tliis
was no less than the murder 0** the principal men of the Ridge, or treaty
purty. Of the parties into which 'iie Cherokees were divided un account
has been given. It appears that from the time the Ridges, father and son,
and their followers executed the treaty of New Echota with Schermerhoin,
their lives were forfeited in the minds of a certain part of the nation, and
they only waited a llivoriible time to put their resolution in execution. It is
not our intention to justify the executions of which we are now to give a
narration, for be it remembered, that we protest against taking human lifo
under any circumstances whatever, and firmly believe that a community is
vastly more injured ihan benefited by the practice of that law of retaliating
murder with murder.

It is matter of historical record, that the Ridges, Boudinot, Bell, Rogers,
and others, who signed the treaty of December, 1835, very suddenly changed
their minds in respect to the policy of removal. They were ns forward as
Mr. Ross, or any of that party, in protesting against the acts of Georgia, and
as nuich rpposed to making any treaty of sale of their country, up to the
time of a certain mission of Schermerhorn, as any of the nation. Therefore
it is not strange that the Ross party were surprised at their suddenly coming
out and advocating an opposite course. They were immediately accused of
bribery and corruption, and whether true or iiot, the party that ren«iined
firm, believed them guilty ; and the most we can say concerning their con-
duct is, there were strong grounds of suspicion against them.

Our information of the massacra of Ridire and others is ver- indirect,
though circumstantial, and is as follows: When it became known to Ross
that the lives of certain chiefs were to be taken, he used all the means at his
command to prevent it. But a party collected, and on Saturday, the 2t2d of
June, the executioners, to the number of about forty, went to the house of
John Ridge early in the morning, before he was up, and took him from his
bed, and murdered him in a manne~ too savage to relate; treating his lifeless
body with all the indignity of ancient barbarians. They next proceeded in
pur ...it of Mcjor Ridge, his father, who had the day before set out to visit
some friends in Van Burcn, Arkansas. He was overtaken near the foot of
Boston Mountain, about 35 miles from his place of destination, and there shot
from his horse, and died without hardly knowing why he had been thus
savagely d^' !t with. Thus fell Major Ridge in the sixty-fifth year of his OL'e,
and his son at the oge of thirty-seven. Of the circuiristances of the death
of Boudinot, Col. Bell, and two or tijree others, we are not informed.

Chap. XVII]

SEMINOLE WAR.

461

Major Ridge once erdputed a chief for an act of niiich more doubtful
atrocity than that for \\liich he now fell. In 180(i, the noted orator Double^
HEAD was charged, wi h other:;, witli the iin|tortant bwriiness of making a
troaty, at Tellico, with ilie United States, for a tract of lan«i to accommodate
'lie seat of government of Tennessee, and for " the first island in the Ten-
ncisgce, aliove the mouth of Clinch." In this business, Chuquacuttague, or
Douhleliiad, was charged with hriltcry; yet nothing was done about it by
the nation, and he went unpunished; but in 1817 he was again guilty, and
was followed by Major Ridge nnd others, and in the tavern of one Mcintosh,
in the evening, was fallen upon and shot by the hand of Ri<lge. He escaped
with a desperate wound, and was lor a short time secreted in a neigliboring
dwelling, but his pursuers found him, and an Indian naniid Saunders, one of
Ridge's company, sunk iiis tomahawk into his head, which finished the exe-
cution. This was near the agcticy in Calhoun. Doublehead had iiimself
killed a man in his way thither, for charging iiim with the crime lor which
he siifiored. This execution is mentioned to show that Ridge was well
aware that he had forfeited his life by what he had done at New Echota.

H§tt

CHAPTER XVII.

The Semisoi.e War Resumed — Further account of the causes of the irar — JW
mcrous cases of gross imposition — Bad conduct of gorernmint officers — A new
treaty of removal urged — .1 deputation visits the west — Their rtport — Jiiiother treaty
— Speeches of the chiefs — Examination of the policy of the gurernmeut, relative to
a removal of the Indians — Character of borderers — Revieio of the manner treaties
of sale were procured — The president angry at the Indians' presumption — Barbarous
treatment of three Mickasaukies.

" Let them come with the pipe ; we will tread it to diiiit,
Anil niir iirrnws of war ahull ne'er moulilcr with rnst ;
L>'t them come with their hosta ; to thu cl .'aert we'll fl -n,
And tlie drought and the famine our helpers aliall be." — Pike.

The events of the Seminole war have astonished all to whom the knowl-
edge of them has extended. And the astonishment has been as varied aa
the wilds of Florida are represented, by those whose misfortune it has been
to serve there against their fellow-men. As this war progressed, we wrote
down its events in detail, as we have long been wont to do of all occurrences
relating to tlie Indians, but from the conflicting statements, purporting to be
from the theatre of their enactment, great difficulty was experienced in
arriving at facts and dates.

Nobody could have been much surprised that a war in Florida should
break out, if they were at all acquainted with the circumstances which caused
it, nor could they have been much surprised, that a hundred men in the midst
of the Indian country should have been beset and slain, leaving none to carry
the tidings of such disaster. Our only surprise is, that the work had not
been done in a more savage manner; that even one could escape by feigning
death; and that a monument only of a'ihes of the slain had not marked the
place where they fell. These things astonish us, not the war itself!

We had supposed, like every body else, that there could be but a single
ciinipaign, wiien it was known tl.nt the Indians had resisted in good earnest;
and when we consider the power of the United States set against a single
corner of a territory surrounded witii every advantage for warlike operations,
wo could form no other conclusion but that the poor Indians would be
crushed almost at a single blow; and it was not until two distinguished
gi'uerals had shown that the Seminole was not to be despised, that the war
with him became matter of serious consideration at the seat of government.
But of these affairs we have already said as much as was necessary.

In bringing down the events of this war to its conclusion, circumstances
make it necessary to detail some afiairs from tlie beginning of it^ which we
39*

H' '¥

462

SE.MIN().,L WAR.— NO LAW FOR INDIANS.

[Hook IV.

II ^? ..

have not noticctl; Imving closed our account in the summer of 1830, many
luctH rnd ilocumentH have Hince come to hand which could not then lie
known, u:id which throw much new light on the subject, as well aa iurnisli
much new and important matter.*

Of (he origin of the late Seminole war, such facts only have been given aa
were known to the writer at the earliest period of it. We have now addi-
tional sources laid open, and shall proceed, in the next place, to draw from
them.

It wotdd be tedious to relate, and irksome to read, the half of what n)ight
be gathered of the robberies and enormities committed by infamous white
villains in Indian borders; and it is equally insufferable to read of the maimer
that JUSTICE is there trodden under foot by liodics hearing the name of court-
Law is all on the side of the white man, and consequently justice is no
dweller in such bodies. Indians cannot testily in cases to which they are a
party, and they are obliged to submit to whatever decision their learned
guardians pronounce.f

One Col. Humphreys was for some time Indian agent in Florida. In con-
sequence of this man's vociferous avowal of the right of territorial jurisdic-
tion over the Lulians, he was elec'ed a nieml)er of the legislative coimcil of
Florida. Thus much for urging that negro claims should be settled <n the
territory, instead of their being referred to the decision of the government of
the United States. Now such suits could be disposed of with perlect ease,
because no Indian could have a heai'ing except against his otcn people. Some
notorious scoundrel had sold negroes to Col. Humphreys, which belonged to
a Seminole woman named Culekeeckowa, He bought them after application
hod been made to him as agent, by their owner, for their recovery, of tlsat
very villain ! Nevertheless, he promised to exert himself for their restoration.
He afterwards said he bought them to prevent their being sent to Charleston.
Some of the negroes that were young when the transfer took place, having
grown old enough to lie made to understand the nature of the case, went
back voluntarily to their real mistress ; and the double-dealor Humphi-eys had
tiie audacity to apply to agent Thompson for his interlerencc that he might
hi:ve them again. Thomi)son had independence and honesty enough not to
comply, the fiicts being so strong in fovor of Ctdekeeckotoa, but referred Hum-
vhreys, together with the facts in the case, to the decision of gove'.nment

Another man was employed by a certain Indian woman for the recovery
of negroes. She gave hnn, as he told her, a power of attorney for that piir-

1)ose. She soon found that, instead of a power of attorney, she bid given
lim a bill of sale of all her negroes !!!!!!!

On another occasion, the chief Micanopy requested on individual to draw a
form of writing for him, which soon after proved to be a conveyance of a
valuable tract of land !

A black, named Abraham, who has figured largely in the war, was basely
robbed by one of the white border fraternity. The fellow owed Abraham a
large amount of money, got his receipt for it under pretence that it was a
certificate that he owed him, which it was necessary should be sent to Wash-
ington before he could i)ay him ! These are a few of the abominations daily
practised by individuals ; and we shall now pass to others, in which the gov-
ernment itself becomes implicated.

We have spoken plainly of the treaty of Paine's Landing, in the e:.rly part
of our history of this wiu* ; but as new fiicts have since come to our knowl-
edge, it will be necessary to extend the examinp.cion here. It must be re-

* Tlinro were publislic<I in the vear IR.T) three liistorios of the Florida Avar. The first was
by Mr. Cohen, the seooiid by a laic " staff officer," and the third by " a lienlt nniil of" the letl
wiiiif." All three of them seem to be very well done, but that by Mr. W. iVitlcr. (" a late
slafi" otTiPcr,") if I mistake not the gentleman, is far the most valuable to the historian. To
these works I gladly reiiir, and tender here the authors my acknowledgments for the iise T
have made of the facts cuiitained in their pages. Nine of them hail appeared whr'ii my .ork
was published, and hence I could not profit by thein in my previous editions. Hut for these
last hve years of the war I have had to gather my materials from the " tliousand and one"
reports of the day.

t Since writing the above, I have read Oen. Thompson's speech to llie Lidiaiis at a council
iu Oct. 1834, in wliith he plainly holds die same language to ihein.

1/ . ■ (

IV.

Chap. XVII.)

A NKW Tlir.ATY.

4G3

membcrcd that by tlie trcnty of Camii Moultrio, M8 Soptciiihcr, IS'JH,) ilio
3miiiiiolt:8 lirnl soctired to tli<;iii nil uiuiiiity of Jj'.'ijOOO lor 20 yciii-H, nml tliuy
were to roiiiuvo wiihiii c<;rtuiii iioiiiiiiuriuH (l<!ttcril)ed by tlic treuty, eiiibniciii|j
u tract of laiitl of iMjar 5,000,000 acres. No sooner bud tliey reiii(»ved witliiii
th'iH tract, tliaii wliitc men intruded tbenisclvcs among them, and committed
violence on tlie persons of acverul Indians. Nor is this an Iiiiiiaii story; — it
was i>o represented liy the agent to Gov. DuV(U, and without the least reason
lor tiic oiitrngc. What was done ? Why, the agent said lie hud left a notice
witli a magistrate to have the offenders warned ojfof the reservation in one day
from the lime the notice should be served. Thus, instead of seizing at once
U|)oii the villains, and bringing them to justice, they ore mildly ordered off of
the Indians' lands in one day ! What riglit liad siicli depredators to any better
treatment than is aHbrded i)y the toinuhuwk and sculping-kiiife ? Yet we bear
of no retaliation by tlie Indians. They luul no newspapers in which to circu-
lat' .ccoi lilts of (Aetr wrongs and siitleringH; — these ure the niagnitying glasses
of li.e Ixid white men.

At the same time, i>etition after petition was got up among the white in-
habitants of Florida, and sent in to the president of the United States, setting
forth the wrongs they were daily suffering fi'oin the Indians in various slinpes,
and urging an earlier removal than the former treaty specified. We do not
jiresume but tiiat Indians did sometimes infringe U|>on their white neighbors,
und were often found hunting and fishing beyond tiie line of tlie treuty. Tliis
is not denied; and the affair at Hogtown in Aluchuu county, already men-
tioned, is an iustiuice. WJietber these petitions began to flow in before Gen.
Jackson was president, we are not informed ; but if they did, President Jldams
knew what to do with them. Be tliut as it may, the lute president had not
been long in the chair of state, when he made known his willingness that an-
other anangeinent might be made with the Indians, and upiMinted Col. Gads-
den to confiir with t!iem, to see what could be done. It na|)pened that this
was the most favorable time that could have been fixed upon, namely, the
spring of 1832, for such conference, liecause the crops of the Indians bud lieen
cut off', and they were in a stute Iwixlering upon starvation ; hence they were
ready to hear any prapositions which promised thetn immediate relief. Col.
Gailidcn visited Alicanopy, and on the 8 April had an interview with him, in
"'/icli little difficulty was sxperienced in persuading him that liis condition,
as well us that of ids peojile, would be greatly impi-oved by a removal to the
fruitful west. Micanopy sulci, however, that he would defer treating at that
time, as his men were dispersed upon their yearly hunting tours, and muiiy
of them l.")0 or 200 miles off; but that he would collect them as soon as he
coidd, and then they would consider the matter together, for he wished them
all to hear what their father, the president, had to say to them. Accordingly
the 8 May following was fixed ujran for the day of council, and Puine's Land-
ing the place of the meeting.

Agreeably to arrangement, the parties met on the 8 of Rlay, 18.32, and on
the following day, a treaty was signed by such chiefs and head men as were
assembled, to the number of fifteen. Of the small numlier of chiefs who ex-
ecuted this great treaty, we liave l)efbre remarked, and we liave also noted its
chief conditions. It is said that the agent had much difficulty in bringing the
Indians to any terms, touching a removal ; and they finally signed only a con-
ditional treaty, one of the chief articles of which stipulated that a deputation
of some competent chiefs of their own should visit the jiroposed country to
which they were to remove, and if, when they returned, and rejtortcd the re-
sult of their observations to the nation, it should then be thought advisable,
they would :move from Florida. The chiefs sent out upon this important
embassy, were seven in number, and their names were as follows: Jon.v
Hicks, representing Sam Jones, (Ajiiaca, Abica, Arpiucki, &c.) ; Jumper, who
afterwards fought in the liloody battle at Okeechubee Lake, in which Kfi) whites
were killed and wounded ; Nehauthulo, representing Black Diiit ; Holata
F.MATHLA, GoA Hadjo, (Alligator); Charles Emathla, Ya-Ha-Hadjo, [IuvA
Wolf); and Abraham, a negro, who accompanied the de[)utation as inter-
preter.

What means were taken to cause these chiefs or agents to express their

1 1\
.1

'i I

•<1

4G4

SEMINOLE WAR— DECEPTIVE OIILIOATION.

[Book IV,

entire nppronnt '" the country tlicy lind examined, 1 will not nndertake to
Bay, Init cerliiin ey did ni^n a writin^r, in wiiicli tiiey miy, "We, the un-

derpinned, Seinin. iefij, express ourselves well Nlti^4tied with the ronntry

examined liy im, and we du ugi'eo to remove us soon as government will
make the nece isary arrangements," &c. How mneh they really understood
of this writing, helbre they signed it, is j)retty clearly shown hy what they
themselves say to agent Tnommon, when calletl upon to rnltil their engage-
ment to remove ; and from tlie same source it will lje likewise seen how
much they inxferstood of the treaty of Moultrie Creek. All that ran now he
said is, that if they imderstood what they were signing, wiien they expressed
their satisfiiction with the country to wiiicli the nation was to remove, they
entirely transcended the powers delegated to them hy their countrymen.

Although it cannot be denied, that at Paine's Landing a treaty was made,
which stipulated that all the Seminoles should, in three years tliereatt(;r, re-
move trom the country, utuler certain conditions, yet it is well known that
it was with very great ditiiculty that the chiels coulJ Im; persuaded to execute
it, even under its expressed contingencies. On this matter, we will hear the
United States commissioner. Col. Gadsden, who procured the treaty to |je ex-
ecuted. In his communication to the secretary of war, he says, "There is a
condition prefixed to the agreement, without assenting to which, the Florida
Indians most po»i7iVe/j/ refused to negotiate for their removal west of the Mis-
sissippi. Even with the condition annexed, there was a reluctance, (which
with some d'fticulty was overcome,) on the part of the Indians, to hind them-
selves by any stipulations, before a knowledge of iticts and circumstances
would enable them to judge of the advantages or disadvantages of the dispo-
sition the government of the United States wished to make of them. 'J'hey
were finally induced, hoMcver, to assent to the agreement." By "agreement,"
does Col. iiwhden refer to the treaty itselfj or to a st![)arate writing, forwarded
to the war otiice witii the treaty.'

We have questioned the manner hy which tlie Indian commissioners' sig-
natures were obtained to a certain certificJitc,acknowledging their sntistiiction
of the country west of the Mississippi. \\\ another writing, they have been
made to express approbation ofj and even affection for, Maj. Phagan, one of
the government agents who accompanied them on that journey. It shall
now be shown that these papers speak a vciy different language fiom that
spoken by the chiefs before their accusers, in open council, afterwards. The
council here alluded to, was held at the Senunole agency, immediately aft«;r
the ratification of the treaty of Paine's Landing by the United States govern-
ment, viz., in October, 18134.* It was opened by Gen. Thompson, in whose
speech we find these words : " You alone have the rieht to decide whether yov
will accept the invitation\ or not ; it is left, as it slunda be, entirely optional with
you, ana no person but yourselves has any right to say you shall or shall not ac-
cede to the proposition." Thus it is evident that, aUhough the chiefs had ex-
[iressed their approbation of the coimtry, a matter of much greater moment
lad been lefl open to negotiation. We will now hear the chiefs : —

MicANOPY rose and said, " When we J were at Camp Moultrie, we made a
treaty ; and we were to be paid our annuity for twenty years. This is all I
have to say."

Jumper, since so celebrated in the war, and a leader in, it is said, the mas-
sacre at Fort Mimms, next s])oke: "At Camp Moultrie we were told that all
ditHculties should be buried for 20 years, from the date of the treaty then and

* By the usages of civilized nations, the Indians were under no obligation to abide by the
treaty of Paine's I.nndiiis^, for it was two years after it was concluded before congress ratified
It ; and all treaties must be ratified iu a reasonable liinc — but any time vmst answer tor
Indians.

t The Creeks, already removed to the west, had invited the Seminoles lo settle amonsj
ihem promiscuously : and it seems the chiefs had given encouragement ihnt lliey would, when
all the neiglii>oring Indians had made peace with them. It will be necessary timt this fact
be borne in mind hy the reader.

} He was among' the signets of that treaty. I have omiUed (o mention earlier, that Mi
CANOPY is grandson to the distinguisiied Kino Paine, and that his father's name was Sk

COFFEE.

*'ii,.i

Chap. XVII.l

SPEECHES OF CHIEFS.

465

tliere mnde. Before tlie 20 years were out, we made a ti"en*y nt Painr's I^nnel-
iii^r. W(! were told we iniglit go and Bee the land, hut that we wi>re not
<>l)Jijred to remove. When we »aw the country, we miid nothing, hut llii>
whites that went with us nuuU us siffti our hands to a ;>a/>er, whicli yon noto
nivf sii^nitied our couHent to remove ; lint we thouf^ht tiie |»a|M'r tuiid only that
vt likeil the land, an<l when we returned, our nation would decide u|ioii
ienioval. We hud no authority to do more. My |)co|ile cannot nay tlit^y will
).'o. >Ve are not willing to go. If their tongueH way y«:s, their licMirts cry no,
and call them liarH. The country to which you invite \\f^ is Murroimdcii hy
hii.itile noighl>orri, and although it may firoduct; good ti-uit, the iiuit of a haii
nt-ighhorhood in blood, that Hpoiln the land, and a fu'e that dries up the brooks.
When in the west 1 said to the agent, •You 8ay the Hcminolcs are rn^uts, but
you wish to bring us among icorsf. rog^iea, that we may be destroyed liy tlieui.'
Did they not steal our horses, and were not some of us obliged to return with
our packs upon our own backs ? "

CiiAHi.es Ematiila was no friend to a removal at this time, but suhsc-
■juently cons<;nte<l to go, and having, with three daughters, gone to Camp
King, al)out the 2<i November, IH-'i."), to make arrangements tor bringing in
his cattle, on his return was set upon and shot down in the way, a little in
advance of his daughters. Nino balls were found in him, and it is said the
deed was done by Osceola and some others of the Mickasiuiky tribe.* He
spoke as follows: "Our old speaker was Hicks, j He is dead, but 1 have not
Ibrgotten his words. I was not at the treaty of Moultrie Creek. It was not
made by children. Great men made it, and it is sjicred. By it wc were to
receive the annuity for 20 years, | and to enjoy the lands therein detineiL
The time has not expired ; when it does, it is time enough to make a new bar-
gain. Our father has often said to me that he loves his children — they love
him. When a man is at home, and has his things about him, he sees that
hiiuself and family depend upon them. He thinks of these things when he
leaves home. My young men and family are all around me. Should I go
West, I should lose many on the way. A weak man cannot get there, the
liitigue would be so great. None buf 'rong people can go. I am an Indian.
Tiiere is none but Indian blood in i ... The agent, Majoi- Phagan, thai ivent
with us, is a man of violent passions. le quarrelled with us on the waii, and after
we got there. If fie had done his duty, all xoould lutve ended well. If I know my
heart, I speak true. If I difter from the agent, he is a fi-ee man, and can talk
as he pleases. I hope bis talk will bring all things right, so that we may all
live together hereafler in friendshij)."

HoLATA Emathla Said: "The horses that were stolen from us by tlie
Clierokees, when we were viewing the country in the west, were never
restored tc us. We told the agent the land was good, but the people were
bad. We saw them bring scalps to the garrison. We had a meeting with
AVIntosh.^ He told us that among all their neighbors they had peace; that
he and Col. Jlrhuckle were to send out to have a treaty of peace with all the
S|)anish Indians, and when that was done, a report of it was to be sent to
Washington. I am sick. I cannot say all 1 want to say. I want to talk
coolly, and veli the truth in all things. They promised to send word to us
when peace >vi s made with all the Indians west of the great river." It had
been now aboi.t three years, and it does not oppear that any news of a treaty
liad reached the Semmoles; therefore could it be expected they should be

* Here is a slight disrrepanoy between this antl our former relation, (p. 72,) occasioned by
c compaiison of Cohen ana WilliaTns. It will also be observed, that from the several printed
versions of the speeches of the chiefs on this occasion, I have drawn these.

t He was a signer of the treaty of Camp Moultrie, and is said to have been deslroj-ed by
the machinations of Jumper in 1825; and that although Micanopywas considered the chief
of chiefs, yet Hicks was much the greatest man. Hext he is sometimes called, and to the
treaty of Moultrie his name is written Tokose Mathla.

t .VIr. Williams had probably not read that trcatv, as he intimates that it stipulitted that the
Indians were to remotie at the end of 20 years. The treaty says nothing about a removal,
(unly on to (heir 5,000,000 acres,) but stipulates that an annuity shall be paid them for 20
\ears.

ij Chilly M'fntosh, son of Gen. W, M'Intosh, executed for treason by his own people.
See p. 54 of this book. _

^ 2£

H
i

! "^

V ;i

':%

SEMINOLE WAR.— POLICY OF REMOVAL EXAMINED. [DboK IV.

■\

I i

willinff to go Itcforc itcnro wm CHtiililislioil ? TIi'ih coiiHideration alone wum
eiioiigh to have chiihcU a (tuluy on tht; |mrt of the )hrov<-niirifiit.

Tlio agent had o|hmic(1 tliu coiiffrencc with mild language, but lie no^v
waxed wroth, and suid many hard thingH to the cliiefd; a<TU8cd one of lying
and another of duplicity, and floscd liy thrcatcnings. 8till the chiefk dir*-
covored but little irritation, and Hignified only that tiiey should remain lirni in
their reHolution. In one of the H|H>L-chi>H which Charles Emalhla made at tliiH
council, there occuru this pasHage: "The agent told us yesterday we did not
talk to the point. I have nothing to say dift'erent from what I iiavc said. At
Paino's Landing Ihe whiles forced im iiilo the trealij. I was there. I agreed to
go west, aiul did go. I went in a vessel, and it made me sick. The Indians
and the whites have shed no blood. They stole things from each otiu r
Thov agreed at Paine's Landing, that if blood should be seen in the path, to
tliink it was because a person had snugged his foot."

The policy adopted by the general government of a removal of the Indians
is most uiupiestionalily the worst, both lor the whites as well as the Indians,
that could liave been devised. It is next to a system of deliberate nnirder.
To cast one strange tribe upon another is but to ])nt weapons into their
hands, and in the language of Tecumseh, " to cry stuboy." Their pensions
and other efl'ects draw among them from the whites the vilest of knaves,
many of whom are obliged to fly their own country for crimes of the darkest
hue. It matters not, say many, so long as it is out of our sight and hearing.
Is this the manner a parent should treat his children ? — Send them forth into
the world before they have been instructed in correct j)rinciple8, and thus
abandon them to the baunts of criminals and vile seducers ? Hud not the
authors of this policy foresight enough to discern, that in a very few years
tribes so removed would be again surrounded by their own people ? That
the cry would again and again bo raised against their vicinity — that in the
very nature of the case there could be no otiier result, so long as a solitary
Indian remained on the continent ? To write essays in proof of this result
is the same as to write an elaborate treatise in tlie winter to prove that
Bumnicr would return. How mtich better would it have been to have let
them remain in their own countiy, where it were easy to j)roteci thetn, easy
to provide against their contamination, by kec])ing out unprincipled jjcople
from among thein ! how much easier tliey coidd have been instructed ! how
much easier that author of all iniquity, (spirituous liquors,) had been kejrt from
among them ! But what are we to expect fi-om a government, when the heads
who compose it tliink nothing of so much ini{)ortancc as the means by whi(;h
they shall retain their places, and serve those looking to them for rewards lor
their servile machinations, who have contributed lurgest to place them there?
Washington, .Tefferson, Adams, the elder and younger — to their eternal
honor be it remembered — advocated no such policy. How can it be but that
the Indians on our borders should be bad ? It is true with regard to a mmier-
ous class of them, but not to the extent that many honest people supitose,
who have never dwelt on a border. As a fair illustration of this fact, I will

§ive in the testimony of a gentleman from New England, with whom I met
welling upon an Indian border, and in the midst of both Iiidians and whites.
I first questioned him with respect to the general character and conduct of
the white inhabitants. His answers were just what I supposed they would
be. I inquired first about the whites, that he might not tliink me jiarticularly
friendly to the Indians. But when I inquired concernuig the latter, his answer
was, " They are the only civil people here."

The complaints of the white man are carried, as it were, " on the wings of
the wind," while that of the poor Indian is drowned in the temiicst. A clamor
is raised on a frontier, and commissioners are despatched to buy the Indian's
lands. He is bewildered with the parade, ostentation, and lidse show of
greatness displayed before iiim. He puts confidence in what tlie agents of
government tell him, and accedes to their wishes. Still he occupies his
country — but very soon learns that it is not his, — that he has sold it, — rnd
must now leave it forever! He then, for the first time, begins to realize
what he has done. He sees, too late, that he has done what he had no intention
of doing.

Cuip. XVII.l

RKMOVAI, POI.ICV— ITS ABSURDITY.

4({7

It ia cnrtniiily trn« tlint tlit> people of Gror^in, South Cnrolinn, nnil AlaWmm,
I'xprcMMud ^reiit witiMtiietioii ut the aiiti('ipatc<l rehcf to Im> rrali/cil >vh)-ii tho
liiiliiiiiH MhoiiM Im^ i'ciit t'rotii their iMinh-rM Im-voiuI the iMississiitpi. Jtiit are
not these very Iiuliaim net down in the innnediate vieinity ol' otJier while
neophi? Whenec then eoineH tlie In-netit to the Indian.s: and wlience the
benefits to the wliites, too, in the end ? Look at the eaxe any way, and I mu
no iroint of ntihty gained to eitlicr party, lint there m a consideration ahont
whieli 1 liave lieard very little Hiiid. It in the .r.iisidemtion that the frontier
HtatCH and territories have liut tew votes in n presi(h>ntiai eh-rtioii, whih> those
from whieh the Indians are nwnovcd have many. Now how nnieli this u(hls
to tiie jiialict of removing In<iians I leave my n'a<lers to judge. Is it not
]ire|K>sterons in the highirst <legn;o to relieve a thoiis<nid individnals in
(jrtiorgiu hy taking away the Indians from among them, nnd setting them
down in Arkatisas, where they can he in the way i)f hut a hundred people ?
Thus iM.'cause one state can make more noise than another, its clamors must
Ite hushed at the expense of the other. Itnt cries of distress have already
ntached the cars of the distant north, from the south-east Imrder, and it
requires no prophet to see, that the time is not far distant when these cries
will Ik; redoubled, and demand as much from the government, and with as
much authority as has already heen done by Georgia, i^outh Carolina, ^lissis-
8ip])i, or Alabama.

The general government has anticipated a state of things upon the Irorder,
which might require no inconsiderable military force to restrain ; and hcncu
the late attempt to provide a standing army. And some have shrewdly said,
that, as its officers would oil be appointed i»y the president of the fruited
States, and officers and men to be voters to»), he had attempted to seize an-
other leading-string of power to continue him in office, or to elect such suc-
cessor as he should designnto, "to follow in his footsteps." However this
may be, we decline any opinion on the matter, further than to observe, that a
much less army, in all probability, would have protected the Indians in their
own country, than will now be required to protect the white iuhabittuits in
the comitry to which they have been driven.

If, in 18"^, there was great fear among the inliabitants of the south-western
frontier, fi*om the increased numlwr of Indians forced into their vicinity, what
must now be their fears, with some 30,000 since turned loose there ? tlarly in
18'24, great alarm spread along that region ; ofTenee had lieen given hy the
whites, and they were ibr a while in constant agitation, expecting revenge.
They said there were not more than 3,000 troops stationed to defend and
keep order over nearly 5,000 miles, and to keej) in check upwards of 20,000
Indian warriors. If there was need of a standing army in 1824, siuely Mr.
Van Buren ought to have re ommended one in IKW.

It is no less absurd than ridiculous, to entertain the idea that we can re-
move the Indians out of the way of the whites ; ever}' citizen who knows any
thing of the character and habits of the kind of people hanging upon all In-
dian borders, will tell 'is without a moment's hesitation, that nuudM^s of this
class will be (bund in the country in advance of the removing Lidians, as
completely equipped for defrauding them, as liefbre their departure. We
cannot rim away from this class oi' lumgi-y pioneers, for the very good reason
that we cannot get beyond them. They know where the emigrants are to he
located, a long time before they set out, and any law made to bear on such
intrtiders, is none other than a by-word and a jest with them. They are as fa-
miliar with the woods as we are with our closets ; and the fln-ther we go with
the Indians, with proportionate impunity will they set our laws at defiance.*

We have already premised some facts for consideration, touching the num-
ber of Indian chiefs f in Florida, who executed the treaties for tiicir |)(!0|)le,
and those found in arms after the war had begun. We will now ask a mo-
ment's attention to a further consideration of this matter. In the year 1821,
the agent in Florida made a return to government of such villages or settle-

• See Hon. Mr. Vinlon'a speech, H. R. 18J8.

t Wlioii llip previous part of (liis fniirlh l)ook was wrilton. I w.Ti not correrll)- inrormcd tc\-
Btivo to llie chiefs' standing in regard to one another, anil lienco a >!ighl discrepancy between
tJic facts before detailed, and the same now under consideration.

i \

fit

wwj ' ^'li

4C8

OPPOSITION OF THE CHIEFS.

[Book IV.

meiits orBominoles, as were kno\VTi to liim. This niinil)er was thirty-fite.
Ot'tlie i-tati.stics of some oftliese towns the ngent knew very little ; unci there
wi>re (loii[)tless intiny others ol' which he knew nothing. TUe JVIikusunkiea
he reckoniid at ],000 souls ; and conoeniing several other trihcs, he snys they
contained "u great many sonls." Now it is in no wise prolwhle but that one
half of these tribes had at least two chiels or head men, and tliis would give
to the whole nation fifty-two chiefs. AVas it not necessary that a chief
lioin each tribe should have been a party to all treaties, either in his own
proper pei-son, or by another d^'y by him authorized ? This same agent reck-
oned there were 5,000 souls in all. C'omi)are these facts with the well-known
one, that or\\y Jijleen chiefs and sub-chiefs signed the treaty of removal, which
is that of Paine's lianding. Not half of the nation could have been repre-
sented. If any would dispute this, with the array of evidence now adduced,
1 will pronounce him wilfiilly blind, and incapable of reasoning. Look at
the treaty of Moultrie Creek ; there are the names of more than double the
nuniber attached, than were obtained to that of Paine's Landing ; and one of
the best Seminole chiefs has said, " The whiles forced us into the treaty" It is
not very strange that there were but 15 chiefs at this treaty, or that signed it,
lor there had been but one month's notice given that any sucli treaty was on foot.

We shall now show that when a full council of the chiefs was together,
nothing like a general consent to a removal could be obtained from them. In
March, 18^35, when preparations for removal began to be strongly urged by
Gen. Thompson, at the solicitation of Jumper, he gave them until the 22 April,
to meet him in council, when he would hear what they had to say touching
the matter. At the time appointed, " several hundreds of the chiefs and war-
riors had assembled," and a talk was read to them from Gen. Jackson, en-
forced and illustrated by the agent and Gen. Clinch, all of which amounted to
no more than this, " Go you must, and go you shall, without further delay."
Some of the chiefs were in favor of a compliance ; but the ])rincii)al ones
were firm in their opposition, and expressed themselves accordingly. These
were Micanop;/, Juniper, Holala Mico, Coa-Hadjo. and ^rpiucki. However, a
writing was drawn up, and signed by 10 other chiels and sub-chiefs, expres-
sive of their willingness to abide by jHevious treaties, and their wish to re-
move This was signed on the 23 April, 1835. It was through the influence
of a very influential chief (whose name was Fucta Lusta Hajo, or Black-dirt)
of the removal piuty, that this last treaty was made. No sooner had it been
effected, than Gen. Tliompson (acting by j)reccdent, of course) decix-ed that
the live opposing chiefs should no longer be considered or obeyed as chiefs.
When this high-handed act had been reported to Gen. Cass, secretary at war,
he re{)robated the proceeding in very strong terms, from reasons too obvious
to require detail in this place.

It still remains a question with us, whether an accommodation might not
have been brought about, if the officers of government had not ])er8isted loo
ptrongly in their determination that the Scminoles should settle with the
Creeks ; but the cry of retrenchment and reform was up, and it was easy to
begin with the Indians. It would cost the government much less if they
could be included with the Creeks, — a most absiu'd and blind i>olicy ! — The
Seminoles were now a great nation. Were they to be lost and abso.bed in
another .' The very idea was revolting to them.

Matters remained in this unsettled state for several months. At length it
seems that the principal chiefs, to the number of 25, assembled at the agency
on the 19 August, to try once more what could be done by negotiation. Ho-
Inln Emathla was chosen speaker for the bidians, and he delivered himself us
follows: —

" My friends, we have come to see you to talk with you on a subject of
greut importance to us. Ilenr us, and tell our groat fiither wiiat his children
say. Wc made « treaty at Paine's Landing, by which we agreed to go west
of the Missi88ii)i)i : we were told to scn«l some of our principal chiefs to view
the place to which we were to remove. Wc did so; tJiey found the country
good. While there, our chiefs had a talk with Gen. Stokes and the commis-
sioners; they were told that the Scminoles and Creeks were of the same fiini-
ily ; were to be considered as the same nation, and placed under the muue

,!^»ll

Chap. XVIII]

ATROCIOUS BARBARITY

460

agent They answered, thut the Semiuoles were a large nation, and should
have their own agent, as before ; that if our fatlicr, tlio president, would give
as our own ugcnt, our own blacksmith, and our plouglis, we would go ; but
if he did not, tee should be unwilling to remove; that we sliould be among stran-
gers ; they nii^tht be friendly, or they might be hostile, and we wanted our
own agent, whom we knew would be our friend, who would take care of us!,
would do justice to, and see justice done us by others. They told us our lo-
quests were reasonable, and they would do all they could to nidiicc the pres-
ident to grant them. We have been unfortunate in the agents our iiither has
sent us. Gen. Thompson, our present agent, is the friend of the Semiuoles.
We thought at first tliat he would le like the others ; but we know better
now. He has but one talk, and what he tells us is truth. We want him to
go with us. He told us he could not go, but he at last agreed to dp so, if our
great father will permit him. We know our fiither loves his red children,
and won't let them suffer for want of a good agent. This is our talk, which
we want you to send to our father, the president, hoping we may receive an
early answer."

Tills talk was despatched to Washington, and that there may be no grounds
to question the truth of its contents, I will subjoin an extract from a jiaper by
Gen. C/incft, which was transmitted with it The general says, "In fbrwanl-
ing you the enclosed document, I beg leave to make a few remarks. Although
the subject to which it relates is itself of no great iniportance, yet it may have
an important bearing on the ])resent quiet and future happiness of these chil-
dren of the forest They are, from peculiar circumstances and long habit,
suspicious of the white man. It is hard to induce them to believe that all tlie
efforts and operations of government are intended for their o\m good. The
question of a separate agency was again and again brouglU forward by llie chiefs,
last lointer and spring, and appeared to be considered by them of the Jirst impor-
tance to their future interests, prosperity, and luippiness."

Notwithstanding the pathetic ajjpeal of the Indians, and the kind intnna-
tions of Gen. Clinch, the president would give them no hearing, and they
were informed that he was " very attgry" to think they should have so mucli
presumption.

Meanwhile, some circumstances of a veiy aggravating nature had taken
place. Three jmor Mikasaukies, from Long Swamp, were seized by a plant-
er, and tied with a rope by their hands and feet, and confined in his barn,
without sustenance, till they were nearly dead. They, or some other Indians,
had been accused of i)urloiningfiom his plantation some of the necessai'ies of
life; the drought of the preceding season having ruined their crops, they were
reduced to extreme want The friends of the three Lidians became alarmed
li*om their long absence, and the chief of the village to which they belonged,
sought them out and demanded them. The inhuman wretch would not re-
lease them. The chief then rc[mired to his village, and taking several of his
men with him, demanded them again, but was again refused. They were in
hearing of the distressed cries of their friends, and obeying the promptings
of a generous nature, procecdt^d to the barn, and liberated them by force.
They were in a j)itiful condition, could neither stand or go ; the ropes with
which they were tied, had cut tiirough the flesh to the very bones! When
their friends were carrying them away, they were fired upon by the owner
of the place, and one was wounded. They retaliated oidy by burning his
barn, not suffering him to remove any thing out of it ; and whoever knows
tlie circumstances, will only wonder that he had not been confined in, and
consumed with it

! -H

CHAPTER XVUL

CARRYING THE EVENTS OF THE WAR TO THE CLOSE OF THE TEAR ISJJC.

Review of early difficvlties — The llogtown murder — 7%e insidt to Osceola — Micanopv
— Ki.No Pavne — Gen Clinch's expedition — Gen. Scott attacked — Matsucre at Char-

470

THE INSULT TO OSCEOLA.

[Book IV.

II • ''■',

iH.-^i

i I::::

■i:- ;

ZoWe Harbor — Fort Micnnopy busieged — Death of officers — Lighthouse affair—
Battlk or Wemka — Creeks and Cherokee affairs — Indians surprised — Murders
— Battle of San Felasco — Col. Lane's Expedition — Ilis melancholy death —
Gov. Call in command — Battles of the Waiioo Swamp— Cen. Je*«/> resumes
command — His expedition to the fyahoo.

The murder of ITogtown, to which we have before alhuled, was a serious
crisis. It very much hastened liostihties, from tlie outrageous nature of the
case. Tiie additional factt to those we have ahrady given are these. Tliero
were ei^^lit Lidians belonging to tlie party, and in their wanderings tliey had
killed ii cow which did not belong to them, near Deaniond's Pond. A part of
them, on the 19th of June, being encamped at a sink-hole where tlicre was
water, about '3 miles Irom Kenapalm Pond, are fallen upon by n gang of
whites, i«even in number, who seized as many of the guns belonging to tlie
Indians as tliey were able, and then commenced whijiping them. Two of
tlie Indians had gone out upon a hunt, and returned wliile this business was
in progress. They made a shot upon the whites, wounding one of them, and
in their turn tiiey fired u])on the two Indians, killing one, named IMxe, and
mortally wounding the other, named LecJwtichee. Here the rencontre seems
to have ende(L

A great ciy was now raised along the Indian border, and the surviving
Indians, who iiad done all of this viischief, were demanded oi' the chiefs by the
agent. They were readily siuTendered, the whole surviving six, and thrown
into prison, where they remained over thiity days, while their accusers were
left at perfect liberty to commit other outrages, and to make preparations for
convicting the Indians at the tiial which was supposed to await them ; but it
does not appeal* that any trial ever took place, and niy inf jrmant says, that the
balance of prool was so much against the whites that they were glad to
"dodge tiie (juewion;" and hence we supjwse the Indians were set at lilwrty.
But could any rational man suppose that an outrage of such a flagitious char-
acter would pass without retaliatio.i ? It followed, but not immediately. On
the 11 August, a private, named Da'ton, carrying the mail between Fort Brook
and Fort Kuig, was met on his route and killed. Some seized his horse by
the rems, while others dragged him off and shot him. When found, his body
bore evidence of savage vengeance, being nearly torn in pieces. The party
committing this act are immediately demanded by Gen. Clinch, and the chiela
l)romised they should be surrendered, probably without any intention of so
doing. They were Mikasaukies, and having fled among the Redsticks of
the Onithlacooche, could not be found. If the Indians did not avow this mur-
der to be in revenge lor that of Fuxe and Lechoiichee, it was known to be so.

The Indians were now, if possible, treated with greater contumely than
before, and Osceola, about this time, went to the agent to complain of some
ruthless villain who had been guilty of grossly illtreating some of his people.
It so hajjpencd that some white person had, only the preceding day, made a
similar coiiiplaiiit against the Lidians; which complaints were, it is said,
occasioned by the afliiir at llogtown. The general therefore, Jiaving ])re-
Judgcd tl e case, as good as told Osceola he lied, and that it was his men who
were guilty of outrage. An altercation ensued, and this was the time, we are
told, that this chief was seized, manacled, and i)laced in the guard-house of
the garrison ; the circumstances of which have already been ■ .;lated, agreeably
to the then existing inibrmation.

We now pass to the events of the war, taking up the subi' ^t where it had
been suspeiid(!d in the summer of IS.'IO.

One of the divisions of the army under Gen. Clinch marc ed from Tampa
(iir Fort Drane on the 14th of yV|)ril, 1830. Ailer a march of three days, they
came within four miles of Fort Cooper, where Major Cooper had been left
with Ills Georgia battalion. Having encam^'cd. Gen. Clinch detached his two
/nounted coinimnies under Capt. Malonc of the Washington corps, with
wagons, to Rlajor Cooper, and instructions to join him. When this «lctach-
ment had j)roceeded about two or three miles, it was fired u])on by Indians
(•()iic(>al('(l in a hommock near the roiid, and Mr. Howard and (^oriiet Dmisari
of the Washington troops wen? wounded ; the former with three shot, and
ihe lait.'r with one in the leg. IJoih probably recovered. Capt. Maione

Chap. XMII.]

BATTLE OF WELIKA.

471

immediately sent to Gen. Clinch for a reenforcement, on the arrival of which
no Indians were to be found. The detachment then proceeded to fort
Cooper, wliich had been attacked for 13 days together, but with a loss only
of one man, Mr. Zarock Cook, of the Morgan Guards.

At the same time Gen. Clinch marched from Tampa, Col. Lindsay loft also
upon a scout, and while crossing the Hillsborough River, the Indians fired upon
him, killing Mr. James Branham of the Alabama volunteers. Gen. Clinch
made but a short stay at Fort Cooper, when he returned to Fort King, where
he arrived on the 2oth ; having had one man wounded, a Mr. Bostick of tlie
Jeft'erson troop. At the same time Col. Goodwin burns a large Lidian town
on Peas Creek ; and only two days after, a company of Indians attack Fort
Dnme, make prisoners of several negroes, and carry off a number of horse&

Scarcely a day passed at this period without some tale of blood. Gen.
Scott, on his march near Ocklawaha, is attiicked in his camp on the 22d of
April, and two of his men are wounded. Two days after, the general sur-
pri ies a party of Indians about 23 miles from Volusia, but they all escape,
leaving, however, their horses and packs to the victori..

At Charlotte Harbor, on the 28th of April, the Indians make thorough work,
killing Dr. Creus, the collector of tliat port, "and all the people residing
there." They next appear with great boldness before St. Marks, but retire
without doing any other damage than frightening the people. About the
middle of May depretlations were committed within two miles of Mandarin,
on the St John's. They killed and scalped a Mr. Motte, a highly resj)ectable
gentleman from New York, and burnt his house and other buildings.

On the 7th of June the Indians burn the extensive sugar- works belonging
to Gfen. Clinch, together with 70 hogsheads of sugar, and a gi-eat amount of
other proj)erty ; and at the s<ime time they burn also the sugar-house of Col.
M'Intosh, of Oaklii iid. The next day about 150 warriors invest Fort Micanopy,
in which was Major Heillman and 70 or 80 men. After some preparations,
a sortie was made, and the Indians dispcsrsed. The whites had five men
wounded and one killed. Major Heillman had been an active and valuable
officer, but his term of ser\'ice expired with his death, which took place at
Micanopy on the 27th of the same month ; and but a few days before, (June
15th,) Lieut. Wheelock had jnit an end to his own existence with his rifle.
His duties had been so arduous that he was overcome by an aberration of
mind, in which condition he committed the fatal act.

On the 23d of July the Seniinoles attack and burn the lighthouse on Cape
Florida; the keeper, a Mr. J. VV. B. Thomj)son, is most surprisingly delivered
from death, though not till he had been forced to drink drep of the cup of its
agonies.* On the 1st of August the express rider is cut oft' between New-
nansville and Micanopy.

Some time in June, the unhealthiness of Fort Drane having l)een repre-
sented to Gov. Call, an order was given for its evacuation. About the 18th
of July, a train of 22 wagons left that place, with stores and munitions for
Fort Defiance, Micanopy, at 8 o'clock in the morning, escorted by 2(J dragoons,
under Capt. Ashby, and 36 artillerists, detailed from different companies; in
all t>2 men. They had a five and a half inch howitzer, under the charge of
Lieut. Whitly. On the arrival of the train at Welika Pond, within u mile of
its destination, as usual, the first notice of Indians was from a salute ii'om
theu" rifles, by which one man was mortally wounded. The place whence
the discharge proceeded was scoured, but the Indians had g j. The force
moved on, and at about a quarter of - mile from Micanopy. i; , t was passing
a long honimock, a tremendous fire was poured upon the whole coluiini fronj
250 Indians, as was supposed ; their lii'e extending a quarter of a mile. Soon
after Capt. Ashby was severely wounded, but continued in action until com-
[)elled to retire from loss of blood. The firing brought out to their relief two
lompanies from Micanopy, 31 strong, under Lieuts. Talcott and Templ(>, who
•endered very imirartant service. Tlie Indians stood their ground until dis-
odged by a charge, wliich was not until the fight had been considerably pro-

• I have ptihlislicd Mr. Thompson's narrnlive of the affair in my Collection of Indian Nar-
raiivcs— a very proper appendix to this work.

,1;

m'.

'ff' '

472

CREEKS AND CHEROKEE AFFAIR3.

[Book IV

IS.

I '

V '''

h '"

i f

f i

n
it I

tracted. Of the whites 11 were killed and wounded ; of the Indians' loss no
account was obtained.

On the morning of the 8th of August fell Major Williams, near St. Artliur's
Bridge, on his way from Black Creek to Nonardsville. There were 200
Indians, it is said, who did this single act, and although Mr. Williams had a
Bon-in-law with him, he was suffered to escape ; they were so elated tliat they
had killed the man who struck the first blow in this wretched war, that they
thought of no further retaliation at that time. The reader will, doubtless,
readily remember the 19th of June, 1835, and the pai'ailel case of Caf)t.
Chubb.

It is a relief, in pursuing general history, to be able to meet with some
thing besides scenes of blood, but in particular history we are confined to the
course of events, which when they lead us to nothing but the most dreaded
scenes, we have no choice ; we do not make events, only record them. For
a moment our attention will be drawn to the Creek and Cherokee countries.

Much was said about the more nortliern Indians going down into Florida
and joining the Seminoles, and it was even said that the Seminoles had sent
a messenger to tlie shores of the great lakes with invitations to the Indians in
those regions to join them. It may be ti-ue. We are told that Gen. Gaines
did not disbelieve it, but we have never heard that any came down from
tlience. The Creeks were adjacent, and it was easy for them to effect such a
junction. Accordingly, on the 5th of July, a considerable body of tliein v. uS
discovered making their way towards Florida, which the people of Stewart
county, Georgia, endeavored to prevent They followed them about three
days, and had about as many skirmishes with them. The final result was,
each party was glad to be rid of the other. One of the whites was wounded,
and threo Indians were said to have been killed ; the former being satisfied
to display the remainder of their courage on paper.

On the 16th of July, 2,400 Cherokees were shipped at Montgomery, Ala-
f^ma, for tlie Arkansas. In such a vast assemblage of people, forced from
the land of their fathers, it would be veiy strange if there were not some who
should show an unwillingness to go. How such unwillingness had been
manifested we are not iuformed, but at this time " some 12 or 15 " men were
" shackled with heavy irons to prevent their rising." One of them was deter-
mined not to submit to such felonious indignity, and, wrenching himself from
the grasp of his tormentors, seizes a club, and knocking down one with a
blow on the head, gives the war-whoop and attemi)ts an escape. Alas ! his
struggle is fraught with certain death ; he is shot down, and instantly expires.
Another is pierced with a bayonet, lor what no mention is made ; he dies in a
few hours arter. On the evening of the same day three had escaped from
those who guarded them. Soon after one was retaken, brought in in a cart,
and as he was thus conveyed along the streets, he cut his own throat, and
expired without a groan ! To such deeds of desperation does this work of
expulsion lead.

About the 2d of August, a small pait^ of Indians struck a small settlement
on the Oscilla River, which flows into Appalachee Bay, and about 40 miles
from TaMahassee, killed two men, took a boy, and burnt a house. Collecting
what spoil they could, they decamped ; but being immedi <tely followed bj
CapL Fisher's company, they abandoned the boy and plunder, and secured
themselves in a honnnock, and the whites marched back victorious.

On the IGth of this month, Major Pierce, with 110 men, marched from
Gary's Ferry to att ck a body of Indians, who, he had learned, were in pos-
session of Fort Drane. He was fortunate enough to come upon them imdis-
covered, but sucii was the alertness of the Indians, that they escaped with
small loss; 4 or 5, being badly wounded, fell into the hands of the whites,
who, to add lustre to their exploit, barbarously put some of them to deatli.
Osceola was there, and to his sagacity we may impute tlia small success of
his enemies.

On the 15th of September we meet with a melancholy account of depre-
dations. At 10 o'clock in the morning of this day, a Mr. Hipginbotham
nrrivod at Jacksonville from his late resi('tnce at Cedar Swamj), adiuanco of
7 miles, without a hat and almost exhausted. His house had been attacked

Chap. XV'III]

BATTLE OF SAN FELASCO.

473

at daybreak by a party of Indians. H« had two men and nine guns, vvitli
wliicli before lie lell they iiad been able to silence the Indians. A number
of citizens uninediately volunteered, and inarched for the scene of action,
under Major Hart. Tlioy Ibund Mr. Iligginbotham's family salie, and firing
liaving been heard the night before in the direction of a Mr. M'Corinick'8,
they proceeded there, and found it had been burnt down ; and its ruins were
yet smoking. Among them they found the remains of a human being. This
was IB miles from Jacksonville. Thence following the Lidiana' trail, they
came to the house of Mr. Lowder, 7 miles farther. It was abandoned by its
owners but very recently, as fire was still burning in the kitchen. Here tiie
Indians had done no uiischief. Proceeding thence, the detachment, in four
miles, came to 3Ir. Spurkinan's, where a tragedy was oj)ened to their view.
They ibund Mrs. Johns, who had lived in Mr. M'Cormick's house, her scalp
taken off, and dreadfully wounded with two bullets ; yet she was alive, and
able to communicate the particulars of the horrid tragedy through which she
had passed. She and her husband were about 20 yards from their own door
when they discovered the Indians emerging from the comer of a fence close
by them. They ran for the house, entered it, and closed the door ; at the
same moment the Indians fired on the house, and shortly after they hailed them
in English, and told them if they would come out they should not be hurt.
They not choosing to trust them, the Indians next looked through between
the logs of the houst', and ordered them, in a peremptory manner, to come
out, but they Ptill refused, and begged for their lives. The India"- lien
charged the house, burst open the door, shot Mr. Johns through t'- iieail,
and Mrs. Johns as before related ; he tell dead, and she fell upon his body.
An Indian then seized her, and dragged her out of the house, and soon after
dragged her in again ; and afler tearing the band and comb from her hair,
applying his scalping-knife to her head, and fire to her garments, left her ; and
to make a more sure mark of his vengeance, he next set fire to the house,
and then they all drew off. Tiiey carried away a portmanteau containing
100 dollars, and every thing else they thought of any value. As soon as they
were out of hearing, the wretched woman raised herself up and crept from
the burning building; saw the body of her husband lying unscalped. She
fainted and fell, again and again, but finallv reached the edge of a swamp not
far distant, where she got some watei", and lay down with ho|)es no greater
than her strength. In this situation she was found by the scout above men-
tioned, and evenfally recovered.

On the mornii.g of tiie 17 September, a party of about 100 Indians came
within a mile of Fort Gilleland, on the Picolata road, took a cart from some
toamiiers, and carried it off a piece, then set it on fire. Col. John Warren
sallied out from the fort with 150 men, in the direction of San Felasco hoin-
mock, where he had reason to bciieve the Indians were posted. One hundred
of his men were mounted, and of his number was a company of artillery,
with a 24 pound howitzer. He could meet with none of tlie Indians that day.
Early the next morning he sent out 8\nea ; but tliey soon returned with no
intelligence of the enemy ; yet so well convinced was he that the Lidians
were at Felasco, that he divided his men into three columns, and mar'-hed on
in order of battle. When they came within aljout three quarters of a mile of
the hommock, they found the Indians in their own peculiar order of battle ;
and they rose up and poured uj)on the whites a sharp though not a destructive
fire. And we have very seldom heard of so much manoeuvring and fighting,
without greater execution, on any former occasion. The battle having lastecl
an hour and a half, but one of the whites was killed, and four or five wound-
ed ; the Indians lo.st none that their enemy were certain of, though they re-
port that they saw a great many fall. In the first of the onset the Indiiuis
made an attempt to turn the left fiank of the Americans, " but were charged on
with spirit and success by Lieut. Col. Mills's command, and ilriven into a thick
oak scrub, who then dismounting and charging on them, drove through this into
the border of the hommock, when the artillery played upon them with consid-
erable effect ; after this they retired to the right, and attempted to turn tiiat
wing, but a charge from Copt. Walker and Lieut. Bruten'.-^ conunand, drov(s
them within tlie range of the artillery again, wiiich opened npon them witi
40*

f; ^i

''l.

474

BATTLE OF SAN FELASCO.

[Book IV

great effeot." Tliey mo-le several desperate attempts to maintain tlieir posi
lion, and charged twice on the artillery, but were beaten oft" at all points, and
began a retreat. They were pursued a mile and a half into a dense liom-
mock, and then abandoned. Thus ended the battle of San Felusco Iloni-
tnock, as it was called. The Indians were reckoned at 300 men. Several of
the officers under Col. Warren were highly commended lor their braveiy and
good conduct, in his official account of the battle ; especially Adj. Uilleland,
Cupt D. D. Tompkins of the artillery, Cupts. Ueekmau, Walker, and Ward,
Lieuts. liruten and Hindly.

About this time, tiie distinguished Creek chiefs, Paddy Carr and Jim Boy,
arrive in F'lorida, with UoO of their warriors, to assist in subduing the Semi-
uoles.

On or before the 28 September, about 50 Indians, sujjposed to be Creeks,
attacked a house, near Orange Pond, and killed a Mr. Uptegrove and his wife.
She at lirst escaped from the house, but they pursued her, overtook and killed
lier. A Mr. Hunter, living in the same house, escajjcd to n pond, and by
buiying himself almost entirely in water for 24 hours, they supposed him to
be drowned ; by which ai'tifice he presei"ved his lile.

The next day, namely, September 2Utn, Col. Lane landed at Tampa, with a
ibrce of whites and friendly Lidians, from A])alachicola. Hearing that the
Lidians were committing depredations in the neighborhood, he nuirchod im-
mediately, with 12 mounted men and 100 Indians, to beat up their quarters.
A rapid march of 12 miles brought tliem to Lidian River, where they discov-
ered the enemy on the opposite side. The friendly Creeks had not come up,
and though there were near 200 Indiana to oppose them, yet they engaged
them, and for 15 minutes the skirmish was sharp and obstinate. The Creeks,
under Muj. Watson, now arrived, and the Seminoles began to relax ; they,
however, maintained their order for a mile and a half, when they separated
and fled in every direction, and night ended the pursuit. This battle was on
the 30 of September, alter which the colonel returned with his coniniand to
Tampa. An act of self-devotedness occurred in this fight, not of a very com-
mon character on record : A Mr. Kelly was standing near Col. Lane, wlien he
obsei-ved an Indian taking deliberate aim at him ; having just discharged hia
own gim, he saw no chance of saving the life of his commander, but by re-
ceivmg the ball himself, which he did by instantly throwing himself between
him and the Indian. Kelly received the ball and fell ; happily he was not
moitally wounded.

On the 10 of October, Col. Lane set out on another expedition from Tam-
pa, and, on the 14th, after a march of 50 or (50 miles, he came in full view of
Oloklikana, or Spotted Lake, which stretched oft' to the north as far as the
eye could reach, dotted here and there with beautifully-wooded islands.
Here they fell upon a fresh trail, and soon after a village, but it was aban-
doned. In another direction their trail led them to a ford, 200 yards over,
which they passed by wading and swimming, — having left their horses be-
hind, — beyond which they came to extensive cornfields, some cattle and
ponies, and a village ; but no Indians yet. Passing the village, the trail led
to a marsh, near a mile in extent, covered with soft mud and water ; but it
was no barrier to the Creeks, and they dashed into it at once, and were fol-
lowed by the whites. They were often waist high in mud, fioni which hav-
ing extricated themselves, found they had reached a fine island, and the trail
still continuing southerly. Here were a village, domestic animals and uten-
sils, and the scalps of several white people. Not far from hence they came
to another village, which, with the former, contained above a hundred houses.
Another half mile brought them to the shore of a pond, skirted with a thick
SI 111!). i)f near three fourths of a mile in extent. Here the Seminoles had
matle a stand, and began the attack by a volley of rifle-balls. A fight, now
begun, was kej)t up for about half an hour, when a charge from the Creeks
put them to flight, and they were soon covered by a hommock, antl were
followed no farther. But one of the whites was wounded, and whether any
of the Creeks were killed or wounded, we are not told hy their white as-
sociates. Of the loss of the enemy, they of coinse knew nothing, which
no doubt amounted to the same. The whites destroyed about a hundred

i^ W * » WP ii "

Chap. XVIIl.]

GOV. CAI.I- IN COMMAND.

475

cattle and hogs, and they rcitumed to Fort Drnne, with about 400 mote, on
the hhh.

Witli this exi)edition terminated the career of an active and valuable offi-
cer. Col. Lane complained some of a brain fever, and being left alone in lie
tent of Capt. Golf ibr a few minutes, was found by him, on his return, expir-
injf on his own sword. It was supposed he had fallen on it accidentally, in
a fit of dizziness; or that in a moment of intellectual al>erration, arising from
the nature of his illness, he had been his own executioner. This occurred
til the 5i(itli, and cast a deep gloom over the whole army.

A lew days previous to this. Gov. Call wrote to the secretary of war, in-
forming him that he had taken the general command in Florida, and that
Gen. Jesu]) had, "with great magnanimity," declined it; but that he had pro-
posed to serve under him as a volunteer Some entertained high expecta-
tions at the present prospect, and others expressett no fiivorable opinion of
the result of Gov, Call's assumption. Both were common gratuities; and it
would have been singula*, indeed, if neither had eventuated in lavor of the
prophet

On the 28th, Gov. Call commenced active operations. He marched from
the Suanee, at Old Town, with 1,375 men, in high hopes of speedily jnitting
an end to the war. The route to Fort Drane was taken, on which seven In-
dians were killed. Whether they were warriors, old men, women, or chil-
dren, no mention is made. They reached Fort Drane, October 1st, where the
fires of the Indians were still burning. Had it not been for a faithful spy,
Osceola and his Mikasaiikies would have fallen into Gov. Call's hands. Here
he waited until the evening of the 6th, to be joined by Maj. Pierce, who was
to supply him with provisions ; which he effected with no ordinary efforts,
having marched 66 miles in two days, viz., from Black Creek.

With a supply of 8 days' rations, a move was made for the "Cove of the
Ouithlacoochee." On the way they fell in with an encampment of Mikasau-
kies, "killed 13 men, who did not fire a shot, took 4 women prisoners, and 8
children." From these they learned that tlie Negro Town was but 3 miles
above them. Col. Gill Was despatched thence with 300 Tennessee volun-
teers, on the morning of the 13th, but could not reach the town from the
depth of water in the creek before it. He accordingly returned with loss ;
having had 3 men killed, and 7 woimded. Among the former was Indian
Billy, an interpreter, in much esteem by the whites. He was brother-in-law of
Charles Emathla, of whose tragic death we have before given an account.

The main body marched to the river, which was so overflowed that its width
was 250 jards, and could not be crossed. The Indians appeared on the op-
posite bank, and fired upon them, wounding Maj. Gordon, though slightly.
Here the expedition was at an end; the army being obliged to retreat to Fort
Drane for supjilies. At Gen. Gaines's battle-giound they fell in with CoL
Lane, as he was returning from his exi)edition, just recorded.

Little seems to have been done, or attempted, after this, imtil abotit the
middle of November. On the lltli of that month, the army, consisting of
2,100 men, marched once more from Fort Drane for the Ouithlacoochee. At
this time the river was 220 yards wide ; yet it was passed on the 13th, though
at great peril, four of the regulars being drowned in the way. The anny had
now arrivecl at the " Cove," where Indians were expected to be found ; hut
none were visible, and it appeared that the place had been some time aban-
doned ; yet trails were discovered, leading into Ochlawaha and the Wahoo
Hwamp. The left division, under Gen. Armstrong, met with no opposition in
crossing the creek to the Negro Town. It was crossed by Col. Trawsdale'a
regiment. Instead of one town, they foimd two, and burnt them both. Here
tliey found an old negro, who told them the Indians had gone to the Wahoo
Swamp. He said, also, that when the Tennessee volunteers made an attempt
U])on the place the previous month, they killed 46 Indians. This was no
doubt said to flatter their vanity, for we have no account that half that number
of guns Avere fired at that time.

Gen. Call now made di'^positions to pursue the Serninoles. with certainty
of success. Col. Pierce, with 250 regulars, the Creek Indian right, and Col.
Warren's mounted men, were to pass o>;c of the Cove by the only practicable
outlet in tliat direction, and, after exploring the coantry south and west of the

::i.v

> l|

476

BATTLES OF THE VVAllOO SWAMP.

[Bdui IV

:-r-. >

■,1

K'HM

nver, to reunite with the main army, about the 19th or 20tli, near Dade's bat-
tle-ground ; the general, meanwhile, to ninrch by the river in the direction
of tlie Wulioo, witii the Tennefasee brigade, two companies of artillery, and
the Florida foot. Both diviHions marched on the lOth. On the 17th, about
noon, a large party of the enemy was discovered by the main body, encamped
near a honunock. Col. Bradford, with the 1st regiment of Tennessee volun-
teers, was inunediately detached to attack them.

Although the Indians were surprised, they made good their retreat to the
hommock, and waited the approach of the troops, who, when dismounting,
received the fire of the enemy. They immedic.ely returned it ; but the In-
dians stood their ground until a charge was made, which, as usual, put them
to flight They left 'M of their dead, and all their baggage, on the ground ;
and, from traces of blood, a far greater number were supposed to have been
carried off. The number of Indians engaged were said to amount to about
200. The whites had two killed, and 10 or 12 wounded, which, after being
taken care of, the army retreated four miles to.a favorable site, and en-
camped.

On the 18th, the general, having lefl his baggage-train under a strong
guard, marched again, with 550 Tennesseeans, chiefly foot, to the Wahoo
Swamp. At about 3 miles from their camp, they fell upon a large Indian
trail, which led through two dense hommocks, and over two creeks, into a
large field, surrounded on three sides by hommocks. The enemy wt'O re-
treating to gain securer positions whence to begin the attack, leaving their
houses in flames ; at length, making a Etand, the whites immediately ibrnied
tlieir line of attack. The foot, under Col. Trawsdale, were formed in open
order to charge into the hommock, while the horsemen, to the right and It It,
were thrown back to protect the flank, and to act as a corps of reserve. TIk;
columns had not received the word to advance, when a tremendous fire vi.s
opened upon them, along their whole front, from a hommock. They bejiaii
slowly to advance, exchanging shots at short inteiTals. The order litMiij^
given to charge, it was obeyed with iin|)etuosity ; but the Indians did not
break and fly as in times past; tliey stood and fought hand to hand, exchan-
ging life for life, — while at the same time their wings attacked both flanks of
the army, and a small body of about 50 fell boldly on its rear. The battle
had raged nearly half an hour, when a general charge broke and dispersed
them in every direction, leaving 25 of their number dead on the field ; whih;
the whites had but three killed and 18 wounded. 600 Serninoles were said
to have been engaged ui this battle. The hour being late, and the men niiicli
exliausted, the army retreated to its appointed place for the meeting of Col.
Pierce, near Dade's battle-ground.

On the 21st, the army marched, in three columns, into the swamp, the
Tennesseeans and regulars, and Col. Warren's mounted men on the right,
the centre under Col. Pierce, and the Creek regiment on the left. Wlien
they came to the battle-ground of the 18th, they found it in possession of the
Indians. As the Tennesseeans and regulars advanced, a heavy fire was
opened upon them, and they did not answer it until they got into the midst
of the Indians; then chai'ging them, they gave way and retreated.

As soon as the direction of their retreat was observed by a party in reserve.
Col. Pierce, with his division, and the Creek Indians, were ordered to puisue ;
and soon after, Col. Trawsdale witl- his regiment, and Col. Warren with the
Florida horsemen, were sent to suj "^ort them. Unfortunately, the greater
part of the regulars and Tennesseeans, by taking a trail to the right, became
involved in an almost impassable morass, where no horse could move, and
where the men were obliged to wade waist-deep in mud and water. A small
number of Creek wairiors on the lefl, led by CoL Brown, taking a better jiatb,
followed closely upon the enemy, and found them strongly posted in a cypress
swamp. The Creeks charged them with great spirit, and their gallant leatler.
Major Moniac, was killed, as also were several other Creek warriors. It
was soon discovered that this party would be overpowered, and the struggle
was momentarily becoming more and more de8|)erate, when two companies
of Florida militia under Capt Groves and Lieut. Myrick, three companies of
artillery under Maj. Gardner, Capts. Tompkins, Porter, and Lee, and Col.
Waire with his mounted men, coming successively into action, enabled th^

■■W'l'iwMW v.m

Chap. XIX.]

GEN. JESUP AT THE WAHOO.

477

;.-M

en-

Creeks to maintain their ground. Still the figlit was animated ; and it waa
not until nearly all the fon-c of the whites was brought to bear on this |>oint,
that the Indians could be di^slodgcd. Then it would seem they retired more
to give their adversary a chance to retreat, than because they were beaten
themselves. Thus ended the second battle of the VVahoo Swamp, in which
!^5 of Gen. Call's army were killed and wounded, nine being of the ibrmer
number. The Indians loll 10 on the field ; but the whites said they lost ** 50
at least."

The anny having consumed all their provisions, and being very severely
handled, was glad to make the best of its way o'lt of this hostile region; it
accordingly returned to its late encampment at 10 o'clock at night, and the
next day marched for Volusia.

Where Gen. Jcsup was, or what service he was rendering at this period,
and for some time previous, I am uninformed ; biit, on the '2A November, he
arrived at Volusia, with 40O mounted Alabama volunteers. He cume late
from Tampa, and on the way had taken l& negroes, the ibrmer property of
Col. Rees, of Spring Garden, whence they had Iwen carried off by the Semi-
noles. Here Gen. Jesup received orders from the secretary of war, again to
resume the command of the army of Florida. Gov. Call had pretty confi-
dently asserted that, in the campaign now just concluded, he should be able
to finish the war ; but he had only showed the Seminoles that some of his
men could fight as well as Indians, and that others could turn their backs
with equal dexterity. On the whole, if the Indians had been one to a thou-
sand against the Americans, it would be no very difhcult question to settle,
which would be sent beyond the Mis8i88ip|)i. When, in October, the Creek
deputation visited them, to persuade them to submit to terms, Osceola as-
sured them with firmness, that " the Seminoles would never yield — never, he
said ; the land is ours ; we will fight and die upon it." The Chief Harjo was
at the head of the peace deputation of Creeks, and he found Osceola in a great
swamp, on the Ouithlacoochee, having then with him about 3,500 people.

Notwithstanding the severe blows which Osceola had had in tlie Wahoo
Swamp, it yet remained the Narraganset of Florida ; and such were the ac-
counts from thence, that Gen. Jesup determined to proceri there with a
large force. Accordingly, with ten days' provision, he marched on the 12
of December for that point ; but, on reachuig it, no India were found. On
the 17th, he marched for Tampa, taking the course of the Ouithlacoochee in
his route ; and Col. Foster pursued a parallel course on the other side of the
same river ; a single Indian was the result of all this business ; yet no blame
can be attached to those who performed it, for what can men do where there
is nothing to be done ? Something like calculation can be made in marching
against men in a fort or city ; but where it is known that a people remove
their cities and forts as easy as themselves, quite a diflerent calculation ia
required. Ceesar never fought Indians, or he would have reversed lus celct
brated saying, " 'Tis easier to foil than find them."

9i00e

CHAPTER XIX.

EVENTS OF THE WAR DURING THE TEAR 1837.

Expedition to Mnpopka — Osuchef, /cillcd — Jesiip parleys loith the chiefs — Col. Hen
acrson's Expedition — Battle of Lake Monroe — Treaty of Fort Dade — Unob-
served — Osceola at Fort Mellon — J^umhers of the Seminoles — Suddttn abduction of
emigrants — Jesup requests to be relieved from command — Western Indians applied
to — Gen. Hernandez's Expedition — Capture of King Philip — Surprise of the
lichees — Surrender of chiefs — Mediation of Ross — Capture of Osceola and others —
View of the affair— Wild Cat's escape — Battle of Okechobee.

With this chapter we begin the events of the year 18.37. On the 22 of
January, Gen. Jesup put the main body of the army in motion, with the viev»

> tl

478

BATTLE OF IIATCIIEE-LUSTEE.

fHooK IV.

T-

!v!'^?

of attacking atiotlier 8troii^-hol(l of tlie IndiniiH. wliicli he hud learned was
upon the h*-''"! waters of the Okhiwahii. 'J'he next duy lie detaclied LienU
Cul. Cuwhield witli liio nionnted hattuhon of Ahihaniu vohinteerH, Capt Har-
ris's company of marincH, and Maj. Morris's Indiui) warriors, witii his own aid,
i^ient. Cliainliers, to attack Obuciiee, cornnjoniy called the Chief Coouer,
whose rendezvouH was then on the liorders of Ahapopku Lake. Osucliee
was surprised, and, with li of his warriors, killed ; nine women and children,
and 8 negroes taken. Th<! whites h)t*t one Indian, who was mortally wound-
ed. From the captured it wus discovered that the main hody of the Semi
noles had gone southward.

Pursuit was immediately made, and, on the 24th, the army passed a rugged
range of mountains, hitherto unknown to the whites, called, by the Indians,
Thlaxthatkee, or White Moimtains. On the 27th, the Indians were discovered
on the llatchee-Lustec, in and about the "Great Cypress Swamj);" and a
successful charge was made upon them by Lieut. Chambers, with Price's
company of Alabama volunteers, by which 25 Indians and negroes, and their
horsej and baggage, were taken. The cajjtured were chiefly women and
children. Col. Henderson pursued the fugitive warriors into a swamp, and
acroiis the Hatchee-Lustce River, and thence into a more extensive swamp,
where they could not be pursued without great difficulty and more men.
Meanwhile, a messenger had been sent to the general, but he was killed in the
way ; and it was not till another had been sent, that he was iulbrmed how
matters were progressing with Col. Henderson.

Gen. Jesup sent a prisoner to Jumper, on the morning of the 28th, endeav-
oring to get a parley, while he moved on and took a position at L»ike Toho-
pikalega, within a few miles of where it is approached by the Cypress Swamp.
Heie he took some hundred head of cattle. The prisoner sent out to Jumper,
returned the next day, bringing lavorable talks from Alligator and Abraliam ;
and two days after, January Slst, Abraliam visited the general in his camp ;
immediately after, he returned to the Indians, and on the 3 February, brought
along with him Jumper and Alligator, with two sub-chiefs, one a nephew of
ftlieanopy. These chiefs agreed to meet the general at Fort Dade, with other
chiefs, on the 18th following. Jumper and Alligator, it is said, are among
the lust of the descendants of the Yamassees.

To return to Col. Henderson. On receipt of his message, Gen. Jesup or-
dered the disposable force of Gen. Armistead's brigade, Maj. Gorham's infan-
try, and Tustenugge Hajo'& Indian warriors, to move on to his support. They
soon captured two Indian women, and several negroes, in a pine wood, over
a hundred ponies, 50ine plunder, and several fire-arms. The "nain force of
the Indians had fled ; but not having much time in advance, we e soon over-
taken by Maj. Morris on the border of a considerable stream, 20 or 25 yards
wide, in the midst of a swamp. The Indians were in possession of the oppo-
site side, and when the warriors came up, they were fired upon, and a con-
siderable skirmish ensued. The creek was difficult to ford, and the Indians
had passed it by two trees felled from the opposite banks. These afforded a
sure mark for the Indians' rifles, a ver* few of which could stand against
many; but the whites and their Indian allies, being much the more numer-
ous, were able to extend themselves up and down the stream, by which dis-
play the Indians were exposed to a cross fire, and soon began to abandon
their position. The order being now given to cross the creek, Capt. Morris
(major of the 1st Indian battalion) was the first to advance on the log, fol-
lowed by Lieuts. Seaile and Chambers, and Capt. Harris ; Lieut Lee swim-
ming over at the same time. These officers led the van throughout this ex-
pedition, and are mentioned with high encomiums on their conduct. Having
all crossed the creek, the Indians made several stands against them, but were
forced to fly after a few fires. They were followed for a mile or two, and
then the pursuit was given up ; the detachments returning late at night to the
camp oiC the main army. Tlie result of this affair was the capture of 28 nt;-
groes, and Indian women and children. How many warriors were killed, no
certiiin infbriimtio:i could be given ; but some two or three they saw, lying
dead, as they marched along. Of the whites, one was killed at the pa.ssiige
of the creek in the swamp, and three woimded; and in the pursuit another
was killed. Thus ended the aflairs of one day, namely, Januaiy the 27th.

p,f

Chap. XIX

BATTLE OF LAKE MON'UOE.

479

Tlie next afl'uir of importance, which trnnnjtircil in Florida, was the battle
of l^ki; iMonmo. IJrovot r.il. A. C VV. Fanninj^ had Inien Btatioiu-d at that
place, and \\\» ramp there li m the name of the lake. Eaily on the niorninjt
of the 8 February, It)y7, about .'JOO SeininoleH coninienceil firing upon C<>l.
Fanniufi's catnp with great M|)irit. Their right rested on tlie lake abf)ve the
lort ; their lefl on the shore below, and another line extended around their
front. Tliey were taken rather by surprise, many of whom, being new recruits,
scarcely knew what they were alwut ; hut afler wasting a good share of theii
annnunition, being bent on making a noise by some means, they were got un-
der soirie sort of regular modus operandi, and the action became sharp. Mean-
while, Lieut. Thomas received orders to man a steamboat, lying in the lake
under cover of the fort, and to serve a six-pounder, which was on l)oard of
her, u(M)n the right of the Indians. This he was enabled to eflect, and they
were inuncdiately driven from that position ; but they hung upon the right
and front for near three hours, before they would give up the contest. The
brave Capt Mellon was killed near the l)egitming of the fight, and 15 others
Were wounded, some mortally. I'addy Cabr was here with his Creeks, and
Was among the foremost in all danger ; and Col. Faiming gives the names of
many of his officers who distinguished tiicmselves.

Thus, only ten days before the time as-igned to treat with Gen. Jesup, did
the Seminoles give a demonstration of tiie value they set upon a peace with
the whites; but, perhaps, the party whiili attacked Col. Fanning were unac

^uainted with the arrangement. However, through the mediation of the
'reeks, the general got a hearing with IIolatoochee, nephew of Micanopy,
Jumper, Abraham, Little Cloud, and several others, at Fort Dade, on the
5 March. Micanopy sent as excuse tor his non-appearance, that he was old
and infirm. Jumper was inquired of resiM3cting the time the Indians would
be ready to remove, and from his answer, all the world, if they had lieard it
might have known that all the Indians were afler, was to gum time ; lor lift
replied, that they could not l>e ready till fall. The general as promptly re-
plied, tliat "that was out of the question," insinuating also, that if they wished
to gain time by such a manoeuvre, they were mistaken. Jumper sliowp 1
some indignation at being thus suspected, and alter considerable other talk,
the council was adjourned to tlie next day.

Accordingly, they met again on the Gth, with augmented i.umliers on the
part of the Indians ; among whom were representatives of Alligator, Coa-
chochee or Wild Cat, (Philip's son,) his nephew, and Pease Creek John, and
a treaty was drawn u[) and signed. It purported, that hostilities should
from that time cease ; all the Seminoles to remove immediately beyond the
Mississippi ; to give hostages to secure its observance ; all the Indians to go
immediately south of the llillsborough ; Alicanopy to be one of the hostages ;
and, by the 10 April, all were to be ready to remove. To these articles lour
chiefs put their marks, with Gen. Jesup; and we shall see how they were ob-
served.

To keep up the deception, and make sure of the promised rations, the In
dians began to frequent the general's camp, as though in good earnest to
fulfil the treaty. By the 26 March, there were there, or had been there, the
chiel's, Yaholoochie, (Cloud,) Jumper, Abraham, and Tigertail; and the
principal chiefs on the St. Jonn's, Tuskinnia and Emathla, (Philip,) had sent
word that they would emigrate if Micanopy said so, and Abiaca (Sum Jones)
had been invited by Philip to go to Micanopy to arrange for a removal. Abi
aca being chief of the Mikasaukies, his acquiescence was thought of no little
consequence. About this time, it was reported that Yaholoochie was com
mander-in-chief at the battle of tlie Wahoo Swamp, and that ^sceola had
been deposed for cowardice in that action. On the 18 March, Micanopy
signed a written acknowledgment of, and acquiescence in, the treaty of the
6tli ; and Gen. Jesup seemed quite sure the war was at an end. Neverthe-
less, about this time a circumstance occurred which much alarmed the In-
dians, and whether feigned or real, answered the same end. A report was
circulated among them, that as soon as Gen. Jesup had got a suflScient num-
ber into his power, he would handcuff and ship them for Arkansas. Thus
matters were retarded and moved slow. And, besides, Philip, chief of the

,(■!'!

fWy

J.,

480

OSCEOLA UUEAKS UP GEN. JESLiP'S PROSPECTS. [Book IV

!:^:

r;j' i''-\

ToliopkolikiPH, lind Itepiin to hIiow liimNclf ngnin, nnd remained in iiis strong-
liold with 400 men. 'I'IiIh miii'ii lesHened tlie cuntideiict ^t' tiie geiierul, and
lie Imgun to make preimratioiiH lor uggresHioutt. Murders were also almost
daily committed in Home direction.

Ilo\vev(!r, hy the 1 May, Osceola* had come in to Fort Mellon, Lake Mon-
roc ; and, by the 8th of that month, there were aottemhlcd there, and in the
intmcdiate neighborhood, not less than 3,50U men, women, and childreti, to
whom about 1,U00 rations had been iHHue(l. Many, if not all the chiefs, had
lil)erty to come and go as they ])leaHed, and this could not be objected to ; in
the first place, Ixicause they were to bring in their ])eo|)le, and liorHcs and
cattle, to Im3 ready to remove ; and, in the next place, had an attempt Im-cu
made to detain them, all that could would have run away, and it woultl have
l)een very ditHcult ever to have got them again, llcnct!, in this view of the
matter, — anil we can take no other of it, — a difierent course would have led at
once to a ruin of what appeared to have been so well begun ; whereas, by
that adopt«;d, there was some prospoct of success. Tlierelbre, it is ]>lain that
those who condemn Gen. Jesiip tor his policy, speak unadvisedly.

While the Indians were at Fort Mellon, much inlbrmation was gathered
from them, relative to their numbers and condition. Maj. Gardner said he
WIS assured there were !2,.500 Seminoles then able to bear arms, and Col.
Harney's intbrtnation confirmed that conclusion.

All things seemed to promise success to Gen. Jesup's efTorts, and he
became by the end of May tpiite confident that the war wos at an end.
Osceola had slept in the tent of Col. Harney, and gi^ut confidence seems to
have taken the place of mutual distrust. 'J'lie general felt quite assured that
Osceola would be of great service in bringing in his countrymen, nnd bel()re
the nuddie of May he had lying at Tampa 24 transports to take ofi' the
Indians ; but to his great astonisliment, on the morning of the lid of June,
he found tiiat nearly all of them had fled into their own wilds and fastnesses.
And thus the edifice that had been so long in building had been swept away
in one night. Osceola had b*ien some time absent, and had returned with
200 Mikasaiikics, and compelled such as were not willing to leave, to go off
with him. Micanopy said he had agreed to emigrate, and would do so, and
being told that he might choose between compliance and death, he said, " Kill
me here then — kill me quickly," but he was forced upon his horse and driven
off. Jumper had sold all of his horses, and was forced to march on foot.

Thus itodd the affairs of Florida in the beginning of June, 18;}7. The
Indians were sure of a truce till fiill, a\ lien they would be again in a condition
to fight with a better prospect of success than ever. Many of the forces of
the whites had gone home, and many were quite as inefficient as though they
were there also; as sickiiess had begun to prevail, and ten'or and dismay
were fast spreading in every direction of that ill-fated land. The general hail
done every thing he could do, or that any other man in like circumstances
could have done, but that did not save him from slanderous tongues ; and on
the 5th of the same month he wrote to the secretary of war, requesting to be
relieved from the command in Florida ; but his request was not granted.

An account of the state of affairs in Florida having reached Washington,
the secretary of war, on the 22d of July, issued orders for enlisting the western
Indians to fight the Seminoles ; namely, 400 Shawanese, 200 Delawares and
100 Kikapoos, which were soon after carried into effect ; and in September
followuig, there had arrived in Florida upwards of 1,000 southern and western
Indians, ])repared to act in conjunction with their white allies against the
Seminoles.

The first affair oi importance in the fall campaign of 1837, was the expe-
dition to Dnnlawtcii, Tomoka, and the Uchees, under Gen. Heniandcz. That
officer was at Fort Peyton, seven miles south of St. Augustine, on the 4th of
September, when four negroes, which had belonged to Major Heriot, came
in nnd delivered themselves up, and informed that many Indians were en-
gaged south of Tomoka, nnd east of the St. John's, preparing cooiiti, (zamia.)
Preparations were inunediately made for an expedition in that direction, and

* Some wrote Os-sin-yali-liolo, oihers Assinyohola, but Osceola has obtained.

t_=-

Chap. XIX ]

BOSS'S MF.DIATION.

4SI

a force ninrclii>«l from thence on the 7th, nnHor Lir-iit. Peyton, who volnn-
teered to take the U'w\ on thiM orcimion. It conMiHti-ii of 170 men, nnii tlif
hiime eveninj; they reached KwIow'.m, 3!) miles from Fort I'eyton. ll»Te, on
the 8th, at ilayli^'ht, four other negroes f^ave thitimelveH np, who had lM>h>iip'<l
to the same master, and at the name time there carne along with them an
Indian negro, named John, a HJave of King Philip, who hud run away, on
accoinit ot' an attachment to liitt maHter''s squaw, lie was made to act as n
L'Midf. S|)ie8 were sent ont, who soon retnriied with the information that
then; was an encampment of Indi.ins at Dnnlawton. This it was determined
to heat up, and Lieiits. Peyton and Whitchenst were detached for the pur-
pose, and ut midniglit they tell upon them with complete success; capturing
the whole party, except a son of Philip, a lad of 18, who made his escape.
None were killed or wounded on either side. The whites were much elated
nt this capture, having tbimd that they had taken the arch King Philip, — who
had laid waste this part of the coimtry in the Iteginning of the war, — Tomoku
John, and several others, women and children.

On examining Tomokn John, the gentral learned that at al>out 10 inile„
from thence was a company of some 8 or 10 Uchees, muler Ucliee Hilly, and
Philip confirmed his statement It was resolved, without loss of titne, to sur-
prise this enca>nnment also. Accordingly, 40 men marched out, with John
for a guide, and here also the surprise was com|»lete, with the exception of
one man, who escaped under cover of night. But they did not find the
I'chees entirely unprepared, and in their resistance they mortally wounded
Lieut. M'Neill, a ])roinising young officer. Two Indians were killed, tlircB
wniuided, and 1(5 captured. Among the latter was Uchee Billy, whose cap-
ture was viewed of no small consequence. In all 5 chiefs were captured
(luring the expedition, making a total of 1)4 Indians and negroes.

Before the month expired, a son of Philip (prohably he who escaped ot
Diudawton) came with four others to St. Augustine, with a flag ; but they
were no sooner come than Gen. Hernandez ordered them into confinement
We have no other particulars, and whether the general had good reasons for
such a step, take not upon us to say. It appears that the whites in gencnd
were determined to have the Indians, some how or other, and this seems to
have been an earnest of what was aflerwards enacted. John llix, or llext,
(Tuckebatche Hajo,) who was supposed to have l)een killed in an encounter
near a year ago, came into Fort King on the 3d of August, and on the 7th
there arrived at Black Creek, Coahajo, Yahajo, (brother-in-law of Osceola,!
ond Honese Tustunnuggee. These captures and surrenders gave great en-
couragement to the peo])le, and they again counted on a total emigration in
n short time.

On the 20th of October, as Lieut T. B. Adams was escorting an expre; s
from Tampa to Fort Foster, he fell in with and took three Indians. One was
a prominent chief of Pease Creek, named Holachta-Mico-chee, Hac-te-hal-
chee, a sub-chief, and one warrior.

At the same time was prepared at Washington a very sensible talk, by the
chief of the Cherokees, John Ross, which was to be sent to the Semino es ;
in which he ardently expressed himself for their welfare, and strongly urged
upon them the necessity of coming to a settlement with the whites, and the
utter impracticobility of continuing in war, with the least prospect of success.
This Mr. Ross undertook, by the consent and with the advice of President
Jackson, and four trusty Cherokees were soon after despatched with it to
Florida. It was addressed to Micanopy, Philip, Coacoocftee, (Wild Cat.)
Osceola, and other chiefs and warriors, and signed KOOWESKOOWE,
alias John Ross, and a commendatory article, by seven of his head men.

This deputation met the Seminoles in their country, and held a talk with
Soin Jones, at the head of 300 Mikasaukies. Nothing seems to have been
finally settled, but Abiaca (Jones) said he would treat with the whites if they
would not use him ill. However, before this negotiation began, the Semi-
noles hud met with the saddest blow of any, before or since ; eight more of
thoir principal men had fallen into the hands of Gen. Jcsup, among whom
was Osceola himself. This came about as follows : —

About the 18 October, Osceola sent a message to Fort Peyton, that ha
41 2F

■: -P

P; '-.

h t

482

CAPTURE OF OSCEOLA.

[Book IV

wished to have a talk with Gen. Hernandez, and stated that he was but a few
miles from there. He had not even ventured thus far, had not the snare been
laid by the commander-in-chief of the whites, who, it must ever hereafter
be allowed, displayed as much of the Indian in the matter, as Coacoochee had
done before, in the abduction of old Micanopy and others, when the general
had them nearly ready for Arkansas. For this act of Coacoochee, the gen-
eral had determined to be revenged ; and he declared, " if he (Coacoochee)
liad been a white man, he would have executed him the moment he came
into his hands." Now we have seen that he did, some time before this, lall
into his, or Gen. Hernandez's hands. He was the one sent out, or, as the
general says, allowed to go out, at the recpicst of old Philip, his liitljer. He it
was that brought about this overture of Osceola, which proved so fatal to him,
aa in the sequel will be seen.

The Indians, having come as near Fort Peyton as they dared, sent word for
Gen. Jesup to come out and talk with tliem ; he returned them no answer,
but ordered Lieut. Peyton to get them into the fort if he could, and then to
seize them. But in this he could not succeed, and Gen. Hernandez was sent
out with 200 men, and commenced a pailey with them. Gen. Jesup re-
mained in the vicinity of Fort Peyton, and ordered the lieutenant of the fort
to proceed to the treaty-ground, to iearn whether the Indians " answered Gen.
Hernandez's questions satisliictorily or not." He soon returned, and reported
that the answers were "evasive and unsatisfactory;" whereupon he ordered
Maj. Asliby to captiu'e them, which, with the aid of Hernandez, was done,
without the discharge of a gun on either side. Seventy-five Indians were, by
this manoeuvre, taken with loaded rifles in their hands, disarmed, and con-
fined in the fort; and thus ended this "brilliant" affiiir, which took place on
the 21 October, 1837.

The names of the principal chiefs "grabbed" in this "haul," were, as the
interpreters gave them, Yoso-ya-hola (Osceola,) Coahajo (Alligator,) Pow-
AS-HAJO, John Cavallo, who had been a hostage with Gen. Jesup, No-co-
so-siA-HOLA, Emathla-Chamy, Co-hi-lo-lue-hajo (Doctor,) and IIaStono-

HICO.

Severe animadversions have been indulged in, upon the conduct of Gen.
Jesup, in thus seizing Osceola and his companions. We have not time nor
space for an examination of what has and may be urged for and against the
measure. We have followed the general's own account of the afliiir, and
must leave our readers to judge for themselves upon its justness. One re-
mark, however, may not be unimportant, as it may assist in a just decision of
the question. The general has said, that, inasmuch as the Lidians had gi-oss-
ly deceived him on a former occasion, he would use any means to get the
chief actors in tiiat dece])tion into his hands ; and we have seen how the mat-
ter was managed to eflect that object. Now, when Indians fight Indians,
whatever advantage is gained by circumvention, of one party over another,
is just, according to the laws which govern their moires of warfare ; but it is
a rare circumstance that a party is attacked when coming to another with
the offer of peace. We are now considering the whites on equal footing witli
the Seminoles ; lor we see no other ground that this act of seizure can, in any
way, be justified. The general asserts, what we do not clearly discover, that
Osceola did not come to treat of peace, hut came mider that pretence, " false-
ly," expecting thereby to get some white officer into his j)owcr, with whom
he might purciiase the liberation of Pliilip. But, as has been obsened, we
do not see suflicient evidence of such a plot, to authorize the " gnil game,"
as some of the classical editors termed it, which was played by the generaL
Much, however, might be added in extenuation of his conduct ; he had been
a long time in Florida, exerting himself to the utmost to acconi,)lish the
wretched business forced upon him ; he had been bafiled and i()iled bj- the
Indians, and derided and shamefiiiiy treated by some of his own cotmtrymen.
He was now determined to do somctiiing, and he pcrlbrnicd this signal act
^vhen nobody expected it, and his enemies were at once out upon him,
becaiisc he had acted like the people he was among. No blood was
BJied; but a very imi)ortant service was performed. On the whole, we can-
not condemn Gen. Jesup, but rather the policy that i)laced him where he

Ch\p. XIX.]

BATTLE OF OKEECHOBEE LAKE.

483

was. Of tins we have distinctly spoken in an earlier page, and must waive a
'iirther cxuiiiination.

Oil the 'jy Octol)er, 29 " Indians, squaws, and negroes," were captured near
Fort Peyton; and, on the 25th, a family of 5 more were taken. They were
conveyed to St. Augustine, and imprisoned, where there now were 147 in ail,
111 coiifiuement. Great preparations had been made to pursue the Indiniis
with vigor, and forces had come in from various quarters, so that by the first
of December, there were at the various posts in Florida, 8,J)93 men, of whom
4,G37 were regulars, 4,078 voluuieers, 100 seamen, and 178 friendly Indians.

Amid all these preparations and watchings, the noted chief Coacoochee
(Wild Cat) made his escape from St. Augustine, with 17 warriors and two
squaws. Thus the fellow whom Gen. Jesup looked upon with such distrust,
had, somehow or other, outwitted his keepers, and joined Sam Jones in his
unknown retreat.

The next event which comes within the line of our design, was one of the
most sanguinary which has hai>pened since this war began, with the excep-
tion of that ill which Maj. Dade and his command were cut ofi! This was
the battle of Okeechobee Lake, between a large Indian force under Abiaca
and Alligator, and Col. Z. Taylor at the head of about GOO men ; the particu-
lars of which are as follows : —

Col. Taylor marched from Fort Gardner on the 19 December, 1837, and,
following the meanderings of the Kissimmee River, arrived on the third day
at a point on its bauks, 15 miles above its entrance into Lake Okeechobee,
which name is said to mean Big Water. Here he learned from a prisoner,
who had fttllen into his hands, that Alligator, "with all the war spirits of the
Seminoles, Sam Jones, and 175 Mikasaukies," was encamped about 25 miles
off, on the east side of Lake Kissimmee. Crossing the river, the colonel left
Capt. Monroe, with his company, the pioneers, poiitooneers, and a large por-
tion of liis Delaware warriors, who declined proceeding, from lameness, oc-
casioned by their feet and legs being badly cut with the saw-palmetto. The
next day, taking the captured Indian as a pilot, he moved on with the rest of
his force. After passing several cyiiress swamps and dense hommocks, he
reached the vicuiity of the Indians' encampment, on the morning of the 25tlu
Here they were found in one of the strongest places, as well as most difficult
of access, of any before known in Florida ; but between 12 and 1 o'clock
the conflict commenced. The main body of the Indians were posted in a
homniock, from which they poured such a destructive fire upon the volun-
teers, that they were obliged to fall back. They formed in the rear of the
infimtiy, who, coming now into action, "sustained one of the most destruc-
tive fires ever experienced from Lidians." But they jiressed forward, and
gained the hoinmock ; the struggle continuing more than an hour, which was
sustained with difficulty on the part of the whites, the Luiiaiis at one time
nearly breaking their line ; they were, however, finally routed and driven ut
every point, leaving 10 of their dead on the field, and numerous traces of
blood where others had been dragged away. It was reported afhuwards, by
the Lidians themselves, that they lost 20 in all ; and yet this story of blood is
not half told. Col. Taylor had 28 killed, and 111 wounded! Every olHccr
of four companies, with one excejition, and every orderly serg{!aiit of tli<!
same companies, were killed, and tiie sergeant major was mortally woiuulod.
Col. A. R. Thompson, of the Gth U. S. infantry, received three morUil woumls
nearly at the same time* Adjutant J. P. Center, Capt. Vauswearingfii, and
Lieut. F. J. Brooke, of the same corps, were killed outright ; Col. Gentry, of
the Missouri volunteers, was killed by a shot through the imdy, the same hall
wounding his son in the arm. Such was the issue of the disastioim battle of
Lake Okeechobee, which served two ends ; one of which was to reducL' the
number of Indians in o])position, and to teach the survivors that the whittH
could and would fight No prisoners wcie taken, but some 2U0 hortics and
cattle were found.

Skirmishes on a smaller scale continued. Gen. Nelson, of the Georgia
volunteers, fell in with a few Indians on the Siianei;, on the 2() Deceniher, at
a place called Waciisape, and we piesunie. judging from iiiilircct iniijrma-
tion, (Mime off second best His horse was killed under him, and he lost his

■m

i.ii

484

FIGHT AT JUPITER INLET.

[Book IV

(icutcnnnt, and three horses, and a man or two wounded. He took one In-
diiin and a negro ])risoners, and one Indian was reported to have been killed.
About tlie same time, there was a fight at Charlotte Harbor, in which five
J'ldiuns were killed, and nine taken. Lieut Harding was dangerously wound-
ed. And a day or two after, Capt. Winder, with 30 dragoons, surprised and
took seven men and 23 women and children, about 40 miles south of Fort
IVIcLane, and near Fort McNiell ; and 20 miles south-west of Fort Hai-ney,
he took 29 more, among whom was a sister of Coahajo. Such were tlie
important operations in Florida, during the year 1SC7.

•^etMes^

CHAPTER XX.

EMBRACING THE EVENTS OF 1838 AND 1839.

Battle or Wacasa Swamp — Defeat of Lieut. Powell — Battle or Lucha
Hatche — Gen. Jcsup icounded — Death ok Osceola — His charatter — Gen. Jesup
desires to give vp the war, and allow the Indians to live in Florida — JVot allmced
by the government — His talk with Toskeoee — Indians seized at Fort Jupiter —
lien. Jesup leaves Florida — Death of Philip and Jumper — Capt. Ellis's exploit —
Indians surprise Capt. Beall — Families murdered — Crews of vessels murdered —
Death of Mdshalatubee — Camp Forbes attacked — Numerous murders — Capt.
Russell and Maj. Jfuel killed — Capt. Rowell defeated — Gen. Macomb takes com-
mand in Florida — Endeavors to make a treaty — Lieut. Huibert killed — Reward for
Indians — Massacre at Colooshatchic — Indians surprised at Fort Mellon — Murders
on the WactjJJa — Bloodhounds to be employed against the Seminoles — Depredations
continue.

New year has come, but not a "happy new year" to Florida; for its first
day had only passed, when the sound of the rifle is heard in its desolate
coasts, followed by the groans of the wounded and dying. Brig. Gen. Charles
Nelson, Avith a brigade of Georgia volunteers, being charged with the defence
of Middle Florida, was, on the 2 Jaiiuary, scouting in the vicinity of Wacasa
Swamp, near Fort Fanning, when he discovered Indian signs leading to said
Bwamj) : following them up, he was f.ercely attacked as he approached it,
and immediately the fight became obstinate, and lasted near three hours. At
5 o'clock, P. Mt the Indians dispersed, caiTying off their killed and wounded.
The whites suffered severely; but they claimed a large victory, havmg cap-
tured " ]5 men and children," and a chief named Chickachoo. Col. Foster,
who commanded the left wing, was shot down, but his wound proved slight,
Lieut. Jennings was killed. Among the wounded were Col. Ambrister,
slightly ; Serg. Maj. Jones, badly ; Dr. Sheftall of Savannah, badly ; with
several privates.

We now proceed with an account of a s!jarp action, near Jupiter Inlet,
between a force of about 80 men under Lieut L. M. Powell, of the navy, and
a body of Indians under Toskegee, in which the whites were defeated, and
suffered severely in killed and wounded. The action commenced about 4
in the P. M., and continued till half past seven at night, of the 15 January.

On proceeding upon a trail, after landing at Jupiter River, Lieut Powell
captured a squaw, whom he made pilot him to the Indian camp, which he
reached after a march of about five miles. He found them prepared for him,
and the war-whoop was immediately raised. The whites "charged them
through a deep swamp," and the fire became general. Lieut Harrison, of
the navy, was soon shot down at the head of his men, who were left without
an officer. Lieut Fowler, of the artillery, was directed to penetrate the
Bwumj) to the right, while the remaining two companies, under Lieut M'Ar-
thur, of the na^7, advanced in line, liy these mniiteuvres the Indians were
driven, or retreated, to a large cypress swomj), 700 or SOO yards in the rear
Here they made a determined stand, and here Lieut M'Arthur was badly
wounded, and Dr. Leitner was killed while in tlie discharge of his duty am

ilWt'i'

'V'mUr,-, J

■ ' m%

■

1 ;

all

Chap. XX ] GEN. JESUP WOUNDED.— DEATH OF OSCEOLA.

485

""liat haste they
'"diiiiis

Bursreoru Nifrht was npproacliiiijr, a, ' the men were falling fast, when Lieut

P:, vvt II onliioil a retrc.i;. l.ioiit l'"'>vv. ^«> sliot down in tlie successful

atttMiipt which ie iiiuk- lo lOvcr the retrc;i ♦hree officers remained

upon thi \r fe«U .-it tht^ ilosc oi' shfi action. 'I'hi

could lo their lM)at.'<. all of w'lji, h they frot off oxci , .

look, containing aniimiintion. (n tliia allair the wt.if. "^

wounded, ui.iny of iht.'Ui scvfi-^ix, and soidh iliico iji-vernl <

lost 4 <ir r>. The ctiiiiiiiai)<><'' 'f- 'hief in this^ cxindiriori. -.i,.

jjcraiimt any enL';ii.'<^d in it, iti in* i-thcitd account; hut an

twict. vvound'Mi ID the fi^'hl. mnI tiio .sailurrj were great cu\''.i

not heeii tiir the company of ii-iillcry under Lieut, i-'inv!' i, who ■•(.v.

retreat, ne>i!i\ all oC ilifUi wnidd have h'cn scalped. As it vvai», ni'

tlie wouudud wrc of di.it lins.-J. Tliis tight was on Lucha Ilatche, or < a'-

tie River.

fjou. .K'lifip. thinking the lud'- .^ hm] jiroliuhly made tlicir hcad-tiuaricr!- f>"
t!ie Ltichu Ilatche, marched v iUi tiic force under his iuiiiieih.'itc comniaiii.1
li'om Fort l.loyd, tu n: the lu .idof the .Sl John, on flic ~'() Januaiy, ii' srr-
whether Lieut. I'ow.d iiad ju,-t cau^■f■ fiir leaviiiff thein in full possc-^ion
there, or not. He caine iir;oji tliem on tiie 2-llh, It iween 11 and J 2 o'l lock.
A. .^1., and if lie had had no 'no-y iir.'ii tiian die lieuu (laat had. it is donhilti]
whether )'n won) i liave uivcn ixf i;in."d an a<T<ii'nt, or liin ■! it* w:'.] ; thoii;.'ii
the fen*:> i' hiniself wi)-. '■ 'ie-i ihc NU->'nf;;)i ot" thi:ir jMtsiTiun w,i.- .-^uch, that
tney o«iuht to hav held a aiiich longer than they did;" yet, in lorcing fi.edt
out of it. he was prcftv S' vereh Viouncicd, with MO of \iir Uien, and 10 kVi-rii
■ ■ ■ "" V •' •.•:!,»<

.A'

killed or 0;nr(.! iy WnifP ' '• ':'■ • '

Ii)rce3 undt«» *^«»»tji'-
third. ,is lirhcr >'" ib> . i i:,
good their retreat withouv itr-'
I'l their enemies of their ii.jvi l<.cahiy.
\Vc nuift now luiii onr atl'-'iiioti, lI
hiucli d)'eade<J, and now no Ic.^.- rcgi-
prison at t"t, Angiii-iinc, in IV vember la.st, from wh;> h itlace he wa«, ►•..nn
alh-r the escape ul" Coagoochek from liieiicc!, sent to C'hurlebton, and con-
fii.ed to the f >rt in th.it harhor ibr safe keeping, until lie should be, with oth-
ers, shipped fijr the west. Hot that time i r
x^iih that aid winch ti'c wOja* ■
Monltri'v of f ••,'*,!■.! I»'V'- ..;ic-.-w

tiu' la.»t tinie, 10 the .-(.ce ft-tui • >:
lt''d, i-li|(;l, (IxCF'.-r.A. We Ifc.'l fO!'.'

•i-r came for him; "iJeath t.'.'itno
He (lied in conlmenieiit at b'ort

l-^]}-. 'J he poi-trait of ( »■'-
- •ijfi .-.i ::tt a i'oward. unci others .-i

knavs: . i iv-''. aad wiihoot reisp.ct

among hia own people; otln r^ have inihu;i!'mi> aided, t;>a! he %%n^ the non
of n ■>■>•';'•.■ f !•!( "J i!ni igh thei.'- <>%\ii hioi...t had liegradeil lorn in ihi> acui': of'
Unni( he en. How th'ti /.</ht tltey to look upon thetnselv,>«;- |)«.ii

hly cjri.i .i , m tliut se.de. OiiKT- pt.rtniv Hif- rhi-, or <» uunuoisureil
terww >t tiduiiiHtion ; making him the gr< atest ofiha !«, iii%«>t . d' coiuiwllors,
tiw\ iniivesl of Av.irriors. \\'e atlir.'n to neither. The iircumstaiice of hfK
King hetter known wIhmi the war !» gan, than odier chiefs, gave hini a ce-
i'.'hrityor noiririety which ids deed?; did rmt claim. He iiad lived more anaifi<;
tii<' white people, and henci' \\;i- heff-^r known to them ; arid when a depn -
dation wa.-i '•ommitted. or a hattic fiaiglit. Osceoia w.in the siipiiosfd leader

tl; ■ Indians; .'ind a.s the repnii

« isceoia was Ilie svpmsm leaUer \>'.
■ ciinence.s s|)r("ad, llie siijpo-ifi..,",
■e'lbriiy of Osceoia. Hence it \ <
«!*.> the v(U) ot notoriety, '^hu^. r,'.
, the Hiithdiiiies then ri-!ie«l oiKii
iched ih«i«.j(l!Ki , hilt we ju'c Tin« :..!.

I'.unshed, and thus arose mueji of int

>':«') to sec how ln> came so prra.iineni'

our account of the defeat of M.i] > .

made us say he wits the lender in ih.u \

sincd that fie was at Cfini|. Kmg i/,..; i«ame -l.-y s-'d viiui i!ie chi»;t' Mr'i..r in

That tragi (ly, and hctice could not iiivf (x-eo o d.n "i«lit with .Maj. DmiIc. If

lived near Camp King when ihc v^ar lieiran . i whi.h he reiimved •.> ijy

f^wainp. llv? miles to the souih vv.'st of it.

Jtut Ul' detne-t nothing i'eii tii.; j'h< fitmn of itsrcola. II' Wi'--
':«n, and hi-; luunt! will ;:ii diavn td ♦!' 'atr^r posnnty, wid-
<,. .Jr. I 'd' PuiLiP of l'()k:mok"r. '>■--•. <,% li-tid ,■- -h'o prema-

•iic il;» hands of thee- . ijct ' ..,., .,v me rash murder of one of

ti' .

r'i

Chap. XX ] GEN. JESUP WOUNDED.— DEATH OF OSCEOLA.

485

Eiirgcon. Night was approaching, and the men were falling fast, when Lieut
Powell ordered a retreat Lieut Fowler was shot down in the successful
attempt which he made to cover the retreat, and but three officers remained
upon their feet at the close of the action. Tlie whites made what haste they
could to their boats, all of which they got off except one, which the Indians
took, containing ammimition. In this affair the whites had 5 killed, and 'JO
wounded, many of them severely, and some three several times. The Indiatis
lost 4 or 5. The commander-in-chief in this expedition makes no cnar<,'es
a;;ninst any engaged in it, in his official account ; but an officer, who wa.s
twice wounded in the fight, said the sailors were great cowai'ds, and had it
iKJt been for the company of artillery under Lieut Fowler, who covered their
retreat, nearly all of them would have been scalped. As it was, alwut hu.t
tlie wounded were of tliat class. This fight was on Lucha Uatche, or Tur-
tle River.

Gen. Jesnp, thinking the Indians had probably made their head-quarters on
the Lucha Hatche, marched with the force under his immediate commond
from Fort Lloyd, near the head of the St John, on tlie 20 January, to see
whether Lieut Powell had just cause for leaving them in full posses.sion
there, or not He came upon them on the 24th, between 11 and 12 o'clock,
A. M., and if he had had no more men than tlie lieutenant had, it is doubttiil
whether he would have given as good an account, or fared as well ; though
the general himself says, " that the strength of their position was such, that
they ought to have held it much longer than they did ; " yet, in forcing them
out of it, he was pretty severely wounded, with 30 of his men, and 10 were
killed or mortally wounded Thus had Toskegee handled two considerable
forces under separate commanders, and was doubtless as well prepared for a
third, as either of those for a second ; for he and his men were able to make
good their retreat without loss of time, with their all, leaving conjecture only
to their enemies of their next locality.

We must now turn our attention, for the last time, to the once feared, and
much dreaded, and now no less regretted, chief, Osceola. We lefl him in
prison at St Augustine, in November last, from which place he was, soon
after the escape of Coacoochee from thence, sent to Charleston, and con-
fined to tlie fort in that harbor for safe keeping, until he should be, with oth-
ers, shipped for the west But that time never came for him ! Death came
with that aid which the white man refused ! He died in confinement at Fort
Aloidtrie, of a catarrhal fever, on the 30 .Tanuary, 1838. The portrait of Os-
ceola is difficult to be drawn ; some have made him a coward, and others a
knave ; some have averred that he was but a sub-chief, and without respect
among his own jjcople ; others have indignantly added, that he was the son
of a white man, as though their own blood had degraded him in the scale of
being. It might be so. How then ought they to look upon themselves ? Dou-
bly degraded in that scale. Others portray his character in unmeasured
terms of admimtion; making him the greatest of chiefs, ablest of counsellors,
and bravest of warriors. We affirm to neither. The circumstance of his
being better known when the war began, than other chiefs, gave him a ce-
lebrity or notoriety which his deeds did not claim. He had lived more among
the white people, and hence was better known to them ; and when a depre-
dation was committed, or a battle fought, Osceola was the supposed leader of
the Indians ; and as tlie report of such occurrences spread, tlie supposition
vanished, and thus arose much of the celebrity of Osceola. Hence it is
easy to see how he came so prominently into the van of notoriety. Thu.s, in
our account of the defeat of Major Dade, the authorities then relied upon
made us say he was the leader in that wretched disaster; but we are now a.s-
sured that lie was at Camp King that same day, and was the chief actor in
tiiat tragedy, and hence could not have been in the fight with IVIaj. Datle. 1 In
lived near Camp King when the war began, after which he removed to Loi:;;
Swamp, 12 miles to the south-west of it

But we detract nothing from the just fame of Osceola. He was a great

man, and his name will go down to the latest posterity, with as much renown

as that of Philip of Pokaiioket Both, by fiital errors, were brought jircuiii-

turely into the hands of tiieir enemies ; Philip, bv the rash murder of one of

41*

**f'

486

SEVERITY OF GOVERNMENT.

[Book IV.

his own men, and Osceola by a mistaken estimate of the character of hia
foes.

We return to Gen. Jesiip, whom we left wounded, though safely through
the battle of Luclia Hatche. The next day, January 25tli, he crossed tTie
river, and encamped on Jujiiter Bay, where he erected a stockade, which he
named Fort Jupiter. Here he remained until the 5 February, his men beinj?
destitute of slioes and other supplies. At this period he marched southward,
about 12 miles, when he encamped again ; and here an interview was sought
with tlie Indians. It was now looked upon by the general, as well as all hia
principal officers, as a matter past accomplishment, to subdue the Seminolcs,
" for years to come." It was, therefore, concluded that it would be best to
effect an ( ccommodation with them, and to allow them to retain and live upon
thit part of Florida " where nobody else could live." Accordingly, he wrote
to the secretary of war, on the 11 Februarj', recommending that measure.
In answer, the secretary said, that it was not a question now to be considered
by the president, whether it would be better to let the Indians remain in the
r;oiuitry or not, but that, as a treaty had been ratified, by Mhich tiie Indiana
had agreed to remove, it was his duty to see it executed ; that, therefore, no
arrangements with the Seininoles woirid be allowed, having lor its object
tiieir future residence in Florida. Thus a "veto" was set to the humane
object of Generals Jesup, Eustace, and others, though they were allowed to
make a kind of a truce with them for the ensuing summer, or until the season
would allow the whites to fight tiiem again to advantage.

Meanwhile, Gen. Jesup had moved on slowly, and on the 7th, by means of
messengers which he sent out, got a parley with a young chief, named Ilal-
lec Ilajo. This chief told the general that the Indians were in a wretched
condition, that they were unwilling to leave the countiy, but would be con-
tented with any small portion of it, if they might be allowed to continue in it.
At this stage of the conference, the general (very abruptly we think) demanded
hostages, or a surrender of the arms of the Indians; but the chief gave him
to understand that neither would be done. He then requested a conference
with Toskegce, the principal chief of the band. The next day Toskegee
came, and the interview resulted in an agreement for a meeting at Fort Jupiter,
in ten days from that time. What was done at that fort, or whetlier the gen-
eral ever got "the Indians there or not, he has not told us ; but he says, in his
communication to the secretai-y of war, that " the measure which he adopted
had residted in the peaceable suiTcnder of about 1,200 Indians and negroes,
of whom 319 were warriors. Had any other course been adopted, it is ques-
tionable," he says, "whether 20 warriors could have been killed or taken."

Hence we are to infer, that without gross deception, now-a-days called
stratagem, nothing could be effected, of any account, against the Indians of
Florida ; and what it is probable will be remarked upon hereafler, as worthy
of admiration, is the curious fact, that it had taken the government of the
countiy, and all its officers who had been engaged in Florida, three years to
find it out. An army could march from one end of tliat country to another,
if they avoided its lakes and swami)s ; and dogs could, with equal ease, drive
ail the birds from a rye-field, if there were no brambles in their course ; and
tlie latter of these experiments would be of about as much consequence to
the owner of the rye-field, as the former to the inhabitants of Florida.

TosKEGEK had been })revailed upon to lay down his arms, and come into
tlie strong-holds of the white men, to hold a treaty with them, under the as-
sin*ance that he and his people would be allowed to retain some little part of
their own countrv. But we are told, as the Indians probably were afterwards,
that they would be permitted to remain in Florida, provided the president
would consent to it They had become quite confident that such would be
the fact, for the very good reason, that the officers who made them tnis prom-
ise, were very confident themselves, that it would be acceded to by him. No
other conclusion can be drawn from Gen. Jesup's language, in his communi-
cation to the secretary of war, before alluded to. Speaking of his overtures
for a reservation, he says, " I believed tlicn, and I believe now, that, as com-
mander-in-chief of the anny in the field, I had a right to adopt those measures,
either of direct hostility, or of policy, which promised to be most useful in

Ch4i. XX]

CAPTAIN ELLIS'S EXPLOIT.

487

the end, taking care not to place the uhimate decision of them beyond t}io
control of my official superiors."

Some time had now intervened since proposals had been made, and it is
prolmblu the chiefs had begun to think all was not right ; for wlien, on the
17th March, the general had got his answer from Washington, he notified
them to meet him on the 20th, at Fort Jupiter; they did rot appear; where-
upon Col. Twiggs, by his order, surroimded and captured tiie whole party,
ainiiimting to 513. In a day or two after, negroes enough were taken to make
up 676 ; but in the mean time Passac-mico, a chief, with 14 others, made tlieir
escape.

On the 24 March, Gen. Jesnp detached Halntoochne, Tustenue-cocho-conro,
and the negro chief Abraham, to Gen. Taylor. These were sent out with
messages to their countrymen west of Okeechohce and J'aiiiiiakee, and they
prevailed upon Alligator, with 3(H) Indians and negroes, of whom a hundred
were warriore, to surrender to Col. Smith and Gen. Taylor; and soon aller
Lieut. Anderson captured Pahose-mico, a sub-chief of Toskcgee, with his
band of 47 persons. Major Lauderdale and Lieut. Powell pursued Appiacca,
(Sam Jones,) as Gen. Jesup writes the name, into the everglades, and came
up with him on an island, and dispersed his jmrty.

We have now traced events to the month of April, 1838, in which month
Gen. Jesup was ordered to proceed to the Cherokee country, and leave Gen.
Taylor in command of the forces in Florida. He began operations there in
December, 1836, from which time to that now arrived at, there had been
taken, with thosp -.,.io surrendered, about 2,40f Indians, above 700 of whom
were warriors. Many of the princi|)al chiefs had already been sent out of
the coimtry. King Philip, Cloud, and Coahajo, arrived at New Orleans on
the 12th of March, but the former never reached his j>luce of destination.
King Philip died on board his transport boat in July, 40 miles beiow Fort
Gibson. He was buried on shore with the honors of war; 100 guns being
discharged over his grave. Jumper had preceded him. This chief lan-
guished ibr about two months, at the "Barracks" in New Orleans, when, on
a day memorable in our annals, April the 19th, his spirit took its flight. Ho
was buried under arms with much ceremony. Into his coffin were put his
lifle, pipe, tobacco, and other equipments, agreeable to the custom of his
people. We now return to inquire what is doing in the land whence they
came.

A scouting pnrty of volunteers, under Capt. Ellis, foimd five In.Iians iti a
hommock near Santa Fee luidge, all of whom are killed, without injury to his
own party. This was on the 10th of May. On the I7th of June, as a detach-
ment of about 30 United States dragoons, under Capt. IJeall, were seeking
Indians in the neighborhood of San Felascj, near Ntswiiansville, iliey fell
into an ambush, and seven of their number v ere killed and woiuidid. Among
the former was Capt Walker. They immediately retreated, and were fol-
lowed some distance by the Indians. On the 19 July, the fiiiiiily of a Mr.
Guynn was cut off on the Santa Fee; himself, wife, and infant child were mur-
dered. On the 25th of the same month, a family of the name of Lasley was
broken up on the Ocloknee, 15 or 20 miles from Tallahassee. Mr. Lasley
and a daughter were killed. In Middle Florida, on the last day of the month,
a Mr. Singletary, his wife, and two children were cut off. On the 19th of
August, a severe blow was struck on the fiimily of a Mr. Baker, on the east
side of the Oscilla. Himself, wife, and a grandchild were killed. And thus
we might fill out page after page with such awful details— consequences of a
war to be rememl)ered only to be lamented.

Many had supposed, that when so many Indians had been sent out of
Florida, but few could be left to trouble their expatriators, but it proved far
otherwise. The poor mariner, who had never had any hand in the war, if
cast away on any part of that coast, immediately foimd himself in the midst
of Indians. In a terrible tempest, which happened about the 7th of Septem
her, near 40 vessels were wrecked or stranded on its extensive shores. One
only we shall particularly name. This was the brig Aliia, Capt. Thomas, of
Portland. After being wrecked, the crew all jrot safe on shore, except ono
man, who was washed overboard. The ca|)tain, A. J. Plummer, and Wm

: I ••1

i'i

I'r'

488

CAPTAIN ROWELL'S DEFEAT.

iBooK IV.

5 ; '.•:

Si ' ;

h '■■ f

■•,■■«

Reed, were killed. S. Cainmett and E. Wyer, Jr., though wounded, almott
tniraculously escaped.

Amidst tlicHe events we will pause to notice the death of tlie great Chok
taw cliicf, MusHALATUBEE. He difd at the agency in Arkansas, Septeinbei
the 8Uth, of small-pox. He had led his warriors agui.ct the Creeks, under
Jackson, during the war of 1H12.

On the 6tli of Septeinhcr, Adj. Gen. R. Jones issued orders for the re-
assemhling of such officers and others, in Florida and the Cherokee country,
as liud lieen detached to the north-west, or elsewhere, to bo ready for active
service. On the 11th, as Cupt. Howell's company of Florida volunteers,
about 16, were scouting near the mouth of the Oscilla, they iidi upon a camp
of Indians under Tigertuil. Most of them escape on ponies, but two women
were killed.

We meet with very little of importance until the close of this year. On
the 28th December an attack was made on Camp Forbes, by a small j)arty
of Indians, but they were obliged to retire, leaving two of their number dead
behind. The next morning Lieut Thomas went in pursuit of the party, and
came up with them on the Chattahoochee; here again they were disperped
with loss, but how great is not mentioned. On the 4th of January, 1839,
some citizens of Magnolia, learning that Indians were in their neighborhood,
searched them out, and killed the whole party, six in number. Cupt. L. J.
Beail, scouting with a company of dragoons near Ahapopka Lake, captured
16 Indians, of which number but two were men. The two men were near
relations of Wild Cat and Sam Jones. The latter had giA'en out word that
he would hang any Indian who should attempt to surrender.

A partj'of 10 or 12 Indians went within al)out 12 miles of Tallahasseo, and
cut off the family of a Mr. Pendarvis; killing him, his wife, and two children.
This was on the 15th of February, and on the 18th they cut off the family of
a Mr. White, four miles nearer the same place. Here they killed two persons,
and desperately wounded Mr. and Mrs. White. On the Thursday previous,
the same, or perhaps another party of Indians attacked the house of a Mr.
Stokens, of Jefferson county, and tliough the family escaped, they plundered
it of 1,000 dollars in bank notes, and burnt it.

On the 23d of February, about 15 or 20 Indians ottack three wagons on the
Magnolia road, loaded with provisions for Camp Wacasa, and about 9 miles
from that place. Four persons were killed. As Capt. S. L. Russell was
ascending the Miami River, in open boats, from Fort Dallas, with a part of
his men, they were fired on by Indians concealed, and Capt. Russell is killed,
and Major Noel is mortally wounded. This was on the last day of February,
viz., the 28th.

On the Ist of March, the Indians which had been collected nt St. Augus-
:ine were shipped for the west. There were 250 in all, 65 of whom were
men. At this time went the long noted negro chief, Abraham. Yet murders
continued to be every where committed. On the 8th, the house of Edmund
Gray, in Jefttsrson county, 9 miles from Montieello, is beset, Mr. Gray and
two children killed and one badly wounded, and the house burned.

In pursuing his business of scouting, Cupt. Rowell came n|)on 50 or 60
Indians near Patterson's Hommock, 5 miles east of the Oscilla. They engaged
him, and obliged him to retreat with the loss of two killed and two wounded.
This happened on the 18th of March, and on the 3d of April some 10 or 15
Indians went to the residence of Capt. Scott, in Jefferson county, about two
miles from Bailey's mills, where they killed one person and wounded two or
three more. About the same time the house of a Mr. Rollins is attacked at
the head of the St. Mary's, on the edge of the Okefeenoke Swamp. Mrs.
Rollins was killed, and he made a vei-y narrow escape.

Meanwhile Gen. Macomb had been appointed commander-in-chief of the
army in Florida, and on the 5th of April he arrived at its head-quarters on
Black Creek. His main instructions appear to have been, to pacify the In-
dians again, until the return of another season for campaigning. But hia
prospects were discouraging, for " they were dividing themselves into small
parties, penetrating the settlements, committing some murders, and firing
from their coverts on the expresses and passengers going from post to post."

Chap. XX.]

M.V.SS.\CRE OF COL IIAUM'.YS MH.N.

489

A'ld it was believed tiiut iio coiiiniiiiiication could be opened witli them.
However the gcnerul was dctcrinliicd to inaite the attempt, and finding soma
prisoners at tSiry's Ferry, lo treated tliom liindly for u wliile, tiien set tliem
at liberty, with the request .'hat tiiey would proceed to the hostiles and invito
them to a parley. At or about fhe same time Gen. Taylor sent out some of
"his Indians, in whose sincerity luiil honesty ho had great confidence;" but
these joined the enemy and never returned, and the prisoners returned after
some time, and said they could not find tiieir people. In the mean time,
on the 2i April, al)out 100 Tallahassies, imder the chief Nea i^ )eo Matia,
marched to Tampa in the niglit, and forced away aljout 30 of their country-
men, who were waiting there to be shi|)ped to the west.

At length, on the 17th of May, the general got a numl)cr of chiefs together,
from the southern part of the peninsula, by the negotiation of Col. Harney,
and an amicable arrangement was made, by which they were to remain in
the country for the present, or until they could be assured of the prosperous
condition of their friends who had emigrated. The general then left Florida.

O • the 3 May, five persons were killed on the Santa Fee. On tho same
day Lieut. Ilulbert and a man named O'Driscoll were killed at Fourteen-
mile Creek. The express rider between Fort Frank Brooke and Fort An-
drews not arriving as usual, Lieut Hulbert went out with ten men to learn
t'lie cause. Being m advance of his men, he fell into an ambush, and was thus
cut off. lie l)clonged to New York, and had graduated at West Point.

Ahout sunset on the 28 May, a body of Indians surround the dwelling of
Mr. James Ostaen, of Alligator, shoot liim near his stable, badly wound a Mr
Dell, and also a sister of Mr. Osteen. Mrs. Osteen and her children escape
to the nearest house. These and numerous other equally horrid afltiirs hap-
pening in.iuediately after the treaty just made, destroyed all confidence in its
utility. The people of Florida declared they would take the management of
the war into their own hands, and early in June the government of the terri-
tory offered a reward of 200 dollars for every Indian killed or taken. And
soon after, Tigertail, the chief of the Tallahassies, issued a nroclamation
declaring the treaty made between Gen. Macomb and Chitto rustenuggee
null and void. It does not appear that the two principal chiefs of the Semi-
noles, Tigertail and Sam Jones, had any thing to do with Gen. Macomb's
treaty.

On the 13 July, between 9 and 10 at night, a small party of Indians at-
tack the family of Mr. G. Chairs, 10 miles from Tallahassee, and kill Mrs.
Chairs and two children. On the 23d, Col. Harney was attacked on the Co-
looshatchie or Synebal River, and hud 13 out of 18 of his men killed. The
colonel hud gone to this jilace to establish a trading house, agreeably to tlie
treaty made at Fort King between some of the Seminoles and Gen. Macomb,
before spoken of. Thus that treaty (which was only verbal) was either made
on the part of t ri Indians to deceive the general, or some Indians made it
without any authivrity from their nation ; the latter was doubtless the fact.

When the news of Col. Harney's surprise reached Fort Mellon, on the 31st,
some 50 Indians, who had come into that neighborhood, were alarmed for
their safety, and fled ; but soon after, about 45 of them came in to talk with
Lieut. Hanson, and were surrounded and taken ; two men, in attempting to
escape, were shot down and killed. About this time, as a company of sol-
diers were liildinga bridge in Middle Florida, about two miles from a post
on the Suanee, they were surprised by the Indians, and 6 of their number
killed. At Fort Wheelock, two or three soldiers are killed while bathing in
Orange Lake. On the 27 Sejiteniber, a party fall upon the family of a Mr.
Bunch, on the Wakulla, murder Mrs. Bunch and one child, and burn the
house. Mr. Whitaker, a near neighbor, is severely wounded.

Early in October, it was announced that 7,000 regular troops were to be
Bent to riorida, and that Gen. Taylor had been authorized to send to Cuba
for a large number of bloodhounds, to enable them to scent out the Indians.
When it was known throughout the country that dogs were to be employed
against them, there was a general burst of indignation ; but though it is a fact
that the dogs were procured and brought to Florida, with Spaniards to di-
rect them, yet we believe they entirely failed in the experiment ; Miere Injuig

,'J

I V^]

)' ■

I :

,k?r

400

DOCS EMPI.OYF.D IN I'LOUIDA.

[Rook IV.

but here and tlifjro a Holitary iiiHtmice of tlieir pcrforininp tlip service for
%vhicli tlioy were iiiteiicled. If tlie orijiiimtoi-H of this (lo;^-8chcnie had ui view
the dewtnicfioii of tlio Iiidiaim in tlie iimiiiier they were destroyed l)y the fol-
lowers of Coiiiinhus, they deserve not tlio rights of humanity, hut should
rather ho hunted out of society by beasts as savage as themselves, if such
eoidd be (bund. How much was eticctcd by the hounds, it is ditiicidt to tell,
for long before their arrival in the country, the editors of papers in that ro
gion had probably concluded unon what course they would |)ursu(', when
ojjirinl ficcounta from dogs should bo offered for j)ublication ; but ocrasionally
a reckless fellow dropped a paragraph like the following: "The Cuba dogs
liavc! proved <iuite beneficial. They caught five Indians the other day, in
.Middle Florida, handsomely." In March, (1840,) "Col. Twiggs made ii 15
days' scout up the St Johns River with the bloodhounds. On his return, it
was stated that they were found to be perfectly itseless ; all attempts to indiuo
them to take the trail of the Indians proving imsuccessfid. These and other
trials are evidences sufficient to put an end to all further anxiety on the i)art
of tlu! northern sentimentalists." From such statements we are left to make
up such accounts as we may, of what was eflected by the bloodhounda
They will be noticed in the order of time as we proceed.

During this expedition, two Indians were discovered in a boat and shot
one of whom was said to be a brother of Sam Jones.

On the IJ) October, a party of dragoons were fired upon while crossing the
Oscilla, and had 7 of their number killed. Some Indians, pretending friend-
ship, had encamped about two miles from the fort, on New River; and Iwiv-
ing become familiar with the soldiers, invited them all to a dance, which they
were to have on the night of the 27 September ; but three, however, had the
temerity to go, and they were all killed. It was supposed they intended, oi
were in hopes of drawing out the whole garrison, which if they had, their
fiite would have been the same. This was but a retaliation. A baggage-
wagon passing between Micanopy and Fort Wheelock, with an escort of
seven men, was taken by the Indians on the 3 November; the driver was
mortally wounded, and another man severely ; killing and wounding some 6
or 7 mules and horses; 50 Indians were said to have done this mischief; but
if there had been half that number, it is exceeding doubtful whether cither
of the seven men would have esca])ed.

The climate, as well as the Seminoles, continued to do its work also. On
the 5 November, Lieut. Rodney died at St. Augustine, and the next day,
Quartermaster M'Crabb died at the same place.

On the 9 November, the house of Mr. John Johnson was attacked, on the
Oscilla, in which four negroes and one white boy were killed. Four days
afler, a party took Alfred Oliver's house, on the Ocloknee, 12 miles to the
wesi^vard of Tallahassee, and killed his son. On the 25th, as Capt. Searle is
proceeding in a carriage from St. Augustine to Picolata, he was fired upon,
when about 6 miles out, and mortally wounded ; a young man, a Polander,
who was riding on horseback beliind him, was killed upon the spot. On the
same day, a Mr. Weedman, with his son, proceeded to visit his fann, three
and a half miles only from St Augustine, on the same road. It was the first
time he had made the attempt since the war began, and by it he now lost his
life, being shot dead by some concealed Lidians; and hia son was badly
wounded.

During this month, Gov. Call, with some 200 or 300 men, scoured Bliddle
Florida, and "drove up all the Indians" in their lines of march. They pre-
sumed they would not "light down again" for some time. However, in a
few days after, the house of Maj. J. S. Taylor, about 6 miles from Monticello,
was liiirnt down, but the family escaped. This act was laid to the Indians,
and we cannot undertake to say they did not do it, for they certainly were
the possessors of tiie country.

Sbap. XXI.] DOG EXPLOITS. 4i)l

CHAPTER XXL

EVENTS or THE TEAR 1810.

^ tniin of tnngnns taken — Lirut. fninliin killed — Doir trploils — Funiilies destrnijed—
DiJ'fiit of Citpt. Ruins — Lieut, finndrrsiina difiiit — Col. Itileij's etjdoit — Col.
Green's — Col. Harney's — .'i coinjinnij of plaijers attuihed — Cow Creek skirmish —
Indian Key destroyed — Lieut. .Irthur's etptoit — Ulerrn families destroyed—
C'ipt. Bedll's fiijhl — Lieut. Hanson's linttle — Indian lianard — Faeijication attempted
tlirouir/i a deputation of Seminoles from /likausas — It fails — IVhitrs taken in aid-
inir Indians — Wild Cat's exploit — Had accident — L'cut. Judd ambushed — Fort Han-
son burnt — Col. Harney's voyaite to the Ererghiiles — Hongs nine Indians — Tht
chief CiiiAKiKA killed — Fort Walker attacked — Capl. Davidson dies — LietU. Sher-
wood's ambush, and death of Mrs. Muntuomkky.

" You ptuu;h the Indiaii'a gr:ive ; you (ill lii« I mil—
N there no liloud, wIiIih iiiin, upiiii yciur liiiiiil >
Keciill the timu whfn tint your laihcrs flpreiiii
Uduii thi-rie icy Nhori'M tlitiir VMiitry lied; —
Whfifi, powi'rIr.-(« cuilnd on 111*- duHnrt i*-'U,
'i'huii' only itruiijjth — the spirit to bo I'rui'."

We liave now arrived at the beginning of the year 1840, On tlt^ first day
of Fohrnary of tills year, a dcUicliuient of men, sent in pursuit of deserters,
were fired on near Fort Brooke, l)y wiiicii tin-eo of tlio detaciinient were
wounded. A sergeant, wliose iiorse was siiot from under liim, was supposed
to have been liilled. Four days al\er, some 10 or 1.5 IiKhans captured a train
of r2 wagons, about 10 miles from Gary's Ferry, as they were returning to
tliat place with provisions and stores from the interior. They killed ouu
man, and wounded four or five mules, and made off with the property.

Oil the 22 February, as Lieut. VVhedan, with a detachment of volunteers,
was in jtiirsuit of Indians upon a fresh trail near the ("alico Hills, in the vicin-
ity of Magnolia, he lell into an ambush, and was killed; his men ran uwuy
and led him to the Indians.

About a month after, namely, March 18, the Indians made a spirited at-
tempt to add to their stock of provisions. They attacked another train of
whgons oil its way from Post No. 2 to Micanopy, killed three men and
wounded others ; but found no booty, as the wagons were only going after
stores. This was done in spite of what a company of soldiers could do, who
were present as an escort. But a few days previous, (March 8th,) two men
are killed between "Charles Old Town" and Micanopy; and, on the lOtli,
a Methodist minister, named 31'Hea, was killed at " Suggs Old Place," between
Wahcahota and Micanojiy. On the 2(5 March, some Indians crawled up
within 200 yards of the pickets at Fort King, and killed two soldiers.

About the beginning of March, somewhere in Middle Florida, two blood-
hounds captured an Indian ; one seized liim by the throat, while the whites
came up and took him. He was greatly terrified, and pointed out wliere
others might be found; and soon after they cajitured four more. On 13
March, nine dogs were announced as having arrived at Gary's Ferry, and
that they were to be employed by Col. Twiggs, of the 2d di-agoons, on a con-
templated ex|»edition to the Ocklawaha. The officers under whom they were
to serve, were probably desirous to know how much they might depend upon
them, and, therefore, on the next Suiuiai/, made the following experiment in
tiieir tactics. An Indian prisoner was sent out, (without the knowledge of the
dogs,) with orders to climb a tree at some five miles' distance. He did so ;
and the hounds were put upon his trail. The dog captain, or leader, went
directly to the tree, and attemjited to climb it, and had actually got up six
feet, when the others arrived. Such was the report of the affair; which re-
port, whether from the principal officer under whose conduct it was per-
formed, or from the chief leader of the dogs, we are uninformed.

Towards the end of April, a small band of Indians attacked a guard of six
men, who were convoying a wagon from Fort Fanning to Deaiiman's Bay

I '

492

BATTLE NEAR FORT KING.

[Book IV.

The officer commanding was badly wounded ; but the fight was continued
several hou», until all uieir ammunition was spent, when they charged tho
Indians, and made good tlieir retreat The attacking party lost one aiun und
"a big negro."

Alxiut the same time, the family of a Mr. M'Lane, on the Togolee, was as-
saulted, and Mrs. M'Lane and three of her children were barbai'ously mur-
dered. About 8 miles from Blount's Town, the ftimily of a Air. Lamb was
•rlestroyed ; and before the end of the month three others met the same fate.
On the 28 April, as Capt Rains was returning from a scout, with 18 men, he
was fired upon from an ambush by a large body of Indians, within two miles
of Foit King, anu had 4 men killed, and 5 wounded ; among the latter was
the captain, severely. The whites reported that they killed three of die In-
dians. From another source, the af!iiir of Capt. Rains is related as follows : —
Some of his men had been lately killed by the Indians, "as they left the gar-
rison " of Fort King, and he was determined to show them the same kind of
play ; accordingly, he placed some shells under a blanket, within hearing dis-
tance, and in the night he heard an explosion. Next morning, he took 18
men, and marched to the place where the shells had been deposited. He
found no Indians, either dead or alive, but traces of blood, ])ony tracks, and
fragments of garments. While examining these, all at once the Indians rose
up, as it were, out of the ground, and neaily surrounded him and his little
band ; the terrible Halec Tustenlgge was at their head, and with the most
deafening yells rushed to the fight The whites charged, and the Indians
took to tie trees, and thus prolonged the battle. At length, Halec, after des-
peratelv wounding Cupt Ruins, fell himself, and was borne off by his war-
riors. The ca}itain would doubtless have been dcs[)utched by die mighty arm
of the chief, had not Serg. Jackson, too, badly wounded, rushed to his rescue,
and shot Tustenugge. At this stage of afliiirs, the fight seems to have ended,
and, as usual, the v.iiites luistened away to report a victory. They rated the
Indians at 93 ; but how they came by this minute information, we are not in-
formed. But their bravery and courage are, probably, liir less questionable
tlian their statement of the nunilwr of their e(iually brave enemy. The same
ni'/ht, or the next, some Indians went to Stanley's plantation, withui three
;niles of Newnansville, where they killed 12 hogs, cut down tlie fruit-tiees,
and bui'Mt the buildings, by which 800 bushels of corn were consumed.

Abciit the same time, u volunteer, nunied Sunders, was killed, about four
m'les from Nevtiianeville; and another mun, in coinpuny with him, wus
badiy wounded.

On the 19 May, as Lieut Martin and three other men were proceeding
from Micunopy to VVukalioota, in charge of a government wugoii, they were
all cut off. The wagoner escuited, and carrying the intelligence to Micunopy,
Lieut Sanderson sallied out with 7 men, and pursued 'he Indians. He soon
fell in witn them, but wus delt-uted, und himself, with 9 men, killed, besides
three bloodhounds and their keepers ; four other men were missing.

Some time in June, Col. Riley surprised an Indian camp on the Ouilhlu-
coochee, killed two wurriors, and tC)ok a man, woman, and child, ])risoner.s.
The man soon after escaped, und in pursuit of him, Cupt Mason was acci-
dentally shot by his own men. About the same time. Col. Greene fell upon
a small party of Indiuns in Middle Florida, killed three, and a white man
with them. Towards the end of the month, Col. Hurney returned fiom a
long expedition, in which he captured Wild Cat's mother and daughter, lib-
erated a negri,, who hud been u pri.soner neur two yeurs, und wus the only
survivor of the cievv of n vessel wrecked at New Smyrna. He also destroyed
27 cornfields of the Indians.

When Dr. Cotton Muther was about to write the history of a sanginnary
massacre, which happened at Durham in New Hampshire, lie begun with ''lo
ominous expression of " Bloody Jishins at Oyster River ! " We have now to
record a bloody tragedy amon^ tragedians. A Mr. Forbes, it appears, \\i\h
not satisfied with wliut tragedies he could manutiicture elsewhere, but must
needs go to that country of tragedies, Florida, with liis theatrical corfis, us
(hough the people there would prefer cotmterfiiit to the reul ones, or hud not
euough of both; ('pubtless the whites much preferred the former; but not so

if")

Chap. XXI.]

MASSACRE AT INDIAN KEY.

493

with the Indians, where they could have a hand in tliein. This company of
players was in two wagons, possins from Picolata to St. Augustine, on tlie 23
Rlay, and when within 5 or 6 miles of the latter place, were attacked by a
large number of . Lidians under Wild Cat, and four of them killed. How
many were in the company we are not told ; but Foi-bes and the females
escaped. The Indians, immediately after, surrounded Fort Searle, danced
about it in defiance, and dared the soldiers to come out and fight ; but the
garrison was too weak to make a sortie. We have to close the relation of
this tragedy with a comedy. The Lidians had found time, before ap|)earing
at Fort Searle, to dress themselves in such of the actors' clothes as they had
taken. Wild Cat had got on the turlran of Othello ; and others had sashes
and spangles, which they took care to display to advantage. Wild Cat
showed a rich velvet dress to some negroes who altei-wards came in, and told
them he would not take a hundred head of cattle for it

At Cow Creek Hommock, near Fort White, there was a skirmish, on tlie
IQ July, between Serg. Zeigler and three or four men, and 21 Indians. A
corporal and two soldiers were killed, and the others were wounded.

On the 7 August, there happened a most horrid massacre at Indian Key.
Six persons were killed by the Lidians in their barbarous manner ; among
whom was Dr. Henry Perrine, formerly of Connecticut, a scientific gentle-
man, who had located himself there for the purpose of cultivating some rare
plants which he had obtained in South America, while residing there as con-
sul. Tliere were upon Indian Key, at the time of this massacre, 44 jieople,
all of whom had the good fortune to escape, excejit tlie six beibre named.
All the houses were burned except one. The number of Indians was said to
be 100 or 150.

On the 10 August, word was brought to Fort Barkee, that an encampment
of Indians was discovered, about seven miles from thence, on tlie road to
Fort Mitchell. Lieut. B. H. Arthur immediately marched out, with " a com-
uany of soldiers," to surprise them. The object was eft'ected ; two Indiana
were killed, one wounded, and 3 rifles taken. Early in the morning cjf tha
same day, the house of Mr. Wyley Jones, on the Econfina, about 6 miles
north of the St. Joseph's, was attacked and burnt ; the Indians shot Mrs.
Jones and one of her children ; a little daughter of 13 conveyed away four of
her younger brothers and sisters to a safe jilace, and then returned to see
what had become of her mother. She found her only time enough to see
her expire ! and then made a second escape !

About the middle of August, eleven families are said to have been broken
tip, on the Suanee River, ond a great number of people killed. Among them
was the family of a Mr. Courcy. He was from home at the time, and on his
return, found his wife and six children nniidered, and left in the most bar-
barous manner, here and there lying about the fields where they fell. Of
Mr. Howell's ftimily, his wife and one child were killed, and three other cliil-
dren escaped. A Mrs. Green and one child were also murdered. A Mrs.
Patrick was shot in her house while preparing a bed for her children ! Mr.
Thomas Davis and two children, and Mr. Patrick's daughter, all murdered.

On the 4 September, as Capt. B. L. Beull, with 10 or 12 men, was upon a
scout, he came suddenly upon about 30 Indions, who all escaped but four ;
the rest secured themselves in a swamp on Wacoosasa River. One of the
prisoners was said to be Holatoochee, a sub-chief of the Mikasaukies. With
tliese prisoners several guns were taken "in good order," and "a large deer-
skin full of honey."

But two days after, Lieut. W. K. Hanson had a smart battle with some
Seminoles, near Fort Wekaliootiu Word being brought to the .leutenant
then at that post, that Indians wore in tlie vicinity, he immediately murclie !
out with 35 regulars ; and wlien one and a half miles from the fort, was fired
upon from a gloomy hommock, which obliged him to retreat oliout 300 yards
to an open wood, closely pursued by the Indians. Here he made a stand,
and continued the fight about half an hniir, at which time the Indians, to de-
coy him, retreated again to the hommock ; but Lieut. Hanson, having now
five of his men killed and wounded, coiicIikUmI to retreat wliile he was at lib
city to do so. The firing had brought out a reenlbrcement under Capt Haw
42

A.-^]

< t

,1
i •

494

ARKANSAS DELEGATION FAILS.

[15ooK IV.

kins, who not long after charged the honiinock, but he foinid no Lidions
Tlie number of Indians sup))osed to have Ibugiit in tiiis skirmish, was stated
to be 80. On the morning of the same day, tlie same Indians, it is said, killed
and horribly mutilated a young man named Geiger; his head w&s severed
and cairied off.

On the 7 September, the house of a Mr. Dorsey is plundered and burnt ; —
fortunately, he had lately removed his laniily to Alabama. About ten days
after, Lieut Saunders, scouting with a party of dragoons in the neighborhood
of Fort Mellon, captured a single Indian. This brave company iiist shot their
prisoner, and afterwards hung him on a tree.

A more pacific policy, on the part of the government, had been instigated,
til a manner not to be passed unheeded, by the pui)lic expression; and, con-
sequently, Gen. Armistead was directed to act on the protective system ; at
the same time, to endeavor by every possible means to influence the Semi-
nolee to go quietly from the land of their liitliers. More effectually to carry
these views into effect, a deputation of their counti-jnien had been sent Ibi-,
beyond the Mississippi, and treated with to visit Florida, and intercede with
their friends and brothers to give uj) the country, and end the controversy.
Accordingly, this proj)osition was acceded to ; and fourteen chiefs and others
left Arkansas on this embassy, and arrived at Tampa, in Florida, on the 2
November. They came prepared to assure their countrymen that they would
be fiu' uetter off' in Arkansas ; and as they had been known to have been
exceedingly opjjosed to emigration, and had been forced away from Florida
themselves, great reliance was placed upon their endeavors to end the tiou-
bles. And to satisfy the whites of their good intentions, they left all their
wives and children behind. Among them were the noted chiefs, Alligator,
HoLATOocHEE, and ftJicANOPY ; and on the niornhig of the 3d, they com-
menced their march of 100 miles lor Fort King, where they were to have au
interview with some of the hostile chiefs.

The deputation arrived at Fort King in about 4 days, viz., on the Gth, and
Gen. Armistead on the 7th. Every effort was now made to discuss matters
with freedom; and Ilalec Tustenngge, Tiger-tail, and many others, weie
waiting in the woods, not far oflj when the beibre-named fuuctionaiics ar-
rived. Sundiy conferences and talks were had during the following six days;
but what was said and done we are not informed ; though, judging liom what
happened innnediately after, it could not have been very satisfactory to the
Indians, whatever they may have pretended ; for, on the night of the 14 No-
vember, they all took leave very unceremoniously, and retired into their old
fastnesses, as was conjectured, for they said nothing about that, nor did the
whites have an ojjportunity of guessing where they had gone until the next
morning. At this conduct of the hostiles, those from Arkansas expressed
themselves " utterly astonished." As soon as the general was infornii d of
the escape of the Indians, which was "early the next morning," he wrote to
tlie secretary of war, Mr. Poinsett, in the following despot ling fitrain : —
"Thus have ended all our well-grounded hopes of bringing the war to a close
by pacific measures ; confident in the resources of the country, the eneniy
will hold out to the last, and can never be induced to come in again. Innne-
diately upon the withdrawal of the Indians, orders were 'ransniittod to com-
manders 01 regiments, to jiut their troops in motion; and before this reailics
you, they will be scouting in every direction."

Notwithstanding these efforts at iieace-niaking on the part o^" the whites,
liostilities did not entirely cease on the side of the Indians. On the 17 Oc-
tober, a party went to Col. Gamble's planmtion, at Welaune, in JilU i>oii
county, where they fired upon and wounded a negro man, and took a woman,
with whom they made off; but, in their flight, meeting with a con-pany of
whites, they left her, and she escaped. On the 24tli, eo.ne bloodhonndH ltd
a company of soldiers to a house, in Middle Florida, in which three ivhik nxn
were cn[itiu'ed, charged w ith aiding and abetting the Indians.

At Col. Hanson's iilantiition, about 20 Indians made quite a "business op-
eration," on the 28 October, which, willioiit any other hmuraurc than tl <ir
own peculiar tactics, ^^as, to say tlie lejist of it, a very "I'isky transaction."'
Such is our judgment upon it, inasnau li is the pluce where it was done was

Chap. XXI] HARNEY'S EXPEDITION TO THE EVERGLADES.

495

only two miks from St Augustine. Althouffh they did not succeed to the
extent of their v isl es, yet tiiey toolt and curriod ottull the blunitets and other
clothing which .'lad been provided lor a "large stock of negroes," lor tlie en-
Euing wniler ; aid when about to tire the buildings, became alarmed by the
approach of some i.eighboring whites, whom a negro had inibrmeil of what
was going on, nul fled without doing further mischief. They had intended
to have carried off all tue slaves, but were prevented by this circumstance.
Wild Cat is s.iid to have led the Iiidians in this expedition.

People flocked in and garrisoned the place, and watched all night for the
return of the ludians, who doubtless had not the most distant idea of repeat-
ing their visit. This led to one of those melancholy events, accounts of
many of which are already upon our records. The news of the descent upon
Col. Hanson's farm was carried immediately to Picolata, which caused Lieut.
Graham to mar';h with a small force for that place, hoping to surprise the
Indians there, oi* in its vicinity. Accordingly, he approached it with great
caution aliout 2 o'clock on the morning of the next day, not knowing that
guards had been set to receive the Indians, should they return ; and, unfor-
tunately, being himself and company taken for Indians, were fired upon, and
Serg. VVolcott was mortidly, and Lieut. Graham severely wounded.

On the same day, tiic post rider between Forts Fanning and Macomb wna
found murdered, quartered, and thrown into a pond.

Every day adds new scenes to the tragedy. On the 1st day of November,
as Lieut. Judd, with Mr. Falany and three dragoons, was proceeding from
Fort Searle for St. Augustine, they were fired upon when near tiie eight-
mile-post, by Indians concealed in bushes along the road, by which a sergeant
and one private were killed, and Mr. Falany and another private severely
wounded. Lieut .Tudd escaped, as it were, by a miracle. He rode with the
wounded soldier till he fell from his horse, then dismounting, dragged him
from the path, and the Indians being just upon him, concealed himself in
the bushes until they gave up the chase.

About the same time Col. Harney captured 12 Indians (women and chil-
dren) near Fort Reid, on the St John's. He found them in possession of 50
blankets, mostly new, pieces of calico, &c., sup])osed to have been taken
from Indian Key, when it was destroy jd in August last

Fort Hanson, 15 miles from St Augustine, was abandoned abf)Ut the 5
November, and in two or three hours after was burnt by the Indians.

Early in December, Col. Harney, as nuich now the terror of tiie Seminoles
as Col. CJHircli was to the Wampanoags, or Daniel Boone to the Kikapoos,
undertakes an expedition into tlio everglades. These niucli heard of and
little known retreats extend over perhaps 100 square miles. They are an
expanse of slioal water, varying in depth from one to five feet, dotted with
innumerable low and flat islands, generally covered with trees or shrubs.
Much of the water is shaded by an almost impenetrable saw-grass, as high
as a man's head, but the little chaiuiels in every direction are free from it
It had been ong su|)posed, that upon the islands in some |)art of this district
the Indians had their head-quarters, from wiicnce they had issued upon their
destructive expeditions. This suspicion amounted to a certainty a little be-
fore this, from the testimony of a negro named John, who had escaj)ed from
a clan in that region and come in at Cape Florida. He had been with the
Indians since \&io, at which time he was captured by them from Dr. Grew.
Therefore it was determined by Col. Harney to take John as a guide, and
endeavor to strike an elfi-ctual blow u|)on them in their own fastness. Ac-
cordingly, with 90 men in boats, he set out to traverse that nionotonoua
world, tlie everglades. John fiiithfidly performed his promise, and led the
armament directly to the island where the Indians were, which was at once
surrouiuled, and !}8 prisonera taken and 2 killed. It proved to he the baiul
of CiiAi Ki-KA, as "noted a rogue" as Tatoson of old. He it was, it is said,
wlio led tlie party that destroyed Indian Key, and traitorously massacred Col.
Harney's men at the Synebal. As direct evidence of ilie liict, upwarils of
2,000 lollars' worth of the goods taken from Dr. Perrine's setthMneiit were
idcMiified, and 13 Colt's rifles lost at the Synebal were found ; ihcrefore, as
an otlset to those affairs, nine of the " warriors " were forthwith executed by
banging, and the tenth was preserved for a future guide.

■|

i I r

,:^.i
' 'M

496

MRS. MONTGOMERY KILLED.

[Book IV,

When Col. Harney came upon Chaikiku'a band, the chief was at a short
distance from \m people, chopping wood, and on discovering that the foe was
upon them, fled with all his might for the high grass. Several soldiers
started in pursuit, but he outran them all except a private named Hall.
When he found he could not escape from him, and heing unarmed, he faced
about, end with a smile of submission on his face, throw U|> his arms, in
token of surrender. This availed him nt-thing. Hnll levelled his rifle, which
sent a bullet through his skull into his brains, and he fell lifeless into the
water but a little distance from the shore of the island! How like the full
of the great Wampanoag chief! Col. Harney had one man killed and Ave
wounded, of whom negro John, the pilot, was one.

There was great rejoicing at the sue 9S of Col. Harney all over Florida;
and although his summary vengeance pon some of the prisoners called
forth imprecations li-om many, tho.se were drowned by the general buret of
approbation ; but this was damped in some degree by the loss of a very
valuable and meritorious olficer, who died immediately after the expedition
returned from the everglades. This was Capt. W. B. Davidson, who died at
Indian Key on the 24th of the same month, from disease engendered while
upon that service.

About this time, or previous to 23 December, Tiger-tail's son and brother,
with several others, came in to Fort King and surrendered. The old chief
himself was daily expected in also, but that expectation only amounted to a
disappointment Not long after these Indians came in, a party went to Fort
Walker, between Micanopy and Newnansville, where they killed three negroes
and wounded one white woman, without being molested.

On the morning of the 21) December, a wagon was ordered to proceed
from Fort Micanopy to Fort Wacahoota, and notwith.standing "positive orders
had lieen given by the commanding general, forbidding any escort from post
to post to consist of less than 30 men," but 11 went on this occasion. They
were under the command of Lieuts. Sherwood and Hopson, and "as the
morning was fine, a Mrs. Montgomery, wife of Lieut. Montgomery, rode out
with them." This company had got scarcely three miles on the way when
it fell into an amhush, and Mrs. Montgomery, Lieut. Sherwood, a sergeant-
major, and two privates were immediately killed. Lieut. Sherwood and a sol-
dier sacrificed themselves to save Mrs. Montgomery, but it availed her nothing.
Her husband arrived on the ground soon after, but she was dead, and a
soldier was lying by her side in the agonies of death, but had strength enough
to say to her husband, " Lieutenant, f fought for your wife as long as I could,"
and then expired ! Mrs. Montgomery was an accomplished lady from Cin-
cinnati, and had not been married but about three weeks.

About the same time two wagonere were killed on the way from Pilatka
to Fort Russell. They started in advance of the escort. — Such are some of
the most prominent events of Florida warfare, which brings our account of
it to the close of the year 1840.

>; 1

V I

-:— ^•'««i"»w9?*K^.'«

: >^'

BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY

OF THE

INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA.

BOOK V.

42*

BOOK V.

BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE IROQUOIS
OR FIVE NATIONS, AI.D OTHER NEIGHBORING
TRIBES OF THE WEST.

. 1

i:M

■ V'r?

■ i

1 ■
1

Nunlingi or nature, I mark jrour hoM bnarin^,

Pride in each aspect and itrength in each rorin,

Hearts of warm impulw, and louU or high ilaring,

Born in the battle and reared in the itoim.

The red levin flash and the thundor'n drtail rattle,

The rock-riven wave and the war tiumnet'i breath,

The din of the tempest, the yell of the battle.

Nerve jour steeled bosoots to danger and death. — J. R. Diaki.

CHAPTER L

Particulars in the history of the iRoqcois or Five Nations — Extent of thetr dtmu'n-
ians — Antiquities and traditions — Destroy the Eries — IVar with the AoinoNUAKt
— Specimen of their language — Account of the chiefs — Granguele — Black-
kettle — His bloody wars with the French — Adario — His singular stratagem to
unite his countrymen against the French — Destroys Montreal and near a thousand
inhabitants^Dus in peace with the French — Dekavisora a renowned orator—
Peiskaret — The miraculous stories concerning him. History of the journey of
Five Iroquois cidefs to England.

The great western confederacy of Indian nations has commonly been styled
by the French, Iroquois,* but generally by the English, the Five JVationa f
and sometimes the Six JVations ; but either of the two latter appellations
must be considered only as such, because we shall show, as we proceed, that
tliey are not numerically true now, if they ever were. Five may have been
the number which originally leagued together, but when that happened, if
indeed it ever did, can never be known. It is a tradition that these people
came from beyond the lakes, a great while ago, and subdued or exterminated
the inhabitants of the country on this side. Even if this wers the case, it

|:i'

* " Le uom d'Iroauois e«t piirement FraD^s, el a ^t^ formi du temw Hire, qui sij^nifie,
I'ai dit : et par quel ces sauva^es finissent lous leurs discours, comme les Latins faisuient
autrefois par leur Dixi; et de Kou6, qui est un cri, tanldt de tristesse, lorsqu'on le pronnnca
en trainant, et tantdt de joyci quand on le prononce plus court. Leur nom propre est Agon-
nonxionni, qui veut dire F'aiseur* de Caoannet ; parce qu'ils les batissent beaucoup plus
•olidcs, oue la wiApart dcs autres sauvas«s." C/iaWfuou:, i. 270>— 1, (sub anno I64o,) also
Loslciel, 1. t.—Heciceweldei^-Hnd Forster s Nortliem Voifaget.

t " Ces barbares ne sorU qu'une seule nation, et qu'un eeid int^rtt jmhlic. On pourroit les
nominer pour la dittribution du terrain, let Suiiset de ee continent. Let Iroquois tont par-
tager en cinq canlont, sgattoir let TtonontoOans, let Goyosroant, let Onnotapii*!, let Onoyouts,
ti let Agniit." (Lahootan, i. 35.) By the ^e^u^^ we are to understand A/b/uwits.

<>00

COUNTRY OF THE IROQUOIS.

[Book V.

proveH nothing of their origin ; for there may have been a time when theif
ancestors went from this side to the country beyond, and so on. The Mo-
hawks, sometimes called habingi, are said to have been the oldest of the
confederacy, and that the " Onayauts " (Oneidas] were the first that joined
them by putting themselves under their protection. The Onondagos were
the next, then the " Teuontowanos, or Simkers," (Senecas,) then tlie " Ciiiuk
guos," (Cayugas.) The Tuscaroras, from Carolina, joined them about 1712,
but were not formally admitted into the confederacy until about 10 years
afler that The addition of this new tribe gained tliem the name of tlie Six
Nations, according to most writers, but it will appear that tliey were called
the Six Nations long before the last-named period.*

The Shawanese were not of the confederacy, but were called brothers by
them. This nation came from the south, at no very remote period, and the
Iroquois assigned them lands on the west branch of the Susquehannah, but
looked upon tliem as inferiors.

The dominions of this " United People " cannot be particularly described,
for they were never stationary ; at one time they extended beyond the Su
Lawrence and the Mississippi, and at another they were circumscribed
between them. Smith, the historian of New York, says, '' Our Indians
universally concur in the claim of all the lands [in 175GJ not sold to the
English, from the mouth of Sorel River, on th? south side of Lakes Erie and
Ontario, on both sides of the Ohio, till it falls into the Mississippi ; and on
the north side of those lakes, that whole territory between the Outawais
River, and the Lake Huron, and even beyond the straits between that and
Lake Erie."

" When the Dutch began the settlement of New York, all the Indians on
Long Island, and the northern shore of the sound, on the banks of Connecticut,
Hudson, Delaware, and Susquehoimah Rivers, were in subjection to the Five
Nations ; and within the memory of ])ersons now living, acknowledged it
by the payment of an annual tribute." As a jiroof of this it is mentioned that
" a little tribe, settled at the Sugar-loaf mountain, in Orange county, to tliis
day, [1756,1 make a yearly payment of about £20 to the Mohawks." t

Among the many tribes or nations which they wholly or partially destroyeu
were the Eries, a powerful ti-ibe on the southern shore of the great lake
whose name they bore. In the year 1653 they were entirely extu-pated, and
uo remnant of them has since been heard of in existence.^

When the French settled in Canada in 1611, it was upon the lands of tlie
Adirondaks, above Three Rivers. They found tliem at war with the Iro-
quois, then mainly seated along the southern side of Lake Ontario. The
Adirondaks, by the assistance of the French, were able to defeat their
enemies in every battle, who at length were in danger of a total extermina-
tion. Meanwhile the Dutch had begun their trade in the Hudson River,
which they profitably carried on in arms with the Iroquois. Being now able
to meet the Adirondaks on more equal footing, they continued the war, and
with such success, that the Adirondaks, in their turn, became almost de-
stroyed.

The Six Nations did not know themselves by such names as the English
apply to them, but the name AquanuBchioni,§ which signified united people,
was used bj^ them.J| This term, as is tlie case with most Indian words, is
defined by a knowledge of its etymology. A knowledge of the Indian Ian
guagea would enable us to know what almost every place in the country has

* In the British Empire, iii. 56, it ii said, " Tlie Cowetas also, or Creek Indians, are in (lio
lame friendship with them."

t Selected from the uie^-8elected notei to Sears'* Poem, entitled Mineral Waters,

\ Cluirlevoix,

f> Loskiel, Hist. Mis. i. 2. " They say themselves, that they have sprung and grown up in
ibal \ery place, lit", the very trees of the wilderness." WUliam's Key. Another name they
. ften ^"ve themselves was, Ongue-hontce, which siniified, a people surpassing all others.
Hist. Brit. Dominions in A^. America. Book iii. 65, fed. 4to. Lond. 1T73.)

j{ At a great assemblage of chiefs and warriors at Albany, in August, 1740, the chief sneakei
of the Six Nations informed the English commissioners that they had taken in the Messe*
M^e* as a seventh nation. Colden, Hist. F. Nations, ii. 175.

'^ m

f-!i!

Chap. I.]

ORANGULA.-DE LA BARRE'S EXPEDITION.

501

been noted for ; whether hill or mountain, brook or river. Jt is raiii hj
Coldtn,* that New England was called Kimhoru, by the Indians, which, he
says, means a fiith;f and that the New England Indians sent to the lioqiioia
tt " model of a fish, as a token of their adhering to the general covenant.''
The waters of New England ore certainly abundantly stored with fish ;
hence the name of " the Fishing Peopled

We vvill here present a specimen of the language of the Six Nations, in
the Lord's Prayer, all of wiiom, except the Tuscaroras, ■ speak a language
radically the same." So-ung-%oau-ne-ha cau-ro-tink-yaw-ga,teh-8ee-ta-ro-an,
sauh-son-e-you-sta, esa, aaw-an-e-you, o-htt-tauh-st-la, eh-ne-au-wong, no, cau-
ronunk-yawga, TUtugk-wou-shauga, ne-at'te-weh-ne-sa-lauga, taiig-wau-nau-to-
ro-no-an-toxigh-aick, to-an-taug-we-Ue-wlie-you-staung, che-'nee-yeut, cha-qua-
tau-ta-leh-whe-you-staun-na, tough-sau, taugh-waua-sa-re-neh, ia-ivaut-ot-ten-au-
^al-ough-toung-ga, nas-aw-ne, sa-che-au-taug-ions, co-un-teh-sal-oh-aun-za-
ick-aw, esa, saw-au-ne-you, esa, sash-autz-ta, esa, soung-wa-soung, clien-ne-
auh-a-aug-wa, au iven.X

Perlmi)s we cannot present the reader with a greater orntor than Garanoula,
or, as he was called by the French, Grand'Gueule ; though Lahontan, who
knew hun, wrote it Grangulo. He was by niitinn an Onondaga, and is
brought to our notice by the mnnly and mognaninious 8])eech which he
made to a French general, who marched into the counU'y of the Iroquois to
Bubdun them.

In the year 1684, Mr. de la Barre, governor-general of Canada, com-
plained to the English, at Albany, that the Scnecas were inlrhiging upon
•.li(,'ir rigiits of trade with some of the other more remote nations. Governor
Dont^an at-quainted the Senecos with the charge made by the French gov-
ernor. Tlicy admitted the fact, but justified tlieir course, alleging tiiut the
French supplied their enemies with arms and anununition, with whom they
were tlien at war. About the same time, the French governor raised an
iirmy of 1700 men, and made other "mighty preitai'utions " for the final
de.st ruction of the Five Nations. But before he had progressed far in his
gr. at luiiiei taking, a mortal sickness broke out in his army, which finally
caused him to give over the expedition. Lithe mean time, the governor of
Now York was ordered to lay no obstacles in the way of the French expedi-
tion. Instead of regarding this order, which was from his master, the Duke
of York, he sent interpreters to the Five Nations to encourage them, with
offers to assist them.

De la Barre, in hopes to effect something by this exi)ensive undertaking,
crofrsed Lake Ontario, and held a talk with such of the Five Natious as would
meet him.§ To keep up the appearance of power, he made a high-toned
speech to Grangida, in which he observed, that the nations had often infringed
upon the j)eace ; that he wished now for peace ; but on tlie condition that they
slioidd make full satisfaction for all the injuries they had done the French,
and for the future never to disturb them. That they, the Senecas, Cayugas,
Onondagos, Oncidas, and Mohawks, had abused and robbed all their trudei-s.
Olid uiiieas they gave satisfaction, he should declare war. TluJt they had
conducted the English into their country to get away their trade heretofore,
but the past he would overlook, if they would ofiiend no more ; yet, if ever
the like should happen again, he had express orders fiom tlie king, his master,
to declare war.

* Hist. Five Nations, i. 109.

t Kickons, in Al<£onkin ; Keo^once, in Cliippcwny. Lima's Voyages, &c. 202, 4lo.

\ fSmith's Hist. N. York, 40. (oU. 4to.) Tlie ahove differs somcwliat Crom a copy in
Proiul's Pa. ii. 301.

^ .\s it will gratify most of our roaders, we believe, to hoar the general in his own words,
we will present tlii'in with a paragraph of his speech to Gruntrulu iji his own iangnage :—

" tiO roi mon niailre informe que les cinq Nations, Iroquoiscs conlrevenoient depiiis loiig-
lenis a la paix, m'aordonne de me transporter ici avec uiie cscorte, et d'envoier Akoiiussan au
village dos Onnataguos, pour inviter les principaux chefs ii me venir voir. L'intenlion de ce
grand monarqne est que nous fjmions toi el ni<i: ensemble dans le grand calumet de paix ,
pourvu que tu me promettes au nom :'..,» I'sonontoaans, Goyogoans, Oiniotagucs, Onoyouls
el Agnios, de donnerune enliere satisfaction el dedoinmngemenl a ses sujels, el de ne ilea
faire a I'avcuir, qui puisse causer luie facheuse rupture." &c. Laluntlan, i. 58, 51)

502

URANGUL;.

''S SPEECH TO I>E LA BARRE.

[UooE V.

GranfTitla listened to these .}», and nmny more in the like strain, witlt
that contempt whirh a reiil ' t .vledge of the situation of the French nriny,
and the rectitude of his own course, were calculated to inspire ; and utter
walking several times round the circle, formed L y his |)eople and the French,
addressing himself to the governor, seated in his ellww clrair, he began aa
ibilows : — •

^* Yonnondio ;\ I honor you, and the warriors that are with me likewise
honor you. Your interpreter has finished your speech. I now begin mine.
My words make haste to reach your ears. Harken to them.

**YonnotnHo; You must have Itelieved, when you letl (iueheck, that the
sun had burnt up all the forests, which render our country inaccessible to lira
French, or that the lakes had so far overflown the banks, that they had sur-
rounded our castles, and that it was inipoHsible for us to get out of them.
Yes, surely, you must have dreamt so, and the curiosity of seeing so great
a wonder has brought you so fur. Now you are undeceived, since that I, and
the warriors here present, are come to assure you, that the Senecos, Cayugas,
Onondagas, Oneidas and M jhawks are yet alive. I thank you, in their name,
for bringing buck into tl eir country the calumet, which your predecessor
received from tlieir hand.. It was happy lor you, that you lell under ground
that murdering liatche^ that has been so ollen dyed in the blood of the
French.

" Hear, Yonnondio ; I do not sleep ; 1 have my eyes open ; and the sun,
which enlightens me, discovers to me a great captam at the head of a company
of soldiers, who speaks as if he were dreaming. He says, that he only came
to the lake to smoke on the great calumet with the Onondagas. But Gran-
^tUa soys, that he sees the contrary ; that it was to knock them on the head,
if sickness had not weakened the arms of the French. I see Yonnondio
raving in a camp of sick men, whose lives the Great Spirit has saved, by
inflicting this sickness on them.

" Hear, Yonnondio ; our women had taken their clubs, our children and old
men had carried their bows and arrows into the heart of your canij*, if our
warriors had not disarmed them, and kept them back, when your messenger
^oiiessant came to our castles. It is done, and I have said it.

" Hear, Yonnondio ; we plundered none of the French, but those that car-
ried guns, powder and balls to the Twightwies § and Chictaghicks, because
those arms might have cost us our lives. Herein we follow the example of
the Jesuits, who break all the kegs of rum brought to our castles, lest the
drimken Indians should knock them on the head. Our warriors liave not
beaver enough to pay for all those arms that they have taken, and oiu* old
men are not afraid of the war. This belt preserves my words.

" We carried the English into our lakes, to trade there with the Utawawaa
and Quatoghies, || as the Adirondaks brought the French to our castles, to
cai-ry on a trade, which the English say is theirs. We are born free. We
neither depend on Yonnondio nor Corlear. IT We may go where we please,
and carry with us wiici, i we please, and buy and sell what we please. If
your allies be your slaves, use them as such, command them to receive no
other but your people. Tliis belt preserves my words.

"We knock the Twightwies and Chictaghicks on the head, because they
had cut down the trees of peace, which were the limits of our country.
They have hunted beaver on our lands. They have acted contrary to the
customs of all Indians, lor they left none of the beavers alive, they killed both
mole and female. They brought the Satanas into their country, to take part
with them, after they hud concerted ill designs against us. We have done

• " Grangida, qui pendant tout le desrours avoit eu les yeux fixament attaoliez sur le bout
de sa pipe, se Icve, el soil par une civilil6 bisarrc, ou pour se donncr sans favoii le Icnis
de mediler sa repouse il fait cinq ou six lours dans nfllre cercie compose de sauvaifcs el dfl
Francois, llcvenu en sa place il resta debout devant Ic general assis dans un bun lauteail
el le reg^aranl il lui dit." Laliontan, {i. CI, 62.) who was one of iliose present.
t Tlie name lliey gave the gove- .:ors of Canada, ypcll in l.ahontan, Onnontio.
The name thev gave Mr. Lt Maine, which signified a parlridge.
Iwikties, Colden. |{ Chictaghicks, Colden.

Tlie name iliey gave the governors of New York,

1 - ->

Cukr. I.J BLACK-KETTLE.— HIS WARS WITH THE FRENCH.

50:)

leM than either the English or French, that have usurped the lands uf so nituiy
Indian nations, and chuaed them from their own country. This bolt pre!4crv«;»
my words.

" Hear, Yonnondio ; wliat I say is the voice of all the Five Nations. Hear
what they answer. 0|>en your ears <o what they speak. The Senecas,
Cayugas, Onondagas, Oneidaa and Mc > awks say, that when they buried the
hatchet at Codarackui, in the presenci of your predecessor, in the middle of
the fort, they planted the tree of pears in the same place; to be there care-
fully preserved : that, in the place of a retreat tor soldiers, that fort might Iw
a rendezvous for merchants : that, ii place of arms and ammunition of war,
beavers and merchandise should od >y enter there.

" Hear, Yonnondio ; take care for the future, that so great a number of sol-
diers as appear there do not choke the tree of peace planted in so small a
fort It will be a great loss, if, after it had so easily taken root, you should
stop its growth, and prevent its covering your country and ours with its
branches. I assure you, in the name of tne Five Nations, that our warriors
shall dunce to the calumet of peace under its leaves ; and shall remain quiet
on their mats, and shall never dig up the hatchet, till their brother Yonnondio
or Corlear shall, either jointly or separately, endeavor to attack the country
which the Groat Spirit has given to our ancestors. This belt preserves my
words, and this other, the authority which the Five Nations have given me."

Then, addressing himself to the interpreter, he said, " Take courage, you
have spirit, speak, explain my words, forget nothing, tell all that your brethren
and friends say to Yonnondio, your governor, by the mouth of Grangida, who
loves you, and desires you to accept of this present of beaver, and take pun
with me in my feast, to which I invite you. This present of beaver is sent
to Yonnondio, on the part of the Five Nations."

De la Barre was struck with surprise at the wisdom of this chief, and equal
chagrin at the plain refutation of his own. He immediately returned to
Montreal, and thus finished this inglorious expedition of the French against
the Five Nations.

Grangida was at this time a very old man, and from this valuable speech
we became acquainted witli him; a very JVeslor of his nation, whose powers
of mind would not suffer in comparison with those of a Roman, or a more
modern senator. He treated the French with great civility, and feasted them
with the best his country would afford, on their departure. We next proceed
to notice

BLACK-KETTLE, whom the French called La Chacdierf. Noire. A
war with France, in 1G90, brought this chief upon the records of history. In
the summer of that year. Major Schuyler, of Albany, with a company of Mo-
hawks, fell upon the French settlements at the north end of Lake Champlain.
De Callieres, governor of Montreal, hastily collected about 800 men, and
opposed them, but, notwithstanding his force was vastly superior, yet they
were repulsed with great loss. About 300 of the enemy were killed in this
expedition. The French now took every measure in their power to retaliote.
They sent presents to many tribes of Indians, to engage them in their cause,
and in the following winter a party of about 300 men, under an accomplished
young gentleman, marched to attack the confederate Indian nations at Niag-
ara. Their march was long, and rendered almost insupportable; being
obliged to carry their provisions on their backs through deep snow. Black-
kettle met them with about 80 men, and maintained an unequal fight until
his men were nearly all cut off; but it was more fatal to the French, who, fai
from home, had no means of recruiting. Black-kettle, in his turn, carried the
war into Canada during the whole summer following, with immense loss aiid
damage to the French inhabitants. The governor was so enraged at his
successes, that he caused a prisoner, which had been taken from the Five
Nations, to be burnt alive. This captive witiistood the tortures with as much
firmness as his enemies showed cruelty. He sung his achievements while
they broiled his feet, burnt his hands with red hot irons, cut and wrung off
his joints, and pulled out the sinews. To close the horrid scene, his scnip
was torn off, and red hot sand poured upon his head.

But this was a day in which that people were able to contend successfull)

. ■■ :

504

BLACK-KETTLE.— HIS WARS WITH THE FRENCH. iBooK V.

against even European enemies. Tliey had, in 1G91, laid a ])Ian to prevent
the French from e.xteiiding their settlements westward, for surprising those
already formed, and for iiiterceptuig the western Indians as tliey hroughl
down their peltries to them.

Two armies, of 1150 men each, were to march out on tliis husiness ahont
November ; the Arst were to attack the fort at the Falls of St. Louis, and tin;
other to proceed by way of Lake Chatnplain against the settlements, ilefbre
they set out, two Indian women, who had been captives atnong them, niadu
their escape, and gave notice of their object This, in a great measure, de-
feated the enterprise. Governor Dt Calhtrts raised troops, an4 strengthened
every place he was able. The first party was discovered us they approached
St. Louis, who, utler skirmishing some time with tlie parties detached against
then), retired without gaining any material advantage. The second did little
more, and retu-ed, alter destroying some houses, and carrying with them some
prisoners.

About the end of November, 34 Mohawks surprised some of the French
Indians of St. Louis, who were carelessly himting about Mount Chambly,
killing 4 and capturing 8 others. Some escaped, and inlbrmed their friends
of what hud happened, and a company immediately went in pursuit. Tlicy
overtook them near Luke Champlain, and a hard tight followed. The Catho-
lic Indians rushed upon them with great fury, tomahawk hi hand, and although
the Mohawks had taken post behind rocks, they were routed, G being killed,
and five taken. They also liberated all their friends taken at Mount Chainbly.

In the beginning of Februury, 1G92, De Callicres ordered M. De Orvillierea
to march, with 3U0 men, into the peninsula, which terminates at tiie conflu-
ence of the Ottowuy and St. Luwrence Rivers, to 8ur|)rise a company of
Iroquois he had been informed was there. It was tlieir hunting-ground
during the winter, and the jtretext for nttncking them was, that they were now
there to surprise the settlements, and intercept such as passed up and tlown
said rivers. While on his march, De OrviUiera nnst with an accident which
obliged him to return to Montreal, and the comniand devolved upon Captain
De Beaucourt. This officer marched to Isle TonihatH, not far from Cutaro-
couy or Katarokkui, where he surprised 50 Senecas in their cabins, killed 24,
and took 6 of them prisoners.

Enough hud pussed before this to nronse the spirit of vengennce in the
great chief of Onoudaga, Black-kettle ; but this last act could not be passed
without, at least, an attempt at retaliation. About JOO Senecas were near
the Sault de la Chaiidlere, on Ottoway River, ut this time, nnd Blitck-kttlle
soon after joined them with a band of his Onond.igos ; and they immediately
put themselves into an attitude for intercepting their enemies.

Governor De Callieres hud supposed that by the aftiiir at Tonihata, the Iioquois
were sufficiently humbled for the present, and that they were not to be re-
garded as capable of any considerable undertaking ; but he soon discovered
the error of his judgment ; for 60 friendly Indians, having arrived at Montreal
to trade, re])orted that the way was clear, but requested a guard when they
returned. This was granted them. S. Michel volunteered upon this service,
and put under the command of Lieutenant De la Gemeraye, 30 men. He hud for
his two ensigns, M. Le Freaniere, oldest son of the Sieur Hertel, und his broth-
er. Having arrived at a place called the Long Fulls, on Ottoway River,
some marched upon the side of the river, while others endeavored to effect
the passage of the fidls in the boats. They had no sooner entered upon this
business, when the waiTiors of Black-kettle, from an ambush, fired upon them,
put the GO Indians to flight, killing and wounding many of the French. They
then rushed upon them with such fiiry that little time was allowed for resist-
ance, and they fled to their boats for safety ; but in their hurry they over-
turned them, and many were made prisoners. Among these were & Michel
and the two Hertels. La Gemeraye and a few soldiers only escaped.* Black-
kettle's force on this occasion was computed ut 140 men.

Some time now jjussed without hearing from Black-kettle, but on 15 July,
1092, he fell upon the Island of Montreal, as has already been recorded

* Colden says, (i. 134,) that but four escaped in all.

Cnap. I.]

DEKANISORA.

501

PiirtieH of Holilinrs collected nixl went in pursuit, overtook the rear of the
IiidiuiiH, kille(i 10 iii*-n, and retook many jiriHontTH.

Home daytt iiller tlilA, us the Hieur Dt Lungmm wns pasHing ncnr the Islt-.i
of Riclielieii, Black-kettle fell ii|K)n liid party, Killed iiim, und put his men to
flight. We hear nothing more of great moment of tiiis famous chief, imtil
th<- year l(>!)7, in which he was treacherously murdered. He apjxNirH at tlii:«
period to hove concluded upon making peace with the French, und messen-
gers iiud been despatched to Queliec upon that design. In the mean time
lie was hunting in the neighborhood of Cutarocony, wliere thu French had
a garrison, which was then commanded by Captain Gemerut/e, lK.'li)re men-
tioned, to whom he gave notice that negotiations were on loot. Notwith-
standing, 34 Algonqums, in the French inUirest, were suffered to go und
surprise Black-kettle and his 40 hunters, who were not far from Catarocouy,
at a place UHitied (^uinte. They were iailen upon at a time when they
thought not of an enemy, and about half of them were sluin, among whom
was Black-kettle ; his wile and many others were tuken prisoners. *

Adario, Konoiaronk, SASTARETsi.uiidTiiE Uat, were numosofa chief of
great renown among itie Hurons. Tiie tril)e to which he originally lielonged
was called tiie Dinondadies or Tionnoiitutes. Ilis character, us drawn by
Charlevoix, is as follows : " A man of u gr(;at mind, the bravest of the brave,
and ])ossessing altogether the best qualities of uny known to the French in
Canada." Ot what ve are about to relate concerning him, we have already
given a sketch, which being defective in some of the main jHuticulurs, it was
thought best to add unothrr version of it in this ])luce.

It was with no small difticulty that the French hud engaged him in their
cuusc. While on a visit to the governor, in 11)88, he had piu-sed his word
tliut he would make war on his detested enemies, the Iroquois, and soon
alter departed for Michilimakinak, with a chosen band of his Hurons, resolv-
ed to distinguisii himself by some signal exploit. In his way he passed by
Catarocouy. At this place, he learned, to his 8Ur;(riiie, that a negotiation
was already on foot between the French and Iroquois, and was at the same
time informed by the officer in command there, that he would infinitely dis-
oblige M. De Denonville, if he should commit the least hostility upon any of
the Iroquois, who was immediately to reciive their ambassadors at Montreal,
together with hostages from all the cantons.

Kondiaronk concealed his surprise, and although now convinced that tiie
French would sacrifice him and his allies, yet he made no complaint, and
letl thr place as though to return to his own country. But he had no sooner
conceived the design of intercci)ting the Iroquois ambassadors and hostages,
than he set out upon it. Having pli'.ied liis men in ambush at Famine
Creek, he had waited but few days Avhen they arrived. As they were
descending the creek in their Cuiioes, Mario's warriors fired upon them,
killed several, and took the reyt prisoners.

The celebrated Dekanisora, or, as the French called him, Teganisorens,
of Ouondago, wa.s at the head of this embassy, and was among the prisoner.
He demanded of Jl lario, how it happened that he could be ignorant that he
was an ambassador ro their common father, and of his endeavor to bring
about a lasting peace. The subtle chief completely subdued his irritable
and indignant passions, by expressing far greater surprise than Dekanisora
himself; protesting that the French were the whole cauae of what had
happened, for that they had sent him to surprise his party, and had assured
him that he could do it with ease, as their numbers were small ; and, to drive
Bvispicions from the mind of Dtkamsora and his people, set them all at
lil)erty, but one, who was to supply the place of one of the Hurons that was
killed. At parting, Mario spoke to them as follows : —

" Go, my brethren, 1 untie your bonds, and send you home again, though
our nations be at war. T-ho French governor has made me commit so black
an action, that 1 shall never be easy after it, till the Five Nations have tuken
fiill revenge."

Some report that, after rnptiiring Dekanisora, Adario returned to Ka<1ai-ak-

Tliis is according to the text of Charlevoix,

506

DEKANISORA.— ADARIO.

[Book V

iv,;s.

kui, or Catarocouy, and that, being asked by the French from whence he
eame, said, ^ From preventing feaxe. * They did not at first compreliend his
meaning, but soon after, one of his pi isonera, that escaped, gave tiiem the
history of the affair.

But for what followed, the character of ^dario would stand well among
warriors. He sacrificed lii nily prisoner, which completed this act of ibe
tragedy ; and it seemed necessary to carry out his deep-laid stratagem.

That the Iroquois should have no chance to believe the French innocent
of the blood at tlie River Famine, which they had used great endeavors to
effect, by sending emissaries among them, Adario went with his prisoner
immediately to Michilimakinak, and delivered him to M. De la Durantayc,
the commander of that post, who as yet had had no knowledge of any nego-
tiation between the Iroquois and his sui)eriors. Whereupon he forthwith
caused the poor prisoner to be put to death. The news of this affair, the
cunning chief caused to be made known among the cantons, by an old
captive he had held a long time in bondage at his village, whom he now set
at liberty for this purpose.

The catastrojjlies that befell the French not long after, and the suffering
they endured, aie almost without a parallel, f

About 1200 of the chief warriors of the Five Nations landed upon the
Island of RIontreal, 25 August, 16KJ, while the French were in perfect secu-
rity, burnt their houses, sacked their plantations, a. id slew a vast number of
the inhabitants. The English accounts say a t lou&und persons perished,
but this number was no doubt far greater than the truth. In October fol-
lowing they attacked the island again with r "ly equal success. These
horrid disasters threw the whole country into i.^e utmost consternation, in
which the fort at Luke Ontario was abandoned by the garrison, and as soon
possessed by the Indians. Here, uno'ig other things of great value to them,
28 barrels of gunpowder fell ii o their hands. Nothing now saved liie
French from an entire extermination but the ignorance of their enemies in
tlie art of attacking fortified places.

Adario final; / died at peace with the French, and almost in the act of coii-
rliiding it ne had accompanied the heads of several tribes to flloiitreal, in
1701, to hold a treaty, and, on the 1 August, (that being the first day of public
councils,) Adario found himself seized by sickness. Every thing was done
to relieve him, ("as the governor general," says Charlevoix, "rested his prin-
cipal hope of success in the treaty, upon him,") but without avail ; being
carried to I'Hotel Dieu, he died at two o'clock on the following night. At
his funeral J the greatest display was made, and nothing was omitted which
could inspire the Indians present with a conviction of the great respect iu
which ho was held. On his tomb-stone were engraved these words.

* " 11 r^pondit qii'il venoil de teur la paix ; et qu'il ajoAta, nous verrons comment Ononthie
te til-era de celte ajj'aire."

t Few would wish to read, in English, the cruelties at the sacking of Montreal: the ac-
count of ihcm, we ag'^ee with Dr. Holmes, ''is too horrid to translate." — "Its troiirernil
tout le mond endormi, et its commencerent par massacrer toiis les hontmes ; ensuite its miren.
le/eu aux mttisons. Par-id tous ceux, qui y MoieiU resth, tomberent entre mains de ces sau-
rafres, et essuyerent tout ce que ta/ureur peul inspirer rl des barbares. lis la pousserent mime
a des excds, aont on ne les avoit pas encore cm capalilcs. lis ouvrirent le sein des femmes
enceintes, pour en arracher le fruit, qu'elws portoient, ils mirent des enfans tout vivans h /a
brcchs, et coviraignirent les meres de les toumer pour les /aire rolir. lis im-enterent quantite
d'autres supplices inouis, et 200 personnes de tout dse et de tout scxe perirenl airisi en morns
d'une heure dans les plus ajf'reux tourviens. Cela fait, I'ennemi s'aprorha jusqu'tt unc tine de
la ville, faisanl par tout les mimes ravages, et exeri;ant les memes cruautes, et qiiaud ils furen.
'.a.- de ces horreurs ; ils Jirent 200 prisonniers, qu'ils emmenerent dans kur villages, oil ils
let brldereni."

X " Lc lendemain on fit scs funerniilcs, qui eiirent qiiolque chose de niagnifiqne et de sin
gulier. M. de St. Ours, premier capitainc, niarchoit d'nhord h la t^tc de (iO soldals sous les
armcs. Seize giierricrs llurons, vetus <le tongues robes de castor, le visage peiiil en noil
et lc fusil sous le bras, suivoieni, marchnnt qnotre A (lualro. Le clerge venoit apri^s, et six
thefs de guerre porioienl le cercueil, qui <;toit couverl d'uii pocle scnio de fleiirs. siir leonel
)1 y avoil un chapeau avec un plumet, un hnusse-col et une epee. Les fro res el les --.iirnn
4a defunl itoicnt derricrc, accompagm''s de toivs les chefs des nations, ei M. de WiuilreuU,
^iiverucur do la ville, qui mcuoit maUarac dc Cluimpi^ny, fcrmoit lu inurclic."

CaAr. I.]

PEISKARET.

507

«CY GIT LE RAT, CHEF HURON."

Which in Engiish is, " Hen lies the Rtd, Chief of the Hurons." The encomi-
uiiis passed by the French upon him tfiut was once their most dreaded
enemy, are only equalled by those of their countrymen, Fontenelle and Lm-
iarpe, upon their favorite churactera

His body was u short ti: ne exposed before it was interred, dressed in the
uniibrm of an officer, wii h his arms by his side, because he ranked as a
cuptuiti, at tlic time of liis deatli, in the French service.

The intercourse of Dekanisora with the French and English was long, an<'
from tiie tiict he was able, for much of the time during their wars, to be on
good terms with both nat.ons, we are to suppose that he possessed some
skill ui the arts of duplicity. He is first mentioned by Charlevoix in lG8'i,
at which time he, with lour other ambus.sadors, visited Montreal upon a
peace ex|)edition. He was suspected of insincerity by the French, and no
reliance appears to have been put upon his pretensions. Twelve years after,
Colikn saw him, and thus speaks of him: "Decanesora had for many years
the greatest reputation among the Five Natioiis for speaking, and was gener-
ally employed as their speaker, in their negotiations with both French and
English : he was grown old when I saw him, and heard him speak ; he had
a gruat duency in speaking, and a graceful elocution, that would have pleased
in any part of the world. His person was ta.\\ and well made, and his features,
to my thinking, resembled much the bustos of Cicero." *

If he were an old sachem in 1(594, he must have been very old in 1726, for
in this year he was at Albany with six other ambassadors, where, on the 14
September, they executed an agreement with rhe English ; the condhions of
vvliich were that tliey should surrender all their hunting-grounds into the
hands of Coorakhoo, as they culled the King of England, " to be protected
and defended by his said majesty, his heirs and successors, to and for the
USE of us, our heirs, and the said three Nations." These had before been
eniunerated, as follows : " Kanakarighton and Slianintsaronwe, Sinnekb
sachems ; Ottsoghkoree, Dekanisoree and Jlenjcucratt, Cavouge sachems ; Racly-
akadorodon and Sadageenaghtiey Onondago sachems." f

Charlevoix was unable to ascertain the time of Dekanisora^s death, although
he learned that it happened at the Fulls of St. Louis. Under date KM, he
speaks in high terms of him, OMreowAar^ and Garakonthii, Iroquois Christians,
whom Dekanisora had employed secretly to bring about a jieace with that
nation ; but knew not, as to his Christianity, he said, at that time ; but was
certain that he had professed it. He probably died alwnit 1730.

VVe will go a little back in this j)lace, to notice a chief of the Adirondaks,
of whom the most extraordiniu-y stories are told ; even those iii' Jack-t he-giant-
killer are but little more incredible. And even though Father Charlevoix
was fantiliar with them, yet he deemed them as fiction, it will he iiuiijiined,
from his not relating them in his minute history. TJo name of PlilSKAK I'/F
was, for sundry years previous to 164(5, terrible lO the enemies of the Adiron-
daks. This nation, when Canada was settled by the French, in KiO.'}, resided
about 300 miles to the westward of Three Rivers. How long they had been
at war with the Iroqiiois at this time, is not mentioned, but it was (■oiiiiiiued
until the death of Pelnkarel in 104(5, though with interruption and various
success; but with this chief perished all opposition, and the Adirondaks
figun.'d no more as a nation.

As we have put the reader upon his guard, about receiving the huge stories
about Peiskaret with too much confidence, it will be expected at onr hands,
perhaps, that we give a sample of them, as it maybe said, " possihly tlu^y
are true." Wo might have done this without thus premising, as others lia\e
done, upon the authority of Coldcn, (an author of small value, coivipaiatively
speaking.) His relation proceeds : —

"An Indian named Piskaret was at this time | one of the captains of

* Hisi. FivK Nations.!. 15().

t Governor Thomns Pniniiitl, Adininistrnlioii of llie Rrillsh Colmiics, i. 'J3(l, -.'W.
} lie iiuMilloiis IK) particular liiiic, lull lli:\t oCllie scltli'iiu'iil ol ('luiadii, in ItiO.) ; but aom<
iJiiic (luring the war olwiiii'li we havu spokca must be uailersiood.

t - 'i!

',■<■ x

s*"*

>■<

508

PEISKARET.

[Hook V.

greatetit faino among the Adirondncks ; tliis bold man, with four other cap

tains, sot out lor 'I'rois lliviures in one canoe, each of them

being

]))0-

vided witii thnie muskets, which they loaded with two bullets apiece, joined
with a small chain ten inches long. They met wit!i five canoes in Sore!
Kiver, each having JO men of the Five Nations on board. Piskaret and iiis
captains, as soon as those of the Five Nations drew near, jjretended to give
tlienisclves u|) li)r lost, and sung their death-song, then suddeidy fired upon
the canoes, which they repeated widi the arms that lay ready loaded, and
tore those birch vessels betwixt wind and water.* The men of the Five
Nations were so surprised, that they tumbled out of their canoes, and gave
Piskaret and his companions the ojjportunity of knocking as many of them
on the head as they pleased, and saving the others, to teed their revenge,
which they did by burning then' alive with the most cruel torments. This,
however, was so far from glutting PiskareCs revenge, that it seemed rather to
give a keener edge to it ; lor he soon alter undertook another enterprise, in
wliich none of his countrymen durst accompany hiu). He was well ac(|uainted
with the country of the Five Nations, and set out about the time the snow be-
gan to melt, with the jirecautiou of putting the hinder part of his snow-shoes
lorward, that if any should ha]>pen upon his footsteps, they might think he was
gone the contrary way ; and ibr further secm-ity, went along the ridges and
high grounds, where the snow was melted, that his track might be olten lost.
When he came near one of the villages of the Five Nations, he hid himself
till night, and then entered a cabin, wliile every body was fast asleep nmrdered
the whole Itimily, and carried their scalps into his lurking-place. The next day
tlie people of the village searched for the murderer in vain. The following
night he murdered all he ibund in another cabin. The inhabitants next day
searched likewise in vain ibr the murderer : but the third night a watch was
kept in every house. Piskaret, in the night, bundled up the scalps he had
taken the two Ibrmer nights, to carry, as the proof of his victory, and then
stole privately from house to house, till at last he ibund an Indian noddijig,
who was upon the watch in one of the houses : he knocked tliis man on the
head; but as this alarmed the rest, he was forced innrjediately to fly. He was,
however, under no groat concern from the j)ursuit, being more swift of foot
than any Indian then living. He let his jjursuers come near him from time
to lime, and then would dart from them. This he did with design to tire them
out, with the hopes of overtaking him. As it l)egan to grow dark, he hid him-
Bolt; and his pursuers stopj)ed to rest. They not being apprehensive of any
danger (iom a single man, soon fell asleep ; and the bold Piskaret observing
this, knocked them all on the head, and carried away their scalj)s with the
rest, riuch stories as these," continues Colden, "are told among the Indians,
as extraijrdiuary instances of the courage and conduct of their captains."

Ijolbro this, as we a|)prehend, though relati.'d afterwards by this author,
were the great expeditions of the Jroijuois against the Adirondaks. The
French took [lart with the latter Irom the beginning, and when Champlain
visited the country, he joined a i)arty of them, and went agauist the Iroquois,
and, with the aid of his fire-arms, overcame them in a buttle near Lake Cor-
lai', which was henceforth calU'd Lake Champlain. Two hundred Iroquois
weie in this fight, and the I'rench kej)t themselves concealed, imtil it began,
then rushed forward, and inunediately ])ut the Iroquois to flight. This was
tiie first time they had seen the efiects of guns. This affair was in IGIl.

Finally, the Iro(juois, having grown coMscious of their strength, felt con-
fid: nt that, if tiiey could prevent the French from assisting them, they could
wiilistaiid them. Therefore, they pretended to be well ufiected towards
their religion, and re(|uested that missionaries should be sent among them.
This was done without delay. Their n.-al object was soon apparent; tor
tiiey treated the Jesuit missionaries only as hostages, and this was the means
of making them stand neutral while llioy carried on their war with the Adi-
rondaks and Quatoghies or llurons, whom tliey soon after defeated "in a
dreadUd baitle fought within two leagues of Uuebeck."

This expedition turned out so much to their advantage, "tlie F'ive Nutioni

* The uuUior of Indian Tales lias copiud litis closuly, but gives uo cicdil. Taitt, ii

Chap. I.]

FIVE IROQUOIS CHIEFS VISIT ENGLAND.

P-
ro-

ed
•el
lid
ve
on
1(1
ive

gave out, that they intended next winter • to visit the governor of Canada
tliese visits are always made with much show. Under tins pretence thtj
gathered ogether 1000 or 1200 men. Their outscouts met with Piskaret neui
Nicolet River, and stili pretending a friendly visit to the governor of Canathi,
as their only design, he told them, that the Adirondacks were divided into
two bodies, one of which hunted on the north side of St. Lawrence River at
VVabmake, three leagues above Trois Rivieres, and the other at Nicolet. Ah
soon as they had gained this information, they killed him, and returned
with his head to the army. The Five Natioiis divided likewise into two
bodies : they surprised the Adirondacks, in both places, and in both cut them
ill pieces."

This account is more circumstantial than that given by Charlevoix, but, as
we have seen, would have been without any value, but for his chronology.
He states that, by their previous conduct, the Mohawks had reason to ex{)ect,
that ail the neighboring nations would join to oppose them, and that they
sent out parties to observe what was passing among them ; that one of these
scouts met Peiakard alone, but dared not attack him ; being persuaded he
M ould kill at least half of them, as he had otlen done before. They there-
fore accosted him as a friend, wliile some came up behind him, and stabbed
liini to the heart.

But for the French, the Loquois had now been complete masters of
all the northern and western regions ; and some have observed, that had
they known the weakness of those white neighbors, at the time they over-
came the Aigonquins, near Quebec, they might easily have cleared the
country of them also.

We will close this chapter with an account of the visit of five Iroquois
chiefs to England. The English in America had supposed that if they
could convuice the Indian nations of the power and greatness of their
mother country, they should be able to detach them forever from the in-
fluence of the French. To accomplish this object, tliese chiefs were [ire-
vailed upon to make the voyage. They visited the court of Queen Amu in
the yeai* 1710. None of tlie American historians seem to have known the
names of these chiefs, or, if they did, have not thought it proper to transmit
tlieni. Smith, in his history of New York, mentions the fact of their having
visited England, and gives the sjieech which they made to the queen, and
says it is preserved "in OWmurore," perhaps in the 2d edition of his British
Empire i.\ AMERiCA,t as nothing of the kind is fomid in his histoid of Eng-
land, although he records the circumstance, and ill-naturedly enough too.
We think he would hardly have done even this, but for the purpose of ridi-
culing the friends of the queen. The following is all th»t he says of them :|
" Three weeks alter the battle of Sarragossa was fought by General Stanhope,
whose victory made way for the march to Madrid, the news of the victory
was brought to the queen by Colonel Harrison, the 15 September, O. S., at
wiiich time the High-church rabble were pelting General Slanhopt^s proxy,
and knocking down his friends ut the Westminster election. However, for
tl»e successes in Spain, and for tlie taking of Doway, Bethune and Aire, by
the dnke oi' Marlborough in Flanders, there was a thanks»giving-day appointed,
which the queen solemnized in St. James's chapel. To have gone as usual
to St Paul's, and there to have had Te Denm simg on that occasion, would
have shown too much countenance to those brave and victorious English
generals, who were fighting her battles aliroad, while High-church was plot-
ting, and railing, and addressing against them at home. The carrying of
tour § Indian Casa(|ues about in the queen's coaches, was all the triumph of
the Harleiun administration; they were called kings, and clothed, by the

* No one can tell when next wviter was, that is, what year it was in, by any connection in
Colden's text ; he is so exceedingly loose with regard to ciates ; but, according to CliarltvoU,
It was in Ili-Ui.

f The first edition (which I possess) was printed in 1708.

\ Hist. En^l.iiid,\\.-U)'2. (Fol. London, 1735.)

^ He says Are, a lew lines onward, in his usual random mode of expression, snpposuig it all
the same, doubticgs. at he icas oiUy considering Indians! It will be seen that five was the rea.
aumber. ^^ ^

Ipl

510

nVE IROQUOIS CHIEFS VISIT ENGLAND.

[Book V.

play.iiouse tailor, like other kings of the theatre ; they were conducted to
audience hy Sir Charles CoUtrd; there was a speech made for them, and
nothing omitted to do honor to these five monarchs, whose presence did so
much honor to the new ministry ; which the latter seemed to be extremely
Ibnd of, and defrayed all their expenses during their stay here. They were
the captains of the four nations, [Five Nations,] in league with the English
at New York and New England, and came in person to treat of matters
concerning trade with the lords commissioners of plantations ; as also of an
enterprise against the French, and their confederate Indians in those parts."

Sir Richard Steele mentions these chiefs in his Tatler of May 13, 1710,
and AHison makes tiiem the subject of a number of the Spectator ti)e
next year, at a suggestion of Dean Srnjl.* Neither of these papers, how-
e\er, contain many facts respecting them. Iif the former it is mentioned
that one of them was taken sickf at the house where they were accommo-
dated during their stay in London, and they all received great kindness and
attention from their host, which, on their departure, was the cause of their
honoring him with a name of distinction ; which was Cadaroque, and sig-
nified "<Ae strongest fort in ilteir country." In speaking of their jesidence,
Mr. Steele says, " They were placed in a handsome apartment at an uphol-
ster's in King-street, Covent-garden." There were fine portraits of each of
tlicm painted at the time, and are still to be seen in the British Museum. |

The best and most methodical account of these chiefs was published in
tiie great annual history by Mr. Boyer, § and from which we extract as follows :
" On tiie 19 April Te Fee JVeen Ho Ga Prow, and Sa Ga Yean Qua Prah
Ton, of tlie Maquas ; Blow Oh Konm, and Oh JVee Yeath Ton No Prow, \\ of
tlie river saohem,1[ and the Ganajoh-hore sachem,** four kings, or chiefs of the
Six Nations ff in the West Indies, JJ which lie between New England, and
New France, or Canada : who lately came over with the West Lidia fleet,
and were clouthed and entertained at the queen's expense, had a public
audience of her majesty at the palace of St. James, being conducted thither
in two of her majesty's coaches, by Sir Charles Cotterel, master of the cere-
monies, and introduced by the duke of Shrewsbury, lord chamberlain. They
made a speech by their intrejjreter, which Major Pidgeon, who was one of
tlie officers that came with them, r •'d in English to her majesty, being as
follows : —

" (Jreat Queen — We have undertaken a long and tedious voyage, which
none of our jjredecessors §§ could be prevailed upon to undertake. The
motive that induced us was, that we might see our great queen, and relate
to her those things we thought absolutely necessary, for the good of her, and
us, her allies, on the other side the great water. We doubt not but our great

* " I intended to have written a book on that subject. I believe he [yl(/(/i«<ml has spent it
nil in on« paper, and all the under hints there are mine too." Swijl's Letter to Mrs. Jmnson,
-..i.V<i /,on</on, 28 April, nil.

t This was probably the one that died, of whom Kalm, in his travels in America, i. 210,
makes mention ; though I do not tiud a record of it in any periodical of that day.

j Notes to the Spectator, cd. in 8 vols. 8vo. London, 173!).

I "The Annals of Queen ^nwe'* Reign, Year the IX. for 1710," 189—191. This is a
work coutainin? ^ most valuable fund of information, and is, with its continuation, a lastin?
i:ionumenl to its learned publisher ; his being dragged iuto the Dunciad iu one of Pope^
freaks notwithstanding.

II We have these names in the Tatler, spelt Tee Yee Neen Ho Ga Row, Sa Ga Yeath Rua
Geth U -n, E Tom Oh Koam, and Ho Nee Yeth Taw No Row.

X It .s -'itficult to '.onceive what is meant by River Indians from many of our authors. In
the Appcmux to Jtfferson's Notes, 308, they nre called Kiver Indians, or Mohickanden,
'' who had the.- dAfellings between the west branch of Delaware and Hudson's river, from the
Kittatiiiiiy ridge down to the Rariton." The " Mohiccous " were another tribe about th«
islands and mouth of the Hudson.

** Probably the chief of Canaiohara.

tt Query. If, according to Colden and others, the Tuscaroras did not join the Iroquois
until 1712, and until that time these were called the Five Nations, how comes it that they weie
known in F.nglaiid by the name of Sue Nations in 1710?

a No one can be misled by this error, any more than an Englishman would be by being
li\\ thill London is situated at the foot of the Rocky Mountains.

^{i None of the Six Nations, must be understood.

Chap. I.]

FIVE IROQUOIS CHIEFS VFJIT ENGLAND.

511

queen has been acquainted with our long and tedioua war, in conjunction
with her children, aguinst her enemies the French : and that we huve bi;en
as a strong wall for tlieir security, even to the loss of our best men. The
truth of which our brother Quederf Colonel [Pe^erl Schuyler,, and Anada^ar-
jmuc, Colonel J^icholson, can testify ; they having all our proposals in writing.
We were mightily rejoiced when we heard by Anadagarjauj;, that our great
queen had resolved to send an army to reduce Canada ; from whose nioutli
we readily embraced our great queen's instructions : and in token of our
friendship, we hung up the kettle, and took up the hatchet ; and with one
consent joined our brother Quedier, and Anadagarjavuc, in making prepara-
tions on this side the lake, by building forts, stora-houses, canoes and but-
teaux ; whilst Aundiaaia, Colonel Vetch, at the same time, raised an oi'iiiy ut
Boston, of which we were informed by our ambassadors, whom we sent
thither for that purpose. We waited long in expectation of the fleet from
England, to join Anadicuia, to go against Quebec by sea, whilst Anadagai--
jaux, Q^ueder, and we, went to Port Royal by land ; but at last we were told,
that our great queen, by some important affair, was prevented in her design
for that season. This made us extreme sorrowful, lest the French, who
hitherto had ''"eaded us, should now think us unable to make war against
them. The reduction of Canada is of such weight, that alter the effecting
thereof, we should have free hunting, and a g^^at trade witli our ^rcat
queen's children ; and as a token of tlie sincerity of the Six Nations, we do
here, in the name of all, present our great queen with the belts of wam])uni.
We need not urge to our great queen, more than the necessity we really labor
under obliges us, that in case our great queen should not be mindful of iis,
we must, with our families, forsake our country, and seek other habitations,
or stand neuter ; either of which will be much against our inclinations.
Since we have been in alliance with our great queen's children, we have had
some knowledge of the Savior of the world ; and have often been impor-
tuned by the French, both by the insinuations of their priests, and l)y
presents, to come over to their interest, but have always esteemed tliein men
of falsehood ; but if our great queen will be pleased to send over some
persons to instruct us, they shall find a most hearty welcome. We now
close, with hopes of our great queen's favor, and leave it to her most gracious
consideration."

We cannot but re8[iond amen to Mr. Oldmixon^s opinion of this speocli,
namely, that it was made /or mstead of by the "hieis ; still we thought it
proi)er to print it, and that by so doing we should give satisfiiction to iiiore
than by withholding it Our account next proceeds : " On Friday, tlie 21
April, the four Indian princes went to see Dr. Flamstecufs house, and niutlie-
niatical instruments, in Greenwich Park ; after which they were nohiy
treated by some of the lords commissioners of the admiralty, in one of her
majesty's jachts. They staid about a fortnight longer in Lonclon, where thoy
were entertained by several persons of distinction, particularly by the duke
of Ormond, who regaled them likewise with a review * of the four troops of
life-guards ; and having seen all the curiosities in and about this metro|>ulis,
they went down to Portsmouth, through Hampton Court and Windsor, and
embarked on board the Dragon, one of her majesty's ships. Captain Martin,
commodore, together with Colonel Francis JVicholson, commander-in-chie»"
of the forces designed for an expedition in America. On the 8 May,
tie ">ragon and Falmouth sailed from Spithead, having under convoy about
18 sail, consisting of merchantmen, a bomb-ship and tender, and several
transports, with British officers, a regiment of marines, provisions and stores
of war ; and on the 15 July ariived at Boston in New England."

Little is to be gathered from Smith's history of New York relative to
those sachems. lie gives a speech which they made to the queen, but
it is a meagre abridgment of less than half of the one above, and tlie

1 'i

* And tlie cliiefs made a speech in return, but our author makes this noie upon it '
" N. i). The soeech which wan «aid to have been made by ihem, on thai unaiion, to l)i«
Juke of Ormoiia, ig spurious. '

W-

^k-h

612

TAMANY.

[Book V

rest is omitted entirely. "The arrival of the five sachems in England
made a great bruit throughout tlio whole kingdom. The mob followed
wherever they went, and small cuts of them were sold among the people." *

The main object of their visit to England was not, nor, in the nature of
tilings, could it be effected, f mean the introduction of Christianity among
them. Even these very sachems, who, according to the stories of that day,
requested to have missionaries settled with them, were among the first to
neglect them when settled among them.t " It might have been imagined,"
says the author just cited, " the sachems, those petty kings, who were in
England in the late Queen's time, sliould have been so strongly affected with
eeemg the grandeur, pleasure, and plenty of this nation, that when they come
to their own countries, they would have tried to reduce tlieir people to a
polite life ; would have employed their whole power to expel that rude bar-
bai'ism, and introduce arts, manners, and religion : but the contrary happen-
ed ; the^ sunk themselves into their old brutal life, and though they had
seen this great city, [London,] when they came to their own woods, tiiey
were all savages again."

There cannot be a wider difference than the two nations, English and
French, make in their accounts of the original condition, manners and cus-
toms of the Iroquois. While the writers of the former described them as
the most barbarous, cruel, and bloody, those of the latter portray them in
enviable colors. This difference seems to have entirely arisen from the
different relation of the two nations to them. That they were cruel and
barbarous to their enemies is agreed by both, and it unfortunately happened
that the English were generally their enemies, until the reduction of Canada,
in 1760.

CHAPTER n.

T AM kH\, a famous ancient Delateare — His history — Shikellimus — Favors the Moravi-
an Brethren — His reception oj" Count Zinxendorf — His death — Canassatego — Visits
Philadelphia — His speech to the Delawares — Anecdotes of him — Glikhikan — His
speech to Half-king — His attachment to the Christian Indians — Meets with much
trouble from Captain Pipe — Conduct of Half-king — Of Pipe — Glikhikan perishes
in the massacre at Gnadenhuetten — Pakanke — His history — Netawatwees —
Becomes a Christian — His speech to Pakanke — His death — Pasnous — Tadeuskund
— His history and death — White-eves — His transactions with the missionaries —
Skenando — His celebrated speech — Curious anecdote of him — His death.

Tamant was a name much in print, fifty years since, but of what nation
or country, or whether applied to an imaginary or real personage, by any ac-
count accompanying it, no one could determine. The truth respecting this
liEis at length come to light.

He was a Delaware chief, of similar renown to the Basheha of Kennebeck,
and JVanepashemet of Alassachusetts ; and we infer from Gabrid Thomm,t
that possibly he might have been alive as late as 1680 or 1690. He wrote
the name Temeny.

Mr. Heckewdder, in bin Historical Account of the Indian Nations, de-
votes a chapter to this chief and Tadeuskund, He spells the name Tamaned.
The difficulty of gaining information of deceased individuals among the
Indi&as is well known to those conversant with their history. Mr. Hecke-
welder says, " No white man who regards their feelings, will introduce such
subjects in conversation with them." This reluctance to speak of the de-

• Hist. New York, 122. ed. 4to. London, 1757. Beautiful full-length portraits of four of
these chiefs were done in mczzolinlo at llie lime they were in England, but they were long
since of very rare occurrence. I possess the best set of them which I liave ever seen. They
are usually found in black frames, and are about 20 inches in height by 12 in breadth. The
portrnit ot the one that died was not probably taken, which accounts for our having but four.

t Humphrky's llislorical Account Soc. for Prop. Gospel, 30'J, 310.

t " Who resided tlicre [in Pennsylvania] about 15 years," and who published " An Historic
al and Ueograpliicai Account of Pa. and \V. Jersey," 12nio. London, IGDS.

■■ g^ i n i;'! ! ■wrw'—

Chap. II.]

TAMANY— SHIKELLIMUS.

parted he attributes to " the misfortunes which have befullen some of the
moat beloved and esteemed personages among them, since tlie Europeans
came among them." It is believed, however, that it had a more remote ori-
gin. The same author continues, " All we know of Tamened is, that he was
an ancient Delaware chief, who never had his equal." ♦

It is said tiiat when, about 1776, Colonel George Morgan, of Princeton, New
Jersey, visited the western Indians by direction of congress, the Delawares con-
ferred on him the name of Tamany, " in honor and remembrance of their
ancient chief, and as the greatest mark of respect which tliey could show to
that gentleman, who they said had the same address, affability and meekness
as their honored chief." t

" The fame of this great man extended even among the whites, who fabri-
cated numerous legends respecting him, which I never heard, however,
from the mouth of an Lidian, and tlierefore believe to be fabulous. In the
revolutionary war, his enthusiastic admirers dubbed him a saint, and he was
established under the name of St. Tammany, the patron siiint of America.
His name was inserted in some calendars, and his festival celebrated on the
first day of May in every year. On that day a numerous society of his vota-
ries walked together in procession through the streets of PIiiladel])hia, their
bats decorated with bucks'' tails, and proceeded to a handsome rural place
«iit of town, which they called the wigwam; where, afler a lotig talk or
Indian speech had been delivered, and the calumet of peace and friendship
hud been duly smoked, they spent the day in festivity and mirth. Afler din-
ner, Indian dances were performed on tiie green in front of the wigwam, the
calumet was again smoked, and the company separated."

It was not till some years afler the peace that these yearly doings were
broken up, which would doubtless have lasted longer but for the misfbrtune
of the owner of the ground where they were held. Since that time Phila-
delphia, New York, and perhaps other places, have had their Tamany socie-
ties, Tamany halls, &c. &c. In their meetings these societies make but
an odd figure in imitating the Indian manner of doing business, as well as in
ippropriating their names upon one another.

Among the multitude of poems and odes to Tamany, the following is
selected to give the reader an idea of the acts said to have been achieved by
him : —

" Immortal Tamany, of Indian race,

Great in the field and foremost in the chase !

No puny saint was he, with fasting pale ;

He climbed the mountain, and he swept the vale,

Rushed through the torrent with unequalled might ;

Your ancient saints would tremble at the sight ;

Caught the swift boar and swifter deer with ease,

And worked a thousand miracles like these.

To public views he added private ends.

Ana loved his country most, and next his friends ;

With courage long he strove to ward the blow j

(Courage we all respect ev'n in a foe ;)

And when each effort he in vain had tried,

Kindled the flame in which he bravely died !

To Tamany let the full horn go round ;

His fame let every honest tongue resound ;

With him let every gen'rous patrioi vie.

To live in freedom or with honor die."}

We are next to speak of a chief, concerning whom much inquiry has been
made from several considerations. We mean

Shikellimus, the father of the celebrated Tjogan. He was a Cayuga sachem,
Hud styled by Mr. Loskiel,^ "first magistrate and head chief of all the L'oquois
Indians living on the banks of the Susquehannah, as far as Onondago.

He is the same often mentioned by Colden,\\ under the names Shickcalamy.
Shicalamy, and Shick Calamy, and occupies a place next the fiimous CanassO'

• Some will doubtless imagine that this was knowing a good deal.

\ \iecke\vek\et, id supra. { Curcy's Museum, v. l&l. 6 Hist. Missions, u. 119.

II Ilist. Five Nations, ii. 57, 69, 75, 77, 85.

! '■ '.

t I,

^k^i

:cl;|.

514

CANASSATEGO.

[Book V

tego. His residence was at Conestoga in Pennsylvania, lie was present at a
great council held in Philadelphia in 1742, witii 91 other chiefs, counsellors
and warriors of the Six Nations, to consult about the encroachments of some
of the Delawares upon the people of Pennsylvania, as will be found mentioned
in the history of Canasaatego, That he was u man of much consetjuenco
among the Five Nations will ai)pear from the fact, that Canassateeo repeated a
speech of his to Governor Thomas, when the assault upon William Webb
was inquired into, " whereby his [the said Wtb^s] jaw-bone was broke, and
his life greatly endangered by an unknown Indian." This took place upon
the disputed lands in the forks of the Delaware. " Canasaatego repeating the
message delivered to the Six Nations by Shickcalamy, in the year 1740, with a
^Ti "I g oi wampum, said in answer: 'The Six Nations had made diligent
in*iuiry into the afiiiir, and had found out the Indian who had committed the
"tt^t; he lived near Asopus, [iEsopvs,] and had been examined and severely
res; i-.^'ed; and they hoped, as William Webb was recovered, the governor
W(<ul '. I'ot expect any further punishment, and therefore they returned the
string / vumpum received i'rnn their brethren, by the hand of Shickcalamy,
m tokeii iunt they had fully complied with their request,' "

When Count Zinzendorf, fo'mder of the sect culled Moravians, visited this
country, in 1742, he hud an i.iterview with this chief at Shamokiu. Conrad
Weiaer was present, and Shikellimus inquired with gjeat anxiety the cause of
the count's visit. Weiser told him " that he was a messenger of tlie living
Grod, sent to j)reach grace und mercy ; " to which he answered, " he was glad
that such a messenger came to instruct his nation."

While in the exercise of his pious labors, Zinzendorf very nan*owly escaped
assassination ; and, to illustrate the force of superstition upon untutored minds,
it will be proper to relate the circumstance. Having arrived on the banks
of the Wyoming, the Indians could not believe that he had come solely for
their benefit, but had come to the conclusion that his real object was the ac-
quisition of liuid ; and they therefore resolved to put him to death. On a cool
evening in September, as he sat alone in his tent, upon a bundle of weeds,
which was his bed, the appointed assassins appioached his frail mansion.
He had a small fire, and was writing at the time ; and nothing jMevented the
easy execution of their commission. A blanket, suspended by the cornerei,
formed the door of his tent, and as the Indians drew this a little aside, they
beheld a large rattlesnake which the fire had driven from his covert, laying
near the venerable man, but was not seen by him ; bein^ too deeply engaged
in his subject to notice him or the more dangerous ftidians. The rattle-
snake being an animal they feared and respected as a kind of Munito, uiid
seeing it in company with the stranger, they doubted not of his divine origin
also, and at once shrunk from their object, and returned to report what they
had seen to their brethren in their village.* He was now received by the
Shawanese, and a mission was begun among them.

Shikellimus was a great friend of the missionaries, and his death was a
severe loss to them. He died at his own residence in Shamokin, in 1749.
We have already named the chief proper to be proceeded with, on finishhig
our accoimt of Shikellitmts.

CANASSATEGO, a chief of the Six Nations, was of the tribe of Onondago.
In 1742, there arose a dispute between the Delawares and the govermiieiit
of Pennsylvania, relative to a tract of land in the forks of the Delaware. The
English claimed it by right of prior purchase, and the Delawares persisted in
their claim, and threatened to use force unless it should be given up by tlie
whites. This tribe of the Delawares were subject to the Six Nations, and
the governor of Pennsylvania sent deputies to tlnim to notify them of the
trouble, that they might interfere and prevent war. It was on this occasion
that Canasaatego appeared in Philadelphia with 230 warriors. He observed
to the governor, "that they saw the Delawares had been an unruly people,
and were altogether in the wrong; that they had concluded to remove them,
and oblige them to go over the river Delaware, and quit all claim to any
lands on this side for the future, since they had received pay for them, and

Chapman's Hist. Wyoming, 20 to 22,

CakF. U.]

CANASSATEGO.

5ir»

l:^

it is gone through their guts long ago. They deserved, he said, to be tn^en
l»y iho iiuir ot'the heud, uiid shaken severely, till they recovered their senses,
uiul liecunie sober; that he had seen with his own eyes a deed signed by nine
of tlieir ancestors, above fitly years ago, for this very land, aii<l a " '•^ase
signed not many years since, by some of tlieinselves, and chiefs yet .. ing,
(and then present,) to the number of 15 and upwards; but how cun.< yuii
(addressing iiiuiself to tlie Delawares present) to take upon you to sel. land
at all ? We conquered you ; we made women of you ; you know you are
women ; and can no more sell land than women ; nor is it lit you should have
the power of selling lands, since you would abuse it This laud you eiaim
is gone through your guts ; you have been furnished witli clothes, meat and
drink, by the goods paid you for it, and now you want it again, like chiidn.n
us you are. But what makes you sell lands in the dark ? Did you ever tell
us that you had sold this land ? Did we ever receive any part, even the value
of a pipe shank, from you for it ? You have told us a blind storj', that you
sent a messenger to us, to iidbrm us of the sale ; but he never came amongst
us, nor did we ever hear any thing about it. This is acting in the dark, and
very different from the conduct our Six Nations observe in the sales of land.
On such occasions they give public no j, and invite all the Indians of tlieir
united nations, and give them all a .ar^ f the presents they receive lor
tlieir lands.

"This is the behavior of the wisf uniten ;iations. But we find you are
none of our blood ; you act a dishoi.sst part, not only in this, but in other
matters ; your ears are ever open to slanderous reports about your brethren.
For all these reasons, we charge you to remove instantly ; we donH give you liberty
to think about it. You are women." ' .ley dared not disobey this command,
and soon aller removed, some to Wyoming and Shamokin, and some to the
Ohio.*

When Canassatego was at Lau^aster, in Pennsylvania, in 1744, holding a
talk f about their affairs with the governor, he was informed that t!ie English
had beaten the French in some important battle. " Well," said he, " if that
be the case, you must have taken a great deal of rum from them, and can
afford to give us some, that we may rejoice with you." Accordingly, a ghura
was served round to each, which they called a French glass. |

Dr. Franklin tells us a very interesting story of Canassatego, and at the same
time makes the old chief tell another. Li speaking of the maimers and cus-
toms of the Lidians, the doctor says, "The same hospitality, esteemed among
them as a principal virtue, is practised by private persons ; of which Conrad
fVeiser, our inter|)rcter, gave me the followiiig instances. He had been iiatu-
ralizetl among the Six Nations, and spoke well the Mohawk language. In
going through the Indian country, to carry a message from our governor to
the council at Onondago, he called at the habitation of Canassatego, nn old
acquaintance, who embraced him, spread furs for him to sit on, placed bi-fore
him some boiled beans, and venison, and mixed some rum and water liir his
drink. When he was well refreshed, and had lit his pipe, Canassatego began
to converse with him ; asked how he had fared the many years since tluy
had seen each other ; whence he then came ; what occasioned tlie joiiiii(;y,
&c. Conrad answered all his questions ; and when the discourse be;:aii to
flag, the Indian, to continue it, said, ' Conrad, you have lived long among the
white people, and know something of their customs: I have been sonietiiii> s
at Albany, and have observed, that once in seven days they shut uji their
eho]>s, and assemble in the great house ; tell me what that is tor; what do
they do there?' 'They meet there,' says Conrorf, ' to hear and learn good
things.' ' I do not doubt,' says the Lidian, 'that they tell you so ; they have
told me the same; but 1 doubt the truth of what they stiy, and I will tell you
my reasons. I went lately to Albany, to sell my skins, and buy blankets.
knives, jiowder, rum, &c. Y'^ou know I used generally to deal with Hans

• Colden and Gordon's Histories.

f The iiilmiios ol'llie coiiferenoo taken at the time by William Marshe, occupio* 30 pages ii
(he Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. vii. \(>l.
J (JuUIcil's Hist. Five Nations, ii. 142,

516

CANASSATEGO.

[lioiK V

Hanson; but I wns a little inclinnd this time to try ,«K>irie other iiierchniil ».
However, 1 culiid tirat upon Hang, and nhk«;il liiin wliat in; woiiUI givo lor
Iteaver. He Miid lie could not give more tiian i'onr HJiiUiii^ii n poiiiitt ; liiit
Haya he, I cannot talk on biiHincHH now; this ia tiic day wiicn wi; nici t toui^thrr
to learn good tliiitga, and I am going to the meeting. So 1 thouglit to niyii<eli|
since I cannot do any InisinesH to-day, I may au well go to the meeting to«»,
and I Avent witli him. There stood np u man in black, and brgan to talk
to the peo|de very angiily ; 1 did not nn<ierstand what be xn'u\, hut ptMteiving
that he looked iniieh at me, and at llansoii, 1 imagined that he wum angry at
seeing me there ; «o I went ont, .sat down near the huii>e, stinck tire, and lit
my p)pe, waiting till the meeting should break U|». 1 thought too that the
man had mentioned something of Ix-aver, and suspected it might be the sub-
ject of their meeting. So when they came out, I accosted my merchant.
•Well, Hans,^ says 1, '1 hope you have agreed to give more than 4». a
pound.' 'No,' says he, ' I cannot give so iimch, I cannot give more than three
Hhillings and sixpence-.' I then spoke to several other dealers, but they all sung
the same song,— -<Aree and sixpence, three and sixpence. This made it clear to
me that my suspicion was right; and that whatever they pretended of meet-
ing' to learn good tli{ngs,the pu.pose was to consult how to cheat Indians in the
price of beaver. Consider but a little, Conrad, and you nnist he of my opinion.
If they met so ollen to learn good things, they would certainly have learned
some l>efore this time. But they are still ignorant. You know our practice.
It' a white man, in travelling through our country, enters one of our cabins,
we all treat him as I do you; we dry him if he is wet; we warm him if he is
cold, and give him meat and drink, that he may allay his thirst and hunger ;
and we spread soil furs for him to rest and sleep on ; we ()emand nothing in
return. }iut if I go into a white man's house at Albany, and a^k for victuals and
di'ink, they say. Get out, you Indian dog. You see they have not yet learned
those little good things that we need no meetings to be instructed in, because
our mothers tangiit tiiem to us when we were children; and therefore it is
impossible their meetings should be, as they say, for any such ]iurpose, or have
any such effect : they are only lo contrive the cheating of Indians in the price
of beaver.' " *

The missionary Frederic Post, in his journal of an embassy to the Indians
on the Ohio, in 175B, mentions a son of Canassatego, whom he calls Hans
Jacob.

We are not to look into the history of Pennsylvania for a succession of
Indian wars, although there have been some horrid murders and enormities
committed among the whites and Indians. For about 70 years, their historic
page is very clear of such records, namely, from 1G82, the arrival of William
I'enn, until the French war of 1755.

And we will here record the proceedings of William Penn, on his taking
j)ossession of his lands upon the Delaware, so far as they are connected with
our Indian history.

Humanity being a prominent feature in every Quaker who liTes up to his
])rofes8ion, we are to expect a display of it in that of Penn ; and happily we
do not find ourselves disappointed. The force of his example was such, that,
for many years, his followers practised the art of peacemaking ; and hence no
wars occurred, as we have already observed ; but as the enlightened mind
of Penn carried his acts more than one hundred and fifty years in advance
of his contemporaries, they acting without the true principle which governed
him, soon forgot its importance, and pursued a difiereut course, which brought
the evils of war and dissolution.

IFiUiam Penn had conlirined to him the country since bearing his name,
by a royal charter, and having sent over a small colony to take possession
of it in l(i81, followed himself the next year. His first care on his arrival was
to establish a lasting friendship with the Indians. This he effected by the
greatest possible care in rendering them strict justice and great kindness, and
above all by purchasing the country of them, and paying them to their con-

• The editors of the valual.! . Eiicycloi)edia Pcrlhcusis have thought this aiii'ivloiu woiihy a
place in that work, (i. Gd2.)

Chap. II]

PENN'S TREATY.— OLIKIIIKAN.

517

'tent for it. Perm landed at what is now Newcastle, 24 October, and room bi^gan
to exchange goods for lands with the; Indians. By this intercourse he learned
tiicir language,* and thus qualified himself to render thetn justice in all ctisi-s.

The first formed treaty entered into between Penn and the li.'lians was
made in Dec. KJ82, and took place almost two miles almve what is now
Chestinit Street, on the same side of the Delaware, in tiie present township
of Kensington, under the wide-spreading branches of an elm-tree, aged at that
time 155 years, as since ascortained.f A small cubical marble monument
now marks the s|K)t^ which, with the adjacent neighborhood, in the days of
Penn, was called ShaJutmaxon, A strc«'t perpetuates this name, not far dis-
tant, which runs at right angles to the river. The little monument of whicli
we have made mention, was almost invisible from piles of rubbish, when
visited by the writer in April, 183 ^.f

In reference to Penn's Treaty, ko often the subject of prose in both heini-
8j»heres, Voltaire has in his peculiar vein observed, that it was the only o-io
made without an oath, and the only one which had not been broken.^

An admirable painting of this treaty, by Sir Benjamin fVest, has oflen been
sketched upon copper, and intpressions circulated in various works ; there ie<,
however, in all of them, a very glaring want of taste or judgment, arising
probably from a fiil.se notion of tlie ])uinter, which is the appeiu-ance of
handsome houses in the buck-ground. There is one of the best sketciies of
an Indian treaty painted upon the sign of an inn in Beucii Street, near the old
treaty ground, which I have seen.

It is no wonder the Indians remembered Penn so long, and so afTection-
ately, for it v,">s not uncommon for him to perform the engagements of other.-*,
who piirpo.sel^ set out upon wronging them. In a speech which a chief of
tlie Six Nations made at a conferpnce, at Lancaster, in June, 1744, he gives
the following narrative of one of Penn's generous acts in these words: —

" When our brother Onas, a great while ago, came to Albany to buy the
Susquchannah lands of us, our brother the governor of N. York, wlio, us we
suppose, had not a good understanding with our brother Onas, advised us
not to sell him any land, ibr he would make a bad use of it, and pretending
to be our friend, he advised us, in order to prevent 0;mm'», or any other per-
sons, imposing on u.s, and that we might always huve our land when we
wanted it, to put it into his hands ; and he told us he would keep it for our
usn, and never opim his hands, but keep them close shut, and not part witii
any of it, but at our request Accordingly we trusted him, and put our laiid.s
into his hands, and charged him to keep them safe for our use. But some
time after he went to England, and carried our land with him, and there sold
it to our brother Onas for a large sum of money. And when at the instance
of our brother Onas we were minded to sell him some lands, he told us we had
sold the Susquchannah lands already to the governor of N. York, and that
he had bought them from him in England ; though when he came to under-
stand how the governor of N. York had deceived us, he very generously paid
us for our lands over again." ||

There were several chiefs very noted about this period, on account of
their connection with the Moravian Brethren. Among the most noted was

GLIKHIKANjH or Glikhickan,** "an eminent captain and warrior, counsel-
lor and speaker of the Delaware chief [Pakanke] in Kaskaskunk." It is said
that he had disputed with the French Catholic priests in Canada, and con-

* FFis own leUer, dated tlie year following, S'"'"^ 8" account of llic country, its products,
inhabitants, &c. &.c. dated 16 August, 1683, and printed in Blonie's America, %.

t Holmes's Annals, i. 405. The old elm was blown down by a tempest in 1810, and was
then 233 years old. lb. Pieces of its stump are preserved in the cabinets of the curious, along
with fragments of the Plymouth Rock, &c.

X I was lately informed bv Mr. Duponceau of Piiiladelphia, that some important errors existed
in the printed accounts of Penn's Treaty, and he showed me .some manuscripts concerning it
which he had lately discovered, and was preparing to have them printed in the Hist. Colls, of
Pennsylvania.

^ C'est le seul traits entre ces peuples et les Chretiens qui n'ait point ite jur6 et qui n'ai
aoint ^te rompu. CEuvres, vol. Iiv. 415, ed. of 1735, in 91 vols. l2mo.

II An Enquiry into the Causes, &c. of the Alienation of the Shawaiiese anil :)elawares, 51.

II Loskiel. ** Heckewelder.

518

GLIKIIIKAN.— ins SPF.Eril TO HALFKING.

lBoo« V

fonndcd tliorii, and now (1709) mmlo liia njinonrnncn nmong tlin Unitcrl
Hietliroii for tho purpoHo of uchiovin^ a like victory; but as tlit; HretlirenV
account Ii(i8 it, his licnrt failed him, and he l)ccninc a convict to tiicir (h)ctrineii
In 1770, lie <|nitt(!(l Kaskaskiink, to live with the Hretiircn, greutiyuguinst the
uiinds of his frn;nrls and his chief. Tiiis occasioned great troui)le, and some
fiideavored to take his life. Pakanke'a sjjeech to him upon the occasion will
>)e seen when wo come to the account of that chief. At the time of ids bap-
tism, (Uikhikan received the name of Isaac.

The period of the revolutionary war was a distressing time for the Bretlireti
and those Indians who had adliered to their cause. War paitics from the
iiostile tribes were contiiuiaily passing and repassing their settlements, ond
otlen in the most suspicious manner. It was to the tiinious chief Glikhikan
•hat they owed their preservation on more than one occasion. Tlie Indians*
about the lakes si-nt dc|)uti=8 to draw the Delawares into the war against the
Ani'-ricaiis, but they were not received by them. Shortly after, in tiio year
1777, 200 Huron warriors, with Half -king at their head, approached the 3Io-
raviun settlement of Lichtenau, in their way to attack the settlements upon
the frontiers, and caused great consternation among the Hnthreu ; but rcsoiv-
ing to show no signs of fear, victuals were prepared I'or them, and sent out
by some of the Christian Indians to meet them. The reception of thosi- sent
out was far more promising than was anticipated, and soon i\\\cr was "sent
a solemn embassy to the Half-king and otiier chiefs of the Iliirons." Glikhi-
kan was at the iiead of this embassy, and the lollowing is his speech to
Half-king: — "Uncle! We, your cousins, tlio congregation of believing
Indians at Lichtenau and Gnadenhuetton, rejoice at this opportunity to see
and sj)eak with you. We cleanse your eyes from all the dust, and whatever
tlic wind may have carried into tiiem, tiiat you may see your cousin with
clear eyes and a serene countenance. We cleanse your ears and hearts ti-oni
ail evil reports which an evil wind may have conveyed into your ears and
even into your hearts on tlie journey, that our words may find entrance into
your ears and a place in your hearts. [Here a string of wampum tons pre-
sented, hy Glikhikan,] Uncle ! hear the words of the believing Indians, your
cousins, at Lichtenau and Gnadenhuetton. We would have you know, tliat
we have received and believed in the word of God for 30 years and upwards,
and meet daily to hear it, morning and evening. You must also know, that
we have our teachers dwelling amongst us, who instruct us and our children.
IJy this word of God, preached to us by our teachers, we are taught to keep
peace with all men, and to consider them as friends; for tiius God has com-
mandi d us, and therefore we are lovers of peace. These our treachers are
not only our friends, but we consider and love them as our own flesh nn<I
blood. Now as we are your cousin, we most earnestly beg of you, uncle,
that you also would consider them as yor.r own body, and as your cousin.
We and they make hut one body, and therefore cannot he si'paratcd, and
whatever you do unto them, you do unto us, whether it be good or evil."
Then several fathoms of wampum were delivered. Hnlf-king received this
speech with attention, and said it had penetrated his heart, and after he had
consulted with his cajitains, he sjjoke as ibllows in answer : — " Cousins ! I
am very glad and feci great satisfaction that you have clpansid my eyes, ears
and heart from all evil, conveyed into me by the wind on this journey. I am
upon an expedition of an unusual kind ; for I am a warrior and am going to
war, and therefore many evil things and evil thoughts enter into my head,
and even into my heart. But tlianks to my cousin, my eyes are now clear,
so tliat I can behold my cousin with a serene countenance. I rejoice, that I
can hear my cousins with open ears, and take tlieir words to heart." He then
delivered a string of wampum, and after repeating the part of Glikhikan^s
speech relating to the missionaries, proceeded : " Go on as hitherto, and suffer no
one to molest you. Obey your touchers, who speak nothing hut good imto
you, and instruct you in the ways of God, and be not afraid that any harm
.shall be done unto them. No creature shall hurt them. Attend to yout
worship, and never mind other afl^airs. Indeed, you see us going to war;
but you may remain easy and quiet, ai>'l need not think nnich aliout it, &c."
This was rather odd talk ibr a savage warrior, and verily it seeins more like

Chap. II. ] GLIKIIIKAN —TROUBLES OF THE MISSIONARIES.

tlint of ono of the European Brethren, but the veracity otLoikiel will not be

<|IICHtioll('(l.

Home time after thin, a circumstance occurred which threw Glikhiknn into
iiuich troul)le and dan^'or. A band of Huron wan'iors m-ized ufKin the miH-
HJonarietj at Halcm and Gnadunhucttcn, and contint'd th<>m, and did mm-li
mischief Mirhnel Jun^, David Ztiaberf^tr and John Ikckewddtr Wi-m llio
ikotliren confined at this timt;. Tiio savages next pillaged Hcliocnbrunn,
from whence thry led captive tlie missionary Jungvvin and wife, and tins
■listers Zeiiberger and Sensenutn ; and, singing the death-song, arrived with
them at Gnadcnhucttcn, where were the rest of the prisoners. This was
September 4, 1781. It apfiears that the famous Captain P!pe was among tiiese
warriors, from what follows. A young Indian woman, who accompanied th»»
warriors, was much moved by the hard treatment of the Brethren, and in the
night "l<)und means to get Capt, Pipers best horse, and rode off fidl speed to
I'ittsbnrgli, where siie gave an account of the situation of the miHsionaries
and till ir congregations." This woman was related to Glikhikan ; on hitn.
therefore, they d':t<!rmiaed to vent their wratii. A |)arty of warriors seized
him at Salem, and Itronght him bound to Gnadcnhuetten, singing the death-
song. When ho was brought into the presence of the warriors, great conuno-
tion followed, and many were clamorous that he should be at once cut to
|)ieces ; «!specially the Dela wares, who could not forget his having renoiuu-ed
his nation and manner of living; here, however, //a//-Aini^ interlt;red, and
prevented his being killed. They now held an inquisitorial examination
upon him, which terminated in a ])roof of his innocence, and, after giving
vent to tlieir spleen in loading him with the worst of epithets and much op-
probrious language, set him at liberty.

I'he missionaries and their rongregations were soon at liberty, but were
ol)liged to emigrate, as they could have no rest upon the IMuskingum any
longer; war parties conlinually hovering about them, robi)ing and troubling
them in various ways. They went through the wilderness 1*^5 miles, and
sittled at Sandusky, leaving their beautiful cornfields just ready to harvest.
Their losses and privations were immense. Above yOO cattle and 400 hogs,
nnich corn in store, beside IJOO acres just ripening, were among the spoils.
" A troop of savages commanded by English othcers escorted tiuiin, enclos-
ing them at the distance of some miles op all sides." They arrived at their
place of destination October II, and here were left by Half-king and his
warriors without any instructions or orders.

Many believing Indians had returned to Gziadenhuetten and the adjacent
places in 1782. Here, on 8th March of this year, ha|»pened the most dreadful
massacre, and Glikhikan was among the victims. Ninety-six persons were
scalped and then cut to pieces. Besides women, there were ^4 children
murdered in cold blood.* This was done by white men !

Of this horrid and diabolical murder it behoves us to give the facts more
in detail. The month of February of the year 1782, having been very favor-
able to war parties, it was improved by some Sandusky warriors, and some
murders were committed in an unlooked for moment upon the frontiers of tin;
whites. The family of a William Wallace, consisting of his wife and five or
six children, were killed, and one John Cafpenterf was taken prisoner. These
early movements of the Indians led the whites to conclude that they were
either done by the Moravians at Muskingum, or that the warriors that com-
mitted the murders were quartered among them.^ Therefore, without fiirther
inlbrmation, a band of about 80 or 90 men suddenly collected upon the fi-on-
tier of Pennsylvania, and each man having provided himself with his own
arms, ammunition and provisions, mostly mounted upon horses, set out imder
one Colonel David Williamson for the devoted congregation at Gnadenhuetten.
They rendezvoused and encamped tlie first night on tlie Mingo Bottom, ou
'.he west side of the Ohio River.§

* I have been particular in noticing this afTair, as it is not found in . .^ h extensively circu
fated works as the American Annals.

f He afleiwards made his esrape at ffreat peril,
i Doddridge's Notes on the Indian Wars, 248, 249.

^ Ibid.

MASSACRE AT GNADKNHUETTEN.

[Book V

Meanwhile Colonel Gibson, at Pittsburgli, understanding the object of tli
crew who liad gone forth under MiUianison, despatched messengers to alarm
the Christian Indians, but they arrived too late. However, they received
timely notice from another quarter, but their trusting to their innocence to
protect them, did in this case prove a fatal error : a white man. who had
Jiarrowly escaped from the hands of some warriors, warned them with great
earnestness to fly for their lives. These warriors, who had " murdered and
impaled a woman and a child, not tar from the Ohio, arrived soon after at
Gnadenhuotten," where they expressed tlieir well-grounded fears to the Chris-
tians, that a jMirty of white people, who were pursuing them, would surely
kill them all.* All these warnings were not enough to shake their faith in
the protecting arm of their own innocence.

The second day's march of the band of murderers, brought them within
one mile of the middle Moravian town, where they again encamped for the
night. This was on the 6th day of March. The next morning the party
*vas divided into three equal divisions, " one of which was to cross the river
about a mile above the town ; their videttes having reported that there were
Indians on both sides of the river. The other party was divided into three
divisions, one of which was to take a circuit in the woods, and reach the river
a little distance below the town, on the west side. Another division was to
fall into the middle of the town, and the third upon its upper end. When
the party designed to make the attack on the west side, had reached the river,
they found no boats to take them over ; but something like a canoe was seen
on the opposite bank. The river was high, with some floating ice. A young
man of the name of Slorighler swam the river, and brought over, not a canoe, but
a trough designed for holding sugar water. This trough could carry but two
men at a time. In order to expedite their passage, a immbcr of men stri|»ped
off" their clothes, put them into tlie trough, together with their guns, and
swam by its sides, holding its edges with their hands. When about l(j had
crossed the river, the two centinels, who bed been posted in advanfe,"t "met
your.g Scfaebosch in the woods, fired at and wounded him so much that he
could not escape. He then, according to the account of the murderers
themselves, begged for his life, representing that he was Scheuosck, the son of
a white Christian man : But they paid no attention to his entreaties, and cut
him in pieces with their hatchets." " One of them broke one of his arms by
a shot. A sliot from the other centinel killed him. These heroes \ then scalped
and tomahawked him.

"By this time, about 10 men had got over the river, and supposing the firing
of the guns, which killed Shahosh, woukl lead to an histant discovery, they
yent word to the party designed to attack the town on the east side of the
river, to move on instantly, which they did.

" In the mean time, the small party which had crossed the river, niarcheil
with all speed, to the main town on the west side of the river. Here they found
a large company of Indians gathering the corn, which they had lert in
their fields the preceding full, when they rcnnoved to Sandusky. On the
arriv'i! ol the men at the town, ilh y professed peace and good will to the
:<iorav:ans, and informed them that they had come to take them to (brt Piii
for their safety. The Indians surrendered, delivered up their arms, and a)-
peareJ highly deliglit«!d with the prospect of their removal, and began '"ith
all speed to prepare food for the white men, and for themselves on their
journey.

" A party of white men and Indians was immediately despatched to Salem,
a short distiuiee from Gnadenhuetten, where the Indians were gathering in
their corn, to bring them in to Gnadenhuetten. The jiarty soon arrived with
Mie whole number of the Indians from Salen.. In the mean time the Indians at
Snadenhu>^tten were confined in two houses some disttmce aimrt, and placed

* Loskiel, Hist. Mnrnvians, iii, 176.

t I i>m Collowing Doiltliid'rf's Nairoi've, but tho next quotation is from Loskiel, iii. 177,
and ilu'ii coiiliiiui.'s Doddridi^e witliDiil .ly omission.

t My author does not ilalicizi,' lliis word, l>nt \w douhllcss would, if lio wcro to give us a
uew edttiuii ol his houkj if lie did not udd at luusl a lialf u dozen exi'luniutions lu it.

Jhap. II.]

PAKANKE.— NETAWATWEES.

521

vwm

under guards ; and when those from Salem arrived, they were divided, and
placed iu the Haine houses, with tlieir brethren of Gnadenhuutten.

"Tlie prisoners being thus secured, a council of war was held to decide
on tlieir tiite. The officers, unwilling to take on ihemaelves the whole re-
eponsihility of the awful decision, agreed to refer the question to the whole
number of the men. The men were accordingly drawn up in a line. The
eommandunt of the party. Colonel David fyUltamson, then put the question
to them in form, ' whether the Moravian Indiniis should be taken prisoners to
Pittsburgh, or put to death?' requesting all who were in fuvor of saving their
lives to step out of the line, and form a second rank. On this, 16, some say
18, stepped out of the rank, and formed themselves into a second line ; but
alas ! this line of mercy was far too short for that of vengeance." Thus waa
the fate of the Moravian Indians decided on, and they were ordered to pre-
l)are for death.

" From the time tiiey were placed in the guard-houses, the prisoners fore-
Kiw their fate, and begun their devotions of singing hymns, praying and ex-
horting each other to place a firm reliance in the mercy of the Savior of
men." "The particulars of this dreadliil catastrophe are too horrid to
reliite. Suffice it to say, that in a few minutes these two slaughter-houses,
j^s they were then called, exhibited in their ghastly interior, the mangled,
leeding reuiains, of those poor unfortunate peo|»le, of all ages and sexes ;
from the aged grey-headed, down to the helnhiss infant at its mother's breast;
iishonored by the fatal wounds of tiie tomahauk, mallet, war-club, spear and
scalping-knife!" Thus was the 8th day of March spent at Gnadenhuetten,
in the year 1782 !

Oidy two, who were young persons, escaped this dreadful day's slaughter.
One of whom had been knocked down and scalpeil, and by coimterleiting
nimself dead, while the murderers had letl the place, was enabled to savo
his life. The other crapt unobserved into a cellar, and in the night escaped
to tiie woods.

Whother any of the murderers were called to an account for what they did
i do not leiirn, though they prol»ably were not, owing to the state of anarchy
occasioned by the revolutionary war.

PAKANKE was a powerful Delaware chief, whose i-esidence, in 1770, was
at a place called Kaskaskunk, about 40 miles north of Pittsburgh, lie is
brought to our notice by the agency of the missionary Loskiel, from whom
it appears that he was very friendly to the Brethren at first, and invited them into
Ins country, but when Glikhikan, his chief captain and speaker, forsook him,
and went to live with them, he was so disconcerted, that he turned against
them, and for a time caused them much difficulty. Meeting with Glik-
hikan atlerward in public, he B])oke to him in an angry tone as follows :
" And even you have gone over from this council to them. I suppose you
mean to get a white skin ! But I tell you, not even one of your feet will turn
white, much less your Iwdy. Was you not a brave and hoiiored man, sitting
next to me in council, when we spread the blanket and considered the belts
of w;uni)um lying befor'3 us ? Now you pretend to despise all iLis, and
think to have found something better. Some time or other you will find
yoiu'self deceived." To which Glikhikan made but a short and meek reply.
Some epidemic disease carried off many of tiie Indians about this time, and
they attributed its cause to their obstinacy in not receiving the gospel. Pa-
kanke was among the number at last who acce|)ted it as a remedy. He ap-
pears not to have been so credulous as immy of his neighbors ; lor when tlio
acknowledgment of Christianity was concluded upon by many, he remained
incredulous; and when a belt of wampum waa sent him, accompanied witii
n message, declaring that "whosoever refused to accept it would be considered
ft murdt;rer of his countrymen," he affected not to understand its import, and
doubtless would not have acknowledged it, but for the impending danger
which he saw threatening him. When he went to hear the Brethren preach,
he declared his conviction, and recommended his children to receive tlitt
gospel. A son of his was baptized in 1775.

NETANVATWEES was head chief of the Delu wares, and if we are tc
44*

522

NETAWATWEES.— WFIITE-EYES.

[Book V

judge of liim from our scanty records, he will appear to the best advantage
" He used to lay all affiiu's of state before his counsellors lor their considera
tion, without telling them his own sentiments. When they gave him theii
opinion, he cither approved of it, or stated his objections and anicidnients,
always alleging the reasons of his disapprobation." Before the revolution, it was
said that he had amazingly increased the reputation of the Delawarcs ; and he
spai-ed no ])ains to conciliate all his neighbors, and reconcile them one to anoth-
er. His residence, in 1773, was at Gekelemukpechuenk. The Moravian niis-
sionariessent messengers to him, with information of the arrival of another mis-
sionary, in July of this year, requesting a renewal of friendship and a confirma-
tion of his former promise of" protection. When this was laid before him and hiy
council, they were not much })leased with the information, and the old chief
J\''dawatwces, said, " They have teachers enough already, for a new one can leach
nothing but the same doclrine." ile was, however, prevailed iijjon to give hit,
consent to their rcijuest, and afterwards became a convert to their leligion.
Alter he had set out in this course, he sent the following speech to his old
friend Pakanke : " You and I are both old, and know not how long we shall live.
Therefore Id us do a good U'ork^ before ive depart, and leave a testimony to out
children end posterity, tliat we luive received the tvord of God. Let this be out
last will and testament." Pakanke consented, and was at great pains to send
solenm end)assies to all such tribes as he thought proper to communi(;ate
his determination. JVetawatwees died at Pittsburgh near the close of 1770,

J\etawalwees had been a signer to the treaty of Conestoga in the y<^ar 1718
being then young, jirobably about 25 years of age. The Turtle tribe was
tiie first among the Delavvares, and of this he became, by their usages, chief.
To him was committed all the tokens of contracts ; such as belts of wam
pum, writings obligatory, with the sign manual of fVilliam Penn, and others
since, down to the timt; himself, with his tribe, was forced to leave theii
lands and retire into Ohio.

After having been seated upon the Ohio, at a ]ilace convenient for com-
munication with the Wyandots and other warlike nations of the west, he
made known to them the wrongs which he and his j)eople had su Tered.
JJy advice of the Wyandot chielis, he settled finally upon Cayahaga Kii cr,
leaving open the Rivers Muskingum and IJig IJeaver for any of his nation
that were there already, and should afterwards come to settle there. And tiiia
was the occasion of King Beavet's building a town and settling the Turkt^y
tribe at the mouth of Nemoschilli Creek, since called Tuscarawas. Of this
distinguished chief we shall speak more at large in another place.

When Colonels Bouquet and Bradslreet, in 17()3, were penetrating into the
Indian country, JVetawatwees, not without reason^ became alarmed f()r bin
safety, and could not be prevailed upon to attend the treaty with Coloziel
Bouquet, afl<!r the battle of Bushy Rum, notwithstanding tiio other chiefs
did. His residence being in range of the inarch of BowpieVs army, he too
late attempted to esc 'pe down the Muskingum in a canoe ; but being inter-
cepted by some of Bu 'queVs Indian spies, was brought before the colonel,
who, because ho did not appear at the treaty, publicly deposed hitn, and ])ut
another at the head of his tribe. Upon the conclusion of a peace, however,
the first act of importance performed by the Delaware nation was to rein-
state JVetawatwees. He contimied in the undisturbed possession of the otlice
until his death, which happened in the second year of the revolution, 177t),
at I'ittsburgh, when he had attained the age of near J)9 years.*

The missionaries, especially, felt his loss with great severity, for his coun-
cil was of tln! greatest benefit to them on all trying occasions.

WIIITlvEYES, or, as some write, IVhite-ej/e, was "the first captain among
t!ie Driawares." There was always great opposition among the Indians
against niis.sionaries settling in tiieir country; who, in the language of one
of the ftloravians, " were a stone of offence to many of the chiefs and to a
great part of tiio council at Gekelemukpechuenk, and it was several times
jirojiosed to expel thc'M by f()rce." But "this man [Captain ff'hile-eyes] kepi

• lli-cki'wildi'i's Iliofjrapliics, iStc, in I'hilos. Trans,

Chap. II.l

WHITE-EYES.

523

the cliiefa and council in awe, and would not f>uiV\'v thnm to injure the mis-
sioiinries, being in his own heart convinced of the trutlis ot" the gospel,
Tills was evident in all his speeches, held before the chiefs and council in
behalf of tiie Indian congregation and their teachers." *

Upon the death of Aetawuiwees, in 177G, Captain fVlnle-ejjfs became chief
sachem, to which place his former situation of first counsellor to that chief
rendered him highly qualified. But as he was not chief by regular descent,
he only accepted tlie office until a young chief should be of age, who, it
seem.s, Wfis heir ap[)arent. It is said he had long looked forwai-d with anxiety
to the time when his countrymen should become Christians, and enjoy the
benefits of civilization ; " but he did not live to see that time, for while ac-
companying Gen. Mackintosh with his army, to Muskingum, in 1778, or '9, he
took the small-pox and died."t

The old ch'iei' J^etawatwees used every art to thwart the endeavors of fFhile-
ejjes, and, as they were rather in a strain bordering u])on persecution, were
only sure to make the latter more strenuous. He therefore di:clared " that
no prosperity would attend the Indian afliiirs, unless they received and
believed the saving gospel," &c. f^hiie-eyes was forced about this lime to
separate himself from the other chielK "This Occasioned great and general
surprise, and his presence being considered both by the cliiels and the peoj)le
as indispensably necessary, a negotiation commenced, and some Lidian breth-
ren were a])|)ointed arbitrators. The event was Ixsyond exi>cctation success-
ful, for chief JVetawalwees not only acknowledged the injustice done to Cap-
tain fFhile-ci/e, but changed his mind with respect to the believing Indians
and their teachers, and remained their constant friend to his death." |

At the breaking out of the revolutionary war, the Atnerican congress
endeavored to treat with the chiefs of the Six Nations, and accordingly
invited the Delawares to send deputies. Wkite-eyes attended on the ])art of
the Brethren, and his conduct before the commissioners was highly api»roved
by the missionaries.

Towards the close of the year 1776, the Ilurons sent a message to the
Drlawares, "that they must keep their shoes in readiness to join the warriors."
JVeltawatwces being their head chief, to him, conseipiently, was tl\e talk
delivered. lie would not accept the message, but sent belts to the Ilurons,
with an admonition for their rash resolution, and reminding them of the
misery they had already brought upi ,i themselves. Captain If'htle-ei/es was
a bearer of the belts, who in his turn was as unsucc(!ssful as tlic Huron am-
bassado .s ; for when they were delivered to the chiefs in Fort Detroit, in
presence of the English governor, he cut them in pieces, and threw them at
the feet of the bearers, ordering tliem, at the same time, to dejiart in half an
hour. He accused IHiite-eijcs of a connection with the Americans, and told
him his head was in danger.

It is not strange that Whilt-eijes was treated in this manner, if he took the
stand at the commencement of the war, which we suppose from the follow-
ing circmnstance that he did: The Iroquois, being chiefly in the English
interest, and considering the Delawares bound to o|)erate with them, ordered
them to be in readiness, as has been just related. U[)on this occasion, i^Vhitt-
ei/cs said " he should do as he pleased ; that he wore no petticoats, as they
falsely pretended ; he was no woman, but a man, and they should find him to
act as such."§

We hear nothing more of importance of this chief until 1780, which was
the year of his death. He died at Pittsburgh, in Pennsylvania, of the small-
pox. INlany others died about this time, among whom was a man who must
have been very old, perha]is near 120, as he could well remend)er when the
first house was built in Philadelphia, in 1(582, btMUg then a boy.

Although }Vhitt-eyes was so friendly to the Brethren, yet he never fully
joined them, stating his political station as a reason.

The Delaware nation perpetuated his name ; a chief signed a treaty in

* I.oskiel, iii. 101—2.
\ Loikifl. iii. 101—2.

t Heckereelder's Biograpliies, &r., in riii/M. Tnin.^.
^ lUckeweLder, I list. 22

•V^^'f!

m^'

524

PAXNOUS.— TADE USK UN V.

[Book V.

1814, at Greenville, in Ohio, bearing it.** WicUe-cyea l .wn If frequently men-
tioned in history. It was the place of his residence, which was neai- tlie falls
of the Muskingum.

PAXNOUS was head chief of the Shawanese in 1754. At this time, tlie
Christian Indians of the Moravian settlement, Gnadenhuettcn, were oppress-
ed by a tribute to tlie rlurons. This year, Paxnous and Gideon Tadeitskund,
who had become dissenters, came to them, and delivered tiie Ibllowing
message : " The great head, that is, the council of the Iroquois in Onondago,
epeak the truth and lie not : they rejoice that some of the b 'ieving Indians
have moved to Wajomick, [near Wilksburg and the Susqueh.'nnah,] but now
hey lirtup the remaining Mahikans and Delawares, and set ttiem also down
in Wajomick ; for tliere a fire is kindled for them, and there they may plant
and think of God. But if they will not hear, the great head, or council,
will come and clean their ears with a red-hot iron ;" that is, set their houses
on fire, and send bullets through their heads. The next year, Paxnous and
13 others came again, and in the name of the Hurons demanded an answer
to the summons he had delivered last year. His wife attended liim, and for
whom he had great affection, having; then lived with her 38 years. She,
being touched by the preaching of the Brethren, was no doubt the cause of
eoflening the heart of Paxnous, and causing him thenceforth to do much for
them. This answer was returned to him to bear to the Hurons : " The
Brethren will confer with the Irofjuois themselves, 'concerning the intended
removal of the Indians from Gnadenhuettcn to Wajomick." Paxnous, " being
only an ambassador in this business, was satisfyed, and even formed a closer
acquaintance with the Brethren." This is sufficient to explain Paxnous^ par-
tiality for the Brethren. Before they departed, his (^'if'j was buptize<i, and
all present, among whom was her husband, were much affected. She
declared, i.s she returned home, "that she felt as happy as a child new born."
Paxnous also had two sons, who did much for tlie Brethren.

TADEUSKUND, a noted chief among the Delawares, maybe considered
next in importance to those above named. Vie was known among tlio
English, previous to 1750, by the name Hontnt-Jvhn. About this time, he
was received into the Moravian connnunity, and fUier some delay, " owing
to his wavering disposition," was baj)tized, and received into fellowship. His
baptismal na ne was Gideoiu He adhered to the missicnailcs just as long ns
his condition ii)|)eared to be better, but when any tiling more favorable ofl'er-
eu, he stood rt idy to .iiibark in it.

The Christian / • at Gnadenhuettcn were desirous of removing to

Wajomick, wiiicii ■ .; :< I more advantages than that place, and this was a
secret desire of the * ... Indians; for they, intending to join the French of
Canada, wished to have them out of the way of their excursions, that they
might with more secrecy fall u|)on the English frontiers. It was now 1754.

Meanwhile Tmkuskutid had had the offer of leading the Delawares in the
war, and hence he had been a chief promoter of a removal to Wajomick.
The missionaries saw through the plot, and refiised to move ; but quite a
company of their follower ■, to the" number of about 70, went thither, agree-
ably to tlie wishes of Tadeuskund and his party, and some went otT to other
places.

Tadeuskund was now in his element, marching to and from the French in
warlike style. When Paxnous, as has been related, summoned the remain-
ing believers at Gnadenhuettcn to remove to Wajomick, Tadeuskund accom-
panied him. As the interest of the French began to decline, Tadeuskund
began to think alwrnt making a shift again. Having lived a considerable
part of the year .'758 not far from Bethleheni, with about 100 of his follow-
ers, he gave the Brethren tliere intimations that he wished again to join
them ; and even requested that some one would preach on his side of the
Lehigh. But the hopes of his reclaim were soon afler dissipated. And " he
no V even endeavored to destroy the peace and comfort of the Indian coii-
pr .-gation." From the discouraging ii-iture of the afltiirs of this French, ten
liidian nations wen; induced to send deputies to treat with the English at

* Sec Hisi. Second War, by tS. R lirowii, Appendix, 105.

CH'ii'.II.] MA3SA0RE AT GNADENHlTiTTEN.— SILLNANDO.

r-^:;

hi-

Easton, which eventuated in e treaty of peace. Tadeuskund pretended tiifsi
this treaty hud been agreed to on condition tlmt government should buih' a
town on the Susquehannah for tiie Indians, and cause those living v>ith ' »•
Bretliren to remove to it. This liis enemies denied. There was srunf ki-n-
dation, from their own account, for TadeuskuruTs pretending to have lec, ,*/.d
full commission to conduct ail the Indians within certain limits, v, , ,i-h
included those of Bethlehem, to Wujomick; and therefore demandeil i !•-
compliance with his conununds. lie was liberal in his promises, provided
they would comply ; saying, they should have fields chared and ploughed,
houses built, and provisions jirovided : not only so, but their teachers should
attend them, to live there unmolested, and tiie believers entirely by thein-
eelves. But, through the influence of their priests, they would not comjily,
which occasioned some threats from Tadeuskund, and he immediately set
off lor Philadelphia, considerably irritated.

Tadeuskund went to Philadelphia in consequence of an intended general
congress of the Indians and English, including all those who did not attend
at Easton. When he returned, he demanded a positive answer, and they
replied that they would not remove unless the governor and all the chiefs so
determined, for that they could not without the greatest inconvenience. This
seemed to satisfy him, and he leil them.

The great council or congress nf English and Inilians at Easton above
referred to, being of much importance in Lidian history, as also illustrative
of other eminent characters as well as that of Tadeuskund, we will refer its
details to a separate chapter.

Tadeuskund was burnt to death in his own house at VVajomick in April,
176.3.

Of an execrable murder at Gnadenhuetten we have not sjjoken, as we have
not learned the name of the leaders in or instigators of it ; however, it will
not be proper to pass it over in detailing the events of our history. It hap-
pened in the time of the French and Lidian wars, in 1755. Although it is
generally spoken of as the massacre of Gnadenhuetten, yet it did not happen
in that town, but in a small village on Mahony Creek, about a half a niile
from it. On the 24 November, a band of Indians, (their numbers unki'c <vn,)
who came from the French, fell suddenly upon the place, wliile the Brei'iren
were at supper, and killed eleven persons ; namely, seven men, three women,
and one ciiild 15 months old. Only two luen, one voi an, and n 'my,
escaped. The slaughter would have been far greater, if the 'hiio/.an L.-lians
had not been away at that time upon a hunting excursion,
given the alarm, as the Indians ajjproached, they would pro,
all the whites prisoners; but the moment the dog ga'
within the house sprung to the doors and windows to s<
being open, the Indians fired into thein, killing one mini
several odier persons. The poor people succeeded in sl
and windows, and then retreated hito the garret of the house. T'^iS, ns they
nmst have expected, they found a wretched retreat ! the rooi .»ver their
heads was soon in flames, and the oidy persons that escjijied wcie a man
and his wife, and a boy, which they effected through the burning roof! One
more, a man who had been confined in an outhouse by sickness, escaped
from a window. All the buildings in the village, tlie cattle and otlier animals
in the barns, were consumed in the flames ! *

The leader of this party, whose name it is as well I cannot give «oon met
with a requital for his murders. By the influence of the Go" ,">:,v < '" Penn-
sylvania, and Mr. George Croghnn, ibe hostile Indians were ,>n!Vi.'.''d u|)on
to meet the whites in a council at Easton, the next year, • <,' '7; j. This
Indian captain set out to attend the council, and in the way, it seems, he fell
in company with Tadeuskund. With this chief he contrived, sojne how oi
other, to get up a quarrel, in which Tadeuskuiul killed him.f

SKENANUO, though bidouging to a later age, may very properly !»«
noticed here. lie was an Oneida chief, contemporary with the missionary
Kirklnnd, to whom he became a convert, and lived many years of the latter

Hifd not

,y hr.i
i-i alunii,
ure them,

•log

taken

those

which

•xnd wounding
Uiiiig 'he floors

" Heckewilder's Narrative, 44.

t Ibkl. 5I,.M,

IP ■

526

SKENANDO.— MEMORABLE SPEECH.

[Boor V

part of his life a believer in Christianity. Mr, Kirkland died at Paris, K
Vork, in 1808, and was buried near Oneida. Skcnando desiretl to be biuied
near him at liis death, which was graiited. He livevl to be 110 years old,
»nd was often visited by strangers out of curiosity. He said to one who
visited him but a little time before his death,"/ am an r^ed Iwmlock; the
tuinds of an hundred ivinters have whistled through my branches ; I am ilead at
tfte top. The g'-neration to which I belonged lias run away and left ?ne."

In early life, he was, like nearly all of his race, given to intoxication. In
177!i, he was at Albany to settle some affiiirs of liis tribe with tlie govern-
ment of New Yurk. One night he became drunk, and in the morning found
himself in the street, nearly naked, every thing of worth 8trip|)ed liom liim,
even the sign of his chieftainship. Tliis brought him to a sense of his
duty, and he v/as never more known to be intoxicated. He was a j)owerfid
chief, and the Americans did not fail to engage him on their side in tiie rev-
olution. This was congenial to his mind, for he always urged the rights of
the ])rior occupants of the soil, and once oppotied the Americans on the
same principle, for encroachments upon the red men. He rendered his
ad()|)ted Anglo brethren important services.

From the " Annals of Tryon County,"* we loam that Skeitando died on
the 11 March, 181G. He left an only son. And the same author observes
that " his person was tall, well made, and robust. His countenance was
intelligent, and displayed all the peculiar dignity of an Indian chief In his
youth he was a brave and intrepid warrior, and in liis riper years, one of
the noblest counsellors among the North American tribes : " and tliat, in the
revolutionary war, by liis vigilance he presei-ved the settlement of German
Flats from being destroyed.

We will close the present chapter with some of the land transactions with
the Indians in Pennsylvania.

By his last will. Governor Penn devised to his grandson, William Pcnn,
and his heirs, 10,000 acres of land to be laid out " in jn-oper and beneficial
jilaces in this |)rovino'\ by his trustees." William Penn, the grandson, sold
out this land to a gentleman, Mr. fVilliam Allen, a great land-jobber. By a
little management Alien got this land located, generally, where he desired.
One considerable tract included part of Minisink, and no i)revioiis arninge-
(iient had been made witii those Indians. It would be very charitable to
suppose, that the trustees intended, and that perhaps they did not doubt, but
the same course would be pursued in purchasing of the Indians as had been
before, by others ; but no sooner had tlie new proprietor got tlie lands sur-
veyed to him, than he began to sell it to those that would go on at once and
8etd3 it.

Hence we clearly see the road opened for all difficulties. About the same
time pro[)Osals were jiublished for a land lottei-y, and by the conditions of
these proposals, not the least notice was taken, or the least reserve made, of
the rights of ttie Indians. But on the contrary, such persons as had settled
upon lands that did not belong to them, were, in case they drew jirizes, to
remain unmolested upon the lands of the Indians. By this means much of
the land in the Forks of the Delaware, since Easton and vicinity, as well as
other places, became taken np, by this kind of gambling, and tlu; Indians
were thus crowded from it. They for some time complained, and at length
began to threaten, but the event was war and bloodshed.

To still the clamors of these injured people, recourse was had to as great
abuses as had alreaily been practised : crimes were sought to be clouded
by bold stratagem. Ihe Iro(]uois were connived with, and they came for-
ward, confirmed the doings of the land-jobbers, and ordered the Dclawares
to leave their country. They were to choose one of two iioriis of a writchcd
'Jilemma. The power of the Irocjuois could not be withstood, hjicked as it
w;is by the English. They ordered the poor Delawares to reiiiovc, or they
would destroy tlieni, a.s in the life of Cannsatego will be found rehitrd.

A sort of claim was obtained to some of tlie disputed lands, in a sinii-
loi" a maimer as Georgia got hers of some of the Creek countiy not niauj

By VV. W. Campbell.

Chap II J

FRAUDS OF THE WHITES.

527

years since. At one time, a party of a deputation having remained upon
the ground eleven days aller tiie others iiud gone lionie, were hy kind-
nesses prevailed ujjon to sign a writing, relinciuisiiing all their right to lands
upon Delaware, These were Indians of the tiix Nations, and had deeded
lands on the Susquehannah just before, with those who had gone lionic.
Why the proprietors did not include the lands on Delaware in their first
deed, when the deputation were all together, is a good deal singular, bul
requires no explanation. Yet certain it is, those who remained and gave a
writing quit-claiming lands on Delaware, had no consideration for so doing.
This writing expresses only that they intended in the former deed to in-
clude said lands.

Tliat the Delawares or Chihohockies (which was their real name) were,
until some time subsequent to 1736, entirely independent of the Iroquois, is
beyond a doubt true, although, from sinister motives, there were those who
maintained that they were always subject to them. It is true, that, when by
a long intercourse with the whites they had lost much of their energy and
character as a nation, the haughty Six Nations found little dilHculty in sedu-
cing some tribes of them to join them, and of forcing others to obey them. A
circumstance which clearly proves this, is, that in the first treaties of sales
of land by the Six Nations to the Pennsylvanians, they did not presume to
convey any lands to the east of the sources of tlie streams that were trib-
utary to the Susquehannah ; the assertions of some of the speech-makers
among the Six Nations, to the contrary, however.*

The celebrated chief Tadeuskimd, of whom we hfive already spoken in
detail, gave the following very pointed account of the manner in which the
whites had conducted in getting his people's lands i'raudidently. It was at the
conference in Easton, in November, 1736. Ihdeuskund was present as the
representative of " four nations," viz. the Chiliohockies, the Wanamies, the
Munseys and Wapingers. Governor Denny requested the Indians to state
the reasons lor their late hostile movements. Tadeuskund : " I have not f iu- to
go for an instance. This very ground that is under me (striking it with his
foot) was my land and inheritance, and it is taken from me by Iraud. [This was
in the Forks of the Delaware.] When I say this ground, I mean all the land
lying between Tohiccon Creek and Wyoming, on the Uiver Sus(iuchannali.
1 have not only been served so in this government, but the same thing has
been done to me, as to several tracts in New Jersey, over the river." On
the governor's asking him what he meant by fraud, he answered : " When
one man had formerly liberty to purchase lands, and he took the deed from
tlie ludiiuis for it, and tlien dies; after his deatii his children forge a deed
like the true one, with the same Indian names to it, and thereby take lands
from the Indians which they rever sold ; this is fraud. Also when one king
has land beyond the river, and imother king has land on this side, both
bounded by rivers, mountains and .springs wliieli cannot be moved , and the
proprietaries, greedy to purchase lands, buy of one king what belongs to
another ; this likewise is/raiM/."

Then the governor asked Tadeuskimd whether he had been served so ?
He said, " Yes. I have been served so in this i)rovince ; all the land extend-
ing from Tohircon, over the great mountain, to Wyoming, has been taken
from me by fraud ; for vvheii I had a -'eed to sell land to the old proprietiu-y,
by tlie course of the river, the young j.roprietai'ies came and got it run by a
straight course, by the conipasn, luid by that means took iu double the quantity
intended to be sold."!

The moaning of Tadeuskund will be fully explained in what we ore about
tt> lay before the render. The lands above the Kittatiuny Mountains were
not intended to be sold by the Delawares, hut the whites tbund means to eii-
croacli upon tlieni, atid by the aid of the Irocpiois, as before noted, were able
not only to iniiintaiii lint to extend their encroachnuMits. It will he well to
bear in mind llifit tlie lands conveyed to William Ptnn in 1()85, included the
country from Duck Creek, or Uuingqiiingus to the Kittatiuny Hills; and to
oear in mind, also, how purchases were made, so as to admit of contention ;

' w

* See Pruud's I'u., ii. 334.

t Ibid, ii. 333.

j«IOWi

528

LNDIAN DEED TO WILLIAM PENN.

[Book V.

Bometinies, doubtless, for the »?cret intention of taking advantage, and af
otliers from inahility to fill certain blanks in tlie deeds at the time they wern
given. As for example, when a tract of land was to extend in a certain
direction ii|»on a straight line, or by a river, "as far as a man can walk in n
day," the point to Ite arrived at must necessarily be lell blank, until at some
future time it should be walked. This tnunner of giving and receiving deeds,
it is easy to see, threw into the hands of sordid purchasers, every advantage
over the Indians. In one :<i8iah?e they complain that tlie " walker " iim ; in
another, that "he walked after it Vvas night," and so on.

The Iixliuns had deeded lands in this way to William Penn, and no advan-
tage was takon on his part ; but when he was dead, and others l)ecame pro-
prietors, the (liflicultif s arose, of which Tadeuskund reminded the whites at
Easton ; and this will nli^strate what has just been given from his speech to
Governor Denny at that time.

The deed to fFilliam Penn, to which we in particular refer, was given in
1685, and ran thus : —

" This Indknture witnesseth, that, We, Packenah, Jarckhan, Sikals, Part-
quesott, Jervis Essepenavk, Fdkiroy, Hekellappan, Econus, Machloha, MeUliconga,
Wissa Powey, Indian Kings, Sachemakers, right owners of all lands, fi-om
Quingquingus, called Duck Creek, unto Upland called Chester Creik, all
along by the west side of Delaware river, and so between the said creeks
backwards 03 far as a man can ride in two days tvith a horse, for and in con-
sideration of these following goods to us in hand paid, and secured to be
paid, by IVilliam Penn, proprietary and governor of the province of Penn-
sylvania and territories thereof, viz. 20 guns, 20 fathoms match-coat, 20
fathoms Stroudwater, 20 blankets, 20 kettles, 20 pounds powder, 100 bars of
lead, 40 tomahawks, 100 knives, 40 pairs of stockings, 1 barrel of beer,
20 pounds red lead, 100 fathoms wampum, .'30 glass bottles, 30 pewter spoons,
100 awl-blades, 300 tobacco pipes, 100 hands of tobacco, 20 tobacco tongs,
20 steels, 300 flints, 30 pair of scissors, 30 combs, 60 looking-glasses, 200
needles, one skipple of salt, 30 pounds sugar, 5 gallons niolasi^es, 20 tobacco
boxes, 100 jews-harps, 20 hoes, 30 gimblets, 30 wooden screw boxes, 100
string of beads. — Do hereby acknowledge, &c. given under our hands, &c.
at New Castle, second day of the eighth month, 1685."

We will now proceed to take further notice of Tadeuskund's charges at
the Easton conference, before spoken of. The manner of ff'illiam Jlllen'a
becoming proprietor has been stated. In 1736, deputies from the Six
Nations sold tlie proprietor all the "lands lying between the mouth of Sus-
quehannah and Kittatinny Hills, extending eastward as far as the heads of
the branches or springs which run into the said Susquehannah." Hence
this grant did not interfere at all ivith the lands of the Delawares, and may
be urged as an evidence, that the Six Nations had no right to them ; for, if
they had, why were they not urged to sell them before the breaking uji of
the conference ? and not, as we have before mentioned, waited eleven days,
until all the head men had gone, and then to have got a release from the few
that remained ! It is therefore very evident that this could not be done when
all were present, or the latter course would not have been resorted to. Not
withstantling the proprietor had grasped at the lands on Delaware, by a
partial transaction with a few of a deputation, he, nevertheless, soon man-
ifested that he considered his right as not beyond question, by his assembling
the Delaware chiefs the next year, 1737, to treat further upon it. The names
of these chiefs were Monokykickan, Lappamnzoe, Tishekunk and JVidimus.*
At this conference a release was obtained from them, tlie preamble of which
set forth,

"That Tishekunk and JVutimiis had, abort three years before, begun a
treaty at Durham with John and Thomas Penn ; that from thence another

' His name signified, a striker offish inth a spear. H=ckcwel(ler. He was generally
calleu I'oii/iiis NiUaiiuxeus — an excelleat man, who never draiik liquor. He was boni on the
spot where l'liilail('l()hia now stands, removed to Ohio about 1746, died on the Muskingum In
1780, aged about 100 years. He had a brother who was called Isaac Nutimtis, aud like hiiB
was a very amiable man, and died about the same time. lb

Chap. II]

TITI.es to INDIAN LANDS.

529

tTKjeting was appointed to bo ut I'ciiii.shury tlie next spring, to wliicli tluiy
rc|)airod witli Lappawinzoe, and .•ieveral others of tlie Di'ltiware liidian.s ;
that, lit tills meetinj;, several deeds were shown to them ("or several tractri ot"
landvrhicli tlicii Ibrolalliers liiid more than 50 years ago sold to If'illlnni I'viin ;
and, in ])articu!ar, one livA'A, iiom Maijlittrikkisho, Sayhoppe]/ and TitUixh-
fi'iuirhseij, the chietii or kings of the Northern Indians on lJela\vart>, who toi' a
e(;rtain (piantity of goods, liad granted to IVilliitm Pcnii a tract ol" land, hej; in-
ning on a line drawn from a certain spriice-tree on the i{iver JJelaware, hy
a west-north-west course to i\eshannMiy Creek, from thence hack into tiie
woods as far us a man could fj^o in a iliii/ and a half, and lioimdrd on the wt^st
liy iXeshamenj-, or the most westiM-ly brancii thereotj so tiir as the saiil hrancli
(loth extend, and from tiience by a line [Idanl;] to the utmost exient of tlic
day and half's walk, and (i-om thence [blank] to the at()n'Haid lliver Didaware,
and so down the coiirsiis of the river to the lirst mentioiuMl spruce tree; and
that this appeared to be true by Wdliam Biles and Josipii ff'ood, who, upon
cheir aHirmation, did declare, that they well remembei-ed the treaty held by
(he agents of fVilliam Pcnn and those Indians ;" '• that they were now come to
I'hiladelphia with tli(!ir cliii-f .)Iijnokijliickan, and several other old nun, ;,,id
upon a Ibrmer treaty held upon the same subject, acknowledge fiiemselves
satisfied that the above di scribed tract was granted by the jiersons above
mentioned, for which rea.son, they the said Monokijliirkan, LapjMwinzoc, Ti-
shckunk and JVutimas, agree to release to the proprietors all right to that tract,
and desire that it may be walked, travelled, or gone over l)y jjcrsons ap-
pt^inted for that purpose."

Now it must be borne in mind, that by former treaties the Lechay Hills,
wliich I take to mean the Lehigh Mountains, were to be the boundaries, iu
all time to come, on the north: meanwhile we will proceed to describe the
Miunner the land was walked out, of which we have been sjieaking.

" The relation which Thames Furniss, sadler, gives concerning the dajj and
n /f'f//''s im/A, made between the i)roprietors of Pemisylvania and the Delaware
Inilians, by James Yeaies and Edward Marshall.''^

" At the time of the walk I was a dweller at Newton, and a near n( iglibor
to James Yeates. My situation gave him an easy opportunity of accpiainting
me with the time of jetting out. as it did me of hearing the different senti-
ments of the neighborhood concerning the loalk; some alleging it was to be
made by the river, others that it was to be gone upon a straight line from
somewhere in VVright's-town, op|)ositc to a s[)ruce-tree upon the river's bank,
said to be a boundary to a farmer purchase. When the walkers starttvl I
was a little behind, but was ii fbrmefl they proceeded fi-om a chestnut-tree
nc ir the turning out of the roul from Durham road to John Chn^iman^s, and
being on horseback, overtook them before they reached Jhickingham, and kept
company for some distance beyond the HIik; Mountains, though not cpiitc to
tlie end of the journey. Two Indians attended, whom I considered as depu-
ties appointed by the Delaware nation, to see tlie walk honestly performed.
One of them repeatedly expressed his dissatisliiction therewith. The first
day of the walk, before we reached Durham creek, where we dined in the
meadows of one yVilson, an Indian trader, the Indian said the iBulk was to
hav(! been made up the river, i .id complaiiung of the unfitness of his slioe-
packs lor travelling said lie expected Thomas Penn woidd have made him a
|ires<;nt of some shoes. After this some of us that had horses, walked, an()
It the Indians ride by turns; j'et in the afternoon of tlie same (lay, Jiiid pome,
hours before sunset, the Indians left us, having often calhnl to Mirsludl th;it
afternoon and forbid him to run. At parting they apjjeared dissatisfied, and
faid they woidd go no farther with us; for as they saw the icalkers would
pass all the good land, they did not care how far or where we went to. It
was said we traveled 13 hoiu'S the first day, Jiiid it being in the latter end of
September, or begiiming of October, to complete tlu; time, were obliged
t ) walk, in the twilight. Timolhti Smitli, then sherifT of iiueks, held liis
\^atcll for some minutes before we stopp<'d, and the walkers having a piece
of rising groimd to ascend, he called out to tla^in, telling tli(» minutes behind,
and l>id them pull up, which they did so briskly, that, iinmediately u[)on hii
saving the time was out, .Marshall clasped his arms about a s;iplin to support
45 21

530

THE WALKING I'L'RfllASE.

[noiiK

liimself, nnd thereupon ilio sliciifr ankiiij,' liim wlint was tin; /nntt( r. lie said
he was ahnost gone, and that, if lie liad pruceeded ii few poh-s linthir, liu
must have fallen. We lodged in the woods that ni^'ht, and heard ih(! ^iiuut-
ing of the Indians at a cantico, which tJK^y were said to hold that evenin;^ iii
a town hard hy. Next morning the Indians were sent to, to know ii they
would accompany us any farther, hnt they declined it, aldiongh I helievo
Honio o^' them came to us before we started, and drank a dram in the com-
l)any, and then straggled otfahout their huntinji or some other anusement. In
oin* return we came through this Indian town or plantation, TimuJ.;/ Smllluatd
myself riding Ibrty yards more or less before the comi)any, and lu. ve aj)-
jtroached within about 150 paces of the town, the woods being opi-n, we saw
un Indian take a gun in his liand, and advancing towards n^ some disiaiicc,
placrd hunself behind a log that laid by our way. Timothy observing his
motions, and being somewhat sur])rised, as I apprehended, looked at nu;, and
asked what 1 thought that Indian meant. I said, I ho|)ed no liarm, and that
I tliought it best to keep on, which the Indian seeing, anise and walked before
us to the settlement. I think ^«i';;»7/i was surprised, as I well remember I was,
througli a cnnscionsness that the Indians were dissatislied with the walk, a
thing the whole com|)any seemed to be sensible of, and upon the way, in
our return home, freipiently ex|)re!«sed themselves to that pur])ose. And
indeed the nnliiirness |)ractised in the walk, both in regard to the way where,
and the maimer how, it was perlbrmed, and the dissatisliiction of the Indians
concerning it, were tli<' connnon subjects of conversation in our neighbor-
hood, lor some considerable time after it was done. Wlien the walk was
performed I was a young man in the primi; of lile. The novelty of the thing
mclined me to be a si)ectator, and as I had been brought u|i most of my
time in Burlington, the whole transaction to me was a series of occurrences
almost entirely new, and which therefore, I apprehend, made tiie more strong
uud lasting impression on my memory.

Tliomas Furnisa" *

As we have already observed, the end of these affairs was war. The
Delawares were driven back, tmd they joined the Frencli against the
English

CHAPTER m.

Of several chiefs spoken ofhy Washington, in his journal of an embassy to the French
of Ohio — Battle near Great Meadows, and death of Jumonville — SniNtiis — Mo.na-

CATOOCUA HaI.F-KiNG JuSKAKAKA WhITE-ThU M)ER AlLIQUIPA CaI'-

TAiK Jacobs — IIrndrick — His history — Curious anndote of — Logan — Cresap's
War — Battle of Point Picu/nnt — Logan's famous speech — Cornstock — His history
— Rku-hawk — Ei.LiNipsico — The barbarous murder of these three — Melancholy
death of Logan — Pontiac — Jl rcnoicned warrior — Colonel Rogers's account (f him
— His policy — Fall of Michilimahinak — Menf.hvvehna — Siege of Detroit — Ponti-
ac s stratagem to surprise it — Is discovered — Official account of the affair at Bloody
Bridge — Pontiac abandons the siege — Becomes the friend of the English — Is assus
sinated.

The expedition of WasUna;lon to the French on the Ohio, in 1753, brings
to our records information of several chiefs of the Six Nations, of the most
interesting kind. He was commissioned and sent as an ambassador to the
French, by Governor Dinwidlie of Virginia. He kcjtt an accurate journal
of his travels, which, on his return to Virginia, was published, and, not long
after, the same vk-as republished in London, widi a map ; the substance
of this journal was copied into almost every periodical ol" importance of
tliat day.

• Causes of the Alieuation of tlie Delaware and Shawanese hiliaiis, Sec, 8vo. Lou
don, 1759.

Chap. III.l WASHINGTON'S JOURNEY AMONG THE INDIANS.

5:]1

SniXGIS was ihe first cliicf he visited, wiio livoil in tin; fin ks of the
Alli'<fliaii\ and AI()n()ii>.'iiiiciu Uivor.s, where l'itlsl>nri,'h nowytands. He ininid-
ud holding' u council with the celehrated H(dJ'-kin<r,* already niciitioncd, at
ljOj,'f,'f<t() wn, and such otherx as could he ussendiled at .short notice, to .strcn^thfu
them in the English interest. He therefore invited Shini^is to attend the
council, and he accordingly ucconipaniiid him to J^ogirstown. ",\ss(ii)n an
I came into town," says iVashiiit^lon, "1 went to Miniakaloocha, (a- tjn' H(i!j-
kiiig was out iit his hunting caliin, on Littif Heaver Creek, ahout 1.") miles olT,,
and informcil him hy John Davidson, my Indian intcrpretei-, that I was sent a
mcssengir to the French general, and was ordered to call u|)on the s.ichcniS
of the Six Nations touc(|uaiiit them with it. I gave him a string ol' WiMiipum
(iiid a twist of tohacco, and dtjsiird him to send f«»r th(! half-king, \\ liirli he
promised to do hy a runner in the morning, and for other sachems. 1 in-
vited iiim and the otlu^r great niiiu |)resent to my tent, « here they stayi:d
ahout an hoiu', and retiuwied." This place was ahont 140 miles, "as we went,
and com|)Uted it," says the great writer, "from our hack setlltMnents, where
we arrived hetweeu sunsetting and daik, the twenty-litth i .\y after 1 left
Williamshurgh."

HiilJ-kiii!^, it seems, had, not long hefon^ visited the same pi; ••. to wiiieii
Washinslon was now destined; lor as soon as he returned to his own, Ha.ik-
■iiti^ton invited him privately to his trnf, "and desired him to relate si lue ot'
tli(! |)articulars of his journey to tin; French commandaiii," the hest way for
him to go, and the distance trom that place. "He told me," says It'usliiiiirtoii^
"that the nearest and levelest way was now impassahle, hy reason of
many large miry savannas; that we must he ol)liged to go hy Venango, and
should not get to the near fort in less than fi\(^ or six nights' sleeji, good
travelling." Half-kins; Hn'tln^r in(()rmed him that Ik; mc^t with a cold recep-
tion; that the French officer steridy ordered him to declare his husiiiess,
which he did, he ?aid, in the following speech: —

"Fathers, I am come to tell you your own sj)eeches ; what yom* own nr.nitha
have declared. You, in Ibrmcr days, set a silver hasiii hellire us, w Ik rein
there wiis the leg of a heaver, and desired all the nations to come; and eat of
it; to eat m peace and i)lenty, and not to he churlish to one anoth(!r : and that
if any such jjerson should he ibund to he a disturher, I here lay «lown hy the
edge of the dish a rod, which you must scom'ge them with; and if your liither
should get Ibolish, in my old days, I desire you may use it upon me as well
as others. — Now, fathers, it is you who are the disturbers in this land, hy
coming and building your towns ; and taking it away unknown to us, and by
fbrce. — We kindled a fire, a long time ago, at a place called Montreal, where
we desired you to stay, and not to come and intrude upon our lan<l. I now
dt\sirc you may despatch to that j>lace; for, be it known to \ou, liithin's, that
this is our land, and not yours. — I desire you may hear me in civilness; if
not, we must handle that rod which was laitl down flir the use of the,' obstrep-
erous. If you had come in a peaceable manner, like our brothers the I'.nglish,
we would not have been against your trading with us, as they tlo; but to
come, iiithcrs, and build houses upon our land, and to take it by fi.iee, is
what we cannot subnfit to."

Half-king then repeated wJiat was said to liiin in reply by the French,
which, whe" he had done, ffashinglon made a speech to him and his council.
He ac(iuaii"i'd them with the reason of his visit, and told them he was in-
siructed to call ujion them by the governor of Virginia, to advise with them,
to assure them ol' the love of the Fnglish, and to ask the assistance of some
of their young men, to cotuluct him through the wilderness, to the I'reiich,
to whom he had a letter from his governor. Half-king made this re|)ly: —

"In regard to what my brother the governor had desired of me, I return

* He is caMod a Huron by Lonkiel, Hist. .'Missions, iii. 123. Ho wns ciilled by iIip Doln-
"arcs I'oiD-oacan, wliicli in luii^lisli miMiis Sivret-liniisp. HfckfwelUcr, Nur. '2.i'). Ii' llie
IcIUT. or s|)oei'h, as W'lishinn^ton ciMei\ it, uliirh this oliief seal to the govurmirs of Virj^iiiiii
and I'lMnisylvaiiia, in 1751, liis naino is set down Si'ruiiiijultliti. .See 1 Co/l. Muss. Hist. Soe.
vi. 1 l^i, — f will in;re note, tluit my Iriciul, Jaiiki) Si'AUKs, Ksq., verbally informs me, that he
i-. Ill' u|iiiiioi), lliat this is not I'le same Half-king meutioned in Loskid. 1 am now of tbP
name lioiief, ahlioujjli it is possible.

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HALF KING— BATTLE NEAR GREAT MEADOWS. [Book V.

you tliirt nnf<w(!r." "I rely upon you as a brother ought to ilo, im you wiy ««
nro l)rotliers, uinl one people." "Brother, uh you have asked my advice, I
hope you will Im3 ruled by it, and stay until 1 can provide a e«)nipany to go
wiih you. The French speech l)clt is not here; 1 have it to go l()r to my
huniitig cabin. Likewise the peojilc, whom I have ordered in, are not yet
roine, and cannot until the third night Ironi tliis; until which timi*, brother,
1 must l»cg you to stay."

When Washington told him that his business would not admit of so much
delay, the chief seemed displeased, and said it was "o tnalter of no small mo-
vmil, and mxist not be entered icithoul due comideratlon." Perhaps it will not
Im,' too much, to give this Indian chief credit for nonie of that character which
was bo well exemplified by fVaahington in all his aHer-life. And "as I found
it impossible," says the narrator, " to get oil", without aflVonting them in the
most egregious manner, 1 consented to stay." Accordingly, fhdf-kine gave
orders to Ring Shingia, who was present, to attend on Wednesday night with
the wampum, and two men of their nation, to lie in readiness to set out with
us next morning." There was still a <lelay of another day, as the chiefs
could not get in their wampum and young men which wisre to Imj sent ; and,
aller all, but three chiefs and one hunter accom]mnie(l. " We set o;it," says
Hashintrlony "about 9 o'clock, with the HidJ'-king, Juakuknha,* flhite-lhunder,
and the hunter; and travelled on the road to Veiiango, where we arrived the
4tli of Decendwr." This place is situated at the junction of French Creek
with the Ohio. Here the French had a garrison, and another a short distance
above it, which was the extent of our discoverer's peregrinations northward.
The commanders of these posts used all means to entice Half-king to desert
the (English, and it was with great diiliculty that H'ushington succeeded in
|in:venting them. They endeavored to weary him out by making the chiefs
delay their departure from day to day, by means of litpior,* so that the} should
1*0 lell behind. At length, having out-uenerailed bi^ complotters, and "got
things ready to set oiY, I sent for the IhdJ'-king" contiinies the narrator, "to
know whether he intended to go with us, or by water. He told me that
lyiiite-thunder had hurt himself much, aiul was sick, and unable to walk ;
therefore be was obliged tocan-y him down in a canoe;" so, notwithstanding
the delays, Washington was obliged to go without him ; but be cautioned him
strongly against l)clieving Monsieur Joncnire's pretensions of friendship, and
representations against Uie Ei:^lish. Here ends HMhinglon^s account of
Half-king.

And before closing our account of the termination of Washington's jouniey,
we will close our account of this chief also. In 17.'j4 he accompanied fi'ath-
itiglon in his excursion to dislodge the French from the di.'sputed territory
upon the Ohio, and was his constant counsellor, until af\er Mu' surrender of
Fort Necessity at the Great Meadows, on the 4 July. At tlie surprise of M.
de Jumonville, r- ■ *lie 28 May previous, be led a company of his warriors,
and piloted the l iiv .ish imder nashington to the place where he was encamped,
which was but a few miles from (jireat Meadows. Jitmonville^a force wag
email, consisting of but about 33 men. The night previous to the attack.
Half-king, ^^ ho was encamped six miles from Great Meadows, having made
a discovery of the ajtproach of the French force, sent an express to Washing-
ton, to inform him that the French were discovered in an obscure retreat.
The colonel inunediately marched out with 40 men and reached Hnlf-king'a
]uarters a little before sunrise. A council was now held by the chiefs of the
jiarties, and it was agreed that the English and Indians shoidd march togethcT
antl attack the French. They marched in single tile through the woods, in
the Indian manner, in a most dismal storm of rain ; and following the track
just explored by Half-king's spies, soon foiuid themselves near the party
Junwnvdle was in a secure place, half a mile from a road, and siMToimded
by rocks, and had be not been fidlen upon by surprise, it is doubtful whether
the attacking party had not found it diilicult to have contended successfully

" Wc hear Dgniii of tliis chief in 179-1, wlioii, willi 58 olliors, he siiyncd a Iri-Kly with Ih*
Uniluil .Slate* al Kurt Stanv.'ix. ills name Is llirrc writlcu Jithkaiigtt, wliicii <>i|;nilivil ttgreen
l(ra»tltoppt:r. lie was «oincliniex called Little- Hillt/.

Chap. III.]

SHI.NGIS— KUSTALOti.\.

533

agninst liiin. But not being discovored, IVaahington made a good disjiositioD
of Imh men ; liiniselt' witli tlio English formed Uie right wing, and Iialf-kine
at tiie liead of the Indians, tiie lett The French were Ibiind without tlieir
uriiis in their hands, but tiioy flew to them, and a fight of about J5 minuted
ensued None of the iiarty escapeiL Eleven of tlie French were killed,
UMiong whom was ^f. oe Jumonvilte; one wounded, and 21 taken prii>onti-8.
IViiahinglon lost hut one man, tuid two or three only were wounded.*

We now return to the narrative of Wcahington, which we hud found it
necessary abruptly to interrupt.

He now set ou' >or the frontiers with all expedition. lie had, he says, the
'- most tiitiguing journey possible to conceive o£ From the 1st to the 15tli
iJecember, there was but one day on which it did not ruin or snow inccs-
t<aiitiy; and tlirough tlie whole journey, we met with nothing but one contin-
ued si.'ries of cold, wet weather."

This ex|>e<lition of tVashinglon has in it great interest, more especially from
his superior eminence allerwurds. It is pleasing to contemplate the "suviur
of his country " in every adventure and circumstance of his life ; and even
gratifying to view him with a gun in one hand, a stafl' in tlir other, and a
pack u|ioii his back; wiuling through rivers, encountering storms of sleet and
i«now, und sleeping upon the ground, thus early, fur his country's good. He
hud some very nm-row esca|)e8, and, during part of the way on his return, he
hud hut one attendant. One day, us they were pussing u pluce culled Mur-
dering Town, tiiey were fired upon by one of a war-party of French Indians,
who had waited m umbusli for them; and although they were within filU-en
puces of him, yet they escaped unhurt. They captured the fellow that fired
upon them, and kept him until nine at night, then dismissed him, and truv-
cllfd ull night, "witliout muking any stop," ferxing they should be ])ursued
the next morning by his purty. Continuirg their course ull the next duy,
they cumo to the river where they intended to cros5?. Here the firmness of
/rcu/ung-ton and his companion was tliorou^'ly tried. The river was very
higti, and filled with floating ice, and there was no way to pass il but by a
rutt They had ^ but one poor hutchet," with the assistance of which, alter
laboring trom mornuig till sunset, they hud a raft ready to laimch ; on this
they set out, but it was soon crushed between the floating ice, and they very
narrowly escaped perishing. IVaahington was himself precipitated into the
river, where tlie water was ten feet deep. Fortunately, however, he cutched
by a Irugment of the raft, and saved himself. They finally extricated them-
selves ii-om their perilous situation, by getting upon the ice which confined
their frail bark, and from tlicnce to an island, and finally to the opposite shore.
The cold was so intense, that Mr. Giat froze his hands and feet This place
was about three miles below the moutli of the Yohogany, where an Indian
queen, as Wathin^n calls her, lived. He went to see her, he observes, sho
having "expressed great concern that we passed her in going to the fort. 1
made her a present of a watch coat, and a bottle of rum, \vhich hitter wni
thought much the best present of the two." Her name wus ^Uiquippa. From
this jtluce, he pursued his journey home without furtiier nccidcnt.

We have mentioned the friendly attttntion of Shingis to our adventurer, who
hud probubly expected he woidd have attended him on his journey ; but Shin^
gia went to collect in his men, and did not return. The Indians said it wus
owing to the sickness of his wife, hut tVashington thought it was fear of tlic
French, which prevented him. But this conjecture does not seem well
fbundeci, for he oniered KuataUtga, who lived ut Venungo, to proceed to the
French and return the wampum, which wus us much us to tell them they
wished no further fellowshin with them.

The massacres which followed BntddacKs defeat were horrible beyond
liescription. Shingia and Captain Jamba were supposed to huve been ihn
principal instigators of then), and 7U0 <lollars were oflered for their hcads.f
Caiitam Jacoba did not long escape, although the reward did not hasten his
enu. The hostile Indians had their head-quarters at Kitanning on the Alleghu"

• Spasks's Writing* of Washin^on, ii. 451, 452.
t }yalton'i .\niialii of Philadelphia, 450.

•4

Itj;

I**

Si:

534 KITTANNING DESTROYED.-DEATII OF CAPT. JACOBS. IBook T

ny River, 44 miles above its confluence with the Monongaheln. Here they
n;tirod with their prisoners and booty after their expeditions into the frontiers
la 1756, Colonel John Armstrong was sent with al)out 300 men against Ki
tanning. "On 3 September ho joined the advanced iwrty at the Ut-nvei
Dams, near Frankstown ; and on the 7th in the evening, being within 6 rnile»
of KJtanning, the scouts discovered a fire in the road, and rejiortcd tliat tln-re
were but 3 or at most 4 Indians at it. It was not thought proper to attempt
surprising" them, as it might be a means of alarming the town, if any sliould
escape. Hence Lieutenant Hogg, with a file' of 12 men, was ordered to wutcb
them, while the main body proceeded to the immediate vicinity of Kitaiming.
The night iK-in^ warm, many of the Indians lodged in a cornfield upon the
nun-gin of the river, about 100 rods below the town. Here at day-break the
attack bi'gan. Several Indians were killed in the field, and the town was im
nii'diati'ly entered. As they advanced, Captain Jacobs gave the war whoop,
retij-ed to his log-cabin, and defended himself with great braver}'. Inspin-(1
by his intrepidity, his men refused quarter, saying, " /Fe art men, and will not
be pisoncrs." Ihe whites being unable to drive them from tl»eir wigwams,
Colonel Jirmstrong ordered these to be set on fire. At the same time he re
ceived a musket-shot in the shoulder. " When the Indians were told that they
would be burnt if they did not surrender, one of tiiem replied, he did not care,
as he coidd kill 4 or 5 before he died," When the fire appioaciied them, some
began to sing, and others burst from their houses, ami were killed in tlieii
flight. Ca[)tain Jacobs, when defence could no longer avail him, endeavored
to escape, with his wife, though a window of his house. This was his last act
— he was shot down, and his wife also. A lad, called the King's Son, was killed
with them. As at Nerigwok, many were killed in tlie river as they fled.

The Indians were said to have had their houses stored with spare arms and
ammunition ; for, when they were burnt up, their guns discharged from the heat,
and (|uantities of powder blew up from time to time, which threw some of
their bodies to a great height in the air. Eleven prisoners were recovered at tliis
time, who informed their deliverers that a great quantity of goods was also
consumed, which had but ten days before been sent them by the French ; and
that the Indians had boasted that they had powder enough for a ten years' war
with the English. They also learned that the party which Lieutenant Hogg
had been left to watch, instead of being but 3 or 4, consisted of 24 warriors,
who were on their way to attack Fort Shirley, having been sent forward by
Captain Jacobs, while he was to have followed with a strong force the next
day. Hence the fate of the lieutenant's party was suspectetl. On returning
to the place. Colonel Armstrong found that Lieutenant Hogg had attacked the
Indians at great disadvantage, in point of numbers, and bad been defeated,
him8«;li'and Captain Mercer (afterwards General Mercer, who fell at Princeton)
w^verely wounded. At the first fire Hogg's party killed 3 of the Indians, who,
after maintaining the fight for an hour, killed but 3 of the whites. Hogg,
l)eing now wounded, was abandoned by his men, but was fortunate enough to
be foimd by the army.* It was at this period, that the dead bodies of some
that had been murdered and mangled were sent from the frontiers to Phila
delphia, and hauled about the streets, to inflame tf'<> people against the
Indians, and also against the Quakers, to whose mild forbearance was attrib-
uted a laxity in sending out troops. The mob surrounded the house of
ai^sembly, having placed the dead bodies at its entrance, and demanded im-
mediate succor. A\ this time the above reward was offered.

Mr. Heckewdder knew Shingis, or, as he wrote his name, Shingask, f and
gave him a good character. He was brother to King-beaver, and in the French
war was considered the greatest Indian warrior of the day. He was a terror
to the whole frontier of Pennsylvonia. " Passing one day with him " says Mr.
Heckewelder, "in the summer of 1702, near by where his two prisoner boys
(about 12 years of age) were amusing themselves with his own boys, and he
oltsnrving mo looking that way, inquin-d what I was looking at On my
re|)lying that I was looking at his prisoners, he said. When I first took theni

• CoH. N. r. Hist. Soc. iii. 31)8—:
t Level, or Bog-treuihiv.

3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. iv. 2U8— 9.

h i

Ciup. Ill]

Sm.NGIS.— IIENL ICK.

535

they jcere giicli ; but they are now my children ; eat their victuals out of one
aud tlie tame bowl ! wliicli was sayinf^ as much as, that tlioy, in all respects,

■wiri' •>;..iii ' (ii.U tiM:;irit A I'l. /*!.( o/fv (ill! '■

ii( ^t)lall f-iaturc, ih', *:;.iic HiiiJl'T <•ll^l•l•^■t•!^, in 'lo-

TIi«.' wilt. 1)1 thia c^iit) ninl h' IT'Ri .She \v;ui nJ (
H|>*-<'U»biiity ; and tin- ■ •'«-(i,(ini*"» at her fiJiiir;i',
uiul iiiifniieiit, de-i'- it.': -' \ i'r«, would <■> I'tipy ftn ; i

In tiie liiiiK nil ' ' *»jir. wht'ii iIk* frtivenm:

F. i^njt ;.. tlie dir < to in iniiiu'.e them t'roin .-• ..

lion is iifb'fi r.aui* «» iin< jnuitml whi< li li' k<'nt,+ n) Sli:.f
'r..i i!f«utkx*>- ilvu It<:v< r<;iiil Mr. Post perliiruit)d l^vo .
the cl.i*!" ..if^ 17.V. ni»d the iiecoisii in IT^'.K L'lidfr li iu- ■ :
lie wntf.s, *"W>; set lut from Suwcuiik in coiTi|mny wiiit 'H-
on ilio roud Shing nii\ ::fA nskcl. ;i
that il lie euiiie i» the I'.iigljsh tli y wi.rdd Itaujr him, ns lii

m
^

^rri'ul rt wiird for liis head. I told bin '
tor^iittii' (Uu! >vi]ieii audv iiow."' \'. '
kin IJanitl. who J.itl Ihtii Uit>;j>»:iv.! -
vsiLs baiil, iiitei-ru|iUsl oyiit oaj.i, * i •

lyins; e:<<ri<s,'' smt jwkeiJ, *• Wiij u

[iiieanin;: ll»e tb« rokecwj !o iiMl ii^ ' ' '■'
VUi-ililsitrd, tJ — d d— n ,: '> t ■ '

rmid (iuit >vue> kdi>-'i

tith > i ; -1: .-^l-o --^

b<' cuiil '

Mr. r * .
him, thai biIi> •. <

bad never tiKiujriii to <
o:iej'ii as Were t>rou^ i
idioiii a peiioi , and \\i
jie:ii-«.' aljrO.

Alilumqii the name of Shinic* Iiuf not srenerall} l-^'-
llirit of Cajiiniii Jarobs, yrt he 'm said to liave lie< n **ti'

rt <*f,». . : r»)ut Wi.l

;m|mii . , I • >;
> 1. i."_r!i, iiudiTisnn
« • tinil, ht: !«'llf« llwth

I Uie Luj<lu>h hiu: 1 ■
P'sl prot(".-tii'^' it wii>« !■:

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• \\\<r

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■' i r»'\>ar.| 1.^

ii/m-il, !f»<t *•*• •ixvays \'-\ .
■ '■it he Huuid do nti I'i
bo titire tlie Fn'ilw^

■•r"'"'

» i..vj> 'Wiieetation
t the tci(i». r.f

Li
1^

vvfirrior of his tioi'" ;i'»d i! 'i*. •' w r. l ■•-
•brni .IP iiUcri ■•

til ■uirick >v».' ■
men, a^tintit ' :■ ,.-... .'-»•' t/Xt.

lit I ■;••'-*. :•• • ...1/4 I . ' v^fm

.ill U.

Joh'i.^'in. mill iiif . !. " ' ••

!(• Lake (it«ori;e. NVbde • ■
work, their s«outs brtiUL'I'i newh ". e-
hod' ■';' Indi»ii.s upon their flanks, v «
II •tlutiM o'' Miii-sncbnsr'ttH, \\illi U'.A,' men, ai ■'
not.*, u> give Iheui baltli- ; but liiiiiiiir it; with tbei-. .,( -
lit- vpeotedly, Colonels •fiUiants niui IJya'nck Wirif k't
otiieers and privates of ilie d<ia -hinrtiL The ret: tied Uj .<.
j;ieat prt'<-ipila,.oii. infusiiijr iim ' rnalion nito ^he M'hutv art"-.
f<>llo\vi'<t closely, and pmmil in •» '"fineodiKM fin, v ! ■• u dm ••
< utioii. from the p'^ii'mimw- of liiv Hiiubsii .e (jdb.'sj liat iipoi<
Tlnv .<«>.. u recovered Iron th»tr Mur(>rii»- • ,d i«,i> 'i t wit!, '■
tKbaiit.ijfi- not only in niitnlt>r->, Imi loiili ■% wf wliit It Mif I'rc;
At leii£«!i the brave iJUsktru ^ny wonv;!':! r :t« thijrb, ami

iiljf tiiTihi .1 at llie havoc :ii.i,l.' tn t>' »<' tb*; I'nt:

vviMids. and ilio rev'tilar* ■>v,-ie ordere-i i , ;!;cir |fenci!ii

did ill jfAu; disiinier. Gi n<-ral D'fsk.i" :•• i^u! in the pursiii .

him:«elf by tlie stump of I tree. Su|>f<urix'^' pinuder to Ix* the fir

• K,>r will. 1: «ce WrX-'WcWjr'.i IliM »-..' \i<iin«t, 3(4. &<-.

i R'-iif^'i'".! 'II" /».( (',oi.'t$ o/tM An'-ti^w-;" itc, ttuif I'rvti- y

i H > N iiriihvi'. flf,

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534 f

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— -'cn^nRATH OF CAPT. JACOBS. [Book ▼

— iie ;vat wioi tl'iwn, n<
wild t'lmn. An M N*:»
'I'hr liiiriaiis wen- i ■
iini!i)iiii)i'.<iii ; tor, wlir-ii )•

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■ t on lif. At rtiM •«<.

p rii''iil'ii r. '• W'lioii tif Imli iii> w'-nni. i

< '■ <li>l not .sijii'iiiler, «»iif of lliein rrplieil, In li-, c,

.( 'V v»<v 'w liU'L'" Whi'n tin; lirt- H|t|»i'«iclif 1 ii.C'ii. .-•i'tiif

•» i.iii'-iN i>ti-' ffnn: lUcrr inHi!H>!», am' wrre kilU-d in iliiii

. . ' ' • ><<M TKi l»Hi||(«t Hvnil liiiii, <-ii<tcin(iii>il

. > ,." ; , 1.. , ^ . 'I'lilfc (Viirt Ills lii.-i art

I :■• Ki'in'n S4fHL, Wi»<kill<;ii

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huliaii-* lit f.'r»'at I .. ■ ■• ■ <( »itii'il'

htmt*-!l'niul t iiptnin Aierrrr uirti rwuni'* (ifHiii r.i' ■"•'
»" • I' lutdi il, Al thi! (irKi hic Jiu^'* k""^
lintf ihf fiirhi Tor pa Imur

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"»»iirl>

•II mr

-.y« Mr.

,:.->lll,'r («»)■<

T.«, Mini hi.'

O'l my

>•

■ook tllOIII

t Level, or ttog-veu..

<rf-'J.

Chap. Ill]

SIIINGIS.— HENDRICK.

535

they were piich ; but thoy arc now my children ; eat their victuals out of one
and the same bowl ! wiiicli was saying as much as, tliat tiiey, in ail res()ecta,
Were on an cquid looting with Aw oicn children — alike dear to him." Though
of small stature, the same author observes, ho had a great mind.

The wife of tliis chief died in 17b^ She was of the highest rank and re-
spectability ; and the ceremonies at her funeral, and manner of decoration
and interment, described here, would occupy several pages.*

In the time of the French war, when the governor of I'ennsylvaiii'' sent C.
F. Post to the distant tribes to persuade them from aiding the French, men-
tion is ot\en made in the journal which he kcnt,f of iSiAingt,*, and unitbrnily to
his advantage. The Reverend Mr. Post perlornied twc missions, the Hrst at
the close ot 1758. and the second in 1751). Under date of 28 August, 175!*,
he writes, "We set out from Sawcunk in company with 20, for Kushcuslikec ;
on the road Shiitgaa addressed himself to me, and askui!, if I did not think,
that if he came to the English they would hang him, as they had otiorcd a
great reward for his head. I told him that was a great while ago, 'twas nil
ibrgottcn and wiped away now." An Indian in the company, culled Slutmo-
kin Daniel, who liad been tam()ered with by the French, understanding what
was said, interrupted and saiit, " Don't believe him, he tells nothing but idle
lying stories," and asked, " Why then did the English hire 1200 Indians
[meaning the Cherokeos] to kill us ? " Mr. Post protesting it was liilse, Daniel
vociferated, G — d d — n you for a fool ; did you not see the woman lying in the
roud that was killed by the Indians that the English hired?" Alter a lew
other harsh expressions, Shingis told him to be still, for he did not know what
he said."

Mr. Post dined with Sfiineps on the 29 August, at which time he observed to
him, that althou^ i the Engtisli had ofR-rccI a great reward for his head, yet he
hud never thought to revenge himself, but w>i8 always very kind to such pris-
oners as were brought in, and that he would do all in liis |)owL-r to bring
about a peace, and wished he could be sure the English were in earnest for
peace also.

Although the name of Shingis has not generally been as conspicuous as
that of Captain Jacobs, yet he is said to have been "the greatest Delaware
warrior of his time," and that, " were his war exploits on record, they would
form an interesting document, though a shocking one." |

Hendrick was a gallant Mohawk chief| who took part, with many of his
men, against the F rench, in the year 1755. The French were encouraged
bv the defeat of General Braddock, and were in high expectation of carrying
ah before them, //enrfncfc joined the English army at the request of General
Johnson, and met the French, consisting of 2000 men, under General Dieskau
at Lake George. While the English and Indians were eticampcd in a slight
work, their scouts brought news of the approa(;h of the French, with a great
body of Indians upon their flanks. General Johnson despatched Colonel
Williama of Massachusetts, with 1000 men, and Hendrick with 200 of his war-
riors, to give them battle ; but falling in with them about four miles from camp
unexpectedly. Colonels WUliams and Hendrick were killed, with many other
officers and privates of the detachment The rest fled to the main body with
great precipitation, infusing consternation into the whole ttrmy.§ The French
Iblloweri closely, and poured in a tremendous fire, which did very little exe-
cution, from the precaution of the English in Itilling flat upon their fares.
They soon recovered from their 8ur|)rise, and fought with bravery, having
advantage not only in numbers, but artillery, of which the French had none.|{
At length the brave Dieskau was wounded in the thigh, and his Indians, be-
iiig terrified at the havoc made by the cannon of the English, fled to the
woods, and the regulars were ordered to retreat by their general, which they
did in great disorder. General Dieskau was found in the pursuit, supporting
bimselt by the stump of a tree. Supposing plunder to be the first oltject of

** For wliirh gee Jfeckauelder's Hist. Ind. Nations, 264, &r.

t RfpriiileH in " Tlie Caiiset of the Alienation," &c., and I'roud's Pa., vol. 2d,

\ rhckewelder'a Narralivp. M.

6 Tlie Miiclish lu.si about 2(X) in this ambush. Gulhiie's Uuiversal History, x.9i.

i Ibid.

y,"^

Li ^

' f

U' '

536

m'M)KICK.— KILLLD IN nAITLK.— ANECDOTE.

[Book V.

hiH cnptors, ns he was uttcnipting to druw li'm wutcli to present to them, sotne
uiit\ 8iippoHiti^ him to be eeuiTliing tor liis pistol, ditichurged hin gun iuto
bia liips. Notwitliai^aiiiling tie wuh thus twice wounded, he lived to reach
England, hut he died soon uiler. The French lost BOO men hi the attack.

When General Johnson was ahoiit to detach Colonel H'iUianis, he asked
Hendrick's opuiion, whether the lorce was suflicient. To which he replied,
" Iftliey are tofght, they an too few. If they are to be killed^ they are too many."
And wiien it was proposed to divide the dutachnient into three parts, lun-
drick objected, and tbrcibly to express the impracticability of the plan, picked
up three sticks, and, putting them together, siiid to the genend, " You see now
titat these cannot be easily broken ; biU take them one by one, and you may break
them at oncej'^ But I'rom this valuable counsel very little advantage seems to
l»ive been derived.

It was reported at the time, that 3d of HendricVs men were killed, and V2
wounded.* Few historians mention the loss of tlie Indians ; probably con-
sidering them as unworthy of record ! Such historians may be forgotten. At
least, they cannot expect to pass under that name in another age.

The Indians were greatly exasperated against the French. " by the death
of the iamons Hendrick," says the same writer, "a renowned Indian warrior
among tht; Mohawks, and one of their sachems, or kings, who was slain in the
battle, aiidSvhose son, upon being told that his father was killed, giving the
itsiuA Indian groan upon such occasions, and suddenly putting his hand on
his lefl breast, swore his father was still alive hi that place, and stood tiierc ii;
his son : that it was with the utnust diiliculty, General Johnson prevented the
fury of their resentment taking phic(! Oji the body of the French geiieral."t

As soon as the baUlo was over, the Indians dispersed themselves in various
directions, with the trophies of victory ; some to their homes, to condole
with the friends of the slain, and some to tiie English, to carry the welcome
news of victory. The diflerent runners brought into Albany above 80 scalps
within a very short time aller the fight^ And tlius we are tiu-nished with an
early record of the wretched custom which a[)|)ears to have been fostered,
and actually encouraged by all who have employed the Indians as a'^xiliaiics
in war. Indeed to employ them, was to employ their practices — they were
inseparable. To talk, as some have done, of employing them, and prevent-
ing their barbarous customs with the unfortunate captives, all experience
shows, is but to UUk one thing and mean another.

Soon afler Sir WiUiam Johnson entered upon his duties as superintendent
of Indian aflliirs in North America, he received from England some richly
embroidered suits of clothes. Hendrick was present when they were re-
ctMved, and could not help expressing a great desire lor a share in them. lie
went away very thouglitful, but returned not long after, and called upon Sir
/fiWioTn, and told him he had dreamed a dream. Sir IViUiam very con-
cernedly desired to know ^vliat it was. Hendrick as readily told him he
had dreamed that Sir WiUiam Johnson ha J picsented him with one of his
new suits of uniform. Sir William could .lot refuse it, and one of the elegant
suits was forthwith presented to Henarick, who went away to- show his
present to his countrymen, and left Sir WHliam to tell the joke to his Irieiids.
Some time aller, the general met Hendrick, and told him he had dreamed a
dream. Whether the sachem mistrusted that he wus now to be taken in iiis
own net, or not, is not certain : but he Sv^riously desired to know what 't «vns,
as Sir WiUiam had done before. The general said he dreamed tiial Hendrick
had presented him with a certain tract of land, which he described, (consist-
aig of about 500 acres of the most valuable land in the valley of the Mohawk
River.) Henibick answered, "A is yours ; " but, shaking his head, said, " Sir
William. Johnson, I will never dreani with you again."

John Konkapot, a Stockbridge Indian, was gran«lson to Hendrick, and he
Informs us that his grandfather was son of the Wolf, a Mohegan chief, an«l
that his mother was a Mohawk.§ Reverend Gideon Hawlcy, in a hitter to
Governor Hutchinson (1770^ about the Marshpee Indians, has this passage

* Oi>nf. Magazine for 1755.
J Coll Muss. Hist. Hue,

t \\w\

t IbiJ.

Chap, III]

LOGAN— CRESAP'S MURULRS.

537

"Among Jokruon^a Mohawks, Ahrdham and Hendrick were the oldest of tlieir
tfil)e, wlien they died, and neither of them was 70, at their deatiis. 1 saw a
sister of tiieirs in 1765, who appeared to be several years above 70. At
Stockbridu:e, Captain Kunkapot was for many years the oldest man in hia
trilte." * We have now come to one of tiie most notad chiefs in Indian story

Logan was culled i Mingo f chief, whose father, Shikellimus, was chief
of the Cuyiigas, whom he succeeded. ShiksUimuB was attached in a remark-
able degree to the benevolent James Logan, from which circumstance, it is
probable, his son bore his name. The name is still i)erpetuated among the
Indians. For magnanimity in war, and greatness of soul in peace, few, it any,
in any nation, ever surpassed Logan, ne took no part in the French wars
which ended in 1760, except that of a peacemaker ; >/as always acknowl-
edged the friend of the white people, until the year 1774, when his brother
and several others of his family were murdered, the particulars of which
follow. In the spring of 1774, some Indians robbed tne people upon the
Ohio River,^ who were in that country exi>loring t'le lands, and preparing for
settlements. These land-jobbers were alarmed at this hostile carriage of the
Indians, as they considered it, and collected themselves at e place callea
Wheeling Creek, the site or wliich Wheeling is now built, and, learning that
there were two Indians on the river a little above, one Captain Slichad Cresap,
belongirig to the exploring party, proposed to fall uiion and kill them. His
advice, although opposed at first, was followed, and a party led by Cresap
jjroceeded and killed the two Indians. The same day, jt being reported that
some Indians were discovered below Wheeling upon the river, Creaap and
hit' party immediately marched to the place, and at first appeared to show
themselves friendly, and suffered the Indians to pass by them unmolested,
to encamp still lower down, at the mouth of Grave Creek. Creaap soou
followed, attacked and killed several of them, having one of his own men
wounded by the fire of the Indians. Here some of the family of Logan
were slain. The circumstance of the affair was exceeding aggravating, inas-
much as the y/hiies prdended no provocation.

Soon after this, some other monsters in human shape, at whose head were
Daniel Greathouae and one Tondinson, committed a horrid murder upon a
company of Indians about thirty miles above Wheeling. Greathouse resided
at the same place, but on ihe opposite side of the river from the Indian en-
campment A party of thirty-two men were collected for this object, who
secreted themselves, while Greathouse, under a pretence of friendship, crossed
the river and visited them, to ascertain their strength ; on counting them,
he found they were too numerous for his force in an open attack. These
Indians, having heard of the late murder of their relations, had determined
to be wenged of the whites, and Greathouse did not know the danger he was
in, until a squaw advised him of it, in a friendly caution, " to go home." The
sad requital this ]ioor woman met with will presently appear. This abomi-
nable fellow invited the Indians to come over the river and drink rum with him;
this being a part of his plot to separate them, that they might be the easier de-
stroyed. The opportunity soon offered ; a number being collected at a tavern in
tlie white settlement, and considerably intoxicated, were fallen upon, and all
murdered, except a little girl. Among the murdered was a brother of Logan,
and his sister, whose delicate situation greatly aggravated the horrid crime.

The remaining Indians, upon the other side of the river, on hearing the
firing, set off two canoes with armed warriors, who, as they approached the
shore, vr^xe fired upon by the whites, who lay concealed, awaiting their
approach. Nothing prevented tlieir taking deadly aim, ond many were
killed and wounded, and the rest were obliged to return. This affair took
place May 24th, J774.§ These were the events that led to a horrid Indian

• Coll. Mass. Hist. 8oc. 3. i. 151.

t Mengwe, Maquas, Maqita, or Iroquot all mean tlie same.

i '' In (he moiitn of April, 1774, a rumor was circulated, ihat the Indians had stolon several
horses frcn some land-jobbers on Ihe Ohio and Kentucky Rivers ; no evidences of the fact
having l>eeii adduced, lead to the conclusion that the report was false." Doddridge't
Notes. 225—6.

( Fac 3 published in •/'«^«r«on'« \otei.

ifi

538

LOGAN.-SAVES THE LIFE OF A CAPTIVE.

[DooE V

war, in which many innocent families were sarrificrd to satiftry tiie ven<
geoiice of an iiiconck^d and injured peoplo. *

A calm lollowed thi-ae trouldes, Ixit it was only such as |;oes before the
storm, and iustud only while the tocsin of wur could he sounded amcnig the
distant Indians. On the 12 July, 1774, Logan, at the head of a small party
of only eight warriors, struck a blow on some inhabitants upon the MiiHkin-
gum, where no one ex|>ected it. He hud left the settlements on the Ohio
undiNturlied, which every one supposed would be the first attacked, in case
of war, and hence the reason ol his great successes. liis lirst nttiick was
upon three men who were pulling flux in a field. One was shot down, and
the two others taken. These were marched into tlie wildcrnrsM, and, as
they approached the Indian town, Logan gave the scalp hulloo, and they
were met by the inhabitants, who conducted them in. Running the ^'untlet
was next to be performed. Logan took no delight in tortures, and he in the
most friendly manner instructed one of the captives how to proceed to
escaj>e the severities of the gantlet. This same captive, whose name was
Robinson, was alk-rwards sentenced to be bunied ; but Logan, tliongh not
able to rescue him by his eloquence, with his own hand cut the cords that
bound him to the stake, and caused him to be adopted into un Indian family.
He became afterwards Logan's scribe, and wrote the letter that was tied to a
war club, the |>articulars of which we shall relate farther onward.

There was a chief among the Shawanese more renowned as a warrior
than even Logan himself at this time. CORNSTOCK* was his name, and
to him seems to have fallen the chief direction of the wur that was now
))egun ; the causes of which were doubtless owing to the outrages already
detailed, committed by Cretap and Greaihovst, but there can he but little if
any doubt, that the several tribes engaged in it, hud each been auftieiently
injuri-d to justify their participation olso. The history of the nun-dcr of
Bald Eagle is more than sufficient to account fbr the part acted by the Dela-
wares. What this man hud been in his younger days is unknown tn history,
but at this time he was an old inoffensive Delaware chief, who wandered
hurnilessiy ap and down among the whites, visiting those most frequently
who would entertain him best Having l)een on a visit to the fort at the
mouth of Kunhawa, he was met, as he was ascending alone upon the river
in his canoe, by a man, who, it is said, hud suffered much from the Indians.
it was in the evening, and whether any thing happened to justify violence on
the part of either, we have no evidence, but certain it is, the white man
killed the chief, and scalped him, and, to give his abominable crime ]nib-
licity, set the dead body upright in the canoe, and in this maimer caused it
to drifl down the river, where it was beheld by many as it passed them.
From the appcrance of the old chief, no one suspected he was dead, but
very naturally concluded be was upon one of his ordinary visits. The truth
of the ufTttir, tiowever, soou got to bis nation, and they quickly avowed ven-
geance for the outraee. f

The Virginia legislature w^ in session when the news of an Indian war
was received at the seat of goverv. lent Governor Dunmore immediately
gave orders for the assembling Oi ^000 men ; one lialf of ivhom were to
march for the mouth of the great Kanhuwa under the command of General
Andrew Leitns,X and the remainder, under the governor in person, was to
proceed to some point on the Ohio, above the former, in order to fall uj)on
the Indian towns between, while the warriors should be drawn off by the
approach of Letins in the opposite direction. He was then to proceed down
the Ohio, and form a junction with General Lewis at Point IMeasant, from
whence tJiey were to march according to cu'cumstances.

• Generally written Cornstalk, but.in our olde. I priiiied account, it is as in the text. There
Is no Imrm in changing the orthography of a woru, wlien we use it for a proper instead of a
common substantive.

t M'Clune:.

t His rank was that of colonel, but, being »ommander-in-chief of that division, was properly
failed general, lo distinguish him from his brother, wlio was also a colonel, and as having
llie chief cuniniiuid.

,1 \

Chap. 111.]

LOGAN— UAITLE OF POINT PLEASANT.

>;h)

On the 11 Scptemlicr, the forcns iindep (•ciirnil Ittun.t, nniniiiititi'; to
1100 men, coininftice.l their inarcli lioiii Carn|> Union I'or I'oint IMca«unt on
the (jreat Kunhuway, diiitant lliO ntih^M. The eonntry iM-tween wim a track-
leHS wildenu'HS. The army was piloted Ity (.'aptai^j Matthew ^IrbuckU, by
tlie neuroHt practicable route. The baggage wuti all tnuiapurted on jiuck-
liorHi's, and tiieir niareli took np 1*J davH.*

Having arrived there n|M)n tiie last tiuy of the month, an rncuinpinent waH
coninicnced on the tirttt of Octol)er. Here Ciencral Lewis waited with
anxiety to get some tidings of Dunntore, for ei;;lit or nine days. At the end
of this time, no |)roHpect of a jimction apiMmring, news was bronght into
camp in the morning of the 10 October, uy one of two persons who had
escaped the riHes of a great body of Indians about two miles up the Ohio,
that an attack would be immediately niude. Theee two men were upon u
deer hunt, und came upon the Indians without ol)8erving them, when one
was shot down, and the other cscajted to the camp with difficulty. He re-
ported " that he had seen a body of ttie enemy, covering four acres of ground,
OS closely as they could stand by the side of each other." f

U;jon this intelligence, Ueneral Lewui, "atler having delilierately lighted
his pipe," \ gave orders to his brother. Colonel Chnrlts Ltwia, to niarcli with
his own regiment, and another under Colonel William Flemins^, to recon-
noitre the enemy, while he put the remainder in a pi)Sture to support them.
These marched without loss of time, und ulK>ut 400 yards from camp met
the Indians intent upon the same object. Their meeting was somewhere
between sun's rising and sun an hour high,§ and the hght in a moment
began. The Virginians, like their opponents, covered themselves with trees
or whatever else ofiered, biu the latter were more than a match for them,
and put them to flight with ^reul slaughter. Colonel Lewia was in full uni-
form, and being, from the nature of his duties, exposed at eveL7 point, soon
fell mortally wounded.|| There was no result for which the conunander-in-
chief was not prepared; for at this critical moment he had ordered up
Colonel Meld with hia regiment, wiiich, coming with great resolution and
firnmess into action, saved the two retreating regiments, und etlectuully
checked the impetuosity of the Indians, who, in their turn, were obliged to
retreat l)ehind a rough breastwork, which they iiud taken the precaution to
construct from logs and brush for the occasion.

The point of land on which the Imttle was fought was narrow, and the
Indians' breastwork extended from river to river : their ]ilan of attack wusthe
best that could be conceived ; for in tim event of victory on their part, not a
Virginian could have escaped. They had stationed men on both sideij of
the river to prevent any that might attempt flight by swimming from the
apex of the triangle made by the confluence of the two rivers.

Never was ground maintumed with more obstinacy ; for it was slowly, and
with no precipitancy, that the Indians retired to their breastwork. The divis-
ion under Lewis was first broken, although that under Fleming was nearly
at the same moment attacked. This heroic ofllicer first received two balls
through his left wrist, but continued to exercise his command with the great-
est coolness and presence of mind. His voice was continually heard, "Don't
lo.se an inch of ground. Advance outflank the enemy, and get between
them and the river." But his men were about to be outflanked by the body
that had just defeated Lewis ; meanwhile the arrival of Colonel Field turned
the fortune of the day, but not without a severe loss ; Colonel Fleming waa
nguin wounded,! by a shot through the lungs ; ** yet he would not retire,
and Colonel Fidd was killed as he was leading on his men.

Doddridge, 280.

\ Withers, \'!Ha.

t M'Clitng, . ""L

^ At siui-rise, Burk,\u 39.3. — Sun an hour high, Royal Amer. Magatinejbr Noreniier, 1774.

— .\ hule after sunrise, Doddridge, 231. — The sun was just rising, M'Ctung, 322 Suuiise,

Withers, 127.

II He walked into camp, and expired in his own lent. Doddridge.

II Mr. M'Clung says lie was killed, but we cannot find any authority to a^rce with him
Mr. Withe''t says he was "an active governor of Virginia during the revoluiioiinry war."
Vhronidei, 130.

•• Burk, iii. .TJ4.

-'H

i: I y^

\ ii

I! '

■ - 1

540

LOGAN— BATl'LE OP POINT PLEASANT.

[Boob V

lit'

Tlie wiiolo line of the breastwork now bncame as a blaze of fire, which
lotited noarly till ttie clnse of the day. Here the Indians under Logan, Coni'
ttock, EUnipsico, RtdrEoftU, oiid other mighty chiefs of tlie tribes of the
tiliuwiuii'se, L>elnwures, Min^ovs, VVyaudots and Cayugus, amounting, us was
MU|)|Mi8ed, to 1500 warriors, (ought, as men will ever do for their country's
wrongH, with a bravery which could only be equalled. The voice of the
niighty Comslock was otlen heard during the day, uliove the din of strile,
culling on his men in these words: "lie strong! lUs strong!" And when by
Uie repeated charges of tlie whiten, some of U\s warriors begun to waver, he
b 8<iid to have sunk his tomahawk into tlie head of one wlio was cowuidly
endeavoring to detwrt.

(j<;neral Lewis, finding at leti^h that every charge upon the lines of the
Indians lessened tlie number o( his forces to an aluriiiing degree, and rightly
j.idgiiig that if tlie Indians were not routed before it was dark, a day of
more doubt might follow, he resolved to throw a bodv, if possible, into their
rear. Ah the good fortune of the Virginians turiieu, the bank of the i-iver
titvon-d this project, and forthwith three comiianies were detached U|)on the
enteritrise, under the three captuiMs, Itaac Shdbtf, (ailerwurds renowned in
the revolution, and since in the war with Cunada,) George Matthews, * and
John Steuart. Those companies got unobserved to tliuir place of dcHtination
u|io]i Crooked Crrek, which runs into the Kanliuwu.f From the high weeds
u|)oii the banks of this little streum, they rushed upon the Imcks of the
Indians with such fury, as to drive them from their works with precipitation.
The day was now decided. The Indianti, thus lieset irom a quarter they did
not expect, were ready to conclude thr.t a reinlbrcemeiit hnd arrived. It
was aliout sunset when they fled across the Ohio, aud iinmediutely took up
tiieir miu-ch ibr their towns on the Scioto.

As is common, in reviewing past events, we find much difference of
opinion in regard to many of the facts ; the loss of the whites in this buttle
is very variously stated, but that of the Indians no one has presumed to set
down but by mference. The morning alter tlio buttle. Colonel Chriatianl
marched to the battle-graund ; where his men found and scalped § 31 of
their dead, and 12 others were found in places where they were placed for
concealment ; that many were also thrown into the river is said to liave been
at tlie time known. In an account published at the time, it is set down thnt
the killed of the Virginians were "Col. Charles Lewis, Mojor John Field,
Capt John Murray, Robert Mc Clcnechan, Samuel fVilson, James Ward, Lieut.
Hugh JUlen, Ensigns, Candiff, Baker, and 44 privates ; " making the whole
number of the killed 55. " Wounded, Captain fV. Fleming, since dead,
Y. Dickinson, Thomas Blueford, John Stidman, Lieuts. Goodman, Robeson,
Land, Vannes, and 79 Privates ; " making in ull 87 wounded. We are uware
that neither the names or numbers agree with accounts since published, but
we have taken the above from the Royal American Magazine, which was
published the following month at Boston, into which it seems to have been
copied from a Philadelphia print.||

There was a kind of stratagem used by the whites in this battle which
reminds us of that practised at the Pawtucket fight, related in Book III. of
air history. The soldiers in Colonel Flemings regiment would conceal
tliemselves behind a tree or some other shelter, and then hold out their huts
from behind, which ttie Indians seeing, would mistake as covering the heads

* Probably the same who was a colonel in the Vir^ia line during tlie revolution, aiid
once a prisoner. See Contin. Burk, 107, 358, also Witlteri, 130.

t Withen, 127.

\ He was not present at the fight, but arrived with a reinrorccment, which he had raised
from Holston, immediately after it was over. It was this force, it is supposed, that the
Indians expected were surrounding them in the rear. They were said to have been ac-
quainted with all circumstances coiuiected with the operations of the Virginians.

6 Royal Amer. Moforine for November, 1774.

fl Dr. Doddridgt. 231, sets down the killed at 75, and the wounded at 140 and he is,
doubtless, Mr. Withtr$'s authority, who says tlie same. His list of killed and wounded are
also verbatim from Doddridge. Jiurk, who wrote twenty years before either, agrees with
the Koyal Atnerican Magazine very nearly.

r«;^!.

I 'i

ClAP. III.]

LOGANS-BATTLE OF POINT PLEASANT.

641

of their enemiei, and shoot at them. The hat heing at once (lrop|N!(I, tiM
Indian would run out from hia covert to aculp his vKrtiui, and tiius niut a
sure death from the tomahuwii of his adverHary.

The cliicf of the men rained for this service, were, as liurk expresses him*
self, ** prime riflemen," and the " most expert woodsmen in Viruinia." Tiiey
were princiuidly from the counties of Auvusta, Kotetourt, ik-dtord and Fin-
caatle, and Irom the enraged settlers who had fled trom their frontier settle«
ments to escaiM the vengeance of the injured Indiniu). For reasons wliic*
were not perfectly understood at that time. Lord Dunmore divided the armv
Into two imrts, as already staled. Tiie part which Dunmort soon afler looK
in the revolutionary events, di.scovcred the real cause of his preposterous pro-
ceedings. His pn-tence of fulling upon the hacks of the Indians, and coop-
erating with G<-ni;ral Lewisy was soon detected as such ; for it needed only
to 1)0 known that he was moving no less than 7.') miles from him, and that,
therefore, no cooperation could be had. The imputation, however, of the
historian Burk,* "tliat the divicion unde/ Ijtw's was dcvotcti to destruction,
for the purpose of breaking the spirits of the Virginians," to render his own
influence and reputation brighter and more efficient, is unnatural, and with-
out facts to warrant it To our mind a worse policy to raise himself could
not have Iteen devised. There are two other, tiir more reasonable conclu-
sions, which might have been offered: The governor, seeing the justness
of the Indians' cause, might ha^ e adopted the plan which wus followed, to
bring tlioni to u peace with the least possible destruction of them. This
would have been the course of a humane phil«sophy ; or he might have
exen ised his ubilities to gain them to the British interest, in case of a rup-
ture between them and the colonies, which the heads of government nuist
clearly have by this time foreseen would pretty soon follow. Anotiier ex-
traordinary manoeuvre of Governor Dunmort betrayed either a great want
of experience, generalship, or a fur more reprehensible charge ; tor he had,
before the battle of Point Pleasant, sent an express f to Colonel Lewia, with
ord<.-rs that he should join him near the Shawanee towns, with all possible
despatch. These instructions were looked upon as singuliu'ly unaccountable,
inasnuich as it was considered a tiling almost iinpossilile to be accomplished,
had there not been an enemy to fear ; for the distance was near 80 miles,
and the route was through a country extremely difficult to lie traversed, and,
to use the words of Mr. Burk., "swarming with Indians."! 1*''^ express did
not arrive at Point Pleasant until the evening after the battle ; § but that it
had lH3en fought was unknown to the governor, and could in no wise excuse
his sending such orders, although the power of the Indians was now broken.

The day afler the battle, General Lewis caused his dead to be buried, and
entrenchments to be thrown up alxiiit his camp for the protection of his
sick and wounded ; and the day following, he took up his line of march, in
compliance with the orders of Governor Dunmort. This march was attended
with great privations and almost insurmountable difficulties. Meanwhile
Governor Dunmort descended with his forces down the river, from Fort Pitt
to Wheeling, where he halted for a few days. He then proceeded down to
the mouth of Hoekiiocking, thence over land to within 8 miles of the Shaw-
anee town Chilicothe, on the Scioto. Here he made preparations for treat-
ing with the Lidians. Before reaching this place he hud received several
messages from the Indians with ofl'ersof peace, and having now determined
to comply, he sent an express to General Lewis with an order that he bhould
immediately retreat. Tills was entirely didregarded by the general, and 1 e
continued his march until his lordship in person visited the general in his
camp, and gave the order to the troops himself. Lewis's troops complied

• Hist. Virginia, iii. SDC.

t The famous pioneer, Simon Kenton, alias Butler, was the person sent by Dunmort at
tins liiiii.'.

t Hist. Virpnia, iii. 395.

\ Tills is not agr«'pal>lo lo the stalcmenl of Dr. Doddridcre, who says their arrival was be-
ore the battle, and Mr Withers follows him : but I follow Mr. Uurk, who doubtless had tht
l>csl means of giving the truth. Marshall [Ky, i. 40] agrees with the former.

•id

542

CORNSTOCK TREATS WITH DUNMORE.

[Buck V

!«'.••

witli great reluctance, for they had determined on a general destruction of
tiie Indians.

A treaty was now commenced, and conducted on the part of the wliites
with great distrust, never admitting but a small number of Indians witlun
their encampment ut i time. The business was commenced by Comslock
in a speech of great length, in the course of which he did not fail tc charge
upon the whites the whole cause of the war ; and mainly in consequence
of the murder of Lo^an^s family. A treaty, however, was the result of this
conference ; and this conference was the result of the far-famed s|jeech of
LOGAN, the Mingo chief; since known in every hemisphere. It was not
delivered in the camp of Lord Dunmore, for, although desiring peace, Lo^an
would not meet the wiiites in council, but remainei'. in his cabin in sullen
silence, until a messenger was sent to him to know whether he would
accede to the proposals it contained. What the distance was from the
treaty-ground to Logan^s cabin, we are not told ; but of such importance was
his luime considered, that he was waited on by a messenger * from Lord
Dunmore, who requested his assent to the articles of the treaty. Logan had
too much at heart the wrongs lately done him to accede without giving the
messenger to understand fully the grounds upon which he acceded ; he
therefore invited him into an adjacent wouil, where they sat down together.
Here he related the events ol butchery which had deprived him of all
his connections; and here he pronounced thct memorable speech, which
follows :

"/rtjopcoZ to any white to say, if ever he entered Logan's cabin hungry, and he
gave htm not meat ; if ever he came cold and naked, and he clothed him not.
" During the ccxirse of the lust long bloody war, Logan remained idle in his cabin,

ten

an advocate for peace. Siich was my love for the whites, that my counlryn
pointed as they passed, and said, ' Logan is the friend of white men.'

" 1 luid even thought to have lived with you, but for the injuries of one man.
Col. Cresap, the last spring, in cold blood, and unprovoked, murdered all the rela-
tions of Logan ; not even sparing my wotnen and children.

" 1 here runs not a drop of my blood in the veins of any living creature. This
called on me for revenge. J have sought it. I have killed many. I have fully
glutted my vengeance. For my country, I rejoice at the beams of pence. But do
not harbor a tHought that mine is the joy of fear. Logan never fdt fear. He tvill
not turn on his heel to save his life. tFho is there to mourn for Logan ? — J\'ot

one

When Mr. Jefferson published his " Notes on Virginia," the facts therem
stated implicating Cresap as the murderer of Logan's family, vei-e by Cresap's
friends called in question. Mr. Jefferson at first merely stated :: facts as pre-
liminary to, and the cause of, the " Speech of Logan," which he considered
as generally known in Virginia; but the acrimony discovered by his enemies
in their endeavors to gainsay his statement, led to an investigation of the
whole transaction, and a publication of the result was the immediate conse-
quence, in a new edition of the " Notes on Virginia."

There are [icrhaps etiil some who doubt of the genuineness of Logan's
speech and indeed we must allow, that there are some circumstances laid
l)efbre us in Dr. Barton's Medical and Physical Journal, for the year 180H ;
which look irreconcilable. Without impeaching in the slightest degree tlie
character of Mr. Jefferson, such facts are there compared, and disagreements
j)ointed out, as chniiced to come in the way of the writer. It aii])eurB from
the French traveller Robin, tiiat, in the time of our revolution, a gentleman of
Williamsbin-g gave him an Indian speech, which bears gi'eat rescmhiiioce to
the one said to be by Logan ; but differing very essentially In date, and the
person implicated in nnirdering the fimiily of Logan. The work of lioltin is
entitled " New Travels in America," and we have only an English translation

• Mr. John Gibson, then an officer in Diinmore's army, and afterwarcls a man of consider-
able distinction.

Chap. III.]

LOGAN'S SPEECH QUESTIONED.

543

of ;<.* It is therefore possible timt some mistakes may have crept into it, or
that Robin hiiiisulf might huve nnsiiiiderstood tiie date, and even other part.-;
of the afiiiir; tiowevur, tiie probability is ratlier strong that eitlier tiie s|)ee<;h
of Logan had been jjerverted for the purpose of clearing Creaap's ehiinicter
of till- foul blot which entin overed it, by wilfully charging it upon another,
or that some old speech of • .s upon another occasion, had Iteen remodeled to
suit tlie purpose for which it was used. Upon these questions we must leave
the reader to decide. Holnn has the name of the chiet| Lonan. Some
Frenchmen may write it thus, but I have before me tliose that do not,f and
more probably some English pronounced it so, and so Robin heard it. The
way he introduces the speech, if the introduction be fact, forever destroys
the genuineness of the speech of Logan of 1774. It is thus:

" Speech of the savage Lonan, in a General Assembly, as it was sent to
the GoVr. of Virginia,t anno 1754."

Now it is certain, if the speech which we will give below was delivered in
the Jissembly of Virginia, in the year 1754, it could not have been truly deliv-
ered, as we have given it, to Lord Dunmore in 1774. That the reader may
judge for himself, that of 1754 follows.

" LoNAN will no longer oppose making the proposed peace with the white
men. You are sensible he never knew what fear is — that he never turned
his back in the duy of battle — No one has more love for the white men than
I have. The war we have had with them has been long and bloody on both
sides. Rivera of blood have ran on all parts, and yet no good has resulted
therefrom to any. I once more repeat it — let us be at peace with these men.
I will forget our injuries, the interest of my country demands it. I wiM forget
— but dimcult indeed is the task ! Yes, I will forget — that Major Rogers §
cruelly and inhumanly murdered, in their canoes, my wife, my children, my
father, my mother, and all my kindred. — This roused me to deeds of ven-
geance ! I was cruel in despite of myself. I will die content if my country
19 once more at peace ; but when Lonan shall be no more, who, alas, will
drop a tear to the memory of Lonan ! "

With a few incidents, and reflections, we will close our account of events
connected with the history of Cresap's War.

On the evening l)efore tiie battle of Point Pleasant, Comatock proposed to
his warriors to make peace with General Letoia, and avoid a battle, but his
advice was not accepted by the council. " Well," said he, " since you have
resolved to iight, you shall flght, although it is likely we shall have hard
work to-morrow ; but if any man shall flinch or run from the battle, I will
kill him with my own hand." And it is said he made his word good by put-
ting one to death who discovered cowardice during the flght, as has been
mentioned.

Afler the Indians had retreated, Comatock called a council at the Chilicothe
town, to consult on what was to be done. Here he reflected upon the rashness
that had been exercised in fighting the whites at Point Pleasant ; and asked,
" fVhat ahall we do now ! the Long-Knivea are coming upon ua by two routes.
Shall we turn out andjight them^—No answer was made. He then inquired,
" Shall we kill all our aquaws and children, and then fight until we ahall all be
killed ouraelvea?" — As before, all were silent. In the midst of the council-
house a war-post had been erected ; with his tomahawk in his hand, Comatork
turned towards it, and sticking it into the post, he said, "g'ince you are not
inclined to fight, I will go and make peace ; " and he fordiwith repaired to
Dunmore'a camp.||

• dinre the above was written, 1 have met with the French edition ; and, from its imprint,
1 presume both editions were published under the supervision of the author. " A Phiiadd-
phie et se trowe it. Paris, 1782."

t See Recherchfs sur lei Etats- Unis, iv. 153~d. The authors of this well-written work
should ,n>i iutve withheld their names. It was printed nt Paris, in 8vo., 1788.

I "11 iVe/ " is found in the French copy, and this marginal note toitj " ct mot aignifie
apparemment Ic vwis Lunaire ou Solairr."

^ In the French copy no person is mentioned. After Major, a blank is left. In oiliei
re8pc<^ts the s|>ecch is tolerably correctly translated.

II Doddndse's Notes,.23i)— 40.

*i}l

■rl-'

■% 'i

i I

544

DEATH OF LOGAN— CORNSTOCK.

Book V

111 ; ■. •■

h-'y^ii

We liave been more minute and particular in these events, in whifli Logan
and Cornstock were engaged, than in many others ; but I trust the reader of
tliis history will not be displeased with such minuteness upon so important an
event ; esuecinily as no work with which I am acquainted does the subject
justice. It was truly a great event, both in resj/ect to the parties engaged,
and tlie consenuences necessarily growing out of it, and it has been passed
over too slightly by historians.

In respect to the speech of Logan, it would be highly gratifying if a few
matters connected with it could \x settled ; but whether they ever will, tim*»
only can determine. From the statement of Dr. Barton, * before cited,^ we
arc led to ex])ect that he had other documents than those he at that tiine
publiiilicd, going to show that Cresap was not the murderer of Z«ogan'a family,
but he never published them, as I can learn, and he has left us to conjecture
upon such as we have. Another author, f upon the authority of an officer
who was at the time with Lord Dunmore, states that he heard nothing of
Logan^s charging Cresap with the murder of his kindred during the whole
campaign, nor until a long time aAcr. That it was not publicly talked of
among the officers is in no wise strange, as Cresap himself was one of them ;
therefore, that this is evidence that no such charge was made by Logan, we
think unworthy consideration.

Among other jiroofs, that the chief guilt lay upon the head of Cresap of
bringing about a bloody war, since well known by his name, Judjre Innes of
Frankfort, Kentucky, wrote to Mr. Jefferson, 2 March, 17i»9, thn he was, he
thought, able to give him more particulars of that aflkir than, perhaps, any
other person ; that, in 1774, while at the house of Colonel Preston, in Fin-
castle county, Va., there arrived an express, calling upon him to order out
the militia, " for the |)rotection of the inhabitants residing low down on the
north fork of Holston River. The express brought witii him a war club,
and a note tied to it, which was lef\ at the house of one Robertson, wliose
family were cut off by the Indians, and gave rise for the application to
Colonel Preston." Here follows the letter or note, of which Mr. Innes then
made a copy, in his memorandum-book : —

" Captain Cresap, ffliat did you kill mv people on Yelloio Creek for ? The
white people killed my kin at Conestoga, t a great whik ago ; and I thought noth-
ing oj that. But you killed my kin again, on Yellow Creek, and took my cousin
vnsoner. Then I thought f must kiU too; and J have been three times to war
since ; but the Indians are not angrjj; or.'y myself."

It was signed, " Captain John Logan."

Not long after these times of calamities, which we have recorded in the
life of Logan, he was cruelly murdered, os he was on his way home from
Detroit. For a time previous to his death, he gave himself up to intoxica-
tion, which in a short time nearly obliterated all marks of the great man !

The fate of Cornstock is equally deplorable, although in the contemplation
of which, his character does not suffer, as does that of Logan. He was
cruellv murdered by some white soldiers, while a hostage among them.
And there is as much, nay, far more, to carry down his remembrance to pos-
te-ity, as thsit of the tragical death of Archimedes. He was not murdered
while actually drawing geometrical figures upon the ground, but, while he
was explaining the geography of his country by drawings upon the floor, an
nlnrin was given, which, ni a few minutes after, eventuated in nis death.
We will now go into an explanation of the cause and manner of the murder
of Cornstock. It is well known that the war of the revolution had involved
all, or nearly all, of the Indians in dreadful calamities. In consequence of
nuirders committed by the Indians on the frontiers of Virginia, several coin-

Iianios ninrched to Point Pleasant, where there had been a fort since the
tattle there in 1774. Most of the triiies of the north-west, excejit the Sliaw-
anees, wore (ktennined to fight against the Americans. Cornstock wishe«/

• Mi'd. and Pliijs. Jour, part ii |>. U>2. t Witliers, Chronicles, 136.

t Alluding, f sitiiposc, to llic lua- ntre of the Coueslog-a hulians in 17G3.

Crap III.J

BfURDER OF CORNSTOCK AND OTHERS.

to preserve peace, and therefore, as the only means in liis power, as he had
used his powerful eloquence in vain, resolved to lay the state of affairs he-
fore the Americans, that they might avert the threatened storm. In the
spring of 1777, he came to the fort at Point Plensaiit, upon this friendly mis-
sion, m company with another chief, called Red-hawk, Afler explaining the
situation of things with regard to the confederate trihes, he said, in regard
to his own, the Shawanese, " ITte cxtmnt sets [with the Indians] so strong
against the .Americans, in consequence of the agency of the British, that they [the
Shawanese] toill float wi'h it, I fear, in spite of all my exertions." Upon this
intelligence, the commander of the garrison thought proper to detain him
and Sed-haick as hostages to prevent the meditated calamities. When Cap-
tain ArbvLclde, the commander of the garrison, had notificu the new govern-
ment of Virginia of the situation of affairs, and what he had done, forces
marched into that country. A part of them having arrived, waited for others
to join them imder General Hand, on whom these depended for provisiotis.

Aleanwhile the officers held frequent conversations with Comstock, who
took pleasure in giving tliem minute descriptions of his country, and espe-
cially of that portion hetween the Mississippi and IMissouri. One day, as he was
delineating a map of it upon the floor, for the gratification of those present, a
call was heard on the opposite side of the Oiiio, which he at once recognized
as the voice of his son, Ellinipsico, who had fought at his side in the famous
battle of Point Pleasant, in 1774, of which we have spoken. At the request
of his father, Ellinipsico came to the fort, whore they had an aflectionate
meeting. This son nad become uneasy at his father's long absence, and had
at length sought him out in his exile here ; prompted by those feelings which
so much adorn human nature. The next day, two men crossed the Kan-
hawa, upon a hunting expedition. As they were returning to their boat af^er
their hunt, and near tiie side of the river, they were fired upon by some In-
dians, and one of the two, named GUmore, was killed, hut tlie other escaped.
A party of Captain HalTs men wrnt over and brougiit in tlie body of Gilmore ;
whercu|)on a cry was raised, " Lft us go and kill the Indians in the fort." An
infuriated gang, with Captain Hidl at their head, set out with this nefarious
resolution, and, against every remonstrance, proceeded to commit the deed
of blood. With their guns cockr J, they swore death to any who should op-
pose them. In the mean time, 3ome ran to apprize the devoted chiefs of
their danger. As the murdererw approached, Ellinipsico discovered agita-
tion, which when Comstock saw, iie said, "My son, the Great Spirit has seen
fit that we shavUL die together, and has sent you to that end. It is his icill, and
let us submit." The murderers had now arrived, and the old chief turned
aroimd and met them. They shut him through with seven bulkts. He fell,
and died without a struggle !

Ellinipsico, though having at first appeared disturbed, met his death with
great composure. He was shot upon the seat on which he was sitting when
his fate was first disclosed to him.

Red-hawk was a young Dilaware chief, and, like Ellinipsico, had fought
under Comstock. He died witli less fortitude : having tried to secrete himself,
he was soon discovered and slain. Another Indian, whose name is not
mentioned, was mangled and murdered in the most barbarous manner.
Suffice it here to say, that tiiis was ail that was eflTected by the expedition,
and the forces soon ailer returned home.

Few, if any, chiefs in history are spoken of in terms of higher commenda
tion than Comstock. Mr. H'ithers, a writer on Indian affairs,* sjieaks as follows
of him :

" Thus perished the mighty Cornstalk, sachem of the Shawanees, and king
of the northern confederacy, "in 1774, — a chief remarkable for many great and
good qualities. He was disposed to he at all times the friend of white men,
as ho ever was the advocate of honorable peace. But when his country's
wrongs 'called aloud for battle,' he became the thunderbolt of war, and made
her oppressors feel the weight of his U|)lifled arm." "His noblo bearing—
his generous and disuiterestcd attachment to the rolonii'S, when tlie thunder

• III his " Chrordrles.'' a work, il is our duty to remark, wrillen with candor aiiil judffmeut.

46» ' 2IL

'ill

ti ■'

} ^^■'

: *'

646

WOLF— PONTIAK.

[Book V

It
I

it'

ffv-

of British cannon was revcrberotine through the land — hia anxiety to preserve
the frontier of V^ir^inia from desolutiou and death, (the object of his visit to
Point Pleasant,] all conspired to win for liim tlie esteem and respect of otli-
ers; while the untimely and perfidious manner of his death, caused a deep
and lasting regret to pervade the bosoms even of those who were enemies lo
his nation ; and excited tlie just indignation of all towards his inhuman and
barbarous murderers."

Colonel Jf^on, present at the interview between the chiefs and Governor
Dunmore in 1774, thus speaks of Comstock: — "When he arose, he was in no
wise confused or daunted, but spoke in a distinct and audible voice, without
stammering or repetition, and with peculiar emphasis. His looks, while ad-
dressing Dunmore, were truly grand and majestic ; yet graceful and attractive.
I have heard tlie first orators in Virginia, — Patridc Htnry and Richard Henry
Lee, — but never have I heard one whose powers of delivery surpassed tltose
ofComataUc"

Ten years after the bloody affair obove related, an able writer * upon those
times says, " The blood of the great Corinstock and of his gallant son was
mingled with the dust, but their memory is not lost in oblivion." But how
few at this day know of his fate, or even that such a chief ever existed ! and,
at the same time, the same persons would be indignant, were we to supoose
them ignorant of tlie fiite of the monster Pizarro.

We hear of one son who survived Comstock, who wos conspicuous in gome
early events of the revolution. lie was a cbief^ and known among the whites
by the name of the Wolf. He was a hostage, with three others, at Williams-
burgh, when Governor Di< nnore fled on board a man-of-war to escape the
fuiT of the revolutionists. After the governor had got off, he sent for the
Indians to come to him, which they £d. He then explained to them the
reason of his flight, and directed ihcm to fly also, or they would surely be
murdered the next day. They fled i lio ^be woods, and owing to the darkness
of the night, lost one of their com^^anionb, lud the fVolf and another soon
after returned to Williamsburgh, and were well received by the inhabitants.
The object of the governor was very obvious.

Aa great a warrior, perhaps, as any who have lived among the nations of the
west, we shall in the next place proceed to give an account of. This was

PONTIAK, a chief of the Ottoway nation, whose fame, >n his time, was not
alone confined to his own continent ; but the gazettes of Europe spread it also.

One who knew this chief, and the tribes over whom he had sway, thus
speaks of them in 1765 : — " The Indians on the lakes are generally at peace
with one another, having a wide extended and fruitful country in their
possession. They are formed into a sort of empire, and the emperor is
elected from the eldest tribe, which is the Ottawawas, some of whom inhabit
near our fort at Detroit, but are mostly further westward, towards the Missis-
sippi. Ponteack is their present king or emperor, who has certainly the largest
empire and greatest authority of any Indian chief that has appeared on the
continent since our acquaintance with it. He puts on an air of majesty and
princely grandeur, ond is greatly honored and revered by his subjects." f

In 17<30, Major Rogers marched into his country, in fulfilling his orders of
displacing tlie French, after the fall of Quebec.^ Ajiprized of his approach,
Pontiak sent ambassadors to inform him 'hat their chief was not far off, and
desired him to halt until he could see him " with his own eyes," and to in-
form him that he was tlie king and lord of the country.

Pontiak soon met the English officer, and demanded his business into his
country, and how it came about that he d.ired enter it without his permission
When the colonel told him he had no design against the Indians, and only
wished to remove the French, their common enemy, and cause of all theii
trouble, delivering him at the some time several belts of wampum, Pontiak
replied, "I stand in the path you travel in, until to-morrow morning," and
gave h:m a belt. This communication was understood, and " was os much
as to say," snys the actor, "I must not march further witliout his leave.''

* In Carey's Museum, iv. 140. t Ro^erg's Account of Norih America, 210.

( Qiicbiis is an Algonquin word, signifying a Strait. Cliarlrvoix.

W-X.

Chap. IIl.J

PONTIAK.

647

The colonel continues : "When he departed for the night, he inquired whetlier
I wanted any thing that bis country afforded, and [if I did] he would send
his warriors to fetch it. I assured him that any provisions thuy brought
should be paid for ; and the next day we were supplied by tliem with several
bags of parched corn, and some other necessaries. At our second meeting,
he gave me the pipe of peace, and both of us by turns smoked with it ; and
be assured me he had made peace with me and my detachment ; that 1 might
pass through his country unmolested, and relieve the French garrison ; and
that he would protect me and my party from any insults tliRt might lje offered
or intended by the Indians ; and, as an earnest of his friendship, he sent 100
warriors to protect and assist us in driving 100 fat cattle, wliich we had
brought for the use of the detachment from Pittsburgh, by the way of Prcsquo-
Isle. He likewise sent to the several Indian towns on the south side
and west end of Lake Erie, to inform them that I hod his consent to come into
the cotmtry. He attended me constantly after this interview till I arrived it
Detroit, and while I remained in the country, and waf. the means of preserv-
ing the debichnient from the fury of the Indians, who had assembled at the
mouth of the strait, with an intent to cut us off I had several conferences with
biin, in which he discovered great strength of judgment and a tliirst after
knowledge."

This same ofBcer observes, that he discovered much curiosity at their equi-
page, and wished to know how their clothes were made, and to learn theii
mode of war. He expressed a willingness to acknowledge the king of England,
though not as his superior, but as his uncle, which he would acknowledge,
as he was able, in furs. England was much in his thoughts, and he often
expressed a desire to see it Tie told Colonel Rogers that, if he would conduct
bim there, he would give him a part of his country.

He was willing to grant the English favors, and allow them to settle in
his doiuuiions, but not unless he could be viewed as sovereign ; and he gave
them to understand, that, unless they conducted themselves agreeably to his
wishes, "he would shut up the way," and keep them out. Hence it is fair,
within the scope of the most reasonable conjecture, to conclude, that his ftnul
disaffection to the English was owing to tlieir haughty carriage, and maltreat-
ment of him and his people.

The principal scenes of his prowess were at Michilimakinak and Detroit.
The French ftnally gave up possession in Canada, in 17(J0 ; but many of the
Indian nations who had become attached to them were taught, at the same
time, to hate the English. Pontiak was most conspicuous in his enmity, al-
tliough, until he had united the strength of many tribes to his, he showed
great kindness and friendship towards them. The Miamis, Ottuwas, Cliippe-
was, VVyandots, Pottowatomies, Mississagas, Shawanese, Ottagumies, and
VVinnebagoes, constituted his power, as, in after-time, they did that of Te-
cutnaeh.

There was more system employed by this distinguished man than, perlin}))«,
by any other of his countrymen upon any similar undertaking, nut excepting
even Metacomet or Tecuinseh. In his war of 1763, which is justly (lenoiiiiiiateil
" Pontiac'a war," he appointed a commissary, and liegan to make and issue
bills of credit, all of which he afterwai'ds carefully redeemed. He made I i.-t
bills or notes of bakk, on which was drawn the hgure of the coiiinioiiity ho
wanted for it. The shape of on otter was drown under that of the arliele
wanted, and an otter was the insignia or arms of his nation. He had also,
>vith great sagacity, urged upon his people the necessity of disi)enplng alto-
gether with European commodities, to have no intercourse with any w! ' -s,
and to depend entirely upon their ancient modes of procuring sustenance."

Major Gladmn held possession of Detroit in 17(i3. Having been (les|»iitclic<l
thither by General .Imherst, he had been hifnrmcd by commissioners wlio had
been exploring the country, that hostile feelings were manifested aiiniiii>- the
Indians, and he sent men on purpose to ascertain the fact, who, on their re
turn, dissipated all fears.

" In 17GJ," soys Major Rogers, " when I went to throw f rovisions into the

• Rogers's ConcUt Account of North America, 3H.

'*■ It,'*!

'if I

548

PONTIAK CAPTURES MICHILIMAKINAK.

[Book V

h Hh

fnrrisoii nt Detroit, I sent this Indian a bottle of brandy by a Frenchman
lis counselloi-s advised him not to taste it, insinuating that it was poinonea
and sent with a design to kill iiim; but Ponteack, with a nobleness of mind
iuughe«l at their suspicions, sayuig it was not in my powcT to kill Aim, who
had HO lately saved my life." •

Several traders had brought news to the fort at Alichilimukinak, that the
Indians were hostile to the English. Major Etheringlon commanded the gar-
rison, and would l)elieve nothing of it, ^ Mr. Duchanne communicated
the inforniatU)n to the major, who was nmch displeased at it, "and threatt.'.".rd
to send the next ])erson who should bring a story of the sanie kind a prisoner
to I)etroit."t

The gurison, at this time, consisted of 90 men, besides two sid)alterns and
the commander-in-chief. There v^ere also at the fort four English merchants.
Little regiu-d was paid to the assembling of sundry bands of Indians, as they
aj)j)eared friendly; but when nearly 400 of them were scattered up and down
throughout the place, "I took the liberty," says Mr. Henry, "of obsei-ving to
Major Etherinirton, that, in my judgment, no confidence ought to be placed
in them ; in return, the major only rallied me on my timidity."

On the fourth of June, the king's birth day, the In<lians began, as if to amuse
themselves, to play at a favorite game of ball, which they called baggatiwni/,
which is thus described by Mr. /feriTT/ ; — "It is played with a bat and bull,
the bat being about four feet in length, curved, and terminated in a sort of
racket. Tvv(> posts are placed in the ground, at a considerable distance from
each othfci, a a mile or more. Each |)arty has its post, ind the game con-
sists in throwing the ball up to the post of the adversary. The bail, at the
beginning, is placed in the middle of the course, and each party endeavors as
well to throw the ball out cf the direction of i's own post, as into that of the
Bfhersary's. This farce drew many off their guoid.and some of the garrison
went out to witnesa the sport.

"The game of baggatiway, (he continues,) as from the description above
will have been perceived, is necessarily attended with much noise and vio-
lence. In the ardor of contest, the ball, as has been suggested, if it cannot
he thrown to the goa' desired, is struck in any direction by which it can be
diverted from that designed by the adversary. At such p. moment, therefore,
nothing coidd be less liable to excite prematm-e alarm, than that the ball slioidd
be tossed over the pickets of the fort, nor that, having fallen there, it should
be followed, on the instant, by all engaged in the game, as well the one party
as the other, all eager, all striving, all shouting, all in the unrestrained pursuit
of a rude athletic oxercise.'' And this was their plan, while in the height of
their game, to throw their ball within the pickets of the foit, and then all to
rush in, and, in die midi-i of their hubbub, to murder the garrison ; and it
suceeed<!d to their wishes. They struck the ball over the stockade, as if by
accident, and repeated it several times, running in and out of the fort with all
freedom, "to make the deception more complete •,"X and then, rushing in in
every direction, took possession of the place without the least resistance.

Tiiey murdered the soldiers, until their numbers were so diminished, that
they a|)preliended nothing from their resistance ; many of wliom were ran-
somed at Montreal afterwards, at a great price. Seventy were put to death,
and the other twenty reserved for slaves. A <ew days aller, & boat from
Montreal, whhout knowing what had happened, came ashore with English
passengers, who all (ell into the hands o.' the Indians. Pontiak was not per-
sonally concerned in this aftair, but it was a part of his design, and, there-
fore, is very properly here related. A chief named Menekwehna was the
commander in that amiir. §

It was oidy 15 days from the time the first blc w was struck, before Pontiak
had taken possession of every garrison in the west except three. No lesa

* The Al)l)e Raynal, whom we followed in the formor editions, (not then possessing Rogers's
own ari'ouiit,) does not narrate this rircumstanrc raitlifully.

t Travels in Canada, by Alexander Ueni-y, Esq., from which the following account of th«
destruction of Mirhilimakinh. is taken.

i Canter's Travels, 19, 20. edit. 8vo. Lend. 1784. ( Henry's travels, ut supra.

Chap. III.] PONTIAK.— STRATAGEM TO TAKE DETROIT.

649

thaii 10 were, in this short space, reduced. Detroit alone remained in that
distant region, and, as will presently be sren, this was brought to the very
brink of the most awful precipice of w'.tich the imagination can conceive.
The names of tlnse captured at this t'me were Le Bo«uf, Venun^o,
Prcsq'lsle, on or near Lake Erie ; La Bay,* upon Lake Michigan ; St Joseph's,
upon the river of tliat name: Miamis, upon the Miami River: Ouachtanon,
upon the Ouabuciie ; Sandusky, upon Luke Junundat ; and Mirhilinmkinak.f

Tlie garrison at Detroit was closely besieged by Pontiac, in person, before
the news of the massacre of Fort Michilimakinak arrived there. It was
garrisoned by about 300 men, and when Pontiae came with his warriors,
aliliough in great numbers, they were so intermixed with women and children,
and brought so many cotnmodities for trade, that no suspicion was excited,
either in the mind of Major Gladwin, or the inhabitants. He encamped a
little distance from the fort, and sent to the major to inform him that ho was
come to trade, and, preparatory thereto, wished to hold a talk with him for
the purpose of " brightening the chain of peace " between the English and
his people. No suspicion was yet entertained, and the major readily con-
sented, and the next morning was fixed upon for the council.

The same evening, a circumstance transpired which saved the garrison
from a dreadful massacre. An Indian woman, who had ma<le a pair of
moccasins tur Major Gladmn, out of a curious elk skin, brought them to him,
and returned the remainder of the skin. Being much pleased with them,
the major wished her tu take the skin and make another pair, as he had con-
cluded to give the others to a friend, and what was lefl to make into shoes
for hcrseltl She was then paid for her work, and dismissed. But when
those whose duty it was to see that the fort was clear of strangers, and to
close the gates tor the night, went upon their duty, this woman was found
loitering in the area, and, being asked what she wanted, made no reply.
The *.ujor, being informed of her singular demeanor, directed her to be coii-
ducteil iiilo his presence, which being done, he asked her why she did not
depart belbre the gates were shut. She replied, with some hesitation, that
she did not wish to take away the skin, as he set so great a value upon it.
This answer was delivered in such a manner, that the major was rather dis-
satisfied with it, and asked her why she had not made the same objection on
taking it in the first place. This rather confused her, and she said that if
she took it away now, she never should be able to return it

It was now evident that she withheld something which she wishf d to com-
municute, but was restrained through fear. But on being assured by
Major Gladioin that she should not he betrayed, hut should be protected and
rewarded, if the information was valuable, she said that the chiefs who
were to meet hiin in council the next day had contrived to murder him, and
take the garrison, and put all the inhabitants to death. Each chief, she
said, would come to the council, witli so much cut off of his gun, that he
could conceal it under his blanket ; that Pontiae was to give the signal,
while delivering his spec, h, which was, when he should draw his peace
Itelt of wampum, and present it to the major in a certain manner ; and
that, while the council was sitting, as many of the warriors as could should
assemble within the fort, armed in the same manner, under the pretence of
ti'adin^ with the garrison.

Havmg got all the information necessary, the woman was discharged, and
Major Gladwin had every precaution taken to put the garrison into the best
possible state for defence. He impai'ted the discovery to his men, and
instructed them how to act at the approaching council ; at the same time
sending to all the traders in different directions to be upon their guard.

The next morning having arrived, every countenance wore a different
aspect ; the hour of the cowicil was fast approaching, and the quick step
and nervous exercise in every evolution of tlie soldiers were expressive of

• So called by the French, who built it, because it stood at the extremity of a bay in Miohi-
^n, called " Le Baiedes Piianlij," now Green Uay. It was taken by the Menoniiiiiuii : liis
garrison consisted of 30 men. See Carver's Travels, 21, 22.

\ Bouquet's Ohio Expedition, Int. iii.

!- Ill
1;

i:^*

S60

PONT.AK.— SIEGE OF DETROIT.

[Book V

If-' ' ':

r^ I.

an approaching event, big with their destiny. It waa heightened in the past
oigiit, when a cry was heard in the Indian encampment different from wfiat
was usual on peace occasions. The garrison fires were extinguished, and
every man repaired to his post. But the cry being heard no more, the re-
mainder of the night was passed in silence.

The appointed hour of ten o'clock arrived, and also as punctual arrived
Pontiac and his 36 chiefs, followed by a train of wcrriors. When the stip-
ulated number had entered the garrison, the gates were closed. The chiefs
observed attentively the troops under arms, inarching from place to place ;
two columns nearly inclosing the council house, and both facing towards it.
On Pontiac's entering it, he demanded of Major Gladmn the cause of so
much parade, and why his men were under arms ; he said it waa an odd
manner of holding a council. The major told him it was only to exercise
them. The Indians being seated upon the skins prepared for them, Pontiai
commenced his speech, and when he came to the signal of presenting the
belt, the governor and his attendants drawing their swords half out of their
scabbards, and the soldiers clinching their guns with firmness, discovered to
the chiei's, by their peculiar attitudes, that their plot was discovered. Pontiac,
with all his bravery, turned pale, and every chief showed signs of astonish-
ment. To avoid an open detection, the signal in passing the belt was not
given, and Ponilac closed his speech, which contained many professions of
respect and affection to the English. But when Major Gladwin commenced
his, he did not fail directly to reproach Pontiac with treachery; told him he
could not do any thing to insnare the English, and that he knew his whole
diabolical plan. Ponhac tried to excuse himself, and to make Major Gladwin
believe that he had laid no plot ; upon which the major stepped to the chief
nearest himself^ and, drawing aside his blanket, exposed his short gun, which
completed their confusion.

The governor, for such was Major Gladmn, ordered Pontiac to leave the
fort immediately, for it would be with difficulty he could restrain his men
from cutting him in pieces, should they know the circumstances. The gov
ernor was aflerwards blamed for thus suffering them to withdraw, without
retaining several of them as hostages for tbe quiet behavior of the rest ; but
he, having passed his word that they should come and go without hinderance
or restraint, merited, perhaps, les censure for keeping it, and respecting his
honor, than those who reproached him.

A furious attack was the next day made upon the fort. Every stratagem
was resorted to. At one time they filled a cart with combustibles, and run
it against the pickets, to set them on fire. At another, they were about to set
fire to the church, by shooting fiery arrows into it; but religious scruples
averted the execution, — a French priest telling Pontiac that it would call
down the anger of God upon him. They had frequently, during the siege,
endeavored to cut down the pickets so as to make a breach. Major Gladmn
ordered his men, at last, to cut on the inside at the same time, and assist them.
This was doue, and when a breach was made, there was a rush upon the
outside towards the breach, and at the same instant, a brass four-pounder,
which had been levelled for the purpose, was shot off, which made a dread-
ful slaugiiter among them. Afler tnis they merely blockaded the fort, and
cut off its supplies, and the English were reduced to the greatest distress,
and for some time subsisted upon half rations.

There was great difliculty in throwing succor into the garrison at Detroit,
as there waa such an extent of country between it and the other most west-
ern posts, in possession of the English. Fort Pitt and Niagara had been
besieged, and all communication for a long time cut off; the former had been
reduced to great extremities, but they were at length relieved by Colonel
Bouquet. Captain Dalyell was a* the same time sent for the relief oi' Detroit,
wliere he ariived on 29 July, 1763.* A bloody scene was shortly to follow.
Captain Dulydl, with 247 men, went out of the fort to surprise Pontiac in hi*
camp ; but the wary chief had rutmers out, who gave him timely notice, an«l

* Bouquet's Expedition, Iiitro'.l. iv.

Fi'i

,U':(:a I

Oup. III.]

PONTIAK.— BATTLE OF BLOODY BRIDGE.

551

be met them in an advantageous place, and, being vastlv superior in numbers,
and concealed behind a picket fence, near a bridge where the Enj^lish were
to p-88, poure*] in upon them a dreadful fire. Many fell at the hrst onset,
but ttiey kept their order, and exerted themselves to regain the bridge they
had just iiassed. They eti'ectcd their |mr|>OBC, but ninny fell in the attempt,
among whom was Captain DahtU. The famous Major Rogers, the second
in command, and Lieutenant nrthm, with aiiont 200 others, recovered the
fort. This bridge, where so many brave men were slain, is culled to this day
Bloody Bridge.
Pontine ordered the head of Captain Ddyell to be cut off and set upon a

Cost. Between eighty and a hundred dead bmlies were counted upon tlie
ridue 'he next morning, which entirely blocked up its passage.
We have thought proper to give thin account as it is generally found in
our histories, but having been put in possession of the oificiul return of Sir
Jeffery Amherst, iriinutely detailing this important affair of Bloody Bridge,
we will lay it before *\e reader, as it appeared at the time. From which it
will be seen that the . jmnnn report is jirobably erroneous in some of its most
important features.

" On the evening of the 30th of July, Captain Dcdyell, aid-de-camp to Gen
eral Amherst, being arrived here with the detachment sent under his comntand,
and being fully persuaded tliat Pontiac, the Indian chief, with his tribes, would
soon abandon his design, and retire, insisted with the commandant, that
they might easily be surprised in their camp, totally routed, and driven out
of the settlement ; and it was thereupon determined, that Captain Dalydl
should march out with 247 men. Accordingly, we marched about half an
hour afler two in the morning, two deep, along the great road by the river
side, two boats up the river along shore, with a patteraro in each, with orders
to keep up with the line of march, cover our retreat, and take off our killed
and wounded ; Lieutenant Bean, of the Queen's Independents, being ordered,
with a rear guard, to convey the dead anu wounded to the bouts. About a
mile and a half from the foit, we had orders to form into platoons, and, if
attacked in the front, to fire by street-firings. We then advanced, and, in
about a mile farther, our advanced guard, commanded by Lieutenant Brown,
of the 55th regiment, had been fired upon so close to the enemy's breastworks
and cover, that the fire, being very heavy, not only killed and wounded some
of his party, but •■' ached the main body, which put the whole into a little
confusion ; but they soon recovered their order, and gave the enemy, or
rather their works, it being very dark, a discbarge or two from the front,
conmianded by Captain Gray, At the same time, the rear, commanded by
Captain Grant, were fired upon from a house, and some fences about twenty
yards on his lefl ; on which he ordered his own and Captain Hopkins's eoni-
pnnies to face to the lefl, and give a full fire that way. Alter which, it
appearing that the enemy gave way every where. Captain Dalyell sent
orders to Captain Grant, to take possession of the above-said houses and
fences ; which he immediately did ; and found in one of the said houses two
men, who told him, the enemy hnd been there ?ong, and were well apprized
of our design. Captain Gratd then asked tiicni the numbers; tliey said,
above 300 ; and that they intended, as soon as they had attacked us in the
front, to get between us and the fort ; which Captain Grant told Captain Dcd-

«ell, who came to him when the firing was over. And in about an hour after,
e came to him again, and told Captain Grant he was to retire, and ordered
him to march in the front, and post himself in an orchard. lie then march-
ed, and about half a mile farther on his retreat, he had some shots fu'ed on
his flunk ; but got possession of the orchard, which was well fenced ; and
just as he got there, he het. 1 a warm firing in the rear, having, at the siune
time, a firing on his own post, from the fences and corn-fields behind it Lieu-
tt^nnrit flTDougai, who acted as adjutant to the detachment, came up to him,
{Captain Grant,) and told him, that Captain D<difeU was killed, and Captain
Gray very much wounded, in making a push on the enemy, and forcing them
out of a stronw breastwork of cord-wood, and an intrenchment which they ho J
taken possession of; and that the coinmond then tievolved upon him. Lieu-
tenant Bean immediately came up, and told hiui, that Captain Rogers had

«i.

^^:t:

' II

l«i i

552

PONTIAK ATTACKS A VESSEL AND IS REPULSED. [Booi V

a* '

h I]

deHired liim to teli Captain GrarU, >^it he lincl tnken possession of a hoiiw,
and that he had lielter retire with numt)er8 he had, as he (Captain Rogert)

could U(Jt get otr without the boats ' 'er him, lie being hard \ uahcd by the
enemy from tlie enclosures bchinc some of which scoured the roa.l

through which he must retire. Captaui Grant then sent Ensign Pauli, with
20 men, hack to attack a part of 'he enemy which annoyed his own post o
little, and galled those that were joining hnn, from the place where Captain
Dali/eU WU8 killed, and Captain Gra^, Lieutenants Brown and Lukt^ wi-re
wounded; which EuHign Pnulx did, and killed some of the enemy in their
flight. Captain Grant, at the san e time, detached uU the men he could get,
and took possession of the enclosures, burns, fences, &c. leading from liis
own poHt to the fort, which posts he reinforced with the officers and men, as
they came up. Thinking the retreat then secured, he sent back to Captain Itof^-
era, desiring he would come off; that the retreat was quite secured, and tlie
different parties ordered to cover one another successively, until the whole had
joined ; but Captain Rogers not finding it right to risk the loss of more men, he
chose to wait for the armed boats, one of which up|)eared soon, conunanded by
Lieutenant Brehm, whom Captain Grant hud directed to go and cover Captain
Jtogera's retreot, who was in the next house. Lieutenant Brehm accordingly
went, and fired several shots at the enemy. Lieutenant JlbhoU, with tiie
other boat, wanting anununition, went down with Captain Gray. Lieuten-
ant Broum and some wounded men returned also, which Captain Grant su])-
poses the enemy seeing, did not wait her arrival, but retired on Lieutenant
Brehm's firing, and gave Cuptum Rogers, with the rear, an opportunity to
come off: so that the whole from the different posts joined without any con-
fusion, and marched to the fort in good order, covered by the armed boats
on the water side, and by our own parties on the country side, in view of the
enemy, who had all joined, and were much stronger than at the beginning of
the affair, as was afterwards told us by some prisoners that made their escape ;
many having joined them from the other side the river, and other places.
The whole arrived at the fort about eight o'clock, conmianded by Captain
Grant, whose able and skilful retreat is highly connnended.

"Return of killed and wounded of the several detachments near the Detroit,
July 31, 17Ga

" 0/ the 55th Regiment: — 1 Sergeant, 13 rank and file, killed; 1 captain, 2
lieutenants, 1 drummer, 28 rank and file, wounded.

" Of the Royal Americans: — 1 rank and file, killed; 1 rank and file wounded.

" Of the Wth Regiment : — 2 rank and file killed ; 3 rank and file wounded.

" Of the Queen^s Rangers: — 2 rank and file killed; 1 rank and file wounded,

" J^ames of the officers : — 55</i Regiment : Captain Gray, Lieutenant Lukf,, and
Lieutenant Brown, wounded.

" N. B. — Captain Dalyell, killed, not included in the above."

Hence it appears that but 19 were killed and 42 wounded in the celebrated
*' Battle of Detroit," but I am inclined to think that this return was made out
before the exact state of the troops engaged in it was ascertained. It is evi-
dent that Captain Dalyell was found to be among the killed aAer the return
was finished, or nearly so. It is unnecessary to apprize the reader, that re-
turns were often made more favorable than strict scrutiny would warrant,
from obvious motives.

About this time several small vessels fell into the hands of Pontiar., which
were destined to supply the garrison, and the men were cruelly treated.
The garrison was in great straits, both from the heavy loss of men, as well
as from want of provisions and continual watching. In this time of de.spon-
doncy, there arrived near the fort a schooner, which brought them supplies
of provisions, but nothing of this kind could be landed without Ponliac's
knowledge, and he determined, if possible, to seize the schooner : a deta jhnient
made the attempt, and, to save herself, the vessel was obliged to tack short
about, and proceed in an opposite direction. The Indians followed her in
canoes, and, by continually firing into her, killed almost every man, and at
length boarded her. As they were climbing up the sides and shrouds in
every quarter, the captain, having determined not to fall into their hands alive,
ordered the gunner to set fii*e to the magazine, and blow all un i >irPtJi»r

Chap. Ill]

PONTIAC.

553

This was hcnrd by a Huron chief, who underntnod cnntigh En^'lish to know
what was going forward, and instantly cotnnnniicated it to lii.s followoni.
Thoy diHciiKiijLred thenisiHvefl from the vessel as fastns possible, and Hed fr"in
her in a gnat fright, at conHidenibli; distance. Meantime the crew took tliu
advantage of a wind,andarriveii safe at tlie fort. In the |iiirs'<>t of the vessel,
the Indians (iiscovered extreme temi^ity, often coming so clo*j to the schooner
as to Ih! sevcraly burned by the discharge of her guns.

This vessel had been sent from Niagara, and was manned with 18 men, 12
of whom were Mohawk Indians. They arrived at Detroit on the J) Septem-
lier ; and thus was the garrison saved irom certain destruction. So S4'iisible
was Major Gladwin ancf his officers of their escape from a dreadful fate by the
bravery of the crew of this vessel, that they caused silver medals to 1)6 struck
and presented to each dc8cri[)tive of the event*

Many other circumstances are related of this famous siege, but it is believed
the preceding are ail that are well authenticated.

Pontiac having invested Detroit now for about twelve montlis, and the
news of his operations having been carried to various parts of the British
empire, extensive preparations were made to put down the Indian power.
Aware of the movements of General Bradstred, who was proceeding tor De-
troit with an army of 3000 men, he gave up, and sued for |)eace, which was
granted him, and his warriors retired to their hunting-grounds. By some it
IS reported that he was killed, with many others of his chief men, by the
loways, in the year 1769, in a war which at that time raged l)etwecn the
Ottowas and that nation. It is also said that he had a son named Sheoana-
BY, who was also a distinguished chief, and who, after the death of his father,
revenged his murder by the destruction of almost the entire nation of the
loways. When tie revolution commenced, the Americans sent messnges to
Pontiac to meet them in council. He was inclined to do so, but was prevented
from time to time by Governor Hamilton of Detroit. He seems now to have
laid aside all resentment against the English, and became their friend ; and
to reward his attachment, the government granted him a liberal pension. It
has also been reported that he became suspected in the time of the war, and
as he was going to hold a council among the Indians in Illinois, as an agent
lor the English, a spy attended him to observe h' conduct ; and that, in a
speech, he betrayed the English, and discovered i .s former enmity against
them. When he had finished, the Indian who had accompiiiiicd him,
plunged a knife into his breast, and t'.ius ended the days of a chief who has
been i-enowned for singular sagacity, during courage, great spirit of conunand,
and indeed numerous other qualities, found only in those born with such
elementary organizations as produce them by their peculiar school of cir-
sumstances.

* Holmuf* Annalt, u. ISS.

4-'

CAPTAIN PIPE.

rBooK T

CHAPTER IV.

Captaih Vin—Situatiim of affair ton the frontiers at the period of the revolulion — Sad
eomdition of the Moravian Indian* at this period — Half-king engage* to take them
to Canada — Hi* gjieeeh to them — Thty remon*trate — naif-king incline* not to mo-
lest them, but Captain Pipe'* eouniel prevail*, and they are seized — Pipe'* cnnduct
thereupon — Mi**ionarie* taken to Detroit and examined — Pipe went to aceu*fthem —
Changr* hi* conduct toteard* them, and they are actruitted — Remarkable delirerance
— Captain White-eyes oppo*e* the conduct of Pipe — lit* speech to his people —
Colonel Broadhead's expedition — Brutal ma*sacre of a chief — FACHOANTficiiiiiii.AS —
Surprises the mistionarie* — GEi.ELr.Meifu — BuoKONaAMr.LAS — Murder of Major
Trurman and others — In the bottle of Presaue-ltle — His death — His great intrepid-
ill/ — Further particulars of Captain Pipe — His famous speech — Erpeditionand defeat
of Colonel Crawford, who is burnt at the stake, and many more — Ciiiktommo — Tom
LEWIS — Mksihawa — KiNO-cRANR — LiTTi.E TURTLE — Defeats General St. Clair's
armu — Incidents in that affair — Little-turtle's opinion of General Wnyne — Visit*
Philadelphia — His interview with C. F. Volney — JInecdote* — Blue-jackkt — De-
feated by General Wayne in the battle of Presque-Isle.

PIPE, or Captain Ptpe,* ns lie is usually called, from his having boen a
most conspiruous war-captain among tlio Delawarcs, during the period of
the revolution, in particular, was chief of the Wolf tribe. His character is a
very prominent one, in the memorable troubles among the froiiti<T settle-
ments, at the breaking out of the war. Situated as were the Dt-iawares
between the English of Canada and the Americans, it was hardly to be ex-
pected but that they should be drawn into that war. They could not well
weigh its merits or demerits upon either side. A speech of the renowned
Corn-plant contains the best commentary ujmn this matter. The English
stood much the best chance of gaining the Indians to thrir interest, inasniiich
as they were profuse in their presents of what was uscfiil to thciii, as well as
ornaineii. j1, whereas the Americans required all their resources to curry on
the war. The commanding officer at Detroit, believing that the Rloraviun
Lidians upon the Susquehannah favored the Americans, ordered them, dead
or alive, with their priests, to be brought into Canada. The Iroquois agreed
that it should be done, but, unwilling to do it themselves, sent messengers to
the Chippeways and Ottawos, to intimate that, if they would do it, " thev
should nave them to make soup ofl" These two tribes, however, refused,
and the Half-king of the Hurons undertook it himself. He had b«>en ibrmerly
very friendly to uie believing Indians, and now pretended that he only con-
cluded to seize upon them, to save them from destruction ; and, Mr. Loskiel
adds, "even the Half-King would certainly never have agreed to commit this
act of injustice, had not the Delaware, Captain Pipe, a noted enemy of the
gospel and of the believing Indians, instigated him to do it." Pipe and his
company of Delawares, joined by Half-king and his warriors, and some Sha-
wanese, held a war-feast, roasted a who'e ox, and agreed upon the manner
of proceeding. The captains only of this expedition knew fully its destina-
tion. With such secrecy did they proceed, that the Moravian settlements
knew nothing of their approach, until they were in their vicinity. They bore
an English nag, and an English officer was among them. It was now 10
August, 1781. Half-king sent in a message to Salem, requesting the inliab-

• His Indian name, according to Heckewelder, was Hopocan, and si^jnified a Tobacco-
pipe 'I'liis nnmc lie bore until about 1763, when ihat of KogIkschquanohkt. was subsli-
tuled. 'I'liis meant, Maker of Day-Light, Of the word pipe, a more exiendcil notice should
be taken. The French writers generally use the name calumet, which means the same thine,
and, of its origin, Barou Lahontan, "Voyages dans L'Amerique," i. 401, observes as fol-
lows : — " It is a Norman word, which comes from chalumeau, and was introduced into Canada
by the people of that nation, on their first coming into this country, by whom it has ever since
been used. The Iroquois call it Ganondao4. and the other Indian nations, Poaoan;" this,
allowing for the ditference between the French and English idioms, will agree tolerably with
Mr. Herkfirelders HopoCAW. A chief named Pipe signed a treaty at Fort Greenville, in 1814,
nitli 112otliers, by which it seems the Delawares perpetuated it. It followed that of IMiite-eyes,

Chap. IV.]

CAPTAIN PIPE.

liiHi

itnntfl not to ho nlnrmed, for tliey nhoiilcl rrrcive no injury, nnil llmt lie had
good words to Dornk to tlicrn, and witthcd to know nt which of th« wttk-
iMcntK thoy mi^lit hold a council with them. Gnadcuhuvttun h«-ing ivun\
niioti, ail iiMRcinhled there iqion II .AngiiHt.

Meunwhile, the ntnnlierH of Pipers ex|>edition had incmancd from 140 to
•300, and almiit 10 days a(\er, Half-king made the following 8|)eech to tho
helit'ving Indians ancl their teachcra: —

" Cousins : yc i)elieving Indians in Gnadenhuetten, Bchoenitnum, and Salem,
I am much concerned on your accoimt, perceiving that you live in a very
dangerous spot Two powerful, angry and merciless gods stand ready
opening tlioir jaws wide against each other : you are sitting down hetweun
hotli, and thus in danger of being devoured and ground to imwder hy the
teeth of either one or the otiier, or both. It is therefore not aavisaiile for you
to stay here any longer. Consider your young |M;ople, your wives, and your
children, and preserve their lives, for here thdy must all perish. I thereforu
take you by the hand, liA you up, and place you in or near m^ dwelling,
where you will be Mife and dwell in |H-ace. Do not stand looking at your

filantations and houses, but arise and follow me ! Take also your teachers
priests] with you, and worship God in the place to which I shall lead you,
as you have been accustomed to do. You shall likewise find provisions, and
our father beyond the lake [the governor at Detroit,] will care tti- you. This
is my message, and I am come liither purpost'ly to deliver it."

The brethren, after taking this into consideration, remonstrated, in feeling
language, against such an nnmediate removal ; saying they did not conceive
that the danger was so great, as, moreover, they were at peace with all men,
and took no part in the war, and that it would bring famin<^ and distress uiion
them, to set out before their harvest with nothing in their hands, but that they
would keep and consider his words, and would answer him the next winter.
It was supposed that Half-king was willing to comply, but for tlic importunity
of Pipe and the English captam.

Thisaffiiir eventuated in the seizure of the missionaries and their removal
to Sandusky, as has been written in the account of Glikhikan.

Captain Pipe now publicly boasted of bis exploit, and said the Indians and
their priests were his sla\ts. TJiey had had but a moment's re|)08e at Saii-
Jiisky, when the governor at Detroit ordered Captain Pipe to conduct them to
him. They were glad of an opportunity of seeuig the governor face to face,
believing they could convince him that they had never as.sisted the Americans,
and accordingly attended Pipe tliifher. Here the missionaries Zeisbenrer,
Senscman, Heckewelder and Edwards had to await a kind of trial, and Pipe
was the evidence against them. On the 9 November, this trial or examina-
tion cuiue on, and Captain Pipe ap|)eared, and spoke as follows : " Father, you
have commanded us to brine the belteving Ir Hans and their teachers from the. Mus-
king-am. This has been done. HTien we had brought them to Sundusky, you
ordered us to bring their teachers and some of their chiefs urUo you. Here you
see them before you : now you may speak with them yourself, as you have desired.
But I hope you will speak good words unto them, yea 1 tell you, speak good words
unto them, for they are my friends, and I should be sorry to see them ill used."
The governor then repeated to Pipe the charges he had formerly urged
iiguiust the brethren, and called on hun to prove his asseitions. The chief
seemed now evidently confused, and said such things might have happened,
b'lt they would do so no more, for they were now at Detroit. This did not
satisfy the governor, and he peremptorily demanded that Pipe should answer
positively to the point. This caused him still greater eriibarrassment, and he
itsked his counsellors what he should say, but each held down his head in
silence, and this occasioned his choosing the only wise course, and he thus
ingenuously spoke : "/ said before, thai some such thing might have happened,
bid noto I tvill tell you the plain truth. The missionaries are innocent. They
have done nothing of themselves : what they have done, they were compelled to do.
J am to blame, and the chiefs that were with me in Goschacl^uenk : we have forced
them to do it, when they refused." The governor now tlecTared them tnnoc^ent,
in tile presence of the court, and they were permitt<:d to return to theif
brethren.

» •'I

556

CAPTAIN PIPE.

[Book V.

J9; ,tf-

One circumstance, illustrative of savage superstition, we will notice here.
When Pipe's warriors were about to force the brethren to leave their dwell-
in.';s, it was almost unanimously concluded at one time by the chiefs, that
the white brethren should be put to death. They, however, would not ad-
venture upon such a deed without the advice of one of their common war-
riors, who was considered a great sorcerer. His answer was, " he could not
understand what end it would answer to kill them." Upon this, the chiefs
held a council, in which it was resolved to kill not only the white brethren
and their wives, but the Indian assistants also. When they made this reso-
lution known to the sorcerer, he said to them, " Then you have resolved to
kill my friends ; for most of their chief people ire my friends : but this J
tell you, that if you hurt any one of them, I know what I will do ! " Thit
threat deterred them: thus were the missionaries as well as many others
saved.

It is stated by Mr. Heckewdder, that, notwithstanding Captain Pipe was so
cage, for the war before its commencement, he soon became sorry for it
afterwards. This might have been the case ; and yet he was one of the
most efficient enemies of the Americans after the peace, as will elsewhere
appear. Captain WhUe-eyea, or Koquethagaeehlon, which was his Indian
name,* was his particular friend, and they were both great men of the Dela-
ware nation, having been nearly alike distinguished by their courage on
many occasions. No one could have more at heart the welfiu-e of their
country, than Captain While-eyes had that of the Delaware nation, and it is
not pretended, but that as much should be said of Captain Pipe ; but they
were differently circumstanced, and the former was open and fearless in his
declarations in favor of the Americans, while the latter secretly favored the
British. Thus they were unwillingly opposed to each other, and for about
two years, one by his frankness and the other by his clandestine operations
sti'ove to unite and strengthen their respective parties.

Meanwhile a circumstance happened, which Captain Pipe seized upon for
declaring war. MKee, Elliot, Girly, and several others, had been held at
I'ittsburg as tories. Early in the spring of 1778, they made an escape, and
fled into the Indian country, and, as they went, proclaimed to that people,
that the Americans had determined to destroy them ; that therefore their only
safety consisted in repelling them ; that they must fly to amis, and fight them
in every place. Pipe, being rather inclined to war, believed all that those
exasperated fugitives said ; while, on the other hand, tVhile-eyes would give no
credit to them. Having got many of his men together. Captain Pipe address-
ed them with great earnestness, and with great force of oratory said, " Every man
is an enemy to his country, who endeavors to persuade us against fighting the
Americans, and all such ought surely to be put to death." Captain ^Vhite-eyea
was not idle, and at the same time had assembled the people of his tribe, and
the substance of what he said was, ^Hhat if they [any of his warriors] meant
in earnest to go out, as he observed some of them were preparing to do, they should
not go without him. He had, he said, taken peace measures in order to save the
natwnfrom uttsr destruction. Bid if they believed that he was in the wrong, and
gave more credit to vagabond fugitives, whom he knew to be such, than to himself,
who loas best acquainted tvith the real state of things ; if they had determined to
follow their advice, and go out against the r/hnericans, he woulago out tvith them ;
but not like the bear hunter, who sets the dogs on the animal to be beaten about with
his paws, while he keeps at a safe distance ; no ! he tvould lead them on, place
himself in the front, and be the first who should fall, Thet only had to determine
on tvhnt they meant to do ; as for Ata own mind, it was fully made up, not to sur-
vive his nation ; and he womd not spend the remainder of a miserable life, in
bewaili- g the total destruction of a brave people, who deserved a better fate."

This speech was spoken with a pathos and in a manner calculated to touch
the hearts of all who listened to it, and its impression was such, that all
unanimously came to the determination to obey its instructions and orders
and to hear or receive directions from no otlier person, of any nation or color
but Captain Hliite-eyes.

According to Mr. Heckeweldtr. His residence was at ihe mouth of the Uig Beaver.

Chap. IV.] CAPTAIN PIPE— COSHOCTON EXPEDITION.

557

At the same time, Captain White-eyes, in order to counteract, as much aa
possible, tlio evil counsel of the white men just mentioned, despatched run
ners to the Shawaneso towns on the Scioto, where these impostors had gone,
with the following speccli : " Grandchildren, ye Shaivanese, some days ago, a
Jlock of birds, that had come on from the east, lit at Goschochking, imposing a
song of theirs upon us, which song had nigh proved our ruin. Should these birds,
which on leaving us, took their fight towards Scioto, endeavor to impose a song
on you likewise, do not listen to them, for they lie ! "

A knowledge of the proceedings of Captain While-eyes having reached
Pipe, he knew not what course to take, and, while thus confounded, a kind
and conciliatory message was received in the Delaware nation, from the Amer-
ican agent nf Indian antiirs at Pittsburg. It particularly cautioned the people
of that nation *^not to hearken to those loicked and tjtrtlUess rncn, who had run
away from their friends in the night, and to be assured of the real friendship of
the United Stales," This comjileted Pipe's confusion. But after pondering
a while upon tlie wrongs to which his countrymen had for a long time been
lauhjected, like the sachem of the VVanipanoags, he permitted his warriora
to go out, and surprise, and mwder all the Americans they could lay their
hands ti])on.

Blood having now begun to flow, barbarities followed in quick succes-
sion. Early in the spring of 1781,* Colonel Broailhead arrived near the Mora-
vian town of Salem, and notified the inhabitants that he was on an ex])odi-
tion against the hostile Indians, and gave them that timely notice that they
might collect their people, if any were abroad, that they might not be taken
for enemies. "However," says Mr. Heckewelder, "whilst tlie colonel was
assuring me that our Indians had nothing to fear, an officer came with great
speed from one quarter of the camp, and reported that a particular division
of the militia " were preparing to break off for the purpose of destroying the
Moravian settlements up the river, and he feared they could not be restrained
from so doing.' " They were, however, by the exertions of the commander-
in-chief, aided by Colonel Shepherd, of Wheeling, partially prevented from
their murderous design. Thus tliese Christian Indians were situated pre-
cisely like many of those of N. E. in Philip's war. But we have no instance
to record, of the latter, equal in extent, for diabolical atrocity, to that of the
massacre of Gnadenhuetten, elsewhere m ^itioned.

Meanwhile Colonel Broadhead proceeded to Coshocton, a hostile settle-
ment near the forks of the Muskingum ; and with such secrecy ('id he pro-
ceed, that not a person escaped. How many fell into the hands of the army
is not mentioned ; but, not long after, 16 warriors were put to death with
shocking manifestations of depravity. There accompanied Colonel Broad-
head's army a Delaware chief named Pekillon.f Sixteen of the captive
warriors were designated by him as perpetrators of murders, and they were
forthwith tomahawked and scalped. Tney were executed pursuant to the
decree of a court-martial.

Some extenuation has been urged for this revolting transaction, and that
alone in which, perhaps, the mind can find any relief. Biit a short time be-
fore Broo.dSead's expedition, a large Indian force, called by the whites an
army, collected, and set out for the destruction of North-western Virginia.
This army was divided into two parts, and their expectations were wrought
up to a very high degree, which, when suddenly blasted, were changed into
rage and fury. Havmg, in their march, taken a large number of captives,
they retreated to a place of safety, and there tied them to trees and put them
to death in their barbarous manner. Tliis massacre was, however, confined
to their male prisoners. Fathers, in presence of their fiimilics, wore leu
forth to execution, amid tears and lamentations, which no creature but infu-
riated man could Avitlistand. This barbarity was the more aggravating
when it was contemplated that those who fell into th«;ir hands had made no
resistance ! Nothing, therefore, like just retribution was to he (!.\i)octed
from an army of frontier militia, when vengeance was the only pursuit,

• Doddridge, Notes, 291, says, this " campaign " was in llic summer of 1780.
t The same who, allerwards, as I couclude, was a party to Waytit't treaty.

47*

:y*

i .1

t ^5
I

558 MASSACRE OF INDIAN PRISONERS.— PETCHENANALAS. [TtooK V.

After every tiling hud been destroyed in the bidian country through which
the Aiuericuns passed, tliey ft tamed to Pittsburg. Before ieavuig Cosiiuc-
ton, a Hhockiiig circninstauce v)ccurred, which alone was sufficient to liave
tarnished the most brilliant exploits. An Indian came to the side of the
river over against tlie encampment, and called to the sentinels, who asked
him what he wanted. He answered that he wished to see tlie " big captain "
(the name by which Indians commonly designate the commander-in-chief).
Colonel Broadhead appeared, and asked him what he wanted, who replied,
" TVj :.taA«^eace," Then, said the colonel, send over some of your chiefs.
The indian interrogatively said, " May be you kill ? " No, said the colonel,
they shall come and go in safety. Hereupon a chief of most elegant appear-
ance crossed to the encnnipment, and — I hesitate to relate it — while tliia
chief was conversing with the colonel, a monster, of the militia, came up,
and with a tomahawk, which lie had concealed in his clothes, laid him dead
with a single stroke ! • The name of this fiend was fVetzel. The army soon
began its retreat, and Colonel Broadhead having put his prisoners, (about 20
in number,) into the cai'e of the soldiers, they immediately began to mas-
Sucre them ! all except a few women and children were killed. These were
taken to Pittsburg, and afterwards exchanged for an equal number of white
prisoneis.t Thus the peace which might have been concluded was unhappily
suspended, and the war afterwards might well have been expected to exhibit
scenes no less bloody than before.

A chief, called Pachoantschihilas, distinguished himself upon the fron-
tiers, immediately upon the retreat of Colonel Broadhead's army ; not as many
others have, but by magnanimity and address. And subsequently his name
was set to many treaties between his nation and the United States, from that
of General Wayne at Greenville to tliat of St. Mary's in 1818 : if, indeed,
Petchenanalas, Bokongehelas, and several other variations, stand for the same
person. His name, according to Heckewelder, signified a Jidfller, or one vho
succeeds in all he undertakes. He was a son of a great chiet whose name is
written Wewandochwalend, which signified one employed on important messages ;
and who in the French war was a great captain, and in peace a great coun-
sellor. He had upon his under lip and chin tatooed the figure of a water
lizard, on which account he wns often called Tweegachschasu. Buokongahelas
was head warrior of all the Delawares who lived on the Miami and White
Rivers.

Petchenanalas, at the head of 80 warriors, appeared suddenly at Gna-
deuhuetten, surrounding it before day, allowing no one a chance for escape.
Not knowing his object, the peo])le were filled with terror. But he soon
dispelled tlieir fears, by telling them that he came to take the chief Gelele-
mend, and a few other head men, whom he would have, either dead or alive.
As it happened, not one of those he sought after was there at the time.
Having satisfied himself of this fact, the chief demanded that deputies from
the three Christian towns should meet to hear what he had to say to them.
When the deputies and others had met, he spoke to them as follows : —

" Friends and kinsmen, listen to what I say to you. You see a great and
powerful nation divided. You sec the father fighting against the son, and
the son against the father. — The father has called on his Indian children to
assist him in punishing his children, the Americans, who have become re-
fractory. I took time to consider what I should do ; whether or not I shouhl
receive the hatchet of my father, to assist him. At first I looked upon it as
a fumily quarrel, in which I was not interested. At length it a|)peured to me,
that the fiither was in the right, and his children deserved to be j)unii<hed a
little. — That this must be the case, I concluded from the many cruel acts his
offspring had committed, from time to time, on his Indian children — hi en-
croaching on their lands, stealing their projierty — shooting at and murdering
without cause, men, women, and children : — yes, even murdering those, wlio
at all times had been friendly to them, and were placed for protection under

* Chronicles of Western SeUlemenls, pamm.
t Doddridge's Notes, 21)3.

W . (■

•^•i

Chap. IV.]

BUOKONGAIIELAS.

tlie roof nf their father's house ; • the father himself standing sentry at the door,
at the time ! — Friends and relatives, often has the father been obliged to settle
and make amends for the wrongs and mischiefs done us, by his refractory
children ; yet these do not grow better. No ! they remain the same, and will
continue to be so, as long as we have any land lelt us ! Look back at the
murders committed by tiie Long-Knives on many of our relations, who lived
peaceable neighbors to tlictn on the Ohio ! Did they not kill them without
the least provocation .' — Are they, do you think, better now, than they were
then ? No ! indeed not ; and many days are not elapsed, since you had a
number of these very men near your doors, who panted to kill you, but for-
tunately were prevented from so doing, by the Great Sun,f who, at that time,
had by the Great Spirit been ordained to protect you ! "

The chief then spoke with res})ect of their peaceable mode of life, and
comtnended their desire to live in friendship with all mankind ; but said, they
must be aware of their exposed situation — living in the very road the hostile
parties must pass over, in going to fight each other ; that they had just es*
coped destruction from one of these parties ; that therefore no time should
be lost, but they should go to the country on the Miami, where tliey would be
entirely out of danger.

The Christian Lidians replied, that, as they had never injured the Amer-
icans, they thought they need not fear injury from them; that if their
friends at war wished them well, in truth, they would not moke their
settlement upon the path they took to go to war, as it would lead their
antagonists the same way ; and tliat they could not remove without great
detriment ; and therefore, as they were then situated, they could not consent
to go.

Pachganlsddhilaa consulted in the mean time with his chief men, and
answered very feelingly to what the brethre'i had said. He observed that he
was sorry that they should difiVr from him in opinion, but that he had no
intention to use compulsion, and only requested that those might be permit-
ted to go, whose fears prompted tliem to it. This was readily a^isented to,
and the council broke up, and the warriors departed. At Salem they made a
short stay, where they conducted themselves as they hud done at Gnaden-
huetten. Here a family of old people joined them, through fear of what Pach-
garUschihUas had predicted, and the event justified the proceeding! The
massacre of Gnadenhuctten will ever be remembered with the deepest regret
and indignation.

Nothing was feared from the good Petchenarudas ; but the prowling mon-
sters JiPKee, Girty, Elliot, and perhaps others, calling themselves white, were
the plotters of the ruin of the innocent people at Gnadenhuctten, which foU
lowed not long afler.

Our present design makes it expedient that we pass over many events in
the chronicles of the frontier wars, that we may be enabled to proceed with
more minuteness of detail, in the lives of the eminent chiefs. Although
we cannot, by any rule known to us, derive Buokontrakelas from PachgarUad-
hUa» or Petchenanalas, yet, as they have as much affinity as Pomelacom and
Mdacomet, we shall let tiiem pass for the same person, and thus continue our
narrative.

3tiokongahelas was not only a great, but a noble warrior. He took no de-
light in shedding blond ; and when he raised the hatchet on the side of the
British in the revolution, it was for the best of reasons ; and would that nume-
rous other allies we could name had acted from as pure motives ! Our n >rt
notice of Biwkonvakelas is in 17'J2, when he showed himself no less mngnt
imous tluin at Gnadenhuetten and Salem. Colonoi Hardin, Major Trueman
and several others, were sent, in May of this year, by Washinfcton, with a flag
of truce, to the Indian nations of the west, particularly the Mnumee towns
They having arrived near the Indian town of Au Glaize on the south-wes

* Alhuliii; to the murder of the Concstof^^a Indians, which was as atrocious as that at Gaa
denhaotten, nnd of which we shall in due course five a relation.
f Rel'erriiig to what we have jusl related of Colonel Daniel Broadhead and his army.

■■I

1^1

560

BUOKONGAHELAS.— MURDER OF COL. HARDIN.

IDooi V.

bran(;h of tlie Miami of the Lake, fell in with some Indiann, who treated
tliem well at first, and made many professions of friendsliip, but in the end
took Rdvantage oi' them, while on their guard, and murdered nearly all of
them. Tiie interpreter made his escape, aAer some time, and gave an ac-
count of the transaction. His name was H'iUiam Smallif ; and he had been
Kome time before with the Indians, and had learned then' manners and cus-
toms, whicii gave him some advantage in being able to save himself. lie was
at first conducted to Au Gluize, and soon after to '■^ Biwkimgahela, king of the
Dela wares, by his captors." Tlie chief told those that committed the murder,
ht was very sorry they had killed the men. That instead of so doing, they should
have brought them to the hulian towns ; and then, if wlutt tliey had to say had not
been liked, it would have been time enough to have killed them Uien. J\olhing, he
said, could justify them for putting them to death, as Ihere was no chance for them
to escape. The truth was, they ki'led them to plunder their effects. Buokon-
gahelas took Mr. Smally into his cabin, and showed him great kindness ; told
him to stay there while he could go safely to his former Indian tiiends.
(He having been adopted into an Indian fiimily, in place of one who had
been killed, in his former captivity.) While here with Buokongahelas,
which was near a month, Mr. Smally said the chief would not permit
him to go abroad alone, for fear, he said, that the young Indians would
kill him.

From another source we learn the names of several of the murdered. " A
letter from Paris (in the new French settlement), dated July 17, states, that
intelligence had been received at Fort Jeffiirson, of the death of Major True-
nuin, Mr. IVeeman, Debachi and Jairat. That this inlbrmation was brought
by two i)risoners, wiio were laboring in a cornfield, and made their escapo.
Tlie one had biien taken pri-soncr at the time General Harmer was defeated —
the other is William Dtier, of Capt. Buchanan^a comjmny of levies. They
further inform, that on the 15th June a party of Indians took 8 men prisoners,
who were making hay near Fort Jefierson ; that when they had moved the
prisoners some liistunce from the fort, they divided them — four were given
to the Chippewas, and four to the Shawunese — that the Shawanese burnt the
four unfortunately assigned to them — that the Chippewas took theirs home,
to the uitent of making laborers of them — that the Indians are determined
for war, and will not treat, but will kill every white person that attempts to
go to tliem, either with or without a flag — that their present plan is to cut of!"
the escorts of provisions destined to the outposts, and by that means oblige-
the troops stationed there to surrender ; and that for this purpose they kept
two spies constantly out." •

It is said that the conduct of tlie British, at the battle of Presque-Isle, for-
ever changed the mind of this chief, as it did that of many others, in regard
to them. Buokongahelas said he would henceforth trust them no more. The
fort at Maiimeo was critically situated, but by its own imprudence. The offi-
cers of it had told the Indians that if the buttle turned against them, they
should have protection in the fort. Immediately a.'ler, Genci-ui Wayne in-
formed thein, that if they did protect the Indians in that event, he would
treat them as though found in arms against him ; therefore, tiiinking their
own safety of more consequence than keeping their faith with the Indians,
they barred the gates, and were idle spectators of those they had basely 1 1 -
frayed, cut down in great numbers by the swords of the horsemen, under
their very ramparts !

It would seem from a passage in the Memoirs of General Harrison,^ that
Buokongaliflas died soon "after die treaty of 1804; "that if he had been
alive, Mr. Dawson thinks, when Tecunseh and the Prophet enlisted so many
nations against the Americans, he would not have suffered tli('ir i)lans to
have been matured. The same author relates an incident of peculiar interest,
concerning our subject, which is as follows: — Afler the fight with Waynt^s
army before mentioned, Buokongalielas collected the remnant of his Imnd,
and embarked with them in canoes, and passed up the river, to send a flag of

Carey's Museum, xii. 15.

t By Mr. Dawson, page 82.

w^%

Chap. IV]

CAPTAI^ PIPE.— GELELEMEM).

561

truce to Fort IVame. When the chief arrived ngniiist tlie British fort, he
was requested to land, wliicii he did. When he liadapprouchcii tiie seiitiiiol,
he demanded, " /f/wt have you to say to me')" Ho was answered that the
rnmmandant desired to spealc with him. " Then he may come here," wa.s tlic
n'ply. The sentry then said the officer would not do that, and that he would
not be allowed to pass the fort, if he did not comply with its rules. " ^Vkat
shall prevent me '} " said tlie intrepid chief. Pointing to the cannon of the fort,
the sentry said, "Those." The chief replied indignantly, "/ _/enr not your
cannon : afler suffering the Jim ricans to defile your spring, without daring tojire
on them, you cannot expect to frighten Buokongehelas." He reeinharked, and
passed the fort, without nioh-stjition. By " defiling their spring," he meant
an ironical reproach to the British garrison for their treachery to the Indians,
which has been mentioned.

It is said that Buokongahelas was present at Fort M'Intosh, at the treaty
of 178.J ; but as his naiue is not among the signers, we suppose he was
opposed to it. General George R. Clark, Arthur Lee, and Richard Butler, were
the American commissioners ; the former had been a successful warrior againr^t
the Lidians, which had gained him the respect of Buokongahelas: and wiieu
he had an opportunity, he passetl the others without noticmg them, but went
and took General Clark by the hand, and said, "/ thank the Great Spirit for
having this day brought together two such great ivarriors, as Buokonoahelas
and Gen. Clark."

A separate article in the treaty just named, illustrates the history of several
chiefs already mentioned. It is in these words: — "It is agreed that the Del-
aware chiefs Kelelamand, [Gelclemend, Killbuck,] or Colonel Henry; Hengue-
vushees, or the Big-cat ; Wtcocalind, or Captain While-eyes ; who took u|) the
natchet lor the United States, and their families, shall be received into the
Delawfu-e nation, in the same situation and rank as before the war, and enjoy
their due portions of the lands to the Wyandot and Delaware nations in this
treaty, as fully as if they had not taken part with Americji."

Gei.elemend, one of the most conspicuous of those noticed in the provision
of the treaty ol" Fort M'Intosh, we will proceed to consider in this i)lace.
His name signified A leader, but he was called Killbuck because the whites
had so called his father, and to distinguish him, junior was added. Upon
the death of White-eyes, he, as that chief had done, accepted the office of
chief, until the young heir should be old enough to fil! the important place.
He continued the course of measures carried on by his predecessor, but in
spite of all he could do. Captain Pipe succeeded in defeating his designs.
Such was the power of Pi/ , that Gelelemend and his party were forced
through fear to abandon their council-house at Goschoehking, and retire
under the protection of the Americans near Pittsburg. Here they supposed
themselves safe, but they were soon disiippointed ; "for while the fiiendly
chiefs, together with a number of their pi?ople, were peaceably living together
on an island just below the town of Pittsburg, they were suddenly surprised
and attacked by the murdering party which had returned from killing I'ear a
hundred of the Christian Indians, and partly killed and partly put to flight,
from whence this chief (Killbuck) saved his life only by taking to tln!
river and swimming across to tlie point, or town, [of Pittsburg] leaving all
his property behind ; among wiiicii way tJic bag containing all the waiiipui!i
speeches and written documents of William Penn and his succ(!ssors lor a
great number of years, which had for so loisg a time been carefully preserved
by them, but now had fallen into the hands of a mmdering band of white
eavagcs, who killed at the same time the promising young Delaware chief
above mentioned." The many services he rendered to Pemisylvaiiia were
known and appreciated ; whieii services, however, being obnoxious to the
enemy, drew their hatred u|)0ti him, so much so, that they ordered any tiiat
should meet with him to shoot him dead. He therefore n mained concealed
some time afler the peace with the Indiaiis, with his fainiiy at I'ittsbiirg. He
finally jrined the Christian Indians and lived undrr tlieir jiioteetion ; never
venturing far from home, lest tia; .Muiiseys shoidil meet \^ iiii and kill him
He was ba|)tizcd by the name of William Henry, a name he had been long
known under, and which was that of a distinguished member of congresHi

Jii

■■l'^

■J< f

662

CAPTAIN PIPE.

[Book V,

m:i

conferred by himself. Killhuck* died in the faith in January, 1811, aged
about 80.t

At tlie time these peaceable Indians were murderously driven from their
isluiid, as just noticed, Z;(i/c-ccU| narrowly escaped the slaughter. He retired
to the Miami country, where ho atlerwards died. He had been an able
counsellor, and afterwards a chief of the Turtle tribe.f But to return to
Captain Pipe.

At one time after an expedition against the Americans, Captain Pipe Avrnt
to Detroit, where he was received with resp(!ct by tiie British coiiiniundant,
W'lO, with his attendants, was invited to the council-house, to give an account
of past transactions. He was seated in front of his Indians, tiicingthe chitf
of:ker, and held in his left hand a short stick, to which was fastened a scalp.
After a usual pause, he arose and spoke as follows : —

" Father, [then he stooped a little, and, turning towards the audience, with
a countenance full of great expression, and a sarcastic look, siiicl, in a lower
tone of voice,] " / Jiave said father, although, indeed, I do not know why / am
to call HIM so, having never known any other Jatlwr than the French, and consider-
ing the English only as brothers. But as this name is also imposed upon iw,
/ sluUl make use of it, and say, [at the same time fixing his eyes upon the com-
maiidant,] Father, some time ago you put a war haicliet into my hands, saying,
' Take this weapon and try it on the heads of my enemies, the Long-Knives, and
let me qflerwaras know if it toas sharp and good.' Fattier, at the time when you
gave me this weapon, 1 had neither cause nor inclination to go to war against a
people who liad done me no injury ; yet in obedience to you, wIm say you are my
/ather, and call me your child, I received the hatchet ; well knowing, that if I did
iwt obey, you would witliholdfrom me tlie necessaries of life, without which I could
not subsist, and which are iwt elsewhere to be procured, but at the house of my
father. — I'oit may perhaps think me a fool, for risking my life at your bidding, {re
a cause too, by which I have no prospect of gaining any tiling ; fur it is your cause
and not mine. It is your concern to fight the hong-Knives ; you have raised a
quarrel amongst yourselves, and you ought yourselves to fight it out. You should
not compel your children, tlic Indians, to expose themselves to danger, for your sakes.
— Fattier, many lives have already b^en lost on your account ! — JVations have suf-
fered, anil been weakened! — children have lost parents, brotliers, and relatives! —
wives tutve lost husbands ! — It is not known how many more may perish before
your war will be at an end! — Fattier, Itmvesaid, ttuit you may, perhaps, think me
afoot, for tlius thougtdlessly rustling on your enemy ! — Do not believe tltis, father*:
Think not that I ward sense to conmnce me, that alttwugh you now pretend to keep
up a perpetual enmity to the Long-Knives, you may before long conclude a peace
with ttiem. — Father, you say you love your ctiildren, the Indians. — Ttiis you tuive
often told Itiem, and indeed it is your interest to say so to them, tliat you may have
them at your service. But, father, who of us can believe ttiat you can love a people
of a dijferent color from your own, better ttian those who tiave a white skin like
yourselves ? Father, pay attention to wtiat I am going to say. JfTiile you, father,
are setting me [meaning the Indians in general] on your enemy, much in the
same manner as a hunter sets his dog on live game ; wliile I am in live act of rustling
on that enemy of yours, with tlie bloody destructive weapon you gave me, 1
may, perctiance, tutppen to look back to ttie place from tutience you started me ; and
what studl I see'} Perhaps I may see my fattier studcing tiands with ttie Long-
Knives ; yes, tvith these venj people tie now calls his enemies, I may then see him
laugh at my folly for having obeyed his orders; and yet I am now risking my life
at his command ! Father, keep tctiat I tiave said in rememl)rance. — Ao«), father,
txere is tohat lias been done wilti ttie tmtctiet you gave me. [With these words he
handed the stick to tlie commandant, with the si-alp ujjon it, above men-
tioned.] I tutve done with ttie hatchet wtiat you ordered me to do, and found it
sharp. JVeverttieless, I did not do all tfuU I might tiave done. JVo, I did not. My

* Another of tlio same name is mentioned by ,Mr. Latrobe, llambles, ii. Ilfl, whom he saw
•t New Fairfield in 1832 j " a venerable " ."nan " watching the bed of his dying daughter, the
last of 12 chihlren."

t Heckewelder's Hio<raphy of tlie Delawares, &.C., in Philos, Trans.

i Machingiie Puschtis, according: to lieckewelder.

W^fi!'';,

Chap. IV.l CAPTAIN PIPE.— CRAWFORD'S EXPEDITION.

' compassion J

5(53

• your inemy. Innocence [liclpless
mamls ; therefore J dMji^uished — I
spared. I took some live flesh, which, while 1 was bringing to you, I spied one of
your targe canoes, on which I put it for you. In a few days you mil recover this
nesli, and find, thai the skin is of the same color with your own. Father, I hope
you loill not destroy what / have saved. You, father, have the means of prescrv-
t}ig thai which uriin me would ptrishfor want. The tcairior is poor, and his cabin
is always empty ; but your house, father, is always full."

Atler II high encomium upon tliis speecli, wiiich need not be repeated, ]\Tr
Ileckewelder ^ays, "It is but justice here to say, that Pipe was well ac(iuuiut-
cd with the noble and gimerous character of the British officer to whom tiiis
Bpeech was addressed. He is still living in his own country, an honor to the
liritish name. He obeyed the orders of his superiors, in employing the In-
dians to tight against us; but he did it with reluctaiice, and soitcned >'.s nuich
as was in his power the horrors of that abominable warfare. He esteemed
Captain Pipe, and, 1 have no douht, was well pleased with the humane con-
duct of this Indian chief, whose sagacity in this uistance is no less deserving
of praise than his eloquence."

The name of Captain Pipe ie unfortunately associated with the history of the
lamented Colonel William Crawford, who perished at the stake, alter suff taring
the most horrible and excruciating tortures possible for Indians to inflict. He
was particularly obnoxious to them, from having heen many years a successful
commander against them. He fell into the hiuids of the Indians not far from
Upper Sanduslcy, in the latter etui of May, 1782. At this time he was arriv».<l
there, at tiie head of a band of ai)out .500 volunteers, who were attacked and
put to flight, without having accjuittcd themselves like soldiers in any degree :
except, indued, some individual instances. At least a hundred were killed
and taken, and of the latter, but two are said ever to have escaped-

Captain Pipe, if not the princi|)al, was probably one of tiie chief leaders of
the Indians at this time. When the rout of the army began, instead of re-
treating in a body, they fled in small parties, and thus fell an easy pn'y into
the hands of their pursuers. Colonel Crawford became separated tium the
main body of his soldiers, by his extreme anxiety for his son, and two or three
other relations, whom he suspected were in the rear, and thcrel'ore waited
for them an unreasonable time. He at length fled, in company with a l>r.
Knighl and two others. Unfortunately, after travelling nearly two days, they
were, with several others, surprised by a party of Dehiwares, and conducted
to the Old Wyandot Town. Here Captain Pipe, witii his own hands, painted
Craioford and Knighl black in every part of their bodiet,. A place culled
the New Wyandot Town was not far off. To diis place they were now
ordered, and Pipe told Crawford, that when he arrived there, his head should
be shaved ; of which, it seems, he did not understand the import. These mis-
erable inr-n were accompanied by Pipe aiul another noted Delaware chief,
named Wingenim. Several other caf)tivfc8 had been sent forward ; and in tiio
way, as Knight and Crawford passed along, they saw four of the mangled
bodies of their friends, lying upon the ground, dead and scalped. Nine others
had been picked up at the same time the two just named were, and four of
these were those murdered in the way. The other five met a like fiite, from
the hands of Indian squaws and boys at the destined village. Here Crawfora
and Knight saw Sinwn Girty, of whom no human being since, we aj)prehen(i,
has spoken or written witliout indignation. He is represented to have wit-
nessed the torture of Crawford with much satisfaction !

Atler the colonel was tied to the fatal post. Captain Pipe addressed the assem-
bled Indians inanearnestspeech, which when he had closed, they all joined in
tt hideous yell, and fell to torturing the j)risoner, which continued lor ahout
three hours, when he sunk down upon his face, and with a groan exjjired.

Dr. Knight was reserved for tiie same fate, and wsis present, and ohligud to
bear the agonizing ejaculations of his friend, and at last to see him expire-
without being abln to render him even the a-^sistance of a consoling word!—
Indeed the thoughts of his own coiulifion, and the end that awaited him,
were as much, nay, more, perhaps, than a rational mind could bear. There
Eeented no possibility of a deliverance ; but it came in an unexpected hour

•I

■■rr

r-.

{mm .;

564

WINCENU.ND'S INTERVIEW WITH COL. CRAWFORD. [Book V

He was to Ihj sent to tlie Snwnnee Town, nnd for this purjwse was intriiBteil
to a young warrior, who watched hiii; incessantly. The distance was nhoiit
4U miles; and, (hiring thoir march, he found means to knock down his driver
mid make good his escape, lie wasSl days in the wilderness alone, and waa
nearly famished when he arrived at Fort M'lntosh. At the place to which
In- was destinet' by the Indians, Colonel Cmwfordfa son, son-in-law, and sev-
eral others, wer^ put to death about the same time.

ff'ingenund, Wmf^nnoorul, or Wingaynoond, had an interview with Colonel
Crawford iirnnediately before his execution, and as the substance of what
I>asscd bet./een the victhn and the chief has been preserved, it shall hen;
l»o given, not merely for the history which it contains, but as it strikingly
lirings to view the manner in which an Lidian exercises his views of justice
in an extraordinary case.

This chief had been known to Crawford some time before, and had been
on terms of true friendship with him, and kindly entertained by him at his
own house ; and such acts of kindness all red men remember with gratitude.
ft'ini^emmd does not appear to have been present when the first preparations
were made for burning the prisoner, hut resided not far from the fatal spot, and
had retired to his cabin that he might not see the sentence of his nation exe-
cuted upon one calling him his friend ; but Crawford requested that he might
be sent for, cheering his almost rayless mind with the tiiint hope that hn
would interpose and save him. Accordingly, ff'ingenund soon appeared in
the presence of the bound and naked white man. He wasasked by Crawford if
he knew him, wIjo said, he believed he did, and asked, "Are you not Cfolonel
Crawford'}" "I am," n plied the colonel. The chief discovered much agi-
tation and embarrassment, and ejaculated — "So! — Yes! — Indeed!" "Do
you not recollect the friendship that always existed between us, and that we
were always glad to seeeach other?" said Crauford. "Yes," said the chief, "1
remember all this, and that we have ollen drank together, and that you have
been kind tome." "Tlien I hope," added Crawford, " the same friendship
t<till contiimus." " It would of course," said fVingenund, " were you where you
ought to be, and not here." "And why not here?" said the colonel; "I hope
you would not desert a friend in time of need. Now is the time for you to
exert yourself in my behalf! "s I should do for you, were you in my place."
"Colonel Cratoford" replied tVingennnd, "you have placed yourself in a sit-
uation which puts it out of my power nnd that of others of your friends to
do any thing for you." "How so, Captain JVingenund'7" s&iA the colonel.
He added, "By joining yourself to that exeerahhj man, Williavison and his
party. Tiie man who but the other day murdered such a number of the
jMoravian Indians, knowing them to be friends ; knowing that he nm no risk
ill murdering a peop.e who would not fight, and whose only business was
praying." " I Jut I assure you, jyingenund" said Craiiford, " that had I been with
iiiiii at the time, this would not have happened. Not I alone, but all your
fViends and all good men, wiierever th(<y are, reprobate acts of this kind."
" That may be," said fVingenund, " yet these friends, these good men did not
jirevent him from going out again, to kill the remainder of those inoftiinsive,
yet foolish Moravian Indians ! I say foolish, because they believed the wliites
in ])reference to us. We had often told them that they would he one day so
treated by those people who called themselves their friends! We told them
that there was no faith to be placed in what the white men said ; that their
fair promises were only intended to allure us, that they might the more easily
l:ill us, as they have done many Indians before they killed these Moravians."
'■I am sorry to hear you speak tlius," said Crauford: "as to Williamson's going
out again, when it was known that he was determined on it, I went out witli
him, to prevent him from committing fresh murdere." "This," said Wingt-
nund, " the Indians would not believe, were even I to tell them so." Craufora
tlien a.sked, "And why would they not believe it? "Because," replied JFin-
tremind, "it would have been out of your power to prevent his doing what
he |)lease(l." "Out of mypower?" exclaimed the colonel, and asked, "Have
any Moravian Indians been killed or hurt since we came out?" "None,"
answered the chief; "hut you went first to tiieir town, and finding it empty
and deserted, you turned on the patli towards us. If you had b^en in search

Chap. IV.]

COL. CRAWFORD BURNT AT THE STAKE.

5u5

of warriors only, you would not have gone thither. Our spies watched you
closely. They saw you while you were embodying yourselves on the other side
of the Ohio. They saw you cross that river — they saw where you encamiied
at night — they saw you turn off from the path to the deserted Moravian town —
tliey knew you were going out of your way — your stejis were conHtatitly watcii-
ed, and you were suffered quietly to proceed until you reached the 8]iot
wliere you were attacked."

Crawford, doubtless, with this sentence, ended his last rays of hope. He asked,
with faint emotion, "\Vhat do they intend to do with me .'" wlien Wingenund
frankly replied, " I tell you with grief. As fVilliamson, with his whole cowardly
host, ran off in the night at the whistling of our warriors' halls, being satisfied
that now he had no Moravians to deal with, but men who could fight, and witii
such he did not wish to have any thing to do — I say, as he escaped, and they
have taken you, they will take revenge on you in his stead." " And is there
no possibility of preventing this?" said Crawford — "Can you devise no way
to get me ofi".' You shall, my friend, be well rewarded if you are instrumen-
tal in saving my life." " Had Williamson been taken with you," answered the
chief, "I and some friends, by making use of what you have told me, might.
])erhups, have succeeded in saving you, but as the matter now stands, no man
would dure to interfere in your behalf. The king of England himself, were he
to come to this spot, with all his wealth and treasure, could not effect this pur-
pose. The blood of the innocent Moravians, more than half of them women
and children, cruelly and wantonly murdered, calls aloud for revenge. The rela-
tives of the slain, who are among us, cry out and stand ready for revenge. The
nation to which they belonged will have revenge. The Shawanese, our grand-
cliildren, have asked for your fellow prisoner ; on him they will take revenge.
All the nations connected with us cry out, revenge ! revenge ! The Moravians
whom you went to destroy, having fled, instead of avenging their brethren,
the offence is become national, and the nation itself is bound to take revenge ! "
"My fate then is fixed," said the wretched man, "and I must prepare to
meet death in its worst form." "Yes, colonel," said the chief; "I am
sorry for it, but cannot do any thing for you. Had you attended to the Indian
principle, that as good and evil cannot dwell together in the same heart, so a
good man ought not to go into evil company, you would not be in this lam*^ nt-
able situation. You see, now, when it is too late, after Williamson has deserted
you, what a bad man he must be ! Nothing now remains for you but ' meet

i'our fate like a brave man. Farewell, Colonel Crawford ! they ore coming
will retire to a solitary spot."

Accordingly a host of executioners were immediately upon him, and he
died by their cruel hands, as we have already written. It is said that Winge-
nund shed tears ut parting with his friend, and that ever after, when the cir-
cumstance was mentioned, he seemed very sensibly affected.*

Colonel Crawford's son was compelled to witness this cruel death of his
father, and suffered the same fate immediately afler.f

The expedition of Colonel Crawford waa not so laudably undertaken as
many others, in as far as it was directed against the Moravian towns upon the
Muskingum, where many, who composed it, were determined that the Chris-
tian Lidians, which they there expected to find, should glut their vengeance
by their blood, as those at Gnadenhuetten had done but a short time before.^

CHIKATOAlMO. In 1790, this chief succeeded in capturing many boats
upon the Ohio River, killing many of those in them, and taking and destroy-
ing a vast amount of property. Among the bouts which fell into the hands
of Chikatommo was one in which was a Mr. Charles Johnston of Botetourt
county, Virginia, and several others, and from whose narrative we derive much
of this information — a book replete with instruction, and one of the most
valuable in its kind.§ As this company were descending the Ohio, in an un-

* Heckewelder's Indian Nations, 281 to 284. f Columbian Magazine for 1787, p. 518.

X Our chief authority for these events is the valuable Curunicles by Mr. Withers, before
referred to.

& The author appears to have been prompted to its publication by the misinterpretation
of nis oral communications by the Duke de Liancourt ; whom, by the way, we do not find to
differ so materially, in his account, from the author as one might apprehend from his stale

^ I

1 , 1

^Ei'

!.*.»

:' !■ !

560 CniKATOM.MO.— NARRATIVE OF CHARLES JOHNSTON. [Book V.

. Ii'i' :

l#T

wicldy flat-hottonied l)oaf, in wliicli wore a nimibor of horfles and considera-
dIo mercliaiidiMt', two white men appeiimd upon the shore, and called to them,
ntf'er.tinfr f^rrtit di.streHs, and begged to be Uikvn on hoard. Before these two
wliitPH showed theniselves, however, a smoke was seen above the trees, and
for some time held them in doubt on which side of the rive- it was. They
wished to ascertain this fact, as thereby they might keep close in upon the
op|iosire shore, and so escape mischief in the event of an ambiishment of
Indians. They were thus wary, as the Indians were constantly doing mis-
chief upon the rivers, and had but a short time before destroyed a settlement
at a place called Kennedy's Bottom, in Kentucky.

It was l)efore simrise on the 20 March, that the two white men before men-
tioned hailed the boat, which was safely out of the reach of fire-arms, having
discovered the smoke to be upon the N. W. shore, and therefore they kept
upon the S. W. These white men, the more effectually to decoy the bout's
crew, said they had been taken prisoners by the Indians at Kennedy's Bot-
tom, and had just escaped from them, and unless they would take them on
board they nnist perish from hunger and cold. The truth was, one or both
of them were abandoned wretches, who had leagued with a band of dcjirecla-
tors imder ChikcUommo, and thus were the means of destroying many inno-
cent lives in the most atrocious manner. When hailed by them, as we have
I'ust said, some in the boat were for listening to them, and some against it.
n the mean time, the boat floated fast down the current, ond left those on
shore considerably in the rear, although they exerted themselves to keep
abreast of the boat. Those who were against taking them on board had their
objections well grounded ; for when these men were asked the occasion of
the smoke upon their side of the river, they denied that there had been any,
or said they knew of no such thing ; and this was urged as a sufficient reason
why they should reject the other part of their story. Still, as the boat glided
down, those on board debated the subject, and at length concluded, that if
there were Indians where they first saw the men, they must then be far up
the river, as it was thought impossible that they could have got through
the woods so fast as they had floated down ; and one of the company, a Mr.
Flinn, whose kindness of heart brought upon them this calamity, proposed
hazarding his own person on shore, without in the least endangering the
rest. K is plan was as follows: that whereas they must be now out of the
reach of the Indians, they should haul in, and barely touch upon the shore,
und he would jump out, and the boat should at the same time haul oflT; so
that if Indians should be coming, the boat would have time to get off safe,
and as to himself, he could well outruii them, and would get on board the
boat again at a certain point below. And thus was the humane plan laid of
relieving supposed distress, the sad recompense of which we now proceed to
relate.

One circumstance had not been taken into account by this devoted com
pany. The current being rapid, it took them much longer than they had
anticipated to gain the shore ; and this gave some of the most swift-footed of
Chikalommo's party time to arrive at the point at the same time with them.
Having arrived close to the shore, Mr. Flinn had but ba. ely cleared himself
from the boat, when a large number of Indians, painted in the most frightful
manner, came rushing upon them. Some of the boat's crew seized their
guns, and determined to resist, while the others used every means to get
their boat from the shore ; but every thing seemed to conspire against them.
Their boat became entangled in the branches of a large tree, and the whole
body of Indians, having orrived, being 54 in number, gave a horrible yell,
and poured in their whole fire upon the boat. From the protection afforded
by the side of the boat, one only was killed, Dolly Fleming, and Mr. Skyha
wounded. All resistance was vain, and the others lay down upon the bot-
tom of the boat, to prevent being immediately killed. The Indians kept up
their fire until all the horses were shot down, which added much to ths

mont

in naming (In
Flamming; for

Till! chief ilisaijrccmeiit appears in siirli minor points as the spelling' of names: thus,
rsuns cniilivaleJ, for .Skvles he writes S/ciiijl ; for Dolly Fleming, JWj

c pe
or Fl

inn, Phhjn, &ie.

Chap. IV.]

CIIiKATOMMC-JOHNSTONS CAPTIVITY.

567

horror of the situation of tiioso npon tlio l)ottom of tlie l)oat, as tlicy wore
III greut (iniigcr of liein^ traiii|)i(>il to dcatli Ity tliciii l)et()i-ti tlicy till, and
atVurwanls from their 8trivin<;H. When thin \va8 tiiiishfd, tiiu firing (■cusrii,
BIKJ Mr. May ntood up, and ht.-id up a v 'iit*> rap in tol^rn of Hiirrcnder ; but
ho ()>ll in a nioinent attt-r, with a bull shot thron^rh his head. Several of the
Indians now swam to the hoat, and wen; helped into it hy thoHe within.
Iiavin<^ now |!ot po8Ht<ssion of it, they seemed well pleaHid, and offered no
further violence. All thin^rH were now taken on mIkhc, and an immense fir»!
kindled ; the dead were scalped, and thrown into the river, and the captive^i
divented of most of their clothes. As S(?veral Indians wen; gathered around
Air. JoAnj/on when he was stiiiiped, one, ohserviii<; that he had una kind
of red vest, approached and siiid to him in Knjtiish, " O/t/ i/ou crt/>/>f(/i'u .'"
He said, ".Vo." Then the Indian |)ointed to his own breast, ami said, ".l/i;
cappatin — all dese my sogers" This was Chickalommo. An Indian, named
Tom Leiois, discovered much humanity to .Mr. Johnston, in that lie covered
him with his own blanket atler he had lost his clothes.

Ikiini; all stationed about the fin;, Chickaiomino was at one end of it, (it
i)eing about . 50 i<-(!t in length,) who, ri.sing n|), made a speech to the multi-
tude. An old Sliawaiiee chief, whose name is not mentioned, made tlio
first speech, at the end of w liich Chickalommo conducted Johnston to another
Shawanee chief, whose name was Mcs-shaw-M, to whom he was given or
assigned, and intbrmed that he was his friend. At the end of Chickalommo'' s
speech, another prisoner was disposed n(. The .same ceremony was repeated
with the tliird and last. Johnston, Skyles, and /7//in \vent to the Shawanese,
and Pegtrji Fleming to the Cherokees. This band of r<d»bers appears to have
been made up of adventurers from the tribes just mentioned, with the addi-
tion of a tew Dclawares. The latter had none of the jirisoners, as they did
not wish to be known in the business, thinking it might involve their nation
in a war with the United States,

The two white men who had decoyed the boat into the Indians' hands
were still with them, and the next day all the cajitives were ordered to take
a position upon the edge of i.'ie river, to decoy the first that should be |)assing.
A boat soon appeared, and, repugnant as such an cinploynient was to the
feelings of these captives, yet they were obliged thus to do, or siiflTer a horri-
ble death. Divine and Thomas were the names of the two whites so olteu
mentioned : the former was the volunt^iry agent, and, as 3Ir. Johnston
exprcs.ses it, the one who "alone had devised and carrie<l into efiict their
destruction;" and, "ingenious in wicked stratagems, seemed to be perfectly
gratified to aid tiie savages in their views, and to feel no scruples in suggest-
ing means for their accomplishment He fabricated a tale, that we were
passengers down the Ohio, whose boat had suffered so great an injury that
we were unable to proceed until it was repaired ; but that for want of an
nxe, it was impossible for us to do the necessai'y work. These unsuspecting
canoe-men turned towai-ds us ; but the current bore them down so fiir below
us, as to preclude all chance of my putting them on their guard. [Mr. Johns-
ton having intended by some sign to lia>.''i given them warning of what
awaited them.] The Indians, as they had acted in our case, ran down the
river at such a disUmce from it, and under cover of the woods, that they
were not discovered until the canoe was close to the shore, when they fired
into it, and shot every one on board. As they tumbled into the water, their
little bark was overset. Two, who were not yet dead, kept themselves afloat,
but were so severely wounded that they could not swim off. The Indians
leaped into the river, and after dragging them to the shore, despatched them
with the tomahawk. The bodies of the four who were l.Jlled were also brought
to land, and the whole six were scalped. All were then thrown into t' 3
river. Nothing I could then learn, or which has since come to my know
edge, has enabled me to understand who these unfortunaie sufferers were."

After various successes and encounters upon the river, Chickalommo left it,
and met a number of his company at an encampment about five miles from
it. Here he left the rest, taking with him a select number and some of the
Cherokees, with Miss Fleming ; and the com[iany with whom Johnston
remained did not join him again for many days. Aile** much delay and

•a

I { ) 1

ses

KING-CRANE— RKSCUES a CAPTIVE.

fliooB 1

liitcrnHting incidc^iit, tliev reached tlie Indian town of V\>ymr Sandimky
lltTu tliL<y 8(|iiaiidvrvd nil their ricti huoty for whiNkey, and, ii8 tuiial, rioted
in drnnkenncKH tor Hvverui days. Chickatuvuno at tiiis time ehowcd liiinsrlf
very wiva^^e to the priKoneru, and had he not been prevented by the Inirnane
and Itentvoicnt A/e4«Aau>a,* would iiave killed 8orne of them. The unfortu-
iiute SkyUa had some time before led them, and gone in an unknown direction
with liiH cruel niaster.

A French trader at Sandusky, a Mr. Duchonqxut, had used endeavors to
niMHom Johnston ; but his mnHter for some time would hear nothing of it.
At length, having dissi|)ated all his booty, and ahhumed to return home msucli
a state, ho concluded to sell Johnston for the most he could get; atul accord-
ingly (iOO silver broaches were paid him, etpial in value to 100 dollars, the
amount agreed upon. Chickatommo and liis party then took u|) their march
for Detroit. Not long alter this, Mr. Johitston returned home by way of that
jtlace. H<rfore he lell Sandus'y, he was informed of the burning of the ill-
lated Flinn: he suffered at the stake at the Miami village, and was eaten by
his torturers. The Indian who brought the news to Sandusky, said that he
himself had feasted upon him.

King-crane, a Wyandot chief, appears conspicuous in this narrative, and
illustrates n valuable trait of character in Indian life. When Mr. Duchou-
qnet and Johnston had urrivcd at Lower Hanilusky, in their way to Detroit,
the town was filled with alarm, and they soon learned the occasion to be
fiom the arrival of some Cherokees in the neighborhood, with a female cap-
tive. The traders in the place immediately went to their camp, where they
found Peggy Fleming, who some tinu! before had been separated from Johnston
and the other captives. Among those who went to see her, was a white
man by the natne of IVhilaker, m ho, having be«'n carried into captivity in his
youth, had grown up in all the Indian habitn, and being a man of consider
able physical [jowers and enterprise, had become a chief among the Wyandots.f
He had been upon the frontiers with the Indians upon trading ex|»editiou»,
and had lodged at times in Pittsburg in the tavern of Miss Fleming's father.
She immediately knew him, and besought him, in the most affecting nmnitLi*,
to deliver her from bondage. He went inunediately to King-crane, and told
him that the woman with the Cherokees was his sister, | and bogged him to
use means for her relief. King-crane went without loss of time, and urged
the Cherokees to restore her to ln;r brother. They were enraged at the
request, and there was danger of their murdering her lest she should be
taivcn from them. He next tiied to purchase her; but bis benevolent ofTirs
wt re indignantly refused, and their rage was still incn-ased. Resolved to
rescue her out of their hands, King-crane re])uired to their camp early the
next corning, accompanied with 8 or 10 young warriors. They found the
Cherokees asleep, but the captive — it is shoc'dng to hutnanity to relate — wa*
without the least attire! extended and lashed to the stake! — ready to U.
burned ! — her body painted all over v/ith black. King-crane silently cut tiie
thongs with which she was bound, then awakened the nmrdercrs, and threw
down up> n the ground the j)rice of a captive in silver broaches, (which are
current m^ney among them,) and dej)arted. She was soon afler sent forward
for her home, disguised in the attire of a squaw. The Cherokees prowled
about seeking vengeance upon some white person for a few days, and then
disappeared.

The reader may wish to know what became of Skyles : — he was taken to
a place upon the Miami River, where he was doomed to be burnt, but made
his escape the night previous to the day on which he was to have suffered.
Afler enduring the most painful fatigues and hunger, from wandering alone
in the wilderness, he met with some traders who conveyed him to Detroit,
and from thence home to Virginia.

The sequel of the life of the old hard-hearted Chickatommo is as follows

* Mr. Johnston, throughout his narrative, g;ives him an excellent character.
«fter the war of 1812 IiCMn, and was one of the followers of Teaimseh:
\ Hitrons and Wijamlots are synonymous terms with most writers.
} If ever good came out of evil, we should e.xjicet It in a case like this.

(le was aliva

■ I ■ III ! M III LJ III . MW

Wimiiiinu i ii. I I

ClIAf. IV.]

LirrLE-TURTLE.

For four years succeedinpf the events bIwvc rolntcd, Iio followeil his df^pn-iln-
titig nirt'isr, and was concerned in oppotting tlie war piiriit's of Ainericniia
until tlic time of General Wayne's fainons t-xpedition. As that vt-ttTan wils
udvani'ing into the western re^'ion, Chickatommo met an advance party of liis
army at tlie liead of a Iwind of his <ii'flperate warriors, who were si-nt forwanl
us thi; Indian forlorn hope. A sharp skirmish followed, and Chickatommo
vviw slain. This was the action near Fort Defiance. King-crant was also in
arms to oppose General Wamt ; but in the last war against England, he
fought lor the Americans, ana is supposed to have died three or four years
afit'r its close. He was one of the signers of fVayne'a famous treaty at Fort
Gre«-nville, and severol others.
V^ We now piu<s to a chief by fiir more prominent in Indian history than
\ many who have received much greater notice from historians. This was
MIHIII KINAK WA, (a name by no means setthtd in orthography,) which, inter-
preted, is said to mean the Little-turlle. To the different treaties bearing his
name, we find these spellings: jtfejA«A:unm>^A/7uoA, Greenville, 3 Aug. 1795;
Mtshekunnoghquoh, Fort Wayne, V Jiuie, 1803; .Maahtkanahquah, Vincennes,
21 August, 1805; Mtshtkeimghqua, Fort Wayne, 30 September, 1801); and
were we disposed to look into the various authors who have used the name,
we might nearly finish out our page with its variations.

L1TT1.E-TUHTI.E was chief of the Miamis, and the scenes of his warlike
AchiL-vements were upon the country of his birth. Ho had, in conjunction
with the tribes of that region, successfully fought the armies of Harmtr and
St. Clair ; and in the fight with the latter, he is said to have hud the chief
command ; hence a detailed account of that afiair belongs to his life.

It is well known that the Americans invi-ighcd loudly against the F'-nglish
of Canada, in most instances, charging them with all the guilt of tlie enormi-
ties conunitted on their frontiers by the Indians. It is equally well known,
at this day, by every judicious inquirer, that they were not so blamable as
the Americans reported, nor so nuiocent as themselves and friends, even
long uller, pretended. That the British government encouraged depredations
upon the frontiers in times of peace, should not too easily be received for
truth ; still, there is reason to believe that some who held ii^fcrior ofiices
under it, were secret abettors of barbarities. In the attack upon General St.
Clair's army, now about to be related, there was much cause of susj)icion
against the Canadians, as it was known that many of them even exceeded
in that bloody affair the Indians themnelves. Mr. fVeld, the intelligent
traveller, says,* " A great many young Catiadians, and in particidar many that
were born of Indian women, fought on the side of the Indians in this action ;
a circumstance which confirmed the people of the States in the o|)inion they
bad previously formed, that the Indians were encouraged and abetted in
their attacks upon them by tlie British. I can safely afiirm, however, from
ba.ing conversed with many of these young men who fought against i^.
Clair, that it was with the utmost secrecy they lefl their homes to join the
Indians, fearflil lest the government should censure their conduct."

The western Indians were only iiubi)ldenc(l by the battles between them
and detachments of General Harmer's army, in 1790, and, under such a lead-
er as JI/isAt7i{)iaA;wa, entertained sanguine hopes of bringing the Americans to
their own terms. One murder followed another, in ra|)id succession, attend-
ed by all the horrors peculiar to their warfiire, which caused President
IVashington to take the earliest opportunity of recommending Congress to
adopt prompt and efficient measures for checking those calamities ; and 2000
men were immediately raised and put under the command of General St.
Clair, then governor of the North- Western Territory. He received his ap-
pointment the 4th of March, 1791, and proceeded to Fort Washington, by
way of Kentucky, with all possible des])atch, where he arrived 15 May.f
There was much time lost in getting the troops imbodied at this place ; Gen-
eral BxUler, with the residue, not arriving until the middle of September.
There were various circumstances to account for the delays, which it is uu-
Decessary to recount here.

irEh

• Travels in Canada, 436— 7,8vo. London, (4 ed.) 1800.

48*

t St. Clair's Narrative, p. 4.

570

LITTLE-TURTLE.— ST. CLAIR'S DEFEAT.

[SOOK V

Colonel Darke proceeded inimpdiately on liis anival, which was about the
end of Angiist, and built Fort Hamilton, on the Miami, in the couuti-}' of
LitUe-twlle ; and soon aller Fort Jefibrson was built, forty miles farther on-
ward. These two forts being lelt manned, about the end of October tlie
army advanced, being about ^000 strong, militia included, whose nund)era
were not inconsiderable, as will appear by the miserable manner in which
they not only confused themselves, but the regular soldiers also.

General St. Clair had advanced but about six miles in front of Fort Jeffer-
son, when 60 of his militia, from pretended disaffection, commenced a r« treat ;
and it was discovered that the evil had spread considerably among the rest
of the army. Being fearl'ul they would seize upon the convoy of provisions,
the general ordered Colonel Hamlrattik to pursue them with his regiment, and
force them to return. The army now consisted of but 1400 effective men,
and this was the number attacked by lAUle-turtle and his warriors, 15 miles
from the Miami villages.

Colonel Butler commanded the right wing, and Colonel Darke the left.
The militia were posted a quarter of a mile in advance, and were encamped
in two lines. They had not finished securing their baggage, when tliey
were attacked in their camp. It was their intention to have marched imme-
diately to the destruction of the Miami villages. Of this their movements
api)rized the Indians, who acted with great wisdom and firmness. They
fell upon the militia before sunrise, 4 November, who at once fled uito the main
camp, in the most disorderly and tumultuous manner: many of them, having
thrown away their guns, were ])ursued and slaughtered. At the main camp
the fight was sustamed some time, by the great exertions of tlie ofhcers, but
with great inequality ; the Indians under LitUe-turtle amounting to about 1500
warriors. Colonels Darke and Butler, and Major Clark, made several suc-
cessful chai'ges, which enabled them to save some of their numbers by
checking the enemy while flight was more practicable.

Of the Americans, 593 were killed and missing, beside thirty-eight officerB ;
and 242 soldiers and twenty-one ofhcers were wounded, many of whom died.
Colonel Butler was among the slain. The account of his ftill is shocking.
Ho was severely wounded, and lell on the ground. The well-known and
infamous Simon Girly came up to him, and obsei-ved him writhing under
severe pain from his wounds. Girty knew and spoke to him. Knowing that
he could not live, the colonel begged of Girty to put an end to his misery.
This he refused to do, but turned to an Indian, whom he told that the oflicer
was the commander of the wmy ; upon which he drove his tomahawk into
his head. A number of others then came around, and aller taking ofl' his
scalp, they took out his heart, and cut it into as many pieces as there were
b'ibes in the action, and divided it among them. All manner of brutal acta
(vere committed on the bodies of the slain. It need not be mentioned for the
information of the observer of Indian affairs, that land was the main cause
of this as well as most other wars between the Indians and whites; and
hence it was very easy to account for the Indians fUling the mouths of the
slain with earth after this battle. It was actually the case, as reported by
those who shortly afler visited the scene of action and buried the dead.

General St. Clair was called to an account for the disastrous issue of this
campaign, and was honorably acquitted. He published a narrative in vindi-
cation of his conduct, which, at this day, few will think it required. What
he says of lijs retreat we will give in his own words.* " The retreat was, you
may be sure, a precipitate one ; it was in fact a flight The camp and the
artillery were abandoned ; but that was unavoidable, for not a horse was lelt
alive to have drawn it oti", had it otherwise been practicable. But the most
disuraccfid part of the business is, that the greatest part of the men threw
away their arms and accoutrements, even after the pursuit, which continued
about four mile§, had ceased. I found the road strewed with them for many
miles, but was not able to remedy it ; for, having had all my horses killed,
and being mounted upon one that coiUd not be pricked out of a walk, J
could not get forward myself, and the ordors I sent forward, either to halt

* I'enn, Gazette, of llml year

Chap. IV.]

LITTLE-TURTLE.— ST. CLAIIl'S DEFE.Vr.

571

the front, or prevent the men from parting with their arms, were unaltend
ed to."

Tiie rniiiiiiint of the army arrived at Fort Jefferson the same day, just
before sunset, the phice from which they fled being )A) miles distant Gene-
ral St. Clair did every thing that a brave general could do. He exposed him-
self to every danger, having, during the action, eight bullets shot through his
clothes. In no attack related in our records, did the Indians discover greater
bravery and determination. After giving the first fire, they rushed forward
with tomahawk in hand. Their loss was inconsiderable; but the traders
afterwards learned among them that Jjittle-titrlle had 150 killed and many
wounded.* " They rushed on the artillery, heedless of their fire, and took
two pieces in an instant They were again retaken by our troops: and
whenever the army charged them, they were seen to give way, and advmice
again as soon as they began to retreat, doing great execution, both in the
retreat and advance. They are very dextrous in covering themselves with
trees ; many of them however fell, both of the infantry and artillery." " Six
or eight pieces of artillery fell into their hands, with about 400 horses, all the
baggage, ammunition, and provisions." f

Whether the battle-ground of General St. Clair were visited by the whites
previous to 1793 I do not learn ; but in December of that year a detachment
of General Wayne^s army went to the place, and the account given of its ap-
pearance is most truly melancholy. This detachment was ordered to build
a fort there, which having done, it was called Fort Recovery. Within a S|)ace
of about 350 yards were found 500 skull bones, the most of which were
gathered up and buried. For about five miles in the direction of the retreat
of the army the woods was strewed with skehitons and muskets. 'I he two
brass caimon, which composed St. Clair's artillery, one a thrte, and the other
a six-pounder, were foimd in a creek adjacent^

The following song has been often reprinted, and although not the best of
poetry, is considered a valuable relic of those days. It is iiuaded tliiis :-

. >- I

Sainclaire's Defeat.

5 'Twas November the fourth, in the year of ninety-one,||
We had a sore engagement near to Fort Jefferson ;
Sinclaire was our commander, which may remembered be,
For there we left nine hundred men iu t' Weiil'n Ter'tory.

At Bunker's Hill and Quebeck, where many a hero fell,
Likewise at Long Island, (it is I the truth can tell,)
But such a dreaitlul carnage may 1 never see a§;ain
As bap'ned near St. Mary s, upon the river plam.

Our army was attacked just as the day did dawn.
And soon were overpowered and driven fiom the lawn.
Tliny killed Major Ouldham, Letnn and Br%s;g» likewise,
And' horrid yells of sav'ges resounded thro'tlie skies.

Major Butler IT was wounded the very second fire ;
His manly bosom sweli'd with rage when forc'd to retire;
And as he lay in anguish, nor scarcely could he see,
Exclaim'd, ''Ye hounds of hell, O! revenged I will be."

We had not been long broken when General Butler found
Himself so badly wounded, was forced to quit the ground.

* Perm. Gazette, of \.\\a.\.ycta.T.

\ Letter from Fort Hamilton, dnled six ''nvs nUi-r the bntilc.

\ Massachusetts Magazine lor \'l\)\, p. I'll.

^ Wnen I began to copy these lines, I did not intend to change a word in them, but sooa
found my resolution shaken; the lines were of such unequal lengtns, and the rhyme so bad, I
could not endure it, and, therefore, when the syllables were too many, some were dropped,
and when too few, sonie were ailfled j but the sense is In no wise impaired. The copy I use,
I found in Baltimore iu 1817. They were printed in 1815.
That is, 1791.

Richard Butter was of Nottingham, iu New Hampshire, where some of his relatives yet
remain.

i <U

572

LITTLE-TURTLE.— ST. CLAIR'S DEFEAT.

[Book

r,n

M s

" Mj God ! " says he, " what shall we do : we're wounded every man ;
Go charge them, valiant heroes, and beat them if you can."

He leaned his back against a tree, and there resigned his breath,*
And like a valiant soldier sunk in the arms of death ;
When blessed angels did await, his spirit to convey ;
And unto the celestial fields he quickly bent his way.

We charg'd again with courage firm, but soon again gave grouna,
The war-whoop then redoubled, as did the foes around.
They killed Major Fereuson, which caused his men to cry,
" Our only safety is in flight ; or fighting here to die."

" Stand to your guns," says valiant Ford, " let's die upon them acre
Before we let the sav'ges know we ever harbored fear."
Our cannon-balls exhausted, and artill'ry-men all slain,
Obliged were our musketmen the en'my to sustain.

Yet three hours f more we fought them, and then were forc'd to yield.
When three hundred bloody warriors lay strelch'd upon the field.
Says Colonel Gibson to his men, "My boys, be not oismay'd ;
I'm sure that true Virginians were never yet afraid.

" Ten thousand deaths I'd rather die, than they should gain the field ; "
With that he eot a fatal shot, which caused him to yield.
Says Major Clark, " My heroes, I can here no longer stand.
We'll strive to form in order, and retreat the best we can."

The word. Retreat, being past around, there was a dismal cry,
Then helter skelter through the woods, like wolves and sheep they fly.
This well-appointed army, who but a day before,
Defied and braved all danger, had like a cloud pass'd o'er.

Alas! the dying and wounded, how dreadful was the thought.
To the tomahawk and scalping-knife, in mis'ry are brought.
Some had a (high and some an arm broke on the field that day.
Who writhed in torments at the stake, to close the dire aflray.

To mention our brave officers, is what I wish to do ;
No sons of Mars e'er fought more brave, or with more courage true.
To Captain Bradford 1 belonged, in his artillery,
X He fell that day amongst the slain, a valiant man was he.

It lias been generally said, that had the advice of IMtle-turtle been taken
at the disastrous fight afterwards with General Wayne, there is very little
doubt but he had met as ill success § as General St. Clair \\ did before him.
He was not for fighting General Wayne at Presque-Isle, and inclined rather
to peace than fighting him at all. In a council held the night before the
battle, he argued as follows : " We have beaten the enemy twice under separate
commanders. We cannot expect the same good fortune always to attend tis. The
Americans are now led by a chief who never sleeps : Oie mght and the day are
alike to him. And during all the time that he has been marching upon
our villages, notwithstanding the watchfulness of our young men, tve have
never been able to surprise hinu Think well of tt. There is sonuthing whis-

fiers me, it would be prudent to listen to his offers of peace." For holding this
anguage he was reproached by another chief with cowardice, whicii put an
end to all further discourse. Nothing wounds the feelings of a warrior like
the reproach of cowardice ; but lAttle-turile stifled his resentment, did his
duty in the battle, and its issue proved him a truer prophet than his accuser

k
,1

* This was probably a report, but is doubtless incorrect.

t This is not fact.

X It would have been agree.ible if our poet had given us a kind of catalogue of all such as
were killed at this time, of any note. Captain Nt\eman was among the number. Elliot's
Works, 135.

$ Little-turtle told Mr. Volney circumstances which gave him that opinion. See his
Travels in America, ed. Lond. ISOi.

II General Arthur St. Clair was of Edinburgh, Scotland. He came to America in the
leet which brought over Admiral Ihscawen, in 17S5, and having served through the revolu-
tiniiary and Indian wars, died at his farm near Greensburgh, Pa. 31 Aug. 1818. Amer Mun
His- ii- 4fiy, (N. Y. 1018.)

Chap. IV.l

LITTLE-TURTLE AT PHILADELPHIA.

573

believed.* His residence was upon Eel River, about 20 miles from Fort Wayne,
where our government built him a house, and furnished him with means of
living, much to the envy of his countrymen. Therefore what had been bestowed
upon Aim, to induce others to a like mode of life by their own exertions, proved
not only prejudicial to the cause, but engendered hatred against him in the minds
of all tlie Lidians. He was not a cliief by birth, but was raised to that
standing by his superior talents. This was the cause of so much jealousy
and envy at this time, as also a neglect of his counsel heretofore. The same
author,t from whom we get the facts in the preceding part of tliis paragraph,
says, " Mcshecunnaqua, or the LittU-turtle, was the son of a Miami chief, by a
Mohecan woman. As the Indian maxim, with regard to descents, ia precisely
that of the civil law in relation to slaves, that the condition of the woman
adheres to the offspring, he was not a chief by birth," &c.

Little-turtle was alike courageous and humane, possessing great wisdom.
"And," says my author, "there have been few individuals among ui)origines who
have done so much to abolish the rites of human sacrifice. The grave of
this noted warrior is shown to visitors, neai* Fort Wayne. It is frequently
visited by the Indians in that part of the country, by whom his memory is
cherished with the greatest respect and veneration." |

The grave of his great opponent was also in the same region ; but his
remains were not long since removed to the seat of his ihmily. Ever after
his successful expedition, the Indians called him the Big-wind ;§ or Tor-
nado ; some, however, on particular occasions, called lum Sukach-gook,
which signified, in Delaware, a black-snake ; because, they said, he pos-
sessed all the ort and cunning of that reptile. || We hear yet of anotlier
name, which, though it may not have been his fault that acquired it, is less
complimentary than the two just named. It is well known that tiie British
bestowed a great many more presents upon the Indians than the Americans
did ; but some of the latter made large pretensions about what they would
do. General Wayne, the Indians said, made great promises to them of
goods, but never got ready to fulfil them, (probably from being disappointed
himself by the failure of his government in not forwarding what was
promised ; ) therefore they called him General ffa6ang,1I which signified
General To-morrow.**

When the philosopher and famous traveller Volney was in America, in
the winter of^ 1797, Little-turtle came to Philadelphia, ivhere he then was.
Volney sought immediate acquaintance with the celebrated chief, for highly
valuable purposes, which in some measure he effected. He made a vocabu-
lary of his language, which he printed in the appendix to his Travels. A
copy in manuscript, more extensive than the printed one, is said to be in the
library of the Philosophical Society of Pennsylvania.

Having become convinced that all resistance to the whites was voin, Little-
turtle brought his nation to consent to peace, and to adopt agricultural pur-
suits. And it was with the view of soliciting Congress, and the benevolent
society of Friends, for assistance to effect this latter purpose, that he now
visitea Philadelphia. While here, he was inoculated for the small-pox, and
was also afflicted with the gout and rheumatism.

At the time of Mr. Volnejfs interview with him for information, ho took
no notice of the conversation while the interpreter was communicating with
Mr. Volney, for he did not understand English, but walked about, plucking
out his beard and eyebrows. He was dressed now in English clothes. His
skin, where not exposed, Mr. Volney savs, was as white as his ; and on
speaking upon the subjecl^ Little-turtle said, " I have seen Spaniards in Louis-
iana, and found no difference of color between them and me. And M'hy
should there be aiiy? In them, as in us, it is the work of the Father of colors,
the iSim, that burns us. You white people compare the color of your face
with that of your bodies." Mr. Volney ex])]aiued to him the notion of many

* flchoolcrap.'s Travels. f Dawson, Mems. Harrison. t Sclwolcra/l's Travels,

i Pa. Gazelle. |l ffeckrwelders Narrative.

T Or, ocoording to Mr. W. J. Snelling, it should be written Wabunk.
•» Weld's TraveU, 424.

lr.|

■\i ■

1 i.- ',

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\ - *

574

LITTLE-TURTLE.— HIS DEATH AND CHARACTER. [Book V.

r '*

that his race was descended from the Tartars, and by a map showed him the
supposed communication between Asia and America. To tliis I/iltle-turtle
replied, " fVhy should not these Tartars, who resemble us, have come/rom America ?
Are there any reasons to the contrary ? Or wiiy should wo not botii have l)een
born in our own country ? " It is a fact that the Indians give tliemselves a
name wiiich is equivalent to our word indigent, that is, one sprung from the soil,
or natural to it.*

Baron Lahontan,^ after describing the different dances, or dances for differ-
ent occasions, among the Indians of Canada, adds the following in a note : —
" Toutes ces danses piuvent etre comparies a la pyrrhique de Minerve, car les sati-
vagea observent, en dansant d'une graviti singvliire, les cadences de certaines
chamons, que les milices C recques d'Achilie, apelloient hyporchvmatiques. 11 n^ est pas
facile de s^avoir si les sauvages les ont aprises des Grccs, ou si les Grecs les oni apnses
des sauvages." It is, perhaps, from such passages that Lahontan has been
branded with the name of infidel ;t but truly there can be nothing irreligious
in such deductions, inasmuch as it is conceded on all hands that the geologi-
ical formations of the new world have required as much time for their jicr-
fection as those of the old. Mr. Volney comes within the same pale, when
he compares the Spartans to the Five 5fation8. In contrasting the states of
Lacedsemon with modern France, he says, " Maintenant que fai vu les sau-
vages d'Amirique, je persiste deplus en plus dana cette comparaison, et jc
trouve que le premiere livre de Thucydide, et tout ce qu^U dit des mtEurs des
iMcidemoniens, convienent tellement aux cinq nations, que fappellerais volontiers
les Spartiates, les Iroquois de Vancien monde."§

When Mr. Volney asked Little-turtle what prevented him from living
among the whites, and if he were not more comfortable in Philadelphia than
upon the banks of the Wabash, he said, " Taking all things together, you have
the advantage over us ; but here I am deaf and dumb. I So not talk your lan-
guage ; 1 can neither hear, nor make myself heard. When I walk through the
streets, I see every person in his shop employed about something: one makes shoes,
another hats, a third sells cloth, and every one livts by his labor. I say to, myself.
Which of all these things can you do ? JVot one. I can make a bow or an
arrow, catch fsh, kill game, and go to war : but none of these it of any use here.
To learn wJiat is done here uiould require a long time." " Old age comes on."
" / should he a piece of furniture useless to my nation^ useless to the whites, and
useless to myself." " I must return to my oion country."

At the same time, (175)7,) among other eminent personages to whom this chief
became attached in Philadelphia, was the renowned Koskiusko. This old
Polish chief was so well pleased with Little-turtle, that when the latter went
to take his final leave of him, the old " war-worn soldier " and patriot pre-
sented hiiM with a beautiful pair of pistols, and an elegant robe made of sea-
otter's skii , of the value of "several" hundred dollars.

Little-turtle died in the summer of 1812, at his residence, but a short time
after the declaration of wai* against England by the United States. His por-
trait, by Stewart, graces the walls of the war-office of our nation. TI.e
following notice appeared in the public prints at the time of his death :
"Fort Wayne, 21 July, 1812. On the 14 inst the celebrated Miami chief,
the Little-turtle, died at this jdace, at the age of 65 years.|| — Perhaps there is
not left on this continent, one of his color so distinguished in council and in
war. His disorder was the gout. He died in a camp, because he chogc to
be in the open air. He met death with great firmness. The agent for In-
dian affairs had him buried with the honors of war, and Oilier marks of dis-

* Soe Volney's Travels, ut siipra. t Memoirea de L' Amerique, ii. 109.

\ No one presumes to pronounce Father HenriPpin an infidel, and he denies, (after living
much among the Indians,) that they have any notion, or belief, of what Christians rail Dr'lii.
Hut Mr. Jiererlij (Hist. Virginia, 1(J9.) says, "Haron Lahoman, on the other hand, makes
lliem have such relined notions, as seem almost to ronfute his own belief of Christianity."

4 fEuvres de C. F. Volmii, t. C. 129. (Paris, 182fi.)

11 There was a chief of the same name among the Miamis in 1818. who is mentioned in
Ihe treaty made with those Indians on (i October, at Si. Marys. The passage in die treaty '
is as follows: — To Meshctinqva or the l.ittlf-ttnih, one section nf land on the south side of
llio Wabash, where the portage path siriiies the same." Indian Treaties, 314.

. vi' '!'■

■ jj i LiLi m t i i »j i

Chap IV.J

BLUE JACKET.

675

tinctinn snitrd to his cliarnctcr." He was, generally, in his time, styled the
Messissago chieti* and a gciitlernan who saw iiim soon alter St. Clair's <le-
feat, at Montreal, says he was six feet high, " ahoiit 45 years of age, of a
very sour and morose countenance, and apparently very crafty and snhtle.
His dress was Indian moccasins, a hiue petticoat that came half way down
his thighs; an European waistcoat and surtout; his head was hound with
an Indian cap that hung half way down his back, and almost entirely filled
with plain silver broaches, to the number of more than 200; he had two
ear-rings to each ear, the upper part of each was formed of three silver
medals, about the size of a dollar; the lower part was formed of quarters
of dollars, and fell more than 12 inches from his ears — one from each ear
over his breast, the other over his back ; he had three very large nose jewels
of silver, that were curiously painted. The account he gave of the action
[with the Americans, 4 Nov.] was, that they killed 1400 of them, with the loss
of nine only of their party, one of whom killed himself by accident." The
person who gave this account said this chief wi= in Canada for the purpose
of raising all the Indian force be could to go out again in the spring against the
whites.

Mr. Dawson relates a pleasant arecdote of Little-turtle, which happened
while he was sitting for his portrait in Philadelphia. A native of the
Emerald Isle was sitting for his at the same time, who prided himself upon
his ability at joking. IMtle-turtle was not backward in the same business,
and they passed severis) meetings very pleasantly. One morning, 1/ittle-
turtle did not iake n.uch notice of his friend, and seemed rather sedate,
which was construed by the Hibernian into an acknowledgment of victory
on the jiart of the chief, in their joking game, and accordingly began to
intimate as much. When Little-turtle understood him, he said to the inter-
preter, " He mistakes ; I was just thinking of proposing to this man, to paint us
both on one board, and there I would stand face to face wiih him, and blackguard
him to all eternity."

Among the chiefs associated in command, in the wars of which we have
been speaking with the tiunous Mishikinukw"., was another of nearly equal
note, familiai'ly called Blue-Jacket by the Avhites, but by his o^vn nation, /f'e-
yapiersenwaw. He was the most distinguished chief of the Shawanese, and
we hear of him at Fort Industry, on the Miami of the liake, as late as lt*05.
By some particular arrangement, the chief command seems to have devolved
on him of op[)osing General IVayne. He was more bloody and precipitate
than Mishikinakwa, and possessed less discrimination and judgtnent. He
was among the last of the chiefs who came in to treat with General Wayne.
The Shawanese held out as long as they could, and came in very slowly.
On the 24 June, a boy, who had ben a captive among them, (having been
lately retaken,) confidently asserted that the Shawanese wotildnot makepeace.
But one month alter, 23 July, Blu£-Jacket made his appearance, and it was duly
noticed by a gentleman at the time, who kept a journal of important matters
at Greenville. He then adds, " deputations from all the late hostile tiibes
north of the Ohio are, consequently, now at this place."t

We find this notice of Blue-jacket in August, 171*2. " By a gentleman im-
mediately from Montreal, we learn that about four weeks since, the famous
Indian partisan, known by the name of Captain Blue-Jacket, was at Detroit,
wth about 2000 men, waiting for the Americans to come out into the woods:
it is believed at Montreal, that in case the Americans do not go out, they
will bo divided into small parties to harass our frontiers,"; The tribes
which furnished warriors to oppose the Americans were tho Wyandots,
Miamis, Pottowattomies, Delawares, Shawanese, Chippeways, Ottaways,
and a few Senecas. Blue-Jacket was the director ai.d leader of this mighty
band of warriors.

In the treaty of 29 September, 1817, at the « Foot of the Rapids" of the
Miami of the Lakes, with the VVyandots, Senecas, Delawares, Shawanese,

• Tlios(^ of this tribe in (lie vicinity of I.akR Ontario, r.re of a miirli (I;irl;cr cdnijili'xion lliaa
llie oilier luilians of the west. W'e/d, Travels in America, 'lol.
t See Elliot's Works, 141, 142. i Cu,-y'f yUsvum, v.l lia.

4' i

^' .IS

I !' M i9

576

WAYNE'S VICTORY AT MIAMI.

[Book V.

W' :

&c. there is a paragraph which it is presumed has rrferonce to a duii^liter
of this chief. It proposes to give "To JVancy Stewart, daiigliter of the lute
Shawanee chief Blue-Jacket, one section of land, to contain six hundred and
40 acres, on the Great Miami river below Lewistown, to include her present
improvements, three quarters of the said section to be on the S. E. side of
the river, and one quarter on the N. W. side thereof."*

From the time General St, Clair was defeated, in 1791, murders were con-
tinued upon the frontier, and all attempts on the part of government to effect
a peace, proved of no avail ; and lastly the anibassadors sent to them were
murdered, and that too while the army was progressing towards their
countiy.

Aliter building Fort Greenville, upon the Miami, six miles above Fort Jef-
ferson, General Wayne took possession of the ground where General St.
Clair had been defeated, and there erected a ibrt, to which he gave the name
of Recovery, in which the army spent the winter of 1793-4. Many censures
were passed upon the general for his slow progress ; but he knew much
better what he was doing than newspaper writers did what tiioy were
writing, when they undertook to censure him, as the event proved.

It was the 8 August, 1794, when the army arrived at the confluence of the
rivers A u Glaize and Maumee, where they built Fort Defiance. It was the
general's design to iiave met the enemy unprepared, in this move ; but a
fellow deserted his camp, and notified the Indians. He now tried again to
bring them to an a>„commodation, and from the answers which he received
from them, it was some time revolved in his mind, whether they were for
peace or war ; so artful was the manner in which their replies were formed.f
At length, being fully satisfied, he marched down the Muumee, and arrived
at the rapids, 18 August, two days bcfoie the battle. His army ccmsisted of
upwards of 3000 men, 2000 of whom were regulars. Fort Deposit was
erected at this place, for the security of their supplies. They now set out to
meet the enemy, who had chosen his position upon the bank of the river,
with much judgment. They had a breastwork of fallen trees in front, and
the high rocky shore of the river gave them much security, as also did the
thick wood of Presque Isle. Their force was divided, and disposed at
supporting distances for about two miles. Wlien the Americans had arrived
at proper distance, a body was sent out to begin the attack, " with ordere to
rouse the enemy from their covert with the bayonet ; and when up, to deliver
a close fire upon their backs, and press them so hard as not to give them time to
reload." X This order was so well executed, and the battle at the point of attack
so short, that only about 900 Americans participated in it. But they pursued
the Indians with great slaughter through the woods to Fort Maumee, where
the carnage ended. The Indians were so unexpectedly driven from their
strong hold, that their numbers only increased their distress and confusion ;
and the cavalry made horrible havoc among them with their long saltres.
Of the Americans, there were killed and wounded about 130. The loss of
the Indians could not be ascertained, but must have been very severe. The
American loss was chiefly at the commencement of the action, as they
advanced upon the mouths of the Indians' rifles, who could not be seen until
they had discharged upon them. They maintained their coverts but a short
time, being forced in every direction by the bayonet But until that was
effected, the Americans fell fast, and we only wonder that men coidd be
found thus to advance in the face of certain death.

This horrid catastrophe in our Indian annals is chargeable to certain white
men, or at least mainly so ; for some days before the battle, General Wayne
sent a flag of truce to them, and desired them to come and treat with him.
The letter which he sent was taken to Colonel MKee, who, it appeai-s, was
their ill-adviser, and he, by putting a false construction upon it, increased the
rage of the Indians : he then informed them that they must <brthwith fight
the American army. Some of the chiefs, learning the truth of the letter, were
for peace ; but it was too late. Little-turlle was kiiown to have heen in favor
of making peace, and seemed well aware of tlie abilities «/f the American

* Indian Treaties, 90. t Marshall's Washin;;ton, v. 4S1. ed. 4lo. X Schoolcraft

Chap. V.]

THAYANDANECA, OR BRANT.

377

general ; but such was the influence of traders among them, that no arg'i-
inents could prevail. Tlius, instances without number might be aihluced,
where these people have been destroyed by placiiig confidence iu deceiving
white men.

The night before the battle, the chiefs assembled in council, and some pro-
posed attacking the army in its encampment, but the proposal was objected
to by others; finally the proposition of fighting at Prcsque Isle prevailed.

In this battle all the chiefs of the Wyandots were killed, being nine in
number. Some of the nations escaped the slaughter by not coming up until
alter the defeat This severe blow satisfied the western Indians ot the folly
of longer contending against the Americans; they theretbre were glad to get
what terms they could from them. The chiefs of twelve tribes met commis-
sioners at Fort Greenville, S August, 17!)5j and, as a price of their peace,
gave up an extensive tract of country south of the lakes, and west of the Ohio ;
and such other tracts as comprehended all the military posts ia the western
region. The government showed some liberality to these tribes, on their re-
linquishing to it what they could not withhold, and as a gratuity gave them
yO,000 dollars in goods, and agreed to pay them DOOO dollars a year forever;
to be divided among those tribes in proportion to their numbers.*

-«/^#^-

CHAPTER V.

? n

;■• I-
> ' i

Life of Thayandaneca, called by the whites, Brant — His education — Visits Eng-
land — Commissioned there — His sister a companion to Sir Wm. Johnson — His
letter to the Oneidas — Affair with Herkimer at Unadilla — Cuts off Herkimer and
200 men at Oriskana — Anecdote of Herkimer — Burns Springfield — Horrid affair
of Wyoming — Incidents — Destroys Cherry Valley — Barbarities of the tories — Sul-
livan's depredations am,onv the Five J^ations — Brant defeated by the Americans at
A'ewtoion — Destruction oj Minisink, and slaughter of 100 people — Destruction of
HarpcrsfiMr— Brant's letter to M Causland — Marriage of his daughter — Her hus-
baud killed — Brant becomes the friend of peace — Visits Philadelphia — His marriage
— Lands granted him by the king — His death — His son John — Traits of character
— One of his sons killed by him, rn an attempt to kill his father — Account of Brant's
arrival in England — Some account of his children.

Colonel Joseph Brant was an Onondaga of the Mohawk tribe, whose In-
dian name was Thayendaneca,j or Tajjadanaga,l signifying a brant.§ But as he
was seldom called by that name after ho became known to the whites, it was
generally forgotten. He received a very good English education at " Moor's
charity school," at Lebanon, in Connecticut, whore he was placed by Sir
William Johnson, in July, 1761. His age, at this time, we have not learned.

The story that he was but half Indian, the son of a German, has been
widely spread, but is denied by hi» son, and now believed to be a falsoliood,
ignorantly circulated. This error might have arisen either from the known
fact of his being of rather a lighter complexion than his countrymen in general,
or from his having married a woman who was a half-breed. |j

Brant went to England in 1775, in the beginning of the great revolutionary
rupture, wh«re he was received with attention, and doubtless had tiicre his
mind prepared for the part he acted in the memorable struggle which ensued.

• The terms of this treaty were the same as were offered to them before the battle, which
should be mentioned, as addini^ materially to our good teelin^ towards its authors. It is
punerally denominated VVayjie's treaty. It is woriliy of him.

t Carey's Museum, v. 18. J Annals Tryon County, 15.

^ Generally written Brandt by those who are unacquainted with the meaning of his In-
dian name.

|{ It has been mentioned to me by a gentleman, (iTie editor of Washington's Writings,!
that he had no doubt of llio fact tliat Brant was the son of Sir William Johnson. I am not
(sHiistied upon the subject, tuid, therefore, nolo the opinion of one which claims primary con-
siileralion on all subjects connected with our history, The only author, that I recoiled, who
has circulated a printed opinion of lliis kind, is Chapman. See Hist. Wyomiiig, 121

49 2M

! I

(^;

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« A

578

BRANT ftlEETS THE AMERICANS AT UNADILLA. fBooK V

1 ^

He had a colonel's commission in the English army upon tlie frontiers, which
consisted ofsucii of the Six Nations and tories, as took part against the conn-
try. General Sir H^illiam Johnson was agent of Lidian aiTairs, and had greatly
ingratiated himself into the esteem of the Six Nations. He lived at the place
since named from him, upon the noith bank of t'le Mohawk, about 40 miles
from Albany. Here he had an elegant seat, and would oilen entertain seve-
ral hundreds of his red friends, and share all in common with them. They
so much respected him, that, notwithstanding they had the full liberty of liis
house, yet they would take nothing that did not Iielong to them. The better
to rivet their esteem, he would, at certain seasons, accommodate himself to
their mode of dress, and, being a widower, took as a kind of companion a
sister of Brant, by the name of Molky. He had received honors and emolu-
ments from the British government^ and the Indians received also, through
his agency, every thing which, in their opinion, conduced to their happiness.
Hence it is not strange that they should hold in tlie greatest reverence tlio
name of their " great liitlier," the king, and think ihefew rebels who oj)posed
his autliority, wlien the revolution began, most ungratefully wicked, and un-
worthy all mercy. Sir William, died in 1774, about a year before the battle
of Hunker's Hill.

Tlie Butlers, John and Walter, whose names are associated with the recollec-
tion of the horrid barbarities upon Cherry-valley and Wyoming, lived at Caugli-
uewaga, four miles south-easterly from the village of Johnston, and upon the
same side of the Mohawk.

In 1775, in a letter to the Oneidas, our chief subscribes himself " secretary
to Guy Johnson" This was early hi the summer of that year, and hence he
was immediately from England. Colonel Guy Johnson was son-in-law of
Sir William. The letter was found in an Indian path, and was supposed to
have been lost by the person who was intrusted with it It was in the Mo-
hawk language, the translation of which commences thus : " Written at Guy
Johnson's, May, 1775. This is your letter, you great ones or sachems. Guy
Johnson says he will be glad if you get this intelligence, you Oneidas, hoiv it goes
loith him now, and he is now more certain concerning the intention of the Boston
people. Guy Johnson is in great fear of being taken prisoner by the Bostonians.
We Mohawks arc obliged to watch him constantly," &c.

After this, Brant accompanied Guy Johnson when he fled to Canada. The
two Butlers were also in tlie train. Being now in a place of safety, and tin;
means in their hands, plots of destruction were put in execution in rapid
succession.

Having had some disagreement with Johnson, Brant came again to the
frontiers. Some of the peaceable Mohawks had been confined, to prevent
their doing mischief, as were some of the Massachusetts Indians in Philip's
war. Brant was displeased at this, for he said, if the distant Indians should
come down, they would destroy them indiscriminately with the whites. He
was accompanied by a band of 70 or 80 warriors, who, in their rambles,
visited Unadilla, where they assembled the inhabitants, and told them that
they stood in need of provisions, and if they did not give them some, they
should take it by force ; a refusal, therefore, would have been worse than
useless. Brant further observed, " that their agreement loith the king was strong,
and that they were not such villains as to break their covenant with him." General
Herkimer marched up to Unadilla, in July, with 380 men, where he fouml
Brant with 130 of his warriors. Here he had an interview with him, in which
he held the following language : — " TViat the Indians were in concert with the
king, as their fathers and grandfathers had been. That the king^s bells tvere yet
lodged with them, and they coiUd not falsify their pledge. That General Herki-
mer and the rest had joined the Boston people against their king. That Boston
people were resobule, but the king icoiud Jiumble them. That Mr, Schuyler, or
general, or what you please to call him, loas very smart on tlie Indians at the trenh/
at German Flatts ; but was not, at tlie same time, able to afford them the smallest
article of clothing. That the Indians had formerly made war on the while people
all united ; and now they were divided, the Indians were not frightened" Colonel
Cox, who accompanied Herkimer, said, if war was his (leterminatioti, the
matter was ended. Brant then spoke to his warriors, and they shouted, and

> I

Chap. V.]

BRAN r— lurn.E of oriskana.

579

ran to their place of eiif^ampment, seized their arms, fired several {?iiiis, ami,
aller giving tins war-whoop, returned in warlil<e Jiriay. General Hirkimrr
then told Brant lie did not come to fight, and the chief motioned for iiis men
to remain quiet Perhaps, as a worthy author ohserved upon a transaction
ni PKilip'a war, it is better to omit the cause of the conduct of Herkinur,
than too critically to inquire into it. His men vastly outnumbered the Indians,
and his authority was ample ; but his tnotives were no doubt pure, ar.d his
courage must not now be called in question, as will appear from what is to
be related. To put the most favorable construction upon his neglecting to
break down the |)Ower of Brant, is to 8U|)po e that he was impressed with
the bi'lief that the Indians would not join with the English in conniiitting
hostilities ; if this were the case, he too late discovered the error of his
judgment.

Atler the general had said that he did not come tofisht. Brant, with an air of
importance, said, " If your purpose is war, I am ready for you." A tempest,
which came up suddenly, separated the parties, and each retired |)eaceably..
Tills is said to be the last talk held by any of the Americans with the Six
Nations, previous to hostilities, except with the Oneidas ; all, save a very
few of whom remained neutral.

Towards the autumn of this year, (1777,) Brant was under the direction of
General St. Leger, who detached him with a eouciderable body of warriors
for the investment of Fort Stanwix. Colonel Butler was commander- in-chief,
with a band of tories. The inhabitants in the valley of the Mohawk deter-
mined to march for the relief of Colonel Gansevoort, who commanded the
fort, which they did, in two regh.ients, with General Herkimt.' at their head.
As is usual with militia, they marched in great disorder, and when the gene-
ral ordered scouting parties to march, as security against surprise, upon the
flanks of the main body, they accused him with cowardice, which, most
unwarrantably, had more influence U])on his mind, than the safety of his
ai"my. A catastrophe ensued, which, though not so momentous in that day,
as was that of Lothrop in 1(376, nor so comiilete a victory on the part of the
Indians, yet it was a severe fight, in which 200 Americans were sluiii.* The
place of attack was selected by Brant or Butler, and was a ravine of a broad
bottom, nearly impassable, except a rough track covered with logs of from
12 to 15 feet in length, laid transversely,t which extended across it. General
Herkimer arrived at this place about two hours before mid-day, August (!.
He might reasonably have expected an ambush, but his fii's* intimations of
the vicinity of an enemy were the terrifying yells of the Indians, and the
still more lasting impressions of their rifles. The advanced guiu"d were all
cut off. Such as survived the first fire, were hewn down with the tomahawk.
The fiital causeway was semicircular, and Brant and his forces occupied the
surrounding heights. These are the principal events in tl u uattle of Oriskana.
A surgeon. Dr. JMb«e» young"/o«e, was taken prisoner ii this battle, and af\er
his return from captivity, he wrote a poem upon the ..{fair, from which we
extract the following : —

" The time and place of our unhappy fight,
To you at large were needless to recite:
When in the wood our fierce inhuman foes.
With piercing yell from circling ambush rose,
A sudden volley rends the vauUed sky ;
Their painted bodies hideous Co the eye,
They rush like hellish furies on our bands,
Their slaughter weapons braiidish'd in their hands."

Running down from every direction, they prevented the two regiments
from forming a junction, one of them not having entered the causeway ;
and a part of the assailants fell upon those without, and the remainder
upon those within it. The former fared worse than the latter, for in such

* Their whole loss was about 400, says Marshall, Life Washington, v. 2fil.

t All who have travelled, even within a few years, in this part of the stale of New York,
ra;mol but well rememl.er the " Corduroy" roads. Such was me roeul over this memorable
ravine.

't .f I

■.-m

: -t

-, \

■}

> !! !

•■ I

1 t.i

W ' •

nUANT— UATTLE OF ORI.SKAM

fltuoK V

cnsos a flight hna iiliiioHt ulwnyn hoen a iliHiiml defiut. It waa now the
case. Tliu other regiment, iieniined in uh they were, suw, in a inonieul,
that.

To fight, or not to iiglit, was death.

They, therefore, hnok to Imck, forming a front in every direction, fought lik«
men in deNi>uir. ThiH, Dr. Younglove tiius forcihiy duiiicts : —

" Now, hand to hand, the contest is for life,
With bay 'net, lom'hawk, sword, and sicalping knife:
Now more remote the work of (lealli we ply,
And thick as hail the show'ring bulleLs fly;
Full many a hardy warrior sinks supine ;
Yells, shrieks, groans, shouts and thund'ring volleys join }
The dismal dm the ringing forest fills,
The sounding echo roars along the hills."
«
The poet thus presents to our view the attacking parties :—

" Of two departments were the assailing foes ;
Wild savage natives lead the first of tliose ;
Their almost naked frames, of various dyes,
And rings of black and red surround their eyes:
On one side they present a shaven head ;
The naked half of^ the vermilion red ;
In spots the party-color'd face tliey drew,
Beyond description horrible to view ;
Their ebon locks in braid, with paint o'erspread ;
The silver'd cars depending from the head;
Their gaudry my descriptive power exceeds,
In plumes of feathers, glitt'ring plates and beads."

He thus speaks of the tories : —

" These for the first attack their force unite,
And most sustain the fury of the light ;
Their rule of warfare, devastation dire,
By undistinguish'd plunder, death and fire ;
They torture man and beast, with barbarous rage
Nor tender infant spare, nor rev'rend sage."

And Butler ia noticed as follows : —

" O'er ihem a horrid monster bore command,
Whose inauspicious birth disgrac'd our land ;
By malice urg'd to ev'ry barb'rous art j
Of cruel temper, but of coward heart.*'

With such bravery did they fight in this forlorn condition, that the Indianf
began to give way ; and, but for a reinforcenrient of tories, under Major fVat-
son, they would have been entirely dispersed.* This reinforcement is thus
cituracterized by the surgeon : —

" The oeennd was a rer»«ffado wew,
Who arm and dr«8s as Christian nations do.
Led by a chief who bore the first command ;
A bola invader o( his native land."

The sight of this reinforcement greatly increased the rage of the Ampri-
cans. It was composed of the very men who had left that part of the coun-
try at the commencement of the war, and were held in abhorrence for their
hiyalty to the king. The fight was renewed with vigor, and the reinforcement
(ought also with bravery, until about thirty of their number were killed.

* Dr. Gordon says the tories and Indians got into a most wretched confusion, and foughl
one another; and that the latter, al last, Ihoufflit it was a plot of the whiles on both sides, to
get them into thai situation, thai tlicy niighl cut them off.

mimaui. u I i .

Uhap. V.l

BRANT.— ANECDOTE OF GEN. IIERKI.MER.

581

Mnjor ffatton, their leader, was woundud and token prisoner, but left upon
tlie battle-grouiid.

In the mean time, Gfeneral Herkimer had got forward to the fort an express,
which informed Colonel Gansevoort of his sitiiution. He iminedintoly (!*;•
tached Colonel Marinua ffillet with 207 .uen, who succeeded in rescuing (Ik*
remnunt of this brave band from destruction. He beat the enemy from the
ground, and returned to the fort with consideruble plunder. Such were the
events of the battle of Oriskuna.

General Herkiiner died of a wound which he received in this fight Near
its conuncncement, he was severely wounded in the leg, and his horse wns
killed. He directed his saddle to lie placed upon a little knoll, and rotating
himself upon it, continued to issue his orders. On being advised to remove
to a place of greater safety, he said, *^M) — I will face the enemy ; " and, adds
the historian of Tryon county, " In this situation, and in the ht>at of the
battle, he very deliberately took from his pocket his tinderbox, and lit his
pipe, which he smoked with great composure."

The Indians, t>8 well as tlie Americans, suffered dreadfully in this fight.
And our fMiet wiites,

" Such was the bloody fight : and such Ihe foe:
Our smaller force relurii'd Ihem blow for blow ;
By luriis successfully (heir force defy'd,
And conquest wav'ring scein'd from tide to side."

Branfs loss being about 100 men ; we ar3 inclined to think the loss of the
Indians exaggeraled in thuse lines : —

" Not half ihe savages returned from fight ;
They to their native wilds iiad sped their flight."

The Senecas alone lost 30, and the tories about 100. The regiment which
fled suffered severely, but would have suffered still more, had not their pur-
suers been apprizetl of the desperate case of their fellows engaged in the
ravine, which caused them to abandon the pursuit. The commanding officer.
Colonel Cox, was killed, and the command devolved upon Lieutenant Colonel
Campbell and Major Clyde, who conducted the retreat.

The scene in the night following the battle '.6 thus strikingly presented by
Dr. Younglove, the eye-witness: —

" Those that remain'd a lon^ encampment made,
And rising fires illumin'd all the shade :
III vengeance for their num'roug brothers slain,
For torture sundry prisoners they retain ;
And three fell monsters, horrible to view,
A fellow pris'ncr from the sentries drew ;
The guards I (fore received their chief's command,
To not withht id from the slaught'ring band ;
liut now the sufferer's fate they sympathize,
And for him supplicate with earnest cries.
1 saw the general * slowly passing by,
The sergeant on his knees, with tearful eye,
Implor'd the guards might wrest him from their hartdg,
Since now the troops could awe their lessen'd baiids.
With I i ed cane the gcn'ral thus replies,
(While indignation sparkles from his eyes : )
' Go ! sirrah! mind your orders giv'n before !
' And for infernal rebels plead no more ! '
For help the wretched victim vamJ^ i.-ir;,
With supplicatiiig voice and ardent eves ;

With horror chill'd, I turn away my lace, ^

While instantly they bear him from the place.
Df'iad scene! — with angui.sh stung I inly groan,
To think the next hard Tot may be my own."

The poet next describes his dream, in which he was carried to the battle*
ground ; and then thus opens the morning scene : —

■ • I

( f

• Butler.

5»)

BRANT.— DESTRUCTION OF CIIERRY-VALLEY.

[Boos V

'.:./' '

" When navn^'es, for horrid sport prcparM,
Dnmaiiil anolhur pris'ner from the euard,
We saw Iheir fcar'd approach, wilh mortal frif^hl,
I'heir scalpiiig-kiiivcs tlicy sharpeii'd iii our sif^ht,
Itvsidc the gwani they sut them uii the ground,
And view'd, wilh piercing eyes, the prisuiiers round."

" At length, one rising seized me by the haud ;
liy him drawn forth, on trembling knees 1 stand ;
I bid my fellows all a lung adieu,
Wilh answering grief, my wretched case they view.
They l«-d me bound along the winding flood,
Far in the gloomy bosom of the wood ;
There, (horrid sight!) a pris'iier roasied lay,
The carving-knile had cut his ilesh away.''

After enduring every thing but death in his captivity, Dr. Younglave retiirnetl
home in safety.

Ill 1778, u fort was built at Cherry-valley, where families for considerable
extent about took up their abode, or retired occasionally for safety. Brant
iiitendud to destroy this, and came into the neighborhood for the purpose
It hnppened that, at the time he chose to make the discovery of the strength
of tiie garrison, tlie boys were assembled in a training, with wooden guns,
for amusement: not having a clear view of them from the foliage of the trees
wiiich intervened. Brant thought them to be men. It was ins design to have
made the attack the ibllowing night ; but on this discovery, he gave up the
design. He still remained in the neighborhood ; secreted behind a large rock
near the main road to the Mohawk, and about two miles north of the fort iu
the valley. Here he waited to interce|)t some unwary passenger, and gain
more certain intelligence. Near this place is the little cascade called by the
natives, Tekaharnwa. The inhal)itants of the valley were in expectation of a
company of soldiers from the Mohawk, to reinforce them, and the same day
Lieutenant Wormwood came from thence, and informed them that Colonel
Klock would arrive the next day with the party. Near night he set out to
return, accompanied by one Peter Sitz, the bearer of some despatches. He
was a young ollicer, of fine personal appearance, and was to return the next
day with one of the companies of soldiers. He had been out of sight but a
few minutes, when, as he passed the ambush of Brant, his wai'riors fired
upon him, and he fell from his horse. The chief, springing from his hiding-
place, tomahawked him with his own hands. H'ormwood and his companion
were ordered to stand, but not obeying, occasioned their being fired upon.
Brant was acquainted with Lieuteutuit Wormwood before the war, and after-
wards exjjressed sorrow at his fate, pretending that he took him to be a con-
tinental officer. His horse immediately running back to the fort, with blood
upon the saddle, gave some indication of what had happened. His compan-
ion, Sitz, was taken prisoner.

In June, the same summer. Brant came upon Springfield, which he burned,
and carried off a number of prisoners. The women and children were not
maltreated, but were left in one house unmolested. About this time, great
pains were taken to seize the wary chief, but there Wi t no Captain Church,
or, unlike Philip of Pokanoket, Brant had the remote nations to fly to without
fijar of being killed by them. Captain JVfKean hunted him for some time,
and, not being able to find him, wrote an insulting letter for him, and left it
in an Indian path. Among other things, he challenged him to single combat,
or to meet him with an equal number of men ; and "that if he would come to
Cherry-valley, and have a fair fight, they would change him from o Brant
into a Goos." This letter, it is supposed. Brant received, from an intimation
contained in one which he wrote about the same time to a tory. To this man
(Parcifer Carr, of Edmeston) he writes from Tunadilla [Unadilla] under date
y July, 1778, — "Sir; / understand by the Indians that was at your house last
iveck, that one Smith lives near with you, has little more com to spare. I should be
much obliged to you, if you would he so kind as to try to ett as much com as
Smith can spared; he has sent me five skipples already, of which lam much oblig-
ed to him, and mil see him paid, and woiUd be very glad if you coiUd spare one
or two your men to join us, especially Elius. / would be glad to see him, and i

' H

ChAP. v.]

BRANT.— DEdJ'ftUCTION OF WYOMING.

58C

teish you coiUd serd me as many guru you have, at I kiww you have no uie for
thm, if you anil ; aa I mean now lof^ht the crud rtbda as well as I ran ; what-
evrr you will able to aenfd me, you must aenVd by the bianr. I am your ainvrre
frimd and humble aet^t, Joseph Urant. P, S. I heard that Chimi-valUy
iicople ia very bold, and intended to make nothitig of us ; they coiled ua wild ijifae,
but I know the contrary." Tli'm we siipposu to Ir! u fuir H|M!ciiiu'ii of tlio ciiin-
ixiHition of the cluefwho nflerwunlM triumlated llie Gospel aecunliii^ to John
into '^ Mohuwk luiigtiiif^e, disc the Hook of Common Pruyer ; copies of whii li
uif ill the lihrury of llorvurd college.*

Tlif next evi.'iit of importance in which Brant was engaged, was the destriic-
tioii of Wyoiniiigif one of the most heart-rending records in the aiinalH of tiiii
revolutionary war. In that horrid attUir, ahoiit 300 settlers were killed oi
curried into captivity ; from tlie greater port of whom no intelligence was evei
ohtained.

It was known early in the spring of 1778, that a largo force was collecting
at Niagara for the obj(!Ct of laying waste the frontiers of Pennsylvania, Vir-
ginia and New York, and even as early as February, (ieiieral Schuvlkr wrotis
to congress to inform them that such was his belief. In Mairii he wrote
again to congress, saying, "A number of Mohawks, and many of the Oiioiidr,-
goes, Cayiigas, and Senecas, will commence hostilities agaiiist ns as soon as
they can; it would be prudent, therefore, early to take mtasiires to carry tlii!
war into their counti^ it would reipiire no greater body of troops to destroy
'heir towns than to prc.ect the frontier inhabitants." J lint congress had nnno
than their hands full in other directions, and nothing was done. In the he-
gtiining of July, the tory and Indian force, amoiinling together to about KiOO
men, were discovered in possession of Fort Wiiiteriiioof,§ a short distance from
the village of Wyoming. Here was also a fort, at which were collected near
400 men for the defence of the coimtry, who wore under the immediate com-
mand of V iiiiel Zchulon Iiiitlcr.\\ On the 3 July, a council of war v.as held
upon the jiiopriety of in ircliing out and attiickiiifj the tory and huliiin nrniy,
and it was finally ajrreed that the enemy should be souj^hr. Accordinjfly the
Americans marched out upon this expedition the same dny. Havint,' sent
for«vard spies, they had not proceeded far, when they were discovered by two
Indians, who were, doubtless, upon the same business. The scouts fired each
upon the other, and then hastened to their respective head-qunrters. Both

Parties were immediately in motion, and joined battle near a thick swamp,
'he Indians and torios, being the more numerous, outflanked the Americans,
and Brant, at the head of his furious warriors, issuinjj from the swamp, turned
their left flank, and creating thereby a confusion, which greatly favored his
kind of warfare, and enabled him to make dreadful havoc among them.

The Americans were in two lines, and it was the line commanded by Col-
onel Dennison that Brant successfully encountered. Butler, at the same lime,
wna gaining some advantage over the other line, under his cousin Zehulon,
which, added to the raging disaster in the left, became immediately a flirjht.
Colonel Denniaon^a order to fall back, by which ho designed to make an ad-
vantageous evolution, was distorted, by the terrified troops, into an order for
flight ; and all was in a few moments lost. And from Judge Marshall we add
as follows: — "The troops fled towards the river, which they endeavored to
pass, in order to enter Fort Wilkesbarre, [in the village of that name on tlio
opposite side of the Susquehannah.] The enemy pursued ' with the fury of

* It would seem from Mr. Weld, (Travels in America, 48.5,) that he translated those
works before the war ; but I have heard it said that they were the production of the
chief John Norton ; my authority, however, 1 do not remember.

t This name is said to signify ajteld of blood, from a great battle fought there by the
Indians before its settlement by the whites. This derivation, however, is not according
to Heckewelder, but I must refer the curious philologist to Chapman's Ilist. Wyominy,
p. 10, or to his uuthority, since printed in the Trans. Amer. I'hilos. Hoc.

t Gordon's American Revolution, iii. 184.

9 This was garrisoned by a company of men, who had been suspected of fon/ism, and
it now appeared that thejf had not only given up the fort, but joined the hostile party.
Marshall's Wasfiington, lii. .557.

II He was cousin to John Butler, the leader of the torics. Marshall, ibid. 5'56, and iv.
Appendix, 1.3.

1 ;

• !

^ I'i'

684

BRANT.— DESTRUCTIOM OF WYOMING.

[Book V

iii'

devils ; ' and of the 400 who had marched out on this unfortunuto parley
only about 20 escaped," among whom were the commanding officers.

The fort at Wyoming wp j now closely besieged, and seeing no chance of
escape, Colonel Butler proposed a parley with \\\sfrkndanA namesake, wliich
was assented to. The place of meeting was appointed at some distance from
the fort, and the Americans marched out in considerable force, to prevent
treachery, to the place appointed ; but when they arrived there, they found
nobody with whom to parley. The commander of the tories has been brand-
C!d with gross infamy, for this piece of treaciiery with his kinsman ; for he
feigned fear frtii his approach, and had retired us tJiey advanced, displaying
meanwhile the flag of truce. The unwary Anierictms were, by this treacher-
ous stratagem, led into an ambush in nearly the same manner us were Hutch-
itison and fVheeler, at Wickabuug Pond, in Philip^s war. They were, in a
iiioiiient, nearly surrounded by BranVa warriors, and the work of death fuged
in all its fury.* The tories " were not a whit behind tlie very chicfest " of tlicm
in this bloody day. A remnant only regained the fort, out of st^veral hundreds
tliut went forth. They were now more closely besieged than before ; and
the more to insult the vanquished, a demand was sent in to tliem to surrender,
" accompanied by 196 bloody scalps, taken from those who had just been
slain." When tlie best terms were asked of the besiegers, tlie "infamous
i?«Wer " repi id in these two words, "</tc hatclwl." This was the on]y truth
we hear of is uttering. It was the haicha, indeed — a few only fled to the
stuTounding wilderness, there to meet a more lingering death by famine.
These 'Lie chiefly women and children.

Thus passed thefour'h of July, 1778, in the before flourishing settlement
of Wyoming, on the eastern brunch of the Sus<|uehannah. Barlow knew
well, in his early day, who was forever to be branded with infamy for the acta
of this memorable tragedy. He says, —

" His savage hordes the murderous Johnson leads,
Files through the woods aud trends the tangled weeds
Shuns opcu combat, teaches whore to run.
Skulk, couch the anibu^h, aim the hunter's gun,
Whirl the sly tomahawk, the war-whoon sing,
Pltide the spoils, and pack the scalps they bring."

Columbiad, \'i. 3n9, &c

Hti'ing now got full possession of Wyoming, and, observes Dr. Thacher,
"after selecting .i fi'v. ])risoneip, the remainder of the people, including
women and child -an, were enel^'sed in the houses and barracks, whicii were
immediately set on fire, and the whole consumed together. Another fort was
near at hand, in which were 70 continental soldiers ; on surrendering without
conditions, these were, to a man, btitchered in a barbarous manner; when
the remainder of the men, women and childrer were shut up in the houses,
and the demons of hell glutted their vengetince in oeholding their destitiction
in one general conflagration." The houses of the tories were spared. As
though they could not exercise their cruelty enough '. on htiman beings,
they fell upon the beasts in the field — shooting some, wotinding and man-
gling others, by cutting out their tongues, &.c. and leaving them alive. Well
does Campbell make his Oneida chief to say, (who conies as a friend to
warn the settlement of tlie approach of the combined army of tories aud
Indians,)

" ' But this is not a time,'— he started up,

And smote his breast with woe-dcnouiicing hand—

' This is no tim to (ill thv joyous cup;

The mnmiDoth roir\es — tlio Coo — the monster Brandt,

With all his howling desolating band ; —

These eyes have seen their blade, and liurning pine,

Awake at once and silence hall' your land.

Red is the cup tlioy drink ; but not with wine:
Awake and watch to-night ! or sec no morning shine.

•• There is much incongruity in relation to the alTuirs of Wyoming. C/ia;)mo»i distinctly
states that Itraut commanded the right wing of the urn\y njidor HiiIIit, when lie was met by
the forces that marched out to meet them ; nut it has lately been denied that Brunt was even
ftt Wyoming during those allairs.

Chap. V.J

BRANT.— CRUELTIES AT WVO.MINO.

68c

"'Scorning to wield the hntrhet for his bribe,

'Gainst Brandt himself I went to battle forth :

Accursed Brandt ! he lejl of all my tribe

Nor man, nor child, nor thing of living birth :

No ! not the do^, that watched my household hearth,

Escaped, that night of blood, upon our plains!

All perished !-^l alone am leA on earth!

To whom nor relative nor blood remains.
No I— not a kindred drop that runs in human veins I ' "

Gertrude of Wyoming

The tories, as was often the case, were attired like Indians, and, from everj
account, it appears that they exceeded them in ferocity.

Dr. Thacher gives us tlie following examples of horror, which were of no-
toriety at the tnne, and " promulgated from authentic sources. One of tlia
prisoners, a Captain Badlock, was committed to torture, by having his body
tituck full of splinters of pine knots, and a fire of dry wood made round him,
when his two companions, Captuitis Ranson and Durkee, were thrown into
tiie same fire, and held down with [)itchibrks, till consumed. One Partial
Temj, the son of a man of respectable character, having joined the Indian

i)arty, several times sent his father word that he hoped to wash his hands in his
\earPs blood. ^ The monster, with his own hands, murdered his father, mother,
brothers and sisters, stripped off tiieir scalps, and cut off his father's head I " *

It was upon such scenes as these, that the mind of the poet just cited had
dwelt, which caused him to wield the pen of denunciation with such effect
ti|)on the memory of Brant, That Butler was the far greater savage, none
can dispute, and Mr. Campbell has long since acknowledged his too great
severity upon the character of the former. We should explain here, that a
Koii of Colonel Branl, a chief Mohawk, of the name of •/lhyonwaes;lis, called
by the English John Brant, was in London in 1822, and furnished Mr. Camp-
bell witi: documents, which, in the poet's own words, " changed his opinion
of Ills father." This passage was contained in a long and interesting letter
upon tlie subject, to ^yomoaeghs, which appeared at that time in the news-
l)apersi.

With Wyoming were destroyed Wilkesbarre and Kingston, upon the other
side of the Susquohannah. Though Wyoming is generally understood to be
the place destroyed, it should be remembered that in tlie valley bearing that
name, there were three other towns, which were all tiestroyed, as well as
Wyoming.f These towns were settled by emigrants from Coimecticut, and
wiien destroyed contained more tiian 1000 families, and had furnished the
continental army with more than 1000 men, who were generally tlie young
and active part of the population.^ The opposite sides which the inhabitants
took in the great revolutionary question, created the most violent rancor in
the bosoms of both parties, and hence the barbarities wiiicli ensued.

In November following, Clieiiy-valley met with a fate sunilar to Wyoming.
At this time, Brant was returning to winter-quarters, when he was met by a
tory captain, and persuaded to engage in one expedition more. Tliis was
Walter Butkr, son of John, the hero of Wyoming. He went to Canada with
Guy Johnson, in 1775, as has been iiiention<'d; and now some circumstances
brought him among the frontier settlements of New York. What his object
was, we are not informed ; but it was, doubtless, that of a spy. However,
he was taken lip on suspicion, at least, and confined in jail at Albany; fallinr
sick, he was removed to a private dwelling, from whence ho soon found
means to esoajie. Joining hia father at Niagara, he succeeded in detaching a
part of his regiment upon an incursion. Meeting with Brant, as was just
mentioned, they returned to the frontier. It is said that Brant was at first

* Thacher's Journal.

t The sculemcnt of Wyoming consisted of eight townships, each five miles square. Annual
Reg. for 1779, page 9. " Each containing a square of five miles," is the language of th«
Register; but it is thought unlikely that these towns were so small. Writers, and good
writers loo. often commit mathematical errors of this kind ; not distinguishing between miles
tqiuire,ai\a iquare miles: Thus, the differenco between five square miles, and five milet
square, i. e. 6*— 6=^0 square miles, the true diflurence between tlic two quantities.

t Marshall, iii. 555.

i-i

586

BRANT.— DESTRUCTION OF CHERRY-VALLEY. [Book V

i • ill

Pn.

displeased with the project, understanding tliat Captain Walter had been put
in office over him by his old general, Walter'a father, but stifled his resent-
ment. Tiiuir whole force was 700 men, 500 of whom were the warriors of
Brant.

Colonel Ichabod Aldtn, of Massachusetts, was in command at Cherry-
valley, and to his misguided judgment is to be attributed the disaster which
ensued. But, like Waldron of Cochecho, he was doomed to escape the dis-
grace. He was early apprized of the march of Brant, and when urged to
receive the inhabitants into the fort, observed that there was no danger, as
he would keep out scouts who would apprize them of the approach of an
enemy in season to remove. Scouts were accordingly sent out ; one of
which, eitiier forgetting the business they were upon, or, what was equally
reprehensible, made a large fire and lay down to sleep. BranVa wai'riors
were not misled by so luminous a beacon, and the whole were made prison-
ers. This was on the night of the 9 November, 1778. The prisoners now
in the hands of Brant were obliged to give the most exact intelligence con-
cerning the garrison. On the njorning of the IJ, favored by a thick and hazy
atmosphere, tliey approached the fort. Colonels Alden and Stada (luartered
at the house of a Mr. Wells. A Mr. Harrible was fired upon as he was coming
from his house to the fort, by a scout, which gave the first notice of tlie
enemy. He escaped, and gave the alarm to Colonel Alden, who, strange as
it may appear, was still incredulous, and said it was nothing more than some
straggling Indians. Tne last space' of time was thus lost ! — and, in less than
half an hour, all parts of the place were mvested at once. Such of the sol-
diers as were collected being immediately all killed or taken, the poor inhab-
itants fell an easy prey. Colonel Alden was among the first victims. Like
Cfwpart, in the massacre at Natchez, he fled from his house, and was pur-
sued by an Indian with his hatchet, at whom the colonel endeavored several
times to discharge his pistol ; but it missing fire, and losing time in facing
about for this purpose, the Indian was sufficiently near to throw his toma-
hawk with deadly effect. He did so. Colonel Alden fell upon his face, and
his scalp was in a moment borne oft' in triumph. "Atory boasted that he
killed Mr. Wells while at prayer." His daughter, a young lady of great
amiableness, fled from the house to a pile of wood for shelter ; but an In-
dian pursued her, who, coining near, comjjosedly wiped his long knife,
already bloody, upon his leggins, then returning it to his belt, seized her by
the arm, and with a blow of his tomahawk ended her existence. She could
speak some Indian, and begged her murderer to spare her life, ond a tory
interceded, who stood neai*, urging that she was his sister; but he would
hear to neither. Other transactions in this affiiir, of still greater honor, we
must pass in silence.

Between 30 and 40 prisoners v.ere carried off"; but tlie fort, containing
about 200 soldiers, was not ttUien, although several trials were made upon it.

Brant was the only person engaged in this tragedy of whom we hear any
BCts of clemency ; one of w(Jiich was the preservation of a poor woman and
her children, who, but for him, would have met the tomahawk. He inquired
for Captain JWKean, (who wrote him the letter before mentioned,) saying he
liad now come to accept his challenge. Being answered that " Capt. M^Kean
would not turn his back upon an enemy," he replied, "I know it. He is a
brave man, and I would have given more to have taken him than any othei
nian in Cherry-valley ; but I would not have hurt a hair of his head."

Brant had seen and heard so much of what is called civilized ivatfare, that
he was afraid of tiie traduction of his character, and always said that, in his
roiinciis, he had tried to make his warriors humane ; and to his l).)nor it is
said, (Imt in proportion as his character is raised, that of tlio white man
must t-'nd-,) that where he hud the chief command, few barbarities were
committod.

The night before Brant and BiUler fell upon Cherry- valley, some of the
tories who had friends tiiere, requisted liberty to go in secretly and adviso
them to retire, BiUler, though some of his own friends were among tiie
iidiabitants, refused, saying, "that there were so many families comiected,
that tiie one would inform the others, and all would escape. He thus sacri-

Chap. V.] BP ANT.— DEFEATED BY COLONEL WILLET.

587

ficed his friends, for the sake of punishing his enemies." Tliis, whether
reported by Brcmt to magnify his own liumanity, by a contrast with tlie
depravity of his associate, is not known, but it may have been the fact.

lint this midnight assassin did not escape his retribution ; he was killed
by an Oneida Indian, on 30 October, 1781, under the following circumstances :
Colonel fVillet having been orrierc^d with about 400 men to make an expedi-
tion into the country of th'j Mohawk, he surprised a party of CCO tories,
and 130 Indians at Johnston, and drove them into the woods, and severely
distressed them by cutting off their retreat to their boats. About this time
Colonel JVillet was joined by 60 Oneida Indians, and he shortly after came
up with a party which formed tlie rear of the British and Indians, and killed
and took prisoners the most of them. Walter Butler was among the van-
quished, and lieing wounded by one of WUleVs Indians, cried for quaiter;
upon which the Indian screamed out with a dreadful voice, " Sherry Valley,"
at the same time cleaving his head with his tomahawk ! *

VV^hether the followl'ig inter'jsting affair belongs to Walter or John Bidler,
or whether it happened at Wyoming or at Cherry-valley, it equally affects
the character of Brant. It is said, that Butler, on entering a house, ordered
a woman and child to be killed, whom they found in a bed ; but Brant said,
" What ? kill a looman and child! JVo ! (hat child is not an enemy to the king,
nor a fnend to the congress. Long before he will be big enough to do any
mischief, the disptde vrill be setlled,"\

The depredations of the Indians and tories at Wyoming and other places
in tliat region, caused General Washington to order General Sullivan with
2.>00 men into the Indian country. Considerable delay was experienced,
and the forces were not concentrated at Wyoming until a year aller it was
destroyed. On 22 July, a company of Pennsylvania militia who had marched
from this place to Lackawaxen to protect the settlers there, were attacked
by 140 Indians and 40 or 50 of them were killed or made |)risoners.:(

It was said that this summer, (1779,) 160,000 bushels of their corn was
destroyed. As soon as it was known that Sullivan was advancing into the
coiuitry. Brant and Butler, with 600 Indians, and Johnson, witli 200 tories,
took a position on his route, to cut him off Stdlivan came upon them,
August 29, at a place called JVewtown, on Tioga River,§ where they hud en-
trenched themselves, and immediately attacked them. The battle lusted
about two hours, when, by a successful movement of General Poor, at the
head of his New Hampshire regiment, Braid's warriors were thrown into
confusion, and the whole were put to flight.|| Few were killed, and they
made no other stand against the Americans during the expedition.lf The
historian adds, " They utterly destroyed 40 villages, and letl no single trace
of vegetation upon the surface of the ground."** AH their cattle were either
killed or brought off, many of which they had before taken from the Ameri-
c iins. " None of the bounties of nature, none of the products of human
industry, esca|)ed tlie fury of the Americans."tt Upon this business tlie
same author writes, that " the officers charged with the execution of these
devastations, Avere themselves ashamed of them; some even ventured to
remonstrate that they were not accustomed to exercise the vocation of ban-
ditti." General Poor, doubtless, was the efficient man in this expedition,
but the ostentation of Sullivan gained hiin the honor! of it. Thus were the

• Marshall's Washington, iv. Appendix, 13. — Allen's Biog, Diet. Article, Butler, John.
\ Allen, ibid.

I Chapman, 13L ^ Chapman's Hist. Wyoming, 132.

II Nine only of the Indians were kilted ; of the Americans, four. Il is said to be owing to
lliL< sa!<:arity of Brant, liiat his whole force escaped falhng into the hands of the Americans.
Annal.i Tryon Co. 125.

U Bona, Hist. Rev. ii. 206.

•* Ibid. Some of the officers thought it too degrading to the army to be employed ia
destroying fruit-trees, and remonstrated to Gen. SuUiran against the order. lie replied,
'' Thc'Indians shnii see that there is malice enough in our hearts to destroy every thing thai
contributes to mcir support." Gordon, Amer. Rev, iii, 21,

tt Gordon, Amer, Rev. iii, 207,

I ,f!|

',' 'I'

588

BUANT.— DESTROYS MINISLNK.

[Book V

.5*
1, i >

Five Nations chastised for acting as they had been taught by the white
people ; yea, by the Americans themselves.*

Tlie tullowiug summer, (23 July, 1779,) Colonel Brant, with 60 of his war-
riors and 27 white men, came suddenly upon Minisink, in Orange county,
New York, where they killed sundry of tlie inhabitants and made otliers
captives. They burnt ten houses, twelve barns, a garrison and two mills,
and then commenced their retreat The militia from Goshen and places
adjacent, to the number of 149, collected, pursued, and came up with them,
x^lien a most bloody battle was fought The Indians were finally victorious,
and 30 only, oat of the 149 whites, escaped. Some were carried into cap-
tivity, and the rest were killed. Not being sufficiently cautious, they fell
into an ambush, and so fought at great disadvantage.f

In 1821, a county meeting was field, by which it « voted that the bones
of the slain should be collected, and deposited undr 4 suitable monument
at the same time ordered to be erected.| In 1822, the committee appointeil
to collect the boties " which had been exposed to the suns and snows for 43
years," had found those of 44 persons, which were, with much formality,
publicly interred.§

In the spring of 1780, Brant surprised Harpersfield, with a company of
his warriors, and a few tories. He took 19 prisoners, and killed several
others. On 2 August following, he fell upon Canajoharrie, witli about
400 mixed warriors, killed 16 people, took about 55 prisoners, chiefly women
and children ; they killed and drove away, at the same time, about 300 cattle
and horses, burnt 53 houses, and as many barns, besides out-houses, a new
and bbgaiit church, a grist-mill and two garrisons.

Doubtless tliere were many other warlike scenes in which Brant was
engaged personally ; but we have ah'eady dwelt longer upon them than we
intended.

European writers, for a long time, contended that the N. American Indians
had, naturally, no beards.l| A Mr. M'Camland took the trouble of writing
to JSranl, after the revoluticn, to get the truth of the matter. The following
is BranCa letter to his inquiry : — " Niagara, 19 Jlpril, 1783. The men of the
Six JVations have all beards by nature ; as have likewise all other Indian nations
of North Amtrica, which I have seen. Some Indians allow a part of the beard
upon the chin and upper Up to grow, and afeiv of the Mohawks shave with razors,
in tht', same manner as Europeans ; but the generality pluck out the hairs of the
beard by the roots, as soon as they begin to appear ; ana as thty continue this prac-
tice all their lives, they appear to have no beard, or, at ■most, only a few straggli7ig
hairs, which they have neglected to pluck out. I am, however, of opinion, that if
Hie Iruliana were to shave, they would never have beards altogeth^ so thick as the
Europeans ; and there are some to be met with who have actually very little bcard.*\

Jos. Brant Thayendanega."

A daughter of Colonel Brant married a Frenchman, who in June, 1789,
was killed by a party of Indians, while peaceably travelling up the Wabash
River. He was in company with nine others, four of whom were killed and
three wounded. When the hostile party came up to them, and discovered

X Spafford's Gaz, 328.

* See the speech of Dig-tree, Corn-plant, and Hatf-toicn, to which nothing^ need be added
by wa; of commentary upon such afl'airs.

t Gordon's America, iii. 22.

j //tWs'i Amer. Annals, ii. 302.

Jl Even the great luminary Voltaire fell into this error. He says, " Les Iroquois, les
Hurons, et tons les peuples jusqu'a la Floride, parurent olivStres et sans ancun poil snr le
corps excepts la tite." That is, all from the 60" of N. latitude. Voyez CEuvres completes
iv. 708, ed. Prris, 1817, 8vo. See also Raynal, viii. 210.

A gentleman, Mr, W. J. Snelling, who resided among the western Indians for some lime,
says, h is not an error that the Lidians have no beard ; that the " Saques and Foxes have but
very few hairs upoa their faces, nor have they any instrument for extirpating it ; and what
makes (he fact certain is, they have no hair on the concealed parts of their bodies." Accord-
ing to La'.vson, Account of the hulians of North Carolina, 190, 191, the same is true with
regard to them. Lau'son travelled much among the southern Indians.

II This is the case with many of the whites.

Chap. V.]

BRANT.— HIS EXERTIONS FOR PEACE.

589

the son-in-law of Brant, they assisted in drawing the arrows from the wound-
ed, and then went off.*

When the Indians upon the southern and western frontier were allowing
themselves hostile, in 1791, Colonel Brant used his exertions to prevent hos-
tilities, by visiting such tribes as appeared hostile. His name appears in
many important transactions of thoss times. The boundary line between
the United States and the Indian nations had not been satii^factorily estab-
lished, which was the cause of much trouble. A gentleman in Canatla wrote
to another in the state of New York, under date of 2 August, 1791,
wherein Colonel Brant is thus mentioned : " Capt. Joseph Brant, after having
attended for some time the councils ot the western Indians at the Miami
River, set off a few days ago for Quebec, attended with several of the chiefs
from that quarter ; as they avowedly go to ask Lord Dorchester's advice, and
as we well know his and government's strong desire for peace, we would
gladly hope that it may be the means of bringing on an accommodation."

In 1793, hfs arrival m Philadelphia is thus publicly noticed in the Gazette
of that city: — "Capt. Joseph Brant, the principal warrior chief of the Six
Nations, arrived in this city on Wednesday evening last, (June 20.) It is suid
his errand is a visit to a number of his acquaintance residing here, and to
pay his respects to the president of the United States." He left there about
he beginning of July, upon another peace excursion among the western
tribes, which still remained hostile.

When General Wayne was marching into the Indian country, in 1793, many
of the tribes were alarmed, having heard that his army consisted of 8000
men. Learning, also, that commissioners accompanied the army, authorized
to treat of peace, and wishing to know the strength of the Americans, thirty
chiefs of different tribes were despatched upon this important business.
Colonel Brant was one of these 30 Indian ambassadors. If the Aniericans
would ii.-'ke the Ohio the boundary, they wished peace. The whole cause
of General Wayne's war appears to have been about the lands lying west of
the Ohio and Alleghany Rivers. We have no doubt Brant secretly, if not
openly, advocated the establishment of this boundary ; yes. and we must
acknowledge that if he did, it was from the best of reasons. We know that
Tecumseh labored incessantly for this boundary. Rightly did they conceive
of the mighty wave of population rolling westward, southward and north-
ward. Truly, they must have been blind not to have seen that it was about
to engulf them forever! When they had met the commissioners, and found
them uiflexible in their determination. Brant, with most of the chiefs of the
Six Nations, gave up the point as hopeless, preferring peace, on any terms,
to war. Bu the Wyandots, Dela wares, Shawanees and Mianiis would not
agree to it.

Mention w II be found in the account of Farmers-hrother of a great council
held by the c liefs of most of the western nations at Niagara, in April, 1793.
In this counc 1 it was agreed that peace should be maintained ; and " they
unanimously agreed to meet the Americans in a grand council, to be holden
the June following, upon the south side of Lake Erie ; and for the purpose
of making the peace more permanent and extensive, they have appointed
Brant who is now their king of kmgs, to go and convene all those tribes who
live to the north-west of Lake Ontario. He accordingly, the day after,
set out for that purpose." The Indians did not asseuiMe uiitl! July, from the
difficulty of their journeys and other causes, which is generally the case with
meetings of this kind. The council was held at Sandusky, and Colonel
Brant set out from Niagara for that place in May. Before leaving, he had
frequent conversations with a gentleman of respectaljiiity, to whom he gave
it us his opinion, that no peace could take place, until the Ohio and Muskin-

fum should make the boundary between the Aiii^ricHnH and the red men.
le still expressed good feelings towards the United States, and hoped that
they would see it to be their interest to agree to that boundaiy, as he firmly
believed war would ensue should they refuse. He even said, that, in case
they would not consent to make these rivers the boundary, he should take

■. \

I ! ■, '•;

Carey's Museum, vi. 178

mnif

i1:i

y\ ''■■':'

55)0 im.VNT.-CONTENDS TOR THE OHIO BOUNDARY. [Book V.

part agains* them. It was not agreed to ; mit we do not hear tliat the old
chief was actually engaged in the lusiilities tim* followed.

How much the English of Canada influenced the measures of the Indians,
it is difficult to determine ; * but men like Pontiac, Brant and Tecumaeh could
easily see through such duplicity as was practised by a few unprincipled
speculators, as M^Kee, Girty and Elliot. They had, doubtless, conceived that
if the Ohio and Muskingum were made the boundary, it would be an easy
matter for them to possess themselves of the country from thence to the
lakes, and thus enlarge the extent of Canada. They knew well that if the
Indians possessed this tract of country, it would be no difficult matter to
purchase it from them by means of a few trifling articles, comparatively of
no consideration, and that worst of calamities, ardent spirits ! In this they
were disappointed, and, with the batde of Presque Isle, resigned their hopes,
at least for a season. They urged upon the Indians what they must have
been well assured of— their destruction !

Much has been said and written of tiie cold-blooded atrocities of Brant,
but which, in our opinion, will he much lessened on being able to come
pretty near the truth of his history. Every successful warrior, at least in his
day, is denounced by the vanquished as a barbarian. JVapoleon was thus
branded by all the world — we a«k no excuse for our chief on this score — all
wars are barbarous, and hence those who wage them are barbarians I This
we know to be strong language ; but we are prepared to prove our assertion.
When mankind shall have been cultivated and improved to that extent which
human nature is capable of attaining,— when the causes of avarice and
dissension are driven out of the human mind, by taking away the means
which excite them, — then, and not till then, will wars and a multitude of
attending calamities cease.

As a sample of the stories circulating about Colonel Brant, while the af-
Tiirs of Wyoming and Cherry-valley were fresh in the recollections of all,
we extract from field's Travels the following : — f

" With a considerable body of his troops he joined the forces under the
command of Sir John Johnston." "A skirmish took place with a body of
American troops ; the action was warm, and Brant >viis shot by a musket
uall in his heel ; but the Americans, in the end, were defeated, and an officer
with about 60 men were taken prisoners. The officer, after having delivered
up his sword, had entered into conversation with Colonel Johnston, who com-
manded the British troops, and they were talking together in the most friend-
ly manner, when Brant having stolen slily behind them, laid the American
officer lifeless on the ground with a blow of his tomahawk. The indignation
of Sir John Johnston, as may be readily supposed, was roused by such an act
of treachei-y, and he resented it in the Avarmest terms. Brant listened to
nim unconcernedly, and when he had finished, told him, that ]ie tvas sorry for
his displeasure, but that, indeed, his heel was extremely painful at the moment, and
he covldnot help revenginf^ himself on the only chief of the party that he saw taken."

Upon this passage the author of the Annals of Tryon County J observes :
" I have heard a story somewhat similar told of him, but it was said that
the officer was killed to prevent his being retaken by the Americans, who
were in pursuit." This we should pronounce very c/is-similar to tiie stoi^

* We will hear a great writer and traveller upon this subject, whose means of forming a
correct iudgmcnt, it is presumed, will not be questioned. " Je remarquerai a cette occasion
sans mVieniIre davanlage sur ce sujet, que toute la politque do I'Anglelerre avec les Indicns
est absoluinent dans les mains des agens, qui seuls en cntondent la languc ; et qui seuls s-ont

es dislributcurs des presens;" &c. Voyage dais les Etals-unis en 171)5, etc. Par La
Rochefoucauld- Liancoiirt, ii. 78. The duke was at Newark, U. C, at this time, where he
witnessed a business assemblage of hidians. After a dance, which they hold before their
audience with the governor of Canada, the duke says that, " Pendant ces jeux, I'iigcnt s'esl
approcho du general avec un des chefs, et lui a dit que sa nation de Tuscorora le lonsullait

f)our savoir si elle irait rt un conscil tenu par les Indiens Oiieydas a Onondago pour vcndre
eurs terres de reserve, que I'Elat de New Yorck desirait aclieter. Le gouverneur a repondu
tr^s-vagucmeut k celle question ; I'ngent a Iraduit comme il a voulu cette rcnonse; mnis il a
ri'plique au gouvenieur Ue la part des hidiens qui comme ils croy;<ient Ctre plus agrcables au
roy ci'Angli'li'rre en n'y allant pas ; ils n'iraicnt pas." Ibid. 77.

* Page •WJG, octavo ed. London, 1800. % In the Appendix, p. 16.

■Hi
1 i't

Chap. V]

BRANT.— HIS DEATH.

691

told by Mr. IVdd. But there was, no doubt, somo circumstnnce out of wbirh
a story bus grown, the truth of whicli, we uppreheiul, is now jiast tiiiti
iug out.

Colonel Brant woa married, in the winter of 1779, to a daughter of Colonel
Croghan by an Indian woman. He had lived with her some time ad libitum,
according to tiie Indian manner, but at this time being present at the wedding
of a Miss Moore, at Niagara, (one of the captives taken from Cherry-valley,)
insisted on being married himself; and thus his consort's name was no
longer Miss Croghan, but Mrs. Brant. The ceremony was performed by his
oompaniou'in-arms, Colonel John Butler, who, although he had lelt his
country, yet carried so much of his magistrate's commission with liim, as to
solemnize marriages according to law.

King George conferred on his famous ally a valuable tract of land situated
upon the west shore of Lake Ontario, where he finally settled and lived atlei
tlie English fashion. His wife, however, would never conform to this mode
of life, but would adhere to the custom of the Lidir^ns, and on the death of
her husband, which happened 24 November, IP'^/, she repaired to Grand
River, there to spend her days in a wigwam, with some of her children,
while she left behind others in a commodious dwelling.* A son, of whom
we have spoken, with a sister, lately occupied this mansion of their father,
and constituted an amiable and hospitable family. This son, whose name is
John, is a man of note, and is the same who was in England in 18'2'i, as has
been mentioned, and the same, we conclude, who has been returned a mem-
ber of the colonial assembly of Upjjcr Canada. His place of residence was
in the county of Haldiman, in Brantford, so culled, probably, in honor of the
old chief.t Several other places are mentioned as having been the residence
of Brant — Uuadilla, or Anaquaqua, (which is about 36 miles south-west from
the present site of Cooperstown,) and Niagara. He resided at these places
before the Mohawks removed to Canada, which was soon after tlie war of
the revolution was ended. They made their principal residence upon
Grand River, which falls into Lake Erie on the north side, about GO miles
from the town of Newark, or Niagara. At one time, he had no less than 3U
or 40 negroes, who took care of his horses and lands. " These poor crea-
tures," says Mr. ffdd, " are kept in the greatest subjection, and they dare not
attempt to make their escape, for he has assured them, that if they did so, he
would follow them himseltj though it were to the confines of Georgia, and
would tomahawk them wherever he met them. They know his disposition
too well not to think that he would adhere strictly to his word." The same
author says that Brant received presents, which, together with his half-pay
as captain, amounted to £500 per annum.

An idea of the importance of this chief, in 1795, may be formed from the
circumstance, that a gentleman considered himself a loser to the amount of
£100, at least, by not being able to arrive at Niagara in season to attend to
some law case for him. Contrary winds had prevented his arrival, and the
buiiiness had been given to another.^

" Whenever the affairs of his nation shall permit him to do so. Brant de-
clares it to be his intention to sit down to the further study of the Greek
language, of which he professes himself to be a great admirer, and to trans-
late from the original, into the Mohawk language, more of the New Testament;
yet this same man, shortly before we arrived at Niagai*a, killed his own son,
with his own hand. The son, it seems, was a drunken, good-for-nothing
fellow, who had often avowed his intention of destroying nis father. One
evening, he absolutely entered the apartment of his father, and had begun to
grapple with him, perhaps with a view to put his unnatural threats in execu-
tion, when Brant drew a short sword, and felled him to the ground. He
speaks of this affair with regret, but, at the same time, without any of that
emotion which another person than an Indian might be supposed to feel. He

• Buchanan's Sketches, i. 36.

t Mr. Cdmi'MI's Aiiuals ol'Tryon County lias been one of our main sources of infr rmattoo
tbrou^linut tills iircount, especially of (lie revolutionary period.
{ (Vf/rf, Travels, 487.

■ 1-^^

\ \

i i-i

592

miANT,

[Book V.

coiipoles himself for the act, by thinking tliat lie has benefited the nation, by
ridding it of a rnscai."*

With regard to the dress of the sachem, there has been some contradiction.
Mr. fVeld, though he did not see him, says he wore his liair in tlie Indian
fashion, as he also did his clothes ; except tluit, instead of the bhinl^ct, lie wore
a iiind of hunting froclt. Tliis was in 17LKJ. But it was reportid, that, hi
1792, Brant liaving waited on Lord Dorchester, tiie governor of Canada, upon
some business, his lordship told him, that as he was an oftioer in tlio British
service, he ought to lay aside the Indian dress, and assume that of an English
captain; and tliat, if he persisted in wearing an Indian dress, he should stop
his pay. It is added that thereupon he changed his dress.f

AVhen Colonel Brant arrived at any principal city, his arrival was jnibliciy
announced in the gazettes with great minuteness. Although we have given
some specimens of these, we will add one more : —

"New York, June 20, 1792. On Monday last arrived in this city, from
his settlement on Grand River, on a visit to some of his friends in this quar-
ter, Cajjtain Joseph Brandt, of the British artny, the famous Mohawk chief,
who so eminently distinguished himself during the late war, as the military
leader of the Six Nations. We are informed that he intends to visit tiic city
of Philadelphia, and pay his respects to the president of the U. States," J
General ffashinglon, which he did. We have belbre mentioned his visit to
that city.

The very respectable traveller § Rochefoticauld thus notices our chief: "At
24 miles ti-om tliis place, (Newark, U. C.) nj)on Grand River, is an establish-
ment whieh I had been curious to visit. It is that of Colonel Brant. But
the colonel not being at home, and being assured that I should see little else
than what I had already seen among those people, I gave over my intention.
Colonel Brant is an Indian who took part with the English, and having been
in England, was commissioned by the king, and politely treated by every one.
His manners are half European. He is accompanied by two negro servants,
and is in ap])earance like an Englishman. He has a garden and farm under
cultivation ; dresses almost entirely like an European, and has great hifluence
over the Indians. He is at present [17951 at Miami, holding a treaty with
the United States, in company with the Indians of the west. He is equally
respected by the Americans, who extol so much his character, that 1 i egret
much not to have seen him." ||

.The great respect in which Brant was held in England will be very appar-
ent from a perusal of the following letter,1I dated 12 December, 1785: "Mon-
day last. Colonel Joseph Brant, the celebrated king of the Mohawks, arrived
in this city, [Salisbury,] from America, and after dining with Colonel de Peis-
ter, at the head-quarters here, proceeded immediately on his journey to
London. This extraordinary personage is said to have presided at tlie late
grand congress of confederate chiefs of the Indian nation in America, and to
be by them ai)pointed to the conduct and chief command in the war which
they now meditate against the United States of America. He took his de-
parture for England unmediately as that assembly broke up ; and it is con-

* Weld, Travels, 4S0. _ f Apollo for 1792. t American Apollo, 297.

Duke de Liancourt, Travels, ii. 81, before cited, from whom we translate this.
This French traveller seems to have been m advance o( history, m as (ar as he thus early
sets in their proper lii^ht the characters of the heroes of Wyoming. After speaking of the
influence of Indian agents over those people, as we have extracted in a previous note, he thus
consi£;ns to Colonel liutler the place whicn he is doubtless to hold in all aflcr-tiine in the
annals of his country: — " L'airent anglais dont ilest ici queston, est le Colonel i?u«/er, fameux
par SOS incendics, ses pillages et ses nieurtrcs dans la guerre d'AmPrique. II est lui-meme
Ainericain d'aiiprt'^s de Wilkosbarre ; [one of the towns in the valley of VVyoming;] son pre-
tendu loyalisiiie qu'il a su se (iiire payer de brevets el de traitemens, lui a fait comineltre plus
de barbaries, plus d'lnfainies conire sa patrie, au'a qui que ce soit. II conduisait les Indiens,
Icur indiqnait Ics ternios, ies niaisons k bruler, les virtimes a scarpeler, les eiifans ft dechirer.
L'Angleterre a recompense son loyalisme de cinq mille acres de terre pour lui, d'une quantity
pareilTe pour ses eiilaiis, d'une pension de deux a trois cents livres sterlings, d'une place
d'agent aupn'-s d .s Indiens, qui ln' en vaut cinq cents aulres, avec la facility de puiser a vo-
lonte (Inns les n asas.is de prt'scns." Rochefoucauld, ut supra, (ii. 7fi — 9.)

IT Tliere is n(. name to this letter; but it was written in Salisbury, Eng., and thence sent la
London, where u was published.

■^^- 't5';:

I.:-

^-H--. ■;. ■:iiiP.f<;':_,!^i; . ■

Chirl" oC the Senrcas

U:
'-■f -

rntf ■ ' .i'F l)lt' III t, I', LliU.nll

t<\„.. 1 ■•ll."*

iJi 'hmti, u^ In' hIjO dal lilM i i«>«hnh ;
n ki- I of" lulling troch. '»■•
17if,', /imut iiiivii,:r wiiin ». ■ •

K'li.c l)!!^!!!!!^**, Ilia I*'.'
scnn", lit; ouL'ht u< h ■ .

rvi'f "ri ; a!) ! ■
n^ p!iy. It

'A Iv
'iliiii>iii\< ' •

finiv.. :4|)i'i-.,'

rn.oh V.

ti'i<> iK'iuliiitU ili« iiatioi:. I>y

.■\» it!H!» 'OMif- ruHlniiltctii.fl.

r< Ins hnir in th* liiimn

■ 111 iliH hlmiki't, III" ui.Tc

;i .s^a !vport(<l, Uia(, il>

', t>n' tfiivenifir of" <'iiiiitl)i, ii|>ori

' l.f^ Willi .til ortii'cr ill (]i<: ljiiiiii>ii

s'u"! !i««»iii«' tlialof !ii» f^iii'li^ii

itIS 'Mfltliil i)rt'ci«l, li€ aiiuuld ^lll{l

,/,.,( !.lv ,1,, .-.*

.i| wiH piililirl}'

• ii<

.'V. f. .11:

%«l(

itl.l >il'..

,i: Ijcliii'i) 111'

■ (..I wl

■liilV
ICrt," i

. sfK*. tni>lii trnv. ii»r ^ ffw Ajuumidtl tltii:' notn'cw our chirl : " ir
.... 11' ilti.< pl:itM', ii\> vviirit, L. C.) upon Cuiml IUmt. i.^ rui eslahli.-li-

iiu'iit ivhjfh I Ij;h1 *'>i'>^ii viiriu'Jf* lo visit, it i.^- tliiit of «''>l1 Bfint. Hi;i
ili:> v!(ilunel not \u\iv^ nt Ihjmjh, avt] hi'h\X Hs.siirod Umt I -litiulil sen jitrit ciw;
•.!.'.ii wliiit 1 had airoadv .lot'ii un.nnfc. .. -«• jn -ipii, 1 rip i^ ovur niy ii.teiitiori.
«-'i>!<in<<l iyrd/i^ IS ;in ImriHri wiii-v t.< r i'.-.rt ■ ■'. '" ' ■ ' ti.-vitij? tx'on

ii) I'.iiirland, wnscoi.ifnKi<ioiiod l.\ '' • • lu .'nry one.

Hi.-' 'iiaiunTSMre luilt i'< ■■■ vuiit-,

!!'> ! in )i(,>)>«>T-tri'»' _ ' iiiid'.T

iiifiwi'

.. . ji «o much liis iharai'trr, timt .1 regret
riiUi . 111'.' Het'M Jiim.'' IJ

y.i- jr, , M.-j>««^t iri "h;rh Bm;.i wa^' '.'.M in Bluif'im! will h' vi -j uppar-
ptit •.•.»« 1 jjnTiiwU oi !iw U>llo\vii;g litUUjV vintt'i !"./ Dtcui:' !»«;•, i7b.'>, ' Mun
li/iv ii-.-,r, Coti.nil Jotcph Jiratd, the ccK liraicd kiii.<r ot' ttic Moli uvke, nrrivd
ii! tl'is cit}, [."?!*iiyl)ur\.j iVt.Ui AnitiicH. mid K'i«r -ruiijifj \\iih(,"itloiii ! ;' J.'i,.i-
tii. it ttio lioud-nimriers lurt-, ptofv»"'"d nuuiedtitSfciy »»t! hij idiiriicy to
Lond'in. Tli~ > .ir:in>- .' ut-v ' ■ .si'.:,;;; »• -i"!-! rn ''■"?• j»r. -•.l| t! ^t tin' hni.
iir.'iiKl '■!. . • 'li"' to

u. !,-. !' vvhiuh

;H» dc-

J.'iim whom • ■
.iii.;« <il liistorv,
.-< - : \Vvc!ii.i.-,

, ■■ -if the tf>»'ll:i ;•;

,.,r .(H ^ ;» -• '-i v)H brevi'ti i-\ .in i.

...s diiif.i .' • . .• .>rie, <jij'a 'jul i^Ti-

V- '; .ni.'S, li-s ■ ' 1 t^ri'iler, io8 \ ;ciim<"* tt '

.,.,.. M.itsc : ■.. ■ >i'f ']c rini/ miJlf HCTf-

; .1':.. If iliuix i'l U"i.s <'>■•!

! - i^i : < Inq ctiMs iiiitiei

..__ ___. .^.. .1.,., — y ''«/,"■-■!,'•■ ,

II Tliern is no namn lo this letter ; but it wa-- written in Salisbury, Eug., and thence sent to
I.oiid"-., where it was pubhslicd.

• l.rlv

• It iiie
ii...tt, '."• ■.Imj
rt(w' r.ioe in tdo
"■ lik :'tri famCMx
«i iiji-mfii.'ia
I .".on j»ro-

■Urf |iius

l;v'i(lis,

I . (1 ii ■ ii ilixti rer.

i-i li uiii' i|iiantii''

•iiTs, il'une |i|a«'«

'• -lo puiser a vo-

Chii-r ol' tl\e Scnrc'.its

Chap. VI]

RED-JACKET

59.^

jocrtiircd timt liia cinlmiiay to the BritiMh court in of jiroat iiiiportiiiico. Tliis
(■(iiiiitry owrH much to th« HcrviccH of Colonel Brant diiriiitf the lute war in
Aineric(u lie wna educated at IMiiladel|iliiik, [iit the Moord churity mcIiooI
ill Lehanon, Corineclicut,] ix a very shrewd, intelligent pcrnon, jjossetwen great
con rage and uhilities aa u warrior, and is uiviolubly utuichod to the English
n.ition."

It lias been denied that Brant was in any way engaged in the mnssjicres
at Wyoming, but it seems hardly posHiblo that so many shoidd have been
d('C> ivcd ut tiiat time ; and, moreover, wo do not fmd that it was denied until
uli:i()Ht every one of that age hud ietl the t<tage of action. Those who deny
that he was at VVvoming should, at least, prove an alibi, or they cannot ex-
p 'c't to be believed.*

Brnnt was said to have been G5 years old at his death. \ daughter of his mar-
ried H'Utiau J. Ker, Es(|. of Niagara, and he had several other children besides
those we liave mentioned. The son who visited England in lS'i2, and
another named Jacob, entered Moor's school at Hanover, N. H. in 1801, under
th(! care of Dr. IVhedock. The ibrmer son, John^ died about two years since,
in the winter of 1831.

-"»«>/#«»•

CHAPTER VI.

Farts in thf history of the Seneca nation — Saooyewatha, or Red-jackkt — His fa-
mous s/iefrk to a missionary — His intirview with Colonel Snellinir — British invade
his country — Resolves to repel them — His speech upon the event — Governor Clinton's
account of him — Witchcraft affair — Complains of encroachments — One of his people
put to death for being a witch — He defends the execjitioner — His interview with
Lafayette — Council at Canandaiguti — Farmer s-brothir — Red-jacket visits Phila
dr'nhia — His speech to the gover".or of Pennsylvania — Speech of Jtgwelondongwas,
or Good-peter — JYarrative of his capture during the revolutionary war — Farmers-
brother, or HoNAVAWUS — Visits Philadelphia — Peter-jac^uette — Vis.ts France
— Account of his death — Memorable speech of Farmers-brother — His letter to the sec-
retary of war — JVbtice of several other Seneca chiefs — KoYiNoiiUATAH, or Younc-
KiNQ — JusKAKAK A, or Little-billy — Achiout, or Half-towh — Ki an pogew a, or
Bio-TREE — Gyentwaia, or Corn-plant — Jlddress of the t<ree latter to Presidnit
Washington — Grant of land to Big-tree — His visit to Philadelphia, and death —
Further account of Corn-plant — His oion account of himself — Interesting events in
his life — His sons.

The Senecas were the most important trilw among the Iroquois, or Five
Nations, and, according to Conrad IVeiser, they were th3 fourth nation that
joined that confederacy. He calls them f " leuontowunois or Sinikers," and
says, " they are styled by the Mohawks and Ononrbgos, brothers ; " and that
their title in councils is Onughkaurydaaug. The French call them Tsonnon-
thouans, from their principal castle, or council-house, the name of which,
according to Colden, is Sinondowans. | Other particulars of this nation will
be related as we proceed in detailing the lives of its chiefs. Among these,
perhaps, the most illustrious was

SAGOYEWATHA, § called by the whites, Red-jacket. His place of resi-

* III a late criminal trial which has much agitalefl New Enjfland, reasonable people said,
tli(> del'enclaiit, out of respect to public opinion, ought to make it appear where he was at the
time a murder was committed, allhouj^h in law he was not bound so to do. An advocate for
his innocence told the writer, that " he was not obliged to tell where he was," and it wag
nobody's business ; and, therefore, we were bound, according to law, to believe him innocent
This we offer as a parallel case to the one in hand. But it happens we are not " bowid by
law" to believe our chief entirely innocent of the blood shed at Wyoming.

t American Mag. t Hist. Five Nations, i. 42.

§ Tlie common ntelhod of spelling. Governor Clinton writes, Sai^uoaha. Written to
the treaty of " Konondaigua," (Nov. 1794,) Soggooyawauthau ; to that of Buffalo Creek,
(June, 180'2,) Soogooyawautau ; to that o( Moscow, (Sept. \S'i3.) Sagmiata. It is said
111 -iiirnifv " 0«« who keeps awake," ot Am'piy , Keeper-awake. " Sd-gwi'-i'-wau"-tiMi : he
is wide awake, and keeps every body else awake, a very appropriate name for the Cicerc
60 * 2N

I* -'■'■ ■"''

594

RED-JACKET.— SPEECH TO A MISSIONARY.

dence was, for many years previous to his death, (which happened 20 Januai-y
1830, at his own house,) about four miles from Biiifulo, and one mile north
of the road that leads through the land reserved for the remnant of the Seneca
nation, called the Reservation, His house was a log-cabin, situated in a retired
place. Some of his tribe are Christians, but Red-jacret would never hear
to any thing of the kind. He was formerly considered of superior wisdom in
council, and of a noble and dignified behavior, which would have honored
any man. But, like nearly all his race, li 'mild not withstand the tem])tation
of ardent spirits, which, together with his age, rendered him latterly less
worthy notice. Formerly, scarce a traveller passed near liis place of resi-
dence, who would not go out of his way to see this wonderful man, and to
hear his profound observations.

In th3 year 1805, a council was held at Buffalo, in the state of New York,
at which were present many of the Seneca chiefs and warriors, assembled at
the request of a missionary, Mr. Crain, from Massachusetts. It was at this
time that Red-jacket delivered his famous speech, about which so much has
been said and written, and which we propose to give here at length, and cor-
rectly ; as some omissions and errors ^vere contained in it as published at the
time. It may be taken as genuine, at least as nearly so as the Indian lan-
gnage can be translated, in which it was delivered, for Red-jacket would uc>t
speak in English, although he understood it. The missionary liir-i made a
s{>eech to the Indians, in wliich he explained the ohjecl for which he had called
them together ; namely, to inform them that he v, as sent by the missionary
society of Boston to instruct them "how to worshij) the Great SpmY," and
not to get away their lands and money ; that there was but one elig'>on, and
unless they emijraeed it they could not be happy; that they .lad lived in
darkness and great errors all their lives; he wished that, if voy had any
objections to his religion, they would state them; that he ha. isited some
smaller tribes, who waited their decision before they would consent to
receive him, as they were their "older brothers "

Afler the missionary had done speaking, tin Indians conferred together
about two hours, by themselves, when they gave an answer by Red-jacket,
which follows : —

^^ Friend and brother, it was the will of the Great Spirit that we should mi et
together this day. He orders all things, and he has given us a fine day for
our council. He has taken his garment from before the sun, and caused it
to shine with brightness upon us ; our eyes are opened, that we see clearly ;
our ears are unstopped, that we have been able to hear distinctly the words
that you have spoken ; for all these favors we thank the Great Spirit, and
him only.

" Brother, this council fire was kindled by you ; it was at your request that
we Ciime together at this time ; we have listened with attention to what you
have said; you requested us to speak our minds freely; this gives us great
joy, for we now consider that we stand upright before you, and can speak
what we think ; all have heard your voice, and all speak to you as one man ;
our minds are agreed.

" Brother, you say you want an answer to your talk before you leave this

!)lace. I', is right you should have one, as you are a great distance from
lome, and we do not wish to lietain you ; but we Avill first look back a little,
and tell you what our fathers have told us, and what we have heard from the
white people.

" Brother, listen to what ive say. There was £> time when our forefathers
owned this gicnt island.* Their seats extended from the rising to the set-
ting sun. The Great S[)irithad made it for the use of Indians. lie hud cre-
ated the buffalo, the deer, and other animals for food. He made the bear
and the beaver, and their skins served us for clothing. He had scattered

His English nppellalioii had its oriffin from liic rirrnnislajiot! of his woariiifj,
a red jitrki't.'' Aldvii's Account of Missions, Mri. — 'I'his is a very iiiilMiiil

of the west,
when a child ...

derivation ; b.il from what oirt'umstance some of the Indians dcrivod thoir nanios, it hooIcI
liard to divine : thus. lieil-Juc/ci'l ha.i an uncle whose name meant a lieiip of dogs, \b. Ijl.
* A general o]>inion aniojiirall the Indians that this cuuiitry was an island,

Chap, VI.] RED-JACKET.— SPEECH TO A MISSIONARY.

505

them over the country, and taught us how to take them. He had caused
tlie euith to produce corn for bread. All this he had done lor his red cliil-
tlreu because he loved them. If we had any disputes about hunting grounds,
tliey were generally settled without the shedding of much blood : but an evil
day came upon us ; your forefathers crossed the great waters, and landed on
this island. Their numbers were small ; they found friends, and not enemies;
they told us they had fled from their own country for fear of wicked men,
and come here to enjoy tiieir religion. Tliey asked for a small seat; we took
pity on them, granted their request, and thoy sat down amongst us ; we gave
them corn and meat ; tliey gave us poison * in return. The wliite people had
now found our country, tidings were c.irried back, and more came amongst
us ; yet we did not fear them, we took them to be friends ; they called us
brothers ; we believed them, and gave them a larger seat. At length their
numbers had greatly increased; they wanted more land; they wanted our
country. Our eyes were opened, and our minds became uneasy. Wars took
place ; Indians were hired to figlit against Indians, and many of our people
were destroyed. They also brought strong licjuors among us : it was strong
and powerful, and has slain thousands.

" Brother, our seats were once large, and yours were very small ; you have
now become a great i)eople, and we have scarcely a pli'?-" left to spread
our blankets ; you have got our country, but are not satisfied , you want to
force, your religion upon us.

" Brother, co7it{nu£ to listen. You say that you arc sent to instruct us how
to worship the Great Spirit agreeably to his mind, and if we do not take hold
of tiie religion which you white people teach, we shall be unhappy here-
after; you say that you are right, and we are lost ; how do we know this to
be true .■' We understand that your religion is written in a book ; if it was
intended for us as well as you, why has not the (Jreat Spirit given it to us,
and not only to us, but why did he not give to our forefatheis the knowledge
of that book, with the means of understanding it rightly .' We only know
what you tell us about it ; how shall we know when to believe, being so
often deceived by the white people ?

" Brollier, you say there is but one way to worship and serve the Great
Spirit ; if there is but one religion, why do you white people differ so much
about it .' why not all agree, as you can all read the book ?

"Brother, we do not understjind these things; we are told that your
religion was given to your forefiithers, and has been handed down from
father to son. We also have a religion which was given to our forefathers,
and has been handed down to us their children. We worship that way. //
teackclh us to be thankful for all tliej'avors ive receive ; to love each other, and to
be '••n'ued ; we never qunirel about religion.

" Brother, the Great Spirit has made us all ; but he has made a great differ-
ence between his white and red children ; he has given us a diffircnt com-
plexion, and different customs ; to you he has given the arts ; to these he
has not o|)ened our eyes; we know these things to be true. Since he lias
made so great adifftu'ence between us in other things, why may we nr>t con-
clude that he has given us a difforont religion according to oiv, u'.iderstand-
ing; the Great Spirit does right; he knows what is best for his children;
we are satisfied.

" Brotlier, we do not wish to destroy your religion, or take it from you ; we
only want to enjoy our own.

" Brollver, you say yon have not come to get our land or our monej', but to
enlighten our minds. I will now tell you that I have been at yoiu* meetings,
and saw you collecting money from the meeting. I cannot tell what this
money was iiitcmded for, but suppose it was for your minister, and if
we should conform to your way of thinking, perhaps yon may want some
from us.

"Brother, we are told tliat you have been preaching to wliitp ]ieo|)lo in this
place; these pcopli* are our neighbors, we arc acquainted witli tliem; wo
will wait a little while and see what efiect your preaching has upon tlicmu

. ' ■ H

• t

'■"■ ■

..t .

Spiriluoiis liiiuor is alluiJed to, it is supposed.

596

REDJACKET- ENGAGES IN THE WAR OF 1812. [Book V

If we find it does them good, makes them honest, and less disposed to cheat
Indians, wc will then consider again what you have said.

" Brollier, you liave now heard our answer to your talk, and this is all we
have to say at present. As we arc going to part, we will come Bn<l take you
hy the hand, and liope the Great Spirit will protect yoti on your journey, and
retu-n you safe to your friends."

The cliiefa and others then drew near the missionary to take him by the
hand; hut he would not receive them, and hastily rising from his seat, w.iti,
" that tliere was no fellowship between the religion of God and the works
of the Devil, and, therefore, could not join hands with them." Upon this
being interpreted to them, "they smiled, and retired in a peaceable manner."

Tlie Indians cannot well conceive how they have any participation in the
gu\]* of the crucifixion ; inasmuch as they do not believe themselves of the
same origin as the whites ; and there being no dispute but that they com-
mitted that act. Red-jacket once said to a clerg;man who was importuning
him on this sidycct,

" Brother, if you white men murdered the Son of the Great Spirit, we Indians
had nothing to do itnth it, and it is none of our affair. If he had come among us,
ue would not have killed him ; we would have treated him well. You must make
amends for that crime yourselves." *

Red-jacket took i)art with the Americans in the war of 1812, but was not
distinguished for that jJiodigaHty of life which marked the character of
Tecumseh, and many others, but, on all occasions, was cool and collected.
He had become at.ached to Colonel Snelling during the war, and when he
heard that that officer was ordered to a distant station, he went to take his
farewell of him. At that interview he said,

^^ Brother, I hear you are going to a place called Governor's Island. I hope
you imll be a/ governor yourself. I understand that you tvhite people think children
a blessing. I hope you may have a thousand. Jind, above all, I hope, wherever
you go, you nuty never find whisky more than two shillings a quart."\

Grand Island, in Niagara River, just above the iiimous Niagara Falls, is
owned by the Senccas. When it was rumored that the British had taken
possession of it, in their last war with the Americans, Red-jacket assem-
bli'd his people, to considt with Mr. Granger, their agent. After having
stated to liim the information, the old chief made the following profound
speech : —

" Brother, yon have told us that toe had nothing to do with the war that has
taken place between you aivl the British. But we find the war has comt to our
doors. Our property is taken possession of by the British and their Indian
friends. It is necessary now for us to take up tfie business, defend owe property,
and drive the enemy from it. If we sit still upon our seals, and take no means
of redress, the British (according to the customs of you white people) will hold
it by conquest. And shotdd you conquer the Canadas, you will claim it upon
the same principles, as [though] conquered from the British. We, therefore, re-
qmst permission to go with our warriors, and drive off those bad people, and take
possession of our lands." Whtrcupon, such of the Senecas as had an in-
clination, wore permitted to join the American army.

In one action Red-jacket acted a conspicuous part, and is most honorably
mentioned by the coiuniaiiding general. The action took place near Fort
Gi'orge, on the 17 August, 18I."J, between about 300 volunteers and Indians,
supported by 200 regulars. These surprised the British and Indian camp at
day-light, killed 75 aiid took Iti prisoners. Th.e success of the expedition
was arinost entirely owing to a stratagem of the Indians, who, when they
had font ' tiioir j)lau of attack, decoyed their brethren, on the British side,
uito an ambush, by giving a war-whoop which they mistook for that of
tlifir liicnds. (Jenoral Boyd, who commanded here, says, "The principal
ciiiefs who led the warriors this day, were Farmer's Brother, Red-jacket,

* " This occurred in a coiiversalioii hctwcpii R^d-Jarket wid tlie Reverend Mr. BrMken-
ridge; Tommy-Ji'mmy, Jack- lierry anOt niyst'lf were present. I heard the reinHrk, ami will
vouch for it." yV. J. Sufllhis:-

t N.E. Galaxy, 13 July, 1833.

\W'.

Chap. VI] REIMACKET.— REFORMATION IN HI3 TRIBE.

oD7

Little Billt, Pollard, Black Snake, Johnson, Silverheels, Captain
Half-town, Major Henrt O. Ball, (Corn-planter's son,) and Captain Cold,
chief of Onondago, who was wounded. In a council wliich was held witii
them yesterday, they covenanted not to scalp or murder ; and I am happy to
say, that they treated the prisoners with humanity, and committed no wunton
cruelties upon the dead." " Their bravery and humanity were equally con-
spicuous. Already the quietness in which our pickets are suffered toremuhi,
evinces the benefit arising from their assistance."*

Governor De Witt Clinton, in his most valuable discourse before the His-
torical Society of New York, thus notices Bed-jacket: — " Witli^a a few yeurw,
an extraordinary orator has risen among the Senecas; his real name is
Sas;uodha. Without the advantages of illustrious descent, and with no
evtruordinary talents for war, he has attained the first distinctions in tin:
nation by the force of his eloquence." Red-jacket having, by some means,
loiit the confidence of liis countrymen, in order, as it is reported, to retrievi;
i , iirevailed upon his brother to announce himself a prophet, comniiijsioned
by the Great Spirit to redeem them from their miserable condition. —
It rotiuired nothing but an adroit and skilful reasoner to persuade the igno-
rant multitude, given to the grossest superstition, of his infallibility in the
pretended art or mystery. If good ever came out of evil, it did at this time.
The Onoudagas were, at that period, the most drunken and profligate of all
the Iroquois. They were now so lar prevailed upon as almost entirely to
ul>8tuin from ardent spirits, became sober and industrious, and observed and
respected the laws of morality. This good effect was not confined to tho
Onondagas, but shed its benign influence through the nations atljacent. But
as this reform was begun in hypocrisy, it necessarily ended witii its hypo-
critical author. The greatest check, perhaps, which can be thrown in the
way of imposture, is its own exposition. Li this case, like witchcrafl among
us in former times, it was stayed by its own operations. Many were de-
nounced as witches, and some would biive been executed but for the inter-
ference of their white neighbors. Red-jacket was denounced in a great
council of Lidians, held at Buffalo Creek, as the chief author of their
troubles. He was accordingly brought to trial, and his eloquence saved his
life, and greatly increased his reputation. His defence was near three hours
long. And, in the language of (Jovernor Clinton, " the iron brow of super-
stition relented under the magic of his eloquence : he declared the projihet
[his brother] an impostor and a cheat ; he pi-evailed ; the Indians divided,
luid a small majority a[)peared in his favor. Perhaps the annals of history
cannot furnish a more conspicuous instance of the triumph and power of
oratory, in a barbarous nation, devoted to superstition, and looking up to the
accuser as a delegated minister of the Alitiighty. lam well aware that tlio
speech of Losan will be triumphantly quoted against me, and that ii will
be said, that the most splendid exliibition of Indian eloquence may be found
out of the pale of the Six Nations. I fully subscribe to the eulogiiun of Mr.
Jefferson, when he says, ' I may challenge the whole orations of Demoslhencs
and Cicero, and of any more eminent orator, if Europe has furnished moio
eminent, to produce a single passage sujterior to the speech of Logan,^ But
let it be remembered that Logan was a Mingo chief," that is, an Iroquois.

The time is not far distant, if not already arrived, when the name of Red-
jacket will be heard, in the most august assemblies, to give weight to the
mightiest efforts of eloquence. In the debate on the Indian bill, in 1830, iu
congress, Mr. Crockett,\ of Tennessee, said, " I am forcibly reminded of tho
remark made by the famous Red-jacket, in the rotunda of this buildinif,
when he was shown the panel which represented in sculpture tho fir&t
landing of the Pilgrims, with an Indian chief presenting to them an ear of'
corn, m token of friendly welcome. The aged Indian said, 'That teas

* Nilea' Register, iv. 418, and v. 1,—Brannans Official Letters, WO. — Sliallus's Tables, ii.
120.

t The piliful crusade in which this brave man lost his life, will .■■ i lone; bo rcmembprrci for
ts unju<<tiliable oririii, as the many valuable but misguided inoii wlio have Ihmmi sarrificcd iu
il. Having joined the army of Texas, Colonel Crockett was there iniinlcrcil widi llu; rest
ef a garrison which fell into the hands of the Mexicans ; this prcitcnl ycur, liiM.

■I

598

RED JACKET.— COiMPLAINS OF THE MISSIONARIES. [Book V

I ; 'i t'K

^00(1.^ He said he knew they came from the Great Spirit, and he was wiH-
ing to share tiie soil with his brotliers. But when he turned round to view
another panel, representing Pernios treaty, he said, ^M! all's gone nmoJ
There was a great deal of truth in this short saying."

Nothing seems more to have troubled the peace of Red-jacket than the
intru.sion of missionaries among his people. With the merits or demerits
of tlie manner in which particular creeds have been forced upon the In-
dians in general, we have nothing to do, but we will refer the reader to Mr.
Buchanaii's Sketches,* where, in our opuiion, every sectarian will glean some
Useful hints upon that head.

Red-jacket and his council, in 1821, made a forma! complaint to the gov
ernor of New York, cf the arbitrary conduct of some teachers among his
people, and of their undue influence generally. Considering it to contain a
most important and valuable piece of information, we will give it entire : —

" Brother Parish, I address myself to you, and through you to the govern-
or. The chiefs of Onondaga have accompanied you to Albany, to do busi-
ness with the governor ; I also was to have been with you, but I am sorry
to say that bad health has put it out of my power. For this you must not
tliink hard of me. I am not to blame for it. It is tiie will of the Great
Spirit that it should be so. The object of the Onondagas is to purchase our
lands at Tonnewanta. This and all other business that they may have to do
at Albanj', must be transacted in the presence of the governor. He will
soe that the bargain is fairly made, so that all parties may have reason to be
satisfied with what shall be done ; and when our sanction shall be wanted
to the transaction, it will be freely given. I much regret that, at this time,
tlie state of my health should have prevented me from accompanying you to
Albany, as it was the wish of the nation that I should state to the governor
.some circumstances which show that the chain of friendship between us
and the white people is wearing out, and wants brightening. I proceed
'low, however, to lay them before you by letter, that you may mention them
to the governor, and solicit redress. He is appointed to do justice to all,
iind the Indians fully confide that he will not suflTer them to be wronged
with impunity. The first subject to which we would call the attention of
the governor, is the depredations that are daily committed by the white
people upon the most valuable timber on our reservations. This has been a
subject of complaint with us for many years ; but now, and particr'arly at
this season of the year, it has become an alarming evil, and calls for the
immediate interposition of the governor in our behalf Our next subject
of complaint is, the frequent thefts of our horses and cattle by the white
j)eople, and their habit of taking and using them whenever they please, and
without our leave. These are evils which seem to increase upon us
with the increase of our white neighbors, and they call loudly for redressi.
Another evil arising from the pressure of the whites upon us, and our
imavoidable communication with them, ia the frequency with which our
cliieis, and warriors, and Indians, are thrown into jail, and that, too, for
the most trifling causes. This is very galling to our feelings, and ought not
lo be permitted to the extent to which, to gratify their bad passions, our
Avhite neighbors now carry this practice. In our hunting and fishing, too,
Ave are greatly inten'upted by the whites. Our venison is stolen from the
ticts where we have hung it to be reclaimed after the chase. Our hunting
< amjts have been fired into, and we have been warned that we shall no
longer be permitted to pursue the deer in those forests which were so lately
all our own. The T^h, which, in the Bufltldo and Tonnewanta Creeks, used
to suj)ply us with foo^'. are nov, by the dams and other obstructions of the
white people, preventea irom. multijjlying, and we are almost entirely de-
prived of that accustomea «jstenance. Our great father, the president, hra
recommended to our young men to be industrious, to plough, and to sow.
This we have done, and we are thankful for the advice, and for the means
he has afflirded us of carrying it into cflTect. We are happier in conse-
([Uence of it. But another thing recommended to i«, has created great voitfusion

Vol. i, chap. !x.

^l -V^^

Chap. VI.]

RED-JACKET.— WITCHCRAFT AFFAIR.

599

amone us, and is making us a quarrtlsome and divided peofle ; and that is, the
introduction of preachers into our nation. These black ^oats contrive to get
the consent of some of the Lidians to preach among us, and wlierevcr this
is the case, confusion and disorder are sure to follow, and the encroach-
inrnts of the whites upon our lands are the invariable conse(iuence. The
governor must not think hard of me for sj)eaking thus of the preachers. 1
liave observed their progress, and when I look back to see what has taken
place of old, 1 perceive that whenever they came among the Indians, tiiey
were the forerunners of iheir dispersion ; that they always excited enmities
•nnd quarrels among them ; that they introduced the white people on their
lands, by whom they were robbed and plundered of their pro|)erty ; and
tliat the Indians were sure to dwindle and decrease, and be driven buck in
proportion to the number of preachers that came among them. Each nation
liiis its own customs and its own religion. The Indians have theirs, given to
tiiem by the Great Spirit, under which they were happy. It was not in-
tended that they should embrace the religion of the whites, and be destroyed
by the attempt to make them think difierently on that subject from their
fathers.* It is true, these preachers have got th(! consent of some of the
chiefs to stay and preach among us, but I and my friends know this to bo
wrong, and that they oug!>* to be removed ; besides, we have been threatened
by Mr. Hyde, who came among us as a school-master and a teacher of our
children, but has now become a black coat, and refused to teac'< them any
more, tliat unless we listen to liis preaching and become Christians, we will
be turned off our lands. We wish to know from the governor if this is to
J)o so ; and if he has no right to say so, we think he ought to be turned off
our lands, and not allowed to plague us any more. We shall never be at
peace while he is among us. Let them be removed, and we will be haj)|iy
and contented among ourselves. We now cry to the governor for help, and
hope that he will attend to our complaints, and speedily give us redress.

Rf.1)-J4CKET."

" Till" letter was dictated by Red-jacJ(el, and interpreted by Henrif Obeal,\
in the p.osence of the following Indians: Jled-jackcfs son. Corn-planter, Johii-
cnhh, Peter, Young-kings-brother, Tom-the-infant, [Onnonggaiheko,] Blue-ski/,
[Tuwijocaupa,] John-sb/, Jemmy-johnson, Marcus, Big-Jire, Captain- Jcmm;/."

The success this petition met with, it is presumed, was full and satisiiictory
to him, in respect to one particular ; for :io ministers, for some time al'tervvards,
were admitted upon the reservation.

In thespringof 1821, amanof iJerf-jWftct'stribe fell intoalang-'ishment and
died. His complaint was unknown, and some circumstances attended hiai
illness which caused his friends to believe that he was bewitched. The wo-
man that attended him was fixed upon as the witch, and by the law, or
custom, of the nation, she was doomed to suffer death. A chief by the name
of Tom-jemmy, called by his own people Soo-nong-gise, executed the decree
by cutting her throat. The Americans took up the matter, seized Tom-jemmy,
and threw him into prison.^ Some time after, when bis trial came on, Red-
jacket appeared in court as an evidence. The counsel lor the prisoner denied
that the court had any jurisdiction over the case, and alter it was carried
through three terms, Soo-nong-gise was finally cleared. Red-jacket and the
oilier witnesses testified that the woman was a witch, and that she had been
tried, condenmed and executed in pursuance of their laws, which had been
established from time immemorial; long before the English came into
the country. The witch doctrine of the Senecas was much ridiculed by
some of the Americans, to which Red-jacket thus aptly alludes in a .speech
which he made while upon the stand : —

" fVhat ! do you denounce us as fools and higots, because ive still continue to
believe that ivhich you yourselves sedulously inciucated two centuries ago ? Your
divines have thundered this doctrine from the ptdpit, your judges have pronounced

* A liappy illustration of tlie force of ecliication. t Son o( Com-pUmter, or Cnrn-pliinf.

\ Information of a gentleman ( IV. J. UneUmg, Esq ) who was on llie spot, and saw him
l>roM;;lit to BulTalo. 'litis was tlie next day alter the murder, and the blood was yvl iipdc
III:* hands.

. •♦

600

RED-JACKET.— INTERVIEW WITH LAFAYETTE. [Book V

it from the bench, your courts of justice have sanctioned it wUh the formalities of
kuo, and you would now puntah our unfortunate brother for adherence to the su-
perstitions of his fathers .' Go to Salem ! Look at the records of your government,
and you will fnd hundreds executed for the very crime which has called forth the
sentence of condemnation upon this woman, and drawn down the arm of vengeance
upon her. fVhat have our brothers done more than the rulers of your people have
clone f and what crime has this man committed by executing, in a summary way,
the laws of his country, and the injunctions of his God ? Before Red-jacket
was admitted to eive evidence in the case, he was asked if he believed in
future rewards and punishments, and the existence of GJod. With a piercing
look into the face ot his interrogator, and with no little indignation of expres-
sion, he replied : " Yes ! much more than the white men, if we are to judge by
their actions" Upon the appearance of Red-jacket upon this occasion, one
observes : " There is not, perhaps, in nature, a more expressive eye tiian that
of Red-jacket ; when fired by indignation or revenge, it is terrible ; and when
he chooses to display his unrivalled talent for irony, his keen sarcastic glance
is irresistible." *

When Lafayette, in 1825, was at Buffalo, among the persons of distinction
who called upon him, was Red-jacket. Of the old chief, M. Levasaeur ob-
serves : f This extraordinary man, although much worn down by time and
intemperance, preserves yet, in a surprising degree, the exercise of all his
faculties. He had ever remembered Lcfayette since 1784, at which time he,
with others, met a great council of all tiie Indian nations at Fort Schuyler,
when the interest of all those nations, friends and enemies, was regulated
with the United States. He asked the general if he recollected that meeting.
Ho replied that he had not forgotten that great event, and asked Red-jacket if
he knew what had become of the young chief, who, in that council, opposed
with such eloquence the " burying of the tomahawk." Red-Jacket replied,
"i/e is before you." His speech was a master-piece, and every warrior who
heard him was carried away with his eloquence. He urged a continuation of tlie
war against the Americans, having joined against them in the revolution.
The general observed to him that time had much changed them since that
meeting. " Ah ! " said Red-jacket, " time has not been so severe upon you as
it has upon me. It has left to you a fresh countenance, and hair to cover

i'our head ; while to me behold ! " and taking a handkerchief from
lis head, with an air of much feeling, showed his head, which was almost
entirely bald.|

At this interview, was fully confirmed what we have before stated. Le-
vfiuseur continues: itcrf-jacArei obstinately refuses to speak any language but
that of his own country, and affects a great dislike to all others ; although
it is easy to discern tliat he perfectly understands the English ; and refused,
nevertheless, to reply to the general before his interpreter had translated his
questions into the Seneca language. The general spoke a few words in
Indian, which he had learned in his youth, at which Red-Jacket was highly
pleased, and which augmented much his high opinion o( Lafayette.

The author of the following passage is unknown to us; but presuming it
to be authentic, we quote it. "More than 30 years ^ have rolled away since
a treaty was held on the beautiful acclivity that overlooks the Canandaigiia ||

* Niles's Weekly Register, vol. xx. 339, 411.

t 111 liis Lafayette en Ameiiqne, (ome ii. 437-8.

\ " Les assistants ne parent s'empMier de soiirire de la simpliciti de I'Indien, qui sevMail
is;norer I' art de r^parer les injures du temps ; muis on se garda bien de dUruire son err ear ;
k petU-Hre fit-on bien, cariCedt pu confondre une prrruqiie avec une cheielure scalpee, et
concevoir lidi'e de regarnir sa tSte nux d<'pens de la tHe d'une de ses voisons." Hiid.
— 'I'liis attempt al facotiousness by Mons. Levassenr Is enlirely a failure, and in very bail
taste. Hiui 11 had reference lo an ol)scnre person, it would have been diflerent. For a parcel
of white ignoramuses lo make themselves merry at the simple but dignified appearance of the
old chief, only shows them ofT in their true light ; and the assertion (hat he covered his own
nead al the expense of that of his neighbor, too nearly classes the writer with his companions.

\ This writer, I conclude, wrote in 1822. I copy it from Miscellanies selected frmn the
Piildic Journals, by Mr. Buckingham.

II Higiiilying, in the Seneca language, a tmcn set off. The lake received ils name from
tlie town upon its s\\iitc.—Spaffoi-d's Gaz.

Chap. VI.]

RED-JACKET.— VISIT TO PHILADELPHIA.

601

Lake. The witnesses of the scene will never forget the powers of native
oratory. Two days hud passed awoy in negotiation with tlie Indians for a
cession of their lands. The contract was supposed to be nearly completed,
when Red-jacket arose. With the grace and dignity of a Roman senator, he
drew his blanket around him, and, with a piercing eye, surveyed the multi-
tude. All was hushed. Nothing interposed to break the silence, save the
gentle rustliiig of the tree tops, under whose shade they were gathered. After
u long and solemn, but not unmeaning pause, he commenced his 8j)eech in a
low voice and sententious style. Rising gradually with the subject, he de-
picted the primitive simplicity and happiness of his nation, and the wrongs
they had sustained from the usurpations of white men, with such a bold but
faithful pencil, that every auditor was soon roused to vengeance, or melted
into tears. The effect was inexpressible. But ere the emotions of admira-
tion and sympathy had subsided, the white men became alarmed. They were
in the heart of an Indian country — surrounded by more than ten times their
number, who were inflamed by the remembrance of their injuries, and ex-
cited to indignation by the eloquence of a favorite chief. Appalled and
terrified, the white men cast a cheerless goz3 upon the hordes around them.
A nod from the chiefs might be the onset of destruction. At this portentous
moment. Farmer s-lrother niterposed. He replied not to his brother chief,
but, with a sagacity truly aboriginal, he caused a cessation of the council, in-
troduced good cheer, commended the eloquence of Red-jacket, and, before
the meeting had reassembled, with the aid of other prudent chief's, he hud
moderated the fury of his nation to a more salutary review of the question
before them. Suffice it to say, the treaty was concluded, and the Western
District, at this day, owes no small portion of its power and influence to the
counsels of a savage, in comparison with whom for genius, heroism, virtue,
or ^ny other quality that can adorn the bawble ofa diadem, not only George the
IV. and Louis It Desiri, but the German emperor and the czar of Muscovy, alike
dwindle into insigniflcance." We can add nothing to this high encomium.

Red-jacket was of the number who visited Philadelphia in 1792, as will be
found mentioned in the accomit of Jaquetle ; at which time he was welcomed
by the governor of Pennsylvania to that city, and addressed by him, in behalf
of the commonwealth, in the council-chamber. The following is the closing
paragraph of the governor's speech : " Brothers ! I know the kindness Avith
which you treat the strangei-s that visit your country ; and it is my sincere
wish, that, when you return to your families, you may be able to assure them
that the virtues of friendship and hospitality are also practised by the citi-
zens of Pennsylvania." He had before observed that the government had
fiirnished every thing to make them comfortable during their stay at Phila-
delphia. This was upon the 28 March, 1792, and on 2 April following,
they met agaui, when Red-jacket spoke in answer to the governor as fol-
lows : —

"Brother, Onas* Governor, open unprejudiced ears to what we have to
say. 8ome days since you addressed us, and what you said gave us great
pleasure. This day the Great Spirit has allowed us to meet you again, in
this council-chamber. We hope that your not receiving an inmiediate an-
swer to your address, will make no improper impression upon your mind.
We mention this lest you should suspect that your kind welcome and friendly
address has not had a proper effect upon our hearts. We assure you it is far
otherwise. In your address to us the other day, in this ancient council-cham-
ber, where our forefathers have oflen conversed together, several things
struck our attention very forcibly. When you told us this was the place m
which our forefathers often met on peaceable terms, it gave us sensible pleas
ure, and more joy than we could express. Though we have no writings
like you, yet we remember often to have heard of the friendship that existed
between our fathers and yours. The picture f to which you drew our atten-

• Oruu was the name the Indians gave William Perm, and they conliniu; llii- sinn; naino
to all the governors ot' Pennsylvania,
t A fine picture representing Peiin's treaty with the Indians.

'?:

602

RED-JACKET— DOMINIE-PETER.

[Book V.

tion. brought fresh to our minds the friendly conferences that used to be held
bet /een the former governors of Pennsylvania and our tribes, and showed
th J love which your Ibrefuthers liad of peace, and the friendly dispoKition of
our people. It is still our wish, as well as yours, to preserve peace between
our tribes and you, and it would be well if the same spirit existed among the
Indians to the westward, and through every part of the United States. You
particularly expressed that you were well pleased to find that we differed in
disposition from the Indians westward. Your disposition is that for which
the ancient Onas Governors were remarkable, As you love jieace, so do we
also ; and we wish it could be extended to the most distant part of this great
country. We agreed in council, this morning, that the sentiments I have
expressed should be communicated to you, before the delegates of the Five
Nations, and to tell you that your cordial welcome to this city, and the good
sentiments corun .. id in your address, have made a deep impression on our
hearts,' ^ five ii us grGul joy, mul from the heart Hell you so. This is all I
have to

When " jach t Sad finished, another chic^f, called ^g^oelondoncrwas, (and
sometimes n )d-petf'*' addressed the asseml ly. His speech is much in the
style of Red-jackeCs, u I /as chiefly a repetition, in other words, of it. It
was short, and contained this passage : " Wli it is there more desii-able than
that we, who live within hearing of each othar, should unite for the common
good? This is my wish. It is the wish of my nation, although I am sorry I
can't sny so of every individual in it ; for there are differences ol' opinions
among us, as well as among our white brethren."

Sitice we have here introduced Dominie Peter, we will so far di'^ress as
to relate what follows concerning him. He was one of those who took part
against the Americans in the revolutionary war, and when hostilities com-
menced, he retired and joined the remote tribes towards Canada. Colonel
John Harper (one of the family from whom Harpersfield, New York, takes
its name) was stationed at the fort at Schorrie, in the state of New York.
Early in the spring of 1777, in the season of making maple sugar, when all
were upon the look-out to avoid surprise by the Indians, Colonel Harper left
the garrison and proceeded through the woods to Harpersfield ; thence by
an Indian path to Cherry-valley. In his way, as he was turning the point of
a hill, he saw a company of Indians, who, at the same time, saw him. He
dared not attempt flight, as he could expect no other than to be shot down in
such attempt. lie, therefore, determined to advance and meet them without
discovering fear. Concealing his regimentals as well as he could with his
great coat, he hastened onward to meet them. Before they met him, he dis-
covered that Peter was their chief, with whom he had formerly traded much
at Oquago, but who did not know him. Harper was the first to speak, as they
met, and his words were, " How do you do, brothers'?" The chief answered,
" fVell. — How do you do, brother? IVhii^h ivay are you bound'? " The colonel
replied, " On a secret expedition. And tohich tvay are you bound, brothers ? "
They answered without hesitation or distrust, tliinking, no doubt, they had
fallen in with one of the king's men, " Doion the Susquehannah, to cut off the
Johnstone settlement.'" This place, since called Sidney Plains, consisted of a
few Scotch families, and their minister's name was Johnstone ; hence the
name of the settlement. The colonel next asked them where they lodged
that night, and they told him, " At the mouth of Scheneva's Creek." Af\er
shaking hands, they separated. As soon as they were out of sight, Harper
made a circuit through the woods with all speed, and soon arrived at the
head of Charlotte River, where were several men making sugar. This place
WHS about ten miles from Decatur Hill, where he met the Indiuns. He
onicrrd them to take each a rope and provisions in their j)acks, and assem-
ble at J:2vaii's Place, where he would soon meet them : thence he returned
to Harfiersfield, and collected the men there, which, including the others and
himself; made 15, just equal to Pe/er's force. When they arrived at Evan's
Place, upon the Charlotte, Haiper made known his jiroject. They set ofl^
and before day the next morning, came into the neighborhood of the In-

* And oflcii Do/niiie-pder. 2 Coll. N. Y. Hist. See. Tk

. ♦ ;. ■>

Chap. VI.]

FAUMERS bKOTIIER.

603

Id
!d

)!'
Ill
le
III
in
•li
•p.

dians' cntnp. From a smnll eminence, jtiat at dawn of day, tlicir fire was
seen biiriuii>r, and Pder, amidst his warriors, lying upon tlie ground. All
wore fast a.sfecp. Harper and liis companions each crept silently up, witii
their ropes in their hands, man to man ; and eacli, standing in a position to
gras|) his adversary, waited for the word to be given by their leader. The
colonel jogged his Indian, and, as he was waking, said to him, " Come, il U
time for men of business to be on their way.^' This was the watchword ; and
no sooner was it pronounced, than each Indian felt the warm grasp of his
foe. The struggle was desjierate, though short, and resulted in the ca|)ture
of every one of" the party. When it was sufficiently light to distinguish
countenances, Peter, observing Colonel //arper, said, "Ma/ Colonel Harper.
JVow I know you ! Why did I not know you yesterday^" The colonel observed,
" Some policy in war, Peter," To which Pettr replied, "^A.' mx find em
80 now. These captives were marched to Albany, and delivered up to
the commanding officer. Uy this capital exploit no doubt many lives were
saved.*

As has been noted, Red-Jacket died at his residi-nco near Buffiilo, on the
20tii of Januaiy, 1830, aged about 80 years. In 1833, a grandson of his was
chosen chief of the Senecas.

The famous Seneca chief, called the FARMERS-BROTHER, is often men
tioned in the accounts of Red-jacket. His native nan .vas Ho nn-ya-wus.

In 17y"2, Farmers-brother was in Philadelphia^ and 'as among' tho.se
who attended the burial of Mr. Peter Jnquelte, and is t s noticed in the
Pennsylvania Gazette of 28 March, of that yea: " Or j-londay last, the
chiefs and warriors of the Five Nations assembled at the state-house, and
were welcomed to the city of Philadel])hia in an address delivered by the
governor. Three of the chiefs made a general ackn' wledgment for the cor-
dial reception which they had expcrionced, but postponed their formal answer
until another opportunity. The room in which -cy assembled was mentioned
as the ancient council-chamber, in which tlieii cestors and ours had often
met to brighten the chain of friendship ; and this circumstance, together widi
the presence of a great part of the beauty of the city, liad an evidiuit tfti.-ct
upon the feelings of the Indians, and seemed particularly to embarrass the
elocution of the Farmers-brother." This last clause does not correspond witli
our ideas of the great chief.

Through his whole life. Farmers-brother seems to have been a peacemukor.
In the si)ri-ig of the next year, there was a great council held at Niagara,
consisting of the chiefs of a great many nations, dwelling upon the shores
of the western lakes. At this time, many long and laborious speeches were
made, some for and others against the conduct of the United States. Fann-
ers-brother shone conspicuous at this time. His speech was nearly three
hours long, and the final determination of the council was peace. We
know of no speeches being preserved at this time, but if there could have
been, doubtless much true history might have been collected from them.
He seems not only to have been esteemed by the Americans, but also by the
English.f

Of Peter Jaquetlc, whom we have several times incidentally mentioned,
we will give some account before proceeding with Honayawus. He was
one of the principal sachems of the Oneidas. This chief died in Phila-
delphia, 19 March, 1792. He had been taken to France by General Lafay-
ette, at the close of the revolutionary war, where he received an education.
.Mr Jaquette, having died on Monday, was interred on the following Wednes-
day. " His funeral was attended from Oeler's hotel to the Presl)ytorian
burying-ground in Mulberry-street. The corpse was preceded by a detach-
ment of the light infantry of the city, with arms reversed, drums niuffled,
music playing a solemn dirge. The corpse was followed by six of the

• Annals of Tryon Co. 8ro. N. York, IS.

t " Le village ife Buffalo est habile par les Senecas. Le clief de celte nation est Drollieis
fanner, cstimc par toiites les Iribus comine ffranil guerrier nl grand politique, et liirt caress*
a ce titre par les ajjens anglais et les ageiis Amrricains. Huflfalo est le chef lieu de la ualion
Seneca." Rochejoucauld, Voyage dans I' Anterique en 1795, G, and 7, 1, i. 29y.

^■'

^ 'fi

604 FARMKRS-I'.IlOTnEU.— HIS ACCOUNT OF THE MOUNDS. [Book V.

t; ,, 1,

chiefs as mournors, succeeded by all the warriors ; the reverend clergy
of all dcnoiniiiations ; Hocretury of war, and the gentlemen of the wur de-
partment; officers of the federal army, and of the militia; and a number of
citizens." •

One of the most celebrated speeches of Farmers-brother was deliverrd
in a council at Genesee River, in 17U8, and after being interpreted, was
si^nicd by the chiefs present, and sent to the legislature of New York. It
follows : —

" Brothers, as you ore once more assembled in council for the purpose of
doing honor to yourselves and justice to your country, we, your brothers,
the Hoclittms, chiefs and warriors of the Seneca nation, request you to open

!four ears and give attention to our voice and wishes. — You will recollect the
ate contest between you and your father, the great king of England. This
contest threw the inhabitants of this whole island into a great tumult and
commotion, like a raging whirlwind which tears up the trees, and tosses tu
and fro the leaves, so that no one knows from whence they come, or where
they will fall. — This whirlwind was so directed by the Great Spirit above, as
to throw into our arms two of your infant children, /(uper ParrisA and Horatio
Jones.f We adopted them into our families, and made them our children.
We loved them and nourished them. They lived with us many years. Jit
length the Great Spirit spoke to the ivhirlwind, and it was still. A clear and un-
interrupted sky appeared. The path of peace was opened, and the chain of
friendship was once more made bright Then these our adopted children
lell us, to seek their relations ; we wished them to remain among us, and
promised, if they would return and live in our coimtry, to give each of them
a seat of land for them and their children to sit down upon. — They have re-
turned, and have, lor several years past, been serviceable to us as interpret-
ers. We still feel our hearts beat with affection for them, and now wish to
AiUil the promise we made them, and reward them for their services. We
have, therefore, made up our minds to give them a seat of two square miles
of land, lying on tiiC outlets of Lake Lrie, about three miles below Black-
rock, begnming at the mouth of a creuk known by the name of Scoyguquoy-
descreeh, running one mile from the River Niagara up said creek, thence
northerly as the river runs two miles, thence westerly one mile to the river,
thence up the river as the river runs, two miles, to the place of beginning, so
as to contain two square miles. — We have now made known to you oiu*
minds. We expect and earnestly request that you will permit our friends
to receive this our gift, and will make the same good to them, according to
the laws and customs of your nation. — Why shotdd you hesitate to make our
minds easy with regard to this our request ? To you it is but a little thing ;
and have you not complied with the request and confirmed the gifts of our
brothers the Oneidas, the Oiiondagas and Cayugas to their interpreters ?
And shall we ask and not be heard ? We send you this our speech, to
which we expect your answer before the breaking up our great council
fire."

A gentleman t who visited Buffalo in 1810, observes that Farvte/s-brother
was never known to drink ardent spirits, an<l although then 94 years old,
walked perfecdy upright, and Wfis remarkably straight and well formed ;
very grave, and answered his inquiries with great precisicjn, but through his
interpreter, Mr. Parrish, before named. His account of the mounds in that
region will not give satisfaction. He told Dr. King that they were thrown
up against the incursions of the French, and that the implements found in
them were taken from them ; a great army of French having been overthrown
and mostly cut off, the Indians became possessed of their acuiitrements,
which, being of no use to them, were buriiul with their owners.

He was a great warrior, and although " eighty snows in years " when the
war of 1812 began, yet he engaged in it, and fought with the Americans.

* Pennsylvania Gazette.

f Taken prisoners at the destruction of Wyoming by the lories and Indians under Butler
»nil Itrant.

X l>r. WUliam King the celebrated electrician, who gives the autlior lliis iuforraatioQ
rcrbally.

Chap. VI] FARMERS-BROTHER.— SURPRISE AT DEVILS HOLE.

605

He did not live till its clone, but died at the Seneca village, juHt aHcr tlin
battle of Brid^ownler, and was interred with military honors by the titlh
regiment of tnited States infantry. He usiiallv wore a medal preHontud
him by General fVashington. In the revolution, he fuught sucreHsfniiy
against the Americans. I'erhapa there never flowed from the li|)H of muii
u more sublime metaphor than that made use of by this chief, in the
speech given aliove, when alluding to the revolutionary contest. It i^
worth repenting : " The Great Spirit spoke to the ivhirlmrtd, and it was
still."

This celebrated chief was engaged in the cause of the French, in the old
French war, as it is termed, and lie once pointed out the spot to a traveller,
where, at the head of a bund of his warriors, ho ambusht'd a guard that ac-
companied the English teams, employed bi'tween the Falls of Ningarii and
Fort Niagara, which had then recently surrendered to the English under
Sir William Johnson, The place of the ambush is now called the Devil's
Hole, and is a very noted place to inquisitive visitors of that romantic region,
as it is but three and a half miles below the great Fulls, and U|)on the Ameri-
can shore. It is said of this place, that " the mind can scarcely conceive of
a more dismal looking den. A large ravine, made by the fulling in of the
perpendicular bank, uurkened by the s])reading branches of the birch and
cedar, which had taken root below, and the low nuirmuring of the rapids in
the chasm, added to the solemn thtmder of the cataract itself, cnntribctij to
render the scene truly awful. The English party wore not aware of the dread-
ful fate that a'vaitcd them. Unconscious of danger, the drivers were guyly
whistling to their dull ox-teams. Farmers-brother and his band, on their
arrival at this spot, rushed from the thicket which had concealed them, and
commenced a horrid butchery." So tinoxpocted was the attack that all |)rns-
eiice of iniud forsook the En^ lish, and they made little or no resistance. The
guard, the teamsters, the oxen and tlie wagons were p.ccij)itated down into
the gidf. But two of the men escaped; a Mr. Sledman, who lived at Schlos-
ser, above the falls, who, being mounted on a fleet horse, ofFected his escajie ;
and one of the soldiers, who was caught on the projecting root of a cedar,
which sustained him until the Indians ha<l lell the place. He soon after got
to Fort Niagara, and there gave an account of what had hap])ened. The
small rivulet that runs into the Niagara through the Devil's Hole, was, it is
said, colored with the blood of the slain on that unfortunate d«y, and it now
bears the name of Bloody-Run.

Fanners-brother fought against the Americans in the Revolution, and was
no inconsiderable foe; but his acts were probably mostly in council, us we
hear of no important achievements by him in the field.

The following remarkable incident should not be omitted in the fife of
this chief. In the war of 1812, a fugitive Mohawk from the enemy had en-
deavored to pass for a Seneca, and accordingly came among those luider
Red-jacket and Farmers-brother. The latter discovered him, and imtnediatcly
appeared in his presence, and thus accosted him. "/ know you well. You
belons; to the Mohawks. You are a spy. Here is my rifle — my tomahawk — my
scalinns-knife. Say, ivhich I shall use. I am in haste." The young Mo-
hawk knew there was no reprieve, nor time to deliberate. He chose the
rifle. The old chief ordered him to lie down upon the grass, and with one foot
ui)on his breast, he discharged his rifle into his head.*

The following letter will, besides exhibiting the condition of the Senecaa,
develop some other interesting facts in their biographical history.

" To the Honorable William Eustis, secretary at war.

"The sachems and chief warriors of the Seneca nation of Indians, under-
standing you are the person appointed by the great coimcil of your nation to
manage and conduct the afl'airs of the several nations of Indians with whom
you are at peace and on terms of friendship, come, at this time, as
children to a father, to lay before you the trouble which we have on our
minds.

61*

* Buckiitgltam's Miscellanies, i. 33, 31.

606

FARMERS-nROTHER.

[Book V.

jM-

" Brotlier, we do not 'liiiik it l)e.st to imiltiply wonls: we will, thcrofnrp,
tfll you what our c()iiii)luiiit Ih. — Hrother, liMtcii to whiit we snv : Honiu yr.irs
siiu;i', we iield n treiity ut Jli},'trco, ii«nr ilic Geiies(u! llivt^. TIiih treaty wiin
caiicti by our great futtier, tiio |iruHi(lent of tiie United StateH. Ho Hciit tin
agent, Col. li'adsworlh, to attend this treaty, for the purpose of advising us in
tile businosH, and .seeing that we iiad juHtice done us. At this treaty, we soU'.
to Robert Morris tlu; greatest part of our country ; the sum he gave us was
100,000 dollars. The coinMiissionors who were appointed on your part,
advised us to place this money in the iiands of our great father, the president
of the United States. He told us our tiither loved his red chihlnn, and
would take care of our money, and plant it in n field where it would l»car
seed f()rever, as long as trees grow, or waters i ui. Our money has hereto-
fore b(!en of great servi<;e to us ; it has liel|)ed us to 8U|)port our old people
and our women and children ; but we are told the field where our money was
))lanted is become liarreii. — llrother, we do not understand your way of doing
busine»<s. This thing is very heavy on our minds. We mean to hold our
white brethren of the United States by the hand ; but this weight lic^ heavy ;
we hope you will remove it. — We have heard of the bad conduct of our
brothers towards the setting sun. We are sorry for what they have done ;
l)ut you nuist not blame us ; we have had no hand in this bad business.
Tiiey have had bad peo|)le among them. It is your enemies have done this.
— We have persuaded our agent to take this talk to your great council. Uu
knows our situations, and will speak our minds.
[Subscribed with the marks of]

Wheelbarrow,

Jack-berry,

Twenty Canoes, [Cachauntvaase,]

Big-kettle, [Sesaewa ?]

Half-town, [JlchiotU,]

Keyandeande,

Captain-cold,

Esq. Blinkney,

Capt. Johnson, [Talwinaha.]

Farmer's Brother, [Honayawu3,]
Little Billy, [Gishkaka,]
YouNo Kino, [Komngquaulah,]
Pollard, [Kaounaooivand,]
Chief-warrior, [Lunuchshetva,]
Two-guns,
John Sky,

Parrot-nose, \Soocooica,]
John Pierce, [Teskaiy,]
Strong, [Kahalsla,]

" N. B. The foregoing speech was delivered in council by Farmrra-Brolher,
at Buffalo Creek, 19 Dec. 1811, and subscribed to hi my presence by the
chiefs whose names are annexed.

Erastus Granger."

Eight thousand dollars * was appropriated immediately upon receipt of the
above.

Lillle-billy, or Gishkaka, is the same of whom we have spoken in a prece
ding cha|)ter, and called by ff'ashington, Juskakaka.

Young-king, the third signer of the above talk, was engaged in fighting
for the Americans in the last war with England, and by an act of congress
was to be paid yearly, in quarterly payments, 200 dollars, during life. The
act states tliat it was " a compensation for the brave and meritorious services
which ho rendered "in that war, "and as a provision for the wound and
disability which he received in the performance of those services." This
was in tiie spring of 1810.

Of Pollard, or Captain Pollard, we shall have occasion elsewhere to say
more.

Jack-hcrry was sometimes interpreter for Red-jacket

Half-town was very conspicuous in the affairs of the Seneeas, but as he
is generally mentioned, in our documents, in connection with Corn-plant, or
Corn-planter, and Big-tree, we had designed to speak of the three collectively.

We find among the acts of the Pennsylvania legislature of 1791, one " lor

* '•■ III lieu of the dividend on tlie bank shares, held by the president of (lie U. Slates, in
Inist for the Seneca nation, in the bank of the U. States."
t Or KiiniJnoewa. Kaijetithnirhke, &r.
j Henson'sMiimoit, before tlie N. Y. Hist. Soc. page 20. Also Amer. Magazine.

Chap. VI ]

IIALF-IOWN— CORN-PLANT— niO-TIlEE.

607

^ntini^ HOO dullarH to Corn-planter^ Hitlf-lotim mul Bltr-tree, StMiocu cliirfH,
Ui triirtt iur till! S*M":cu luitioii." At lliin tiiiiu iniich wiih npprf iu;iiilr«| lioni
an Iiidiiui war. ^3(:ttlorH were iiitriidiiig tiiL-iiiHvlveN upon tlicir country, aiiil
all ex|M'ricnoo lias Hliown that whenever the whites have ^oiie ntimng them,
troiihles were sure to follow. Every iiioveiiiciit of the Indians was looked
upon with jealousy by them at this period. Half-toum was the "white
man's friend," and eonimiinicatcd to the sarrisons in his country every sns>
picions movement of trihes of whom doubts were entertained. It is eviiieiit
that hostile Imiids, for a long time, hovenMl about the post at VenanL'o, and,
but for tiie vigilance of Half-town, and other friendly chiefs, it would have
lieen cut off In April tiiis year, (17!)!,) Corn-plant and Half-town bud up-
wards of 100 warriors in and about the garrison, and kept runners out con-
tiiuially, " being determined to protect it at all events." Tiieir spies made
frequent discoveries of war parties. On the 12 August, 17!)1, Half-town and
J\iew-(irri)W gave information at P'ort Franklin, that a sloo|) full of Indians
hud lii'(!n seen on Lake Erie, sailing for Prestjue Isle; and their object was
supposed to be Fort Franklin ; but the conjecture proved groundless.

The Indian name of Half-town was Jlchiovt. We hear of him at Fort
Harmer, in 178}), where, with 2!1 others, be executed a treaty with the United
States. The commissioners on the part of tlie latter were General Arthur
St. Clair, Oliver Ifolcut, Richard Butler and Arthur Lee. Among the signers
on the part of the Senecaa were also Big-tree, or Kiandogewa, Corn-planter,
or Gyantwaia, besides several others whoso names are familiur in history.
Big-tree was oflen culled Great-tree, which, in the language of the Five
Nutions, was JVilioronlagoim,* which also was the name of the Oneida
nation, f Big-tree was with General Washington during the summer of
1778, but returned to the Indian nutions in the autumn. He proceeded to
the Henecus, and used his eloquence to dissuade them from fighting under
Brani against tlie Americans. The Oneidiis were friendly at this time, and
Big-tree was received among them with bosjiitulity, in his way, u\w\\ tiiis
mission. Having staid longer than was expected among the Senecas, (ho
Oneidas sent a messenger to him to know the reason. He returu<;d answer
that when be arrived among bis nation, bo found them all in arms, and their
villages, Kanadu-seago and Jennessee, crowded with warriors fioin remote
tribe>; that they at first seemed inclined to hearken to bis wishes, but soon
learning by a spy that the Americans were about to invade their country, all
flew to arms, and Big-tree put himself at their head, " determined to clutstise,"
h»' said, "</jc enemy thai dared presume to think of penetrating their countrij."
But we do not learn that be was obliged to maintain that hostile attitude,
and doubtless returned soon afler.

CoRN-PLA.NTER was & wurrior at Braddock's defeat, but whether a chief I do
not learn; we will, however, according to our design, give an account of
that signal disaster, in this connection. The French having established
themselves upon the Ohio, within the territory claimed by the English, and
built a fort u|)on it, as low down as the confluence of that river with the Mo-
nongabela, the latter were determined to dispossess them. This was under-
taken by a force of about 2200 men under the cotnmand of General Edward
Braddock. With about 1300 of these he proceeded on the expedition, leaving
the rest to follow under Colonel Dunoar.X Through nearly the whole
course of bis march, he was watched by sjiies from Fort Diiquesne, (the name
of the French fort on the Ohio,) and the earliest intelligence of bis move-
ments was carried there by Indian runners with the utmost despatch. When
it was told among the Indians that the army wos marching n|)on them in
solid columns, they laughed with surprise, and said, one to another, " IVeHl
ikoot 'e?n down, all one pigeon ! " § and it will always be acknowledged that,
in this, tiie Indians were not mistaken.

The French, it seems, formed but a small part of the force that defeated

• Or Kiandocrewa, Kayentho:^hke, &.c.

t ISenson's Alemoir, before tlie N. Y. Hist. Soc. pa^e 20. Also Amcr. Magazine

X Arcouiit of the Ohio Defeat, p. 4. 4°. Boston, 17o5.

% Withers' s (J/^ronicks, 53, 5i

■ lU-

Si -'■■

■••^H

G08

CORN-PLANTER.— BRADDOCh'3 DEFEAT.

[Book V.

BraddocKa army ; tlie Indiana planned and executed the operations chiefly
themselves, and their wiiole force is said not to liave exceeded 400 men ; l)iit
from tiie accounts of the French tliemseives, it is evidi-nt tiiore vcre
about GOO Indians, and not fur from 250 French,* who marclied out to mtef
BraddMk.

Early in the moming of the 9 July, 1755, the English army arrived at a
fording-plttce on the Monongahela, at the junction of tiie Youghioguny, which
it passed in fine order, and pursued its march upon the southern margin of
the river, to avoid the high and rugged ground on the north, which they
would have had to encounter ujmn the other side of it Washington olh-nsaid
afterwards!, "that the most beautiful spectacle which he I'.ud ever beheld was
the display of the British troops on this eventful morning." They were in
full uniform, and marclied in the most perfect order, and dreamed of nothing
but an easy conquest. About noon they arrived at their second crossing
place, which was distant only 10 miles from Fort Dutjuosne. It was here
that the Indipns and French had intended to commence their attack ; !)Ut
owing to some delay, they did not arrive in season, and therefore took a ;">si-
tion further in advance, and awaited the approach of the English.

The French were commanded by M. de Beaujeu, who had for bis lieuten-
ant, M. Dumas. The place cliostn for the ambush was the best possible, and
the Indians never showed greater courage and firmness. It is said by the
French, that they were for some time opposed to going out to fight the
English, but that after several solicitations fiom M. Beaujeu, they consented;
but the Indian accourit is as we have before stated.

Immediately on crossing the river the army were formed in tiiree divisions,
which was the order of march. A plain, or kind of ])rairie, which the army
had to cross, extended from the river about half a mile, and then its route
lay over an ascending ground, of very gentle ascent, covered with trees and
high prairie grass. At the commencement of this elevation began a ravine,
which, as it extended up the rising ground, formed a figure resembling nearly
that of a horse-shoe, and about 150 yards in extent. Into this iuclosure two
divisions of the army had passed when the attack began.

Notwithstanding fVashington had urged upon the general the propriety of
keeping out scouting parties to avoid surprise, yet he would take no advice,
and it is said, that on one occasion, he boisterously replied, " that it was high
times for a young Buckskin to teach a British general how to fight!" iSucli
was his contempt for scouting parties, that he accepted with cold indifllr-
ence the services of George Croghan, who had offered himself with 100
Indians for the important business of scouring the woods. The consequence
was, the Indians, one alter another, lefl the army in its march, much to th;,
regret of fVashington and other provincial otKcers, who knew how to ap-
preciate their value.

When the first division of tlie army had nearly ascended the hill, as tin;
rising ground was called, the Indians broke the silence of the morning .vitli
a most appalling yell, and at the same moment poured a most deadly fire
from their coverts upon vhe devoted column. The first shocks were sus-
tained with firmness, ".rui the fire was returned, bv which a few Indians wem
killed, and the 1 rnch coir!mander-in-chicf, M. dc Beaujeu, mortally wounded.
It is sa-'l tliat the Indians now began to waver, and but for the good conduct
of M. Dumas, secoi'd in command, would have fled ; but by his exertions
order was restored, and the firing, which had not ceased, was redoubled.

The advanced colunm was connrianded by Lieutenant-Colonel Gn^e, since
so well known as governor of Miussadiusetts, in 1775. This column was
about 100 yards in r.dvunce of tlie second, which had just begun to ascend
the hill when the attack began, and the main body, undt^r the g(>neral in
person, was liiit a few rods i;i the rear of this, and on luaritig the firing he
pressed forward to supi-oit the engaged jiarty.

Meanwhile tli*! extensive line of Indians upon the riglit flank made an
onset from their section of the ravine, and fioin their superior numbei-s, the
Bhock could not be withstood, and the column was innnediately broken, and

(iparks's VVaskington, ii. -UiSi — 76.

t lb. c. 1 4C9.

Chap. VI.] CORN-PLANT.— H;S SPECCH TO W.ASIHNGTOJf.

609

began to retreat in disorder down the hill — confusion and dismay onKn( d —
no exertions of the otlicers could prevent the panic li'om spreading,' annnig
the refjular troo|)s, and the fight was allerwardscontiniajd in the utmost irreir-
ularity. Jmholdened by the confusion of the English, the ln<lians now
rushed ui)on them with their tomahawks, which, after near two hours, ter-
minated tlie battle, and the lield was left in their possession. Not only the
field of battle, i ut all the killed and many of the wounded, all the artillery,
(eleven pieces of cannon,) all the general's baggage, and evi;n private papers,
and all the anjmuiiition and provisions, fell into the hands of the victors.

All hut the Virginians fought tor some tiuie in the most wretched confu-
sion ; hut the olHcers were mournfully sacrificed — sometimes charging the
enemy in a body by themselves, hoping by their example to draw out their
men in a manner to repel their adversaries ; but all to no pur[)ose : and >t is
not doidjied but that the confused nniltitude of ri?gulars killed many ol" tlu'lr
companions, as they oflen fired fiily or a hundred in a huddle together,
seemingly for no other ohj(!Ct but to get rid of their aimnuniiion. 'J'lie \ir-
ginians fought in the Indian manner, behind trees and coverts; and it was
owing to their good conduct that any of the wretched army escaped.

Alter liaving five horses shot under him. General BraiLlock received a
wound in his lungs, of which he died on the l^th of July, 4 days alter the
battle, at Fort Cumberland, whither he had arrived with a part of his shat-
tered army. Ifshington had been suffering, for some time before arriving
at the llitiil batlie-field, from d fever; and in a letter which he wrote to his
mother, dated July 18th, he thus speaks of himself : — "The Virguiia troops
'lowed a good deal of bravery, and were nearly all killed; for 1 believe, out
'- ;"iree companies that were there, scarcely 30 men are lelt alive. Caji-

■ Peijroum/, and all his officers down to a corporal, were killed. Captain
l^oison had nearly as hard a liite, lor only one of his were lelL lu short, the
dastardly behavior of those they call n^gulars exposed all others, that were
inclined to do their duty, to almost certain death, and at last, in despite of
all the efforts of the officers to the contrary, they ran, as sheej) j)ursued by
dogs, and it was impossible to rally them.'' " Sir Peter Halkel was killeil
in the field, where dieu many other brave officers. I luckily escajjcd with-
out a wound, though I had 4 bullets through my coat, and two horses shot
under me. Captains Orim and Motris, two of the aids-de-camp, were wound-
ed early in the engag(iment, which rendered the duty liarJar upon me, as I
was the only person then lell to distribute the general's orders, which 1 was
scarcely able to do, as I was not half recovered from a violent illness, that
had confined me to my bed and wagon for above 10 days."

We know of no battle, in which so great a proportion of officers fell.
There were 86 engaged in it, and ()3 were killed and wounded, of whom U(>
were killed. Besides those already named, there were among the wounded
Colonel Burton, Sir John St. Clair, Colonel Otme, and Major Sparks. Of the
jjrivate soldiers there were killed and wounded 714, half of whom were
killed, or fell into the hands of the Indians, and suffered a cruel death alh>r-
wards. Mr. John Field, then a lieutenant, and Mr. Charles Lewis, two dis-
tinguished officers allerwn'ds, escaped the carnage of BrmldoclCs field to
fall in a more fortunate place. They were colonels under General Jlndnw
Lewis, and were kill jd in the battle of Point I'leasant, as will be found men-
tioned in the life ut' Lof;an.

In the year 1790, Biff-lree, Corn-plant and Half-town appeared at Philadel-
jihia, ancl, by their interpreter, communicated to President ft'ashingtor. as
iiillows : —

" Father : The voice of the Seneca nations speaks to you ; the ai vat oiui-
Ai'llor, in whose heart the wise men of all the thirteeii fires ['3 U. S.] iiavo
liiaced tlu:ir wisdom. It may be very small in your ears, and wo, therefore,
entreat you to hearken with attention ; lor we are able to speak of things
vvliieh are to us very great.

" When your army entered the country of the Six Nations, we called you
\\u' town destroyer ; to this day, when your name is heard, our women look
behind them and turn pale, and our children cling close to the necks of their
mothers "

610

CORN-PLANT— HIS CPKECII TO WASHINGTON. [Book V.

*< When our cliiefs returned from Fort Stanwix, and laid before our coun-
cil what had heen done tliure, our nation was surjirised to hear how great a
country you had compeilud them to give up to you, without your paying to
us any thing for it. Every one said, that your hearts were yet swelled with
resentment against us for what had happened during the war, but that one
day you would consider it with njore kindness. We asked each other, ff'Uat
have we done to deserve such severe chastisement ?

"Father: when you kindled your 13 fires separately, the wise men assem-
bled at them told us that you were all brothers ; the children of one great
father, who regarded the red people as his children. They callecl na
brothers, and invited us to his j)rotection. They told us that he resided
beyond the great water wliere the sun first rises; and that he wns a king
whose power no people could resist, and that his goodness was as bright as
the sun. What thej said went to our hearts. We accepted the invitation,
and promised to obey him. What the Seneca nation promises, they fiiith-
fully perform. When you refused obedience to that king, he connnanded
us to assist his beloved men in making you sober. In obeying him, we did
no more than yourselves had led us to promise." " We were deceived ; but
your people teaching us to confide in that king, had helped to deceive us ;
and we now appeal to your breast. Is all the blame ours'}

"Father: wlien we saw that we had been deceived, and heard the invita-
tion which you gave us to draw near to the fire you had kindled, and talk
with you concerning peace, we made haste towards it. You told us you
could crush us to nothing ; and you demanded from us a great country, as
the price of that peace which you had offered to \xs: asif our want of
strength Iwui destroyed our rights. Our chiefs had felt your power, and were
unalile to contend against you, and they therefore gave up that country.
What they agreed to has bound our nation, but your anger against us must
by this time be cooled, and although our strength is not increased, nor your
power become less, we ask you to consider calmly — Were the terms dictated
to us by your commissioners reasonable and just ? "

They also remind the president of the solemn promise of the commission-
ers, that they should be secured in the peaceable possession of what was
lelt to them, and then ask, "Docs this promise hind you')" And that no
sooner was the treaty of Fort Stanwix concluded, than commissioners from
Pennsylvania came to purchase of them what was included within the lines
of their state. These they informed that they did not wish to sell, but being
furth.er urged, consented to sell a ])art. JJut the commissioners said that " they
must have the whole ; " for it was already ceded to them by the king of Eng-
land, at the peace following the revolution; but still, as their ancestors had
always paid the Indians for land, they were willing to pay them for it. Being
not able to contend, the land was sold. Soon alter this, they oiupowered a
person to let out part of their land, who said congress had sent liitn for the
purpose, but who, it seems, fraudulently procurctl a deed instead of a power
to lease; for there soon came another person claiming all their country north-
ward of the line of Pennsylvania, saying that he jjurehascd it of the other,
and for which he had paid '20,000 dollars to him and 20,000 more to the
United States. He now demanded the land, and, on being refused, threaten-
ed immediate war. Knowing their weak situation, they held a council, and
took the advice of a white man, whom they took to be their friend, but who,
as it proved, had plotted with the other, and was to receive some of the
land for his agency. He, therefore, told them they must com|)ly. " Astonish-
ed at what we heard from every quarter," they say, "with hearts aching with
compassion for our women and children, we were thus compelled to give up
nil our country north of the line of Pennsylvania, and east of the Genesee
River, up to the great forks, and east of a south line drawn up from tb.at
fork to the line of Peims} Ivunia." For tliis he agreed to give tliem 10,000
dollars down, and 1000 dollars a year forever. Instead of that, ho paid tiiem
2500 dollars, and some time after offered 500 dollars more, insisting that
that was all he owed them, which he allowed to be yt^arly. They add,

"Father: you havf, said that we were in your hand, and that by closing it
you could crusli us to nothing. Are you determined to crush us? If you

Chaf. VI.l

CORN-PLANT.— DEATH OF BIG-TREE.

611

are, tell us sg ; timt those of our nation who have become your children, and
nave determined to die so, may know wliat to do. Li this cu.-^c, one cirKl"
has said, lie would ask you to put him out of his pain. Another, who w ill
not tuink of dying by the hand of his father, or his brother, has said he will
retire to tlie Chatuughque, eat of tlte fatal root, and sleep with his fathers in
[leace."

" All the land we have been speaking of belonged to the Six Nations. No part
of it ever belonged to the king of England, and he could not give it to yoii."'

" Hear us once njore. At Fort Stanwix we agreed to deliver up those of
our people who should do you any wrong, and that you might try them and
punish them according to your law. We delivered up two men accordinjrly.
JJnt instead of trying them according to your law, the lowest of your puople
took them from your magistrate, and put thcin immediately to death. It is
just to pimish the murder with death ; but the Senecas will not deliver up
their people to men who disregard the treaties of their own nation."

There were many other grievances enumerateii, and all in a strain which,
W(! should think, would have drawn forth inmicdiate relief. In his answer,
I'resident fVashinglon said all, jierhaps, which could be said in his situation ;
and his good feelings are manifest throughout : still there is something like
evasion in answering some of their grievances, and an omission of notice to
others. His answer, nevertliehss, gave them much encouragement. He
assured them that the lands obtained from them by fraud was not saiictiont'd
by the govermnent, and that the whole transaction was declared null and
void ; and that the persons who murdered their people should be dealt with
as though they had murdered white men, and that all possible means would
be used lor their apprehension, and rewards should continue to be offered to
effjct it. But we have not learned that they were ever ap|)rehende(l. The land
conveyed by treaty, the president informed them, he had no authority to con-
cern with, as that act was before his administration.

The above speech, although appearing to be a joint production, is believed
to have been dictated by Corn-plankr. It, how.^ver, v/as no doubt the si-nti-
ments of the whole nation, as well as those of himself. Half-town and Bii^-
tree. Of this last-named chief we will here speak as follows: — In 17i)l, an act
passed the legislature of Pemisylvania, " to empower the governor to grant a
j)atent to Bis^-tree, a Seneca chief, for a certain island in the Alleghany
Uiver." He lamented the disaster of St. Clair's army, and was heard to say
aftcrwiu'ds, that he would Iiave two scalps for General Butler's, who fell and was
scal|)ed in that light. John Deckard, another Seneca 'lief, repeated the same
words. Being on a mission to Philadelphia, in April, 171)2, he was taken
sick at his lodgings, an I died after about 20 lioius' illness. Three days after,
being Stmday, the 22d, hi was buried with all requisite attention. The river
Bii^-lree was probably named fi-om the circumstance of this chief having
lived upon it. His name still exists among some of bis descendants, or
otl rs of his tribe, as we have seen it subscribed to several inslrinnents
within a few years. To return to Corn-planter.

His Indian name, as we have before noted, was Chjantwaia; and most of
our knowledge concerning him is derived from himself, and is contiiined in
a letter sent from him to the governor of Pennsylvania ; and, although w rit-
teu by an interpreter, is believed to be the real production of Corn-planter.
It was dated "Alleghany Ilivcr, 2d mo. 2d, 1822," and is as follows: —

" I feel it my duty to send a speech to the governor of Peniis^'vania at
this time, and inform him the place where I was from — which was it Cone-
uiuigus,* on the Genesee River.

" When I was a child, I played with the butterfly, the gra8sho))per and the
(Voj:s ; and as I grtnv up, 1 began to j)ay some attention and play with the
Indian boys in the neighborhood, and they took notice of my skin being a
dillerent color from theirs, and sjwke about it. I inquired of my mother the
lansi!, and she told mo that my f;.ither was a residenter in Albany.f I still

• 'I'll s was the Iroquois term to dpsiffiiate a place of Clirisliiui Indiaaa i lieiice maa/
ivl:irrs licar il. Ii is ilio xaiue lis ('tiiiglmniuiga.
t It IS said (Amur. Rog. Ii. t:^) iliat he wus oa Irisliinaa.

(j\-

COUN-n.ANT.— COMl'LAINT TO PE.\N3YLVAMA. [Book V

fiU iny vicuials out of n bark <lisli. 1 grew up to be a young ivnn, ami mar-
riiil uic u wife, ami I hail no kettle or gun. I tlicn krew vviidre my (iitner
lived, and went to see him, ami found he was n white man, and 8))nke ine
I'.nglisli lai'guage. He gave nie victuals whilst I was at his house, liut when
1 started to retui'n home, he gave me no provision to eat on the way. He
g.ive me neither kettle nor gun, neither did ne tell me that the United States
wen; about to rebel against the govt rninent of England.

" 1 will now tell you, brothers, who are in session of the legislature of
Pemisylvania, th.-it the Great Spirit has made known to me that I have been
wicked; and the cause thereof was the revolutionai-y war in America. The
(MUse of Indians having been led into sin, at that time, was that many of
them were in the })ractice of drinking n'vj getting intoxicated. Gp at
IJritain requested us to join witii them in the conflict against the Americans,
and proinisiMl the Indians land and liipior. I myself was opposed to joining
in the conflict, as I had nothing to do with the difliculty that existed between
(lie two parties. I have now inlbrnicd you how it happened that the Indians
tuok a part in the revolution, and will relate to you some circumstances that
<)(•( lu-red after the close of the war. General Putnam, who was then at
I'liiliidelphia, told me there was to be a council jf P^ort Stanwix; and the
Indians requested me to attend on bihalf of the Six Nations; which I <li(l,
and there met with three commissioners, who had been appointed to hold the
council. They told me they would inform me of the cause of the rivolu-
tion, which I recpiested them to do minutely. They then said that it had
originated on account of the heavy taxes that had been imposed upon them
by the British government, which had been for filly years increasiti,'^ upon
them; that the Americans had grown weary thereof, and rcfupsd to pay,
which atlionted the king. There had likewise a difliculty taken w'a.e about
tiome tea, which they wished me not to use, as it bad been one of t! u causes
that many people had lost their lives. And the British government now
I K'ii'" allionted, the war commenced, and the cannons began to roar in our
ciiiuitrj'. Geneial Putnam then told me, at the council at. Fort Stanwix,
tliat, by the late war, the Americans had gained two olijects: they had
♦■stal)lisiied themselves an independent nation, and had obtained some land
to liv(' U|)on : the division line of which, from Great Britain, lun through
tlie lakes. 1 then spoke, and said that I wanted some land for t!ie Indians to
live on, and General Put; am said that it should be granted, and 1 shculd have
hii'd ill the state of jVew ^'ork for the Indians. General Putnam iben en-
couraged me to use my endeavor;- to pacify the Indians generally; and, as
lie considered it an arduous ta?!: ' ' T>or(brni, wished to know what I watited
for pay therefor. I replied to :.- .', I'.at I would use I'ly endeavors to do is
Ik- had re(]uested, wnli the Indin .-. < \A for i)ay thereof, I would take land.
1 told him not to pay me money or dry goods, but land. And lor having
atti'iicied thereto, I received the tract of land on which I now live, which was
jiresented to me by (lovernor JV///7(.'(. I told Qc\wri\\ Putnam that I wished
the liiilians to have the exclusive i)rivilege of the deer and wild game, which
lie assented to. I also wished the Indians to have the privilege of hunting
in the woods, and making fires, which he likewise assented to.

" The treaty that was made nt the aforementioned cruncil, has been broken
I y some of the white people, which I now intend acquainting the governor
with. Some white peofile are not willing that Indians should hunt any more,
whilst others are satisfied therewith ; and those white people who reside
near our reservation, tell us that the woods are tlieii*s, and they have
(ibtiined them from the governor The treaty has been also broken
by the white |)eople using their em.eavors to destroy all the wolves, which
was not spoken about in the council at Fort Stanwix, by General Putnam,
but has originated lately.

" It has been broken again, which is of recent origin. White people wisli
to get credit from Indians, and do not pay them honestly, accon'ing to their
Hgreeiiient. ^n another respect, it has also been broken by white people,
who reside near my dwelling; for when I plant melons and vines in my
field, they take tliem as their own. It has been broken again by while
people using their endeavors te obtain our piue-trees from us. We hav«

Ifti

Chap. VI.l

cornpla?:t.

Gl«

very f-^v pine-trees on \t'.n land, in the state of New YorK ; and ivliite peo)>!e
and Indians ote:i get into dispute respecting tliein. There is also a {;reat
quantity of wiiisiiy brought near our reservation by wiiite j)eo|)l(', and tlio
Indians obtain it and become drunken. Another circumstunee lias taken
place which is very trying to me, and I wish the interference of the governoi

"The white people, wlio live at Warren, called upon nie, some time ago,
to pay taxes for my land; which I objected to, as 1 had never been caliid
upon for that purpose before; and having refused to pay, the white pcojiji!
b(M'ame irritated, called upon me frequently, and at length brought four gmis
with them and seized our cattle. I still refused to ])ay, and was not wiHing
to let the cattle go. After a time of dispute, they returned home, and I under-
stood the militia was ordered out to enforce the collection of the tax. I
went to Warren, and, to avert the impending difficulty, was obliged to gi\ o
my note lor the tax, the amount of which was 43 dollars and 79 cents. It is
my desire that the governor will exempt me from paying taxes for my land
to white people; and also cause that the money I am now obliged to pay,
may be refunded to me, as I am very ])oor. The governor is the person
who attends to t!ie situation of the peo[)le, and I wish him to send a person
to Allegiiany, that I may inform him of the particulars of our situation, and
he be authorized to instruct the white people in what manner to conduct
tlieniselves towards the Indians.

"The govermnent has told us that when any <rifficnltie3 arose between the
Indians and while people, they would attend to having them removed. Wo
are now in a trying situation, and I wish the governor to send a person
authorized to attend thereto, the forepart of next sunmier, about the time
that grass has grown big enough for pjisture.

'The governor formerly requested me to pay attention to the Indians and
take care of them. We are now arrived at a situation that I believe In-
dians cannot exist, unless the governor should comply with my request, and
send a person authorized to treat between us and the white people, the
approaching summer. I have now no more to speak."*

Whetiier the government of Pennsylvania acted at all, or, if at all, what
order they took, U|)on this pathetic appeal, our author does not state. But
tiiat an independent tribe of Indians should be taxed by a neighboring
people, is absurd in the extreme; and we hope we shall learn that not
only the tax was remitted, but a reujimeration granted for the vexation and
damage.

Corn-plant was veiy early distinguished for his wisdom in coimci' Jt-
withstanding he confirmed the treaty of Fort Stanwix of 1784 ; five ■.■ ; ?
after, at the treaty of Fort Harmer, l.e gave up an immense tract o?" n'
country, and for which his nation very nuich reproached him, ui.^ v veil
threatened his life. Himself and other chiefs committed this act lor the be-;t
of reasons. The Six Nations having taken part with England in the n" i ;■:-
tion, when the king's jjower fell in America, the Indian nations were reclucrd
to tlie miserable alternative of giving up so mueh of their country as '.Ik;
Americans required, or the whole of it. In 17'J0, Corn-plant, Half-toii" ml
liis:-tree, tnade a most pathetic appeal to congress lor an amelioration ot'
their condition, and a reconsideration of former treaties, in which the fol-
lov.'ing memorable paasage occurs : —

"Father: we will not conceal from you that the great God, and not men,
has preseiTed the Corn-plant from the hands of his own nation. For they
ask continually, "Where is the land on which our children, ami their chi'
dreii after them, are to lie down upon? You told us that the line dra' i
from Pennsylvania to Lake Ontario, would mark it forever on the east, i. '
the line riuining from Beaver Creek to Pennsylvania, wotdd mark it on t. .
west, and we see that it is not so; fbr,firsl one, and then another, come rnul
take it away by order of that jieople which you tell us promised to f-eeure it
to us.' He is silent, for he has nothing to answer. When the sun goes
down, he opens his lii^art before God, and earlier than the sini ajipears,
ogain u]ion the hills he gives thanks for his protection during the night.

f>2

* Buchanan's Skctclics

()I4

CORN-PLANT.

[Book V.

For he feels that among men become desperate by the injuries they siifltain,
it is God only tliat can j)reserve him. He loves peace, and all he had in
store ho has given to tiiose who have been robbed by your people, lest
they should [tlunder the innocent to rei)ay themselves. The whole season,
which others have employed in providing for their families, he lias spent in
endeavors to preserve peace ; and this moment his wife and children a' o
lying on the ground, and in want of food."

In President Washington's answer, we arc gratified by his particular notice
of this chief. He says, "The merits of the Corn-plant, ixwA his friendship
for the United States, are well known to me, and shall not be forgotten ; and,
iw a mark of esteem of the United States, I have directed the secretary of
war tc make him a present of two hundred andjijly dollars, either in money
or goods, as the Corn-plant shall like best."

There was, in 178!), a treaty held at Marietta, between the Indians and
Americans, which terminated "to the entire satisfaction of all concerned.
On this occasion, an elegant entertainment was provided. The Indian
chiefs behaved with the greatest decorum throughout the day. After dinner,
we were served with good wine, and Corn-planter, one of the first chiels of
the Five Nations, and a very great waiTior, took up his glass and said, " I
thank tlw Great Spirit for this opportunity of smoking the pipe of friendship and
lave. JMaj/ ive plant our own vines — be the fathers of our own children — and
mainfiin tlienu' *

III 17U0, an act passed the legislature of Pennsylvania, for " granting 800
dollurs to Co)7i-planter, Half-town and Big-tree, in trust for the Seneca nation,
and other purposes therein mentioned." In Februaiy, 1791, Corn-plant was
in Philadelphia, and was employed in an extremely hazardous expedition to
imderlake the pacification of the western tribes, that had already shown
theui <elves hostile. The mission terminated unfavorably, from insurmount-
:d)lo dilliculties.t There were many, at this time, as in all Indian wars, who
entertained doubts of the fidelity of such Indians as pretended friendship.
Corn-plant did not escape suspicion ; but, as his after-conduct showed, it
was entirely without foundation. ! ; the midst of these imputations, a letter
u Miten at Fort Franklin says, "I have oidy to observe that the Corn-plant
h.is been here, and, in my opinion, he is as friendly as one of our own
j)eople. He has advised me to take care ; ^for,' said he, ^you ivill soon have a
rhnnce to let the tvorld hiow whether you are a soldier or not.'' When he went
od| he ordered two chiefs and ten warriors to remain here, and scout about
tlie garrison, and let me know if the bad Indians should either advanc".
against iik;, or any of the frontiers of the United States. He thinks the
pi^o|)le B» Pittsl)urgh should keep out spies towards the salt licks, for he
s.iys, by and by, he thinks, the bad Indians will come from that way."

In 1792, the following adverlisemcnt appeared, signed by Corn-plant : " JMy
pooijle iiaving been cliarged with counnittitig dejjredations on tiie frontier
inhaliitants near Pittsburg"), I hereby contradict the assertion, as it is cer-
taiuiy without foundation, and jdedge myself to those inhabitants, that they
ii:.- y rest perfectly secure from any danger from the Senecas residing on the
/illejrhany waters, and that niy peojjlc have been and still are friendly to the
r. S^i.'^'es."

A'liu'it the time Corn-plant left his nation to proceed on his mission to the
i'o^tiie ii'bes, as three of liis pi^ople were travelling through a settlement
upon t!ie Oenesee, they stopped at a house to light their pipes. There hap-
pene.' to 1; several men within, one of whom, as the foremost Indian stoop-
ed down n. Mght his i)ipe, killed him with an axe. One of the others was
b uily wouiided with the same we(i])on, while escaping from the house.
Tiny were not [liU'sued, and the other, a boy, escaped unhurt. (The poor
woiMided man, when nearly well of the wound, was bitten by a snake, which
»*aiisi d his iimnediate death.) When Corn-plant knew what had hap|)ened,
he charged his warriors to remain <piict, and not to seek revenge, and was

* Cnrpt/s Miisriiin, v. 41.5.

t '• Ciiust'S ol' ihc exisliii!^ IKisiililies,'' iVr. llrin^lll>|l bv tlic sec'v of war, Grncral Knot,
in 1791.

Cb*p. VI ]

(■o;:.\.i'i. K\r.—:\oyuj:< ov ('IVII.izatio.v.

615

heard only to siiy, " II is ImrJ, when I anil nv/ people are trijim^ to make peace
Jor the whites, Hull we should receive suck reward. I can govern my young men
and warriors lietler Uum the thirteen fires can tlieirs.^^ How is it tlmt tliis intiii
should practise upon tlio iiiuxims of Confucius, of wlioin lie never heard ?
(Do ije to others as ye woidd that they should do unto you ;) uiid tiie iiioiistor in
liiinian form, in a gospellaiid, taught tliem from ins youth, should show, by
his actions, his utter contempt of them, and even of the divine mandate ?

In ldl(), the Reverend Timothy Mden, then president of Alleghany college,
in Meadville, Pennsylvania, visited the Seneca nation. At this time. Corn-
plant lived seven miles below the junction of the Connewango with the
Alli!ghany, upon the banks of the latter, "on a piece of first-rate boitoni
land, a little within the limits of Pennsylvania." Here was his village,*
wiiich exhibited signs of industrious inhabitants. He then owned 1.500
acres of land, GOO of which comprehended his town. "It was grateful to
notice," observes Mr. ^Iden, "the present agricultural habits of the place,
from the numerous enclosures of buck-wheat, corn and oats. We also saw
a number of oxen, cows and horses ; and many logs dtjsignod for the saw-
mill and the Pittsburgh market." Corn-plant had, for some time, been very
much in liivor of the Christian religion, and hailed with joy such as prolesscil
it. When he was apprized of Mr. JUdeh's arrival, he hastened to wel-
come him to his village, and wait upon him. And notwithstanding his lii^^Ji
station as a chief, having many men under his command, he chose railicr,
" in the ancient patriarchal style," to serve his visitors himself; he, ilieris
fore, took care of their horses, and went into the field, cut and brought oats
for them.

The Western Missionary Society had, in 1815, at Com-planPs " urgent
request," established a school at his village, which, at this time, promised
success.

Corn-plant received an annual annuity from the U. States of 2.")0 dollars,
besides his proportion of 9000 divided equally among every meml)er of the
nation.

Gos-kuk-ke-ioa-na-kon-ne-di-yu, commonly called the Prophet, was lirotlier
to Corn-plant, and resided in his village. He was of little note, and died
previous to ISlG.f Corn-plant, we believe, was, when living, like all other
unenlightened people, very superstitious. Not long since, he said the (iood
Sj)irit had told him not to have any tiling to do with the whites, or even to
preserve any mementoes or relics "ley had from time to time given him ;
whereupon, among other things, he burnt up his belt and broke his elegant
sword. Ho often mentions his having been at BraddccKs defeat. Henry
Ohecde, his son, he sent to be educated among the wliites. He btn-anie a
drinikard on returning to his home, and is now discarded by his lather.
C'o/H-/;/«»it has other sons ; but he says no moro oi' them shall be educated
among the whites, for he says, "// entirely sp'iii Indian." And allhouiih be
ciMmtenanccs Christianity, he does not do it, it is tliouglit, from a belief of
ii, l)Ut probably from the same motives as too many whites do. |

The I'ollowing story, M. Bayard says,§ was told him by Corn-planter. We
have often heard a similar one, and as often a new origin ; but never before
that it origitiated with William Penn. However, as our author observes, as
w(; have more respect for truth than great names, we will relati; it. Pi-nn
pi o|)08ed to the Indians to sell him as much land as he could encompass
with the hide of a bullock. They, sujjposing h" meant only what groiiiul
would be covered by it, when it was spread ou,, ..nd looking upon what
was oftere«l as a good price, consented to tlie proposition. Penn, like Didon,
cut the skin into a line of immense length, to the astonishment of tiie vend-
ers, who, in silent indignation, religiously observed their contract. TIk;
tliiaiifiiy of land encoaqiassed by the line is not meniioned; but, nmre or
less, the Indians had passed their word, and they scorned to break it, even

* Formerly called Obalelown. See Pa. G.iz. 1792, and Stanbnry's Jour.
f ,^iner. Repslcrl'or 1816, vol Ii. 226, &,c.

j Vt'ibal accoinit o{ E. T. Foote, Es(|. of Chalauquo co. N. Y. who possesses muc«
valualile iiirornialioii upon matters nf this kind.
J Vorjage duns I InUrieur des Etats-Unis, et oel. ps. 20C. 207.

616

TECUMSEH.

OUK

though tfiey would have been justified by the discovery of the fraud. We
do not vf)ucli Jbr the truth of this matter, nor do we believe William Penn
?ver i)rnctis(d a tricii of tlie liind. No doubt soiiio person did ; and perhaps
Corn-planter had been told that it was Penn.

We have now to record the death of the venerable Corn-plant. He died
at his residence on the Seneca reservation, on the 7lh of ]\iarch last, 183(3
aged ui)ward8 of 100 years.

7'ea^ilaegee, or Charles Corn-planter, was a party to the treaty of Moscow,
N. Y. in 1823. He was probably a son of K^cnlwaJik, or Gyanlwaia.

H§§t

CHAPTER VH.

Tecumskh — His great exertions to ■prevent the whites From overrunning his country —
}Iis expedition on Hachcr's Creek — Cooperation of kis brother, the Prophet — Rise, of
the iliyicu'ties betioten Tecumseh and Governor Harrison — Speech of the former in
a council at Fincennes — Fearful occurrence in thai council — Winnemak — Trcumsih
visited by Governor Harrison at his camp — Determination of war the result of the
interview on both sides — Characteristic anecdote of the chief — Determines, in the
event of war, to prevent barbarities — Battle of Tippecanoe — Battle of the Thames,
and, death of Tecvmseh — Description of his person — Important events in his life —
Pi;KKEsnENo,/«//jer of Tecumseh — His death — Buttle of Magaugo — Specimen of
the Shawanee language — Particular account of Ellskwatawa, or the Puopjiet —
.iccount of RooND-iiEAD — Capture and massacre of General li' inch ester's army at
the River Raisin — Mveerah, or the Crane, commonly called VValk-in-the-Water
— Teyoninhokerawen, or John Norton — Logan the Shaicanee — Black bihi> —
Massacre at Chicago — Wawnahton — Black-thunder — Ongpatonga, or Big-elk
— Petalesharo — Metea.

TECUMSEH, by birth n Shawanee, and brigadier-general in the army of
Great Britain, in the war of 1812, was born about 1770, and, like his great
prototype, Pometacom, the Wampnnoag, seems always to have made his
aversion to civilization appear a proiriinent trait in his character ; and it is
not presumed that he joined the British army, and received the red sash and
other badges of office, because he was fond of imitating the whites ; but he
employed them, more probably, as a means of inspiring his countrymen with
that respect and veneration for himself which was so necessary in the work
of expulsion, which he had undeilaken.

The first exploit in which we find Tecumseh engaged was upon a branch
of Hacker's Creek, in May, 1792. With a small band of warriors, he came
upon the family of John Wagsroner, about dusk. They found IVaggoncr
a short distance from his house, sitting uj)on a log, resting himself after the
fatigues of the day. Tecumseh directc-d his men to capture the family, while
'.iinseit was engaged with Waggoner. To make sure work, he took deliberate
aim at him with his rifle ; but fortunately he did not even wound him, though
the bail passed next to his skin. Waggoner threw himself off the log, and
ran with all his might, and Tecumseh followed. Having the advantage of an
accurate knowledge of the ground, Waggoner made good his escape. Mean-
while his men succeeded in carrying off the family, some of whom they bar-
barously murdered. Among these were Mrs. Waggoner and two of her
children. Sr veral of the cliildnai remained a long time with the Indians.

This persevering and extraordinary man had made himself noted and con-
spicuous in the war which terminated by the treaty of Greenville, in 1795.
He was brother to that fimious impostor well known by the name of the
i-'/o;>/i«/, and seems to have joined in his views just in season to prevent his
falling into entire disrepute among his own l()ilowers. Uts principal j)lace
of rendezvous was near the confluence! of the Tippecanoe with the Wabash,
upon the north bank of the latter. This tract of country was none of his,
but had been possessed by his brother the Prophet, in 1808, with a motley
band of about 1000 yomig wanioi-s fiom among the Sliawanese, Dela-
wares, Wyandots, I'otowatomies, Ottowas, Kikkapoos and Chippeways. The

Ch4p. VIl.J

riiCUMSEII.

617

ftliainies were very iiiiicli opposed to tliis intrusion into tlicir country, but
wens not |)0\vcrtui eimugli to rcprl it, and many of their cliii'ls wen- |»iit to
Jcatli i.i till' most barbarous manner, ("or remonstrating against tiiiir conduct.
Tlie maladmiiiistj.iion of the Prophet, liowever, in n short time, very much
reduced his nuniljcrs, so that, in anout a year, his followers consisti'd of but
aiiout :{00, and these in the most miserable state of existence. Their habits
li.id lieen su(;h as to bring lamii'o u|K)n them; and but for the provisions
furnished by General Harrison, AOin Vincennes, stai-vation would doubtless
have ensued.* At this juncture, Tecumsek made his appearance amoiig
them ; and although in the character of a subordinate chief, yet it was known
that he directed every thing aflerwards, altiiough in the nami; of the Prophet.
His exertions now became immense to engagi; every tribe upon the continent
in a coidiideracy, with the open and avowed object of arresting the progress
of the whites.

Agreeably to the direction of the government, Governor Harrison purchased
of the Delawares, iVIiamies, and Pottowatomies, a large tract of country on
both sides of the Wabash, and extending up the river GO miles above Vin-
c nnes. This was in 1809, about a year alter the Propliel settled with his colony
upon th(! Wabash, as before statfjd. Tecumseh was absent at this time, and
his brother, the Propliet, was not considered as having any claim to the coun-
try, being there without the consent of the Miamies. Tecumsth did not view
it in this light, and at his return was exceedingly vexed with those chiefs
who had made the conveyance ; many ,)f whom, it is asserted, he threatened
with death. 7'ecMwweA's dis[»leasure and dissatisfaction reached Governor
Harrison, who despatched a messenger to him, to state "that any claims he
niiglit have to the lands which lia(l been ceded, were not affected by the
treaty; that he might come to Vincennes and exhibit his pn^tensions, and if
they were found to be solid, that the land would either be given up, or an
ani[)le compensation made for it."t This, it must be confessed, was not in a
strain calculated to soothe a mighty mind, when once justly irritated, as waa
that of Tixuinseh. However, upon the 12 August, 1810, (a day which cannot
fail to remind the reader of' the ilite of his great archetypi;, Philip, of Pokan-
oket,) he met the governor in council at Vinceimes, with many of his war-
riors; at which time Ik; spoke to him as follows: —

" It is true I am a Shawanee. 3Iy foretiithere were warriors. Their son is
a warrior. From them I only take my existence ; from my tribe I take noth-
ing. I am the maker of my own ibrtune ; and oh ! that 1 could make that
of my red i)eople, and of my country, as great as the conceptions of my
mind, when I think of the Spirit that rules the universe. I would not then
cojne to Governor Harrison, to ask him to tear the treaty, and to obliterate
the landmark ; but I would say to him, itn; you have liberty to return to
your own couu'vy. The being within, comujuning with past ages, tells me,
that once, nor u itil lately, there was no white man on this continent. That
it then all belonged to red men, children of the same parents, placed on it by
the Great Spirit that made them, to keep it, to traverse it, to enjoy its produc-
tions, and to fill it with the same race. Once a happy race;. Since made
niiscrabh; by the white people, who are never contented, but always encroach-
ing. The way, and the only way to check and to stop this evil, is, for all the
red men to unite in claiming a common and equal right in the land, as it was
at first, and should be yet ; for it never was divided, but belongs to all, for the
use of each. That no part has a right to sell, even to each other, much less
to strangers ; those who want all, and will not do with less. The white peo-
ple have no right to take the land tiom the Indians, because they had it first;
It is theirs. They may sell, but all must join. Any sale not made by all is
not valid. The late sale is bad. It was made by a part only. Part do not
know how to sell. It requires all to make a bargain for all. All red men
liave equal rights to the unoccupied laud. The right of occupancy is as
good in one place as in another. There cannot he two oecnpations in the
Bame place. The first excludes all others. It is not so in hunting or travel-
ling; for there the same ground will serve many, as they may (tillow each

* Memoirs of Harrison.

62*

t MA/ef.

«18

TECUMSEII.— CONFERENCE AT VINCENNES.

[Book V

otiicr uU (lay ; but the cuinp is stationary, and that is occupancy. It belongs
to the first wlio sit.s dowti uii liis blanket ur siiins, wiiich lie has thrown upon
the ground, and till he loaves it no other has a rijfht." *

How near this in to the original \h unknown to us, but it appears too much
Ainericanizrd to correspond with our notions of Tccnmseh ; nevertheless it
may give the true meaning. <)u(! ifnporlunt paragraph ought to be added,
whicli we do not find in tiie author lioni which we have extracted the above ;
whiidi Was, "that the Americans hud dri\(,'n tlietn from the sea-coasts, and
that they would siiortly push them into the lakes, and that they were drter-
mini'd to make a stand wlicri! they were." f This lani,Miago lorciiily reminds
us of what the ancient Ihiions said of their enemies, wlien tht-y besoujiht aid
of the Romans. " 'J'he barbarians (said tliey) drive us to the sea, and the sea
beats us biick upon thiMu ; between those extremes we arc exposed, either to
be slain with the sword, or drowned in the wave s." I

Teniiiiselt, bavin ;^ thus explained iiis reasons against the validity of the
j)urchase, t(jok his seat amidst his warriors, (iovernor Hanisun,'n\ his reply,
said, "that the white people, when they arrived upon this continent, had
found the Miumies in the occupation of all the country on the Wabasli, and
at that time the Shawanese were residents of Georgia, from which they
were driven by the Creeks. That the lands had been purchased liom tin;
Miamies, who were the true and ori;:iual owners of it, 'I'liat it was ridicu-
lous to assert that all the linlians were one nation ; ibr if such had been the
intention of the Creat Spirit, he would not have put six different tongues
into their heads, but have taught them all to speak a language that all could
understand. Tliat the JMianiics found it for their interest to sell a part of
their lands, and receive for them a further amiuity, the benefit of whicli they
bud long exiterienced, from the |iunctuality with which the seventeen fires
[the seventeen United States] complied with their engagements; and that the
Shawanese had no right to come from a distant country and control the
Miamies in the disposal of their own property." The governor tlien took
Ills seat, and tlie interpreter proceedtul to explain to Tecuinsch what he had
said, who, when he had nearly finished, suddenly interrui)ted him, and ex-
claimed, "// is aW yct/se ; " at the same time giving to his warriors a signal,
they seized their war clubs, and sprung uj)on their feet, from the green grass
on which they had been sitting. The governor now thought himself in im-
minent danger, and, freeing himself from his arm-chair, drew his swortl, and
prepared to defend himself, lie was attended by some officers of his gov-
ernim nt, and many citizens, more numerous than the Indians, but all unarmed;
most of whom, however, seized upon some wea[)on, such as stones and clubs.
Teciimseh contiimed to make gestures and speak with great emotion ; and a
guard of 12 armed men stationed by the governor in the rear were ordered
up. For a few minutes, it was expected blood would be shed. Major G. R.
Floyde, who stood near the governor, drew his dirk, and JVinnemak cocked his
pistol, which he had ready primed; he said Tecumsth had threatened his
lite for having signed the treaty and sale of the disputed land. A Mr. Wiruis,
the Methodist minister, ran to the governor's house, and, taking a gun, stood
in the door to defend the family.

On being informed what Tecuniseh had said, the governor repliec to him,
that " he was a bad man — that he would have no liu'ther talk with him — thnt
he must return to his camj), and set out for his home immediately." Thus
ended the conference. Tecumsih did not h.-ave the ni'ighborhood, but, the
next morning, having reflected upon the impropriety of liis conduct, sent to
the governor to have the council reneweil, and upologized for the aflJi'ont
oH(;red ; to which the governor, after some tinn , consented, having taken the
priM-anti <u to have two ailditional companies o' armed men in readiness, in
case of iiisult.

Having met a second time, Teciimseh was asked whetlu r he had any other
grounds, than those he had statt.'d, by whicli he could lay claim to the land
in cpiestion ; to whicli he replied, "No other." Here, then, was an end of
all argument. The indignant soul of Teauiuieh could not but be enraged at

Hist. Kciitni'ky.

t HIi'iii. I larriiOii.

t Seller's Eiiglaml.

Chap. VII]

TEl.'IJMS::il

GIO

tlie i(lc:i of ail " ('(iHiviili :it fur a (•(timtn," or, wliiit nii'ant tlic same tliinj;, n
comjieiisiition tor land, wliicli, oUcii rcpt^ati'd, as it Imd l)i<;ii, would soon uiiKinnt
In a aninlnj ! "Tla; hcliavior of Tirumiieli, at this iiitcrvifw, was very diti'iT-
fiit from wimt it iiad bctiii tiii! day iH'foro. Ills dcportiiiciit was (lij;iiititd
and collcctrd, and III! sliowud not tiu; least dis|i(isition to li<> insolent. Ilu
denied liavin<( any inttMition of attackin;jf tin; governor, l>nt said lie had been
advised hy wliito men " * to do as he had done ; that two w liite men had visited
liini at his |>laec ot' residence, and told hini that halfihe w'hit(> people were op-
posed to Governor Ilumsun, and wiliinj,' to relincpiish the land, und told liini
to advise tl e trilies not to receive pay t()r it; for tliat the •;ov(!rnor would l)0
soon put ojt of office, and a "good man" sent in his jilace, who would give up
the land to the Indians. The governor asked him whether he would prevent
the 8ur\'ey cf the land: he replied that he was determined to adhere to tho
old houndarij. Then arose a Wyandot, a Kikkapoo, a Pottowattoinio, an
Ottowas, and u Winnehcgo chief, each (leclaring his deteiniination to stand
by TecHin.icli, whom they had chosen their chief. After the governor had
informed Tecumseh that his words should he truly reported to the presi-
dent, alleging, at the same time, that Ik; knt^w the land wonlil net be re-
liritpiisliud, and that it would be inuiiitained by the uword, tlie council
closcid.

The governor wished yet to i)rolong the interview, and thought that,
possibly, Tccumath might appear more submissivi", should he meet him in
liis own tent. Accordingly he took with him an interpreter, and visited
the chief in bis camp the next day. The governor was received with kind-
ness and attention, und Tecumseh conversi'd with him a considerahle time.
On being asked by the governor if his determination really whs as lie had
expressed himself in the council, he said, "Yes;" and added, " that it was
with great reluctance he would make war with the United States — against
whom he had no other complaint, but their |)mchasing the Indians' land ;
that he was extremely anxious to be their friend, and if he (the governor)
would prevail upon the jiresident to give up the lands lately purchased, and
agree never to make another treaty, without the consent of all the tribes, he
would be their faithful ally, and assist them in all their wars with the ilnglish,"
whom lie knew were always treating the Indians lik(! dogs, clapping their
liaiids and iiullooing s<i<-fco?/; that he would much rather join the seventet'ii
fires; but if tlic^y would not give uj) said laiiils, and eoi!i|)ly with his reipiest
in other respects, he would join the English. When the governor told him
there was no ])robability that the [iri'sideiit would comply, he stiid, "Well, aa
the great chief is to detennine the matter, I ho|)e the Great Spirit will put
hense enough into his liead, to intluce him to direct }ou to give up this land.
It is true, he is so far off he will not be injured by the war. He may sit still
in his town, and drink his wine, whilst you and 1 will have to fight it out."
lie had saiil before, when asked if it were his determination to make war
unless his terms were complied with, " // is mi/ determi nation ; nor teill I give
rest to my feel, until I hace united all the red men in the like residulion."

Thus is exhibited the determined character of Tecumseh, in which no
du])licity appears, and whose resentment might iiave been exjiected, when
qui'stioiK^d, again and again, U[)on the same subject. Most religiously did iio
prosecute this plan; and could his extraordinary and wonderful exertions be
known, no fiction, it is believed, could scarcely surpass the reality. The
tribes to the west of the JMississippi, and those about Lakes Su])erior and
Huron, were visited and jvisited by him previous to the year 1811. He had
raised in these tribes the nigh exjiectation that they should be able to drive
the Americans to the east of the Ohio. The famous Blue-jacket was as san-
guine as Tecumseh, and was his abettor in uniting distant tribes.

The following characteristic circumstance occurred at one of the meet-
ings at Vincennes. After Tecumseh had made a speech to (Jovernor Har-
rison, and was about to seat himseli' in a chair, he observed that none had
b'en placed for him. One was immediately ordered by the governor, and,
Hs the interpreter handed it to him, he said, "Your father requests you to take

Memoirs of Harrison.

Sl^,

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Corporation

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23 WIST MAIN STRUT

WHSTH.N.Y. USSO

(716) 872-4503

G20

TECUMSEIL— BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE.

[Boox V.

(I ■

a chair." "M>f falher9" says Tecumseh, with great indignity of expression,
" the sun is mifjhilier, and the tarlh is my motktr ; and on her bosom I mil repose ; '
and iininediutely seated himself, in the Indian manner, upon tlie ground.*

T)ie (Ight at Ti(ipecanoo fullowed soon alien This ailair tooic place in tite
niglit of Nov. 6, 1811, in wliich G2 Americans were i^illed, and 12(i wounded.
Tecumseh was not in this fight, but Ids brother, the Prophet, conducted or
onlerefl the attacl(. During the action, he was performing conjurations on
an eminence not far of!', but out of danger. His men displayed great bravery,
and the figlit was long and bloody. Harrison lost some of his bravest otli-
cers. The late Colonel Snellirtg, of Boston, tl-en a captain, was in this fight,
and took prisoner with his own hands an Indian chief, the only Indian taken
by the Americans. The name of the captured chief we do not learn, but
from his fear of being taken for a Shawanee, it is evident he was not of that
tribe. When he was seized by Capt Snellini^, he ejaculated, with hurried
accents, " Good man^ me no ■SAaimnee." f The chiefs frhite-lion ( fyapamanf^wa,)
Stone-eater [Sanamahhonga,) and H'innemak, were conspicuous at this time.
The latter had been the pretended friend of the governor, but now ai)peared
his enemy. He was killed the next year by the lamented Logan.

Just before hostilities commenced, in a talk Governor Harrison had with
Tecumseh, the former expressed a wish, if war must follow, that cruelty to
prisoners should not be allowed on either side. Tecumseh assured him that
ne would do all in his power to prevent it ; and it is believed he strictly
adhered to this resolution. Indeed, we have one example, whirli has never
been called in question, and is worthy the great mind of this chief. When
Colonel Dvdky was cut ofl^ and near 400 of his men, not fur from P'ort IVlei^'M,
by falling into an ambush, Tecumseh arrived at the scene of action when tim
Americans could resist no longer. He exerted himself to put a s>op to tiio
massacre of the soldiers, which was then going on ; and meeting with a
Chippeway chief who would not desist by persuasion nor threats, he btnied
his tomahawk in his head. %

It is said that Tecumseh had licen in almost every important battle with the
Americans, from the destruction of General Harmer^s army till his death upon
the Thames. He was under the direction of General Proctor, in this last
great act of his life, but was greatly dissatisfied with his course of |)roceed-
mge,ond is said to have remonstrated against retreating before the Americans
in very pointed terms. Perryi's victory hud just given the Americans the
command of Lake Erie ; and innnediately after. Proctor aliandoned Detroit,
and marched his majesty's army up the River Thames, accompanied by Gen-
eral Tecumseh, with about 1.500 warriors. Harrison overtook them near the
Moravian town, Oct. 5, 1813, and, after a bloody buttle with the Indians,
routed and took j)risoner8 nearly the whole British arn^y ; Proctor saving
himself only bv flight. After withstanding almost the whole force of the
Americans fo, so ne time, Tecumseh received a severe wound in the arm, but
continued to hgiit with desperation, until a shot in the head from an unknown
hand laid him prostrate in the thickest of the fight, § Of his warriors ViO
were left upon the field of battle.

Thus fell Tecumseh, in the forty-fointh year of his age. He was about five
feet ten inches in height, of a noble appearance, and a perfectly symnietricul
form. "His carriage was erect and lofty — his motions quick — his eyes pen-
etrating — his visage stern, with an air of hauteur in his countenance, whit-li
arose from an elevated prioe of soul. It did not leave hitn even in «leath."
He is thus spoken of by one who knew him.

At the battle of the Thames, a chief by the name of Shane served ns a
guide to Colonel Johnson's regiment. He mforms us that he knew Tecumseh
Well, and that he once had had his thigh broken, which not being properly
set, caused a considerable ridge in it always after. This was pidilislud in u
Kentucky newspaper, lately, as necessary to prove that the Indian killed liy

Si:liootcra/t.
t Jiwws, i. W\—Pcrkinii, 221,

t Iiiformaliun of his son, W. J, Siulling, Esq. of Bosum.

fi Tlie story that he firll ii; 8 iiorsonni rcnroiintcr with Colonel Johnson, must no loiijjcr \>f
ieved. Facts are entirely opposed to »iich a eonrlusion. IiuleccI, we cuniiul loiiiu tlial

llie colonel ever claimed tlic Iwnor uf the achievement.

It.

Chap. VII]

TECUMSEIL— BATTLE OF MAGAUGO.

G2I

Colonel Johnson wns TVcjtwweA. From the same paper it would seem, tlint,
even on the day of battle, it was doubted by some whetlior the chief killed
were Teaimseh, and that a critical inquest was held over his body; nnd
nithoii'ih it was decided to be he, yet to the fact that the colonel killi-d him.
tliere Wi»« a demur, even then. But, no doubt, many were willing it should
80 )ia«», thinking it a matter of not much consequence, 80 long w Tenimseh,
their most dreaded enemy, was actually slain ; and, perhapH, too, so near the
event, many felt a delicacy in dissenting from the report of Colonel Johnson^s
friends; but when time had dispelled such jealousy, those came out frankly
with their opinion, •• .a hence resulted the actual truth of the case.

That the American soldiers shoidd have dishonored themselves, after their
victory, by outraging all decency by acts of astonishing ferocity and barbarity
upon the lifeless body of the fallen chief, is grievous to mention, and cannot
meet with too severe condemnation. Pieces of his skin were ta!;en away by
some of them as mementoes ! • He is said to have borne a personal enmity to
General Harrison, at this time, for having just liefore (bstroyed his family.
The celebrated speech, said to have been delivered by the great "Shawanese
warrior" to (Jeneral Proctor, i)efoie the Imttle of the Thaiiies, is believed by
many not to l)e genuine. It may l»e seen in every historv of the war, anil
every periodical of that day, and not a few since, even to this. Therefore wo
omit it here. The speech of Logan, perhaps, has not circulated wider.
Another, in our opinion, more worthy the niightv mitid tA' Ttcvmseh, piililished
in a work sjjid to be written by one who heard it,t is now generally (on the
authority of a public journal ^) discarded as a fiction.

Among the skirmishes between the belligerents, liefore General Htdl sur-
rendered the north-western army, Tecumseh and his Indians acted a con-
S))ieuoiis part

Maiden, situated at the junction of Detroit River with Lake Erie, was
considered the Gibraltar of Canada, and it wfs.j expected that General HuWs
first object woidd be to possess himself of ;*, In a movement that way,
Cfdonel .WJirthur came very near being cut off by a party of Indians ;d by
Tenimsth, About 4 miles from Maiden, he foimd a bridge in possession of n
body of the enemy ; an<l although the bridge was carried by a force under
('olonel Crt.M,§ in effecting whicn, 11 of the enemy were killed, yet it seems,
that in a "few days afterwards " they were in possession of it again, and
again the Americans stood ready to repeat the attack. It was in an attempt
to reconnoitre, that Colonel M^Jirthur "advanced somewhat too near the
enemy, and narrowly escaped l)eing cut off from his men"|| by several
Indians who had nearly prevented his retreat.

Major Vanhom was detached on the 4 August from Aux Canarrls, with 200
men, to convoy 150 Ohio militia and some provisions from the River Raisin.
In his second dav's march, near Brownstow;n, he fell into an ambush of 70
Indians under Tecumseh, who, firing upon him, killed 20 men ; among whom
were Cn|)taiiis M^Culloch,% Bostler, Gilcreaae,** and Ubry: 9 more were
wounded. The rest made a precipitate retreat.

Major Vanhom having failed in his attempt, Colonel .Wller was sent on
the 8th of August, with OOL' men to protect the same iirovisions and trans-
j)orts. The next day, August nth, about 4 o'clock in the afternoon, the van-
guard, commanded by Captain Snelling, was fired upon by an extensive line
of British and Indians, at the lower end of the village of Magaugo, 14 miles
from Detroit. The main body was half a nule in the rear when the attack
began. Captain Snellinsc maintained his position in a most gallant manner,
nnder a heavy fire, until the line was formed and advanced to his relief.
The force against which the Americans were now contending was made uf

* Wc have oflen heard it said, hut wheilicr in truth we do not aver, that there are those
who still nwn raznr straps made of it.

t John Dunn Hunter. J North American Revievv.

j Siiire povernorof Mirhip^nn, and now secretary of war.

P l5riirk(Miri<l(fe, Hist. War, 3l.

T[ III lliis nlVicer's pnrket, it is sai<l, was found a Icllpr wrillcn for his wife, giving aa
Brcount of his having killed an Indian, from whose head he tore the scalp with his teeth.

•* Oilchriat, commonly written.

\ ;

622

TECUMssF.H.

inooK V.

»ii

r i

of a biMly of 500 liidiiuis iiiuler Terumaeh, Wcdk-in-tht-waier, Marpot, and the
f iiice luiiioiis Blaik-luiwk, and u coiisUIerahlc iiiiinber of wliites under Major
Muir. They were formed behind a breastwork of felled trees. WJien
Colonel Miller had brought his men into line, the enemy sprang from their
hiding-places, and formed in line of battle, and a fierce and appalling strife
ensued. The British and Indian force was one third greater than the Ameri-
can, but nothing could withstand them, whttn led on by such officers as
Miller and Sndling, and the {ground was disputed inch by inch for near
two miles, to the village of Brownstown. Here tlie British took to their
boats, and the Indians to the woods, and thus the battle closed. It was owing
to a disobedience of orders on tlie part of the cavalry, that the British
escaped entire destruction ; for Colonel Miller ordered them to rush upon
them and cut them up when their gunb were unloaded, and their ranks were
in confusion, but they would not, although Captain Snelling offered to lead
them in person. In this affair the Indians and British lost 100 killed and
200 wounded, and the Aniericans had 18 killed and 58 wounded.*

A British writer upon the lute war, \ atler having related the battle of the
Thames, in which Tecumaeh fell, says: "It seems extraordinary that Genend
Harrison should have omitted to mention, in his letter, the deatlr of a chief,
whose fall contributed so largely to break down the Indian spirit, and to give
peace and security to the whole north-western froniier of the U. States.
Tecumseh, although he had received a musket-ball in the lefl arm, was still
seeking the hottest of the fire," when he received the mortal wound in the
head, of which he in a few moments expired. The error, which for some
time prevailed, of his being shot by Colonel Johnson, is copied into this author's
work. The following descriptions, tliough in some respects erroneous, are
of sufficient value to be preserved.

Tecumseh was endowed " with more than the usual stoutness, possessed all
the agility and perseverance, of the Indian character. His carriage was
dignined ; his eye penetrating ; his countenance, which, even in death, be-
trayed the indications of a lofly spirit, rather of the sterner cast Had he not
possessed a certain austerity of manners, he could never have controlled the
wayward passions of those who followed him to battle. He was of a silent
habit ; but, when his eloquence became roused into action by the reiterated
encroachments of the Americans,^ his strong intellect could supply him with
a flow of oratory, that enabled him, as he governed in the field, so to pre-
scribe in the council. Those who consider that, in all territorial questions,
the ablest diplomatists of the U. States are sent to negotiate with the Indians,
will readily aj)i)reciate the loss sustained by the latter in the death of their
champion. The Indians, in general, are full as fond as other savages of the
gaudy decoration of their persons ; but Tecumseh was an exception. Clothes
and other valuable articles of spoil had often been his ; yet he invariably
wore a deerskin coat and pantaloons. He had frequently levied subsidies to,
comparatively, a large amount; yet he preserved little or nothing for himself.
It was not wealth, but glory, that was Tccumsch's ruling passion. Fatal day !
when the 'Christian people' first penetrated the forests, to teach the ar;s of
' civilization ' to the poor Indian. Till then water "^''d been his only beverage,
and himself and his race jjossessed all the vigor of hardy savages. Now,
no Indian opens his lips to the stream that ripples by his wigwam, while he
lias a rag ol clothes on his back, wherewith to purchase rum ; and he and
his squaw and his children wallow through the day, in beastly drunkenness.
Instead of the sturdy warrior, with a head to plan, and an arm to execute,
vengeance upon the oppressors of his country, we behold the puny, besotted
wretch, squatting on Ins hams, ready to barter his country, his children, or
himseifi for a few gulps of that deleterious compound, which, «ar more than
tlie arms of tlie United States, [Great Britain and France,] is hastenuig to
extinguish all traces of his name and character. Tecumseh, himself, in early
life, hud been addicted to intemperance ; but no sooner did his judgment

• l^ketclifs of the War, \. 22. \ Jo'iu-i, i. 237, &c

i A« tlwugli llie Eiiglisli of Canada liad never been guil'.y of ciicroacliniciiis 1

P <

Chap. VV.]

TECUMSEH.

<»3

dpcide againHt, than his resolution ennl)lod him to quit, so vile a liubit.
lievnnd one or two glasses of wine, he never aAerwards indulged."

ft WIS said not to be from good will to the Americans, that he would not
permit his warriors to exercise any cruelty upon them, when fallen into their
power, but from principle alone. When Detroit was taken by the llritisli
and Indians, Teeumseh was in the action at the head of the latter. Aller the
surrender, General Brock requested him not to allow his Indians to ilUtrvat
the prisoners; to which he replied, "JVb/ / despise them too much to mxddlt
unlh them."

Some of the English have said that there were few officers in the U.
States' service so able to command in the tield as Ttcuniaeh. This it will not
us Lehove to question; but it would better have become such speech-
makers, if the^ had added, " in his peculiar mode of warfare." That he
was a more wdy chief than Mishikinakioa, may be doubted ; that cither had
natural abilities inferior to those of General tVayne, or Gi-neral Brock, we
see no reason to believe. But this is no argument that they could practise
European warfare as well as those generals. It is obvious, from his inter-
course with the whites, that Tecumjieh njust have been better skilled in their
military tactics than most, if not all, of his countrymen, whether predecessors
or contemporaries.

A rnilitary man,* as we apprehend, says, " He \TecumseK\ was an excellent
judge of position, and not only knew, but could point out the localities ot
the whole country through which he had passed." " His facility of commu-
nicating the information he had acquired, was thus dis[ilaycd before a con-
course of 8|)ectators. Previously to General BrocKs crossing over to Detroit,
he asked Tecumaeh what sort of a country he should have to pass through in
case of his proceeding farther. Ttcumaehy taking a roll of eltn-liark, and ex-
tending it on the ground by means of four stones, drew forth his scalping-
knile, and with the point presently etched upon the bark a plan of the coun-
try, its hills, woods, rivers, morasses, and roads ; a plan which, if not as neat,
was, for the puq)ose required, fully as intelligible as if Jirrowsmiih himself
had prepared it Pleased with this unexjiected talent in Teeumseh, also with
his having, by his characteristic boldness, induced the Indians, not of his im-
mediate party, to cross the Detroit, prior to the embarkation of the regulars
and militia. General Brock, as soon as the business was over, publicly took olf
his sash, and p'nced it ^ound the body of the chief. Teeumseh received the
honor with e\. t gratification, but was, the next day, seen without his
Nish. Creneral Brock, fetu-ing something had displeased the Indian, sent his
interpreter for an explanation. The latter soon returned with an account
that Teeumseh, not wishing to wear such a mark of distinction, when an
older, and, as he said, abler, warrior than hiiiisclf was present, had transferred
the sash to the Wyandot chief Round-head."

Tlie place of this renowned warrior's birth was upon the banks of the
Scioto liiv jr, near what is now Cliillicothe. His father's name was Pukeeshtno,
which means, I light from Jlying. He was killed in the battle of Kanhawa, in
1774. His mother's name was Meetheetashe, which signifies, a turtle la^ng
her eggs in Uw^nd. She died among the Cherokees. She had, at one birth,
three sons: — hlllskioalawa, which signifies, a door opened, was called the
Prophet ; Teeumseh, which is, a tiger crouching for his prey ; and Kumskaka, a
tiger thai flies in the air. f

We will here present the reader with a specimen of the Shawanee lan-
guage, in the Lord's Prayer.

Coe-thin-a, »p\m-i-key uea-taw-yan-oe, o-wes-sn-ycg yey-seif-tho-ynn-ae : Day'
pale-i-tum-any-pay-itch tha-key, yea-issi-tay-hay-yon-ae isst-nock-i-key, yoe-ma
assis-key-kie pi-sey spim-i-key. Me-li-na-key oe imo-ki cos-si-kie ta-toa-il-thin ot
yra-wnpa-ki tuck-whan-a ; puck-i-tum-i-ioa-loo kne-toon-ot-i-they-waii. Yea-se'
puck-i tiim-a ma-chil-i-tote-e-ta thick-i ma-chaw-ki tus-sy-neigh-puck-sin-a iot-
vun-ai-loo toau po toon-ot-i-they yn key-la tay pale-i-tum any way wis-sa kit
was-ai-cui-i-ive-way thay-pay-we'ioay.\

* Mr James, ut supra. t Schookrafl. X Carey's Museum, vi. 310, (for 1739.)

p.]

; .1

If*,.,:
''i

!■! V

-,,■?■

634

ELLSKWATAWA, THE PROPHET.

[Book V,

In 189G, the only sun'iving son of Tecumeh, whose name is Puchdheu
which s\gi\itiv» croiuhing or icatchinr his prey, It'fi tlie Oliio to settle beyond
the Miss'iKsippi.* Tliis son, wlien his tUtlier was shiin, was fighting by ]ii>)
side. "The prince n^gent," says Mr. James, »iu 1814, out of n-spect to the
memory to tlie old, sent out as a prcsitnt to the young Teeumseh u handsome
sword ; " and then closes this |>aragmph with this most savage lamentation :
" Unfortunately, however, for the Indian cause and country, faint are the
prospects that Teeumseh tlie son will ever equal, in wisdum or prowess,
Teeumseh the lather." f

ELLS?KWATAWA. Although we have given pome important facts in
the life of this impostor, there are some circnm^tanccs which claim to be
related. Arter the termination of the war of 1812, he received a pension
from the government of Great Britain, and resided in Canada. In 1820, he
was prevailtid upon to leave that country, and went, with others, to settle be-
yond the Mississippi. At the same time also went the only surviving sou of
Teeumseh,

Much has been said and written about the Prophet ; and, as is generally
the case, the accounts vary, in proportion to their multiplicity. From a well-
written article in a foreign periodical,^ it is i^aid that, during* the first 50 years
of his life, he was remarKable for nothing except bis stupidity and intox.«.a-
tion. In Ills 50th year, while in the act of lighting bis pipe, be fell back in
his cabin, upon his bed ; and, continuing for some time lifeless, to all apiKsar-
ances, preparations were made for his interment ; and it was not until the
tribe was assembled, as usual on such occasions, and they were in the act of
removing him, that he revived. His first words were, " DonH he alarmed. 1
have seen heaven. Call the nation together, that I may tell them what luis ippeared
to mx." Wiicn they were assembled, he told them that two beautiful young
men had l)een sent Irom heaven by the Great Spirit, who spoke thus to bim :
— The Great Spirit is angry with you, and will destroy all the red men : unless
you refrain from drunkenness, lying and stealing, and turn yourselves to bim,
you shall never enter the beautiful place which we will now show you." He
was then conducted to the gates of heaven, from whence he could behold
ull its beauties, but was not permitted to enter. Affer undergoing several
liours' tantalization, from extreme desire of pai-ticipating in its indescribable
joys and pleasures, he was dismissed. His conductors told him to tell all
the Indians what be bad seen ; to repent of their ways, and they woidd visit
him again. My authority says, t'lat, on the Prophet's visiting the neighboring
nations, his mis-ion bad a good effect on their morals, &c. But this part of
his story, at least, is at variance with facts ; for none would bear to him, ex-
cept the most abandoned young warriors of those tribes he visited, and their
miserable condition in colonizing themselves upon the Wabash, in 1811, is
well known. §

There was an earthquake said to have taken place in the Creek country,
in December, 1811. j] The Prophet visited the Creeks in the previous August,
and " pronounced in the public square, tliat shortly a lamp would appear in
the west, to aid him in his hostile attack upon tlie whites, and, if they would
not be influenced by his persuasion, the earth would ere long tremble to its
centre. This circumstance has had a powerful effect on the minds of these
Indians, and would certainly have led them, generally, to have united with the
northern coalition, had it not lieen for the intcqrasition of travellers." Tliis
statement was made by a Mr. Francis AFHenry, in the Georgia Journal, to
contradict that ever any such earthquake did take place, and by which we

• Johnson's Ind. Nar. 217. f Military Occurrences, i. 293.

t The New Monthly Magazine.

^ This famous vision of ihe Prophet will compare in s(raii||;encss with that of Keposh,
head chief of the Pelaware nation, related by Losktil, (ii. 114.) He lay to all appearance
dead for three dayj. bi his swnnn, he saw a man in while robes, who exhibited a catalogue
of the people's sins, and warned him to repent. In 1719, hn was about 80 years of age, and
was baptized by the name of f<olotnon. We have related in Hook Hi. an account of
Srinaniio's vision •, and others might be mentioned.

Jl "The earth(|imkns, which, in 1811, almost destroyed the town of New Madrid of tb«
Mississippi, were verv sensibly felt on the upper portion of the Missouri country, and occa
sioued much superstitious dread amongst tlie Indiaut." Long's Expedition, i. 272.

Cha?. VII ]

ROUXD-HE.VD

Gij

piirri tlint tlmt part of the superstitious world really bclicvod timt it linil, niui
t!iat placi 8 Imd liecn actually sunk. The same cunimuiiicnnt snys, "I Imvo
«»nly to stnto that I have conifortahly reposed in houses where iiewspa|iers
have announced eveir disappearance of earth." He states also, upon the
iiiithority of "a ^Ir. Chadbury, an English genilcman, from QuelMic," tlmt,
'■ at the age of 15, this Indian <li8ap|>eared from his relatives, and was con-
Mfji-n-d as finally lost. That he strolled to Quebec, and from thence to
Alontre.il, where, taken as a pilot to Halifax, he remained several years ■ and
ill tills space received an education qualifving him to act the part already
kiiowM." The comet of 1811 was viewed by many, throughout the country,
iis u harbinger of evil, and it was upon this set-ming ad^'antage that tlie
Prophet * seized to frighten his red brethren into his schemes, f

lie was said to have been killed on the 18 November, 1812, when the Missi.«-
ciiiaway towns were destroyed on tl>e Wabash by a detachment under Colonel
Campbell; but this was only a rumor of the day.

ROUND-HEAD was a Wyandot, and fought against tlie Americans in
the last war. He was very conspicuous in the battle at Frenchtown upon
tlie River Raisin. The Indian force in this affair wns alxiut lOOO.J GLiicral
If'inchester'a quarters were at 1 or 200 yards from the main ormy when
the fight commenced, and, in an endeavor to render it assistance, w(;s
fiillen upon by the Wyandots, and himself and attendants captured.
Round-head seized upon General Ifhtchester with his own bands. It was a
severe cold morning, '22 January, 1813, and the ground was covered with
snow.

Our chief, in a manner truly characteristic, obliged the general to divest
himself of his great coat and all his unitbrm. With nothing but his shirt
to protect him Iroi the cohl, Round-head conducted him to a fire, but not
until he had got on the general's cocked hat, uniform coat, vest, &c. It was
in this condition, that Colonel Proctor found him ; and it was not without
much persuasion that the stern warrior relinquished his important captive ;
and it was with still more reluctance, that he gave up the uniform, in which
lie had so short a time to strut about and show himself to his countrym(Mi.§

This was a most disastrous expedition for the Americans: 538 were ca|)-
tur'id, according to the British account, which does not differ materially from
the American ; || and 300 killed in the battle, and massacred by the Indians
immediately aflcr.

In Colonel Proctor's official accoimt of this afHiir, he speaks in high terms
of the conduct of the Indian chiefs and warriors. His words are : " The
zeal and courage of the Indian department were never more conspicuous
than on this occasion, and the Indian warriors fought witti their usual
bravery."

Colonel Proctor has been much censured for his conduct at the River Rai-
sin. It was said that he agreed to the terms asked for by General Winchester,
and then paid no attention to their observance, but rather countenanced the
Indians in their barbarities, thinking thereby to strike the Americans with
dread, that they might be deterred from entering the service in future. Hut
the British historians say that " the whole of the left division surrendered at
discretion," and not " on condition of their being protected from the savage.i,
being allowed to retain their private property, and having their side-arm*
returned to them," as stated by General H'inchester: for, Mr. James adds, " had
this been the understanding, one may suppose that some writing would have
been drawn up ; but, indeed. Gen. fVinchester was not in a condition to dictate
terms. Stripped to his shiit and trowscrs, and suffering exceedingly from

• Lambert, who publislied three volumes of travels in America in 1810, (London,) in speak-
in;j of the Propliel, says, " Thus we find, that prophets are not confined to our own happy
i.iiand : hut I make no doubt, that many of our sealed countrymen and counlrywoincn, wno
are running aAer Joanna Southcolt from one end of the kiiij^dom to the other, will (if they
should ever read this speech) turn up their nose at the Indian, and quote a text from Kevela*
'.ions to prove that he is a false prophet." Lamliert, i. ;5W.

t Halc"on Luminary, i. 2(15, &,c. New York, (June,) 1812.

{ Perkins's Late War, 100. ij James, Milit. Occurrences, 1. 188.

U Thomson has 522. Hist. Sketches, 104.

53 2P

626

WALK-IN-THE-WATER.

[IViiiii V

It- ■

Is"!
1^ '.

I' I

.'^^

the cold, the Amcricnn general was found by Col. Proctor, near to one of the
Indian fires, in possedsion of the Wyandot chiof Round-head.^

So, aceordiiig to tlie judgment of thiH historian, Coionel Proctor was nndn
no obligation to keep his word, because there was "no writing" with hi.x
name to it. The historian that will even set up a defence for treachery maj
calculate with certainty u\mn the value posterity will set U|>on his work
We want no other than Colonel Proctor's own account from which to com
demn him of, at least, great want of humanjty. We do not pretend that the
Americans were always free from the same charges ; but we would as soon
scorn their extenuation as that of their enemies.

Roundrhtad was present with General Brock and Teeunuth when tlioy took
possession of Detroit, on the 15 August, 1812. When about to cross the
river to lay sie^e to Detroit, Gentnd Brock present'd Tecumseh with his r*-*!
sosh. Thifl chief had too much good sense to wear it, well knowing it would
create jealousy among the o»her chiefs, who considered themselves equal
with him ; he therefore presented it to Round-head, as has been mentioned in
the life of Tecumseh.

Whether this chief were more wise than Tecumseh^ in the lart ofTair in
which the latter was engaged, we arc uwable to say ; but it appears highly
probable that the conduct of General Proctor was the cause of his bt-ifg
abandoned by most, if not all the Wyandots, [irevious to the battle of trie
Thames.* As Round-head was their chief, to him will be attributcil the cai'se
of their wise proceeding.

The following letter, wriiten afler the battle of the River Raisin, (ivo con-
clude,) is worthy of a place here.

" The Huivns, and the other tribes of Indians, assembled at the Miami Rapids,
to the inhab^'tatUs of the River Raisin. — Friends, listen ! You have always told ua
you icould f^ve us any assistance in your power. We, therefore, as the enemy is ap-
proaching us, tmthin 25 miles, ceUl upon you ail to rise up and come here immediately,
orinf^nfT your arms along mlhyoiL Should you fau at this time, toe will not
conswler you in future as friends, and the consequences may be isry tmpleasant.
We are uxU convinced you have no writing forbidding you to assist us. We are
your friends at present. '

Round-head ^ his mark.
Walk-in-the-waler ® his mark, f "

WALK-IN-TIIE- WATER also signalized himself in these events. His
native name is Myeerah. He is a Huron, of the tribe of the Wyandots, and,
in 1817, resided on a reservation in Michigan, at a village called Maguaga,
near Brownstown. Mr. Broum, in his valuable Western Gazetteer, justly
styles this famous chief one of "nature's nobles." The unfortunate General
HuU mentions him as one of the principal "among the vast niiriber of chiefs
who led the hostile bands" of the '?esi when the war of 1812 commenced.
The Kaskaskias Wyandots, in 1814, were nearly equally divided between a
chief called Tarhe, which signifies the Crane, and Myeerah. The former was
called the grand chief of the nation, and resided at Sandusky. He was a
very venerable and intelligent chief. In 1812, Myeerah told some American
officers who were sent to the Indians to secur-e their favor, that the American
government was acting very wroi.g to send on army into their country, which
would cut off their communication with Canada. The Indians, he said, were
their own masters, and would trade where they pleased ; that the aflair of the
Wabash was the fault of General Harrison entirely. He commanded the
Indian army with Round-head at the battle of the River Raisin.

Afler the battle of the Thames, in which also Walk-in-the-waler was a con-
spicuous commander, he went to Detroit to make peace, or rather to ask it of
General Harrison. In crossing from Sandwich with a white flag, ninny were
attracted to the shore to see him, where also were drawn up the Kentucky
volunteers. All were struck with admiration at his noble aspect and fearless

• General Harrison's oflirial letter, among Brannan's Official Doc. p. 237.

* English liarbaiities, 132.

liivr. V .]

TEYONIMIOKERAWEN.

627

rnir'i^re, as he oiu^ondccl tlie Imnk and passed through the ranks of the sol*
dii'rx. The gn'iitnst firinn*>HS attended liis steps, mid tlie most dij^nifiuil non-
clytlnnee was upon liis cniiiit);ti(inco, notwithstuiiding his condition wnn now
calculated to disrovnr hiuniliation and deep depressinn. Only n few dnvs
licfoie, III! had tonight '-<i)id to hand with thcHC same vohiMtecrs, who.se ranks
he now passed tliroii^i,.

We have not hoard of tlie death of the ?ieroic and truly great chief Mi/ee-
rah ; hut, whether alive or dead, our venen.tion is the same. It wus said of
his coiiti'inporary, Tecumaek, that in the field he was an JlchiUai, and in the
couiirij ail .Isaftumtioti. At lr>ast, we think, as much may in truth he snid of
Mf/eenih. The serpiel of the life of TVtrAe will be found in a former chapter,
where he fijfures uiuler the name of KingCVrtn^ In 180V, a treaty was made
at Detroi: between the Chippeways, Ottowas, Pottowattomies and Wyandots
and tiie Unitu.l States. Two chiefs Itesides Mytrrah signed on l)ehulf of the
last-named tribe, liis name to that treaty is written Mitre. The next yeor,
1808, nnother treaty was made at Brownstowu with the same tribes, with thu
achlition of two lielefrates from the &.mwunees. Three besides Mijeerak
signed at this time. He was also, we believe, a parly to the treaty made at
Fort Industry in 1805, on the Miami of the Luke.

Less is known of the liistory of the two next chiefs, of which we shall say
somethini;, than of many otiiors less distinguished.

TEYONINHOKERA VVKN was a Mohrwk chief, who is generally known
under the appellation of John Norton. " This int resting Indian, al)out two
years ago, [1804 or 3,] visited England, where numerous traits of an amiable
disposition and a vigorous intellect produced the most pleasing impressions
on all who were introduced to him. A proof of his possessing, in n
high degree, the qualities of a good temper and great mental quickness, occur-
red at the upper rooms, at Butli, whore he appeared in the dress of his country.
A young Englishman, who had l)ecn in America, accosted the chief with
several abrupt questions respecting his place of abode, situation, and the
like. To these JVorton returned answers at oncb pertinent and modest. The
inquirer, however, expressed himself dissatisiied with them, and hinted, in
almost plain terms, that he believed him to be on impostor. Still the Amer-
ican suppressed his resentmiiiit, and endeavored to convince the eentknutn
that this account of himself might be depended upon. ' Well, butj'^returntil
the other, • if you really -re what you pretend to be, how will you relish re-
turning to the savages of your own country ? ' ' Sir^ replied Norton, with a
glance of intelligence, ' / shall not experience so great a cluinge in my society as
you imagine, for I find there are savages in this countnf also.* Animated with
the spirit of gemiine patriotism, this generous chieftain was unweariedly
occupi d, during the mtervals of his public business, in acquiring every
species of useful knowled™, for the purpose of transporting it to his own
country, for the benefit of liis people; and what the friends to the Imppines^s
of men will hear with still greater admiration and pleasure, he was olso en-
gaged, under the auspices of Mr. ffilberforce and Mr. TTwmton, in the labori-
ous employment of translating the Gospel of St. John into his native
tongue."* Whether that published by the American Bible Society lie the
same translation, I am not positive, but believe it is. The following is the 3d
veree of Chiip. i. Yorishwugwegon ne rode weyenbkden, ok tsi nikon ne kaghson
yagh oghnahhoten teyndon ne ne yagh raotihnh te hayhdare.

From tlie London Monthly Re nository it appears, that JVoj-ton was educated
" at one of the American universities. There is an excellent portrait of him
presented by the respoctalile Robert Barclay, hung up in the Bath Agricul-
tural Society's fj'eat room; for he was made an honorary meniher while
here." And the same writer adds: — "I have a pamphlet published by him
while in England, e.itilled ' An address to the Six Nations,' recommending
the Go8|»el of St. John, one side in English, the other in Mohawk language,
in which are discovered sentences very similar to the Welsh ; for instance,

.! t

Janson's Stranger in America, 278, 4to, Lonlon, 1S07.

628

LOGAN, Tin: SHAWANEE.

IBooK V.

IvmA.v. O \ivf>li iDjrh.sa orcii (cMhi'twiglin no iwi^^rariaiio wnii.ini.
VV'k^sii. O NIiiiw mulling crotri ily tluviHiiuiil ffn'ici* nin wlialinni.
l';>ui.;'H, O (ioil, tukc not froiii uh thy gruce,lieeaiitfe wc hav<;errc<l fVom
tliy wnyH." •

Some of x\n' words which seom to ho corrcujMUKling nntl nnalngmis to t!in
«;yi% hi the two fiiHt luiigiiagns, arn not so in riioaiiiiig ; in fact there i.i no
analogy wiiatcvi^r iKstvvucn tht! VVcIhIi and Indian langiiageH.

In ItJOS, tliid fliiof wan llie l)oar»'r of a long and exceedingly excHli'nt talk
from the SenocaH west of the OIro, to the Indians of the interior of (!atiada,
ahont 100 luilcH from Niagara FallH. It was i'rom a Prophet named Hka.nva-

ItARIO.f

Wc learn also from Mr. Jansen that when Teiimiinhokermctn was in Eng-
land, he "appcanMl to he aliout 45 years of age ; tall, muscniar, and well pro-
)>ortioned, poHscssing a fine and intelligent countenance. His mother uas a
Scotch woman, ami he had siKJnt two years in Edinburgh, in his vouth,
namely, from his Kitli to his 15tn year, read and spoke English and F^rench
well. He was marrit'd to a female of his own trihe, by whom he had two
children. He served in the last war with the English, as will presently Iw
rel.ited.

liccansc this chief spent a few years in Scotland when young, some his-
torians I have asserted that ho was not an Indian, but a Scotchman ; and a
writer § of a sketch of tho late Canada war says ho was related to the
French. Of this we have no doubt, as it is not uncommon for many of tho.ie
who pass for Indians to Iiave white fathers. We should think, therefore,
that, instead of his mother's being a Scotch woman, his father might have been
a Frenchman, and his mother an Indian.

Ol" JVorton's orTeyoninhnkerawen^s exploits in the last war, there were not
many, we prcsnmo, as tliere are not many reconled. When Cot. Murray sur-
prised Fort Niagara, on tho 19 Dec. 181:5, J^orton entered the fort with him,
at the head of a force of about 400 men. || Fort Niagara was garrisoned by
alK)ut :)00 Americans, of whom but 120 escaped. All who resistiMl, and some
who did not, were run though with the bayonet. We only know that.VoWoM
was present on this occasion.

On the G June, 1814, General Vincent ond JVorton, with a considerable
force,1I attacked an American camp ten miles from Burlington Bay, at a place
called F'idy Mile Creek. The onset was madebi;(bre day on a Snnday morn-
ing. The invaders seized upon seven pieces of cannon, and turned them
ujton their enemies. The night was veiy dark, and the confusion was vri7
great. TI c American Genends Chandler and Winder, one major, five cap-
tains, one lieutenant, and 116 men, were taken prisoners. Nevertheless the
Americans fought with such resolution that the attacking party were obliged
to alumdon their advantage, leaving 1.50 of their number behind them. The\.
however, carried off two pieces of cannon and some horses.

LOGAN was a great Shawanee chief, who was more brave than fortunate.
He was no connection of Lo^an of 1774, but was equally great, and, in the
hands of a Jefferson, would have been emially celebrated. Shortly after Gen-
eral Tuppcr's expedition to the Miami Rapids, Captain James Los^an, as ho
was called by the English, was sent by General Harrison in the direction of
thosp rapids, with a small party of his tribe, to reconnoitre. He met with n
superior force of the enemy near that place, by which ho was so closely pur-
sued that his men were obliged to break and nee for safety in the true tndian
manner. iMgan, Mffth two of his companions, Captain John and Bright-
HORN, anived safe at General fVim:}iesUrs camp. When he gave an account
liero of what had hap})cncd, accusers in the army stood ready to charge him
with treacherj', and a design of aiiVmg the enemy. He felt the false charge

• Monlhlv Reposilnrtj, iii. 715, London, 1809. t /'"V- 709.

t Jiiines, "MWhary Occiirrenrcs, ii. 1C. { Mr. M- Smith, who lived llicn in Canada.

II Some American historians say, "British and Indians;" but Mr. James (ii. TG.) sajt
••here was but one "Indian," and he was a Sootrhman !
H The number of nuik and (ile was 704, of the Americans ahoul 3000.

pi]

Cukf. VTI] 8IC3NAL nXPLOIT OF CAPTAIN LOGAN.

<B9

with nittinf; severity, but without niiy inclination for rovcngo. On the con-
trary, he (h>t<;rMiincil to prove by huiiic une(iuivocul uiniouucoincrit that he
wofl not thiiH to Ih! tiiken oh n spy.

Acconlinj^ly, on 22 Novemhi-r, with the two men alrave named, he sot ont,
resolved either to liririg in n prisoner or a 8cal|t, or to hazard hit* life in the
attempt When he had proceedcul down the Miami nlmut 10 miles, on the
north side, he met with Captain AV//o(, (sonof himof infamoiiH memory, hetitre
mentioned in this liool: of our hiatory,) accompai ied hy five Indians. Ad
this party was too strong for Lofi-an and his two brave companions, four of
them being on horseback, he therefore determined to pass them, pretentl-
ing to be of the British party, and advanced with confident boldness and a
friendly deportment. But it unfoilunately hap|M;ned, that the noted IViniu-
nytk^ of whom mention has been made in the life of Tecumatk, and who had
fought at the head of the Pottowattomics in tlie battle of Tippecanoe, knew
him and denounced him iis a spy. Logan^ however, i)er8isted that he wns
the friend of the British, and was then on his way to tlie Rapids to give in-
forinn:ion of the situation of tlio Americans. Atler conversing a while, ho
proceeded on his way, and fVinnemnk, with his companions, turned and fol-
lowed with liim. Winnemnk and his porty closi'Iy watclie«l the others, and
when they had proceeded about eight miles, he proposed to Captain Elliot to
seize and tie them ; but he said it was not necessary, for if they attempted to
escape they could l»o sliot down, or easily run down with their horses. Lu-
grn, overhearing this, comminiieated it to his companions, and it was agreed
to make an attack u[)on them, although they were five to three. Until now,
Lofcan had intended to go or -vith them till niglit, and then escape.

No sooner was the resolutioii taken than the fight l)egan. When they had
ail fired three rounds apiece, the advantage was in favor of the three ; having
driven their adversaries considendtle distance, and cut them off from their
horses. Elliot and Winnemnk had both fallen mortally wounded, and a young
Ottowa chief was killed. Towards the close of the fight, l)Oth Logan and
Jin'glU-hom were badly wounde«l. As soon as Logan was shot, he ordered a
retreat, and, seizing the enemies' horses, they effected it to Winchester's camp.
Captain John esca|)ed unhurt, and afler taking the scalp of the Ottowa chiet|
followed, himself, and arrived there the next morning.

Logan had now indeed established his reputation, liut he lost his life ! His
wounds proved mortal two days afier. In General Winchester's letter to Gen-
end Harrison, he says, "More firnmess and consummate bravery have sehiom
a( pi'areu on the military theatre." " He was buried with all the honors due to
his rank, luui with sorrow as sincerely and generally displayed as ever 1 wit-
nessed." Thus wrote Major Hardin to GoviTuor Shelby : —

" His physiognomy was formed on the l)est model, and exhibited the strong-
est marks of courage, intelligence, good-humor and sincerity. He had been
very serviceable to our cause, by acting as a pilot and a spy. He had gone
with General Hidl to Detroit, ant) with the first Kentucky troops who marched
for the relief of Fort Wayne."

tf^nnemak, while in conversation with Logan before the fight, declared that
he commanded all the Indians in that quarter; and boasted that he had
caused the massacre of Wells and those who had sin-rended at the battle of
Chicago, aAer having gone with Wells, as a friend, to guard the garrison of
tiiat place to F'ort Wayne.

In 1786, Genend Logan, of Kentucky, took Logan, then a boy, prisoner,
and kept him some time. Af\er sending him to school till he had acquired
considerable education, he gave him his liberty and his own name. He was
ever afterwards friendly to the whites. His mother was own sister to Teen. -
seh and the Prophet. He said that in the sumtner preceding his death, he ha I
talked a whole night with Tecumseh, trying to persuade him against fighting
against the States; but Tecumseh urged him as strongly to join the British.
His wife (iirobably before she was known to Logan) was taken prisoner by
Colonel Hardin, in 1789, and had remained in his family until the treaty of
Greenville. In the army Logan had formed an attachment to Major Hardin,
son-in-law of General Logan, whom, before he died, he requested to see that
vvliat was due hini for his services should be faithfully paid over to his family
53*

CLACK-niRD CAPTUKKS FORT DHAnilOUN.

[Hook V.

h'\

wliirli \vn» riniin. Ilia fuiiiily rcsidod at \Va|)oglioognata, which won culled
Lo<run'H vilhif;)*.*

DLACK-ltlKD was a Pottownttoriiie cWivS, who mode himiwlf nntnrioim liy
the riiaNMcru of ilie garriMon of Fort Dearborn, lietore it wuh known in th'ti
wisHttirn region of the upper hikes, that war hud U-en deciurcd by thi; Unitrd
Htutes, Indian and Canadian forces wore collected at st'vcnil points ready for
the word to be given. That act seems to have Ih^cu aiixiouxiy looked for by the
Jndians, as wtl) as some of their adviHcrs, who seem to have lieen much
iNMter prepared to meet the emergency of war than thoHn who declared it

MucKanaw, or as it is generally written, Alichillimakinuk, avus garriHoncd
nt tliis time with only 58 eftective men, and the firHt news they hud of the
d(;claration of war was the ap|>earance of 500 Indians and aUjiit the sumo
niunl>er of Canadians ready to attack them. The fort was therefore surren-
dered by lieutenant Hankt, on the 17 of July, 1813.

When General Hull heard of the fate of Michillimakinuk, he rightly judged
that Fort Dearborn, now Chicago, would be the next object of attack. Ac-
ronlingly he despatched onlers to Captain Heald, then in coiuniaiul there, to
evacuate the |)lace with all haste, liut before this niefsage reached him,
Jilnrk-hird, with a host of his warriors, was prepareti to act according to cir-
ciunstatices. A large number of the neighlioring IndianH, who had ])re-
ten(le<l friendship, hearing that die place was to bo evuciiutcd, came there to
receive what could not be carried awuy.

On the 18 July, Captain }VelU, of Fort Wayne, arrived at Fort Dearliorn,
with almiit '-10 Miumies, to escort Captain Heald to Detroit. They marched
from the fort on the 15 ^uly, with a guard of Aliamies in front, and another
in the rear, under Captain nellt. They marched upon the shore of the lake,
and when they had proceeue<l about one mile, they discovered Indians pre-
pared to attack them from behind the high san<l-i>aiik which bounded the
beach of the lake. Captain Healtl then ascended the bank with his men, and
a fight was immediately begun by the Indians. The Indians l)eing vuNtly
numerous. Captain Hemd saw that it was useless to contend, and immedintely
retreated to a small eminence in tiie adjacent prairie, and not being followed
by the Indians, was out of the reach of their shot. Meantime the Lidians
got possession of all their horses and baggage.

The Indians, after a short consultation, made signs for Captain Heald to
advance and meet them. He did so, and was met by Black-bird, who, aflcr
shaking hands with him, tohl him, if he would surrender, the lives of the
prisoners should be B|Nired. There was no alternative, and after all their arms
were surrendered, the party was marched back to the Indian encampment,
near the fort, and divided among the different tribes. The next morning,
they burned the fort, and left the place, taking the prisoners with them.
Captain Heald's force was 54 regulars and 12 militia. In the fight on the
bank of the lake, 26 of regulars and all of the militia were killed ; besides
two women and 12 children. Eleven women and children were among the
captives. Captain H'ells and many other officers were killed, and Captain
Heald and bh wife were both badly wounded, and were taken to the mouth
of the St. Joseph's, where they were taken into the family of an Indian
trader. Soon after. Black-bird set out with his warriors for the capture of
Fort Wayne, and Captain Heald hired a Frenchman to take him to Mich-
iilimakinak. He was afterwards exch>inged. What otlier successes this
chief had during the war is unknown.

Black-hawk, in speaking of the capture and treatment of Captain Heald
and his men, 8ay8,t it was owing to their not keeping their worrf with the Indians.
The night before the fort was abandoned by the whites, they threw all the
powder they could not carry with them into the well, which tiiey had prom-
ised to give them.

The next chief we introduce chiefly to illustrate a most extraordinary mode
of doing penance among the nations of the west.

* Taken principally from NiU^'t Rf^ister, and Darmilt's Narrntive.
t In his Life, wriltcn by liimself, p. 42.

Ciup. VII ]

WAWNAHTON — nLACKTIIUNDER

GDI

WAWNAIITON,* a Iwld and fetirliRfl chief, of tho triJw of Yimkton,f
(wifime niiiiio, traimlnted, ih *'ke who char/^ai the entm;/") wus coiiNiderulily
noted in tliu luMt war with Canadiu " lie had," miya my uiithor, " kilii-d Miv*-n
I'liemieM in htittle with hia own hand, ns the aoven wur-fin^ie |iinini-ii in iiis
hnir teHtifitxl, and i^ceivud nine woinidii, as waa ahown hy an ei|ual nninhcr
of little Hticks airanged in his coaUblack hair, and iiainted in a manner tiiat
told an Indian eye whether Uiey were inflicted hy a hullot, knife or tomahawk,
and hy whom. At the attack on Fort Sanduaky, in tho late war, he received
a bidlct and three buck shot in hia breast, which glanced on tho hone, and
paxaing round under the skin, came out at hia Iwirk." This, and oilier ex-
traordinary e8ca|ieH, ho made use of, like the fainouH Tiupiujuin, two n^feH
Itetbre. to render himself of sreater importance amon^ hia nation. At tliiM
time he waa auppoard to l)e aliout 30 ^enra of age, of a noble and elegant
apiKsarance, and w still believed to lie hvinf^. X

Major L'niff^B company considered fynienahton a very inti-rcHtitig man,
whoso acquaintance they cultivated with su^cexa in tho nei^diliorhond of
Lake Traverse. They describe him an upwards of six feet high, and pos-
sessing a countenance that would be considered liandHome in any country.
He prepared a feast for the |)arty, as soon as ho knew they were coining to
his village. " When speaking of the Dacotos, we purposely post|)oned men-
tioning the frecpient vows which they make, and their Htriet adhfrence to
them, bccau!«e one of the best evidences which we have collrctiul on this

ftoiut connects itself with the character of Wanolan, and may give a favora-
>le idea of his extreme fortitude in enduring pain. In the ^ununer of 18'i*2,
he u idertook u journey, from which, apprehending mm-h danger on the part
of the Chip|>ewas, he made a vow to the sun, that, if he returned Mtfe, ho
would abstain from all fooii or drink for the space of four succeNsivu days
and niffhts, and that he would distribute among his people all the property
which lie possessed, including all his lodges, horses, dogs, &c. On his return,
which happened without accident, he celebrated the dance of the sun ; this
couBiHted in making three cuts through his skin, one on his breaxt, anil ono
on each of his arms. The skin was cut in the manner of a loop, »o as to per-
mit a rope to pass l)etween the flesh and the strip of skin which was tliiis
divided from the body. The ropes being passed through, tlivir ends wero
secured to a tall vertical pole, planted at about 40 yards from his lodg(>. He
then began to dance round this pole, at the commencement of this tiist, fre-
quently swinging himself in the air, so as to be supported merely by the cords
which were secured to the strips of skin separated from his arms and breast
He continued this exercise with few intermissions during the whole of his
fust, until the fourth day about 10 o'clock, A. M., wh^n the strip of skin from
his breast gave way ; notwithstanding which he interrupted not the danei>,
although supported merely by his arms. At noon the strip from his lell arm
snapped ofl*: his uncle then thought that he had sufl'ered enough," and with his
knife cut tho last loop of skin, and Wanolan fell down in a swoon, where he
lay the rest of the day, exposed to the scorching rays of the sun. Af^er this he
gave away oil hia property, and with his two squaws deserted his lodge. To
such monstrous follies does superstition drive her votaries !

In Tanner's Narrative, there is an interesting account of an ex)>nditinn of
an uncle of Waumahion, at the head of 200 Sioux, against the Ojibbewas. H'ltw-
nahion was himself of the party, but he had not then Ijecome so (listinL'uirshid
as he was aflerwards. They fell upon a small band of Crees and Assinnc-
boins, and after a flght of near a whole day, killed all the Ojibbewas but one,
the IMtlt-dam, two women and one child, about 20 in nninbcr. This hap-
pened not far from Pembina. § In 1822, ho very much alarmed that post, by
murdering some Assinneboins in its neighborhood. ||

BLACK-THUNDER, or MaekkatananamaJeee, was styled the celebrated
patriarch of the Fox tribe. He made himself remembered by many from an

• Wit'intan, in Lome's Fxpe I. In St. Pelera, i. 448.

f Yan'ctnitn, ( Lon;, ib. 40*,) whirh signitips descended from the fern learet,
I Fans puMished hy IV- J. Siielling, E»(j. It is said by Ktaling, in Long's Exped L
%ii, ih:it liu wa4 about "IR v ar> of ago. This was iii I8'23.
\ Tanner's Nanouvo, 138. il West's Red River Colony, 84.

i532

BLACK-THUNDER —ONGPATONGA.

[Book V

excellent speech wliich he made to the American commissioners, who had
usscnbled many chicfp at a place called the Portage, July, 1815, to hold a
talk with them upon the state of their affairs ; particulai'ly as it was iielieveJ
by tlie Americans that the Indians meditated hostilities. An American com-
missioner opened the talk, and unl)ecomiugly accused the Indians ot' breach
of* fortner treaties. The first chief that answered, spoke with a tremulous
voice, and evidently betrayed guilt, or perhaps fear. 5fot so with the upright
chief Black-ihwider. He felt equally indignant at the charge of the while
man, and the unmanly cringing of the chief who had just spoken. He
begun : —

" My father, restrain your feelings, and hear calmly what I shall say. I
Bhall say it plaiidy. I shall not speak with four and trembling. I have riever
injured you, and innocence can feel no fear. I turn to you all, rcd-i<kins and
white-skins — where is the man who will appear as my accuser? Father, I
understand not clearly how thuigs are working. I have just been set at
liberty. Am I again to be plunged into bondage ? Frowns are all around
iiic ; but I am incapable of change. You, perhaps, may be ignorant of what
I tell you ; but it is a truth, which I call heaven n!!d earth to witnesti. It is a
fact which can easily l-e proved, that I linvc been assailed in almost every
possible way that pride, fear, feelinjnj, or interest, could touch me — that I have
lieon pushed to the last to raise th-- tomahawk against you ; but all in vain. I
never could be made to feel that you were my enemy. If this be the conduct
of an enemy, ^ shall nevei- be your friend. You are acquainted with my re-
moval above Prairie des Chierib.* I went, and formed a settlement, and called
my warriors around me. We took counsel, and from that counsel we never
have departed. We snioked, and resolved to make common cause with the
U. States. I sent you the ])ipe — it resembled this — and I sent it by the Mis-
souri, that the Indians of the Mississippi might not know what we were doing.
You received it I then told you that your friends should be my friends —
that your enemies should be my enemies — and that I only awaited your signal
to make war. If this be the conduct of an enemif, I shall never be yourfrieiid. —
Why do I tell you this ? Because it is a truth, and a melancholy truth, that
the good things which men do are oflen Inn-ied in the ground, while their evil
deeds are strijiped naked, and exposed to the world, f — When I came here, I
came to you in friendship. I little thought I should have had to defend my-
self. I have no defence to make. If I were guilty, I should have come pre-
pared ; but I have ever held you by the hand, and I am come without ex-
v-uses. If I had fought against you, I would have told you so : but I have noth-
ing now to say here in your councils, except to repeat what I said before to
my great father, the president of your nation. You heard it, and no doubt
lemcmbcr it. It was simply this. My lands can never r surrendered; I
was cheated, and basely cheated, in the contract; I will *. t surrender my
country but with my life. Again I call heaven and earth to whness, and I
smoke this pijjc in evidence of my sincerity. If you are sincere, you will
receive it from me. My only desire is, that we shoidd smoke it together —
that I should grasp your sacred hand, and I claim for myself and my tribe
th(3 protection of your country. When this pipe touches your lip, may it
operate as a blessing upon all my tribe. — May the smoke rise like a cloud, and
earn/ away tcith it all the a:Jinosities tchich have aiisen between iis." |

Tlie issue of this council was amicable, and, on the 14 Sept. following.
Black-thunder met connnissioners at St. Louis, and executed a treaty of
peace.

OHGPATONGA, § or, as he was usually railed, Bif^-elk, was chief of the
MaKun, or Omawliaws, whose residence, in 1811, was upon tlie Missouri. || Mr.

* Ttie ii|>T)pr mililnry post upon tlie ?ilisaissippi, in 1H18.
t '' I'lin |iii>5age forcibly remiii<ls us of (lint in S'uikcspMre :"
' Tlio evil lliiil men do lives after ihom ;
The good is often in(crrc<l willi their bones."
} Philadelphia I, it. Gaz'-lle.

SOfitrne-pori-tre, in Iroquois, was " men snrpassin" all others." Ilixt. Firr Xationt.
"The O'Mahus, in munber 'i'2.J0, not long ag;n, abandoned Uieir old villiigc on the south

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cU'n-f fJlack-lh.

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,...i i:ii ^i" orff. Work:!!}:.
U» ;»lr'.iiii! into lK>ii«|iij:e? Fniwiis aro all i'-

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■ ( 1(1 «ii ■- ■ I

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..•Hi ll'JMirlCMl. \\ (.' siMokt'd. atiil

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h<i;iii, ili.'il tli«> l.nli.iMH rtfrlH" >1<-
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thai your I'lii-tiu*—

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itii,' now to j><iy Urn v
iiiy j.'i<!iL !.jfh''r. \'wj ('•■
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■ ■ '• tiisiHin ciiiise with tin-,

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vlium r'sjd' 111*' . i" \>^\ I, wn« np'

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■ •! is i.fioii iuirrrc-l ..''i

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ClIAf. VII.l

PETALESHAROO.

63;i

Brachenridgt visited Ins town on the 19 May of that year, in his voyage up
that river. His " village is situated ahout three miles from the river, and con-
ttins al)OUt 3000 souls, and is 830 miles from its mouth."* We shall give
here, as an introduction to him, the oration he made over the grave of Black
buffalo, a Sioux chief of tlie Teton triho, who died on the night of the 14
July, 1811, at " Portage des Sioux," and of whom Mr. Brachenridge remarks: f
" The Black-buffalo was the Sioux chief with whom we liad the conference at
the great bend ; and, from liis a|)pcaranee and mild deportment, I was induced
to form a high opinion of hinu" After being interred with honors of war,
Ongpatonga spoke to those assembled as follows : — " Do not grieve. Misfor-
tunes will happen to the wisest and best men. Death will come, and always
comes out of season. It is tiie command of the Great Spirit, and all nations
and people must obey. What is passed, and cannot be prevented, should not
be grieved for. Be not discouraged or displeased then, that in visiting your
father t here, [the American comnussioner,] you have lost your chief. A mis-
fortune of this kind may never again befall you, but this would have attended
you perhaps at your own village. Five times have I visited this land, and
never returned with sorrow or pain. Misfortunes do not flourish particularly
in our path. They grow every where. What a misfortune for me, that I
coidd not have died this day, instead of the chief that lies before us. The
trifling loss my nation would have sustained in my death, would have been
doubly paid for by the honors of my burial. They would h»ve wiped off
evei-y thing like regret. Instead of being covered with a cloud of sorrow, my
warriors would have felt the sunshine of joy in their hearts. To me it would
have been a most glorious occurrence. Hereafter, when I die at home, instead
of a noble grave and a grand procession, the rolling music and the thundering
cannon, with a flag waving ct my head, I shall be wrapped in a robe, (an old
robe perhaps,) and hoisted on a slender scaffold to the whistling winds,§ soou
to be blown down to the earth ; || my flesh to be devoured by the wolves, and
my bones rattled on the pip in by the wild beasts. Chief of the soldiers, [ad-
dressing' Col. Miller,] your labors have not been in vain. Your attention shall
not be forgotten. My nation shall know the respect that is paid over the
dead. When I return, I will echo the sound of your gims."

Dr. Morse saw Ongpatonga at Washington in the winter of 1821, and dis-
coursed with him and Ishkatappa, chief of the republican Paunees, " on the
subject of their civilization, and sending instructors among them for that
pur|)Ose." The doctor has printed the conversation, and we are sorry to
acknowledge that, on reading it, Big-elk suffers in our estimation ; but his
age must he his excuse. When he was asked who made the red and white
people, he answered, "The same Being who made the white people, made
the red peojile ; but tke white are betl"*han the red people." This acknowledg-
ment is too degrading, and does not C( »nport with the general character of the
American Indians. It is not, however, very surprising that such an expression
should escape an individual surrounded, as was Ongpaionga, by magnificence,
luxury, and attention from the great.

Big-dk was a party to several treaties made between his nation and the
Unitid States, previous to his visit to Washington in 1821.

PETALESHAROO was not a chief, but a brave of the tribe of the Pau-
nees. (A brave is a warrior who has distinguished himself in battle, and is
next in importance to a chief IT) He was the son of Letelesha, a famous chief,
commonly called the Knife-chief, or Old-knife. When Major Long and his
company travelled across the continent, in 1819 and "20, they became f
quainted with Petalesharoo. From several persona who were in Long's

side of the Missouri, and now dwell on the Elk-horn River, due west Ti.'n their old village,
BO miles west-north-west from Council Bluffs." Morse's Indian Report, Sio I.

• Brackenridge, ut sup. 91. f Jour, up the Missouri, 210.

J Governor Edteards or Colonel Miller.

\ It is a custom to expose the dead upon a scaflbld among some of the tribes cf the wesl
See Brackenriiljre, Jour., 186. ; Pike's Expedition ; Long's do.

IThc engravintr at the commencement of Book II. illustrates this pa.<<SBge.
Long's Expedition, i. 356 j and Dr. Morse's Indian Report, 2i7.

634

PETALESHAROO.

[Bocx V

m
If i

■At

company, Dr. Morse collected the particular of him which he gives in Ms
INDIAN IIefort us an anecdote.

In the winter of 1821, Pttnlsaharoo visited Washington, being one of a
deputation from his nation to the American government, on a business
matter.

Tliis brave was of elegant form and countenance, and was attired, in his
visit to Washington, as represented in '•« engraving. In 1821, lie was
about 25 years of age. At the age of 31, ne was so distinguished by his
abilities and prowess, that he was culled the ^bravest of the braves." But fu^v
years previous to 1821, it was a custom, not only with his nation, but those
adjacent, to torture and burn captives as sacrifices to ths great Star. In un
expeditioa performed l)y some of liis countrymen against the Iteaus, a female
was taken, who, on their return, >vas doomed to suffer according to their
usages. She was fastened to the stake, and a vast crowd assembled upon
the adjoining j>lain to witness the scene. This Lrave, unobserved, had sta-
tioned two neet horses at a small distance, and was seated among the crowd,
as a silent spectator. All were anxiously waiting to enjoy the spectacle of
the fii'st contact of the flames with their victim ; when, to their astonishment,
a brave was seen rending asunder the cords which bound her, and, with the
Bwiflness of thought, bearing her in his arms beyond the amazed multitude ;
where placing her upon one horse, and mounting hi.nsclf upon the other,
he bore her off safe to her friends and country. This act would have endan-
gered the life of an ordinary chief; but such was bis sway in the tribe, that
110 one presumed to censure the daring act.

This transaction was the more extraordinary, as its performer was as
much a son of nature, and had had no more of the advantages of education
than the multitude whom he astonished by the n j»nane act just recorded.

This account being circulated at Washington, upruig the young chief's
stay there, the young ladies of Miss Whitens seminary in that place resolved
to give him a demonstration of the high esteem in which they held him on
account of his humane conduct ; they therefore presented him an elegant
silver medal, appropriately inscribed, accompanied by the following short but
affectionate address: "Brother, accept this token of our esteem — always
wear it for our sakes, and when again you have the power to save a poor
woman from death and torture, think of this, and of us, and fly to her
relief and her rescue." The brake's rejdy : — " This [taking hold of the
medal which he had just suspended from his neck] will give me more ease than
J ever had, and I will listen more than I ever did to white men. I am glad thai
wwy brothers and sisters have heard of the good ad I have done. My brothers and
ststers think that f did it in ignorance, but I now know what I have done. 1
did it in ignorance, and did not know that I did good ; but by giving me this
medal I know it."

Some time afler the attempt to sacrifice the Itean woman, one of the
warriors of Letelesha brought to the nation a Spanish boy, whom he had
taken. The warrior was resolved to sacrifice him to Venus, and the time
was appointed. Letelesha had a long time endeavored to do away the custom,
and now consulted Petaleshcroo upon the course to be pursued. The young
brave said, "I will rescue the boy, as a warrior should, by force." His fatlier
was unwilling that he should expose his life a second time, and used great
exertions to raise a sufficient quantity of merchandise for the purchase of the
captive. All that were able contributed, and a pile was made of it at the
lodge of the Knife-chief, who then summoned the warrior before him. When
he had arrived, the chief commanded him to take tiie inerciiandise, and
delivfr the boy to him. The warrior refused, Jjtteksha then waved his
wnr-cliih in tlie air, bade the warrior obey or prepare for instant dentli.
'^Strike," >iaid Pcf'.isharoo, " I ivill mctt the vengeance of his friends," But the
prudent and excellent lictelrsha resolved to use one more endeavor before
committing such an act. He therefore increased the amount of property,
which had the d(>sired effect. The boy was surrendered, and the valuable
collection of goods sacrifif ed in his stead.* This, it is thought, will be the

I,oii{f, nt supra, 3o-78.

Chap. V!I.] METEA'S SPEECH AGAINST SELM.NO LAND.

635

Inst time tlie iiilininnn cii.stoni will Iw nttemptrd in tlie trilic. "Tlio origin
cil' tills tjuiigniiiary saci'itict! is iiiikiiov, ii; proliahiy it existed previously to
tlifir iiiteiroiirse with the wiiite trailers."* They believed that the siicn'S!*
of tiieir enti'r|)ri.ses, and all inidi'rta'cir.jfs, depended upon their ibithfnily
adhering to the due perCorniance of these rite.<i.

In his way o Wasiiington, he staid some days in Philadelfihin, where
Mr. .Vert^/e had a fine opportunity of taking his portniit, which he performed
with wonderful success. It was copied ff)r Dr. Godman'a Natural History,
and adorns the seconti volume of that valuable work.

METEA, ciiicf of the Pottowattomies, is brotight to our notice on account
of the opposition he made to the sale of a large tract of his country. In
1821, he resided upon the Wabash. To numerous treaties, from 1814 to
1321, we find his name, and generally at the head of those of his tribe.
At the treaty of Chicago, hi the year last mentioned, he delivered the follow-
ing speech, after Governor Cass had informed him of the objects of his mission.

"RIy father, — We have listened to what you have said. We shall now
retire to our camps and consult upon it. You will hear nothing more from
us at present. [This is a uniform custom of all the Indians. When the
council was again convened, Melea coiitiimed.] We meet you here to-day,
because we had promised it, to teil you our mind.a, and what we have agreed
upon among ourselves. You will listen to us with a good mind, and believe
what we say. You know that we first came to this country, a long time ago,
and when we sat ourselves down upon it, we met with a great many hard-
ships and difliculties. Our country was then very loi'ge ; but it has dwindled
away to a small spot, and you wish to |uirchase that ! This has caused us to
reflect much upon whot you have tohl us; and we have, therefore, brought
all the chiefs and warriors, and the young men and women and children of
o> - tribe, that one part may not do what the others object to, and that all
iinjy be witness of what is going forward. You know your children. Since
you first came among them, tliey have listened to your words with an at-
tentive ear, and have always hearkened to your counsels. Whenevtir you
have had a proposal to make to us, whenever you have had a fiivor to ask of
us, we have always lent a favorable ear, and our invariable answer has been
'yes.' This you know! A long time has passed since we first cnnie u|)on
our lands, and our old people have all sunk into their graves. They had
sense. We are all young and foolish, and do not wish to do any thing that
they would not approve, were they living. We are fearful we shall offend
their spirits, if we sell our lands; and we are fi'arful we shall ofl!end you, if
we do not sell them. This has caused us great perplexity of thought, becau.se
we have counselled among ourselves, and do not know how we can part with
the land. Our country was given to ns by the Great Si»irit, who gave it to ns
to limit ujjon, to make our cornfields upon, to live upon, and to make down
our beds ujion when we die. And he would never forgive ns, should we
bargain it away. When you first spoke to us for lands at St. Mary's, we said
we hud a little, and agreed to sell you a piece of it ; but we told you we
could spare no more. Now you ask us again. You are never satisfied !
We have sold you a great tract of land, already ; but it is not enough ! We
sold it to you for the benefi; of your children, to farm and to live upon.
We have now but little left. We shall want it all for ourselves. We know
not how long we may live, and we wish to have some lands for our children
to hunt upon. You are gradually taking away our hunting-grounds. Your
cliildren are driving us before them. We are growing uneasy. What lands
you have, you may retain forever; but we shall sell no more. You thijik,
iirrhaps, that I s|)eak in [mssion ; but my heriri is good towards you. I speak
like one of your own children. I am an Indian, a red-skin, and live by
hunting and fishing, but my countiy is already too small ; and I do not know
how to bring up my children, if I give it all away. We sold you a fine tract
of land at St. Mary's. We said to you then it' was enough to satisfy your
ciiildren, and the last we should sell: and we thought it would be the
.ast you would ask for. We have now told you wiiat we had to say. It ia

* Loiij;, id supra, 3J7-i>.

63G

KEEWAGOUSIIKUM.— AN HISTORICAL SPEECH. [Book V,

In; 1

what wofl d(>terminfcd on, in a council among ourselvei ; and what I have
B|H)kon, is the voice of my ration. On this aceoimt, all our people have
come here to listen lo me; hut do not think we hjive a had opinion of
y«)U. Where stiould we get a had opinion of you ? We speck to you
with a good heiirt, and tha feelings of u frieiid. You are acrjuainted with
this jjiece of hind— the coimtry we live in. Shall we give it up ? Take
notice, it is a sriiull piece of land, and if we give it away, what will hecorne
of us ? The Great Spirit, who has provided it for cur use, allows us to keep
it, to hring up our young men and support our families. We shoidd incur his
anger, if we luirtered it away. If we had more land, you should get more,
hut our land has heen wasting away ever since the white people became our
tieighhors, and we have now hardly enough left to cover the bones of our
ti-ihe. You are in the midst of your red children. What is due to us in
money, we wish, and will receive at this place ; and we want nothing more.
We all shake hands with you. Behold our warriors, our women, and chil-
dren. Take pity on us and on our words."

Notwithstanding the decisive language held by Metea in this speech, against
selling land, yet his name is to the treaty of sale. And in another speech of
about cfpial length, delivered shortly after, upon the same subject, the same
determination is manifest throughout.

At this time be appeared lo be about ibrty years of age, and of a nohlo
and dignified appearance. He is allowed to he the most eloquent chief of
his nation. In rlie last war, he fought against the Americans, and, in the
attack on Fort Wayne, was severely wounded ; on which account he draws a
pension from the IJritish governenent*

At the lime of the treaty of Chicago, of which we have made mention,
poverid other chiefs, besides Metea, or, as his name is sometimes written,
Mettcua, were very prominent, and deserve a remembrance. Among thenj
may be particularly named

kEEWAGOUSHKUM,a chief of the first authority in the Ottowa nation.
We sliall give a speech which he made at the time, which is considered
very valuable, as well on account of the history it contains, as for its uerita
ii. other res|)ects. Indian HiSTonr by an Indian, nmst be tlie most valuable
part of any work about them. Keewagoushkum began : —

"Aly father, listen to me I The first white people seen by ns were the
French. When they first ventured into these lakes, they hailed us as children ;
they caine with presents and promises of peace, and we took them by the
hand. We gave them what they wanted, and initiated them into our mode
of life, which they readily fell into. After some time, during which we had
become ^vell acquainted, we embraced their father, (the king of France,) as
our father. Shortly after, these people that wear red coats, (the English,)
came to this country, and overthrew the French; and they extended their
hand to us in friendship. As soon as the French were overthrown, the British
told us, 'We will clotiie you in the same manner the French did. We will
supply you with all you want, and will purchase all your peltries, as they did '
Sure enough ! after the British took possession of the country, they fulfilled
all their promises. When they told us we shotdd have any thing, we were
sure to get it ; and we got from them the best goods. — Some time after the
British had been in possession of the countiy, it was reported that another

1)eople, who wore white clothes, had arisen and driven the British out of the
and. These people we first met at Greenville, [in 1795, to treat with General
IFayne,] and took them by the hand. — When the Indians first met th.e Aineri-
can chief, [ff^ayne,] in council, there were but few Ottowas present; hut he
said to them, 'Wlien I sit myself down at Detroit, you will all see me.'
Shortly after, he arrived at Detroit. Proclamation was then made for all the
Indians to come in. — We were told, [hy the general,] 'The reason I do not
push those British farther is, tliat we may not forget their example in giving
you presents of cloth, arms, ammunition, and whatever else you may require.'
Sure enough ! The fii"st time, we were clothed with great liberality. You
gave us strouds, guns, anununition, and many other things wo stood in need

• Schoolcraft's Travels.

i.s*

"J>

CUAP. VIII.]

BLACK-HAWK.

637

of, and snid, ' Tliis is the way yon may always cxjiept to !» u.«c(l.' It wm
also said, tliat whenever wo were in great necessity, you would help us. —
^V'^en the Indians on the Mauinee were first about to sell their lands, we
tieard it with both ears, but wo never received a dollar.- The Chippowaa,
the Potlovvattoniios, and the Ottowas were, origintdbf, hxd one nalion. We
separated from each other near Michilimackinac. We were related by the
ties of blood, language and interest ; but in the course of a long time, these
things have been forgotten, and both nations have sold their lands, without
consuMing us." — " Our brothers, the Chippewas, have also sold you a large
tract of land at Saganaw. People are constantly pas.sing ihrough the country,
but we received neither invitation nor money. It is surprising that the Pot-
towoitnmics, Ottowas, and Chip|H<waR, who are all one niitiun, should sell
their lands without giving each other notice. Have we tlien degenerated so
much that Wrt can no longer trust one another? — Perhaus the Pottowattomies
may think I have come here on a begging journey, tliat I wisli to claim a
share of lands to w' ich my people are not entitled. I tell them it is not so.
We have never bt^^^jed, and shall not now conunenee. When I went to
Detroit last fall. Governor Cass told me to come to this place, at this time,
and listen to what he had to say in council. As we live a great way in tlio
woods, and never see white people except in the fall, when the traders come
among us, we have not so many opportunities to profit by this intercourse as
our neighi)ors, and to get what necessaries we recpiire ; but we make out to
live independently, and trade upon our own land.s. We have, heretofore,
receive<l nothing less than justice from the Americans, and all we expect, in
the present treaty, is a full pro|)ortion of the money and goods."

"A series of misfortunes," says Mr. Scboolcrqp, "has since overtaken this
friendly, modest, and sensible chief. On returmng from the treaty of ^' icago,
while off tiie mouth of Grand River, in Lake Micliigan, his canue was ntruck
by a flaw of wind and upset. After making every exertion, he saw his wife
and all liis children, except one son, perish. With his son he reached the
shore ; but, as if to crown his misfortunes, this only surviving child has since
been poisoned for the part he took in the treaty."

The result of this tieaty was the relinquishment, by the Ottowas, Chip-
pewas, and Pottowattomies, of a tract of country in the southern part of the
peninsula of Michigan, containing upwards of 5,000,000 acres, and for which
they received c''*'.e United States, in goods, 35,000 dollars ; and several other
Bums were awarded to the separate tribes, to some yearly forever, and to
others for a limited term of years. Some of the chiefs who attended to the
treaty were opposed to this sale, and hence the reason that Keewagquahkum^t
eon was poisoned.

CHAPTER VIII.

Black-hawk's tear — Historical account of the tribes engaged in it — Treaty betieeen

them Murders among the Sioux and Chippewas — Red-bird — Taken for murder

— Dies in prison — Trial and execution of Indians — Black-hawk — The Sacs murder
28 Menominies — Indians insulted — Their country sold without the consent of a large

party This occasions the war — Ordered to leave tlieir country — General Gaines

drives them beyond the Mississippi — Conclude a Treaty — Treaty broken — Sacs re-
turn again to their village — Drterniine on toar — General Atkinson marches against
them— They retreat up Itock River.

It will be necessary, in ...is chapter, to give some account of such tribes of
Indians as will often be mentioned as we proceed. W^e shall, however, cf>n-
fine ourselves to such tribes as took part in the late war in the neighborhood
of the Lakes Michigan and Sunerior, more especially ; and firstly, of the Win-
nebagos. This tribe inhabit the country upon the Ouis^consin, a river that
rises between the. Lakes Superior and Michigan, and which disembogues
itself into the Mississippi, near the S. W. angle of the N. W. territory. They
were found seated here when the country was first visited by whites, about
54

638

I!I,A(KIIA\VK.

[Book v.

Ill 1820, tliry wern mippoBcd to

.'r>0 women, and 7UU cliildn ii,

150 years ngo, nnd inn; llicy still r <\n.
nuiiiber 155U hoiiIm, of wiiom 500 v. mui

and livetl in ten towim or villages.* ly of Winiiclmgo wuriiors was in

tlio ftght at Tippecanoe, iiiiiicr llio ... «tor Etlakwatawa. Sanamnlihonsra,
cuUimI Stone-eater, and Hapdinangwn, or iVIiite-loon, were leudors of the NViii-
iKibugo warriora. The latter waH cue that opjioscd General Wmjne in 17!)4,
Imu was reconciled to the Americune in 171t5, by the treaty of Greciivillo.
He aJHO treated with Oeiiorai Harrison, in 1609, at Fort Wayne, and aj,'ain at
Greenville hi 1814 ; hut he was active in the war of 181'^ and on the Mritisli
side. Winnebago Luke, which discharges its waters into Green Bay, was
probably named from this trilie of Indians, or, what is quite as probable, they
received their name from the lake.

Secondly, the Mcnoiniiiies. This tribe inhabits a river bearing their namn,
and is situated about one degree north of the Winnebagos, from whom they
ore st^parated by a range of mountains. They numbered in 18'iO, accordinu;
to some, about 355 persons, of whom not more than 100 were fighters ; but
this estimate could apply only, it is thought, to the most populous trilie.

Thirdly, the Pottowuttomiea, or Pouteoiiutamis. This nation was early
known to the French. In the year 1(J<j8, 300 of them visited Father Jlllouez,
at a place which the French called Chagouamigon, which is an island in
Lake Superior. There was among them at tliis time an old man 100 years
old, of whom his nation reported wonderful things ; among others, that he
could go without food 30 days, and that he often saw the Great Spuit. Hu
was taken sick here, and died in a few days after.f

The country of the Pottowattomies is adjacent to the south end of Lake
Michigan, in Indiana and Illinois, and in 1820 their numbers were set down
at 3400. At that time the United States paid them yearly 5700 dollars. Of
this, 350 dollars remained a permanent annuity until the late war.

Fourthly, the Sacs and Foxes. These are usually mentioned together, and
are now really but one nation. They also had the gospel taught them about
1GG8, by the Jesuits. They live to the west of the Pottowattomies, generally
between the Illinois and Mississippi Rivers, in the state of Illinois. I'he chief
of the Sauks, or Sacs, for at least 14 years, has been Keokuk. Of him we
shall particularly speak in due course. The Sacs and Foxes were supposed
to amount, in 1830, to about 3000 persons in all ; one fiilh of whom may be
accounted warriors.

Thus we have taken a view of the most Important points in the history of
the tribes which were engaged in the late border war under Black-hawk, and
are, therefore, prepared to proceed in the narration of the events of that war.
It will be necessary for us to begin with some events as early as 1823 ; at
which period a chief of the Winnebagos, called Red-bird, was the most con-
spicuous. This year, the United States' agents held a treaty at Prairie du
Chien, with the Sacs, Foxes, Winnebagos, Chippeways, Sioux, &c., for the
purpose, among other things, of bringing about a peace between the first-
named tribe and the otliers, who were carrying on bloody wars among them-
selves; the treaty 8ti|)ulated that each tribe should confine itself to certain
boundaries, which were designated ; and as parties from them all were con-
stantly visiting the United States' forts, upon business, or various other occa-
sions, it was agreed that any jiarty should be protected from insult or injury
from any other Indians while upon such visits. It would not seem, however,
that the makers of the treaty could have supposed that any such agreement
would avail much, where deep hatred existed between any of tiie parties ;
for t''o very circumstance of protection being offered, would lead directly to
difficulty, by placing one party in a situation exactly to acconuiiodate another,
in their peculiar method of surprise ; nor could any one have supposed that
any fear of punishment from the whites would have been equal to the
gratification of revenge. Yet the motives of the whites were good, however
little was effected by them.

As was expected, frequent murders happened among the Indians ; and it was

* Dr. Morse ratpd tliem nt 5f)00. Tiirl. Report, Ap. 3G2
t C.tarlecoir, Hist, de la Nouv. Franco, i. 'SJo.

Chap. VIII.J

TRIAI, OF snVEN INDIANS.

639

not often that those guilty of thcin coiilil he round or rccojfniz<d. At longth,
in tlie MiniiUH-r of IH'J?, u pnrty of '24 C'hippewiiB, on a tour to Fort Snelhn^,
weri' sur|)ris4>(t hy a hanii of Sionx, who killed und wounded eif,'ht of thcrii.
Tiie coiiimiindaiit of Fort Snollinf^ raptured four of them, whom he delivered
into the hando of the Chippewas, who immediately hIioI them, acrording tn
the dirertioim of the couunamlant A Sioux chief, named Kf.d-bird, resented
the |>roceeding8 of the commandant, and reHolvi-d upon a further setaliation
upon the Chippewaa. Accordingly, he led a war party against them soon
alter, but wiiH defeated; and upon his return home from the expedition, hid
neighbors derided him, as being no hrave.

What were the grounds of Hed-bird'a enmity in the first place is now un-
known, nor is it important to be inquired into in our present business; but
certain it is, ho had, or conceived that he had, just cause for his attack upon
the Chi|)pewas; his last and unsuccessful expedition against them, however,
was to revenge the execution of those at Fort Snclliiig, who, he had been
told, were executed for the murder of a family of seven persons, named
Methode, near Prairie des Cliicns. This, however, was not very likely llio
case.

As he could not get revenge of the Chippewas, Red-bird resolved on seek-
ing it among the whites, their abettors ; therefore, with two or three other
desperadoes, like himself, of whom Black-hawk was probably one, he repaired
to Prairie des Chiens, where, on the 24 July, 18'-i7, they killed two persona
ond woimded a third. We hear of no plunder taken, but with a keg of whisky,
which they bought of a trader, they retired to the mouth of Kad-axe River.
Six days after, July 30, with his company augmented, Rfd-bird waylaid two
keel-boats that had been conveying commissary stores to F'ort Snelling. One
came into the ambush in the day time, and, after a fight of four hours, es-
caped with the loss of two killed und four wounded. It was midnight before
the other fell into the snore, and, owing to the darkness, escaped without
much injury.

Notice has probably been taken by Black-hawk, in his narrative, of these
events ; but as he relates every thing without any regard to dates, it is impos-
sible to assign some of his incidents to their proper places in history.

Not long after these events, in September, 1827, C-^neral Mkinson marched
into the Winnebago country, with a brigade of troop, egulars and tnilitia, and
succeeded in making prisoners of Red-bird, and six other Winnebagos, who
were held in confinement at Prairie du Chien until a (rial could be had on them.
On the 25 October, 1828, at a special term of the United States' Circuit Court,
they were tried, all except Red-bird, who had died in prison. IFaniga or the
Sun, and Chik-hong-sie, the Little-hull, were each tried on two indictments ; one
for the murder of Registre Gagnitr, as accomplices of Red-bird, in the nuirder
of which mention has already been made. On the second indictment, Chik-
hong-sic was tried for the murder of Solomon hipcap ; and Waniga on the
same, as his accomplice. On the third indictment, Waniga was tried for
scalping Louisa Gaenier with intent to kill. On the first indictment, both
were brought in guilty. On the second, Chik-hong-sic was brought in guilty,
and Waniga was acquitted. On the third, Wamga was found guilty, and
Chik-hong-aie was acquitted. They were sentenced to be executed on the 26
of the following Deceinbir.

The two charged with th( murder of Mr. Methode and family were acquit-
ted by a nolle prosequi. Bl xk-hawk, or Kara-zhonsept-hah, as his name was
then written, and Kanonehth, the Youngest of the Thunders, were among the
prisonere charged with the attack on the boats the preceding year ; but the
charge not being sustained for want of evidence, they were discharged, as
was also a sou of Red-bird.

Thus it appears a year had passed since these Indians were captured, before
thoy were orought to trial. Such a delay of justice was to the friends of the
imprisoned Indians ten times as insufferable, if possible, as any punishment
could have been, inflicted in any reasonable time alter a crime had been com-
mitted. They cannot understand why, if one be guilty, he should not
at once be punished, as it seldom happens, with Indians, that they deny on
oct when guilty: the most of them scorn to doit Hence, the white people's

G40

MURDER OF THE MKNOMLME.S.

[Book V.

If. 'I

k«'«!|tih^ thciri ini[>riM>no<l, they tliink nn net of p-eat cownnlirc ; prrBiirning
tliry dun- not piiiiiMh tliu c-iilprit, It Iiiih BonietiriicH liii|.|)eiicd, that alter uii
Inilian hiul Im-iii iiiiprifluncd for a long time, nnii been ilittcliargid tor wuntol*
evi(luiu;t>, ultlioiigh iit thctitiioof hiscupturu then; were no donhts ot'hin guilt,
oven ii|)on his own cont'cHNion, ho hni* licen sliot by sonie Hknikiiig witito lK)r-
dcrer on liis way to hin home. TiiiH, to the f'ricndf) of bucIi Indian, irt tiio
most ahoniinaltiu crimu ; and these things had all liaijpcncd in Illinois belbro
tiie end of 1H-,»K

Klack-iia WK, ns we have jnst seen, was captured and hehl some time in du-
rance for attacking the i)oatH, which, it seiinH, conhl not l)e proved against iiim,
as lie was cfischarged; but if there were doubts of his guilt before, there can
be none now, according to his own confession, wbicli, it would seem, he hud
too nnu-li cratl to acknowledge Itefore his trial.

Matters contiune<l in a ruffled state for about three years, though nets of
violence seem nototlen to have occurred. In 18.'{1, it was the general opinion
on the frontiers, that the Indians intended to Ibrbtar no longer; and it waa
rightly judged by General Atkinson, that eftbus hud been, or were being muile
In' some of them to unite all the Indians from Kock Kiver to Ah^xico in a war.
Tliat this was the truth of the case we will hear Black-hawk in evidence.
lie says, "Rnmiers were sent to tlie Arkansas, Ued-Iliver and Texas — not on
the subject of our lands, but a secret mission, which I am not, at present, per-
mitted to expluin."

The difference between the Sacs and Foxes, and Menominies and Siou.t,
was one great cause of the troubles previous to the war of 1832. The whites
used their endeavors to bring about a peace between tlieni, and finally effected
it, although at the very time murders were committed by one party upon the
other, while on their way to attend a tn'aty for their own benefit. Hut such
is their thirst for revenge, that thiy will take it at the hazard of themselves
and all their connections. Black-hawk liiinself relutes, that on a certain time,
which, I liL'lieve, was in the suriuner of 1H30, the chiefs of the F'oxes were
invited to attend a treaty at Pruirie du Chieu lor the settlement of their <lif-
ferences with tiie Sioux. Nine of the bend men of the Foxes, witii one
woman in their company, set out to attend the treaty, who, on their way, were
met by a compuny of Sioux, near the Ouiscousin, uiid all of them, except one
man, were killed.

Tliis murder went nnrevenged until the next year, when a band of Pioux
and Menominies, who were encamped within a mile of the fort at Prairie du
Chien, were attacked by some Foxes from Black-haicKs party, and 28 of them
were killed. The wliites now demanded the murderers, but Black-hawk said
they had no right to make such a demand, for it was an affair between the
Indian nations, over whom they had no authority ; and besides, he said, when
the Menominies had murdered the Fox chiefs, the year before, they made no
Buch demand for the murderers.

According to the treaty of the 15th of July, 1830, at Prairie du Chien, the
Sacs and Foxes sold their countiy to the United States, and the Sioux, Oina-
halis, loways, Ottoes, and several other tribes and bands, participated in the
sale ; but Black-hawk had nothing to do with it. Keokuk, or the Watchful-fox,
at this time headed the party of Sacs that made the treaty ; when Black-hawk
knew what was done, it very much agitated and displeased him ; but Keokuk
had pleased tiie whites, and sold his country, as the ill-advised Mcintosh had
done. The next summer, 1831, Black-hawk says, that while on a visit to the
Indian agent at Rock Island, he heard, for the first time, " talk of our having
to leave my village. The trader (he says) explained to me the terms of the
treaty that bad been made, and said we would be obliged to leave tiie Illinois
side of the Mississippi, and advised us to select a good place for our village,
and remove to it in the spring." This trader was the adopted brother of the
principal Fox chief, whom he had persuaded to leave his village and build
another on tiie west side of the Mississi|>|)i. Keokuk had consented to go,
and was using all liis influence to induce others to go with hini.

A party now began to organize itself in opposition to that of Keokuk,
They called upon Black-hawk lor his opinion about it ; and, says the old chief,
"I gave it freely — and afler questioning Quash-quii-me about tlie sale of the

1^. 1

Chap. VIII ) RELUCTANCE TO LEAVE THEIR COUNTRY.

641

larxls, lie nnsiirnd me tlint he never iind cotiflniited to the Hale of our villn^^p.*
I now iironii.Hcd thin party to l>e their leader, and nii.'tvd tin; Htandnrd of
opiiOHition to Keokuk, with a lull determination not to have my village.''

The riac villa'^M was on the point of land formed by Kock Kivir and ths
MiH!ti!<!4ippi. The tribe had here usually alHiut 7()U acren of planting land,
which extended aliout two and n half iniies up the ^U.^sisHippi. Acrordiiig
to the tradition of the Indians, a village had stood In-re about L'>U yearn.
The wliiiiti extent of the Sac countrv on the Minninsippi, wan from the mouth
of the Ouisconsin to the Portage ues Sioux, alino^tt to the entrance of the
Mii^Houri, in len<;tli near 700 milen.

About the tinx; of the treaty of which we have l)een npeaking, some out-
rages were committed upon the Indians by the whites in kind like the follow-
ii)i(: — One of Black-hawk's men having found a hive of Im-ch in the woods, in
a hollow tree, took it to his wigwam. Some whites, having learned the cir-
cumstance, repaired to the Indian's wigwam and demanded the honey as
theirs, and he g'lvt^ it up to thom. They not oidy took the honey, but made
plunder of all the skins he had got during his winter's hunt, and carried tlieni
otY also. The case nf tiie Indian was exceeding hard, for lie owed the ^kin.i
to his trader. Thereibro he could not pay him, nor could he get necessaries
for his tiiinily, in consequence of his inability to meet liis former contract.

Almut this time Black-hawk met with gross ill treatment from some whites
who met him in the woods a-hunting. They fell upon him, and beat him so
severely that he was lame for some time al\er it. The whites pretended he
had done them an injury. Such outrages, added to those of a public nature,
had driven the Indians to de8|)eratiun, and finally determined Black-liawk to
act on the offensive, tint he was sadly deceived in his real strength when
he came to trial; for ho had been assured that the Chi])|nwas, Ottowas,
Winnebagos and Pottowattnmies all stood ready to help and second him.
.Wapope, who had been among some of them, was either deceived hirnsell^
or he intentionally deceived his chief. Hut the Prmhd, Wahokieahiek, wax
doubtless the greatest deceiver. He sent word to Black-hawk that he had
received wampum from the nations just mentioned, and ho was sure of their
coiipcration. Besides this strong encouragement, it was al.so told to the
principal Sac chiefs, that their British father at Maiden stood ready to help
them, in case of wrong being ofTered them by the whites; but this was,
without doubt, a stratagem of the Prophet, or JVeapope, the bearer of the
intelligence. The chiefs of the whites at Maiden and other places, had been
visiteJby Black-hawk or his head men, and, on being told their situation in
respect to being obliged to leave their country, these friends of the Indians
honestly told them that, if they had not sold their country, it could not be
taken from them.

When the old chief, Black-hawk, found that Keokuk had sold the Sac
village, with the rest of their country on tlu east side of the Mississipiii, ho
saw and conversed with him about it, and Keokuk was so well convinced that
he had done what he had no right to do, that he promised to go to the whites,
and use all his endeavors to get it back again by giving any other part of tlie
country for it: Black-hawk said he would give up even the lead-mines, if
they could only be allowtjd to enjoy their old village, and the little point of
land on which were the l^eautiful cornfields which thi;ir wives had cultivated,
for years, imdisturbcd, and the adjacent burying-grounds of their honorerl dcaij.

With strong hopes that something would be effected (or them, the Sacs
set cut upon their usual winter's hunt, in the fall of 1830, and meanwhile
the whites came on and possessed their beloved village ! When the Indian;*
returned, they saw families of intruders in their own wigwams and lodges,
that they had lefl the fall previous — the wives and children of the poor
Indians were now upon the baiik.s of their own Mississippi, but witiioiit a
home or lodge to cover them ! This was insufferable to Black-hawk — where
is the white man that could endure ^uch things ? There are none that could,
even the most servile slave.

The Sacs were encamjted on the west bank of the Missi.ssippi, having re-
turned from their hunting-grounds earlier than usual, on account of infor-
mutiou of the state of things in their village. The ice had not lefl the Mis-
54* 2Q

642

THEIR VILLAGE POSSESSED BY THE WHITES. [Book V.

sissippi ; but before it was time to plant corn, the firm resolution of the chiefs
was taken, that their village they would again possess. They acted in accord-
ance with their resolution, and went on and took possession. The whites were
alarmed, and doubting of their al)ility to drive off the Indians then, said they
would live and plant together; but took care to seize upon all the best planting
land. Tiie Lidians were determined not to be the first to commit any hostile act,
and submitted to great insults; some of their women being shamefully beaten
by their white neighbors for the most trifling offence, to which their new
situation had unavoidably subjected them, and one young man was actually
beaten to death, or so that he soon afler died ; levertheless, to the sliame of
those whites be it told, there is no account whicii has ever come to me that
tlie Indians attempted to retaliate.

Other evils were experienced while the poor Sacs endeavored to live with
the whites in their own village. Ardent spirits were brought in, and used to
chc ..t the Indians out of their personal property, their guns, and articles
with which they hunted.

In the fidi of 1830, the Indians had been told that they must not come
again to tlie east side of the river. Meantime the lands of the Sac village
had been sold, or a part of them, and all the Indians were ordered to leave
them. Black-hawk and his band, however, would not ohey, and some of
them remained on the unsold lands, while the others were on their hunting
expeditions. And early in the spring of 1831, after having used every means
for a reconciliation, without giving up their village, the Sacs in a body re-
c/ossed the river to their old cornfields, and in a menacing manner took
pos&ossion ; but if we can believe Black-hawk, he did not mean to ba pro-
voked into a war by any thing less than the life-blood of some of his people;
which he said the whites dare not take, at least so long as he remained on the
government's land ; for by an article of the treaty which had caused these
troubles, the Indians were not obliged to leave the lands so long as tliey re-
mained unsold. But the settlers cried out against the encroachments of the
Indians upon them, which soon became so loud and clamorous that Governor
Reynolds forthwith taking the responsibility, declared the state of Illinois in-
vaded by hostile Indians, although it does not a])pear that any of them were
upon other lands than those owned by the United States.

Accordingly, on the 28 Maj', 1831, Governor Reynolds wrote from Belleville,
the capital of the state of Ulinois, to General Gaines, the military commander
of the western department, that he had received undoubted inibrmation that
the section of the state near Kock Island was at that time invaded by a hos-
tile band of the Sac Indians, beaded by Black-haivk; and that in order to re-
}>el said invasion, and to protect the citizens of the state, he had called on
00 of the militia of the said state, to be mounted and ready for that service.
He therefore, "as executive of the state of Illinois," respectfully solicited his
cooperation. General Gaiius said in answer, the next day, that he had ordered
six conii»anies of regular troops to proceed fiom Jefferson Barracks the
day following. May 30, for the Sac village, and if necessary he would add
two companies more from Prairie du Chien. This force he considered suf-
ficient to put down the "hostile Sacs;" but, iie said, if the Indian force had
been augmented by other Indians, then he would correspond with his excel-
lency by express, and avail himself of his offer of the 700 mounted volunteers.

Governor Reynolds had just before (2G May) written to General Clark, the
superintendent of Indian affairs at St. Louis, and among other things said, he
had considered it necessary to order out troops "to protect the citizens" of
the state " near Rock If land /ram i7ivasion and depredation ; " but from his
lette; to Gaines, dated oidy two days aflrr, the state was acrnaljy invaded.
Hence itai)pears, that in something less than two days, by thinking the mat-
ter over, the governor had, in his mind, changed the fear of invasion
into actual invasion. In the same letter he goes on : Tiie object of tiie
government of the state is to protect those citizens by removing siiid Indians,
" peaceably if they can, but forcibly if tlu»y must." "I consider it my duty tu
inform vou of the above call on the militia, and that in or abnut l.")(|iiys,a suf-
ficient force will ajipear l»el()re these Indians to reinov(! \ho\\\, diad or alive,
over the west side of the Mi.ssissij)pi." Whether his exeellcDcy did not

Chap. VllI |

GENERAL GAINES'S EXPEDITION.

643

mean to stop with his Indians short of the Western Ocean, I cannot say, hut
certainly lie says notliing of leaving them any where on lamia on llie wcstsulo
of tile Missi8sii>j)i ; he, liowever, humanely adds, " But to save all this disagree-
ahle business, perha|)s a request from you to them, lor them to remove to the
west side of the river, would effect the object of procuring peace to the citi-
zens of the state." General Clark replied, two days after, that every effort
on his part " had been made to effect the removal liom Illinois of all the tribes
who had ceded tlieir lands."

Hence no alternative now remained but to proceed on with an army to
drive off the Indians. Accordingly General Gaines proceeded to the country
in dispute, and by liis prudent management succeeded iu settling tiie diffi-
culty, which, as matters immediately aflerwards turni:'! out, siems to have
amounted to but little ; and as General Gaines's account of his expedition
agrees very well with what black-hawk lias since said about it, we lay it before
the reader. It is contained in a letter dated Rock Island, 20 June, 1831.

"I have visited the Rock River villages, witli a view to ascertain the locali-
ties, and, as fiir as possible, the disposition of the Indians. They confirm me
in tlie opinion I had previously formed, that, whatever may be their feelings
of hostility, they are resolved to abstain from the use of their tomahawks and
fire-arms except in self-defence. But few of their wai-riors were to be seen —
their women and children, and their old men api)eared anxious, and at first
somewhat confused, but none attempted to run off. Ilavuig previously noti-
fied their chiefs that I would have nothing more to say to them, unless they
should desire to inform me of their intention to move forthwith, as I had di-
rected them, I did not speak to them, though witliin 50 yards of many of
them. I had with me on board the steam-boat soine artillery, and two com-
panies of infantry. Their village is immediately on Rock River, and so situ-
ated that I could from the steam-boat destroy all their baik houses (the only
kind of houses they have) iu a few minutes, with the force now with me,
probably without the loss of a man. But I am resolved to abstain from firing
a sliot without some bloodshed, or some manifest attenii)t to shed blood, on
the part of the Indians. I have already induced nearly one third of them to
cross the Mississippi to their own land. The residue, however, say, as the
friendly chiefs report, that they never will mov . and what is very uncommon,
their women urge their hostile husbands to figiu rather than to move and thus
to abandon their homes."

Tlius stood mattei-s previous to the arrival of the Illinois militia; neitlier
party wishing to do any thing to bring on hostilities. On the 7th June,
Black-liawk met General Gaines iu council, and plainly told him he would
not remove, and to let him know he was not afraid of his forces, went to the
council-house at the head of his band, armed and jiainted as though they ex-
pected to be attacked ; the consequence was, nothing was effected thus far.
But the general was satisfied that the reports of otiier tribes having engaged
to assist them were entitled to little credit That the general well understood
the affairs of the Sacs at this time, no doubt will be entertaiued, on conqihr-
ing his account with the statement of Black-hawk in his life. "Several other
tribes," observes the general, "such as the VVinncbagos, Pottowattomies, and
Kikapoos, have been invited by these Sa^s to assist them ; but I cannot positively
ascertain that more than 200 have actually joined, and it is very doubttid
whether these will remain true to their offending allies."

As General Gat»ie« found he could not effect a compliance with his demands,
he concluded to wait for the militia, who, on the 25 June, prom|)tly arrived.
These the Indians thought it not proper to oppose, knowing well that border
militia would submit to no restraint from their officers ; they therelbie fled
across the Mississip|>i to avoid being massacred ; and on the Ibllowing day,
Juno 20, the army took possession of the Sac village, without the firiiiif of a
gun on either side. On the 27th, Black-hitwk caused a white flag to be dis-
played to show his disposition to have a parley, which soon afiiir ensued, and
this ended in a treaty.

Li his despatch to the secretary of war. General Gaines snid he was of
opinion that "these Indians were as completely hunibl(!d, as ii'tluiy had been
cluusiisod ill buttle, and less disposed to disturb the frontier inhabitants ;"

Bi! ,1

644

BLACK-HAWK RETIRES UP ROCK RIVER.

[Book V.

nnd tlmt Governor Reynolds w&a of the same opinion. But in this they were
hotli niisUiken, although when tlie treaty waa made, Black-hauk without
doubt intended strictly to observe it; yet he could not foresee what would
happen. He had been promised corn to supply the wants of his peojjle, in-
stead of tiiat which they had been obliged to uhandun ; but wliat they
received was far from suflicient, and they began to leel the encroachment of
fiiminc". In thip state of things, a party of Sacs, as the old chief says, went
over the river to steal cornjrom their own fields ! and thus began a new series
oi" troubles which ended in bloodshed.

Black-hawk, with his chief men, had signed the treaty, and it .vas broken
the same year by both j)urties. Jt was dated on the 30 June, 1831, five days
afler the " flight," and among the signers we recognize, besides Mucata-Mu-
iii-EATAK (Black-hawk), as his name was then written, Pashepaho [Stabbing-
chief), Weesheat (Sturgeon-head), Kakf.kamah (Jlll-jish), and several others.
It was in the course of the same summer, that the party Irom Black-hawk's
band killed the 28 Menomonies, of which we have beibre given an account,
and although the whites considered it their concern, seem not to have under-
taken to revenge it until the spring of 1832 ; and the probability is, they
would hardly then have undertaken it, had not some of the Sacs intruded
themselves again into their old village, by which a new cry was raised
against them. Be this as it may, General Atkinson set out for the Upper Mis-
sissippi, about the first of April, at the head of the sixth regiment of United
States iufiuitry, at whose approach Black-hmck and his party abandoned their
camp on the Missis8ij)pi, where Fort Madison had been built, and ascended
Rock River. It was in this direction he expected to be reinfbrcerl by the
Pottowattomies, Winnebagos, and Kikapoos, but who in the end declined the
luizardous and unequal conflict.

As Black-hawk moved leismely up Rock River, he received several ex-
presses fiom General Atkinson, ordering him in a peremptory manner to leave
the country ; but he constantly said he would not, and said he was going to
the ProphcCs village to make corn, to which he had been invited, and the
whites might attack him if they dared ; that they might come on if they
chose, but they would not find him unprepared ; yot he would not begin with
them.

Meanwhile General ^</:inson, not judging it expedient to pursue the Indians
up Rock-River, made a stand at Dixon's Ferry, and waited for a rein-
Ibrcement.

Hi§e

CHAPTER IX.

March of Major Stillman — Kills some of Black-hawk's men — Stillman'a defeat —
TtiJlc with the Winnebagos — Menomonies join the trhites — Settlement on Indian
Creek destroyed — Captivity of two young women — Murders — Plum Biter settle-
vient broken up — Congress orders out troops — Murders near Galena — Indians cut
of by General Dodge — Snider's defeat — Stevenson's defeat — Mack on the fort at
Buffalo GrvtJe — On that at Apple Rivtr — Defeat of Major Dement — Murder at
Cincinawa Mound — Ravages of the cholera among the regular troops — Battle of
the Ouisconsin — Action with the steam-boat Warrior — Battle of the xd of August,
and end of the war.

Before the arrival of General Atkinson at Ogee's or Dixon's Ferry, (Jenef
Jfldtesides had proceeded there with a considerable body of mounted mi
and a march of discovery was resolved upon. Accordingly, about the 13ia
of May, a company of 270 men proceeded on towards Sycamore Creek, under
Major Stillman. B^ vck-hawk being apprized of the march of this detach-
ment, sent out three young warriors with a white flag to meet them, and in-
vite tiiem to his camp; but the whites, paying no regard to the flag, took the
bearers of it prisoners. Five others had been sent alter the first, to see what
entiued, and to report what might take place. These five were discovered
and pursued by a small party of the whites, and, IviJig overtaken, two of

'. I

Chap. U.]

STILLMAN'S DEFEAT.

64a

tliem were killed, and the rest escaped. It was now near night, on the I4th
of May. The party that had killed the two Lidians returned to the main
body, which, it seems, was preparing to encamp Cor tlie night when this cir-
cumstance took place ; all immediately mounted their horses and rushed
forward in confusion. It does not appear that Black-luuok had any thoughts
that the whites would attack him, for he had not but about 40 of his men
with him at this time, the others being out upon a hunting excursion ; but
when his spies returned, and reported that two of their number had bten
barbarously murdered, the war-whoop was sounded, and the best prepaia-
tions were made, that the time would allow to meet tlie invaders.

When they approached Sycamore Creek, the whites proceeded to srops it
in the same disorderly manner they came to it, although the country was very
favorable for ambushes. The Indians stood firm, and were doubtless sure of
a victory, seeing the enemy pass the creek man by man as they arrived ;
and when a sufficient number had crossed, the Indians rushed upon them
with their usual fury of attack. The whites say the Indians " showed them-
(selves on every quailer, mounted and armed. They commenced the attack
with guns," and continued it with knives and tomahawks. Their sit'iation
became in a moment desperate, and Major Stillman, who was in the rear,
learning the situation of the advance column, immediately ordered a retreat,
but none was effected — it was a most disorderly and wretched flight ! scarce
two fiying together ; and it was owing to the smallness of Black-fiawk's force
tiiat any were so fortunate as to escape.

Thus Black-luiwk with about 40 men had put 270 to flight, and dispersed
them in such a manner, that it was reported at first by themselves, that GO
or 70 had been killed ; but, as it proved afterwards, it was their great fear of
the Indians, that had driven them so far from their companions, that they
did not all arrive at Dixon's Fern/ for several days after the fight, although
the battle-ground was only 30 milr« from that place. They generally came
in, one at a time, as they had crossed Sycamore Creek on the evening of the
14tli ; and in the end, all but 12 were accounted for, and 11 of these were

A letter from that
mangled in a most
shocking and indecent manner ; their hearts cut out, heads off, and every
species of indignity practised upon their persons. One alone escaped this
treatment : he was found dead, with his head nearly cut ofij embraced by
the arms of an Indian who had been shot through the body, but yet had
strength enough remaining to tomahawk the man who had shot him, and
partly to cut off his head, dying izi the very act — his last convulsive struggle
being an embrace of liis enemy even in death." From Black-hawk's o'vn
account, it appears he lost but three men in the whole transaction, and tl'at
these were killed who were sent out to meet the whites in their approach t(»
Sycamore Creek.

Hence it appears that the whites were guilty of the first blood shed in this war.

The affair of Sycamore Creek caused a dire alarm to be sounded through-
out the western region. Black-hawk's 40 warrioi-s were magnified uito I.'jOO,
and only the next day after Stillman's defeat. Governor Reynolds issued a proc-
lamation calling on the militia to assemble at Hennepin, on Illinois River, by
the \(j of June, to the number of 2000 men ; which number, he said, he "con-
sidered necessary to subdue those Indians, and drive them out of tlie state."

Although the news of Major Slillmari's disastir flew over the country
among the whites witli great rajtidity, yet it is mentioned as a circumstance
well worthy of remark, that messengers from the ho'^tije Sacs, bearing to the
Missouri Indians the news of their victoiy, arrived at the Des Moines Uapid.s
24 hours before the express sent by Governor Remolds at the same place.

About the time the proclamation of the 15th of May was issued, calling for
2000 militia, an attempt was made by the whites to secure or draw off' the
Winnebagos, and prevent their joining the war party. On the 26 May,
Mr. Gratoil, a sub-Indian agent, held a council at the head of the Four Lakes
with a number of the Winnebago chiefs, and they all signified their desire
oi emaining at peace with the white peo|)le. At this council, the chiefj
called the Liltle-bluk, made a speech, and among other things said,

found afterwards on the battle-ground and interred,
country says, " The dead that were found were cut and

64G

MURDERS ON INDIAN CREEK.

[Book V.

"Fatli<<r, wlint you have heard of us is from forked tongues, and what you
have heard ol' Man-eater is false. Man-eater is sick; but he has sent iiis sister
und daughter Ivre to speak for liiin. Father, since I knew you, I have al-
vays Ijeard your counsel, nnd did what you told me. My father, the Great
Spirit, has sent you both here. You have taken me by the hand, and you
have held it fast in yours. We hope, in the name of the Great Spirit, and
all our women and children, that you will hold it fust, and we will hold on to
you so hard that you cannot shake us off'. My father, I ask nothing but a
clear sky over our heads, which have been hanging down lately, and the sky
has been dark, and the wind has been blowing continually, and trjing to blow
lies i' our ears, but we turn our ears from it ; but when we look towui-ds you,
the weather is clear, and the wind does not blow. My father, our young
men do not travel much, for they are afraid of the Sacs, and afraid they will
be taken for Sacs by the troops. My father, we wish you to give us a paper
like the one General Jitkinson gave us, that we may show it to the viiites
wiiom we meet, that tiiey may know we are friends and for peace."

As soon as the troubles began, there were many of the Alenomonies and
Sioux, who, thirsting for the blood of the Sacs, came and offered themselves
to the whites, to fight lor them, but their services were refused ; now they
had had a light, and being beaten, they were glad to call ujjon the Indians
for assistance, and it was granted. Yet it should not be supposed that it was
from any love they bore towards the whites that they were glad to fight for
th(!m, but Irom their natural mclination to war, and to seek revenge for in-
juries they had received from the Sacs during their former troubles. Con-
sequently several hundreds of them were soon upon the mai'ch in various
directions to surprise those belonging to the war pai-ty, and others attached
themselves to the army.

Blood had now been shed, end no one had any right to expect but that the
Indians would retaliate upon any whites, according to their manner, whether
HI arms or the cradle. There was a small settlement upon Indian Creek,
near its conffuence with Fox River, about 25 miles from the town of Hennepin,
the rendezvous of the army. On the 20th * of May, this settlement was
fidlen upon by a small band of warriors, led by a Pottowattomie, who, after
killing 15 persons, took considerable plunder, and proceeded to Black-hawk's
camp.

The Indians gave as a reason for their attack upon this place, that not long
before, a man who lived there by the name of Hall, had severely beaten the
Pottowattomie who led the paity that committed the murder. Yet the family
of this man, if not the man himself, had been toid by a friendly Indian, that
a party would come and murder them, and advised them to fly lor their lives.
They immediately did so, but as vengeance had decreed, they appear to have
nturned again very soon, as they were tiiere found and murdered, as before
stated. Two daughters of Mr. Hall were led away captive, one about 16, and
the other about 18 yerrs of age ; two brothers of these young women, who
were at work in the field when the massacre began, mf^dc iheir escape and
arrived safe at Dixon's Ferry. Black-hawk said the young women would
hdve been killed by the Pottowattomies when they were taken, but were
spared at the intercession of two of his men, who 'vere with them. The
ibllowing account was written immediate'y after they were delivered f om
captivity, by a person at Dixon's Ferry, where they were delivered, and is
probably correct.

*' Of the Misses Halls, whose case seems to interest every body, (and who
are now at Galena,) it may Jiot be uninteresting to hear the following, aS the
best information that could 1«; collectcul from the Indians who succeeded in
procuring their liberation. Affrr the bloody scene of despatching such of the
lauiily as were about the house, (to which they could not avoid being eye-wit-
nesses,) those young women were each placed on a horse, which was led l)y
B man — other men walked alongside, to guard and keep them from falling off

" The editor of the i4menca?j /l/i»««/ Rrs^'nter is midnr a great mislake in placing this
Bffair a iiiDiilh earlier. It changes llio whole aspect of alVairs ; i Kikiiig the Indians the firil
murderers, which is not fact.

Chap. IX.]

DODGE'S FIGHT NEAR GALENA.

647

in difficult paa-ses. — At night a lodge was set apart, and blankets spread fot
tlioni, and elderly squaws made to sleep on each side, by whom tliey were
taken care of. Such ibod as the Indians had, was offered to them ; but they
cried and wept, and were too unwell to eat or be comlbrtwl. All of which
the young women say is true, and that the Indian men offered no insult to
them. They also conffrm what is stated of Black-hawKs camp, as seen in
going tlirough a narrow passage, where their horses mired in the mud: —
more of the camp, it is supposed, they were not allowed to see. It seems
there was more difficulty in procuring the liberty of one than the other: a
young warrior ciauned her as his prize, and was very unwilling to give her
up ; but arter using all the arguments they were capablt; of, the Winnebugos
say they had to use threats, which, together with an addition of ten horses to
the offer, obtained his consent. Thr young warrior cut from Miss HalCs head
n lock of her hair; which, by the by, has no affinity to a similar act among
wliites, but is to be kept as a trophy of his warlike exploits. The price paid
by the Winnebagos is stated to be forty horses, wampum and trinkets, — iu
all to the amount of 2000 dollars."

Black-hawk was now in the neigiiborhood of Four Lakes, at the head
sources of Rock Ri.er, about GO miles from Fort Wiimebago, and General
Jltkinson was in pursuit of him; but before he reached his place of retreat, he
had retraced his steps, and was next discovered on the Ouisconsin.

About this time, a travelling preacher of the denomination called Dunkards
was killed on the road to Chicago. His head was severed from his body, and
carried off" as a trophy. He w«s noted for his odd ai)|)earance ; his beard
being represented as near a yard in length. He had been informed that sus-
picious Indians were in the neighl>oriiood, and a family, at whose house he
stopped, retreated towards the settlements on receiving the information ; but
the Uunkard preacher tliought proper to abide in the deserted house over
night, and was killed.

On the 22 May, a party of spies having been sent out by General Jllkin-
son, with despatches (or Fort Armstrong, were attacked by the Indians, and
four of them were killed. St. Vrain, an Indian agent, was among the num-
ber. They were all scalped, and their scalp**^'*^ carried to Black-hawk^s
camp. St. Vrain had been odious to the Sacs Iroiu the part he took concern-
ing their removal.

About this time, a man by the name of Smith was m;— dered near the Blue
Mounds on the Galena Irontier, and Mr. ff inters, a mail contractor at Galena,
was killed near Dixon's Ferry. The body of another man was (bund near the
same place, but it was so distifi red that it was not known.

On the 6th June, a small settlement at the month of Plum River, 30 miles
from Galena, was pttacked, and the people retreated to a block-house, which
they had wisely taken the precaution to erect. This the Indians tried to take
for about an hour, but could not effect their oiyect, and drew off'. The inhab-
itants then went down the river in a boat to Galena. Whether any persona
were killed, I do not find.

By the beginning of June, there were so many troops spread over the Indian
country, that Black-hawk's party found but few opportunities to murder the
frontier inhabitants. And although there were about 3000 men in arms to
combat 500 Indians, yet congress ordered (JOO mounted rangei's to be raised
"for the defence of the frontiers."

On the 14lh of June, five persons were killed not far below Hamilton's Fort,
near Galena, and on the ICth one man was killed witlun a mile of the same
place. General Dodge being iu the neighborhood, marched with 30 of his
mounted men immediately in pursuit. When about three miles on his way, he
discovered 12 Indians, whom he took to be the party who had conunitted the
murders, and he pursued them with great spirit. Immediately aller c.ossirig
East Pichetoneka Creek, the Indians buried themselves in a thick swamp.
The whites dismounted, and affer securing their horses, and {tlacinf; u small
guard to watch for any that might attempt to escape, rushed in aller the
retreatmg Indians. They presently came up with them, and began an indis-
rnminate slaughter. No resistance v/as made, and every Indian was killed

G48

STEVENSON'S DEFEAT.— FORTS ATTACKED. [Book V.

or murdered in a few minutes. Not satisfied with this, they tore off the
Bcalps of every one, and bore Jiern off in triumph.

On the same day, Captain Snyder met with and defeated a small Indian
force near Keilog's Grove. Four of the Indians were said to have been killed,
and one of the whites was mortally wounded. Li their return march, they
were attacked by an ambush and defeated, having three of thcu- men killed
and mortally wounded. The whites now escaped by flight.

On the 18th of June, as Captain Stevenson with a small force was scouting
ii;ar where General Dodge cut off the 12 Indians, he was met by a force under
Black-hawk, and a fierce contest ensued. The whites fought well, but they
were defeated. At one time. Captain Stevenson was lell almost alone by his
party, and was severely wounded; but tlicy rallied again, and effected a
retreat, with the loss of three only of their number. The fight was close
and desperate for a short time, in which bayonets, knives and tomahawks
were chiefly used.

An attempt was made on the 24 of June, by a considerable body of war-
riors, to surprise the fort at Buffalo Grove, on llock River, only about 12 miles
to the northward of Dixon's Ferry. It was guarded by 1,50 militia, who were
prepared to meet them, and a considerably sharp centes* ensued. Sixteen
of the Indians were killed before they retreated. But few of the whites
were wounded. The garrison was in great fear of being cut off, having ex-
pended all their ammunition before a reinforcement arrived, which had b. eti
sent for while the attack was going on.

About this time, as Black-hawk was approaching a small fort on Api)K;
River, about 12 miles from Galena, he fell in with four men who hud been
sent express to this place. They did not discover the Indians until fired
upon, when they fled for the fort, and the Indians pursued them ; one of the
men, a Mr. fVelsh, was wounded before reaching tl.e fort, and another miin
was killed in the fort, who had raised his head aoove the pickets to make
discovery. The Indians contented themselves by taking away a considerable
quantity of flour, and a number of cattle and horses. They would doubtless
have burnt the fort and buildings, and killed all the people, but from fear
that the light of them would be seen by some large body of white soldiei-s,
who might pursue and overtake them.

On the 25th of June, a pretty severe fight took place between a company of
spies under Major Dement and a band of Indians, not far from Keilog's
Grove. He had arrived there only the evening before, and being informed
that an Indian trail was discovered in the neighborhood, set oft' inmiediately
with 30 mounted men to attack them. He had not proceeded far before the
Indians appeared, and confidently attacked him. The Indian yell so fright-
ened the horses that they were thrown into confiision, and soon beg;ui a
retreat. The Indians pursued them a considerable distance, and lost nine of
their number, two of whom were chiefs. Five of the whites were killed,
and they lost about 30 of their horses.

On the 29th of Jime, three men were attacked in a field at the Ciucinaway
Mound, about 10 miles from Galena, and two of them were killed. Major
Stevenson marched immediately in pursuit of the murderers. On ar'iviiif; at
the Mound he found the bodies of the two men, John Thompson and James
Boxley, both shockingly mirtilated. The heart of the former was taken out,
and both were scalped. Having left a i'ew men to bury the dead, Majnr
Stevenson followed the trail of the i)arty to the Mississippi, where he found
they had stolen a canoe and effected their escape across the river.

Mention has been made of tiie promj)! action of congress for the relief of
the frontiers. "General Scott was ordered from the sea-board with nine com-
panies of artillery, and their cannon were to i)e drawn from the coast ; nine com-
panies of infantry were ordered from the lakes, and two com[)anies from
Baton Rouge, to put an end to the war. Such was the promptness with
which these orders were executed, that five out of the six companies of
artillery ordered from Fort Monroe in the Chesapeake arrived in 18 days at
Chicago, 1800 miles distant in the interior of the country. Unibrtunately
this detachment was attacked by the cholera on the route, and the whole

Chap. IX.]

RAVAGES OF THE CHOLERA.

(M9

were rer x'red unfit to take tlie field before they arrived at the scene of action."
Accordiiij,r|y Geueral Scott informed General Atkinson that he could not
cooperate witli iiiin without endangering tiie troops already in the field, and
therefore directed him to act without reference to his forces.

Tlie scenes of horror occasioned by this most singular disease will doubt-
less be told of in aller-timcs with an eilect which has not been surpassed in
that of the histories of the plagues iu ancient days. Several of the com-
panies before mentioned were entirely broken up. Of a corps of 208 men
under Colonel Tioiffgs, but nine were lell alive. Mr. John JSTorvell, at Detroit,
wrote on the 1. th July, to tlie editor of the Pennsyivauia Enquirer, concern
ing its ravages in that region, as follows : —

" I regret to add, that the intelligence from the regular troops is disastrous.
Of the three comj)anies of artillery under Colonel Ttoiggs, and two or three
more companies of infantry with them, few retnain. These troops, you will
recollect, landed from the steam-boat Henry Clay below Fort Gratiot. .1 great
number of them have been swept otf by the disease. Nearly all the otiiera
have deserted. Of the deserters, scattered all over the country, some have
died in the woods, and their bodies been devoured by the wolves. I use the
language of a gallant young officer. Others have taken their flight to the
world of spirits, without a companion to close their eyes, or console the last
moments of their existence. Their straggling survivors are occasionally seen
marching, some of them know not whither, with their knapsacks on their
backs, shunned by the terrified inhabitants as the source of a mortal pesti-
lence. Colonel Twiggs himself, and Surgeon Everett, are very low. They
were still living at the latest accounts from Fort Gratiot, and sanguine hopes
were entertained of their recovery. No other officers have yet been assailed,
except Lieutenant Clay.

" You will remember that the troops under Colonel Ciimmings, several of
whom died here, embarked on board the steam-boat William Feun, on Sunday
last, for Chicago. The sickness among them increased as they proceeded to
Fort Gratiot, and became so greaf by the time they arrived there, that they
were disembarked, and have returned to the vicinity of this city, and en-
camped at Spriugwells, about three miles below town. Seventeen or eight-
een of them liave died, and some still remain sick, probably never to recover.
One half of the conmiand of General Scott, ordered to Chicago by the lakes,
will ne\er reach him; a large portion of them dying; a still larger immber
deserting from an overwhelming di'ead of the disease, and the residue obliged
to march back again."

In [lursuing the thread of events in our narrative, we left General Atkinson
in pursuit of Black-hawk, whose camp was said to be at the Four Lakes.
General Atkinson had got this information from a Pottowaliotnie Indian, named
Wapanseth, whom, with several odiers, he had employed for the purpose.
He said the old chief's camp was " inaccessible on all sides, except through a
narrow pass, which was muddy, being otherwise surrounded by water or
swamps. It was a little al»ove the junction of a small creek, called White-
water, with the principal stream of Uock River, and between the two."
But, as we have already noted, when tlie army arrived at the Four Lakes,
Black-hawk had gone ; imd so well did he manage his retreat that the whites
were deceived as to the direction he had taken.

"Gen. Atkinson, expecting, when he inarched, to meet tlie enemy in a
short time, had taken with him but a small (piantity of provisions, in conse-
quence of which he was obliged to halt and divide his forces at Lake Cosh-
ko-nong (one of the four) above named. He himself with the regulars, some
650 strong, remained at the lake ; the militia, consisting of three brigades,
under Generals Posey, Dodge and Henry, about 2000 men, were ordered to
march to Fort Winnebago, on the Ouisconsin, where stores were hourly ex-
pected. It was the intention of the commander-in-chief to consolidate liia
forces, and renew the pursuit as soon as he had obtained sufficient stores."

Instead of crossing the country to escape beyond the Mississippi, as was
expected. Black-hawk descended the Ouisconsin to escape in that direction ;
by which means General Dodge came upon his trail and comiiiencetl a vigor-
ous pursuit. The old chief had received encouragement that in the country
55

1 '

060

BAITLE OF THE OUISCONSIN.

[Rook V

to which lie had retreated, he should not only rccoive additional forces b_v
wliich lie could withstand ail tlie An)ericau9' could bring against him, hu.
also provisions in abundance. He fbi<i:d too late that lie liad been deceived
in both particulars ; he was obliged to fly ironi MkinaorCs army, without pro-
visions, nor had lie time to procure any upon the way. Dodge wii« imme-
diately upon hit' trail, but did not overtake him until near a hundred miles
pursuit

On the 21 of July, General Dodge, with about 900 men besides Lidians
came uj) with Black-hawk on the Ouisconsiu, 40 miles from Fort Winnebago,
over agiiinst the old Sac village, and it was only by the superior munugement
of the old warrior chief, that himself or any of his people escaped ci.pture. A
great number of Indians belonged to Dodge's army, who contributed much
to the successful result of the aft'air. The whites came upon the Indians as
they were about to cross the river, and the time being evening, may account
for their not being all cut off; for immediately after the attack begun, it was
80 dark that the whites could not continue it without disadvantafrt; to them-
Bclves. A letter dated at Fort Howard, 25 July, gives the following account
of the aft'air : —

" Last evening we received the intelligence of a battle having Iwen fought be-
tween Gen, Dodge and his division, and the Sacs and Foxes, in which the former
were victoiious. The particulars, as stated in Capt Pliinplon's letter to Capt.
Clark, are these : Pamuett, with a few Wiimebagos, lell the Portage a few
days since, to proceed to Gen. Dodge's army, and guide them to the Sac
camp. On Saturday morning last, 21st inst.. Gen. Dod^e sent his adjutant
to report to Gen. Jltkinson of his movements. He had not proceedttl far
before he came upon the Sacs' and Foxes' trail, directing their course to the
Ouisconsin river. He immediately returned and reported the circumstance
to Gen. Dodge, who pursued and overtook them about sundown of the same
day, (Saturday) on the lefl bunk of the Ouisconsin, and about 40 miles from
Fort Winnebago, when the fight ensued ; the Indians at the same time re-
treating. The night being very dark, they found it impossible to pursue
them. They had found, when Parqmil lefl them, which was early the next
morning, l(i Indians killed, and but one white man killed, and four wounded.
ParquM thinks not less than 40 Indians fell in the engagement."

We have the official account of the battle by General Dodge ; but as it
contains no additional facts, and is less minute than this, it was^uot thought
worth while to insert it.

The truly deplorable condition of the Indians at this time cannot well be
conceived of. In their pursuit of them before the battle, the whites found
numbers dead in the way — emaciated, and starved to death ! When overtaken
by Gen. Dodge, they were not estimated to be but about 300 men, besides
women and children, and although the affair of the 21st is called a battle, it
does not seem that it can scarcely deserve that name, for if there had been
any thing more than a show of resistance, more of the whites would have
been killed.

The Indians report that they were attacked about a mile from the river :
the approach of the army was discovered, and Black-hawk, with only 50 or
60 men, met them, to give the remainder time to cross to an island. N'eapope,
who had been ordered to march in the rear with about 20 warriors, to give
notice when the whites were discovered, had been passed by them by an un-
expected route, and Black-hawk heard no more from him until after the war.
He found there was no chance of success by continuing it, deserted his
braves, went to the Winnebago village, and soon after became a prisoner to
the whites. Meanwhile General Atkinson had marched from Coshconong,
!iii(l fiillowing in the trail of Dodge, had arrived within two days' march of
the i)laci; where the fight had been with the Indians, and was immediately
ready to cooperate with him. After receiving the news of the battle, he marched
to the Blue Mounds on the Ouisconsin, opposite to where the fight had been.

The Indians were surprised that they were not jiursued ; but for want of
boats or canoes, or the means of constnicting rafts, they could not even cross
to the island to which the Indians hud escaped for two days after, and in th«
tuean thne they escaped. That they were not pressed harder on the night of

k i

Chap. IX.] AFFAIR WITH THE STEA.M-BOAT VVAIIIUOR.

Gol

tho battle, Gflneral Dodge urged in e.xciisc, thut liis men were woin down will)
futigue, huviiig tnaixlieu 40 miles that day.

Among tiie prisoners t^iketi by General Dodge's [mrty, was the wile of tlir
warrior culled the liio-LAKE. She was a .^ister of Keokuk, and her hii.-slmnd
had been killed in tlie fight. Although the white.s were satisfied iM-fure, they
were now intbrnied by this squaw of Black-hawk'a final ruinohitiun ; whieh
was, for such of his men as had good horses to proceed with him and strike
the Missi!!si|)|>i above Prairie du Chien, while the remainder should proceed
by the Ouisconsin ; and a place of rendezvous was appointed for all to meet
on the west side of the great river. Thi.s squaw also stated that Ijefore the
battle on the Ouisconsin, in which she was taken, 200 of Black-hawk'a men
had been killed.

G(;neral Dodge having recommended a cannon to Im) placed on the bank
of the river, at a suitable place below the buttlc-groimd, to cut oil' such na
should attenqU an escape in that direction, marched with his army on the
23d, and joined General Atkinson at the ISlue Mounds, and every thing wa^
immediately put in readiness to pursue the main body of the Indians undui
Black-hawk.

As was intended, many fell into the hands of the whites as they descended
the Ouisconsin. ^ome of the boats conveying these poor wretciies were
overset, and many of those in them were drowned; the greater number, how-
ever, fell into the hands of their enemies in their ptussage. Many of the
children were found to be in such a famished state tiiat they could not be
revived.

Several untoward circumstances now transpired to prevent the escape of
the main body under Black-hawk. The first was his falling in with a .steam-
boat on the 1st of August, just as they were preparing to cross the M irisissi|)])i, by
which means that day was lost. And upon the next day, the whole army of
whites under Grcneral Atkinson came upon them, which completed their
destruction. As in the afiair of the 21 of July on the Ouisconsin, Black-haitk
did not wish to fight, but to escape ; and when the steam-boat fell in with
him he used every means to give the captain of her to understand that lie
desired to surrender. He displayed two white flags, and about 1.10 of his
men approached the river without arms, and made signs of submission ; bi-t
whether, as was said by the whites, the interpreter on board was so frightened
that he could not convey the meaning of those on shore to the ca[)tuin ( ' ihe
boat, or whether, as it would seem, the whites were determined to kill Indians,
we will not take upon us to decide, but lay before the reader the account of
the affair by Captain /. Throcmorton, of the boat, which is as follows : —

" Prairie du Chien, 3 Aug. 1832, I arrived at this place on Monday last,
[30 July,] and was despatched, with the Warrior alone, to Wapashaw's village,
120 miles above, to inform them of the approach of the Sacs, and to order
down all the friendly Indians to this place. On our way down, we met one
of the Sioux band, who informed us that the Indians (our enemies) were on
Bad-a:?e River, to the number of 400. We stopped and cut some wood, and
prepared for action. About 4 o'clock on Wednesday afternoon, [1 Aug.]
we found the gentlemen [Indians] where he stated he had left tiiem. As we
ueared them, they raised a white flag, and endeavored to decoy us ; but we
were a little too old for them ; for instead of landing, we ordered them to send
a boat on board, which they declined. After about 15 minutes' delay, giving
them time to remove a few of their women and children, we let slip a six-
pounder loaded with canister, followed by a severe fire of musketry ; and if
ever you saw straight blankets, you would have seen them there. I fought
them at anchor most of the time, and we were nil very much exposed. I have
a ball which came in close by where I was standing, and passed through the
bulk-head of the wheel-room. We fought them for about an hour or more,
until our wood began to fail, and night coming on, we left, and went on to the
Prairie. This little fight cost them 23 killed, and, of course, a great mnny
wounded. We never lost a man, and had but one man wounded, (shot through
the leg.) The next morning, before we could get back again, on account of a
heavy fog, they had the whole [of General Atkinson's^ army ii|)oii tluni. Wo
foiui^ them at it, walked in, and took a hand ourselves. The first t-lioi fro u

652

DHFEAT OF DLACK-IIAVVK ON TFIE MISSISSIPPI. [B.mii V.

the Warrior laid out three, I can hardly tell you uiiy thing about it, for I am
ill L'rciit liiiHtc, (iH I am now on my way to the fit-ld agaui. The army lost
eight or nine killed, and seventeen wounded, whom we brought down. One
died on deck last night. We brought down Jf! prisoners, women and children.
1 tell you what, Sam, there is no I'un in fighting Indians, particularly at this
season, when the grass is so very bright. Every man, and even my cabin-l)oy,
fought well. We had 1(5 regulars, 5 riflemen, and '20 of ourselves. Mr. //ojp,
of Platte, Mr. James G. SoularJ, and one of the RoUttts, were with us, and
fought well."

Lieutenant Kinirsbun/, an officer in command of the United States' troops on
Itoard the Wamor ut tl'ie time of the fight, reported that, about 40 miles above
Prairie dii Chien, a great number of the Sacs and Foxes were seen, who hoisted
a white flag, but would not send a canoe on board, although they were told
that, in case they did not, they should lie fired upon, which was inune-
diately done. They seetned much alarmed when the six-pounder was dis-
charged upon them, and all immediately covered themselves with trees and
whatever offered. Five or six were supposed to have been killed.

Early on the morning of the next day, August 2, the whole combined army,
amounting to KiOO men, came up with the Lidians; and the following are
the particular details of that whole transaction, as published at Galena, four
days aflcr it happened, namely, August 6.

" The whole ai-my under General Atkinson, embracing tlie brigades com-
manded by Generals Henrt/, Posey, and Alexander, and squadron under com-
mand of General Dodse, all crossed over to the north side of the Ouisconsin
at Helena, on the 28t7i and 2Dth ult. They took up a line of march in a
northerly direction, in order to intersect the Indian trail. At the distance of
about five miles, the great trail was discovered, leading in a direction N. of W.
towards the Mississip|)i, and sujtposed to be about tour days old. General ^H-
kinson, seeing the direction of the enemy, knew well that it would require all
diligence and expedition to overtake them before they would cross the Mis-
sissippi, and hence commenced from that time a forced march; leaving all
baggage wagons, a>,\d every thing else which was calculated to retard the
pursuit.

" The country through which the enemy's trail led our army between the
Ouisconsin Bluffs and the Kickapoo River was one continued series of moun-

ins. No sooner had they reached the summit of one high and almost per-
pendicular hill, than they had to descend on the other side equally steep to
the base of another. Nothing but a deep ravine, with muddy banks, separated
these mountains. The woods, both i^pon the top of the highest mountains,
and at the bottom of the deepest hollows, was of tlie heaviest growth. The
under-bushes were chiefly thorn and prickly ash. This is a short description
of the route, and shows tlie difficulties of the pursuit. Notwithstanding all
this, our army gained on the enemy daily, as appeared from the enemy's en-
campments. The tedious march thus continued was met by our brave troops
without a murmur; and as the Indian signs appeared more recent, the officers
and men appeared more anxious to push on. On the fourth night of our
march from Helena, and at an encam,)rnent of the enemy, was discovered an
old Sac Indian, by our spies, who informed them that the main l)ody of the
enemy had, on that day, gone to the Mississippi, and intended to cross on the
next morning, Aug. 2d. The horses being nearly broken down, and the men
nearly exhausted from fatigue. General Atkinson ordered a halt for a few
hours, (it being after 8 o'clock,) with a determination to start at 2 o'clock for
the Mississippi, about ten miles aistant. At the precise hour the bugles sound- .
ed, and in a short time all were ready to march.

" General Dodgers squadron was lionored with being placed in front ; the
infantry followed next ; General Henry^s brigade next ; General Alexander's next :
and General Posey's formed the rear-guard. Gcsneral Dodse called for, and
as soon received, 20 volunteer spies to go ahead of the whole army.

" Li this order the march commenced. They had not, however, gone more
tlian five miles, before one of our spies came back, announcing their having
come in sight of the enemy's picket-guard. He went bark, and the intelli-
gence was quickly conveyed to General Atkinson, then to all the comuuuideri

;' I

Chap. IX] DEFEAT OF DLACK-HAWK ON THE MISSISSIPPI.

G53

of the brigades; and the celerity of the march waA instantly increased. In a
r(>w minutes more, tlie firing commenced atubout 500 yards aliiiud of the front
of the army, between our spies and the Indian picket guard. The Indiiitia
were driven by our spies from hill to hill, iind kept up a tolerably brisk tiring
from every situation commanding the groi. id over which our spies hud to
march ; but being charged upon and routed from their hiding-places, they
sought safety by retreating to the niidn body on the bunk of ihe river, and
joinmg in one general eflort to defend themstdves there or die on thi; grnimd.

"Lest some might escape by retreating up or «lown the river, General ,lt-
kiruon very Judiciously ordered Cieneral Altxandtr and General Posey to form
the right wing of the army, and rnarcli down to the river above the Indian
encampment on the bank, and then move down. Genend Henri) formed the
left wing, and marched in the tnuin trail of the enemy. The l/. S. inluntry,
and General Dodge's squadron of the mining troops, marebetl in the centre.
With this order our whole force descended the almost |)i rpendiculur blufl^
and came into a low valley, lieuvily timbered with a large growth of under-
brush, weeds and grass. — Sloughs, deep ravines, old logs, &,c. were so plenti-
ful as to ufibrd ev»;ry facility f<jr the enemy to m;ike a strong defence. Gen-
eral Henri/ first came upon and commenced a hej'vy fue, which was njturned
by the enemy. The enemy, being routed from their first hiding-places, sought
others. Gcuieral Dodge's squadron and the U. S. troops soon came into action,
and, with General Henrifs men, rushed into the strong defiles of the enemy,
and kilh'd all in their way, except a few who succeeded in swimming a. slough
of the Mississippi, 150 yards wide. During this time tli- brigades of Generals
Alexander and Posey were marching do.vn the river, when they fell in with
another part of the enemy's army, and killed and routed all tliat opposed
them.

" The battle lasted tipwards of three hours. About 50 of the enemy's women
and children were taken prisoners, and many, by accident in the battle, were
killed. When the Indians were driven to the bank of the Mississippi, some
buiidreds of men, women, and children, plunged into the river, and hoped by
diving, &c. to escape the bulleta of our guns ; very few, however, escaped our
sharp-shooters.

" The loss on the side of the enemy never can be exactly ascertained, but,
according to the best computation, they must have lost in killed upwards of
150. Our loss in killed and woimded was 27.

" Sorne hud crossed the river before our arrival ; and we learn by a prisoner,
that Black-hawk^ while the battle waxed wann, had stolen oW, and gone up
the river on this side. If he did, he took nothing with him ; for his valuables,
many of them, together with certificates of good character, and of his hav-
ing fought bravely against the United States during the last war, &c., signed
by British officers, were found on the battle-ground.

" It is the general impression in the army and at this place, that the Sacs
would be glad to conclude a peace on almost any tenns we might propose.
On the morning of the 4th inst a party of Sioux came to our camp, and beg-
ged preniission to go on the back trail and have a fight with them. On the
same day, our whole lu-my started to go dowc to Prairie du Chien, (about 40
miles,) and wait further orders,

" General Atkinson, accompanied by Generals Dodge and Posey, with tho
U. S. inlimtry, arrived at the Prairie on the evening of the 4th, on board the
S. B. Warrior, and will remain until the mounted volunteers arrive. The
Winnebagos, at Prairie du Chien, are daily bringing in Sac prisoners and
scalps.

" On the same day, a party of 15 men from Cassville, unner command of
Captain Price, were reconnoitring tlie country betweeu that pkiee and tlie
Ouisconsin, and fell upon a fresh Sac trail making towards tlie Mississiiipi.
They ruslied with full speed of horses, and soon came upon, killed and took
prisoners to the number of 12.

" General Scott and staff left here this morning for Prairie du Chien, in
tho steam-boat Warrior, to join General Atkinson."

TJiis was the finisinng stroke to the war with the Sacs and Foxes, although
Black-hawk himself hud made his escape. General Atkinson immediately
55*

dTA

NEAPOPE.

inuoK V

;«>

directed Keokuk to smid out somn of liia IiuIinnB to demand a niirrendi'r of all
llie warriors tliat liati i'Hca|)(Mi, and if |i088il)le to capture Black-hawk, uiid
briii)j; iiiiii ill eitlirr alivu or doiul.

Kt'spKctiii^ his iuHt liuttiu, liluck-hnwk lias said, that when tlie whites raine
upon hiri |>eople, tliey trind to give theiimelvcH up, and made no hIiow of re-
Histuiice until tiio Holdiers began to slaughter them, and then his bravi.'s deter-
mined to tight until they were all killed. With a siiimII party he went to tho
Winnebago village at I'rairie la CroHs. Here he told the chief he desired to
give himself up to tli<! whiles, and let them kill him, if they wished to do so.
The s(piuw8 at this filucc; made him a dress of white deerskins, prei)aratory
to his dcpartur ! for I'rairie dii Cliieti, to which it appears he went voluntarily
with those that had been sent out al\er him.

The Hioiix, of whom we have made mention, that had permission to go out
after the flying Sacs on the 'M of August, were about 100 in number. They
soon after met with the flying '.laiid on the west side of the Mississippi, and
indiseriiiiinately miirdereci about V20 of the poor half-starved creatures who
had esea|)eit from the whites through so many perils.

A most distressing incident is related as having taken place in the battle of
the 2 Allgll^'t, which it may not he improper to lay before the reader, tiiat ex-
amples of tlij horrors of war may not be wanting. " When our troops charged
the enemy in their d-;fi!cs near the bank of the Mississippi, men, women, and
children, were seen mixed together, in such a manner as to render it diflicult
to kill one, and save the other. A ^oung squaw of about 19 stood in the
gross at a short distance from our line, holding her little girl in her arms,
about four years old. While thus standing, apparently unconcerned, < ball
struck tho right arm of the child above the elbow, and, shattering the bone,
passed into the breast of its poor mother, who instontiy lell dead to the
ground. She fell upon ^he child, and confined it to the ground also. During
the whole battle, this babe was heard to groan and (all lor relief, but none
had time to aflbrd it. When, however, the Indians had retreated from that
spot, and the battle had nearly subsided, Lieutenant Anderson, of the
United States' army, went to the place and took from under the dead motl.er
her wounded daughter, and brought it to a phice selected for surgical aid. It
was soon ascertained tliat its arm must come off; and the operation was per-
formed upon the little sufferer without drawing from it a tear or a shriek."
At the last accounts it was doing well. When we are told that this Indian
child was sucking a piece of dry biscuit during the whole time of the ampu-
tation, it almost causes a disbelief of the whole story ; but such are the
facts given.

Although no further depredations could be feared from the Sacs, yet on the
9 August, six Indians approached a block-house on Cedar Creek, which runs
into Henderson's River, about 10 miles nortl of Warren court-house, and shot,
tomahawked and sculped a young man named WUliam Martin. They
left behind them a pair of leggins and a loaded gun, and fled, as was sup-
posed, over the Mississippi. A company of 15 rangers went in immediate
pursuit, nit could not come up with them. It wos soon after discovered that
this mure er was committed by some of KeokuKs band, and he gave up his
nephew as the perpetrator of it.

fiitt

CHAPTER X.

Particulars in theltvcs of the chief men — Neapope — His account of Itimsrf — Surren-
der of Bl,ACK-HAWK — Speeches on the occasion — His speech on ihi siiniii — Purlieu-
lars in his early history — \YABOKiEsuiEK,t/(fi Prophet — Treaty of Si plrinlx r. l,-^;l*J —
— .iccouiU of Black-hawk's companions — Jirrical of the Indians at iVashlngton—
Black-hawk's interview loith the President.

Neapope was second in command to Black-hnwk, and in all the expeditionn
ftgt'.inst the whites; he was taken prisoner in the fight with the Sioux, and ai

CUAP. X.I

SURKKNDRR OF IlLACK-IIAWK.

6.U

hin oxniiiiiiMtion nf^nrwnnlH Ity Gcnnrnl Si:olt, nhniit the miinlrrH wliicii hiul
been (■orririiiri(Ml nii tlin wliitcH, lio ^iiw this iirconiit of liiiiiHt-ll': —

"1 iilwiijH iNiloiigiMl lo lilack-hawk^K InwkI. Limt Hiiiiiiner I went to MiiMeii ;
when I raine hack, I found that hy thi; treaty with (lenural Uttinra, \\w Hni-a
had moved acroHH the MiMHit*Hi|>|ii. I reniahied during the winter with tha
l*ro|)li4-t, on Kock llivcr, 35 miles nhovc tlie mouth. During th<s winter, thu
I'mphet Ment (lie across tlie MisHiHai|)]>i, to lilack-hatck, with a niesMigu, to tel.
liim and his l)and to cmsM hack to liis village and muk<! corn ; that if the
AuicricanH raino and told them to move again, they would shake hands with
them. If the Americans liad como and told us to move, we shuiiUl liavo
nhakeri hands, and inunediutely have moved peaccahly. We encam|ied oti
Symcuse Creek. We met some Foltowaltomios, and 1 made a feast for them.
At that time I heard th<-re were some Americans [under Major Stillinan]
near us. I prepared a white flag to go and see them, and sent two or throe
young men on a hill to see what they were doing. Itefore the feast was
tinislied, I heard my ynimg men were killed. This was at sunset. Some of my
young meu ran out; two killed, and the Americans wen; seen rushing on to
our camp. My young m(;n fired a few guns, atid the Americans run off, and
my young men chased them ahout six miles."

JVeapojte further said, that the Pottowuttoinies of the village immediately
lefl them, and that no Kikapoos joined them, hut those who were originally
witU Bluck-h/twk; hut the Winnehagos did, and hroiiglit in scalps tVei|uent-
ly; that, at last, wlien tiicy found the Sacs would be hiaten, they turned
against iliem. It was also given in hy some of those examined at this titne,
that Blw.k-hawk siiid, when the steam-hoat Warrior approaclu^d them, that he
pitied the women and children, and hcgan to make preparations to surrender
to the whites, and for that [turpose sent out a white Hag to meet the boat,
which immediately fired ufwn them. Then said he, ^^IJired loo." The truth
of this will not be questioned, inasmuch as the facts agree with the captain
of the Warrior's own account Hence the inference is clear, that much blood
might have been saved, but for the precipitancy of those who only sought a
fight with the Indians.

Parties of the friendly tribes were so continually on the alert, that it seemed
very probable the principal chiefs would soon fiill into their hands. These
expectations were soon realized ; for at 11 o'clock, 27 August, Black-hawk and
his Prophet were delivered to General Street at Prairie du Chien. Tliey were
brought hy two Winnebagoes, Decorie and Chaetar, and, when delivered, were
dressed in a full dress of white-tanned deerskins. Soon ailer they were
seated in the presence of the officer, Decorie, called the One-eyed, rose and
spoke thus to him : —

"My father, I now stand before you. When we parted, I told you I would
return soon ; but I could not como ony sooner. We have hud to go a great
distance, [to the Dalle, on the Ouisconsin, above the Portage.] You see wo
have done what you sent us to do. These [pointing to the prisoners] are the
two you told us to get We hare done what you told us to do. We always
do what you tell us, because we know it is for our good. Father, you told us
to get these men, and it would be the cause of much good to the Winneba-
gocB, We have brnuglit them, but it has been very hard for us to do bq.
That one, Mucaiamiskkakaekq, [meaning Black-hawk,] was a great way off.
You told us to bring them to you alive: we have d'-ne sa If yon hud told
us to bring their heads alone, we would have done so, and it would have been
less difficult than what we have done. — Father, we deliver these men into
your hands. Wo would not deliver them even to our brother, the chief of the
wan'iors, but to you ; because we know you, and we Iwlieve you are our
friend. We want you to keep tlicni safe ; if they are to he huit, we do
not wish to see it Wait until we are gone before it is done. — Father, many
little birds have been flying about our ears of late, and we thought they whis-
pered to us that there was evil intended for us; but now we hope these evil
birds will let our ears alone. — We know you are our friend, l>ecause you take
our part, and that is the reason we do what you tell us to do. You say you
love your red childreu : we think we love you as much if not more than you
love us. We have confidence in you, and you may rely on Ud. We liavo

656

BLiCK-HAWK.

fBooK V.

ti'i

been promisrtl a gront deal if we would take these men, — that it would do
iimcli good to our people. We now hope to see what will be done for us. —
We have come in haste ; we are tired and hungry. We now put these men
into your hands. We have done all that you told us to do."

General Street said, in answer : —

"My eiiildren, you have done well. I told you to bring these men to mc,
and you have done so. I am pleased at what you have done. It is for your
good, and for this reason I am pleased. I assured the great chief of the
warriors, [(Jcneral JItkinson,] that if these men were in your country, you
would find them, and bring them to mo, uud now I can say much for your

ffood. I will go down to Rock Island with the prisoners, and I wish you who
Kive brought these men, especially, to go witli me, with such other chiefs and
warriors as you may select. My children, the great chief of the warriors,
when he lell this place, directed me to deliver these, and all other prisoners,
to the chief of the warriors at this place. Colonel Taylor, who is here by me.
— Some of the Winnebagoes south of the Ouisconsin have befriended the
Saukies, [Saes,] and some of the Indians of my agency have also given them
aid. This displeaseth the great chief of the warriors and your great tiither
the i)resident, and was calculated to do much harm. — Your great father, the
president at Washington, has sent a great war-chief from the Ijjr east. General
Scott, with a fresh army of soldiers. He is now at Rock Island. Your great
father, the president, has sent him and the governor and chief of Illinois to
hold a council with the Indians. He has sent a speech to you, and wishes
the chiefs and warriors of the Winnebagoes to go to Rock Island to the
council on the tenth of next month. I wish you to be ready in three days,
when I will go with you. — I am well jjleased that you have taken the Black-
hawk, the Prophet, and others prisoners. This will enable me to say much
for you to the; great chief of the warriors, and to the president, your great
father. My children, I shall now deliver the two men, Black-hawk and the
Prophet, to the chief of the warriore here; he will take care of them till we
Btart to Rock Island."

Colonel Taylor, having taken the prisoners into his custo<ly, addressed the
chiefs as follows: —

"The great chief of the warriors told me to take the prisoners when you
shall bring them, and send them to Rock Island to him. I will take them
and keep them safe, but I will use them well, and send them with you and
General Street, \vlien you go down to the council, which will be in a few days.
Your Iriend, General Street, advises you to get ready and go down soon, and
so do I. I tell you again I will take the prisoners ; I will keep them safe, but
I will do them no harm. I will deliver them to the great chief of the war-
riors, and he will do with them and use them in such manner as shall be
ordered by your great father, the president"

Chaetar, the other Winnebago, next spoke, and said, "My father, I am

{oung, and do not know how to make speeches. This is the second time
ever spoke to you before people. — I am no chief; I am no orator; but
I have been allowed to speak to you. If I should not speak as well as others,
Btill you must listen to me. Father, when you made the speech to the chiefs
fVaugh kon Decorie Carranmni, the One-eyed Decorie, and others, 'tother day,
I was there. I heard you. I thought what you said to them, you also said
to me. You said, if these two [pointing to Black-hawk and the Prophet] were
Uiken by us and brought to you, there wouKI never more a black cloud hang
over your Winnebagoes. Your wortls entered into my ear, into my brains,
ai:d into my heart. I lell here that same night, and you know you have not
seen me since until now. I have been a great way; I had much trouble;
but when I rcinendx-red what you said, I knew what you said was right.
This made ine continue and do what you told me to do. Near the Dalle, on
the Ouisconsin, I took Black-hawk. No one did it but me. I say this in the
ears of all itr<!sent, and they know it — and I now appeal to the (Jreat Spirit,
our grundliithcr, and the earth, our grandmother, for the trutii of wliat 1 say.
Father, I am no chief, but what I have done is for the benefit of my nation,
and I hope to see the good that has been promised to us. That one fVa-bo-
kie-shkk, [the I'rophet,'\ is my relation — if lie is to be hurt, I do not wish to

Chap. X.J

BLACK-n.VWK.

657

■ee it. Father, soldiers sometimes stick the eiuls of their guns into the backs
of Indian prisoners when tliey ore going about in the hands of the guard.
I hope this will not be dono to these men."

The following is said to be the speech which Black-hawk made when he
surrendered hiniself to the agent at Pairie du Chien : —

" You have taken me prisoner with all my warriors. I am much grieved,
for I expected, if I did not defeat you, to hold out much longer, and give you
more trouble betbre I surrendered. I tried hard to bring you into ambush,
out your last general understands Indian fighting. The first one was not so
wise. When I saw that I could not beat yo^ ; by Indian fighting, I determined
to rush on you, and fight you face to face, i I - giit hard. But your guns were
»vell aimed. The bullets flew like birds in tJio air, and whizzed by our enrs
like the wind through the trees in the wintei'. My warriors fell around me ;
it began to look dismal. I saw my evil day at hand. The sun rose dim on
us in the morning, and at night it sunk in a dark cloud, and looked like a
ball of fire. That was the lust sun that shone on Black-hawk. His heart is
dead, and no longer beats quick in his bosom. — lie is now a prisoner to the
white men; they will do with him as they wish. But he can stand torture,
and is not afraid of death. He is no coward. Black-hawk is an Indian.

" He has done nothing for which an Indian ought to be ashamed. He has
fought for his countrymen, the squaws and papooses, against white men, who
came, year after year, to cheat them and take away their lands. You know
the cause of our making war. It is known to all white men. They ought
to be ashamed of it. The white men despise the Indians, and drive them
fiom their homes. But the Indians are not deceitful. The white men speak
bad of the Indian, and look at him spitefully. But the Indian does not tell
lies ; Indians do not steal.

" An Indian, who is as bad as the white men, could not live in our nation ; he
would be put to death, and eat up by the wolves. The white men ai*e bad
schooknasters ; they carry false looks, and deal in false actions ; they smile
in the face of the poor Indian to cheat him ; they shake them by the hand to
gain their confidence, to make them drunk, to deceive them, and ruin our
wives. We told them to let us alone, and keep away from us ; but they fol-
lowed on, and beset our paths, and they coiled themselves among us, like the
snake. They poisoned us by their touch. We were not safe. We lived in
danger. We were becoming like them, hypocrites and lia,."s, adulterers, lazy
drones, all talkers, and no workers.

" We looked up to the Great Spirit. We went to our great father. We were
encouraged. His great council gave us fair words and big promises; but we
got no satisfaction. Things were growing worse. There were no deer in
the forest. The opossum and beaver were fled; the springs were dijing up,
and our squaw? and papooses without victuals to keep them froni starving;
we called a great council, and built a large fire. The spirit of our fathers
arose and spoke to us to avenge our wrongs or die. We all spoke before the
council fire. It was warm and pleasant. We set up the war-wiioop, and dug
up the tomahawk ; our knives were ready, and the heart of Black-hawk swelled
high in his bosom, when he led his warriore to battle. He is satisfied. He
will go to the world of spirits contented. He has done his duty. His fiithor
will meet him there, and commend him.

" Black-haiok is a true Indian, and disdains to cry like a woman. Ho feels
for his wife, his children and fi-iends. But he does not care for himsoll'. Me
cares for his nation and the Indians. They will suffer. He laments tiicir fate.
The white men do not scalp the head ; but they do worse — tiioy poison the
heart ; it is not pure with them. — His countrymen will not be scalped, but they
will, in a few years, become like the white men, so that you can't trust them,
and there must bo, as in the white settlements, nearly as wnny oflicere as men,
to take care of them and keep them in order.

" Farewell, my nation ! Black-hawk tried to save you, niid avenge your
wrongs. He drunk the blood of some of the whites. He has been taken pris-
oner, and his plans are stopped. He can do no mor<?. He is near his end.
His sun is setting, and he will rise no more. Farewell to Black-hawk."

658

BLACK-HAWK.

iBooK V.

M "

It is somewhat singular that the old chief should ever have been takeu alive,
and he probably never would have "been by the whites. When it was report-
ed currently that he had sacrificed himself in the stand that he made upon
the banks of the Mississippi, in the end of July, as has been related, Spenser's
famous lines were the first to discover themselves to our mind, upon the great
event

" Unto the mighty stream him to betake,
Where he an eud of battle and of life did make."

Fairy Q"ef,n.

But we were soon glad to learn that the report, like the lines of Spenser, was
only poetry.

It can be scarcely necessary to add that the prisoners were set at liberty, and
the offenders were ordered again to be sought after.

On the 7 September, the Indian prisoners and their guards went on board
the steam-boat Winnebago, and were conveyed down the river to Jefferson
Barracks, ten miles below St. Louis. There were, besides Black-haick and
the prophet, eleven chiefs or head men of the Sacs and Foxes, together with
about fifty less distinguished warriors. These were landed just above the lower
rapids, on their pledge of remaining peaceable. Two days before, a boat
had conveyed to the barracks six or seven warriors, among whom was JVea-
pope. On their arrival at the barracks, all of them were put in irons.

Black-haivk is not so old a man as was generally supposed. Some, who
knew him well, said he was not above 48, although the toils of wars had made
hhn appear like one of 70.* He was by birth a Pottowattomie, but brought
up by the Sacs. His height is about six feet. As to his physiognomy, it is un-
necessaiy lor us to add concerning it here, as timt may be better had from an
inspection of the engraving of him, as our likeness is said, by many who have
seen him, to be excellent.

Like other Indian names, his is spelt in as many ways as times used by
different writers. At a treaty which he made with the United States in 1829, at
Prairie du Chien, it is written Hay-ray-tskoan-sharp, In a description of him
about the time he was taken, we find h'lm Bye\t Mus-cata-mish-ka-kaek ; and
several others might be added.

The Prophet, or Wabokieshiek, (White-cloud,) is abovt 40 years old, and nearly
six feet high, stout and athletic. He was by one side a Winnebago, and the
other a Sac or Saukie, and is thus described : — He " has a large, broad face,
short, blunt nose, large, full eyes, broad mouth, thick lips, .vith a full suit of
hair. He wore a white cloth head-dress, which rose several inches above the
top of his head ; the whole man exhibiting a deliberate suvagencss ; not that
he would seem to delight in honorable wiu', or fight, but marking him as the
priest of assassination or secret murder. He had in one hand a white flag,
while the other hung carelessly by his side. They were both clothed in very
white dressed deerskins, fringed at the seams with short cuttings of the same."
This description, though written long before any j)ainting was made of him,
will be found, we think, to correspond very well with the engraving of him
which we have given.

It is said by many, and is evident from Black-hatnk^s account, that Wahokits-
hiek was the prime mover of this war, and had powwowed up a belief among
his people, that he was able to conjure such kind of events as he desired;
and that he had made Black-hawk believe the whites were but few, and could
not fight, and therefore might easily be driven from the disputed lands. It
seems, however, rather incredible that Black-hawk should have believed that
the Americans were few and could not fight, when it is known tiiat he was
opposed to them in the lii^t war, and must, therefore, have been convincetl
of the falsity of such a report long before tiiis war.

In September, a treaty was made by the United States with the Winncba-

• In thoacronnt of his life, published by Mr. J. li, Patterson, in 1831, Illack-hawk says ho
was born in 17C7, on Rock River ; iind hi'nro, in 13.32, he was in his Cith year. His f'aihpr's
name was Pvksa. His tfrnal-grnndfaiher's name was Na-na-ma-kkk, or Thuiiaer, who
was born in the vicinity of l\Iontreai, " where the Great Spirit first placid tlic Sac uatioii "

Chap. X.]

BLACK-IIA'VK.

659

gjcs, and another with the Sjics and Foxes. The former ceded all their lands
Houth of the Ouisconsin, and east of the Mississippi, amounting to 4,000,000
acres of valuable lands. The treaty with the Sacs and Foxes was on the 21
of that month, and 6,000,000 acres were acquired at that time, « of a quality
not inferior to any between the same parallels of latitude." It abounds iu
lead ore, and the Indians say in others.

For these tracts the United States agreed to make the following considera
tions: — " To pay an annuity of 20,000 dollars for 30 years ; to support a black
smith and gunsmith in addition to those then employed ; to pay the debts of
the tribes ; to supply provisions; and, as a reward for the fidelity of Keokvk
and the friendly band, to allow a reservation to be made for them of 400
miles square * on the loway River, to include Keokuk^ s^rmc\\)&\ village."

By tlie same treaty, Black-hawk, his two sous, the Prophet, JVaopope, and
five others, principal warriors of the hostile bands, were to rcmam in the
hands of the whites, as hostages, during the pleasure of the president of tlio
United States. The other prisoners were given up to the iiiendly Indians.

A gentleman who visited the captive Indians at Jefferson Barracks, Mis-
souri, speaks thus concerning them : — " We were immediately struck with
admiration at the gigantic and symmetrical figures of most of the warriors,
who seemed, as they reclined in native ease and gracefulness, with their half-
naked bodies exposed to view, rather like statues from some master-hand,
than like beings of a race whom we had heard characterized as degenerate
and debased. We extended our hands, which they rose to grasp, and to our
question, ' How d'ye do ? ' they responded in the same words, accompanying
them with a hearty shake." " They were clad in leggins and moccasins of
buckskin, and wore blankets, which were thrown around them in the manner
of the Roman toga, so as to leave their right arms bare." " The youngest
among them were painted on their necks, with a liright vermilion color, and
had their faces transversely streaked with alternate red and black stripes.
From their bodies, and from their faces and eyebrows, they i)iuck out the
hair with the most assiduous care. They also shave, or pull it out from their
heads, with the exception of a tuft of about three fingers' width, extending
from between the forehead and crown to the back of the head ; this they
sometimes plait into a queue on the crown, and cut the edges of it down to
an inch in length, and plaster it with the vermilion, which keeps it erect, and
gives it the appearance of a cock's-comb."

The same author says, the oldest son of Black-hawk, JVasinewiskuk, called
Jack, but for want of " that peculiar expression whicii emanates fiom a culti-
vated intellect," could have been looked upon by him "as the living personi-
fication of his beau ideal of maidy beauty." He calls Black-hawk Mack-atama-
sic-ac-ac, and states his height at about five feet eight inches, and that he
should judge his age to be 50. Those who have known him for years, say his
disposition is very amiable ; that he is endowed with great kindness of heart,
and the strictest integrity ; that, like Mishikinnkiva, he was not a chief by
birth, but acquired the title by bravery and wisdom.

JVaseuskuck, or the Thundercloud, is the second son of Black-hawk, and accom-
panied him in his cdptivity. He is said not to he very handsome.

Opeekceshieck, or fVabokieshiek, the Prophet, of whom we have already given
some particulars, carries with him a huge pipe, a yard in length, witti the
stem ornamented with the neck t(;atliers of a duck, and beads and ribands
of various colors. To its centre is attached a fan of feathers. He wears hia
hair long all over his head.

Nf.-a-vope, JVaopope,JVaapope,&.c., or BrofA, of whom we have also several
times spoken, was brother to the Prophet, and "some years hisjnnior;" and
oiu" informant adds, "he resembles hitn in height and figure, though lie is not
so robust, and his face is more sharp: in wickedness of ex|)ressi()n they are
j)ar nobile fratrum." " When Mr. Catlin, the artist, was about taking tiie por-
trait of .'Vart/7o;je, he seized the ball and chain that were fiistened to his I'g,
and raising them on high, exclaimed, witJi a look of scorn, ' Make me so, ana

* So says our authority, {Niles's Ri's^sier,) but we very much doul)t lliis enormous spnce
10 mill!'* >fiuareffives ItiOO square miles, which perhaps mijfht have been the truth l}ii'>
kiiicii IGO.IXXj sijuare miles are cousidereU, all probability is outraged.

660

BLACK-HAWK.

[Book V

I*' ■

show me to tlie great father.'" On Mr. Callings refusing to paint him as he
wislied, he i<e|it vtirying his countenance with grimaces, to prevent him from
catching a hketiess.

'■^ Powteshieck, or Straivbeny, ia the only Fox among them, the rest
Iwing ail Sacs. He is the son of the chief Epancis: his parents dying while
he was an infant, he was adopted by JVaapope. He ii li) years of age."

"^Pomahoe, or Fasl-suiminivg-Jish, is a short, thick set, good-natured old
brave, wiio bears his mistbrtunes with a philosophy worthy of tne ancients."

The following act of congress we extract, as it throws light upon suhse-
«|uent details : — " For the .xpensps of 12 prisoners of war of the Sac and Fox
tribes, now in confinement, and to be held as hostages, under the seventh
article of the treaty of 21 Sept. 1832, embracing the cost of provisions and
clothing, compensation to an interpreter, and cost of removing them to a
place of safety, where they may be kept without being closely confined, the
sum of 2500.""

On the 22 April, (1833,) the captive Indians arrived at Washington, and the
next day Black-hawk had a long interview with President Jackson. The first
words with which it is said he accosted the president were, " I AM A MAN,
AND YOU ARE ANOTHER."

The [jresident, afler a few brief observations, directed the articles of dress
j)rovided lor them to be exhibited to them, and told Black-hawk that the
whole would be delivered to him to be distributed as, in his judgment, he
should think best. He then told them they must depart immediately for Fort
Monroe, and remain there contented, until he gave them permission to return
to their country. That time, he said, depended upon the conduct of their
people ; that they would not be set at liberty, until all the articles of the
treaty had been complied with, and good feelings were evinced by their
countrymen. The Prophet then said : —

" We expected to return immediately to our people. The war in which
we have been involved, was occasioned by our attempting to raise provisions
on our own lands, or where we thought we had a right so to do. We have
lost many of our people, as well as the whites. Our tribes and families are
now exposed to the attacks of our enemies, the Sioux and the Menominies.
We hope, therefore, to be permitted to return home to take care of them."

Black-hawk spoke some time to the president, giving a clear and compre-
hensive history of the rise of the war, and, towards the close, said : —

" We did not expect to conquer the whites ; no. They had too many
Jiouses — too many men. I took up the hatchet, for my part, to revetige
injuries wliicn my people could no longer endure. Had I borne them linger
without St iking, my people would have said, Black-haivk is a woman ; he is
too old to be a chief— he is no Sac. These reflections caused me to raise the
war-whoop. I say no more of it ; it is known to you. Keokuk once was
here ; you took him by the hand, and when he wished to return to his
home, you were willing. Black-hawk expects, that, like Keokuk, we shall be
permitted to return too."

The president added, that he was well acquainted with the circumstances
w liich led to the disastei-s to which they had alluded. It was unnecessary to look
back upon them. He intended now to secure the obsei-vance of j)eace.
They need not feel any uneasiness, he said, about their own women and
children. They should not suffer from the Sioux and Menominies. He
would com|)el the red men to be at peace with one ano'jier. That when he
was satisfied that all things would remain quiet, then th'.y would be permitted
to retiu'ii. He then took thrni by the hand, and dismissed them.

It is said, that, while in Washington, the Indians expressed more surprise
and i)lcasiire at the portraits of the Indian chiefs in the war department than
any thing else that was shown them.

On Friday, 2G April, the captives were conducted from Wasliington
towards Fort Monroe, which is upon a small island, at Old Point Comibrt,
on the west S'de of the Cln!sai)eake Bay, in Virginia.

IJefore closing the present chapter, a 1<5W otiier interesting matters shall
\)e laid before our readei-s. We have just given the description of the Indians
while at Jefferson Barracks, by one who visited them there not long alter
tiieir confinement. We now intend to give what the author of Knicker

Chap. XI]

BLACK-HAWK.

6C1

bocker says of them soon after. Mr. Irvin^a account is contained in a letter,
dated Washington, 18 Dec. J832. — "From SL Louis I went to Fort Ju<li;rson,
ahout d miles disumt, to see Black-hawk, tlie Indian warrior, and his fellow-
prisoners — a forlorn crew — emaciated and dejected — the redouhtuhle chieftain
iiimself, a meagre old man upwards of 70. He has, however, a fine head, a
Koman style of face, and a prepossessing countenance."

Since we are upon descriptions, the Ibllowing will not be thought out of
place, perhaps, although we had reserved it for our next chajjter. It is fioin
tiie pen of the editor of the U. States Literary Gazette, Philadelphia. " We
found time, yesterday, to visit the Black-hawk, and his accompanying Indian
chiefs, and the Prophet, at Congress Hall Hotel. We went into tlieir cham-
ber, and found most of them sitting or lying on their beds. Black-hawk was
sitting in a chair, and apparently depressed in spirits. He is about 65, of
middling size, with a head that would excite the envy of a phrenologi.st —
one of the finest that Heaven ever let fall on the shoulders of an Indian. The
Prophet has a coarser figure, with less of int''".oi, but with the marks of
decision and firmness. His face was painted with red and white. The son
of Black-hawk is a noble specimen of physical beauty — a model for those who
would embody the idea of strength. He was painted, and his hair cut and
dressed in a strange fantasy. The other chiefs had nothing in particular in
their appearance to distinguish them from other natives of the forest. The
whole of the deputation vijited the water works yesterday, [June 11 or 12,] and
subsequently were taken lo th*) Cherry-hill Prison, and shown the manner in
which white men pun: 'li. The exhibition of ai'ms and ships at the navy-yard,
led the Hawk to remark that he auspeded the ^eat father was ^tttine ready for war,^

It was remarked by some in Philadelphia that Blaac-ltaivKS " j)yramidal
forehead " very much resembled that of Sir Walter Scott. Others observed that
his countenance strongly reminded them of their late worthy benefactor,
Stephen Girard. In Norfolk it was noticed that the old warrior verj' much
resembled the late President Monroe.

CHAPTER XI.

From the time of the setting out of Black-hawk and his Jive* companions from For-
tress Monroe, 5 June, 1833, to their arrival on the Upper Mississippi, on the Jirst
of .August following ; prefaced by some reflections upon the events of the war.

It is not difficult to perceive, without a formal commentary, that in the lato
Indian war, much blood was shed which might have been avoided. Twice
had the despairing Indians displayed the white flag, to give notice of their
willingness to surrender; but, like the wretched Hallibees, the rifle was the
only answer they received. When Major StUlman was on his march to Syca-
more Creek, a few Indians were sent from JVaopope's camp with friendly in-
tentions, and under a white flag ; but such was the carriage of the whites,
no interview could be had, and they were obliged to fly to save their lives,
which all, it seems, were not fortunate enough to do. This, it will be said,
is Indian talk — it is even so. What say the whites ? They say, the Indians
whom they first discovered were only a decoy. This is mere assertion, and
(•roves nothing on their own side, neither does it disprove the Inditin account.
Is it not plain that Black-hawk caused a white flag to be exhibited before he
was attacked by the steam-boat Warrior? He hud resolved to fight no more,
if he could get terms of peace ; but his flag was at once fired upon ; then
says the old chief, " /^rerf <oo ;" and the whites expected nothing else, and
too many of them, it would seem, desired nothing else. But we reflect no
more upon this matter.

The raader has, in the last chapter, been conducted through the principal,

* All anonymous Huthor, of whom we have made coiisii''.'ral)le use in lliis cliapler, gives
ns iheir names, &c. as follows . —

rainaho, P,i'phel>:; brother Fifh Fin.

I'o we-zhick, Prophei's adopted sun, . . Stramhrrnj

Msc-cut-l-mlsk-e-ca-cac, Black hawk.

Na-ahe-escui'k, hinaon, lAiud Thunder.

U'a-be-ke-zllick, the Prophet Clear Day.

5<3

Na{Kipe, the tcarriur, Strung Snap

663

BLACK-HAWK— LEAVES FORTRESS MONROE.

[Book V

and all the important events of the war, and accompanied the chiefs of tha
Indians engaged in it to Fortress Monroe, in Virginia. We are now to ob-
si'rve wiiat passed in their travels from hence through several of our gieat
cities, ai>d tiience to their wilderness homes in the distant west.

Having been conducted to Fort Monroe, the captives found themselves in a
kind of elegant confinement ; and instead of balls and chains to their ankles,
were kindly treated, and saw nobody but friends. This state of things, how-
ever, must have become, in a short time, exceedingly irksome ; but an early
order for their liberation prevented such result. For, on the 4 June, 1833, orders
came lor their l)eing liberated ; and the next day. Major John Garland set
off with them in a steam-boat lor Baltimore, 1^ Norfolk, Gosport, Ports-
mouth, &c.

During their short stay at Monroe, the Indians became much attached to
Its commander. Colonel Eitstis, and on the afternoon of the same day that the
order of release arrived. Black-hawk went and took his leave of him, and at
parting made the following speech : —

" Brother, I have come on my own part, and in behalf of my companions,
to bid you farewell. Our great father has at length been pleased to pernut
us to return to our hunting-grounds. We have buried the tomahawk, and
the sound of the rifle will hereafter only bring death to the deer and the buffa-
lo. Brother, you have treated the red men very kindly. Your squaws have
made them presents, and you hove given them plenty to eat and drink. The
memory of your friendship will remain till the Great Spirit says it is time
for Black-Hawk to sing his death-song. — Brother, your houses are as numer-
ous as the leaves upon the trees, and your young warriors, like the sands upon
the shore of the big lake, which rolls before us. The red man has but few
houses, and few warriors, but the red man has a heart which throbs as warm-
ly as the heart of his white brother. The Great Spirit has given us our hunt-
ing grounds, ard the skin of the deer which we kill there is his favorite, for
its color is white, and this is the emblem of peace. This hunting-dress and
these feathers of the eagle are white. Accept them, my brother ; I have
given one like this to the JVhite-otter. Accept of it as a memorial of Black-
hawk. When he is far away, this will serve to remind you of him. May
the Great Spirit bless you and your children — farewell."

Colonel Eiistis, in his reply, said, the fortune of war had placed him in his
hands, and as it was not the practice of the whites to attack an unarmed
foe, he was safe ; but that if he had met him in the field of battle, his duty
would have required him to have taken his life. He rejoiced, he said, at
his prospect of speedily returning to his friends, and hoped he would
never again trouble his white neighbors. To which Black-haivk added,
" Brother, the Great Spirit punishes those who deceive us, and my faith is notv
pledged^

On leaving Fort Monroe, the Indians were taken to Portsmouth and Gos-
port, to see the navy-yard, the dry-dock, and men-of-war. At Gosport, they
went on board the 74 Delaware, where they could not but express much
astonishment at the vastness of the " big canoe," as they called it, and its
extraordinary uncouth furniture. Black-hawk seemed the most to admire
the ship, and wished to see the chief who commanded it, and especially the
man that built it ; for he wished, he said, " to take him by the hand." When
they left the ship, they passed around under her bow, which terminates
in a colossal statue of an Indian warrior. This the Indians beheld with
considerable emotions of surprise and evident demonstrations of high
gratification.

At Norfolk, the rush to see the Indians was very great, and many could
not be gratified even with a sight of them. This great curiosity in the very
vicinity where they had been for near 10 weeks, will not be thought strange,
when it is considered, that no one expected their immediate removal, and
therefore few had been to see them ; thinking they could do so when some
more convenient time offered.

Having taken lodgings at the hotel in Norfolk, the Indians were aware
of the great curiosity of the people, and therefore they exhibited themselves
upon the balcony, from whence ff'abokieshitk^ the Proi)het, made the follow-
ing address: —

Chap. XI]

BLACK-IIAWK.— BALTIMORE.

o63

"The Great Spirit sent us Iiere, and by the same fiat we are now linppily
about to return to our own Mississippi, and our own people. It alTords ua
much happiness to rejoin our friends and kindred. We would shai\e hands
with all our white friends assembled, and offer our best wishes for their pros-
perity. Should any of them go to our country on the Mis3issip|)i, we would
take pleasure in requiting the many kindnesses we have received from their
people here. We will go home with peaceable dispositions towards our
white brethren, and endeavor to make our conduct hereafter more satis-
factory to them. We bid you all farewell, as it is the last time we may
see each other."

Black-hawk then said a few words, expressing the same sentiments ; and
one o'clock having arrived, they departed. This was 5 June.

Wlien the steam-boat was near Itultimore, it was discovered that there had
been a robbery committed on board ; and when this became known to Black-
hawk^ he showed considerable concern, fearing some of his party should
bo suspected ; and when the boat lay to at considerable distance from the
wharf, to make search for the money, he said, " he desired that himself and
company should be searched, for he would let the whiles know that the Sacs did
not steal."

President Jackson had arrived in Baltimore, and after Black-hawk^s arrival
he had an interview with him. The Indians were conveyed in the steam-
boat Columbus, and arrived about 11 o'clock in the forenoon of the next
day, after leaving Norfolk, namely, G June. Among the crowds who visited
them were many ladies, to whom, generally, the Indians said, "Prettij squaws,
pretty squaws,"

The Indians and the president attended the theatre the same night, and it
was remarked, that the attention of the house was pretty nearly equally divi
ded between them. On the next day occurred the interview between them,
of which mention has just been made ; at which time, among other things,
the president said to the old chief: —

"When I saw you in Washington, I told you, that you had behaved very
badly, in raising the tomahawk against the white peojile." lie added, that
his conduct last year had caused him to send out his warriors against him,
and that he and those with him had been surrendered to him to be kept dur-
ing his pleasure, or until he should think there would be no danger from let-
ting him go. "I told you," he continued, "I would inquire whether your
people wished you should return, and whether, if you did return, there
would be any danger to the frontier. General Clark and General Atkinson,
whom you know, have informed me that Sheckak, your principal chief, and
the rest of your people, are anxious you should return, and Keokuk has asked
me to send you back. Your chiefs have pledged themselves for your good
conduct." — " You will see the strength of the white people. You will see
tliat our young men are as numerous as the leaves in the woods. What can
you do against tis ? " — " When you go back, listen to the counsels of Keokuk
and the other friendly chiefs."

To this the Prophet said a few words, as follows : —

" Father, my ears are open to your words ; I am glad to hear them ; I am
glad to go back to my people. 1 want to see my family. I did not behave
well last summer. I ought not to have taken up the tomahawk. But my
people have suffered a great deal. When I get back, I will remember your
words. I will not go to war again. I will live in peace. I will hold you by
the hand."

Black-hawk intended to have made a long speech at this time ; but the

[)resident was unable to hear him out, on account of tlie great fatigues ho
lad undergone, and the old chief was, therefore, very short. He said, "My
heart is big, for I have much to say to my great father," and closed, after many
exjiressiouB of affection and respect for him. The warmth of the weather
and the great crowd that surrounded the hotel in which the Indians were
lodged, caused them to retire to Fort M'Henry, about 3 miles below the city.
The landlord said the crowd was so great about his house, that they had
carried awav his banisters, windows, and he was fearful, if they remained
longer, that his whole house would be carried away also.

G64

BALTIMORE.— NEW YORK.

iBooK V.

'-,1

They visited the Washington monument, among other places, while at
Baltimore, and were at first atraid to ascend in it, upon its circular steps ;
Baying it was the Manitou of the white people. At length JVaopope said he
would venture up. Black-hawk observed, that then they would all go ; for
if it fell down, he said th«jy would not be safer on the ground at its base than
if they were in it.

They visited the circus also, wljile here, and were much better pleased
with the performances there, than at the theatre. The elegant horses pleased
them tar more than the stars and garters of the mock lords and ladies of the
theatre, and it was very natural they should. To see a lady ride upon one
foot, while the horse was running at his utmost speed, was matter of fact to
them, and excited the greatest admiration. But to see a fellow po|)ping out
from behind a cintain, strutting about the stage, uttering to himself some
unintelligible nonsense, could not interest any one similarly situated. They
said they believed those who rode in the circus could hunt buffalo even
better than the Sacs.

Considerable inconvenience was experienced from the meeting of two
such conspicuous characters as the president of the United States and
Black-hawk, at the same time, in populous places ; and it was announced
in a Philadelphia paper, of 9 June, that Major Garland had arrived there,
but had left the Lidians in Baltimore, and that they would not proceed to
N. York until the day after the president. Accordingly they did not arrive
in Philadelphia until 10 June, when they were conducted to lodgmgs in Con-
gress Hall. The next day there was a great military display, accompanied
by an inmionse procession, and the whole passed up Third Street, opposite
Congress Hall, by which means the Indians had a fine opportunity to sec* and
contemplate their numbers. Pointing to the soldiera, Black-hawk asked if
they were the same that were in his countiy last summer.

Having visited all places of amusement and curiosity in Philadelphia, the
Indians departed for N. York, where they arrived in a steam-boat of the
People's Line, about 5 o'clock, 14 June, on Fiiday. The arrival o^ Lafaydte,
in 1825, could not have attracted a greater crowd than was now assembled
at and in the vicuiity of Castle Garden. As it happened, Mr. Durant, the
aeronaut, had just got ready to ascend in his balloon from the garden. The
steam-boat, therefore, rounded to, that the passengers might witness the
ascension. When it was known on shore that the Indians were on board,
the cheering and clapping became tremendous ; and it was not a little aug-
mented from those on board the numerous craft in the river. Those in the
boat answered as well as their numbers would admit. The Indians, at first,
were some terrified, supposing they had at last come to an enemy, and that
the noise about them was the war-whoop of the whites, but were soon
undeceived.

Soon after the balloon had cleared the walls of the castle, and Mr. Durant
had unfurled his flag. Black-hawk was asked what he thought of it. To
which he answered: —

" Tliat man is a great brave. / ilonH think he'll ever get back. He must be a
Sac." Another suid, " If he is a Sac, lieHl get none of his brothers to follow in
his trail. JVbne of 'em will ever see the smoke of his mgwam. He tmll have to
live alone — withovi any squaw."

When the balloon had attained a vast height, and almost out of the old
chief's sight, (which had become considerably impaired,) he exclaimed,
" / think he can go to the heavens ; to the Great Spirit." Pomahoe then said,
" / think he can see the country of the English" The Prophet, or fVabokieshiek,
having been asked what he thought of the balloon, said, ^ I can't form any
idea, but think he can go up to the clouds if he will. Should thitik he could see
the Great Spirit now."

We can only conjecture what might have been passing in their minds at
this strange sight. They were struck with wonder, and no doubt were ready
to exclaim, " Wnat cannot the white people do? Why can they not send an
army in that way to hurl do^vn destruction upon their enemies ? They sure-
ly will do it. If tlicy can ascend to the Great Spirit, they must be Great Spirits
too!"

k * •

Chap. XI.]

RLACK-H.VWK IN NEW YORK.

eft-,

Oh tlieir landing, snrh was the density of tlie crowd, tliat for a time it
seemed impossible to effect a passage lor tiiiMn. Atler some time, liowever,
hy tiie aid of the police otlicers, tiiey were tuken np in carriages, and carric(l
to their Uxlghigs at the Exchange Hotel in Broud Street The spacious
square and street adjacent were instantly filled by the people, whose eager
nes9 to see tiie strangers was so great, tliat it seemed almost impossibiw to
prevent a Ibrcible entrance into the house. Whereupon the directors of the
Indians let Black-hawk show himself several times at a window; and imme-
diately after, the multitude quietly dispersed, without carrying away banisters
or windows, as had been complained of in Baltimore. Thus ended Friday.

On Saturday evening, they were conducted to the Bowery Theatre, ancl o?i
Monday, the papers of the city announced tiiat they would visit Castle Gar-
den that evening, the Park Theatre on Tuesday, Kiblo's on Wedn'isd.iy,
Richmond Hill Theatre on Thursday, Vauxhall Garden on Friday, and, on
Saturday, leave for Albany. Thus were the doings of every evening of their
stay allotted, wliich, we believe, came to pass accordingly. Of the manner
iU which the daytime was spent, we shall, in the next place, proceed to give
some account

On Monday, 17 June, the Hon. John A. Graham met the Indians, at their
quarters, and made a speech to them, which is as well adapted to the Indian
manner, as any thing we have seen. He began :

" Brotliers, open your ears. You are brave men. You have fought like
tiirers, but in a bad cause. We have conquered you. We were sorry, last
\ <;ar, that you raised the tomahawk against us ; but we believe you did not
know us then as you do now. We think, tiiat in time to come, vou will bo
wi.se, and that we shall be friends forever. You see that we are a great peo-
pi(! — numerous as the flowers of the field, as the shells on the sea-shore, or
tlie fish in the sea. We put one hand on the eastern, and, at the same time,
tiic other on the western ocean. We all act together. If, sometimes, our
great men Udk loud and long at our council fires, but shed one drop of white
men's blood, our young warriors, as thick as the stars of the night, will leap
on board our great boats, which fly on the waves, and over the lakes — swift
as tlie eagle in the air — then penetrate the woods, make the big guns thun-
der, and the whole heavens red with tlie flames of the dwellings of their en-
emies. Brothers, the president has made you a great talk. He has but one
mouth. That one has sounded tlie sentiments of all the people. Listen to
what he has said to you. Write it on your inemories. It is good, very good.
Black-hawk, take these jewels, a pair of topaz ear-rings, beautifully set in
gold, for your wife or daughter, as a token of friendship, keeping always in
mind that women and children arc the favorites of the Great Spirit These
jmvels are from an old man, whose head is whitened with the snows of 70
winters; an old man, who has thrown down his bow, put oft" hie sword, and
now stJUids leaning on his staflT, waiting the commands of Km Great S[)irit
Look around you, see all this mighty people, then go to our homes, open
your arms to receive your families. Tell tliem to bury the i.atchet, to make
briplit the chain of friendship, to love the wiiite men, and to live in peace
with them, as long as the rivers run into the sea, and the sun rises aid sets.
If you do so, you will be happy. You will then insure the prosperity of un-
boni generations of your tribes, who will go hand and hand with the sons of
the white men, and all shall be blessed by the Great Spirit Peace and hap-
piness, by the blessing of the Great Si)irit, attend you. Farewell."

When this was ended, Black-hawk said, "Brother, we like your talk, ffe
will be frit.tds. We like the white people. They are very kind to us. We shall
not forget it. Your counsel is good. We shall attend to it. Your valuable
present shall go to my squaw. It pleases nie very much. We shall always be
friends."

The following circumstance is said to have occuiTed, while the Indians were
in New York: One day, after dinner, a gentleman got admittance to tiieir room,
whose object was to communicate to them some religious instruction. Ho
began with Black-haivk's son ; but when tlie young fellow understood by tlie
interpreter what his object was, he said, "/ lazee," and, covering his face with
uis blaidcet sti-etched himself out uj in a sola, and went to sleep.
56*

■i

■J

i; ' ; r.

! : V.

r)()()

BLACK-IIAVVK-NFW YOUK.-ARSENAL.

fDooB V.

TJie Clierokec Plionnix was shown to lilnck-htnvk, in Now York, bv a gen-
tlcnmii, wlio guvc tlio cliit-f lo nndorstiiiicl timt it wiis the first and onfv news-
paper printecl in Iiuiiun. Alicr cxijiaininj,' the f,'reat ns<' ot|iaj)ern to fiini, tJio
chief was well pleased, wiid lie kn»;w tlie Clierokeu tribe well, but (hd not
know they had nnch a thing among them «h a ncwMpaj)cr. He recjueKted tiie
gentiemun to make the name of Blnck-hawk on it, whi<li he <li(i, and gave it
to liim ; when tlie old eliief c.\refully fbUh-d it nj* and laid it away, staying he
noiiid show it to his people when he got lionie.

On TlinrHday, ^0 Jnne, thi; Indians were shown the fninons arsenal in
White Street. The great cannon, mortars and shells, on the first floor, filled
them with astonishment and awe, in sjiitc of their philosophical indifllrence.
On visiting the second floor, their countenances were seen to enliven. The
night of 10,000 stand of small arms, all as bright as jmlishing conld make
them, with all the bayonets fixed, was evidently more agreeable to them than
the great, imwieldy cannon below. Tlieir admiration was greatly heiglitene<l
on being shown the operation of Mr. Uiddon's imw i)atent artillery lock. It
had been fitted for the occasion, on the beautiful brass !} pounder, which Gov
Tompkins gave the state in 1814. This gun being placed in the yard, and
charged with a blank cartri<lge, Gen. .^mdariits, of the arsenal, drew the
string attached to the lock, and the discliarge was instantaneous. Here
again they could not conceal their astonishment, which was much raised by
the mysterious oi)eration of the lock. The cannon being again charged,
Jilack-hxiwk was invited to |)ull tlie string and discharge it ; but he declined
from timidity, and all the rest followed his examiile. At length the Prophet
Btejipcd forward, with a great air of resolution, and dis«:lmrged it. The re-
port startled him a little ; but the moment after, finding himself unharmed,
lie laughed heartily. Then all the rest ventured to discharge it. AN'licn Rlr.
Hiddon showed them the fulminating wafer, n]Hin which his lock acts, " the
vacant seriousness and gravity," says one present, "with which they rcturi.ca
it, as a matter quite too profound ibr their comprehension, was irresistibly
comic."

Several of the captives had been attacked with nn inflammation in their
eyes, accoin[)anied with some fever, sujtposed to have been brought on by
the fiitigues they had experienced during their journey. But while they
remained in New York, they had nearly recovered.

When it was announced in the papers, that the Indians would not proceed
any farther north, great disa])pointnient was felt here ; but we heard no one
complaH. All seemed sensible that to show them about from place to jilace,
was inflicting a punishment upon them which could in no wise benefit tis.
There might be one exception, for we were informed that a gentleman had
made large arrangements here for Avi-iting Black-hawk^s life. But whether it
were the old chief's good or bad fortune that prevented hiin from falling into
the ambush of that biographer, we do not undertake to say ; but there may
lie those cold-hearted beings, who are glad that both Black-hawk and tlie pub-
lic have escaped.

On Saturday, 22 June, they lefl New York for Albany, where they arrived
the next day at evening. Here, as we should exjiect, the crowd was far
more savage than had been witnessed any where in the journey, and it was
near three hours before a landing for them could be effected ; and even then
only by disguising them. Black-hawk was not recognized until he had got
almost to the tavern where he and his pai'ty were to lodge. One observes,
that Albany, at this time, was more like an Indian camp, than the residence
of civilized beings. Some urged, that if Black-hawk had been permitted to
have shown himself to the multitude, and addressed them, they would at
onci! have ceased their boisterous clamors. It is said he was about to do so,
but his son would not consent to it.

Whether the conduct of the populace was such, af^er they were in their
quarters, as to cause alarm for their safety, is not mentioned; but certain it
is, they set off from Albany in the night, 24 June, and jtroceeded west upon
the railroad.

When they had got upon the grand canal, and scon how they were trans-
ported by means of locks, some of the party said it must be the work of a

Chap. Xl]

1113 VISIT TO THE SENECAS.

607

Mawitou, for U was the first river then ever saw go over hilla ana across other
rivers.

'I'lie iiitorvicw of our travellers, the f*nna niul Foxph, witli their coiintry-
ini'ii, the St'iiiTiis, cunnot ttiil to lie iiitcri»<(iiiir to all our rt'iuliTH. Iliivin^
arrivfd at linffUlo on Friday, '28 June, timy retnaiiied there iMitil Sunday
Mioiiiinfr. The next morning nller their arrivd, they rode over to IJIack
Rock, where they viewed the union of the gruno canal witli the lake at that
place. From this place they had u full view ol the Canada shore, und Ulark-
hawk irnmediutejy pointed out Fort Erie, and seemed well ucnnainted with
the adjacent country; he having been there in the time of the Inst war with
England, in the British service, and at the time *' tvhen the Jlmericans walked
into Fort Erie" as he expressed the capture of it. After the battle of Luke
Erie, he said, he was obliged to return with his lumd to his own country. In
the atlcMiioon of the same day, the party visited the Senecas, who had col-
lected at the council house, on their reservation, to n-ceive them. They were
addressed by the chief, Cajit. Pollanl, or Karlundawana, of whom we have
already spoken, an old and very respectable man. After expressing the
pleasure which it give him and his people to meet the chiefs of the Sacs and
Foxes, and after all iding to the present state of the alM)rigines, he counselled
his visitors to return home with a peaceable mind ; to cultivate the earth, and
no more to fight against so powerful a people as the whites. Black-hawk
replied as follovfs : —

" Our nfred brother of the Senecas, who has npoken to us, has spoken the words
of a good and wise man. fVi, are strangers to each other, though we have the
Slime color, and the same Great Spirit matle us all, and gave %is this country to-
gethe,: Brothers, we have seen how great a people tlie ivhiles are. Thuj are very
rich, and very strong, li i^ folly tor us to fght with thvm. He slutU go home
with murh knowledge. For myself, I shall advise my people to be quiet, and live
like good men. The advice which you gave us, broth r, is vry good, and toe tell
you now we mean to walk the straight path in future, and to content ourselves
with ichat we have, and with aUtivating our lands.

The Prophet added a few sentences, but nothinir worthy of notice, except
be said he wished all the tribes of Indians could be collected u])on one spot,
west of the Mississippi.

From Ituffalo the Indians were conveyed by water to Detroit, where they
arrived Jidy. Here a curiosity was evinced by the inhabitants to see them ;
not exiictly such as had been shown in the Atlantic cities, but with that cohl
indifference, their near vicinity to the late scenes of blood was calculated to
call forth. A writer has remarked, that they were soon seen walking the
streets "unknowing and unknown," and newspapers from that region say
they wore burnt in effigy. Black-fiawk had often been there in times past;
and when he visited the forme v residence of Gov. Cass, he said, " This is the
old council ground. I have hearu much good counsel hi-re ; but my trail led to the
opposite slutre, and my ears were closed."

From Green Bay they were to pass through the country of the Menominies
and VVinnebagoes* to Chicago. As these tribes are bitter enemies to the
Sacs and Foxes, troops were detached from that place to attend them.

Having left Chicago, as- they passed up Fox River and down the Ouis-
consin, Black-luiiok would j)oint out the spots, where, once, he said, lind stood
tlio fine villages of the Sacs. His depression at the sight was evident, and
Jio seemed much to regret their emigration l)eyond the Mississippi.

It was about the first of August, 1833, that the captives arrived at Fort
Armstrong, on the Uf>per Mississippi, where we are presently to take oiii
leave of them. The Prophet had been set at liberty a little before at Prairie

* This tribe is divided into live families — the Dccorie, Black-leg^, i!tc. One-ei/eil Decon'p,
iK-fore mentioned, is one nf llieir most conspicuous cliiefs. He appeared al>out 50 years old
in 1S26. Mr. IK. J. Suelling saw liim at llio Portage in llial year, accompanied bv a wiCe
of 15.

The name Wimiehnsro is supposed lo he that of a kind of duck, found on llie like of the
same name, in great abundance.

!i«

l: lii-

r ■ '

f if

GC8

HIS LIBERATION.

[BooE V

du Cliien ; lie liaving declurnd his conviction of the power of the Anioricnnii,
and tiiat now iin would roturn and )iv« in prnce. "His return," says our
int<)rinunt, "is ntt(;n<li'<l with as nmnv unpleasant associations as that of tiny
of till- party. Th« villa^^e over wliicli lie once presided has heen broken up ;
liis wi^'wain has U-en burnt to the ffround; his family without a protector,
and he must find a home in the village of some neigldioring chielbiin."

The Indians wore at firet gloomy and taciturn, on etitering their own
forests, but in a short time tliey l)egan to be more conununicative, and at
length would laugh and talk about the jokes and odd inauocuvres they had
seen among the whites.

Jieing now at Ilock Island, where it was concluded to dismiss the party,
they were considerably disappointed in not meeting with some of their
friends, from whom they might gain intelligence of their families. Mean-
while they examined their bundles and packages, containing the presents
they had received during their journt^y. These were by no means iticon-
eiderable, and were said, by those who saw them, to be in value of at least
1,000 dollars; which, when their friends arrived, were liberally distributed
among them. They had not been long in suspense when this hap|)ened. A
band of Foxes arrived the next day afler them, who gave the desired intelli-
geiicc. To an oliserver of nature, their meeting must have l)een exceedingly
interesting. Notwithstanding their long separation, their first interviews were
nearly the same as though it had heen but of a day's continu.uice. Ihit they
very soon discovered to the spectators, that they had met with tliose who
were capable of enjoying again their society ; and tlie freedom of early litis
began gradually to show itselK

" Fort Armstrong, Rock Island, Illinois, was selected as the most appro-
priate place for the liberation of Blitck-hnwk aiul his party. It being the
most central point from the surroimding villages, a greater number of Indians
could be there assembled at a short notice, than at any other point on the
Mississippi. With most of the party, their return was the return of happy
days, and of those maimers and customs which they had looked forward to
with much anxiety, during their long and arduous journey. But with Black-
hawk it was the revival of those scenes associated with his former greatness
and power — when no white man crossed his trail, or encroached upon his
hunting grounds. He is now hailed not as a chieftain, nor as a warrior, but
as a Sac, divested of his lionors, an humble suppliant for the sympathies and
hospitalities of his tribe.

"It was understood, on their arrival, that Keocuck^ the princifial chief of
the tribe, was absent with most of his band, upon a buflldo hunt, and it was
doubtful whether he had yet returned. A courier, however, was despatched
to his village, with instructions, if returned, to request his immediate attend-
ance, with as many of his tribe as could conveniently accompany him. The
messenger returned the same night, saying that Keocuck was encamped about
20 miles below, with a large nundwr of his tribe, and would arrive during
the day. About noon, the dull monotony of the Indian drum, accompanied
with occasional shouts, was heard, which annoimced his approacli. He led
the van, with two large canoes, hished side by side, with a large canopy
extended over him and his three wives, where he eat in all his dignity, with
the American flag waving over the bow. About 20 canoes followed in his
train, each containing from 4 to 8 of his companions, who made the 'welkin
ring' with their wild and savage songs. They proceeded up the river at a
moderate rate, and encamped on the opposite side from Bluck-hmcVs camp.
Afler remaining about two hours to arrange their toilets, they again com-
menced their songs, making their waj' directly across the river. Keocvck was
the first to land, decorated, as well as the rest of the party, witii all their
medals, and in all the paraphernalia which distinguishes the braves from the
common Indinns. Afler tlie party had landed, he turned to them and said,
' The Great Spirit has sent our brother hack. Let its shake hands in friendship.''
He then proceeded towards Black hawk, who was seated with his party, iu
front of their tent, leaning upon his cane, apparently lost in deep niflection.
He extetuled his hand, which the old msin seemed to shake with some cor-
diality. Havinj; saluted the rest of the party, he took his seat in their imtne-

Crap. XI J

BLACK-HAWK'S RETURN.

660

diate vicinity. His companionn followeil tlin (<xnm|il<>, nnd n nttprod theni-
Belves ii|K)n the ground. Not a ninriiiiir \vm hi-ard ninorijr tliti crowd. Nc
oiiB prcHiitiicd to hn-iik tiio HJii'iice, until tlic cliicthiin had npokfu. Filh-cn
niinutp.s cInpHcd JM'loro ii word wns uttered i>y any one, wiien Keoctirk anl<ed
lilack-hawk jiow lonj,' lio had Iwen upon the road ? ' Thai he had been f.r/>ff/i»ig
him, and wns cotniuf^ up in the erpedation of mtftms^ hlm^ Pip<!H weie Hoon
introduced, nnd iias.-'ed ninonf^ hotii parties, n.s an intorchnn^'c of good ll;el-
ing. >*'* smoking nnd talking, alternately, tlir almut an hour, u general
move wns mudc for their departure. Keocnck arose, shook haiid-s with all tlit)
party, Baying, Uo-inorrow lie should refiirn.''" They now cro.-j.sed the river in
silence, and the night wns spent in Kongs and dances. On the next dny, by
appointment, was to he opene<l the grand council.

"A conniiodious room in the garrison wad pre|»ared for the reception of
Imth parties. About 10 o'clock, Keonirk was aiuiounceil by the incoherent
and guttural strains of more than lUU .Havag«-s. When tiiey arrived at the
garrison, they (bllowed silently in, preceded by their chiefi who was shown
to the room, where he was to be elevated upon the ruins of an indis4-reet old
man, with whom he had lu-en struggling many years lor supremacy. Ho .
took his sent with Pnrshepnrho, (the stabbing chief,) chief of the Hacs, upon
one side, nnd Wapella, (the little prince,) chief of the Foxes, upon the other
He told Ids young braves to .«it irmnedintely lM>liind him; nnd all maintained
the most proibund silenc during the interview. A'cocucA:, they «iid, would
sjteak for all of them.

" Black-hfiwk. nnd his jtarty soon made their apytennmce. As they entered
the room, the chiefs arose and shook hands with them. 'J'hey ])assed round,
and took their seats immediateiy oi)|)osite. JiUick-hnwk nnd his son appearecl
quite dejected. They manifested some reluctance to the proposed council,
the day previous ; and that morning, as it would have too much importunce
attached to it, tl son felt ketudy his situation. It was as humiliating to him
as it was to liis fiither. Maj. Garland was the first to break the silence in
roimcil. He told them that ho was grntefid to find so iTUich gootl feeling ex-
isting in the tribe towards Black-hawk nnd his party. He felt confident, from
what he had witnessed since his arrival, that they would herealler live in
peace. He had but little to say, as the president's speech to Black-hawk and
party, nt Baltimore, said all, which should lie read to them. It was inter-
preted to thein by an able interyireter, to which the whole company respond-
ed, at the termination of each sentence."

Keocuck then arose, shook hands with the most important personages pres-
ent, and commenced : —

"I have listened to the talk of our great father. It is true we pledged our
honors, with those of our young braves, for their lilwrntion. We thought
much of it; our councils were long; their wives and children were in our
thoughts. When we talked of them, our hearts were full. Their wives and
children came to us, which made us feel like women ; but we were men.
The words which we sent to our great father was one word, the word of alL
The heart of our groat father was good ; he spoke like the father of children.
The Great Spirit made his heart big in council. We receive our brothers in
friendship ; our hearts are good towards them. They once listened to bad
counsel ; now their ears are closed. I give my hand to them ; when they
shake it, they shake the hands of all. 1 will shalte hands with them, and then
I am done."

Maj. Garland then told them, that he wished it distinctly understood by all
present, that the president considered, and should in futiu-e acknowledge
Keocuck as the principal chief of the nation ; that he wished and e.\|>ected
Black-hawk to listen and conform to his counsels; ami tluit if any di.«.cordaiit
feeling now existed, it must be bin-ied here ; that tlie two bands that had
heretofore existed in the tribe must be broken up. From the misa]i|)lication
of some word on the part of the interpreter. Black-hawk understood him, that
he must conform to the counsels of Keocuck. The old man became com-
pletely infuriated. The spirit and vigor of his youth broke forth like a vol-
cano ; he rose to speak, but was so much excited, he could scsu'cely articidate.
He said : —

670

ELACK-KAWK DRPOSED.— HIS DISAPPOINTMENT. [Book V

" I am n man — an old man — I will not conform to the counsels of any one.
1 will act lor mysel)^ — no one slu-.il govern me — 1 am oltl — my hair is pray —
I once gave counsels to my young men — am I to conform to others ? 1 shall
soon go to the Great Spirit, where I shall rest. What I said to our great
father in Washington, I say again — I will always listen to him. I am done."

The feeling which he evinced, caused a momentary excitement among all
present ; it was his last expiring struggle. 'J'he nature of the remark was
explained to him — '''at the president requested him to listen to Keonick, He
)nade no reply ; he .sat completely ahsorhrd in his own feelings, when Keo-
cuck, in a suppressed tone, saitl to him, " JVhy do you speak so before the while
men ? / mil speak for you ; yoxi trembLd; you did not inean it," He consented
when Keonick arose and said : —

"Our brother, who has again come to us, has spoken; hut he spoke in
wratii — his tongue was forked — he sjmke not like a man, a Sac. He knew
his words were bad; he trt;nbled like the oak, whose roots have been washed
hy many rains. He is old ; what he said, let us tisrget. He says he did not
mean it ; he wishes it forgotten. I have sjwken for him. What I have said
is his own words — not mine. Let us say he spoke iu council to-day — that
his words were good. I have spoken."

Col. Davenjpori, '-ho couunands at Rook Island, then told Black-hawk that
he was gratified f meet him — that once he was iiis enemy, but now he met
him as a frierid — that he was here by ilie commands of his great father, and
should alv. r ; « be glad to see him. If he wished for advice at any time, he
shoidd be always ready to give it to him; he had had, during his absence,
frequent talks with his trifie, who avi if anxious for his return; and could
assure him, that his nation entertained for him and his party the most liiendly
feeling.

M.ij. Garland told him, that he was now at liberty to go where he pleased ;
that lie, and all the Americans, were pleased with his and his i)arty's uniform
good conduct while among them ; that they were convinced that their hearts
were good, but they had listened to bad counsels. They had seen the j)ower
of the white lUen, and had taken their great father by the hand, who had re-
stored them to iheir (tunilies, upon his and his tribe's faithful assurances of
peace and frien«i.--l»ii .

Black-hawk, after reflcctinjr upon what he had said, requested that if his
remarks were i)ut uooii ]>aper, a line might be drawn over it — he did not
mean it.

Wapella, chief of the Foxes, said he had nothing to say. "I am not," said
he, " m the habit of talking — I think — I have been thinking all day — Keocuck
has spoken — I am glad to see my brothers — I will shake hands with them.
I am done." A general shaking of hands Avas commenced by the chief,
which was an indication that the council was adjoui. ^d sine die.

The impetuosity of Black-lutwk^s speech was undoubtedly influenced hy
the presence of his son, who evidently governed his speech jind actions dur-
ing their tour through the United States. He appeared anxious that his father
should maintain his fbrmer stand, in spite of all opposition, and no doubt
gave instructions to that effect. The old man's pride was deeply wounded ;
vet he would have submitteci to any degradation, rather than to have been
committed in the presence of so large a mjmber of the most consi)icuous men
of the nation. He felt convinced that he had erred, and endeavored to atone
for it, during the day, by saying, "/le did not know aJuit he said"

That evening, 3Iaj. Garland ''ivited the ])rincipal chiefs, together with
Black-hawk, to his quarters, as it would afford a good opj)ortunity to a.«certain,
explicitly, the feeling which existed among them towards their fidlen fiic.
About seven o'clock they arrived. They took their seats in silence, passed

in return quaffed a glass of champagne,
relish. Parsheparho shook hands \\\\\\ all

the pipe lor all to take a whitl", and
A\hich seemed to have a peculiar
present, and commenced : —

"We met this morning: I am
pood ; I never drank any before.

glad to meet again. That wine is very
I have thought much of our meeting to-

day; it was one that told us we were brothers, — that we were Sacs. \\v had
ji"«t returned from a buniil(i-l..ait ; we thought it was time for our brothers

Chap. XI.]

BLACK-IIAWK.— SPEECHES.

671

to be here, as our fathers at St. Louis told lis tliis was the moon. We started
belbre the ri.siiig sua to meet you ; we liavu iiu.'t, and taken our hrotliers by
tlie hand in tViendsiiip. Tliey always nii.stru.sted our counsels, and went from
the trail of the red men, where there was no huntiiig grounds, nor friends re-
turned, and tbuiid the do"s howling around tlieir wigwams, and wives look-
ing for the; nusbands and children. They said we counselled likewoinen;
but they have found our counsels were good. They have been through the
country of our great father. They have been to the wigwams of the white
men ; they received them in kindness, and made glad their hearts. We
thanked them ; say to them that Keocuck and Parsheparho thank them. Our
brother has promised to listen to the counsels of Keocuck. What he said in
council to-day, was like the Missij>sippi fog — the sun has shone, and the day
is clear — let us forget it; he did not mean it. His heart is good, but his ears
liave been open to bad counsels. He has taken our great hither by the hand,
whose words are good. He listened to them, and has closed his ears to the
voice which came across the great waters. lie now knows that he ought to
listen to Keocuck. He counselled with us, and our young braves, who listened
to his talk. We told our great father that all would be i)eace. He opened
his dark prison, and let him see the rising sun once more, gave him to his
wives and children, who were without a lodge. Our great lather made
straight his path to his home. I once took the great chief of the Osages
prisoner. I heard the cries of his women and children ; I took him out by
the rising sun, and put him upon the trail to his village ; ' There,' said I, ' is the
trail to your village ; go, and tell your village, that I, Parsheparho, the chief of
the Sacs, sent you.' VVe thank our great father; say to him that 1 wish to see
liiin; I reach out my right hand; he is a great way off, but I now shake him
by the hand; our hearts are good towards him; 1 will see him belbre I lie
down in peace ; may the Great Spirit be in his councils ; what our brother
said to-dav. let us Ibrget. I am done."

Keocuck, Siiler going through the usual ceremonies, said, "We feel proud
that you have invited us hei'e this evening to drink a glass with you ; the
wine which we have drank, we never tasted boibre ; it is the wine whicli the
white men make, who know how to make anything; I will take another
glass, as I have much to say ; we feel proud that we can drink such wine;
to-day we shook hands with our brothers, whom you brought to us ; we were
glad to see them ; we have often thought of our brothers ; many of our nation
said they would never return ; tlieir wives and children ollen came to our
wigwams, which made us feel sad ; what Parslwparho has said, is true ; 1
tiilked to our young men, who had the hearts of men; I told them that the
Great Spirit was in oiir councils ; they promised to live in peace ; those who
listened to bad counsels, and followed our brothers, have sfid their ears ire
closed, they will live in peace; I sent their words to our gnat father, wlnse
ears were open, whose heart was made sad by the conduct of our brothers;
he has sent to their wigwams; we thank him; say to him that AcoracA thanks
him ; our brothers have seen the great villages of the white men ; they trav-
elled a long road, and found the Americans like the grass; I will tell our
young men to listen to what they shall tell them. Many years ago I went
"through the villages of our great father; he had many, that were like the
great prairies; but he has gone, another is our father, he is a great war chief,
1 want to see him, I shall be proud to take him by the hand, 1 have hearcl
much of him, his head is gray, I must sec him; tell him that as soon as the
snow is off of the prairie, I shall come. What I have said, I wish sjtoken to
hiin, belbre it's put upon paper, so that he shall hear it as I have said it ; tell
him that KcQcuck spoke it; wliat our brother said in council to-diiy, kt us
Ibrget ; he told me to speaJi ; I spoke his words. I have siioken."

Rlack-hnwk then said, in a veiy calm and dejected manner, "I feel that 1
nm an old man; once I could speak, but now I have but little to say; to-day
we met many of our brothers, we were glad to see them ; I have listened to
what my brothers have said, their hearts are good ; they have been like Sacs
since 1 left them; they have taken care of my wife and children, who lad no
wigwam; 1 thanked tliem for it; the Great Spirit knows that I thank them;

672

BLACK-IIAWK.

[Book V.

before the sun pets behind the liills to-morrow 1 shall see them, I want to see
thorn ; when I left them, I expected soon to return ; 1 told our great father,
when in Washington, that I would listen to his counsels; I say so to yon, I
will listen to tiie counsels of Keocuck ; 1 shall soon he far away, I shall' have
no village, no band, 1 shall live alone. What I said in council to-day I wish
forgotten. If it has been put U])on paper, I wish a mark to be drawn over
it. I did not mean it. Now we are alone, let ns say we will forget it. Pay
to our great tiither and Gov. Cass, that I will listen to them. Many years
ago I met Gov. Cass in coimcils, far across the prairies, to the rising sun.
His counsels were good. My ears were closed ; I listened to the great ftither
across the great waters. My fiither listened to him whose band was large.
My band was once large. Now I have no band. I and my son, and all the
party, thank our great father for what he has done. He is old, I am old ; we
siiall soon go to the Great Spirit, where we shall rest. He sent tis through
his great villages. We saw many of the white men, who treated ns with
kindness. We thank them ; say to them we thank them. We thank you and
Mr. Spragiie for coming with us; your road was long, and crooked. We
never saw so many white men before. When you was with us, we felt as
though we had some friends among them. We flit safe ; you knew them all.
When you come upon the Mississippi again, you shall come to my wigwam.
1 have none now. On your road home, you i)ass where my village once was.
No one lives there now ; all are gone. I give you my hand ; we may never
meet again ; I shall long remember you. The Great Spirit will be with you,
and your wives and children. Before the sun rises I shall go to my family.
My son will be here to see you, before we go. I will shake hands with my
brf)thers here, then 1 am done."

The party separated with a most perfect tuiderstanding among themselves,
and in fellowshij) and good feeling; but Blnck-haivk was cast down, his pride
was wounded, and he dejiarted in silence.

Hife

CHAPTER XIL

From the time Black-haiek rcas set at liberty in his own country, in 1833, to his death,
on October 3rf, 1838, with other important matters connected with the Indians in the
west.

" In pnin iiml pnril, when thy years were few,
And (Ic'iilli'rt (lurk slmdow on thy pathway fell,
Thon to the -irealness of ihy trial prew,
Itude fortune, friends, and blighted hope farewell,"— @. L. Fairfield.

For about three years after the liberation of Black-hawk, few incidents of
importance seem to have trans[)ired. The first we shall notice is tin; denth
of a great Winnebago chiefj some of whose family have passed under our
notice in a former chapter, ft Jtn the conspicuous part he acted in the capture
of Black-hawk. His name was Schachipkaka, or Decorie. He died in
Wisconsin, on the 20th of April, 1836, in his 90th year. Died also, at the
Si neca reservation, Major Berry, aged 74. He fought with the Aniericatis
in the war of 1819, and died a pensioner. His place of residence was known
as Jack IJerry's town. He was a distinguished chief. And on the SiUh of
the same month died that celebrated i)!oneer of the west, Simon Ke.nto.n,
aged 83. lie, it will he recollected, it was who was engaged as a pilot to the
army of Lord Dimmore, in 1774, being then about nineteen years of ajre.
He afterwards spent many years in a most wretched cui)ti\ ity among the
Miami Indians, and finally made some escapes, which, it seems to us, that
nothing short of niiracidoiis interf<?rence could liave brought about.

On the 24tli of May, I8:?(!, a treaty of cession was made at Washington,
between a delegation of chiefs and otiiers of the Ghippewas, and the United

Chap. XH.]

JIOUX WAR.— \VAUC03HAUSHE.

673

States, by which all the reservations heretofore held by them in the state of
Michigan is relinquished.

A report was current among usi in the summer of this year, that a san-
guinary battle had been fought on Ui'j 20th of June, at a noted place on tlie
Red River, called the Cross Tirnhers, between 25 Shawanees and 350 Camnn-
ches; that the battle lasted a whole, day, and eventuated in the defeat of the
iatter, who lost 77 of their number.

On the 19th of November, 183G, a large ^ar party of Sioux surprised five
lodges of Foxes, on the low er Jjway, 15 or 20 miles from where the line of
the " Black-hawk purchase " crosses it, and killed about 20 of them. One
of the Foxes, a young man, though severely wounded in the neck, made hia
escape, and carried the news to Poweeshieck's village.

In May, 1837, died at the Huron villuge, Lorette, or Grand Louis, whose
Indian name is Tandarelion, aged 74. He had been a great hunter and an
upright man, though at times inteu'pcrate. A man who had a grudge against
anotiier, endeavored to hire birn to shoot his enemy, but Lorette replied,
" Je ne suis pas en guerre avec lui," " I have no causi; of war with that man,"
and turned scornfully from him. And on the 13tli of the following June,
another respected chief pfiid the debt of mortality.

Capt. George, principal chief of the ancient and once famous tribe of the
Onondagas, died, aged 70. He was one of the most able orators of the Six
Nations, not only possessing the confidence of his own, but all the confederate
tribes, and was greatly esteemed by the white people.

In the order of time, the next event of importance was a severe battle
between the Sacs and Foxes, and Sioux. And what makes it to be the more
lamented is, in consequence of the criminal negligence of our government.
When the Sacs and Foxes sold us the best portions of Illinois, Missouri, and
Wisconsin, amounting to 26,500,000 acres, which included all the lead mines,
for the sum of THREE CENTS PER ACRE, certain provisions were to
be made them ; certain grounds were to be put in cultivation, certain amounts
of money paid at certain times, and, especially, they were promised protection
from their bloody enemies, the Sioux, when hunting upon certain grounds
allowed to them. But none of the promises made them had been performed,
and famine forced them, when they could wait for us no longer, to go unpro-
tected into tlie wilderness to hunt for game.

The battle, of which we are to give an account, happened about the 2d of
August, 1837, and the history we have of it is derived from the chief of the
Sacs and Foxes, who was mortally wounded in it. He had been to St. Louis
to see what could be done for his people, and he says, "when I returned, I
found our people starving at the village. I divided all the provisions I had
received fiom our trader among them, and powder and lead to enable us to
make a hunt to supply our families until our corn was ripe, or that our great
father had paid our money to enable our traders to furnish us." Having
divided his tribe into two parties, that they might hunt to better advantage,
one was to proceed along the dividing country between the loway and Red
Cedar Rivers, and the other to advance up the right bank of Cedar River.
At the head of the latter division was the chief of whom mention has been
made, whose name was Wau-cosh-au-she. He had in his company aliout
170 people, of whom but 40 were men, the rest women and children. They
found no game for many days, and, says the old chief, " we had to depend on
fish, which we caught from the Cedar, to keep our people from dying with
hunger." He was in great expectation, that, if he could reach a belt of
wooded country, between the Wapesepineca and Cedar, to lind plenty of
game. Accordingly he sent out some of his young men in advance, and
followed as well as he was able with the rest, but his pioneers soon returned,
and informed him that the Winnebagoes were hunting there. "This was bad
news," says Waucoshaushe, "in our starving condition, and we could not
return, for we hod nothing to return to," and their nearest ho|)e was about
the mouth of Otter River. He therefore bent his course thither.

On arriving on the confines of that country, he encamped, and sent out
some hunters, but, as before, they soon returned, and reported that tlieir
ground was in possession of the Sioux; and, he asks, " What was now to be
57 2S

674

SIOUX AND SAC AND FOX WAR.-BATTI.E.

[Book V,

done? My number of fiffhting men was small ; but to retreat was impossible ;
for we must have been discovered by the Sioux, and followed ; and whenever
you turn your back on an enemy, you are sure of" defeat. My braves agreed
with me, that we should immediately start on the trail, leave our women and
childi-en at the camp, and go and ascertain their strength ; that if we found
them not too strong, to di-ive them out of our hunting-grounds. We followed
their trail across Otter River, and then it took a direction into the prairie, to-
wai'df where the sun sets. About midnight, we thought v\e discovered the
S' ^A lodges. We raised the war-ci^, and rushed upon them ; but found no
Sioux there, only sand-hills instead of lodges. They were encamped in a
hollow ; and by this mistake we were discovered. We might now have re-
treated ; but, reflecting on our condition, — our families starving, our hunting-
grounds possessed by our enemies, and the remembrance > oiu- friends they
liad murdered last winter on the loway, — determined u.< < follow them as
far as the line.

" We had not proceeded far, when the Sioux fii'ed on us. J, with my party,
rushed into their cami)s, and, after fighting desperately lor some time, Ibund
they were in too strong a force for us, AH that could, retreated out of the
camps, and, taking a position back of a small rise, within gunshot of their
camps, fired upon them until our ammunition was exhausted. We then re-
treated to our camp, — where we had left our women and children, — bringing
thirteen w„unded with us, and leaving eleven killed on the field."

Such is the account of the battle, by an actor in it. As soon as he could,
Waucoshaiishe sent two of his braves with this account, to the agency, at
Rock Island, where they aiTived on the 8 of August. The chief closed his
talk in the Ibllowing words: "My father, I am one of the wounded, and ex-
pect never to sa you again. I have followed your advice, and done the best I
could for my nation, and / do not fear to die. We have with tiie greatest dif-
ficulty reached our village, and fear that many of our people will die of hun-
ger. Father, I have no more to say."

What was done for these poor, distressed Indians, I have no account, but
doubt not it might be quickly told ! However, a delegation of Sacs and Foxes,
and another of Sioux and loways, visited Washington in the end of the follow-
ing September ; but we hear nothing of any redress for the former ; yet the
government l<o:ight of the Sioux 5,000,000 of acres of their land, on the east
side of the Mississippi, at twenty cents an acre. These same Indians were
induced to travel through our great cities by advice of the president, who
wished to make them .icquainted with our power and consequence ; ajid
they accordingly arrived in Boston, the extent of their journey on the coast,
on the 27 October, 1837. They consisted of both deimtations, — in all, 35.
Among the Sacs and Foxes were the well-known and celebrated old ex-chief,
BL/CK-HAWK, his son Nasheeskuk, (Loud Thunder,) Keokuk, and Wa-
PELLA. On Saturday morning, the whole party had an audience of the
mayor, Mr. S. A. Eliot, the aldermen, and common council of the city, in
Faneuil Hall. The Sacs and Foxes arrived first, in carriages, and were seated
on the right of the elevated platform ; and the Sioux, arriving immediately
after, were seated on the left. As each party entered, a band of music, sta-
tioned for the occasion, played martial airs. The mayor then welcomed
them in a short speecli, through their interpreters. Gov. Everett was pres-
ent, and, being introduced to them, invited them to an audience in the State-
House, on Monday ; for which civility Keokuk presented him with a bow and
arrows. 'Yhny were then sliown the armories in the upper hall of the same
building, where they expressed high gratification at seeing so many bright
guns fit for use. They then returned to their lodgings in Concert Hall.

On Sunday morning, a part of the Sac and Fox delegation visited the navj'-
yard, and in the afternoon the Sioux and loways were there. They were
presented by Capt. Percival to Com. Downcs, who conducted tiioin over the
yard, much to their entertainment. The ships of war most astonished them,
and we are not sure they understood the use of that grand ufliiir, the dry
dock ; they ai)proached and looked down its sides with evident feelings of
awe. To a handsome address from Com. Downes, tliev made an appropriate
reply, and retui-ned to their quarters. In tlie evening, some attended the

if ^

Chap. XIl.J

BLACK-HAWK IN BOSTON-SPEECHES.

675

Bratorios at Boylston Hall and the Masonic Temple. On Monday, they held
a Jevee at Faneuil Hall, under the direction of the city marshal, for the especial
accommodation of the ladies, which was closed at eleven o'clock, when pre-
parations were made for meeting the governor at the State-House, agreeably
to previous arrangements.

As but a veiy small portion of the community could be admitted to the
"Lidian council" in the representatives' chamber, notice was given in the
news|)apers to such as might expect admission, that "passes" had been pro-
vided for them, and were to be had between 9 and 11, A. M., at the offices of
the adjutant general and city auditor. Those "passes" were cards, on which
was printed, "Pass to the Representatives' Chamber, 30th October,
1837."

Meanwhile, the Sioux left the city, and proceeded on their journey west.
It was evidently unpleasant to both parties to meet at the same time and
p ace, as the war between them, of which we have taken notice, had not
ceased, and, for aught they knew to the contrary, the friends of each were
falling by the hand of the other, in the country from which they were thus
temporarily absent.

The hour having arrived for the Indians to make their appearance in the
hn)| of the State-House, it was crowded to overflowing, as was every avenue
It., ,/ig to it. The governor occupied the speaker's chair, with his aids and
council around him, when the chiefs came in and took seats m the adjacent
area. The governor then arose, and, in explanation, stated the object of their
visit. " They are," said he, " a most respectab'e deputation from the Sac and
Fox tribes, which are in amity with our government. The object of their
mission to Washington, was to form a treaty explanatory of the great treaty
made in 1836, defining the boundaries between their territory and that of the
United States. Their lands are situated between the Mississippi and Missou-
ri. The uuK^d tribes comprise about 5000, of whom about 1400 are braves.
They are the descendants of the Algonquins, or Lennape, and speak the same
language as that anciently spoken by the Indians of this region." Some per-
sons in the galleries showing a disposition to manifest their ridiculous con-
ceptions, when the Indians came in, the governor observed to the audience,
that any such demonstrations by laughing, however seemingly ludicrous any
appearance might be, would be highly improper, and the Indians might con-
strue such exhibition of mirth into disrespect

The interpreter was then requested to inform them that the governor bade
them a hearty welcome to the hall of council of their white brethren. " VVe
have," said he, " before heard of the Sacs and Foxes, by our travellers ; and
we have been to, d the names of their great men and chief ij ; and now we are
glad to see them with our eyes. We are called the people of Massachusetts ;
it is the name of he red people who once lived here. In former times, the
red man's wigwai i stood on our very fields, and his council-fire was kindled
on this spot Wi len our forefathers came to this country, they were but a
small band. The red man stood on the rock on the sea-side, and looked at
them. He might have pushed them off, and drowned them ; but he took
them by the hand, and said, ' Welcome.' Our forefathers were hungry, and
the red man gave them corn and venison. They were cold, and the red man
spread his blanket over them, and made them warm. We are now grown
great and powerful ; yet we remember the kindness of the red man to our
forefathers.

"Brotiiers! our faces are white, and yours are red; but our hearts are
alike. You dwell between the Mississippi and Missouri ; they are mighty
streams. One stretches out to the east, and the other away to the west, even
to the Rocky Mountains; but still they make but one river, and thoy riui to-
gether to the sea. Krotliers! we dwell in the east, and you live in the fiir
west ; hut we are one fumiiy. Rrothers ! as you passed through the hall be-
low, you stopped to look upon tiie image of our great father, Washington ; it
is a cold stone, and cannot speak ; but our great fiither loved the red man,
and he commanded us to love yon. He is dead ; but his voice made a deep
print in our hearts, like tlie fboisteps of the great hufliilo in tlie cluy of the
prairie."

I' i!

676

BLACK-IIAWK IN BOSTON.— KEOKUK.

[Be OK V.

Keokuk had his son with him, about 14 years old. The governor alluded
to him, wlien he sjiid, "May the Great Spirit preserve the life of your son.
May he grow up by your side, like the tender sajiling by the side of the
iiiife'hty ouk. May you long tiouriah together; and when the tnightv oak is
iaiien in the forest, may tlie yo>ing tree take its place, and spreacf out its
brnnchcs over his people. Brothers ! I have made you a short talk, and once
more bid you welcome to our council hall."

Keokuk said in reply, " I am very much gratified at the pleasure of shak-
ing hands with the great chief of the country, and others about him. The
Great Spirit, as you have said, made us the same ; we only speak different
languages. Brother! I am very happy to be able to say, belbre I die, that I
have seen the house where your fiithers Uiied to speak with ours, as we now
do with you, and hope the Great Spirit is pleased at tlie sight I hope he
will long keep peace between the white and red men."

Wapella next spoke. He said, " I am very happy to meet my friends m
the land of our forefiithers. I recollect, when a little boy, of hearing my fbre-
fiithers say, that at this place the red miin first took the white man by the
hand. I am very happy that this island can support so many white men as
have come on to it ; 1 am glad they can find a living, and happy they can be
contented with living on it. 1 am glad to hear the white men call us their
Drothers ; it is true they are the oldest ; but where I live my tribe is the
oldest among the red men. I shall go home and tell my brethren that I have
been to this great place, and it shall not be forgotten by me nor my children."

Waacashaashee then came forward, and said, "I have just listened to the
words spoken by you and my chiefs about our forefathers. 1 have long
wished to see the shores where my ftithers took the white men by the hand,
and I shall not forget it."

PowEESHiECK ncxt spokc as follows: "You have heard what my chiefs
have to say. They are much gratified with their visit to this town. This is
tiie place where our tribe once lived. 1 have often heard my father and
grandfather say that they once lived by the sea coast, where the white mim
fij'st came. I wish I had a book,* and could read in it all these things. 1
have been told that this is the way you get all your knowledge. J think the
Americans are among the greatest of the white people, that very few can
overpower them. It is so with the Sacs, though I say itf They call me a
gi-eat man where I live, and I am very happy that twc such great men as you
and I should meet and shake hands together."

Next came the Indian who wore a bufialo skin all over him, its head on his
OAvn, with horns erect. His name we could not get hold of; but he said, " I
am much pleased with the conversation our chiefs have had with you. I am
glad you noticed Mausanwovt, Keokuk's son. He will succeed his father, and
1)6 a chief. The chiefs who have spoken to you are all village chiefs ; for
my part, I have nothing to do with the villages ; but I go to war, and fight for
the women and children."

Appanoseokemar next spoke : "I am very happy to shake hands with you.
I do it with all my heart. Although we have no paper to put down words
on, we shall not forget this good council. I am a brave, and have my arms
in my hands. They are all my defence ; but I wish to leave them in this
house lor the white man to remember the red man of the far west. My
])resent9 may not be agreeable, but they are given with a good heart." And,
divesting himself of all his clothes, wampum belt, moccasins, &C., except a
blanket, he gave them and his arms to the governor.

Black-hawk's turn now came. His voice was very shrill, and he was the
only one among them with any of the costume of the whites about him. He
bi'irnn, " I like vei-y well to hear you talk of the Great Spirit He made us
both of one heart, though our skins arc of different complexions. The first
white men tiiat came to this island were French. They were our brothers as

* Tlipy proliably knew no diircrencc in books, and supposed that any book would read as
might be desired, 'i'liey look upon ihein as a kind of oracle, and ;iip|>ose one as good as a
thousand, haviiii'' no idea of iheir dilTereiil conienls. One might gel such an idea from t
certain hymn of" Dr. Walts, but it is original with the Indians.

t This caused a pleasing sensation in the house.

Chap. XIl.J

GREAT MORTALITY.

677

you are. When at the president's village, your people put medals abput our
necks. The French used to do so by our Juthcrs. The ureat Spirit is pleased
at our talking together. I am a man. You are a man. None of us are any
thing more. 1 live between the Mississippi and Missouri. I have now got
to be an old man. It is surprising to me how so many people can live in so
small a place as this village is. I cannot see where they get venison and corn
enough to live upon ; but if they like it, I am sjitisfied.* I cannot shake hands
with all my friends, but by shaking hands with you, I mean it lor all."

Keokuk then presented his son to the governor, who caused his own son
to shake the hand of that of the chief apparent. Then came forward a brave,
who said his father was a Frenchman ; he presented the governor with a
pipe. His excellency then informed the Indians that some presents had been
prepared for them, in the balcony in front of the hall, and that they should
pro'^<;ed there and receive them, which was accordingly done. The presents
consisted of guns, swords, trinkets, and clothes for their women and chil-
dren, &c. To the son of Keokuk the governor gave ' i elegant little rifle,
and observed that he hoped lie would soon be able to shoot buffaloes with it.

All these affairs took up much time, especially the speeches, as the iuter-

Ereters had to repeat them sentence by sentence, as they were delivered, to
oth parties of Indians. At the end of each sentence delivered to the Indians,
they would simultaneously utter assent to it in an inexpressible soimd, some-
thing like what might be derived from a peculiar pronunciation of the letters
a-vgh-yah, which must be done in the same breath, and a gradual raising of
the voice. And there was such a dissimilarity in language between one y)or-
tion of the chiefs and the others, that two interpreters were necessarily em-
ployed.

Agreeably to notice given, the Indians withdrew from the balcony of the
State-House to the senate chamber, where they partook of a collutioUj and
then ap[)eared on the common, where they peribrmed a mock war dance, to
the great amusement of the immense multitude. In the evening, they visited
the Tremont Theatre, where Forrest took a benefit in the " Banker of Bogota."
The Sioux had before attended the National Theatre. On Tuesday, the 31st,
tliey left the city, taking their journey west

Indian deputations were things new to this generation, in Boston, and when
some began to think they were satisfied with seeing one, another was an-
nounced ; and, on the 20 November, there arrived in the Providence cars 26
ci'.iefs, from a country far beyond that from whence came the preceding ones.
They were said to represent the Grand Pawnees, Pawnee Loupes, and Re-
publican Pawnees, Otoes, and Omahas. The name of the principal chief is
Odderussin, a descendant of the ancient Mohawks. They were lodged at
Concert Hall also, and the next day visited the navy-yard, theatre in the even-
ing, and on Wednesday left the city. They were dressed entirely in the far
forest costume, and fantastically painted ; and some of them were of immense
stature, and apjjcared as though they had endured the frosts of countless
winters.

Scenes of wretchedness have been recorded in our early pages, occasioned
by malignant diseases, among Indians of our own land. We are now to re-
late the doings of death on a broader scale, in the regions of the Upper 3Iis-
souri. In October last, (1837,) the small-pox was still raging over that vast
country. Up to the first of ihat month, the IMandans were reduced from 1,600
to 31 souls; the Minetarees from 1,000 to 500, and they were still dying fast.
The Ricarees, who had recently joined them, were hunting by themselves,
when the disease was raging among their friends, and were not seized by the
horrid malady until a month after. They numbered 3,000, and half of them
were in a few days swept away, and hundreds of the survivors were killing
themselves in despair; some with their own spears and other instruments of
war, and some by casting themselves down the high precipices along the
Missouri. The great nation of Assinnaboines, 10,000 strong; tiie Crees,
3,000, ai-e neai-ly all destroyed The Black Feet had known no sucii foe be-

* None of llie reporters did jiislice to tlie old chiefs speech; bul my ears did not deceiv*
me. These last two sentences were omitted bv all.

57*

678

DEATH OF BLACK-HAWK.

[Boo« V

fore ; it had reached the Rocky Mountains, and swept away the people in a
thousand lodges. They were reckoned at G0,000 strong. It is impossible to
be accurate in these details, but such are the accounts from the west ; and
they ai'e to this day, 1841, uncontradicted. Here is a commentary upon our
policy of settling the border Indians among the wild tribes in the west ! of
which we have expressed our opinion in an eai-lier part of this work.

Proceeding in the order of events, we next find Black-hawk, his noted
eon JVashevskvk, and his wile, a handsome sqtiaw of the Sac tribe, attending a
ball, by invitation, at F'ort Madison, in Wisconsin, in honor of VVashinjiton's
birthday, 22 February, 1838. On the 4th of the July Ibllowing, Black-hnwk
♦vas again present at the same place, where a celebration was enacted. At
the table, Mr. J. G. Edwards honored him by the (bUowing sentiment : " Our
illii^rioxia guest. Mm/ his declining years be as calm as his previous life has been
boisterous from warlike events. His present friendship to the whites fully eiJitles
him to a seat at our board," To Avhich Black-hawk made the fbllowmg vei-y
sensible reply: " It has pleased the Great Spirit that I am here to-day. The
earth is our mother, and we are now permitted to be upon it A lew snows
ago, I was fighting against the white people — perhaps I was wrong — but that
is past, it is buried ; let it be forgotten. I love my towns and cornfields on
the Rock River, — it was a beautiful country. I fought for it, but now it is
yours. Keep it as the Sacs did. I was once a warrior, but I am now poor.
Keokuk has been the cause of what 1 om — do not blame him. I love to look
upon the Mississippi ; I have looked upon it from a child. I love that beau-
tiful river ; my home has always been upon its banks. I thank you for your
friendship. I will say no more."

Now we have approached the closing scene of the celebrated Black-
hawk. How long he had had his camp on the Des Moines, we are not in-
formed ; but about this time we find him there, and there he died, on the 3
of October, 1838, aged 73. When it was known that the spirit of the old
chief had departed, many, whites as well as Indians, assembled at his lodge,
and performed his last request, which was, that he might be buried as all Sac
chiefs anciently were, and it was in accordance done. No grave was made ;
but his body Avas placed upon the groimd in a sitting position, with his cane
between his knees, and grasped in his hands ; slabs or rails were then piled
up about him. Such was the end of Black-hawk. Here, however, his bones
did not long rest in peace, but they were stolen from their place of deposit
some time in the following winter ; but, about a year after, it was discovered
that they were in possession of a surgeon, of Qumcy, Illinois, to whom some
pei-son had sent them to be wired together. When Gov. Lucas, of loway,
became acquainted with the facts, they were, by his requisition, restored to
bis friends.

" What fiend could thus disturb the peaceful dead .'
Remembrance pointing lo what last he said : —

' Prepare the hollow tomb, and place me low,
Mv trusty bow and arrows by my side ;
For longr the journey is that I nmst go,
Without a paitncr and without a guide.' " — Freneao.

iiiies-

CHAPTER XDL

Monakattooatha, or ScARovAnA, fit lirnddock's defeat — His son killed there — His
coolness in battle — His gnat concern for the frontier settlements after the defeat —
Visits Philadelphia — Spcch to the Governor and JlssemUy — His counsel neglected
— His friendship continues — Incidents of the war in Pennsylvania — Murdered
people carried to Philadelphia — John Churchman.— Thv^aty of Fort Staswix.

Having in a for tier chajyter given but a passing notice of a very prominent
chief, we shall in tl-is place proceed with his biograpliy. Mowakattoocha,
or, according to Peter Williunison, who knew him, Monokatoathy, was also

Ch4p. XIII]

TROUDLES IN PENN.— flCAROYADA.

679

called ScARROOTDA, and Scaroyada. We believe liini to liavc been a Wyan-
dot, ns he, uiid ulso a son of liis, were often employed upon incssuges between
tliat nation and the government of PeniiHyivunia; yet the anonymous author
of "A Brief View of the Conduct of Pennsylvania lor the year 1755," saya
he was an Jroipiois, and had lor a long time lived among "our friendly
Indians about Shaniokin, and other |)laces on the Susquehannnh." Ho waa
one of the lew warriors who escaped the perils of Braddock's bloody field;
having fought on the side of the English, he was among those who stood by
that unfortunate general m the last. Ilis son, a bold and intre])i<l warrior, whom
we have just mentioned, lost his life there, though not by the enemy, it ia
believed, but by his own friends, in their random discharges amongst them-
selves in their amazed condition. Scaroyada sincerely lamented him, espe-
cially as he had been killed by his own people, whom lie was faithfully endeav-
oring to serve. When no more could be done, and a retreat was ordered,
finding he had fired away all his annnunition, he coolly lighted his pipe, and
seating himself under the branches of a tree, began smoking as thougli the
day had gone the other way.

When the border war broke out anew in October, about three montha
after Braddock's defeat, it excited great alarm throughout Pennsylvania, and
although there was a continual domestic warfare between the general assem-
bly and their governor, R. H. Morris, yet Scaroyada was not fbigotten by the
latter, who recotnmended that he and Jlndrew Montour, an inter]>reter, should
be rewarded to their satisfaction for their trouble and great service.

The friendly Indians were situated between the English and hostile party,
and they applied to the governor tor liberty to leave their coimtry and go out
of the way of the war parties. Scaroyada, Montour, and Col. Conrad Weiser
were employed to persuade them to join the English in the war. How the
chief viewed the crisis of this period, may better be learned from his own
account than from any other source. Several ftimilies having been murdered
in the most revolting manner, Scaroyada proceeded to Philadelj)hia with Col.
Weiser and two other chiefk "A mixture of griefj indignation, and concern
sat upon their countenances." Scaroyada immediately demanded an audience
of the gcvernor and ail the members of the assembly, to whom, when assem-
bled, he thus addressed hi.T!self : —

" Bretnren, we are once more; come among you, and sincerely condole with
you on account of the late bloodshed, and the awful clouds that hang over
you and over us. Brethren, you may be assured that these horrid actiona
were committed by none of those nations that have any fellowship with us;
but by certain fidse-hearted and treacherous brethren. It grieves ns more
than all our other misfortunes, that any of our good friends the English
should suspect us of having fiilse hearts.

"Brethren, if you were not an infatuated people, we are yet about 300
warriors firm to your interest; and if you are so unjust to us, as to retain
any doubts of our sincerity, we offer to put our wives, our children, and all
we have, into your hands, to deal with them as seemeth good to you, if we
are found in the least to swerve from you. But, brethren, you must support
and assist us, for we are not able to fight alone against the powerful nationa
who are coming against you ; and you must this moment resolve, and give ua
an explicit answer what you will do; for those nations have sent to desire
us, as old friends, either to join them, or to go out of their way and shift for
ourselves. Alas! brethren, we are sorry to leave you! We remember the
many tokens of your friendship to us — but what shall we do? We cannot
stand alone, and you will not stand with us.

" Brethren, the time is precious. While we are here consulting with you,
we know not what may be the fiite of our brethren at home. We do, there-
fore, once more invite and request you to act like men, and be no longer aa
women, pursuing weak measures, that render your names despicable. If you
w ill i)ut the hatchet into our hands, and send out a number of your young
men in conjunction with our warriors, and provide the necessary arms, am-
munition, and provisions, and likewise build some strong houses for the pro-
tection of our old men, women, and children, while we are absent in war
we shall soon wipe the tears from your eyes, and make these false-hearted
biethren repent their tieachery and base.^ess tcv.urds you and ua

H^-,

680

SCAROYADA.-SHOCKING MURDERS.

[Rook V,

" JJnt we must at the Hamc time solemnly aflcn.,, 'on, that if you delay any
(oilier to act lieartily in ecinjiiiictiun .vith ns, or : : .k ?o put U8 otY, as iihukI.
with uncertain hopes, you will fee our fiices uiHi liiis roof no more. W»
must shifl lor our own Hafety, and leave you to tn, jnercy of your enemies,
as an infiituated ])eo|ile, u|)on wiiom we can have dependence no lon^^er."

Tears were standing in the old chief's eyes whttn he finished his speech;
hut he was doomed to sutler yet greater perplexity, from the delay of ilie
assemhiy to act ujion the matter. This a|)peal of the chiefs was made on a
Saturday, and an adjourmrient was immeiliately moved and carried, and no
action could he had at that time. On the Ibllowing Tuesday the assend)ly
met again, hut several days passed and nothing was done. The Friends ha I
a majority of inemhers in that hody, an«l they would not helieve that war on
any conditions was to he tolerated ; and thus tiie good intentions of Scaroyada
were thrown away, and the war was carried on with success hy the enemy.

Notwithstanding the neglect shown him on this occasion, we find hini
hiisily engaged in Novemher following in his humane ))urpose of warding off
the calamities from the frontier families. Atone time he learned that a jmriy
of Delaware 8 and Sliawanees were preparing to strike a hlovv on the Engli.4i
liorder, and he forthwith repaired to Harris's Ferry, and gave the inti)rniation
in time to prevent the intended mischief. VVe hear no more of Scaroyada
until 1757, in which year he raised a company of Mohawks, and in IMay
marched to the relief of Fort Augustus. In 17-Vi mention is made of a chief
named Skanarady, >vlio was acting a conspic lous part among the Cayugas.
He may he the same person, hut of that we .lave no other evidentre than the
api)roximation in the spelling of the name?. It may be mentioned that one
of the chiefs, CAYENQUiLOiiUOAS, who went to Philadelphia with Scaroyada
in 1755, had two sons in an academy in that city, where they had been placed
the year before to be educated. They were supported hy the province.

We will in this place recur again to an incident in the war of 175.5, as it
was a fulfilment of the prediction of Scaroyada, which probably gave Penn-
sylvania more alarm, and caused her greater consternation than any other in
her whole history; not even excepting the war of the revolution, or the
"Western Insurrection."

The author of the view of that province in 175.5, closes his work with this
"POSTSCRIPT. I send you," he writes, "the following postscrii)t to niv
long letter. The scalping continues! Yesterday [December 14th] tlie Dutcn
brought down for upwards of (JO miles, in a wagon, the bodies of some of
their countrymen who hud been just scal|)ed by the Indians, and threw them
at the State-House door, cursing the (Quakers' principles, and bidding the com-
mittee of assembly behold the fruits of their obstinacy, and confess that their pre-
tended sanctity tvoidd not save the province wiUwut the use of means, at the same
time threatening, that if thev should come down on a like errand again, and find
nothing done for their protection, tlie consequences should be fatal, A Dutch mob
is a terrible thing ; but methods are taking to pacify them, and prevent it."

The manner in which this serious afliur is spoken of by honest John
Churchman, in his life and travels, deserves to be noticed, as well for its
addition to the stock of historical fiicts, a; . showing how it was viewed by one
of the strictest of the Friends' party. "The Indians," he says, " having burnt
several houses on the frontiers of this province, also at Gnadeidmtten, in
Northampton county, and murdered and scalped some of the inhabitants,
two or three of the' dead bodies were brought to Philadelphia in a wagon,
with an intent, us was supposed, to animate the people to imite in prejmra-
tions for war, to take vengeance on the Indians, ant^ destroy them. They
were carried along several of the streets, many ])eoi)le following, cursing the
Indians, also the Quakers because they would not join in war lor destruction
of the Indians. The sight of the dead bodies and the outcry of the peo|)le
were very afflictive and shocking to me : standing at the door of a friend's
house, as they passed along, my mind was much humbled, and tinned nuich
inv*ard, when I was made secretly to cry. What ivill become of Pennsylvania ?"
The good man also said to himself, that the snis of drunkemK ss, jiride, pro-
faneness, and other wickedness, had not only pr'ihitcd the borders where the
nmrders were committed, but PhiladeiphiaViiKcvvise, and that in the day ol
reti'ibution blood would be re(iuired here also.

Chap. XIV ]

ESTILF/S DEFKAT.

681

Scvpre reflections were inrliilfrod in relative to the cnnrlnct of some of the
UiiuiierH. Kntluiniel Grubh, nionihcr of tlio iisseinbly, niid n nromiiient clmr-
acter amoiif,' tlicin, was Hent into the interior to learn tlie truth nspeetiiig the
ravages coniphiined of; lie is reported to iiave said that " tiiose killed by tlio
Indians were only some Scotch- 1 risk, who eoiild well enough Ik; spared ;" nnd
Buch, it was further reported, was "the common lanj^uage of many of tlmt
Beet." But these charges are to be taken with large allowances.

fifge

CHAPTER XIV.

Early western liistnry — Incidents of buttles — Estii.i.'s nF.rr.AT — Simon Girtij—Siegt
of Bryant's sill I ion — Damki. Boone — Battle ok tiik Blue Licks — Its disastrouM
issue — Miissacre of Miijnr Douirhtij s men — Hiinner's Cam/iiii/pi — Col. Haruim —
JJ is first ilrfi'ut — jYarrow escapes of inilividiinls — Majou VVvllys — Secinul itefeiU
— Majors Fontaine anil IVi/llys hilled — Battle near Fort Recovery — Cliiifs Under-
wood AND SaLLAD — McMaHON'.S DEFEAT AND DEATH — (JlllliUlt OCtioH of LieUt

Drake — Capt. Hartskornc killed — Fate of the chief Sallad — Pio.mi.voo.

•' Of nil men, saving Sj'lla tlio mnn-nlaycr.

Who im^seii for in life nicMt Imky
Uf the t'rout niunes, which in nur I'.icea stare,

Tlio General linon, huckwDoliniiin of Kentucky,
Was hapjiicHt iiiiMiti:; mortiiN nnywhcre ;

The pri sent caio in [Miint I

Cite is, that Buun lived hunting up to ninety,

'Ti< trni' ho shrank from men, even of his nation,

Whi'n th>'y huilt U[> into his il.irliri:^ tre(?4, —
H>> niiivi'd some linndnd miles oil', for ii station

Where there were fewer houaea and more eaae." — BYhotr.

As the tide of emif»ration rolled westward, farther and farther was carried
from ttie Atlantic shores the van billow, which broke in blood as it rolled on-
ward, and which will not cease until it has met its kindred wave, projrressing
from the western ocean, and both shall have swept down and buried in their
course those forms of humanity, in whose name there will remain a charm
forever ; and which will strike tlie imagination stronger and stronger, as the
times in which they were are seen through the dim distance of ages. We
can yet view upon the hills of the west, as the sun sinks beyond them, the
figure of one of the race, with his bow in his hand, and its production by hia
side, in his way to his humble wigwam in the glen to which its smoke above
the tops of the lofly trees directs him. Is there a land.scapo in nature like
this? Who that has even read of the Indian can efface it from his memory?
But it is our ruling maxim not to indulge in descriptions merely to delight
the imagination, but to give our space entirely to facts which should be
remembered, leaving poetry to those writers better skilled in it.

We shall here proceed to the detail of the events of one of the most san-
guinary battles, considering the numbers engaged, ever fought in the west

On the 23 March, 1782, a company of 25 Wyandots attacked Estill's station,
in Kentucky, killed one man and took a negro prisoner. The owner of the
station, Capt. James Estii.l,* a bold pioneer, was at the time al)seiit engaged
in scouting in defence of his neighbors, and having received intelligence of
the attack upon his own house, hastened in pursuit of the party which had
made it Their trail led across Kentucky River, thence towards the Ohio,
which Ca])t Estill followed with ardor; and when he came within about two
miles of Little Mountain, now the village of Mount Sterling, the hidians were
discovered on the right bank of Ilinkston's branch of Licking River. They
immediately threw themselves into a position of defence, and Capt Estill
whose men numbered the same as those of the Indian chief, drew up his in

• In all llie editiotis of Boone's Narrative it is Ashton, but it is an error. A county per
petuates the name of (he brs.'.e Estill.

^^!r*'

682

SIEGE OF HRYANTVS STATION.

[Book V

front of them on the o|>po8ito sitlo. All now depended o.i the greatest exer-
ewe of »>kill ; lor neither could claim to [)e iM-tter markMmen than the other
if the whiteH were gooti, so were the VVyandots. They waited for the Ken-
tuckiaiiH to l)cgin the Imttlc, which they immediately did, and on the first tire
the chief of the Indiaiij^ was severely wounded. This so disconcerted his
uien that many of them were for making a rapid retreat; hut his voice rallied
them to their jiosts, and the strite was now urged with tlic utmost determina-
tion on both sides. Eatdi was contident in his own superiority in skill over
his adversary, and for some time hut few fell, owing to the covered positions
both parties held.

At length it was apjiarent to the chiefs that it would require a long time to
decide the contest by that mode of action, and each waited impatiently liir the
other to make some advances by which advantage might be gained. It is un-
natural for a white man to lie by n deer's path all day, waiting t()r it to pass,
at the end t)f which he is (piite as uncertain whether it will come in the course
of another, or, perhaps, not till the end of ten days. It may Imj as unnatural
for the Indian ; but he will wait day in and day out without half the uneasi-
ness which tt white man feels. Thus, at the memorable battle of the Little
Mountain, the whites would not wait for a change of position by th<! Indians,
and thereibre resolved to make one themselves. Experienced tacticians sel-
dom divide their forces. The Indian chief kept his imbodied ; but the Ken-
tuckian divided his, and it proved tiis ruin.

Capt, Estill despatched Lieut. Miller, with six men, with orders to cross the
river, and come upon the backs of the Indians, while he would occii|)y them
in front. Accordingly, Miller marched out on this design ; and, to deceive
the Lidians, the captam extended his line in front, with the view of closing in
on the flanks of the Lidians the moment Lieut. Miller should divert them in
his direction. Unhappily for the whites, that time never came; Miller was
easily defeated ; or, as some * say, came no more into action. Yet Estill was
enabled to continue the fight for more than an hour ; meanwhile, his centre
became weak, and being furiously charged by the Indians, his men broke and
dispersed. Each man shifted for himself as well as he could ; Capt. Estill,
and his second lieutenant. South, both escaped fiom the field of buttle ; but
they fell by the tomahawk in their fiight. Eour oidy escaped from that san-
giiii;ary strife, — excepting those under Miller, — and those lour were all
wounded.

The Indians were supposed to have lost half their number ; but they were
imboldened by this success, and other depredations followed.

In the following August, that noted fiend and miscreant, Simon Girty, now
twice a savage in disposition, came down upon Kentucky at the head of
above 500 Indians, from the tribes of the Wyandots, Mianiies, Pottowattoinies,
Shawaiiees, and Cherokees. Their object was the destruction of Bryant's
station, on the Elk Horn, which fortunately had news of then* ajiproach in
flme to prepare for them. Nevertheless, 6irty, relying on his numbers, de-
termined to reduce it. A spring near the fort, which supplied it with water,
was unprotected, and he stationed a considerable body neor it, in conceal-
ment, to cut off such as should venture to it during the siege. Another party
was ordered to post themselves in full view in front of the garrison, by which
feint it was expected the main strength of it would he drawn out ; in which
event a third party was to storm a certain gate, and, if possible, force it, and
thereby gain possession.

The attack commenced in front ; but Girty's design was fathomed by the
shrewd backwoodsmen. They at once saw that but a small party began the
onset, and rightly judged a much greater one lay concealed in their rear.
Tlicy now determined to attempt a stratagem on Girty's camp, and witn what
siiciVss we shall next proceed to state. Thirteen young men were sent out
to attack the Indians in front, while the remainder of the garrison (about 30)
were prejiared to receive the party in the rear. Girty was comi)letely de-
ceived by the manceuvre, for supposing the main body had gone in pursuit

* Gov. MoREHKAll

of Kenlucky.

ill Ills admirable address in Commemoration of ihe First SeUiemenl

Chip. XIV.]

SIEGK OF imVANTS STATION.

663

of the Htnall party in front, lio nmhcd up with prcnt fury to pxf nite tliis part
of iiJH plan. At tiio sanie iiioinciit tiie pirrLsou opttiicd upon iiiui a most
deadly tiro. This was entirely unexpected, and "iho whole Indian army"
Hed with the utmost precipitation, leavinjf the IH hravo men, who had made
the Hortie, at lil)erty to rejoin their friends. Hut the siejfe was not to termi-
nate here ; the fugitives returned in a short time, under cover of logs and
fences, and lor several hours kept u|> a contiruial tiring u|>on the garrison.

M'anwhile, word had been receive«l at Lexington, that liryant's liirt was in
innnnent diuiger, and a party of about 50 men, horse and loot, set off to re-
lieve it. The besieging Indians, l)eing aware of tlitir march, andtuslied the
road near the garrison, and were exulting in the prospect of cutting otf the
whole party ; but such was the dexterity of that company of men, that they
succeeded ° < dashing through the whole body of Indians, with the loss only
of six of tlicir mimber ; and even those were lost, as it were, by accident.
The company approached the garrison in two divisions at the same time, and
the party first attacked did not lose a man, while the other, instead of pro-
ceeding directly to the fort, tacked and marclKul for the relief of their friends,
and thereby came directly into the hands of tlie Indians, who had now noth-
ing to do but to turn their arms upon Miem. In this affair Girty was knocked
down by the force of a ball which lodged in his shot-pouch, without doing
him any injury.

Girty, being now well aware that a further waste of time and ammunition
would Ih) of no avail, resolved, as a last resort, to try tiie efi'ect of a gascon-
ade. Accordingly, crawling up as near the fort as he could find a covert,
he hailed those within, and demanded a surrender ; said they now had an
opportunity to save their lives ; but if they held out longer, he coidd not bo
accountable fbr their safety. And, besides, he said, he hourly expected two
pieces of cannon, and a thousand more Indians, who, when arrived, would
nuke deplorable havoc of every man, woman, and child ; tiiat now was their
oidy chance of escaping that sa^ne of blood. And, after extolling their bra-
very and courage, he closed with the announcement of the name of Simon
GiRTT, and that what had been promised was tipon his honor; and demanded
whether the gan'ison knew him.

A young nian, named Reynolds, was appointed to reply to him, which he
did in a style of taunt whicii will long be remembered in Kentucky story.
" Know you ?" said Reynolds ; "Ay, that we do. I have a good-for-nothing
dog named Simon Girty. Bring up your reenforcements and artillery, and be

d d to you ; we will not fight you with guns, but have prepared switches

with which to drive you out of the fort if you should get in, with much more
in like kind. If Girty was not s^Uisfied before, he became so now ; and, on
the following morning, the whole army marched ofi" towards their own coun-
try. Thus ended the celebrated siege of Bryant's station, August 17th, after
about 36 hours' duration.

The country had become alarmed over a wide extent, and, on the next day
afler the termination of the siege, a large nurn'oer of men had assembled on
the ground, eager to pursue the Indians. Among them were several officers
of known valor, the chief of whom were Col. John Todd of Lexington, Lieut.
Col. Triog of Harrodsburgh, Lieut. Col. Boone of Boonesborough, and Majs.
Harlan, McGary, and Levi Todd. Col. Loj^an had been notified, and was
believed to be on his march to join them ; but such was the ardor of the men
now assembled, though no more than 18^, to have a fight with those Indians,
whom they believed GOO strong, tliat they would not be restrained, and they
marched on the evening of the same day, on their trail. This irrational iin-

Eetuosity, it should be remembered, did not extend to such men as Daniel
loone,* who coolly gave it as his oi)inion, that it was not prudent to pursue
until a reenfbrcenient should arrive ; but tiiis sage counsel was scouted by
some, while others attributed it to cowardice. Like Little Turtle, before the

* The writer of the life of "Boon," ill ilie " Ameriran Portrait Gallery,'' has not nolired
the distinguished oart he acte<l in the hnttle of tiie JJlue l-ioks. This juslly-c-lebrnled man
died in the house of his son, Maj. i^}. lioone, of Alontgoinery county, SK September, IffJO, in
bis 8dth year.

684

DISASTER AT THE BLUE LICKS.

fCooK V.

hottle of Miami, Boone bore the insult in silence, but did his duty in the bat.
tie wliich ensued.

As this devoted band marched along, it was apparent to every man of ex-
perience which coinjioKod it, that the enemy expected puri'uit, lor they had,
in many ways, left traces of their mai'ch, which an enemy not courting i)ur
suit would never have made. Boone, and others of his mind, who hud doubt-
ed the propriety of the ])roceeding, hoped iImi ilie impetuoup party would
come to their reason as they approached the scene of danger, which doubtless
would have been the case, but for the mad act of one man, and that was a
Maj. McGary.

After a march of about 40 miles, they came to Licking River, at the since
well-known |)oint called the Bltte Licks ; and as the hill opened to their view
on the op|)osite side, a few Lidians were discovered slowly ascending it, and
leisurely disapi»eured on the other side. Here a council of war was called,
and CoL Todd, the comniander-in-chiefj called on Col. Boone for his advice.
It was given with candor, and caution was stronglj' recommended, us it had
been betbre leaving Bryant's, on the preceding day. This course of the com-
mander ought to have silenced all clamors, especially as noiiC could but ac-
knowledge the wisdom of Col. Boone. He well understood t)ie natiue of the
adjacent country ; he had made salt at the lick ; hunted in its vicinity; and it
was there he tell into the hands of the Indians in 1778, and suft(;red a long
captivity. These considerations availed little. Spies v, ere sent out ; but they
returned without making any discovery. Boone described a ravine, ir v/hich
he did not doubt the Indians lay concealed, and proposed two measur ;s ; one
of which he thought should be adopted. The tirst was to wait lor a rei-n-
forcement ; but if they woidd not consent to that, he advised thn' . ',)art of
their Ibrce should be detached up the river, to cross it and sur])ri ., the In-
dians; while the remainder should make a feint in front of thc'r j)osition.
Here all deliberations were suspended by the war-' hooj), not from the In-
dians, but McGaiy, who, s])urring his horse into tlu I'iver, in defiance of all
subonlination, called out for all that were not cowards to follow him — he would
show tlvem the Indians. The miserable "example was contagious among the
fiery spirits;" and though a part remained with Todd and Boone for a short
time, all were soon over the river, and, says Boone,* "we discovered the
enemy lying in wait for us. On this discovery, we formed our colnnms into
one single line, and marched up in their front within about 40 yards, before
there was a gun fired. Col. Trigg commanded on the right, myself on
the left, iVIaj. McGary in the centre, and Maj. Harlan the advance party in
front From the manner in which we had formed, it fell to my lot to bring
on the u'tack. This was done with a very heavy fire on both sides, and ex-
tended ba( k of the line to Col. Trigg, where die enemy Avas so strong that
they rushed up and broke the right wing at the first fire. Thus the enemy
got into our rear, and we wore compelled to retreat with the loss of 77 of our
men,f and 12 wounded." Such is the sunmiaiy account of that sanguinary
battle by Col. Boone himseltj a most conspicuous actor in it

The right wing was dreadfully cut to pieces. Col. Trigg was killed, with
most of his n.tn, while Boone sustained liimself manfully in his position.
Maj. Harlan, whom no danger could daunt, maintained his ground until but
Uirce of his men were left, when he fell mortally wounded. The tomahawk
«vas now resorted to by the savages, and the remainder of the little army gave
way, one wing after another, and a dismal rout ensued. Some regained their
horses, while others fled on foot They were a mile frtm the lick where they
had crossed the river; and when they arrived there, the Indians in great num-
bers wore upon tl'.em. No pen can describe the scene now begun. Col.
Todd was here numbered with die slain. Boone very narrowly escaped,
conveying n" •• Iiis *on by a secret padi, who, to his lasting sorrow, he soon
found was mortally wounded, and he was obliged to leave him in the way.

• III a Ictlcr to (lie Rovcnior of Virginia, tlalcd on tlie 30 August following tlie baUlc, ap-
ppildr-cl to (iov. Morohisul's discour^o.

t Till! In'liaiis wer(! si\i<l to Imve lost the aamo niimlier-, but it is improbable. Tlicy burn!
at Jie stake several of the whiles wlio fell olive into tiieir liaiids.

Chap. XIV.]

MASSACRE OF MAJ. DOUGIITY'S MEN.

685

The flying party met Col. Logan with the expected reenforcement, l)etbre
the\ arrived at Bryant's station. That veteran officer slied tears wlien lie
heard of the blind fate of so many valuable men. With Col. Boone, and such
others as would join him, he marched for the battle-ground of the lyth, and
arrived there on tlie 21st ; from whence, alter burying the dead, he returned
to the settlements. " The news of this grievous disaster went like u dagger
to the hearts of the people of Kentucky." But its strength was to be exerted
under more favorable auspices in future. Gen. Clark destroyed the IndiaQ
town of Chillicothe, and several other villages on the Miami, immediately
after, which terminated the war in Kentucky, in this expedition, too, Boone
was conspicuous.

Passing over minor events of border waifare, we come next to the detail
of Harmer*s campaign, one of the most extraordinary incidents in western
history. With the war of the revolution that with the Indians closed, only
to be revived according to circutnstances on their part, or wlion it suited their
convenience. Vai'ious acts of hostility were kept up, growing out of what
the Indians with truth were made to believe were inli-ingcnients upon their
rights and privileges. That both parties had cause of complaint will not be
denied; but that botli had an equal chance for redress, is a quc^liin no one
will seriously propound. The Indians were by no means on equal looting in
this respect ; and hence the cause of their frequently attempting redress by
retaliation. In tiict, few of them knew any other remedy. The complaints
from the western irontiers had become so loud in 17i)0, that congress re-
quested the secretary of war, Gfen. Knox, to collect what information he
could, relative to depredations by the Indians upon the iidiubitants of that
region. An able report was the result of the investigation, in which it was
stated that within two years past, upwards of 1,500 persons had been killed
or carried into captivity, and a great amount of property destroyed. Among
other mischiels, was an attack upon a company of government so'diers, under
the following circumstances: —

In the month of April, 1790, Maj. John Doughty and Ensign Sedam went,
with 15 men, in boats, upon some public business to the friendly Cliikasaws.
Having performed their mission, and, as they were ascending the Tennessee
River, 40 Indians approached them in canoes, under a white flag. They were
admitted on board ; and nothing but a friendly disposition being manili^sted,
presents were distributed to them, and they left in seeming good faith ; but
uo sooner had they put off from their friends, than they poured in upon them
a destructive fire. The Americans were almost entirely unprepared lor such
a salutation ; but they returned it as soon as their circumstances would al-
low, and '.lie fight contimied for some time ; and, notwithstanding the great
inequality of numbers, finally succeeded in beating off the Lidians, though
not imtil they had killed all but four of the company. Such are the incidents
of the massacre of Maj. Douglity's men. This, with other events of a less
atrocious character, caused the appointment of Gen. Josiah llarmer, then
commanding at Fort Wasiiingtoii, to be jjlaced at the head of a force, to be
led against the Indians on the Miami ; an account of which, in the next place,
we shall proceed to give in detail.

Gen. llarmer was considered an able tactician, and was an officer of the
late revolutionary army ; and it was expected that he would find little diffi-
culty in breaking up the haunts of the Indians, and subiliiing them, if they
attempted to meet him in a general battle. lie had ',iW re;inlar troops put
under him, with orders to call upon Kentucky and Pennsylvania )i)r (piotas
of militia to increase his Ibn-e to 1,500 men. About the close of Se|»teini)er,
the re(iuisite numb<>r of men iifiving arrived, the army marched fi'om Fort
Washington for the Indian country, ('ol. Hardin was (hstaclu d, with (JOO
men, with orlers to proceed in advance of tlus initin body ; and, after a
march of 17 days, he arrived at the Great Miami village, October 1(J. He
found it deserted and in flames. It was situ.itcd at the conHuence of tlie
yt. Jos(!ph's and St. Mary's Rivers — a site now incliidfd in Allen county,
Indiana. About 5 acres were enclosed l)y))icket^, within which the army
encamped. In the burning buildings, great (pianlilies of grain were discov-
ered ; and, on further search, abundance more was found hi holes in tiia
5

686

DEFEAT OF HARMER'S ARMY.

[Book V.

gi-onnd. At the same time, a detachment of 300 men, under Col. Trotter
and Maj. Rliea, marched out upon discovery. They found 5 villages, all
burnt, and saw about 30 Indians. Thinking these a decoy, they did not at-
tack thein. The next day, which was the 17 October, Maj. Fontaine, aid-de-
camp to Gen. Harmer, with a party of 200 loot and about 50 horsemen, pro-
ceeded to find Lidiuns. Numerous signs were discovered ; and, at somp ,]
or 7 miles from camp, he fell in with a party, and was defeated with a loss
of 70 men. Others state that there were but 170 men in all, 30 of wlion'
were regulars under Lieut Armstrong and Ensign Hartshorn ; that 23 of the
latter were killed or taken, and seven escajied by flight. Lieut. Armstrong
saved himself by plunging into a slough, and remaining most of the night up
to his neck in mud and water. Ensign Hartshorn made an equally narrow
escape. In his flight he stumbled over a log, which, as he fell, he observed
contained a cavity of suttieient magnitude to admit liis body. He crawled
into it, and eventually escaped unobserved. While h 3 lay in the hollow tree,
he witnessed from a knot-hole the burning and dreadful torture of several of his
comrades on the same ground wliere they had been defeated. Ensign Harts-
horn is believed to be the same who lell afterwards in the battle at Fort lle-
covcry.

Never did Indians gain a more complete victory, and never was a jdan
better laid to insure it They drew the ariny after them by their trail ; then,
dividing themselves into two partios, marched back, on each side of it, to a
heath or plain, and there lay concealed in the bushes, while their pursuers
came directly into the snare. "The militia," Gen. Harmer said, "shamefully
and cowardly tlu-ew away their arms and ran, without scarcely firing a gun ;"
and thus the regulars were left to fight the whole force of the Indians, which
could not have been less than a tliousand wai-riors ; and it is matter of sur-
prise how even seven of the whites should have escaped.

This defeat was on the 17 October ; and the next day Harmer arrived with
the main body at the Great Miami village, having lost several of his scouting
parties on his march. Among these was Sergeant Johonnct, who published
a narrative of his captivity, after his escaj)e, which is one of the most interest-
ing of the kind.

We are at great loss to account for the movements the general next made.
Why he began a retreat without any further operations, it is diflicult to see.
Perhaps he had decided in his own mind that any further eftbrts would be
useless, and, without holding a coimcil of his officers, had determined to re-
turn home. If such was his resolution, and had he kept it, he would have
saved many valuable lives, if he had lost his reputation ; yet, as the case
turned, he not only lost his reputation, but what was of far greater moment
to the country, many valuable lives with it

Whether conscious tliat he was grossly reprehensible for what he had
done, or not, we can only infer the fiict from the circumstances; for he gives
us no journal of his marches from place to j)lace, and we next find him about
8 miles^ on his way home, on the evening of 21 October. Here he made a
stand, and again detached Col. Hardin, with about 400 men, of whom (iO only
were regulars, with orders to return to the Great Miami village, which, it
seemed, the general had already beon informed, was in possession of the
Indians, and to bring on an engagement with them. Under Col. Harden
went, at this time, Maj. Wyllys of Connecticut, Maj. Fontaine, Maj. McMul-
ien, and Col. Hall. They marched in the course of the same night, and
about day, on the 22d, came to the village in four divisions, to each of which
was assigned a different jxiiut of attack. They did not find tlie Indians un»
prepared ; bi were met by them with a bravery and valor not to be over-
come. IJy one account, it is said the fight lasted three hours ; that, diiruig it,
Maj. McMullen drove a jiarty of the Indians into the Miami. Maj. Wyllys,
with about GO men, was cut off by a band of warriors, who came upon him
in the rear, under cover of a field of think hazels. Maj. Fontaine, having
order'id his men to retreat, himself, "in a frenzy of courage," rode directly
back into the thickest of the eneuiy, "cutting and slashing," till he was
wounded, and carried off by two of his men ; but he was overtaken, killed,
and scalped. Maj. Wyllys was left mortally wounded. He requested to be
liclped upon his horse, " that he might give them another charge ; but, in the

Chap. XIV]

ACTION NEAR FOIIT RECOVERY.

697

hurry of tlie retreat, it could not be done;" and Lieut Frotliingliani, of iiis
coinmuiul, was left among the slain.

A retreat was tnaile in tolerable order ; and because the whites were not

[)ursucd, llariner pretended to claim a victory ! But Indians will never
eave plunder to pursue a flying foe, who has left all behind him.

There fell in this miserably conducted expedition, 214 men, of whom 183
were killed in battle, and 31 wounded ; several of these died of their wounds.
The proiwrtion of officers was very great; besides those alreadj' named, there
were lost, Capis. Tharp, Scott, and McMutrey ; Lieuts. Sanders \V^orley,
Clark, and Ro^jers; Ensigns Sweet, Bridges, Arnold, lliggins, and Threl-
keld.

On reviewing the conduct of Gen. Harmer in this aflTuir, it would seem
that he was either crazy, or utterly devoid of judgment. It must have been
apparent to every subaltern of his command, that the first battle with the
Indians had not only increased their boldness, but their numbers also. Then,
at tilt very time, the troops are marched oft' the ground, leaving them in full
triumph ; and when at a safe distance from danger, a fifth part is sent back
into the very jaws of destruction. With these glaring facts in full view, it is
ditfi(Hilt to comprehend on what ground a court martial could honorably ex-
onerate Gen. Harmer of all blame ; nor is it any easier to discover how he
could have been acquitted of unofficerlike conduct with honor.

In the battles with the Indians during this expedition, many of them fought
on horseback, having their horses ecpiipped with a bunch of bells hanging
down the left side of their heads, and two narrow stri|)s of red and white
cloth as a sort of pendants. The Indians themselves were painted red and
black, in a manner "to represent infernal spirits." Their most hideous and
terrific appearance, added to the noise of the bells and the flapping of the
pendent strii)s of cloth, rendered them so Ibrmidable to the horses of the
militia, that they shrunk back in dismay, and it was with the greatest diffi-
culty they could be brought to the charge.

The accounts of Harmer's campaign are of the most conflicting character,
no two agreeing in its important details. His official account of it is one of
ti»e most meagre documents of the kind to be fo\nid any where. The most
we can learn from it is, that he had been somewhere to fight Indians, and
had got back again to Fort Washington, and had lost 183 men. But where,
or when, or how it was done, he has left us to conjecture. Judge JMarshall
has unaccountably placed it under 1791, and Shallus, who is generally to be
relied on, places his march from F'ort VVashington, and all his battles (which,
by the way, he never fought any) under the date of 30 September.

I am aware that this account of Harmer's campaign differs considerably
from those before printed, but the main facts were long since obtained from
persons engaged in it, and may be received as substantially correct.

The next prominent event in western history occurred during the cam-
paign of Gen. Wayne, and has been referred to as the action near Fort
Recovery.

Fort Recovery was so named because it was built on the ground where
Gen. St. Clair had been defeated ; and hence that ground was recovered out of
the hands of the savages. This fort became inunediately very noted in
history, from a bloody battle fought in its vicinity, on the 30th of June, 17il4.

Fort Recovery wiis one of those advanced posts u|)on which Gen. Wayne
depended, in the event of his being obliged to retreat out of the Indian
country, upon any unforeseen disaster. It was on a small branch of the
Wabash, (mistalren by Gen. St. Clair for the St. Mar}''s,) about 2.3 miles from
Greenville, and about 80 or J>0 from Fort AV'^ushington, (Cincinnati,) and ia
upon the southern border of Mercer county, Ohio, not 3 miles fiom the Hue
dividing Ohio from Indiana. It had been built in tne winter of 17! '3, and in
June, 171)4, the general ordered a quantity of provisions to ho dejiosited there,
as a link in the chain of his supplies. It was not imtil the 2itth of this month
that a convoy was ready to ])roc(!ed thither fiom Fort Greenvil'c.

Meanwhile two distinguished Indian chiefs, with a fi;w liillowcrs, liad
marched lor Fort Recovery, to learn what they could, in the way, of the
ricinity of the enemy. These two chiefs were named Capt. U-NDERWoeo,

:..

688

ACTION NEAR FORT RECOVLKY.

[BooE V.

and Capt. Bobb Salimd ; the former a Chiknsaw, and tin latter a Choctaw
Tiiey perfornied their service Itiithf'iilly, and arrived at Recoveiy the same
evening that tlie convoy did, but whether before or ailer, is not mentioned ;
yet the value of their service upon this occasion was lost liom want of a
proper anangement; for on hailing the fort, they were taken lor the enemy,
and speaking a different language from the western Indians, could make no
communication to those within, and hence were obliged to retire with morti-
fication. They were prepared to communicate the important intelligence,
that "a large army" of Lidians was hovering about the Ibrt, and were to be
expected inunediately to attack it. It was discovered aller^vards, tliat the
Indians had learned the weakness of the garrison, and determined on carrj-
injj it by storm, thus proving the value of the information which was lost ;
the important post, Recovery, being then deiended by Init about 100 men,
under Capt. Gibson. Of these, 30 were infantry, under the innnediate com-
mand of Lieut. Drake, who, in the battle which followed, acted a most cou-
8i)icuou8 pait.

The convoy consisted of 300 pack-horses, 80 riflemen under Capt. Harts-
horn, and 50 dragoons under Capt. Taylor; the wliole under Major J. McMa-
HON. They arrived the same evening at their place of destination, without
accident. On the morning of the last day of June, as the convoy was about
to resume its return march, it was fiercely attacked by a lujmerous body of
Indians, 3,000 or upwards, as was afterwards ascertained. Previous to march-
ing, the pack-horsemen had spread themselves along their road, and were
grazing their horses, and some were nearly a mile from the Ibrt when the
onset begun. On hearing the firing. Major McMahon, supposing the Indians
but few, took only the 50 dragoons, and pushed ibrvvm-d to the jjoint of attack.
Near the extremity of the line of pack-horses, he found himself almost en-
compassed by Indians, who, showing themselves of a sudden, seemed to
cover the ground for a great distance. With their deafening yells they poured
av incessant fire upon the devoted band with deadly effect. Among tho first
killed was the commander, who was shot dead from his horse. Cai)t. Taylor,
with the remainder of ihe troojts, came immediately to the rescue, but finding
himself surrounded by the great numbers of the enemy, endeavored to cut
his retreat through them, and was likewise slain, as was also Cornet Terry.
Capt. Hartshorn, who commanded the rifh men, received a severe wound in
the knee, and notwithstanding he was carried some uisstance by his men, he
was finally overtaken and killed. They gained an eminence and continued
the fight

111 the meantime the remnant of dragoons and other fugitives had gained
the cleared ground adjacent to the Ibrt, and were contending at most ft'arful
odds with their victorious enemy. Seeing their desperate situation, Capt.
Gibson jiermitted Lieut. Drake, at his own request, to make a sally fiom the
fort in aid uf his companions. " He accorduigly sallied out, at the liei.d of
his own men and a portion of the riflemen, skilfidly interposed his detach-
ment between the retreating troops and the enemy, opened upon them a hot
fire, an-ested their advance, and thus gave an opportunity to the wounded to
effect their escape, and to the broken and retreating pomi)anies to refiarm and
again to face the enemy. Tiiroughout the whole aflliir, Drake's activity, skill,
and extraordinary self-possession, were most conspicuous. The enemy ob-
sened it as well as his friends. The munerous shots directed at him, how-
ever, were turned aside by providential interference, tmtil he bad accom-
jilished all that he had been sent to perform. He tiien received a ball through
his body and fell ; a f'>=thful corporal came to his assistance, and with his aid
he reached the fort; aii>' those two were the last of the retreating party that
entered it— Drake making H a prmt of honor that it should be so." *

Lieut. Drake was not mori.dl/, though very severely wounded, but never en-
tirely recovered. He returned home to Connecticut in the summer of 17!l(!, on
a ftu-lough, and died there shortly after, from the immediate effects of the yellow

* From n roinnumiciition of our present wortliy i-liicf inafristrate. (iKN. IlAnnitoN, by
whirh 1)0 illiislralrd in the most hiippv inanni-r, tlint it was no proof of cowardice for au
oUicer to derlino lifjiilin-,' a duel ; Drake having Wfore refnsed to accept a challenge from,
notwithstanding lie had been grossly insulted by, another ollicer.

Ch.p. XV.]

EXPLOITS AT FORT RECOVERY.

6S9

feviT, it 18 said, which he had contracted in passing through Plr.iaaclphia, in
his way. The hrave Capt Hartshorn, as lias been mentioned, was wounded,
and could not travel. He requested his men to leave liim and take core of
themselves, and imniediutcly a British officer (tiie notorious Capt M'Kee)
eanu to him, and told him to surrender and he should be well treated. But
he had determined never to fall alive into the hands of the Indians, and at
the same moment aimed a blow at M'Kee with his rifle, which knocked him
off his horse ; and before he recovered, his negro servant and an Indian were
niton C.ipt. Hartshorn, and had despatched him. Lieut. Marks, of Capt. Harts-
horn's cimpany, was surrounded and alone. He fought, and kept off the
Indians witli liis spontoon until it was broken to pieces, and then jumping
over the heads of some, and knocking do\vu with his tist one tliat had taken
him prisoner, escaped.

Li this protracted and despirate fight, 25 of the Americans were killed and
40 wounded, and ail tiie pack-horses lost ; on many of which the Indians con-
veyed away their dead and wounded ; but their actual loss was never known.
Several other American officers deserve especial notice ; as Ensign Dodd of
Lieut. Drake's command, and Lieut. Michael of Ca[)t. Hartshorn's. Michael
bad been detached with a cliosen party, all of whom were killed but three ;
himself escaping in a similar ninnnor to that of Lieut. Marks. The Lidians
closely besieged the fort all tlu.: day and night, and the next day till about
noon, when they drew off The Indians displayed great bravery, olleu ad-
vancing in solid column within the range of the guns of tlie fort.*

The well-known chiefs, Little Turtle and Blue Jacket, were among
the foremost leaders of the Indians in this battle. Of Capt. Underwood, we
have no further account ; but the sequel of the life of his companion is soon
told. He had about this time been sent upon an excursion, and meeting with
a party of the enemy, deftiated them ; pursued one into the midst of a large
encampment, where he despatched him ; but, at the same time, lost his
own life.

There were, in Gen. Wayne's army, 20 warriors out of the tribe of Chok-
taws. PiOMi. o, who had been with St. Clair, was also of the number. He
is believed to have been the same, atlerwards called Gen. Colburt, in which
suggestion, if we are correct, he was the son of a Scotti&ii geutlenian by an
Indian woman, whose father was killed in an affair near the mouth of the
Ohio, in 1781. His services under Gen. St. Clair have been touched upon ;
and for those under Gen. Washington, he received a sword, and a commission
of major ; and Gen. Jackson gave him a sword also, and a colonel's commis-
sion. Having been always in the interest of the government of the tTnited
States, he supported the emigration principle ; and that his example might
have weight, he went himself to Arkansas, in 1836, with the Ridge party.
But his years there were few, as doubtless they must have been in the land
of his nativity, for in 1839 he had attained his l)5tli year, which ended hia
earthly career. He died there in November of that year.

PiOMiNGO was a true Indian. His men having taken a prisoner who had
been engaged in St. Clair's defeat, he ordered him to immediate execution ;
and that no warrior should be disgraced by the act, an old man was ap-
pointed to shoot him. He had joined Gen. St. Clair's army with 21 men.

CHAPTER XV.

EVENTS OF THE INDIAN WAR OF 17(J3 AND 1764, ON THE OHIO.

Sieire of Fort Pitt—Mlij ilrfr.nHcd by Capt. Ecvvs.n—Col. Henry Bouquet ordered to
march to its rr'icf— Extreme danger of the undertaking — Throws succor into Fort

' 1 hnvn 1)0011 lliiis cirriimslaiUial in (lotailiiiij ll\is iiiipnriaiit event in our Indian wars, be-
cause it lias not been done by any writer ; several have, howi-ver. noiired il, but (heir ae-
eotmH are very inPom|)lete. My ciiief aiidiorilies are, ••.1 Liller dat--it at Fori Gremiille,fiiur
d.tvi aftir the battle," The We.iteni Revieiv, and Witlier'i Chro'iicles.

53* 2T

690

BOUQUET'S EXPEDITION-SIEGE OF FORT PITT. fBooi V

Ugonier, as docs Cant. Gurry— Fort Bedford besieged— BArn-n of Bushy Ron
— ^ second battle— End of the campaign— Jin army raised for another— Col. Bou-
quel commands it — Col. Brudstreet to cooperate by the lakes — Indians completely
subdued and sue for peace — Surrender 2W captives.

Westwaril the wavoii of populalion roll,

Like tho wild pyriiinid of uulul fl,.-o,
Pwfii'ping the bronil pruirie without control,

Urged hy fierce tcniprsts which no might can tamo

In this chapter it is proposed to detail those events of Pontiak's war not
before particularly considered. We have seen the termination of the siege of
Detroit, and we will now return into the distant south, to another besieged
fort, upon the Ohio, named Pitt, in honor of the great statesman, William
Pitt. It had been closely invested for many days, when Pontiak gave up
the siege of Detroit, and all communication was cut oft" from it, when an order
was given ibr an attempt to throw supplies into it by marching through the
wilderness. This fort stood upon a narrow tongue of land made by the con-
fluence of the Monongaheia with the Ohio, and such was the boldness of the
Indians that " they had posted themselves under the banks of both rivers, by
the very walls of the fort, and continued, as it were, buried there, Irom day to
day, with astonishing patience ; pouring in an incessant storm of musketiy
and fire arrows ; " by which they hud counted upon starving or burning out at
length the beleaguered garrison.

Fort Pitt was commanded by Capt Ecuyer, an officer who did himself
much credit on the occasion, for he had not oidy the wily chiefs of forty bands
of savages to jjrovide against, but the flood-gates of heaven had been opened
against him ; by which the swollen rivers had nearly destroyed the foundation
of his fortress. He Was 200 miles, by any travelled path; from all settlements,
and could send no account of his distressed condition beyond the walls of
the fort

Gen. Amherst was acquainted with the fate of some of the outposts, and he
had thrown succors into Detroit ; but whetiier Fort Pitt was in the hands of the
Indians or the English, there was nothing beyond conjecture. Such was the
condition of things when he magnanimously determiiied to send a force to its
relief. He had only the shattered remainder of the 42d and 77tli regiments,
just returned from the West Indies, that he could spare for the enterprise, and
it was hazarding not a little to attempt it with men worn down with hard ser-
vice and disease ; when those in high spirits and sound health could scarcely
hope to pass Hraddock's fatal fields with safety.

The forces destined for the expedition were ordered to rendezvous at Car-
lisle in Pennsylvania, and Col. Henry Bodquet was apiminted to lead them.
Melancholy forebodings occupied the minds of the frontier inhabitants ; a
great number of plantations had been plundered and burnt, mills destroyed,
"and the full ripe ci'ops stood waving in the fields, ready for the sickle, but
the reapers were not to be found." liut alwut 500 efJective men were all that
the colonel could count Ujwn, and it was feared that they would meet uith a
defeat, which would leave the inhabitants in a vastly worse condition than if
the expedition had not been undertaken. And such was the despondency of
the people, that, notwithstanding a deposit of provisions had been ordered at
Carlisle early in the season, when Col. Bouquet ari'ived there in Jul}-, he found
nothing had been done; and instead of finding supplies for his men, he fbiuul
the wretched inhabitants expecting them of him, and he actually bestowed
some upon them out of his own stores. Yet in spite of these discouragements,
he was ready, in about eighteen days, to take up his line of march.

Meanwhile, Fort Ligonier, tiir advanced into the wilderness, and west of the
Alleghany Mountains, was in the greatest danger of failing into the hands of
the Indians, and all haste was made by Col. Bouquet to reach it with the army
to prevent such a catastrophe. This was of es])ecial importance, inasmuch
as that fort contained a large quantity of military stores, and was in a ruinous
condition, as well as weakly garrisoned, notwithstanding two other small forts
had been abandoned to strengthen it; namely, one "at the crossings of the
Juuiutu," and the other at Stony Creek.

Chap. XV]

B\TTLE OF BUSHY RUN.

691

Not being able to march with the main body as soon as he deemed it neces-
Bai-y, Col. Bouquet determined to send thirty men in advance through the
woods to join tiie garrison. " For an oitject of that imi)ortaiife, every risk
was to be run," it was said ; and they set out on their hazardous journey with
email liopes from tlieir friends. Contrary to what might have been expected,
as well as former experience, this little band succeeded, by ibrccd marches,
without being discovered by the Indians, ujitil they had got within sight of the
fort, by throwing themselves into it ; and although fired ut>on, escaped unin-
jured. Their having been anticipated, however, in their benevolent work,
detracts nothing from the honor of its pertbrmance ; nor is Capt. Ourry the
less to be commended for having encouraged twenty volunteers to march from
Fort Bedford, where he connnanded, upon the same ditiicult service. These
few brave woodsmen met with a success proportionate to their courage.
" Here the distressed families, scattered for twelve or fifteen miles around,
fled for protection, leaving most of their effects a prey to the savages."

Fort Bedford was as clo.-iely invested as Ligonier ; and about this time a
party of eighteen men were sur|)rised in its very neighborhood and all cut ofj".
This happened but a few days previous to the arrival of Col. Bouquet at that
place, which was on the iJ5 .July, 17(KJ. Fort Bedford was 100 miles beyond
tlie frontier, and the sai.'ie distance from Fort Pitt.

As soon as the Indians became acquainted with the march of the English
army, they broke up the si(!jre of Fort Pitt, and proceeded to waylay the route
tliey knew it must take. There were many formidable leaders among them
at this period, as Kikyuskung, the Wolf, Delaware chiefs ; but the most
savage and dreaded were Hluiwanese, whose names have not reached us.
The colonel marched from Fort Bedford on the 5>H July, and having to pass
several dangerous defiles, he prudently determined to leave his wagons and
proceei' only with pack-horses. Turtle Creek, along which he was to pass,
was commanded the whole way by high and craggy hills. This place he
intended to have passed on the night of the iil* July, by a forced march, thereby,
if possible, to have eluded the vigilance of his wily adversary; but this he
was not able to effect ; and we will give, in his own words, Col. Bouquet's
account of the attack made upon his men on their march. His official de-
spatch was dated at Edge Hill, twenty-six miles from Fort Pitt, 5 August, 170^ ;
and is as follows : —

" The 2d instant the troops and convoy, intended for Fort Pitt, arrived at
Ligonier, where I could obtain no intelligence of the enemy; the expresses
sent since the beginning of July, having been either killed, or obliged to
return, all the passes being occupied by the enemy. On the 4th, proceeded
with the troops, and about 340 horses laden with floin*. 1 intended to have
halted to-day at Bushy Run, a mile beyond this camp, and, after having
refreshed the men and horses, to have mai'chcd in the night over Turtle
Creek, a very dangerous defile of several miles, commanded by high and
craggy hills ; but at one o'clock tliis afternoon, after a march of seventeen mileH,
the savages suddenly attacked our advanced guard, which was innnediately
repulsed by the two light infiintry companies of the 42d regiment, who drove
the savages fi-om their ambuscade, and pursued them a good way. They
immediately returned to the attack, and the fire being obstinate on our front,
and extending along our flanks, we made a general charge with the whole
line, to dislodge the savages from the heights; in which attem|)t we suc-
ceeded, though without obtaining by it any decisive advantage ; for as soon
as they were driven f roni one post, they appeared on another, till, by continual
reenfbrceinents, they were at last able to surround us, and attack the convoy
left in our real". This obliged us to march back to protect it. The action then
became general, and though we were attacked on every side, and the savages
exerted themselves with uncommon resolution, they were constantly repulsed
with loss. We also suttered considerably : Capt. Lieut. Griiliam and Lieut.
M'Intosh are killed, and Capt. Ciraham wounded. Of the Royal American
regiment, Lieut. Dow, who acted as deputy quartermaster-general, is phot
through the body. Of the 77th, Lieut. Donald Campix'll, and Mr. Peebles, a
volunteer, are wouncU'd; in all, above sixty are killed and wounded. The
action has lasted from one o'clock till night, and we expect to begin again at
daybreak."

602

ROUaUET'S SECOND EXPEDITION.

[Cjok V.

Thus rndctl tlie first battle "near lliishy Run," and both nrniics were deter-
iiii'icd ( u another tis soon us tliey coiikl distiii^nish triend ti'oni foe, at the
earliest return of (hiyh^rlit. Accordiii<,'ly, " in tlie inoriiiiig," says Col. Bou-
«jnet, "the savages surrounded our canij), at the distance of about 500 yards,
and l)y shoiitiii'i and yelping quite round that extensive circuniierencc, thought
to have terrified us with their iiund)ers: they attacked us early, and under
fiivor of an incessant fire, made several bold efl()rts to penetrate our camp ;
and though they ttiilcd in the atteni|)t, our situation was not the less perplex-
ing, liaving expc^rienced that brisk attacks had little effect upon an enemy who
always gave way when prcEsed, and !i])|)earod again immediately: our troops
were, besides, extremely fiitigued with the long march, and as long action of
the preceiling day, and distressed to the last degree by a total want of water,
much more intolerable ihan the enemy's fire."

Such was the cf.;i> r.encement of the second battle near Bushy Run ; at
this stage of ' i*"h many had been killed and woundec!, and some had fallen
into the Ind, ' 'liif • Nothing seemed to be gained, but every thing wore
an unfiivorabli peel. Tied to their convoy, the vhites could neither iiursue
the toe nor con: 'd tiiei. r u-ch, and many of th !ir horsee were killed, and
their drivers had taken n i : in the woods. A' length the colonel put in
jiractice a stratagem, which probably was the mly means he could have
adopted to have saved his army fiom a total defeat. lie saw that the Indians
iM'came eveiy moment more and more imboldened, and to repulse them
efiectcd nothing, while to him it would soon amount to certain defeat ; he
therefore made a feigned retreat, and so masterly was it performed, that the
Indians were comjiletely deceived, and they pressed fbrward in u body from
their coverts to gain the centre of the circular encamj)ment, while one ot the
wings of the army, under Major Campbell, seconded by Capt. Basset, suddenly
closed in ti])on them from a point of the hill where he could not be observed,
pouring in at the same time a tremendoug fire, and then charging them with
impetuosity. Many of them were killed, and though they returned the fire,
their ardor was damped, and victory was no long* r doubtful. The whole
army was ujion them before they could reload, and numbers were cut off by
a cross fire before they could regain their trees.

The battle having now closed, the army was enabled to encamp and take a
little repose, of which it was in extreme need. On mustering, it was found
that 115 had been killed, wounded, and missing of the regular troops, fifty of
which were of the former number. Of the Indians they learned sixty were
killed. Four days after Col. Bouquet arrived at Fort Pitt, without any other
accident than a few scattering shot fiom unseen Indians ; and here he was
obliged to end this campaign, not having suflicicnt force to pursue the enemy
bevond the Ohio, nor any juospect of a rcenfbrcement.

The next year it was determined to send out a larger force imder the same
excellent coinmander, which should be able to strike an eftectual blow iipon
the Indians in their strong-holds, or awe them into submission. Pennsylva-
nia was to raise 1,000 men ; Virginia was called upon, and 200 friendly Indians
tendered their services. With these, part of two regiments of regulars were
to be joined, and the whole were expected at Carlisle ready to march by
July ; but it was the beginning of August before they were ready, and then
no men from Virginia ai)peared> and the friendly Indians never came. Vir-
ginia excused herself by saying it liad already 700 men in tlie field, and those
were insufficient to jjrotect its own frontier.

Meanwhile, as soon as the spring returned, the Indians fell anew upon the
back settlements of Pennsylvania and Virginia, and spread a deplorable "uin
over a great extent of country, killing and carryhig away the inhabitants with
their wonted barbarity.

Gen. Gage was now commander-in-chief in the colonies, and he ordered
Col. Bradstrect, with a strong force, to act in conjunction with Col. Bouquet,
by proceeding by way of the lakes, and fiilling upon the backs of the Wyan-
dots, Ottawas, and Mianiies.

Col. Boucpict marched from Carlisle on the 9 August, 1764, and reached
Fort Loudon on the Kith. In this march of four days, desertions had become
alarming among the Pennsylvania troops, notwithstanding they hud been

Chap. XV]

BOUQUETS SECOND EXPEDITION.

693

warned, both by the commander and Gov. Penn, of the ruin it would create,
and the condign manner in which it would be punished. The latter geiitio
man had accompanied Col. Bouquet to Carlisle, and there appiopriati;ly ad
dressed the troops before they began their march. Nevertheless the Pennsyl-
vania troops had decreased from 1,000 to 700 men, and the colonel was obli};i(l
to apply to the governor and commissioners to complete his complemcnr.
And by the exertions of Gov. Fauquier of Virginia, tlie quota of men from
.♦iiat province were enabled to join the expedition at Pittsburgh.

Belbre leaving Fort Loudon, Col. Bouquet received despatches from CoL
Bradstreet, acquainting him that he had concluded a peace with the Dela-
wares and Shawanese ; but Col. Bouquet had no liiith in their pretensions,
and on communicating with Gen. Gage, the treaty was rejected by him, and
offensive measures were not relaxed.

As soon as the army had arrived at Fort Pitt, ten Indians were observed on
the north side of the Ohio, who signiried a desire for a conference. This tho
colonel looked upon as a stratagem made use of by them to get information
of his strength and intentions. Three of the party were induced to visit tlio
fort ; and not being able to satisfy the whites of their good intentions, they
were held as spies, and their associates fled. On the 20 September the colo-
nel sent one of tho three out with a message to his cfmtrymen, informing
them that he had heard of the treaty with Col. Bradstn . bin he had learned
too, that since then they had committed several murd<. -^ ; t he was now
prepared to distress them to the utmost, if they dii' not mediately stop
their depredations, and give assin-ances of their since ly b\ leaving the path
open to Detroit, and safely returning the messengers he was now to send to
Col. Bradstreet; and if the said messengers were detained or injured, he
would put his hostages to death, and show no mercy in "itiu'e to any of tliem.
Twenty days were allowed them to perform the mission.

This talk had a salutary influence on the mind ^f the chiefs ; they had be-
come pretty well assured that Col. Bouquet was ot to be trifled with, nor
caught asleep ; and on the 1 October, an Onondaga and one Oneida came to
Fort Pitt, pretending friendship, clainjing to be friends under the ancient
league between the Five Nations and English. They offered him a little
friendly advice, as that his force was too small to think of doing any thing
against so numerous an enemy as were the Indians, and that if he would wait
a little they would all come and make peace with him ; and especially if ho
would set at liberty those he held as hostages. But Col. Bouquet understood
Indian talk quite as well as they understood him, probably, when he told them
he should now proceed to Tuscarawas, and, if they had any thing further to
say, they might meet him there ; but as to delay, that was out of the question.
And the next day, October the 2d, he was reutly to take up his line of march,
and his entire force consisted of 1,500 men. Before leaving, he found it neces-
sary to shoot two soldiers for desertion. All the women, except one to each
corps, and two nurses lor the general hospital, were ordered to return to the
settlements, and every other encumbrance was avoided before taking up the
line of march.

On the 6th the army reached Beaver Creek, and here a soldier joined it,
who had been taken near Fort Bedford, and now esca|)ed from his captors.
He informed the colonel that the Indians had watched the army, and were
surprised at its numbers. Two miles farther on was found the skull of a
child set upon a pole. On the 9th trees were seen, on the bark of which were
many hieroglyphical characters painted, said to have been done by the In-
dians to denote their war exi)loits. On the 13th the army arrived at Tusca-
rawas, and here the colonel found the two men who had been sent to Col.
Bradstreet with despatches, before spoken of. They stated that they had been
made prisoners by the Delawares, who carried them to one of their towns. Hi
miles from Tuscarawas, where they kept them until the army reached here ;
and now, « making a virtue of necessity," set them at liberty, and ordered them
to tell " the great white captain " that the head men of the Delawares and
Shawanese were coming as soon as possible to treat with him. On the loth
they encamped on Margaret's Creek, and soon after a deputation of six In-
dians arrived, and informed Col. Bouquet that the chiefs were in council ready

G94

DELIVERY OF CAPTIVES.

[Book V.

to treat with him, ahout eight miles otY. He returned answer that he would
meet them the next day ut a bower at some distance tioni his own camp, and
in the interim Ibrtified hia j»osition, trusting nothing in their protestutions of
friendship.

On the 17 October the colonel marched to tiie bower, making the best dis-
play he could of his best troops, and soon alter the Indians arrived, and were
as tbilows: Kitashuta, chief of the Senecas, with 15 warriors; Custalooa,
chief of the Wolf tribe of the Delawares, and Beaver, chief of the Turkey tribe
of the same nation, with ;20 warriors ; KEissiNAUTCHTHA.achief of the Shaw-
anese, and ti warriors. The Indian speakers were Kiyasiiuta, Turtle-heart,
Custalooa, and Beaver. These severally spoke, but we know not that their
speeches have been preserved ; but what they said went only to excuse iliem-
selves, and cast the blame on tlieir young men, and the Mestern nations, over
whom they had no control ; but " they sued lor peace in the most abject man-
uer," promising to deliver uji all their prisoners without delay. The colonel
then dismissed them, and told them he would meet them again the next day,
but owing to the weather the meeting was deferred to the 20th. He then told
them their excuses amounted to nothing ; recounted to them the outrages they
had committed, as killing and captivating the traders sent among them at their
own request ; attacking Fort Pitt, which had been built by their consent, mur-
dering four men, who had been sent to them with messages ; their attacking
his troops last year ; their falsifying their i)romise to Col. Bradstreet, of deliv-
ering up their captives to him by the 10 of lust month, &c ; that they might
rest assured that the army would not leave their country until his terms were
cohiplied with, and 12 days were allowed them to deliver the prisoners in,
which was to be done ot Wakatamake. All persons were required, " English-
men, Frenchmen, women and children ; whether adopted, married, or living
among them under any denomination or pretence whatsoever ; and to furnish
horses, clothing and provisions, to carry them to Fort Pitt." When they had
fully con^.plied with these terms, " they were to be inlbrmed on what terms
they might have peact ."

It should have been observed, that at the first meeting, on the 17th, the
Delaware chiefs delivered up 18 white prisoners, and 83 small sticks, indica-
ting the number still remaining in their hand:?. Meanwhile Col. Bouquet
determined to march further into their country, knowing that his success in
getting jjrisoners dej)cnded much on the jjrcscnce of his army ; and on the 25
Octol)er he arrived within a mile of the Forks of Muskingum, where, instead
of Wakatamake, the prisoners were to bo delivered; this position being
very convenient for th<^ Indians, most of their principal towns lying around it.
Besides, it was a position from whence an efliictual blow might be struck at
any moment. Here convenient houses were built for the reception of the
captives. On the 28 October, Peter, the Cuughnawaga chief, and 20 otlierH
of that nation, arrived from Sandusky, bringing a letter Irom Col. Bradstreet,
by which it appeared he had ascended the River Sandusky as far as he could
in canoes, but had not effected any treaty or received any prisoners, and was
about to leave that part of the country.

By the J) November, there were delivered to Col. Bouquet 206 captives, of
which 90 were Virginians, and IIG belonged to Pennsylvania: among them
there were 125 women and children. There yet remained with the Shawa-
nese about 100 more, which, from their scattered condition, could not be had,
but hostages were ttiken for their safe delivei-y the next spring. The separa-
ting of these captives from the Indians, and their meeting with tlieir friends
and relatives, (many of whom were present,) was a scene past description;
children brought up among the Indians clung to their adopted mothers, and
the mothers to them, flying with tear from tlieir own ])arents. The Indian
has by many been denied that paternal affection so common to humanity ;
but had such witnessed this scene, their opinions would have changed. Some
would not be separated liom tlieir white captives, and even followed the army
in its march to Philadelj)hia. Thus ended one of the most brilliant Indian
expeditions upon record; not brilliant by reason of sanguinary battles, but
from far more glorious deeds of hmnanity.

That the Indians were completely humbled by the firm and resolute con-

Chap. XV.j

DOUQUET'S LAST CONFERENCE.

605

duct of Col. Bouquet, lias been remarked ; but we cannot, with juHtice to the
subject, submit it, without letting the chiefs be liiily heard. Notwithxlanding
the rihawaueHU had, by their deputy, antsented to the denumda of the colonel,
as far as they could under present circumstances, they were considered " istill
out in rebellion," and remained to be treated with. They had shown "a dil-
atoriness and sullen haughtiness in all their contiuct, which rendered it very
suspicious." Accordingly, a separate conference was had with them on the
li November, when there appeared the chiefs, Kkissinadtchtiia and \im-
WHA, with the Ked Hawk, Lavissimo, Be.-osivasica, Eweccunwee, Keio-
LEiuHt^UE, and 40 warriors. There were also present, the Caughnawaga,
Seneca, and Delaware chiefs. Red Hawk was chief sjieaker of tlie yiiawa-
uese, atui he thus addressed the Hnglish : —

"lirolher, listen to us, your younger brothers. As we see something in
your eyes that looks dissatistiiction, we now clear them. You have credited
bad stories against us. We clean your ears, that you may hear better here-
aller. We wish to remove every thing bad from your heart, that you nuiy be
as good as your ancestors. L4 belt.] We saw you coming with an uplifted
tomahawk in your hand. We now take it from you, and throw it up to God
Let him do with it as he pleases. We hope never to see it mort;. Brother,
as you are a warrior, take hold of this chain [hmulinf^ a belt] of triendship, and
let us think no more of war, iii pity of our old men, women, and children.
We, t(JO, are warriors."

The remarkable figure made use of in this speech, of throwing the hatchet up
to God, is new; and it was remarked by Thomas Hutchins, who heard it, that
by it the speaker wished probably to be understood that, by this disposition
of it, it would be out of the reach of bad men, and would be given only to the
party in future, to whom the r'^ht of revenge belonged; whereas if it were
buried in the ground, any misci jant might dig it up.

The English did not nmch like the talk of Red Hawk ; they saw no sup-
plication, but a manly independence, which they ought to have admired, rather
than reprobated. That the Indians, especially the Shawanese, did not ac-
knowledge themselves entirely in the wrong, is evident from their producing
at this time, through their speaker, the treaty made with Pennsylvania in 1701,
and tlu-ee messages or letters from that government, of different dates, by which
they undoubtedly intended to show that the English had been guilty of bar-
barities as well as the Lidians. However, Red Hawk promised, on behalf of
his nation, that all the prisoners should be delivered up at Fort Pitt the next
spring.

Col, Bouquet finding no more prisoners could be obtained, owing, as has
been stated, to their being scattered with their masters upon veiy distant hunt-
ing grounds, gave up his campaign, aiid returned to Philadel|>liia, where he
arrived in the beginning of January, 1765. Before leaving " these remote
parts," however, the colonel gave the Lidians a talk, in which he observed,
that what the Shawanese had said would have been agreeable to him, jirovi-
ded their acts had corresponded with it. He reminded them that they had
promised, at Tuscarawas, a month before, that all the prisoners should be
delivered to him at his jjresent encainpment in 10 days, and demanded what
right they had to expect better terms than the Delawares and others, who
had, without delay, brought in their captives. This was rather unreasonable
on the part of the colonel, inasmuch as he was well aware that he was press-
ing an impossibility. " But," he says, "I will cut this matter short with you ;
and before I explain myself further, I insist on your immediate iinswer to the
following questions : 1st. Will you collect and deliver up all the prisoners,
taken in this or former wars, whether French, English, or negroes, and with-
out any exception or evasion whatsoever? 2d. Will you deliver G hostages
into my hands as security for the performance of your promise, and as a
guaranty that your people shall commit no more hostilities on his majesty's
Bubjects?"

Bensivastca said the Shawanese would comply, excepting as regarded the
French ; but over them they had no control, and the English might do with
them as they pleased ; but he believed they had nearly all returned to their
own cf/untry. And here it will be proper to remark that the captives were

RED HAWK-CAPT. PIPE.

[Booi V

delivered at Fort Pitt agrecnblc to this tivnty. Aller the liOHtagcs were deliv-
ered, Col. l{oii(|tiet roinurked to tlii-in, "that tiic)ii){ii he hud hrou|j;ht the toiii-
ahuwk in \m hutid, yet an tiiey had now stdtrnitted, he would not let it fall on
their headt), but let it <lrop to tiie ground," and exhorted them to be kind to
the priHoners, and Miid lie should uend along with them Honic of the Iriendn
of the euptiveH, to aid in the collection of them. At the Hanie time the chietk
of the other tribes preHent, severally addrewcd the yiiawuiie chiefs, whom
they called grandchildren and nephews, and urged them " to pertbrm their
promises, and be strong in doing good, thiit this peace might be everlasting."
These transactions occurred on the 12 Novendier, 17t)4.

In the narration of the delivery of captives on the !) of the same month, the
relation of a captive was passed over, which shall here be given. A Mr.
8mullman, who had been a major of Pennsylvania troops, and had been made

Ijrisoner in the summer of 17(>1, near Detroit, by the VVyundots, who delivered
dm to the Shawanese, was among those surrendered at that time. He provi.d
of great service to the whites, as well as Indians, on this occasion, by bi'lng
able to confirm nnich of the iidbrmation given by the latter. He told Col.
Bouquet that all the Indians who had heard of his diMiuuid had come on im-
mediately with their captives. It hud been reported among the Shawanesu
that the object of the English was to put them all to death. As soon as this
news came to be circulated among them, they began to prepare to kill all the
captives; and a French trader among them, who had many barrels of powder
and bull, ottered it all to them to go out and fight the English army. AVhen
they were about to commence murdering the prisoners, the message from the
colonel was received, stating that he only wanted the captives and to make
peace with them, and thus a horrid tragedy was prevented. Soon alter,
when many prisoners had been collected, and murclied as liir as VVakauta-
mikie, news came that a soldier had been killed near the camp of the army
at Muskingum. This the Indians thought would blast all their hopes of
mercy, and they again resolved to put the captives to death ; and when tliey
had even got them into a small compass lor that purpose, another express
arrived from Col. Uoucpjet, which assured them that he liad no suspicion that
they bud any knowledge of the murder, and thus a second calamity was
happily averted.

Several eminent chiefs, it will tiave been perceived, make their appearance
in this part of our work, and to the'n we can add the name of IIopocan, or
Capt. Pipe. He was one of the two Indians whom we iiave mentioned as
having been detained as sjiies at Fort Pitt ; the name of the other was Capt
John. These were set at liberty when the 20(i captives were given uj). Of
the melancholy and barbarous murder of Red Hawk, notice has been taken.

The causes of this war were well known in England, and the compluints
of the Indiuns were acknowledged " to have been too well founded." They
had long watched the progress of settlements upon the Siisquehannah, and
the building of forts in their country, against treaty stipulations. They had
not only submitted to this, but to treatment the most insolent. They resolved,
in the spring of 17(k3, to drive backvthcir oppressors; not, however, without
first remonstrating in respectful terms to the English, in one of their capitals,
through a deputation of their chiefs. Here they declared that whatever deeds
might be produced by one J. II. Lydius of Albany, or others, i)retending to
claim lands upon the Sus(iuehunnah, they were utterly false, and would not
be allowed ; and that they would defend them to the last extremity. The
result we have seen.

Thus we have traced the events of Pontiak's war to its close — a glorious
termination, inasmuch as it was a bloodless one. Many years of comparative
peace ensued ; indeed the troubles with the Indians were not very serious
for tlie next ten years. Cresajj's war was the next, which terminated in the
sanguinary battle of Point Pleasant. Then succeeded the calamities of the
Revolution, from which the Lidians never recovered.

APPENDIX.

EXISTING CONDITION OF THE EXPATRIATED INDIAN TRIBES, 1859.

\t\

The Indian tribes west of the Mississippi occupy the territory bounded by
the lied river and the Ne"i>rnsl{a, between the 34tli and 40th decrees of north
latitude, and the 94th and 100th dej^rees of west longitude. The Cherokees
hold 15,0()(M>00 acres on the north bank of the main channel of the Arkansas
river, and iin adjoining tract of 300,000 acres; the Choctaws and Chickasaws
own jointly 15,000,000 acres ; and the Creeks and Seminoles 13,140,000 acres.
Adjacent, on the east, are tlie Quappas, possessing 90,000 acres of land ; the
Senecas, owning 67,000 acres ; and the mixed Senecas, holding 100,000 acres.
The latest census returns present an aggregate population of 97,057, exclusive
of the indigenous tribes within the same area of territory, which number
7,355 persons ; but, as these returns are not of recent date, and as the tribes
have, meanwhile, been increasing and prospering, the gross population of the
four most important tribes, the Choctaws, Cherokees, Chickasaws, and Creeks,
with the affiliated Seminoles, may now be estimated to exceed 100,000 souls.
Mr. Schoolcraft, who explored this territory in 1819, thus narrates its peculiar
characteristics and advantages :

"Geologically viewed, its surface consists of a drift deposit of sand, loam,
clay, marl, and coimninutcd gravel, arising from the broken down silurian
series, n which tlie leading strata of sandstone, limestore, and slate, are the
paren; elements. Over this, deposits of leaves, of the decayed forma of
organic life, and of carbonaceous matter from the forests, have fnrnied a rich
mouid, making the soil mellow and easy to cultivate. Much of it is level, or
lying in gentle slopes, unencumbered with a heavy furest, difficult to be
removed by the axe. It is, nevertheless, well watered, and there is a full
Bupply of timber for building fences, and for firewood.

"Among the advantages of the country may be mentioned the saline forma-
tion. Salt springs exist in many localities, and this geological trait is attended
with the usual accompaniment of this formation, namely gypsum and coal.
The discovery of efflorescent bodies of salt on the prairies, originated the onco
prevalent opinion that masses of rock-salt were deposited beneath the soil.
Through these beds, which lie on gently sloping hills and in valleys, the Red
river, the Washitaw, the Arkansas, and the Kanzas, flow out of, or from the
direction of, the Rocky mountains, and, with their numerous affiuents, water
the entire country ; the Missouri washes its borders for several hundred
miles ; the Red river bounds its southern line to the distance of six degrees
of longitude ; and the States of Missouri and Arkansas lie between its eastern
limits and the Mississippi.

" Geographically, this great tract of arable land is bounded by the Ozark
liills, or mountains, a very broad midland range, resting on azoic rocks, ex-
tending from the Ilot Springs of Arkansas, to the head waters of the River
St. Francis, of Missouri. At both terminal points there arises a series of
these rocks ; that at the south, consisting of slate, schist, and quartz ; and at
the north, of granite, sienite, trap, and porphyry. Superimposed upon these,
and frequently concealed altogether for a considerable distance, are the
characteristic sandstone and limestone formations of the region. Througl
these the Red river, Washitaw, Arkansas, Wiiite river, and St. Francis, pursu
their way to the Mississippi, producing rapids, but no striking falls. Cou-
59 ('''•'")

698

THE EXPATRIATED TRIBES,

neetcd with this central upheaval of the old rocky strata, are developmenta
of mineral wealth.

"Of the climatic phenomena of the Indian territories, thus bounded, we
cannot epeak from instrumental observations. It may suffice to obsorve that
travellers, official ap;ents, and missionary teachers, all concur in describing
the climate as mild, genial, and ftworable to the growth of all the varieties
of cereals and esculents. The cotton plant thrives, and is cultivated in the
southern portion. Wheat and Indian corn are its staples ; and grazing is
nowhere more profitably pursued. Its water-power is sufficient for tlie pur-
poses of mills and manufactories."

The industrial condition and resources, the governmental polity and moral
status of the four principal tribes cannot be better exhibited to the reader,
than as set forth in the language of Mr. Armstrong, the western superintend-
ent of Indian afiPairs. We will quote from his report to the government in
detail:

Chocfaws and Chicica sates. — The Indians of the former tribe have long
since justly acquired for themselves, not only from the Government of the
United States, but from the citizens with whom they have intercourse, a name
for honesty and fidelity, at least not surpassed by any of our Indian tribes.
They have, by a steady attention to their own business, since they emigrated
to their present homes, greatly increased in wealth; they have not been un-
mindful, at the same time, of educating the rising generation and they have,
by these means, added to the general intelligence and standing of the nation.
This favorable change is indicated more clearly on lied river than with that
portion of the nation on the Arkansas ; and the wealth as well as the intelli-
gence of the nation are confined mainly to the two districts on Red river.

The Choctaws may be considered as an agricultural and stock-raising
people — farms on Red river will compare with any in the States. They have
great advantages over other tribes, as a portion of their country is located in
the cotton region. The past year they cultivated this valuable staple to a
considerable extent; they have eight or ten cotton gins, and shipped between
700 and 800 bales of cotton. Many of tlie Choctaws live in comfortable
houses, and, with very few exceptions, even the poorer class have good, sub-
stantial log cabins. They own large stocks of horses, cattle, hogs, and sheep,
which constitute the wealth of those v,ho may be termed the poorer class. It
ii rare indeed to find a family that has not a good supply of stock ; and the
richer class, in addition to stock, own, many of them, a number of slaves,
who are engaged generally in cultivating cotton. The manufacture of salt
is carried on at two points in the Choctaw nation. The works owned by Col.
David Folsom, a Choctaw of respectability and energy, are perhaps the most
extensive; about twenty bushels a day are manufactured — a supply equal to
the demand, which no doubt will be increased as the article is wanted.

The Choctaws have mechanics in the nation, in addition to those furnished
by the United States. These consist of four blacksmiths, two of whom are
native Choctaws, and all thc' strikers or assistants are youths selected from
the iiation. There i". also a millwright, who has l.con engaged in erecting
mills for the Ch' ..taws. Trade is carried on at suitable and convenient places
in the nation. The most ertensive trading is at Doaksville, within a mile of
Fort Towson. There .ire five stores at this place, three of which are owned,
in part, by Choctaws ; the other two are excli>sively owned by citizens of the
United States. The stocks of goods arc Ji'.rge, and the assortments such as
are usual in stores — sugar and coffee being used by all classes in the nation,
to an extent at least equal to the whites. It may not be uninteresting to
Ktato, that the village of Doaksville is one of the most orderly ai.d quiet towns
that may be found in the West. In addition to the five stores, there are a
resident physician, a gooa tavern, blacksmith's shop, wagon-maker, and
wheelwright ; a church has also been erected, in which there is preaching
usually once or twice every Sabbath, by the missionaries who reside in the
neighborhood : a temperance society is also organized, which numbers a large
portion of the most respectable Choctaws and Ch' kasaws, as well as our own
population. I have been at this village a week at a time, without seeing
anything like ardent spirits or a drunken Indian.

THE CHICKASAWS.

699

The Choctaws and Chickasaws, to a great extent, may be reprardod as one
people ; they speak the same lanjruaire, and intormarrieil with each other,
even before the emigration of the Chiekasaws. By an arrangement liotween
the tribes, the Chiekasaws obtained what is now called the Chickasaw district
of the Clioctaw nation, making a fourth district, entitling them to an equal
representation in *ije general council, which passes all laws for the govern-
ment of the people. They enjoy equal privileges, according to the treaty, to
settle in whatever district they may choose, and each to vote and be eligible
to pny office within the gift of the people. The only difference is, that each
tribe manages its own annuities or public moneys without any interference
from the other. The country owned by the Choctaws, according to the treaty
and the patent received from the department, commences near Fort Smith,
running up the Arkansas to the mouth of the Canadian, up the same to the
limits of the United States, and with those limits to Red river, down the same
to where a due south line, fro.ii the beginning near Fort Smith, will strike
the Red river, which is the dividing line between the State of Arkansas and
the Choctaws. The line from the Canadian to the Red river has not been run.

The Choctaws are governed by written laws and a constitution ; elections
are held annually for members to the general council. The nation is divided
into four districts (one being the Chickasaw). Each district elects, by the
qualified voters, a c' ief, who hok'.s his office for four years, and is elijriWlo for
two terms. These chiefs receive a salary from the United States of §'2')0 each,
per annum, by treaty stipulation. The general council, consisting (A forty
in. ^ere, convenes on the first Monday in October ; a speaker and a clerk is
el< r ed , the speaker is addressed as is customary in legislative bodies, and
the lole business of the council is conducted with the utmost decorum.
Each chief delivers a message in person to the council, recommending such
laws as he may deem conducive to the interests of the people, and ns there is
but one representative body, all laws that are passed by the council are sub-
mitted to the chiefs ; if approved, the same become laws ; if not, tlio bills are
returned to the council, and if passed by two-thirds, become laws. The
council-house, a large and commodious building, with conimittoc-roonis,
and also seats for spectators, was erected under the treaty stipuliitions.
Much interest is manifested by the people in electing councillors, and also
when they meet together ; they usually remain in session from ten to liftcen
days, and receive a per-diem pay of $2. Judges are nominated by the chief of
the district, and receive a small compensation ; and trial by jury is guurantood
in all capital offenccE ; but there is no law enforcing the collection of debts.

It will be seen that the Choctaws have materially bettered their condition
by an exchange of country ; are fast approximating to our own laws
and institutions ; and feel a deep interest in the success and prosperity of
our own people, as well as the perpetuity of our Government. Tliey have
school funds sufficient to educate a large portion of the people, beside annu-
ities from the United States, and also an investment of $oOO,l)OU, at five per
cent., in bonds of the State of Alabama, for the benefit of the whole people.
They have also other sources of wealth. Their laws are generally respected,
and when violated, puni'^hment is inflicted. It is very rare that acts of
violence take place between themselves ; every individual feels safe in his own
property ; and travellers pass through the nation with as much safety as they
do in any country.

The Chiekasaws number about 5000. They have settled promiscuously
among the Choctaws ; lately they are beginning to move up to the district
assigned them, which they did not do at first, owing to the scarcity of pro-
visions and the exfiosed situation of the frontier. The Chiekasaws have
obtainiHl greater pecuniary alvantages by the exchange of their country than
tiny of the tribes. Their lands were surveyed and sold at a time when specu-
lation was at its highest, and when the most enormous prices wore paid.
The funds thus arising were invested for the benefit of the nation, after each
hi'ad of a fatnily had obtained a reservation. Some profited by receiving
large amounts; but in most cases, the money having been easily ()btained,
was *is freely spent. It is, however, the home the Chiekasaws obtained from
the Choctaws that compensates them. They are now fairly settled in a

700

THE EXPATRIATED TRIBES.

country at least ns fertile as the one they left, and removed, to a great extent,
from the evils that were fast destroying them as a people. They unite with
the Choctaws in forming the fourth district, and come into the general council
of the nation with a representation corresponding to their population. The
Chickaeaws have ample national funds to extend the mechanic arts, as well
as education, among their people. Some of the more wealthy are planting
cotton, and, with few exceptions, the people are getting around them small
stocks of horses, cattle, and hogs, which, with care and attention, in a country
BO well adapted to stock-raising, will soon greatly increase.

C/ierokees. — This people combine more intelligence than any of .he tribes.
They have intermarried more with the whites, have had the advantages of
education, and, by their location, have had an opportunity of observing
more immediately the customs and manners of a civilized people than any
other of the Indian tribes. There are many intelligent and well-educated
Cherokees.

The nation consists of about 18,000 souls, spread over an extent of country
sixty miles square, comprising several varieties of soil. Estimating one
warrior to every five souls, would give 3000. They are improving in intel-
lectual condition ; have executive, legislative, and judicial departments; an
organized government; a principal and assistant chief, elective every four
years ; a council and committee, organized somewhat upon the principle of
the House of Representatives and Senate of the United States — the former
consisting of twenty-four members, and the latter of sixteen, elective every
two years. They sit annually, and are usually in session from three to four
weeks. The judiciary is composed of a supreme bench, a circuit court, and a
district court; the first consisting of live members, the second of four, and
the latter of eight. They have written law?, and a criminal code. The circuit
court sits spring and fall ; the supreme court once a year ; the district court
whenever an emergency arises. They have juries, and hear pleadings. The
judges of the circuit and district benciies are appointed more for their probity
and personal worth than on account of their legal attainments, and will com-
pare, in point of moral worth, with any similar body in tlie United States.
They are rigid in the execution of their laws ; generally impartial in the
administration of justice, as yet necessarily in a rude state. As many as four
executions have taken place in one year. The people are very tenacious of
the management and regulation of their internal affairs.

There are about 2000 professors of the Christian religion, consisting of
Baptisto, Methodists, and Presbyterians: the former, comprising much the
largest class, may be considered the first both for intelligence and general
integrity. The greater part of the Cherokee people are half-breeds, or
what are known to be the middle class, who are ardent and enterprising, and
passionately fond of gaming. When not under the influence of ardent spirits,
they are hospitable and well disposed ; but, when under such influence, their
worst passions seem to be roused. They have a school fund of their own,
which they are wisely appropriating to the diffusion of knowledge throughout
the nation, by appointing trustees to superintend the disbursements.

The Cherckees are not naturally disposed to labor; but there is a manifest
change in this particular, both from necessity and inclination, and they are
now engaged in agricultural pursuits. Their country is well watered, and
supplies abundantly all the products known to that latitude, such as corn,
wheat, rye, oats, tobacco, and hemp. Within the limits of the nation, there
are two abundant and valuable salt springs ; one of them is leased to a
Cherokee for an inconsiderable sum, but is not worked to much advantage,
either to the proprietor or the nation. Stone coal of the finest quality abounds
in two adjacent sections.

The Cherokees have received from the Government of the United States
large sums of money ; some have profited by tiie money received, while others
have lavished theirs away, leaving only a desire to be supplied, without any
disposition to do so by their own labor. Their countr;^ is well adapted to
raising corn, wheat, oats, &c., with the usual varieties of garden vegetables,
and farms, as well as neat houses, are found in many parts of the nation,
exhibiting signs of wealth and intelligence unusual io au Indian couutry. A

THE CREEKS — SEMINOLES.

701

larfl;e portion of the country is well watered, is generally divided into wood-
land and prairie, and the lands are rich and very productive. Large atocka
of cattle, hrrses, hogs, and sheep, are owned by the natives, and many have
also paid attention to planting orchards, which are very unusual in an Indian
country. Salt water is found in great abundance, and the Grand Saline, if
judiciously managed, is capable of supplying a large portion of our own
population with salt. Stone coal is to be found in several places, and if the
country was examined, it would, no doubt, exhibit great resources of wealth
in minerals and salt water.

They are furnished by the United States with four blacksmiths and assist-
ants, iron, and steel ; also, a wheelwright and wagon-maker ; independent of
whom they have mechanics of different kinds in the nation. They also hold
a large fund for educational purposes, placed by treaty under the control of
the national council, which, if properly applied, will go far to educate a large
portion of the people. They are governed by a constitution and laws adopted
and passed by the people. Debts are collected in the usual way, by issuing
executions ; letters of administration are also granted on estates of deceased
persons in the nation ; and, indeed, all the firms and regulations are ob-
served, usually in use in the States. In government the Clierokecs are in
advance of any of their red brethren.

Creeks. — These are more numerous than any of the tribes, numbering at least
20,000. The census of the nation has not been taken since the emigration,
the annuity not being paid to the heads of families. As a people, they have
less education at.d intelligence than either the Choctaws or Ciierokees; but
lately they have given better evidences of a disposition to encourage education
than at any previous time. Many of the Creeks have separate fields , but
their ancient custom of making a town field is still, to a great extent, observed.
They raise large quantities of corn, melons, pumpkins, beans, and are culti-
vating rice to some extent, which is said to grow well, and will be a groat
accession to their living. They have four blacksmiths and assistants, with
iron and steel furnished by treaty stipulations, ani also a wheelwright and
wagon-maker. Possessing but few, if any, native mechanics, they rely mainly
for their work upon mechanics furnished by the Government. Tliey have
quite a large annuity, which is paid to the chiefs, and by them divided
among the different towns, in accordance with existing laws, and their
own request, which at least makes it satisfactory to the chiefs. Tiiey have
commenced passing regular laws, which are recorded by th'- clerks appointed
for that purpose ; but they do not elect representatives, their chiefs being the
law-makers generally. The principal chief. Roily M'Intush, is a man uf un-
doubtid attachment to the- United States Government, and the same may be
said of most of the chiefs. The certainty that the country they own is really
theirs, does much to reconcile old feelings.

The ' te emigrants, or what are termed the Upper Creelcs, although very
much dissatisfied for a length of time after their removal to their new homes,
owing mainly to their sufferings from sickness, and the great mortality that
prevailed among them, are now a happy, healthy, and contented people, are
much in advance of the Lower Creeks (or early emigrants) in the variety,
quality, and quantity of their agricultural products, as well as in the man-
agement of their farms, and have larger and better stocks of domestic!
animals. They are likewise much in advance of the Lower Creeks in don-Cdtio
or household manufictures, making quantities of cotton cloth from the raw
material, planted and cultivated upon their own farms ; have also several
useful native mechanics among them, such as carpenters, wheelwrights,
loom-makers, smiths, &c. ; and all reside in good comfortable houses of their
own construction.

Semiitoles. — This tribe have from time to time removed, until it is now under-
stood they have generally emigrated. Unfortunately for the Seminoles, the
chief of each party, as they landed at or near Fort Gibson, endeavored to settle
away from the others. This was done by the chiefs, wiiii the hope ol' keeping
around them a party of which they were the head, fearing tliat il they become
united, !.ome other more favored leader would su|icrseao tin ni, and by this
moans they were scattered not only in the Creek but also iu the Cherokee

n .1' f

70«

THE EXPATRIATED TRIBES.

ioiintry. Mioanopy, and other leading Seminoles, settled on t\o T)e'»r Fork
of the Ciinadian, in tlie country assigned them. Etioiia have been ni ulj
to concentrate the Seminoles at this point; buttliis is difficult to do, and does
not meet with much favor from the Creeks. They are willing for them to
settle in any part of the Creek nation promiscuously, giving as a reason that
the Seminoles themselves are not suited, from their present feelings, to locate
in a body, and become quiet and orderly neighbors. That portion of the
Seminoles who settled on tlie Deep Fork of tlie Canadian have raised a
surplus of corn, beans, pumpkins, and melons, all of which grow to great
porfection, and a few have raised small patches of rice. The labor, howevev,
is principally performed by their negroes, who were participants in the Florida
•war, but who have thus far conducted themselves with great propriety.

AVhatevei may have been the importance or distinction of the Seminole
chiefs in Florida, they seem to lose their greatness in the crowd of other
Indians who are engaged in the cultivation of the soil.

The twenty-one tribes transferred from the old States and settled in the
territory partially included in Kansas, comprise the Uelawares, Shawnees,
Wyandots, Miamies, Weas, Piankashaws, Ottowas, Chippewas, Pottawattamies,
Kickapoos, Sacs and Foxes, Senecas, mixed Senecas and Shawnees, Peorias
Kaskaskias, lowas, Stockbridges or Mohicans, Munsees, and portions of the
Iroquois, forming together an aggregate population of 30,8'.)3. The indi-
genous tribes residing in the territory are the Quappas, Osages, Kanzas,
Pawnees, and Arapahoes, numbering 7358. The Otoes, Omahaws, Mirsouries,
Cheyennes, and some other indigenous tribes, have not been enumerated.*
The local agents, writing to the head of the Bureau of Indian Aifairs, ;•, short
time after the period of colonization, present a report of the condic. i of the
Indians under their jurisdiction, from which we make a few extract •

Quappas. — This tribe have greatly changed their habits withi i a few
years ; from having been a whiskey-drinking, squalid, poverty-stricken race,
they Jiave become temperate, frugal, and industrious, directing ilieir attention
to agriculture, and to the general improvement of their condiliori. They are
now well clothed, and have enough to eat. This change is in ]..irt owing to
the fact, that the venders of spirits in the Cherokee settlements nt-th of the
Quappas, whence tiieir sup'ilies were principally drawn, have abuodoned tlie
trade, in consequence of t le opposition of some of their more respectable
neighbors. A great deal if credit is, however, due to the Quappas them-
selves, for they could, if si disposed, procure liquor from the whites ; but
they .lave listened to better ';.>unsels. ind resisted the temptation.

Mixed Senecas and Skawaees. — .: e Indians have never been as much
inclined to intemperpnce as some 'i :'' ether bands, and there hp.s not boon
so great a change an.ong them. '"-<-„ continue to raise corn, wheat, oats,
garden vegetables, &c., and, on the whole, are improving rather than
otherwise.

The country occupied by these tribes is high, rolling, healthy, and finely
watered ; containing springs of the best water in every direction, sometimes
gushing out of the solid rock in streams large enough to turn a mill. Where
it is fit for cultivation at all, the land is fertile ; but much of it is hilly and
barren, worthless except for the timber. The lands on the water-coinsos are
of the best quality, well suited to the cultivation of tobacco, hemp, corn, and
the small grains, and the upland prairies are scarcely inferior ; but there is
a much greater quantity of good land than the present occupants will ever
use. The heavily-timbered bottoms on the Pomme de Terre and the Neosho
aiford not only good winter range for catle, but an abundance of marsh for
hogs. The Quappas have a coal-bank immediately on the Neosho, the coal in
■which is bituminous, of good quality, easily obtained, and the supply appa-
rentlv inexhaustible. In the vicinity of this coal there are several tar-springs,
or rather springs of sulphur-water and mineral tar, or petrol'-uiii, to^rctlior;
the latter substance rising with the water, aud separating from it iminodiately
after it issues fro i the earth.

Osages. — Thii tribe has made but little perceptible improvement in agri-

• illstory, Condition, and Proapects of th« Indian Tribes, Vol. VI.

;.li^^ .r

■^Xft'^'

SHAWNEES — OTTOES ANO MlaSOtKIAS.

"rrM

cultural pur?i.'ta, though some ton or twelve families of Pa-ha-s en's (fireor<;e
White Hare) aiid Clft.mont's bands, have late'} fenced and pl<tii<:li''d their
fields. They are still livinj;;, with few exceptions, in large townn, where it
■will he imposriiblo to make much progress in stock-raising or farming ; Tab-
hu-sca, the principal chief, and a bad man, being much opposed to the farming
operations of his people. They have adopted a short code of penal laws fur
the government of their people, which forbid, not the introduction, but the
sale, of ardent spirits in their country, under the penalty of the destruction
of the spirits, and lashes on the oflFender. The people meet in general council
once in each and every year, assisted by their agent and interpreter, for the
purpose cf law-making, &c.

Shawnees. — This tribe own a tiact of country twenty-five miles north and
Bouth, and one hundred east and west, bounded on the east by the State of
Missouri, and on the north by the Kanzas river, which, in point of soil,
timber, and water, is equalled by but few tracts of the same size in any
country ; though there is, however, hardly a sufficient proportion of timber for
the prairie. The Shawnees have become an agricultural people ; their buildings
and farms being similar to those of the whites in a new-settled country ;
enclosed by rail fences, and most of them in good form ; each string of fence
being straight, sufiiciently high to secure their crops, and many of them
staked and ridered. They all live in comfortable cabins, perhaps half or
more being built of good hewn logs, and neatly raised, with outhouses, stables,
and barns.

Delawares. — The Delawares own a tract of country sixty miles east and
■west, and about twenty-four miles north and south, bounded on the south by
the Kanzas river, and on the east by the Missouri river, or State of Missoari.
The soil, timber, and water, are generally very good. Like the Shawnees,
they depend for a subsistence mainly on their farms, which, with tiieir horses,
are nearly or quite equal to those of the Shawnees. They cultivate Indian
corn, wheat, oats, beans, peas, pumpkins, potatoes, cabbage, turnips, and
many other vegetables in abundance, and raise a great number of horses,
cattle, and hogs.

Kickapoos. — The Kickapoos own a tract of country immediately north of
the Delawares, about sixty miles east and west, by thirty north and south,
bounded on the east by the Missouri river, or State of Missouri, and on the
south by the Delaware country. They raise a large surplus of Indian corn ;
also beef and pork for sale.

Stockhridges. — By permission, this little band of Stockbridges settled on
the Delaware lands, near the Missouri river, and about seven miles below
Fort Leavenworth, some time in February, 1840, since when they liave built
for themselves a number of neat log cabins, opened several small farms, and
raise more Indian corn than they need for their own use. They gr^w pump-
kins, beans, peas, cabbage, potatoes, and many other vegetables, and have
made good root-houses to preserve them; all of which they have effected with
very little means.

Christian Indiann. — The Christian Indians came with, and at the same
time as the Stockbridges, settled among the Delawares, built comfortable little
cabins, and made small farms.

Kanzas. — The Kanzas Indians, located on the Kanzas river, about eighty
miles above its mouth, make many excuses for not turning their attention to
agricultural pursuits ; the principal one being, that they are afraid to work,
for fear the Pawnees will come on them and kill them all ofi". Thoy raise but
little grain, in fact, not enough to subsist them; and their only dependence
for a subsistence is on the buffalo, and what few deer and turkeys they can
kill. They follow the chase.

Oifoes and }fissoiirias. — These Indians are in a most deplorable situation,
notwithstanding they have had the assistance of the Governmnnt extended to
them for many years, and that, during certain periods they bid fair to follow
the example of some of their more advanced red brethren of the west in the
pursuits of agriculture and civilization— having been furnished with teachers,
blacksmiths, and farmers, for these purposes; but tl. ) evil spirit found its
way, through various chaauels, into their lodges, aud ^ionerated amoug them

704

THE EXPATRIATED TRIBES.

discontent, jenlousy and strife, which eventually terminated in butchery and
bloodshed. This state of thinpis produced in their minds a settled prejudice
against the spot which they then occupied, on the north side of the river
Platte, under the impression that an evil spirit hovered over and around
them ; and, actinp; under this belief, they, in a moment of drunkenness and
riot, set fiie to their village, which was soon reduced to ashes. Their far n,
which was located contiguous to the village, suffered a similar fate ; the
greater part of the fences having been torn down and burnt, and the whole
is now lying waste and uncultivated. They have totally abandoned this ill-
fated spot, and settled, rather temporarily, in various lodges or villages on
the L^outii side of the River Platte. The village of the Missourias stands oa
the prairie; on the bank of the river, while the Ottoe villages, four in number,
are locatdd a short distance from the river, between a point five miles above
its mouth, and one eighteen miles higher up.

OmaJias. — These Indians follow the chase as usual, and claim the country
bounded by the Missouri river on the east, by Shell creek on the west, by the
River Platte on the south, and on the north by the Poncas country. The
Elkhorn, which runs in a southerly direction and empties into the Platte about
twenty miles above its mouth, is the largest stream which passes through
their territory. Their favorite village once stood near the Missouri river, and
about one hundred miles above Fort Leavenworth ; but several years since
they were driven from this location by the Sioux, and since then have settled
temporarily on the Elkhorn, where they now suffer from extreme indigence,
not using even ordinary savage exertion in the culture of corn.

Pawnees. — The four principal chiefs, with a number of their respective
bards, hr.ve removed to their new homes on the Loup fork of the Platte.
They generally evince a peaceable and friendly disposition, though they have
an unsettled difficulty with the Ottoes, growing out of murders heretofore
eommitted by the latter on some of their people.

Kaskaskias, Weas, Fiankashaws, and Foitawattamies. — These tribes have
made but little change in their condition ; owning some cattle and hogs,
work-oxen, farming utensils, &c., r 1 depending entirely on agricultural pur-
su'.ti for a subsisteiioe ; though if it were not for the ruinous practice pursued
by those lawless individuals who are settled immediately on the line of the
State of Missoiiri, and, in violation of the State laws, furnish them with
whiskey, their improvement would be rapid.

Ottowas. — This people is still advancing in agricultural pursuits ; they
may be said to havj entirely abandoned the chase ; all of them live in good,
comfortable log cabins; have fields enclosed with rail-fences; and own
domest'c inimals. Out of their annuity they have erected a good horse-mill ;
many of them are sowing wheat, and ere long they will raise grain enough
to supply themselves with flour and meal for *heir own consumption.

lowas. — This tribe is located on the waters of the Namaha, a tributary of
the Missouri, and their principal village is situated one mile above the mouth
of th Great Namaha. These Indians are much given to intemperance, and
while under the influence of liquor act very ill toward each other, as well aa
toward the whites.

<Sa ■? and Foxes. — These Indians are a proud, independent people, pursuing
the chfise during the hunting season. They are not so much given to intem-
porf.ncc t-i' the lowas, and entertain much more respect and love for the white
n^a:' thitii lo the latter ; frequently boasting of their friendship to the whites,
and th ir I'f'ceable disposition toward their red bi*others.

St'iki.3 yt;irs later, the chief offioer of the Indian Bureau at Washington,
mfikt's U80 ; ' the following language, after having visited personally the
colonized tril)es :

" The condition of the Indians located west of Missouri and Iowa is not as
protfj. reus, or their advance in civilization as rapid, as the official reports
annually ri'ceived from that part of the country would authorize us to expect.
In several tribes are to be found some educated, intelligent men ; and many
are able, by the cultivation of the earth, to subsist themselves. Among these
clasiies there are some sincere professors of religion ; but the mass of the

•: w

THE BLACKFEET INDIANS.

705

Indians are indolent and intemperate, and many of them are degraded and
debased.

" The transphinting of these Indians, and the dedication of their present
country to their use, and for their future home, was an emanation of the
puresc benevolence, and the dictate of humanity. Vast sums of money have
been expended by the Government for the sustenance, comfort, and civiliza-
tion of these unfortunate people, and the missionary has occupied that fieM
of labor long and faithfully ; but, notwithstanding all that has been done by
the Government and good men, the experiment has measurably failed,
Located generally on large tracts of land, separated into small and distinct
bands, roaming at will, and wandering in idleness, the mass of these tribes
are in a degraded state, with no hope of a considerable degree of reformation
(even with such improvements as are practicable in their present manage-
ment), without a change of residence."

A BRIEF niSTOIlY OF THE BLACKFEET INDIANS.*

The Blackfeet originally inhabited that region of country watered by the
Saskatchawain and its tributaries, never extending their war parties farther
south th.an the head waters of the Marias river, or farther east than the head
waters of the Milk river, a tributary of the Missouri, into which it empties
about one hundred and fifty miles above the Yellow Stone river.

The cause of their separation and dispersion over a wider range of country
grew out of a civil war regarding the claims of two ambitious chiefs, each
claiming sovereign powers, and each having difiTerent-coIored banners or flags
— the one red, the other black. The red was called the bloody flag, on account
of the sanguinary character of the contending chief; the black was one of
mourning for the death of the legitimate chief, who had recently been killed
in a great battle with the Assiniboins. The warriors, being divided, enrolled
themselves under the two banners ; the younger and more warlike under the
rej ; the old men contending for the claims of the hereditary chief. After
many skirmishes and assassinations, a pitched battle ensued, which resulted
in the disastrous defeat of the black chief — the cont&st lasting for three days
and nights.

Subsequent to their defeat the black party fled toward the south ; marching
under their black banner, and clothed in deep mourning. They appear to
have readied the Missouri during the fall, when the prairies were burning,
and the black ashes of the consumed grass colored their moccasins and leggins.
In this condition they viere first seen by the Grow Indians, v; ho called them
Blackfeet, and made known the arrival of this strange tribe to the Gros
Ventres and Mandana, with whom they were on friendly term;). Hence the
name became known throughout the country.

Another civil war afterwards broke out among the Missouri Blackfeet,
which resulted in a second division of the tribe. A chief, called the Peigan,
or pheasant, contended for the chieftainship, and, after being defeated, fled
across the Missouri, and took refuge among the mountains, situated south of
the three forks. The original tribe is now divided into three bands — the Blood
Indians, Blackfeet, and Peigans. The Blood Indians still remain in .0 north,
though a portion of them make an annual visit to their relatives on the
Missouri, when their friendly feelings are such as to justify it. The Peigana
formed a treaty of alliance and friendship with the Flatheads, wiiich, with
few interruptions, has been keept in good faith up to the present time.

The section of country that may now be considered as claimed and occupied
by the three bands, generally known as the Blackfeet Nation, extends from
the waters of the lludson Bay, south to the head waters of the Missouri
river, and to the northern sources of the Yellowstone river.

Like all prairie tribes, the Blackfeet are wandering hordes, having no fixed
habitation ; but are generally found following the ever varying migration of
the buffalo, except when driven out of their trail by a superior force of their

* IliBtory, Condition, and Prospects of the ladian Tribes, Appemlix to Vol. V.
45

706

INDIANS OP CALIFORNIA.

enemies. Their only occupations, beyond the social circle, are war and
huntin<;. War, however, absorbs all other considentions, and this will be the
case, BO lonj; as their present laws and regulations exist. As soon as a youth
is capable of using the how and arrow, ho enlists under tho wolf-skin banner
of some favorite war chief, and joins in the tirst campaign against their
hereditary enemies, the Crows and Assiniboms. These war parties frequently
last for one or more years, it being considered disgraceful to return without
Bcalps ; and on one occasion, a war party, consisting of 300 young men, were
absent for four years, without seeing or heiiriig from their own people. Tho
cause of this extr?\ordinary perseverance may be traced to their fundamental
laws, one of which prohibits a youth to marry, or have a lodge of his own,
until he has taken a acalj., or performed some other military exploit that will
entitle him to rank as a brave. N( 'thcr is he permitted to sit in council, or
be present at a feast; and, what is slIU more mortifying to youth, he is not
allowed to join in a war or scalp-d;ince, when all the belles of the tribe are
Been in gayest feathers, jingling bells, and fancy paints.

The laws or regulations by which a Blackfoot camp is governed, are well
adapted to their peculiar condition, being legislative, judicial, and niilitary.
The chiefs, as a general rule, are elective, though great respect is paid to
hereditary chiefs ; but they have little or no power, unless they have distin-
guished themselves as warriors, and are supported by a band of braves. In
every camp there is a military police, which consists of all the unmarried
who rank themselves as braves, and a lodge for their accommodation is erected
in the centre of the camp, which is generally of a circular form. When any
matter of sufficient importance occurs, the subordinate chiefs are summoned
to attend at the lodge of the head chief, where the subject is gravely discussed,
and the decision made known to the war chief, whose duty it is to aL^emble
his soldiers, and carry tho orders of the chief into immediate execution.
Though these orders from the chief sometimes condemn to death a father or
a brother of one or more of the soldiers, yet they never hesitate to obey. On
one occasion a wife of one of the chiefs being condemned for infidelity to be
stripped of all her clothing, her nose cut off, to be whipped out of the camp,
and to become the slave of any one who chose to take her, two of her bruthevs
assisted in carrying the sentence into execution.

All questions of peace or war, of the time for raising the camp, or in regard
to the regulations for a general hunt, are decided upon by the chiefs, and
carried into execution by the soldiers. Notwithstanding the camp might be
in a state of starvation, and there were plenty of buffalo or otiier game in
eight, no one, not even tho head chiefs, would be allowed to disturb them,
without the consent of the council. The policy of this is obvious, as one
individual might frighten off a herd of buffalo sufficient to feed the whole
camp.

The Blackfoot has always been regarded as a treacherous, blood-thirsty
savage ; but this is a mistake, growing out of ignorance of his true character.
!u is true, they killed and scalped a great many of the mountain trappers ;
but they found them trespassing on their hunting-grounds, and killing off the
game upon which they relied for subsistence ; and any other tribe, or even
civilized nation, wotild have retaliated for much less cause of provocation.
Those who have long resided among them, have alw.ays found them frank,
generous, and hospitable — ready at all times to repay any kindness they
might receive from the whites.

INDIANS OF CALIFORNIA.*

so far as dress

The men are generally tall — living in a state of natui'
goes, not even possessing 'that natural article of clothing, a breech clout. The
dress of the female consists mostly of a Tale skirt, fastened around the waist
with a cord, and extending loosely to a little below the knees. They we.^r
their hair long behind, but so cut in front as to shade their eyes ; tattoo their

* History, ConditioD, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes, Appondis to Vol. V.

SUPERSTITIONS OP THE DAKOTAHS.

707

chins with three lines ; and wear ornaments in their ears, formed of the lcj»
bonns of fowls, orniimonted with carving, and used also as a pipe.

The trii)e8 Hvins; in the valley of the San Joaquin river inhabit houses
formed of mats laid on a fnmiework of willow or cotton-wood ; but tlie Sacra-
mento tribes construct a more permanent habitation, made of a framework
of heavy timber, covered with mud and grass — the floor being about two feet
below the level of the ground. There are but two openings, a door for
entrance, and a hole at the top, for the escape of tlie smoke of their tires,
Mvhich they build on the ground. Tlie men are indolent, doing only the
lighter labor, such as making their arms and nets, while the women collect
• the grass seeds, acorns, &c., for their subsistence, in which occupation they
are attended by one or more of the elders of tiio villages.

Their food consists of grass seeds and acorns, pounded together, mixed
with water, and baked in the sand, whereby all the deleterious properties of
the acorn, as well as its bitter taste, are reujoved. Grassiioppers and crickets
also form a part of their subsistence, and these they collect by setting tire to
the prairies in a circle, when, moving in a body towards the centre, they drive
the insects into the flames, by which their legs are burned off. They are then
collected, and pounded witli deer talhiw, or any kind of grease they may
have, and used for food. As soon as the acorns commence falling, they collect
great quantities of them, which tiiey put u]i in cylindrical stacks, from eight
to ten feet high, made of willows bound to;^'!tlier by cords of wild hemp.

Their weapons for war and the chase consist of bows and arrows ; the
former being made of a kind of cedar, covered on the back with the sinews
of a horse or elk, which make them very strong and elastic; the latter are
chiefly of cane — those used in the chase having a point of hard wood, those
intended fur war are pointed witli small heads of flint, beautifully barbed.

They are superstitious, knowing but little of the Ciiristian religion, except
what they have learned from association, either with the wliites, or v,-ith other
Indians who have been educated at the old Catnolic mission, under Spanish
rule. The first fish of the season they ofi'er to the Deity, on a platform erected
in the middle of a stream; the fish being hung on a high pole, decorated
with feathers and other ornaments, beside which tlie medicine man takes his
place, and harangues for nearly the whole day, after which the fish is left to
decay.

iJvery village has its sweat-house, which is generally built near the edge
of a stream, so that when individuals have perspired sufficiently within its
walls, they may have the pleasure of an immersion in the cold water, which
is their usual mode of relieving fatigue.

The tribes of California are divided into sn^all bands, speaking different
languages, and warring on each other, though living but a few miles apart;
Their general dome tic habits vary but little, feeding upon the same kind of
food, and preparing it in the same manner. In their disposition they are
cowardly; treachery and theft, as with most Indians, forming part of their
creed. Their animal food consists of the game of the country, except the
grizzly bear, which the uncivilized ones will not eat. Horses, both wild and
tame, form, particularly among those residing near the coast settlements,
their principal animal diet.

In the manufacture of their baskets and socks .hey manifest much neatness
and taste, pai'ticularly in those covered with feathers, which generally con-
sist of those of the summer duck, and scalps of the red-headed woodpecker,
bound round tie top with beads of their own manufacture. They are also
very expert in weaving blankets of feathers, many of which have really
beautiful figures worked on them.

ill

' III

SUPERSTITIONS OP THE DAKOTAII INDIANS.

According to the llev. Gideon II. Pond, of Minnesota, " Evory Piikotah
warrior looks to the wakan-man as almost his only resource. From liim he
receives a spear and tomahawk, cmistructed after the model furnit-hcd from
the armory of the gods, and also thu;e paints which serve as an armature for

708

SUPERSTITIONS OF THE DAKOTAIIS.

liis linily. To nlitiiin these tilings, the proud npplicBnt is required to become
ft scrviint to the Ziii/ii-wfiLaii, while the Intter pioH through tlionn painful iiiui
e.xliiuisiiiij:; porfiiruiancpH which are necos?iar_v prepiiratoi-y to the hcstowal of
thi'in : nuch h.m viipor-hiiths, fastiiit^s, chants, prayers, Jkf. 'J'hc impleim'iits
of d<',struction hi'inj^ thus eonscorated, the person who is tD receive theui,
wailini; most pitecusly, afiproaciics the war-pniphet and presents tlie pipe to
hiui as to a pid; wliih) in the attitude of prayer, he lays his hands upon his
sacred head, ami jicnetratcd with a sense of his own iinpotenoy, sobs out his
request in suhstani-e as follows: ' Pity thou one who is p(>or uiid ludpless — a
woman in action — and hcstow on mo the ahility to pi-rform manly deeds.'
Tiie prophet then presents the weapons desired, sayiii;;, 'Go thou, try the
ewiiig of this tomahawk and the thrust of this spear, and witness the power
of the god to whom they belong; but when in victory thou shalt return,
forget not to perform thy vows.' Each warrior is required to paint himself
for battle in the same manner as his arms have been painted by the prophet;
and must never paint in the same manner at any other time, except it may be
in the performance of extraordinary religious rites. In this manner every
young man is enlisted for life into the service of the war-prophet. These
weapons are preserved as sacredly by the Dakotah warriors as was tiie 'ark
of the covenant,' by the Israelites, are carefully wrapped up in a cloth cover,
together with plumes and sacred pigments, laid outside of the tent every day,
except in the storm, and must never be touched by a female who has arrived
at the age of puberty. Every warrior feels that his success, both in war and
hunting, depends entirely ujion the strictnesss with which he conforms to the
rules and ceremonies imposed u[)on him by the wakan warrior. The ' armor
feasts' are of almost daily occurrence in the Dakotah camp, when the fruits
of the chase are sufficient to supply them, at which time these arms are
always religiously exhibited. Thus the influenoe of the medicine-man, as a
warrior, pervades the whole community, and it is hardly possible to over-
estimate it; though, however, vastly weakened by coming in contact with
civilization and Christianity. The medicine-men themselves seem to be well
aware of the fact, that the disseminati(m of knowledge among the people
tends directly to the destruction of their influence.

" In the capacity of a doctor, or wupiya, the influence of the Dakotah
medicino-nian has scarcely any limits, as heiilth is hardly more necessary to
the happiness of the Indian than the wakan-man is for the preservation of
healtii. It is l)elieved that they have in their bodies animals (gods), which
have groat powers of suction, and which serve as suction-pumps, such as the
lizard, bull-frog, leech, tortoise, garter-snake, &c. Other gods conf'T on
them vocal powers, and their chants and prayers are the gifts of inspiration.

"If the doctors are long without practice, they suffer great inconvenience
from the restlessness of tiie gods within them, to pacify whom they sometimes
take blood from the arm of some person and drink it. When one of them,
having been respectfully and reverently called upon, and liberally prepaid, is
about to operate upon a suffering patient — ' a little ox struggling on the
earth' — he has him placed upon a blanket on the ground, in a tent, with the
body chiefly naked, and also generally strips off his own clothes, except the
niiddle-eloth. After chants, prayers, the rattling of the gourd-shell, and
innumerable other trite ceremonies, making a variety of indescribable noises,
and muttering something like the following, ' The god told me that having
this, I might ai^proacii even a skrleton and set it on its feet,' he gets down
upon his knees, and applying his mouth to the affected part of the patient,
sucks with an energy whiili would seem to be almost superhuman — the
gourd-shell still rattling violently. In this maiiier the god which is in the
doctor pumps the disease from the sufferer. After sucking thus for a con-
siderable time, the doctor rises on his feet in apparent agony, groaning so as
to be heard a mile if tlie atmosphere is clear, beating his sides, writiiing, and
striking the earth with his feet so as almost to make it tremble, and holding
;i dish of water to his mouth, he proceeds with a sing-song bubbling to
deposit in the dish that which has been drawn from the sick person. This
laborious and disgusting operation is repeated at short intervals, for hours, and
the operator is thus enabled not only ti relieve the sufferer, but also to discover

MYTIIOLOQY OP THE SIX NATIOXS,

709

the sin on account of wliich he has been afflicted, tho spirit of which he rpos
rush into the htdge, and violently lay hold of the unfortunate sinner, as if he
would rend him to atoniH. The doctor now mukoH an image of tiio offcmh'il
animal whose enraged spirit he saw, and causes it to he shot by tiiree or four
persons in quick succession, when the god that is in him, leaping out, falls
upon, not the image, but the spirit of the animal which the image representf,
and kills it. Now the sick man begins to cunvalesce, unless otin r <>ffiMiil".l
spirits appear to afflict him; but sometimes tiio doctor is overcome by these
spirits and the patient dies, unless one of greater waknn powers can be ol)-
tained ; for they are wakaii to different degrees, corresponding to tiie strength
of tills attribute as it exists in the gods by whom they are respectively
inspired. It seems to be the general impressi(,n that there are wakan-mon
who are able to subdue any foe to health till the superior gods order other-
wise ; bat it is difficult to obtain their aid; for if they are not properly
respected at all times, and well remunerated for their services, they let the
sufferers perish without exerting their power to save them — doing their work
deceitfully. It is also believed that they can inflict diseases as a punishment
for sins committed against themselves, that death is often the effect of their
xeakaii power, and that when they thus kill a person, tliey cut off the tip of
liis tongue and jircserve it as a memonto of tlie fact. The people stand in
great fear of these medicine-men, and when sick will give all they possess,
and all they can obtain on credit, to secure their services; frequently giving
a horse for a single performance. They are always treated with the greatest
respect, and generally furnished with the best of everything ; and if there
are impostors, this fact turns decidedly to the advantage of those who are
belisveii to be true. There are from five to twenty-five of these men and
women at each of the villages, most of whom have a fair reputation and con-
siderable employment; and that, notwithstanding these Indians are now
receiving so much aid from our own people who follow the medical profession.
I do not believe that an individual Dakotah can be found, who does not
believe that these jugglers can heal diseases without the help of vegetai>le or
mineral medicines, except as this faith has been destroyed by the introduction
among them of science and Christianity ; and, even at this day, the persons
who do not eai[rloy them as wata/* jugglers are very few indeed."

MYTHOLOGY OF THE SIX NATIONS.*

"An unlimited expanse of water once filled tho space now occupied by the
world we inhabit, and here was the a^ode of total darkness, which no ray of
light ever penetrated. At this time the human family dwelt in a country
situated in the upper regions of the creation, abounding in everything con-
ducive to the comfort and convenience of life ; the forests were full of game ;
the lakes and streams swarmed with fish and fowl ; while the earth and fields
spontaneously produced a profusion of vegetables for the use of man ; an
unclouded sun enlivened their days, and storms and tempests were unknown
in that happy region.

"The inhabitants were strangers to death, and its harbingers, pain and
disease; while their minds, freed from the corroding passions of jealousy,
hatred, malice, and revenge, ere perfectly happy.

"At length, however, an evisnt occurred which interrupted their tranquil-
lity, and introduced care and anxiety, till then unknown. A certain young
man, of high position, was observed to withdraw himself from the circle of
their social amusements ; the solitary recesses of the grove became his fivorite
walks; care and chagrin were depicted in his countenance ; and his body,
from long abstinence, presented to the view of his friends the mere skeleton
of a man. Anxious friends again and again vainly solicited to know tho
cause of his grief, until, debilitated both in body and mind, he yielded to the
importunities of his associates, and promised to disclose the cause of bin
troubles, on condition that they would dig up by the roots a certain white

• Paper by James Dean, Esq., of Oneida County, New York, in History, Ac, of Indiaus, Vol. VI.

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(716) t72-4S03

710

MYTHOLOGY OP THR SIX NATIONS.

pine tree, lay him on his robes neap the edge of the hole, and seat his wife
by his side. Complying with his request, the fatal tree was taken up by the
roots ; in doing which the earth was perforated, and a passage opened to the
abyss below, when the robe was placed by the side of the opening, and the
youth laid thereon ; his wife taking her seat by his side. The multitude,
eager to learn the cause of such strange and unusual conduct, pressed around ;
when, on a sudden, to their horror and astonishment, he seized upon the
woman, then enuiente, and precipitated her headlong into the darkness
below ; then, rising from the ground, he informed the assembly that he had
for some time suspected the chastity of his wife, and that having now dis-
posed of the cause of his mental suffering, he should soon recover bis usual
health and vivacity.

"All the birds and amphibious animals which now inhabit the earth, then
occupied the watery waste, to which the woman in her fall was hastening.
The loon first discovered her coming, and called a council to prepare for her
reception. Observing that the animal which approached was a human being,
they knew that earth was indispensably necessary for her accommodation,
and the first subject of deliberation was, who should support the burden.
The sea bear firet presented himself for a trial of his strength, when instantly
the other animals gathered around, and seated themselves on his back ; but
the bear, unable to support the weight, sunk beneath the surface of the water,
and was judged by the whole assembly unequal to the task of supporting her,
and her prerequisite, the earth. Several others in succession presented them-
selves as candidates for the honor, and with similar ill-success. Last of all,
the turtle modestly advanced, tendering his broad shell as the basis of the
earth, now about to be formed. The beasts then made trial of its strength
to bear weight, and finding their united pressure unable to sink tii' turtle
below the surface, adjudged to him the honor of supporting the world. A
foundation being thus provided, the next subject of deliberation was, how to
procure earth, which, it was concluded, must be obtained from the bottom of
the sea. Several of the most expert divers went in quest of it ; but invariably,
when they rose to the surface of the water, they were dead. The mink at
length took the dangerous plunge, and when, after a long absence, his carcass
floated to the surface, a criti<^al examination discovered a small quantity of
earth in one of his claws, which he had scratched from the bottom, and this
being carefully preserved, was placed on the back of the turtle. In the mean-
time, the woman continued falling, and at length alighted on the back of the
turtle, on which the earth had already grown to the size of a man's foot, and
on this she stood with one foot covering the other. Shortly after she had
room for both feet, and was soon able to sit down. The eDrth continued to
expand, and soon formed a small island, skirted with wiilow, and other
aquatic plants ar** shrubbery; and at length it stretched out into a widely-
extended plain, in erspersed with rivers and smaller streams, which, with
gentle current, roiled forward their tributary waters to the ocean. Atahent-
sic, the woman, then repaired to the sea-shore, erected a habitation, and
settled in her new abode, where, not long after, she became the mother of a
daughter, and was supported by tSie spontaneous productions of the earth
until the child arrived at adult years, when the latter was solicited in marriage
by several animals, changed into the form of young men. The loon first pre<
sented himself as a suitor, V) the form of a tall, well-dressed, fine-looking
young man, but after due consultation with the mother, his suit was rejected.
Several others presented themselves, and were rejected by the mother ; until,
at length, the turtle, with his short neck, short bandy legs, and humped back,
offered himself as a suitor, and was received. After she had laid herself
down to sleep, the turtle placed upon her abdomen two arrows in the form of
a cross, one headed with a flint, the other with the rough bark of a tree, and
took his leave. In due time she became the mother of two sons, called, in
Iroquois, Yoskiki and Thoitsaron ; but died in giving tbam birth. When the
time arrived for the children to be born, they consulted together about the
lest mode of egress from tiieir place of confinement, and the youngest deter-
mined to make his exit by the natural passage, whilst the other resolved to
take the shortest route, by breaking through the walls of his prison; in

MYTHOLOGY OP THE SIX NATIONS.

711

■t^

effecting which he consequently destroyed his mother, thus giving the first
evidence of his malignant disposition. The gmndmother, enraged at her
daughter's death, resolved to destroy the children, and, taking them in her
arms, threw them both into the sea, bat scarcely had she reached her wigwam,
when the children appeared at the door. The experiment of drowning them
was several times repeated, but in vain.

" Discouraged by her ill success, she determined to lot them live. Then,
dividing the corpse of her daughter into two parts, she threw them upwards
towards the heavens, when the upper part became the sun and the lower part
the moon, which is the reas'^n why the latter has always presented the form
of the human face. At vuis time began the succession of day and night in
our world. The children speedily became men, and expert archers. The
elder, whose name, in Oneida, was Thau-wisk-a-lau (a term expressive of the
greatest degree of malignity and cruelty), used the arrow of the turtle pointed
with flint, and killed with it the largest beasts of the forest ; while the younger,
whose name, in the same dialect, was Tau-lou-ghy-au-wan-goon (a name de-
doting unbounded goodness and benevolence), had the arrow headed with
bark ; but the former was, on account of his malignant disposition, and his
skill and success in hunting, a favorite with his grandmother. They livi-d in
the midst of plenty, but would not permit the younger brother, whose arrow
was not sufficiently powerful to destroy anything but birds, to share in their
abundance. As this young man was one day wandering along the shore, he
saw a bird, perched upon a bough projecting over the water, which he
attempted to kill ; but his arrow, till that time unerring, flew wide of the
mark and sank in the sea. He determined to recover it; and, swimming to
the place where it fell, plunged to the bottom, when, to his astonishment, he
found himself in a small cottage, in which u venerable old man was sitting,
who received him with a smile of fraternal complacency, and thus addressed
him : ' My son, I welcome you to the habitation of your father. To obtain
this interview, I have directed all the circumstano.ix which have conspired to
bring you hither. Here is your arrow, and here is aa car of corn, which you
will find pleasant and wholesome food. I have watched the unkindness both
of your grandmother and your brother, and while he lives the earth can never
be peopled ; you must, therefore, take his life. When you return home, you
must traverse the whole earth ; collect all the flint-stones into heaps which
you find, and hang up all the bucks'-horns, as these are the only things of
which your brother is afraid, or which c:»n make any impression upon his
body, which is made of flint. They will furnish you with weapons, always
at hand, wherever he may direct bis course.' Having received these and
other instructions from his father, he returned to the world, and began imme-
diately to obey his father's directions, which being done, the elder resolved
on a hunting excursion. On their way to the hunting-ground, he inquired
of the younger what were the objects of his greatest aversion. He informed
him (falsely) that there was nothing so terrific to him as beech-boughs and
bulrushes, and inquired in turn of Thau-wink-a-lau what he most dreaded ;
he answered, nothing so much as flint-stones and bucks'-horns, and that
nothing else could injure him ; and that lately he had been much annoyed by
them wherever he went. Having arrived at their place of destination, the
elder went in quest of game, leaving the younger to attend to the menial
occupation of erecting his hut, and preparing such other accommodations aa
he required. After an absence of some time, the elder returned exhausted
with fatigue and hunger, and partaking of a hearty repast, prepared by his
brother, he retired to his wigwam to sleep ; but when he had fallen into a
profound slumber, the younger kindled a large fire at its entrance. After a
time, the elder found himself extremely incommoded by the heat; and the
flinty materials of his body, expanding by its intensity, were exploding in
large scales from his carcass. In a great rage, and burning for revenge, he
broke through the fire in front of the hut, hastened to a neighboring beech,
armed himself with a largo bough, and returned to chastise and destroy his
brother; but finding that his repeated and violent blows had no effect upon
his brother, who pelted him with flint-stones and belabored him with bucks'-
horns, which caused the flinty scales to fall from his body in copious showers,

712

MYTHOLOGY OP TUB SIX NATIONS.

he betook hin>delf to a neighboring roarnh, where he supplied himself with a
bundle of bulrushes, and returned to the contest, though with the same ill
success. Finding himself deceived, and failing of his purpose, he sought
safety in flight. As he fled, the earth trembled. A verdant plain, bounded
by the distant ocean, lay before him ; behind him, the earth sunk in deep
valleys and frightful chasms, or rose into lofty mountains or stupendous pre-
cipices ; the streams ceased to roll forward their waters, and, bursting their
barriers, poured down the cliffs in cataracts, or foamed through their rocky
channels to the ocean. The younger brother followed the fugitive with
vigorous steps, wounding him continually with his weapons, and at length, in
a far distant region, beyond the savannahs of the west, he breathed his last,
loading the earth with his flinty form.

" The great enemy of the race of the turtle being destroyed, they came up
out of the ground in human form, and for some time mnltipliod in peace, and
spread extensively over its surface. Atahentsic, the grandmother, roused to
furious resentment for the loss of her darling son, and resolving to be
revenged, for many days successively, caused the rain to descend in torrents
from the clouds, until the whole surfuce of the earth, and even the highest
mountains, were covered ; but the inhabitants fled to their canoes, and escaped
the impending destruction. The disappointed grandmother caused the rains
to cease, and the waters to subside, when the inhabitants returned to their
former places of abode. Determining to effect her purpose in another manner,
she covered the earth with a deluge of snow, to escape which new evil tliey
betook themselves to their snow-shoes, and thus eluded her vengeance.
Chagrined at length by these disappointments, she gave up the idea of destroy-
ing the whole human race at once, and determined to wreak her vengeance
upon them in a manner which, although less violent, should be more efficacious.
Accordingly, she has ever since been employed in gratifying her malignant
disposition, by inflicting upon mankind all those evils which are suffered in
this present world. Tarenyawagon, in Oneida, Tau-lou-ghy-au-wan-gnon, on
tht) other hand, displays the infinite benevolence of his nature by bestowing
on the human race the blessings they enjoy, all of which flow from his
bountiful providence. This personage afterwards dwelt among his brethren
under the name of Hiawatha. The name Tarenyawagon, literally translated,
is * the Holder, or Supporter of the Heavens.' Hiawatha was the minister
of Tarenyawagon, and agent of his good will to mankind,"

NOTES, ETC.

713

NOTES, ADDITIONS, AND CORRECTIONS.

P. 47. — The wholo of the letter of Gov. Bradttreet is ttoto printed in the N»t»
Eng. Hist, and Genealog. Reg. ii. 150.

P. 61. — MuRDEK OF Miss McCuea. Among the many versions of this tragedy,
there is one in Barber's Hist. Coll. of New York, pp. 6G9, 670, which may be
worth consulting ; it teould be, doubtless, had he informed us how he got his
information. Perhaps from people in the neighborhood of the murder. Wo do
not like inferences when easily avoided.

P. 69. — ihis early voyage to New England has been reprinted entire, in 3 Coll.
Mass. Hist. Soc. vol. viii.

P. 83. — Respecting the visit of Sir Francis Drake to the coast of New England
before the settlement of Plimouth, our account is pretty full. The conclusion
there arrived at, that Drake did actually land somewhere in the neighborhood of
Cape Cod, we thought our authorities clearly justified. But some critical writers
since my work was published, questioning the fact, I am ready to confess that
the subject is not, nor did I ever consider it, settled beyond a doubt ; yet, after
all, it m»y oe quite as difficult to settle it the other way, namely, that he did not
land in New England.

P. 111. — On this, and the pages immediately before and after it, notices are
contained of several chiefs and others who were living between Boston and Sa-
lem when the English came. The most of them had more or less to do with
all the whites who settled near them, and especially -^th those who settled at
and about Saugus, afterwards Ciillcd Lynn. This circumstance brought their
liiatory particularly under the int estigation of the accomplished historian of that
town, Alonzo Lewis, Esq. Our text was written before the appearance of his
second edition, to which is added a great amount of the most valuable infor-
mation, of which we were not in possession. Therefore, instead of making a
long note here, of extracts, corrections, &c., we must refer our readers to the
work of Mb. Lewis, where the numerous facts will be found, clothed in the easy
and polished style of that writer.

P. 111. — Concerning SAGAMORE JOHN, we have a note as early as
1631. In his letter to the countess of Lincoln, Gov. Dudley s&ya, "John is a
handsome young man — conversant with vs, affecting English Aparell and bow-
ses, and speaking we" of our God." — James, the brother of John, " commanded
not above 30 or 40 m«.. Dudley, ib.

P. 22. — " The most common pronunciation of the name of MiantonotnovfUl ap-
pear, I imagine, in the following couplet from S. Danforth's Almanack for 1649 :
' And by thy fall comes in the Engluih wo
If it may be by Miantonomo.' "

MS. note by John Farmer.

P. 182 CAPT. TOM, alias Wattasacompanum. Some of the proceedings

against this mai. have of late been brought to light. His case is one of most
melancholy interest, and his fate will ever be deeply regretted ; inasmuch as the
proof against him, so far as wo can discover, would not at any other time have
been deemed worthv of a moment's serious consideration. The younger Eliot
pleaded earnestly for him, that he might even have a new trial, but without
avail. In our MS. " Chronicles of the Indians," we have this entry :
" 22 June, 1676. Death warrant signed for Captain Tom's execution." It is
directed to " Edward Mitchelson, Marshall Generall," who is ordered to see that
" Captain Tom Indian and Jno. Oultuck, Indian enemys be hanged on this day
after y lecture till they be dead."

P. 183.— SAMPSON OCCOM. There was a portrait taken of this distin-
guished Indian while he was in England, painted by M. Chamberlain, from
which a fine mezzotinto engraving was made by J. Spilsbtiry, and published on a
folio sheet It is thus entitled : " The Reverend Mr. Samson Occom, the first
Indian minister that ever was in Europe, end who accompanied the Kcv. Nath'l
"WTiitaker, D. D., in an application to Great Britain for Charities to support y*
Rev. Dr. Wheelock's Indian Academy, and Missionaries amon^^ y« Native Sav-
ages of N. America." Published according to act of Parliament, Sept. 20,

714

NOTES, BTC.

1768, by Henry Parker, at No. 82 in Comhill, London.
tA» aut/ior.

Portrait in pouettion of

P. 218.~The following curiov.3 document is added, to throw eome light on the
Narraganset expedition of Dec. 1675 : —

" Whereas at the fireinee of Majo' Appletons Tent at Narragansitt Diners
armcB and Clothes were lost by the fire belonging to pcrticuler persons, a
list of whom is taken and in the hands of Capt. Swayne. then Leiut. to Majo'
Appleton, who heretofore haue rec. no satisfaction for the same, This Court
[Gen. Ct. of Ms.] Doth order that repayration be made by the Country to the
persons Damnily-ed by the s"* fire, and that the Committees of Militia in tlie
severall Townes, doe allow Damage vpon the Accounts afforesd, and enter them
amongst the Disbursements of the s*' townes. The Deputyes haue past this
Desiring the Consent of o' Honor^ Magistrates hereto.

William Torrey, Cleric.

15 Sept. 1676. Consented to by the magists. Edw. Ilawson, Secrcty."

P. 222. — Following other printed accounts of the war, we gave the name of
" Captain Crowell," which should bo " CoweU." Jamei Cowell was of Boston,
before and after this war. In our MS. " CanoNicLEs," above cited, we have a
circumstantial account of the affair which at this time brought him to the notice
of the historians. The account is by himself^ as ho gave it in a deposition, at
the trial of Capt. Tom, and is as follows : —

" As I was returning from Marlborough to Boston, in the Contoryes searvicc,
and had 18 men under my conduct, and about 3 miles from Sudbury wee ware
Suprysed with divers hundred of Indians, whereof this Indian Tom was one,
none by a grombleing sign or noyse y' he made ; as in my Judgement was y«
cause of our bejng flyored vpon ; at which tjme fower of my Company was
killed and one wounded ; beside ffive horses were disinabled, [being] shot.
"Vpon Capi. Wadsworth's ingadgen wjth [y*] Indians, I wentt backe and bxiryed
y ffower men which ware killed, whereof was Thomas [Har ] and Uopkituea
son of Roxbury, Goodman, a son of liobirt Waylea of Dorchister." " Sworn
in Court, 19 June, 1676."

P. 263. — MATOONAS. The following characteristic reflections and obsen-a-
tions of Dr. Increase Mather, which the consideration of the acts and fate of
this chief seemed to excite in his mind, are extracted, as w^orthy of preservation
in this connection : —

" How often have we prayed, that the Lord would remember the cruelty, treachery,
and above all the blasphemy of these heathen ! — This prayer has been heard in
Heaven. As for their cruelty, God hath remembered that, many of them falling
into the hands of the Mohawks or o'her Indians, who fought in our quarrel, used
their enemies afte^- their own kind. And it hath been observed, that the ven-
geance from the Lord did pursue them presently upon the perpetration of some
horrid acts of baibarous cruelty towards such as fell into their murderous hands.
And as for their treachery, God hath retaliated that upon them ; as for the per-
fidious Narragansets, Peter Indian was false and perfidious to them, upon a dis-
gust received amongst them, and directed our army whereto find them. Treach-
erous Philip, one of his own men ran away from him, and told Capt. Church
where that grand enemy had hid himself, the issue of which was, another Indian
shot a bullet into the treacherous heart of that covenant-breaking infidel. Yea,
many of those cloudy and dcceiptful Indians who were taken by Capt. Church,
would frequently destroy and betray their bloudy and false-hearted comrades.
Matoonas, who we s the first Indian that treacherously shed innocent English
blood in Massachusetts Colony, he some years before pretended to something of
religion, being a professor in general (though never baptized, nor of the in-
churched Indians) that so he might the more covertly manage the hellish design
of revenge that was harbored in his divelish heart."

P. 263. — " The murder at Wobum here referred to by Hubbard, apparently
as perpetrated a little before Philip's war, was not improbably the same as one
committed in the west part of Wobum, now Burlington, the story of wliich has
been transmitted there by tradition from time immemorial, and is briefly as
follows : On a certain Sabbath, an Indian concealed himself in a hop house, the
sit« of the kiln of which is still pointed out, about a mile from Burlington meet-
ing-house, close to the north side of the road to Bedford, between the houses of
Deacon George Mclntire and of Miss Ruth Wilson. ^Vhen he supposed the
neighbors generally had gone to meeting, he came out from his lurking-place,
and went to the house which then stood on the spot where Jliss Wilson's now is.
Upon entering, ho asked for cider of a young woman that had been left at homo,

NOTES, BTC.

715

In compliance with his request, she wont to draw some ; but upon her return,
he knocked her in the head as she reached the top of the cellar stairs. The
cellar door was dashed with her blood, the stain of which was never wiped off ;
and when the house camo to be taken down, not far from a century ago, to
build another on its site, this blood-stained door was removed as it was to the
barn, and there, and at a house in the neighborhood to which it was subse-
quently conveyed, it continued for years to be exhibited ds a memorial of this
instance of savage cruelty." [Tradition in the Wilson family, &c.]— J/S. Letter
from Rev. Samuel StuxM, of Burlington, Mi., to the Author.

P. 2(54. — In the History of Framingham, Ms., by the Rev. Mr. Barrt, will
be found many important facts relative to the destruction of the family of Thom-
as Eames, of Sudbury, which that diligent author derived from original MSS.
We have many others, shedding further light, in our MS. Cuuonicles above re-
ferred to, but our limits do not allow of their admission here. A few items from
himself are all we can at present add.

Thomas Eames came to New England about 1634. He served in the Pequot
war, after which he was " maimed by the hand of God in his limbs." He was
born in the year 1616, and in 1668, was "the father of many children," " but
had not one foote of land in y« countray of his owne," and was " very poore."
His fortune seems to have been much improved not long after, for when his
house was destroyed by the Indians, in 1676, he says, " Yea, I am now left des-
titute, and bereaved of almost all comforts of my liifc, and of cuery bitt of my
estate, which the other day amounted to no less than aboue 350 pounds. And
being very lame and aged, and have half a dozen children, each under a dozen
years of age." This was about the close of Philip's war, at which time he asks
the General Court to grant him the land which had been possessed by those In-
dians that had destroyed his family ; " seeing," he says, " the ten owners and
inhabitants y'of are no'' now extant, 6 of them burned my house and family, 3
of whome houe been L<tnged, and the others are all fled vnto y" enemy." The
government granted him 200 acres of land, but he did not Uvc long to enjoy it.
He died on the 2dth of January, 1680, set. 64. For an account of Ids posterity,
consult the History of Framingham.

P. 280. — The treaty entered into by the chiefs of ^he Eastern Indinns and
English in the midst of Philip's war, seems not to have fallen within the notice
of the chroniclers, cither of that time or since. Possibly Hubbard mmj riler to
it in his Indian Wars. It being a document of great importance, is here in-
serted entire, firom the Massachusetts Archives,

" Pascataqua River, Cochecho, 3 July [1676.]

At a meeting of y> Com* appointed by y Hon"* Genl. Ct.for to treat y« Inds.
of the Eastern Parts in order for y procuring an Hon" Peace with y"". Wee
w* y"> muf' consent of y Sagamores Underwritten in beholfe of themseli'.cs and
y men— Indians belonging to them being about 300 in Number, have agreed as
followcth :

Uy. That hence forwards none of y« said Indians shall offer any violence to y
persons of any English, nor doe any Damage to thcyrs Estates in any kind what-
soever. And if any Indian or Indians shall offend herein, they shall bring or
cause to bee brought y offender to some English authority, there to bo prosecuted
by y« EngUsh Lawes according to y Nature of y* Offence.

21y. That none of said Indians shall entertain at any time any of our enemies,
but shall giuo psent notice to y Comt« when any come among them, ingaging to
goe forth w"" y English against them (if desired) in order to y« seizing of them.
And if any of s'' Indians shall themselucs at any time bring such o' Enemies
vnto vs, they shall for their reward haue £3. for each they shall so bring in.

31y. The Indians performmg on their part, as is before expressed, wee y com-
ittee doe ingage in y« behalfe of y English not to offer any violence to any of
their persons or estates, and -I' any injury be offered to said Indians by any
English, they [their] complaints to Authority, y offender shall be prosecuted
bv English Lawes according to y' nature of y offence. In witness to each and
ail y* prmises we haue mutually shaken hands and subscribed our names.

RicuAiiD Waldeun
Comittee 2 Nic : Shapleiob
r Tho : Danieli.

^-"Tj Wanalanset, Sagamore
■^^ .Sampson Aboquacemoka
Xi^ Mk. Wm Sagamore
♦V^ Squando Sagamore

W DONY

a3 Seuogumba
Sam" Numphow
The mark Warockomeb.

716

NOTES, ETC.

P. 303. — A more precious document than the subject of this note, we seldom
have the satixfaction of laying before the public. It elucidates a pass \ge in
New England's history of the deepest interest ; and had wc space, much explan-
atory matter might be given.
" Honoured Mother

After my duty and my wifcs presented to yourselfe these may inform you of
[our] present health of our present being when other of ova friends are by the
barbarous heathen cut off from having a being in this world The Lord [of] late
hath renewed his witnesses against tb, and hath dealt very bitterly \i-ith us in
that wo are deprived of the societie of our nearest friends by the breaking in of
the adversarie against vs ; On Friday last in the morning your own son with
your two sons in Law Anthony and Thomas Bracket and their whole families
were killed and taken by the Indians, we know not how, tis certainly known by
us that Thomas is slain and his wife aud children carried away captiue, and of
Anthony and his family we haue no tidings and therefore think that thay might
be captivated the night before beca'ise of the remoteness of their habitation from
neighborhood, Om Corban and all his family Om Lewis and his wife, James
Ross and all his family, Om Durham, John Munjoy, and Daniel Wakcly, Ben-
jamin Iladwcll and all his family are lost, all slain by sun nr. hour high In the
Morning and after, Om Wallis his dwelling hoase and none besides his is bun.t
there are of men slain 11, of women and children 28 killed and taken, wo that
are alive are forced upon Mr. Andrews his Island to secure our own and the
liucs of our families we haue but littie provision and are so few in number that
we are not able to bury the dead till more strength come to us, the desire of the
people to your selfe is that you would be pleased to speak to Mr. Munjoy and
Deacon Philips that they would entreat the Govomour that forthwith aid
might be sent to vs either to fight the enemie out of our borders that our Eng-
lish Corn may be inned in whereby we may comfortably line or rcmoue vs out
of Danger that we may provide for our selucs elsewhere having no more at
present but desiring your prayers to God for his preservation of us in these
times of danger, I rest Your dutifuU Son

Thaddeus Clark.

ffrom Casco-bay 16. 6. 76. remember my Love to my Sister &c.

These ffor his honoured Mother Mri* Elizabeth Harvey living in Boblon."

P. 312. — " I have understood that the town of Moultonborough was named in
honor of Gen. Jonathan Moulton, of Hampton, who was a principal proprietor."
MS. note of John Faftner in a copy of the 3d Ed. of the Book of the Indians.

P. 313. — Prop. Upham, of Bowdoin College, is the author of the ballad there
given. Farmer, as above cited.

P. 522.— CAPT. WHITEEYES. In the Narrative of Richard Bard's Adven-
tures among the Indians will be found some interesting details for an enlarge-
ment of the life of this chief. See Loudon's Selection of Jnd. Nars. ii. 67—71.

P. 631. — HALFKING. Besides the different Indian names which v/e have
given for this chief, another has been published in the " History of Western Penn-
sylvania." He is there called Tanacharison, where it is also stated thau he died
at Harris Ferry, (Harrisburg,) Oct. 1st, 1764. In another part of the same
work, (p. 71,) it is stated that he died at the house of John Harris, of that place,
and was buried by him.

P. 672. — Note J. In the Boston Courier of 31th August, 1843, it is mentioned
that the Capt. Newman, who fell in St. Clair's defeat, was of Boston ; that he
was of the class of 1766, in the Latin school, while of the same class were Isaac
Coffin, since Admiral Sir Isaac, Dr. Jena. Homer, -late of Newton, Dr. James
Freeman, &c.

P. 683. In our note stating the age and death of Daniel Boone, we have
made an alteration in conformity to inibrmation received from Rev. J. M. Peck.
It now agrees with what he has since published in his excellent life of the old
Pioneer, and corresponds very nearly with the facto in Niles's Register, printed at
the time.

INDEX.

NoTB.— The namei of Indiani are printed in CAPITALS ; and all nnmra of tilbei and Ib>
dian name! of placrt ara let In Italic type. This methiid of dlsticsulibiny articlea tlie aulbor haa
found, by eiperience, (really to relieve the eyeH.

Not only names of tribes, nationa, and cniintriei are ilalieiz(d, but such English names ara
printed in the lame letter as have been given to tribei, nationa, and pinct-n iiihaSited by Indians.

A few baptianial or Chriitian namea, and some nnniea of places, will be biund iu brocktita.
Those are additions, and are not iuund in the body of the work.

AiatoADKasT, sachem of Swan

Island, S85.
Menakta, iheir lo^htion, 9, 391.
Aaci<4Uio, murder of, 306;

another, 333.
Abiaci, (Sam JoKEt,) 403,487.
AiinAHAM,(a notrd JTegro chief,)

417, 433. 41)2, 479.
ArTEon, gr>..:t exploit of, VtX, 7.
Adair, Jaineii, Hist. Ind. 305,385.
Adams, B. T., his exploit in

Florida, 481.
Adams, Henry, killed, 991 ;

John, 087 ; John ti., 108, 3»4,

45ti, 463 ; Lieut., 481 ) Mrs. — ,

killed, 231; Mr. — , escapes

ninssacre, 434.
AoAMcri, (L'Arr. Tom,) exploit

of, 334.
Jigavam, Ind. troubles there,I10.
Ahatok, counsellor to WAurA-

TUCK, 109.

AHATTAWAIf,TAHATTAWAIt,&C.
113, 181.

AiTToif, John, chief of the P&-
nobscota, 330.

AcKOMroin, (UiixoMroiit,) 99,
924.

Alco:k, Eliz., eaptiv&ted at
York, 999,

Alden,Col., billed, 58C; Eliza-
beth, 253; John, 242, 30f;
Rev. T., 997, 615.

ALOERHArt, betrays and ki Is
Philif, K6

ALBXArCDEE, non of MA«i\IOIT,

91, 99, 984, 187—190, 191, 200,

901.
Allen, John ; Mason's Hist. P»-

quot War, erroneously ascribed

to him, 170.
Allen, VVilkea, Hist, of Chelms-
ford, 181, 282.
Allen, W., his Biographical Dic-
tionary, 51.
Allen, Lieut. H., ki>>«d at Point

Pleasant, 540.
AU.IGATOB, a noted Seminole

chief, 961, 318, :S9, 35., ;ia8.
ALLikUirA, squaw chief o^ ¥o-

hii^any, 533.
Allison, a capt. in the Florida

war, 431.
Alma, Mr., 37 ; John, t». 249,

950; Simon, ib.
AIna, the brig, wreck of, in

Florida, 487
Alston, Cairt. in the Florida war,

494.

Ambrtster, Col., wounded at

ITaetuB, too, 484.
America, .vhy so named, 19;

how peopled, 90—34.
Amherat, Gen., 318, 547, 551, 9.
Ainitlas and Barlow's Voyage,

83, 114,344.
JInoikeag f'alU, Ind. ace. of, 903.
Amoi, (Jaft., exploits of, 960,

970.
AnasagHntaeookt, country of, C,

Anderson, O.. in the 0ght at

Dunlawton, 495.
Anderson, Mrs., her plantation

ravaged, 425.
Andover, surprised by Ind., 306,
ArtDREw, hia aervlcea, 995, 300.
Anecdotes, Ind., 34— 45,516,596.
A»inscuggin, signification of,

318 ; dispersion of the tribe

of. 316.
Annawon's Rock, description

of, 937.
Arnawor, Caft., 83, 90O, 901,

9^,935-939.
Anne, Queen, her reception of

Indian chiefs, 509, 510.
Antiquities, American, 55—04,

366,604.
Appleton, Capt, hia defence oi

Hatneld, 917, 698.
jtfKaJiiucAiimi, (h'oifioia,) 499.
Aipiidnek, purchase of, by the

whites, 194.
Aratomabaw, anecdote of, 41.
Arbiickle, Col., 465.
Arhutlinot,A.,am <ngthe Creikt,

405, 406
AacHiHAir, a sachem of PoU-

maek, 41.
Arexus, his visit to Boston, 333.
Argal, CapL, seizes Pocahoh-

TA., 357.
Aristotle, supposed to refer to

America, 21.
Arniistead, Gen., in the Florida

w»r, 394, 478, 494.
Armstrong, Col., destroys Kit-

tannintr^ 5m.
Armstrong, Gen., In the Florida

war, 475.
Armstrong, Lt., falls at Fmuk-

fau, 399.
Armstrong, Lieut., in ifarmar's

cum|Hilgiis, 686.
Arnold, Gen., 1.57; Quebec ex-
pedition, 319, 338.
ArnoH, Lieut., killed in Har-

mnr's defeat, 687.
Anecdotes, Ind. 34-45, 516, 39&

Anilrcseojinn, aignidration of,

318 ; dispersion of tlie iriba

of, 316.
Arrahawikwabemt, put to

death, :<04.
Arthur, Lt. in the Florida war,

493.
AncAisAioTicK. 138; hia war,

14., 144.
Aahliy, Capt., 471 ; aeizes Oicb-

OLA, 482.
AiHFBToif, his exploit at Deer-

field, 989.
AaFi NET, aach. of Jfmuet, 78, 80.
AiFinquiD, a TamUiAe, tables

about, 278.
AiSACAMRi'iT, a Tarratne, 9M,

323, 324, 340.
A>SAci;itET, sold into slavery,

70, 73.
AsiiKii<AiqvA,a TarratiAetWitt,

985,989.
Aisinnaboinet, 10 ; devastated by

smnll-pox, 077.
AsuHMEitviN, a name of Mas-

SAsniT, 81, 938.
Atherton, Maj. Humphrey, 129,

134, 14.5, I.'i.i.
Atkinson, Thco., a prisoner, 999.
Atkinson, tiiineral, in Black

Hawk's war, 644 — 654.
Attakullakvlla, 373— 376.
At water, C, un western mounds,

57, 59.
Aubert, flrst carries Indians to

France, 6a
Jliuoiifta, lAbenakin) country,

112, 2n.

AUM>A<)l'EI«, (AWASAql'lif,) 134.

Autoaia, massacre of Indiani at,

39I,:!97.
Aver;-, Capl.in Philip's war, 233.
AwASHAW, a noted A'arnxgan^

«(«, 361, 263.
AwASHoKKs, of Stgkmatt, 949,

—2.57.
ATANEMa, (MinioRET,) which

sec.

Badlock, Cnpinin, tortured at

Wyoming, 585.
Bagnal, Walter, murder of, 112.
Bailey, Cul.,at battle of Ouitbla-

coochp, 423.
Raker, Ensign, killed at Point

PItasnnt, 540.
Bak'T, Mr., himself and family

cut off, 487.
Bald Eagle, murder of, b}

whites, 538L

71T

718

INDEX.

Bnliimnre, Indlnnii viait tn, CtfO.
Bancruft, Lieut., relleveii Kxuter,

XH.
Bancroft, Otxtrge, hi* llialory of

U. Stalei, 64, S.'M!, »il, »B.
Ban|pi,J., Ii'mr'u try liiiix., 190.
BarlHiur, J., uov, Truup'ntlirual

againM, 455.
Barelaj', Robert, (107.
Darker, 8., of Plymouth cnl., 919.
Barlow, on dentli uf Mian .Mc-

Crea, 51 ; on character of Po-

CAHOIfTAI, 359.

BAaxAao, a noted C9k«rfi;«« war-
rior, -.m,
Barre, Governor, hi* Indian ex-
pedition, 501—503.
BAaaow, Sam, taken and put to

death, 946, 347.
Barry, W. T.,(P. M.) 455.
Barry, Rev. VV., llUtory of

FrniiilnKiian), 715.
Bnrton, Dr. B. 8., 04, .MS, 544.
Bartrnin, VV., travels in I'lorida,

63,64.
Ba>hara, a name of eastern

chiefs, 71, 277.
Basset, Cnptain, In the eastern

wars, 370, 690.
Bassiniier, LL, killed lu Dade's

Bght, 418.
Bateman, Edwnrd, buys lands

of the Iiids., S&l.
Baltlea — The first with Indians
In Now England, 73 ; Htrick-
land's Plain, 133; PuniaUe-
irt, 910 ; PotasaH, 311 ; Sugar-
lionf Hill, SIS; Rehnboth
Plain, 319; Bloody Brook,
316 ; ^iirramnutt StBomp, 919 ;
Biidbury, £23; Biidgewater,
S33 ; Paittuka, 231, 334 ; Mat-
tapoiset JVeek, 246; Tur-
ner's Falls, 259 ; fTorridireaok,
311; Pequawket, 313; Wheel-
wright's Pond, 335; Falls of
James River, 363; KtcUoe,
377 ; Autonae, 391 , 397 ; Horse-
shoe, (Tohapeka,) 391—400;
7'aifu«AaCe*«,396; TMadtga,
397 ; Holy Oround, 398; Emuk-
fauy 399 ; Enotochopko, 399 ;
Davis's Creek, 406 ; near Sa-
vannah, 407 ; Ouithlaeooeke,
493; Wetumka, 424; of Okt-
chobe, 483; Great Meadows,
533 ; Dunlawton. 435 ; Lake
George, 535 : o. t/atehe Luste,
478 ; Lake Monroe, 479 ; Pt.
Pleasant, 539; Detroit, 551;
8t. Mary's, 57; Miami Rap-
ids, 576 ; Oritkana, 579 ; John-
ston, 587 ; of Newtown, ib. i
Minumk, 588; Fort George,
596 ; MonongiAela, 608 ; JHp-
puimot, 690 ; Thama, ib, ; Ma-
gaugo, 6QI ; River Raisin, 635 ;
Sycamore Creek, 645; Ouis-
ctnrin, 650; Mississippi, 653.
Baxter, Mr., of Kmntbunk, 336.
Baylies' History of New Plym-
outh, S96.
Beall, Capuin, 487 ; exploits of,

488,493.
Beal, Col., his exploit in .42a-

bamt, 436.
Beane, Joseph, a captive, 393.
Beard, Inds. not without, 588.
Beaty, narrative among Indi-
ans, 53, 54, 117.
Beasley, Mo^or, surprised and

slain, 389.
Beaujeii, M. de, commands at

Braddock's defeat, 608.
Beck, L. C, on western antiqui-
ties, 62.

Beekman, Capl., battle of Baa
Felnsco, 474.

Beers, Cnpt., bis defeat and
death, 915.

Rrllatny, (,'apt. In Flor. war, 494.

Bellows, Col., his signal ex-
ploit, 338, 330.

Belton, Major, in the Florida
war, 4IU.

Benton, Thoa. II., 427,448,449.

Berkeley, Governor, defeats Or-

CKAIfKAIfO, 361.

Bcaar, MAJoa Jack, 606 ; death

of, 073.
Bible, the, in lndian,96,33,llS,

17& . . I .

Bigelow, Col. Timothy, 390.
Bio Elk. See OnorATonoA.
Bio Kettli, a &>n«acliier,ti06.
Hio Trib, 607 ; his death, IX)1.
Bio Warrior, speech of, to

Jackson. 409.
Biles, William, of Pennsylva

niii, 329.
Billings, Rev. Mr., 257.
Billlngton, John, lost in the

woods, 78.
Black Bird, takes Fort Dear

born, 630.
Black BurrALO, a Shu* chief,

dies, 633.
Black Dirt, 419, 433, 468.
Black Feet, destroyed by amall-

pox, 677; history of, 706.
Black Hawk, 43; in N. York,
665 ; escapes a biographer,
666 ; visits the Srocas, 667 ;
liberation of, 6C8 ; his visit to
Boston, 674 — 676 : his wars,
637—604.
Black Kettlk, of Ontndaga,

503 ; killed, 505.
Black Snakb, a Sn. chief, 597.
Black Thundsr, a fox chief,

631.
Black William, murder of, 113.
Bliick Point, Ind. ra\ ages at, 994.
Blind Will, killed by M»-

hmeks.aaa.
Bliss's History of Rehoboth,330,
Block Island, expedition against,
116, 168, 169 ; called .tfaau-
(u by the Indians, 167.
Bloino, R., his account of Amer-
ica. 517.
Bloodhounds, used against Indi-
ans, 489—494.
Bloody Brook, disastrous battle

of, 916.
Blueford, Captain T., killed at

Point Pleasant, 540.
Blue Jacket, defeated by
Wayne, 576; his daring at
Fort Recovery, 683.
Blue Licks, battle of the, 684.
Bolton, Commodore, on the

Florida station, 429.
BoMAZEEK, 383—305; impris-
oned, 332; death, 304.
Bonithon, Capt., defends Saeo,

386.
Books, notions of Indians con-
cerning, 53,676; written with
one pen, 178.
Boone, Dan., 681, 683—685, 716.
Bostick, Mr., wounded in Flor-
ida, 471.
Boston, (SAawmut,) discovered
by the Pilgrims, 104; early
visits of Indiaiis to, 91 ; first
Indian sachem of, known to
the English, 94, 108, 110, 111,
113; Indiana send word they
will dine there on Election
day, 223; they ihreaten to
burn it, 366.

fioiidlnot. Dr., on origin of tbit
Indians, 135.

BuuDiNoT, E., 459, 460; execu-
tion of, 4i>U,

Bouquet, Col., Ohioexpeditioos,

BowLBot, aiioled Srmijioie war-
rior, 400.
Uiiwers, J., attacked at Mosqui-
to, 435.
Bowles, W. A., 386, 3P7.
Boyle, Hon. R., 115, '»i, 28.^
Boyer, Mr., on N. E, na(iuiis,23.
Brackenridge, on wvsL mounds,

56, 57.
Bracket, Capt. Anthony, cap-
tivity and death of, 99t), 3(«,
308, 334, 700.
Braddock, expedition and death

of, (»7— 609.
Bradford, Gov. William, anec-
dote of, 37.
Bradford, attacked by Indians,

981, 295.
Bradford, Captain, killed nt .Mi-
ami, 57-i ; another, wounded
at Kmulffau, 399.
Bradford, .Mnj., ft Poetueet, %&
Bradford, Col., in the Fluridl.

war, 476.
Bradalreet, Gov., 47, 697; Col.,

expedition of, .522, 5.53, 099.
Branham, J., kid. in Flor., 47L
Brant, a Mvhatck chief, 577—

593.
Brewster, Capt Benjamin, 156 :

Mrs., 145.
Briggs, Major, killed in St

Clair's defeat, 971.
Bridges, Lieut., killed in Har-

mar's defeat, 087.
Bridgewnter, alarmed, 293 ; fight

there, a. ; burnt, 249.
Brioht Hork, exploit of, 638.
Broadhead,Col., his expeditions.
557. '

Brock, General, and Tec vitsKH,

623.
Brocklebank, Captain Samuel,

killed, 939.
Brooke, Lieut., killed at Okee-
chobee, 483.
BrookHeld, besieged and burnt,

313, 914, 20a
Brooks. Wm., Juror to try Indi-
ans, 196.
Brooks, Mary, murdered, 327.
Brown, Col., in tlie Florida war,

476.
Brown, James, of Swanzey,

198, 905, 906.
Brown, Sir T., on color of Indi-
ans, -.27, 28; Mary, 955; John,
900,284.
Bruten, Lieut., in the Florida

war, 4TJ, 174.
Bryant's Station, memorabla

seige of, 689.
Buffon, on Anier. animals, 28.
Bull's garrison taken and burnt,

262.
Bull, Capi., at Sehmeetady, 47.
Bunch, Mr., family of, cut off In

Florida, 489.
BuoKonoAHELAi, 558 — 561.
Burgoyne, Gen., employs Indi-
ans, 219.
Burr, Col., his Q,uebee expedi-
tion, 320.
Burton, J., murders an Ind.,369
Burton, Col., wounded at Mo-

nongahela, 609.
Bushy Run, buttle of, 091,693
Butler, Richard, Ind. com., 007.
Butler, Col., killed at St. Clair's
defeat, 570

INDEX.

719

Butler, Jokn, rnminandcr at

IfiHtininf, 585, iM.
Butler, Mr., niiiMiuaary to Ibe

Cktrokeim. 450.
Butler, Waller, • lory leader of

Iiidlanii, 507.
Butler, Col., In tile Florida war,

AM.
Biitrick, Mr., ralwlonarjr lo the

IikIiriih, 395.
Butterfleld, Mr., killed bjr Ui«

Ptq^oU, 1U9.

Cabot, 8., takes Indlani to Eng-
land. 67.
Cabrera, P. P., on peopling

America, 33.
Ciesnr, 35, 65 ; never fought In-

dinna, 477.
Calhoun, J. C.lnd. Rep. nf, 445.
Uulieree, De, his /rofiwu eipe-

diticin, 504.
C<i'>/»'-">aiu. unlike the Ailaliea,

X) ; unuwDt oonditlon, 706.
Cttll, Gov. of Florida, 416, 475—

479 490.
Collei'ider" John, Century Dli-

coiirae of, 906, 253.
Calumet, 100 ; origin of the

name, 554, a.
Calvert, Gov., arrives In Mary

land, 41.
Cambrt!leng,Mr.,on the Florida

war, 428.
Campbell, T., hU Last Man, 80,

584.
Campbel, Lt.Col., at Owtoaa,

581.
Cauimrtt, 8., wrecked on coast

of Florida, 488.
Canada, why to named, 39.
Canajoharney destroyed by the

Indiana, 588.
Canaiatkoo, a Delaware chief,

514— 51&
Cundilf, Ensign, killed at Point

Pleasant, 540.

CaNONCHBT, (NAWOKTEItnO,)

which see.

CA!io!(icui,aA'urrafSiu<t chief,
118—121.

Capron, LieuL, In the Florida
war, 433.

Card, F., his captivity, 994.

Carlton, Gov., employ* Indians,
340.

Carpenter, John, perUoui escape
of, 519.

Carpenter, W., distress In Phil-
ip's war, 920.

Carroll, Gen.. 399 ; Cktrokte
mission of, 443.

Carthaginians, peopled Amer-
ica (.') 31.

Cartier, carries Inds. to France,
69.

Carver, CapL J., his western
travels, 548, 549.

Caaco, anciently ^acoeuca. 119 ;
battle of, 86 ; siege of,174 ; de-
struction of, 176,303,716; Col.
Church's operations at, 376.

CASHAWAatET, 131, 174, 199.

CASiASiiitNAiieit, 163, 174, 333.

Cass, Col. L., 631 ; governor,
635,637,673.

Castiens, Baron, notice o(, 290
—293.

Caswell, Capt., in the Florida
war, 424.

Catapazat, a Pequot, 146, 333.

Catatadoh, brother of Pow-
hatan, 353.

Callln, Oeorse, his sketches of
Indians, (vM).

CsafAMiMfa, a place of pray-
ing Indians, 611.

Cadnsitant, 03 i • war with
him, 94.

Cawldeld, Col., in the Florida
war, 478.

Center.AdJ., kid. alOt<'c*o»«,4a3.

CHAiBiaA, surprised and killed,
495.

Chairs, Mr. G., family of mur-
dered, 489.

Challons, Capt., voyage to N.
England, 70.

Chalmers, George, Political An-
nals, 75.

Chamberlain, John, kills Pau-
ot't, 306.

Chamners, Lieut., his suci
in Florida, 478.

Chanco, betrays OrsiAiiaAno't
plot, 361.

Chandler, Gen., taken prisoner,

vas.

Chapin, Cor., in the battle of
OmtUi€aoeJut, 423.

Chaplain, Abraliam, on H'tUh
Indiaiu, 54.

Charles I, did not name New
£nKlnnd, 83 ; Charles V., 364! i
Charles III. of Hpain, 385; of
England, 38, 207.

Charles River, fiilla of, ( CowaU,)
179.

Charlevoix, HisL of N. France,
48 ; on ' :: destruction of Aur-
vidgimvik, 311 ; on Aisacam-
BuiT, 333 ; his account of the
destruction of Haverhill, 325 ;
of Meerfleld, 327,3'i8 ; of Sche-
nectady, 47 — M \ observations
of, 199, 500, 506, 509, 546.

Charlotte Harbor, attack upon,
471.

Chelmsford, {ffltmeieakt,) 179;
truulilea there, 180; Indians
massacred there, 301 ; Allen's
History of, 181, 383

Chtroktu, 3*>4 — 366 ; eipntria-
tiounl',437 — 172; 70O, uews-
pnpcr, 454, 458, 459

Cherry Valley, destruction of,
583,585,6.

Chieataijbut, 94, 99, 107—
109.

Cmikatomo, depredations of,
565, 5(>9.

Chieor, a MirragatuH chief,
killed, 96a

Chiknabt, relieved by Jackson,
395.

Chlucco, a S-iminoU chief, 379,
380.

Chocobva, legend concerning,
985.

Ckotaavt, oountry o( 7, 365, 698.

Cbopart, M., killed for his
abuses, 38S, 383.

Christianity, why it has de-
clined among Indians, 175.

Chronicles of the Indians, 713.

Chrysostom derides philosophy,
30.

Chubb, Capt., 305; killed at
Andover, 306.

Church, Coi. Benj., 188, 189,197,
900, 210, 219, 223—227, 235—9,
343—257, 270, 294, 307, 330,
33^; Caleb, 363.

Churchman, John, on Indian
troubles in Pa., 680.

CHU4CACt;TrAOUB, (DotrsLE

head,) killed, 461.
Claiborne, Gen., expeditions of,

398.

Clark, T,, his letter nn the de

sinirlion of CaMif, Till.
Clark, K., eaca|K-s Iruui Dade's

ina«sacre, 418.
Clarke, (Thomas.') hmlly de-
stroyed, 945 : Grn., U. R.,

Slil ; his «S)ieililions, t£5;

Lirut., killed in liarnier's d»-

leal, 687.
Clay, Henry, 496, 4.19, 44a
Clayton, Judge A. H., and the

Chenkun, 453 — 155.
Clinch, Gen. D. L., 416, 409,

469—471.
Clinton. Ue Witt, 34, 597.
Cloeu, Mn., lias the Arst child

born in Georgia, 3li9.
Cloyce, '^arah, accused of wiiell-

cnih, 184.
Clyde, M^Jor, in the light at

Obiseana,581.
CoAcHuocHE, (WiLo Cat,) 481,

483.
CoAHAfo, (Allioatob,) 961,

318, 9ii, 331, 338.
Cobbet, Thus., his captivity, 290.
Cuburn, K., Indian agent,' 340.
Coekeeo, (Dover, .\.ll.,)2»<0,281 ;

serious irraihlea there, 296 — 9 ;

deslniction of, 398, 30} ; treaty

with eastern Inds. there, 715.
Cocke, Gen., in llie Cr««k war,

397.
Coddingtnn, W., purchases R.

Island, 124.
Coffee, Gen., in the Crest war,

391, .195, 396, 399.
Cogu'eshall, John, 199.
Cohen, Mr., his HisL of the

Florida War, 436.
Cold, CArr., in fight at Fort

George, 907.
Colden, ilisL of Firs AiKi«a«,48.
Cole, Hugh, 199, JOe.
Collicut, (Culacut in text,) in the

Peqiiot war, 171.
Colbubt, GEn.,B OkiAoMHi, 401
Coligni sends a colony to Flori

da, 366.
Collins, Mr., killed by the In-
dians, 133.
Colinan, John, killed, 68.
Colootkaukit, massacre al, 489.
Columbus takes Indians to

Spain, t)7, 68.
Colton, Mr., killed by Inds.,43S
Comets, viewed as ominous, 80.
Concord, Mass., IMtukttaniid,)

119,181.
ConjAKAiiDoiio, a M'amgmuet

chief, 122.
CoNKECTicaTi, a Mektran

chief, 166.
Converse, Capt. J., his heroic de-
fence of Wells, 991, 335.
CoifWAT, Peteb, a Al0mwk,375.
Con.seit, Cornelius, 908, 909, 915.

398.
Cook, Caleb, bad the gun that

killed King Philip, 396.
Cook, John, of jtauknrt, 346.
Cook, Zarock, killed in Florida,

271.
Cooly, Mr., fiimlly murdered in

Florida, 415.
Cooper, MaJ., in the Florida

war, 423, 470.
CoorEB,(OtDCHEE,) killed, 478L
Copp, W., an early resident of

Boston, 104.
Corban, goodman, killed at Ctt-

ee, 716.
Cornelius. — 8ee Consert
Corlis, George, 46.
CoBMAK, 231 ; insulted in Bo*

ton, S29

^■^ j

720

INDEX.

ComhIII, W., Oimllr of mur-
dered by Indinna, 133.

CoaitpLAiiT, a Stnum chief, 606
—616.

CoiniTiLK, iSIUiMiM*, S38-546.

Corey, Mnrtlia, accuaed of
wiichcrnn, 184.

CoihocUm, taken and deitroyed,
S57.

Coiterel, BIr Clement, 370.

Colymore, Capt., killed, 375.

Cmircy, Mr., family murdered,

Cowell, Capt. Jamea, 299, 698.

Cowetatit, a tribe of Creeka, 397,
500. '

Cox, Col., killed at Ortakana,S81.

Cr*w«, Kiwo, (VorAr,) 097.

Cranflcid, Gov., perftdiouily at-
lempta to bring down the Mo-
hawka on the N. E. Indi.,997.

Crawford, Col., expedition and
death of, S63— 365.

Crawley, Mr., hie houae plun-
dered, 29.V

Creeks, (eoiraphy of their coun-
try, II, :)§4, 31«; we»t,V01.

CrM», dealroyed by email poi,
677.

Creaap, Col., brinn on a war,
537,696.

Creua, Dr., kil'd in Florida, 471.

Crevler, M., killed at Salmon
Falla, 301.

Crocker, William, Juror, ise.

Croglian, Col., 5ia, .590,591, b09.

Crosa Timbi-ra, battle of the, 67.1.

Crowell, [Cowell,] Captain.
[Jamea.'/ 989, 696.

Crowell, Col., hia plantaUon
ravaged, 433.

Crown, John, the poet, 38.

Cruder, Lieut. Col., of 8. C, 53 j

Criifter, Mr., hia plantation rav-
aRed, 416.

Cudworth, Jamea, 109.

Cumming.Col., in Block-hawk'a
war, 649.

Cuinming, Sir A., travela of,
366, 367.

CutTALOOA, [KDiTALOOA,] 694.

Cuthbert, Lieut., at Battle of
OuilUeeooehee, 433.

Cuthbertaon, Cuthbert, of Ply-
mouth, 99.

Cdtihamokiit, 105, 109, 110, 115
-117, 147, 169, 164, 179, 174,
177, 979.

CuTTAiiuin, attempts (JncAa'a
life, 137.

Dade, Major, defeat and death
of, 416, 417.

Dallaa, Com., on Florida ata-
tion, 499.

Dalton, a soldier, killed In Flo-
rida, 470.

Dalyell, Capt, killed at Detroit,

Dancy, Lieut., in the Florida

war, 432.
Danfurth, Jonn., 181 ; Tho8.,906.
Danicl, a capt. under Church,

870.
Daniel, Col., expedition of, 41.
Daniel, Thomas, aigna Indian

treaty at Dover, 716.
Dark, Col., under St. Clair, 570.
Dartmouth, Lord, 183.
Davenport, Lieut., 168, 171;

another, 670.
Davey, John, a Welshman, 53.
Davidaon, Capt., death of, 496.

Davis, R. purehaaea Swan Isl-
and, 965,
Davia, Capt. Willlaiu, commla-

aioner,906.
Deane, Samuel, Hiat of Bcltu-

ate, 9:11,939.
Dearborn, Gen. Henry, 390.
Decalierea, liia Iremvit expedi-
tion, 604.
DacKARo, JoNit, a Smaca chief,

6a.
DacoRii, death of, MS, 607, 679.
Dedham, ( fVooUommoHupvofui,)

196 ; murder there, atii.
Deerfleld,(P()C(niniliu(,) attacked,

963 ) destroyed, 395.
Do Foe, hia Robinson Crusoe, 87.
DBEARiioaA, an Irvmuit chief,

505w
Delaware, Lord, cruelty to In-
diana, :IS5 ; lakea Focahor-
TA> to court, :I58.
Deniaon.Cap., 931, 933, 934,900 ;

Gen. 970.
Oennia,Mr.,pr()ceedln|a againat,

455.
Denny, Got., 507, 598.
Depeyater, Mr., hia plantation

ravaged, 416.
Dermer, Capt, voyagea of, 74,

84,%).
Devil'a Hole, roaaaacre at, 605.
Devil, aingulir charges againat,
95, 100 ; a true prophet to the
Indians, 30ri.
Diamond, 'ohn, tortured at

Wells. S91.
Dieahaw, Qen., defeated and

a!ain, 536.
Uickinaon, Y., killed at Point

Pleaaant, 540.
Dighton, Buppoaed Inacription

there, 60.
Diodorua auppoaed to refer to

America, 91.
Doddridge's Indian Wars, 519,
90, 537, 539—54 1 , 543, 557, 558.
Dodd, Ensign, in the Battle of

Fort Recovery, 689.
Dodge, J., 53; Gen., againat

Blacx-hawk, 647—657.
Dogs employed againat Indians,

489—494.
DoifAcoifA, tha chief, dlea in

France, 69.
Donaldaon, Cot., killed at Emuk-

fau, 399.
Done, J., Juror to try Inda., 196.
Dony, hia fort taken, 308, 309 ;

aigna a treaty, T16.
Dorcheater, [.tfatepaa,] Kvt-
BHAMAKiif, ita nrat aachem
known to the Engliah, 106.
Dorsey, Mr., hia bouse burnt,

494.
Doi;BLaHBAD, 44 : murdered,

461.
Douglas, Mr., In a fight at Dun-

lawton, 495.
Douglaaa, Dr., on the Indian

Bible, 178.
Doughty, Mqjor, dis'jvter of, 685.
Dover, N. H., {Coeheco,) great
moaaacre there, 998, 999 ; In-
diana aurprised there, 180 ;
Indiana imprisoned tliere,99o.
Downing, E., of London, 111.
Drake, Abraham, of Hampton,
996 ; Daniel, on Western An-
tiquities, 56, 57 ; Capt. George,
first Gnglisliman in the River
St. Lawrence, 84 ; J. R., 499 ;
Lieut., gallant exploit of, 688 ;
Sir Bernard, 84 ; Sir Francis,
83, 87, 114, 346, 713; Samuel,
Indian teacher, 117.

Drane, Capt., In the Florida

war, 402.
Dmne, (Fort,) attack upon, 471.
Dudley, (Chabanakvngkcmun.)

179.
Dudley, Col., hia defeat and

death, 690; Gov., 35, 119, 19U,

994.
Duer, William, escape of f^oni

captivity, 5ti«i.
Duinns, M., at Braddock's d<w

feat, 608.
Dummer, Rev. 8., kid,, 901, :i39.
Ounimrtt, Col., his plantation

ravaged, 416—425.
Du Mu'4, M., goes against St.

John, .n.i.
Duniiur, Col., under Braildock,

607.
Duncan, Lieut., In the Florida

war, 416.
Dunham, Mr., hia house plun-
dered, 416.
Diinonceau, P. 8., on Penn'a

Treaty, 517.
Durnnt, Mr., a.^cends at N.Vork,

664.
Durham, aflhirs at, 303, »04.
Durham, goodnian, killed at

Casco, 716.
Durill, Philip, family destroyed,

335 ; John, X%.
Duston, Han., her narrative, 4.^
Outch, of N. York, their Indian

war, 139.
Duvali, Gov , distresaea the In-
dians, 411, 463.
Dwight, Dr. T., on the destruc-
tion of PcquoU, 17:1.
Dwight, Timothy, of Dedham,

180.

Eamea, Thomaa, hia family de-
stroyed, 964 ; ftirther account
of, 715.

Eastman, Amoa, taken captive,
336,7.

Eastman, Philip, a captive, 381.

Eaton, Major J. II., 448.

Edson, Jos., of Bridge water,993

£rAota, a Cherokee toWn, 44'i.

EoEREMiT, a Tarratine chief,
987,304.

Eliot, John, 109, lis, 145, 176,
181, 998, 969, 980.

Elizabeth, Queen, 84, 114, 341.

ELLiNirsico cruelly murdered,
545.

Elliott,Mr., proceedings against,
455.

Ellis, Capt., hia exploit, 487.

Ellskwatawa, a SAateanue pro-
phet, 634.

Emathla, Chables, 465, 475.

EmsTEisioo, hia defeat and
death, 407.

Endicot, Gov. John, expedition
against the PetpioU, 116, 168 ;
allows NiHORST " to right
himself," 144.

EnsEFroKE entertains early voy-
agera, 344.

Efakow, (Afarow,) 71—74, 94,

Ephhaim, Cai>t., 940, 373, 37&

Estill, Capt, defeat and death
of, 681.

Ethrington, Major, aurprisal of,
548.

EtowohkoaM visits Eng., 510.

Evans, Mr., about Welsk In-
dians, 64.

Everett, Guv. Ed., 316, 674, 676

Everett, surgeon in U. S. army,
649.

INDEX.

781

Falnnjr, Mr., wounded In Plori-

ds, m
Fnll Aicht, [Turner'! Fnlla] SM.
FannliiK, Cnl., In Ilia Florida

wnr, 4!», 471).
FkiiMEii't Hhothiii, 590, 603—

tnti.

Farinur, John, cummiinlcnlloni

of, »-4, yiM.
Fnrnngtiiii, Thomna, killed, 139.
Farwell, IJeiiU J., under Luve-

well, 315.
lelt, J. B., hiK lliat. of Ipawich,

IK), lll,:t'J3.
Fenner, </'iipl. Arthur, capturea

Tift, a 1 9.
Field, Cul., wounded at Point

Pleiiannt, .539 ; at Braddock'a

dufeat, l>09.
Fin, Jim, Ughta under Jack-

aon, 399.
Flfllta. — Hee Dattlca.
Filwn, J., hia lliat. of Kentucky,

M.
Fialier, Copt., In the Florida

war, 472.
Fiakfl, Mr., hia interview with

WAK4LANCBT, !M3.

Filch, Jaiiie», iniaaionary to tlie
Mvhe/ran^t, 149.

Fivt Jrationa, erroneoualy lo
called, SlU.

Flagg, Liuut. killed, 335.

Flaminuo, v.aita Philadelphia,
44.

FIninatead, Dr., visited by In-
dian^*, .511.

Flat-heath, tiieir country, 8;
their name, 305.

Fleming, Pi^ggy, a captive, re-
loiiaud, 5l'i8.

Fleming, Ciipl. W., killed at
Point Pleasant, 540.

Flinton, Mr., murdered In Flori-
da, 415.

Florida, why ao named, 366.

FloridnWnr, 410—416, 461—406.

Flournoy, Culonel, killed, 433.

Floyd, Cupt., hia retreat tVoro
Lee, 335.

Floyd, Gen., wounded at ^u-
ioisu, 397.

Fldellc:*, an eaatem chief, 975.

Fontaine,* M^., killed aX Miami,
68t!.

Foot, Capt. Samuel, tortured to
death,335.

Foote, G. T., note of, on the
Senecas, 615.

Forbes, eacapea Indians in Flor-
ida, 493.

Ford, capt. in St. Clalr'a army,
572.

Fort Aufustua, 680; Cataro-
quoy, 504, 505, 506, 510 ; Cum-
berland, 609; Dearborn, 630;
Defiance, 569, 576 ; Oepoaite,
576 ; Detroit, 546—553 ; Du-
quesne, 607, 608; Edward,
547; Erie, 667; Fmnklin,607;
Greenville,576,577; Hamilton,
570; Hnriner, 607, 613; In-
dustry, 575; JeflTeraon, 570,571,
661 ; Kntarokkui, 504,505,510 ;
La Bay, 549 ; Leboeuf, 549 ;
Loudon,37S — 7; Madiaon, 678 ;
Maumne, 576 ; Meiga, 620 ;
Miami, 549 ; Michilimakinnk,
548; M'Henry, 663; M'ln-
tosh, 561,564; Mimma, 389 ;
MlHticic, 169; Monroe, 662:
Narraeiin.set, 217 ; Necessity,
5:12; Niagara, 698; Ouchta-
nun, 549 ; Pitt, 549 ; Pocasaet,

019 ; Preaq'Iale, M9, 576 ;

Prince (ieoric, 377 ; Rernv

ery, 57i,57n,(5M7,688; Bumiua

ky, 51!) ; Shirley, 534 ; Htnn

wU, ni3 ; HI. Juhn'a, -.fil ;

HI. Jowpii'a, ,549; Venangi),

Xn, 549; Wualilngtun, .'M '.),

(>H7 ; Wayne, .569, 57:1, 574 ;

Wtiit('rmiM)i, 58;).
Fuater, Cul,, in the Florida war,

477, 484.
Fowler, Lieut., in the Fluridii

war, 484.
Foiii!t,awitncaaforUnraa, 161,
Kux I'l., N. 11., dt'atriiyed. :t34.
Krakl-ii, uf A'liiurt, 2<)l ; a

Srminult, exociiled, 400, 403 ;

of PeHubteat, 320.
Franklin. Uin., 98, 41, 43 ; 61.5.
Frnzer, (.'npl,, in the Florida

war, 416—419.
Freeman, Mr. John, 90,5,
Frenchmen taken by Indiana,

64,85.
Fronlenac, Gov., anecdote of,

334.
Froxti Capt., 981, 990; killed,

302.
Frye, Jonathan, killed at Pig-

leoket, 315.
Fullum, Jacob, killed at Pineo-

ket, 317.
Fuller, Dr. Samuel, of Ply^

mouth, 191.
Fuller, Capt., flghti Philif at

fooujel, 210, 911.
Fuller'a Vvorthiea of England,

70, 178 ; Worthiea of Devon,

85.
Furnia, T., about the fValkiitg

Purehaae, 529.
Fuxii, murd. in Florida, 470.

Gadaden, Col., agent in Florida,
463, 464.

Gage, Gen., at Braddock'a fight,
60&

Gainca, Gen.,in Ifucimnii, 643 ;
in the Florida war, 429.

Gallup, Capt, exploit, 167 ; ex-
ecutioner, 170.

Gamble, Col., in Florida war,
423, 494.

Gamea, Indiana addicted to, 89,
548.

Ganaevoort, Col., at Fort Stan-
wix, 579-581.

Gardner, Capt., in Dade's fight,
417, 418 ; killed, 961.

Gardner, Major, in the Florida
war, 476, 480.

Gary, Major, mad prank of, 684.

Galea, Capt., in the Florida
war, 492.

Galea, Gen. Ilnratio, SI.

Gatlin, Dr., killed in Dade'a
battle, Florida, 418.

Gedney, ':ol., 306.

Geiger, Mr., murdered in Flori-
da, 494.

Gelleherd. — See Kelala-

MAKO, 561.
Gemeraye, Lt.,defeated,504,505.
Gendol, Capt., aeizea Muoo,

289.
Gentry, Col., killed at Oktuho-

iee, 483.
Geoffret, a noted MtndH^S.
George, Caft., death of, 673.
George Sec, 307—369; Third,

conrera lands on Brant, 591.
Gkoroe, BAQAMoaE, (iVinne-']

puriet,) 106,111,978.

Oeorgea, 8lr F., Ilia prnceMliiiga

ilNiiil Sew Kn||lniiil, 1.9, <4.
Geiirgia, early Iii<l4iry nl, L'l>9 ;

nr»l whin- child born in, 3 9.
Gibliona, Major I^dwanl, I.V>.
Ginax, JoiiM, an Iniiiuii prvarh

er, 'JO-J.
Olhlx, rapt., [Ilenjiiinln?] hia

Ireiitini'iil of liie l'ru}iiiK lii-

dlnna, 1(^0.
r.lliKon, Col., .5-10.
(jili<iih,rapL,,u Fnrt Recovery,

nilliirl, Sir llumiihrcy, 114.
(fill, ) ui., in itie Florida war,

47,5.
Oilimr, Giiv. of fin., 443, 4.')n.
Gilmoro, .Mr., killfd at Point

PI nattlll, .515.
Girnrd, Hicplirn, and Blace-

HAWK, 6111,

Oirty, Hinion, lender of Indiana

.Vit'i— ,570, i«l
Gial, Mr., with Wajhinglun, 14,

Gladwin, .Maj,, Gov. uf Detroit,

547— 5iM).
Glen, Alex., at Srlirncrlndv. 4S.
OLixHKAn, 518 ; niiirdi're<l,5l I
Gnadenliuetten, innsaacre there,

519, .520.
Godfrey, Mr., his marriage, 95\
Godfrey, T., esrniH! of hia fuiu-

ily In Florida, 41.5.
Godinan, J. D., hia Nat. IIi<-

tory.tas.
Goff, Capt., in the Florida war,

47,5.
Golding, Capt. Roger, 310, 235,

23«!.
Gold, Miaa H. R., marriea a

Cherokee, 459,
Good, Dorotliy, 184 ; Sarah, 184.
GtMMlinan, Lieut., killed at PL

Pleaaaiit, 540.
Guoo-Peter, taken priaoner,

602.
Goodwin, Col., in Florida war,

471.
Gookin, Major Dnniel, 176, 180,

181, 19.5, -iVi, iM3, 928, 9B6,

273, 276 ; death of, 195, noU.
Gordon, Major, in the Florida

war, 475,
Gorham, Major, in the Florida

war, 478.
Gorton, Rev. Samuel, 119, 198,

189, 935, 957.
Goanoid, Cnpt., hia voyage to

New England, 84.
Gould, E., loat in the fight at

Dunlawton, 496.
Grafton, (Hiuaanamtnt,) a town

of Praying Indiana, 179.
Grafton, duke of, 371.
Graham, Capt., in the Florida

war, 432, 423.
Graham, J. A., speech to Indi-
ana, 665.
Graham, Lieut., wounded si

Ouitideeoodut, 499.
Grand Sun reaiala the French,

389,383.
GnANOANEi<E0,aVirginia chief,

346,347.
Granger, Mr., on the Florida

war, 427, 498.
Gbanoula, apeech of to Da It

Barre, .502.
Gmnt, Col., his expeditions, 379.
Gray, Edward, 242; n family

murdered, 4b8.
Grayson, Lieut., in the Florida

wur, 417.
Great Mortar, a itsled JAm>

fa)j'M,384.

723

INDEX

Oregoty. (Pop«,) reronni toe

calenanr, 85.
Oreen, Cul., exploit ot', 49S;

Mra., i-<Ued, 493.
Green, B., printer of books in

Indian, 115.
Greenland, N. H., depredations

at, 395.
Greenville, Sir R.,345— 347; 3P0.
Griffin, Mr., an original grantee

of Sudbury, 117.
GrotiuB, H., on peopling >nier-

icH, 22—26.
Groton, Mass., attacked by the

AYpmuAu, 221 . 2C6, 332.
Groves, Capt., in tlie Florida

war, 476.
Gciai, Georoe, invents letters,

364.
GumiTiRsiao, his defeat and

death, 407.
Gramtwaia, (Cornplantsr,)

606— C16.
Gyles, J., 291 ; Cap., killed, 333.

Kadley, tmtibles there, 281.
Iladwell, BcnJ., killed at C<ueo,
716.

llAHATCIf, (Ah«TI01«,) 10".

Halec-Haoo, his parley with

Jessup, 486.
Halkc-Tu»tenuooe, 499, 494.
HALP-Kino, a Iliiron, 518, 519,

531, 532, .154, 55.1, 716.
Half-Towh, a Seneca chief, 597,

606,607.
Halket, Sir Peter, killed at Mo-

nongohela, 609.
Halkett, Julin, Notes on the In-
dians, 178.
Hallibees, massacre of the, 397.
Hall, Mr., family of, captivated,

646.
Hamble, Mr., attacked at Cherry

Valley, 586.
Hamden, Mr.,conjecture8 about,

83,89.
Hamilton, Cnpt., wounded at

Emukftv, 399.
Hamilton, Dr., at OMUhltcoochte

fight, 423.
Hammond, W., killed by a

giant-like Indian, 138.
Hampton, [ ffinnicumet,] attack

U|Kin, 307.
Hamtramk, Col., with Gen. St

Clair, 570.
Hanam, Capt., voyage to New

England, 70.
Hand, Gen., his Indian expedi-
tion, 546.
Hanno, his voyage about Africa,

30.
Hars-Jacob, son of Caraisat-

Eoo, 516.
Hanson, Col., 493, 494; Lt. W.

K., 494.
Hanson, Hans, anecdote of, 515,

516.
Hardiue, Datid, surprisal of,

436.
Hardin, Col. John, a prisoner.

5,19 ; killed, 5<iu, (29 ; officer

under Harmer, C85.
Harding, Capt., ambassador to

M'arragannets, 1.17.
Harding, Lieut., in the Florida

war, 484.
Harjo, his embassy to Florida,

417.
Harlan, Major, killed at Miami,

684.
Harmer, Gen., his disastrous

campaign, 569, 685 ; treaty of
Fort llarmer, 607, 613.

Harmon, Major, takes JVor-
ridgeicok, 311.

Homey, Col., disaster at Syne-
bal, 480, 489, 495 ; among the
everglades, ib.

Harper, Cul., .'amous exploit of,
809.

Harpersfield, destroyed by In-
dians, 588.

Harris, Capt., in the Florida
war, 478.

Harris, Dr. John, Collection of
Voyages, .19, 68.

Harris, Ur. T. M., on Wtstern
Antiiinities, 58, 109.

Harris, Thomas, oiJ^arraganttt,
320.

Harrison, Gen., his campaigns,
617—620.

Harrison, Lieut., in the Florida
war, 484.

Harrison, , buys lands of

PequoU, 150.

Hart, Maj., in the Florida r.-ar,
47;i.

Hnrtshorn,Capt '\y>— 688; kid.,
689.

Hnrvey 'liUz., of Boston, 700.

Harwood, John, kilied at Pig-
teoket, 313.

HasfiMimesit, its etymology, 115,
1711

Hatch, VVm., buys lands of In-
dians, 109.

Hatfield, Indians attempt upon,
217,981,283.

Hatherly, Timothy, buys Indian
intids, 109.

Hatliorne, Capt., surprises In-
dians, 281.

Hatvat, 1 chief, burnt nt St.
Dominpo, 44.

Haverhillattacked, 45 ; sacked,
334.

Hatkri, Jack, a Wampmoag,
355.

Hawkiits, (Kaiiraiiaoui,)297 —
300.

HAMrnini, Ben, severely woun-
ded, 394.

Hawkiri, Sam, executed, 394.

Hawley, Rev. Gideon, oi Marah-
pee, J36.

Haynes, J., detects IJrcas's per-
fidy, 133, 125, 141.

Haywood, Dorothv, killed at
Dartmouth, 345. '

Haywood, John, History of
Tennessee, 376.

Heads of Englishmen, some
sent by the Jfarraganstts to
the JVipmuks, 273 ; tliat of
PniLir set on a gibbet, 337 ;
that of Matooras, 264; of
Pequots, set upon Saybrook
fort, 169.

Heald, Capt., defeated and kid.,
360.

Hearne,S., Journey to Northern
Ocear., 40.

Heckewelder, John, captivity
of, 519, 534.

Ileillmnn, Major, dies in Flori-
da, 471.

Henchman, Capt., expedition
of, 976, 280.

Henderson, Cul., in the Florida
war, 478.

Henderson, William, 385; Col.,
478.

Henderson, Lieut., killed in
Dade's fight, 418—490.

Herdhick, kid. at Lake George,
535.

HERocEPDiHBt, a noted Del*

teare, 5B1.
Hennepin, Father, Travels in

America, 365.
Henry, Alexander, Travels in

the West, 548.
Henry, Patrick, and CoRNiTALR,

546.
Henry Seventh, of England, 67.
Herkimer, Gen., 579; kilied at

OrUkana, 581.
Hernandes, Gen., 478, 480—489.
Uerteli, sacks Salmon Falls,

301—302 : defeated by Blacv

KETTLE, 504; killed, 334.
Hiacooiies, a Christian Indian,

182.
Hicks, C. R., a Cherokee chief,

45.5.
Hicks, (Tuko-See-Mathla,)

395, 413.
Hicks, Levi, a captive, 53.
Hide, Richard, his account ol

Miarturnomoh'i dealh, 131
Ilins, oAM, a noted Indian,

death of, 37.
Higginhothnin, Mr., escape ib

Florida, 472—473.
Higgins, BenJ., a juror, 196;

Paul, a captive, 340.
Higgins, Ensign, killed in Har-

nier's defeat, 687.
HioooR, Neu, 398, 303, 308,

310.
Hill, Col., is defeated by Indi-
ans, 363.
HiLLUHAOo, 398 — 403 ; hanged,

404.
Hilton, Capt., bis garrison at-
tacked, 334.
Hindly, Lieut., at battle of San

Fclosco, 474
Hinkley, Guv., 4 : Mr. Thomas,

305.
HioH, chief of New Albion,

(Ca/i/omia,)83.
History, true, little read, 299;

is not always the same, 363.
Hitchcock, Capu, in the Florida

war, 419, 433.
Hitchcock, Prof., on Geology,

259.
Ilitzler, Mr., killed at Camp

King, Florida, 431.
Hit, Johr, a Seminole, 463,481.
Hoare, Mr. John, 109 ; ambas-
sador, 340, ^75.
HoBoHOK H'ampanoag, 93—

104.
HoRsoR, Caft., voyage to New

England, Ti.
Hogtown, murder of Indian*

there, 414, 470.
HOLATOOCHEE. 479, 494.

Holioke, Opt., at Turner's

Falls, 359.
Holmes, J., Travels in America,

44.
Ilolloman, Capt., killed at camp

McLeniure, 432.
Homer, Jonatiian, History of

Newton, 180.
Homer, supposed to refer to

America, 31.
Iloodcr, Capt., his fight at Lakt

Suanee, 436.
Hooke, Capt., meets Indians at

Ciisco, 398.
Ho-rec-veth-Taw-ro-Row,

vixits England, 510.
HoPEHooD, 989, S97, 298, 300,

309,308,334, 335.
Hopkins, Edward, treaty with

Indians, 125.
Hopkins, Stephen, anecdote of

89, 37. 40.

INDEX.

723

Ropkina, Hiitor of Bnuatonie
Indiana, 281.

Hoiikinton, (MairMnkiimog,)
Fraying Indians of, 179.

Hup><on, LieuU, in tbe Florida
war, 490.

Horace, «uppoaed to refer to
America. SI.

lIoanoTLiMKD taken and
banized, 404.

Ilorseneck, Indians defeated
there, 133.

IIostaKCB, Indian, 137, 149 ;
murder of, 531.

Howard, Mr., wounded in Flor-
ida, 470.

Howell, Mr., liU hmily de-
Btroyed, 493.

Howland, Isaac, Lieut in Phil-
ip's war, aus, 'iUS.

Howland, Lieut. J., S35, 236,
239; Jolni,2.V).

Hoyt, Gen. E., liia Antiquarian
Researches, SI4, 215, 217, 221.

Hf'lihras, ludicrous passage
from, 50.

Hudson, Capt., discovers the
river of the name, C8. [Its
Indian nnrae was Mauhekum.]

Hulbert, Liect., killed, 489.

Hull, Gen. W., in llie war of
1812, 629.

Hull, Mrs., redeemed fh>m cap-
tivity, 305.

Hume, Mr., his Indian charity,
3«9.

Humphrey, Col., of Florida, 462,
482.

Hunter, C* rr., a ^npmuk war-
rior, 272.

Hunter, Lieut., at the battle of
OuUliluoodtee, 423.

Hunter, Mr., his plantation rav-
aged, 416.

Huiinewell, Lt., wounded, 308.

Hunt, Capt., voyage of to New
England, 72, 78.

Hunter, Mr., remarkable escape
of, 474.

Hutchinson, Ann, murd., 133.

Hutchinsim, Capt., ambushed
and killed, 211, 213.

Hutchinscm, Gov. T., 132, 536.

Hutchinson, Mr., commissioner,
.105.

Hussey, Mrs., killed at Hamp-
ton, 307.

Iberville, M., takes Fort St.
Johns, 323.

Ijaiocke, a tVampanoag, 188.

Indian Bible, account of the
printing of, 115.

Iifuiin Billy, killed in Florida,
475.

Indian Creek, III., murder
there, 646.

Indian Key, Florida, massacre
at, 493.

Indians, origin of their name,
19 ; some have no tradition
of tiK.'ir origin, 23 ; render
g<«Ml for '-':!, 34; tlieir mnn-
aguiiient of wives, 36 ; toler-
ant in rtligion, 36 s lirsl seon
in Europe, (i8; cannibals, 08,
129, liK), 5ii8 ; llieir proci-ed-
i:ig4 with the cinpiish at Ply-
iiiniilli, 75, 76 ; dance whim
visited by strangers, 79 ; great
plague 01 niorlulity among, 8U,
»l, 83, 139; "so many, God
canimt kill them," 8U ; never

forget injuries, 8S ; their beds,
89 ; some whipped at Boston,
108 ; ravages of the small-pox
among. 111, 677; addicted to
gaming, 89 ; will play awny
the skins rrnm tlieir wives
barks, 9.t iiploy games as
stratagui .AS ; exact in the
bounds t^ their lands, 120,
124 ; abuse squaw captives,
145 ; never insult white
squaws, 229 : never abandon
their slain except to save their
own lives, 207 ; their sagacity
in following a track, 224 ;
made siave.s of, 72, 171, 224,
2112, 288; dress of those of
New England, 86, 240; natii-
ra! swiiiiiiiers, 286 ; first em-
ployed in the Revolution, 320,
:H0 ; why called Flatheads,
3l'>5 ; not without beard, 588 ;
manner of hurini, 107 ; enu
menition of the tribes of, in N.
America, 9 — 16; specimen of
their laws, 120, 124, 177 ; nide
epithets applied to, 228, 698.

Inni-8, Judge, nrcpunt of Lo-
gan's speech .'>44.

foway Rivrr, Indians defeated
neor, 652, 653.

Ipswich, (^guaam,) expedition
against fails, ilO.

lromu>i», (Five JVutioiu,) 499,.501.

Irving. Washington, visit to
Black-hawk, 39, 661.

Irwinstown, Ga., burnt by Indi-
ans, 433.

IiHKATAPPA, a PatDnne chief,633,

Itean, {PaJottcas,) captive, res-
cued, 634.

Itopatir, (Or:TCHEPAn,) 353,
355,

Iwiktiu, (TieigMirees,) 16, 502.

Itakouoh, a IVampanoag chief,
78, 9fi.

Izard, Lt., killed in Florida, 439.

Jaci-of-the-pbather, (Nsh-

ATTAJIOW,) 3li0.

Jack Kerrt, a Smeea interpret-
er, 606.
Jackson, Gen., 390—392,395—

400, 442—448, 455, 458.
Jackson, Serg., wounded near

Fort King, 492.
Jacrstraw, servant to Sir W

Raleigh, 113.
James First, his grant to the

Flymnuth company ,7.5,76 ; his

treatment of Raleigh, 114 ;

acknowledged by the English

01 New England, 104, 1U7.
James Second, treaty in N. H.

under, 298.
Jacob, (japl., [John,] in Philip'i

war, 221, 222.
Jacobs, Capt., 533, killed at

Kittunnug, 534.
James-the-printer, 114, 115,

240, 265, 331.
James, Baoahore, (Moifxow-

ampate,) 105,111,697.
Janemo, (.Niniuret,) 131, 1.5,3.
Japazaws, betrays I'ocahun-

tas, 357.
Jaqiics, Lieut., kills the Jesuit

Rasle, 311.
Jac)i'kt, Peter, an Oncjt/a chief,

(io:i.
Jeflei'son, Pres., answer to Biif-

fon, 28 ; on Am. Antiquities,

55, 60 ; on tlie murder of Lo-

OAit, 536, 537 ; on Ind. rights,
449,550.
Jeffert, a IVampanocf, 343.

Jenks, Gov. Joseph, anecdote
of, 44.

Jennings, Lt., kilted in Florida,
484.

Jenyson, Lieut., in the Ptqutit
war, 108.

Jeoffret, (Oeoffret,) an .*»-
eiiaJri, 295.

Jesiip, Gen., in Florida, 435,436,
475-480, 486.

Jethro, Old, 205 ; TAKTAMars,
2*i7.

Jethro, Pf.ter, " that abomi-
nable Indian," 0(:5, 267, 271.

Jewell, Aaron, killed iu Dade's
fight, 417.

Jews, not the aiiceslors of In-
dians, 34.

Jm-Bor, employed by the
whites, 43<'>, 474.

Job, Cou, insolence of, at a
treaty, 336 ; dies in prison at
Boston, 310.

John Nuh, a IVampanoag, ex-
ecuted, 245.

John Sky, a Senica chief, 599,
606.

Johns, Mrs., barbarously killed,
473.

John, Saoamore, (Wonoka-
IHUAHAM,) 104, '/13.

John, Sagamore, of Pawtuck-
et, 113.

John, accused of witchcraft,
184.

Johnson, Serg., in the Florida
war, 423.

Johnson, Capt. Edward, 98 ;
Isaac, 276 ; Gov. Robert, of
Carolina, 308 ; Col. R. M.,
G2J; Sir William, 535, 577;
a chief, 597.

Johnson, Mr. J., his house at-
tacked and iieople killed at
OseilUt, 490.

Johnson, Capt. E., Wonder-
working Providence, 111, 134.

Johnson, Jemmy, a Seneca
chief, 599.

Johnston, Charles, his captivity,
565,566.

Johonnet, Serg. Jackson, 686.

Jones, C.ipt. Duvid, 51 ; W., 493

Jones, Major, wounded at the
Har(ua, 484.

Jones, Gen. R., in the Florida
war, 488.

Jo«IAH,(WAMPATltCK,) 108,301.
JOSIAH, Capt., (PENNAHANir,)

180.
JotiAS, Charles, (Wampa-

TUCK,) 109.

Josselvn, John, on Indian mon-
ey, 229.

Judd, Lieut., falls 'nto an am-
bush, 495.

Juet, R., journal of II'Adson'i
voyage, 08.

Jumonville, expedition and
death of, 5.T2, 53;).

Jumper, 433,404,478,479 ; death
of, 487.

JUSKAKAKA, (I.ITTLE BlLLY,)

532, OUO.

Kailarakkui, ,5*1—500; its ety-

miilogy, 510.
Kaliiies, liord in origin of !■•

diuns, 33.

II-

724

INDEX.

KAMK.tiiAr.uj destroys Dover,

297—3)0.
K*tte:».»!«it, Job, 2TI— 273.
KmiM, Uieiil., killoil in l)iiilc'»

liBlK, in Florida, 'lid— 4m
Kcr.wituoL'sHKUM, an Ottava

cliief, (i3(!.
Keissikautchtha, a Shaaanee

rliiff, (i!M.
Kli.elamand, a Vctuware cMet,

Kelliig'x Grove, ttRlit tliere, 048.

Kelly. Mr., i'HVe» tlie life of his
commander, 474.

Krnisliini^, John, killed pt
Greenhind, Q!)4.

Ke>.'«kiii9, an ancient Tarratine
chief, S!85.

Kcnncbunk, depredation there,
33.1.

Kennedy, Cap., embassy of, 318.

Kenton, Sergeant, wounded at
OuUliUcooeltee, S43.

Kentv n, Simon, a pioneer, 341 ;
dies, CTS.

Kent, Chancellor, on the Chero-
kee ease, 4:t9.

Kent, W., messenger in Philip's
war, 205.

KioKUK.WO, fi-ll, 608, CC9, 071 ;
at Biiston, G74.

Ker, Henry, discovers ffelsh
Indians, .54, 55.

Keweenam, a H'ampanoag war-
rior, 245.

KEVEKDEAitDi, It Sflicca Chief,
606.

Keys, Solomon, killed in Love-
well's nglit, 316.

KiANDOGEWA, a Scneea chief,
607.

Kichtan, a name for God, 96.

KlEMMO, (.N'iMORET,) 153.

Kikaiiiwx, 12 ; somit sent to

Florida, 480; west, 703.
Killiiirn, John, defends Wal

pole, 338, 339.
Kinilial, Thomas, of Bradford,

killed, 281,295.
Kin|!, nhsiird name for Indian

cliicfs, 387.
KiNR-cRAMi, a n'vandot, '68,

626.
KiNG-PAiitE, desperate fight and

death of, 406, 464.
Kinshoit, the Iroqnoh name for

New England, 501.
KiTAGUJTA, (Skijaoi'sta,) 37Sk
Kitlaninir, Indians burnt there,

53^1.
Kittel, Mrs., a captive, 274.
KiYASHUTA, chief of the Sen-

ectts, 694.
Knight, Mrs,, travels in New

England, 87.
Knight, Dr., (lerilous escape

from captivity, 5<i3.
Knox, Gen. H., 380, 449, 685.
KoNRAPcT, John, a Sloekbridgt

cliief, 536.
KoqCETHAGAEEHLOn, (VVhitb

Eves,) ,'i56.
Koskiusko, General, interview

with Little Turtle, 574.
KOMSKAKA, brother to Tecum-

sEii, 623.
Ki;>TALo(jA, a noted Delaware,

5)3, 694.
KuTsHAMAKin, lO.'j, 109, no, 115

—117, 147, 159, 104,172, 174,

177, 279.

L..

Labrncrs, Gen. of the French,
lulled at Wells, 291.

Tjnfnyette, Gen., 403, 600

Lafli'iau, J. F., un the origin of
Indians, 29.

Lahdnlan, Baron, travels in
America, 7«, 90, 293, 499,
601, 502.

Lone, Gov., his conduct in Vir-
ginia, 344; Col., 47-t; death
of. 475 1 John, 340.

Lane, Col., in the Florida war,
474 ; dies, 475k

Lane, Mr., an original grantee
of Sudbury, 117.

Lane, Capt. Jo!';., ■, rJered to
raise a company of Inds., 340.

Language, Indian, 87,90; sjie-
cimen of the Mokegan, 151 ;
of the M'ampanocff ana J<'ip-
muk, 224, 283; of the Tarra-
bne, 318, 321 > of the southern
tribes, 364 ; of the Five JVa-
tions, or Iroqiiois, 501 ; of the
Skawaneae, 623 ; Indian and
IVeUh compared, 628.

Lambert, J., his travels in N.
America, 625.

Lamb, Mr., his family destroyed,
492.

Lancaster, {JVashimoy,) dest'yed
by Ind*., 239, 264—266.

Lasley, Mr., murdered in Flori-
da, 487.

Land, Lt., wounded at Point
PWasant, 540.

Lauderdale, Major, in the Flori-
da war, 487.

I<awrence, Dr., on Nat History
of Man, 27, 31.

Lawrence, Dr., in the Florida
war, 431.

Lawson, C, buys lands of the
Indians, 285.

Lawson, John, on money of
Indians, 328.

Lee, Arthur, Indian commis-
sioner, 561, 607.

Lee, Capt., in the Florida war,
470—478.

Lee, It. H., compared to Corn-

■ TA1.K, 546.

Lee, Rev. i^amuel, of Bristol,
death of, 228.

Leffingwell Lt, relieves Un-
CAS, 156, 157.

Leiiner, Dr., killed in Florida,
484.

Leonardson, Samuel, captivity
of, 46.

Leteleiha, (Old K:<irE,) 633,
634.

Letters written by Indians, 221,
267, 331.

Leverett's M'arraganset eipedi-
tion, 147 ; Gov., 20ti, 280. 331.

Levin, Col., killed in St. Clair's
deteat,571; in Braddock's de-
feat, 609.

Lewis, A., his History of Lynn,
10.5, 110, 111, 713.

Lewis, Col., killed at Point
Pleosant, 639.

Lewis, goodman, killed at Cas-
co, 700.

Lewis Mnth, of France, 25.

Lewii, Tom, a western depre-
dator, 507.

LlOHTFOOT, Caft., • H'ttvipa-
mmg, 294, 270.

LighlliHit, Capt John, of Bos-
ton, 141.

Lincoln, W., History of Wor-
cester, 268.

Lindsay, Col., in the Florida
war, 431, 471

Lillafuche, town of, captured,
396.

Little RiLtr, a Seneea warrior

532, 597, 1.06.
Little Black, speech of, t«

Gen. Gaines, 643, 646.
Little Carpenter, (Attakvi

lakull*,) 373—376.
Little Cloud, 417, 179, 481

483.
Little Eves, a H'ampanoag

warrior, 252, 270.
Little Turtle, (MisHiKiiti-

KWA,) 569, 689.
Little, Thomas, buys lands in

Middleboro', 241.
Littleton, (A'a^hubak,) a town

of Praying Indians, 179, 180.
Lofton, Serg., in the fight at

OuithUcooeliee, 423.
Logan, Col., his Indian expedi-
tion, 685.
Logan, James, of Pennsylvania,

537.
LooAif, a Cayuga chief, 537;

his famous speech, 542; its

genuineness doubled, 543.
Logan, the Shaicanee, death of,

628.
Long, J., the Indian trader, 40.
Longevity in N. Eng, 113, 255.
Long-Knives, Indians so name

Virginians, 543, 462.
Lorette,(G (NO Louis,) death

of, 673.
LoHON, his embassy to Boston,

333.
Lothrop, Captain, defeat and

death o^ 215, 216.
Lothrop, Isaac, Esq., of Ply-
mouth, S26.
Loudon, A., his collection of

Indian Narratives, 716.
Louis Fifteenth, oi' France, 378.
Louisbourg, capture of, 319.
Lotett, a Creek chief, 394.
Lovewell, Capt, expeditions of,

31S^-317.
Low, Capt A., relieves Capt

Church, 2.'>4, 255.
LowRv, Col., a Cherokee chief,

401.
Ludlow, Mr. Koger, 171, 173.
Lucas, I'homas, of Plymouth,

killed, 225.
Lumpkin, Gov., and the Chero-

kees, 455, 4.57.
Lynn, (Saugua,) History of. —

See Lewis, A.
Lytle, Major, at the battle of

the Ouitliucooehee, 423.

Macomb, Gen., 454, 488 ; hi*

treaty, 489.
McClenehan, R., killed at Point

Pleasant,540.
Macy, Air. Zaccheu8,203 ; Obed,

202.
Maddoo, a Creek warrior, .T87.
Mad-dogs-iok, in .Sutossee bat-
tle, 391.
Madokawando, 288—193,302,

331, 342.
Madoc, a Welsh voyager, 54,

294.
Mad-wolp, r .Mikmauky, killed,

132.
Maeaugo, Inds. defeated there,

621.
MAONt'i, (SqUAW Sachem,)

killed, 248, 2.54.
Maitland, Lieul., in the Florida

war, 402, 193.
Maliine, Capt, in the Florida

war, 470, 471.

INDEX.

725

Mammoth bone*, diKovery of,
44, 45.

Manilans,\3 ; destroy'd by imoll-
pox, C77.

Man, dot-R not degenerate in
America, 28, 355.

Manatahi)Ua, murder of, 112.

Manteo, early known in Vir-
ginia, 347.

M.'ircli, UupL, besieged at Casca,
•J94.

Murks, Mr., escape from Dun-
lawton, 436.

Mnrl<s, 1.1., signal exploit of, 689,

Murlliorougli, ^Okommakamesit,)
Indinns surprised there, 222.

Marshall, John, on Ind. riglita,
451, 583.

Mnrshull, E., about the Ifalkittg
Pitrehasr, 5iB.

Mar^lie, Witiiam, interpreter,
515.

Marthpeu,^H'ampaiuittgt,)l'ifi36.

Martin, Lieut., cut off in Flori-
da, 648.

Miulin, Cora., brings Indians
from England, 51 L

MAscavoNoMOjof Ipswich, 105,

106, no.

Mascus, brother of CAXonicut,
119.

Mason, Capt., shot by accident
in Florida, 493.

Mason, Capt. John, 142, 155,
104, 1C9.

Mason, Capt Hugh, at Sudbury,
2«J.

Ma-iaaehusettn, origin of tlie
name, «1, 106 ; tribe of, vis-
ited, 104 ; country of, 106.

Massakdowet, a Petuuikook,
297—299.

Maisasoit receive! tlie Pil
crims, 79—94, 103, 104, 113,
162, 103, 201.

Mataktuck, (Quaiafbk,) 125
—128, 134.

Mather, Eleazer, of Northamp-
ton, %27.

Mather, Dr. Cotton, 23, 283; bis
Magnnlia, 25, 4!i, 129, 177, 178,
228, 283, 290, 291, 293, 301,305,
310, 323, 334.

Mather, Dr. Increase, 170 ; re-
markable expressions of, 228,
244 ; death oil 283 ; his Brief
History, 92, 115, 184, 189, 193,
Sll, 21U, 218, 221, 231, 234,
245, 347, 249, 259, 2G0, 262,
S(>3, 281) ) his Relation, 92, 111,
122, 124, 133, 134, 142, 147,
150, 151, 169, 170, 174, 190—
195,201,303,223,328,231,2:0,
282; his Remarkable Provi-
dences, 282.
Matoonas, a JVipmui, executed,

2t>3, 364, 698.
Mattahanado, killed at Pema-

qiM, 30J.
Matthew, [ntph. to Sholan,]

269.
Mautahf, a JVipmuk chief, 266,

271.
Mauxis, [perhaps Moius,] 323,
Mayhuw, Experience, and Nik-

lORET, 178.

Mayhew, Rev. Thomas, 182.

McArthur, General, 621.

McArthur, Lieut., in the Flori-
da war, 484.

HcCrabb, Mr., dies at 8t Au
gustine, 490.

McCrea, Miss Jane, murder of,
51,713.

McCulloh, Dr. J. H., bis re
•earches, 30, 31.

Gl*

McOary, Mi^or, nuhnesf In

danger, 684.
McGavock, Capt, wounded at

KmuJifau, 39X
McGiLLiTRAT, Ger., a Creek

chief, 385—387.
Mcintosh, Cul., MOuUlUeeoockee,
433, 433.

Mcintosh, Gen. L., 523; Fort,
5(il, 564.

McIriTotH, Gek., 367,391—393,
447 ; Chilly, 394, 4l».

Mcintosh, Cul., property de-
stroyed in Florida, 471.

McKean, Capt, operations to
entrap Bba!<t, 582, 58(1

McKee, Capt., leader of Inds.,
559, 576, ti89.

McKriminon, rescue)* from tor-
ture, 403.

McLane, Mr., his family cut
oir, 492.

McLane, Mr., on Indian rights,
439.

McLcmnne, M^jor, in the Flori-
da war, 431.

McMalion, Major, defeat and
death of, 688.

McMullen, Miijor, in Harmer's
expedition, 686.

.McMurtrie, H., on western an-
tiquities, as.

McMurtrie, Cnpt, killed in Har-
mer's defeat, 687.

McNenI, Mrs., account of Miss
SIcCrea, 51.

McNeill, Lt, killed in the Flor
Ida wmr, 481.

McQdeem, a Creek warrior, 400.

McRea, Rev. Mr., killed, 491.

Hedfield assaulted by Indians,
221,266.

Meoanohbt, a Tarratint, at
Boston, 333.

MEOunnEWAr, a7Viira(fn<,shot,
302,303.

Meigs, Maj. R. /., Indian agent,
320, 401.

Mellon, Capt., 433; killed In
Florida, 479.

Memecho, a friendly Indian
warrior, 313, 314.

Menatonon, a Virginia thief,
344, 345.

Menawav, a Creek chief of
note, 393.

Mendun, Englishman killed
there, 363.

Menomittes,l2, 549, 638— f)40,667.

Mercer, Captain, (afterwards
general,) 534.

Merrill, .Mrs. J., heroic conduct
of, 52.

Meiamhomet, a TVirratins of
Androscoggin, 308.

MesHe-mgHot, 13 ; join the Fire
Jfalions, 500.

Metacomet, (PniLir of Poka-
noket,) 187.

Metea, a PotloieaUomie chief,
tins.

Miahtoskomoh, chief of the
JfarranaiueU, 91 ; accused of
plots, 119; at war with the
Wampanoaga, 120 ; conquest
over the t'equoU, 121 ; his
birth and parentage, 122 ; a
great friend to Enitlish, 133 ;
without his aid the Pequoti
could not have been conquered
by the English, 13:1 ; sells K.
Inland, 124; falsely accused,
125 ; appears at Boston to vm-
front his accusers, 136 ; is
there insulted — his mngnani-
moui conduct, 126 ; his war

with the Mokegaiu, 127 : his
capture and death, 138—131 ;
oroniinciation of his name,
713.
MiCAXorr, a Seminole chief, 41?

—414, 463—469, 494.
Michael, Lieut, dlslingui!ihed

at Fort Recovery, t»9.'
Miililleboro', Indians captured

there, 243.
Miflin,Gpn., gives lands to Cor:«

Plantee, 612.
Mikaaaukies, ( Seminolea,) 9, 433,

468.
Miller, Col., "II ; John, 5 ,.
Milfort, General, his renidenca

among Indians, 38.5, 386.
Mills, LtCol., in the Florida

war, 42 1, 473.
Mi\ton,(Uneat<i<ptiaaet,) 116.
Mims, Port, surprise and mas-
sacre there, 389,
Minatareea destroyed by small-
pox, 677.
Miniaink destroyed by the In-
dians, 588.
MioiEo, Indian of Martha's

Vineyard, 18a
Mishikikakwa, (Little Ti'«-
tle,) a Miami chief, ,569 ; op-
posed llarmer and 8t Clair,
5;i9 ; defeated by Gen.VVayne,
572 ; his interview with tlie
traveller Voliiey, 573, 574 ;
anecdotes of, 575.
Miatic, Fnrt,wherp situated, Ifi9.
MisTic, Geoege, a Praying In-
dian, 181.
Mitchell, Jacob, killed, 245.
Mitchell, Experience, of Bridge-
water, 341.
Mitchell, S., his Hist of Bridge-
water, 2-33, 245.
Mitchel, W. S , marries an In-
dian, 394.
Mitchelson, Edward, Marshal

of Suffolk, 697.
Mitchill, Dr. S. L., on origin of

Indians, 29.
Mono, a Tarratine chief, 310 ;

killed, 311, 313.
Mahaaka, 109, 113, 132, 148,321,
278, 281, 997, ;(99 ; some ac-
count of them, 500.
Mohegana, geography of their
country, 1.50 ; their language,
151; their troubles, 153, 153,
SSL

MONAKATOOCHA, (HaLF-KiNO,)

531, 679.
MowcACHTAPE, narrative of his

travels, 380.
Money, how made by the Indi-
ans, 229, 328 ; Snean, 143.
MoNiAC, Maj., killed at Wakoo,

476.
Mowoco, a JVipmuk chief, 264;

hanged, 266.
Monohoe, a Creek prophet,

killed, 401.
MoifCforro, a Pequot, 116, 166,

171, 173, 171.
MoNopoiDE, a Peqaot warrior,

2;a

Monroe, Capt., in battle of

Okeechobee, 4t»3.
Monroe, Pres., 4.')1, 4,"i2, 661.
Moiitfnrt, Major .lohii, in the

Florida war, 417, 418.
Montgomery, Col., in Cherokei

war, 377.
Montgomery, Mrs., killed in

Florida, 496.
Montour, And., Interpreter, 679.
MoNTOWAMPATE, a ^VipmuM

chief, 105, 111.

726

INDEX.

Uontiftny, M., his Indian expe-
dition. 333.
Blontrenl naclced by the IroquaU,

504— 50fi.
MooAi<Aii,(ALXxAr«Din,)wbich

see^
Moody, Mrs., and family, mur-
dered, 1%2.
MtKMly, Mr. Joshiin, 339.
Moure, Col., 41 ; Governor, 372.
Moore, J. B., on the avalanche
of the Wliite Mountains, 315,
316.
Moravian Indians, massacre of,

530—525.
Morgan, Col. George, his em-

bassy, 513.
Morgan, Gen. Daniel, 390.
tlorris, Major, in the Florida

wor, 478.
Morris, Robert, 60<i ; wonnded

nt Monottguhtla, 609.
Morrison, Capt., in the Chert-

kre war, 377.
Morton, T., of Merry Mount, SS,

81, 100, 107.
Morton, William, 159, ICO.
Morse, Dr. J., his report on In-
dian Atfnirs, r)33, l>34
Mosely, Capt. 9., 148, 208, 216
—918, 261, 9C5, 366, 273, 279,
280.
Moses, Capt., a depredator, 337. 1
MotE>, Sam, killed at Ouco, 271). I
BluMur, a name of Pessacus,

1-J9.
Mott. Mr., killed in Florida, 471.
Muiilton, Joseph, of York, 293.
Moulton, Capt., surprises JVor-

rulvnaok, 311.
Muultonhoroiigh, whence its

name, 716.
Moxus, a Tamtine chief, his
attempt U|ion Wells fails, £91 ;
goes to surprise the fort at
C'uco, 294 ; makes |ienco, 308 ;
destroys Pemmaquid, 3:<2.
Houui'b, traditions concerning,

30, 604.
Mount Hope, description of, 82,

83.
MovTOT, a Oieroket chief, 367,

31 ».
Mriksam, 120, 124, 134, 139, 140,

148, 149.
Muchin, Christopher, a cap-
tive, 274.
Mudge, Lieut., killed in Dade's

fight, 418.
Mlt.o, a noted Tarratine chief,

2^9,294.
Munjoy, Jnhu, killed at Pal-
mouth, 303, 716.
Murray, Capt., killed at Point

Pleasant, .'•40.
Murmy, Cnl., surprises Fort

JV-mj,^i-ra, (128.
Mu.ikctaquid, since Concord,

Mass., 112.
Miuikiigeeji, ( Creeks,) 364.
Mi'SHALATUBEE, 8 Chactaw, 402,

488.
Mi'sHqUASH, ffompano/if , 24.').
M\rlik, B. L., his IJintory of

Hiiverliill, 45.
Wyrick, Lieut., in the Fluiidu
war, 476

N»AWA»nUAW, (Naakuhcow,)

113.
Xaamkeke, 179, 277, 979, 280 j

meaning of, 383.
NiMONTACK, a Virginia chief,

«enl by Powhatan to live with
the English, and to learn their
arts and customs, 351 ; goes
to England, 351.

Namumfum, (WsaTAMOo,) 187
—189.

NANAHEri*T,a Wompoiioaf , 193.

NAIfANURTNBW, a WamwtwMii,
199i

Nauapaihemit, a M^fmuk of
great fam<- near Skatemut, 104 ;
his residence and place of
interment, 105.

NANTAiiuAf, a son of PowhatoH,
350.

Nanuktkkoo, a A'arm^an.iet
chief of great renown, 230 ;
his men defeat the English
under Capt. Pierce, 931 ; sur-
prised and taken prisoner,
233; his magnanimous beha-
vior in captivity, 234 ; Eng-
lish advise his execution,
235 ; he is shot at Stunington,
2;i4, 235, 399, 330.

Naoai, aJ^ipmuk chief, 114,180.

Naopofe, a Sae chief, second to
Black-hawk, 655 ; his ac-
count of himself, 655.

Napoleon, MiAnTuitnouoH
compared to, 139,

JVarraganset, variously written,
85, 102 ; its meaning, 87 ; ge-
ography of the country, 117 ;
war with the Pujuuts, 83 ;
conduct of the English to-
wards, 158 ; participate in
PHiLir'a war, 907 ; send some
of the heads of the English
to the .^'•■.-mKilu, 972, 273;
great dp '*."jGticn of ttiem in
the Fou Fight, i.'7; desert
Philip, 97i>.

JVaskubah, [Littleton,] a town
of Praying Indians, 180.

Nashoo.non, a Christian JVtji-
muk, 94, 106.

Nasheeskuk, son of Black-
hawk, 661.

Nasott, Job, a JVTjmntl coun-
sellor, 10».

NAiiowANoo, son of Nashoo-

HOK, 106.

Natahis in Arnold's expedition

to Quebec, 319 ; wounded and

taken, 320, 496.
JVatckes oppressed by the

French, 383 ; they massacre

the colony, 383.
JVatick, meaning of the name,

178.
Natohbauet, sachem of Saeo,

298.
Nattahanada, a Tarratine

chief, 985.
Nattahattawakts, a M'lpmuk

chief, 181.
Nattawahukt, (Nashoohok,)

94.
Nattawobmet, father of Nat-

TAHANADA, -81.

Nai-hnocomwit, ordered to Ply-

niuiilll, 344.
Nawaihasuck, quarrels with

Pl'MHAH, 258.

NchkIi', Mr., paints portraits of

Indians, (35.
Xciil, Daniel, his History of N.

Englnnd, IWi, 176— 17&
Neamathla, a Heminole chief,

411,4:14—436.
Nebise, an Menaki warrior,

333.
Nefr,'Marv, 47 ; William, 47.
Nelxon, Gen., in the Florida

war, 327, 398.

Nelson, Col. of a Georgia gnanl
455.

Nemattakow put to death, 360.

NepakeTiToii, a Ai/nmJIc Chris-
tian, 240 ; ambassador ia
Philip's war, 274, 275, 330,
331.

Nepxof, a Wampmitug warrior,
93.

Neptuhe, John, a Penobscot
captain, 330.

Nesutan, Job, n Jfipmnk, as-
sists Eliot to trnnslnte the
Bible into Indiaa, 115, 176;
killed in Philip's war, 176.

Netaump, (Mautamf .') 271.

Netawatwees, a DelamreJlSS,
523.

Nr'Js, a JVTpntUi, his depreda-
tions. -^64.

New Albion, Drake's discovery
of, 83.

New Ariow, a Seneca chief,
607.

Newbury attacked by the Indi-
ans, r?05 ; the first white child
bom lliere, 255.

Newbury, Cnpt., inassac % 100
Indians, 249.

JVeto Kckota, Indian treaty there,
442.

New England, so named from
Nova Albion, 83 ; called by
the Five Nations, Kinskon,
501 ; first white child bom
in, 255.

Newman, Capt., killed in St.
Clair's defeat, 572, 7J)0.

Newman, Gen., in the Florida
war, 3'J8, 406.

Newman, Rev. Noah, of Reho-
both, 912, 2:U.

Newport, Gov., duped by Pow-

HATAK, 352.

New River, settlement at, de-
stroyed, 415.

New (Smyrna, Florida, de-
stroy e< I, 416.

New ^lyie, an explanation of,
85

Mowspapers.in Cfter«tee,S54, 558
— 560 ; used to the disadvan-
tage of the Indians, 4I>3.

Newton, (AimantHm,} Eliot be-
gins to preach at, 176,

Newtown, Brakt defeated
there, 587.

Jfiagara described by an Indian,

Jfianticks, country of the, 131.
Nicholsou, Colonel F., 47, 373,

511.
Nickotawarcb, a Virginia

chief, 36i
NiHononTAOOWA, (Bio Thee,)

607.

NlMROD, (WOWASHUM,) 199—

304, 319.
NiniGRET, chief of the AVan-
tiks, 131 ; his troubles with
other chiefs, 134 ; threatened
by the En;>lish, 136 ; new
difflculties, 137 ; his war with
AscASsAssoTiK, 1:<8 ; msidefi
among the Dutch, 139 ; speech
to thum, 140, 141 ; mortgages
his coiintrv, 1-1.^ ; his contempt
of Christinnity, 146—148 ;
known by viirious mimes,
15;) ; determines on a war
with the Muhegant. l.M ; will
have the held of Uhcas, I.W ;
screens fugitive Prquiilf, 170 ;
shrewd reply to Mr. Mnyhew,
178 ; opposes tlie introduction
of Christianity among hit

INDEX.

727

people, SfiO ; "an old, crafty
Rnchfin," 1<15.

NiHiaRET, fiunily of, 146, 149.

J\npmukii, their cuiiniry, 83 ;
iiniler Squtw Sachkm, 104 ;
at war with tlie Muk.jans,
lUI, ll>4i tliey obanilun Phil-
ip, 315.

NiTTANAHoif, B aachem on L.
lelund, 143.

JVohMUtt Hill, near Sudbury ,9G7.

Noma:*, a fVampanoag, 249.

NuuDNr, John, a Pmnakook,

NoHPAaH, a Wampanoag, 189;

ANUUrAaH,3Sl ; o( Sonkonate,

2Xi ; death of, 357.
No.NsciiUEssKwiT, Gsc, a AVp-

muk, 3ti5.
Northiiinpton attacked by the

Indinii:), 223.
Nurihtield, ( SfitJIira ?,) 339.
Norton, Capt., kilisd by the

PequoU, 167.
Norton, John, (TEYONinHOEE-

RAWEfc,) 637, (128.
M'tn-ridgeieok, 303 : capture of,

311.
Nurvell, J., on the cholera in

the West, 649.
NowEqUA, his expeditions, 161.
NuMPHow, S., 184, 368 ; makes

a treaty at Dover, 715.
Nurse, Rebecca, accused of

witchcraft, 184.

Oakman, Tobias, taken, 293.
Oakmulge Fields, auti(|uities

there, 665.
Oakes, Lieut., [Edward,] ex-
ploit of, 210, 313.
Obbatinnua, sachem of SItaa-

mut, 94, 104.
Obeal, »on of Corr-Plakter,

597, 599, 615.
Obechikwoo, of the Pequot

tribe, 16a
OBTAKiEsT,anoted ffampatioag,

99.
OccoM, Sampsoh, a Mohegan

preacher, 183, 713.
OcKONosToTA, rpnuwHcd Creek

chief, 373; treaU with Gov.

Littleton, 374 ; takes Fort

Ijoiulon, 375; attempt upon

Fort Prince George fails, 377.
OcoNNOECA, a Cherokee chief,

374.
Oconas, (or Oeonees,) a tribe of

Cherokies, 369.

ODDERU99IN, hlS Visjt tO BOS-

ton, 677.

O'DriscuU, Mr., killed in Flori-
da, 489.

0£TAN,a nameof OriTCHEPAit,
3.VJ.

Orrscow, Jeremiah, order for
his apprehension, 180.

Oa£E3E, a. Creek warrior, 369.

Oiilelluirpe, Gen., brings a cul-
uny to Carolina, 369 ; his
speech to the Indians, 370;
t.ikes several of thera to Eng-
land, 371.

Ohi)Uahehuo, a JVdmpanoag,
94.

Okase, Okoko, (Uncas,) 151.

Okecliohe, battle iil', 483.

Old IIrim, a noted Creek chief,
:)ii9,

Oldham, Mr. John, killed by
Pei/itoU, 167. '

Oldham, Major, killed in St

Clair's detent, 571.
Old Indian Chronicle, what it

is, 197 ; references to, 67, 189,

909, 20 216, 217, 320, 222,

223, S4l, j90.
Old Jethro, (Tantamoui,) a

AVpiimi chief, betrayed and

hanxed, 265, 266.
OLD-KNirE, (Leteleiha,) 633,

634.
Oldinixon,rJ.,1 his America, 41,

306,509—511.
Olo-Ui'een, (Quaiape.i,) 134,

248. 249.
Old Style, explanation of, 85.
Oliver, Capt. James, iu PuiLip't

w.ir, 319, 261.
Oliver, A., his house attacked

by Indians, 490.
Omakaa, their country, 14, SXi,

633 ; some visit the Atlantic

cities, 677 ; went, 704.
Omathla, Charles, a Seminole,

412.
OhAMon, a Christian A^pmuk,

113, 180, 181.
O.f AS, Indians so named VVm

Penn, 517.
One-eted-john, (Monoco,)

264; hanged, 366.
Oneco, son of Uncai, a noted

depredator, 93, 149.
Oneidiu, tlieir country, 14 ; 500,

503.
OnqpatoN' ,, (Ilio Elk,) an

Omaha cl:ief, 633 ; visit to

Washington, G3.I.
Onottdagiu, one of the Five M'a-

tioiu, 14, 500, 503.
ONupEquiN, a sachem of Qua-

baog, 164.
Onux, one of the wives of

UUINNAPIN, 240.

Opachisl'o, uncle of Pocahon-
tas, 358.

Opekankano, sachem of Pa-
munky, 348 ; brother ul Pow-
hatan, 353 ; his origin, 339 ;
seized by Capt. Smith, 360 ;
leader in a great massacre of
the English, 360 ; is token
and killed, 363.

Opitchapan, brother of Pow-
hatan, 353; i.Itopatin,)J.'>5 ;
(Oeian,) 359.

Oppahyluah, a Delivare chief,
44.

Oruftana, India'' ' 'otory there,
579.

Orine, Cnpt, wounded at Mo-
nongaheCa, 609.

Ormond, Uiike of, visited by
Indians, 511.

Orono, chief of the Penohfcots,
339, 340.

Orvilliers, D', sent against the
Senectu, 504.

Osborn, !^nrah, accused of witch-
craft, 184.

Osceola, a Florida chief, 410 ;
early didiculties with, 413 ;
seized and put in irons, 413 ;
not a chief by birth, 420 ; his
town destroyed, 425; meets
Gen. Gaines on the OuMle-
eoDchee, 429, 430 ; a parley
with Gaines, 431 ; kills EmatK-
la, 465 ; review of earlier
events in his life, 470; at-
tacked near Fort Drane, 472 ;
makes a narrow escape, 475 ;
flglits Gen. Call in the Wahoo,
476,477; report of cowardice,
479 ; appears at Fort Mellon,
480 i tiis capture by Gen.

Jes»iip,481,483; Sent to Pott

Moultrie, and there dies of

fever, 485 ; his character, 485
OsgcKMl, William, 295.
Usteen, Mr. J., his house a*

saiilted, 489.
Oii-CHEE, surprised and killed

478.
Otaciti, a Cherokee chief, 372

treats with Gov. Littleton,'

:<75; visits England, 367.
OUiesj coiinlry ul, 14 ; some

visit Boston, 577; wei't.70:i
OUoteat, their country, 14 ; their

origin, 5;t7; west, 704.
OiTiudHKOREE, uu troqitoU

warrior, 507
OucHEE Billy, (UcHcE Billy.)

431.
OuEKACHUMPA, chief of OCOHIU.

375.
Oi'i.TucK, a Aipinu*, hanged at

Boston, 713.
Oi'NA»ANNowiNE,aCr«A chief,

367.
OuRAouHARE, a fainous Iroquou,

507.
Ot'THLATABOA, a Creek cliiuf,

369. '

Ot'iAMEqui.'*, a name of Mas-

• AIOIT, 91,

OuiANATANAH, a Cherokce, mur-
dered, 375.

Oxford, (Manrknge,) a town
of Praying Indians, 179.

Oyster Kiv»r, depredations at,
303, 304. 492.

Paddy Carr, goes to Florida,

474, 479.
Paddy, Air. William, death of,

285.
Paoatt, Joseph, a IVwnpanoag,

122.
Paget, Corporal, in the tight at

Oaithlecoochee, 433.
Pahkehpunnasoo, a PraytHg

IiidiaH, 182
Paige, Col. Nicholas, [of Bol-
ton,] 311.
Paiiie, Mr. J. H., visit to J. Rots,

459.
Paine, Nathaniel, 198.
Paine, Thus., of Eiisthnm, 241.
Paint Creek, nnliciuities llj<re^

5&
Pakanke, aDclaaare chii'f,5l7.
Pakachoog, a town of Prai/mf

fiiilianx, 179.
Palmer, .Major, in Philip's war,

3;i3.
Faiiiesc, conjurors or su|ierior

cliit'fs, 100.
PaiiLi, a nation ii|K)n the JUis-

sniiri, II, KM, IB'J.
Parish, Col., in the Seminole

war, 424.
Paris, .Mr., implicated in witch-

cnirt, 18,1, 184,
Parkin, Col., at the battle of

OnilMrcuochee, 4t£l.
Parimepahho, his visit to Bos-
ton, 670.
Paisaconaway, chief of Mt-

rimack country, 111, 1.19; a

Bashaha, 277 ; his farewell

speech, 278; his death, 378,

280.
Paammnquoddy, 14 ; definition

of, 319.
Path-killer, 39.5, 396; Geu.

Jackson and, 446,

Il-.i '■

728

Patrick, Mn., murdered In Flor-
ida, 491.

PiTucKsoif accused of the mur-
der of Sah *MoK, 195.

Patuzet, the Indian's name of
Flyniuuth, 95.

Paugdi, aachem of Pequawket ;
cunducta the memorable flght
with the Engliali under Love-
well, and is killed, :<13— 317.

Paw>a4ueni, counsellor to
Philip, 199.

Pawtucket, bloody fight there,
231, 232.

Pax NOUS, a warrior chief of the
Sliavanue, 534.

Peabody, Mr., matiinfie of, 255.

Peak, Mr., [John! Jdlled at VVal-
pole, N. H., Xii.

Peai-cresk-Johr, a Seminole
warrior, 479.

Pechmo, signal exploit of, 71.

Pecidock, Leonard, a pilgrim, 8.5.

Peere, counsellor to PHILIP,
killed, 200, 210.

Peupy, Josiah, interpr:!ter, 53.

Pock, J. M., on Western oii-
tiquities, 64.

PsciiN, his J\npmuk expedition,
273,

Peirse, Copt., exped'tion nnd
death, 231, 232, 270. [He was
a brother of Copt. P(>';se, of
London.]

Peisxaret, his adventures and
death, 507, 508.

Ptjepseot, depredations there,
299.

Pekanimre, one carried ofT by
llnrlow, 71.

Pekillon, a troitorous Dela-
ware, 557.

Pekoatk, mistake for Pequot, 113.

Pekbuot, a noted IVampanoag
Paniese, 95, 100; killed by
Cnpt. Standish, 100.

PEMia9APA.N, (WlNOINA,) 344,
345.

Pemmaquid, destruction of, 332.

Penachasok, a Wampauiiag
warrior, 270.

/>ennacou<r«, 14; their troubles,
278, 279.

Pennahanit, a fftpmuk con-
vert, 180,181.

Pendarvis, Mr., family of,cut off,
488.

Penn, Wm.,bis treaty, 51C,517,
528, 615.

Penobscot, meaning of the name,
321.

Pepper, Rolert, escape at Beer's
fight, 215.

PtqaoU, 14 ; "a great Saga-
mure,'' 113 ; their country de-
scribed, 165, 172 ; at war
',vith the JVarraganaeU, 107;
tlieir wars and final deHtriic-
tion, 1G5— 174 ; mop of their
country, 161) ; " Pequot souls
brought down to hell," 170 ;
Boine executed and cast into
tlio sea, 170 ; many sold into
slavery, 171.

Perkins, John, of Jlgaitam, 110.

Perkins, Samuel, History of tiie
Laie War, 391, 393.

Pcrrine, Dr. 11., killed in Flori-
da, 49a

PEssAcu«,a noted JVarragartnel
chief, 122 ; visits Boston, 137 ;
invaded by the English, 148 ;
his war with Uncas, 154;
lends presents to ttie governiir
ol Mass., 156 ; killed by the
Moheuks, 122, 323.

INDEX.

Petaleihaboo, a Pamiee brave,
hi.i visit tu Washington, 633 i
a great exploit of, UI4.

Petananuet, husband of Wee-

TAMOO, 229.

Peters, 'I hos., Illst. of CuHHtcti-
eut, 34 ; letter about the Pe-
quoU, 133, 150, 159, 166.

Peter, a rurratiiie, attacks
Bradford, 295.

Peter, son of Awashoni' '<
traitor to Philip, 23.^ ; a ciiic.
captain, 253 ; serves under
Church, 255 ; one betrays the
•fiTarraganaeta, 218, 714.

Pewazegsake, of JV>if «,«.«f /, 284.

Peyrouny, Copt., at braddock's
defeat, 609.

Peyton, Lieu!., Mr exploit, 481,
483.

Phagan, MnJ., agent in Florida,
4ll4, 4115.

Philadelphia, its Ind. name, 83.

Philip, socliem of the Wampa-
noaga, 93 ; why called Philip,
187 ; his people hold a war
dance, 189; causes of his be-
ginning a war, 193 ; his tnie
name, 197 ; sales of his lands,
198— roO ; colled ffcwosoiran-
tiet, 200 ; Philip a nick-name,
other causes of war, 202;
Eiiglisli prepare for hostilities,
20?. ; Philip disclaims war,
and agrees to pay a triliute,
203 ; his diHici'liies with Ply-
mouth, 304 ; refuses to treat
with inferiors, 207 ; his men
begin the war, 307 ; fights the
English at Poraaaet, 911 ; re-
treats and is attacked on Ko-
hoboth Plain, 213; cuts off
Cnpt. Beers, 215 ; surprises
niid cuts off Capt Ixttlirop,

216 ; his attack on Hutfi. Id,

217 ; besieged in a fort in
Ji'arraganaet, nnd desperately
defends it, 218—220 ; retreats
into the country of the A'ip-
mu(»,230 ; imputed murderer
of some Muhauikf, 221 ; sajks
Lancaster, Medlield, and cuts
off Capt. Wadaworth at Piiii-
biiry, 22? ; retreats into Ply-
mouth colony, 233 ; driven
from place to place with loss,
233 ; his sister nnd uncle
killed, 233 ; his wife and sun
taken, 224 ; surprised in a
swamp, but esca|ir?.235 ; flies
to />u<caiuiAc(, where he <8 pur-
sued and iiilled, 235; inci-
dents attending this last trag-
edy, 220—238 ; religious an-
ecdote of, 228 ; a " Idasphe-
mous leviathan," 228 ; Mrs.
Rowlanuson's anecdotes of,
239, 240 ; his ornaments pos-
sessed by Ctipt. .4ttiuiu)aii,239 ;
otiier facts, 254, 275.

Philip, a Seminole chief, <!6;
attacks New Snivrna, 416 ;
of TupkoUky, 325, 331 ; taken
prisoner, 481.

Philip, sachem of Pigfoket,
316 ; at the taking of $(. Fran-
cis, 318 ; at the taking of t.ou-
ishonrg, 319; defeoted ui Wal-
p(de, 3;'8.

Philip 11., ludicrous error con-
cerning, 38.

Phillips Adj., at the battle of
Ouithleeoochee, 423,

Pliillips, Maj., [William,] suc-
cess'- 'y defends his garrison
at So„», -JSO, 287,

Philoiophical Tiani,, R,8., 274

Phi|ia, Sit William, 292, 3U5.

PiAMBoHoi;, a M^pmuk, ruler tt
Natick, 180.

Piankatanka, a tribe of Virgin-
ia, 14, 349.

Pickens, tieneral, in the war
with the Ckrrukeea, 407.

Pickering, Sarah, u witness,
329.

Pidgeon, Major, interpreter,
510,

Pierce, Major, In the Florida
war, 473, 475, 470,

Pilgrims, their arrival at Ply,
nioiiih, 75; account of their
laniling there, 76; their inter-
course with the Indiuiid, 77
—79.

Pinchon, Major, 147, 1C4, 173,
179, 332,

PloMl.lOU, (CoLBl'RT,) 401, 403,

689,

PiowAKT, IVampanoae, 168,
198 242.

Pipe,'Capt., 519: of the Wolf
tribe of D lawares, 554—556,
561, 5(J3, b9t>.

Pi|>e of Peace, (Calumet,) 554.

Pitt, WiiliaMi, Fort Pitt named
lor, 690.

PiTruE, Andrew, a Jfipmuk,
272, 276.

Plague among the N, England
Indians, 80,

Pliistowe, I Josins,] degraded for
robbing Indians, and loses hia
"tie of Mr., 1U8.

Plaii.. supposed to refer to
Ame. "u, :;:i.

Pliinimer, Capt,, cast nway on
Florida, and killed, 487,

Plymouth, first settlement of,
75; (Pattixit,) P5 ; {^paum,
Umpane,) 251,

Pocahohtai, daughter of Pow-
hatan, preserves tlie life of
Capt. Smith, 350 ; reveals a
plot against his life, 354 ;
B.'iveB the life of Mr, t^pilmnn,
357 ; betrayed into the hands
of the English, 357 ; marries
Mr, Rulfe, an KngllMhman,
nnd goes to Engl;;nd, where
she dies, 358.

Pocasact, swamp fight there, 311.

PoooAPANoaso, (Tobias,) exe-
cuted, 194, 242.

Point Pleasant, battle of. 5.19 ;
serioiis troubles tjere, 545.

Pokanokit, descripti<in of, 83,83.

PoKATTAWAGu, a fVampauoagf
251.

Pole, [Poole,] George, of Ply-
mouth, 86.

Pollard, Capt., a Seneca chief,
597, 606; visited by Black-
hawk, 667.

Poison, Capt., .it Broddock's
defeat, G09.

Polwhcle, Dr. Richard, iiisio-
riau, 114.

Pohase, a JVarragaiiaet warrior,
159.

PoMETACoH, (Philip,) 197.

PoHPAquASE, a H'ainpanoag,l98,

Pom oye, E., troubled by the
Inil.ans, 146.

PoMUMsKS, a Jfarragansct, 143.

PoNTiAK, cliluf of tliK Ottawas,
516; begins a war with tlie
Englisli, 549 ; defeats them
Willi great loss, 551 ; captures
several vessels, 55i ; ralset
tlie siege of Detroit ; is ast>u»,
sinated, 553.

INDEX.

730

Poor. Gen., rtefeati the Western
Iniiiana, 1^7.

Poole- Cnpt., [Jonsthan,] in
P;<i'Lip'i war, 217.

Pope, John, iimrder of, 245.

Pophnin, Lord, Hendti Prln to
New Eniiland, 70, 71.

VoqciN, 'Poquuiu,) a M'arra-
ganutt, 146.

Purt!<inoutb, depredations at,
S95.

'/osey, Gen., in BLACKhAWic'i
war, G53, <i53.

Post, Frederick, western mii-
Rion of, 51(i, 535.

PoTOK, opimsed to Christianity,
3(K) ; taken In PuiLir't war
and executed, 3()1.

Potter, E. R., History o( Jfar-
rajfaiMtt, 930, 241.

Potter, Serit., in the battle of
Ouithlttooche, 423.

Potter, W., Hist, of the Florida
War, 462.

PoUoaatomies, account of, 14,
610, (i38.

Powaw, or Powwow, conjurers
or prophets, so called among
Indians, 105, 175.

Powell, Lieut., his defeat, 484.

VowHiTAN, Rreat sachem of
Virgmia, 347 ; extent of his
country, 347 ; surprises and
destroys the Payankatanks,
348 ; orders the execution of
Cnpt. Hmith, 350 ; outwils
Gov. Newport, 351 ; a house
built fur him, 353, 354 ; orders
his men to kill Smith, 355 ; a
crown '- nt over from Eng-
land, an", lie is crowned, 351 ;
his death, 35£.

Powhalans, tribes of Virginia,
14, 344.

Pownal, Gov. Thomas, on the
colonies, 48, 507.

Prat, Phineas, his narrow es-
cape, 99, 507.

Praying Indiaiu, account of, 175

.'renlice, Thomas, captain in
PniLip'a war, 258.

fresqiie Isle, Indiana defeated
there, 57ii.

Priest, Josiah, on western an-
tiquities, 62.

^rinn, or Prin, Martin, his voy-
age to New England, 70 ; car-
ries Indians to England, 70.

Prince, Gov. T., Awashonei'i
letter to, 250.

Prince, Thomas, his Annals,
81, 104, 111 ; Williams's Re-
deemed Captive, 325.

Prince, John, Worthies of Eng-
land, 70, 84, 358.

Proctor, J., missionary to Clier-
okees, 454.

Proctor, Gen., defeated at the
Thames, 620 ; his conduct at
the River Raisin, 625, 626.

Proctor, John, accused of witch-
craft, 184 ; Elizabeth, 184.

Proctor, Lieut., 310, 311.

Pbofhet, the Skawanee, (Ells-
KWATAWA,) his agency at
Tippecanoe, 620 ; his singular
history, 623—625.

Prophet, the Seminole, (Hil-
LliHAQO,) 403.

Prophet, the IVinnebago, (Wa-

B0KIE9HISE,) 658.

PoKEEiHENo, father of Tecok-

•EH, 633.
FoMHAM, a noted M'arragansel

chief, 92, 130; claim* Shao-

met, 86 ; troubles, I.W, 159 ;
kind to the English, 257 ; his
town burnt, 260 ; his melan-
choly fate, 260.

PuMPAtA, (NiMROD,) winch see.

PunkaUtsrt, great fight th'/e,
310.

PupoMPooEi, brother of Sassa-
cui, 165.

Purchase, Thomas, wron<^ In-
diana, 299.

Purchan, Samuel, his Pilgrims,
84, 355, 366.

PutHMATAHA, death of, 396 —
402.

PuTTA(n;FPDUiiEO,a Pequet.lTi.

Psniter, The, printed in Indian,

Putnam, General, and Coait-

PLANTER, 612.

Putnam, Major, in the Florida
war, 435.

Quabaoffii attacked by Uncai,
163 ; cut off Capt. Hutchinson
in Philip's war. 9ia

Qi'ADEiiuiNA, brother of Mai-
lAiOiT, 85 ; visits the Pilgrims,
86 ; treaty with, 94.

Qua'apen, of great note and
authority among the JVurro-
goHtels, 134 ; killeu in Phil-
ip's war, near Warwick, 348,
349.

(Quakers, friends to the Indians,
220.

Quami, a Peftuit prisoner, 173.

UuANitAPOHiT, James, a M\p-
muk, 364 ; serves the English
OS a spy, 365, 371.

Quannapohit, Thomas, 973,
273, 376.

AuANONCHiT. — See Nakoh-

TENOO.

QuANOwiic, a IVampanoag, 188.

Qua^ualh, wounded in a light,
358.

QuA(ti;Eiiuu!<SET, of QuoAo-
bakonk, 16a

^,uatoghiu, country of, 14 ; Ha-
Tons, 508.

^nebeck, meaning of the name,
546.

(luiinby, Mrs., assaulted by In-
dians, 395.

QuiNNAPin, a noble Jfarragan-
»et, son of CoKjANAquoND,
brothcr-ii-law to Philip, pur-
chases Mrs. Rowland!i<ui,239 ;
her account of him, 241 ; falls
into the hands of the English,
and is shot at Newport, 241.

ftl!E<lur,0UNENT,il J^uTragansH,
son of Quaiapen, 145 j called
Gideon, 248.

QuiNEMiiiUET, daughter of

dUAIAPEN, 248,

Quissoquus, u M'arraganset,
145.

Q,uochecho, (Dover, N. H.,) prop-
erly Coclucho, winch see,

Rains, Capt, defeated in Flor-
ida, 492.

Raisin, (River,) battle of the,
625.

Ralegh, Sir Walter, settles Vir-
ginia, 34 ; anecdote of, 113 ;
beheaded, 114.

Ralle, or Rasle, Jesuit mission-

ary, 310 ; ir killed at MWridgt-
«»*, 311, 312.

RAHBGin, sachem of Jfegiutet,
284, J85.

Randolph, Dr., at the battle of
OuiUiUcooche, 43:1

Randolph, John, of Roanoke,
dies, 359.

Rapp, Mr., of New Harmony,
20, 3L

Ratclltf, Mr., his house burnt in
Florida, 416.

Rawhukt, of Virginia, anec-
dote of, 350.

Rawson, Edward, letter of to
Indians, 3c<0, 698.

Read, Capt. L., in the Floridn
war, 4:i3.

Reckakecriana, war with theio,
3.9.

Recovery, (Fort,) 571, 576 j
buttle of, 689.

Redbiro, a Siaiu,die8 in prison,
638, 639.

Reuhawk, murder of, 545, 695,
696.

Red Jacket, (Saootcwatha,)
anecdote of, 43, 593 ; speech
of to a missionary, .'>94, 595 ;
in the war of 1812, 596 ; letter
to the governor of N. York,
596—599 ; in a witchcraft case,
599 ; interview with Lafay-
ette, 600 ; at Philadelphia,
601 ; death of, 60J.

Redalieka, a tribe of Seminoles,
404.

Reed, Joseph, anecdote of hit
patriotism, 139.

Reed, W., wrecked and mur-
dered in Florida, 487, 488.

Rees, Dr. A., his Encyclopedia,
30.

Rehobotb, bought of the Indi-
ans, 91 ; distressed in Phiiip't
war, 276 ; burnt, 962.

Reid, Col., at the battle of Oui'fA-
leeooeke^ 423.

Removal of Indians, its policy
examined, 4f>(i.

Rhode Island, (Aquiilneck,) bo't
of the Indians, 124.

Ricarecu, destroyed by small-
pox, 677.

Richmond, Capt., of Sogkonate,
953.

Richards, Major, [John .'j bit
Moiiawk agency, 323.

RiDOE, Major, a CherokeecMeT,
401, 440, 448 ; murdered by
his own people, 460.

Ridgely, Lt., wounded at 0»ith-
lecoocke, 433.

Riley, Cot., his exploit In Flor-
ida, 492.

Ringe, Andrew, Jr., 196.

Riser /ndiaiu, their locality, 281,
510.

Roanoke, flr«t English settle-
ment there, 344.

Bobbins, Lt., lost at Lovewell't
fight, 3i7.

Robertson, Dr., his manner of
peoiiling America, 22 ; all
men have one origin, 26; in
error respecting the name of
New England, K),

Rolieson, Lieut., killed at Point
Pleasant, 540.

Robinhood. — See RAMEOiif.

Robinson, life saved by Looaii,
538.

Robinson, John, reproves th«
Pilgrims, 102.

Roliin M., his speech of Looam
543.

730

INDEX.

RoBiH, > Creek war cnptain, 309.

Robin, a TamUiiie, »bU* JVegdt-
»(, 384.

RoBiif, of Agawum, prevents th-^
Tarralinet ftum deitroying
Ipneieh, 110,

Rocklcfr, O. W., attacked at
Mosquito, 495.

Rodney, Lieut., diea In Florida,
490.

RoDonnonAiut, a Tarratine
chief, 297.

Rogera, Major, 40, 54 ; siirprisKR
and innkeii ciiptivcit of tlie Sl
FraneU liidjnnii, MIS, 338.

Rogers, EruHtus, killed in Flor-
ida, 431.

Rogers, Lieut., killed in Ilar-
mer'a defeat, 687.

RoaoiiOK. — See Raheqir.

Rolfe, Jolin, marries Pocahor-
Tii, 358.

Rollins, Mr,, his family cut ofT,
488,

RoNMisooKc, a M'ipmuk of Na-
tjck, 143.

UoMi, Adjutant, a L'kerokee
chief, 401.

Rosi, John, 393, 440, '47, 448,
458, 481.

Rom, James, killed at CSueo,
700.

RocNDHEAD, a IVya^dot chief,
235 ; takes Gen. Winchester
prisoner, 235 : at the capture
of Detroit, 2T8.

Rouviile, H. Do, his expedition,
328.

Howell, Capt, defeated in Flor-
ida, 488,

Rowe, N., a passage from his
Liican, 238,

Rowlandson, Mrs., her captiv-
ity ; interview with Philip,
239; incidents of lier cnpliv-
ii.-, 240, 241, 2<i6, 267 ; other
iiic'dents, 374, 375,

RowLES, an ancient Tarratine
chief, 3SS.

RuHNErHARiH, Gkoboe, — See
WiNHEruBKiTT. — See also
276,

Russell, Capt., ambiubed in
Florida, 488.

Babatis, a Tarratine chief, cap-
tured at SL Franeii, 319 ; Sab-
BADii, 320 ; anotlier of the
name, murdered, 338.

Babine, W., a juror to try Indi-
ans, 196.

Sachem's Head, why such a
name, 151.

Baco, burnt, and people killed
there, 386, 387.

Sacs, (Sauks,) early visited by
Jesuits, 638 ; incorpornt«a
with the Foxes, 638 ; their
war with the Menominies, 640 ;
make partial sale of their
roiintry, 640 ; description of
III ir villago, 641 ; insulted by
iiiirii>li;rd, lAl ; Gov. Rey-
nold's proclamation against
them, i>43; driven from their
country by whites, 643; wur
ensues, 645—653 ; war with
the Sioux, 673.

Sagadahoek, English flrst settle
at, 71.

Baoauoi:: John, a M^pmuk
chief, sua

SAnAMoai Sam, (Shoihahim,)
2)i9,

Sagamr M, it* signification, 104,
37T.

Saoatiathbuaoithton, [spelt
in the Genealogicol and An-
tiquarian Registvr,HAaArE/.N-
4UABASHT0W, who was the
grandfather of BaANT,] bis
visit to England, 510.

Saqotiwatha (Kbd Jacket,)
593-603.

Saguabum, (LoBON|)333.

Sakaweiior, a N. England In-
dian, taken to England by
Capt. Harlow, and thence goes
in tile war against Bohemia,
72.

Salmon Falls, destruction of,
300 301,

Saltonstallj Sir Richard, 111.

Sam Hide, a noted lying Indian,
37,

Sam Jorxs, (Abfaca,) 479, 481,
483,

SaMKAMA, COUn«("11or to Pk!L!P,

203.

Samoset welcomes the PilgBima
to Plymouth, 76 ; his services
to them, 77 ; goes with them
to PokttHoket, 86, 87.

Sampson, H., buys land of In-
dians in Middleboro', 341.

Sampso>4, a barbarous Tarratine,
304, 715.

Sampion, an attorney to Pi ilip,
198.

Samuel, Capt., 308 , speech of,
309, 310,

Sanamahonoa, (Stone-bateb,)
638.

Sanderson, Lt., defeat and death
of, 493.

Sanders, John, of Wessagusset,
99.

Sanders, Lt., killed in Hariner's
defeat, 687.

Sanders, Mr., Killed in Florida,
492.

San Felasco, battle of, 473.

Sanford, Major, goes to attack
Phi MP, 226,

Sanford, J., complaint against,
188.

Sannap, the station or office of
a, 133.

SA<tUAREXi>, a TVirrad'ns, a hos-
tage, 333.

Saisacus, chief of the Pequats,
116 ; '* malignant and furi-
ous," 137 i " a terror to his
neighbors," 165 ; tite English
make war upon him, 170 ; his
sales of land, 173; killed by
the Mohauiks, 173,

Sasienow, a Tarratine of Sag-
adahoek, 71,

Saoamon, John, a missionary
to the Pequots, 172 ; secretar)'
to Philip, 193 ; preacher at
M'amasket, 193 ; goes in the
war against the Pequots, 194 ;
found dead in a pund, 195 ;
supposed murderers detected,
195 ; the proceedings ORuinst
tliem, 196 ; other items in his
history, 198. 303,

Saiiamon, Rolars, interpreter
to Alexardeb, 191 ; brother
to John, 198,

Saisehobe, daughter of John
Sakamon, 194.

Saugiis, (Lynn,) 111, 697, — See
Lynn,

Saunders, Capt., disaster of,
333.

Saunders, Lt., barbarity of. It

Florida, 494.
Sauieman, a principal Sogkf-

naU. S50.
Savafie, Ensign, wounded, 209:

Major, 273.
Savage, Mr., trarels in the

West, 62.
Savage, Captain T., marchei

nnuinst Philip, 308.
Sccips, flrst ti.ken in Philip's

war, 210 ; Engllxh offer a re-
ward for, 311,373.
Scarborough taken by Mooo,

294.

ScAROTADA, (MoROKATOOCHA.)

531, 679.
Schenectady, destruction of, 47.
Schermerhorn, Rev. J. F., 441.
Scoffitild, Berg., in the Ouithle-

cooche fight, 423.
Sthoolcralt, U. R., on Mounds.

02.
Scliuyler, Major, his expedition

against tlie French, 5'j;!; ac-

CC^ipSTlICS xi'iuirtiia tu J:.||M-

land, 511; Colonel, 48.
Scott, Gen., in Florida, 432, 435 ;

sent to reduce the Cherokeet,

443 ; in Florida, 471.
Scott, Sir Walter, said to re-
semble Blackhawk, 661.
ScBART, Old, wonderful escape

of, 39.
Scuttup, a Jfarragansel chief,

145, 248.
Scythians, said tc resemble In-
dians, 25.
Sealy, Lieut., in the Pequot

war, 155.
Searle, Lieut., in battle of HtU

chee Lustee, 478.
Searle, Capt., in Florida, killed,

490 ; Fort, 493.
Seat of Kino Philip, descrip-
tion of, 227.
Semimles, their name and origin,

531 ; wars with, 403—406,

410 — 436 ; removal by the U.

S. frou^lieir country, 405;

tliey resist, and war ensues,

461—496 ; west, 701.
Serauki, his visit to England,

370.
Seneca, supposed to refer to

America, 33.
Seneeas, fourth nation of the

Iroquois, 500; west, 702.
SEQUAiiOA, chief under Miar-

tunnomoh, 138; one of his

men wounds Uncai, 153.
SEauiN, a Pequot, supposed au-

tlior of a cruel massacre at

Wealiierslield, 143.
Sewali, S., New- Heaven, tec,

355 ; Rev. Samuel, '15.
Shalliiloske, a hostage, mur-
dered, 375.
Shajiokin, Daniel, meets with

C. F. Post, 535.
Shapleigh, N., signs indion

treaty at Dover, 715.
SHATTOoKituis, sacliem of

Brooktiuld, 366.
Shiiltiick, L,, Hist, of Concord,

Mass., 104— lOti, 112.
Shawanese, facts in the h.story

of, 15, 500; wopt. 7011.
Shaw, [Charles,] History of

Boston, 104.
Shaw, J., a juror to try Indians

196.
Skairmul, "ince Boston, whict:

see.
Siieed, Mr., tutor to the chief

Al'Giia.iTaAr, 385.

fl'.

INDEX.

731

SHiincoTT, JoHif, a Tarratint,
305.

Sliuflall, Dr., wounded at h^a-
ea.te 4 ,

Hhulliy, [Icaac,] Gov. of Ken-
tucky, (>3y.

Bhilokta, a Cntk, ion of Chi-
itAiir, :i95.

Bhelton, Gen., wounded, 433.

Bherburn, Capt., Bkiriuiab with
HurEHoob, 335.

Sherwwid, Li'-ut., killed. 496.

8hikclliii(;<i, ftither uf Looar,
513 ; nt Philadtlphia ; a Cay-
uga; his drath, 514.

SHi!<oit, n L<»laii>are chief, vis-
ited by Wa8hii>!(tnn, 531; dis-
appointi him, 539 ; a bounty
offered for his head, 533 ;
■rent warrior of hiH tiiub. U4 ;
brfHends Frederick Post, 535.

Shirley, Gen., warns the ftai
tiers against surprise, 338.

Bholan, sachem of Nashua, 1S9,
9*39.

9H'>«H«<trM, (RtaAMoai Sam.)
159 ; betrayed into the hands
of the English, who hang him,
S67; change of his name to
UsKATUHOi'if, 269; his letter
to hi* enemies, 374 ; other
letters from, 367— 2b9.

'jhrimpton, Samuel, oi Boston,
135,338.

Shurd, Abraham, of Pemaquid,
11%

Sihiy, Mary, confesses witch-
craft, 184.

Sill, I Joseph,] Capt., in Philip's
war, 281.

SiLouE, saves the life of Col.
Bird, 378.

SiLTEa-HEELs, in the war of
1813, 597.

Si HMO, Caft., a Tamtine, chief
speaker at the treaty of 1703,
308, 309.

Simon, JoHif, anecdotes of, 39,
257.

Simpklns, Capt., and the ludl-
ans, 141.

Singletary, Mr, himself and
family murdered, 487.

Si^quisTER, a Creek prophet,
398 ; killed in the battle of
'I'ohnpeka, 40 (.

8i:«ToucHi, his visit to Eng-
land, 370.

Siinix, 15 ; at Boston, 674 ; at
wiir, (174.

Sit/., Peter, taken prisoner by
Bbaut, 582.

Siz .Vrifioas. — See Five A(i(i/>n»,
Iroqufis; mytliolofcy of 709.

S>iE.'<\riDu,an OitnV/a, anecdote
of, 5'i5.

Sketwarroes, carried to Knc-
liind by Cupt. Weymouth, 70;
retiirni) again, 70.

Bkijaousta, head warrior of
Passctchie, 367 ; goes to Eng-
lunil, 3K8 ; makes a speech to
the king, 3(i8 ; death of, 3t;9.

Bkiko, a sachem of Virginia,

:m.

SInlne, Mr. John, a merchant
of Ixindon, 78.

Slaves, Indian, 79, 171,224,988.

9malley,Wm., narrative of, 560.

Sniallniun, Mr., his captivity,
696.

9innll-pnx, its ravages, 111,677.

.Smith, Capt. Jot.n, surveys the
coast of, and names New
Knglnnd, 83 ; brought to no-
tice by Sir W. Salegb, 113 ;

learns tha Indian names of
places in N. England, 377 ;
goes to Virginia. 348 ; his
severity tu the Inuiani' there,
.1481 they take him pritoner,
348 ; show him aboiit the
country, 348; be is delivered
to Powhatan, 348 ; practise
conjurations upon him, 349 ;
Powhatan determines to
have him killed, 350 ; his life
is spared by the entreaty of
Pocahontas, 350 ; ia made
armorer to the chief, 351 ; he
Is at length liberated, 351 ; an
anecdote, 351 ; elected gov-
ernor of Virginia ; Powhat-
an plots his death ; Pucahon-
ta> frustrates thede8ien,354 ;
meets with an accident, and
returns to England ; dies in
Iiondon, 354.

jinilii , Col., in the Florida war,
487.

Smith, James, buys tftguMatt,
384.

Hmith, Kichard, bu/s land" nf
Massasoit, 99 ; at JVurrafon-
tet, 117, 139, 140, 145, 146,330,
331.

Smith, S. S., on the Human
Spccios, 36, 38.

Siriih, T., about the Walking
ji'urclia»e, 529, 531.

Smith, William, of Rehobotb,
3h7.

Smith, Zachary, killed by In-
dians, 363.

Smith, Lt. C, kid. in Flor., 431.

Smyth, Francis, messenger to
PE9SACt;t, 154.

Snelling, Col,, [Josiab,] and
Red-Jacket, o9ti ; takes a
chief prisoner at Tippecanoe,
6S0 ; iu the battle of Magaugo,
621.

Snelling, W. J., on Indian cus-
toms, 588, 667.

Snow, C. H., History of Boston,
104, 109,

SocHoto, a great Ptmat chief,
131.

SocoHONOco, a Mhrrafoiuet
chief, 130 ; difiiculties with
the Enelish, 155, 156, 159. 258.

SoMPoiNTEKN, a IVuiitpaHoag,
199.

SoNcoNEWHEW, a fPdmpanoag,
200.

SoNoaEEHOOD, a Tarratine, 284.

SooNONOoisE, a Sen«ui, puts a
woman to death for witch-
craft, 599 ; tried for murder
by the whites, 599.

Soto, Ferdinand de, ravages
Florida to And gold, and dies
in the country, 3(i(!.

Southack, Cupt., relieves Casco,
294.

Soiithworth, Constant, 199,205,
212, 242, 25,5.

South worth, Lieut. N.,25'>, 3.m

Sparkinan, Mr., tragedy at the
residence ,)f, 47;i.

Spnrki, Fared, note on Half-
Kino, »31, 577.

Sparks, Major, wounded nt
Brnddock's defeat, ):09.

Sparks, Capt., in St. CIair'3
army, 401.

SrECKLED-SNAKE,speech of,450.

Speeches ; Maiiasoit to the
Pilgrims, b8; of Canonicus,
l-.>0 ; Miantunnomoh, 120;
same to Waiandarce, 137 ;

UhcaI to MlAHTUNNOMOH,

130; of NiNinarT, at Boston,
13ti; of MeiaM, 1..9; of Pes-
SACUs and Niniuiet, I4t) ; uf
PcttAct's, I4H ; of Philip
9<I7, 2i9; of Pasiaconawat
378; of Wanalaniet, •J«2
nf Aisimina>i)Ua, 389; of
Madokawandu,29I ; of Kan
kamaous, 997 ; of Capt. Him-
MO, 309; of Capt. Sami'bi.,
309; of John Neptune, 331 ;
of Powhatan, 3.%2 — 3.'>4 ; of
ToMocuMO, 3.'>5 ; of Pocahon-
tas, 357 ; of Opekankano,
369 ; of Sai^tAoi'tTA, 368 ; of
a chief lo Gen. Oglethorpe,
370 ; of ToMocHicHi, 370 ;
of Attakullakulla, 374 ; of
MoNCACHTAPK, 380; of Mad
Doa, 388; of Weatherfokd,
390 ; of Mi'iHALATUBEE, 402 ;
of Pi;sHAMATA,40'i; of Gran-
nuLACOPPAK, 408; of Bia
Warrior, 409; of Osceola,
412; of GRANOIII.A, SHU; nf
AoARio, 505 ; of the five
chiefs to Queen Anne, 510;

of CANAtATEOO,5l5; ofGLIK-
HIKAR, 518; of IlALr-KINO,

518; of Netawatweei, 592;
of Tadeu>kund,532; uf Keo-
JACKET, 594 ; on wilclirraf),
600; to Lafayette, 600; to
G<iv. Penn, 601 ; of Farmer's
Brother, 604; ofCoR.NpLAN-
TER to Washington, l>iiU; of
Teci'Hseh, 617; of Bl/-:k-
thl'nder, 632 ; of Onopa-
TANaA,U3:t;)>f Petale^hahoo,
634 ; of Metea, 635 ; of Kek-
WAOoushKUM, fkl6 ; of Black-
hawk, 641) ; uf Little-hlack,
645; of Neapope, )>55 ; ol^
Decori,65.5; Black-hawk on
his surrender, 657 ; his speech-
es to Jackson, 660; of Wa-
bokieshiek, 663.

SpEEN, Abraham, a Christian
JVipmuk, 265.

SpEEN, James, a Christian JVTp-
muk, 373 ; narrow escape
from Mukaieks, 282.

SpEEN, John, teacher at JVoticA,
dies a drunkard, 180.

Speen, Thomas, a Christian
Aiiticft, 180.

Spilnian, Henry, his life saved
by Pocahuntas, 357.

Spookant, Joseph. — See Wa-

TAPACOSIN.

Spragiie, Charles, Pcem on the
Indians, 2W.

Springfleld attacked by the In-
dians, 316.

Spring, Dr. S., chaplain with
Arnold, 330.

Sqi'ABSEN, a fVampanoaf, 188

SquAMAUo, counsellor to Wah-

PATUK, 108.
Sqi'AMATT, son of AWASHONKS,

251.

Sqnannkonk Swamp, description
of, 216, 2:i7.

SquANDo, sagamore of Snco, his
singular vision, 386 ; his wife
and child insulted, ':86 ; bums
Saco, 287 ; restores a captive,
288 ; a powwow, ^88 ; makes
a treaty at Cochecho, 715.

SqUANTo,a Wumpanooff, carried
to England by Capt. Wey-
mouth, 69, 70 ; errors of au-
thors about him, 71 ; inter-
preter to the Pilgrims, 78 ;
his death, 79 ; the only Indian
wlio escaped the great plague.

732

INDEX.

p.! .'i 1

It-

60; MTef the life nf Cipt
Drrnier, B4 ; McsmpanleM
MAiiAtdiT lu Plymoiitii, 87 ;
■liDWa tlieni liow to take eelM,
87 ; taken |iriK»ner l)y Caun-
■ ITAHT. 93 ; wt ut liberty, 93 ;
acriued uf deception, 109 ;
pilots ilie i'llgriins to Mmua-
ehunrttM, 104 ; Squa»tiim to
nnined from, lOG.

SquAW Sachem, of Mat—cku-
setu, 104; t.ldow of Nana-
rAiHAMET, mnrriei Wkbco
WIT, 105 ; treaty with the
EnKllsb, 106. — Uee Maomoi
and Wectamoo.

BquiDBATKT, hanged for mur-
der, 113.

BtandiHh, Alexander, great age
of, 255.

StanHiah, Capt. Milei, hia diffl-
ciiltiea with the Indiana, 80,
87 ; takes pnrt with Maiia-
•orT nitniiiat other [nuian9,gi,
03; discovers an Indian plot,
96 ; sent againat tliein, 99 j
kills sevenl of them, 99,

Btaflbrd, Capt., massacres Indi-
ana, 345.

Stanley's plantation, attack en,
4!»Q.

Stanton, John, 933.

Stanton, Robert, SX3.

Stanton, Thomas, 135, 139, 149,
153, 102.

Stan wix. Port, .Wi2, 579, filO, 611.

Staples, William R., SHJO.

Stark, John, 33(i ; captivity of,
337.

St. CInir, Sir John, wounded at
Monongahfla, 609.

St. Clair, Gen., 401; his account
of the disaster of his army,
S70 ; some account of, 572,607.

Stcbl.ins, Benjamin, a captive,
982.

Stedman, John, killed at Point
Pleasant, 540.

Sterling, nVcahakim^) 967.

Steuart, Capt., a prisoner, 377,
378.

Stevenson, Mi\)., defeated, 638.

Stevens, Cnpt, Phineua, 337.

SL Francis, origin of the tribe
of, 316 ; destroyed, 318.

St. Gregory, opinion of, respect-
ing a country west of Europe,
22.

Stinson, David, killed, 337.

St. Jnint's's palace, Indians visit
there, 511.

St. Jolina, Fort, taken, 333.

Stiles, Ezra, his edition of the
History of Philip's War, 62,
218.

Stiilman, Major, his defeat, 645.

St. I>eger, Gen., invests Fort
Stanwix, 579.

Stockwell, Quentin, his cap-
tivity, 289.

Stokes, Gen., in the Florida
war, 468.

Stone, Capt, killed by the Pe-
quots, 166, 177.

Stone, Simon, extraordinary es-
cape of, 334.

Stone-eater, (Sanahahoroa,)
620, C38.

Stone-waluJohh, 961 ; his
death, 2ii2.

Stoiighton, Capt., in the Peqiiot
war, 171 i LieuL Gov. Wil-
liam, 332.

Etougliton, {Pttkmitt, Punkapa-
og,) a town of Pramng Iniii-
aiu, Ub, m.

Btnet, 0«p ACB-Miws de-
livered t

Strickland's battle of, 133.

Stroko, (Ki ,} a Stntta

chief, 606.

Stuart, Arabella, ii.iplicaled In
the char^« against Sir Walter
Ralegh, il4.

Stuart, J., his acrount of Wtltk
Indiatu, 52.

Studwn, Robert, of Bcituate,
109.

Btukely. f.r Lewis, receives the
son of Pocahortai to educate
him, 3.'>8, 359 ; his nefarious
conduct to Sir W, Ralegh,
360 ; dies in wretchedness,
3U0,

Sturgeon Creek, depredations
there, 295.

Sturgis, Edward, a Juror to try
Indians, 196.

Stuyvesant, Gov., his troubles
with the English, 149.

Style of commencing the year,
85 ; diflerence between Old
and New Style, 301, 302.

Sudbury, its purchase of the In-
dians, 117 : " sore defeat " of
the English there, 2^.2.

Sugar-loaf-Hill, bloody light
there, 215, SI6.

Suggs, Mr., killed at Camp
King, 421.

Sullivan, Gen., his Indian expe-
dition, 587.

S(;nDAr, Capt., an ^bcnaka
chief, 277,

SurfotiiAUoutiDO, a Tarraiine,
:i36.

SuNK-tqVAW, (QUAIArEN,) 134,
248, 249.

SuNSETo, epitaph on, at Moke-
gan, 149.

SuiEr, a Penobscot, tried for
murder, 320.

Sutton, Benjamin, a captive, 53.

Swan Island purcliased of the
Iniliuns, 985.

Swayne, Lieut., at the AVirra-
ganset fight, 714.

Sweet, Lieut., killed in Har-
mer's defeat, 687.

Swamp Fights ; at Pocassf.1,^11 ;
in M'arruganset, 218 ; near
Taunton Uiver, 224 ; near
Warwick, 249. — See Bottles.

Swanzey, Philip's war begins
there, 907, 208.

Swift, Dean, his notice of Indi-
ans, 510.

Swinton, Dr., on origin of Indi-
ans, 32,

Syll, (Sill,) Capt., in Philip's
war, 973.

Stmok, a notorious Tarratine
depredator, attacks Newbury,
995 ; Sturgeon Creek, i;95 ;
Casco, 296; completely ruins
Casco, and kills many people,
303.

Taeonrt, (Winslow, Me.,) 285;

treaty of, 988, 289.
Tadeuskund, a noted Ddmaart

chief, 524.
Tahatoner, hisson murdered,

181.
Tahatawak, (Nattahatta-

wanti,) 181.
Talcott, Lieut., in the Florida

war, 42:), 471.
Talcott, Mnj. J., cuts ofT Quir-

AfCN, 249.

TalUdtgu, severe tmllle of, 397

Talmage, Lieut., killed at &**•
ntctaily, 47.

Talmon, IVter, complaint of
Philip, 80.

Tame-Kiro, a CrtA chief, 38fl,
387. '

TAMMART.an ancient Drlaware,
519 i a society of whilea tako
his name, 513 ; legends con-
cerning, 513.

Tamoueeiam, (JErPERr,) •
Wampanoag, 949,

Tanner, Nicholas, about tha
Dutch Plot, 143.

Tartamoui, (Old Jethro,)
965, 966.

Ta NToiti'i EioR,n Mokfgan cant,

telEPa MlARTURNOMOH, 128 J

his life attempted, IX'I.

Tartom, a N. England Indian,
assisu Capt. Smith in his sur-
vey of the coast, 72.

TAitUARSiciE, a Wampanoag,
19o.

Tarhe, or the Crarx, a //iir«n
chief, 697.

rarraftiiM, 15 ; dreaded by the
MassachusHU, 81, 104, 106 ;
their ex|ipdiliiin against Agui-
warn discovered and prevent-
ed, 110 ; situation of their
dominions, 977.

Taruukir, a chief of the ^n-
droscoggins,iiSi) ; S|ieech of in
the Taronnet council, 289.

Tashtassuck, ancient chief of
the JfarraganseU, and father
of Caroricus, 117.

TAisAqi'ARRAWiT, a ATurroffon-
set, 159.

Tamul'ke, brother of Natta-

HARADA,985.

Tatamomok sells lands in
Swanzey, 188 j others near
Pokanvkit, 199 ; (Aturia-
momake,) 199.

Tachiciuochi, aCrMit chief, 3691.

Tatosor, a noted Wampanoag
captain under Philip, 944 ;
takes a garrison at Plymouth,
945 ; surrenders to the Eng-
lish, and is beheaded, 94i> ; in-
cidents in his history, 9(i9.

Tattacomhet, 949, 251 ; (Tox-
auora,) 257.

Taunton, attack upon by Kixa
Philip, 223.

Tavosee, one of Philip's coun-
sellors, 203.

Taweraket, a noted Iroquois
chief, 47, 48.

TATLOR,CAPT.,a Cherokee ctAet,
401.

Taylor, Capt, at Fort Recovery,
688.

Tavlor, Major J. S., bis bouse
burnt, 490.

Taylor, Col. Zachnry, fights the
Indiana at Okeechobee, 483;
gen., 487 ; recommend? blood-
hounds, 489 ; a col. in Black-
hawk's war, 656.

Taylor, Rebecca, a captive, 304.

TlAiLAEOEE, son of CoRR-
PLAHTER, 616.

TicuusEH, chief of the Skaira-
nees, exerts himself to drive
back the whites, 395 ; an early
expedition against the whites,
616; a speech to Gov. Harri-
son, 617; continued dithcul-
ties with the whites, 620 : de-
feats a body of troops under
Vanhorn, Wl ; various traits
of character, 622 ; incideuu

J-Lt 1

INDEX.

7;)3

and nnrcdntm of, 603 ; de-
(eatAd al the River Thamea,
and killed, (BO.

IsaTaiNKHuaAaoWiVlsiU Eng-
land, MO.

Telfair, Ouv., and Otn. ti'Oiv-
Lira*T, :I8(>.

Temple, LieuL, In Uie Florida
war, 47 J.

TViuait, ■ettlement of, de-
itruyed, 395.

Tewkalmry, {IVamuU,) a town
of Praymg iHdiant, 179.

TarOMIMHOKERAWEN, (NOR-

TON,) yiHit to EnKlnnd, 037 ;
at the capture n( M'iagara, (iSB.

Tbacher, Anthony, of I'lym-
outh, b*i.

Thacher, Dr. Jamee, of Plym-
outh, 585.

Tbarp, Capt., killed in Ilarmer'a
defeat, m.

THaic, (PcEBi,) killed in
PHiLip't war, 200, 210, 279.

TheopompiiH, siippi'iwd to refer
to America, 19.

Thomas, Capl., caat away In
Florida, 487.

THOMAt, JoH:t, dici above 100
yeara old, 1 1.").

Thoniaa, J., eacapea from Dade'a
masaacre, 418.

Thnmnti, Lt., nt battle of Lake
Monroe, 479, 4«8.

Thomai, of A'asko'ia, 189.

Thomai, of JVemiuktt, 194.

Thomai, a 'J'arr<Ui»e, of M'r^nu-
ift, 984.

Thnmpaon, Col., killed in Flor-
ida, 431, 4i;2, 48.%

Thompson, Gen., Indian agent,
464.

Thompson, J. VV. B., extraordi-
nary eacaiie of, 471.

Thompson, Rev. Mr., of Brain
tree, ehnpliiin in the JVitrra-
ganset war, 147.

Thompson, John, miaaionary to
Cherokeea, 4.54.

Thompson, William, miaaion-
ary to Cherokeea, 4.54.

TboroWRood, T., on origin of
Indiana, 24, 9(i9.

Thornton, Mr., and Tetokik-
hakeraweh, 627.

Threlkeld, Ensign, killed in
Harmer's defeat, 687.

Throgmorton, J., family of,
murdered, 13a

Tift, Joahua, executed as a trai-
tor, 919.

TioER-TAiL, a noted Florida
chief, 489, 494.

Tilden, Joseph, buys land of

Indiana, 109.
Tilly, John, murdered by the
Piquots, 1G9.

Tilton, Lieut, [Jacob,] his des-
perate combat and extraordi-
nary escape from three Tar-
ratintf, 310.

TmroocHiE-BARRDEL, (Bar-
nard,) 398.
Tippuano, battle of, 620.

Tippin, (Tiippan .') Lieut., kills

a chief, 394.
Ti9PA<iUiN, (V'ataspmoin,)

193, 196- 944.
TiaqUANTUM, (Si)Dahto,) 69,

70.
Tituba, accused of witchcraft,

302, 303.
Tobacco-eatkr, a Muteogu,

540.
I^bacco, act against disorderly
drinking of, 86; tbe first

known In England, carried
by Drake's marinera, lU ;
tfptiwtk. 346.
ToBiAa, 194; one of the aup-
posed murderera of Sasia-
MOH, 135, 942.

ToBT, (NAUHNOCOIIWIT,)9t4.

TocRAMocR, a IVamptHoog, 198.
Tottd, Cul., killed al the Blue
Licks, 684.

TOHATOONER, (NaTTAHATTA-

WANTl,) W.

TokopekA, bloody battle there,
391, 4U0.

ToKAMAHtMoN, a Wampanoag,
78; faithful to the Enfliah,
69-— 93; goes against Caunbi-
TANT with t^lnndish, 9:1.

ToKAiioNA, sarlieni of Steonrt,
904 ; goes with PiiiLir tu Ply-
mouth, to conArm a treaty,
904 ; killed by the JVarraguH-
$eU, 9()4.

ToKiNoiH, an Indian preacher,
182.

ToLoNT, a husband of Awa-
•HoNRi, 949, 951.

Ton, Capt., (WaTtasacompo-
NOM,) 181, 277, 334, H97.

Tom, Capt., a mischievous
Tarratine, kills |ieople at
Hamilton, N. II., 307.

Tom JEMMr,(SooNANaisE,)599,

Tomoka, John, token prisoner,
48L

ToMocHicHi, sachem of Yama-
eraie, 369 ; goes to England
with Gen. Ogli-thorp, 370 ; his
speech to the king, 370 ; re-
turns to Carolina ; dies ; mon-
ument to bis metmiry, 371.

ToMocoMO, counsellor to Pow-
hatan, who aenda him to
England as a spy, 354 ; his
attempt to enumerate the
people, 355 ; marries a sister
of Pocahontas, 355.

Tompkins, Capt., in Florida
war 474 476.

Tompkins, 'd. D., Gov. of New
York, 666.

TompsoD, John, of Barnstable,
949.

TooNARowi, goes to England,
369, 370.

ToquELMUT, a Tarratiiu chief,
306.

Torrey, J., boys land of Indi-
ans, 109.

Torrey, William, clerk of Gen-
eral Coun of .Mass., 714.

ToiREOEE, defeats Lt. Powell,
484, 485 ; has a talk with Gen.
Jesup, 486; escap-^, 488, 489.

Toxua, (Moxua,) 291, &c.

ToToroTOMoi, 917 ; chief of
Faminky, and successor of
N.to rowANCE; killed in the
Reelti kechriait war, 36a

ToToi'/N, a spelling of Tato-
10 N. which see.

Tour, Lord de la, 307.

Townsend, [P.,] treats with In-
dians, 305.

Traditions, not to be relied
upon, 129, 130, 156, 365.

Traskb, Joseph, (Baoesion,)
298.

Treaties ; with Massaboit, 86 ;
with nine chiefs, 94 ; with
the MassaehusetU, 104, 105 ;
Mpmuka, 106 ; Mokegans and
Mhrragaiuets, 134 ; M'iantUca
and Mytrrcgansets, 134; with
Pessacds and others, 158, 159;
witb the PtquaU, ICO; with

Niantunnomoh, 169; with
Philip, 901 ; A*a/TiiMiu<t«,
911 1 TamUimfM, <aw ; of Pern-
iiiaf«i<(,993 ; of Ili7(>, at Cockf
tko, 715 ; of 17KI, .UW, [M*} ; of
1717, 390; of I7.T7, .137; of
1749, at Philadp|pliia,5l4 ; of
1754, XVi; with sevrn chiefs
In England, 3li8 ; of Paiiie's
I.«niliiig, 411, 46:1, 464; of
Fort Urernville, 577; of Fort
Ilarni>>r^iiU7,6l3; witli Hlacr-
hawk,)>4:I; of Indian Springs,
:<99 ; of Bclieriiwrliiirn Willi
the Chmkttt, 441, 4-19 ;
Dtlttienrtj and Pennsylvania,
514 ; William Prnn and the
Indians, 517 ; at Portsiiioiilh
with the E. Indians, :VH ,
with .Mvoo at Ronton, 980;
with Mauokawando al V'o-
connri, 288, 28!l ; at Eastun,
Ptt., 325; of .Wiami, 592; of
Moscow, 616 ; of Urlmit, 697 ;
of liriikvn Arrow, :nj2.

Trent, .Major, relieves Captain
Mt>sely 210.

Trewsdale, Col., in Florida
war, 475, 476.

Trigg. Col., killed at the Blu«
Licks, 084.

Tmtt, Kev. Mr., proceeding!
against, 455.

Troiip, Gov. G. M., his opprea-
sive conduct luwarils the CA«-
rokttt, 393, 394, 444, 446, 465-

Triieman, .Major, and others,
miirili-red, 5.')9.

Tnimbiill, U., his Indian Wara,
129, 130.

T*ckabaUktt,aS» ; Tuekabatck*.
391.

Tuckerman, Mr. E., on Indian
namea, 115.

TucRPoo, (VVati;ckpoo,) 199,
245.

Tt;K 'wiLUH, a preacher, 114,
25.

TuM aooktoo, a Tarratine,
98 .

Turner, Capt. Nathaniel, sent
against the PtquoU with Bn-
dicolt, 116, Ui8.

Turner, Ephraim, of Boston,
135.

Turner,Capt., [William,] killed
in a desperate fight at the
falls above Drirneid, 359.
[He had a grandson (William
Turner) living iu Swanzey in
1736.]

Turner, Humphrey, buys lands
of Indians, 109.

TVaearoro-t, 16 ; join the In-
THOU, 500.

Tdsodooen, (TiiPAQuiN,) 943.

Tdsrihajo, a SemtHole chief,
405.

Twentt Canoes, a Seatca chief,
t.06.

Twiggs, Cd., 429: exploit in
Florida, 487, 490, 491, 649.

T\iigktu)ies, 16 ; at war with
the Iroquois, .102.

Two Guns, a Sentca chief, 606.

TrASHq, one of Philip's cap-
tains, 247.

Ubry, Capt., killed in Van-
horn's defeat, 621.
Uektu, their country. 9, 16
Uuhee Billt, wounded, 431
killed, 48L

734

INDEX.

UliH*tNV«,(WooittlHUH,) QOO.

Vmuamf, «■ Indian ninw of
Plyniuiith, mi.

UarTAKMosa, • Watmanoag,
900.

UiiuAi, Ntchem of th« Moke
gaiu I llii cuniluct tu tlio A'ar-
rugmnseU, 133 ; the Knullah
favor him, lan ; hii war witli
HaqUAiaon, I'JS ; wiir with
MiAHTUNaoiiaH, VXJ ; lie-
iieiied In hi* fort, 130 ; an
MUimpI to kill him, 13^ ; com-
plain* of witchcraft, 135 ;
coinmil* depredation* npim
Ni NioaRT, 138, 139 ; the KnK-
liaii blind to hit vlllaniei, 141,
149 ; miirderi eight of liia
neiKhbon, 147 ; outlived hla
eniMiiiei ; hi* artillcr* in the
Pequot war, ISO ; his wrvlcex
to the English, l.U ; wounded,
1S9; plot* against Miantuk-
RuMoH, 1S9 ; war with Pei-
iAL'ut ; nsaisted by the Knx-
linh, 154 j attack* a AVirra-
rantet sachem, ISO ; the Eng-
lish aflect to try him, lU) ;
thi-y pronounce him guilty of
a<'devili*h falaehood," 160;
forcibly take* another'* wife,
ItK) i another similar outrage,
161 ; makes war on Ousamk-
iiuiif, 169; English send n
force against him, 164 ; inci-
dents, 169 ; a sorry Christian,
149 ; with the English in
PHiLir's war, 919; protettto
against the introduction of
Christianity oroong his people,

UncATAquisiET, lince Milton,
Mass . 116.

Underhiii, Capt. John, nssists
the Dutch ngninst the Indi-
ans, 139 ; in tlie Pequot war,
168-170.

UNDEawooD, a Ckickaiaw chief,
killed, 687, 688.

Unaoiiroin, (Akkompoir,) un-
cle to Philip, 99 ; his chief
counsellor, 7a; claims lands
in Hwnnzey, 80 ; executes a
treaty at Plymouth, 81 ; called
Wookkaponehunt, 83; and
WoHKOBirAHEniTT,84; killed
near the close of Philip's war,
99,994.

llpham, T. C, his Poem on
Lovewell's Fight, 313, 400.

UrrARiPPA<iUEM,aJV1i;miuft,968.

Oppotcoc, Indian name of to-
bacco, 346.

Upsawa, an Menaki, 998.

Upt'grove, Mr., and wife killed
in Florida, 474.

Uring, Capt., his voyage to N.
England, 35.

UsKDTDHOUn, (Shosharim,)
969.

UiaAUBItUlIf, (OwsAHEIlUIN,)

81.

UTTAMATOMAKIIf, (TOWOCOHO,)

354.
Uttioowceit, a Ifampanoag

warrior, 945.
Uxbridge, (Ifaeuntug,) Praying

Indian settlement, 179.

Van nuren, Martin, 443, 467.
Vane, Gov., Sir Henry, 168, 171.
Varr, Datid, a Cheiokee sena-
tor, 455.

Vanne*, Lt., woondad at Pi.

Plenaanl, 540,
Vniihorn, Major, defeated by

Tei UMIIH, 69l.

Vnniiwi'nringFn,Cap(., killed In

FIciridn, 483.
Vaiirireuil, Onv,, expedition

again*t N. England, 394.
Veni'ga*, Fnlher, on (leopling

Ainrrica, 93.
V«rn/.zini, Capt., hi* voyage

nnd deatli, 68.
Verchcrpi, ('apt., killed at lla-

vrrhdl, 394.
Vetch, Col., in the French war,

5il.
Vinll, John, complains against

\Ue ^arragaittrU, 148.
Vini'eiit, (icn., in the war of

IHI-J, 698.
Viiiei), K., an early lettler in

N. England, 81.
Vinton, Mr., s|iecch on the In-
dian Bill, 467.
Virginia, {n'ingandacoa,) flrat

•i'llleincnt of, 354 — :ii)4.
Vixon, Robert, a juror to try

Indian*, 196.
Volney, C. F., his travid* -tmong

the Indians, 573, 574.
Voltaire, M. de, on Indians, 31,

98, 517, 588.

Wabar, a well-known Pramg
Mpmuk I his marriage, 113
called, in 1646, " a new sa
chem," 117 ; his first reception
of Eliot, 176; hia residence
and age, 178 ; settles at Na-
tick ; it* chief governor or
civil offlcer, 179; B))ccimen of
a writ issued by him, 180 ;
time of hi* death uncertain,
180 ; gives notice of the hos-
tile designs of Philip, 195;
Saoamohe Sam'i letter to, 968.

Wabinga, (Hiver Indiana,) 981,
510.

Wabokibihiex, a Winnebago,
641—659.

Waeaaa Stcamp, fight there, 464,

Waekuaet, {Princeton,) 104, 110,
999, 974.

Wadsworth, Capt., defeat and
death of, 239, 993, 973, 698.

Wadsworth, John, of Plymouth,
19&

WAOcaoKE, {Philip,) a fTam-

Wmnoag, 188, 909, 968.
nggoner, J., escape of from

Tecumseh, 616.
Wahoumacut, his visit to Bos-
ton, 113, 179.
Wahoo Svamp, bloody battles

there, 484.
Wahowah, (Hopehood,) 114,

313.
Waiardarib, n Long Island

chief, 197, 138.
Waite, Serg. Richard, 139, 148,

968.
Waire, Col., in the Florida war,

476.
Wakely, T., himself and fomily

cut ofiT, 987.
Wakely, Isaac, killed at Caaeo,

303.
Wakely, Daniel, killed at Caseo,

700.
Walcot, called a "ruler" of

Kino Philip, 195.
WoldroD, Major R., 192, 381 ;

miirdenid. 009 ; Ms trraly

with the Indians, TIA.
Walker, Majok, a Chtrokrl

chief, 401.
Wnlkcr, Jns., of Plymouth, 9(M.
Walker, Herg., killed at tlie

flght in Ue, N. II., 335.
Walker, Cap!., In the Florida

war, 473-477.
Walking purchase, in Pennayl-

vania, 599.

WALa-IR-THB-WATEB, 699, 696,
697.

Wallace, Wm., his family mur-
dered, 519.

Waller, the iMH-t, extract from,
:M4.

Wallis, goodman, killed at Cat-
CO, 700.

Walpole, brave defence of, 3:'9.

Walton, ('ol., hi* eastern exiie-
dition, 304,

WALtrMRB, (WoaoMBo,) 991,
997, :iOO, .106.

WAMnERqijASKR, a Peipiot, 173.

ffammit, Indians cruelly burnt
there, 181.

Wampanoagi, country of, 16, 69.

Wampapaquah, executed for
murder, IU6.

Wampatuce, snchemof A)iia<u-
.MiiMtl, sells Bonton and coun-
try adjacent, 101), -JOl ; his son
sells Brainlree, 108 ; some of
his tribe killed by Urcai,
144 ; goe* against the Mo-
kavka, and Is killed, 109.

Wampet, G., 109; "a sage In-
dian," 196.

Wampum, how valued, I35,9.'>0;
how manufactured, 999 ;
" neither Jew nor Devil can
counterfeit," 999; significa-
tion of the word. 939.

Wamiutta, (Alexardeb,)
which see.

Waraduoi'rbuert, a Tarra-
line, 308.

Warahataramet, of Amiii-
ntk, (R. I.,) 194.

Wahnalarcet, sachem ofMer-
rimaek, 181 ; made prisoner by
the English, 979 ; friend of
them, 279 ; governor of Mass.
writes a letter to, 980 ; re-
stores English captives, 981 ;
Mosely sent into his country
and commits depredations,
381 ; imprisoned for debt, 989;
■achem of Pennakook, 998 ;
makes a treaty at Dover, 715.

WARRo,a ffampanoag, 194, 196,
199, 944.

Waruho, a Mohegan sachem,
149.

Warurooret, a noted T'orra-
tine, 994.

Waparsxth, a PottomMomii,
649.

Wapella, a Savk chief, at Bos-
ton, 674.

Ward, Capt, in battle of San
Felasco, 474.

Ward, Cupt. James, killed at
Pt. Pleasant, 540.

Ward, N., his Simple Cobler of
Agawam, 95.

Warham, John, first of the nnine
in N. England, 327.

War, the first proclaimed by the
English in N. England, 99;
land the chief cause of, with
Indians, 590 ; ail wars barba-
rous, 590.

Warner, Capt John, in Florida
war, 493.

i''

INDEX.

736

Wiirrrn, C<>l., In the FInridn
wnr, 4lli-4J(», 471, 474.

WAiiiiuiiavNT,al'tMt< ac chief,
■Mti.

Watwitk,{jln»iitiig, Skaamtl,)
troiihli'f ut, m, m

W*ucaiHtutHH, kid., 073, n74.

WuKhiiKtiin, Orii., BiiHcUiile nf
■ nicilal nf, 4:i ; Iiidlnni viilt
hltn lit (.'ainliridKi', :>40 ; at
New York, liM) ) lilit einbiKiiy
to the Krench on the Uliio,
ft)l— .VKI; takei meamire* for
deTence nuainiit the weatern
Irilieit, .ViU, ri<>9 i hii wrviceH
under llrnddock, 608, OOU ,
bin aniiwer* to CuRNrLAffTCK,
Oil ) hia kIndneM lowarda
him, GU ; monument. U64.

WAiiAMBoMiT, a noted Tarra-
tinr, 3115.

WAtiAriNKWAT, brother of Oa-
takiiit, 90.

Waimihct, a Tarratiiit chief,
985.

VVATArAcoton, a Xipmuk war-
rior, 9i>5.

•Vatapatahui, a WamfutuMg,
198.

Watombamkt, a TarriUitu, 306,

WatHon, C'npl., defeated at Bry-
aiit'ii Ferry, -ISW.

WatHon, Jonoi Indian meaaen-
Rcr, 9(J5

WatKon, M^Jor, in battle of
Orukana. 581, 58^.

(Vutaon, .Major, in the Florida
war, 474.

Wattanumor, a Tarralini, 308,
309.

WATTAiAcoMroNoii, cxecuted,
181,277,713,714.

Watts, John, a Crtek warrior,
386.

Watuepoo, n ^am^anoa^iCoun-
aellur to Philip, 199 ; taken
prJHuner, 345.

Watlupkhuim, (Thp«<juii«,) a
grent H'(iinuanaa|rca|ituln,and
aachein ol Aatataomatt, 193 ;
becomes aurety for other In
dinns, 196 ; aefls landa Jointly
with Philip, QUO) other aalex,
943 ; his depredntions in
Philip's war, 343; biirnrf part
of Bridgewater and Plyni
outh, 343 ; aurrendera to the
English, and they execute
him, !M4.

Wauohwamiro, a Jfarraganstt,
159.

Wawaloam, wife of MiANTDif-

HOMOH, 135.

Wawnahtok, a Yanklon chief,
031.

Wayles, Robert, killed at Sud
bury, 714.

Wuymuuth, Capt., voyage to
N. England, 69, 70, 697.

Wayne, Uen., hia Indian names,
573 i his western expedition,
576 ; a hnrd flght with the
aouthern Indians, 407.

Weathekford, a great Oreik
chief, 388 ; takes Fort Mimms,
389 ; surrenders himself to
Gen. Jackson, 389 ; mokes a
masterly speech to him, 390.

WsnATAMUK, (Wkpitxahok,)
148, 159, 166.

Wibcowit, a J^f^pnuk powwow,
106.

Webb, Capt., on the Florida
station, 439.

Webb, Wm., about the Walking
PuTokate, 514.

Wehnler, linn. Daniel, on Flor-
ida war, 436, 437, 4:H).

WacuPAUHiH, a Wantfantag,
lUH.

Weedinan, Mr., killed near 8t.
Auguntine, 490,

WlBTAMOO, wife ol Albian-
nca, 187 ; complains against
her husband. 188 ; Join* Phil-
ip, 189; wife of UuiNNAPiN,
18U, 190; drnwnrd in Taun-
ton River, 190 ; Mrs. Row-
landnon'a account of, 940.

Wbhanownowit, aacliem of
Suanueot, 984.

Weiser, Ciinrad, interpreter,
514, 515, 679.

Welborne, Mr., meBsenger to
JVarraganurt , 157.

Welford, Mnjiir, at battle of
OuithluoiKlu, 493.

Welike, Florida, battle there,
471.

Wells, Capt., masaacred at Fort
Dearborn, U:i().

Wells, Mr., killed at Cherry
Valley, 686.

Wells, (Wtbhmntt,) attacked,
391.

WeUk Indians, 59, 64, 994, 697.

WcnAMOTET, an ^ienaki, 393,
333.

Wbwew, a JfarragansH war-
rior, 311.

Wbuwchim, a A*arraj'aiw«(, 911.

Wbpiteamuk, his stin and ;>0
others killed, 144 ; (Wbbata-
MUK,) 148, 159, 160.

WaqUASH, 131, 138, 159, 100,
166, 169.

Weakakom Pond, many Indians
killed there, 976 ; Sterling,
907.

Westbrook, Col., his expedition,
311.

Westerly, R. I., (fVekoftug,)

WeKtern antiquities, 55—64.

West, Francis, complains of
Philip, 910.

West, John, a Cherokee, 115.

Weston, Capt. 7'hamai, 79, 97.

West, Sir B., his •' Penn's
Treaty," 517.

Wethersfleld, (Pygvag,) massa-
cre there, 143, 169.

WEWAiOWANUET,(PHILIP,) 900,

9^9.
Weymouth, Edward, 'i house

burnt, 395.
Whedan, Lt., kid. in Flor., 4Kl.
VVheelbarbow, a Seneca chief,

606.
Wlieeler, Capt., badly wounded,

913.
Wheeler, J. F., Ckerokee printer,

454.
Wlieelock, Dr. E., Indian labors

of, 183.
Wheelock, Lieut., dies in Flor-
ida, 471.
Wheelwright, Rev. J., his In-
dian deed, 384.
Wheelwright's Pond, battle of,

3:15.
Whitaker, Mr., wounded in

Florida, 489.
Whitaker, a miscreant, with

the Indians, 5Ud.
Whitchenst, Lt., in the Florida

war, 481.
WHiTE-XTEi, a noted Delauare

chief, 5.23, 533 ; (Ko^ueth-

aoaeelon,) 556, 716.
Wliite, Gen., destroys the ^d-

Uieet, 307.

Whitehall, (Eng.,) Indian treaty

Whi'te Hills, description or,3l.^
White Lion, a llumn chief,

6311.
White Loon, a fVinntiara, 638.
White, Mr., on the Florida war,

437, 498.
While, Mr., hia family attacked,

488.
White, Nathaniel, ■ captive,

3M.
While, Peregrine, the flrat white

child horn In N. l.hgland,3a.').
White Thundeb, un Iroauou

cliinf, .VU.
Whitley, Lieut., in the Florida

war, 471.
Whitman, Vallentine, interpret-
er. 139.
(fickabaug Ponds,ambush there,

Wickford, ( Cocuswcbmiic,)

troubles at, 330.
Wighliiian, Dr., at the battle of

OuilA;»(iiN;*«, 433.
Willierforce, W., asslsta in

tninalating Indian language,

627.
Wilcox, Daniel, Interpreter, 95.%
WiLDBOw, 8am, a AiirravaajKt,

9t)l.
Wildcat, (Coacoochee,) 479,

493; attack :)n some players,

4>J:| ; b(dd exploit of, 494, 495.
Willard, J., his History of Laii-

coNter, 966,
Willard, Major, 119; sent

against Uncas, 983 ; relieves

Urookfleld, 313 ; his house

burned, 931.
Willet, Capt. Thomas, 190, 19j,

199.
Willet, Col. Marrinus, 386, 579,

581,587.
Williamson, Col., expedition of,

519, 531, 5i».
Williamson, Hugh, on origin of

the Indians, 33.
Williamson, Peter, his Narra

live, 678.
Williams, Col. E., killed at L

George, 535.
Williams, John, Narrative of

his captivity, 395.
Williams, J, L, his account of

Florida, 465.
Williams, Mi^or, killed in Flor-
ida, 479.
Williams, Roger, 81 ; kind to

Indians, 91 ; his account of

the ^arraganseU, 1 19 ; not

allowed to visit Boston, 135 ;

interpreter 157.
Willis, Comfort, of Bridgew.vter,

393, 393.
Wilson, Capt. Samuel, killed at

Point Pleasant, 540.
WiNcuMBoNE, wife of MONO-

noTTo, saves the lives of two

captive girls, 173 ; of an Eng-
lishman, an enemy, 174.
Winche8ter,^Gen., his defeat,

635.
Winder, Capt., his exploit, 484.
Winder, Gen., taken prisoner,

6J8.
WitTGENiM, a Delaaart chief,

563,564.
WiNoiNA, an early Vi/ginia

chief, 344, 345.
fVinnebagoes, country of, 16, 637,

639.

WiNNEMAK, opposes TecUM-

SEH, 618 ; fought alTippecanoa,
639 ; killed by Loqan, 629.

736

WiwwiFomiTT, ion of Nawa'
PAiKiMiT, 105 ; bis marriage,
111; anecdote of, 37d.

fVinnmiiiogee. {M^puipitpte,) 334.

Winsfow, Edward, Ki, 88, 89,
92,95.

Winslow, Mqjor, 191, 199 ;
cominnnda in the yafaganaet
light, 319 ; wounded, 255.

VVin«low, Nathaniel, of Plym-
outh, 196.

Winsluw'i Rock, Long Reach,
284. . B .

VVinatanly, W., bis Worttaies

of England, 113, 437.
Winthrop, Gov. John, 91, 107,

126.
Winthrop, Gov. J., Jr., 110, 141,

160, 161, 179, 206.
Wirt, William, 439 j bis death,

440.
Wisfoii, (WooirAiDCK,) 210.

WlSSEHEMET, (NlTAHCMET,)
305 312.

iViswalt, Capt., killed iu Lee,
N. H., 335.

Withers, A. S., his Chronicles,
539,540,541,545,565.

WiTTAWAfH, a Miuraganset,
134, 159.

WiTTDWAHXT, a Wampanoug
chief, 96; surprised and bar-
barously slain, 100.

Woburn, murders there, S63,
714.

WoHWA, (HoriROOD,) which
see.

Wolcott, Oliver, Indian com-
missioner, 607.

Wolcott, R., his Poem on Indi-
ans, 165, 171, 173.

WoLr-KiNo, a Critk chief, 363.

Wolf, a Mohegan, 380 ; a Shav-
anM, 546.

WonoHAQDAHAM, (Sao. JoBit,)
son of NARArAiHAMET, 104 ;
aids CANonicus in war, 106 ;
his house burnt. 111.

Woodcock, a fVampanoag, 245.

Wood, Heniy, of Hiddleboro',
242.

Wood, Joseph, of Pennsylvania,

INDEX.

Wood, W., his New England's

Prophet, 23, 112, 290, !»1.
WooDWABo, T., a Cheroku, im-

W|>risoned, 455.
oodstock, (.Mamtzit, Qiion-
tiuet, fTabputiet,) 179.
Woody, R., complains of Pbs-

•Acus, 147.
Wooif ASHE NAM, a Wampanaag,

WooftAiHCV, (NiMBOD,) 199 ;
(MuifAiHUM,) 200; makes a
treaty at Plymouthj^l ; coun-
sellor to Philip, 203 ; makes
another treaty, 204 ; killed in
the fight on Rebobotb Plain,
212.

WooiPASUcs, a counsellor to
Philip, 203.

WooTonBKAMuaia, wife of
Philip, 194 ; discovery of the
name, 197 ; sister to toe wife
of auinifAPiN, 239; (Tata-
MUMAquB,) 199.

WoquACAiinoiE, a M'arraganaet,
145.

Worcester, Mr. B. A., impris-
oned, 454, 457.

Worley, LieuL, killed in Har-
mer's defeat, 687.

Wormwood, Lieut., killed, 582.

WoHOHBO, s Tarratine, 291 ; his
residence, 397; his furt taken,
300 ; treaty with, 306.

Wortbington, E,, History of
Dedham, 108, 198.

WoTOKOM, a counsellor to Fhii/-
ir,303.

Wrentham, (Jfottomenopoag,)
purchase of, 198.
right, Capt., W., messenger
to CANoificui, 148.

WuTTACK«viAKOMiir, B Pequot,
166.

Wtejah, a Cherofiee. 375.

Wyer, E., wrecked in Florida,
488.

Wyffin, R., his life saved by

PoCAHORTAa, 356.

Wyllya, Major, killed in Har-

mer's defeat, 686.
Wyinan, Seth, kills PavousjSIS.
fryoming, desUuction of, 271.

pur

Wrigl

Xatisb, FRAifoit. an JibenM
chief, 333.

Yahaitlakbe, a Creek chief,

525.
Yaholoochie, (Little Cloud,)

417, 479.

YAHTAHTUITAItAGB, (GbBAT-
MORTAB,) 364.

Yamacraw, settlement there,
369.

Yatiuuees, country of, 16; the
last of the race, 478.

Yamoyden, a Tale of the Wars
of Kino Philip, 170, 190.

Yankee, origin of the name,
39.

Yaioos, country of, 16 ; de-
stroyed, 365.

Yeardly, Sir George, Gov. of
Virginia, 360.

Yeates, J., on the Walking Pur-
eJuue,SS9.

Yeoman, Lieut., wounded, 423.

York, Me., (^gamentaau,) de-
stroyed, 390, 393.

YoTASH, (YoTHEiH, fcc.) See
Otash.

YoDnOEIT-Or-THE-THURDERi,

639.
Young, Dr., bis Revenge, 238.
YoiTNG-xiifo, a Seneca chief,

606.
Younglove, Dr., his captivity,

679.

Zeigler, Serg., his Florida fight,
493.

Zeisberger, David, missionary,
519,555.

Zinzendorf, Count, a mission-
ary to the Dalawares, 514.

I. an AbenM

X Cre$k chief,
jiTTLi Cloud,)

LOI, (G««AT-

jement there,

[ry of, 16; the
B, 478.

lie of the War*
IP, 170, 190.
of the name,

r of, 16; de-

eorge, Gov. of

le tValking Pur-

, wounded, 493.

'ameniaeus,) de-

292.

EiH, kc.) See

KE-THUnDEBI,

Bevenge, 238.
n Smua chief,

., bis captivity,

hia Florida fight,

,vid, missionary,

Dunt, a mission-
ilawares, 514.