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These are tics which, though light as air, are as strong as iron-' Edmund BuHKE (1775). ' Much of the power and influence of this country depend upon its having large Colonial possessions in different parts of the world.' Eari. Grey (Col. PoL, 1852). 'The defence of Canada is a question which affects the position and character, the honour, the interests, and the duties of this great country.' Viscount Palmkuston (1805). 'The profits to Great Eritain from the trade of the Colonics canned you triumphantly through the last war. The estates that were at two thousand pounds a-year are now at three thousand. This is the price America pays you for her protection.' Eakl Chatham (176G). ' Our own possessions are by far our best customers.' Mb. Laino (180-1), late Finance Minister of India. H B 1 1 i \\ BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES. nv J. BEATIFOliT ItURLT^.TTUT, M.A., LL.D. MKMnEll n|.^ THK CONVnCATION- Or TIIK I'XIVi: H.-TrV Of TOlioNTO ; roll SOMK TIMIC I'liOFESHOn OP fillKKK AM) I.AIIN IN' THK rXlVKIiSllV OF VlCI'OlilA COIJ.KOIv, <'llll(l[-|!fi ; CAXADIAN (,'OM.MISS[o\i:it AND .Ullol! AT TIIR ISTKllXA-l'IONAI, KxiriniTrov, t.onmon, ]W-J. LONDON: EDWARD STANFORD, 0, CIIARINCt CROSS. 18(55. 7//P )-i(i/if of triinslnlion in ram-rfil. pniNTKD nv Ri'OTTiswoonE ^Nn co. NRW-STUKBT RQUAllR PllEFACE. Questions of colonial policy and of colonial empire have recently occupied tlie attention of public men in England more than at any previous time. This has been shown by discussions in Parliament and in the press, and by the Eeports of Committees of the House of Commons. Some of the topics bronght most prominently into view have been the cost, defence, and advantages or disadvantages of colonies, the commercial policy of the chief dependencies of the Empire, as at variance with that of England, the relations which those great Commonwealths now sustain towards this country and towards each other, and what changes, if any, should be effected in such relations. The interest so generally shown in questions of such importance to th(3 various members of the Em])ire has suggested this treatise. A biief sketch is given of the chief colonial Em- pires of ancient and modern times with reference to the civil and commercial policy of the parent States, VI I'UKFACIi. as far as tlicy tlirow liglit upon the colonial policy of Great Britain. Orif,'inal sources of information in the debates in Parliament, lleports of Connnittees, and official docu- ments in public odices and in the British Museum, have invariably been resorted to where necessary ; yet the author has not been unmindful of the current o})inions of tiie day in well-informed circles, both connnercial and political, on the many controverted (jucstions, Imj)erial and colonial, here referred to. The writer has tried to compress into as small a compass as possible the great number and variety of facts coimected with colonial history in ancient and modern times, wliich he has found it necessary to introduce ; but for the purpose of illustrating other points, he has sometimes preferred to repeat a reference rather than to nuiltiply quotations. The question between England and her colonies ought not to be one of separation but of sounder relations, as alike the hiterest of both, and the in- terest of good government throughout the world. In conclusion the author has the pleasing duty of teiiderhig his thanks to those gentlemen, in and out of the [)ublic olfices, who have so politely aided him m liis r esearc hes. l.t'NlH'N ISli.l. •y of cs in \ocxi- 5cum, isary ; irrcnt , both verted . to. mall a iety of !ut and sary to ir other >pcat a colonies sounder the in- tvorld. r duty of L and out ided hiiu CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. GOVEllNMENT OP THE FIRST ENGLISH COLONIES. First pormanont Englisli settlement in America, Virginia — The two centres of American colonization, Virginia and New England, tlilFering in llieir origin and their development — First representative body in America : its composition — A written constitution the model lor others — T!ic governor : how ap- pointed — General assembly, courts of justice, corporation dissolved (1G24) — First settlers in New England : the origin and character of their government — Plymouth Colony : their charter, its loss — New charter by James I. (1G20) — 'H mnd- ariea of New England — Charter i'rom Charles I. (1<-1"'>) — Massachusetts: its government, how elected — Court for the tnmsaction of business — Four general assemblies — No refer- ence to religious (questions — First church — Oath of supremacy — Charter removed to New England ( 1 G2i) ) — Growth of colony — Struggle between the Crown and colony — Loss of charter (1(!)S4) — Pure democracy — Iteprcsentativc government not provided for in charter — One house only, then two — From 1081 to U!91 without a charter — One granted by William and Mary (IG'Jl) to Massachusetts — Bay: extent, natiu'c of, en- larged powers : less democi'atic — Blackstonc's division of Vlll CON Ti: NTS. colonica — Provinciiil, i>ro|triotary, ami cliartor governments — Dilinititin — Statew which had them — Omiiipoteiico of j)arlia- mciit, and mimieipal eharacter of colonial governmcntH — Dilll'vonce in governments ol" MaHHauhusetta, Connecticut, and lihode Island 1— U CIIAI'TKII II. AMUltlCAN CONFEDEUATIONS TltOM 1043-1790. First conll'deration oI'Ncav Kngland (101.'}) — Olijecf, nature, and eH'ect of — Assumed llie limctions of an independent govern- ment — Treaty with Trance (1(111) — Proposed one with th(( Cuvcrnor of Canada (KMjS) — Population (KKlO) and (1700) — Oencral Congress in New York of ten States (ITJ!;")) — De- claration of rights — This first general government springs directly from the people, and uot from the government of Stalls — Lasted till 17)^1 — Succeeded hy the confederated gdvernnunt — Continental congress — vSccond congress from all th(! States in I77."i — Delegates: how chosen — Troops to he raised — Mtniey — (ieiieral government — Nature of the confc- deratiim — Dr. Prauklin's articles (177;')). ratified, .idopted ( 17fSG), nature of, defects ..... 12 — 17 CUAl'TKU III. COLONIAL (iOVEIlNMKNTS, ANCIENT AND MODEllN. Nature of first charters and character of colonists — Purliamcnt no control o|! — Virtually independent — K.stalilished representa- tive governments — Repealed common and statute laws — IJepiuliateil Acts o Pariiainent jjassed expressly to i)ind them — Authority of King Charles's cununissioners disputed — Charters not surrendered — Altemj)! to tran.s])liint Church and State - Khode Island and Connecticut : nature of their govern- ments — Self-made, well-governed eniMmunities — Contrast with CONTENTS. IX European — runctioiis of State and central govcrnnioiit — Part* (Iciuooracy — (Jrowing into representative ,u:uverinnent — Is there Hullieieiit power in central goverinnent .' — SeU'-j^overninent in Kurope a liiilure — State governments in America — (Jreek and Tyrian colonies in Asia, Africa, and Kurupo — Their nature — Carthage : its colonies — Commercial monopoly — Good govern- ment — Problem of colonial government— Should be left free, not trained Ibr freedom — Ivonian colonies — Military jiosts — (iovernors — Origin of Knglish and Grecian colonies — Character of colonization by military nations of modern Kurope in con- trast with early Mediterranean — Portugal and Spain — Division of the world by Pope Alexander Vl. — liise and iall ol' Portu- guese j)0wer — Of Spaiii-h — Of Dutch republic — Tiie French — First representative government in America — ^laryland, lirhl province of the empire: its hiws not subject to control of the Crown — Two houses — Titles of dignity — Disputes with down — Loss of cliarters — Rights claimed by Parliament — Charters granted to colonies by rel'ornied Parliament, under William and ^lary, le.-^s liberal — Extraordinary powers of governors — Kiglit of taxation claimed by Parlian.ent (1751) — Xavigatioii Acts, Uifjl and 17ti''5 — I'owers of — Colonists be- fore ITCi-'J and after — Cause oi" change of feelings — Dr. Frank- lin's testimony in 17(!(j — Growth of the States and their relu- lioiis to England ...... 18 — 35 CUAPTEli IV. INTllODUOTION Ob' I'AKLIAMKNTAUY OU HKSPOiNSIULE (iOVEltNMKNJX liritisli provinces in North AnuTiea : their settlement, accjuisi- tion, government, Sec. — Kesponsible goverinnent in Canada, .struggle for — Ednunul l)iirke — English statesmen: their jiolicy — Lord John IJubsiU's despatch (lrs;5i>) on responsible government — Adderley's connnenls on — Style of argument in X t'OMKNTS. KuHHi'irH ilcHjiiitcli — ItifiTl'iTiiiicu witli iiitiTiiiil policy of colo- nii'H inconsiHtoiit with (IcHpaUh of Lord (ilciielg (1^31)) — DiHiiIlowancc of colonial Acts — I'ariiaiiient would not logislato i'uv oolonicM, nor allow colonics to IcgiMlatc lor tlicniHclvoH — New llriinswick — llounlicx — Dilll ivntial diiticH — Canadian tariir — Tonncnting policy — IJosponsihlo govornmciit conceded to Canada (lMl(!) — To niaritinio provineos Ironi lhl7-r»2 — To Australia in IH5(! — Siniplo yet powcrl'ul ronicc'y lor colo- nial discontcntH : its enbct .... 3C — 40 CJlAl'TKIt V. C'ONKEDEltATlON OK IIIUTI.SH NOUTir AMlilllCA. Conlcdcration of North American provinces (IHfil) — Meetings at Charlottetown and tjuebec — Articles of confederation — Consti- tution of United States dejiarted fiir from Kn^dish model — liritish America returns to it — Difl'erence 1)etween the two — Based on dillereiit princi]il(;s — I'ower in central arm— Ap- pointment of ollieers — Kxecutivo oflieers of the two govern- ments — Errors of American repultlics — Evidences of compro- misca in artich's of British American confederation — Central and local govorinnent — Local mostly municii)al — Triple govcrnnionts — Divided allegiance — Interests ; local, federal, and imperial — Legislative council — Objections to its appointment — Its imperfietions — Power of Crown to disallow — Composi- tion of both houses — Lower Canada the pivot . 47 — 55 CHAPTEU VL rohiCY OK Tin; motheu cocntuy. licssons taught in colonial history — Blunder in government of old colonies : its elleet — No rigid rule in colonial government — Each colony must be treated on its own merits — Difl'er widely — Their pojiulation, Anglo-.Saxon or mixed, dangers i fONTKNTS. Xl colo- G— 40 to ••acli — Kii^^laml rt'«|H)nsil)l(,' liir liirciirn irlutioriM ot'coluriii's —No IlritiHli colony coiKiui'nul — Have doiid tlu'irtliity — Noni; involved Knjflauil in war — \U\y cliitlly on lIicniMclvi'H — Will Kiif^land go to war on any colonial ((ucstion / — Kcars licr coni- nioreo and cost i)!' war more than loss ol' colonics — Does America threaten Kngland becan-ic Canada is Knglish .'— Contluct ol" America towards ICngland and Knuice — Of (Jermany towards same — Character of colonial popnlations: skilful rillemeii, liorso- nien — Uidiku the great nuiss of Eiiropeans . . r)G — (•() 1 ClIAl'TKIi VII. COM.MKUriAL I'OLU'V. Navigation Acts of |(I,')I and ITU.'!: origin ol^ — IJigoronsly en- forced — l''lli'i'l Ivight to tax colonies : discussions of, in I'ar- lianunt : Clialhani : (Ircnville: Manslield — Of nine nnllions of Knglishmen (in 17te(l in colonies — Foreign pro- duce pays ,t'2l,<)llO,(X)U at l>rilish ports before it can be Xll CONTKNTS. mlmitlcil to liiitish iiiiirkftrt — Ih this fri'o tnule? — £1 l,f)(H>,(l(K» ini'oiiu' i'c)ll('i'ti'il oil priiiciiilt's ui viiriaiict' willi l"ri'(^ tnidc — Kiigliiiul tVco tiiido in llu'oiy only — Fin' lrii(l(^ :iiul the K,.\rlH'(|iu'r — l''r('(^ trjuh' iiiid t'liipirf — Finaiu'iiil Association and Mr. (iladstonc—'l'hc llicoiy ti'ood, Imt ihc ('hancc^llor fan- not ado|it, it — Ml', (iladstoiic's j)riiK'i|ik's apprn'd lo coloiiifs — Kfci'ssilic^ of thiir i'.\i'h('([iU'rs — Ailvanla_m's- I'nidic dclil, ol' Canada ini'inri'ritisli trade — Mr. (iladsionc's coni'rssion — Kiii^lisli iira-.-ticc — I'oiuiilaints hy V.wj;,- lish I'ri'ctrailcrs ol" tiio wokiiij;' of this liu'oiy — Small rcvciinc iVoni ilirci't taxis — l'oirii|iliiin. i^c. — l''riT Irailo a policy, not a tvuiii — I'l'olirlioii in colonics — Iniporlaiu'c ol' maniilJictiircs to I'olonics — I 'rice : markets — Increa-icd popniation — Commerce — l'!ntilaiid as an aur^cuilnial ctuiiilry — W'iiat mannraetiires and ciimmciH'e add — liiiporl;mce ol' estalilishinir nianutiictories in new countries — lv\aiii|p|e ol' old colonies — Soiitiiern States with ports hluckaded (11 ,S,S ClLM'TKli Ylll. lOJST, liEl'KNt'i:, AM» AnVA.NTA(ii:s 01-' CDLOMKS. Ke]iorl of select eoiiimittee of House of ('ominous for colonial expenditure li)r KSdlt — 'L'wo classes of I'oluiiies — CUassilicatioii iin|)erlect — Kx[)cnilitiii'o li>r eai h — Apj)ropriatioiis fi-om culo- nies — Defenco of IJritish commerce, and not of colonii's, oliject of liritish navy — A'ast trade with colonies in compari- son with I'ost — Australia — Canaihi — Exjicnses of navy, if no colonies, in peace, in war — Karl (r<'Ij^ii rclalidns — Duke of NewcaHtle — Mr. Merivali' — Arcli- (leaeniis (if (Jaiiadii^ — (loiitrast liel.weeii oiil arxl new eoloiiies — llniled Slat I's most, a^r.ijressive power f>l' llie a!j;e — (Jaiiadii: its impoi'laiiei- to tlie ein]»ire — Colonies would roriii otlier alllaiiees il'easi od'liy !']n;^laiid — Involved in Imperial polifry — W'liat, are tli(! advant,a;.':es to cohjnies .' — To Motlier (lonntry ? — Profits of ),i\'ide enormous — Clialliam— A (lentnr" oC prolits— iMeld I'oi' eniip;ralion — Advantai^es ol" to lOmrland — I*o|iiilalion and ineims ol" subsistence — Capita! and labour — Kmi^ratioii to United Stales: to Canada: toAusfralia — Im]iorts from United Slates and colonies : ditierence ])er ])ersoii : ])r()lils — 'Prad<; of l>rilain for IcSf!,". : {rreatest witii colonies — IJritisli manidiietures to colonies : to United St,'it(!.s — Dt^lence of (tommerce — Trado increased l)y colonial roliition — Dr. Fraiddin — Trade; of Britain in 1701, and ofcolonies in l.SdI-.'i — Deliale in IIousi; of Com- mons on Defences of (Canada .... S',( — 128 CirAPTKIi IX. oriNIONS, IMI'KIU.VI, AND COI.ONIAI,. Is it interest t.liat })indH coloniiis fo tin; parent State? — Posi- tion of Canada and England reversed. 11. Does Kngland draw tlie colonies, or llic colonies England, into war? — lOngllsli and Fri-ncli ])oIicy as a peace policy — United St.'ites towards Eng- land and France — i\Ir. Adderley — Earl Groy — The Cape — New Zealand. III. In.stitutioua, ccolosiastioiil and civil, of old coun- tries and WW. IV. Canada during the civil war in America — Mr. vVdderlijy — Ilar.sh and hasty o[)inions — Foreign policy — Influence on Canada of a confederation on its border frc(! frf)m slavery — England's relations to slave-holding countries — Duke of Newcastle. V. Colonial systems — Fast and ])ro.scnt — Mr. Adderley's reviewer — English writers on high spirit and inter- national duties — (Jladstone. VI. Cost of Colonies- XIV CONTEXTS. comparison with cost — Troops — Xewcastlt — Grey — Xew Zea- land — CajK' — Archdeacons and cK'rgy reserves of Canada. VII. Old colonies — Policy of English statesmen. VIII. Imjie- rial interests, how represented in colonies; and colonial in Mother Country. IX. Policy recommended by Committee of isni — (lodlcy— Merivale — Policy suggested by circumstances — No rigid rule — Xowcastle — Grey. X. Mv. Addorley's con- trast between old and new colonics — Virginia — Canada — At- tributes acts of old colonics to wrong motives — Old colonies feared Parliament and Crown 4 and Kngland the too ra])id growth of colonics ..... 12!) — K!.") CHAPTER X. EVIDENCE GIVEN HEFORE THE SELECT COJIMITTEE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS ON COLONIAL MILITAUY EXPENDI- TURE IN 18G1. Evidence before select committee, 1S(!1 — Duke f)f' Xowcastle — Mr. Merivale — Lord Herbert — (icncral Burgoyne — ^Ir. (ilad- stone — Earl Grey — 'Sir. Godley — INFr. lirodie — Mr. rilii)t — Mr. Lown ir,r,_19l CHAPTER XI. FUTURE OF THE COLONIES. Colonies as allies — Britain and her supremacy of the seas — lia])id growth of navies of France, Kussia, and United States — The Colonics as maritime jtowers — Their strength added to that of England — Colonies and the strength of the empire — The 'Trent' ulFair — Attitude of Canada : Earl Derby on — What saved the nation from war — Lord Dufferiu on the ' Trent,' and Canadian loyalty — Can the great branches of the Anglo-Saxon family bo consolidated into one empire ? — If not, is it the faidt of the members or of the head ? — The rrreat cdioiiies — <^ld mlonics CONTENTS. XV — Present attltiulo of — Ki'lation of old colonies to parent State — Parliament and the old colonics — Virtually independent and loyal — Only relations possible lietween England and those great dependencies — f'onnnon allegiance to the Throne — Legis- latures of each — Independent, to what extent — Franchise in England: its extension— Effect of— Universal suffrage or greatly extended frnichise in England— In the colonies— Great majority of voters in colonies owners of farms — Kevcrse in England— Policy of the empire — Who dictates it — Now con- federation of British America — Extent and resources — Popula- tion — Area of tillalile soil compared with United States — Field for surplus jiopulation of England : its position : trade : ton- nage : third among nations — lievenue — Surplus — Australia — Kapid development — Present position : population : trade : revenue, itc. — Independence of colonies — Their internal policy — Relations to England — Ships, colonies, and conunerce — Colo- nies the foster-mothers of commerce — Earl Grey and Earl Derby on importance of colonies to the empire — Ifelations between ^[other Country and colonies . . li)')- .•>•>;-, APPENDIX. Articles of Confederation of British North America — Dispatches of Governor General of Canada and of Colonial Secretary Constitution of United States— Classification of colonies — Ntnnber of troops in each : infantry, Imperial and colonial, artillery, engineers—Imperial exiicnditure — Popidation, im- ports, exports, revenue, debt, duties, &c., of colonies — Names of colonic 1 — Date and mode of ac(iuisition — Population Imports and exports per head of population of colonies com- pared with United States — Emigi-ation from United Kingdom to colonies and to United States from 1815-G4 Secretaries of State for colonies from 17(i8-l(SG4 . . . 229 2Cn INDEX 205—27 1 AUTHORITIES. Parliamentary Debates, Reports, Estimates, Returns, especially from 17()() to 1770, and during" the last thirty years. Reports of Colonial Legislatures. Colonial Policy, Earl Grey. 1852. 2 vols. Report of Committee of House of Commons, 1857, printed in 1859. Report of Select Com. of the House of Commons on Colonial Military Expenditure. 1801. Arthur Mills, M.P. — Colonial Constitutions. 185G. Charters of Old English Colonies in America, by Samuel liUcas. Story on Constitution of United States. 2 vols. Graham's History of United States. 4 vols. Bancroft's History. 8 vols. Herman Merivalo's Lectures on Colonization and Colo- nies. 1861. Holmes' Annals. 1829. Chalmers' Political Annals. Right Hon. C. R. Adderley, M.P.— Pamphlet on Colo- nies. 1862. Hallam, May, Russell, on Constitutional History of England. Lord Brougham's Colonial Policy. Flnnigan's History of New South Wales. ii-ns, last BRITAIN AND HER COI.ONIES. [857, IS on imuel Colo- Colo- ory of oj»io CHAPTEE I. GOVERNMENT OF THE FIRST ENGLISH COLONIES. First Permanent English Settlement in America — The Two Centres of Colonization — Difference in tlieir Origin and De- velopment — First Representative Body — New England — Origin and Character of Government : Assemblies, Clnn-ch, Oath of Supremacy, Pure Democracy, Representative Go- vernment — Cliarter by ^\illiam and Mary, 1C91 — Black- stone's Divisions of Colonies — Onmipotence of Parliament — Pp. 1-11. TiiK first permanent Enpjlish settlement made in America was in 1G06 under a cliarter from James I. to Sir Thomas Gates and his associates. That charter granted to them the territories in America lying on the sea-coast between the 34th and 45th degrees of north latitude, and the islands adjacent within 100 miles. The associates were B inilTAIN AM) IIKR COI.ONIKS. (lividud into two compauios, one was to fsettlo bo- twocii tlie 34th juid 41st degrees of nortli l.'ititude, and tlie otlier to tlie nortli. liy degrees tlie name of Virginia was given to the fh'st or southern co- lony ; the seconil assumed the name of the Ply- mouth Company, and New England was Ibmided by them. The charter of the Virginia colony was altered in IGOl) and 1G12. From this period the progress of the iwo provinces, Virginia and New England, forms a regular and connected history. The former in tlie south and the latter in the north, may be considered as the original and i)areiit states of the northern and southern portions of the republic. From these two centres, the one in Virginia and the other on Fly- mouth rock, have sprung two great groujjs of nations, differing in the character of their founders, in the development which the two have received, anil destined apparently to diverge still more widely from each other in the future. The settlements in Virginia were the earliest by a few yeiu's. As they increased in numbers they grew impatient for the privileges which they had enjoyed under the government of their native country. To quiet this uneasiness, Sir George Yeardley, then the governor, called a general assembly, composed of the representatives of the various plantations. This assembly, which met at I I (JOVERNMKNT OF TIIK FIRST KNOLISH COfiOXIKS. .T Jainc's Town, in Virginia, in June 1019, composed of tlie governor, the newly-appointed council, and llie d(!lcgates of the boroughs, ccjnstituted the first repre- sentative body convened in America. The general assembly was ' to imitate and follow the policy and form of govc^rmnent, laws, customs, and manner of trial used in the lealm of England, as near as may be.' In 1021 they received a written constitution. The form of government was analogous to that of England, and was, with some modifications, the model of the constitutions which were afterwards granted by the crown to the various colonies in America : a gover- nor was to be ap[)ointed by the company ; a perma- nent council likewise api)ointed by the company ; a general assembly, to be convened yearly, to consist of the council and two bui'gesses to l..^ "liosen from each of the several })lantations. The courts of justice were required to conform to the laws and manner of trial used in England. This corporation was dis- solved in 1G24, and the King issued a commission a])pointing a governor and twelve councillors, to whom was committed the government of the infant commonwealth. The firsi settlers of New England, while yet at sea, drew up and signed an original compact, in wliich, after acknowledging themselves subjects of the crown of England, they declare, ' We covenant and combine b2 IJKITAiX AXI> lilCK CO|.O.Vli;S. (Uirsolvos toL'othor into a civil body jxilitic for our bettor orcleriiisj; and proscrvatioii ; and by virtue hereof, do enact, constitute, and frame such just and equal laws and ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the general good of the colony.' This compact was signed by forty-one persons. It established a pure democracy. They organized a government under the name of New riymoutli, but considered themselves as planting a colony in the northern part of Vii'ginia. They at once apjjointed a governor and other olllcers, and proceeded to enact laws. The governor was chosen annually by the freemen. The supreme legislative power resided in and was exercised by the whole body of the male inhabitants who were membci's of the church. A House of Representatives was estab- lished in 1G39, the members of which, as well as all the other oflTicers, were annually chosen. The Plymouth colonists acted at first iindor the mutual agreement formed at sea. In 1G21) a patent was obtained from the council at Plymouth, England, under the charter of James, given in 1620 ; but the patent not being confirmed by the crown, the colony remained in law a mere voluntary association. They did not fail, however, to avail themselves of all the provisions granted in that document. Having lost ooviiiiiXMiiiNT 01' TiiK mum' t:\(jlisii coloxiks. their cli;ii'k;r in 1084, tlu'y wore incorjjomtuil into a province witii Miissaclmsotts, iiiulor tlio cliurtcr to tlie latter by William and Mary in 1091. In 1(520 James I. granted to the Dnke of Lennox and others of the riymouth Com[)any a new eliarter, extending its territories, and calling it New England. Tliey were empowered to make laws, regulate trade, to a[)point and remove governors and other oiricers, to establish all manner of orders, laws, tS:c., so that the same bo not contrary to the laws of England. All the territory was to be holden of the crown, as of the royal manor of East Greenwich, of Hampton Court, or of Windsor Castle. The Puritans procured, in 1G27, from the council at Plymouth, a grant of all that part of New Englaiid indefinitely described as extending from the Atlantic to the South Sea. In 1028 King Charles granted to the irrantees and their associates a charter with the most ample powers of government. The territory was to be holden of the crown, ' in free and connnon socage, and not in capite, nor by knight's service.' The grantees were called a body politic under the name of the Governor and Company of Massachu- setts Bay, in New England, with the usual powers of corporations. The governnicnt was to be adminis- tered by a governor, a de[)uty governor, and eighteen jissociates, elected out of the freemen of the com- URITAIX AND lli:U COLONIES. pany. A court or ([uoruni, cM^isistiii^' of tlu; j^'ovenior, or his deputy, and seven or inoro ussistants, were to meet as often as once a niontli for tlie transaction of business. Four general asseml)lies, composed of tlie govei'nor, deputy, assistants and freemen, were to he lield every year, to admit otliers to the fieedom of the company, elect oflicers, and make laws, t^'C, only ' such laws and ordinances must not be contraiy to the laws .'uid statutes of this our realm of Eng- land.' Every year at the Easter term, the governor, deputy, and other oflicers, Avere to be chosen. All subjects of the crown, and their children born there, or on the high seas going or returning, should enjoy all liberties and immunities of free and natural sub- jects, as if they were born within the realm of l^ig- land. Many other provisions wee added, similar in substance to those in the colonial charters previously granted. The absence from this document of any clause providing for the free exercise of religion or the rights of conscience, is remarkable, considering the object of the Puritans in seeking a settlement in America, and in obtaining a charter from the king. These bold adventurers, however, paid no attention to this omission, but made their first church inde- pendent of the Church of England, and repudiated any connection with episcopacy or a liturgy. The (iOVi:ilNMi;\T OF THK FIIIST i:N(iLISII (OLONILS. ojith (»r siipivinncy Avns to bo jidministonul to \nv.- vi'iit the sc'ttlcmciit tlicro of Roiiiiin Catholics. TIk; whole striu'lurc of the chiirlcr [n'osupposcs tlic rosi- dciu'c of tlic company in En^daiul ; hut in Au^'ust l()2t), tlie govennncnt and patent were removed to New Kiitdand. This infused new life into tlic colony, and it grew witli such rapidity as to give it an ascendency amongst the New England settlements, and to awaken even the jealousy and vigilance of the parent state. The subsequent struggle between the crown and colony, down to the overthrow of the charter, under tlie famous quo iLHirranto proceedings in 1084, manifested a disposition on the part of the colonists to yiehl nothing, and on the part of the crown to force them into subjection. For three or four years after the removal of the charter all the business of the goverinnent was trans- acted by the freemen assembled in a general court. P)Ut the members having increased, so as to make a generid assembly inconvenient for such purposes, an alteration was ellcH^ted in 1034, and representatives were chosen, two from every town, to a general court. This general court was to have the sole power t*^ make laws, to elect certain ofllcers, to raise money and taxes, and sell lands. The great officers and magistrates were still to be chosen by an assembly of freemen. This change, not provided for in the lUUlAIX AND IlKll COLONIKS. cliurtcr, cstiibli'slu'd tlio sccoiid house of roproKontii- tivos (till) first l)L'iii^ in Virji;inia) in tlie Anu'iiciin colonics. Tlio wliold ol" tliu ivpri'suntativos m\d assistants sat in one house till 1044, when they were divided into two inde|)endent bo(Hi'S. From 1084 until lOIH, the colonists were without u charter, tiie llrst one havinj,' been dissolved in the fonncr year. In 1001 a charter was •jjrauted under William and Mary with new and enlarged powers, which continued down to the revolution in 1775. This embraced the old colony of Massachusetts JJay, New Plymouth, the province of Maine, Acadia or Nova Scotia, and all the lands between Nova Scotia and Maine, and incorj)orated the whole under the name of the province of Massachusetts Iky in New England. It reserv(;d to the crown the api)ointnu'nt of governor, lieutenant governor, the secretary of the ])rovince, and all theolHcers of the court of admiralty. Twenty-eight councillors were to be chosen annually by the general court, the governor and councillors were to have the power of directing tlu; uiniirs of the province, and of appointing the jutlges, siieilils, jus- tices of the peace, 6i.c. 'i'lie governor was invested with the connnand of the militia. He had a nega- tive also upon all laws passed by the general court. Thia court was to assemble anmially, and to consist of the governor and council and the representatives (lOVHIlNMMNT OF Till. JIKST KNUIJHH COLOVIKS. 9 (»r tliu towns, two rioiii t'iicli ; siH'li ii'piv.sriitiitivfs to Ih! tVi'i'lioIdcrs and jiMiiii.'illy I'Iccti'd by IVcflioldcrs possi'ssiii;^' ji IVci'lioM of Hl.v. iiiiiiiiid Vidiic, or otluT rxtute ol" till' value of X'lO. Tlu' oi'iicral coiirl could chaii,tf(! tlio iiun»l)«.'r oriv[)rosi'iitalivi's IVoni each town. All laws were to be sent to JMi^Iand lur approbation or disallowance. 'Liberty of conscience in tlie wor- ship of (iod was allowed to all Christians, except Tapists.' This charter the colonists hailed with sincere satisfaction, after the dauL^ors wITuih had for so long u time menaced their hberties and their jjeaco. Mr. Justice Jilackstone divides the colonies into three classes — ])rovincial, proprietary, and charter governments. The constitution of the fh'st — the y>;'or/>^r/«/ — depended on the conmiissions issued by the crown to the governors. These connnissions usually appointed a governor as the king's re|)resen- tative; the crown also api)ointed a council, who, besides the legislative authority, were to assist the t;overnor in the discharge of his ollicial duties. The connnissions also contained authority to convene a general assembly of represiMitatives of freeholders and planters, the council forming the u[)per, and the assembly the lower house. The governor, with the advice of his council, established courts, ap[)ointed judges, &c. Appeal lay to the king in council from the decisions ul' the courts. New Hampshire, New 'i**,^- 10 BRITAIN' ANMJ IIEK COLONIKS. York, Virgiiiin, tlic Carolinas, and Georgia, liad tliis form of government, some of tlicm for a long time, and from an early period of their settlement. Of the propndan/ governments there were three only — Maryhuid, Pennsylvania, and Delaware. These were granted by the erown to individnals in tlie nature of feudatory principalities, with all the inferior ro)\alties and subordinate powers of legislation which I'ormerly belonged to the owners of counties palatine. The governors were appointed by the proprietaries, and legislative assemblies were convened uiider their authority. In Maryland its laws were not even subject to the supervision of the crown. The charter governments Blackstone describes as ' in the nature of civil corporations, with the power of making bye-laws for their own internal regulations not contrary to the laws of England, and with such rights and authorities as are specially given them in their several charters of incorporation. Tiiey have a governor, named by the king, who is his representa- tive or deputy. They have courts of justice of their own. Their general assemblies make laws suited to their own emergencies.' Tiie parliament * of Great * 'Tlic colonics iiiid planhitions in Amcricii nrc subonlinjite unto ;in;l dependent upon tlie Imperial Crown and PaiTianicnt of (Jroat liiitain ; and the King, witii the advice and consent of I'arlianient, hath i'uil power and authority to make laws and statutes to liind the colonies and people ol' America in all cases whatsoever.' ( () (Jeo. III. c. \'L) GOVERNMENT OF THE FIRST ENGLISH COLONIES. 11 Britain being in theory omnipotent, no doubt these colonial governments are merely municipal, whatever powers of legishition they may assume, and however complete under tlie croAvn and parliament their poli- tical oigaiiization may be. The only charter govern- ments existing at tlic period of the American llevo- lution were those of Massachusetts, liliode Island, and Connecticut, Tlie first charter of Massaciuisctts seemed to con- temi)late only a civil corporation within the realm, bnt the colonists exercised executive, legislative, and Judicial jjowers upon the renewal of their charter. That of William and Mary, granted in 1601, was framed upon a broader foundation, and gave the usual powers contained in provincial charters. The governor was appointed by the crown ; the council was chosen by the genend assembly ; and the house of representatives ])y the people. But in Connecticut and liliode Island the chartc'r gcwernments were organized upon popular and democratic principles; the governor, council, and assembly being annuallv ; freemen of the ( i^y ^ny o dicers appointed by their authority 12 BKITAIX AND Illiil COLONICS, ClIAPTEU 11. AMKRICAN CONFEDKRATIONS FKOM 1043-1790. Con Ibdi'rat ions froni l(5l;5 to 17'.)0 — Dcclaratiou ol' IJiglils — Clmructcr of the Conludcrations — l*p. 12-18. As early as 1G43, tlic Now England colonics were united under a confederation. In 1G37, less than twenty years after the llrst settlements, the subject had been discussed, and outlines of a union ' for ofTence and defence, material advice and assistance,' were drawn up. In May 1(543, articles were signed at Boston between Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Haven, and Tly mouth. The reasons assigned for this union were, the dispersed state of the colonies, the vicinity of the Dutch, iSwiss, and Fiench, the hostile disposition of the Indians, the ai)[)earance of a ci-eneral combination of tlie savage ti'ibes to extei'ini- nate tlie Enujlish, the commencement of civil contests in the parent state, and the impossibility of obtaining assistance from England in any emergency. They assumed the title of the United Colonics of New England. Immediately after its formation, several AMKIUt'AX COXFHDKUATIONS ^ROM l(;4;i-17!)0. 13 for Indian tribes sent in tlicir submission to the new confederacy. Tiiis union, their liistorians inform us, rendered the colonies formidable to the Dutch and French as well as to the Indians, maintained general harmony among themselves, preserved tliem durintf the civil wars of England, contributed chielly to their defence against the Indian King Philip, and was essentially serviceable in civilizing and Christianising the Indians, We find the United Colonics assuming at once the functions of an inde- pendent state, by entering the next year, 1G44, into a treaty <^f peace with the French Governor of Acadia, proposing, in 1G48, to D'Aillcboust, Go- vernor of Cauiida, a similar treaty, and in 1G52 ])rej)aring for hostilities apprehended on the part of the Dutch.* In consecpience of the dissatisfaction arising out of tlie Sugar Act of 1704 and the Stamp Act of 17(15, Massachusetts proposed a general congress, to be held in New York. This coiigi'ess, consisting of twonty- eiijrht delcirates from ten States, met at New York in October 17G5. In their Declaration of lliglits tliey set forth tliat they are entitled to all the rights and * Tlic pojml.'ition of all tlio colonics in Aiiicricfi iw ostiinuted a fow years later, 1 fiCO, at 80,000 (iroli)u-s Ann. ji. -".1;")); ami in ITCiIJ, at al)out 1,.^)00,000, I\rass;iclinsetta alone having 240,000, and I'ennsylvania 280,000; Canada only 100,000. i 14 nUITAIN AM> I1KI{ COI.OMKS. liberties of iialiiriil boiii subjecls, iimoiiiist Uic most ossc'iitial of which ari' ihe cxchisivc power to tax theinsi'lvos, and the privilege of trial by jiiiy. The jiiii'vaiu'e ehielly coinplaiiiedof was the Act grantiiifjj eiMlaiii k^tamp Ihities and other duties in the Dritish colonies, Avhicli they declared to luive a direct ten- dency to subvert their rii-hts and liberties. A petition to the king and memorial to each house of parlia- ment were agreed ujjon. The assemblies of Virginia, Noi'th Carolina, and Georgia, being ])revented by their governors from sending representatives to the congress, forwarded ])etitions direct to I'^ngland, similar to those adopted by that body. The I'ollow- ing year, 17T(», ])arliament repealed the Stamp Act. The colonies having I'aiK'd to obtain ivdress for their other grievances by ai)peals to the king and ]);uTiament, Massachusetts I'cconnnended, in 1774, the assembling of a continental congress. The dele- gates ai)pointed, some by the legislatures and some by conventions of the ])eople, met at I'hiladelphia in !Se[)tember 1774. The congress thus assembled exercised de facto i\\\<\ Je jure a sovereign authority, not as delegated agents of the governments of the several colonies, but in virtue of original powers derived from the people. This, the first general or national govermnent over the American States, sprang directly from the people, and not from the AMHI{I(!AN (•()NFrJ)l':i{AT10NS I'KO.M KM.'i-ITno. IT) lf-government at the very origin of their 2 4 imiTAIX ANT) !ii:r cot.omks. existence as separate coimmiuities, is the teacliinjf of liistory. llliodi' Island Avitli but six citi/ens, and Connecticut Avitli one hnndivd, governed llieinselves from their foundation. Their cliarters, when given twenty-eight years a ftenvartls, served cliit'ily to mark their boundarii's and uuide their external i-ehitions, leaving their internal l^olity to themselves, or giving exj)ression to Avhat -was already the outlines of a Constitution. In ]\rassachusetts, too, the govern- ment Avas of the utmost sim])licity in its origin. The governor Avas chosen by imiversal sud'rage ; his power was at first suboi'dinate to the general will, but afterwards restricted by a council of live, and then of seven, assistants. For nearly twenty years the whole body of the male inhabitants of twentv-one vears of age const ilutetl the legislature, and the people were IVecpiently convened to decide on ext'cutive and judicial questions. The increase of i)opulation ;ind its dilliision ovei' a wider teri'itoiy led to the intro- tluction, in lOoi), of the representative system, and each town sent its committee to the o;eneral court. In this cradle were rocked the infunt constitutions of the new world. First purely democratic, tlu; whole ])opu1ation being assembled to decide every (question, then, when numbers and the extent of occupied territory rendered this no longer possible, j'epresentation was substituted. But still the demo- COLONIAL fiOVi:UXMKNTS, AN'CIKXT AXIJ MODRRX. 2.5 <'i';iLi(; ])i'iii('if)lc was retained tlirouifli every (le|)ail- iiu.'iil ot" vSLate. It may be a j)r()l)lem yet U) be solved, whether, with tlie iiunease ot" [jopulatioii, witii hir«;(! commercial and maiiuractuiiiig centres, and with the multiplied and conflicting interests that must ensue, there will be strength in such governments to secure to their subjects the necessary protcctipn. In the past tlicy have serve(^'very purpose./ For two and a half cc'i/trn'ic>» tiwi^^J^^«:::3)ce^ no revolutions against tK<)se Statc/goverjunents,'^io discontent ; hie and j)roj)erty havcM)een secure. Little can be said, even at this day, in favour of self-government on the continent of ]*AU'o[)e. It is there but an ex[)eriment in the last half of the nineteenth century ; in Noilh America, beginning with small comnuuiities of Englishmen, it has proved a success uninterruptedly from eai'ly in the seventeenth century. The earliest colonization on the shores t)f the Mediterranean teaches the same lesson. The history of some of those settlements comes to us, it is true, in but faint outlines from the eleventh and twelfth centuries before the Christian era ; but enough is certain to show that they were independent communities from their origin. The English puritans hi the seventeenth century knew no ' art of colonization ' but that of taking care of themselves; the Greeks andTyrianshad done the same 3,000 years before. The iEohans from 2G n RITA IN' AM) IIKII COLO.NMKS. IVl(>i)onnosus founded twolve cities in Tjcsser Asiii ; the Dorians sent colonies to Italy and !>ii'ily. 'J'liesi! speedily rivalled and even suipassed in |)ros|)erity tlu! ])arent States. C^arlhage is ri>i)orted to have been ibimded, seventy years before Uonie, by a colony of Tyrians ; and Tyre lierseli'2 10 years before the bnild- iiiij,' of the temple of .lerusaleni (1252 l). c.) by a colony ol" tr^idonians, and indeed is calK'd by Isaiah ' the daui>hter of iSidon.' In lanthei' count ly of numerous dc>pendencies, and the centre of a vast dominion c^xtcnulinuj nlowj: a seaboard of 2,000 miles, over the chief islands in the western part of the Mediterranean, and on the coasts of S[)ain and even of Great JJritain. Tor seven centuries she held r»00 African cities tributary. Her colonial policy ■was a strict conunercial monopoly. Her sjjovern- ment, originally monarchit-al, like Tyre its parent, became at a very early period republican 'n which aristocracy was ti })revailing" element. Its constitu- tion was celebrated by Aristotle as one held in the greatest esteem by the ancients. From its foundation, lie tells us, to his own time, upwards of 500 years, no considerable sedition had disturbed the peace, nor any tyrant oppressed the liberty of that State. These were the most successful instances of colcMii- (JOLONIAI- (lOVKRNMKXTO, ANCIKNT AND MODKKN. '27 /.'ilioii {iiMoiigsl IJk! {iiici(^iit.H, mid thoy will lend lis llu; JH'st uid of any wc cun rclbr to in iUa solution of tliut. problem wliicli litis so sorely vexed tlu; sUiU.'S- nieii of modern i^inrope — the j^ovenmieiit of (Colonies. They teaeh us the doctrine of laUscz /aire in reference to those vigorous oHshoots from tin; parent stem. Left to themselves, tJiey have a natural and healthy develoinneiit. They are not 'squeezed' into pre- ternatural shapes, nor do l)andag(;s sto[) their growth, as is the wont with the llat-head Indians and Chinese dames. ' To train them for ireedoin.' Somehow, we have got the notion that the moment a man leaves these shores a bit must be put into his mouth. If Lord ralmerston, burdened with the wisdom of eighty years, and with fifty of ollice, now confidently entrusted with the government of an empire on which the sun never sets, w^ere to go abroad and become premier in the smallest of IJiitain's fiity colonies, the rarliament lu; has so long led would bridle and saddle him. If the whole rarliameni were to migrate, the next one that takes its ])lace Avould put these now renowned legislators under tutors and governors, ' to train them for freedom.' To ancient Home wc turn in vain for any light on this difficult question. She enlarged her empire as modern llussia, as Austria, as Prussia, as Britain in India— by conquest. During the three centuries '28 BRITAIN AND HER C'OLONIKS. from Augustus to Diocletian, Eoman colonization was simply the cstablislnneut of military posts, oc- cupied by veterans, for State purposes. Of these we liave an illustration in oir own Imperial garrisons. From the first attempts to plant colonies in America to the last in British Columbia (uul Yancouvers, a period of three himdred years, our colonies have sprung, like those of ancient Greece, from discontent, from individual enterprise, or from commercial specu- lation. They have not been free from the control of the })arent State to the same extent as, judging from the scanty annals left us of their foundation, were those of Phoenicia and Greece ; but, compared with the colonies of other nations of modern Europe, our own in their early history have been subject to little restraint, their ' generous natures having been suffered to take tl\eir own way to perfection.' The lessons to be learned from tli ^ results of the colonial policy of the nations of modern Europe are those of warning rather than of '2 36 BRITAIN* AND IIKIl COLONIKS. CIIArTKll TV. INTUODI'CTION OF rAHLIAMKNTARY OU RKSI'ONSIULH GOVEUNMKNTS. Uritisli America — Kosiiousiblo CJovornnioiit — Its Eirccts — liurkc— Colonial OiHto— Disputes — Colonial TariU's. Pp. 3(5-1 fi. To tlio north of tho Oivjit Republic, in tlio nitigiiili- ccnt valley of the St. Ltnvroncc, liave grown up other Britisli comnninitic's once tho ])os,ses.>'D HER COT.ONlKB. 4-i ^^,^,,,„„ ,, ,,eU. local «^v^^^^^ t„eV. inJignaUou '^ «,„ nation, couW, 1,001,10, o,- evou an v«- ^^,^,„,, ,,• ,„oa- ,,te dictaung ana ^™ °,,,,,„„, ,ay tl.oiv l.an.l ,„ros, aua n>lU.oucn,g tl u = ^^^^^ ^^. ^,^^,^^ "P'--^*'"'^T', t tlu-v»sso™otimos ycavs and annul ,t, and tha .,„„fi„o ;i,,,,o;tl,cy»ayt,u.ni^^n— cVistunt provinces ot tUe at times they are subjected ^^^^^^^^^^^ Bespousiblc govennueut ... ^^^^^ ^^^^^^._ ^ • iftir* and to tlie oui^^ ^ to Canada >n 18^"'' ,,„.„i „anuni»t.at,ou of can Fovinco. undo tR _ _^ ^ ^^^^^^ ^^^^^^^ f^,^,, EavlG.oy,beUvc.. >.^-;^^,,,^,,„,^^^^^^ yoavs later, m 1»-'^ ' , ■ jt, „„ture, T,>o instituting of ^''-'"'"'°%"; ,_of tl.ollo„>c ,oqnivingbuttl>oconsont_ado>i,atU. .„„„,.-, or «'■■■>:>'»'■""',„„„„ l,co„ ™»tca ^vM. two cl,:. - U,. Cvo«n. 1-Pf»""°; ' f „,,ich »..o „o,„ta„tc . 1 1« ,u,rn„o i. a -»"'■»• »;" ; ^ ; ,, „,„ „o„...ose,l or u,o lu« . ,,„,, .1,0 rrn„cl,iso is ^-^""f '^.^ ,.t «.» ballot l,»s „ov.r be™ ,„, ,„c .uo.tlo„ or ,l,c ;■'- X bo... o.,a...bo.. aro Ccc.oa. INTIIODUCTION OP I'AIILIAMENTAKY (JOVKHXMHNTS. 4.j T.ct the yould be another Dn, couUl, of inea- heii- hmul or three sometimes tion of the in those to whU'h coucctled ■th Ameri- listratiou of d some four ,11 colonies* in its nature, -of th.e Home Sr.O. the legislii- msist or a inutile ■re noiiiiniiteil by , with two chiiiu- loiahuitcd. The jt. lu the North ed of two hous»!S, ,nc as in En-huul, ,ot has never bcc-u n-9 are elected. Government, and yet so powerful in its effects ni)()n tlie whole m.'ichinery of the government in tliosc provinces wliere u was introduced, removed at once every ground of complaint against tlie )){irent state. Tlie aj)pointment to pktccs of power and emolument before made by the governor on his sole autlioi'ity, or acting under instructions from the ministers of tlie Crown ; responsibility for tlie entire policy of the government, whether relating to its measures in the legislature or to its purely executive acts; all such powers within the limits of a subordinate legislature as pertain by usage to the ministry in England, passed with this ' trnn'"^;ipi of the Ih'itish constitution' hito the hands of the administration, the privy council of the colony. That council is appointed by the Crown as before, but is responsible to the House of Assem- bly, the House of Commons of the province. Mr. Merivale, who expresses himself with so nuicli good sense and generous feeling on the relation of Britain to her dependencies, Inis these ni)])ropi-ial(^ remarks upon the introduction of responsible govern- ment into the colonies : ' The mamiitude of that chanire — the extraordi- nary rapidity of its beneficial effects — it is scarcely ])ossible to exaggerate. None but those who have tniced it can recognise the sudden spring made by a young conununity under its first release from tlie 46 nUlTAIN AXD IIIiR COLONIK?. () Id tie of subjection, moderate as that tie really was. The cessation, as if by magic, of old irritant sores between colony and mother country is the first result. Not only are they at an end, but they seem to leave hardly any trace in the public mind behind them. Confidence and afiectiji towards the ' Home,' still fondly so termed by the colonist as well as the emi- grant, seem to supersede at once distrust and hos- tility. Loyalty, which was before the badge of a class sus])ected by the rest of tlie community, be- came the connnon watch-word of all ; and with some extravagance in its sentiment, there arises no small share of its nobleness and devotion. Connnunities which but a few years ago would have wranuled over the smallest items of public expenditure to which they were invited by the executive to contribute, have vied with each other in their subscriptions to pur- poses of Jii'itish interest, in response to calls on lunnanity or munificence, for objects but indistinctly heard of at the distance of half the woild. Nor is the advance m social ])rogress, contemporaneous with tliis cluuige, less remarkable tlian tlie improvement in public feehng.' {Lectures, p. 042.) I 47 CHAPTER V. UNION OF BRITISH NORTH AMERICAN PROVINCES. Confoileration of North American Provinces— TIow it dilTcrM from the United Stiitcs. Pp. 47-oG. One of the most important state papers of the age, certainly the most important connected with British North America, has just been pubUshed. This docu- ment embodies the result of tlie conference held at Quebec in October 18G4, on the su.l)ject of a con- federation of the British provinces in North America. For many years, and more especially during the last twelve or fifteen years, the question of a closer union between those colonies had been more or less dis- cussed; but it had always been felt that public opinion was not sufficiently matured upon it to justify any immediate action. In September, an informal meeting was held at Charloitetown, Prince Edwards, by members of the governments of Canada, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Prince Edwards, and a resolution, which received the support of all 4H IJKITAIX AND IIKK L'OLO.VIF.i^. tlie (li'lt'galos, ^Y.'ls passed to tlio {'fTcct that a union between Canad.i and tlie maritime provinces Avas desirable. lie[)re^entatives IVoni these provinces AVere summoned by the Governor-General to meet at Quebec on tlu' 11 th of October, 1804. The results of that conference arc set foi'th in the Articles of Union, given in Appendix A, and with them, for con- venience of comparison, a summary of the constitution of the United States (A])[)endix 15). The fi'amers of tlie Ameiiian constitution seem to have departed as far as possil)le from the pattern wliich was neces- sarily their guide — the government of Great Britain. The people of British America, on the otlier hand, living by the side of tlie Great lvc[)ublic, and having from the beuinninu; marked the workiiir llif !",o\ciiimt'iils ol' llic old world, li!i\»' run m ••;it';ilt*r il:iii;:;('r — lliiil of iiiniicliy. I""<»r r»>Mr *A' !':i\iiij; loo iiiiicli, lliry liiiv«' i!;ivt'ii loo lilllc !ner;il uoverninenl eli;ir<;('d with iiiiiMors of eoin- inon int(M'<'sls lo llie whole, and local fi;ovi'ninieiils I'or each o{' ihe provinces — the (^aiiadas, iN'ew nniiis- wiek. Nova Scotia, and rrince I'-dwai'ds — liavin<;- the t'ontiol of local alVairs, provision heiiiju' inadi; lor (he admission intv) the I'nion oi' New rouiulland, (he North- west territory, Jhitish C ohinihia, and Vain-onver. 'riu> iioiu'ral uovennnenl is lo follow the model of llu; British constitution as far as circumstances will |)ermit. In this caretuUy-drawu ]iaper there are evidences o[' compromisi's between tlu>se who wished to ])r(>- servo the sovereignty of eaeh of the contracting com- mon wcallhs and those who woidtl luivo placed the UNION or IIUITI.MII NoUTir AMKHHAN I'ltoVINCIM. .11 whole lllldcr «»IH' Ici'islilflllr. 'I'lic llllli'lclil W(;iki|i'.H 1111(1 <'oMi|»lir!tt('(l liiiirliiiK'ty of coiiri'driiicics iiinl IIdii' ln.sloiy, rvcii ii|ioii llic AiiK'i'K'iiii I'oiitiiK'iil, <'oiil(| not, hill, iivviikcii ill llic iiiiiids of Ihc IViiiiki's of lliis <-oii sliliilioii iiiMiiy inis;Mviii^H us In ils ii(lii|il;ilioti to llir ^fovcriiiiiciit of so iiiiiiiy roiinliics, willi IIm "r divci'-i I'kmI iiilcit'sis, rxlnidiiij'; over Irniidiics so vsisl. In llic iiirmu'y of lliosc (•oiiiiiiiiiiirK's llicic niiiy l>" slrciij^'lli ill llic cciitnil c|(»vcrniiiciil. to irwcl, ,ill llicii Wiinls; hill il, iiiiiy he very dilHreiit wlieii l,lies<' now yoiiii;.^ illld vi;.'droilM Sllllcs, eiirli of wliicli is <'!i|)!i!:'e of silslMinilll^ 11 |)o|illl;ilioli e(|ii;il lo iriilliy ill) I'iii'o pciiii kingdom, nIiiiII liiive ^i, will ^row with their ;^rowtli, and, as in \]\v I Jiited States and Central and South Ainerica, sertionjil interests or State rights may hcconu! too 'tionj^ lor tli(! Fedeial government. New York, Tennsyivaiiia, Ohio, or Vir- ginia, witli populations of ten or twelve millions, ■which they are well capahle of sustaining, would assume more and moi'c the attitude of independent L 2 OS BKITAIN AND Illill COLONIES. States, and by coiiscquencc weaken their connection with the general government. The question of the sovereignty of each State has become one of vitjil importance in tlie American IlepubUc, and lias strengthened with the increase of popuhition in each. The same tendency may bo looked for in tlie British- American confederation. To miard against this, more power is reserved to the federal government, and less given to the local. In tlie American Union each State is assumed to be an independent nation, and the general government has only such powers as the States severally have ceded to it. In the new con- federation the chief power is attempted to be cen- tred ill the general government, and only municipal functions aiven to the local governments. Again, and intimately connected with this, are the questions growing out of the relations between the local and central legislatures, the divided allcgianct', and in this case the triple allegiance,., due to the local, federal, and imperial govovnments. Local in- terests, as against federal, are sure to increase the attachment, the patriotism, of the inhabitants of each State for their OAvn province, and weaken it towards the confederation ; and confederate interests, as against imperial, must likewise create and strengthen a purely colonial party. This plurahty of govern- ments we conceive to be the weak point in the new UNION OF BRITISH NORTH AMERICAN PROVINCES. 53 constitution. The world, i^ has been said, is too much governed ; but here are tliree governments over one and the same people. This was no doubt a necessity to some extent ; for a confederation under the Crown of Great Britain was universally demanded by the loyal people of all those provinces ; tlien loctd interests had to be considered. That, however, which many will think would have proved the wiser policy, would liave been one parliament inider the Crown for all the provinces, with only numicii)al powers conceded to the local. The present constitu- tion is no doubt the residt of compromises from the many interests concerned. Art. XI. ])rovides that the members of the Legis- lative Ct may be, against their wiii and tlieir irierests, and then leave tliem to tlieir fi.'e, bound hand and foot. This has never been EngUsh polioy, and never cnn bo until England cease i to be Englisli, That the colonies will alwa}-. be ready to !>-.ar their ])art in 'he defences, not only of their own shores, l)ut of the empire at large, their whole his- tt say how nnicli liigher tlicsc profits niiiy he augmented.' jNhmsdi'ld carried the House of Lords with liim against tlie remonstranees of the young Amerieaii States. ' Iv,, one,' he said, ' woiihl hvi' long enougii to see an end put to the miscliief which will be the resiik of the doctrine tliat has been iin'iiicated. The (h)ctrine of rei)resentation seems ill-founded. There are 12,()0(),000 of })eoj)le in I'jigland mid Ireland ■who ar(! not i"ei)i'esented. 'J'he notion that eveiy sul)ject must be represciiited is purely ideal. 'I'here can be no doubt l)iit that the inhabitants of the colonies are iis much repi'esented in riiilianu'nt as the greatest pjirt of the people of England ; amongst !),0()(),0()l) of whom there are 8.(I(MI,()U() who have no votes iu I'lectiuij members of I'arlia- inent. IVoeeed, my Lortl, with spirit and lirnmess, annies, and bounties given ; but British colonies were [)rohibite(l from F I 66 BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES. carrying on various brandies of manufactures, and foreign manuftictured goods imported into tlio colo- nics were placed under the same duties to which they were liable in the mother country.' {Merirales Lectures, p. 70.) England had attained the foremost rank in commerce and manufactures inider this restrictive policy. The navigation laAvs, so it was assumed, protected these interests. In 1824 they were modi- fied ; in 1848 anotlier Act was passed liivouring colonial produce ; but in 1840 the present free-trade policy of the nation was initiated. Earl Grey has given us some illustrations of the mischievous effects upon the depeiidencies of the empire of the vficilla- tion of the mother country on this vital question. 'By the Canada Corn Act of 1843, in consideration of a duty of o.s. a quarter having been imposed by the provincial Legislature on the importation of foreign wheat, not only the wheat of Canada, but also its flour, were ad):."tted f>)r consumption into this country. Much of the available capital of the province was laid out in making arrangements for manufacturing flour of American wheat, as well as of their own. But almost before these arrangements were fully completed, and the recently built mills fairly at work, the Act of 1840 swept away the advantages conferred, and thus brought upon the COMMERCIAL POLICY. fl7 province a jYujIitful amount of loss and a great cleniiigenient of the colonial finances.' {Col. Pol. i. 220.) Tlie commei '3 and manufactures of Britain could no longer suffer from competition. Her unrivalled mercantile marine, the position and nature of her manufactures, anc. 'icr great wealth, rendered free- trade a necessi V if she would reap tlie full advantages of her position. She was sure to centre in herself the greatest portion of the commerce of tlie world. Iler mer- chantmen would bring tlie raw material to her mills, and take the manulactured articles to every coumiy of the globe. Her ports would be the chief emporiums of trade for the commercial world. Her coal, her iron, her cheap labour, and her very climate, free from great extremes of heat and cold, renderhig possible that long sustained and continuous labour so essential in heavy manufactures, put at rest all questions of rivalry in her peculiar industrial arts. One has only to become fomiliar with the every-day routine of labour in the workshops of England and of other countries, to be convinced of the great advantages which the climate of these isl.ands "ives the manufacturer. It is not in the hot and sultry portions of the earth, but almost exclusively in the F -2 ()8 nUlTAIX AM) 111:11 COL()Nli:S. cooler regions of tlie temperate zones, that the heavy inaniifaeturL's have e.stabhslied themselves. 'We cannot c(»nij)ete Avitli yon,' saitl a Frenclnnan at tlie International Exliihition of 18G2, 'in the great inannl'aclures of your conntry. Onr ])eople cannot snstain the hard and continuous labour necessary for tliem.' Yet Avith all these advantages Great Britain adopts I'ree-trade only in name, t^lie still taxes lier commerce £2 1,()0(),(M)() a year for revenue ])nrposes, and l'24,0()(I.OOO is too much to ])ay for even this noble truth. Other nations were invited to recii)ro- cate this freedom in trade. In tlu' meantime India, Avith a Jlfth of tlie population of the globe, becomes a part of the t'm])irc\ and presents a magnilicent Held for testiuLT a the'orv so beautiful, and a truth so self- e\ident. Ihit iVee-tiade is found inconsistent with tlie iiileix'sts of that vast eountiy after being incor- ])or;.ted -with Hritain. I'Jiglish manufactures, free before, are taxed on their introduction into India by Enuii>h statesmen, themselves free-ti'aders. 15ut that Avhich has bt'cii ado))te(l in India, Avas denied to Xew ih'unswick, and o])posed in Canada. In Australia, a continent of colonies, protection to colonial industry has become a po])ular ciy of the candidates for ])opular favour. Trotec'tioii, liny say, may be good for an old coinitry, but cannot be a[)j)lied to a lu'W one, Avhile tlie old can undersell the ne v in all I COJIJIEECIAL POLICY. C9 heavy 'We at, the great cannot *aiy lV)r Ih'itahi xcs her irposes, •('11 this recipro- (' Tncha, jeconies L'nt iu'ld . so SL'h- ut with n- iiu'or- (.'s, free [niha by P)Ut that to New stralia, a. industry hues for be good to a new V iu all manufactures. TJie old countrj- must liave Ave- trade. Her clieaj) labour, her wealth, her connnei'ce, demand it. Our boys, say the Australians, Avhat shall we do with them !^ We have no occupation lor them. India, the only countiy ruled directly by the Crown, has her coasts lined by a cordon of custom- houses, and that too by tliose wlio were in theory iuict)ni[)roniising free-traders."* {Mctbunrue Cor. Tunes, September 10, 1804.) * Siiu'o willinu' tlic jiliovo, wo li;ive received llio iulli)\vin,!j: .'U'Cdiiiit ('I'tlic last cliM'iions in \'ict(iria : — ' One dl' till' tlirue (li'inands iiiadi' ul' tlio candidates in tlic last clci'tiuii liir \'ict()via, the most populous of the Aiisiivdiau I'olo- iiifs, uas the ri'vlsiun of tlic tarili'lo secure as uiueli prutccl iou to t'oliiiii.'d uiainit'aelures as uiav lie necessary iu sliil'tiuL;' oiu' present iuijiort duties, iu \\liolc or iu part, I'mni tea, ciilli'e. aud sujiar, to siicli English and Hiiviuii niaunractiu'es as we ean ])r()dn(;e in the colony. 'J'lic eh'ctions are ju>t over (< Violier :*,"i, I.Sdj), and the candidates wei'c elected on jirotection, a, id tin '. lister (tin; I'renuer) lias ad()|ited this policy. Dnrii.L;' the elections, thu Princess of AN'ales" ornanii'iits uere conslauilv reieired to. 'riuy were iiianuliiet lu'eil in .Melliourne. 'I'licrc \\ere \~s. ;!//. an ounce duties on llieiii, which wen; imly Miuitted in J^i.ijiand out of consideration l^ ,^%^ ..<^' *.^ w^^ ^ So 1.0 I.I ^0 Hill 2.0 12.5 2.2 — 6" 1.8 1.25 111111.4 ii.6 V <^ o\. ■ ;> %>. #^ ^ v^ Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716)872-4503 %. Wp MP 78 BRITAIN AND IIKR COLONIES. ciation complains, exceedingly to be regretted that, instead of taking a i)enny off the income-tax this year, that pemiy had not been retained, and the corn-tax abi)lished. Mr. Gladstone, in his re[)ly, after admitting that he had given his opinion in his place in Parliament that the tax which still remains on ctrn is a tax that in principle cannot be defended, makes a statement which onght to be remembered by himself and others when censnring the revenue laws of some of the colonies, namely, that a minister of the Crown must consider what measures will receive the support of Parliament. ' I am not able,' says Mr. Gladstone, ' to accept the doctrine that an error was committed, as the ad- dress says, by me, and I must of course say, in order to speak the truth, by the administration of the Queen, when we preferred to ask the House of Com- mons for the remission of a penny from the income- tax, rather than to take oiX the tax on corn. Now, the simple test to which I bring that question is this : Sup[)osing we had not proposed to take a penny off the income-tiix, but had proposed to remit the shilling on corn, during the last session of Parliament — bec\ause that is the whole question — the question of time and circumstances — will you guarantee to me that such a proposal made by Go- COMMERCIAL POLICY. 70 vernmcnt would have had success ? Direct taxation, I admit, if we were to proceed upon abstract princi- ples, is a sound principle ; but, gentlemen, have some compassion upon those whose first necessity, whose first duty, it is to provide for the maintenance of the public credit, to provide for defences of the country, to provide in every department for the full efficiency of the public service. I wish I could teach every political philosopher and every financial reformer to extend some indulgence to those who would ascend along with them, if tliey could, into the seventh heaven of speculation, but who have weiglits and clogs tied to their feet, which bind them down to earth. Let no government be induced under the notion of abstract, extensive, sudden, sweeping re- forms, to endanger tlie vital principle of public credit or to risk throwing the finances of the country into confusion.' Mr. Gladstone lias, with others, found fsiult with the customs laws of Canada.* Wliy did he not first ike to n of * ]\rr. Gladstone in his speech on the budget of 18(15 (sec London papers, April 28, IHOS) lal)our8 to prove that the malt- tax of seven millions and a half fjdls on the consumer ; and the Times (April 29) says, ' Mr. Gladstone has conclusiveli/ proved that the malt-tax falls on-the consumer, and not on the producer.' Why then are not Canadian duties, so nnich complained of, a tax on the consumer, and not on the Engli>h producer .' Cotton and •woollen goods arc much more ueccssiu-ics for the Canadian than 80 BRITAIX AND HER COLONIES. apply hero, as in liis own case, his ' simple test,' whether his proposal — for, of course, as an expe- rienced minister he had a substitute for that to Avhich he so strongly objects — ' would liave had success ? ' Why did he not extend some indulgence to the Canadian Ministry, who might be willing ' to ascend along with him, if they could, to the seventh heaven of speculation, but who have weights and clogs which bind them down to earth ?' Why would he not allow them the benefit of his sensible advice, ' tliat no government, under the notion of abstract reforms, should endanger the public credit, or risk throwing the finances of the country into confusion ? ' Canada had undertaken vast and expensive public works. Her customs duties are her chief source of re- venue. What else could she do? Her canals and rail- ways save more on the transit of English manufactures than the customs impose. """In'ough Canadian canals, and over Canadian rail*, ^s, British manufactm-es are now carried twc thousand miles into the interior of the continent to regions they could never before reach. Can;uliau bread-stuffs, of which slie has as beer fur tlic Eiij^lishiiuin. Tlic Can.'ulian fanner who may liavo £10 for the purchase of cotton goods for his family would buy no more by first laying aside .£1 for tlic income-tax, and then paying the £'j for his goods, than by paying the £10 direct lor his lidn'ics ; besides, the cost of the machinery for collecting tlie income-tax in new countries would absorb all the receipts. y liavo my no paying ibrics ; tax in COJIMERCIAL rOLICY. 81 grojit ji surplus as all the United States, aud tim])er, although heavy of transit, are now easily brought to the sea-ports at greatly reduced prices through the same channels. Thus, if it were a mere balancing of profit and loss between the tariff at Canadian sea- ports and the lower freights by means of her canals and railways, the English manufacturer would be greatly the gainer. ' Direct taxation,' says Mr. Gladstone, ' I admit, if we were to proceed upon abstract principles, is a fiound ]m7iciple, but,' etc. This is an extraordinary apology coming from a free-trader. A theoretical principle, good in the abstract, especially for those who dwell in the seventh heaven of specidation, but have mercy on those who have anything to do with it in practice. Nor can we believe that the adoption or rejection of free-trade can be put on the ground Mr. Gladstone rests it on — the prejudices of Parliament — ' the time and the cir- cumstances ' — to which he refers it. It simply proves that trade is not the only interest in the nation. But the free-trader will listen to none of these tilings. The exigencies of the exchequer, the existence of the army and navy, and may lie the very existence of the government, the integrity of the empire, ques- tions of foreign and domestic policy, every interest except conunerce, — all may stand in uncompromising G 82 BRITAIN AND IIKR COLONIKS. opposition to his interpretation of liis theory ; ])iit lu; yields nothing ; so much the worse for those mighty interests, tant pis pour les faits, if they oppose his theory. Nor could Canada, if so disposed, adopt free-trade. She has undertaken gigantic works to fticilitate her own traffic and that of foreign States passing througli her country. On her canals, which admit vessels of COO tons 1,200 miles from the ocean to the head of Lake Ontario, and of 400 tons to Lake Superior, a distance of 2,000 miles, shehas expended ^20,000,000, and an equal sum also on her 2,000 miles of rail- ways : these, with thfit portion of the municipal debt, chiefly invested in railways, for which the go- vernment is responsible, make her debt for public works £10,000,000 sterling. Whence is a young country, thinly settled and with little accumulated wealth, to get the means of paying this debt ? The municipalities, the towns, the cities, already tax themselves for their roads and bridges, which must be made de novo, and for other expenses peculiar to a new country. India and England, the oldest and ricliest of countries, with their accumulated wealth of centui'ies, cannot dispense with customs daties. The ' Times,' which calls free-trade ' the noblest truth that has dawned on })olitical science' (Septem- ber C, 18G4), and condemns the colonies in no mild COMMERCIAL POLICY. 83 Liluted The tax must iar to t and rvcaltli ies. oblost ptein- niikl terms for not abolishing their custom-houses and relying on direct taxation for their revenue, puts in this strong plea for indirect against direct taxation (August 13, 18G4):_ ' Ik'fore they (legacy and succession duties) acquire a lengthened [)rescription, may we venture to ask whether the annoyance they impose and the sort of bodily fear under which they put every man of pro- perty or in trust, are not to be an element in the question between direct and indirect taxation. There are those who point triumphantly to the larger pro- duce of indirect over direct taxation, and rush to the conclusion that the poor are taxed more heavily than the rich. To this conclusion we demur, but if these people will be so good as to add that the in- direct taxes are collected easily, and paid most readily, then tliey have completed the case in favour of indirect taxation over direct. You need never use an article unless you choose. As to trade and the immense commercial development which has fol- lowed reduced duties, we are glad of it, but we do not see why national prosperity is always to bo set against individual comfort, or why any class is to be rendered miserable for the good of the State.' On the 12th of August (18G4), the same journal has these strictures on the political and moral effects of the income-tax : — o2 BRITAIN AM) IIKR (•OIiO^MKS. 'Tlie I'iilso rotunis [only .'>1(),()00 porsons in Gical Britain and Iroliind in a poimlation of 30,00(),()0() having been returned in 1803 as paying iiuonie-tax, and more than lialf these paying on under £150 a year] are, as a rukj, made by the lesser merchants, professional men, and tradesmen — a class in fact having at present most interest at elections, and who.se opinions determine the poliey of the nation. There is no argument against the continuance of the income-tax so potent as the deterioration of political morality it begets in the lower classes. Politicians would be justified by this consideration in endea- vouring to abolish it, were there any ho])e, which there is not, of achieving such a result.'* If direct taxation in a State with the hoarded wealth of centuries, so easily reached by the lax- gatherer, wrings such Language from those who * Number of persons assessed in 1803 in Great Britain, 293,108 ; in Ireland, 17,000; total, 310,408, or one in a hundred. Sixty-seven persons in Great BritJiin, and three in Ireland, wore assessed at or above £50,000; 8,000 in Great Rribiin, and 400 in Ireland, from £600 to £1,000. More than one-half, say 100,000, pay on incomes below £150; 130,000 on incomes from £150 to £000; 8,470 on incomes above £1,000; 18,070 on incomes above £000. Incomes assessed in Great Brifciin at £93,322,804 ; in Ireland at £4,077,000 ; total, £97,999,804. The income-tax was imposed in 1842 for three years only ; in 1845 was prolonged lor three years more; in 1848 (or three years again, then two years successively for twelve months only. In 1853, Mr. Gladstone registered a solenm vow that it should die in 1800. I COMMKRriAL rOLICY, M jlroiit ),()00 e-tiix, 1 50 u luints, 1 i'tict ^, and lafioii. of tlK' olitical itioinns eudea- , which loardod le tax- sc who 293,4C8; and, were , and 400 I 1(50,000, n £150 to inc8 above 2,8G1; in ic-tax was )longc(l I'ur two years Gladstone ask tor the universal npphoation of frcc-trado, and would yield notliing to tliose who icgjird sucli ques- tions of trade to be not a scjience but a [johcy * to be adai)ted to circumstanees, a strong case is already * That I'rec-tnido is re^'ardcd as a policy to lie adoptod or rejected according to tlic necessities or su{)|>osed necessities of cdininiinities, is well iilustratrtd hy tlio actions of the various Aus- tralian colonies in their trade rep;nlations. In New Zealand and Tasmania, islands, each under one governnient, the reveinie is made up chiefly hy customs duties ; and in New Zealand they liuve heen lately increased. In South Australia also, the chiel' port heiny insulated anil not capable ol' hcing useil as an en- trepol oi' trade, with other parts of Australia,
    vcn ox- I Canada taxation. ,o certain istablisli- 3d, woidd ey reason erial, the AT pay all ;land and ;e, freight, feed the ■ all agri- and the II get the )iu' estab- all the ex- mize mnoh lose whose for nianu- T, and for on of any mployment 3ther popn- e customers at our own doors in tlie mnnorous niaruifarturiiis conniiunities in our midst for tlu; pi-oducts of our gardens and fields, now unsaleable. Protection will make us at first pay a Jiigher price for these wares, but experience has proved that competition in our midst will bring down the price again, liut even if it should not, we are compensated in the better markets for our products, in the lessening i.f our taxes by the increase in our ])opulation ; one kind of manufactures will beget another, and these again others ; connnerce will multiply, and with commerce another [)opulation will be superadded. England, as a purely jjgricultural country, could not support more tiian .5,000,000 souls; her manufactures add another 5,000,000, and commerce another five. But another consideration, not very distinctly defined nor often expressed, is ever j>resent in tiie minds of her statesmen and scholars. War may come, as it comes to all nations ;, few generations [»ass away without carrying with them sad memories of its devastation. War may come upon them in their weakness and in their infancy, and they may be shut out from all the world, as were the old thirteen colonies, and as are the new Confederate States, Avithout tlie manul'actures necessary for defence and for domestic })urposes. Admitting tlie doctrine of the disci[)les of free-trade, that protection checks a nation's progress, how small 88 BRITAIN AND IlKIl COLONIFA uii ill would this be in comparison with what the Southern States, and especially the old colonies, HufTered when first they began their struggle tor all that a i)cople hold dear. In the midst of war with a great and warlike nation, and with their ports blockaded, they created their most necessary manu- factures. While learnhig to make the cannon and the musket, the powder and the ball, they were tiaining the men to use them ; they were making at the same time an army and a navy, and laying the foundation for the most necessary manufactures. ' I 89 CHAPTER VIII. i COHT, DEFENCE, ANJ) AUVANTAUliS OF COLUNIEH. Report of Select C'ommitteo of House of Commons on Colonic I Expenditure, 18(51 — ClassificationH — Navy cliiofly to Delenil BritiHh Commerce — Expense would l>e greater if no Colonies — Military Posts — Vast Trade with Colonies with little Cost — British America : its I'ojmlation, Delenoc — Erroneous Opinions on Expenditure — Foreign Relations of Colonies — ('i)iitrast between old and nt!W — United Statics an Aggri'ssivo Power — Colonies if east off — !M. 81)-12«. The Imperial expenditure for colonial military and naval purposes contained in the lleport of Mr. Mills' Select Committee is that for 1 8G0. The dependen- cies of the British empire are there divided into two classes : — 1. Those which it is stated may properly be ctdled ' colonies,' the defence of which is undertaken mainly for their own protection , though they nitiy in some instances contain within their boundaries posts held for Imperial purposes. To this class belong the I 90 BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES. North American and Soutli African colonies, the West Indies, tlie Eastern colonies of Ceylon, Mauri- tius and Labuan, as also New South Wales, Victoria, Queensland, South Australia, Tasmania, and New Zealand. 2. Those of which the defence is undertaken ex- clusively for Im;)erial purposes, whether as military or naval stations, convict depots, or for other objects of Imperial policy. To this class belong the three Mediterranean dependencies, Malta, Gibraltar, and the Ionian Islands (since surrendered), Hong Kong, Bermuda, the Bahamas, St. Helena and the Falkland Islands, West Australia, and the three African settle- ments of Sierra Leone, Gambia, and the Gold Coast. ' In order to arrive at a fair estimate of tlie aver- age annual expenditure incurred and of the number of troops employed, the Committee obtained returns for the year ending March 31, 1860, the most recent period during whicli no disturbing causes ex- isted, involving an abnormal increase of force in foreign possessio' : ' (See Appendix.) ' Throughout their inquiries,' the Committee state that ' they have deemed it essential to keep in view the distinction to be drawn between these two classes.' Ceylon, Mauritius, and Labuan, mostly with nfitive populations, and the last with but two thousand souls. i COST, DEFENCE, AND ADVANTAGES OF COLONIES. 91 ' are grouped in the report with the great Australian colonies ; and the West Indies with the North American, as all alike or ' mainly ' defended for their own sake. ' Out of the £2,000,000,' says Mr. Merivale, ' for which the Imperial expenditure of 1858 for colonial military purposes was fairly redu- cible,£l,000,000 was expended in two colonies alone, the Cape of Good Hope and New Zealand, both at that time in profound peace with their savage in- mates or neighbours.' Why should even these two colonies in their present condition be classed with those two great groups of provinces — the North American and Australian — none of which have ever drawn the mother country into war, or required her aid against internal foes? Canada has been twice involved in war with a powerful neighbour on solely Imperial questions, and on a policy now condemned by eveiy English statesman, but in both instances defended herself with little assistance. The Parliamentary Committee of 1861 place the Imperial expenditure for the first-class of colonies at £1,715,246, including under this head tliose to which exception has just been taken ; and for the second-class, £1,509,835. Of the former sum, the appropriations for the first-class, £413,566 were ex- pended in the four North American colonies, includ- ing HaUfax, Quebec, and Kingston, the first at all nillTAlX AND IIKR COLONIES. events a most important naval station, tlie cxpondi- tni'o lor wliicli is for Impoi'iul purposes ; and General Sir J. F. IJurgoyne, Insj)ector-Gencral of fortifica- tions, in his evidence, gives it as his opinion that Kingston and Quebec, as well as Ilahfax, should be maintained in Imperial interest, and in the recent debate (March 23, 18G4) in the House of Com- mons on the ap[)ropriation for the defence of Quebec, Lord ralmerston urged the vote on the ground that ' this was not a Canadian (juestion, it wjis not a local question, it Avas an Imperial question,' and the House sanctioned this view by a majority of 275 to 40. The five Australian colonies are down for £220,3'.)7 ; but of course they were not exposed to danger from foreign enemies, and New Zealand alone from domestic. I3ut the huav'.est expenditure even imder the iirst-class, was for Ceylon, Mauritius, the South African and West India colonies, which make up Xi,075,27o of the £1,715,240, leaving but :l'(')3t},!»7o for the North American and Austrahan dependencies, those great and flourishing communi- ties chielly of our own kith and kin. And for their own defence the colonies had ai)pro[n"iated £309,224, all, excepting £7,!)0I, from the first-class, still further reducinu; this insi'Miificant sum of little more than half a million set against jnovuices which furnish a trade of seventy millions ; and even from this must COST, DEFENCE, AND ADVANTAGES OP COLONIES. yy tlie expend i- aiul Geiieiiil of fortifiea- ipinion tliat c, should be I tlie recent 5e of Com- ! of Quebec, ground that was not a on,' and the y of 275 to down for ot exposed L'w Zotihuid expenditure , Mauritius, nies, wliicli leaving but Austrahan ; communi- id for tlieir £309,224, itill further more tlian 1 furnisli a I this must be taken lieavy sums for naval stations and other ' (ex- penses not colonial,' which would be greater in purely Imperial interests if there were no such cohjiiies, affording shelter to British shipping and protection to British commerce in the Atlantic, Pacific, South and Indian seas. Upon this part of the Ile[)ort, too, the Committee state, tluit ' large sums appear to have been received from the colonial governments by Imperial officers for strictly military purposes as to which no accounts have been rendered to the War Office or the Treasury.' If all the most momentous interests of a vast em- ])ire arc to be sunnned up in the annual balance- sheet, tiiere will be other items to set against the Imperial account. The British navy is not kept in those distant waters, as one class of writers ilij)pantly assei-ts, to defend the colonies or colonial interests, so much as to protect Britisli commei'ce. Where there are British ports and loyal ])opulations, com- merce requires little else for its protection, ' Tlie trade of Australia is forty millions, almost all of which, when at sea and in the harbours, is British projierty, and entirely insured at home. The interest which the colonies liave in it is very small indeed ' (Mr. Meiivales ev. 23 lG-2o;)0.) Canada had a trade in 1803 of nearly ninety mil- lions of dollars, and the British provinces in the 94 BHITAIX AND IIKR COLONIES. valloy of the St. Lawrence, of some thirty miUions sterling. The shipping of Canada, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick, amounted to twelve millions of tons. ' These figures represented a trade,' says Mr. Gait, Finance Minister of Canada, ' which is probably the third in the world, exceeded only by the trade of Great Britain and the United States, and, perhaps, the trade of France, which last, however, did not much, if at all, exceed the figures just given.' Where, in the history of commerce, have such mighty results grown from such insignificant expen- diture as in the colonial trade of Great Britain? Half a million is drawn from the British exchequer for Canada and jA.ustralia, whose trade counts up to seventy millions. If these were mere trading posts, kept up by commercial houses, the result would be considered a magnificent commercial undertaking. British capital, British shipping, and British manu- factures enter largely into this vast trade. Those friendly populations and protecting ports make this commerce safe almost without the aid of the British navy. 'The naval expenditure,' says Earl Grey {Col. Policy^ \st Letter, p. 43), 'which is frequently charged against the colonies, cannot, in my opinion, be so with any justice, since if we had no colonies, I believe that the demands upon our naval force ; COST, DEFENCE, AND ADVANTAGES OF COLONIES. 95 would be ratlier increased than diminislied, from the necessity of protecting our commerce.' If this be true in peace, what would be the effect in war, were those colonies independent, or, may be, provhices of a hostile Power? If the West India Islands had been United States' territory in the pre- sent American war, how much easier her task to blockade Southern ports and defend her commerce. A recent estimate gives the destruction of property on the ocean by Southern privateers at £100,000,000, without including the loss to the nation by her com- merce being driven from the seas. Supposing again British America to be independent, not to say a State of the American Union, in a war between England and those States, would British commerce and British interests be safer in those waters than now ? Would Imperial expenditure be less than now, when all the power of a vigorous popula- tion of four millions of true and ardent allies, men of the same bone and muscle and spirit as ourselves, would be put forth by land and sea in attacks on a frontier of thousands of miles ; not thousands of miles for Britain to defend — for that Canadians have heretofore done when much weaker comparatively than now — but thousands of miles from which to attack sii exposed frontier, thousands of miles for the enemy to defend, dividing his 4 06 IJHITAIN AXD lIliR COLONIES. forces and exhausting his strcnjith. Even L'rantiiiuj the assumption that Britisli America could be con- quered, Britain tlien, according to the dicta of these timid people, would be stronger than before, and the enemy, after all his waste of men and materinl, would, at his own expense and to his own detriment, have done the empire the highest service. Britain would henceforth be strong and America weak. * Canada is a source of weakness to us,' say those profound reasoners. ' With half the American con- tinent against us, and Canada for us, we are in danger. Let but Canada join the Republic, we shall then have the whole continent, witii its imi)lacuble population, against us, and shall again be sale.' British America is, of all the countries on that continent, the least likely to be conquered. In po- sition she is a Russia. A campaign can be carried on only in summer. She can be attacked only from the south, and, if defeated, has more; than Scythian fastnesses in her Ottawas, her Saguenay, and h(>r lake regions. Her population is certainly as haidy, as self-relying, as proud-spirited as any on that con- tinent, trained to the use of arms, and accustomed to all those manly exercises, the best school for the soldier in a country of countless lakes, of vast forests, and of great and numerous rivers. She is yet, it is true, sparsely settled, but the census gives COST, DEFENCE, AND ADVANTAGES OF COLONIES. 07 Even graiitiiij^ 20iild 1)0 con- dicta of tllCfSU 11 before, ajid and material, wn detriment, vice. Britain ca weak, us,' say tlieso Uncrican con- s, we are in iblic, we sliall ts ini|)lacuble )e safe.' tries on that .'red. In po- ll be carried ed only fi'om an Scythian ly, and Ikt ily as hardy, on that con- accustomed lool lor the \es, of vast ers. She is census irives to her population and wealth a more rapid increase during the last twenty-five years than even to the most favoured regions of the renowned Republic. In the fertility of her soil, the salubrity of her cli- mate, in her minerals, her forests, and fisheries on her coasts and gulfs and inland waters, the ma- terials of wealth abound. Situated in that por- tion of the temperate zone most propitious to the grains and grasses, the favoured regions of the ox, the sheep, and the horse, wealth and material pros- perity are her sure inheritance. In none of the institutions of the neighbouring Republic, as com- pared with her own, does she know anything to envy. She had been insensible to the taunts of her Republican neighbours and their British sympathizers when less prosperous, knowing, too, as she did, that British capital and British labour isent by British subjects to the Republic were the grounds of that conti'ast ; she has repelled, by force, the many at- tempts to subject her to the Republic, and had many things to complain of in her colonial position, re- minding her almost, especially in the past, that to be a colonist was to have passed under the Caudine forks. Under such circumstances, British America has been true to herself, and true to the Crown. Tier past gives no ground of fear that she can ever be H ■ i BRITAIN AND HER COLONIKS. I turned from her allegiance by aught but the want of wisdom in the rulers of the empire. The civil expenditure on colonial account is now reduced to the salaries of some of the West India governors, and to the maintenance of one or two trifling settlements which do not pay expenses. These are i)urely questions of colonial policy, unconnected with the general principles of the colonial empire. Tlie previous estimate for colonial expenditure, military, naval, convict, anti-slavery, &c. was for the year ending March 31, 18G0. lleference is here made to another, that of 1857 (printed in Parlia- iiientary Repoi% 1859), for the purpose mainly of introducing the admirable remarks of Mr. Merivale, for twelve years Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies. The total military expenditure on account of colonies, is estimated by Messrs. Ilamilton, Godley, and Elliot in 1857 at £3,600,000, but this large re- turn includes several charges, such as transport and freight, proportion of departmental expenses, &c. not heretofore brought into account. From this sura should be deducted £1,100,000, for the Medi- terranean and other garrisons not properly colonial. Out of the residue, £2,500,000, £800,000 were ab- sorbed by the Cape of Good Hope alone. Military expenditure is incurred in colonies \ 5' i ; the wiint mt is now Vest India lie or two ises. These iiconiiectcd empire, xpeuditure, was for the ice is here in Parlia- ! mainly of T. Merivale, tate for the account of on, Godley, lis large re- ransport and cpenses, «S:c. From this ■or the Medi- erly colonial. )00 were ab- e. in colonies X COST, DEPEXCK, ^.^D ADVAMTAGES OF COLONIES. 09 (whether defrayed by the mother country or by thu colonics) for three distinct purposes : — 1. For prevention against foreign war with civ- ilized Powers ; 2. For maintenance of internal tranquillity ; 3. For precaution against the hostility of natives. For the second and third of these objects no expenses of the Imj)erial Exchequer are incurred for any of the great colonies proper, unless it may be temporarily at the Cape and in New Zealand. But if the case of New Zealand, of which so much has been said, arxd so bitterly said, proves anything, it is either that the natives are superior to those of other countries settled by British colonists, or else that the British colonists of the present day in New Zealand are inferior to those of former days. The natives, as in other colonies, have been under the special supervision of the Imperial authorities, and these, and not the colonists, are responsible for the results. Had the entire matter been left with those on the spot, it would never have reached the present state. The first of these objects — precaution against foreign war — it has been usual in British policy to consider as of Imperial interest, although one school of British politicians would liave the colonies defend themselves. Surely while the mother country con- ducts the foreign relations of her dependencies, she is h2 lOO BRITAIN AND llVAl COLOXIKS. rospousiblo for tlio consequences of tliat (lij)l<)inficy. Shu may draw tliem into disastrous wars, or subject them to an ignominious peace, on questions in which they have no concern, as in the war of 1812, or where tlieir territories are sacrificed as the price of peace, as in tlie Ashburton treaty of 184G. Wliile those international rehitions toucli only upon ques- tions of peace, the honour in negotiations of interests so vast belongs all to the parent State. I3ut if she will enjoy the luxury of all the di[)lomacy for the empire in peace, she cannot rid herself of the re- sponsibility in war. The Duke of Newcastle expressed himself strongly upon this point. ' As a general rule, it is undoubtedly the duty of this country to protect our colonial possessions from foreign aggression at all hazards and at all exp*" 'se.' (Ilanmrd, Feb. 1804.) Upon the annual exj>enditure for colonial purposes Mr. Merivale well remarks : — ' But it is esHential to disabuse the public mind of the common and superficial notion that what appears in the public returns as colonial military expenditure is really such, except in a very small proportion. This great community is no longer limited in these days of vast but only beginning expansion, by local bounds. Every sea lias its British population carry- ing the trade iA' Britain. Every foreign country, almost every ire(iuented port, has its colony of British OST, DKFKNCK, AM) ADVANTAOFCS OF COLONMKS. 101 inacy. .i\)ject Nvliicli L'2, or 1 ico of While I qiies- iterests t if she for the the re- cpressed nil rule, ) protect ion at all ). 1804.) purposes viind of appears penditare roportion. (1 in these , by local ion carry- country, of British i residents with their commercial [)roperty. And in every region of the world we liave our political interests, real or imaginary. Now it is to protect t/il.s tradi', these fellotv-suhjects and their interests, not to protect the [)eople of Malta, Gibraltar, Mauritius, Ilong Kong, tluit these ports and others are oc- cupied by expensive Britisli garrisons. Whether such expenditure be wise or foolish, is not the purpose of our present inquiry ; it is sufficient that it is not colonial. Adding to such places as those named a few others where the expenditure is really incurred for convict, not colonial purposes, and other fact- t)ries for mixed trading and anti-slavery purposes, we arrive at a deduction of more than £1,500,000 from the sum of £3,500,000, at which the lleport es- timates " Imperial expenditure for military purposes." 'Of the remaining £2,000,000, one-fourth [£500,000, and in 1800, £413,000] is appropriated to the North American colonics. In these great colonies, no danger from natives is possible. The whole amount must therefore l)e regarded as in- surance against foreign invasion. And as such, the colonies urge that it ought to fall upon the mother country to contribute largely towards their security. " We," they say, " have no interest in provoking foreign wars. If ever we are engaged in them it will be in consequence of Imperial quarrels. lOS imiTAIV AND HKR COLON IKS. not of our own. And besides this, your expensive fortresses of (iuehec and Halifax are, in reality, rather posts for tlu; ))roteeti()n of your own interests, like Malta ov Gibraltar, than for tlie colonial pur- poses of Canada or Nova Scotia." * The expenditure incurred for the defence of tho colonics by the Imperial Government in 1858, and one of remarkable quiet throughout our colonial empire, was for defence of posts for military, convict, commercial, and other special purposes, £1,000,000 Of colonial against foreign Powers simply 400,000 Against foreign Powers and internal disturbances, but chiefly the latter . 600,000 Against warlike natives 1,000,000 Total £3,000,000 ' Not content,' says Mr. Adilcrley (p. 01), ' with relieving the Btrenf^tli of sucli .a colony (Canada) of the tJisk of deleiiding its Avealth, we further contril)iite to its wealth, hy paying Canadian bishops, rectors, and archdeacons, although the Crown has given np the SJilcs of clergy-lands, which were expressly reserved for that purpose.' ' We assist Canada,' says thtj • Times,' January 23, 1803, ' to pay its archdeacons and its clergy.' This is a pecu- liarly English view founded on imperfect information. Canada has no established Church, and therefore, as a State, has no bishops, itrchbishops, and clergy. Those ]iaymcnts refeiTed to were never '.nade from the clergy-lands, but were originally engagements by vhe Crown in pursuance of the Imperial policy to estal)lish the Church of England by law in Canada. This was contemplated COST, DRI'KNt'K, AND ADVANTAdKH OF COLON IKS. 103 mvlity, crests, lI pvir- of tbo >8, ami -olou'ml convict, rjOO,000 400,000 600,000 ,000,000 i,000,000 elicvina; the crumling its ng CaniitVian m has given reserved for January 23, iH is a pecvi- ion. Canada as no bishops, to were never gagenicnts by estay)lish the I contemplivted 'The contrast between tlie present iind roiincr colonies,' is the hiirdcn of the song of one chiss of writers on colonial questions. Air. AcklerUy gives us a chapter on it, and makes it the basis of his pamphlet. The lleports of rarliamentary Com- mittees are full of it. The press and the Parliament have re-echoed it, but all in the most vague gene- ralities. The natives in one of the islands of the 8(mth Seas are dissjitisfied with their bargain -with the Home Government, for it is the Crown which has special charge of their aflairs. Mr. Adderley f quotes the oj)inions of the Prime Minister at Auckland on the policy which has led to the wjir : 'It is a complication of folly and wi(,'kedness — a simple confusion — an abomination.' Troops are sent from England. Then comes the sweeping charge in Parliament, in pamphlets, and in the press — ' Colonists of to-day are not made of the same stuff as of old.' So of the Cape. There are fifty in the Act of 1791, and it had taken Canathi from that date until IHiVl to rid hor.vilf of it. This it was whicli oanscd tlio rebolHon in Upper Canada in ls;57. Of tlio c;U>rgy-landa refciTed to by Mr. Adilerioy as Crown property, it is sulficient to state, that the Canndian House of Assembly on numerous occasions, extending ovei- a period of thirty or ibrty years, voted to appropriate them to gen( ral education, or to throw them into the public funds, on tlu' groiuul liiat, made valuable by the laboiu- of the public, they should be giv^jtt to the public, and not to a party. 104 BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES. dependencies, diflering from each other as widely as fifty independent nations. Yet an isolated occurrence in one is made the basis of condemning the whole. The old American colonies, it is said, defended them- selves against the natives, made war upon the French in the West Indies, Port lloyal in 1710, and Cape Breton in 1745. Mr. Godley, 'whose mind,' Mr. Adderley informs us, ' has furnished all die wisdom I may have collected on this subject,' states in his evidence, — ' They (old American colonies) had, as an imme- diate neighbour, a far more formidable Power, for aggressive purposes, than t]\e United States, viz. the French, and on the other side a more formidable naval and military PoAver, the Spaniards ; so that the danger to our New England colonies from foreign (Kigref^sion was itifinitehj greater than the danger of Canada from aggression by the United States' (2195.) It would be difficult to conceive a more pre- posterous statement than the one here made. There was little danger to those old colonies from the fieets of either of those powers while England could meet them on the sea. The French settlements were chielly on tlie Lower St. Lawrence ; the English on the seaboard, separated by hundreds of miles ol" rough country without roads, covered by vast forests, I ■ i COST, DEFENCE, AND ADVANTAGES OF COLONIES. 105 tenanted by numerous tribes of Indians, each hostile to his neighbour. The force which the French could send to sucli a distance was quite insignificant. The troops of New England, which conquered Halifax, Nova Scotia, and Cape Breton, quoted so ofteji as examples of the prowess of the old colonies, were ten to one in force to the regulars opposed to them. Mr. Adderley himself has shown the absurdity of Mr. Godley's statement in his lament that ' we have felt it (United States) act, on important points of international policy, upon ourselves oflatejn/luencing^ attracting, repelling, controlling from afar.' So the 'Times' (January 24, 18G3) asserts, 'that the United States insults with hnpunity by turns every Power of the European continent.' It is true that the ' Times ' had complained the day before that ' Canada does not defend herself against the United States,' but this Mr. Adderley himself does while standing in awe of that overshadowing Power. Yet Canada has always held I er ground against every attack from even the Great Republic, grown to twenty times the strength it was when, in detached communities with no roads but the Indian patli, it defended itself from the aborigines, themselves divided into innumerable tribes, neutralizing each other's power by their deadly enmities. Now those model all-conquering old colonies have become a 106 BRITAIN Ai\D 1I13R COLONLKS. mighty Power ; tlieir railways and canals touch the Canatlas at a hundred points ; they are filled with a turbulent population, the socialists, the republicans, the propagandists of the old world, ready for a tilt anywhere against anybody connected with a mo- narciiy. It is no small credit that Canada has maintained a defiant attitude when threatened, and repelled the many attacks of such a Power — a Power which ' overawes,' which ' insults ' with impunity every nation of Europe.' ' Mr, Godley refers,' says Mr, Merivale, ' to the early history of the New England colonies, that before 1754, when regular forces were first maintained in them, had not only defended themselves, but conquered Nova Scotia and Cape Breton for England. All this is true, but, unfortunately, it is one of those truths which are most effective when clothed in general language, and lose most of their force when we change the ground from generals to particulars. The old English colo- nies had no foreign enemies, except France. All that was needed was that England should be prac- tically as near to them as France. At the present day, the menace, against which the British troops are thought to guard, proceeds, not from France, but from the United States, the country of a powerful and warlike people, contemporaneous with our provinces for thousands of miles.' COST, DEFIANCE, AND ADVANTAGES OP COLONIES. 107 I i Tlie Select Committee of 18G1 souglit information upon this point from all or nearly all who came be- fore them, but except a mere theorist or two, all re- pudiated the idea of there being any analogy between the two cases. ' Did not the old colonies,' asked Mr. Mills' Com- mittee of Earl Grey, ' undertake the primary respon- sibility of their own defence, England contributing ? now England undertakes the primary responsibility, and calls upon the colonies to contribute.' 'I do not know,' was Earl Grey's reply, 'whether that is a correct way of describing it. At that time the whole state of the world was so different to what it is now, that you can hardly draw any comparison between the two. The colonies were not attacked upon their own grounds by the great armies of civilized Powers ; their principal danger was from Indian tribes, or from irregular forces of the French. The French troops were very small indeed.' ' The colonial troops,' says General Burgoyne, ' which conquered Nova Scotia, Halifax, and Cape Breton, were ten to one in force to the regulars op- posed to them.' (Ev. 135C.) If Canada had always been, compared with the Republic on her border, ten to one, instead of one to twenty, as in 1812, and one to twelve or four- teen in 1860 ; if she had, hke the old colonies, and 108 BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES. subsequently the United States, been Jit first the leading and afterwards almost the only Power on tliat continent, these comparisons of Mr. Godley and Mr. Adderley would have weight ; but as the facts really are they completely misstate — directly reverse — the question. As early ru 1660 the popul.'ition of the British colonics in America is estimated at 80,000, as large a number as the French in Canada a century later, which are placed in 1763 at 65,000 in the province of Quebec, and about 30,000 in the re- maining districts, Trois Eivieres, Montreal, and the Lakes. While in 1763 the Englisli colonists must have numbered more than 1,500,000 (twelve years after we find them nearly 3,000,000) ; Mass.nchusctts alone having 240,000, Pennsylvania 280,000, and Massachusetts and Connecticut — the two states near- est Canada— 400,000, as against 60,000 or 70,000 French in the latter province. That neither the French nor Spanish in America ever interfered seriously with the English settlements, ought to have prevented any impartial and ingenuous writer from instituting such comparisons, and must now, that they are made, be considered a sufiicient answer to them. The United States have really been the most aggres- sive Power of the ago, not excepting even Russia. The first charters of the London and Plymouth com- panies, organizing Virginia and Massachusetts, the , COST, DKFENCE, AND ADVANTAGES OP COLONIES. 109 first tlie • on that and Mr, its really rsc — the 1 of the 80,000, , century I in the the re- and the sts must VQ years ichusetts 00, and :es near- 70,000 ther the iterfered . to have ;er from hat they to them. , aggres- Russia. ith coin- 3tts, the two great centres from which the Eepublic has grown to its enormous dimensions, give only 100 miles inland. First tlie natives were deprived of their lands. Louisiana was purchased in 1803 for ^15,000,000 from France, and Florida ceded in 1821 by Spain ; Texas, California, and vast territories lying between them, were wrested from Mexico. Upon Cuba and Central America attempts have been twice made by filhbusters from the United States, Avhom their Government did little to check. On the north, in the first treaty on the boundary line, after they had gained their independence, immense Bri- tish territory from the Lakes to the Pacific was ceded ; also in the second — the 'Ashburton' — large portions of Canada, New Brunswick, and an important island in the St. Lawrence, controlling the river, the Cana dian canals and railways ; 200 miles of the northern shore of Lake Superior and the island Eoyal — the Malta of the Lake ; and vast regions thence to the Pacific ; portions of Oregon and other territory in the Pacific ; were surrendered to avoid a war. Maine, ceded in the same ti-eaty, and running like a wedge between Canada and the maritime provinces, lies an impassible barrier between the ocean and those great countries in the valley of the St. Lawrence and the retfions west. In 1775 and in 1812, Canada was invaded by I no BRITAIN AXD IIKR COLOXIF']S. American troops, and in 1837 by ' sympatliizer.s.' The defence of Canada is the defence of 13ritisli America. Britain thouglit it good policy to scud her army and lier fleet for the defence of Turkey against Russia, at an expense of £100,000,000, but when a few troops are garrisoned in Canada, no hmguage seems too strong in condenmation of a colony allowing it- self to receive them to aid, if necessary, in her de- fence. Every Power of Europe is concerned in checking the encroachments of llussia, Jiritain alone of European States is affected by the aggressions of the mammoth Power of the West. Canada, as an integral part of the empire, woidd, with the confede- racy on the south, create a balance of power on tliat continent. Already the mercantile marine of the British North American Provinces on the St. Law- rence and Atlantic, is the fourth, if not the third, in tonnage amongst the nations of the earth ; and the mercantile marine is the basis of the navy. Her vast fisheries on the Atlantic, in tlie Gulf and Great Lakes, are the most adniirable school for the navy. Her sailors and fishermen niunber 70,000. Iler sons now enter the British army and navy. A regiment was offered by Canada at the time of the Crimean war and given since (the 100th); another is being raised for the Crown. Her cordial, earnest British feeling has been shown I every ever' 1 s.' The tnericii. ny and Russia, ji few i seems A'iug it- her de- rned in in alone jsions of a, as an Lionfede- ■ on that 3 of the 3t. Law- third, in and the y. Her id Great le navy, ller sons regiment Crimean is being it British in every COST, DEFENCE, AND ADVANTAGES OP COLONIES. Ill calamity tliat has befallen the mother country. Bri- tain makes all her calculations upon the basis of her supremacy at sea. The British colonists in every part of the globe are equally with the sons of these islands a mercantile i)eople, and go down to the sea in great ships. Britain must be mistress of the seas ; that 's a necessity for her. With the mighty navies now growing up on both sides of the Atlantic, no lidit wci'dit in the scales will be what these vigorous offshoots can add, in the gift of their sons, their fleets, and their friendly ports. Those English writers who admit the importance of colonies to the mother country usually assume, for they give us no proof of their assertions, that the advantages of the connection are mostly in favour of the colonies. Tlie chief of these advantages to them is tlieir defence. We do not under-estiinate the might of England and the potency of her protecting shield over ' th o distant members of the empire. Doubtless an enemy would not, without a weighty cause, wake that power into action. But we do not place all their safety from attacks to the credit of their Imperial connection. States smaller even than those infarl: countries live by the side of the great military Powers of Europe without molestation, and without being often involved in foreign quarrels. If the North American, the Australian, and South Hi HRITAIX AND IIER COLONIES. African colonies werG sovereign States, there is only one nation of Europe, or at most only two, that could ( ndangcr their independence. And the motives for such molestation arc not easily to be perceived. Canada is tlie only one of the dependencies of the Crown yet drawn into foreign wars, and these have heen solely through the follies of British statesmen, and must be credited to their connection with Eng- land. At this day there is a much more friendly feeling between Canada and her neighbour than be- tween England and that llepublic, and, as the only wars of that colony have been brought upon her by I)eing involved in the foreign policy of the mother country, her danger could scarcely be considered greater after severing the connection. It is a mistake, too, to assume that the colonies, if cast off by Eng- land, would be friendless. Their innnense trade would secure them allies. What really are the great advantages to those thriving communities of a continued colonial posi- tion ? The English, tl:e Germans, the Scandinavians, the migrating races of the old world, go chiefly to the United States. British capital follows them there more than elsewhere for investment. The mother country subsidizes two lines of steamers to New York and Boston, instead of to Halifax and Quebec, and has refused even one penny to a Canadian line. COST, Di:ri:.vcK, and advan'tacies op c'olo\ii",s. 113 line. Trade witli the Itcpiiblic is tluis fostered at the ex- pense of tliat witli liritisli colonies, wliile tlie trade of these contributes vastly more than that of the He- public to the wealth of the nation in proportion to their po[)ulations. The statesmen, too, of those countries, while dei)enden('ies of the Crown, are vir- tually confined to the narrow circle of mere muni- cipalities. We say virtually. The Crf)wn mi;i' be an impartial distributor, an equal fountain of lion nr, to its subjects in every part of the empire; but favour is merit, and this kind of merit is most appreciated near the throne. The existence of numerous, ardent, and faithful allies in every part of the globe contributes greatly to the protection of the connnerce of Britain, carried on on every sea and in every port and navigable river, lessens instead of increases those expenses of the navy incurred for the defence of ti'ade, and adds to the moral inllucnce and strength of the empire. They provide new and congenial homes for the sur- plus population of the mother country, and new fields for the employment of British capital, under the more stable government and greater protection of British institutions, where capital and labour are most productive. They are still saved to the empire, and they contril)ute more thati any other populations to swell tlie commerce of the nation ; and, although I 114 nillTAIN AND HER COLONIES. beyond tlie seas, add vastly to tlio value of every man's estate, and to every artisan's and labourer's j)rofits in the kingdom. It' we were to measure the advantages to the parent State I'rom the eolonies, because they are colonies, by the profits of trade alone, the result would be an enormous sum, both absolutely and compared with the ex[)enditure on colonial account. Eai'l Ciiatham declared in 170G that ' the profits to Great Britain from the trade of the colonies is two millions a year. This is the fund that carried you triumphantly through the last war. The estates that were at two thousand pounds a year threescore years ago are at three thousand pountls jit present. You owe this to America. This is the price America pays you for her protection. I dare not say how much higher the profits may be augmented.' A century has passed since the utterance of those words ; a century of profits enjoyed from that trade, and of dangei-s escai)ed by the relief through emigiation to an over-burdened population. Six millions and a half of peoi)le have gone from the United Kingdom since 1800, and the pressure of po])ulation on subsistence lias been relieved to that extent in the first instance, and the nation saved from the accumulated pressure of the numbers to which the six and a half millions would have crown. ■1 of every lubourer's lie parent ilonic!!, by lid be ail arcd "Nvitli Cluvtliani it Britain lis a year, impliautly 3re at two go are at we tills to H you for Lili higher e of these oiu that throii!j;li 1011. Six from the essure of d to that 1011 saved imbers to ve crown. t COST, DKl'KNCK, AM) AI)VAXTA(JES OF COI.O.VIKS. 1 15 roiiiilatioii iiiereases more rapidly than the means of subsistence : in the United Kingdom it doubles itself in twenty-live years. Tlie dangers that have been escaped and the good done liy this free and co[)ious emigration are beyond computation — a good alike to tliose left behind and to those who have g<"»nc ■where labour is more productive and capital reaps a better profit, and where, therefore, as consumers they take more largely of Jh-itish goods, and as jiro- ducers contribute more to British trade than they would if they had stayed in these islands or gone to foreign countries. They, too, remain loyal British subjects. Their increase m wealth and population will be so much added to the wealth, population, and strength of the empire. ' This great lield ' (the United States), says Mr. Merivale, ' for emigration seems to bo closed. Even a restored union, if such a thing be possible, must go through a struggle of years, from its present calamities, before it can be attractive to the emigrant as heretofore. Few I think have at all realized the nature and magnitude of the evil which is impend- ing over us from the closing, even for a time, of that outlet for our superabundant population. It was a safety-valve always open. Periods of comparative depression here, such as rendered emigration more desirable, were seldom coincident with periods of I i 116 IJUITAI.V AN'D IIRR COLONIFCS. coinparativc {Icprossioii in tlic Stiitcrf. Kiuigrntioii has been tho rc^'iilar j)rovi.si()n for one child in six born in this part of the United Kingdom ; but in Iro- huul more nearly for one in three. Those must be far more sanguine than I am who can look without great a])i)rehensii)n at the threatened abolition of that ))ro- vision, oi- at least nuu.'h more thanludfofit — being the pro[)ortion which the States have liithcrto oflered. 'And it surely follows thiit continued colonization and the continuance also of our ])olitir{d relation with such colonies as wo ])osscss, are more than ever important to the Avell-being of the community. Canada, as long as it remains connected with us, af- fords a certain and regular place of I'esort for no in- considerable portion of our surplus. How long Canada might do so if we were to follow the advice of a modern [)olitical school, by leaving her to indepen- dence — that is, to foiiniiig connection with the States — no wise man, with the civil war raging before; his eyes, will venture to anticipate. Emigration to Aus- tralia and New Zealand is carried on at a greater disadvantatie, still it has carried ofT on the averaj^e one-eighth of our sur[)lus since 1825, and will carry ofT a great deal more. Let us withdraw from Aus- tralia the British flag, and it is highly improbable, in all ordinary [)olitical cidculations, that emigration would continue to anvthinir like the same amount i per « alltl COST, DKl'KNCE, AND ADVANTAGES OP COLONIKS. 117 wlii'ii tliu suusc of security now felt under Hriiish itiHtitutions Imd cuiisod to exist. Tin; ^nvutur tin; lo!U^-^. Meri- vale's Lectures, p. 072.) ' It is j)lain that the clear pecuniary loss of Great Britain from the retention of her North American empire is confmed wholly to the sums which may have been spent by the British Treasury in its government and defence. These I have already had occasion to t- 118 BllITAlN AND HER COLOXIKS. show are nmcli overrated in public estimation ; and are partially, though of course not wholly, compen- sated by the increase of local Avealth and trade pro- duced by government expenditure.' (Averai/e of 185()-8. Meri vale's Lectures, p. 073.) Mr. Laing, late Finance Minister of India, in a lec- ture on the ' Trade and Finance of the British Empire' for 18(53, delivered at Wick, in September 1804, lias given some very important facts on this subject. 'Who,' he asks, ' are our cliief customers? In the first })lace, I observe that our own possessions are l)y far our best customers. Together they furnish veiy nearly one-third of our import trade, and one-half our export tiade ! British India stands for the first in the list, giving us nearly £50,000,000 of imports, and taking in return £20,000,000 of exi)orts. For tlie current year (1804) these figures will be con- siderably exceeded, and the rate of ])rogression is most marked, the imports ten years ago having been only £10,072,000, and the exports £9,020,000. Australia shows a wonderful result, considering its recent settlement and limited ]io[)uliition. It sends us, exclusive of gold, about £7,000,000 of inqjoi'ts, and takes £13,000,000 of exports. The North American colonies, with a similar British population, give us £8,000,000 of imports, and takes nearly £r>,000,000 of exports. Tlie little island of Mauri-^ COST, DEFENCE, AND ADVANTAGES OF COLONIES. 119 lU ; and ;ompen- icle pro- 'raije of in ft loc- Enipiro' 804, lias joct. ? In the IS are by lisli very one-half 'the first imports, ts. For . be con- :'ossion is ing been ,020,000. lering its It sends imports, le North )pulation, IL'S noarly of Mauri tins, with the advantage of l^ritish government and cai)ital, sends us nearly £2,000,000 a year, and takes £.')00,000. These instances apparently show the advantages of colonies to commerce, and refute the sluillow theory which asks us to abandon our distant possessions as useless appendages. It is true that we no longer impose a monopoly, and leave them free as air to sell in the dearest and buy in the cheapest market ; but it is no less true that the ten- dency of trade is always towards the inotlk^r country, and that a given population, whether it be of British origin, as in Australia or Canada, or of foreign race, as in India or Ceylon, will always furnish a larger trade per head with Great Britain, if they form part of the British empire, than if, as in the United States or in China, they are subjects of a foreign government.' The trade* for 18G3, imports and exports, with France was £42,000,000 ; widi Eussia, £18,000,000 ; with Turkey, £10,000,000 ; Prussia and North Ger- many, £32,000,000; Holland, £18,000,000; Bel- gium, £9,000,000; Spain, £0,500,000; Cuba, £0,000,000 ; Brazil, £8,000,000 ; United States * Tlio trade, imports and export?, for 18(i3, amounted, with France, to about £1 Is, per head of her popidation ; with Ger- many, to 15s.; with llussia, 5s. ; Turkey and Spain, Gs. ; Bel- giimi, £1 8s.; Brazil, £1 ; United States, £1 4s. (£2 in LSOO); Australia (exclusive of gold), £11 ; North American Colonies, £4. The trade with Holland was chieiiy in transitu. 120 BRITAIX AND HER COLONIES. (before the war, £00,000,000), £40,000,000 ; Aus- tralia, exclusive of gold, £20,000,000 ; North Ame- rican Colonies, £13,000,000. In estimating the imports from the United States and the British Xortli American ])rovinces into Britain, it must be borne in mind that the chief markets for Canadian bread-stufl's are New ]<]n/. Em. So.) COST, DEFEXCi:, AND ADVANTAGES OF COLONIES. 121 ; AllS- li Ame- iiig the 1 Nortli )oriie in tul-stiifl's of the eh liiive al years, [ events ther this .meriean g Ameri- ts. For h wheat United ith groAV e eenti'al scarcely c tlian a e Upper 00(),00() f British Avho go head. — From 1815 to 18G0, 3,100,000 emigrants went from Great Britain to the American Eei)nblic alone, and 2,040,000 to all tlie fifty colonies. The amomit of imports into three North American and seven Australian colonics in 18G1 was about £18,000,000. The English manufacturer, besides all his costs in mamifacturing tliese uoods, must add to them tlie })roportion which they slunild bear of liis part of the national debt and national expenditure. These the consumer in the distant dependency pays ; and as that consumer takes more largely of British manu- factures abroad than he did at home, he paya on these goods more to the national exchequer than before he left these sliores. Tlie o,l 00,000 British subjects who liave gone to tlie United States, sup- posing them to have migrated at once, woidd take in one year £2,01)5,000 worth of British goods ; while the 2,040,000 to the colonies would take £14,070,000 worth ; and if the 3,100,000 had gone to tlie colonies, instead of to the United States, they would take of British manufactures £22,300,000 worth, instead of £2,(U)0,000 as now. Yet it is British capitalists chielly wlio rire res})onsibie for so many British subjects going to the United States instead of to the colonies. Had tliey gone to the colonies, tliey and their descendants would have continued to take of British goods the laiger proportion. What 122 BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES. an enormous sum would be represented by the dif- ference between what tliese now contribute to Britisli commerce and British manuftictures, nnd what tliey and tlieir descendants would contribute, if their steps had been directed to the British colonies ! We are told, too, that the cost of defending this vast commerce is much less on tliose friendly shores than a similar trade would be in foreign countries. British commerce in Cliincse or Brazilian waters is not so safe as in Australian and Canadian. Where the trade is less, the hisurance is heavier and the cost to the navy greater. Franklin, in his evidence before the House of Commons in 176G, gave it as his opinion that the intercourse between the mother country nnd the colonies created in the minds of the colonists a fondness for English fashions, which conduced greatly to the increase of trade. French fashions and French fabrics have, ft ice the Eevolution, been adopted in America, to a much greater extent than amongst any English-speaking population. The whole export trade of Britain, including that of her colonies, in 1701, was but £0,50U,0l)0 ; that of Canada alone, in 1861, was £8,700,000, and her im- ports £9,500,000. Victoria (1801) had £12,298,882 exports, and £lo,215,lGG im])orts ; and New South Wales £5,072,020 exports, and £7,5 10,285 imports. COST, DEFENCE, AND ADVANTAGES OP COLONIES. 123 the dit- ) British lat they if tlieir es! ling this y shores ouutries. vaters is Where and the louse of that the and the )lonists a conduced fashions tion, been :tent than iding that .)() ; that of 1(1 her im- 2,298,882 ^ew South 50 imports. > Countries tliat but a few years ago were known only as the hunting ground of the ravage, amusing us only with the accounts of new and strange races of men, are now tlie happy homes of well-ordered and prosperous communities, having a connnerce greater than the wliole of Britain a century and a half ago. The population of Great Britain was stated by Lord North in 1775 to have been 8,000,000 ; that of the British provinces in the valley of tlie St. Lawrence iji 18G5 is 4,000,000 ; a century before they were estimated at not more than 120,000. In the important debate on the defences of Canada in the House oi Commons on the 23rd of March, the Under-Secretary of War, the Marquis of Ilartington, laid before tlie House the views of the Governnicnt on this question, furnished upon the report of Lieu- tenant Colonel Jervois, Deputy Inspector-General of Fortifications. Colonel Jervois had recommended £200,000 for the defence of Quebec, and £443,000 for Montreal. The former of these sums the Britisli Government proposes to pay, leaving the other, tliat for the defences of Montreal, to the Canadian Government, as also £'500,000 towards fortifications for Kiii!>- ston, Toronto, and Hamilton. Tlie Under-Secretary of War states on behalf of the Government, that tlie defence of the works at Quebec and Montreal would require a force of 12,000 men ; but in case of an 124 BRITAIN ANO IIEB COLONIES. attack on tliose points, it would bo desirable to have at least 35,000 men, and furthor, a movable I'orce of 20,000 to 25,000 to harass the enemy. 'J'hc total force that would be required ibr the defeuce of tlie Lower St. Lawrence to Montreal would be 00,000 men. We could easily, the Under-Secretaiy of Wav states, send out from this coiuitry 20,000 troops ; there are already 20,000 volunteers enrolled and organized in Canada, and 80,000 designated '.nd by the law of the country required to turn out ; or, as llie Secretary for the colonies stated, 8'J,000 had already been balloted fo)'. These, with their ollicers, would make a force of 100,000. Thus we could bring into the field at once 120,000 men; Mr. Disraeli says 200,000. The Canadians have half a million of men capable of bearing arms, mostly accustomed to the use o^ the rifle, and to tliose hardy pursuits emi- nently qualifying them for military duty. Colonel Jervois gives it as liis opinion that, ' owinj5 to the length and nature of the frontier of Canadi, it was impossible to protect it throughout its whcle extent ; an enemy must nevertheless acquire possess, on of certain vital points before he could obtain [,ny military advantag; ; that there are only a few such points ; and that, if proper arrangements were made for the defence of those places by the constiuction of fortifications, the provision I gun- ) to have i Ibi'co of Hic total cc of tho G G(),0()() y of War D troops ; L)lk'(l and 2d --.(id by lit ; or, as •,000 bad 3ir ollicors, ■SVC could [r. Disraeli . million of istomcd to rsiiits cnii- iuioii tlir-t, frontier of tbroiigliout less accpiirc 3 he could 'c are only raugevnents ices by the ion of guu- COST, DEFENCE, AND ADVANTAGES OP COLONIES. 125 boats. and tlie impro\ cment of communications , the militia and volunteer forces of the country, if pro- overn- .vith the most perly organized, and aided by British troops, Avould be enabled to hold them dui'ing the period, only about six months in the year, when military operations on a lai-ge scale could be carried on against them, find thus those forces co ild r/esist an attack -svj^li the best possible cha/K'« of su ment have adoj)ted f ^ experienced and al5le men in the service. Their proposal to expend one-fifth of a million in four years for purposes so important, while we have laid out ten millions in five years on our oavu coast, Par- liament might Avoll sanction without a murmur. At tlu! close of the debate Lord Pahnerston urged upon the House ' that as the tone and line of argument were so much in favour of the motion, it would be very un(losirable that there should appear to be a difference of opinion. It is a question,' he said, ' which affects the position and character, the honour, the interests, and the duties of this great country. It has been said* that you can't defend Canada, Now I utterly deny that pro[)osition.' Equally ex- plicit was the Secretary of the Colonies in stating the opinions of the Government. ' My I'ight hon. * liy j\Ir. Jjowe. 126 BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES. frioiul (Mr. Lowo) has said that in tliis debate no one lias ventured to assert the contrary of tlie pro- position wliieh lie has laid down, and to maintain tluit Canada can be defended. I should rather have said, after listening attentively to every word in this debate, that until uiy right hon. friend himself i)sc almost tlie whole discussion had been upon one side, and there was nothing for those who support the vote to reply to except the argument of my right hon. fi-iend.' * So also Mr. Disraeli on behalf of the ()pposition. 'Those provinces, and the lands con- tinuous to them, have the means of sustaining not only millions but tens of millions of population. Canada has, I believe, its own future before it. It has all the elements which make a nation.' 'Our North American provinces,' says the Under-Secre- tary of War, 'are a great nation, and are on the high road to be a still greater nation.' Those who in the House and in the press have so earnestly in-ged that Canada cannot bo defended in Canada, that our only means of defending her is by our fleet, in attacking the United States at their most vulnerable parts, assume that we shall certainly have command of the sea, and that American privateers could inflict little injury on our commerce in com- * Speech of the Riglit Hon. IMr. Card well, March 23, I8G5. ibato no the pro- innintuiii licr liavo 1 ill this self lose one side, )port the my right {lit" of the lids coii- ining not :)piiUition. re it. It n.' ' Our ler-Secre- e oil the ss have so efended in I her is by their most ainly have privateers ;c ill com- 23, 18G5. COST, DEFENCE, AND ADVANTAGES OF COLONIES. 127 parison with the damage we could do them. Surely, too, if we cannot defend Canadian soil with the as- sistance of 100,000 or 200,000 militia, we can have little hope of success in- any attack upon the Ainc- rican seaboard where ^vc shall have no such assist- ance. The conquest of Canada, admitting that to be possible, would require the entire military force of the United States. It would then be good policy to make that task as difficult of execution as possible, for upon it the enemy must employ a vast army, which would disperse his for'^^es and exhaust his strength. Sujjposing Britain should have such supre- macy of the seas as to be able to inflict without re- ceiving blows, the Americans would probably allow the few towns that could be reached to be destroyed, consoling themselves with the reflection that we were destroying as much English as American property, while their privateers would retahate upon our commerce. If the States attack Canada, they must be prejiared to defend their own frontiers of some 2,000 miles ; they must have sufficient force for de- fence as well as for attack ; and the war of 1812-15 shows that Canada, then comparatively much weaker than now, could inflict more damage than she re- ceived. Canada has now been British for more than a rentury, but has never involved the parent State in 128 BRITAIN AND IIKR COLONIKS. hostilities. War and the dangers of war liavc come not fry Connnitteo of 18()1 — Godley — ^lerivalc — Policy Suggested by Circumstances — No Pigid Pule — Newcastle — CJrey — X. Mr. Adderley's Contrast between Old iind Now Coloines — Virginia — Canada — Attributes Acts of Old Colonics to Avrong Motives — Old Colonies feared Parliament and Crown ; and Enghmd the too rapid Growth of Colonies. Pp. 12ii-105. 1. Is it interest that binds tlie colonics to tlie parent State? Etirl Grey gives it as liis opinion tliat ino niUTAIV AM) IIKll ror/»NiKS. thoHc fjiit.liful allies add strength to the (Mnpirc, thai tlio cxpt'iiso ol' tilt! navy would be greater if there were no colonies, from the greater necessity of de- fending liritish conmierce. All admit, us Franklin did, a century ago, that English manufactures are taken to a larger extent by countries under British rule, and trade is greater with them. In war the mother country has their moral support, and, if need l)e, their material aid. But colonists may be involved in the most devastating wars solely because of their relation to Britain. Australia was recently tlirea- tened with the destruction of her cities. Their safety, it was said, hung upon the contingency of England aiding Poland. Canada is sure to be, as she lias been, the battle-field of every war between Great Britain and the United States, and Canada must rely chiefly on lier own arm for defence. Thus the strength of the enemy is wiisted on battle-fields far distant from Englisii shores. Those whose homes are in these hap]iy and inaccessible islands, might form some conception of the dangers to which Canada is exposed, were it possible to reverse in imagination the condition of the two countries, by assuming that Canada was the head of the empire, and that Eng- land, with four millions of peoi)lc, had France or some Power never her ally if not always her enemy, lying conterminous to her at every part of lier i i OPINIONS, IMIM'-RIAIi AND COLONIAL. 131 irc, tlint if there y of tle- Fnmkliu uroH j\re V British war the a, if need 1 involved ? of their Lly tlirea- ^. Their ngency of , be, as she reeii Great , must rely Thus the e-fields far lose homes Liids, might lich Canada imagination suraing that 1 that Eng- l Trance or I her enemy, part of her boundary, and tliat boundary an imnginary lino, a river or a lake ; tiiat in every war with Canada, .'j,(K)0 miles oir, the legions from lliis kingdom of tliiily millions would be poured over England's I'ur lields, to be followed by all the horrors of war in her homes iuid lamilies. Again, let it be supjjosed that Franco was peopled with a kindred race,of the same langunge, religion, laws, and customs, and that union with her would save England from such dire consequences and secure her some portion of aii almost i'abulous prosperity; !i, prosperity, too, in gre;it i)art the efl'ect of Canadian caj)il;il and Canadian emigration. Further, let ]']nglislimen see their Fi'eiu'h neighboui's aspiring to and receiving the hiidiest honours in tlu' iiift of a great nation, while they themselves were forced to be content with mere municipal honours. No, it is not interest that binds England's distant s(ms to the fatherland. There is no such cold calculation in their loyalty. It is that generous sentiment that leads a brother to prefer a l)rother's interests, to side with a brother aijainst strangers, even when he knows he is Avnmg. An ardent allection is a jealous aflection. It takes ill the rebulls, the harsh criticisms, the cold calculating spirit with which aid is profTered, and the forgetfulness of all that is done and suffered in return. The sons of colonists enter the army and navy of England. A regiment is raised by one K 2 132 BRITAIN AND II KR COLONIES. I colony and otliors onbrctl, but no mention is made of these when English statesmen and writers so often remind colonists that they keep amongst them a few soldiers, may be for Imperial purposes or for conveni- ence ; or, as after the Crimean war, ' because there were neither barra(^ks nor other adequate accommo- dations in England.' Britain in Europe stands in her island home a beacon-light, a teacher of constitutional liberty. Abroad, scattered over the face of the earth, are these co-workers with her — noble oflshoots of a noble parent — labouring to consolidate constitutional go- vernments amidst the anarcliy of the new world, or in Africa on the borders of petty and degraded despotisms, or at the antipodes, wdiere free scope is given over a broad continent for the development of British institu- tions. But not alone in their preferences for ]3ritish institutions, nor in the promptness with which their sons have sprung to arms when England's honour or necessity called, not alone in the gift of a regiment to take their part with the soldiers of the empire, and in the educating so many of their sons for the army and navy of England, — has their affection for the land of their fothers been shown; but when, thi'ough famine, or war, or pestilence, the people of these islands have been in distress, by their domestic alllictious, have the hearts of Britons OriNIONS, IMPERIAL AND COLONIAL. 133 (3 f al)i'oad been movo'"', and from every part of tlieir broad lands conti'ibuti( )ns in food and money liave flowed for the relief of the distressed in the old home. For the Irish famine of 1847, to make up the defi- ciency of scanty rrops in Scotland, for the widows and orphans of Cruiv::... soldiers, for the Lancashire operatives, — for all, Canada and Austndia came for- ward as zealously as if the misery were at their own doors. 2. ' Does England draw lier colonies, or her colo- nies draw licr, into war? Tlic colonies have the chief influence iti Imperial implication in war. What brought us to the verge of hostilities on the Maine boundary, on the Musquito shore, or at San Juan's, or about the Newfoundland fisheries ? or why are Ave now sending troops to Canada.?' (Mr. Adder- ley's Pamphlet, p. 52.) It wa)uld be a sufficient answer to these statements and questions that m none of the cases named was England involved in Avar, but that Canada has been draAvn into two purely English quarrels; one in 1775, in sustaining the then tyraimical policy of the mother country ; the other in 1812-15, when Europe in arms forced the dethroned Bourbons upon the French. In neither of which had Canada any in- terest, except that in the first the old colonies were fighting the battles of colonies, and in the second 134 BRITAIN AND IIKR COLONIES. France was asserting the riglit of a people to govern themselves. 'WJiy are we sending troops to Canada?' It would be trifling to attempt to show that the insult to the Ih'itish ihig, in the case of the Trent, did not arise in any way out of colonial interests. The 'Times,' too, us quoted by Mr. Adderley, asserted that, ' If Canada had not been a British possession, there would have been no reviling of Endand and no outrage connnitted on the Eiiglisli ilag.' A previous question should have been asked and answered. Why do the United States show, and why have they always shown, such a wjuit jf amity towtirds England ? Here lies the chief cause of tlie reviling and the outrages. Mark the treatment, too, that England received from Ger- many, and Prussia, and Austria, not to name Eussia. Was all this because ' Canada was a British posses- sion?' France has received from America, as well as from the German Powers, the most marked re- spect. She could trample the vaunted Munroe doc- trine under the feet of her warriors, and erect an empire on the borders of the Great llepublic ; yet she and lier citizens are treated with the utmost con- sideration, while it is painful to call to mind even a tithe of the indignities heaped upon British subjects and British shipping. As to the Maine boundary, the Mus([uito shore, and Newlbundland questions, 1 5 OPINIONS, IMPERIAL AND COLONIAL. 135 fovcrn ?' It insult id not rimes,' lat, ' If ! would )utragc uestion ' do the shown, lies the ;Mark )m Ger- llussia. L posses- , as well 'ked re- roe doc- erect an )lic; yet lost con- 1 even a subjects oundiuy, questions, tliey were settled in a very amicable way by the .sacrifice of British territory and British interests. Canada was in no way concerned in the San Juan question. But San Juan still remains, and no doubt* many other occasions will be offered to the ' peace at any price' school to show their generosity in surrender- ing loyal British subjects, with their firesides, and their altars, and vast regions, to those who had foresworn their allegiance ; only sucli cases must not be taken as a prcmimn to revolt. Even after the fatted calf had been killed, and the old home made merry, was not all that remained the heir's ? It is true the pro- digal in thiy case was not restored, but what matter? Can we not still spin and weave for him ? Wars may arise, and the difficulties of defence be increased by the surrender, but of what moment is this to Britain, if she no longer intends to defend her do- main ? In the meantime her peace is not disturbed, and she can buy and sell v/ith the stranger as well as with her own household. Did not Eoine, too, in her last days, for a time prevent war by the sur- render of distant provinces ? America knows, Germany knows, that France will not submit to insults, (uid she receives none ; and no doubt French policy, as a peace policy even, is safest. Fi-(mi England's peace policy gi-ew the Russian war. That the mother country is drawn into wars with 136 J51UTAI.V AND IlKll COLON! lOS. tlic JilH)rigiiiC'i ill Afi'u'n niul New Zi'iiliiiid iiri; scju'ccly cast'.s to hv. quoted in tliis coiiiu'ctioii, since lor tliose seltleineiit.s iukI the w;iis tlu-re llie Covei'iiiiieiit aiul rarliameiit of ]*]iiL;Ian(l are responsible. The enemy, loo, are savages, and the Avars loeal and exceptional. The natives aii' • piH'ially under tlie control of the Iin- ])erial ;iuthorities, tjiid the colonists complain of the want of Avisdom in such manaii-ement. If England erects lier llat^ iu those countries, organizes a govern- ment, and sends them a governor, she does all these things Avitli a full knoAvledge of all those questions of races involved in such u procedure. The old colonists now quoted as models had control of their own relations with the natives, and kneAV when to strike, and when to withhold the arm. Those who point the colonists of South Alrica and New Zealand to the first settlers iu America for exam[)les, ought iirst, ill all fairness, to iriake the conditions of the two the vsame ; not [Aacc the one free and the other bound hand and foot in the forest amongst ^avages. ' It is even, in the rupture of things, an impracti- cable system of government to let distant comnumi- ties discuss their own policj% follow their own in- terests, make their oAvn neighbour wars, and from the centre of the empiie to imdertake to maintain for diem their various policy, protect their interests, and light their wiu's.' [Addcr/ei/, \). 43.) I t 'lit iiiul c'lK'iiiy, tioiKll. llicliu- of the *.niiliUid !i()Vt>ni- 11 these uestioiis llie old oi' their ivlieii ti) t)se who Zeiiltuul 3S, oliuht s oi' the ;he other ^avages. iinpraeti- omimiiii- OAvn lu- ll id from luirnitaiii iiiteresis, i Ol'INIOXH, IMIMIUIAL AND C0F/)NIAL. 137 The entire eoloiiiul jiistory of l^iiij^land is exactly the reverse of Mr, Adderley's statement. It is from the centre of the em])ire that wars are made, and the cokuiies are forced to fi^lit, not tlieir own, but Eii^- laiuVs wars — wars, too, usually, in which the (Col- onists are involved against their own interests, wars oiii'lnating in the injustice and fJly of England, I'lnglishmen themselves of all classes being the judges. Earl Grey, in Mr. Mills' Committee, to a question (2G22) relating to the war of 1812, 'that Canada did not ])ay towards raising troojjs,' replied, ' The danger to Canada during that war with the United (States was entirely brought u])on her by our luost impolitic conduct towards the United States. Canada justly felt that she was only suilering from her c(jii- iiection with us.' As to wars with native tribes, Mr. Addcrlcy, with ueai'ly all other memb(.'rs of rarliament and writers, forgets the facts — especially that the uiother countiy manages the whole of the afliiirs with the aborigines — and Mr. Adderk'v has givcu us a sample of their atlministiatioii in New Zealand ; it is ' a simple con- fusion — an abomination.' Mr. Brodie, member for four years of the New Zealand Legislature, tells the Committee (J'Jr. 2874) that the control which the English Govei'iiment retains over native afDiirs is the sole ground why Enghuid should ])ay for the troops 138 BRITAIN AND HER COLOXIKS. ill tiiat colony — that the iiiilitia of New Zealand are a great deal better than the regular troops of the English army to deal with the natives — experience has proved that they are much more willing tf> fol- low the natives into the v/oods than the military — that the Executive of New Zealand have no control over the afRiirs of the natives.' (Sec also Mr. Fitz- (jcrakVs Letter in ' Times,' June 25, 18G5.) The colonists of the Cape of Good Hope have been as unjustly censured for the wars with the n[itives, because the blame seems to rest chielly with the Home authorities — both the Home Government and the House of Commons — by fiivst establishing the coloni.ts in such a way as to expose them to be cut off singly by the natives, and then keeping the management of native Jiffairs in Imperial hands. Earl Grey [Ev. 2557) states that ' the only two col- onies exposed to attack by warlike natives are New Zealand and the Cape of Good Hope. In both I think the Government, and especially tlie House of Commons, must be taken to have encouiaged coloni- zation. The Avhole scheme of fomilng a settlement in the most exposed part of the Ca])c was originally brought forward by the Govermnent, was sanctioned by the House of Commons, and was recommended ])articularly by those gentlemen in the Houso of Com- mons who were the great advocates for economy. OPINIONS, IMPERIAL AND COLONIAL. 130 \\n\ arc; of the )ericncc in fol- itary — control fr. Fitz- pc have vith the elly witli i^cnimcnt ablishing cm to be oping the al hands. ' two col- s are New In both I House of ;c'd coloni- Ltlciiient in originally winctioned onnnended so of Corn- economy. ■. »5 The Imperial Govcriunont not only ibimdod the colony, but did so in a manner of all others most calculated to increase the danger and to diminish the power of the settlers to defend themselves. It placed single farm-houses over an extensive district, in situations in which they wore utterly incapable of defending themselves. The Government at the same time took all the responsibility of defending the colony The original settlers in North America were compact, and consequently capable of protecting themselves. In the absence of Imperial troops, I am persuaded a war of extermination would be carried on, ending in the destruction of the natives. A frightful uiVA-.mt' of suffering to both parties would be endured in the meantime.' (Ev. 2559-25G3.) 3. It is natural enough I^^hat a parent State should strive to shape the institutions of its dependencies after its own pattern. Whether it be monarchical Spain, Franco imperifil or republican, or England, aristocratic and democratic so happily blended, each has set up its own institutions, civil and ecclesiastical, as the model. England for two centuries laboin'od in vain to estabhsh an aristocracy and her State Church in her colonies. S[)ain had done the same before her. This has been a fruitful source of con- tention between the new and the old sorietios, A yt)ung and small community planted in a distant 140 BRITAIX AND HER COLOXIKS. ] til 1(1, .'iiul forced to govern itself, is democratic from necessity. The five settlers in llliode Island, the 100 in Connecticut, the 120 pilgrims on Plymoutli rock, in the 1 7th century, the small bimds of Greek and Tyiian adventurers around the shores of the Medi- temnean 3000 years ago, were voluntary associa- tions and republics. In such communities there are no aristocracies and no peasants ; universal suffrage at their origin is a necessity. That republics exist in America and despotisms in Asia, are i)roofs, the one of the youth, the other of the age of society, all due allowances being made for differences in the character and in the education, in its broadest sense, of the races of men that inhabit these two continents. Despotism superseded the republics on both shores of the Mediterranean, and feudal aristocracy in central Europe grew naturally out of the state of society — the warhke tribes with tlieir chieftains. In British America, in Australia, in all such countries where lands are cheap, a peasant society similar to that of Europe cannot exist ; the emigrant soon becomes the owner of land and as independent as any class of society. Nor can aristocracies in the European and Asiatic sense be created. Asia has her castes — the Brahmin, the soldier, mcrcho'it, and menial. None of these, not even as they are modified in Eui'opcan States, can exist as distinctive classes in those new I /ic i'l'OUl tlielOO }\ rock, cck and [» Medi- associa- .licrc arc siifTragc lies exist •oofs, the )cicty, all 2S in the est sense, outincnts. shores of in central society — In British ios where to that of 3Comes the ly class of lopcan and wastes — the ial. None 1 European those new .16 OPINIONS, IlirERIAL AND COLONIAL. 141 countries. How, then, can the forms of government, the peculiar laws and usages, that have grown out of and been interwoven into the institutions of old communities, be forced upon new commonwealths, constituted so widely diflerent? Clianges must gradually supervene. The new and simple wants of young societies will give place to the more tirtificial forms and complicated interests of older communities ; large manufacturing and commercial cities will rise up witli turbulent populations ; wars will create armies and a military class ; modifications in the govern- ment would ensue ; tlie executive arm would be strengthened to meet the new conditions of society, and to kee[) in check the rivalries and contentions of powerful parties and opposing interests. 4. Much angry connnent has been wasted upon Canada during the American war, because she has not armed to meet the peculiar views of those Irrge- minded members of Parhament and of the press, who have so kindly taken the affairs of all the world upon themselves, and relieved tliose distant and, because distant, benighted races from the trouble of thinking of their own concerns. The spirit and the matter of such strictures can have but one effect — that of creat- ing a colonial in opposition to an Impedal party ; of rendering more dillicult the task of tlte friends of continued union in both countries, embittering the 14-2 DRITAIX AND IIEll COLOXIES. connection wliilc it lusts, and may be forcing an angry sc'paiation. All the world, too, had just been told by men in high positions in both Houses of rarlianient, that 'all classes of Her Majesty's subjects in the North American provinces, had come forward and shown the determination at all hazards — and the liazards of war would in the first instance have fallen on themselves — to maintain their allegiance, and support the honour and dignity of the British Crown ; and that this would be an important element in our future relations with the United States, and tend to secure us against the danuers of war with that country.' And again, that ' the Canadian people manifested an amount of energy and determination which lias well merited the affection of the mother country,' But the danger of war on the Trent aOTair soon passed away ; and, in the opinions of Canadians — and events have thus far proved the correctness of those opinions — they were little likely to be molestetl during the civil war ; they were, in fact, never safer. Mr. Adderley may be taken as a representative of the more moderate class of writers on colonial affairs. In the preface to the new edition of his letter to Mr. Disraeli, he says : — ' Is Canada to be looked upon with satisfaction at this moment — is she safe, in the state of semi- OPINIONS, IMI'KRIAL AND COLONIAL. 143 1 uiigvy told by iumc'iit, ill the iivd and and the ice have Icgiancc, e British inportant e Uaited dangers that 'the bf energy ii'ited the {I (lair soon lians— and ss of those 3 molested never safer, iresentative on colonial ition of his satisfaction ate of scini- depondency described in the following letter ; free as to her government, legislation, and policy, but dependent upon Jinglisli arms and funds for her defence and security ? Is she likely to remain part of the British empire on an English guarantee of her liabilities ; or to retain, on the credit of others, a fellow-citizenship the vital essence of which consists in self-defence ? ' Mr. Adderley falls into the common habit of his countrymen of judging hastily and harshly of com- munities of which ho can have little knowledge. If he is unacquainted with tlie present condition and character of the people of those provinces, and attaches no weight to the judgment of English states- men, whose opinions had just been so freely expressed on the 'self-reliance' and 'determination of the Canadians to support the honour of the British Crown at all hazards — knowing that the hazards of war would in the first instance have fallen on them- selves,' he ought not, at all events, to have ignored the entire history of that country, every event of which is directly at variance with the assertions here and in other parts of his pamphlet. In 1783, Upper Canada was settled by the loyalists, who had respected their oaths of allegiance, and fought the battles of monarchy against democracy, and of Britain against the old colonies. Chielly by these very men, too. 144 FmiTAI>f ANT) IIKR COLOXIKS. and tlieir ftiLliers, Caiuula iitul bcc!i conquered in 1750 ; (uid by the descendants of tlic same class defended, in 1812 and in 18o7, witli little assistance from the mother country. Tlie unanimity and resolution shown to defend their own and Jh'itish ri«,dit8 on tlie boundary question of 184G, brought by timid couneils to such an inglorious end; the attitude assumed in 18G1, when the Hag of Ihitain had been insulted, an attitude which English statesmen declared l)revented war ; and the s[)irit displayed through the whole American war, and more especially called out at the close of this year (18G4) to keep inviolate their soil ; the entire history and jiresent condition of those provinces, show that the assertions here and else- where as to the want of self-reliance of the Canadians and their dependence upon English anus, have no foundation, are, in fact, the pure inventions of the writers, if not the suggestions of jxisillanimity, or of what Mr. Adderley styles 'supercilious ignorance.' What more could be cx})ected of any people ? They have always successfully defended themselves, and against great odds and in wars brought on them by the folly of British statesmen. In other places, Mr. Adderley, and writers of his class, equally draw upon their imaginations or their fears, when sptiaking of the British provinces falling voluntarily or from compulsion into the American OriNJOXS, IMI'EHIAL AXb COLOMAL. 143 crcil in lie class SHistanoo lity and \ l')ntish Du^lit by e {ittitu(lt5 liiul boon idccluvcil rough the culled (Hit ) iuvioliito .mditioii of L-e tind else- Ciuuidiaus luive no )ns of tbc iiuity, or of uorauee.' y people? tbeiuselves, lit on tlioni riters of bis ions or tbeir iuces fulling le Aiueiican Eepublic. 'Let America only decompose,' says Mr. Adderley ([>. xiv.), 'and reconstruct herself in the neighbour! lood of Canada. There is no cohesion in the constitution of Canadian connection with England sufficient to resist the mere impact of any fragment from the ruins of the Union.' Canada had del'ended herself for three years against the whole Union, when she was, c >mpared with the States, far weaker than now. Wiiat ])0W c, then, Avtmld there be in the 'mere impact of a ly fragment,' to crush her ? If ^Ir. Adderley'- ''<';u's were suggested by the possible disintegralon of the American Republic, and the formation in the North of a confederation free from slavery — that this new confederation, in having severed its connection from the slave-holding states, would have removed every or the chief objection of Canadians to a union with them — he knows little of the feelings or reid opinions of the people of those piovinces. The few who might be so influenced by ■•kIi changed circum- stances, would be chiefly those whose opinitms were carried there with then^ These, like those who went before them, modify their views, and their children, if they themselves do not, become what the educated classes there liave long been, and now chielly are in England, at the same time that they abhor slavery, and do their utmost to relieve the victims of 1 ur. HKITAIN AM) IIKII COLOMKS. ll wluMicvcr tlu-y luivo the o]i[)()rLimity. I'iVt'ii I'lij^'- Itiiul, \\\[\\ lit'i- sIroiiL!; syinj)athios on tliis subject, (loi's not allow it to control her iiitcnuitioiia! rela- tions. It made no (iillerence in her intercourse with tlie United !:r^tates when in union "with the South, and "while the Washington (iovernnient itself held slaves in the district of C\>Iunil)ia. lSlave-hoIdinL»' Turkey and S^pain are the allies of Britain, and to u])hold Turkey, l^lii^land :y question (Er. 2!)89-()() ), ' whether he hail ever considered the consequences of a confederation free from slavery, u])on the jk)- litical condition of Canada, and whether the mother country could rely ujjon the colony for her own defence under those changed circumstances ? ' His Grace declined to ansAver the questions, as being ' very specu.lative ; ho had considered them fre- OPINIONS, IMriaUAIi AND COLONIAL 147 CM Kllg- subjcct, \al volii- [v^c with mill, and lid sliivos iillies ol" rruve her h liussin, of t^JKlhl. ;s to tlioir I' opinions ilMKll \v\i\- 3 question s, and the In Mr. as a nicni- 1 ^Minister, >'»89-l)0), nscqucncos m tlie ]K)- :lie niothor r her own iL-es?' His as bein*^ them iVe- quently, and all ho could say was thsit, at the present uioniciit, there is not .a ])()[)ulation more loyally dis[)osed to the ]}ritish Crown than the Canadian ])opulation He spoke ouite as nuich of the French as of the English.' 5. Mr. Adderley, at the dose of his pamphlet, addressed to Mr. Disraeli, gives this summary of his object : — 'I hoj)e I have given satisfactorily to your judg- ment, a fair comparison between our former and existing colonial system, and strong reasons for restoring the former.' One part of that former system was, as we arc informed by Mr. Adderley, and those who tliiidv with him, that the old colonists made war in Canada, Nova Scotia, and Cii])e Breton, uj)on the Indian tribes, and even in the West Indies. Modern colo- nists have ailo[)Led a dillerent polic}^ and tried to live peaceably b} the side of their neighbours. Canada, says Mr. Adderley, has not fully regained the ancient tj'pe. Hence the infei'cnce that her ])eoi)le are made of less stern stud' than the more quarrel- some race of former generations. This is to look at but lialf the question. Take, as an example, the British provinces which have grown up by the side of the old colonies, and we shall iind that they have as bravely and successfully l2 148 BRITAIX AXD IIKR COLOXIi:S. (lofeiulcd tliomselvcs from both Indian tribes and foreign enemies, aa those eai lier jiioneors, witli Avlioni it is now the fasliion to compare or contrast them. They liave kept tiie peace "witli tlieir neighbours, and jirotected tlieir country from all invasions. They have never involved the parent State in war, but have freely given their blood in defence of themsi'lves and the empire, when drawn into tlio quarrels of England, on even a policy now strongly condemned by English statesmen. After some very flattering compliments to these provinces, Mr. Adderley adds, ' Canada still wants the corollary of self-government — self-defence.' It is diflicult to understand the ideas attached by these Avi-it(n's to ' self defence,' unless it be explained by Mr. Addei-ley's reviewer ('Times,' January 2o, 18G3), who seems to put his whole meaning, not in a postscript indeed, but in his last sentence. ' We are not inviting Canada to emulate our ancient colonists, and present Maine to the mother country as a testimony of their prowess.' If Canada had any such ambition to emulate the ancient type, she would probal)ly remember that her militia did conquer Michigan, a state even larger than Maine, and larger than England, Avith several forts on her frontier, in the war in 1812, and ' pi'csented them to the mother countiy,' but they were very OPIXIONS, IMPERIAL AND COLONIAL. 149 s arul wlioiii tliem. boury, asionts 11 war, lice ot- ito the brongly these lilts the hed by cpliiiiu'd laiy i'), :r, not in }. ' We aiu'ient country nlate the that her rffcr than oral forts presented /ere very j condescendingly taken from lier loyal children and presented again to the descendants of the old type of rebels. Maine, too, thirty years afterwards, with her loyal Jh'itish popidation, was turned over to the llepublic, because the llepublic demanded it. What guarantee would Canada have in thus showing her l)rowess that tlie prize would be retained? The warlike propensities of tlic old colonists cannot be referred to as proof of their higher {spirit. There is, no dtnibt, as high a tone of feeling amongst Englishmen and Frenchmen at the present day, as wdieii they were more demonstrative in showing it ; but there may be a higher morality, a better appreciation of international duties. The one is the passion of the boy, the other the maturer wisdom of the man. Do those who now laud the spirit of the old colonies, a[)provc their war policy ? Does not the spirit of the colonists more correctly represent that of the mother country at the present day, living at peace with their neighbours, unless when forced to dra>v the sword in self-defence? ' It would be unjust to say the militLiy s[)irit is wanting in Canada. I do not know that Canada has done, or omitted to do, anything otherwise than might lairly have been expected under the circumstances. There was a higher tone of feeling in the old colo- nies, arising from i)assion and hatred between England I.IO milTAIX AND IIKR COLONIKS. and F'-anoe, sucli as I Avoiild not wisli to see between Canada and the United States.' {(ihuhtonea Evi- d,'. /', o42-5.) G. ' The cost of onr colonies to tlie British cxcliequer is a qnestion wliicli lias only recently disqnieted ns. There was a time when we attempted to lax our colonies at oar discretion, and now Ave enable them to tax ns — they claim the control of our ix'sonrces lunv. We allow Canada to a])i)ro- j)riate its clergy reserves, and we assist Canada to |)ay its archdeacons. We ])ay for driving Chinese out of tlie way of Australian diggers. We ])ay £40,000 a year for the police expenses in the West Indies, and £15,000 for the maintenance of pest holes on the coast of West Africa. We i)ay still more for the dillicuitie? of the New Zealand colonies, with their Maories. We pay £27,000 to the C;\\)v for improving the CafTres, and £400,000 a year i'or shooting theui. We pay for the nucleus of protectit)n in nearly all the colonies, Avhich deters the colonists from initiating protection for themselves.' [Ilecieiii of Mr. Adderlei/s Patnphlet, ' Times,' January 2o, 18G3.) We have here the chief items of the indict- ment brought against the colonies jy Mr. Adderley, and reiterated by those Avho have not Mr. Adderley 's candour nor his knowledge of the subject. Tart of 1 OI'IXIONS, IMl'KRIAIi AM) COLONIAL. 151 ;,' 1 : \ lluMii the roloii'u's ])r()por liiivc iioUiinu' lo '<» with. If tlio Iinpc'iialgovcnmieiit dioose to bear the jxilicc cx[)ciiscs of the West Indies, tokee[) up ' pest holes ' on tlie west coast of Africa, ' wliero all lil( dies and till death lives,' to sui)port archdeacons in a country which will not tolerate a State-paid clergy, to pay £27,()()(> a year to improve the Caflivs, and then :1,'40(),000 a year to shoot them, — these and similar question we sui)j)ose are matters of taste, or mysteries of the colonial t)nicc. If, moreover, British states- men find it convenient to li^ht their ])olitical battles on such questions, none can llnd i'ault with them ; but it is unuGuerous and unjust to charj^e the folly of the Imperial policy upon the colonists, and stupid to confound the cost of garrisons and naval stations, and the exjjcnses connected Avith forty posts and depen- dencies, with those ct)lonies that have nothing in the world to do with them. Eiiu'land for her own CD inlciests, real oi imaginary, expends a million and a lialf sterlirig on garrisons, convict settlements, and stations connected with her anti-slavery policy, and anotlier million and more on islands in the Eiist and West Indies, portions of South Africa, Ivairraiia, Natal, c^'C. peopled in whole or i)art by native races. AVhy should these be confounded with those great counnunities of ]Miglishmen in Noi'th Ameii'.'aand Australia, whose trade with the mother countrv sums -mt\r 152 BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES. up to .£;o5,000,000 a year, but yrt ngairiat Avliicli we fmd in ^ho Conimitteo's Eo])ort only orno £630. (X'O cost to tlie Biitisli cxchcijucr, fuul out 'jf .ven thi.' must be taken at all ovculs tlie ar-iount of expenses for purely Impcriiil ])urpos(;L- at Halifax if not at Quebec, and for troops, too, when kept in Cnnnd--, as the Duke ( f Xewrastle {L'v, 24r»2) and Eml Grey {Ei\ 2G20) state because tlicy are betti;.' oQ'tiiorc, or because there were neithei barracks nor other accommodations in England. A little attention to the ( ircumstances connected M'ith the cases referred to would have saved these writers from the inaccuracies into which they have fallen, and which do great injustice to our fcllow- Kibjects, often struggling for existence itself in those young and sparsely settled countries. If every man in England capable of bearing arms were called upon for the defence of his fireside, we should have a better idea of the sacrifices which the colonists in New Zealand and in South Africa have nuide. When we add to this the responsibility of the Government and Parliament in founding those settle- ments in a manner the most exposed to attack from the natives, and in })ositions whore nmtual su])])ort was utterly impossible, and that the Home Govern- ment reserved to itself all control over the relations between the colonists and natives, we shall have a OPINIONS, IMPERIAL AND COLONIAL. 153 very fair example of the tlioiiglitlcss and ungenerous strictures which embitter the minds of those at first genuinely loyal subjects, and raise up a colonial in opposition to an Imperial party. Tlie effect of such language, whether in the press or in Parliament, is only evil. The colonists maintain that the war (New Zea- land) is an Imperial one, undertaken by Imperial officers, on Imperial grounds, cheerfully and gener- ously aided by the colonists at a cost of which England has little conception — every man from fifteen to fifty-five being under arms. In September 1861, the first wholly responsible government was formed, and Sir George Grey then (18G1) agreed to act by the advice of his ministry in native afitiirs — now (1864) he has taken those affairs into his own hands. The colonists are indignant at the accusations in Parlia- ment and in the press, that tliey encourage the war on account of the Imperial expenditure, and the general unjust strictures in England upon them in the midst of their great sufferings brouglit on them by English policy. (Correspondence of Tinie^^ December 15 ; New Zealand, October 14, 1864 ; also Tinies^ January 25, 1865.) Earl Grey in his evidence (2557-2563) before the Select Committee of 1861, gives a somewhat explicit account of the origin and nature of these settlements. 104 BRITAIN AXD HER COLONIKS. The oiil}' two colonics, lie informs us, exposed to attack from warlike natives are New Zealand and the Cape of Good Hope, in both of which the Govern- ment, and more particularly the House of Conunons, encouraged the colonization, more especially to the Cape ; the "whole scheme of forming settlements in the most exposed parts was originally brought for- ward by the Government, sanctioned by the House of Conunons, and roconmiended p.'U'ticularly by the great advocates of economy ii . the House of Com- mons, as Mr. Hume. * The Im[)erial Government not only founded the colony, but did so in a manner of all others most calculated to increase the danger and diminish the power of the settlers to defend them- selves, by placing sijigle form-houses over an exten- sive district, in exposed situations. The Government at the same time took the resj)onsibility of defending the colcMiy.' The original settlers in Xorth America left to themselves were compact, giving each other support. Equally unjust are the complaints that England pays archdeacons and clergy in Canada ; lor Canada has no archdeacons or clergy in the sense here imder- stood. She has no Established Church. The Crown, in pursuance of the policy of transplanting her eccle- siastical system in the colonies, assumed the respon- sibility of paying certain clergy whom they sent OPINIONS, IMPERIAL AND COLONIAL. 1 there : but the Canadian Government have no such responsibiUty, and no Canadian ministry could stand a day wlio should advocate such a policy, or who should assume the responsibility of paying the clergy. The clergy reserves were the lands of the province, made valuable by the labour of its inhabitants, and were hence thrown into tlie public exchequer for the benefit of all, strict faith being kept with those clergymen who were in receipt of anything from that fund. 7. In the opinions of Englishmen of three genera- tions the old colonists were driven from their allegiance by the most unaccountable blunders of the statesmen of that day. Ai'ter much opposition, constitutional government has at length been granted to the more important dependencies of the empire, and the jus- tice of their demands thus admitted. The attempts to incorpoi'ate tlie ecclesiastical with the civil power in the colonies were misci'able failures. On these and other important questions, succeeding generations have admitted that the colonists were right, which is only to admit that they are the best judges of their own circumstances, and best qualified to manage their own affairs. Whether they have free-trade or protec- tion ; whether a revenue should be raised by direct or indirect taxation in the colonies ; whether those great countries are to be deprived of all control over their 1^6 nUITALV AND HICR COLONIES. foi'ci^Mi I'ljliitions, and dmwii or driven by a power not their own into war, redurcd to the conclition of inuniei])alitie.s, and without the riglit of even ii nuini- cipaUty to be represented in the couneils of the empire ; wlit-tlier Austraha sliould admit convicts to any part of tliat continent to contaminate tlieirpopu- hition, to stain their good name, and add vastly to their police expenditure : on all such questions no Englishman ctm doubt that the colonists are tho- roughly in earnest, and, whatever may be thought of the justice of their case, the liistory of the past cannot but suggest moderation in the views of Impe- I'itU statesmen. 8. Imperial interests in the colonies are repre- sented by a governor appointed by the Ci'own ; to liim is given the power of disallowing acts of the colt )nial legislature, and the same power is reserved to the Crown. The governor is instructed to be specially w.itchful over questions affecting the mother country ; hi.s personal influence is much relied on in guiding legislation. Despatches, too, from the IMinister of State, and less fre(|uently the outlines of bills, are added to all the other agencies used to mould colo- nial action in accordance with Imperial interests, real or imaginaiy. Over and above all this, I'lU'liament reserves the right to legislate for every part of the empire ; the proclamations of the sovereign and the Ol'l.N'IOXS, I.MrHUIAL AND COLONIAL. L-J oi'dcrs of the homo courts may liave tlic samo forco ill tlio ivinotost clojK'iuk'iicy as in the United Kiii;:;- (loin. In severtil of tlie colonies, nioreovcr, the second chamber is appointed by the Crown. Ihit liave colonists no rccij)rocal interests in the lejj^islation of rarlianient and in the action of the Imperial authorities? Coh)nial representation in Parlinment, it is said, is an impossibility — at all events, inadmis- sible. The smalh^st States, not larger than a colonial municipality, accredit ministers or agents to all coun- tries where their interests are of sufficient importance. The ministers of the United Stutes at all the courts, and their consuls at the [)orts of every nation of Europe, have had a powerful inlluenco in directing to their shores the four millions of emigrants from 1800 to 1805 Avlio have gone from the United King- dom, and the many more millions from Europe, to that Ilepublic instead of to British colonies. 9. ' It is inexpedient that the proportion of cost of colonial defence to be borne by the Imperial and colonial governments respectively should be the sub- ject of negotiations with the various dc7)ondencies, but that evidence has been given tending to show that the policy successfully adopted by Lord Grey in 1851, in announcing to the free Australian colonies the terms on which alone Imperial troops could be sent there, may be gradually extended to other 1J8 IJUITAIX AND Hi:i{ COLOMKS. (lepcndciK'it'S possoj^siiiff responsible j^overmiusnt.' {Report of the Select (Jonnnittee of the IIou.se of Cotn- mons on Col. Mil. E.v. 1801.) ' I Jiave always said I Avould advise the policy adopted by Earl Grey in 1851 towards the Anstralian ct)lonies ' — announcing to the colonists the Imperial policy without consulting them. {Mr. (todley's Evi- dence, 2198.) ' The assistance of England should be only in the shape of contribution — one half — and one half would be a fair compromise. {Mr. Oodlef.s Evidence, 2170, 2192.) 'The assistance not to vary with the danger.' (219o.) 'The existence upon the frontier of Canada of a first-class Tower, with which Canada is liable to be involved in war, not by her own act but by the policy of the Home Government, should be no ele- ment in calculating the assistance to be oflered Canada.' (2194.) Such opinions as these last carry their own refuta- tion with them. irap])ily they have found little fa- vour amongst the ruling minds at the Colonial Office, Mr. Merivale's evidence on this point may be set ofT against the above. ' The colonies arc of such entirely diflerent classes that I feel it impossible to apply any uniform rule to the question of what proportion of their defence the mother country ought to contribute. There are cases i rnnumt.' of Coni- Q policy ustralitui Iinpcritil ei/s Eoi- ly in the ilf would ice, 217(5, ; clanger.' f Ciuiiicla ! liable to ut by the c no t'lc- c oflercd vn rci'uta- l little ta- lial Oflice. nay be set cnt classes rni rule to efencc the e are cases i i OIMXIOXS, IMl'KRIAIi AM) COLONIAL. ir,9 ill Avliicji Ku^land luid bettor assume the whole de- t'eiico.' (2*Jil.) ' Tlie coloiiii's in \V<'st AlVica arc kept up for Iinpi'rial i)urp()SL's, and in the case of the North American colonics it is an extremely dillicult que i)''n whether you should call contributions from the colonies, or to what extent, although I am not prepared to say that ycm should not do so.' (2221.) 'In Xcwibunilland you have the disagreeable task of watcliing the execution of treaties. In Nova Scotia you have one of tiie most important military stations which you possess. Canada is a great country, and all our relations with Canada are the relations of one great country with another. No ordinary colonial l)rinciples apply.' So the Duke of Newcastle, on a question of colo- nial policy somewhat similar, says in his evidence (20 4(1):— ' I dilFer from the position assumed throughout that letter [(htueral Peel's)^ namely, that one riijid ride van be applied to the ichole of the colonies of the empire. I think that to be an entire folly — a theory which will not bear examhiation, nor can it be cari'ied hito practice.' lilarl Grey, too, is equally explicit in condemning a policy founded on one rigid rule in its application to fifty colonies, dillering almost as widely as any iil'ty independent communities possibly can. ' Garrisons, IGO BRITAIN AXD HER COLONIES. as Gibraltar, Malta, and Halifax, are held for our general naval purposes, A different rule must be applied to these. The Australian colonies are a peculiar case ; there are no native tribes, and little danger from foreign enemies. The Government and Parliament are responsible for the peculiar settle- ments at the Cape and in New Zealand, and took at the same time all the responsibility of defending them.' {Evidence, 2530-3, 2557-00.) Yet Earl Grey is a strong advocate for authority on the one side and obedience on the other, and when Secretary for the Colonies, in Earl Eussell's Government, in his famous despatches in reference to the press of Canada, resorted to the style of argu- ment of Jupiter in the fable with the countryman — first reasoned, then threatened the thunderbolts of the empire against those who refused to be convinced. 10. 'I have already related the answer of Virginia to James I., even in the hour of peril, refusing to re- ceive English troops on any other terms, unless placed inider the co'^trol of their own governor, and paid by tlie votes of their own Assembly. It is certain that the old colonies would have insisted on this last con- dition as essential to their rights [safety?]. If the sight of English red-coats at all times has become a needful support of Canadian confidence, and English pay has ceased to be resented as a symptom of de- OPIXIOXS, IMPERIAL AND COLONIAL. 161 I for our must be les are a and little mcnt and iar scttlc- id took at defending authority jtlier, and 1 Russell's iference to 3 of argu- tryman — erbolts of convinced, of Virginia ising to re- ess placed nd paid by ertain that is last con- ?]. If the 5 become a nd English torn of de- pendence, we must bow humbly under the conviction that Canada is no longer hihabited by men like tliose who conquered her. Even in 1812 she needed no nucleus around which to t)rganize a powerful militia, thou ^h then the ancient colonial spiiit was so far changed that she permitted England to furnisli hei* militia with arms and pay.' Mr. . \lerley, who represents one class of English statesm- . and writers, very conveniently leaves out of sight the entire history of Canada except the in- cidental reference to that of 1812. lie might have remembered that Canada, in 1783, was settled by the very men and their sons who composed tlie chief force in its conquest twenty-four years before : thus it was the conqueroi-s who occupied it ; and that in 1812 their descendants defended it against vast odds. In 1837 tliey saved it against Yankee liUibusters, and an internal rebellion brought on by Englisli mis- government. The insult to an English ship in 1801 fdled them with the same indignation as animated their fellow-subjects at liome, and showed that they were ready to suffer all the hazards and horrors of war in defence of that flag under the protection of which their forefathers had taken possession of tlieir fair land. Canada has defended hersoilf against every attack, and more successfully tlian our brave old forefathers did in days of yore, wlien they found it M 1G2 BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES. more convoiiient to fratornizo with the conqueror than to exp'jl tliu invader. Canada, it may be, docs not quake as often as the timid in the dear old isle are fri^litcned from their propriety, and this comes ])eriothcally. If a line and cry is got up every night after a ' Zouave in the Premier's wardrobe,' wliy siiould not a Yankee be looked for in tlie Governc"- General's H England wished Canada to turn oui .i militia force equal to 1,200,000 for the mother country, merely to ])lay the soldier after Canada knew tliere was no danger. Mr. Adderlcy refers to the reply of the Virginians to James I., refusing to receive the Englis): troops, ' unless placed ujndcr the roiitro/oi'thvh' own (/orernor and paid 1\y the votes of theii- own Asse^ibly,' as a [)roof of theii' liiuh spirit in contrast with that of colonists of the present day. If Mr. Adderley had forgotten other ftwfts in the history of the old colo- nists which ])lace suHi acts on an entirely different ground, the one he here quotes, and the terms used in describing; it, ouu'iit to have saved him from at- tributing it to considerations nowhere expressed, and especially from drawing infei'ences so ungenerous — infei'enrcs a[)i)lieable to any j)eople on the globe more than to those whom he censui'cs — a people who have in so ,s/H>rf ulation and wealth ! I I OI'IMONS, IMPERIAL AND C0L0N1A1-. 103 >uqucvov be, docs {• old isle lis comes rery uigl^t 3bc; wby 3tovern<"' urn o\n d ^c motlier or Canuda Yi\-mauius .■lisl- troops, yn (jon'moi' -ibly,' '<^^ '^ with tbtit «)1' Icrley luid le old colo- ly dillereut terms used u IVom ivt- (vessed, and ingeiierous e globe more )V" ^vbo l^ave ves a country and wealth U ui M 1 throe-fourtlis of the States of Europe, wlio liave trom the begiiniiiig till now defended then' country against a powerful enemy, and have efTccted, often against the strong o])position of tlie Imperial authorities, the most important clianges in their constitution and internal polity, {is the Union Act of 1841, responsible goverimicnt, election of the Legislative Council, the final settlement of the clergy reserve and rectory questions, and the Seigniorial Tenure Bill ; the latter of itself accom})lishing a great social revolution which could find its counterpait in Europe only in having the feudal system of France of the sixteenth century swe])t away [)eacefully by legislative acts. These were all, Avhen left to tlie local legislatures, efl'ected without disturbing for a day the peace of the coni- miniity. Virginia demanded that the troo[)s should be ' placed under the control of her >' rn |)()rti()n of formidable native tribes, but in no t'ase except when sucii colonic \reinere giirrisons ke])t up foi- Imperial purj)oses shoukl she assume the wli(»I(' oC sucli th'- I'euce F — Xo ; I think it is a thr(»iy wliicli looks extremely well on paper, but 1 do not think it is one which will well bear minute examination, or m EVIDEiNX'l': OF THE DL'KE OF NEWCASTLi:. 107 MITTKE OF , MILITARY ,t' Newcastle jroyue — ^ii"' rodic — Mr. KE OF NeW- the ColoniC'S ic opinion of ,st in the (.Ic- on the part )r<)porti<>n of rxei'pt wlion ) lor haperitil i' ol" such tU'- \\'\\\v\\ looks ,ot thii\lv it is v^aniination, or wliich can be carried into practice. (204G.) / (lijl'i'r from the jwsitiou which is assumed fhrouf/hoiit that letter, namely, that one rhjid ride can be applied to the ivhole of the colonies of the emjyire. I tliink tliat to be an entire folly. 2052. In 185G five regiments were stationed in the North American colonies, tliree in Canada (after having been reduced to one before the Russian war), l)robably on account of apprehended difficulty with tlie United States, arising out of the I'ecruitmeit question, or matter of convenience, foi- which there were neither barracks nor other adequate accommo- dations in this country. I only give lui answer as wishing to imj)ly that it was occasioned more by motives of Imperial policy than cither at the de- mand or for the requirements of the colony. (2955.) You (the Connnittee) have stated the num- ber of Imperial forces as co.. 'derably highei- than it now stands. \our returns are, I think, for 1858-0. Now they are 2,220. One object (205G) of the troops being kept in Canada is fo" 'Ivfence fiom foivign aggression. (2057.) The frontier line is 3,000 miles. (2000.) The total cost of defence I'or the year 1850, in Nova Scotia and Newfoundland, was £170,000. 20G1. The revenue of Nova Scotia is £300,000 a year. Ualiilix is not kept up for the benefit of ;^;::V. 1G8 BRITAIN AND HER COLONIKS. Nova Scotia. I look upon it much as if you were to say that because Poitsmouth is in tlie county of Hampshire, Ilanipsliire slioukl be called upon to pay for the expenses of the garrison of Portsmouth. Halifax is an important military post; it is still more importtuit as a naval station ; it is one of the finest, and, in .uU probability, the finest harbour in the world. Halifax should no more be supported by Nova Scotia, than Portsmouth by Hampshire. (3021.) \_Bi/ the Committee.'] Would it be fair, then, to impose upon Nova Scotia its share of the expenses of the Imperial I'ort at Halifax, as Hampshire beai's its full shai'e of the cost of the defence of England? — Perfectly fair. It is extremely difficult to argue these questions upon principles of business, and it is a very small ground to take. It might relieve that expense by some few pounds. It would be a very pettifogging and weak argument. (3023.) Bermuda and Halifax arc so dissimilar, that I can- not look upon the one as an equivalent for the other in any respect whatever. Bermuda is a very bad naval station ; it is a military post kept up for military purposes ; the shi})? wliich can get into Bermuda are very small ones ; a first-rate ship of the line can hardly get into Bermuda. Halifax is a great naval station ; all the navies in the world can be shclteied in it. You might fight a naval engfige- EVIDKNCK OF TIIE5 DUKE OF NRWXASTLE. 109 Oil were oiinty of n to pay tsmoutli. itiU more he finest, 11- in the lovtcd by anipshire. fair, then, 3 expenses hire bears England? t to argue CSS, and it rht reheve vould be a (3023.) lat I can- it for the , is a very vcpt up for n get into ship of the [ahfax is a world can val engage- ment in Bedford basin. Tlien tliere are two oilier basins, 3045. Do you consider it any sufficient reason ■why Canada should not contribute to the military expenditure for her defence because of the agree- ment with the Imperial Government ? — Canada and Australia are differently situated. Canadians say that if they are involved in war it is by act of the mother coimtry, and with the United States in some such question as the San Juan, or the recruitment dis- pute, with reference to the army in the Crimea ; we shall suffer enough then. That is the way in which they argue. 29C8. Do you think that a federal iniion of the North American provinces would tend to facihtate the arrangement for the more efficient and econom- ical defence of those provinces ? — Tliat is a very important political question, and I am rather disin- clined to answer it in any sense which woidd imply, on my part, before a committee of this character, the advocacy of a federal union. Various schemes have been proposed, some for a federal union, some for a legislative union ; and it is a question which has been much discussed, and in which opposing interests in Canada and the Lower Provinces are naturally involved ; and I would rather not answer the question except to this extent — that, of course, 170 BRITAIN AND HER COr.OXIES. any pljiii wliicli tlirovvs tlic ^rovcrnmont of sill those (Mnintries iiitf) one united Tower, would facilitate arrjui^'enients lor the c;(»nstruction of railways. 2082. Ten thousand volunteers and mihtia in Jiritish North America would not represent one tenth of those who would come forward u[)on occasion. Whenever there has been any threat of war, the colonists have invariably shown the best spirit, and the greatest readiness to come forward and assist the Imperial Government. When they have roads and other works to construct whi(;h exJiaust all their available I'esources, they are unwilling to pay large sums out of thi'ir small revenues for military pur- poses in time of peace. 208G. Colonies .'ire not in a position to i)i-ovido by volunteers a force for forts like Quebec ami Halifax. 20S1), Have you ever considei'ed the consequences f a confederation free from slavery, upon the poli- tical condition and political opinions of Canada? — I have considered it very frequently. 2000. Could we under tliesc changed circumstances, depend upon the colony for its own defence? — These are speculative questions; all I can say is, that I believe that at the present moment there is not a population more loyally disposed to the Ih'itish Crown than the Canadian population. I speak quite as much of the o KVIDKXCK OP THH UIKK OF NKWCASTLi;. 171 ill tho^G 'ariliUite s. ilitia \n iont one Dccasion. war, the ^irit, and assist the oads and all their pay large itaty pur- L) j)rovide ebec and ^cqnen(■es the poli- mada ? — I Could we upon tiie )cculative lat at the ion more than the Lich of the French population as of tlie I'jiulisli. ('i'iit'J.) One of tlie duties whicli devolve upon the mother country is the defence of a (.'olony. Canada stands in a dif- ferent j)osition from any <4her colony. The real defence of Australia im our Ueet; but the licet can do little to dt'fend ^a 21)07. I cannot alio '^v means that Canada is now sini[)ly a cost to mis eounliy. Without enter- ing into the discussion, T must be excused if J do not, by my silence, admit the position that they have excluded Mnixlish uoods by their loivislation. That their tariil' is hiqher than, either for their own sakes or for Knglish manufactures, would be desirable, I admit, but I do not think that it has been imposed for protection j)urposes, but on account of the financial l)ositiou of the country. oO()9. [Iji/ Mr. Addeiiey.'] I miderstand your Grace to say that the only remaining feature of dependence in Canada upon England is the distinction of Imperial gari'isons? — I do not think I said the only; what I intended to say was, that I thought the distinction between a colony and an indei)en(lent country, if you withdraw all notion of defending it, would become infmitesimal. (;H>10.) It is not a question of colonial dependence, but a question of colonial empire. I believe that the retention of (jur colonial ein[)ire is of importance to us. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 4j 1.0 !fri- IIM I.I 2.2 ■^ li^ nil ? »- IIM *- I. Uuu 1.8 1.25 1.4 1.6 4 6" ► V] ce in case crave it a8 ixe of tlie ,e necessity ink tliat is opinion that y as Canada [1 taking np is impossible 11 is founded, cleus around whicli would ition. {Earl mid liave no of peace, but the reverse of ing troops to le necessity of ial necessity to concentrate troops on one point, the rest of the colo- nies are starved, witliout reference to their wants at the time. In the Russiai war we denuded the colonies of troops. 3512. I think you may look forward to the time when the necessity for sending troops to Canada may cease, or, at all events, be greatly diminished. (3511.) They have now a considerable force of volunteers. 2529. The total cost of transport to and from the colonies, including garrisons, fortresses, &c. amounted in 1859 to £200,000. 3546-7. Sir William Denison, in his despatches, August 1856, has recommended that a colony should be left to bear the primary responsibility of its defence, and that the mother country should only assist. The principle therein enunciated is certainly to be arrived at. IV. Extracts from the Evidence of General Sir J. F. BuRGOYNB, Inf^pector-General of Fortifications. 1301. England bases all her calculations upon the assumption that she will be permanently in possession of the sea. 1254. We ought to maintain in strength, besides Mediterranean garrisons, principally Mauritius, Ber- N 178 nijiTAi.v AND iri:i{ colonmks. mudii (1339), Kingston, Quebec, and Halifax; and secondarily, the Cape, Ceylon, IIong-Kong, and St. Helena ; and for coaling stations (1254), Aden, Sey- chelles, and the Falkland Islands (1313). £2G,000 have been voted for a citadel at Halifax. This vote was on a calculation made twenty years ago, and is not sufficient. 1330. The presence of British troops discourages local efforts for defence. [See Lord Herbert's evidence, 3C38 and 3641.] (1330, 1351.) If the colonists are indifTerent, our garrisons could not defend Halifax or Canada. 1356. In reference to the analogy referred to by Mr. Godley (2070, 2072, 2195) between the old American colonies and those of the present da}^ General Burgoyne says, ' The colonial troops which conquered Halifax, Nova Scotia, and Cape Breton, were ten to one in force to the I'egulars opposed to them.' [If Canada were ten to one to the United States, instead of being one to ten, she would require no assistance.] 1358. The old colonists garrisoned the principal places, but it was against a very small body of troops. 1365. We now incur very trifling expenses for the fortifications of Kingston and Quebec — just for small repairs and maintenance. KVlDliN'CK OF TIIK RKillT FFOX. W. K. OLADSTOXi:. 179 4; ami :ind St. jn, Sey- ■26,000 his vote 3, aiul is courages evidence, colonists (1 Halifax •red to by II the old >sent day, ,ops which ^e Breton, apposed to the United dd require le principal ill body of Mises for the List for small V. E.rtmrts from the Kncleiire of TiiK Kigiit IIox. W. E. Gladstone, Chancellor of the E.rche(juer. 3838. Tlic obligation of the motlier country cannot be overlooked, and I do not say she is not bound to defend her colonies ; but what I venture to say is, that the system under which the colonial community itself is primarily charged with the duty of her own defence, is by far the best, both for the mother country and the colony — such a system as did exist in the case of the old American colonies. (3783.) [/»^ the Committee.'] Were they not in fact independent States, and did we not take possession of them ? — I do not think the old American colonies, previous t(^ the revolution, were independent States any further, or in any other sense, than in a sense in which it is extremely desir Hq that all our principal colonies should be independei't States. 3785. I should say these colonies were in a state of much less independence than Canada is now, because it would not have been permitted to them to legislate adversely to the mother country, as in the case of the North American colonies. 3842. It would be imjust to say the military spirit is wanting in Canada. I do not know that Canada has done or omitted to do anything other- wise than might fairly have been expected under the K 2 IHO HHITAIN AM) IIKK CoLO.VIKS. circumstaiiceH. There was a higher tone of feeling in the old colonies (3844), arising from passion and hatred between England and France (3845), such as I would not wish to see between Canada and the United States. 3768. The greatest difficulty attached to the sub- ject of our colonial military expenditure, is the uninformed and immature, and generally indifferent state of public opinion upon it in this country. 3780. To arrive at a system undei* which the pri- mary responsibility of self-defence by land should be thrown on the colonists themselves would be not only an immense advantage to the British exchequer, but would have many still more important and higher recommendations, independently of the question of cost [which to colonies proper, not military and naval stations, amounts to only some three-quarters of one million sterling.] 3787. The really valuable tie with a colony is the moral and social tie. If the feelings of Canada are not with us, I do not think she will remain with us because we charge ourselves with the burden of her defence. 3797. In proportion as responsibilities are accepted by colonial communities, they will be more disposed to go beyond the bare idea of self-defence, and to EVIDE^ICE OF THE RIGHT HON. W. E. ULADSTOXK. 181 feeling Lon and such as and the the sub- i, is the idifferent ,ry. li the pri- should be Id be not exchequer, and higher question of J and naval tors of one olony is the Canada are lain with us irden of her are accepted tore disposed fence, and to render loyal jind efiective assistance in the struggles of empire. 3798. As regards colonies generally, while Eng- land has supremacy at sea, they are safe [of British America what?], and the fortifications and colonial garrisons in tlie West Indies, and many others, are little, if at all, required. If England has not supre- macy at sea, you are only making victims of those garrisons. 3834. I should like to see the state of feeling re- stored to the colonies which induced the first Ame- rican colonists to make it one of their grievances that British troops were kept in their borders without their consents [That feeling was mistrust of the Crown and of her troops, the same as existed in England in the Parliamentary party. Hence the objection of the colonists to the troops without their consent and when not under their control.] VI. — Extracts from the Evidence of Earl Grey. 2531. I cannot conceive how you can hold colo- nies without acknowledging the obligation, within certain limits, to protect them. (2532.) For a long series of years this country has acted on the prin- ciple of taking their defence entirely upon herself. 182 HlllTAlN AND HRK COLOXIKS. The introduction of a dilTorent principle requires great caution. 2529. Tlie colonists ought to undertake to pro- vide for tlu? expense of barracks for such of Ilcr MajcMty's troops as may be stationed in them for tlieir protection. (2530.) A diflerent rule must be applied to those stations which are su|)ported as garrisons for the general purposes of the empire. I refer to such places as Gibraltar and Malta. (25-t'l) The fortress of Halifax is to be looked at as a place of the same character as Malta or Gibraltar, of which the ])ossession is of importance with a view to our general naval power. 2531. [7j// the Conimittee.'] So tin; main ground upon which, in your opinion, the claim of those colo- nies not classed as military stations, to Imperial aid in their defence, is the risk they run in being involved in the wars of England with other Powers ? — I shoidd hardly say that: I think that the very notion of a colonial relation implies protection on the one side and obedience on the other, within certain limits. I cannot conceive how you can hold colonies without acknowledging the obligation, within certain limits, to protect them. (2533.) The Australian colonies are certainly a peculiar case ; they are infinitely less ex- posed to the attacks of any foreign enemy than any other portions of the British dominions, and there 5 kvif)i:nck of i;aul (iUKV. 183 requires ; to pro- \\ of Her tlicin for must bo ported as iinpire. I , (25-1)^.) as u pltit'o r, of which iew to our siiu ground those colo- lerial aid m ng involved ? I should notion of a he one side in limits. I »nies without tain limits, to colonics are litely less ex- 3my than any ,is, and there are no native tribes from whom tlie shghtest danger can be npi)rehended. (2557.) Tlie only two cdIo- nies exposed to attack by warlike natives are New Zealand and the Cai)e of Good Hope ; in botli, 1 think, the Government, and esj)ecially tl»e House of Connnons, must be taken to have encouraged coloni- zation, more particularly to the Cajie. The whole scheme of forming a settlement in tlie most exposed part of the Cape wtis originally broUj^ht forward l)y the Government, was sanctioned by the House of Commons, and was recommended, jjarticularly by those gentlemen in the House of Connnons wiio were then the great advocates for economy. Mr. Hume was one of the prineipal ])romoters of the settlement of Albany (in ISID). (2550.) A great I'esponsibility attaches to the Imperial Government in reference to tlie defence of the colony; the Tmpei'ial Government not only founded the colony, but did so in ti manner of all others most calcidated to increase the danger, and to diminish the power of the settlers to defend themselves. It placed single farm-houses over an extensive district, hi situations in which they were utterly incapable of defending themselves. (25G0.) The Government, at the same time, took all the re- sponsibiUty of defending the colony. The original settlements in North America were compact, and the settlers were consequently capable of protecting themselves. 184 BRITAIN A.VD HER COLONIES. 2563. Ill tlie absence of Iinpeiial troops, I am persuaded that both in New Zealand and at the Cape a war of extermination would be carried on. It would probably end in the destruction of the native races. A frightful amount of suffering to both parties would be endured in the meantime. (2581.) Whether colonies (as New Zealand and the Cape) should fur- nish local troops or contribute towards the main- tenance of Imperial troops, must depend upon the circumstances of tlie colony. It is frequently ex- tremely unadvisable to require them to furnish local troops, because labour is so excessively valuable in those colonies. (2G03-4.) [By the Committee.'] Did not the old colonies undertake the primary responsi- bility of their own defence, England contributing ? now England undertakes the primary responsibility, and calls upon the colony to contribute. — I do not know whether that is quite a correct way of describ- ing it. At that time the whole state of the world was so different to what it is now that you can hardly draw any comparison between the two. The colonies were not attacked upon their own ground by the great armies of civilised Powers ; their principal danger was from Indian tribes, or from irregular forces of the French. (2605.) The French troops were very small indeed. [In 1763 the French in Canada num- bered 60,000 or 70,000, the English colonies about EVIDENCE OF EAllL GREY. 185 ps, I am the Cape It would Lve races, es would Whether lould fur- lie maui- upon the ently ex- uish local aluable in ttee.'] Did ' respousi- tributiiig ? )ousibility, —I do not of describ- world was can hardly he colonies y the great oal danger ,r forces of 5 were very inada niim- onies about 1,500,000. Massachusetts alone 240,000, and Mas- fcachusetts and Connecticut, the States nearest Canada, about 400,000.] 2G17. The troops cost very little more (in gar- risons at Kingston, Quebec and Halifax) tlian at home. (2620.) The Imperial Government must keep up a certain amount of regular army, and I think that a portion of that army is better quartered in those for- tifications than at home. 2021. Do not garrisons being placed at those stations deter the colonists from providing the gar- risons themselves? — I see no appearance of that, [See Lord Herbert's evidence, 3G38.] Canada did make a considerable effort in raising and disciplining a militia. Nova Scotia and New Brunswick have declined to do so, from the simple reason that they apprehend no danger. 2G22. [Bi/ the Committee?^ In the war of 1812, although Canada raised a militia, she did not pay towards raising troops? — The danger to Canada during that war with the United States was entirely brought upon her by our most impolitic conduct towards the United States. (2623.) Canada justly felt that she was only suffering from her con- nection with us. (2624.) Where a war is created by our colonial relations, whether the colony ought to bear the expenses of the war, I would not lay down lt)6 iJRITAIX AND HER COLONIES, any abstract rules beforehand ; when tlie case arises wc must act according to the circumstances that exist. 2G30. {Jhj Mr. Adde.rley.'] In the wars between Canada and tlie Indians, I find tliat tlie fresh reinforce- ments sent from Europe, in February, 1090, massacred the Indians, tliat they cut up tlie prisoners in pieces and made soup for their Indian allies who accom- panied them. Does your Lordship anticipate that the Dutch or British settlers in any part of the w^orld could be guilty of any atrocities such as these ? — I cannot answer that. I do not think it ajiplies in the least to the principle I have laid down. 2G20. Since the time of Napoleon the efforts in war are directed to the main seat of government. In future wars, the whole struggle will be at home, or in the innnediate vicinity. 20,33. Out of the total of colonial receipts (from the Dutch colonies), £9,800,000, £,5,300,000 came under the head of profit of sale of colonial produce. Hence the apparent tribute ])aid by Java to the mother country is not reveiuie, but i)rolit derived from what is practically the great commercial mono- poly in the hands of the Government. Holland pro- bably loses far more by that monopoly than she gains by her apparent surplus. Spain also. EVIDENCE OP JOHN ROBERT GODLEY. 187 Lse arises ices that between ceinforce- nassacred in pieces lo accom- ,e that the the world these ? — I )Ucs in the e efforts in overnment. )e at home, -eipts (iVoni 0,000 came ial produce, lava to the ;'oiit derived ercial mono- [loUand pro- ly than she Iso. i i VII. Extracts from the Evidence of John Robert GoDLEY, Under-Secretary of War. 20G9. The leading principle of my plan (rather it is the plan of Sir William Denison, an able and experienced colonial Governor), is colonial responsi- bility and management, and as a rule tlie contribu- tion of the Imperial Government, if any, in the shape of money only. This was the system pursued by the old American colonies. (208G.) I liave always said I would do what Lord Grey did in deal- ing witli the Australian colonies [announcing to them his policy without consulting them. See evidence of Duke of Newcastle, 294G ; Earl Grey, 2531-2 ; Merivale, 2490, 2521-2-4-5]. 2070. Not one of the old colonies w^as ever con- quered. [They were always the most populous com- munities of European origin in America. They were more populous in 1G60 than the French in Canada in 17G0, and in 17G3 they numbered more than one million, but the French not more than sixty or seventy thousand. Nor have any other English colonies been conquered.] (2072.) The analogy between the old American colonies and those of the present day is complete as far as regards this question. 2093. I believe colonies add to our W(^ikness. I have never seen a criticism upon the jwwer and 188 BRITAIN AND HRR COLONIES. troops of England without observing that the writer considered the necessity of protecting colonies all over the world as the main element of our weakness. [A number of faithful allies^-colonies — in all parts of the world adds greatly to our strength. Earl Grey's colonial policy.] 2115. The old colonies made war in the West Indies and other parts of America. 2177. Within the last twenty years we have been three or four times on the verge of a war with America upon purely colonial questions in v/hich this country was not interested. [None of the colonies have involved England in war, but Canada has been involved in two Avars on questions of Imperial policy now condemned by Enghsh statesmen. See Meri- vale's evidence, 2457 ; Lord Grey's evidence, 2622.] 21 70, 2192. The colonies should be responsible primarily for their own defence, and England should contribute her quota on the ground that the colonies are involved in England's foreign policy, — her assis- tance being only in the shape of contribution — one half and one half would be a fair com})romise, but I should be satisfied with any other ratio. (2193.) The assistance not to vaiy with the danger to which a particular colony is exposed ! 2194. (By the Committee.) You think that the existence uj)on the frontier of Canada of a first-class 4 EVIDENCE OP JOIIX ROBERT GODLEY. I8t> be writer lonies all weakness. , all parts 5th. Earl the West have been war with I v/hich this he colonies la has been icrial policy See Meri- ice,2622.] responsible .•land should tlie colonies , — her assis- biition — one romise, but I io. (2193.) rrer to which D ink that the >f a lirst-class Power, Avith which Canada is Hable to be involved in war, not by her own act, but by the policy of the Home Government, sliould be no element in calcu- lating the assistance to be offered to Canada ? — My opinion is that it should not I 2197. The French power in America, during the time of the old colonies, far exceeded that of the United States now, for aggressive purposes. [The population of the old colonies in 1660 was 80,000, while the French a century later were not 70,000. The Enghsh were upon the Atlantic, the French on the St. Lawrence, separated by hundreds of miles ; vast forests, rivers, and hostUe Indian tribes inter- vening.] 2198. Would advise the policy adopted by Earl Grey in 1851, towards the Australian colonies [announcing to the colonists the Imperial policy, but objecting to consult them — 11th Eesolution of Eeport], irrespective of the effect thereby produced upon the feelings and attachments of the colonists. 2063. The action of the Imperial troops in New Zealand lately has not been satisfactory to the colo- nists. (2164.) Mr. Fiizgerald, superintendent of Canterbury, and prime minister of the colony at the time, thus writes : ' Government formally declines our offer to volunteer to the Taranaki war. The Queen's army is hanging like an incubus on the 190 BRITAIN AND IIEB COLONIKS. colony, doing notliing itself and preventing any one else.' (2188.) I know that all the colonists are dis- satisfied with the way the war has been carried on. 2G91. We spend about £40,000 a year on the de- fence of the Balmmas ; so that since the peace of 1814, we have spent nearly two millions of money in defend- ing thcin, and during all that time we have never had a force there that cculd have resisted the crews of two frigates. (2094.) The circumstances of the West Indies are not such as to call for the necessity of our paying for their police, any more than for their roads or their civil officers. i VIII. Extracts from the Evidence of Mr. Walter Brodie, Member of the New Zealand Legislature for four Years. 2874. {By Mr. Adderley.) I understand you think that the control which the English Government retains over native affairs is the sole ground why England should pay for the troops in New Zealand ? —Certainly. (2876.) New Zealand has now 4,000 or 5,000 militiamen or riflemen, under the command of two officers of the army. (2878.) These are a great deal better than the regular troops of the Eng- lish army to deal with the natives, — they are nmch more willing to follow them into the woods than the la'IURNCK OF MU. KLLIOT. 191 any one arc dis- [•ried on. 11 the de- i of 181^^, 11 defend- tve never the crews cs of the I necessity than for r. Walter Legislature •stand you rovernment round why kV Zealand ? now 4,000 e command 'hese are a of thcEng- y are much xls than the military. This has been proved in the present Avar. (2872.) Tlie Executive of New Zealand have no control over the afTairs of the natives, IX. Extracts from the Evidence of Mr. Elliot, Assis- taut Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies, and connected with the Office for thirty Years. 29. Lord Grey informed tlie Governor General of Canada in 1851, and subsequently the Duke of Nc»v- castle and Sir George Grey in 1854, and Mr. Labou- chere in 1850 did the same, that the time v/as come when they must expect a less amount of exer- tion on the part of this country to contribute towards their military defence. Troops would be reduced to the garrisons of Montreal and Quebec. (78.) This was addressed to Canada, but applied to all the North American colonies. The colonies cheerfully acquiesced — they showed their desire to assist this country and co-operate with her. [This was at the time of the Crimean war.] 74. Great Britain, with a view to uaHonal objects, keeps a large garrison at Halifax, one of the most important positions, in a strategical point of view, in North America. (80.) Similar to the garrisons in the Mediterranean and Bermuda. (75.) Quebec is also most important in a strategical point of view, t-,''m 1<)2 BRITAIN AND IIEU COLONIES. and is adequately garrisoned. (70.) We keep a large force at Halifax because it suits our own Imperial purposes. Nova Scotia does not want it. 138. There are T^S'l volunteers in Australia, including 1,500 in Tasmania. (345.) In British North America there are 10,006 volunteers : — 4,456 in Canada, 2,350 in Nova Scotia, 1,800 in New Brunswick, 350 in Newfoundland, and 1,000 in Prince Edward's Island. [80,000 in Canada in 1865.] X. Extract from the Evidence of Rear Admiral Erskine. 3204. Victoria pays £106 per man for sailors. In Tasmania it costs £127 per man ; the colony pays nothing. (3257.) I think it necessary for Imperial interests that both Bermuda and Halifax should be maintained. (3286.) At Bermuda and in Australia I think it perfectly safe to substitute a naval force for troops, but not at Halifax. XL Extracts from the Evidence of The Eight Hon. Egbert Lowe, M.P., and from 1843-49 Member of the Legislative Council of New South Wales. 3330-1. I do not think it desirable to retain any troops in New South Wales. A government of that KVIDKNCM 01' TIFM HIOIIT IIO.V. UOnKRT LOWT, mn 3 keep a our own want it. Australia, [n British lO in New 1,000 in la in 1865.] tr Admiral r sailors. In colony pays for Imperial IX should be in Australia aval force for Eight Hon. 1843-49 m n cil of New to retain any ■nment of that kind is not lit to be trusted with the disposition of Her Mjijesty's troops for any purpose wh;it(!ver. 3385. When I lived at Sydney there was no in- come tax, nor assessed taxes, nor excise, except on spirits, whicli prol)al)ly was a benefit ratlier than a burden. Profits were large, wages very high. Tlic mildness of the climate renders fuel almost unneces- sary except for cooking, and enables people to do with httle clotliing. To tax the labourers of Leices- tershire and Dorsetshire, to relieve such a community from a taxation required for its own defence, is a crying injustice. (3.33(5.) Strange we should send people from England to defend the antipodes, while we leave the young men of Australia to grow up without the knowledge of arms. 3040. These being subject to cav foreign policy, gives tlie colonies fair ground to ask for assistance in times of wtir. 3359. The Australians, were they trained, would make as fine soldiers as any in the world. There will be plenty to volunteer : no people better mounted : they make excellent sailors, and are full of spirit. Their particular industry is favourable for volunteering. 3405. Every soldier sent probably prevents a liuiidred colonists from taking u[) arms and drilling. [Lord Herbert's ev. 3G38. It /s^ impossible to mipos my o 184 BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES. uj)on lohat data Mr. Lowe founds his opinion, (3041.) A small force icould be a nucleus around which the colonists would rally., and which would assist them in their military organization.'] opinion. around h would )?».; CIUrXER XL FUTURE OF THE COLONIES. Colonies as Allies — Hritain and Ilor Supremacy of the Soa« — llapid (»rowtli of Navies of France, Itussia, and United States — The Colonies as Maritime Powers — Tlieir Strength added to that of England — Colonies and the Strength of the Empire— The Trent Afl'air — Attitude of Canada — Earl Derby on — What saved the Nation from War— Lord Duf- ferin on tlie Trent, and Canadian Loyalty — Can the gi-eat liranches of the Anglo-Saxon Famdy be consolidated into one Empire ? — If not is it the fault of the ^[embers or of the Head ? — The Great Colonies — Old Colonies — Present Attitude of — Relation of Old Colonics to Parent State — Parliament an Ili;il roLOMKS. Iii(lt'li(ii(l<'iic(' of Culoiiic'M— Tlicir Inlcrii.'il I'uliry — Ikdliitimis to Kii^fliiiid — Slii|is; {'olonicrt ; ninl CfHiiiiit'rco — ColniiicM t\ui FoHtLT-iiiotlitTrt (ifConiiiioroo — Karl (Ircy mid Karl Derby cm Imjiortaiicf orC'oloniertto tlio Kmiiiri' — IJrlations bctwiieu MotluT Couulry ami Culoiii' s. l'|f l'J8, Can tlie groat biauchus of tlie Anglo-Saxon lainily be coiisolidatecl into oiii; ciiipii'^ or must tlicy become intlupoiidout and at tlio same time liostile nations ? India, CVylon, and Mauritius contain races little likely to auuilgamate Avith the Euro[)can, or to meet tiie melancholy late to ■which the American and Australian td)origines seem doomed. The naval and military stations, the anti-slavery posts and smaller colonies, will doubtless remain as they are, dependent ii[)on the power and will of the mother country. But of the other great embryo States, what is to be their future? Of all the vast colonial empires of the nations of Europe, little now remains exce[)t to one, and that one lost in a foolish quarrel half a continent with tliirteen vigorous and loyal States. Is there anytiiinir so unnatural and vicious in the relation of distant provinces to a central Power as to render contiimed union an impossibihty ? While weak, these tender offshoots cling to the paicnt stem ; but must they necessai'ily fall off as soon as they attain strength suflicient to stand alone? If so, is it the fault of the system or of the members, and trruiii': ov 'tni: colomks. 197 {(■liitimiH ,rl Derby , between Dll filliUly lust tlu'y nc hostile IS couUi'm Kuropcim, A-hicli the u doouu'd. [vuti-slavovy rcmiv'in a!s ^viU of the ^vhiit is to empii'es of \s except to rtirel half a loyal States, 'ious in the Tower as to ty ? While the parent V as soon as lone? Ifso^ iierabers, and > \ if «)f (lie iiieinhers, of wliicli ? Tlie one grout oxanipli! in Englisli liistory throws the bianu', in the opinion <»f English stati'snien themselves, upon the parent State. The whole contest, througli a long series of yiurs, down to the !)reaking out of hos- tilities, gives us iinunuerahh; proofs of tiie loyidty and even afleetion of tiie colonists on the one Innid, and of the haughty bearing, tlie injustice, tiie uncom- promising s[)irit of the statesmen of the mother country on tlic other. Moderation would liavc pre- vented tiie rupture, and, wlieii union sliould no longer be possible, would no doubt have secured the fj'iendshij) of the younger members of the divided family. Enmity is perhai)s a necessary consequence of the wrongs which embittered that violent separa- tion. Jhit are langnage, and blood, <'ind religion, arc a common history, a common civilization, common names, the soothing eflects of a marvellous pros- perity, and the lapse of time, even to generations, powerless to eradicate the feelings engendered in that quarrel ? When youth attain to manhood, and leave the parental roof, around their distant and independent llrcsides, they and theirs still turn with a strong afTection towards the old home. And why should not this be true of the sons and daughters of Britain in every clime? Or must all the great members of the Anglo-Saxon race, as they become 198 BRITALV AJS'D HER COLONIES. independent communities, become also hostile to each other? United they might rule the world, and that rule would consist chiefly in preventing unjust wars. If this cannot be, and if the one great example already set must be followed by others, and Britain is never to have the alliance or even eym- pathy or moral support of any members of this great family of nations, at whose door will the fault lie ? Such a prospect would be a dark one for tlie nation and the race. But the dark shades must be studied as well as the light, and those great events of a hundred years ago, leading to that melancholy revolt, cast their shadows far into the future, and darken every thought of the possibility of their repetition. If the British empire cannot be held together, is the error in the system, or in the ex- tremities ? or will it be, as it has been, the want of wisdom and moderation in the head ? If a number of steady allies, such allies as no independent States can be, add, while in their in- fancy, in the opinion of able Enghsh statesmen, so greatly to the moral influence and physical force of tlie empire, how much more will they do this in the future, when those now embrj^o States shall have attained a fuller develojimcnt. The position of England as a great Power, her very commerce, and only to a less extent her manufactures, and her « FUTURE OF THE COLONIES. 199 hostile to he world, preventing ; one great others, and even sym- ;rs of this ill the fault me for the es must be reat events melancholy future, and hy of their lot be held in the ex- , the want lies as no in their in- [itesmen, so cal force of this in the shall have position of unerce, and Bs, and her wealth, depend upon her supremacy of the seas. The rapid growth of the navies of two great Euro- pean nations has imposed in a few short years immense burdens and incessant watchfulness upon the nation, for she nuist be always able and ready to cope with any two Powers on the ocean. Her naval expenditure has been doubled. Now there is added to these the unexampled development in the navy of a great maritime State on the other side of the Atlantic. No English statesman can contemplate with unconcern the amazing growth of the naval power of these great nations. The very position of this country as the champion of the seas, is a challenge and a humiliation to other great maritime nations. The prizes — power, empire, commerce, and wealth — are too great to allow the challenge to remain unaccepted, and so sm-e as time rolls on, a transatlantic Power, if not a European, wiU test the question of this maritime supremacy. Such are the elements that are being rapidly evolved for the solution of this problem so momentous to the future of England. Under this new condition in the relations of Britain to other nations, the alliance of those great com- munities of loyal British subjects must be of increased importance to the continued stabihty and power of the empire. If need be, a dozen stalwart sons 200 IJIUTAIX ANJJ IIKU COLOXIKS, "will coine to the assistance of the mistress of the seas. They, hke all Britain's offshoots, must be maritime States. One already in her mercantile marine is third amongst the great nations of the earth. Her fisheries on the coasts, in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and on her inland waters, are the finest nursery for a navy whicli it would be possible to conceive. The existence of such powerful and devoted alHcs are sure not to be forgotten or their importance under-estimated by an enemy in contem- plating the contingency of a war with Great Britain. In striking them an enemy does not strike any vulnerable part, nor in crushing them would he weaken the seat of power iu the empire, but he would scatter his own force and waste his strength. It would be to these islands a mere tub tossed to the infuriated whale. While England would give home thrusts, the attacks upon those distant shores could decide nothing. In contrast with the assertions of a narrow-minded class of writers, that the colonies biing weakness to England, and involve her in war — assertions at variance with every I'act in lier colonial history — we have the recorded opinions of many statesmen of the largest experience, that tliese dependencies add im- mensely to the moral influence of the nation, and even save her from war. The Trent affair is an FUTURE 01' TIIK COLOxNlES. 201 IS of the must be lercantile IS of the 2 Gulf of the finest :)ssible to erful and n or their n contem- Lit Britain, itrike any would he •e, but he s strength, sed to the Uivc home ores could )W-minded 'cakness to ertions at istory — we men of the es add im- atlon, and fiiiir is an example in point. No case could have occurred which would more forcibly illustrate this. An Englisli mail steamer is boarded on the high seas, her passengers and mails seized and carried off by an American man-of-war. The aggressor is compli- mented by his government, and honoured and feted by his countrj'nicn, who declare, without a dissenting voice, that tliey will and must sustain tlie act. To the attitude assumed by the North American pro- vinces, English statesmen attributed the j)reservation of peace. It will suffice liere to quote Earl Derby in commenting on tlie speech from the throne in 1862, as expressing the opinions of the ablest Enghsh statesmen. ' Wliile I give Her Majesty's Government tlie fullest credit for the firm and temperate maimer in wliich they made tlieir demand and sent out those rein- forcements which were absolutely necessary to sup- port the allegiance of our colonies, I rejoice to find that in the speech justice has been done to the s})irit and unanimity with which all classes of Iler Ma- jesty's subjects in the North American provinces have come forward and shown their determination at all hazards — and the hazard of war Avould, in the first instance, have fallen on themselves — to maintain their allegiance [this they have always done — re- spected their oath in 1775, defended themselves in 202 BRITALV AND HER COLONIES. 1812-15, in 1837, etc.], and to support the honour and dignity of the Britisli Crown. If there be one thing more tlian another tliat will tend to confirm the good understanding and peaceable relations that now exist between this country and the United States, it is the knowledge they must now have re- ceived of the utter delusion under which those per- sons within the States have laboured, that Canada and the North American provinces were eager for annexation with the States, and to sever their con- nection with Great Britain [what, in their wliole his- tory, coidd be referred to in proof of such assimip- tions ?], and that, on the other hand. Great Britain would never venture upon a war witli America, be- cause she would always fear the willing annexation of Canada. That delusion is, I hope, now dissi- pated for ever, and its dissipation will form an im- portant element in our future relations with America, and tend to secure us against the dangers of war with that country.' [Hansard^ 18G2.) Lord DufTerin, in moving the address, in reply to the speech from the throne, on February G, 1862, expresses, on the part of the Government, the fol- lowing opinion : — ' No one can have failed to remark with extreme satisfaction the loyal and i)atriotic spirit which has been evoked in Canada by the prospect of an Ame- FUTURE OF THE COLONIKS. 203 le honour re be one :o confirm ations that lie United w have re- thosc per- lat Canada 3 eager for ' their con- whole his- ch assump- reat Britain ^merica, bc- annexation now dissi- )rni an im- th America, of war with in reply to ij G, 1862, mt, the fol- ith extreme t which has of an Ame- rican war. Without a moment's hesitation, with an imanimity of sentiment which could not have been exceeded in this country, with the certainty of having to bear the brunt of a formidable attack along a comparatively unguarded frontier, the Cana- dian people manifested an amount of energy and determination whicli has well merited the affectionate admiration of the mother countiy. From henceforth the loyalty of Canada is as completely established as tliat of Middlesex or Kent.' Even the ' poor Irish emigrants formed themselves into regiments for the defence of their Queen and for the protection of her empire.' {Ilcvisard, 18G2.) The old British colonists in America considered themselves not as parts of the realm of Great Britain witliin the legislative power of Parliament, but as dependants of the British Crown, the King being their supreme and sovereign lord. They had no direct political connection with each other, thek relations being those of independent States. Tliey claimed that they carried with them and enjoyed the riglits and privileges of British subjects and the benefit of the common law of England ; and ' their legislatures,' says Story (Co?;/, i. 110), ' exercised the authority to abrogate every part of the common law except that which united the colonies to the parent State by the general ties of allegiance and depen- 204 BUITAIX AND HER COLONIES. doncy, and every part of tlie statute law except those Acts of Par'iament wliicli expressly prescribed rules for the colonies.' All these infant States established local govern- ments for themselves, one branch of which consisted of representatives of the burgesses freely chosen, although no provision was made in the first charters for a legislature, except in tluit of Maryland. At a very early period these American settle- ments, especially those under proprietary and charter governments, churned that no Act of Parliament could bind them without their own consent. Massachusetts, as early as 1040, opposed any interference on the })art of Parliament. In tliis spirit she disregarded and evaded the Navigation Act of lG51,a)id in 1070 declared, in an address to the Crown, that ' those acts were an invasion of the rights, liberties, and properties of the subjects of His Majesty in the colo- nies, they not being represented in Parliament.' For nearly a century and a half those young com- munities lived almost as free from the control of Parhament as if they had been — which, in fact, they virtually were — inde])endent States. They made war and peace, and entered into treaties with the French, Dutch, and Indians. Their loyalty was imquestioned. They regarded themselves as British subjects, having one common interest, and forming one empire with FUTURE or TIIR COLONIES. 205 xccpt those ciibed rules cal govcrn- cli consisted ^ely chosen, first charters and. rican scttle- j and charter lament could [assachusetts, L'cnce on the disregarded ,and in 1070 , that 'those hberties, and y in the colo- iament.' e yoinig com- le control of , in fact, they hey made war .h the French, unquestioned, ibjects, having i empire with 4 the people of these islands, owing a common alle- giance to one and the same sovereign. The struggle between the Parliament and the Crown under the Stuarts necessarily secured their sympathy for the Commons ; and while they looked upon Parliament as Dr. Pranklin, in his evidence before the House of (Jommons in 17GG, says, as the bulwark of their liberties, yet they were extremely jealous of any in- terference from it, denying its authoritj% and even refusing any favours from it, on the ground that sucli an act might be an acknowledgment of tlie right of Parliament over them. Parliament, in 17GG, a century and a half after the foundation of tlie first governments in those infant States, declared that ' the colonies and plantations in America are subordinate unto and dependent upon the Crown and Parliament of Great Britain ; and the King, with the advice and consent of Parliament, hath full power and authority to make laws and statutes to bind the colonies and peoi)le of America in all cases whatsoever.' The New England States, forced by superior power, finally acknowledged the authority of Parliamen*^^ to regulate trade and commerce, but denied it in regard to taxation and their internal affaii's ; and in 17G8, Massachusetts, the centre and leading State of Xew England, in a circular to the other colonies, admitted ■JOU nillTAlX AND IIFJl COLOXIKS. ' that Ili.s Majesty's High Court of Parlinincnt is tlu; supreme legislative power over the Avhole empire,' but elaimetl that, as British subjects, they could not be taxed without then- own consent. {Ston/, i. 130.) The soutliern colonies maintained the same view. In the Pennsylvania charter an express reservation was made of the poAver of taxation, yet it was contended that Parliament had no right to exercise it. The Congress of Nine States, assembled at New York in 17C5, admitted that ' Parliament Avas the supreme legislature of the whole empire, and as such had an undoubted jurisdiction over the whole colonies, fpiuions as cx- ^cmbers of the policy of the colonies will populations are [estion affecting bond of union rhich would re- !very respect on of these islands An empire so ,of parts having urally too many Ireating artificial m allegiance, the I \ crown must he to all the same. The relation )nusL l)e of llie vsiiiiplest nature. The daii^i^ei- will arise IVoni the liiterfereiiee of I'ai'lianmnt and its minislers in matters beyond their proper jurisdietion, and they nuLst relax their liold of the distant members, that the crown may increase it. Conii)laint Is even now made by the great orjj^ans of ])ublic opinion,* that the })olicy of the empire Is controlled, not l)y those who bear the burdens of state, but by those whose circumstances exempt them from taxatujn, wlille their numbers make them all-})owerful at the polls. The first step was taken In 1832 towards a greatly extended franclilse — t ,...^,nfaive histitulums. ''"''"'T vUci.-uomuta.>avioU.nMu.»«re tion, m,d e.l.ec,,ll) tl>c . ,.„.„„„„„k.c kcq.s U. bo .ttbc polls, .n,Uls>^^^^^^^_^^. uw.ytl.ouK.uolve,uu,,luUK^^^^^^^^^ more mul UKUC U.o ,vi,.o>c.„t,,t,vc» ,n,o l.nvev.ug tl.o tnoiHj i _^^^^ ^ ,., .to .voul.1 road, ,>..t .n-no . u > -1 , , nni, (KlU of the „„rop,-ose»toil, and tUosc uj ,„ca,,stl,o,,,o.t,..ol.KO„t A ..^ ^^^^^_^^^^.„ Llofto,,t. 'i'»^-'"''^"" ;rri..l,tto,,.l,a,,.l ,,rg,i,iioiit» fouiuK 1 ^^^^, ^,^^^ ^.^^^„. thofavouritoargiunoiitol tl i K^ ^^ ^^^ ,o„oftl,cfra,lallso-^.n ---^^ voters, ,„ostly iron, oiio oas . 1 ^^^^ dUfrai,clii.o Uie I,"""."""' ^''" '"•'^' ""' ° I < I'LTUUK or Tin: COLONICS. ill lay ; vote ; bvit ^vcst ciuiviilic-a- lo\cut,m-osuvc clectoa bocoiue of violeweo luvi I i 210,000 out ol I ud lliosc by ^i^> 5 , 3 class ainougsi \ ^e^tov;lm'^t'^^^ ; viaht teml, and ^teJloi-tlK'oxtcu- ^ ,aa 1,000,000 of j is ^voula virtuaUy ^ ost •mU-nigont an< 1 wi'.'iltliy — till.' lax-payers - to wliom llio riiilil is ii(»\v ivstiicud. Ill ooiitradistiiic'tioii to this uii reason iiiij; "ainst it of battle sioii ■which ovinccs in colonies — rence and )0 square H'tugal, or II the most ititudc 42° dch divide rom those s assumed Britain in tlie Arctic embracing FUTrur; of Tiir: coloxiks. 213 i more than half of the American continent ; so that the new government, should the North-West and the Pacific provinces fall into the sclieme, would rule over a country of more than 4,000,000 of square miles, and larger by one million than the American Eepublic, and possessing probably as uuich arable land ; for the vast desert in that re- public from the Mississippi to near the Pacific may l)e set off against the frozen rerdons in British Ame- rica. Neither on nor around the arid American desert is tlierc any compensation for the barren waste, while the waters that wash the inhos[)itable regions of the Northern confederation swarm with the most prolific fisheries, from the banks of New- foundland and the shores of Labrador throuuh the inmimerable islands, bays, andinlets of the three great oceans that encircle British America, to Vancouver's, the queen of the Pacific. As high as latitude G0° in the interior ' wheat is grown with i)rofit,' and where whejit will grow we have a climate most propitious tt) the cereals, grasses, and root cro|)s, and most favourable for the ox, the sheep, and the horse. South of latitude 00° there is an area equal to all Europe, and on the very northern border of this immense territory ' wheat grows with profit.' That there is much that is inhospitable in the north and cast is a necessity ; these facts are referred to here merely to 21 t IJKITAIN AM) IIHK COLONIES. sliow tlie great extent of arable land tlirongliont ]i)ritiyh America, ofiering a most inviting field for the surplus population of the old world. The St. Lawrence, with its gulf and great lakes, the scat of this ncAvly consolidated nation, is in importance equal to the ]5altic, and waters even a greater and more fertile countiy. The largest ocean steamers ascend to Quebec, 500 miles from the Atlantic; and those drawing twenty-two feet of water, to Montreal. The St. Lawrence canals, with a lockage of 230 feet, admit vessels of COO tons to Lake Ontario, a thousand miles from the ocean ; and the Welland canal (300 feet lockage and tliirty miles long) passes vessels of 400 tons to the U])per Lakes. This gives 2000 miles of inland navigation, with only some fifty miles of canal, to the head of Lake Superior, and is the direct highway to the vast and fertile plains of Lake Win- nipeg and the Saskatchewan. The new confederation would be formed under the most auspicioiN circumstances. The existence of its several members has been little more than an ci.ib.'To existence. To-day it is a nation of four millions of people, of boundless territory, of vast and varied resources, witli a climate the most salubrious and invigorating, and the most propitious to all the valuable products of the temperate zone, which here yield the husbandman a better return than in any other i 1 iroiia;lioiit Id for the The St. he scat of npovtauce ■eater and steamers iitic; and Montreal. ' 230 feet, thousand ;anal (300 vessels of 000 miles ,' miles of the direct dee Win- ■d under existence e than an of four vast and salubrious to all the ich here any otlicr Fl'TUKK OF THE COLONIHS. 215 ! } i portion of tlie American continent.* It possesses a trade and mercantile marine the fourtli, if not the third, amongst tlie nations of tlie earth ; 2000 miles of maifnificent inland navio-ation on the St. Lawrence and lakes, exclusive of its otlier great rivers and smaller lakes, and 2500 miles of railway ; 700,000 men between twenty and sixty years of age, or half a million of able-bodied men from eighteen to forty-live, and 70,000 sailors ; and a population accustomed to those hardy pursuits peculiar to a country of vast forests abounding in game, and of c^reat rivers and lakes swarminix with fish. The trade — im[)orts and exports — of the con- federated provinces amounted in 180-1: to nearly thirty millions sterling ; with five million tons of s]nj)ping on tlie sea, and seven millions on the inland lakes in the Canadian trade alone. The revenue for the same year was ^14,223,000 (nearly £3,000,000), and the expenditure i8'lo,3r)0,000 ; leaving nearly one million dollars surplus. The products of the soil in 18G0 were estimated at ^150,000,000 in value, and the cultivated lands at 6'1,500,000,000. xit the antipodes we find a most marvellous de- velopment in the ])opulation and resources of those vigorous British comnninities v,'hich are sj)readhig themselves over that continent island. The first * 8co tlio last two tlcc^-unial census of Canada (1852 & 18G1). 2i(; BRITAIN ANT) IIKK roi.OMES. pcrinaiiciit ]irilisli settlement in Australia was com- posed of 850 convicts with tlieir military guard, tiic gt)vcrnor and liis static — about 1,100 persons in all. These landed at 13otany 15ay in January 1788, I'our years after the settlement of Ui)per Canada. At the end of three-quarters of a century from tliis unpromis- ing bi^ginning we have in Australia, includingTasmania and New Zealand, seven colonies, with a population in (18G4) of little less than one and a half mil- lions, in an area of 2,500,000 square miles ; a trade of X'50,000,000 ; a revenue of some £7,000,000 ; 30,000,000 of sheep, sui)[)lying to J3ritish looms 100,000,0()01bs. wt)ol amnially of an export value of £5,000,000; 4,000,000 of horned cattle ; and half a million of horses. These great results have been aeliieved chielly during the last twelve or fifteen years. The complete inde})endencc of these great com- numities of ' nglo-k^axons can be only a question of time. Jioth possess vast areas of the most fertile soil and boundless mineral wealth. Their ra})id develop- ment in material prosperity, their free institutions, their admirable school and municipal organizations, tlie energy of the pojnilatious, and the wisdom and moderation shown in moulding their ])olitical fabrics, are the best promise of the future. We have no ex;,m])le in history ot better-goveincd slates. Some of them were at iirst encumbered with the feudal s -!> I ■v. i FrTI'RR OF TIIF ('0[.OMi:S t.'l7 was com- guarcl, the sons ill ivH- 1788, four la. At tlio s uupi'oniis- i<<- Tasmania , population \ hair mil- es ; a trade L'7 ,000,000 ; dtisli looms )ort value of ; and half a have been iCteen years, crreat com- (piestion of ;t fertile soil )id develop- institutions, gani/.ations, wisdom and tieal fabrics, \\e have no ates. ^ome the feudal system, and other establishments of a past nj^'e and a. widely dilFerent civilization ; these they have quii-'ly rid themselves of, Avithout endanj^'ering the peace ov well-bein!^ of society. The thiiteen original colonies at the time of their revolt, a few year's [)revious to the settlement of Aus- tralia, Canada West, and New ]h'unswick, had a ])(,[)ulation()f 2,r)()0,000. At the last census, in ISGO, they were l]0,000,()00. After a century and a half from their I'oundation, these t)ld colonies einbraceda poi)ulation of not more than two and a half milhons. Uj)per Canada and Australia, eighty years after tlieir settlement, have each a million and a-l"df. In popu- hition and wealth, Canada, during the last quarter of a century, has slu)wn a more raj)id increase than the republic on her border. From the past, then, we are juslilied in the inference that these now great and nourishing Jhitish })rovinces will speedily become populous and powerful nations. Of their concjuest and subjection to any foreign power there woald seem to be liitle probability. IIow long they may remain a part of the empire that phnited them will depend upon the wisdom of the rulers of both. An equality in rights and duties would seem the only ba:-is for a continued union. Each must be willinu" ti) bear the Inirdens common to all. The throne might then long continue the seat of em[)ire, tlie •2f.S niUTAIX AND UVAl CoLONIi;;^. cin1)l('ni of power and tlic fountain of lionour, equally to cvcrv nienil)ur of this ua-cat family of nations. Great maritime powers in all ages have had colo- nial possessions, larger or smaller. This is, in the first instance, one legitimate result of commerce; hut after being established, colonies, as we have shown, foster that commerce UDre than other countries. Ships, colonies, and connnerco ' express high in- terests of a maritime state. If connnerce called into existence the shipping, colonies may now be said to be the chief foster-mother of both, and Ave might almost reduce the motto to the one word ' colonies.' The chief influence, the honour, and wealth from these fall to the parent state, althongli most English states- men are slow to acknowledge it. These, too, lessen instead of increase the naval expenditure, the chief of which, on colonial account, is for the naval and military stations at ^Malta, Gibraltar. Uernuida, and in the East and West Indies; but none or little where the grefit dependencies of the crown arc. Give these up, and naval stations must take their place. Earl Grey and Earl Derby have spoken v^ith a frankness and <;enerosity on the important services rendered to the mother country by the colonies, rare amongst English statesmen. 'The British colonial empire ought to be maiu" tained, principally because I do not consider that ruTinU'] OF Till': colonics. L>1!) ur, equally ations. 3 had colo- 5 is, ill the mercc; Dut lave shown, L- countries. ss higii in- G called into w be said to d we might d ' colonies.' th from these nglish states- jC, too, lessen ure, the chiet le naval and Jornuida, and )r little where e. Give these ilaee. )()ken v.ith a vtaut services colonies, rare to be niaiu" consider that the nation Avould bo iuslified in throwing ofl" the responsibility it lias incurred by the acquisition of this dominion, and because I belicjve that )inich of the 2^oiccr dud iiijluencc of thii roniifnj depend upon its hdv'uni large colonial p)ofiie shores nanean tlnve her maritime uries, kept in Why sliould IcBS ovov x'.om- miniilies of similar oriLiin, reliji;l(m,and laws than was Carlhai^e with lier navy, and Liome with liei- army, over tlu3 discordant elements which made uj) their empires? In ni) Carthaginian or lioman sense of citi/enship would we advocate the subjection of any member of the empire to the throne. Ihit, with two thousand years' experience over those renowned states from Avhich to draw lessons of wisdom, is it impossible to fmd a basis of union receiving the cor- dial consent of every member of this great family of nations, as enduiing a foundation of em[)ire as the Hag of Carthage or the spear of Home ? The old English colonies in America claimed to be absolutely free from the control of Parliament, and only submitted finally to superior power, and to an assumption that caused the revolution. Why sliould not every member of this great family of nations stand in the same relation to the throne, which these islands now sustain, and which the old colonies claimed? Each would have its own inde- ])endent Legislature, absolute within its own domi- nions, but owing allegiance to the same sovereign. The questions of peace and war would still rest with the throne, by and with the advice, as now, of the Imperial ministry, allowing some just iniluence to those other great connnon wealths aflTectcd by such de- cisions, or v/hich in case of war should contribute their '221 ]5[{IT.\I\ AM) 11!:U COLONICS. reasonable slitirc. Such union would be llie 1 ;'sL j^niariintce I'oi' \)QiiCAi witliin licr own widely-exten led donunR)iis, and the strongest ])roteetion against in- sult or assault from without. The high objects and in- terests connuon to all ai'e surely motives sti'ong enougli to cement such mi ion. At all events it would be wiser for the nation to fix its attention u[)on some definite oh!ect to be attained in the rehitions of the dillerent members of the empire, than to leave all to chance or to circumstances. Commerce — the controlling genius, if not the Divinity of the nation — is now the guiding star in our foreign relations, and connnerce is blind to everything but its own interest ; it knows no law but profit. Why then should not the states- jnen of the mother country and of the colonies seek some sounder principles of union, equitable to ;dl, and promising a closer and more enduring connoc- ti(m? Why need it be a necessity that the moment a province attains independence or sullicient strength to stand alone, that epoch in its history should also l)e the epoch of its entire separation IVom the em- })ire? In such a union as here contem[)lated Britain would be the chief gainer. Here would rest the executive authority, the greatest concentration of wealth, and the centre of her now vast and daily ex] )anding commerce. JJy some these aspirations may be looked upon as )e tlio 1 I'sL ly-c'Xtcn led agcaiust iii- 00 ts aiul iu- ■onj^onougli iild be wisoi- )iiic dolinite .lie dillcroiit 11 to cluinoe oouti'oUiui^ —is no-v the l1 oomnioroc to!y umlcr iiciw juodifu'iitioiis. 'i'lic disputes ^'mwiiij^ out of the i'i;^liH clii'mu'd hy parHiunciil, miuI i'csisti'd by tin; old ('olniiics, ended ill till! vVnu'ricaii revolution of 177'). vVj^ain and again, sinco that p.'i'iod, attiMuptrf liavc been in:uk! to enfoire tlie same abstract theory, the onniipotenc't! ol' pailianient, over eveiy jiart of the empire. This ri^iit ha.s be(Mi assumed, even in loeiil matters, sinet; the granting of [)ailianienLaiy governments to the cohjuies. The foreign policy of tlie whole empire now con- (hicted l)y the i;ro\vn and parlinnient, can scarcely remain uiKjuestioned under all circumsttuices when those now young commonwealths siiall have become })o[ndous and powerful states. Involved in this is the question of defence, for while the Imperial govern- ment may draw^ the colonies into Avar against their will and against their interests, she must hold herself resj)onsible for the results of her diplomacy. lUitthe manufactui'ing and connnercial interests, th(! most powerful and active interests in England, have the chief iiilluence in the home and foreign ])olicy of the nation ; and these aie the I'lasses which have least symi)athy with our colonial empire. The questions of the customs and revenue, the Que lines diuwn between protective and revenue i I'LTLUK Ul* Till': CULUNIKS. >J26 li\inu"il I)}' A.^iiiu iuul •11 lUiulo to "motoiu'i! ol piiv. 'Hii^ ;itters, siiu:c cuts to tliu ro now cou- .1111 sciivci'ly ;Uinros when liivc become !d in this is )L"rial goveni- i»o:iiust their t lioUl herself i\;u'y. fial interests, ts in Eugluiul, . ami foreign >, I'lusseswhieli emi>ire. revenue, the ami revenue 4 turills, nuist bi'ing, as thciy liavi; brouuhl, the ixihcy oftlie new and tlie old societies into conliict. A country overburdened with j)o])ulation, having avast uccunuilateil Avealth, and sei'king not to estubiish maiuifactories and other ii:dusLries, but to lind mar- kets for lu'r [)roducts, can but im|)erfe('tly understand the condition of those couununities whose wants jire the reverse of these. England, agricultuial, would have a popuhition of scarcely 5,01)0,000; mamilac- turing and commercial England has 20,000,000. New England, too, with her rocky and bai-ren soil, is the most wealthy and ])opulous ])art (»f the llepublic. nigh tarilTs have attracted capittd and labour; manufactures and commerce have followed. These; again create further demand for labimr. During the last seven years more than thi'ce milHons of innniurants have landed at New York alone. Such additional populations react favtmrably upon the agricultural, create local markets, and help to bear the burdens of state. Those young countries, with their vast territories of the richest soil, now unoccupied, seeking labour and capital to utilize the undeveloped resources of then' mines and fisheries, their forests and fields, cannot remain luiinlluenced by such examples of pros])erity in states possessing so many points of resemblance to their own. Q M APPENDICES. APPENDIX A. '; Resolutions adopted at a Conference of Delegates from., the Provinces of Canada, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswich, and the Colonies of Neivfoundland and Prince Edtvard Island, held at the City of Quebec, loth October 1864, as the Basis of a proposed Con- federation of those Provinces and Colonies. 1. The best interests and present and future prosperity of British North America will be promoted by a federal union under the Crown of Great Britain, provided such union can be efifected on principles just to the several provinces. 2. In the federation of the British North American Provinces the system of government best adapted under existing circumstances to protect the diversified interests of the several provinces and secure efficiency, harmony, and permanency in the working of the union— would be a general government charged with matters of common in- terest to the whole country, and local governments for each of the Canadas and for the provinces of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island, charged with the control of local matters in their respective sections provision being made for the admission into the union on 230 BBITAIN AND II ER COLONIES. equitable terms of Newfonndland, the North-West Terri- tory, British Coluinhia, and Vancouver. 3. In framing a constitution for the general government, the Conference, with a view to the perpetuation of our connection witli the motlier country, and to the prom» cion of the best interests of the people of these provinces, de- sire- to follow the model of the British constitution, so far as our circumstances will permit. 4. The executive authority or government shall he vested iu the sovereign of the United Kingdom c f Great Britain and Ireland, and be administered according to the well-understood principles of the British constitution by the sovereign personally, or by the representative of the sovereign duly authorized. 5. The sovereign or representative of tho sovereign shall be a commander-in-chief of the land and naval militia forces. t). There shall be a general legislature or parliament for the federated provinces, composedof a Legislative Council and a House of Commons, 7. For the purpose of forming the Legislative Council, the federated provinces shall be considered as consisting of three divisions — 1st, Upper Canada; 2nd, Lowci Canada; 3rd, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island, — each division with an equal representation in the Legislative Council. 8. Upper Canada shall be represented in the Legislative Coimcil by twenty-four members. Lower Canada by twenty- four members, and the three maritime provinces by twenty- four members, of which Nova Scotia shall have ten. New Brunswick, ten, and Prince Edward Island four members. 9. The colony of Newfoundland shall be entitled to i 1 ArPEXDIX. 231 ■West Terri- government, at ion Oi oui* le pronu clon irovinces;, de- tution, so far ent shall bo iom cf Great ording to the )natitiition by tative of tbe overeign shall naval militia parliament for ativo Council ative Council, as consisting o\vi.r Canada; rince Edward utation in the ihe Legislative ula by twenty- ct'S by twenty- have ten, New 'our members, ■je entitled to enter the proposed union, with a representation in the Legislative Council of four members. 10. The North -West Territory, British Columbia, and Vancouver shall be admitted into the union, on such terms and conditions as the parliament of the federated provinces shall deem equitable, and as shall receive the assent of Her INIajesty ; and in the case of the province of British Colum- i bia or Vancouver, as sLall be agreed to by the legislature of ruch province. 11. The members of the Legislative Council shall be ap- pointed by the Crown under the great seal of the general government, and shall hold office during life : if any legis- lative councillor shall, for two consecutive sessions of par- liament, fail to give his attendance in the said council, his seat shall thereby become vacant, 12. The members of the Legislative Council shall be British subjects by birth or naturalization, of the full ago of thirty years, shall possess a continuous real property qualification of four thousand dollars over and above all encumbrances, and shall be and continue worth that sum over and above their debts and liabilities, but in the case of Newfoundland and Prince Edward Island, the property way be either real or personal. 13. If any question shall arise as to the qualification of a iegislativ(i councillor, the same shall be determined by the council. 14. The first selection of the members of the Legisla- tive Council shall be made, except as regards Prince Edward Island, from the legislative councils of the various provinces, so far as a sufficient number be found qualified and willing to serve ; such members shall be nppointed by the Crown at the recommendation of tho general executive 232 BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES. government, upon the nomination of the respective local govonunents, and in such nomination due regard shall be had to tlie claims of the members of the Legislative Council of the Opposition in each province, so that all political parties may as nearly as possible be foirly represented. 15. The Speaker of the Legislative Coimcil (unless other- wise provided by parliament) shall be appointed by tie Crown from among the members of the Legislative Coimcil, and shall hold office during pleasure, and shall only be entitled to a casting vote on an equality of votes. 16. Each of the twenty-four legislative councillors repre- senting Lower Canada in the Legislative Council of the general legislature, shall be appointed to represent one of tiie twenty-four electoral divisions mentioned in Schedule A of chapter first of the Consolidated Statutes of Canada, and such councillor shall reside or possess his qualification in the division he is appointed to represent. 1 7. The basis of representation in the House of Commons shall be population, as determined by the official census every ten years: and the number of members at first shall be 194, distributed as follows: — Upper Canada .... 82 Lower Canada . ... 55 Nova Scotia . . . . . 19 New Enmswick . . . . 15 Newfoimdland .... 8 and Prince Edward Island . . 5 18. Until the official census of 1871 has been made up, there shall be no change in the mmiber of representatives from the several sections. 19. Immediately after the completion of the census of )i active local ird shall be ive Council all political jsented. nless other- ited by tl-e ive Council, lall only be es. ;illors repre- lucil of tlie cseut one of in Schedule 3 of Canada, qualification of Commons ficial census lit first shall 82 55 19 15 8 5 en made up, jresentatives he census of APPEXDIX. 3SS i ;| 1871, and immediately after every decennial census there- after, the representation from each section in the House of Commons shall be re-adjusted on the basis of popidation. 20. For the purpose of such re-adjustments, Lower Canada shall always be assigned sixty-five members, and each of the other sections shall at each re-adjustment re- ceive, for the ten years then next succeeding, the number of members to which it will be entitled on the same ratio of representation to population as Lower Canada will enjoy according to the census last taken by having sixty-five members. 21. No reduction shall be made in the number of mem- bers returned by any section, unless its population shall have decreased relatively to the popidation of the whole imion, to the extent of five per centum. 22. In computing at each decennial period the number of members to which each section is entitled, no fractional parts shall be considered, unless when exceeding one half the number entitling to a member, in which case a mem- ber shall be given for each such fractional part. 23. The legislature of each province shall divide such province into the proper number of constituencies, and define the boundaries of each of them. 24. The local legislature of each province may, from time to time, alter the electoral districts for thepurjiosesof representation in such local legislature, and distribute the representatives to which the province is entitled, in any manner such legislatiu'e may think fit. 25. The number of members may at any time be in- creased by the general parliament, regard being had to the proportionate rights then existing. 26. Until provisions are made by the general parliament, 934 BRITAIN AND IIRR COLONS KS. all the laws wlricli, at the date of the proclamation consti- tuting the union, are in force in the provinces respectively, relating to the qualification and disqualification of any person to be elected or to sit or vote as a member of the Assembly in the said provinces respectively — and relating to the qualification or disqualification of voters, and to the oaths to be taken by voters, and to returning officers and their powers and duties — and relating to the proceedings at elections — and to the period during which such elec- tions may be continued, and relating to the trial of con- troverted elections, and the proceedings incident thereto, and relating to the vacatincr of seats of members and to the issuing and execution of new writs in case of any seat being vacated otherwise than by a dissolution,— shall re- spectively apply to elections of members to serve in the House of Commons, for places situate in those provinces respectively. 27. Every House of Commons shall continue for five years from the day of the return of the writs choosing the same, and no longer, subject, nevertheless, to be eoouer prorogued or dissolved by the governor. 28. There shall be a session of the general parliament once at least in every year, so that a period of twelve calendar months shall not intervene between the last sit- ting of the general parliament in one session and the first sitting thereof in the next session. 29. The general parliament shall have power to make laws for the peace, welfare, and good government of the federated provinces (saving the sovereignty of England), and especially laws respecting the following subjects: — 1. The public debt and property. 2. The regulation of trade and commerce. 1 tion consti- Qspectively, ion of any nber of tlie mtl relating , and to the officers and proceedings h such elec- trial of con- cnt thereto, ibers and to ! of any seat n,— shall re- serve in tho se provinccb nue for five choosing the be Eoouer 1 parliament od of twelve the last sit- and the first >wor to make ment of the of England), ubjects: — e. APPKXDIX. 235 3. Tlio imposition or regulation of duties of customs on imports and exports, except on exports of timl)cr, logs, masts, spars, deals, and sawn lumber, and of coal and other minerals. 4. Tho imposition or regulation r,f excise duties. 5. The raising of money by all or any other modes or systems of taxation. G. The borrowing of morioy on the public credit. 7. Postal service. 8. Lines of steam or other ships, railways, canals, and other works, connecting any two or more of the provinces together or extending beyond the limits of any province. 9. Lines of steamships between tho federated pro- vinces and other countries. 10. Telegraphic communication acd the incorporation of telegraph companies. 11. All such works as shall, although lying wiiolly within any province, be specially declared by the Acts authorising them to be for the general advantage. 12. The census. 13. Militia — military and naval service and defence. 14. Beacons, buoys, and liglithouses. 15. Navigation and shipping. 16. Quarantine. 17. 8ea coast and inland fisheries. 18. Ferries between any province and a foreign country, or between any two provinces. 19. Currency and coinage. 20. Banking, incorporation of banks, and the issue of poper money. S86 BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES. 21. Savings banks. 22. Weii;lits and measures. 2.3. Biiis of exeluiugo and promissory notos. 24. Interest. 25. Legal tender. 26. Bankruptcy and insolvency. 27. Patents of inveutiuu and discovery. 28. Copyrights. 29. Indians and lands reserved for the Indians. 30. Naturalization and alieL?. 31. Marriage and divorce. 32. The criminal law, excepting the constitution of Courts of Criminal Jurisdiction, but including procedure in criminal matters. 3.'5. Rendering imiform all or any of the laws relative to property .and civil rights in Upper Canada, Nova 8cotia, New Brunswick, Newfoundland, and Prince Edward Island, and rendering uni- form the procedure of all or any of the coiuts in these provinces; but any statute for this pur- pose shall have no force or authority in any province until sanctioned by the legislature thereof. 34. The establishment of a General Court of Appeal for the federated provinces. 35. Immigration. 36. Agricidture. 37. And generally respecting all matters of a general character, not specially .and exclusively re- served for the local governments and legisla- tures. lans. ititution of it incliuliiig aws relative per Canada, fonndland, iideriiig uni- • the courts or this pur- ority in any legislature rt of Appeal of a general ilusively re- and le}.nsla- AITENDIX. 237 30. The general government and parliament shall have all powers necessary or proper for performing the ohliga- tions of the federated provinces, as part of the Ihitisli empire, to foreign countries, arising under treaties between Great Britain and such countries. 31. The general parliament may also, from time to time, establish additional courts, and the general governiiunit may appoint judges and officers thereof, when the same shall appear necessary or for the public advantage, in order to the due execution of the laws of parliament. 32. All courts, j udges, and officers of the several pro- vinces shall aid, assist, and obey the general government in tlie exercise of its rights and powers, and for such purposes shall be held to be courts, judges, and officers of the gene- ral government. 33. The general g(jverument shall appoint and pay the judges of the superior courts in each province, and of the county courts of Upper Canada, and parliament shall fix their salaries. 34. Until the consolidation of the laws of Upper Canada, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Newfoundlai'd, and Prince Edward Island, the judges of these provinces appointed by the general government shall be selected from their re- spective bars. 35. The judges of the courts of Lower Canada shall be selected from the bar of Lower Canada. 36. The judges of the Court of Admiralty now receiving salai'ies shall be paid by the general government. 37. The judges of the superior courts shall hold their offices diu-ing good behaviour, and shall l)e removable only on the address of both houses of parliament. 2,18 imiTAIX AXD IIKIt COLOXIRS. Lucal Govenmient. 38. For oacli of tlio provinces tliere hIihII be an executive officer, Htyled the Lieiiteimnt Governor, who sliall be ap- pointed by the Governor General in council, under the great seal of the federated provinces, during pleasure: such pleasure not to be exercised before the expiration of the first five years, except for cause: such cause to be communicated in writing to the Lieutenant Governor im- mediately after the exercise of the pleasun as aforesaid, and also by message to both houses of parliament, within the first week of the first session afterwards. 39. The Lieutenant Governor of «.'ach province shall bo paid by the general government. 40. In undertaking to pay tlie salaries of the lieutenant governors, the Conference does not desire to prejudice the claim of Prince Edward Island upon the Imperial govern- ment for the amount now paid for the salary of the Lieu- tenant Governor thereof. 4L The local government and legislature of each pro- vince shall be constructed in such manner as the existing legislature of such province shall provide. 42. The local legislatures shall have power to alter or amend their constitution from time to time. 43. The local legislatures shall have power to make laws respecting the following subjects : — 1. Direct taxation and the imposition of duties on the export of timber, logs, masts, spars, deals, and sawn lumber, and of coals and other minerals. 2. Borrowing money on the credit of the province. 3. The establishment and tenure of local offices, and the appointment and piiyment of local officers. aimm:m)Ix. '.»3!» ,11 exocutivo Khali be ap- , un»ler the g pleasure: jxpiration of cause to be overnor iin- as aforenaid, luent, within aace shall bo he lieutenant prejudice the )enal govern- of the Lieu- of each pro- s the existing er to alter or )wer to make duties on the us, deals, and her minerals. le province. al offices, and h.)cal officers. ! Agriculture. />. Inuuigration. 6. Education ; saving the rights and privilogos which the Protestant or Catholic minority in both Cana- das maypossesH as to their denominational schools, at the time when the union goes into operation. 7. The sale and management of public lands, excepting lands belo ging to the gen- ral government. H. 8ea coast and inland iishe.ies. 9. The establishment, mairienance, and management. of penitentit.'ies, am', of publ* ' and t'eformat(jry prisons. 10. The establishment, maintenance, and management of hospitals, asyluoi^', charities, and ei;: luosyuary institutions. 11. Municipal institutions. 12. Shop, saloon, tavern, auctioneer, and other licences. 1 3. Local works. 14. The incorporation of private or local companies, except such as relate to matters assigned to the general parliament. \6. Property and civil rights, excepting those portions thereof assigned to the general parliament. IG. Inflicting punishment by fine, penalties, imprison- ment, i; otherwise, for the breach of laws passed in relation to anysubject within their jurisdiction. 17. The administration of justice, including the consti- tution, maintenance, and organization of the courts — both of civil and criminal jurisdiction, and including also the procedure in civil matters. 18. And generally all matters of a private or local nature, not assigned to the general i>arliament. 240 BUITAl.'f AND IIEU (JOLOXlliS. 44. The power of respiting, reprieving, and pardoning prisoners convicted of crimes, and of commuting and re- mitting of sentences in whole or in part, which belongs of right to tlie Crown, shall be administered by the Lieutenant Grovernor of each province in council, subject to any in- structions he may from time to time receive from the general government, and subject to any provisions that may be made in this behalf by the general puriiament. [The Secretary of State for the Colonies wishes this power to rest in the Governor General.] Mi3ceUaneous. 45. In regard to all subjects over wliich jurisdiction belongs to both the general and local legislatures, the laws of the general parliament shall control and supersede those made by the local legislatiu'e, and the latter shall be void so far as they are repugnant to or inconsistent with the former. 46. Both the English and French languages may bo employed in the general parliament and in its proceedings, and in the local legislature of Lower Caniida, and also in the federal courts and in the courts of Lower Canada. 47. No lands or property belonging to the general or local government shall be liable to taxr.tion. 48. All bills for appropriating any part of the pul>lic I'evenue, or for Imposing any new tax or impost, shall originate in the House of Commons or the House of As- sembly, as the case may be. 49. The House of Commons or House of Assembly shall not originate or pass any vote, resolution, address, or bill for the appropriation of any part of the public revenue, or of any tax or impost to any purpose, not first recom- I J i d pardoning iting and re- ;U belongs of e Lieutenant ct to any in- ive from tlie revisions that d parliament, ics this power ;h jurisdiction ,tures, tlie laws and supersede . latter sliall be ccnsirtteut \YitU 'uaijcs may bo its proceedings, da, and also in er Canada, the general or t of the public impost, shall le House of As- jr Assembly shall address, or bill public revenue, not first recom- APPENDIX. 241 mended by message of the Governor General, or the Lieu- tenaiii Governor, as the case may be, during the session in which such vote, resolution, address, or hill is passed. 50. Any bill of the general parliament may be reserved in the usual manner for Her Majesty's assent, and any bill of the local legislatures may in like manner be reserved for the consideration of the Governor General. Ij], Any bill passed by the general parliament shall be subject to disallowance by Her Majesty within two years, as in the case of bills parsed by the legislatures of the said jirovinces hitherto ; and in like manner any bill passed by a local legislature shall be sidjject to disallowance by the Governor General within one year after the passing thereof. o2. The seat of government of the federated provinces shall be Ottawa, subject to the Royal prerogative. 53. Subject to any future action of the respective local governments, the seat of the local government in Upper Canada shall be Toronto ; of Lower Canada, Quebec ; and the seats of the local governments in the other provinces shall be as at present. Property and Liabilities. .'A. All stocks, cash, bankers' balances, and securities for money belonging to each province, at the time of the union, except as hereinafter mentioned, shall belong to the general government. 55. The following public works and property of each province shall belong to the general government — to wit : — 1. Canals; 2. Public harbours ; 3. Lighthouses and piers ; 4. Steamboats, dredges, and public vessel § ; R 242 BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES. 5. River and lake improvements ; (). Kailway and railway stocks, mortgages, and other debts due by railway companies ; 7. Military roads ; 8. Custom-houses, post-offices, and other public buildings, except such as may be set aside by the general government for the use of the local legislatures and governments ; y. Property transferred by the Imperial government and known as ordnance property ; 10. Armories, drill sheds, military clothing, and mu- nitions of war ; and 1 1. Lands set apart for public purposes. 56. All lands, mines, minerals, and royalties Vv^ted in Her Majesty in the provinces of Upper Canada, Lower Canada, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island, for the use of such provinces, shall belong to the local government of the territory in which the same are so situate ; subject to any trusts that may exist in respect to any of such lands or to any interest of other persons in respect of the same. 57. All sums due from purchasers or lessees of such lands, mines, or minerals at the time of the union, shall also ])elong to the local governments. 58. All assets connected with such portions of the public debt of any province as are assumed by the local govern- ments, shall also belong to those governments respectively. 59. The several provinces shall retain all other public property therein, subject to the right of the general govern- ment to assume any lauds or public property required for fiirtificatiims or the dcfeJice of the country. APPENDIX. 243 and otlier her public set aside by , of the local nineiit gover ng, and niu- ;ie3 Vv:>ted in jxnada, Iii>Wfr lincc Edward belong to the le same are so t in respect to ler persons in spsees of siich c union, Bhall of the public l(K'al govern- ts respectively. 11 other public reneral govern- ty required for GO. The general government shall assume all tlie dulits •and liabilities of each province. Gl. The debt of Canada not specially assumed by Upper and Lower Canada respectively, shall not oxcetul at the time of the union . . ^62,50(),()()() Nova Scotia shall enter the union with a debt not exceeding . . 8,000,000 And New Brunswick, with a debt not exceeding .... 7,000,000 G2. In case Nova .Scotia or N(!W Ih'unswick do not incur b"a])ilities beyond those for which tlieir governments ;uv now bound, and whicli shall make their dtsltts at the d.'it"^ of union less than ^'8,000,000 and i?7,000,00() respectively, tliey shall be entitled to interest at 5 per cent, on the amomit not so incurred, in like manner as is hereinafter provided for Newfoundland and Prince Edward Island ; the foregoing resolution being in no respect intended to limit the powers given to the respective governments of those provinces by legislative authority, but only to limit tlie maximum amoimt of charge to l.ii assumed by tlie general government: Provided always that < he powers so conferred by the respective legislatures shall be exerciri(Ml within five years from this date or the same shall then lapse. G3. Newfoundland and Prince Edward Island, not hav ing incurred debts equal to those of the other provinces, shall be entitled to receive by half-yearly payments in advance from the general government the interest at !> per cent, on the difference lietween the actual amount of their respective debts at the time of the union, and th(> average amount of indebtedness per head of the popula- tion of Canada, Nova Scotia, and New P»runswick. a2 244 BRITAIN .UVD HER COLONIES. 64. In consideration of the transfer to the general par- liament of the powers of taxation, an annual grant in aid of each province shall be made, equal to 80 cents per head of the population, as established by the census of 1861, the population of Newfoundland being estimated at 130,000. Such aid shall be in full settlement of all future demands upon the general government for local [jurposes, and shall be paid half-yearly in advance to each province. 65. The position of New Brunswick being such as to entail large immediate charges upon her local revenues, it is agreed that for the period of ten years from the time when the union takes effect, an additional allowance of ^63,000 per anmmi shall be made to that province ; but tliat so long as the liability of that province remains under ^7,000,000, a deduction equal to the interest on such de- ficiency shall be made from the ,^63,000. 66. In consideration of the surrender to the general government by Newfoundland of all its rights in mines and minerals, and of all the ungranted and unoccupied lands of the Crown, it is agreed that the sum of ,$150,000 shall each year be paid to that province, by semi-annual payments : Provided that that colony shall re+ain the right of opening, constructing, and controlling roads and bridges tlirough any of the said lands, subject to any laws which the general parliament may pass in respect of the same. 67. All engagements that may, before the imion, be entered into with the Imperial government for the defence of the count T sliall be assumed by the general govern- ment. 68. The general government shall secure, without delay, the completion of the intercolonial railway from Riviere- du-lioup through New Brunswick to Truro in Nova Scotia. neral par- ant in aid cents per : census of stimated at ,f all fntiire al ijurposes, cli province. r sucli as to revenues, it om the time allowance of irovince; but emains under ;t on audi de- > the general its in mines id unoccupied of ;gll 50,000 semi-annual 6+ din the right ,ds and bridges xny laws which of the same. the union. he for the defence general govern- without delay, ly from Riviere- in Nova Scotia. APPENDIX. 245 69. Tlie communications with the North-Western terri- tory, and the improvements required for the development of the trade of the Great West with the seaboard, are re- garded l)y this Conference as subjects of the highest im- portance to the federated provinces, and shall be prose- cuted at the earliest possible period that the state of the finances will permit. 70. The sanction of the Imperial and local parliaments shall be sought for the union of the provinces, on the prin- ciples adopted by the Conference. 71. That Her Majesty the Queen be solicited to deter- mine the rank and name of the federated provinces. 72. The proceedings of the Conference shall be authen- ticated by the signatures of the delegates, and submitted by each delegation to its own government ; and the Chair- man is authorised to submit a copy to the Governor General for transmission to the Secretary of State for the Colonies. Copies of Official Correspondence on tee Confedera- tion OF THE British North American Provinces, Canadian Defences, Hddson Bay Territory, &c. (No. 83.)— Coj3?/ of a Despatch from Governor-General Viscount ]Monck to the Right Hon. Edward Card- well, M.P. Quebec: March 24, 18G5. Sir, — I have the honour to transmit for your informa- tion a copy of an approved minute of the Executi/e Council of Canada appointing a deputation from their body, who are to proceed to England to confer with Her 246 IJIMTAIN AND IIER COLONIES. Majesty's (.ioveno'ient on bsilijccta of iinporttuicc! to tlio province. Tlie geutkiaeii naiiiod on the deputation propose leav- ing by the steamer whicli sails on the oih of April. I liavc, &c. MONCK. y/'t' J'ljht J Ion. Edwaiu) ''..hdwicll, 31. P. &c. (Enclosures in No. 1.) (No. l)').) — Copy of a Report of a Committee of the Ho.n. ExKCUTiVE CoiNoiL. appvovcd by His E.xcellencij th> Govtrnov General on ike 'l\lh of March, IH'!;). The Committee respectfully recommc^nd that ^jurmeni- hers of yonr Excellency's Council do proceed to England to confer \\ith Her Majesty's Government — 1. Upon the proposed confederation of the IJritisli North American Provinces and the means whereby it can be most speedily effected. 2. Upon the arrangements necessary for the defence of Canada in the event of war arisiug with tlie United States, and the extent to which the same should be shared between (Jreat Britain and Canada. 3. Upon the steps to be taken with reference to the Keciprocity Treaty and the rights conferred by it upon the United (States. 4. Upon the arrangements necessary for the settlement iif the North-West territory and Hudson's JJay Company's claims. 5. And generally upon the existing- critical state of afluirs, by wliich Canada is must seriously affected. APPENDIX. 347 Mice to the ii'opose leiiv- ^piil. ISlONCK. 1 OF THE Hon. •s ExcdU'iicif irch, 18';.). lat fMr mein- id to Eugliiud f the British vhereljy it can the defence of United States, shared between ference to the I by it upon tlie the settlement ]3ay Comvany's nitieal Btate of affected. 4 The Comniitten further recommend tliat the followinij meinhers of (Joiuicil be named to form a delegation, viz. : IMessrs. Maedonald, Cartier, Brown, and Gait. CertiHed. W. 11. Lee, C.E.C. (No. 2.) {i)5.)—Copy of a Despatch from the Rhjht lion. Edward Cardwell, INl.P., to Governor -General Viscount MO.NCK. DowNixo Street : June 17, 18G5. My Lord, — I have the honour to inform yoTir Lordship that several conferences have been held between the four Canadiat ^Ministers who were deputed, under the minute of your Executive Council of March 24, to proceed to England to confer with Her ^Majesty's Government on the part of Canada, and the Duke of Somerset, the Earl do Grey, Mr. Gladstone, and myself on the part of Her Majesty's Government. On the first subject referred to in the minute, that of the confederation of the British North American Provinces, we repeated on the part of the Cabinet the assurances which had already been given of the determination of Her iSlajesty's Government to use every proper means of inlhience to carry into effect without delay the proposed confederation. On the second point we entered into a full consideration of the important subject of the defence of Canada, not with any apprehension on either side that the friendly re- lations now happily subsisting between this country and the Lf^nited States are likely to be disturbed, but impressed with the conviction that the safety of the empire from 'J48 BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES. possible attack ought to ilepend upon its own strt igtii aiul the due application of its own resources. We reniincK'il the Canadian iNlinisters tliat, on the part of the Imperial Government, we had obtained a vote of money for improv- ing the fortitications of Quebec. We assured them tliat so soon as that vote had been obtained tlie necessary in striu'tions had been sent out for the immediate execution of the works, wliicli wouhl be prosecuted with (h'spatch ; and we reminded tliem of the suggestion Her' Majesty's Governmc nt had ma(hi to them to proceed with tlie forti- fications t'f ^loiitreal. Tlie Canadian ^Ministers, in reply, expressed mu'e- servetlly the desire of Canada to devote her whole re- sources, both iu www and money, for the maintenance of her connection with the mother-country, and their fidl belief in the readiness of the Canadian Parliament to make known that determination in the most authenlie manner. They said they hud increased the expenditere ff.r ^beir militia from ,^'300,000 to ^1,00(),()()0, and w )uld ag' ee to train that force to the satisfaction of the Secretary of State for War, provided the cost did not exceed the last-mentioned sum annually while the question of ctni- federation is pending. They said they were unwilling to separate the question of the works of jNIontreal from the question of the works west of that place, and from the question of a naval armament in Fiake Ontario. Tluit the execution of the whole of these works would render it necessary for them to have recourse to a loan, which could only be raised with the guarantee of the Imperial Par- liament. They were ready to propose to their Legislature on their return a measur*^ for this pin-pose, provided that the guarantee of the Imperial Parliament were given now, i-L igtii and B renuiuU'il le Imperial for ill! pro V- , tlicin tliiit ecessary in e oxociitiou li (Icspatcli ; x jNIaJesty'H :h the forti- 3sse(l unro- V whole re- inteuaiice of ul their full irliameiit to st authentic expenditero ), and w )uld he Secretary exceed tlio ion of con- uuwillinjj; to al from the \(\ from the lario. That ould render loiin, whicli ni])erial P;ir- r liegishiture rovided that I'c given now, AITENDIX. '240 and that they were authorised to communicate to the Par- liament of Canada the assurance tliat, the occasion aris- ing, England will have prepared an adeipiate naval force for Lake Ontario. They thought that if the guarantee were not ohtained now, it was prohahle that the Canadian (rovernment and Parliament would think it desinihlo that the question of defensive works should await the decision of the Government and Jjcgislature of the United Pro- vinces. Ou the part of Ifer IMajesty's Government we assented to the reasonableness of the proposal that if the province imdertook the primary liability for the works of defence mentioned in the letter of Lieutenant-Colonel Jervois, and showed a sufficient security, Her Majesty's Government should apply to Parliament for a guarantee for the amount re(iuired ; and we sidd that Her ^Majesty's Government would furnish tlie armaments for the works ; but we said that the desire and decision of the Provincial Legislature ought to be pronounced before any a[>plication was made to the Imperial Parliament. On the subject of a naval forcij for Lake Ontario, we said that, apart from any ques- tion of expediency, the convention subsisting between this country and the United States rendered it impossible for either nation to place more than the specified nundier of armed vessels on the lakes in times of peace. In case of war it would, as a matter of course, be the duty of any governiuent in this country to apply its means of naval defence according to the judgment it might form upon the exigencies of each particular time, and the Canadian Ministers might be assured that Her ^Majesty's Govern- ment would not permit itself to be found in such a posi- tion as to be unable to discharge its duty in this respect. '250 IJRITAIN AND HER COLONIES. Tliif! was tlio only asHiinmcc tho Canadiiin I\riiiistei'.s could expt'ct or wo could give. Ul)ou fi review of the whole mnttcr, the Canadian IMinisters reverted to tho proposal which has heen nieu- tioued (d)ove, that priority in point of time should be j^iven to the confederation of the provinccH. To thin we, on tho part of Her INInjesty's Governnieiit, aspented. In confor- mity, liowever, with n wish strongly expressed by the Canadian jNIinisters, wo farther said that if, upon future consideration, the Canadian Government sliould desire to anticipate the confederation, and to propose tliat Canada should execute the works, they would doubtless communi- cate to Ifer Majesty's Government that decision ; and wo trusted that after what had passed in these conferences tlioy woukl feel assured that any such commmiication would be received by us in the most friendly spirit. On the third point, the Keciprocity Treaty, the Canadian JNlinisters represented tho great importance to Canada of the renewal of that treaty, and requested that Sir F. Bruce might be put in comnnuiication with the Govern- ment of Lord Monck upon the subject. We re[)lied that ►Sir F. Ijruce had already received instructions to negotiate for a renewal of the treaty and to act in concert with the Government of Canada. On the fourth point, tlio subject of the North-Westeru territory, the Canadian Ministers desired that that terri- tory should be made over to Canada, and undertook to negotiate with the Hudson's Bay Company for the termi- nation of their rights, on condition that the indenuiity, if any, should be paid by a loan to be raised by Canada under the Imperial gnarantee. With tlie sanction of tlio Cabinet we assentid to this proposal, undertaking that if APPENDIX. 251 istol•!^ coukl e Canadian , been meu- uld be given in we, on the lu couti>r- sseil by tbe upon fntuic uld deBiru to tluit Canada L'ss conunuiii- isiou ; and wo io contV'vences omnnuiicntiou y spirit. , the Canadian to Canada of d that Sir V. \\ the Govern- e replied that ,ns to negotiate oncert with the J the nogotiation Khonld bo siicocssfiil, wo, on th(> part of the Crown, being satisfied tliut the aiiiount of the indemnity was reasonable and the seenrity sufficient, wouhl a(»ply to the Imperial Parliament to suuction the urruugemeut aud to guarantee the amount. Ou tlie last point, it seemed Bufficient that Her Majes- ty's Government should necept the assurances given by the Canadian IMinlsters on the part of Canada, that that j)rovince is ready to devote all her resources, both in men and money, to the maiulenaneo of her connection with the mother-country, and should assure them in return that the Imperial Government fully acknowledged the reciprocal obligation of defending every jjortiou of the empire with all the resources at its conunand. The Canadian JNIinisters, in conclusion, said that they hoped it would be understood that the present conununi- cations did not in any way affect or alter the correspond- ence which had already passed 1)etweeu the Imperial Government and the Guvernments of the I?ritish North American provinces on the sidtject of the Intercolonial Kail way. To this we entirely agreed. I have, &c. EUWABD Cakdwell. North-Western that that terri- d undertook to y for the termi- the indenniity, aised by Canada sanction of the dertakiug that if ir>2 FJRITAIN AND IIKU COLONIEH. APPENDIX B. Sumnvtrij i>f the Cunstitut'ioa of (lie United Stales referred to, p. 48. Article I. MICTION 1. All logislative power i.s vested in a Congress, consisting of 11 Senate and House of Kopresentatives. 2. Composition of I[ouse of Kepresentatives — chosen every second year. .'5. Senate composed of two senators from each State, chosen by the legislatnres thereof for six years; ago 30 years. 4. Manner of elections for senators — Congress to assemble once every year. 5, Privileges of each house. (). Compensation to senators and representatives ; their privileges. 7. Bills for raising revenue originate in House of Re^ie- sentatives — veto of President. 8. Power of Congress. — 1. To levy taxes ; 2. Borrow money; 3. Regulate commerce ; 4. Naturalization and National Baidt ; 5. Coin money; 7. Post-office; 11. Declare war; 12. Raise and support armies; 13. A navy; 15. Militia. 10. What each State cannot do ; not enter into any treaty — coin money — or levy impost or duty on imports. fnited Stales ess, consisting itives. tivos — cliosen n oacli Stiite, six years ; age L^ss to assemble ntatives ; their ouse of Re 1 'le- ss ; 2. Borrow Naturalization 7. Post-office; iipport armies; ito any treaty — f on imports. AI'PR.VDIX. 'i.'iJ I Article II. HKCTION I. — 1. Executive power in Presichmt— holds office for four years; 2. jNIanner of electing President and Vice- President — each State to choose electors e<|ual to its whole number of senators and representatives in Congress ; 3. Maimer of voting by elections —Presi- dent to have the majority of electors; 4. Natural born citizens alone can be President. 2.--1. President Commander-in-Chief of the army and navy; 2. Can make treaties by and with the consent of the Senate. Article III. 1. Judicial power vested in a supreme court, and in such inferior courts as Congress may establish — judges hold office during good behaviour. 2. To what cases judicial power to extend. Article. IV. 1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the public Acts, &c. of other States. 2. Citizens of each State entitled to privileges, &c. in other States — (relation of States to each other). .3. New States admitted. Article V. Congress by 2-.3rds vote may amend constitution. Article VI. 1 . Debts before constitution adopted — to be valid against United States. 2. Constitution, supreme law of land. 254 HRITATN AND ITER COLONTKS. Artido VII. Katificatiou of constitution by nine States sufficient. AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. Article X. Powers not delegated to the United States by tlio con- stitution, nor proliibiled by it to the States, are reserved to tlie States respectively, or to the people. f sufficient. H \)y tlio coti- xc roscrvcil to I ArTRXDlX. ArPENDIX C. F«rpnuliluvc, inctudi));/ rnKt of harracks, fortificnfiOUK, and innispnr/aiioii.i ivcnrnd in thf'incc of (hjuixhiicits, aim ntuulnr and dixtrilnilinn af Iniaps (S(f(Cl (Jmii. ison. Colonics Troppr Tnfnntry 'if tlio Line Colo- nial In- fantry 1,137 Artil- lery Enpl- neers 8 Totals Imiiorial Military iixiienilitiiro Canada . 1,030 218 2,132 £200,204 Nova Scotia nnil Xrw Itrunswick . 1,012 • • ■ 177 92 1,S81» 119,19') Ni'\vfi)uiullanil . • *• '237 1 1 23i) 2o,so7 Ill-it isli Culunibia ... ... ... 138 138 37,000 £113, 500 Now South Wal'H . r.07 100 32 015 l3,o:!l) Victoria . (US • ■ • ... (!21 3(;,.-.r>7 Soiitii Aiistrnlia 9:) ••• ... ! 7 mo o,s:!o Tasmania 3'JI ... 1 2 32(1 3,').! 13 Nl'W Zualand . Cajio of Good IIojk", i,i(j(; ••* 16 11 1,2J2 101,S.V2 317 Natal, & Kailrariu 3,10!) 1,012 170 239 1,800 4.')0,0r)8 ('<'Vlon NIC. l.ooG 13,^ 7 2,3 1 1 110,208 JMaui'itiug 1,119 ... 133 IS 1,030 14.>,068 AV^pst Indies. Jamaica . 53i 802 91 3 1,133 118,28.') Honduras • • * 329 21 , 2 3o5 30,021 Windward and Lee- 1 ward islands l.Uo 1,101 130 1 7 2,399 213,793 Totals . 12,711 r>,ons 20,0r)7 1 ^■'■'^ 273 «,007 037 '>"(>) l,27rj 779 033 300 £1,71'') 210 Imperial Garrisons . 0.728 483,173 Malta . Oiliraltar. ■1,537 1,079 309 r),!)2i5 420.(i!).j Ionian Islands 3,001 ■187 200 4,291 280,001 Honij; Kong ... ... 733 .07,300 St. Helena 118 "77 "2 497 3S, :;.-.! IJcrmuda . 878 .•* 159 91 1,128 87,.J87 lialiamns , • It 3SS 11 1 3'J8 32,2SO Falkland . 37 ... ... 37 2.117 West Australia ■"88 >•• ... 66 174 2."i.'.»10 Laliuan . • ■ • ... ... ... 7.:i29 West Africa . ?M .. . .•• 3.50 27.302 sierra Leono . t * > •x.w ... ... 334 27.i»90 Gambia, Gold Coast Totals . ... 300 ... 999 300 20,010 19,781 11,112 2,471 2,592 £1,509,835 1 _^.: :: £3,225 ,081 * 1,300 of these were in the Imperial garri.sou of Halifax. S.'iG BUITAIN AXD HER COLONIES. X g1 is •s. -s t§ g.ii y 2 I, ^ -« c" (:: H H X :;- CO ■2 C3 r* oc .-H t£ O H Ol — ■ — 1- O rl O C M ■-■^ o ■< C O -M 'O ~' CO 1- o X— lO »-' c^ o '.1 00 3 r N t^ ^^ 8 3 3 to ^^ !-• 't* O I— t .-H -f O O ef cc n -f o o' CO C* i-H o" »-H -1^ CO CO »0 "-•1 r-l I- CO CO O •-I ^ -O CO o CttC -f I- o^ o" -f' '^' 'O o" C5 >o o -^ if:i 05 35 CO -1< c r-H CO o ^^ o tK o 3 o 3-. ■ • Ol o 1^ •o 1^ *J I—* *44 05 o %l „ oi -o oi o -J O O OI 'O Ol -* t^ ,- — CO '- . ". « -oi vr lo o C CO 01 iro CO '-^* »fO CC O OI '"'^ co' co" fo' to" I— I I— ' a; ^ 35 -H o 1^ 'O CO CO CO Ol^ O X X o_ x" rt" -* ^' j>r »0 3; 3". 01 '— < CO ct .0 -l*^ o^ «c' 'fi i-T ■^'■ t^ f-* C5 o CO lO 35 CO CO 35 '-. OI -t l>^ 35^ oo" CO O O CO 05 1^ I-l ^ 1< ■ • • > ■ 9 ^-^ 2 >,-^ 3 O O .g S •^ o 1^ — C5 O 1-; <=■ I- CO 35 O -^ 35 X .— -h r-i X CO ■■O 35 iro -t< 1- >-i oi 3> oi 1-^ 35 O 35 O 35 35 35 OI -t< O CO • i. O' ;■ ox «^ -r I- -f x' c; F-I -f" r-i -^ .— t lO •VI CO 35 t^ O I— t I- •— I o »<• OI X l~ o" x' x' 35" -t< 01 »o CO f-H o CO CO (M~0f C5 O 01 c . oi o" ■ 01 o ■ t^ o_ of 35" X X X 01 o »0 01 35 t— ' O X o X i~ o M^ 35" o' ^ cT O O 'O. 'O o CO -*i_^ X x_ o -(<' co' oi 35" 35 CO 35 CO 1^ CO C5 '.- X__ <£ ci co" I- ■— I CO CO '^ 35 x" co" O CO r— O O -f CO X OI o «> 01 CO t- I- '-^ co' x" ^ co' CO ^ X o 01 I- X -*• --I 1^ c c »o 1^ CO =^ 1— « cc cr. v: oi o Id Cl Ci •-' o cc <=_=c I- o_ •«<' cT c' --' 2' <=■ O O WT = ;£ -^ y: QC o ■^ CO c-i cT ^1 '^ (73 w O o o !^; o « H O 5^^ APPENDIX. 237 C-. e : ^"o; -f • . • • to fl cc ^^ 'XJ 75 ii I- C -y «j -i-i c- &.>r^ a pSp^g ■ 01 'O CO d IM CO to 00 =:= r -p 1^ 01 CO CO to CO 01 CO CO 35 2 to CO cc 'C co" •£ co' -t<_^ .0 «(S.'^ s -f rl '^ ^ •^ CI SB H to t" CO f— • to 00 -^.2 = r C3 oi CO 0^ ^ to" t^ y r-l -< l~ to > xn. <>& "VD. < ■M -f OD CO CO =1 01 'pw C5 ao — 1 1^ •14 .sS as eo_ I-. 'O^ CO US CO 115 35 era lO" iC -< »■ CO CO co" t^ ,«- CT> 01 1 - •^1 QO Ci 1^ -^ 01 Ol T)4 Ol 01 .-H ^ oi •5^ "*. CO_ 1—* -< •* IX: 5^ •vs ■3 1 * ^ -+• 01 7-1 01 CO 'O 33^ c -t* CO l^ 0-1 •!< — = § t^ 0" cT to" to CO oT cr „' -^ '^O 35 .0 CO cc 1^ -f •<< CO CO CO to 1 1-4 1— * Ol co" -f tttt ^ •SC: '^ -K iA r-< CO 1-4 ■* -h -14 00 CJJ r-H 35 CI CO »c t - -0 3i CO ^ I'. CO to 35 •-' ^1 ■m" 35 -(<■ oT to -r^ •4 t," = T' =? l~ 35 CO — CO CO CO — CO •M cc CO 1- 1^ 35 co" 1- -( 'VJ,'^' aa aj c3 35 -^ l^ I.H CO CO r>\ \~~ -r> 35 CO CO 1 CO to_^ri_'0 CO C5 en 01 35 rt cT utT oi" cc" CO .-4 0" ^--H CO 35 -t^ cc 1- p (M to 00 « CO E5 CO '"'.,'— ^ cc **!, cc •-< >X-H S ^■~ r-T -(T 0" cc" 55 nc .-4 •^ • -1- ■0 CO 00 a CO '^ CO .3 • CO tec CO iX) r-t i x> C3 . Ph ■3 1 -s 9 >iV I ■5 d 04 Oi ft!' g-^ S^S^t- 04 5 a4>-=' 0^ tnre . ISOIJ 26,713 1861 St. Vincent . Cession . 17(i3 30,128 1861 Sierra Lcuno Seftlemont 1789 1 Transt'errod to 44,801 1851 Government . 18(.7 1 South Australia . Settlement 1836 130,000 1861 Tasmania . II 1804 89,977 1861 Ttiliaj^o (Session . 1763 15,410 1861 Trinidad . Capture . 1797 84,432 1861 Tristan IVAounlia Settlement 1818 90 184.» Turks and Caicos It • • • 4,372 1861 Vancouver's Is- 1} 1781 23,000 1862 Sta. ub. 1803. land Victoria " . Settlement Separated from 1836 New South 004,000 1864 Wales 1850 Virgin Islands . Settlement IdOO 0,o5U 1859 West Australia . )• 1829 15,593 1 1801 s2 2(it) nUITAIX AVI) IIKU COLOyiKS. 5 1-4 -f QC IM 'C to »- r-< o» CO ei * CO o O CO -*< >o CO C5 o ra l~- "3 CO IM CO t^ r-4 ^ p oc CO CO >o l-H O 1-^ i.O f-H i— 4 "J c CO 1-H CO o6_ ■ra_ o -t< o C5_ '.•0_ !» »— ■ ■£ 'V) so" CO 'fO* ot f-T to" c-r t^' r^ 'I'" CO t^ -t* CO C-l ■o o 1^ CO -f CO •o o o H^ a CO C-1^ o f— 1 CO C5 o t-H era o "-t* •— ( tn co" rn" »-r »«-« o" r-T CO c-f ^i O 1^ 1— < H- 1 *^ t-* w ^ ' H-i •H pf HH CT >o i-» t>. •o o 1— » o C5 o CO h- *55 'VP 2 o cr> en CO (M 03 o o «^ g C5 pH o_ ' ' p" T' ^ i-^ (-H i-i" lO t-f co" r— < i- I—* l-H Ui ^ o -^ ■■^ f^ c. • ^ i^ '~' / . — < C-. -. w X _ r--. r^ CO o o r~^ CO 1- r- © S2 p ^ s •* <,T cs CO 1^ o CD 1^ o cr^ ■-" V, a o^ 00 o a3 co_ CO *-T CO o o_ •^ p-. o *** c ^1 o ■M O to" o" O ••* o" '-■^ c: * o 'O CO (Tl i.-J Tl -r CO O) CO w: •f 'O CI CO p-H c:) I-^ 1.-5 l-H ni o H « G C ^H P, J 3 r-, CO 1— ( a o a . • • . • • . • . . • S v" o -1 'I 1 :/3 -a n c2 i .3 1 73 -i .2 'o ca • 4-1 .— c is C eg ) 1> 3 a H CO ^ lO • "ri O 3 o O d s-" D -^ C^ C' :^ f— 4 t^ >2 o CO t-^ . i ?l »— * r-* 1 t<-i ■ 3 -i r-< r^ I-* "J >o 1— ( rH 00^ o ira O f^ * C5 C5 "a g o eo r^ '3 o o -f -*-• ^ o -f (M "C .3 oT «o" o" p rt o o l^ r« m ^'"s o § 1--. o >0 .IH i:^ c o _^ (T- c ^ CO 00 " •- t. r-1 ^ o 1 o &- -c a S "" — e's ■^■™" "" =o • • 9 X £ -5 • * o _ ■ -r. ^--n ^ § ^.^ 73 .2 '3 N tjH S § ^ 3 Cj 0. & H 55 Al'I'KNDIX. i261 APPENDIX G. Eiuiijmt ion from the Unihd KiiKjilimt tn the I'nitul Statu and British GolonivnJ'riun tlf ijiar l,Sl 223,078 32,9(il 10, "37 8,773 280,849 1851 207,357 42,(i05 21,532 4,472 335,900 1852 244,261 32,873 t87,881 3.749 308.704 185;} 230.885 34,522 01.101 3,129 329,937 1854 193,005 43,701 83,237 3,300 323.129 1855 103,411 17,900 52,309 3,118 170.8(1; 185(1 111,837 10,378 41,581 3,755 170,551 1857 120,905 21,001 01.218 3,7"1 212,875 1858 59,710 9,704 39,295 5,257 113,972 1859 70,303 6,089 31,013 12,427 120.132 18(!(l 87,500 9,786 21,302 0,881 128,109 18(il 49,701 12,707 23,73' 5,5()1 91,770 18G2 58,700 15,522 41,813 5,143 121.214 i8();{ 140.813 18.083 53,054 5,808 223.758 1801 Total 117,042 3.450,531 11,721 1,255,554 40,942 8,195 208,900 807,802 117,822 5,691,709 Total P'niigration from Oroat liritaiu from 1S15 to 1804 . 5.091,709 „ „ _to ]'>ri(isli Ci.loiiit'.>i .... 2,123,350 „ ,. ' Vnitod Statis 3,450,530 * Irish famiiu', i'10,000,0»>() grantid. t Australian gold discovcriis. •j(;-i niUTAIN AM) \iVAl (OLoNiKS. APPENDIX n. COLONIAI, Ol'I'ICF,. In rlu' vr\>^n nf (Icori^c TFI. 17()S, a St'cn^tnry of Stntr tor till) American, or ('olniiiiil Di'piirtiiifiil, was appoiiilod, 111 ;iiltliti(iii to till! two principal St'crctarii'.s of State tiieii existinif. Ill 17N2 the duties of tlu^ two priucip;il Secre- taries of StatiMvere clivideil into 'Home' and ' l''oreigii,' the afiairs of Ireland and tlie Colonies devolvini,' on the Kome Department. In 17!)-1 a principal S(>cretary for War was appointed, and the alVairs of the Colonies were Iraiisferred to the War Department in ISOI. In 1S5I a fourth jtrincipal Secretary of State was added, the alVairs of tlie Colonies ahjiie beint^ i)laced under one Sc('retary. I'jiiciri- ■;/' 'Sfd/i ti'liJi luirr li'iii iS'Ci: Idrn s f,,r tlii C'ntoiHi .■< /rem llliS In l.Sii.'), ir/i/i ihv i/dli.-i I'/ lluir Aiqiu: iil ntt iiia. Si ii;i;r\i;ii> mi.' riii; Ami'.iiu'an (iu I'oi.umai. |ti;i'Ai; i mi.m i;'iS. I'M.. '.Till . I':,'n'l (if IlillslMii'dtiijrli, 177-'. ,\ll,l^ '-'7ili . . Williaii!, Ivirl of ])arliiiiiiilli. I77(i ,l;Mi. '_' )i i. . Liii'il (Icoiyo .'S;ickvilli' (ioriiiaiiu'. .•^Kcui/iwiiirs iciii Iliijrr. (roinii-mv .iV.mkhhw m; ('(U.h.mai ) l)i-.i'Aui-.Mi;.\r. ir.'^'i. Mai'fli 'J7ili Williaiii, Karl .'Sli. IIk.iii'ui'. I7SL' .liilv I71I1 I'll. .ma'-, l..inl (iiaiilliam 17s:i Ai'i'il Jihl fiT.l. I'll-!,, i.nnl Nci'ili itnry of State ,iis iippoiiitfil, of State tlii'ii rincipal Socn;- iiul ' l"\>i-ei-;ii,' •olviiii,' on tilt; Si'ciH'tary f«>r (\.l()i\ii'.s \vi;n; 01. Ill l^-'il IS added, tlii' cd under one ,/,•,,,(( I7ii« I" iHU'AIMMI'.NT. ir.s.!. II l7M!t. .1 re, TMA III. .11 li . Ari'KNDIX. I''r.iiicis, .Miinjiiis of ('iinii;irtlicii. I!ii;lil, ll'iM. \V. VViiiilliiini 2. I'll). 27th 1S.J2. IX'L'. 28th 1 8.) 1. IS.'ir). IS.Oj. 18.3*5. 180.5. 18.58. 18(58. 1859. 1801. .luiu' 12th ]"cb. 8tll. Miiy 1.5th .July 21st Nov. 17lh l'\'h. 2'()th May yiwfc Juno 18tli Aiiril Ith Hull. I'l, l.nr,l .lolill, KmiI C II. t. Ivi)i;lit linn. Williiiiii K.il.iiiMiii. Ki^'lil Hon. Williiiiii liiiskisson. Ixij^ht Hon. .^ii' ( i.Di'ij;.' Miirniy. Vi nut (ioil.ri.li. . Iti^!]lt Hon. v.. 0. .'^. ."^tanl.y (Karl D.il.y). . Ki^lil Hon. 'riionias Siiriny Uicc (Lord .Moiitcagl.'). . (iiDr^r.', Karl of Abinli'.n. . \\\'^\\\ II. ,11. Ciiarlivs (Iraiit ( Lonl (11. ii. l^f), . ('oii.stantiiiu llfiiry, ^Iar.|nis of .Nonnaii.ly. . l.or.l .John Kus.scll (Karl Jius.scU). . J.invl .'Stanley (Karl D.rby), . liiglit Hon. \\. K. (iludstonc. . llunry, I''arl Oriy. . Iti^'lif Hon. Sir .loscj.li I'akington, Hart. . Henry I'elliani, L)uki' of Newcastle .SliClir.TAUIKS lolt THE C'ol.oNIi:s. . Kight Hon. Sir Georj^c Oroy, Bart. . Itight Hon. .Sidney HiTbert (Lord Herbert of Lea). . Lord .r.ilm liu.ss.ll (Karl IJnssell). . liight Hon. ."^ir W. .Mole.swortli, Hart. . ]{ight Hon. Henry Laboucher.' (Lord Taunton). , Lord .Stanley. . J{ig!it Hon. Sir K. liidwer Lytton, Bart. . Duke uf Xewca.slle. . Kinht Hon. Edward C'ardwell. il; C.il.iMAl ) INDEX. A^^', 11 Umiftdn, 142. .1 - paniplilt't, 147. lit' piuiiiililet, 1 •")(). On )f nlil nnd now colouion, Kovu!> ?iilii'v (jo ■ Advantajroa of colonies, 114. Trado with, lis Aniorican Colonization, two centres of, Virginia and Now Eng- land, 2 Aniorirnn Ivopublic, errors of, 48- 52. As an nj/gressivo power, 108. IJalanco of power on American continent, 110 Aristocracies in Eumpe, 140 Australia, responsible government conced(!d, 44. Free-trado and protection, 08-9. Trade of, '.);!- 4, 118,122. Tiireatenod, I.'IO. Trade of, and its protection, 175, Defence of, 182-.' 5. Volunteers in, 192. People of, 193. Con- vict fiuestion, 207. Marvellous development of, 215. Compared with United States, 217 T^ALANCE of power in America *-* and Europe, 110 Hlackstono's division of colonies, 9-11 IJritisli America, 30. liOyalty of, 30. Confederation of," 47-50. Meeting at Charlottetown, 47. At (Quebec, 48 (Appendix A). .\rticles of Confederation, 48- 55. Compaxod with couslitutiou CAN of United States, 48, 52. Evi- deiKVs of compronii.sc^. -^O. CV'n- tral and IdCiil goviviniicnts, 51, 53. Triple govermmuts, local, federal, and lnn^rial, 52. i-i- pislativi' Couii -il or nominated Chamber, littl influence of, 5.J- 4. Power of the Crown to d\^- allow, 54-5. Composition of the two Houses, 55. Lower Canada, the pivot, 55. Trade of, V>3-4. Vast results, 94 British North Americ.i. volunteers in, 192. Marine of, 2U0. l'o]>u- lation, traile, revenue, debt, 215, 257. Immigration to, 2(il Prodie, \V., on the claims New Zealand lias on England in na- tive wars, 1.37. Colonial militia better than English troo)!-, 190. English (iovernnient numages native iilliiirs, J 90 llurgovne, ( Jeiieral Sir .John. IWis of ICnghmd's calculations, 177. Troops in Kingston, (Quebec, and llalilax, 178. \'ote for a citadel at Halifax, 178, Opinions on Mr. Oodley's views, 17S. hhie- niies opposed to old colonies, few, 178. 1 rifling expenses for Kings- ton and (Quebec, 178 Burke, Edmund, 39 ■CANADA.— Capture of Quebec, 37. liesponsible government, 37-40. liusolutions of 1841, ;i7. IMAGE EVALUATEON TEST TARGET (MT-3) :/j 1.0 IM 1.1 1^ ll£ — ■^ lli^ III 2.5 1 2.2 L8 1.25 l£ m ■• 6" - ► <^ ■f^8 /2 /. '/ A Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716)872-4503 m^ V <^ Po 1'* cS^ ^r^'^ 260 INDEX. CAN Conceded, 44. Effect of, 44-0, Tlie vncillntin;r comiuereial policy ol" I']nirlaiid,()(>. lie venue laws of Canada, G8-75. I'roportion of customa in Canada and Enf^Iand, 7.'{. CuHton^s in Enjifland and Canada, TTi. 80. Could not adopt free-trade, 82. Call for protec- tion, 80. Its ellect in peace and in war, 87. Trade of, 'M, 118, 122. A source of weakness or strength to ICngland, *X). Cha- racter of population, ()(!. Proof's of loyalty, 1)7. Defence of Ca- nada is defence of Ur. America, 1 1 0, 12.'5. Colonel Jervois" Keport, 12;{. Debate on, in the House of Connuons, 123. Cams Belli, come from the sea, and not from colonies, 127. Position of con- trasted with England, i;](). Why sending troops to, 134, 152, 173. I'aying troops in, 137. During the American war, 141. Trent alliiir, 142, 201. Abolition of slavery in the States, what in- Jluence on Canada,- 145. Military spirit of, 148. Gladstone on, 141>. Clergy, how paid, 154. Lord Herbert on military force in, 170. Position of, in war of 1812, 185. Earl Derby on, 201. (Jrowth of, in comparison with ['nited States, 217. tSctthnnent, .'!7, 258. Defence, 255. Popu- lation, trade, r .venuo, debt, &c., 257 Canadian ministers, delegation to the Homo Government, 247. Cape Colony, wars of, 130, 138. Government responsible, 183. Capital and labour in colonies, 115 Cardwell, Right Hon. Edward, Colonial Secretary-, despatch of, on conftideration and defence of IJritish Xorth America, 125, 247 Carthage, its coh>nii'S, 20. Com- mercial policy and gijvcrnmeiit, 20 col. Casus Belli, whence tliey arise, 127 Charter governments, 10. N.iture of first, 18, .".3. East of, -33 Chatham, Lord, on the right of Parliament to tax colonies, 03- 4-5. I'rofits to IJritain from trade of colonies, 114 Church, first in New England, 0. Oath of supremacy in, attempts to (>stablish church, 21 Colonial governments, ancient and modern, 18-35. Greek, 25. Ty- rian, 25. Carthagenian, 20. Ponian, 27. Around shores of Mediterranean, in Europe, in America, 22-35. Contrast be- tween ancient and modern, 28- 1). Portugal, 27. Spain, .30. Holland, 30. Franco, 31. The earth divided between Portugal and Spain, 2i >-.30. 1 )isputes with the Cro^\^J and Parliament, 33- 35. Parliamentary govemments in colonies, 30-4(5. Interference with by liussell's ministry, 43. 'Times'on direct andindirect tax- ation, 83. On p- J Jiitdn from trade t N(!W England, 0. inacy in, attempts urcii, 21 iients, ancient and i. (Jreek, 2r,. Ty- ^artliagenian, 20. Around shores of , in Europe, in •.^5. Contrast be- and modern, 28- , 27. Spain, 30. France, 31. The between Portugal -30. Disputes with id Parliament, 33- jntary govomnients }-4('). Interference r^ell's ministry, 4i'>. ect and indirect tax- political and moral me-tnx, 84 merous and varied rule can be laid , m-7. Duty of, olimteers, HS. No ,es conquered, none rland in war, 58-9. d go to war on co- is? 58-9. Character ipulation, 59. Vo- n, 59-00. Classifi- Source of wealiness i5. Expenditure on urt, 98. For what What advantages remain part of the What to mother rield for emi- , li'i. Colonies jst customers, 118, j; with, 120, 122. them to England ? — INDEX. t267 COL is it interest, 129. Sons of enter nrniy and navy, 131. Teachers of constitutional govennnt^nt, ].'>2. l)(j lliey draw England into war, 133. Why Democratic, 140. Mi)d(!rn colonies ditlerfrom the old in their policy, 147. Imperial policy and colonial opinions, 155. Imperial interests, how represented in colonies and colonial in England, 150. Policy of old and new, 1(50. Why old colonies refused l']nglish troops, KiO. Demanded troops to be placed under Iheir own control, any why, 103. Feared Parlia- ment, and never submitted to it, 1(54. Troops in, 99, 173, 170. Colonies often denuded of troops, 177. Moral and social tie with, the valuable one, 180. Obligation to defend, 180. Barracks in, 182. Position of old dill'erent from the new, 183. Never attacked by great armies of civilizi:d l\)wers, i8i. French troops in Canada, few, 184. luigland's foreign po- licy and defence of colonies, 193. I']llect of sending soldiers to, 193. Future of, 195-222. As allies, 190. As nuivitinie States, 200. lioyalty of old colonies, 203-7. Uritish America and Australia, 207. Diusis of union with Eng- land, 208. Trade oi; 215. In- dependence of, 210. Growth of, 217. As lields for surplus pojju- lation of England, 214. Kelation of old colonies to England sug- gests basis of union, 221. In- iluence of conmierce in home and foreign policy, 222. To iMigland would belong chief advantage of such union, 222. Innnigration, 2(51 Commerce, inlluence in the policy of the nation, 222 Commercial poli<'y, Carthage, 20 Conunert'ial nionopolv of Por- tugal, 29. Of llollaiid, 31, 01, OEM Of England, .'54, Navigation .Acts of 1(551 and 17(53, (!2-(55. I'lllect of, (5.5. Modiiications of, 0(5. Free-trade in England, (57, 72, 75. Earl Grey on free-trade in colonies, 70. Instructions to ( iovernor of New Drunswick, 71 . I'jigland and Canada, 75. Eng- land rai.ses two-thirds of reve- nue by indirect taxation, and not one-sixth by direct, 7(5. Foreign produce pays £24,000,000 ;it IJritish ports before admitted to Dritish markets, 70. (iladstono on free-trade and revenue, 77-9. New countries without nnmu- factures, in war, 87. Protection and free-trade in Australia, 08-9. In Canada, 80 Commonwealth of England founded the restrictive connnercial policy, 02 Confederation of British America ; its population, area, resources, 212-15. Trade of, 215 Confederation of old colonies, from 104.3—1790, 12-18. Objects and nature of, 12. Assumed the functions of an independ(;nt go- vernment, 13. General Congress in 17(55, 1.3. Continental Con- gress, 14. Secfmd Congre.«.s from all the States, 1 5. ^Vi-tieles of, ratilied, 1(5. Defects, 1(5, 17. N'^w constitution of I'nited Slates, 17 (Appendix 15). Con- federation of British America, 47-5(5 Cost of colonies, 89-128. IJeport of Committee of llou.s; of (Jom- mons, 89. For navy, 94. * Times ' on, 150. Cost of defence, how to l)e bonie, 157. Mr. IMerivalc on, 158, Dake of Newcastle on, 159. Earl Grey, 159. "HECLARAT ^ 14, 15 ION of rights, 13. Democracv in the lir.-jt colonies, 4, ~ S. 22 268 LVDKX. Derby, I'^arl, on iittitiulc of Cannda, when Brilitili tltij,' wiis insulted, 201 Disraeli on the defence of Canada, 120 Duiferin, Lord, on the loyalty of Canada, 202 "p'LIilOT, F., importance of Halifax, fi^arri.soned for Im- perial purposeH, 11)1 En},'land, colonial policy of, /i(>-(Jl, Kcsponsiblo for foreign relations, 57-H. Fears cost, and com- merce, 5!). J'higland, ajj^ricul- tural and maniifucturinfr, K7. Which has the chief inlluenc(! in cau^linfJ; war, I'lnjrland or her colonies, l;jt{. Enf,'li.sh and French iiolicy, as a peace po- licy, UJ'). lias tried to es- tablish her institutions, civil and ecclesiastical, in colonies, l.'JO. lielations to slave-lioldinfjf States, IK!. England and France, 14lt. Colonial policy, I.jI. Tlie power of I'aifrland and her colo- nies united, iSfS. If not united, whose fault ; 2(M). liasis of union, 20f<, 221. I'osition of old colo- nies, 221 Krskine, llear-Admirnl. evidence of, on niiiiniaininj,'- gav ^, 1!I2 PIJ AXCE, cnl nics o. , .'^1 . r(-.icy of, in E.i.ropo ami America, 1.'34. As f peace policy, 1;{5. Navy of, lUJ Francliis", extension of in En;i;laiul, and its ell'ects uimn her colonial policy, 211. riie class that would dictate policy of tlio em- pire, 211. In England and the colonies, how it dillers, 200. Seventy per cent, of population in coh)nics owniers of the land tiiey vote on, 209. In I'highuid the reverse, 200-10. Dennind in colonies to raise the qualilica- oov tion, 211. In I'^ngland to lower it, 210. (.'(nn|)laints iw to tlic class that dictate the policy of th(! empire, 21 1 I'ranklin, Dr., 1(5. In House of Commons, JM, (i.'J Free-trade in l-'ngland, (J7. (See Connuercial Policy.) In the ab- stract, 7(», 81. (Iladstoiu) on, 77-0. A policy and not a truth, 84-5 flAIJHISONS, 00. Defence of, ^^ 1S2. Halifax same as Malta and (Jibrallar, 182, 10|. C^ostof troops in, 18.'). Eflecton eolonies, 185. Admiral Erskine'a evidences on, 102 Gladstone, lion. W. E., obligation of mother country, 178, Winit system best, 17J>. Old colonies and Canada, 170, Alilitary spirit in Canada, 170. In old colonies, 180. Ignorance of coloni.il all'airs, 180. Moral and social tie the valuabh? one, 180. Colonies sale wliile Mngland is supreme at sini, 181. Old colonies and new, l.'^i Gladstono on free-trade and re- venue, 77-0. Who pa\s malt- tax and customs, 70. I'alse po- sition, 81 filenelg's, fjord^ (ie>l);ltch to Sir I'miicis Head, on rights of local governments, |8:i0, 4;{, 72 Governments, 4, •'), 0, 1(). I{e]ire- sentativi^, 2, .'5. I'rovincial, i)ro- prietary, and charter, 0-1 1 . Co- lonial governments, municipal only, 10-11. Ditlerence in Mas- sachusetts, Connecticut, and Ivhodi^ Island, 12. I'irst general, in colonies, origin of, 14, 15. First American, independent of rarliament, 18. delation to the Crown, 18. IJe])ealed common and statute law, 10, 20. Jfepu- diated ;\cts of Parliament, 20. Disputed authority of King's Commissioners, 20. Kepreseii- |)liuiits iw t(i the ate tlio polify t)f [ 5. In llouso of ijrlaiul, , I'.n. fust of I'lircct on colonics, Erdkino's uvulcnco W. E., oWi^'-ation ntry, 17S. Wlnit 7J>.' Old colonics ■<.>. Military spirit ). In old (!oloni(!s, L'orcoloniiil all'aii's, iiid social tit! tlu; ISO. Colonics sate is snprcnit! at s(>a, mics and now, 1^1 i-cc-tnidc and I'c- Wlio pays inalt- ns, 75). i'alsc po- dc>l):ltcll In Sir on rijilits of local ls:il), .l:{, 72 T), {), 10. K'cpro- . I'rovincial, pro- hartcr,i)-il. _ ('o- nncnts, municipal Diilcrcncc in Mas- 'diincclicut, and 1'2. I'irst j,'cnoral, nrijiin of, J -I, 15. ni, independent of ■<. l>clation to the licjiealed connnon ,w, T.t, 'JO. Jfcpii- if I'arliament, 120. Iiority of Kinfr's H, tiO. Iicprt!scn- LVDi:X. 2(;9 nov NAV tfttiyc, 22-2M. Sclf-povornmont in Europe, 2'). Ciihinial ;,'(ivcrn- nicnt-s, nature of, LT)-.'!."). lie- sponsililc government conceded, 44. I'ltfecls of, 44-0. I'nited States and ISritisii America, 4H- r)2. Itejaihlics of America, 40. lilundcrs in ^'overnnient of old (•oloni(>s, r)(i. No one rii^id rule applicable to all, M-7 (iodlev, .1. It., evidence of, on duties of Imperial and colonial (iovi'rnments, Is7-H. Ifeconi- iiu'uds Sir W. J (enison's ))lau and I'larl (Irev's policy, 187, 1W» (iren\ille, Lord, 04 (ireck colonies, 25 (Jrey, lOarl, on paying troops in Canada, l."i7. On wars at the CajKJ and in Ncnv ZenlaTid, l.'iS, 182. ' )!)li^''ation to defend colo- nics, Isl. (irouials of such de- fence, 182. IJarraclis and frarri- sons in Colonies, ls2, .\iislralian colonies, Isj. Itespon.-iliilily of I'l.iiiland for wars at the Cape and New Zealand, 18;!. Old colonies, H'.'A. Elli'ct of witlidrawin;i' troops from X(.'w Zealand, 184. Old colonies never attacked by armies of civilized I'owers, 184. Troo])s Cost littli! more in colonics, 1^5, Canada in 1812, 18."). In a war created l)y our colonial relations, 185. I'rolits of Dutch coluuios, TTAirnXOTON, llarquis of, on •^^ the dt4enco of Canada, 12.'5 Herbert, Lord, on keopin);- a mili- tary force in Canada, 17(). (Jp- poHcd to Mr, Lowe on kiioping troops in colonies, 17(5. Troops in colonies in time of peace, 170. Colonies often denuded of troops, 177 Holland, profits from colonics, 180, TNDLV, protoctiou in, 08 TERVOIS. (.'olonel, IJcnmrt of, " 12;{ T AiXfr, Finance Minister of India, on direct and indirect taxation and free-trade, 7.'i. (,'olo- niesour best customers, i 18 liowe, liifrht lion. If., on keeplnj^ troojjs in New South Wales, l',(2-.'{. ( 'olonies subject to Enj.'- land's foreign policy, !0."{. Aus- tralians as soldiers, 10,'i. Eli'cct of sending soldiers to colonies, 10.3 Ty/TANSFIELI), Lord, on right of franchise, 05 Jlaryland, first province of the em- pire, ;i2. Its acts not subject to veto l)v Crown, .'!2. Confers titles of honour, n2 ^leri vale.l lerman (I'lider-Socrotaiy for coloiii(!s for twelvt; years), on responsible government, 45. On effect of navigation laws, 05, Defence of connnorce, 'J.'i. Colo- nial expenditure, 01, 08. On uniform rule as to defence of colonies, 172, 174, Diil'eront position of several colonics, 172- ;}. For what purposes trr^ Importiinco ol 1." Voluntoers, 102. 30 2r)9. Defenco, fttio'n, trade, revenue, 157 ,TON, Lord, on the of Canada, 125 omnipotence ot, U , its claimed, .h5--.s.). ,t le-islato, nor allow 43, Tax colonies*, (),5. ly government, see go- 5olony, 4. Patent to, r chavtor, 5. Incor- ritli Mnssacluisetts, o of colonies in America nd 170;5, i;i . ^,^ yard's, first mectmpo^i ,tion of British Amenca, tlementof,259. Topu- ado,&c.,257 r povernments, JU govornmeiits, .', i^ SL A^'P, settlement, 251). ilation, trade, revenue, c 250! Cost of defence, gAN JUAX, 135 Settlements, first in Americn, 1. Growth of States, and their re- lation to Eiifrknil, 35 Ships, colonies, and comnieiro, ex- press hifrh interests of maritime States, 218 South Auatralin, settlement, 25!), Population, trade, revenue, d(}bt, &c., 250. Cost of defence, 255 Story, Judpo, 20 "[TASMANTA, settlement, 250. I'opulation, trade, revenue, debt, &c., 250. Defence, 255 Taxation of coloiiios, ,'!4 'Times ' on direct and indirect tax- ation, 8.'{. ^ ( )n political and moral cil'ects of income-tax, 84 Trade of colonies, 2 1 5 Trade with colonies and other WKsr countries, 118-10. in 1704, 122 Tyrian colonics, 25 271 Of Britain, TJ^ITEI) STATES, fxrowth of navy, 100. As colonies, as an independent State, li)7 yAXCOUVEn'S, occupation of, an Imperial ohject, 174 "Victoria, cost of defence, 255. Popu- lation, trade, revenue, debt, &c.. 'S'ir{>inia, settlement of, 1. First charters, 2. Written constitu- tion, and nature of i,'overnmont, 3. The model of others, 3 WEST AUSTRALIA, settle- ment, 250. Defence, 255, Population, trade, revenue, debt, &c., 250 lOUS QUESTIONS, no renco to, in Massachusetts tetWo C.-^vernment, first erica, 2, 3. ^'it^oMded ih-st charter, 7, 8 Ono then two, ft, 1ft, ip. ^^ ;n Europe, 20, ..1, Jo ihle government, see go- Sand and Connecticut, go- £w%t »i«f«! 1-- 27. Military TO«^^!,i^ , Earl, on responsible go- iient, 40-1 I.OyDON PBINTBD IIT SI'OTTISWOODE AND CO. N£WSIB£SI SQVAKS