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Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mAthode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 /.;«-y»-v Ji Z^^<^f Sir Francis Drake — He Searches for the Straits of Anian — Dispute amoi.ij Historians as to the Extent of his Voyage— Drake Lands his Pilot in Oregon— Drake'o Bay not the Bay of Han Francisco — Drake Takes Possession of New Albion — Romances of Chaplain Fletcher — Drake's Success Excites the Emulation of other Adventurers— Fraudulent Claims of Discovery of a Nortljwest Passage— Maldonado's Pretended Voyage through the Straits of Anian — His Memorial a Sham 21 CHAPTKR III. The Straits ok Juan de Fuca and the River of Kings.- Narrative of Michael Lock, the Elder — Story of Juan de Fuca, as told by Lock— de- scription of the Straits of Fuca— Controversy among Historians over Fuca's alleged Voyage — Both Sides Carefully Considered— Probably a Myth — Admiral Fonte's alleged Voyage — The River of Kings — Its Ab- surdity Pointed Out 37 CHAPTER IV. Voyages and Events of the Seventeenth Century.— Philip orders a Voyage along the Pacific Coast — Reasons Assigned by Torquemada and Venegas- Vlscalno sent out by the Viceroy in 1596— Viscaino's second Voyage In 1602— Ravages of the Scurvy— He Enters Monterey— Argu- ment of the Claim that he Entered San Francisco Bay— Earliest Posltlv* VI CONTENTS. I It' Knowledge of that Harbor— VIscaino goes to Latitude 42° and returua ; but A«uUar reaches 43°— Cape Blanco and the River of Agullar— Califor- nia Supposed to be an Island- Viscalno dies after Obtaining a Royal Mandate to occupy Monte. — Spain Ceases all Explorations of the Coast- 46 CHAPTER V. Hudson's Bay, Capb Horn, anu Behbino's Straits.- Discovery of Davis' Straits— Henry Hudson, William Baffin, and other Explorers In the Nortb-AtI? otic— Dutch Navigators Discover the Passage uround Cape Horn— Bu . eancerg Swann Into the Pacific by the New Route— Otondo attempts to Colonize Lower California— The Hudson's Bay Company CI ar- tered, in 1669, to Discover the Straits of A nian— Privileges Granted by the Charter— The Co npany Heads off all efforts at Exploration— ^ slans cross Siberia and Explore the Paciflo— Plans of Peter the Great— Dis- covery of Behrlnc's Straits and Alaska— Voyage of Tchirlkof— Bebrlng Discovers Monui, St. Ellas and Dies on Behring's Isle— The Early Fur Trade of the North Pacific— Benyowsky Takes a Cargo of Furs to Canton and thus Reveals the Magnitude of the Pacific Ocean— Russian Idea of Alaskan Geograpny 82 CHAPTER VI. From Capiain Carvkr to Captain Cook.— The JesuitM Colouize Lower (/'al- Ifornia— The Franciscans Enter California— Discovery of San Francisco Bay— Early French Explorers— Th- River of the Wes^-Verendrye Ex- plores the Rocky Mountains — France Sells Louisiana to Spain and Loses Canada to England by Conquest— Journey of Captain Carver— He calls the River of the West " Oregon "-Argument upon the Origin of the Word "Oregon"— The Generally Accepted Spanish Theory does not Stand the Light of Investigation— The Hudson's Bay Company's Policy of Keeping the World Ignorant of the Geography of the Country Occu- pied by Them— Samuel Hearne Discovers Great Slave Lake, Coppermine River and the Arctic Ocean — Russia's Activity in Alaska Incites Spain to Renew her Explorations— Voyage of Perez and Martinez — Perez enters Port San Lorenzo, or Nootka Sound— Martinez Claims to have Observed the Straits of Fuca— Voyage of Heceta and Bodega y Quadra— Bellin's Wonderful Chart— Discovery of Trinidad Bay— Isla de Dolores, or Destruc- tion Island— Heceta Attempts to Enter the Columbia— Spanish and En- glish Methods of Exploration Compared— Bodega and Maurelle Discover Mount San Jacinto, or Edgecurab— They Land and Take Possession for the King of Spain— They Reach Latitude 68° and Return— England, in Alarm at the Progress Made by Spain and Russia, Sends Captain Cook to the Pacific- His Particular Instructions— Cook Names the Sandwich Islands, Cape Flattery and Nootka Sound, and Searches for the Straits of Fuca, River of Kings and Straits of Anlan— He Passes Through Beh- ring's Straits and Around the Northwestern Extremity of Alaska- Winters in the Sandwich Islands and Is killed by the Natives— The Ex- pedition Again Visits the Arctic, Takes a Cargo of Furs to Canton and Returns to England— The Record of the Voyage Pigeon-holed Until the War Is Over— Enterprise of John Ledyard— Arteaga, Bodega and Maurelle Follow Cook's Route Up the Coast 68 CHAPTER VII. Spain's Suprbmacv in the Pacific Oveithbown.— The Russian- American Trading Company— France sends La Perouse to the Pacific- James OONTKNTS. Vll 46 52 68 Hanna inakw tiu> Firat Voyage in the Fur Trade fhini EiikImuiI— Eiig- land's Hhort-«nd - 260 ec- lit- rge atb gal nte ear ion of y- - 279 ant 'oni 3 to !^ •e— the S8— the — 305 nts rn- y— ate Sis md a— — ai9 t- p. no- Bid for il m- ca- 832 CHAPTER XXI, Indian Wars of 1853 and 1854.— Outrages Committed In Rogue River Valley — Volunteer Companies Organized— General Lane Takes Command — De- feat of Lieutenant Oriflin and of Lieutenant Ely— Indians Defeated at Battle Creek — Armistice of Seven Days— The Table Rock Treaty— Inci- dents of the "Peace Talk"— The Grave Creek Massacre-Captain Miller Sent to Escort Emigrants through the Modoc Country— Expenses of the War Paid by the Government— Events of 1854 — The Snake River Massacre —Expedition of Major Haller to Fort Boise — S58 CHAPTER XXII. The Qbkat Outbreak of 1855.— Inability of Indians to form a Coherent Com- bination— Rogue River, Puget Sound and the Columbia Hostilities Dis- tinct and Separate — Relation of Whites and Indians in Rogue River Val- ley—Controversy between General Wool and the Citizens— Incidents be- fore the Outbreak— The Lupton Affair— Quick Revenge of the Indians — Massacre of October 9th— Heroic Defense of Mrs. Harris- Great Excite- ment Prevails -A Review of the Situation— Causes which Led to the War on the Columbia— Indian Treaties made by Stevens and Palmer -They Mislead the People by Publishing Incorrect Statements of what they have Accomplished— Discovery of Gold in the Colville Region— Sauce for the Goose not Sauce for the Gander- Murder of Mattice- Hegira from Colville and Walla Walla— Murder of Indian Agent Bolan— Regulars Invade the Yakima Country -Defeat of Major Haller— Major Raines Calls for Volun- teers—Governor Curry Calls for Ten Companies— General Wool's opinion of Governor Curry's Conduct — Another Cause Assigne*! for the War - Excitement in Willamette Valley— The " Oregonian " and " Statesman " — Wars and Rumors of Wars Alarm the People 365 CHAPTER XXIII. The Fall Campaigns in the South.— Governor Curry Calls for Two Bat- talions of Volunteers— Siege of Galice Creek- Battle of Hungry Hill— A Poor Commissariat, and Jealousy between Regulars and Volunteers Cause Disaster— Organization of the Two Battalions— They Arrange with the Regulars for a Joint Campaign— The First Meadows Campaign— Invasion of the P.h^ fe^ xtleinent — Massacre of Peaceable Umpqua« in Looking-Qlass Valley — Attack on the Camps of Jake and John — The Siege on Applegate Creek— Fight on Murphy Creek — Close of the Campaign for the Winter-- 394 CHAPTER XXIV. The Yakima, Wam.a Walla and Puget Sound Campaigns.- Troops Concentrate at The Dulles— Conflict of authority— An Incident at Van- couver—Block House Built at the Cascades — Efforts to Ec^uip the Volun- teers—Regulars and Volunteers March North from The Dalles— Plan of the Campaign— The Fight on the Banks of the Yukinia and at the "Buttes" — Burning of the Catholic Mission Ends the Campaign— Ef- forts to Treat with Peu-peu-mox-mox -Prelude to the Walla Walla Cam- paign-Fort Henrietta — Regulars Refuse their Aid in a Useless Winter Campaign — Unfitness of the Volunteers for such a CampalgL— Colonel Kelly Marches Against the Walla Wallas— Capture of Peu-peu-mox-mox Under a Flag of Truce— A Night of Suspense and Excitement— A Fruit- less Ante-Breakfast March— Battle of Walla Walla -Killing of Peu-peu- mox-mox and other Prisoners— Ears and Scalp of the Chief Exhibited in the Willamett* Valley- The Situation after the Battle — Killed and •mw ;!mrmsm^ mmwmwiww xu CONTENTS. Wounded— Great Excitement in the Willamette when the News is Re- ceived— " Oregonlan " Editorials on the Situation — General Wool Con- demned—His Opinion of the War and the People's Opinion of Him— Governor Stevens Prefers Charges Against General Wool— Incidents At- tending the Return of Governor Stevens from the Blackfoot Country— The Charges of the Irate Governor Pigeon-holed— The Situation During the Winter— Unpleasant Experiences of the Volunteers -Reinforcements sent to Walla Walla— Colonel Cornelius Resumes the Offensive— Horse Meat Causes a Mutiny— No Enemy Being Found, the Command Aban- dons the Walla Walla Country— Farewell Courtesies of Kam»-i-akun- The Volunteers Disband Without Official Recognition of their Services- Honors Received from the People— Two Companies Raised to Guard the Columbiar-Refrain of the "Horse-fed Volunteer "—The Political and Speculative Aspect of the Campaign— Governor Curry goes to Washing- ton to Counteract the Influence of General Wool, and Secure an Apprd- priation to Defray the Expenses of the War 404 CHAPTER XXV. Closino Scenes of the Wak on Rowue Riveb.— Reorganization of the Vol- unteers—Appointment of General Lanierick— Removal of the Table Rock Band to the Coast Reservation— The Flag of Truce Incident— Battle of Eight-Dollar Mountein- Campaign to Big Meadows— Battle at the Bar- Fort Lanierick Built in Big Meadows— Massacre at Gold Beach— The Reg- ulars Assume the Offensive— They ' aastlse the Indians at different Places -Council of Oak Flat— Battle betwt?n Chief John and Captain Smith— The Volunteers defeat Limpy and George — All the Hostiles Surrender and are taken to the Coast Reservation 438 CHAPTER XXV I. The Attack on the Cascades.— Colonel Wright Assumes Ccatmand of the Regulars— His Instructions from General Wool— He Starts for the Walla Walla Country with a Strong Force — Fears ot an Attack on the Cascades —The Attack is Made on the Twenty-Sixth of March, ia56— r 's of the Affair— Colonel Wright Comes to the Rescue from The Dalleu, and Lieu- tenant Sheridan from Vancouver— Indians Captured and Hanged— List of Killed and Wounded - Intelligence of the Attack Creates Great Excifj- ment in Portland and up the Valley— Two Volunteer Companies go to the Rescue — Pauley Rumors Distract the People— All Q,ulet on the Sandy 447 CHAPTER XXVll. Campaigns of CoLONEriS Wright, Steptoe and Shaw.- Additional De- fenses at the Cascades— Colonel Wright Invades the Yakima Countrj'— He Fails to Negotiate with Kama-i-akun, and Returns to The Dalles- Plans of Governor Stevens— He sends the Second Regiment into the Walla Walla Country in two Battalions— Composition of the Regiment— Battle of Grand Ronde— Buttle of Burnt River— Killed and Wounded- Colonel Shaw Averts a War with the Nez Perces— Colonel Steptoe sent to Walla Walla to Build a Fortr-His Proclamation that the Indian Treaties were not yet in Force— Governor Stevens Invites the Tribes to Hold a Council at Walla Walla— The Council an Unfriendly one— Lack of Harmony be- tween Stevens and Steptoe— Stevens Attacked by the Indians and is Res- cued by Steptoe— A Block-House Built' and Garrisoned and the Troops Return to The Dalles— Colonel Wright Leads an Expedition to Walla W»U»— He holds a Council and Arranges a Peace upon the Grounds of CONTENTS. XIU 1 is Be- >1 Con- Hlm— QtB At- intry— During ements -Horse Aban- ikun- vices— ird the al and yBbing- Apprd- 404 le Voi- e Rocli ittle of Bar— le Reg- Places initii— render 438 of tlie Walla iBcades I of the I Lieu- 1— List Exclt'j- ) go to Bandy 447 al De- ntry— lalles— Walla Battle /olonel Walla 8 were ouncil ny b©- Is Res- rroopa Walla Qds of Mutual ForglvenesE for the " Late Unpleasantness "—Governor Stevens' Treaties and his Op'nion of Wright's Treaty— Northern Indians Invade Puget Sound— Erejtion of Fort Walla Walla— Situation of Af&irs in the Indian Country— Colonel Steptoe's Defeat in the Palouse Country— His Disastrous Retreat South of Snake River— A Record of Heroism and Cowardice— Colonel Wright Chastises the Indians at Medical Lake— The Spokanes, Yakimas and Palouses Sue for Peace and Surrender Uncondi- tionally—Hostages Taken and Twelve Indians Hung— The Walla Wallas Tamely Submit to the Hanging of Four of their Number 456 CHAPTER XXVIII. Aboriginal Inhabitants. — Character of the Indians of the Valley — De- structive Influences— Sources of Indian History — Extract from Lewis and Clarke's Narrative — Various Tribes Recounted — Their Locations— The Klickitat Invasion— The Chinook Family— Ethnology— Habits and Appearance— Tattooing — Clothing— Habitations— Food— Easy Ways of Life— Salmon Catching— Canoes— Tribal Government— Weapons— Habits of War— Diseases and Treatmentr— The Vapor Bath— Disposition of Dead Bodies— Influence of the Missions— Antiquities of Linn County— Their Probable Origin— Indian Names of Localities— Good Taste Demands their Perpetuation 478 CHAPTER XXIX. History of Railways.— Primitive Ideas— Pioneer Railway Projects— Elli- ott's Plan of a Railway from Portland to California— Incorporation of the Astoria & Willamette R. R. Co.— Names of the Incorporators— The East Side Railway— Ben HoUaday— The Oregon Central R. R. Co.— Anecdote -Need of Railways— The West Side R. R. Co.— A Railroad Boom in Or- egon— EfTect of the Introduction of Railways— Public Opinion— Dissolu- tion of the Oregon Central, and Organization of the Oregon and California Company— Officers of the New Company— River Transportation — ^Holla- day Buys a Newspaper— Its Character— Issue of Bonds of the O. & C. R. R.— Completion of the Railway to Roseburg- Want of Economy— Cessa- tion of Railway Building— Resumption of Work in 1888— Railways Needed in Southern Oregon— The Railroad Leased to the Oregon and Transconti- nental Co.— The West Side Road— Holladay's Shrewdness— Portland's Princely Gift— Progress of the West Side Road— Two Factions— Exit Hol- laday— Land Grants— The Conqueror Appears— A Giant's Plans— Vil- lard~The Narrow-Gauge Road— The Oregon Paciflo— Railroad Lands- Railway Officials— Concluding Remarks 491 CHAPTER XXX. Dbscbiptign of the Willamette Vallky.— Boundaries of the Valley— Di- mensions— Streams— Mountains -Cascade Range— Peaks— The Minto Pass — Coast Range- Animal Inhabitants -Trapping and Hunting- Distances — Elevation of Places on the Willamette River— Lands — Prairie and Timbered Lands— Those First Taken Up— Foothill Lands— Their Im- portance and Great Value — Brush Lands— Advantages — Location — Unoc- cupied Lands of '^alue— Altitude of Vacant Lands— How Brush Lands are Cleared— Railroad and Government Land— Amount of Vacant Land in the Valley— Railroad Grants— Tlml)ered Sections— Catalogue of Forest Trees— Valuable Sorts— Trees Which Grow on Low Lands— Conjectures Regarding the Amount of Timber now Standing — Effect of Denuding the Land of Trees— Injurious Results Predicted— Forest Fires Produce Vast Damage and Should be Prevented 513 mmm" XIV OONTICNTB. CHAPTER XXXI. Climate and Geology.— Peculiarities of Climate — Distinctions of the Seaaons —Particular Seasons— Table of Pleasant, Rainy, Storrsy and Snowy Days -Averages of Each— Tables of Maximum, Minimum and Mean Temperap tures and Rainfall for Thirteen Years— Table of Monthly and Annual Mean Temperatures for Nine Localities— Geology— Dynamical Geology- Sandstone the Prevailing Sedimentary Formation— It belongs to the Tertiary Age— Newer Deposits— Erosion of Sandstone Strata— Fossils of Tertiary Mammals— The Volcanic Rocks— Whence They Came— Enor- mous Extents-Composed of Basalt— Volcanic Buttes in the Upper Part of the Valley— Composition of the Cascade Range — Glaciers — Mines— Santiam Gold Mines— Bohemia Districts-Other Minerals— Iron Ore— Im- portant Developments at Oswego- Ore Beds Worked and Furnaces Erected — Sketch of the Operations There— Quality of Product— Soils Considered— Origin of Rich Basalt Soils— Their Constant Renewal— Red Hills— Mixed Soils— Valley Loams the Result of Disintegration and Al- luvial Action.- 529 CHAPTER XXXII. Grain Product's.— Wheat the Staple Production— Its Earliest Cultivation- Impetus Given by Mining— Laxity of the State Government in the Mat- ter of Statistics -Want of a Policy — Flour Successfully Made— Its Qurvlity Never Elsewhere Surpassed — Wheat Crop Never Fails — Wheat the Principal Factor in Commercial Affairs— Why Farmers raise Wheat- Objections Theretx)- Persistent Wheat-Raising will Impoverish the Country— Statistics— Productiveness and Endurance of the Soils— Cost per Bushel to Raise Wheat— Influence of the Railways upon Wheat-Grow- ing—Increase of the Business from 1869— Ite Probable Future — Its Possi- ble Production— Varieties Cultivated— Wheat Crop of 1880— Other Grain i rodu'^ts— Oats a Favorite Crop— Immense Production— Indian Corn not a Success— Barley— Table of Production of Wheat, Oats, Corn and Barley 547 CHAPTER XXXIII. Other Field Products.- Flax— Well Adapted to the Lands of the Willam- ette—Linseed Oil— Table of Flax Production— Quality— Hops a Certain and Valuable Crop— Table— Hay— Clover— Grasses— Vegetables— Potatoes —Market Gardening a Profitable Industry- Table— Fruits-Apples, Pears and Prunes the Principal Varieties— Markets -History of Ajiple-Raising— William Meek— Present Condition of Orchards— Yield of Apples— Deal- ings with San Francisco— Mode of Culture— Fruit Drying- Importance of the Industry— Prospective Growth— Prunes—Plums— Peaches— Future of Fruit-Growing— Berries— Wild Speoies- Table Showing the Production of Principal Varieties and Value of Orchard Products— Beet Sugar and Potato Starch 6«0 CHAPTER XXXIV. Live Stock.— The Earliest Introduction of Cattle— Cattle Brought from Cali- fomiar-Herds Brought by Immigrants— Improved Stock— Dairying— Non-progressive Practices of the Farmers- Beef Animals- Table of Cattle and Dairy Products— Statistics of Horses, Etc. -Sheep, Introduction of- Brought from California and the East— Improved Breeds— The Merino- Domestic Animals Uncared For— Woolen Mills— Watts Leads the Way- Mill at Oregon City— Willamette Mill at Salem— Mill at Brownsville— CONTENTS. XV Excellent Quality of ClotbH Manufactured— Table of Hheep and Wool Production — Swine— Peculiar Advantages in Porli-Raising — Anlnialn Neglected— Table Showing Number of Hogs and Their Value— Goats 578 CHAPTER XXXV. Statistics.- Scarcity of Reliable Statistical Information— Duty of the State Government — How Performed— Tables of Production of Wlieat, Indian Corn, and Oats— Amount in Gross— Amount per Acre— Gross Value, nnd Value per Bushel— Number and Size of Farms at Different Dates— Statis- tics Gathered from the Census Report of 1880— Numtier of Farms— Of Owners— Valuations— Industrial EstahlishmentH-Onnty Valuation and Assessments oSJl CHAPTER XXXVI. Rkview of AoRicui/ruKE.— Essay Necessarily Imperfect— Policy of the Farm- ers—Injurious EfTect of Exclusive Devotion to one Ci'op- Farmers not In- structed in Gi'eat Business AfTairs- Theory versus Practice—Productions of Small Farms— Size of Farms— Twenty Acres Enough -Mixed Farming —Chances for Improvement— Conclubion.-- 587 CHAPTER XXXVII. History of Immigration.— Table of Population of Each County in 1850, 1860, 1870, and 1880— Comparison of Aggregates— Proportion of Population Be- tween the State and tlie Willamette Valley— Personal History of Pioneers and Representative Individuals — 5i»l 1 CHAPTER I. « M AMERICA IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. Spain? s Foothold in the New World— The Age of Bomanoe and Adven- ture — 2^e Method and Successive Stages of Conquest — Discovery of the South Sea, or Pacific Ocean, hy Balboa and Magellan — Conquest of Mexico and Peru — First Attempt to Colonize the Peninsula of California — E forts of Portugal, England and France. DURING the fifty years immediately following the discovery of America, Spain gained a firm and lasting foothold in the New World. Ferdinand and Isabella, those Christian rulers who sat upon the united throne of Castile and Ai-agon, and freed their kingdom from the invading Moors, and redeemed it from the faith of Islam, and under whose patronage Columbus sailed upon that voyage which revealed to an asttinished world a new continent and a vast unknown ocean, were succeeded in power by the mighty Charles V. Under the reiga of this enlightened monarch, the most powerful, wise and enterprising ruler that ever sat \\\)on the throne of Spain, that nation approached the zenith of its power, weal^' and importance in the political affairs of Europe. This she reached and passed during the reign of his son and successor, the haughty Philip, whose power and magnificence was supported chiefly from the endless stream of treasure which flowed into the kingdom from conquered provinces in the New World, or from the commerce of the East. There existed no rival to share with her the riches of the long-sought Indies, save ambitious little Portugal, who had early gained a footing there and established a considerable commerce by the long and tedious route around the southern extremity of Afi'ica. m -i m\ ii it X •my m ■ w 18 HISTORY OF WILLAMISTTE VALLET. While other nntions confined themselves to occasional vo3'age8 of exploration and spasmodic eSovta at planting feelile colonies, Spain was pni-suing a vigoroas policy of conquest and colonization. That was the halcyon age of romance and adventure, and Spain led the van. The whole nation seeme*! imbued with a spirit of con- quest. Imagination and romance peopled this vast unknown land with nations of strange civilization and amazing wealth; made it the repository of gold, pearls and precious gems in such fabulous (quantity that the greatest riches of the known world seemed but the veriest dross in comparisijn; gave into its keeping the mystical fountain of youth; endo wei broadest part. If tlie Nf)rth American continent narrowed nortiiward as South America had been found to do in the ojiposite direction, then it nmst l)e l)ut a short distance from the Atlantic to the Pacific in the region of Lal)rador; and since a pas- sage had been found through the land to the south — for in their ignorance of the open sea below South America, geographers l>elieved Magellan's Strait^ to l)e simply a narrow waterway piercing the heart of the continent where it was much narrower than elsewhere — it was reasonable to suppose that a similar one existed t^^) the nortli, especially since Cortereal had reported finding it. To discover this northwest passage was the desire of explorers for many years there- ! ) SI 24 III.STOUY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. after. England, France and Portugal, and Holland in later years, sought it in the Atlantic, while Spain put forth her efforts to attain the same object in the Pacific. To the effoi'ta made in the latter direction this narrative will be chiefly confined, since to them is due the discovery of Oregon and the complete exploration of the Pacific Coast. When Cortes had subjugated Mexico he at once began con- structing vessels on the western coast of Central America for service in the Pacific. He possessed a roving commission from his sover- eign, the powerful Charles V., which granted him almost despotic powei-s as a ruler in all new countries he might discover and sub- . due in the name of the king, the conquests to be made at his own expense and risk, and the expeditions to be fitted out from his own resources. To follow his movements in detail is unnecessary. They resulted in the discovery and temporary colonization of Lower Cal- ifornia, the discovery of the Colorado River, and the knowledge that the Sea of Cortes, or the Vermilion Sea, was a gulf, the one now known as the " Gulf of California." It had been the plan of Cortes to coast northward, westward and southward, along America and Asia, until he reached the Indies, noting the exact position of the Straits of Anian as he passed ; but the vessels he had constructed for that purpose were ordered to be sent in a direct path across the Pacific, and he was compelled to build others. It w^is with these that his expeditions along the Mexican Coast and in Lower California were conducted. The first attempt to pass around the southern extremity of the Peninsula of Califor- nia and follow the out«r coast northward was made in 15?9. On the twenty- ninth of October of that year Francisco de UUoa, who had been the energetic assistant of the great eonquesitador in all his operations on the western coast of Mexico, sailed from the bay of Santa Cruz, the scene of Cortes' disastrous attempt at coloniza- tion in Lower California, and passed around the cape now known as " San Lucas." On the first of February he had proceeded as far north as 28°, when he encountered an island near the coast which he christened " Isle of Cedars." For two months he was baflled by h' ad winds and contended with sickness among his crew, afllic* d with that dread malady the scurvy, the scourge of the early mariners, who neither understood its nature nor knew how to prevent or cure THE FABULOUS STRAITS OF ANIAN. 25 it. The sickness unabating and his stock of provisions l^eginning to run short, UUoa abandoned the effort to progress further and returned to Mexico. No immediate attempt was made to continue the explorations thus begun by Ulloa. The fact was that Don Antonio de Mendoza, a Spanish nobleman of high rank, who had succeeded Cortes as Viceroy of New Spain, was deeply interested in exploring the inte- rior to the northward, in search of a mythical country calletl "Cibola," and another named "Quivira," storie.-i of whose wonc^'^r- ful richness had been received from wandering refugees, who claimed to have seen them or been informed of their existence by the Indians. Two expeditions were sent out to accomplish this purpose. One under Fernando de Alarcon ascended the Colorado a distance of 300 miles without observing anything suggestive of c.vilized nations; while Francisco Vasquez de Caronado was equally unsuccessful in a land journey which took him as far north as 40°, and extended over two years of time. Even before Coronado returned from following the ignis fatuus of Quivira, Mendoza dispatched an expedition by sea to search for the Straits of Anian, and incidentally to discover any of those civ- ilized nations M'^hich Indian tradition and Caucasian imagination located further to the northwest. This fleet consisted of two small vessels, commanded by Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo, and sailed in the year 1542. Cabrillo followed the coast as far north as latitude 38°, when he encountered a violent storm which drove him nian}'^ miles backward. From this he found shelter in a small harbor in the Island of San Bernardino, lying near the coast in latitude 34°, which he christened " Port Possession," being the first point on the California coast of which the Spaniards took possession. While the vessels were lying in this harbor, Cabrillo died, on the third of January, 1543, and the command devolved upon Bartolome Ferrelo, the pilot, as the second in power upon the Spanish vessels was des- ignatele. Such being the case, and the Spanish title to Oregon having been acquired by the United States by purchase and treaty, the reason for the historians of the two countries espousing different sides, THE FABULOUS STRAITS OF ANIAN. 29 without much reference to the truth of the matter, can be readily perceived. Two accounts of the voyage were puV>lished, thus furnishing the foundation for the controversy, and neither of these narratives beai*s either internal or external evidence of complete reliability. There may well be a difference of opinion, but the fact that this difference is drawn on national lines is suggestive of bias and a lack of those qualities which mark the true historian. One of them was pub- lished by Richard Hakluyt, the celebrated geographer of those times, in a volume embodying the results of all previous voyages of ex- ploration, and is said to be the production of Francis Pretty, one of Drake's crew ; though English authors claim it to have been written by Hakluyt himself from accounts of the voyage related to him some time before, and thus subject to grievous errors. The other account is one which was published by a nephew of Drake, seventy years after the voyage was completed, and long after every soul who had participated in it had passed to his final account; thus there was no living witness who could dispute the wildest and most reckless statement the compiler might be led to make in his eager- ness to establish his relative's position as discoverer of New Albion, the name Drake had bestowed upon California. The notes used in preparing this volume were credited to Rev. Fletcher, the chaplain of the expedition, and it must be said that in some respects he was the most magnificent liar that ever undertook to deceive an audience absolutely ignorant of the subject with which he dealt. The regions visited were entirely unknown, since no information was gained by Ferrelo's voyage, and the world was prepared to believe anything of this region, of which new wonders were constantly being revealed. Rev. Fletcher seems to have realized this, and unproved his oppor- tunity ; yet the fact that his notes contain what are known to be willful misstatements, is not proof that in this one instance he was not correct, or that his notes were altered by the compiler to read 48° instead of 43°. This want of veracity is, of course, a presump- tion against his statement in this particular; but it will require something more authentic than the alleged narrative of Francis Pretty to establish their inaccuracy beyond dispute. When the whole matter is reviewed impartially, the mind naturally leans to- ward the theory of 43 degrees, without, however, feeling completely 30 HISTORY OF WILLAJTETTE VALLEY. «■ satisfied that it is the triie one. In the nature of thingfi this con- troversy can never be settled, and Drake and Ferrelo will ever bear the divided honor of the discovery of Oref^on. Drake's presence on the coast of Oregon, near the forty-third parallel, is proven by Spanish records, which contain a piece of inforniiitiou not to be found in either of the narratives mentioned above. From this it appears that he had on board a Spanish pilot, named Morera, with whom he felt dissatisfied for somp reason, and in the region indicated he ran into a " poor harbor " and put the offending seaman ashore, leaving him among savages, thirty-five hundred miles fi-om civilization. That he accomplished the journey across that unknown land and reached his countrymen in Mexico is evidenced by the fact that the incident is recorded at all, since other- wise it could never have been known. . Having been forced back along the coast by adverse winds, he entered a small bay near lati- tude 38°, where he cast anchor for thirty-six days. It was, until recent times, supposed that this harbor was San Francisco Bay, the name helping to support the idea with the unthinking. Later on it will be seen that the bay was thus named in honor of an entirely different personage. Sir Francis Drake was the revei-se of a saint in Spanish eyes, and even had they named it in his honor they would have been certain to associate with his name some title more in harmony with their estimation of his character. Drake was in search of the Straits of Anian, and that he lay thirty-six days in San Francisco Bay without even attempting to explore the connect- ing bays of San Pablo and Suisun, and the great navigable rivers discharging into them, is so manifestly improbable as to be beyond credence. There is no positive testimony to support the idea, and the contrary is proven as nearly as purely negative testimony can prove anything. It is generally conceded by historians that Drake's harbor of refuge was the one lying just north of the Golden Gate and known as " Drake's Bay." It is in speaking of this place that Chaplain Fletcher displays his abilities as a romancer. The time was the month of June, and yet he states that snow covered the hills and that the weather was so cold that meat froze upon being taken fi-om the fire. One familiar with the fact that snow is a rarity there even in winter, and that at no time does it become cold THE FABULOUS STRAITS OF ANIAN. 81 •enough to freeze meat that has never been near a fire, has his confi- dence in the veracity of the chronicler terribly shaken. While lying in the harbor Drake landed and took possession of the country in the name of his sovereign, christening it " New Al- bion," in honor of his native land. Fletcher's narrative states that the natives first mistook them for gods and offered sacrifices to them, and that they removed this impression by themselves publically offering up their devotions to the Creator. Of the incidents of their landing the naiTative says: — Our neceasarle busineBS being ended, our Greneral, with his coinpanie, travailed up into the countrey to their villiages, where we found heardes of deere by 1,000 in a companie, being most large and fat of bodle. We found the whole countrny to be a warren of strange liinde of connieH ; their bodies in bigness as be the Barbarie Connies, tlieir lieads as tlie heads of ours, the feet of a Want [mole] and the taile of a rat, being of great length ; under iier chinne on eitlier side a bagge, into wliich she gathered lier meate, wlien she liath tilled her bellie abroad. Tlie people do eat their bodies, and make accompt for their sliinnes, for their King's coat was made out of tliem. Our (lenerai called this countr'jy Nova Albion, and that for two causes: tlie one in respect to the white banlies and clifTes which lie toward the sea; and the other because it might have some afTinitie with our countrey in name which sometimes was so called. There is no part of eartli here to be taken up, wherein there is not a reasonable ■quantitie of gold or silver. Before sailing away, our General set up a monument of our being there, an also of lier majestie's right and title to the same, vi/.: a plate nailed upon a faire great poste, whereupon was engraved her majestie's name, the day and yeare of our arrival there, with the free giving up of the province and peo- ple into her majestie's hands, together with her highness' picture and arms, in a piece of five pence of current English money under the plate, whereunder was also written the name of our General. What the worthy Chaplain consi'dered a " reasonable quantitie " of the precious metals it is impossible to conjecture, but the proba- bilities are that he manufactured this statement from whole cloth. The earliest authentic account** of the Indians of California do not speak of them Jis possessing any gold or silver, and it was many years after the Spaniards took possession of the State before gold was discovered and mined. At that time the natives were com- pletely ignorant of the character and value of the substance, and had no traditions on the subject ; fi-om which may reasonably be concluded that Chaplain Fletcher deliberately lied when he made that assertion — the more so, that even to the present time no gold has been discovered in the locality of which he speaks. It will be remembered that a f(iw yetfrs before, when America was first dis- covered, it was the general belief that it was speckled with gold ^ rl ! ■■>[;! i 83 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTK VALLEY. ll and silver, and glistened with gems. These extravagant ideas had * iHJConie modified in Drake's time, though by no means abandoned. The Spaniards had been searching a few years before in this direc- tion foi" wealthy nations, whose existence was reported to them by the Indians of Mexico, but without success. They still entertained the belief that pearls and the precious metals could be found in abundance in this region, and Fletcher was simply supplying a " long felt want " when he wrote that a " reasonable quantitie of gold and silver " existed in every handful of dirt that might be taken up at random on the California coast. His other statements are probably correct, since ground squirrels exist in such abundance there and are so destructive to crops that the state granted a bounty for their extermination, and the early pioneers speak of immense bands of antelope and elk that roamed the valley and foot-hills. Having abandoned the hope of finding a passage into the At- lantic, and fearing to attempt to return by the Straits of Magellan, Drake undertook the long voyage across the Pacific, and reiched England by weathering the Cape of Good Hoj^e. His retuni with his vessel loaded with plundered riches of the Spaniards was hailed with joy by his countrymen. The interests of Spain and England were hostile. The latter looked A\'ith jealousy and fear upon the power of the Castilian throne, sustaineil by the enormous revenue derived fi'om America and the Indies, and Queen Elizabeth knighted the daring robber for his services to his countiy in striking such a severe blow at the resources of her rival. Ten years later, when the grand Philip sent that wondei-ful Spanish Armada, which was fitted out by revenues derived from this same commerce and was to crush England at a blow, one of the gallant fleets which met and defeated it was commanded by Sir Francis Drake. Other English freebooters, encouraged by the brilliant success of Drake, entered the Pacific in the same manner and preyed upon the Spanish shipping. The first and most successful of these was Thomas Cavendish, who voyaged the coasts of Chili, Peru and Mexico in 1587; sunk and burned nineteen vessels, and captured the galleon Santa Anna off the coast of California. The next year he returned to England by the Cape of Good Hope, having accom- plished the third circumnavigation of the globe, and it is said that THK FABULOUS STKAITS OF ANIAN. 88 his crew were dressed in silks, his sails made of dainaHk, and the topmast covered with cloth of gold. Great exertions were now made by the English and Dutch to find the Northwest Passage, and frequent rumora were spread that the Straits of Anian had actually been diHct)vered, creating much joy in England and Holland, and causing great anxiety in Spain, Spanish Ameiica and the Philippines. Many claims were nuide to having made this discovery l>y [)ai'ties who could not substantiate them. This was done for various reasons. Some enjoy«'d the n<»to- riety and fame, as a gi-eat navigator, such rep(trts brought them; others endeavored to secure a reward for their alleged services to their countiy, and still others hoped to thus win eni])loyment in their business, or receive the command of an exi)edition to lt)cate deiinitely the position of the passage. So frequent were these tales, and so much at variance with each other, that they all fell into disrepute, and it is doid)tful had such a strait been actually found u geogra- phers could have been brought to believe it. The fiction of this character which attracted the most attention and which had the most influence in dictating the character of exj)editions in after years, was one made by Captain Lorenzo Ferrer de Maldonado, a Portu- guese. In 1609 this gentleman presented a petition to the S])anish Council of the In»lies — that august body which, sitting in Spain, nded the Spanish possessions in India and America — asking for a suitable rewaritt>d by InxitM. Tlie distance between this inlet and the continent of America Ih Ighh than a ((uurter of a league in width, and, although lt« channel Is so deep that two or even three ships sail a)>reaat through it, two bastions might be built on tlie bankn with little trouble, which would contract the channel to within the n-acli of a nuiHket shot. " In the harbor In which our shi|>8 anchored, at the entrance of the strait, on the south side, we lay from the >>eginning of April to the middle of June, when a large vesael of eight hundre«l te, which they said had a good harbor and a navigabU- river, and was sul)ject to the great khan, as it belonged to Tartttry ; and that in that port they left another ship belonging to tiieir country. We could learn no more from them, as they acted with great caution and little con- fidence, being afraid of our company ; wherefore we parted from them near the strait. In the North Sea, and set sail towards Spain." It is barely poMsihle tluit a vo^jige may have Ikhju uiacle about the time mentioned in the memorial, during which the vessel entered Hudson's Bay, and that MaldonacU* was a seaman or si;l)-offieer on board, which would account for his ignorance on such technical points as the degrees of latitude and number of miles sailed, and that two decades later, \v hen his superior officers were dead and he him- self had risen in rank, he desired the command of an expediticm to search for these straits in whose existence he finnly believeortant part in the history of Oregon; and though it comes entirely through English sources, is utterly repudiated by n\odern English tiistorians, and even receives hut little credence among American writers. This is the celebrat^^d voyage of Juan de Fuca, who irt claimed to have discovered the Straits of Fu(!a, that broad channel separating a portion of Wjishington Territory from Van- cover Island, in British Columbia. There was published in London, in 162."), a celebrated historical and geographical work, e .> "inder a captain, Spaniards, to discover the Strait/) of Anian, along the c ., • •. douth Sea, and to fortify in that strait, to resist the passage and proceedin, s of t! ,e English nation, which were forced to pass through those straits into the South S":i.;»ed rock, like a pillar, thereupon. Also, he said tliut he went on land in (!••. i-rs places, and that he saw some fwople on land clad in hea«te' skins; and that the land is very fruitful, and rich of gold, silver, pearls, and other things, like Nova Spania. Also, he said that he being entered thus far into the said strait, and being come into tlie North Sea already, and finding the sea wide enough everywhere, and to be about thirty or forty leagues wide in the mouth of the straits where he entered, he thought he had now well discluirged his office; and that, not being armed to resist the force of the savage people that ndght happen, he therefore set sail and returned home- wards again towards Nova Spania, where he arrived at Acapulco, Anno i'>'' ;. op- ing to be rewarded by the Viceroy for this service done in the said voyage. • » [Here follows an account of his vain endeavors for three years to secure a j. i recognition of his services by the Viceroy or the Spanish monarch, and his resv.. - tion to return to his native land to die among his countrymen.] Also, he said he thouglit the cause of his ill reward had of tha .Spi>i.i-J ili.>, fo be for that they did understand very well that the English uutior.. » *' now '^i run over all their voyages for discovery of the northwest passage; whc etore, tb<> d not fear them any more to come that wa.s into the South Sea, .md therefvvre they needed not his ser- vice therein any more. Also, he said that, understanding the noble mind of the Queen of England, and of her wars against the Spaniards, and hoping that her majesty would do him justice for hl« goods lost by Captain Candlsh, he would l)e content to go Into England and serve licr majesty in that voyage for the discovery perfectly of the northwcMt pnHsage into the South Sea, If she woulil furulsli hliij STKAITS OF JUAN DE FIJCA AND KIVKR OF KINGS. 39 with only one ship of forty tons burden, and a pinnace, and that he would perform it in thirty dayw' time, from one end to the other of the strait, and he willed me so to writ« to England. And, from conference ha, when Lock had finished his lousiness in Venice and was preparing to return to England, he addressed a letter to Fuca, to which he received no answer, and that a short time afterwards he learned that the (xreek was dead. There htis been much controvei'sy among historians an to the authenticity of this document. In the long negotiations between England and the United States in regard to the location of the international boundary line, it was vigorously supported by the Americans and as earnestly combated by the representatives of Great Britain. As in the discussion of Sii- Francis Drake's voyage, writers were divided strictly upon national lines, and thus are subject to the charge of bi.'is and prejudice. A fair examination will con\'ince an impartial person that, although it is not imjiossible the voyage was made, the probaf)ilitie8 are that the letter of Mr. Lock was one com- posed for the piu'pose of creating a sensation, and lU) such pei-sonage as Juan de Fuca ever existed. The English writers seem to have espoust^l the better side of the argiunent, though there is no reason to siippose they would not have as readily advocated the opposite < geographical descriptions it is more accurate tliaii the t ¥#1 •i'l, H4l 'n 40 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. report of any previous Spanish voyage ; that the fact of his locating the entrance to the passage between latitudes 47 and 48 degi'ees, iD'tf ad of 48 and 49 degi'ees, is not as serious as their opponents asb L * ce much gi-eater eirors in locating well-kno^vn objects appcii the accounts of voyages of whose authenticity there is no dispute. The Spaniards were not scientific navigators, and their repoiis bristle Avith errors in latitude, while longitude seems to have been entirely beyond them. This lack of accui'acy prevented them from making a correct map of the ct>ast line of California, even after they had explored and sailed along it for two centuries. There is, also, a marked absence of those stereotype'eyed, at hU own expense, with all (uire and diligence. Half u century later another Spanish historian, Venegaw, gave the following letwons for Spain's anxiety to K^^conie better informed of the coast above Cape Mendocuio: — That in the meantime the English shouid And out tae so-much-desired passage to the 8outh Sea, by tho north of America and above California, which passage is not universally denied, and one day may be found; that they may fortify them- selves on l)oth sides of this passage, and thus extend the English dominion from the north to the south of America, so as to border on our possessions. Bhould English colonies and garrisons be established along' the coast of America on the South Sea beyond Cajjc Mendocino, or lower down on California itself, England would then, without control, reign mistress of the sea and Its commerce, and be able to threaten by land and sea the territories of Spain ; invade them on occasion from the E., W., N. and S., hem them in and press them on all sides. In this is contained no hint of Juan de Fiica; and if the ct)nduct of men can be considered as indicative of their motives, it must be admitted that the King, the Viceroy and the commanders of the vari- ous expeditions, were utterly ignorant of the Greek's alleged v<^))^age, notwithstanding Lock's letter states that the old pilot hml in vain urgetl the Viceroy and the King to take possession of the Straits of Fuca. The Viceroy of Mexico did not feel an interest in the Straits of Auian, or the California Coast, deep enough to render him eager to explore them at his own expense, as t«»mmanded to do by the king; yet he dared not disol)ey the royal mandate. lie made a showing of compliance, by dispatching Se}»astian Viscaino from Acapulco, in the spring of 159(>, with three vessels. These did not proceed beyond Lower California, where two feeble and tmsiiccessful effoi-ts were made to })lant coloniew, leaving the great objects of the expe- dition untouched. The death of the king, in 1598, served as an excuse for ceasing even these feeble efforts, which made extensive drafts upon the Viceroy's revenue. The respite was only temporary, however, I'or Philip III. followed his father's ideas on the sid)ject, and peremptorily ordered his representative in Mexico to make these explorations without delay. There was nothing now to do but to comply with the King's command, and an expeditioti vvjis fitted out, composed <^f two vessels and a small fragala, and entrusted to the command of Viscaino. VOYAGES AND EVKNT8 OF THE SEVENTEENTH OENTrUY. 47 The fleet sailed Mayo, 1602, fi'om Auapulco, well supplied with pilots, draughtsmen and priests — the fiixt to navigate the shipis, the second to make maps of the coast, and the third to keep an accurate account of the voyage, a literary feat few l)eHides pi'ieHtw were able to accomplish in those days, when the sword wins mightier than the pen. The j)rieHtly authorship of the records of the voyage is fully attested by the passage in Tor([uenuida, which, in speaking of thv. head winds which baffled the vessels for a long time, says that they were produced "by the foe of the human race, in order to prevent the advance of the ships, and to delay the 48 HISTORY OP WILLAMEVTE VALLEY. ). if I'M an he (lid other and comparatively inMigiiificant places. Viscaino wjw searching for a har])or of refuge, and here, in the most desirable locality p()ssi])le, wjw a magnificent harbor that could hold the fleets of the world; yet upon his return to Mexico he strongly urged the Viceroy to establish stations at the greatly inferior liarbors of San Diego and Monterey, anil sai«l nothing about San Francisco what- ever. In all pi()l)ability the port he entered wjw the same one in whicli Drake htul anchored twenty-five years beftu'e. Just when San Francisco Bay wiw discoverey the unfavorable weather, the tenible sufFeringn of hi:; crew from scurvy and the apparent loss of the consort, Viscaino turned the prow of the Capitana to the south, £ud made his way back to Mexico as rapidly as possible. Wlien the iitorm pai-ted the two vessels off San Francisco Bay, the little fragata. which wjuj under the ct)mmand of Martin de Aguilar, continued the nt)rthern journey, encountering another gale in the vicinity of Cape Mendo- cino, from whose fury it escaped by taking i-efuge in some sheltered place on that portion of the coast. What this place of refuge was does not appear, but Humboldt Bay and the Bay of Trinidad seem VOYAGES AND EVENTS OF THE SEVENTEENTH OENTrKY. 40 to be the only ports in that region capable of sheltering a vesnel from a severe storm, and one of these must have been entered by the fragata ; though, if such is the case, it seems strange that a more extended description of it is not given. The subneciuent movements of the little craft are thus detaileilot, jw well as the greater portion of the crew, hatl fallen victims k) the scurvy and had been cimsigned to the bosimi of the gi'eat unknown ocean. It is impossible to realize the dreadful ravages conunitted by that horrible disease ahiong the explorers of those early times. Every prolonged voyage suffered the impress of its blighting finger. Death took passage in every vessel sent into unknown Avaters. English marinere seem to have suffered less than did the Spaniards, or, iir later tunes, the Russians. Oi the sufferings on board of Aguilar\s fated craft Torijuemada says: — Nor Is the least ease to be expected from change of place, as the slightest motion is attended with such severe pains that they must be very I'ond of lite who would not wi'iiigly lay It down on the first appearance of so terrible a distemper. This virulent humor makes such ravages in the body that it is entirely covered with ulcers, and the poor patients are unable to bear the least pressure ; even the very clothes laid :)n them deprive them of life. Thus they lie groaniing and incapable of any relief. For the greatest assistance possible to be given them, if I may l)e allowed the expression, Is not to touch them, nor even the bed clothes. These eflects, how- ever melancholy, are not the only ones produced by this pestilential humor. In many, the gums, both of the upper and lower jaws, are pressed both within and without to such a degree, that the teeth can not touch one another, and withal so loose and bare that they shake with the least motion of the head, and some of the patients spit their teeth out with their saliva. Thus they were uii^^ble to receive any food but liquid, as gruel, broth, milk of almonds and the like. This gradually brought on so great a weakness that they died while talking to their friends. * * * Some, by way of ease, made loud complaints, others lamented their sins with the deepest contrition, some died talking, some sleeping, some eating, some whilst sitting up in their beds. m Y\ 50 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. Such were the privations and afflictions endured by the early explorei-s of the coast of Oregon. A fourth geogi'aphical enigma was now added to the list of those which perplexed the seekers for a Northwest Paiwage; though, more }>roperly speaking, this was the tii-st, since kn<)wledge of this voyage v-'as spread abroad several yeaiN before Maldonado entertainal ihe C/ouncil of the Indies Avith his clever romance about the Straits of Anian, or Ijock's letter gave to the world the dubious tale of Juan de Fuca. iVccui-ding. to Torquemada, it wtm " supposed that this river is one leading to a great city which was discovered by the Dutch Avhen they were driven thither by storms, and that it is the Straits of Anian tlii'ough which the ship passed in sailing from the North Sea to tlie South Sea, itnd that the city called Quivira (the one which led Coi-ouado such a dance sixty yeai"s before) is in those paiis; and tiiat this higher latitude is the region refenvd to m the account which his majesty read, and which induced him to oi-der this expeilition." There is here a serious discrepancy — an erroi* or jis great a iiiagnituJe as the one cited as evidence of the mythical 'tharactei' of the alleged voyage of Juan de Fuca. No great j'iver exists in latitude 4;i", but a short distance up the coast is the Ump- qua, which, though by no means as great a stream aw this one wan supposed to be, may be considered of s\ifficient proportions to do duty a.s the River of Aguilar. The same may be said of Rogue River, some miles below the point hidicated. One can not hel}> noticing here the f(»undation of the " River of Kings" story after- wards concocted by Petivei". The great I'iver supposed to leml thnmgh the continent, tmd the large city some distance up the stream, both appear here in the origimil. The idea that this was the Straits of Anian, or anything of a similar nature, did not long obtain. A few years later it was ct»nceived that this and the Cok)ra Mexico; l»ut north of that the Pacific Coast of North America remained a /erra incognita for ages. The secret (»f tliis apparent apathy vva« the unwillingness of the viceroys tt) explore new regions at their own expense. There is a tradition floating about in South- ern Oregon that one of these galleons was driven out of its course and put into the Umptpia River to i*epaii' damages. Indlaji tradi- •tions and the old stimijjs of trees are relied upon as corroborative evidence; thought what the original authority is, or in what year the event is said to have occurred, the writer has been unable to learn. The story is probably an outgi'owth of the attempt of Aguilar to enter some river in that region. CHAPTER V. ml HUDSON'S BAY, CAPE HORN, AND BEHRING'8 STRAITS. Discovery of Davis' Straits — Henry Hudson, William. Bajfin, and other Explorers in the N m'th- Atlantic — Dutch Namgators Discover the Passage around Cope Hom^^Biuicaneers Swarm into the Pacijic by the New Houte — Otondo attempts to Colonize Lower California — The Hudson's Bay Company Chartered, in JG69, to Discover the Straits of Anian — Privileges Granted by the Charter — The Company Heads off all Efforts at Exploration — Russians cross Siberia and Explore the Paoifc — Plans of Petei' the Cheat — Discovery of Beh- ring's Straits and Alaska — Voyage of Tchinkof — Behring Discovers Mount St. Elias and Dies on Behnng\s Isle — The Early Fur Trade of the North Pacific — Benyowsky Takes a Cargo of Furs to Canton find thus Reveals the Magnitiule of the Pa^cific Ocean — Rus- sian Idea of Alaskan Geogiuphy. SEVERAL important voyages were made by Engliwh mariiierH on the Atlantic coast in searching for the Northwest Pa.Hsage, all of which Itear a close relation to the more direct steps taken on the Pacific side in the discovery of Oregon. In 1588, at the time set in MaldonadoV romance for his voyage through the Straits of Anian, a celebrated English navigator waw actually exploring the seas about the seventy -fifth pai-allel. This was John Davis. After searching in vain for a passage westwai'd, lie finally discovered Davis' Straits, Vmt was compelle BKHRINo's STRAITS. 53 abandoned his search for the Northwest Passage and sailed with Cavendish upon his second expedition to the Pacific, a voyage which ended in signal disaster. In IfiOH, Henry Hudson, bent upon the same errand as Davis, e.vplored the North Atlantic coast. He entered Hudson's Bay and partially t-xaniined it; and though he bestowed his name upon the bay, as well as the straits leading to it, he was but following the course piirsuee ftmnd. Geogi-aphers became satisfie>( Stuart, and America \ a.x neg- lected for half a century. Meanwhih ai iin})ortant iliscovery was made in an opposite dii'ection, one most (iisjixtrous i the Pacific commerce of Spain. While Baffin was pursuing his search amcmg the iceb^igw and floes of the Arctic, two Dutch navigators. Van Sc liouten and Le- maire, pjissed south of the Straits of Magellan ami discovered the open sea connecting the Atlantic and Pacific. They rounded Cape Horn, which they thus christened — in memory of tlu' i ..e of their nativity, " Holland" — and entered the South Sea witii ut encounter- ing the dangers attending a passage through the Straits of Magellan, oi" meeting the Spanish shijil* of war which guarded the entrance to that narrow passageway. Here, now, was a route open to all nations — ' of the Hudson's Bay Company, Oregon would to-', not in finding the Northwest Pjtssage, but in preventing the discovery of it alt(\firether. They were able to accomplish this and to hold the government and everv one else not connected with the organization in complete ignorance of the region in which they were doing a business whicji iissumed gigantic proportions in a few years. Thus it happened that no more efforts of conse(juence were made by England to discover the Straits of Anian for a whole centuiy after the granting of this magnificent charter, the company being able to prevent or bring to grief all expeditions of this character. Such was the soulless conduct of this corporate monopoly to the govern- ment to which it owed its very existence. From the time Aguilar's little vessel conveyed her afflicted crew back to Mexico in 1603, more than a century passed before another hun 56 HISTOUY OF WILLAMKTTK VALLEY. voyage was attempted. Not a vessel cast its shadow upon the waters of the North Pacific, nor " Caucasian eye gazed upon the mountain peaks that stand like ancient sentinels along our coast. Suddenly interest in this region was revived, and initial steps were taken by a power previously supposed to have no interest whatever in the American question. The sudden rise of Russia from obliv- ion to a high rank among the powei-s of the world, a revolution wrought by the genius of the enlightened monarch, Peter the Great, is one of the marvels of history. Gradually he extended his power eastward across the snowy wastes of Siberia until his dominions were washed by the waters of the Pacific beating upon the Penin- sula of Kamtchatka. The fui' trade of this vast solitude became a valuable one, and added to the great revenue of the Czai". Hav- ing reached the Pacific he became eager to extend his power still further eastward until it touched the westei'n confines of the de- pendencies of England, France and Spain in America. How far that was, ui what was the nature of the region coveted, neither he nor any one else had the faintest glimmering of knowledge. It might be a great ocean of valueless water, a sea fille)efore the government was pre- pared for another expedition this trade had reached considerable proportions. Greenhow thus describes the infancy of this great industry : — The trade thus commenced was, for a time, carried on by individual adventurers, each of whom was alternately a seaman, a hunter, and a merchant; at length, however, some capitalists in Siberia employed their funds in the pursuit, and expe- ditions t« the islands were, in consequence, made on a more extensi-e scale, and with greater regularity and efficiency. Trading stations were established at partic- ular points, where the furs were collected by persons left for that object ; and vessels were sent, at stated periods, from the ports of Asiatic Russia, to carry the articles required for the use of the agents and hunters, or for Ijarter with the natives, and to bring away the skins collected. The vessels employed in this commerce were, in all respects, wretched and inse- cure, the planks being merely attached together, without iron, by leathern thongs ; and, as no instruments were used by the traders for determining latitudes and lon- gitudes at sea, their ideas of the relative positions of the places which they visited were vague and incorrect. Their navigation was, indeed, performe Irly sea before 177ft; and when the immense distances between some of tlie points above mentioned are considered (Irkutsk to Pekin, 1,,S0() miles ; to Bay of Avatscha, 3,45() miles; to St. Petersburg, 3,760 miles), it l)ecome8 evident that none but objects of great value, in comparison with their bulk, at the place of their consumption, could have lieen thus transported with profit to those engaged in the trade, and that a large portion of the price paid by the consumer must have been absorbed by tlie expense of trans- port«ition. A skin was, in fact, worth at Kiakta three times as much as it cost at Ochotsk. For years the furs were conveyed to I^ekin and St. Petei"sl)urg overland, as described above, China being then, as now, the general fur market of the world. Not until 1771 was a cargo taken directly by sea to Canton, and not until then was it known that tlie Hay of Avatscha and th" Chinese Sea were connected by water. For the first time wtis re.ilized the Immense magnitude of the Pacific; that the same waters which beat upon Behring's Isle washed the shores of the thousand islands of the South Sea, gazed up at the fi-owning rocks of Cape Horn, and bore the Spanish galleons on their long voyage from Acjipulco t*) the Indies. This innovation was not by any means tlie result of Russian enterprise. A few of the patriotic defenders of Poland, who had been exiled to Siberia by the Russian Czar, made their escape in a smtill vessel from a port on the south- west coast of Kamtchatka, under the leadership of ji Hungarian exile. Count Maurice de Benyowsky. After much aimless wander- ing among the Aleutian Islands, where they procured from the natives a large (pumtity of furs, they sailed southward and finally reached Canton, where their cargo found a good market. This was the ilrst vessel from the Russian Possessions of the Pacific to enter the hiirbor of a foreign nation, and the spreading of the information that rich fur regions at the north were accessible to Canton by sea was one of the greatest factors in the subsequent rapid growth of the fur trade. ! 4 m 62 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. Tlu' increaHing value of the fur business led the Russian Govern- ment to dispatch other exploring expeditions in 17(56 and 1769. They found the coast, wherever they reached the mainland at all, fringed with islmids and the sea through which they passed dottc i I with them. That the land on the east side of Behring's Straits was of coiiHidevahle proportions was evident, ''^his they called "Alaska," or "AliHsiiii," and supposed it to be a large island. In 1774 a map was pi'cparetl, representing tiieir ideas of the geography of Russian America. Upon this the coast of America was represented as run- ning northwesterly from California to the seventieth degree of lati- tude, which was it« extreme northern and western limit. Lyin^> between America and Asia, in that latitude, was a vast sea of islai: 's, <»f which the largest was Alaska, with only the channel of Behring's Straits separating it from the coast of Asia. With this map was published an account of the last two voyages, the book being enti- tled " Description of the Newly Discovered Islands in the Sea be- tween x\sia and America." Such was the Russian idea of a region in which four official explorations had been made, and private enter- prise had engaged in the fur trade for thirty years. It renmined foi- an Englishman, the celebrated Captain Cook, only a few years later, to reveal to them their error. He commanded the first English vessel to visit the North Pacific, and in one voyage straightened out the geographical tangle the Russians had made in Alaska, and reformed the ideas the Spaniards entertained about the coast they had several times explored fin*ther to the south. Such was the difference, between scientific navigation and haphazai'd sailing. FROM CAPTAIN CABVKR TO CAPTAIN COOK. T CHAPTER VI. \ . ! The JeHuits Colonise Lower (Jaiifuruia -The FrninHHcanH K liter C'tdi/'or- nia — -Discover;/ of San Francisco Bay — Early French Explorers — The River of the West — Vereiulrye Explores the Roekij Mountains— — France Sells Louisiana to Spain and Looxes Canada to EnijUmd hy Conquest — Journey of Captain Career — He calls the River of the West ^^Oreyon" — Arynment upon the Origin 8(), a council of chief aiithorities in Mexico decided that the re- duction of California by means of oiRcial colonies and expeditions was impracticable. A few years later the Society of Jesus, whose zealous missionaries liad long since carried the cross into the remote fi'ontiers of Mexico, solicitetl the privilege of planting a colony and founding missions in Lower California; and though this was just the object the goxernment had sought so long to accomplish, it took ten years to obtain the royal warrant, so jealous was the throne of the growing power of the Jesuits. In 1697 the firet mis- sion was founded at Loretto, and in 1767, when the Society of Jesus was deprived of all its property in tlie SpanL«h dominions and its members thro^^Ti into prison upon the order of Chai'les III., there existed in Lower California sixteen thriving missions and thirty-six village". This rich inheritance v/as bestowed upon th'* Dominicans, while at tht same time the Franciscans were granted full and exclurtive authority to found missions in Alta California and take possession m the name of the Spanish crown. The first mission in Aita California was founded by Father Junipero Serra at San Diego, July 16, 1769, which was followed by that of San Carlos, at Monterey, August 3, 1770; San Antonio de Padua, July 14, 1771 ; San Gabriel, near Los Angeles, Septem- ber 8, 1771; San Luis Obispo, in Septeml)er, 1772; Dolores, at San Francisco, October 10, 1776; and others at later dates, to the total number of twenty-two. The missions became so numerous and p 'werful that the Mexican govenanent began in 1824 a series of hostile actH which emded in 1845 in their- (;omplete seculaj'i/ation, just one year before the country waK con<|uered })y the Unit^-d States. It was in 1 769, while Gaspar de Portala. at the head of a party from San Diego, was searching for the Har>)or of Monterey, that the Bay of San Francisco wps dist-overed and named. On the thirtieth of (►otx>ber they came upon a bay which "they at once FBOM CAPTAIN CARVER TO CAPTAIN f OOK. 65 recognized," says Father Crespi, the historian who accompanied them. There exists now no record of any prior discovery of the great harbor at San Francisco, except the Manila chjirt previonsly referred to, and it certainly seems strange that they would spend nearly four months searching for such an inferior port as Monterey at which to found a mission and harbor of refuge, when such a glorious one existed only a few miles further north. They now re- membered that Father Junipero Serra had ])een grieved because the Visitadore (reneral had neglected St. Francis, the patron saint of the order, in selecting names for their future missions, and that he had said, " If St. Francis wants a mission, let him show you a good port and we will put one there." They ])elieved that their patron had purposely led them to this harbor, and they named it " San Francisco," in his honor. It was first entered by a vessel in June, 1775, when tiie San Carlos sailed tiirough the Golden Gate and cast anchor before the site upon which the pueblo (town) of Yerba Buena ( now San Francisco) was afterward built. Having seen the Spaniai'ds take possession of California, it is necessary to consider the relative claims of the couten95. In wliich was a provision defining the boundaries of the colonial possessions of the various rival nations in America. This was definite and positive; t)ut, owing tf) the crude ideas of Amt?rican geography which pre- \alle.l at that dme, was imperfect in many respects. Fk)rida, as the Spanish possessions north of Mexico w^n'e callt*), was bordered t)n the north by ilie C^arolinas, but further west the bt)undarie8 were quite indefinite, conflicting with the Louisiana of the French. France claime»l as Louisiana all north of the mouth of the Missis- sippi and west of the AUeghanies, the western boundary being in- definite because no one knew how fai- towai'd the Occident the con- tinent extended. She also claimed the region of the St. Lawrence and the chain of great lakes under the general title of C'anada, these two provinces joining and interlacing without any line of di- vision either expressed or understood. The Hudson's Bay country was also clahuKl by France, though not with much persist^'iice, and 66 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. if'!' nil* 11 III it was at that time actually in the possession of Englani propel- place where it unites with the " Father of Waters," and is made to extend ahnost due west tt) the mountains. Passing across from the headwaters of the Mississippi and coming upon the Missouri so far to the north, he naturally supposed it to be another stream. Up this he followed, apparently branching off to ascend the Platte. He desci'ibes the upper part of the stream as a series of lakes and swamps. Some of )iis descriptions ane, and from her he learned that the river flowed mj):y miles until it emptied into a great water where ships had been seen, on which were men with beards and whitt; faces. The geographical statements are so accurate that there is no room to doubt the knowledge of tlie Yazoo savage of the existence of the Columbia River; but his statement about ships. and white men is histoi'ically impossible, since no vessel had ever visited the mouth of the Columbia, or even l)een so far north as that, unless it be admitted that 8ir Francis Drake reached latitude 48° and was near enough to the c(jast to have the faces and beards of his men recognized; but that was a century and a half before, and if his visit was known to the Indians at all it would probably be in the form of a legend al»out a gi'eat white bird that swam in the water, or the canoe of the Great Spint. That portion of the story was prol>ably a creation of the Indian, or an amplification of the tale, made by Dupratz himself. I)e I^'Isle, geographer of the Academy of Science, Paris, wi'ote March 15, 1710: "They tell me that among the Scioux of the Mississippi there are always Frenchmen trading; that the course of the Mississippi is from north to west, and from west to south [evi- dently the Mississippi is here confounded with the Missouri |, from that it is known that towards the source there is in the highlands a river that leads to the western ocean." De I/Isle warmly urged the government to explore the far West, in search of this river and the '^Western ()c(fan'' into which it flowed, and was seconded in his efforts by a learned priest named Bode. Temporary posts had been established many years before in various parte of Minnesota. I)u Luth built one near the head of Lake Superior, in 1678; Per- rot fcmnded another below Lake Pepin, in 1683; a stocktuie was erected abovf Lake Pepin on Prairie Islantl, in IfiOf), and Le Seur ■I' PROM CAPTAIN OABVKR TO CAPTAIN COOK. 69 had a post in 1 700 on the Blue Earth, near the site of Mankato. The importunities of De L'Isle and Pere Bode caused the govern- ment to begin an energetic policy of Western exploration and occu- pation in 1717, commencing with the re-establishment of the fort of T)u Lutli and another fxirther west among the Sioux, Other posts followed in rapid succession. In 1 7*28, Seur de la Verendrye, who was in command of these advanced posts, received such definite information of the "Shining Mountains" from the Indians, and of the great river lieyond them which flowed towards the western sea, that he decide,% 72 HISTORY OK WILLAMETTE VALLKY. m the gallant Wolfe dietl upon the PlaiuH of Abiahaui in the very moment of triumph, one of tlie prizes to he gained l)y this crown- ing victory of the war had already panwed into the keeping of an- other. Louisana belonged to Spain. The treaty of Paris, in 17<)3, conveyed Canada tt) Great Britain, and thns France wjw shorn of all her possessions in America. All these frontier j)()sts were aban- doned, and the Rocky Mountains again became the un(lisj)uted home of the aborigine. We now approach the memoral)l^ journey of the non-^ too vera- cious Captain Carver, the man who stands sponsor for thv> W')i'd " Oregon." This has led, by reason of the superficiality t)f many historical writei*s, to the bestowing upon him of all the credit of making known to the world the existence of the Columbia River, when the fact is that it was known long before his doubtful journey, and his account of it, so far from l>eing written u])on original infor- mation, was but the re-publication of facts made known by the French explorers above mentioned, many years before. Jonathan Carver was a native of Connecticut, and served with gallantry as a captain of the English colonial army in the wai' with France, which was terminated by the Treaty of Paris in 1 703. He then conceived the idea of exploring the western portion of England's new posses- sions. In 1766 he left Boston, and going by the way of Detroit and Fort Michilimacinac, reached the headwaters of the Miasissip])i. Thus far historians admit that he traveled, probably to the Lake Park region of Minnesota, Avhere rise streams flowing into the Mis- sissippi, the Missouri and the Red River of the North. Carver's claim to extensive traveling west of the headwaters of the Missis- sippi, covering a period of five months, is a very doubtful one; since his descriptions of the names, manners and customs of the Indian trib&s of that region are but the translations into English of the works of the earlier French explorers. His object, tus stated in the introduction to his book wa*>, "after gaining a knowledge of the manners, customs, languages, soil and natural productions of the different nations that inhabit the back of the Mississippi, to ascer- tain the breadth of the vast continent which extends from the At- lantic to the Pacific Ocean, in its broadest part, between the forty - third and forty-sixth degiees of north latitude, //ad / been able to accomplish this^ I intended to have proposed to the government to VROM CAPTAIN CARVER TO CAPTAIlSr COOK. 78 establish a post in i^ome of those parts, about the Straits of Aniau, which, haviug been discovered by Sir Francis Drake, of course lie- longs to the English." The captain exposes his want of fitness as a geographer or historian by asserting that Drake discovered the •Straits of Anian. The circumstances of Drake's voyage were more widely known than those of any other navigator, and in neither of the two accounts published was there a statement that the great robber had discovered those m;yi;hical straits, or any other passage leading inland fi'om the Pacific. Carver did not seem to consider his adventures or discoveries worthy of piiblication until twenty years later, at a time when unusual interest was felt in England in the discovery of the Northwest Passage, to find which the celebrated Captain Cook had just been dispatched on a xoyage of exploration to the North Pacific. Carver was at that time living in London in much financial distress, and his fi'iends advised him to take advan- tage of the public interest to publish a book. He consequently wrote one, evidently compiled in a large measure from the narratives before alluded to, large portions of them being translated literally into English. He died in 1780 in extreme penury. The only interest this work or its author can have to modern historians, is the appearance therein of the word " Oregon," the fii-st use of that term which has anywhere been discovered. It appears in the fol- lowing connection : From these natives, together with my own observations, I have learned that the four most capital rivers on the continent of North America, viz.: — the St. Lawrencet the Mississippi, the River Bourbon (Red River of the North), and the Oregon, or River of the West— have their sources in the same neighborhood. The waters of the three former are witliin tliirty miles of each other ; [this is practically correct, and this point, somewhere in Western Minnesota, is probably the limit of his west- ward journey,] the latter, however, is rathe" further west. This shows that these parts are the highest in North America ; and it is an instance not to be paralleled ■ in the other three-quarters of the world, that four rivers of such magnitude should take their rise together, and each, after running separate courses, discharge their waters into different oceans, at the distance of two thousand iidles from their sources, for in their passage from this spot to the Bay of St. Lawrence, east, to the Bay of Mexico, south, to Hudson's Bay, north, and to the Bay at the Straits of Anian, west, each of these traverse upwards of two thousand miles. In this statement Carver does not claim to have visited the head- waters of the River Oregon, or even to know theii* exact location. He expressly observes that he derived his information chiefly "from 74 HISTOHY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. m 1j I ' -^t these natives," and it is possible that even from them it reached him through the medium of his Frendi predecessors. Whence Carver derived his authority for calling the River of the West " Oregon " has been a matter of much discussion. Though it is now generally admitted that the word originattnl with Carver him8C;if, or was supposed l)y him to be the name of the stream from some half- understood words uttered bv the Indians in referrin<' to it; yet there are many who are not content unless they can build up some theory founded upon a similarity of sound, and plausible only to those who are ignorant of the details of the early exploratiims in the Pacific. ( )f these the one most generally acc«ptetl in Oregon is the following fi'om the pen of Archbishop Blanchet, speaking of himself in the third pei"son: — Jonathan Carver, an English captain in the wars by which Canada came into the possession of (Jreat Britain, after the peace, left Boston, June 6, 17(16, crossed the continent to the Pacific, and returned October, 1768. In relation to his travels, which were publislied in 1774, and republishefl In 1778, he is the first who makes use of the word "Oregon." The origin of that word has never l)een discovered in the country. The first Catholic missionaries— Father Demers, now Bishop of Van- couver Island, and Father Blanchet, now Bishop of Oregon Cltj' — arrived in Oregon in 1838. They traveled through it for many years, from south to north, from west to east, visiting and teaching the numerous tribes i^f Oregon, Washington Territory and British possessions. But in all their various excursions among the Indians they never succeeded in finding the origin of the word "Oregon." Now it appears that what could not be found in Oregon has been discovered by Archbishop Blan- chet in Bolivia, when he visited that country, Chile and Peru in 18.53 and 1857. The word "Oregon," in his opinion, most undoubtedly has it« root in the Spanish word oreja (ear), and came from the ({ualifying word orejon (big ear). For it is probable that the Spaniards, who first discovered and visited the country, when they saw the Indians with big ears, enlarged by the loud of ornaments, were natur- ally Inclined to call them orejon (big ears). That nickname, first given to the In- dians, became also the name of the country. Tiiis explains how Captain Carver got it and first made use of it. But the travelers, perhaps Carver himself, not knowing the Spanish language, nor the peculiar pronunciation of tlie j in Spanish, for facility sake would have written it and pronounced it Oregon, iustead of Oryon, in changing j to g. Such, in all probability, must lie the origin of the word " Ore- gon." It comes from the Spanish word Orejon. This is certainly a scientific explanation, and were it only sus- tained by facts would be a satisfactory one; it mil not, however, stand for a moment the light of investigation. At the time Carver made his journey no Spanish explorer had set foot in Oregon nor had the least communication with its native inhabitants; they were not even familiar enough with the coast line to be aware of the existence of the Columbia River. The only expeditions had been pers, ill ri'i FROM CAPTAIN CARVKK TO OAPTAIJS COOK. 75 those of Ferrelo and Aguilar, and iieithei if these had oveu made an attempt to land. Con8e(j[nently they had not and could not apply the title Orejon to its inhabitants— people whom they had never seen and of whom they knew nothing. No allusion is made to the natives of this unkno^vn land in the record of any Spanish explorer previous to that date, and the Bishop's supposition that they "discovered and visited this country," sln)ws how unfamiliar he was with the history of Spanish explorations on the Pacific Coast. His assertion that Carver crossed the continent to the Pacific is equally at variance with tlic facts. The woi'd "Oregon" was un- known to the Indians iintil after the country wa«i \n8ited by trap- pers, and the Bishop himself b"ars testini y to the fact that in all their extensive travels among the natives he and hi.> missionary ii8st)ciates were unable to find authority for its use. Thus we see that the Spaniards had not visited Oregon, and knowing nothing of its inhabitants could not have called them " big ears"; that Carver did not visit the Columbia; that the word "Oregim" wn.s unknovv^u by the Indians, and, therefore, could not have been conveyed by them from tribe to tribe until it reached Carver's ears; therefore, the Bishop's theory is untiiiable. Equally so is the idea that Oregon was the Indian name of the Columbia, since if such were the case the early settlers of this region would have learned the name from the natives, instead of having to teach it to them. The same objections are valid to the theory that the early Spanish explorers bestowed the name because of tli< wild majoram {origanum) found along the coast, since we have seen that the Spaniards had never set foot on the coast of Oregon, and that the name nowhere appears in Spanish records. If euphony of sound is to be relied upon, combined with the popular but errone- ous idea that Oregon was explored in early times by the Spaniards, then the wi'iter desires to announce that he, also, has a theory — that in sailing along the coast some romantic Spaniard conceived a resemblance between the graceful summits of the Coast Range and the bhie hills of his native Aragon, and bestowed that name upon this new land. To support this he calls attention to the fact that the Spaniards named Mexico " New Spain " ; the Dutch called their settlement on the Atlantic coast " New Amsterdam," it being sub- sequently christened " New York "by the English ; the region set- r • ■•'i 76 HISTORY or Willamette valley. tied V)y the Puritaiin and the Massacliuset's Colony wa« named "New England"; and the French at one time called Caujula "New France." InstanceH of this kind might be easily multipHed, though, pei-haps, the nearest and most convincing is the bestowal of the title " New Al])ion " U})on California by Sir Francis Diake, because of the chalkv bluffs he had ()l)served aloni; the coast. Profound and brilliant as the writer conceives this theory to be, he feels compelled to give place to the Irishman, who believed Oregon to be named in honor of his royal ancestors, the O'Kegons. There we have not only euph(my of soimd, but correct orthography, combined \vith a proper degree of ignorance uj»on the stibject. The traditionary policy of the Hudson's Bay Comi)any to head off, or render nugatory, all attempts by the government to explore its chartered domains in search of the Straits of Anian, or some other passage into the Pacific Ocean from the North Atlantic, waa strictly adhered to during the eighteenth century. They did not want the government itself nor the people to have any knowledge whatever of the regions lying contiguous to Hudson's Bay. To that end they kept to themselves all geogi*aphical knowledge gained year by year by their representatives in the course of business trans- actions, or when sent upon special joiu-neys of exploration by the company. In 1745 Parliament offered a reward of £ •20,000 to any one discovering a passage into the Pacific fi'om Hudson's Bay, but no one made a serious effort to eani the money. The company was powei-ful enough to prevent it. Nearly thirty years later, however, having become satisfied fi'om information gathered by theii" employees that no such passage existed, they dispatched Samuel Hearne in search of a copper mine, of which much had been said by the Indians, and which was to be found on the bank of a stream called by the natives the " Fai'-off Metal River." That they might have the credit of exerting themselves in searching for the passage \vho8e discovery htnA ostensibly been one of the leading objects in organizing the company, they instrv^cteil Hearne to keep his weather eye open for the Straits of Anian, and permitted it to be understood that this was the chief aim of his journey. The first object of note disco' ered by Hearne was Great Sh ve Lake, and he followed this and the connecting system of lakes and the Copper- mine River to the point of its discharge into the Arctic Ocean. FROM CAPTAIN CARVER TO CAPTAIN COOK. 77 The Coppermine he believed to he the streum to which the Indians referred, but he ftmnd the proverbial enchantment of distance vvtis alone re8pt>n8ibh^ for the stories of its threat ridmess in copper, and that, so far a.s minerals were concerned, his journey and sufferings — for he endured nwuiv' hardships and privatioi s — luid 1»een in vain. The Arctic he conceived to l)e an inland sea, simihu' to Hudson's Bay, and such he re|)orted it upon his return to tiie coinpany's headcpiarteix; also that no water passage connected the two great Ixxlies (»* water. Though the journal kcjH by Ilearne was not pidiiished for twenty years, the company immediately communi- cated to the a(hnira)ty the faihire of Ilearne to discover any North- west Passage This seemed to end all hopt' of tinding sucii a waterway leading out of Hudson's Bay; but the discovery of the new sea opened the (K)or to new hopes. There might be a means of communication between it and Baffin's Bay, and from it might possibly be fimnd the long-sought Straits of Anian, leading into the Pacific. It certainly resembled Maldonado's " North Sea." The rapidity with which Russia was extending her outposts in Alaska began to cause serious alarm in Spain. Inactivity and apparent apathy had marketl the conduct of that imtion for a century and a half, so far as the region lying north of California wa.s concerned. This, however, was not catised by lack of interest, but by circumstances ejusily undei'stot)d. All voyages of exploration had to be miule at the expense of the Viceroy's treasury, and this the chief executive in the New World objected to. As long as Spain was not threatened with, the loss of exclusive dominion on tlie Pacific Coast, there wjis nothing t<') arouse the government to action; nor was there anything in those unknown regions which was sufficiently tempting to induce the Viceroy to undergo the expense of a voyage of exploration unless stimulated by the positive orders of the crown. Now, however, affairs presented a different aspect. The extent of Russian exploration and occupation of the North Pacific were unknown; no definite information had been received ; the report of none of the Russian voyages had been pub- lished; yet that Russia was making ([uite extensive discoveries in that region was well known in Europe, and it caused much anxiety in Spain. She was aroused to the display of gi'eai n^vlvity, apparently comliinepped for a few days to trade with the natives, of whose intelligence and light complexion he makes special mention '>,nd then continued southward. He observed Mount Olympus, i latitude 47" and 47', which he christened "Santa Rosalia." A few days later he sightfxl — TWHITifill' T' FROM CAPTAIN OAaVKR TO CAPTAIN' COOK. 79 Cape Mendocino, whose exact latitiuie he nscertaiucd, and in due time arrived at Monterey, b'ei'ficial method added but little to geot-ning in the coast line between latitudes 48" and 49", and that he had be- stowed his own name upon the point of land at its entrance on the south. Though there wa«i nothing recorded in the journal of the voyage, Spanish geographers accepted this (|Ut-stiunal)le state- ment as worthy of credence, and designated upon their maj)H as "Cape Martinez" the headland now known as "<'aj>e Flatterj.** A second expedition waw dispatched the following vf^ar, with in- structions to [n'oceed as far north ax the sixty-fifth parallel. This was composed of two vessels, the Santiaoo, commanded by Bruno Heceta, and j)iloted by Perez, its former captain; and the Sotiora, under Juan de Ayala, whose pih)t was Antonio Maurt-He. A Fi'tnch geographer name< I Bellin had prepared a chart of the Pa«*ific, founded upon printed rep()rts and rumored discoveries made l)y various nations, a chart which was " wondertully and feartuljy made." It i» ilifficult to conceive how such a map ccmld have been pro«lucetl ; certainly nothing but the phosphoi'escent intellect of a Frenchman could haveevohed such a geographical monstrosity. With Bellin's •thart, the latest issuetl, the expU>rers were supplied, and it is a fact far from creditable that Spaniards had made so long a voyage the year before without being able to correct any of its excentricities. The Santiago and Sonera, accompanied by the San Carlos, sailwi frtmi San Bias, March 15, 177."), and pi'oceeded to Monterey. There Ayala was transferred to the San Carlos. Lieutenant Juan Fran- cisco de la Bodega y Quadra succeeding to the conunand of tite Sonora. The latter vessel and the Santiago then sailed from Mod- terey on their voyage ot discovery. On the ninth of June they anchored in an open roadstead some distance north of Cape Men- docino, calling it Port Trinidad for the all -satisfying reason that the day mentioned was dedicated in the calendar to the Holy Trinity. This is the same Bay of Trinidad which caused so much excitf*»ient among the gold himters .n 1850, and the following year IjecAnw the landing place for the devotees of " Ciold Bluff." Having spent nine 80 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. iiii i i: :! '■ ' 1 i t! i f i| 1' 1 t; - • 1 (lays III Trinidad, the vessels again put to sea, and did not sight land again till in latitude 48° and 27', according to their somewhat faulty reckoning, being almost at the entrance of the Straits of Fuca. The Greek pilot had l«»cated his pa.ssageway betAveen latitudes 47° and 48° ; and it being thus indicated on Bellin's chart, the ex- plorers turned to the southward to sear<;h for what waa almost withhi the hoi'izon line on the nortli. Of course they found nothing. The only adventure woi'thy of note in that region, was the killing of se\en of the Soiiora s crew by the Indians. This occurred on the mainland neai* a small island in latitude 47°, which wjis nam . "Isla de Dolores'" (Island of Sorrows), the title, as usual, being dictated by tlie calendar. It was afterward christened "Destruction Island " by an English captain who lost a boat's crew near that point m precisely the same manner. Here Ileceta ])ecame alarmed at the ra\'ages the dreaded scm'vy wiis committing, and desu'ed to retui'ii before his crews entii'ely sucvumbed to tlie scourge. He was persuaded to continue the voyage, but a few days later a stonn separate)een so diligently sc^arching. He at last abandoned the effort and sailed again toward Monterey, observing, for the first time, the coast of Oregon with sufficient carefulness to enter upon his jonrnal (piite accurate descriptions. This wax the first time the coast of Oregon was actually explored by the Spaniards, or any other nation, being a year later than the first puldication of Carver's book ('ontaining the word "Oregon," and nineteen years after the journey of which the volume treated. It is plainly evident that the name vv."* not »^V)Mi^l FROM CAPTAIN CAKVEE TO CAPTAIN COOK. 81 hestowed by the Spaniards. Upon hin chart Hecseta entered the river he had dincovered not a.s a river, since he had not j)roved it to be such, but as an inlet, calling it "Ensenada de Asuncion/' This name was bestowed for the all-sufficient reason, to a Spaniard, that the fifteenth of August was the da\' of the Assumption. The sixteenth was devoted by the calendar to the glorification of Saint Roc, and he therefore called the promontoiy on the north " Cabo de San Rocpie,'" The calendar having been exhausted he was compelled to bestow a more sensible title uj)on the low point of land on the south, which he christened " Cay)o de Froudoso " (Leafy Cape). Maps made by the Spaniai'ds thereafttsr had in- dicated upon them an indentation in the shore line at this point, vai'iously marked " Ensenada de Heceta " and " Rio de San Roipie," according as the map-maker believed it to be a rivt^i- or sinijdy an inlet. While Heceta was making these discoveries Bodega and Mau- relle wei'e still sailing nort:hward in the little Sonora, endeavoring to obey their instructions. It was, apparently, the policy t)f Span- ish explorers to give the land as wide a berth as possible. English navigators ji^ways kept ju* close in shore as circumstances would permit, carefully examining every bay and inlet, making fivc^uent observations and copious entries upon their journals. When their voyage was completed they were prepared to make an approximately- correct map of the coast, accompanied by long and careful descrip- tions. Not so with the Spaniards. They kept well out to sea, sighting land here and there, and when they returned were utterly vmable to report anything save that they hiid sailed to a certain lat- itude and had seen land several times during the voyage. \\h ether the land observed was an island or a portion of the continent, or whether the coast line was continuous, or was much indented with bays and inlets, they could nott^-'l. This, is why the Spaniards, even after the voyages of Per«-/, ileceta and Bodega, were utterly unable to prepare a mnp of the coast wliich wai* the least approadi to the origimil. It was now they began to appi'eciate the beauties . of Bellin's Chart, which hat! been prepared p irtly fi'om the worth- less reports of their predecessoi's, partly from the reports of equally superficial Rui^nian explorers, and partly from imagination. On the sixteenth of August, when the chart assured them they were one 82 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. Iniiidred jiiid thirty-live leagues distant from the American shore- ?JM.'' ^'"':1'- ]' I ;ii and it is difficult to understand how they could flatter themselves that they were exploring a cotist line which wjis one hundred and thirty-five leagues distant — they sxiddenly discovered land both to the north and east of them. They were then above the fifty-sixth parallel, in tlie vicinity of a huge snow-mantled peak, rising aln'uptly fi'om a headland on the coast, wliich they christened "Mount San Jacinto.'' This is the one named "Monnt Edgecumb" by Captain ('ook, and stands on the chief island of King (reorge III.'s Archi- pelago. Supposing it to be a portit»n of the main land, the Span- iards landed to take p(»ssession in the name of their sovereign. They planted a cross, \\i\h appropriate cei'emonies, and were busily engaged in procuring a supply of fish and fresh water, when they were sutldenly interrupted l)y the native prt)prietors. The cross \vas \iprt)oted in scorn and those who had erected it ^^■ere given to understand that a hasty departure would be agreeable, though they were not permitted to nuike so much haste that payment for the fish and water Wfis neglected. Thus ended the first effoi't of Spain to take pi>ssession of the coa.st north of California. They then continued their northwjird journey as far as latitude 58°, when Boclegi) decided to l)egin the homeward voyage and explore the coast line more thoroughly. They searched carefully for the Rio de los Reyes ius far south a*i latitude 54", but did not find it; nor would they have found it had it been in existence, since Admiral Fonte located his wondei"ful stream under the fifty-third parallel. They landed again «>n the twenty-fourth of August, in a little iiarbor on the west coast of Prince of Wales Island, where they took pos- session without intei-ference fi'om the Indians, and named the place " Port Bucareli," in honor of the Viceroy xuider whose directions they were acting, and whose proud pi-ivilege it wa« to pay the ex- penses of the voyage. Occasional!}' obsei'ving the coast s»)uth <>f this point, they began again, in latitude 45", to scrutinize the Oregon shore in spurch of Aguihir's Kiver, and though they oh- . served several streams of water entering the sea, they were not of sufficient magnitude to indicate a large stream, such a*» Agiiilar re- ported having seen near the forty-tliii'd parallel in l^^^y^. They did, however, obsei've a promineni headland answering Aguilar's description of (.'ape Blanco. Their next Ntoppiug place was in a hay FBOM CAPTAIN CARVER TO CAPTAIN COOK. 83 which the Sonora entered on the third of October, and which Bo- dega supposed wa!'" the Bay of San Francisco. He h^arned hiter that it was a much smaller one lying a little further north, and this has ever since been known as Bodega Bay. These three voyages justly entitled Spain to a claim to the entire coast from Cape Mendocino to Mount San Jacinto by title of explt)- ration. If that title was of any value, it belonged to Spain ; but in these modern times, possession is a far stronger title than simple discovery, and the United States found the claim ac(juired from Spain hard to defend against England's actual possession of the soil. In fact, had she depended upon it at all Oregon woidd now Ije a province of Great Britain. Accounts of these impoi-tant voyages did not reach the public through the medium of the press; yet the fact that the Spaniards had made several important voyages in the Pacific, and were evidently seeking to take possession of the entire coast, soon became known in England, and created great uneasi- ness. She could nbt stand supinely by and see her ancient enemy secure a territory which she iiad coveted for }'ears, ever since the marauding expedition of Sii- Francis Drake two centuries l)efore, but which, as yet, she had made no direct effort to reach fi'om the Pacific side. This year, 1776, -saw England involved in war with her colonies on the Atlantic Coast, yet she was n(me the less eager to plant nev\- ones at the other extremity of the continent. Her pjission for acquiring broad teiTitorial dependencies could not be checked by her unpleasant experiences with the confederate coloyiies who had just declared themselves free and independent, it is rhis policy of colonial aggrandizement, systematically maintained through loi)g series of years, which has made hei- the center of an empii'e up(m which the sun never sets, and in which her "moi'ning drum beat follows the course of the siui in one continuous roll around the world." Parliament at once renewed her offer made in 1745, of a reward of iJ2(),0(>0 for the discovery of the Nt)rthwest Passage, though not limiting it to exploration in Hudson's Bay. The reward was offered to any vessel, sailing in any direction, through jmy straits connecting the Atlantic with the distant Pacific, north of latitude 52°. This was inimical to the business interests of the Hudson's Bay Company, and consequently was productive of no greater results* 84 HI8TCHY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. than the former one. The Admiralty had by this time become satisfied tliat it Nvas useless t(j seek for the passage on the Atlantic side, since all their efforts were in some manner rendered abortive; ' and they decided to dispatch an expedition to the Pacific to search for the passage on that side, and to learn, if possible, the extent of S])anish and Russian occupation. For this important task the most renowned navigator of his time was selected, Captain James Cook, whose i'ec(^nt extensive explorations in the Soiith Sea and Indian Ocean, extending into the Antarctic regions, had been so thoroughly and intelligently conducted that little was left for his successoi-s to accomplish in the same field. It was vitally necessary that this means of entering the Pacific be discovered if England would plant colonies in this region, for conmmnication with them by way of the Horn or Cape of Good Hope would be too long and uncertain. The public gaze was centered upon Captain Cook, and during the foiu' years that passed between the departure and return of his vessels, the gallant navigator and his mission were not forgotten, even amid the exciting incidents of the conflict in America' and the graver [)olitical complications in Eui'ope. The expedition was com- posed of two vessels — the Resolution^ a craft which had just taken Cook ai'ound the world, and a consort named the Discovery^ com- manded by Captain C'harles Clerke. In every particulai" the vessels were fitted for the woi-k expected of them. Charts were pre- pared, embracing all the geographical knowledge of the time, except that recently gained by the Spaniards, the details of which had not yet been received in England. This left a comparative blank in the Pacific between latitudes 4.^", the northern limit of Aguilai-'s voyage, and 5()°, the most southerly point o\\ the coast reached by the Russian explorers. In this were indicated three important objects— the great rivei- supposed to exist some- where within those limits, tlie Straits of Fuca and the River of Kings. Cook's instructi(jns were very minute and particular. England was involveil in war with lier Amei-ican colonies, while her old enemies, France and Spain, seemed .•il»()ut to add material aid to the open encouragement they gave the struggling rebels. It wa»J iLcumbent upon her to do nothing whatever to incur the open hoHtility of these warlike nations, or to even give them a plausible excuse for dedai'ing a war which the}' seemed more than willing to FROM CAPTAIN CARVER TO CAPTAIN COOK. 85 embark in. To tlui.s send an expedition into waters whicli Spain had for centnries looked upon as her own special inheritance, and to explore a coast line which she had just visited and formally taken possession of, was a delicate matter, and Captain Cook was relied upon to do nothing to offend the Spaniards or antagonize the Russians, wlioni he was expected to encountei- on the coast of Alaska. He was instructed to first reach the coast of New Albion, for such the English still called California, in latitude 45°, and was "strictly enjoined on his way thither, not to touch u})on any part of the Spanish dominions on the western continent of America, unless driven to it V)y some unavoidal)le accident; in which case he should stay no longei' than shoidd be al)solutely netiessary, and to be very careful not to give any umbrage or offense to any of the inhabitants or subjects of his Catholic majesty. And if, in his further progress noi'thward, he should meet any subjects of any European prince or state (referring to the Russians), upon any part of the coast which he might think pro[)er to visit, he was not to disturl) them or gi\e them just cause of offense, Imt, on the con- trary, to treat them with civility and friendship." He was also instructed to examuie the coast thoi'oughly, and " with the consent of the natives, to take possession in the name of the King of Great Britain, of cus iK)ints but the year before. It was generally sup})osed that the ocean Ilearne had discovered at the mouth of the Coppermine River was identical with the Pacific, and that as progression was made northward the coast would be found trending sharply to the east, the region occupied by the Russians being a sea of islands lying much to the westward of the main land of America. Begiiming when he first espied land, he was to search for Aguilar's River, or the (xreat River of the West, then in latitude m. fli > I . 8« HISTORY OF WILLAMETTK VALLEY. m irt 4><°, to look for the Straits of Fuca, aiul near the fifty-third parallel to hunt for Fonte's Rio de los Reyes. Ui)(5n reaching the Hi.Kty -fifth parallel he was expected to find the coast trending rai)i(lly northeastward towards tlie mouth of the Coppermine; and from that point he was to explore carefully " such rivers or inlets as might appear to be of considerable extent and pointing toward Hudson's or Baffin's bays." Through all such he was to endeavor to pass, either in his large vessels or in smaller ones to be constructed foi- that purpose from materials taken with him for that emergency. If, however, he discovered that the Pacific and North Sea were not identical, and that the coast line turned westward or held a north- ward coui'se, he waw to continue on to the Russian settlements at Kamtchatka, and fi'om that poinf sailed nt)i'thward " in further search for a northeast or northwest passage from the Pacific Ocean into the Atlanti'* or North Sea." Cook certainly had a gigantic task before him. On the twelfth of July, 1770, eight days after the beil of In- dependence Hall had rung out to the world the glad tidings that a free people had pledged "their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor" in the cause of liberty, Cook sailed from Plymouth on his mission. He rounded the Cape of Grood Hope and spent nearly a year in exploring the coast of Van Dieman's Land, New Zea- land, and the Fi'iendly and Society groups t^f islands. It was not until the eighteenth of January, 1778, that he encountered the Hawaiian group of islands, making thus one of the most important discoveries in the Pacific. Upon these he bestowed the name of " Sandwich Islands," in courtesy to the First Lord of the Admiralty. After a brief stay at this mid-ocean refuge, he resumed his course eastward, and on the seventh of March espied the coast of New Albion, near the forty-fourth parallel. This was the coast of Oregon in the vicinity of the U mpqua River. After being forced by headwinds a« far south as Rogue River, he sailed a northerly course well out to sea, and did not again see land until he reached latitude 48°, To the prominent headland he then saw he gave the name " Cape Flattery," because of the encouraging condition of affairs. Immediately north of Cape Flattery lay the Straits of Fuca, but on his chart the passage supposed to have been discovered by the old Greek pilot was indicated as lying south of the forty-eighth par- w$ KHOM CAI'TAIN ("ARVKK TO OAl'TAIN COOK, 87 allel ; and .so he coHHted southward to find it, little imagining that wiiat he .souifht WHS "."'tliiii a few mih's of him, and that he was deli)>er- ately tui-ninu; Iiis i aek upon it. Naturally he was unsuccessful in his search, and concluded that no such ])assage existed. He then sailed north, passing directly l)y the entrance to. the straitw without observing them, and cast anchor in Nootka Sound, uua\mre that it was the one which Pei-ez had entered a few years before and named " Port San Lorenzo"; in fact, he was unaccjuainted with any of the particulars of the recent Spanish voyages. This port he at first called "St. George's Sound," but soon changed the name to "Noot- ka," the proper Indian title. The natives were very intelligent, possessed co})per, iron and lirass, and were familiar with the methods of working them. They were extremely friendly and bartered val- uable furs for triuk(4s of any kind, prefe.iing metal to anything else. The vessels were constantly suri-ounded !;y a fleet of canoes, whose occupants had come for many milei* along the coast for the piu'pose of seeing the wdiite stn.iigers and trading \vith them. Here he lay nearly a month, repairing his vessels and permitting the sea- men to recover from the effects of their long voyage. About the first of April he resumed his northwai-d course. In the vicinity of the fifty-third parallel he intended to search foi' Admiral Fonte's River of Kings, but was driven to sea by a gale and did not again see land until considerably north of that point. This did not appear to him in the light of a disaster, for his journal says: "For my own part I gave no credit to such vague and improbable stories, that convey their own confutation along with them; nevertlieless, 1 was very desirous of keeping the American coast al)oard, in order to clear up this point beyond dispute." From the fifty-fifth parallel, where he again saw land, he continued noi-th, in full view of the coast, o])serving the jjeak called " San Jacinto " hy Bodega, but which he named " Kdgecumb"; discovci-ing and naming Mount Fair- weather, and on the foui'th of May reaching an immense snow peak, standing near the watei"'s edge, Avhich lie at once recognizetl as the Mount St. Elias discovered by Hehriug. The sharp westward trend of the coast from this point led Cook to begin there a careful search for the Straits of Anian, which he hoped to find leading northward into the North Sea, the existence of which Hearne had vei-lfied, or eastward into Hudson's or Hafhn's iM t' i\ 88 HIHTORY OF ^VILLAMBTTK VALLEY. ^■'* I. '■■■ I Bay. The RusHian chartH showed this to Ik* the end of the Ameri- can continent, all to tlie westward Wing a vast sea of islands; con- seijuently he had good reasons for expecting to find a passage into tlje North Sea. He began a diligent search, exploring carefully all liays and inlets along the eojist. Prince AN'illianrs Sound and Cook's Iidet received special attention, and on his map are very accurately laid down. The latter he at iirst supposed to be a river, and called it " Cook's River," but the error was soon discov- ered. Unsuccessful in finding the desirele charts, he had reason to expect," and that the Russians had been extremely supei^ficial in their explorations. He determined to abandon his present effort and to follow the coast line to its termination, and then to enter Behring's Straits. On the nineteeenth of June he fell in with the Schumagim Islands, where he saw the first tokens of Russian prea- '3nce in that region. One of the many natives who swarmed about the vessel possessed a piece of paper, upon which was writing which lie conceived to be in the Russian language. When he had passed the Aleutian Islands, he sailed around them to the north, and then returned eastward, soon reaching the large island of Ounalaska, where he remained five days without encountering any Russians, though he knew this to be an important station in the fur trade. On the second of July he resumetl his search for an east- ward pjissage, sailing northerly along the west coa-st of the Alaskan Peninsula. He reached a point on the ninth of August which he properly concluded was the extreme northwestern corner of America, since the coast beyond trended steadily to the east^vard. This he named "Cape Prince of Wales." He then crossed Behring's Strait and followed the Asiatic Coast on the Arctic side as far as Cape North, in latitude 68° and 56'. Returning to the American side, he proceeded beyond Cape Prince of AVales until his progress was aiTested by the ice in latitude 70° and 29'. This point he named " Icy Cape," and then returned to Ounalaska, where he found a few Russian fur traders who were greatly surprised to learn how if If ;,. I all PKOM CAPTAIN OARVKR TO CAPTAIN COOK. 89 erroneous had been the opiniouH they entertained of the geography of the North Pacific. From Ounalaska he Hailed directly to the Sandwich Islanils, where he spent the winter. On the sixteenth of February, 1779, while preparing to renew his voyage, he was slain in an unfortunate encoimter with the natives of Hawaii, and notwithstanding the fact that every museum in England and America has on exhibition "the club that killed Captain Cook," it is a well authenticated fact that he was slain with a spear. The command now devolved upon Captain Clerke, whose ill health seriously affected the future movements of the expedition. The loss of Cook was a calamity. (Uerke saileeds. It was only when the Russians offered a large price for them that they realized the value of what they possessed; but as the traders had inadvertently told them what great profits they made by shipping furs to Canton, they declined i|!!:- : ! ' t .. . . I 4 T -^T^^ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) // ^"V^^. ^/ f/. % ^ \ 1.0 I.I 1.25 2..? u Ui 1110 1.4 1.6 Hiotographic Sciences Corporation ■O' ,\ ^\^ :\ \ ^> ^* [N-^ 6^ rv <^ 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 873-4503 T f| S^ MP.. 1 0^ 90 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. '>, to sell, preferring to take them to the better mai'ket. For this miscellaneous collection of fill's the Chinese paid them $10,000. The men became excited at the prospect. The thought of return- ing to England without engaging for a time in the fur trade made them rebellious, notwithstanding they had been afloat over three years. As the narrative of the voyage says, they became " possessed with a rage to return to the northern coast, and, by another cargo of slans, to make their foi-tunes, which was, at one time, not far from mutiny." The rebellious crew waw rnluced to subordination, and the homeward voyage was resumed. It was early in October, 1780, that the Resolution and Discovery reached England, after an absence of four years and three months, during which time the country had been engaged in war with her American ','olonies and her two imiuemorial enemies across the chan- nel. Cook and his exjiedition hau almost become forgotten in the excitement of current events, and the return of the vessels with in- telligence of the death of the two senior commandei-s and of the geographical discoveries which had been made, was an unexpected surprise. Until the complications of war were removed, England had neither time nor inclination to attempt further discoveries or plant new colonies, and so the Lords of Admiralty pigeon-holed the official record of the voyage, to be published after the conclusion of peace. They could not seal the lips of the seamen, who scattered about the xcory of their adventures, and the wondei-ful piofits to be gained in ouying furs for nothing fi'om the Indians on the American side of the Pacific, and selling them for a great deal to the Chinese on the Asiatic side. One of these seamen, Jolui Ledyard, an Amer- ican, endeavored to influence American and French capitalistw in a fur enterprise, but unsuccessfully. He then conceived the idea of traveling aroand the world by way of Rusnia, Siberia, the Pacific and America. 'Having securtd a passport fi'om the Empress of Russia, he traveled as far as Irkutsk, when he Avajs arrested, con- ducted to the Polish frontier and released upon the condition that he never again enter the empire. This arbitrary act is ascribetl to the influence of the Rusvsiau fur monopoly, which did not relish the idea of foreigners prying into their business. While Cook's ve^els were lying at Hawaii, and only nine days before the famous commander was killed, another Spanish expedi- tion saile was not were unj the govei cally tha preparati manded The rout< Bodega a had not 1 coast-line searching were by i Arteaga and hard^ iliscourag ance of sc to San BIj of his expl his associfl satisfied oj involved i tion until % FROM CAPTAIN OARVKR TO CAPTAIN COOK. 91 tion sailed on a voyage of discovery in the North Pacific. This veas not caused by Cook's movements, for the Spanish atithorities were unaware of his presence in the Pacific, but was the result of the government's desire to examine the northern regions more criti- cally than Bodega and Heceta had dcme. After three years of preparation the Princess and Favorita sailed — the former com- manded by Ignacio Arteaga and the latter ))y Bodega and Maurelle. The route of the vessels was much the same as that traversed by Bodega and Cook, and nothing of uuportance was noticed which had not been seen by those explorei-s. AVhen they oliserved the coast-line beyond Mount St. Elias to trend westward, they began searching for the Straits of Anian, jis had Cook the year before, but were l)y no means as thorough oh the English navigator had been. Arteaga lacked the quality of perseverance xuider disappointment and hardships which is so necessary to the successful explorer, and •liscouraged by his want of success, and frightened by the appear- ance of scurvy symptoms among his crew% ordered the vessels liack to San Bias. Instead of being reprimanded for the superficial nature of his explorations, his faulty observations and useless charts, he and his associates were rewarded by promotion. Spain was now well satisfied of the extent and value of the coast to the north, but being involved in war was compelled to postpone any effort at coloniza- tion until her foreign complications were at an end. % !* :r! a 11 CHAPTER Vn. SPAIN'S SUPREMACY IN THE PACIFIC OVERTHROWN. Ttie Ruasiun-American Trading Company — France sends La Peroitse to the Pacific — James Hanna makes the First Voyage in the Fv/r Trade from England — England'' s Short-sighted Policy of Granting Monopoly Charters — The East India Company and, South Sea Com- pany — Their Conflicting Interests Leads to the Organization of the King George's Sound Company — Belief that North America above Latitude 49° was an Archipelago of Huge Islands — First Voyage of Captain Meares — His Terrible Winter on the Alaskan Coast— Cap- tain Barclay Discovers the Straits of Fuca — Meg,res Engorges in the Fur Trade under the Portuguese Flag — He Builds the Schooner ^'■Northwest America''^ at Nootka So^md — Explores the Straits of Fuca — His Unsuccessful Search for the Bio de San Bogus — Decep- tion Bay avd Cape Disappointment — Ths United States Enters the Contest for Control of tlie Pacific Coast — The ^^Columbia liediviva" emd "Lady Washington " — The Lai':}' Attacked by Indians, and the Former Supplies Spain toith an Opportunity to Promulgate her Doc- trine of Exclusive Bights in the Pacific Martinez sent to Explore the Coast and Investigate the Bussians—His Beport of Bussian Operations Causes Spain to Send a Bemonstrance to the Empress — Martinez Fortifies Nootka. and Takes Possession in the Nams of the King of Spain — He Seizes the "Iphigenia " and '^'^ Northwest Ameri- ca'''' — Colnett and Hudson arrive i.i She "Argonauf aiid. '■'■Princess Boyal" — Are made Prisoners by Martinez and sent to Mexico — The Prisoners Beleased and Vessels Bestored — Controversy between England and Spain Terminated by the Nootka Convention — Stipu- lations of the Treaty Displease both Parties. THE first to avail themselves of the discoveries made by Cook were the Russians They were not embroiled in war with any nation contending for supremacy in America, nor with any other power \ opened they res skimmin pany w« sent froi main lai were coi Alajska Unitetl Thtt the Trea winter o " yarns " lation to take atlv French g na\ngato] of the no by Cook, to obtain whether, not be fo La Peroii reached t After ren ward, mil where tht not on th the coast, his vessel and his j( explorers the world Thefi Hanna, a port of M and disp( SPAIN 8 SUPREMACY IN THE FACIFIC OVERTHROWN. 93 power which could attack theii' Pacific potweasious. Cook's voyage opened their eyes to the natui'e and value of the fur regions, and they resolved to enter deeply into that which they luwl ]>een simply skimming for forty yeai's. The Russian- Amencan Trailing Com- pany was organized in 1781. Two yeaix later three vessels were sent from Petropaulovski, to establish stations on the islands and main land as far east us Prince William's Sound. Three yeai's Avere consiuned in this work. Th ; hold Russia then took ui)ou Alaska was not relaxed until that region was purchased by the United States nearly a century later (in 18H7) for $7,2()(),U()(). The first oflicial voyage made by the ccmtending nations, after the Treaty of Ghent was signed, was sent out by France, In the winter of 1784-5 Cook's joimial was published, and though the "yarns" of his sailors had been freely circidated, this wan a reve- lation to the people, and caused much eagerness to be displayed ti> take advantage of the golden opportiuiity therein ^'ointed out. The French government immediately dispatched a skillful and scientific naxigator, named La Perouse, with instructions to "exph)re the parts of the northwestern coast of America which hail not been examined by Cook, and of which the Russian accounts gave no idea, in order to obtain infonnation respecting the fui' traile, and also to learn whether, in those luiknown parts, some river or internal sea might not be found communicating with Hudson's Bay, or Baffin's Bay." La Perouse sailed in 1785, aud on the twenty -third of June, 178(), reached the American Coast in the vicinity of Mount Fairweather. After remaining several weeks at anchor, he proceeded slowly south- ward, minutely examining the coast, and discovering that the places where the English and Spanish explorei-s had formerly landed were not on the main land, l)Ut on a long range of islands which fi'inge the coast. For this imi)ortant ilisc,overy he received no credit, as his vessels were wreckeil in the New Hebrides on the return voyage, and his journal was not published for ten years, long after other explorers had discovereil the same facts and made them known to the world. The first successful venture in the fur trade was made by James llanna, an Englishman, who sailed from the Portuguese East India port of Macao, in 1 785, secured a load of fui-s at Nootka Sound, and disposed of them in China for $20,000. The next year he 94 HIBTORT OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. repeated the voyage, but found that other traders had arrived, whose competition prevented the securing of a good cargo; also, that the Chinese market was glutted with this avalanche of furs. There was no profit in the business that year. Englan ^ adopted an extremely short-sighted policy in her treatment of the Pacific question, and suiTendered her claims into the hands of private monopolies. A century before, eager to discover the long-sought Northwest Passage, she chai-tered the Hudson's Bay Company, gi'anting it almost royal power, and conferring upon it absolute dominion in that vast region whose watei-s fall into Hudson's Bay. Two centuries have gone by and it is still a wilderness. In her an.viety to command the commerce of the Pacific, and plant her foot on the western shore of America, she again committed the fatal error of delegating her powers to private and selfish monopolies. At that time the East India Company was already firmly e>*tHl dished in India, and had laid well the foundation of that power which has since «dded the title of " Empress of the Indies "' to the crown of England. To this gigantic corjioration was granted the monopoly of all trade with the ports of Asia and adjacent islands — all other subjects of Great Britain being prohib- ited from trading under severe penalties. A new association, called the " South Sea Company," was chartered, upon which was conferred the exclusive privilege of trade on the American Coast. Thus was the whole commerce of the Pacific, so far as England was concerned, given into the hands of two corporations, and all other subjects of Great Britain, no matter how eager they might be to embark in the fur trade and explore the unknown mysteries of the great South Sea, were debaiTed fi'om so «loing. No English ships could pass around Cape Horn save those of the South Sea Company, while the ensign of the powerful East India Company must fly at the mast head of every British vessel that doublet! the Cape of Good Hojje. It was of course the supposition that these two coi'porations, being rich and powerful, would at once embark in the fur trade on an extensive scale, and, as the representatives of the British crown, would lay as broad and deep a foundation for English power on the American Coast and the Islands of the Pacific, as one of them had already done in the laud of the Brah- mins. Such vas not the caae, owing primarily to the conflicting interests but fi'oui Company rival asso situated ; ports, it One cont neither c( companie King Ge( 1785, an enabling auspices. George a and Dixci Chinese : fur. Tw and whic and Dixo Sea Com] it had for street, am clutches These La Perou of Nootki not porti regicrti oci whole noi continent gion, and to reach later by ( ing the b be Avide \ water, an wliales jti of these t iw^ Spain's supremacy in thk pacific ovkrthrown. 95 interests of the two companies. The givat fur market was China, but fi'om tlie poi'ts of that company the ships of the South Sea Company were debaireil by tlie exclufive trade privileges of the rival association. Nor was the East India Company more happily situated; with complete control of Enghuid's commerce in Asiatic ports, it was excluded fi'om the fur-producing coast of America. One controlled the stmrce of suj)ply and the other the market, and neither could accomplish anything. The chasm between tlie rival cfmipanies wjis bridged l>y the organization of a third one — the King (xeorge's Sound Company. This jiKsociation Avas f<.>rmed in 1785, and wa.s gianted special permits from both monopolies, enabling it to end)ark in the Pacific fur trade untler favorable auspices. Two vessels were dis[)atched by this company, the A'/«^ George and Queen Charlotte^ commanded by Captains Portlock and Dixon. They traded two years without paying expenses, the Chinese market having been flooded by this sudden shower of fur. Two other vessels sent the next year by the same company, and which reacheurchjwe, were thrown into the street, and the projectoi*s of the enterprise barely escaped the rude clutches of a mob. The South Sea Bubble was completely bureted. These tradei-s, in passing up and down the coast, learne>ound in icy fetters and buried beneath the drifting snow. The migratory Indians disappeared in seai'ch of a more agreea))le Hbcnle, and were quickly followed by all animal elonging to SeSor Cavallo, and having Portuguese caji- tains named in their shipping papere. Nominally, Meares went in the ship Felice Adventurer as supercargo, though actually in com- mand; and William Douglas occupied the same position in the Iphigenia Nubiana. A double purpose was served by thus cloth- ing the enterprise with Portuguese apparel, as special privileges were enjoyed by the subjects of that nation in the ports of Chiua. Just wnat interest Cavallo and the two nominal captains had in the enterprise is uncertain ; for Meares, as long as his interests lay in that direction, assei-ted that the undertaking was purely a Portuguese one, but Avhen circumstances placed the balance of interest on the other side, as strenuously asserted that he alone was the o^vner and manager of the enterprise. The Iphigenia sailed for Cook's Inlet, where she was to begin operations, and trade southward along the coast until she reached Nootka Sound and imited with her consort. The Felice headed for Nootka direct, where she arrived early in the spring of 1788. Immediately upon reaching that general rendez- vous of the fur trade, Meares began the construction of a small schooner for the purpose of coasting along the shore to trade with the Indians. He secured from Maquinna, the chief, permission to erect a small house to shelter his men while at work upon the craft, the consideration for this privilege l)eing a brace of pistols and the house and contents when he should finally depart from that region. Leaving his builders at work, the house having been erected and encompassed by a rampart of earth, from which frowned the rusted H PA IN 8 SUPREMACY IN THE PACIFIC OVKRTHUOWN. 99 mouth of a diminutive cannon, Meares sailed down the coast in search of the passage reported by Barclay as having been seen by him the year before. June 29, 1788, he observed a broad inlet in latitude 48° 39'. Though in the introduction to his narrative he states that the observations of Captain Barclay were known to him, in the journal itself he takes the full credit of the discovery, saying: — " The coast along whi'-h we were now sailing had not been seen by Captain Cook, and we know of no other navigator said to have been this way except Maurelle." He continues: •• From the mast- head it was observed to stretch to the east by the north, and a clear and unbounde killetl and tlie mate wounded. Thiw place he called " Murderers ''arbor," and in coiiHidered by (irreeidiow to have been the mouth ol the Columbia, and by Bancroft an Tillamook Bay. Captain ^Tiuy then pro<'e»'ded to Noolka Sound, where lay the three vewsel .elon^'uig <^n MearcH. his apt>err. ,vnce being a great suipriHe to the fc)n^'ii!-.hmen. The Columdta wjw damagetl by the btorm whi«'h hnu uiiveu the two msels apait near C-ai)e Horn, and entertnl thn Spanish i)ort on the iHland of Juan Fernandez to repair damages. The connnandant, Don Bias (ionzales, treated Captain Kendrick with great courtesy and hospitality, for which he was promptly cashiered by the Cap- tain-General of Chile, and this action wax approved by the Viceroy of Peru. From the position taken by Spain in the sixteenth cen- tury, she had never in the least degree recedeined with the three belonging to Meares. The Prince of Wales had been sent to England, leaving the Princess Royal still in China. This vessel was placed under the command of Captain Thomas Hudson, and the Felice having been sold and the Argonaut purchased, Cap- tain Colnett p" umed command of the latter. The last named gentleman was given charge of the expedition, since Meares remained in China, and was instructed to establish a permanent station on It \4 if , so w \ { f 106 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. the American Coast, to be called " Fort Pitt." A small vessel, to be launched upon anival and used for the coasting trade, formed part of the cargo, and seventy Chinamen were taken along to be employed at the new settlement. According to Spanish authority, the Chinese passengei-s claimed they had embarked for Bengal, and not America. What became of them after the subsequent troubles there is no evidence to indicate. The two vessels sailed from China, one in April and the other in May — ^the Princess Royal being the first. She cast anchor in Nootka Sound just five days after the seizure of the Northwest America. As she brought intelligence of the bankruptcy of Cavallo, the reputed owner of thp little schooner, Martinez decided to retain personal possession of the craft to indemnify himself for the unpaid bills drawn upon the insolvent Portuguese by Captain Douglas. He accordingly changed her name to Gertrudis^ and placing her in charge of David Coolidge, mate of the Lady Wash- ington^ sent her out on a trading cruise on the joint account of him- self and the Americans, with whom he had been on the most friendly terms. The furs which had been collected were turned over to Captain Hudson, with whom he did not interfere. By this time the Americans had decided to send one of their ^"^essels to China with the furs which had been collected, and from there to Boston to report the condition of affairs. Accordingly, Captains Gray and Kendrick exchanged vessels, the former sailing for China in the Columbia. Martinez availed himself of this opportunity, and placed the crew of the captured schooner on board and sent them to China. On the second of July the Princess Royal sailed on a trading voyage; the next day passing the Argonaut just outside the harbor without communicating with her. Captain Colnett was informed of what had happened by parties who had gone out to meet him in a boat, and decided to anchor outside. Martinez came out and in the most friendly manner invited him to enter the liarbor, assuring liim of perfect security, and as Colnett afterward stated in a narra- tive of his voyages, urgently solicited him to do so for the purpose of supplying provisions and other necessaries to the Spaniards, who were in great distress. Won by the cordial appearance of the in\ i- tation, Colnett assented, and the Argonaut was towed into port by Spaniards. There is no reason to suppose that it was not the inten- SPAIN 8 SUPREMACY IN THE PACIFIC OVERTHROWN. 107 tion of Martinez to treat the Argonaut with tlie name courtesy he had shown to the Princess Royal, when he invited Ct)lnett to enter port, but his conduct underwent a rapid transformation when he learned from that officer that he was instructed to found a fortified English colony. He at once informed the English Captain that he had already taken possession of the country in the name of the King of Spain, and could not permit any such proceeding. The next day Colnett went on board the Princesa and requested permis- sion to sail immediately, which was refused, since the Spanish commandant feared it was the Englishman's purpose to seek some other port in which to establish himself, and his duty to his govern- ment required that he prevent such a consummation at all hazards. He asked Colnett to exhibit his papers, and the Englishman returned to his vessel, arrayed himself in full uniform, sword included, and then again presented himself in the cabin of the Princesa, with the papers in his hand. The papers were examined, and Colnett was informed that he would not be permitted to sail just yet, whereat he fell into a passion and a quarrel ensued, re- sulting in the arrest of the captain and the seizure of his vessel. Ten days later the Princess ^oya/ returned, her commander being ignorant of what had happened during his brief absence, and was at once seized by the Spaniards. A portion of the furs captured wer<' «^wen to Captain Gray to pay the passage to China of the crew ot the Northwest America. The officers and men of the Argonaut and Princess Royal were placed on board the former and sent to San Bias. In September, Martinez and Haro, in obedience to instructions from Mexico, dismantled the fortifications and departed from Mootka; and as the Lady Washington was away upon a coastirg voyage, that bone of contention was left without a claimant. So prostrated was Captain Colnett with the severity an(\ sud- denness of his misfortunes that he became temporarily insane, recov- ering, however, before he reached San Bias. The commandant at that port was the well known explorer J^odega y Quadra, and he received the two captains with the greatest of courtesy, sending them to Mexico to lay their case before the Viceroy, Revilla-Gigedo. After considerable delay it was officially decided that Martinez, though only following his special instructions and the royal -k 108 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLKT. fir ffl in|: lllf ■mi decrees, had overstepped the bounds of prudence. The prisoners were accordingly released, and were paid the regular wages of the Spanish navy for the whole time of their captivity. The Argonaut, which, with the other two prizes, had been maintained in active service, was restored to Colnett, rather the worse for wear. He sailed in Ler for Nootka in the spring of 1790, and not finding his other vessel there, set out in search of her, not obtaining possession till a year later at the Sandwich Islands. During all these occur- rences the Americans were on the most friendly terms with the Spaniards, so much so that they were accused of co-operating with them against the English. The facts are that they were inactive, though not entirely disinterested spectatoi*s, since it naturally pleased them to see their rivals so summarily disposed of; and it is not impossible that they occasionally dropped a hint into the com- mandant^s ear. Captain Kendrick remained on the coast till fall, collecting a large cargo of furs, and then sailed for Boston by the way of China. It is claimed by some historians that before leaving he sailed clear around Vancouver Island, and Meares' chart bears an indication of the route pursued. This chart is of itself evidence that the maker of it was ignorant of the nature of the inland chan- nel, and the probabilities are that Meares misunderstood Kendrick's account of the movements of the Lady Washington while under the command of Captain Gray, and confusing them wdth Kendrick's assertion that there was a channel back of Nootka, a piece of infor- mation gleaned from the Indians, Supposed that such a voyage had been made. Although it is possible that he did circunmavigate the island, yet it seems improbable, and Kendrick never laid claim to such distinction in after years. If he did, then an American vessel was the firat to enter the Straits of Fuca and exploi-e that wonder- ful inland sea, the Gulf of Georgia; if not, then the honor belongs to Spain, as will be shown later on. So much for the events at Noocka ; but there was a greater field of action on which these differences were decided — Europe. The Viceroy of New Spain m|de haste to notify the home government of the important events which had happened in the far-off Pacific. It took a long time for news to travel in those days, when there were no telegraphs and no regular routes of intelligence between these distant shores and Europe; consequently Spain, which was in the mo uews long by the Br from Spa that certa possessioT gonaut hi The note traffic wh ment of ^ of that ii earnest p to make : on the A the Kin^ never lia( leges (;lai mit to th tion of a] prompt ii ship of h The Cou the Span their pro faction f would bi beginnin they had further 1 a bold I her resp she mod the restc allowed away f r • this China. with in1 Spain's supremacy in the pacific overthrown. 109 in the most intimate connection with the Pacific Coast, I'eceived the iiews long before it reached England. The fii-st intelligence received by the British Cabinet was an arrogant and very undiplomatic note from Spain, on the tenth of F'ebruaiy, 1790, notifying the King that certain of his subjects had been trespassing upon the Pacific possessions of Spain, and that in consecjuence of this the ship Ar- gonaut had been seized as a prize and her crew made prisonei*s. The note closed with an assertion of that exchisive right of Pacific tratiSc which Spain had proclaimed for a century, and the enforce- ment of which had led to the pi-esent complications; in pursuance of that idea the punishment of the oifenders was demanded, and an earnest protest made against the King permitting any of his subjects to make settlements, or engage in fishing, or trade vnih the natives on the American Coast of the Pacific, To such haughty language the King of England was entii'ely unaccustomed. Great Britain never had even constructively admitted any of the exclusive privi- leges claimed by Spain, and she was not now likely to tamely sub- mit to them when they were so an-ogantly promulgated in justifica- tion of an outrage committed upon her subjects. The response was prompt and characteristic of that nation, whose vigilant guardian- ship of her citizenss extends to the remotest corners of the earth. The Court of Madrid was notified that since it was evident fi'om the Spanish protest that English subjects had been imprisoned and their property confiscated, full reparation must be made and satis- faction for the insult given, before the merits of the controversy would be considei-ed at all. Spain, England and France were just beginning to recuperate from the effect of the struggles in which they had been engaged, and each of them was anxious to avoid further hostilities; yet the dignity of England required her to take a bold stand in defense of her subjects. The belligerent tone of her response set Spain at once to preparing for war, to avoid which she modified her demands considerably, notifying His Majesty that the restoration had already been made and the matter would be allowed to drop, if he would promise in^iture to keep his subjects away from the Spanish possessions. This was the status of affaii-s in April, when Meares arrived from China. When the Columbia reached Canton, in the fall of 1789, with intelligence of the Nootka proceedings, Meares armed himself t '.'11 ft no HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. with documents and depositions and embarked for London, to lay his grievances before the King. On the thirtieth of May he addressed a memorial to his sovertdgn, detailing the affair fi'om his standpoint, and though it was full of misrepresentations, as has since been con- clusively shown, it was adopted as the correct version by the '•ov- ernment. From this report it seemed that three vessels had en seized, instead of one, and that Englishmen had taken possessu .. of Nootka before the Spaniards, since Meares declared that the North- west America was an English vessel, and that when he built her he had established apermanent settlement on land purchased from the Nootka Chief, Maquinna. He did not inform the King that the little schooner had never flaunted any flag but that of Portugal, and that when the vessel was finished the building in which the work- men had lived was turned over to Maquinna in payment for the privilege of temporary occupation of the land, as had been agreed upon in the beginning. England, on the fifth of May, sent a reply to the second note from Spain, asserting that she was not prepared to admit the exclusive privileges claimed by Spain, but that she was prepared to protect her subjects, and would not consider the ques- tion at all until proper satisfaction had been given. On the six- teenth of May, England made a formal demand upon Spain for restitution of the captured vessels, indemnity for losses sustained (estimated by Meares at $653,433), and full acknowledgement of the right of English subjects to trade in the Pacific, and to establish settlements at any points not already occupied by Spain. On the twenty-fifth the whole correspondence was laid by the King before Parliament, which had before been ignorant of it, and he was warmly applauded for his conduct and assured of support. Spain's position was an exceedingly humiliating one. Even in her decline she had maintained the haughty spirit and arrogant assumption of superiority and exclusive rights which had first been asserted by those potent monarchs, Charles and Philip, but which now, with her fast waning power, she was not able to support by force of arms. England's vigorous preparation? for war seriously alarmed her. She had too many unprotected colonies, dependencies fi'om which she derived great revenues, to risk a war with a power- ful maritime nation, whose operations, of course, would be chiefly directed against those vulnerable points. In the long negotiations 8PAIN 8 SUPREMACY IN THE PACIFIC OVERTHROWN. Ill which followed she again modified her position, stating that she had no desire to claim any territory not justly hers, that tlie vessels had already been restored, and that she was willing to pay any damages which might he assessed against her by arl)itrators to whom the case should be 8ubmitte0 he left Nootka and ent«'red the Straits of Fuca, carefully examining both slioi-es of the j)jissage for the distance of one huudretl miles. This was probably the fiivt vessel ti> actually enter and explore the Straits of Fuca. He was also the discoverer of Puget Sound, into which he penetrated a short distance, an»l mistttok it for an inlet, calling it " Enceftada de Caamano." He was prevented from extending his explorations fuither in that direction l>y lack of time. Hv bestowed names upon many objects in that region, all of which now bear the titles after- ward given them by Vancouver and othei-s, except the main chan- nel leading north, which he christened " Canal de Lopez de Haro." On the tii-st of August he took formal possession of that region in the name of his sovereign, at Port Nufiez (laona, n(.>w known as Neah Bay. He wa« prevented by head winds fi'om returning to Nootka. and falling ii. with the San Carlos, which had been on a voyage to Alaska, the two vessels sailed for Monterey and San Bias. There was no other vessel in those waters in 1790, so far as is known, except the Argonaut, in which Captain Colnett was search- ing for the Princess Royal, as before stated. In May, 1791, Elisa himself embarked in the San Carlos, which had returned to Nootka, and started out to make a complete recon- noisance of.the coast fi'om Mount St. Elias to Trinidad, accompa- nied by the Santa Saturnina (or Horcasitas), under Jose Maria Narx'aez. Thwy entered the Straits of l'\ica, ascertained that Caa- mano Inlet was an inland piwsage, which they did not enter, and explored the Gulf of Georgia as far north as latitude 50°, calling it "Gran Canal de iSuestra Senora del Rosario la Marinera." They bestowed many names, some of which are still retained as originally applied, such Jis " San Juan Archipelago," " (xuemes,'' " Tejada " ("Texada") "Islands," and "Port Los Angeles." Other names which appear in his chart are still in use, but have in some man- ner been shifte*! to other objects than those to which they were PITOBT SOUND AND COLUMBIA RIVKR DISCOVKRED. 115 originally given, sucli an "Cminiano," "Fi(lalg«>," "Kosmio," " Cordoba," etc. Many })awnagt'H leading inland were obnerved but not explored for laek of time; and this led liini in his reitoi-t to the Viceroy to say: "It appears that the ot-eanie i)as8age so zeal- ously sought for by foreignei-H, if there is one, can not be elsewhei'e than l>y this great channel." The revival of interest in the almost foi'gotten romance of Mai- donado, caused by the controversy between P^ngland and Spain, led the latter to make another effort to find those fabiili;!i» straits for which HO many had searched in vain. The corvettes Descuhierta and Atrcvidiiy nn wjis an "'aj^y -going, y i ■ -J jig ! ' '1 i ^^^B j; ...^itfilH 116 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. Ill procrastinating individual, liad lost a season's trade. This year he was fairly successful in obtaining furs, and also in securing the pur- chase of a large tract of land from Chiefs Maquinna and Wicana- nish, for which he received written deeds, duly signed by the gi'ant- oi's with a cross. Copies of these deeds, which included practically the whole of Vancouver Island except that already claimed by the Spaniards, were forwarded to Thomas Jefferson, Secretary of State, and filed in the public ai'chives. The other American vessel of note was the Columbia Rediviva^ which was again sent to the Pacific in the fall of 1790. arriving at the harbor of Clayoquot, on Vancouver Island, jusf north of the Straits of Fuca, in June, 1791. She was still under the command of Captain Rcbei't Gray, her first officer being Robert Haswell, whose diary of the voyage, as well as of the previous one, at which time he was second mate (»f the Lady Wash- ington, is one of the best and most reliable sources of information in regard to the events of those voyages and the complications at Nootka. Gray soon sailed for the Queen Charlotte Islands and engage vr 7^ ♦li'*^ r-?! PIMiKT SOUND AND COLUMBIA KIVKK DIHCOVKRKD. 11 m England and the United States by sea, and h rei)re8entative of the great Noilhwest Company l\y land, threw a flood of light npon the dark geograjihy of the Coast. At least twenty -eight vessels visited this region, the majority of them to engage in the fur trade, repre- senting France, Spain, Portugal, England and the United States. Passing by the majority of these without fiirther mention, let us turn our attention to those which made valuable discoveries. These were the Columbia^ under (^aptain Gray, two vessels imder Captain Vancouver, and a small Spanish fleet. Early in the spring of 179'2, the Mexican Viceroy, not satisfied with the great discoveries made by Quimper, Elisa, Malaspina and Bustamante, made a ^ast effort to determine the existence of the Northwest Pa-ssage and the desirability of contending further for the possession of Nootka. If there existed a navigalde passage fi'om the Atlantic to the Pacific, then a station in that region would be invaluable to the interests of Spain; Imt if the continent was continuous, so that vessels must always entej" the Pacific from the south, then an estal/lishment in such a high latitude would not be sufficiently valuable to render a contest for its ])ossession advisable. He, therefore, dispatched a vessel to search for the Rio de los Reyes in latitude 5;5"; two others to explore nn>re fully the Straits of Fuca, and ascertain the exact natui-e of those many iidand channels of the existence of which simply the })revious explorers had reported; and a fourth to seek a (lesiral>le location along the coast of the main land south of the Straits of Fuca, where a station might be established in case the ,settle)nent at Nootka had to be abandoned and it wa.s deemed necessary to have one in this region. At the same time Bodega y Quadi'u, who had been appointed commissioner to carry out the stipuhitions of the Treaty of Nootka, proceeded to that port to await the arrival of the representative of Great Britain. The fii-st of these was the Aranzazu^ connnanded by Lieutenant Jachito Caamanft, who mimitely examined th(! Queen Charlotte Islands, sailed through the passage })etween them and the main land (enter- ing by Dixon Channel, which he called " Entrada ile Perez," in honor of the original discoverer), and nnide a comparatively accu- rate map of tluit region. The expedition to the Straits of Fuca consisted of the schooners Sutil awA Mexicana, connnanded by ofli- cers detailed from Malaspina's exped'tion, and supplied l)y him with .} 118 msTOKY OK WILLAMKTTK VALLKY. Lit: scientific instruments. They were commanded by Dionisio Galiano and Cayetano Valdez, and arrived at Nootka on the twelfth of May, leaving that poi"t for tlieir field of action on the fourth of June. The fourth vessel was the Princesa. In this ship Lieutenant Sal- vador Fidalgo sailed fi-om San Bias on tlie twenty-third of March, and arrived at Port Nunez Gaona (Neah Bay) just within the en- trance to the Straits of Fuca, where he erected buildings and forti- fications. In September, having received orders from Quadra to abandon this post, he removed everything to Nootka. Other Span- ish vessels passed up and down between Nootka and Monterey, or San Bias, but their movements were immaterial. The commiasioner appointed on the part of England to cany into effect certain provisions of the Nootka Treaty, referring to the restoration of propert}- at that port, was Captain George Vancouver, of the Royal Navy. The Admiralty took occasion to make his voyage one of e:ctended discovery, directing his attention especially to the clearing up of geographical conundrums on the coast, par- dcularly that of a river or any other inter-oceanic passage. Special attention was to be directed to the " supposed Strait of Juan de Fuca, said to be situated between the forty-eighth and forty-ninth degrees of north latitude, and to lead to an opening through which the sloop Washington is reported to have passed in 1 7H9, and to have come out again at the northward of Nootka." This voyage of the Washington, as has been already stated, was never made; Meares, who had carried the report to England, having confused Captain Kendrick's account of the movements of that vessel with geographical statements of the Indians. Vancouver commanded the sloop of war Discovery, and accompanied by the armed tender Chatham, under Lieutenant W. K. Broughtou, sailed in March, 1791. It is needless to follow his movement" for the first year, as they do not concei-n the purposes of this volume; it is sufficient to say that after a year of exploration in otlier regions, he afi'ived off the coast of California in April, 1792, in the vicinity of Cape Mendocino. Here he began a most careful examination of the coast, strict watch being kept for signs of harbors and nav igable rivei-s, espec- ially at first of the river reportetl above the forty-third parallel by Martin de Aguilar in lfi()8. A point in latitude 42° 52' was at PI'dKT SOITND AND COLUMBIA lUVKR OIHCOVERKD. 119 first conceived to be the Cape Blanco of the Spaniards, but since it was composed of dark, craggy rocks, instead of being white, Van- couver entered it on his chart as " Cape Orford." A little further on, in latitude 48° 23', he observed a cape with white cliffs, which he believed to be the true Blanco, but as he also considered it the one Captain Cook had called " Cape Gregory," he entered the latter name on his chart. For some distance he ranged along the shore within a league, looking carefully for Aguilar's River, but observed no stream having any such volume of water as was ascribed to the one reported by the Spaniard, and, indeed, saw none that offered the least indication of being navigable for ships. The next point of special interest to be examined was that in the vicinity of lati- tude 46°, where was locatad the place called " Ensenada de Heceta," or " Rio de San Roi^ue," on his Spanish charts, and " Deception Bay" on the English ones. On the twenty-seventh of April he recorded in his journal : Noon brought us up with a conspicuous point of land composed of a cluster of hummocks, moderately high and projecting into tlie sea. On the south side of this promontory was the appearance of an inlet, or small river, the land not indicating it to be of any great extent, nor did it seem to be accessible to vessels of our burthen, as the breakers extended from the above point two or three miles into the ocean, until they joined tliose on the beach nearly four leagues further south. On refer- ence to Mr. Meares' description of the coa«t south of this promontory, I was at first induced to believe it was Cape Shoalwater, but on a.Hcertaining its latitude, I pre- sumed it to be what he calls Cape Disappointment; and the ojjening to the south of it Deception Bay. This cape was found to be in latitude 46° 19', and longitude 236° 6'. [He reckoned east from Oreenwlcli.] The sea now (^hanged from its natural to river-Coloured water; the probable consecjuence of some streams falling into the bay, or into the ocean to the north of it, through the low land. Not considering this ojwning worthy of more attention, I continued our pursuit to the N. W., being desirous to embrace the advantages of the prevailing breeze and pleasant weather, so favourable to our examination of the coast. Vancouver rounded Cape r)ij*appoiiitment and continued up the shore. He says: "The country before us presented a most luxuri- ant landscape, and wt\x< j)ro])ahIy not a little heightened in value by the weather that ])revaile(l. The more interior j)art8 were some- what elevated, and agreeably diversiHed with hills, from which it gradually descended to the shore, and terniinated in a wandy l)each. The whole had the appearance of a continued forest extending north as far as the eye could readi, which made me very scdicitous to find a port in the vicinity of a country presenting s(» deliglitful a prospect of fertility ; our attention was therefore earnestly directed ! ! ;i. 120 IIISTOKY OF WILLAMETTK VALLKY. to this object." At one time he was of the opinion that Shoalwater Bay presented a suitable harbor, bnt renouncetl the l)elief upon attempting to enter the bay ami failing because of the presence of an imbroken line of breakers. . They passed Gray's Harbor in the night, and after noting the position of Destruction Island and obser\'ing Mount Olympus, " the most remarkable mountain we had seen on the coast of New Albion," fell in with the Columbia a few miles south of the Straits of Fuca. Vancouver sent an officer to the American vessel to glean infor- mation from its commander, Avho hesitated not to tell him all he knew of the coast, including a denial of the report that he hatl sailed around Vancouver Island in the Lady Washington. Among other things the English captain notes in his journal: "He likewise informed them of his having been ofE the mouth of a river in lati- tude 46° 10', where the outset, or reflux, was so strong as to pre- vent his entering for nine days. This was probably the opening passed by us on the forenoon of the twenty-seventh; and was, apparently, inaccessible, not from the current, but from the breakers that extended across it." That' Gray must have made this effort to enter the Columbia sometime the previous year is evident from the fact that Vancouver states that he "was now commencing his summer's trade along the coast to the southward." The above remarks show plainly that Vancouver had no faith in the existence of such a stream as Aguilar's River, Rio de San Roijue, Oregon, or River of the West, and this is rendered more certain by an entry in his journal made upon reaching Cape Flattery, that there — Was not the least appearance of a safe or secure harbour, either in that latitude, or from it southward to ('ajje Mendocino ; notwithstanding that, in that space, geogra- phers had thought It exi^edlent to furnish many. * * * >So minutely had this extensive coast been Inspected, that the surf had been constantly seen to break upon Its shores from the mast-head ; and it was but in a few small Intervals only, where our distance precluded its being visible from the deck. Whenever the weather prevented our making free with the shore, or on our hauling off for the night, the return of flne weather and of daylight uniformly brought us, if not to the identical spot we had departed from, at least within a few miles of It, and never beyond the northern limits of the coast which we had previously seen. Au examination so directed, and circumstances happily concurring to permit Its being so executed, afforded the most complete opportunity of determining it* various turnings and windings. * • * It nmst be considered as a very singular circumstance that, in so great an extent of aea coast, we should not until now [He had entered tK Straits of Fuca] have seen the appearance of any opening In its shores which pM'seuted any certain prospect of affi>rding shelter; the whole coast forming one PUGET SOUND AND COLUMBIA RIVKR DISCOVKHED. 121 compact, solid and nearly straight barrier against the sea. The river Mr. Qray mentioned should, from the latitude he assigned it, have existence in the bay, south . of Cape Disappointment. This we passed on the forenoon of the twenty-seventh ; and, aa I then observed, if any inlet or river should be found, it must be a very in- tricate one, and inaccessible to vessels of our burthen, owing to the reefs and broken water which then appeared in its neighborhood. Mr. Gray stated that he had been several days attempting to enter it, which at length he had been unable to efTect, in consequence of a very strong outset. This is a phenomenon ditficult to account for [Gray accounted for it easily en • . by the theory that the outset was the discharg- ing of an unusually large river, a conclusion Vancouver would not admit because he had been there and had not seen itj, as, in most caaes whero there are outsets of such strength on a sea coast, there are corresponding tides setting in. Be that, however, as it may, I was thoroughly convinced, as were also most persons of observation on board, that we could not possibly have passed any safe navigable opening, liarbour, or place of security for shipping on this coast, from Cape Mendocino to the Prom- ontory of Classett (Cape Flattery) ; nor had we any reason to alter our opinions. The coast has since been found much less barren of harbors than this distinguished navigator supposed, though, with the single exception of the Columbia, there are none affording entrance to large vessels without first undergoing improvement. Leaving Cap- tain Vanc land on ^^ new port could be sitions wl surrender he would should be facts to t dispatchet guese tra( thence to way at N ment ther port. It been sho\ suiTender relations « left they j was iutcoj" as the " I to plainly title. Th ciates wa ^mmmm PUOET SOUND AND COLUMBIA RIVEK DISCOVEREI'. 125 the Northwest America^ which, with the hut the workmen had occupied, waa a})andoned when that work was coin[)leted ; also, that all this was done under the Portuguese flag, the schooner being launchetl and sent out upon a cruise under the same ensign. Accord- ing to the treaty, it will he remembered, all buildings and tracts of land of which the siibjects of His Britannic Majesty had l>een dis- possessed by a Spanish officer, wei'e to be restored. For that pur- pose Vancouver had come, expecting, of course, to have Nootka surrendered; but he waa met by Quadra with proofs showing that, according to the terms of the treaty, there \vas nothing to be sur- rendered. Vancouver would listen to nothing but a transfer of the port, though he was unable to show any precise stipulation to that effect in the treaty. Quadra offered to give up Nootka if Vancou- ver woidd recognize all the coast south of Fuca Straits as exclusively Spanish; or he offered to surrender absolutely the small parcel of land on which Meares' cabin had stood and to station himself at the new port in the Straits of Fuca until a decision on the (question could be had fi-om Europe. Vancouver \vould agl-ee to no propo- sitions whatever. He came, he said, to receive an unconditional surrender of the poi-t, and if Quadra would not cimsent tt) make it he would dej)art. It was finally decidere. He spent the sum- mer in this work, making, with the aid of Caamaflo's previous chart, (juite an accurate map of the coast. From latitude 53° 30' to 57" he called the country "New Cornwall;" south of that to near (xeorgia he named it " New Hanover," taking formal and ceremo- nious possessitm of it all in the name of King George. Upon his return to Nootka in October, lie found tlnit no instructions liad ar- rived from home, and he sailed for California. The Spaniards still remained in (juiet possession of the disputed port. Quite a number of trading vessels were on the coast that sejison, but the peculiar commercial character of their voyages prevented them fi'om accom- plishing anything of geographical or historical value. In April, 175)3, the Mexican Viceroy, Kevilla-Gigedo, sent a full report of the events and status of affairs at Nootka to the home government, accompanied by recommendations for the future course of Spain. These were to the effect that recent explorations had prac- tically demonstrated that no Northwest J^assage existed, unless, in- deed, it was found by way of the Columbia River, or Entrada de Heceta, and consequently that the trouble and expense of maintain- ing a station as far north as Nootka was unnecessary for the pro- tection of Spanish interests. He advised that the Columbia be ex- plored and occupied, if found to connect \\'ith the Atlantic or with New Mexico; otherwise he advised the strengtliening of the north- ernmost stations in California, the occupation of Bodega Bay, and any other desirable harbor which might be found north of that point. He prepared to dispatcli two vessels to survey the Coluni- •»•■; 1 mi i 1 ' m I . I ' i 'IT 1 ^^^H 128 HIHTOUY OK WILLAMETTE VALLEY. }>ia in the spring of 1794, but for some reason the project was abandoned. Early that year word wm received from Spain that the points in disjmte had be( n settled. Quadra died in March, and (ten. Jose Manual d Alava was appointed his successor, and sent to Nootka with the understanding that his instructions would follow him. Captain Vancouver again visited the northern coast in the spring of 1794, and extended his explorations as far tis the head of Cook's Inlet, bei'oming convinced that no j)a>*sage wluitever connected the Pacific with the Atlantic or any of the bays or seas leading off from it. He then went to Nootka, arriving on the second of September, where he found Alava, the Sj)anish comuiissiimer. Neither was aware of the terms of settlement, so they enjoyed each other'« hos- pitalities and awaited instructions. No orders having been received by the sixteenth the commissioners sailetl tor Monterey, where Al- ava soon afterwards receive 3 ■1 iiifiJ 132 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. a few years before applied to the Straits of Fuca. He finally abandoiied the river and struck directly westward, reaching the coast at the North Bentinck Ann, only a short time after it had been explored by Vancouver's fleet. When he learned upon his return that the mouth of the Columbia had been discovered, he supposed that the large river which he had followed so far south- ward must be that gi'eat stream; and so it was considered to be until twenty years later, when Simon Fraser, a representative of the same fur company, descended it to its mouth in the Gulf of Georgia, and ascertained its true character. As Mackenzie's name was already applied to a large river, this stream was then christened " Fraser River." These various sea and land expeditions had proved- three very important facts : first, that there was no water passage for vessels across the continent; second, that by following the coui-ses of streams and lakes the overland journey could be nearly accom- plished in boats; third, that this vast imexplored region abounded in fur- bearing animals, a fact which led, in a few years, to its occu- pation by the rival fur traders, both English and American. At this time the Spanish claim of Louisiana clouded the whole region ost of the Mississippi, and though its limits were undefined, it extended indefinitely into the unknown region lying north of Mexico and California. The Americans were especially hampered in their trading operations on the frontier. The Mississippi formed a defi- nite and recognized western boundery to the territory of the Unite -(^pme deeply interested in this great western region. He naturally ] ferred that liis own country should fall heir to such a magnifi- cent inheritance; })ut more than a decade [lassed before the States had perfected their government and regulated those national affairs refjuiring immediate and careful consideration, and »lui'ing that time it was icilc to think of further accessions of territory. Ho\\'- ever, in 1792, he proposed to the American Philosophical Society that a subscription be raised for the purpose of engaging some com- petent pewjon to explore the countiy lying between the Mississippi i^* 1 i 14 M 1, Lf 134 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. River and Pacific Ocean, " by ascending the Missouri, crossing the Stony Mountains, and descending the nearest river to the Pacific." His suggestion was acted upon, and the position ha^ang been eagerly solicited by Lieutenant ^l^riwether Lewis, a Virginian, that gentle- man was selected at tLt mmendation of Mr. Jefferson. His traveling " companion was . Andre Michaux, a distinguished French botanist, then living in the United States in the employ of his government. When they had proceeded as far as Kentucky, Mr. Michaux was recalled by the French Minister, and the expedi- tion was abandoned. Soon after France again acquired title to Louisiana, Napoleon recognized the fact that it would only be a source of annoyance and expense to the nation. His ambitious designs in Europe arrayed England and other powerful nations in hostility to France, and to avoid the necessity of having to provide for the protection of vast territorial possessions, as well as to place in the field an active and now powerful rival to England, he opened secret negotiations for the transfer of the whole Province to the United States. Mr. Jef- fei'son was then President, and grasped eagerly the opportunity to realize his long- cherished desire, and by so doing render his admin- istration one to be forever remembered by his countrymen. Even before the treaty was concluded, he began to put his plan of oper- ations into effect; and on the eighteenth of January, 1803, he sub- mitted to Congress a special message on the Indian question, in which he incorporated a suggestion that an oflicial expedition be dispatched upon the oame journey as the private one would have accomplished ten years before, had it not been abandoned. Con- gress approved the idea and made an ample appropriation to carry it into effect. Lewis was then acting in the capacity of private sec- retary to the President, and once more solicited the direction of the enterprise. In this he was again successful. He held at that time the rank of captain, and having selected William Clarke as his asso- ciate, that gentleman also received a captain's commission. In the instructions di'awn up for the guidance of the party, the President says: "The object of your mission is to explore the Missouri River, and such principal streams of it, as, by its course and communication with the waters of the Pacific Ocean, whether the Columbia, Oregon, Colorado, or any other river, may offer the OVERLAND JOURNEYS TO THE PACIFIC. 135 most direct and practicable water communication across the conti- nent, for the purposes of commerce." They were directed to ac- quire as intimate a knowledge as possible of the extent and number of Indian tribes, their manners, customs and degiee of civilization, and to report fully upon the topography, the character of the soil, the natural procincts, the animal life and minerals, as well as to as- certain by scientific observations and inquiry as much as possible about the climate, and to inquire especially into the fur trade and the needs of commerce. Since Louisiana had not yet been formally conveyed to the United States, the instructions contained a para- graph saying: " Your mission has been communicated to the min- isters here fi'om France, Spain and Great Britain, and through them to their governments; and such assurances given them as to its ob- jects, as we trust will satisfy them. The countiy of Louisiana hav- ing been ceded by Spain to l^rance, the passport you have from the minister of France, the representative of the present sovereign of the country, will be a protection with all its subjects ; and that from the minister of England will entitle you to the friendly aid of any traders of that allegiance with whom you may happen to meet." The French passport was rendered needless by the receipt of the joyful intelligence a few days before they started that Louisiana had been formally ceded to the United States. Lewis left Washington on the fifth of July, 1803, and was joined by Clarke at Louisville. Having selected the men to compose their party, they went into camp near St. Louis and remained until spring. The final start was made on the fourteenth of May, 1804, the party consisting of Captain Meriwether Lewis, Captain William Clarke, nine young men from Kentucky, foui*teen soldiers, two French Canadian water- men, of the class called "voyageui-s" among the fur traders, an in- terpreter and hunter and a negro servant of Captain Clarke. There were, also, a number of assistants who accompanied the party as far as the Mandan countr}'. The Missouri river was ascended as far as the region occupied by the Mandan Indians, with whom they remained all winter, learning much from their hosts of the geogra- phy of the surrounding country as well as its native inhabitants. While there they negotiated a treaty of peace and friendship between the Mandans and Ricarees, between whom hostilities had existed for a long time. if- i i.ij \i '■. f 136 HIHTORY OF WILLAMETTK VALLEY. The westward journey was resumed in the spring of 1 805. They still followed up the Missouri, of whose course, tributaries and the great falls they had received very minute and accurate information from their Mandan friends. Passing the mouth of the Yellowstone, which name they record as being but a translation of "Roche Jaune," the title given it by the French-Canadian trappers who had already visited it, they continued up the Missouri, passed the castellated rocks and the great falls and cascades, ascended through the mighty canyon, and reached the headwatei*s of the stream, crossed the Rocky Mountain divide and came upon the stream variously known along its course as "Deer Lodge," "Hellgate," " Bitterroot," "Clarke's Fork of the Columbia " and " Pend d'Oreille." Upon this they bestowed the name " Clarke's River," and so it should be called fi'om its source in the Rocky Mountains to where it unites with the main stream in British Columbia. From this river the advance party under Clarke crossed tne Bitterroot Mountains by the Lolo trail, suffering intensely from cold and hunger, and on the twentieth of September reached a village of Nezi Perce Indians, situated on a plain about fifteen miles from the south fork of Clearwater River, where they were received with great hospitality. This first passage of the mountains by representatives of the United States and their warm reception by the Indians contrast strongly with a scene witnessed by this same Lolo trail seventy-two yeai-s later when Howard's army hotl}^ pursued Chief Joseph and his little band of hostile Nez Perces, who were fleeing before the avengers from the scene of their many bloody massacres. The almost famished men partook of such quantities of the food liberally provided by their savage hosts that many of them became ill, among them being Captain Clarke, who was unable to continue the journey until the second day. He then went to the village of Twisted -hair, the chief, situated on an island in the stream men- tioned. To the river he gave the name "Koos-koos-kee," errone- ously supposing it to be its Indian title. The probabilities are that the Nez Perces, in trying to inform Captain Clarke that this river flowed into a still larger one, the one variously known as " Lewis," "Sahaptin" or " Snake," used the words " Koots-koots-kee," mean- ing " This is tne smaller," and were understood to have meant that as the name of the stream. The Nez Perce name is " Kaih-kaih- V OVERLAND J0UBNEY8 TO THE PACIFIC. 137 koosh," signifying " Clearwater," the title it is generally known by. Having been united, the two parties a few days later journeyed on down the Clearwater. Concerning their deplorable condition and their method of traveling the journal says: " Captain Lewis and two of the men were taken very ill last evening, and to-day he could scarcely sit on his horse, while others were obliged to be put on horseback, and some, from extreme weakness and pain, were forced to lie down alongside of the road. * * * The weather was very hot and oppressive to the party, most of whom are now complaining of sickness. Our situation, indeed, rendered it neces- sary to husband our remaining strength, and it was determined to proceed down the river in canoes. Captain Clarke, therefore, set out with Twisted -hair, and two young men, in quest of timber for canoes. * * * Having resolved to go down to some spot calculated for building canoes, we set out early this morning and proceeded five miles, and encamped on the low ground on the south, opposite the forks of the river." The canoes being constructed, they embarked, in the month of October, on theu- journey down the Clear- water and connecting streams, for the Pacific, leaving what remained of their horses in charge of the friendly Nez Perces. They had for some time been subsisting upon roots, fish, hors ^meat and an occa- sional deer, crow, or wolf, but having left their horses behind them, their resort, when out of other food, now became the wolfish dogs they purchased from the Indians. Upon reaching Snake Kiver, which was named in honor of Captain Lewis, the canoes were turned down that stream, which * they followed to the Columbia, naming the Tukannon River " Kim- so-emim," a title derived from the Indians, and upon the Palouse bestowing the name "Drewyer," in honor of the hunter of the party. They then followed down the Columbia, passing a number of rapids, and arrived at the Cascades on the twenty-first of October. A portage was made of all their effects and a portion of the canoes, the remainder making the perilous descent of the Cascades in safety. The mouth of the Willamette was passed without the addition of so large a stream being noticed. Cape Disappointment was reached November fifteenth, and the eyes of the weary travelers were gladdened with a sight of the great ocean which had been their goal for more than a year. The season of winter rains having set in. !.:•; 1 'A 188 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. they were soon driven by high water from the low land on the north bank of the stream, eleven miles above the cape, which they had selected for their winter residence. They then left the Chin- ooks, crossed the river, and biiilt a habitation on the high land on the south side of the stream, which they called " Fort Clatsop," in honor of the Indians which inhabited that region. Here they spent the winter, making occasional short excursions along the coast. The departure for home was delayed with the hope that some trading vessel might appear, from which sadly-needed supplies could be obtained, but being disappointed in this they loaded their canoes, and on March 23, 1806, took final leave of Fort Clatsop. Before going they presented the chiefs of the Chinooks and Clatsops with certificates of kind and hospitable treatment, and cu'culated among the natives several papei"8, posting a copy on the vvhH of the abandoned fort, which read as follows : " The object of this last is, that through the medium of some civilized person, who may see the same, it may be made known to the world, that the party, con- sisting of the persons whose names are hereunto annexed, and who were sent out by the Government of the United States to explore the interior of the continent of North America, did penetrate the same by the way of the Missouri and Columbia rivers, to the dis- charge of the latter into the Pacific Ocean, where they arrived on the fourteenth day of November, 1805, and departed the twenty- third day of March, 1806, on their retui-n to the United States by the same route by which they had come out." To this was appended a list of the members of the expedition. One of these copies was handed by an Indian the following year to Captain Hall, an Ameri- can fur trader, whose vessel, the Lydia, had entered the Columbia, by whom it was taken to China and thence to the United States ; thus, even had the party perished on the return journey, evidence of the completion of their task was not wanting. Upon taking an invoice of their possessions before starting upon the return, they found that their goods available for traffic with the Indians consisted of six })lue robes, one scarlet robe, one United States artillery hat and coat, five robes made from the national ensign, and a few old clothes trimmed with ribbon. Upon these must they depend for purchasing provisions and horses, an* /or winning the hearts of stubborn chiefs. They proceeded up the f OVERLAND JOURNEYS TO THE PACIFIC. 139 south bank of the stream, until they came unexpectedly upon a large river flowing into it from the south. On an island near its mouth, known to the early trappers as " Wapatoo," and now called " Sauvie's Island," they came upon an Indian village, where they were refused a supply of food. To impress them with his power. Captain Clarke entered one of their habitations and cast a few sulphur matches into the fire. The savages were frightened at the blue flame, and looked upon the strange visitor as a great medicine man. They implored him to extinguish the " evil fire," and brought all the food he desired. The name of the Indian village was " Mult- nomah," but Captain Clarke understood the name to apply to the river, of whose course he made careful inquiry. Upon the map of this expedition the "Multnomah" is indicated as extending south- ward and eastward into California and Nevada, and the Indians who resided along the streams that flow fi'om southeastern Oregon into the Snake, are represented as living on the upper branches of the Multnomah. The true Indian name of the river and valley is " Wallamet," which has been corrupted to "Willamette" by those who conceived the idea that it was of French origin. The confusion between Indian, French and English names in this region has resulted in many very peculiar and ridiculous appellations. At the mouth of the Lapage River, the stream later named " John Day," in memory of the bold hunter of the Astor party, who met such a tragic fate, the canoes were abandoned, and the party proceeded up the Columbia on foot, packing their baggage upon the backs of a few horses purchased from the natives. Cross- ing the Umatilla, which they called " You-ma-lolam," they arrived at the mouth of the Walla Walla on the twenty-seventh of April. Yellept, the Walla Walla chief, was a man of unusual capacity and power, and extended to them the most cordial and bountiful hospi- tality they had enjoyed since leaving the abodes of civilization. How different would have been the reception extended them could the old chief have gazed into the future with prophetic eye, and seen his great successor, Peo-peo-mux-mux, killed while unjustly a prisoner by members of the same race and tribe to which these white guests belonged! It is related of Yellept that in after years, having seen the last of five noble sons perish in battle or by the hand of disease, he called together the tribe, and throwing himself I 140 HISTORY OF WILLAMKTTE VALLEY. upon the body of his last son, sternly bade them bury him with his dead. With loud lamentations and heart-broken sobs they did as he commanded, and buried alive the great chief they both loved and feared. This was the mam who extended his hospitalities to Lewis and Clarke, and because of the important part the Walla Wallas and Cayuses played in the after history of this region, the following account given by those gentlemen of their entertainers \i presented. Their journal says: — Immediately upon our arrival, Yellept, who proved to be a man of much infli- ence, not only in his own, but in the neighboring nations, collected the inhabitants and, after having made a harangue, the purport of which was to induce the nations to treat us hospitably, set them an example, by bringing himself an armful of wood and a platter containing three roasted mullets. They immediat«ly assented tb one part, at least, of the recommendation, by furnishing us with an abundance of the only sort of fuel they employ, the stems of shrubs growing in the plains. We then purchased four dogs, on which we supped heartily, having been on short allowance for two days past. When we were disposed to sleep, the Indians retired imme- diately on our request, and, indeed, uniformly conducted themselves with great propriety. These people live on roots, which are very abundant in the plains, and catch a lew salmon-trout; but at present they seem to subsist chiefly on a species of mullet, weighing from one to three pounds. » * * Monday, twenty-eighth, we purchased ten dogs. While this trade was carrying on by our men, Yellept brought a fine white horse and presented him to Captain Clarke, expressing at the same time a wish to have a kettle; but on being informed that we had already dis- posed of the last kettle we could spare, he said he would be content with any pres- ent we should make in return. Captain Clarke, therefore, gave his sword, for which the chief had before expressed a desire, adding one hundred balls, some pow- der, and other small articles, with which he appeared perfectly satisfied. We were now anxious to depart, and requested Yellept to lend us canoes for the purpose of crossing the river. But he would not listen to any proposal of leaving the village. He wished us to remain two or three days ; but would not let us go to-day, for he had alreadj sent to invite his neighbors, the Chlmnapoos (Cayuses), to come down this evening and join his people in a dance for our amusement. We urged, in vain, that by setting out sooner we would the earlier return with the articles they desired ; for a day, he observed, would make but little difference. We at length mentioned that, as there was no wind, it was now the best time to cross the river, and would merely take the horses over and return to sleep at their village. To this he assented, and then we crossed with our horses, and having hobbled them, returned to their camp. Fortunately there was among these WollawoUahs a prisoner, belonging to a tribe of Shoshonee or Snake Indians, residing to the south of the Multnomah, and visiting occasionally the heads of the Wollawollali creek. Our Shoshonee woman, Sacajaweah, though she belonged to a tribe near the Missouri, spoke the same language as this prisoner, and by their means we were able to explain our- selves to the Indians, and answer all their inquiries with respect to ourselves and the object of our journey. Our conversation inspired them with mucli confidence, and they soon brought several sick persons for whom they requested our assistance. We splintered the broken arm of one, gave some relief to another, whose knee was contracted by rheumatism, and administered what we thought beneficial for ulcers and eruptions of the skin, on various parts of the body, which are very common disorders among them. But our most valuable medicine was eye-wat/er, which we OVERLAND JOURNEYS TO THK PACIFIC. 141 distributed, and which, indeed, they required very much ; the complaint of the eyes, occasioned by living on the water, and increased by the fine sand of the plains, being now universal. A little before sunset, the Chimnapoos, amounting to one hundred men and a few women, came to the village, and joining tlie WollawollahH, who were about the same number of men, fofmed themselves in a circle round our camp, and waited very patiently till our men were disposed to dance, which they did for about an hour, to tiie tune of the violin. They then requested to see the Indians dance. Witli this they readily complied, and the whole assemblage, amounting, with the women and children of the village, to several hundred, stood lip, and sang and danced at the same time. The exercise was not, indeed, very graceful, for the greater part of them were formed into a solid column, round a kind of hollow square, stood on the same place, and merely jumj)e«l up at intervals, to lieep time to the music. Some, however, of the more active warriors entered the square and danced round it sidewise, and some of our men joined in the dance, to the great satisfaction of the Indians. The dance continued till ten o'clock the next morning. In tlie course of the day we gave small medals to two inferior chiefs, each of whom made us a present of a fine horse. We were in a poor condition to make an adequate acknowledgement for this kindness, but gave several articles, among which was a pistol, with some hundred rounds of ammunition. We have, Indeed, been treated by these people with an unusual degree of kindness and civility. * * * We may, indeed, justly aftlrm that of all the Indians whom we have met since leaving the United States, the Wollawollahs were the most hospitable, honest and sincere. Bidding adieu to these hospitable people, they left the Colum- bia on the twenty-ninth of April and followed eastward what is known as the "Nez Perce Trail." Tliey went up the Touchet, called by them " White Stallion," because of the present Yellept had made to Captain Clarke, the Patet and Pataha and down the Alpowa to Snake river, which they crossed and followed up the north side of Clearwater until they reached the village of Twip^cd- hair, where had been left their horses the fall before. The ' o! > trail wa« not yet fi'ee from snow, and for six weeks they resided among the Nez Perces, a tribe closely woven into the history of this region. Of them and the intercourse held with them the fall before, the journal says: — The Chopunnish, or Pierce-nosed, nation, who reside on the Kooskooske and Lewis' Rivers, are in person stout, portly, well-looking men ; the women are small, with good features, and generally handsome, though the complexion of both sexes is darker than that of the Tushepaws. In dress they resemble that nation, lieing fond of displaying their ornaments. The buffiiio or elk skin robe decorated with beads, sea-shells (chiefly mother-of-pearl), attached to an otter-skin collar, and hung in the iiair, which falls in front in two queues ; feathers, paint of different kinds (principally white, green and light blue), all of which they find in their own country ; tliese arc the chief ornaments they use. In winter they wear a short shirt of dressed skins, long painted leggings and moccasins, and a plait of twisted grass around the neck, The dress of the women is more simple, consisting of a long shirt ' of argalia or ibex skin, reaching down to tlie ankles witliout a girdle ; to this are tied little pieces of brass and shells, and other small articles ; but the head is not at 142 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALI^T. :l all ornamented. The drew of the female is, Indeed, more modettt, and more studi- ously so, than any we have observed, though the other sex Is careless of the inde- Ucaoy of exposure. The Chopunnish have very few amusementH, for their life la painft'.i and laborious; and all their exertions are necessary to earn even their pre- carious subsistence. During the summer and autumn they are busily occupied in Ashing for salmon, and collecting their winter store of root«. In the winter they hu.it the deer on snow-shoes over the plains, and towards spring cross the moun- tain/4 to the Missouri, for the puriKwc of trafllcing for buflhio robes. The incon- veuit ticcs of that comfortless life are Increased by frequent encounters with their eneui.es from the west, who drive them over the mountains with the loss of their horses, and sometimes the lives of many of the nation. Tliough originally the same p 3ople, theU' dialect varies very perceptibly ftom that of the Tushepaws ; their trtatmentof us difTered much from the kind and disinterestetl services of the Hlioslionees (Snakes); they arc indeed selfish and avaricious; they part very reluc- tantly with every article of food or clothing ; and while they expect a recompense for every service, however small, do not concern themselves about reciprocating any preseats we may give them. They are generally healthy — the only disorders, which we have had occasion to remark, being of a scrofulous kind, and for these, aA well a>4 for the amusement of those who are In good health, hot and cold bathing Is very commonly used. The soli of these prairies Is of a light yellow clay, Inter- mixed with small, smooth grnss ; it is barren, and produces little more than a bearded grass about three Inches high, and a prickly pear, of which we now found three species. It 18 very evident that these gentlemen were not acquainted with the attributes of tlie succulent bunch gi'ass, nor of the soil, for those prairies constitute the now celebrated wheat lands of Eastern Ore- gon and Washington and Northern Idaho. They made an unsuccessful attempt to cross the Bitterroot Mountains on the fifteenth of June, but found the trails blocked with snow. On the thirtieth, however, they safely crossed. On the fourth of -Tuly it was decided to pursue two routes for a dis- tance; accordingly. Captain Lewis, with a portion of the party, crossed the Rocky Mountains to the Missouri, and followed down the main stream, exploring the larger tributaries and learning much of the geography of Montana. With the remainder of the party Clarke crossed to the Yellowstone, and descended that stream to its mouth, uniting again with Captain Lewis some distance below that point on the twelfth of August. There stands to the present day on the south bank of the Yellowstone, beitween the cities of Miles City and Billings, a monument to commemorate the visit of this expedition. It is known as *' Pompey's Pillar," and consists of a detached body of yellow sandstone, which rises abruptly on three sides to the height of four hundred feet. On the north side, at a place which can be reached by clambering over the heavy blocks OVEHJ^AND JOURNEYS TO THE PACIFIC. 143 of sandstone broken down from the body of the cliff, in a place sheltered from the elements by an overhanging wall of rock, the leader carved his autograph ; and the characters, " William Clarke, July 25, 1806," can be still distinctly traced. When again united, the party continued their journey down the Missouri, and reached St. Louis Se{)tember 25, 180(5, having been absent neai-ly two and one-half years. The retui'n of Lewis and Clarke was the cause of great rejoicing in the United States. Mr. Jefferson says: " Nevf did a similar event excite more joy throughout the United States. The humblest of its citizens had taken a lively interest in the issue of this journey, and looked forward with impatience to the information it would furnish. Their anxieties, too, for the safety t)f the corps had been kept in a state of «\\citement V)y lugubrious rumors, circulateil from time to time on uncertain authorities, and uncontradicted by letters, or other direct information, from the time they had left the Mandan towns, on theii* tuscent up the river in April of the jireceding year, 1805, until their actual return to St. Louis." Caj)tain Lewis was, soefore the fort was com- pleted, Captain Thorn sailed northward to engage in trade with the Indians, and to open that friendly communication with the Russian settlements which formed such an important feature of Mr. Astor's plan. With him went Alexander McKay, the only partner who had possessed the good sense to refrain fi'om wrangling with the irascible captain. He came to anchor in one of the harbors on the west coast of Vancouver Island, and Mr. McKay went ashore. During his ab- sence the vessel was surrounded by a host of savages in their ca- noes, who soon swarmed upon the decks. They were eager to trade, but had evidently had considerable experience in dealing witli the whites and were well posted upon the value of their furs, for they resolutely demanded a higher price than Captain Thorn was will- ing to pay. Provoked be^'ond measure at theii* stubbornness, Thorn refused to deal with them, whereupon they became exceedingly inso- lent. The Captain at last completely lost his temper, and seizing the old chief, Nookamis, who was following him about and taunting him with his stinginess, rubbed in his face an otter skin he had been endeavoring to sell. He then ordered the whole band to leave the ship, and added blows to enforce his command. The tragic ending of this adventure is thus related by Irving: — When Mr. McKay returned on board, the interpreter related what had passed, and begged him to prevail upon the Captain to make sail, as, from his knowledge of the temper and pride of the people of the place, he was sure they would resent the indignity offered to one of their chiefe. Mr. McKay, who himself possessed "I ■•: t. -.5, 'M f V' 154 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. some experience of Indian character, went to the Captain, wbvi was still pacing the deck in moody Lumor, represented the danger to which his ha8i,y act had exposed the vessel, and urged u;H)n him to weigh anchor. The Captain made light of his counsels, and pointed to his cannon and flre-arms as a sufHcie'it safeguard against nailed savages. Further remonstrance only provoked tauntin^'; replies and sharp altercations. The day passed away without any signs of hostility, and at night the Captain retired, as usual, to his cabin, taking no more than usual precautions. On the following morning, at daybreak, while the Captain and Mr. McKay were yet asleep, a canoe came alongside in which were twenty Indians, commanded by young Shewish. They were unarmed, their aspect and demeanor friendly, and they held up otter skins, and made signs indicative of a wish to trade. The caution enjoined by Mr. Astor in respect to the admission of Indians on board of the ship, had been neglected for some time past, and th j officer of the watch, perceiv- ing those in the canoes to be without weapons, and having received no orders to the contrary, readily permitted them to mount the c'eck. Another canoe noon suc- ceeded, the crew of which was likewise admitted. In a little while other canoes came off, and Indians were soon clambering into tha vessel on all sides. The ofBcer of the watch now felt alarmed, and called to Captain Thorn and Mr. McKay. By the time they came on deck, it was thronged with Indians. The interpreter noticed to Mr. McKay that many of the natives wore short mantles of skins, and intimated a suspicion that they were secretly armed. Mr. McKay urged the Captain to clear the ship and get under way. He again made light of the advice ; but the augmented swarm of canoes about the ship, and the numbers still putting off from the shore, at length awakened his distrust, and he ordered some of the crew to weigh anchor, while some were sent aloft to make sail. The Indians now offered to trade with the Captiin on his own terms, prompted, apparently, by the approaching departure of the ship. Accordingly, a hurried trade was commenced. The main articles sought by the savages in barter, were knives ; as fast as some were supplied they moved off and others succeeded. By degrees they were thus distributed about the deck, and all with weapons. The an- chor was now nearly up, the sails were loose, and the Captain, in a loud and pre- emptory tone, ordered the ship to be cleared. In an Instant a signal yell was given ; it was echoed on every side, knives and war clubs were brandished in every direc- tion, and the savages rushed upon their marked victims. The first that fell was Mr. Lewis, the ship's clerk. He was leaning, with folded arms, over a bale of blankets, engaged in bargaining, when he received a deadly stab In the back, and fell down the companionway. Mr. McKay, who was seated on the taffrail, sprang to his feet, but was instantly knocked down with a war-club and flung backwards into the sea, where he was dispatched by the women in the canoes. In the meantime, Captain Thorn made desperate fight against fearful odds. He was a powerful us well as resolute man, but lie came upon deck without weapons. Shewish, the young chief, singled him out as his peculiar prey, .and rushed upon him at the first outbreak. The Captain had barely time to draw a clasp-knife, with one blow of which he laid the young savage dead at his feet. Sev- eral of the stoutest followers of Shewish now set upon him. He defended himself vigorously, dealing crippling blows to right and left, and strewing the quarterdeck with the slain and wounded. His object was to fight his way to the cabin, where there were flre-arms ; but he was hemmed in with foes, covered with wounds, and faint with loss of blood. For an instant he leaned upon the tiller wheel, when a blow from behind, with a war-club, felled him to the deck, where he was dis- patched with knives and thrown overboard. While this was transacting upon the quarterdeck, a chance medley was going on throughout the ship. The crew fought desperately with knives, handspikes ASTORIA AND THE JOINT OCCUPATION TUKATY. 155 and whatever weapons they could seize upon in the moment of surprlne. They were soon, however, overpowered by numbers and mercilessly butt'hered. As to the seven who had been sent aloft to make sail, they contemplated with horror the carnage that was going on below. Being destitute of weapon**, tliey Ul themselves down by the running rigging, in hopes of getting between docks. One fill in the attempt, and was Instantly dispatched; anotlur received a death-blow in the back as he was descending ; a third, Stephen Weeks, the arnwrer, was mortally wounded as he was getting down the hatchway. The remaining four maiie good their re- treat Into the cabin, where they found Mr. L^wis still alive, though morUilly wounded. Barricading the cabin door, they broke holen througli the companion- way, and, with muskets and ammunition wliich were at Imnd, opened a brisk fire that soon cleared the deck. Thus far the Indian interpreter, from whom these particulars are derived, had been an eye-witness of the deadly conHict. He had taken no part In it and had been spared by the natives as being of their race. In the confusion of the moment he took refuge with the rest, in the canoes. The sur- vivors of the crew now sallied forth and discharged some of the deok guns, which did great execution among the canoes and drove all the savages to shore. For the remainder of the day no one ventured to put oft" to the ship, deterred by the effects of the flre-arms. The night passed away without any further attempt on the part of the natives. When day dawned the Tonquin still lay at anchor in the bay, her sails all loose .and flapping In the wind, and no one ajiparently on board of her. After a time, some of the canoes ventured forth to reconnoitre, taking with them the interpreter. They paddled about her, keeping cautiously at a distance, but growing more and more emboldened at seeing her quiet and lifeless. One man at length made his appearance on the deck and was recognized by the interpreter as Mr. Lewis. He made Irlendly signs and invited them on board. It was long before they ventured to comply. Those who mounted the deck met with no oppo- sition ; no one was to be seen on board, for Mr. Lewis, after inviting them, had dis- appeared. Other canoes now pressed forward to board the prize ; the decks were soon crowded and the sides covered with clambering savages, all intent on plunder. In the midst of their eagerness and exultation, the ship blew up with a tremendous explosion. Arms, legs and mutilated bodies were blown into the air, and dreadful havoc was made in the suriounding canoes. The interpreter wa.i in the main chains at the time of the explosion, and was thrown unhurt into the water, where he succeeded in getting into one of the canoes. According to hi.s statement the Imy presented an awful spectacle after the catastrophe. The ship had disappeared, but the bay was covered with fragments of the wreck, with shattered canoes, and Indians swimming for their lives or struggling in the agonies of death ; while those who had escaped the danger remained aghast and stupitted, or made with frantic panic for the shore. Upwards of a hundred savages were destroyed by the explo- sion, many more were shockingly mutilated, and for days afterwards the limbs and bodies of the slain were thrown upon the beach. The inhabitants of Neweetee were overwhelmed with consternation at this astounding calamity which had burst upon them in the very moment ot triumph. The warriors sat mute and mournful, while the women filled the air with loud lam- entations. Their weeping and wailing, however, was suddenly changed into yells of fury at the sight of four unfortunate white men brought captive into the village. They had been driven on shore in one of the ship's boats, and taken at some dis- tance along the coast. The interpreter was permitted to converse with them. They proved to be the four br.-ive fellows who had made such desperate defense from the cabin. The interpreter gathered from them some of the particulars already related. They told him further that, after they had beaten off the enemy, and cleared the ship, Lewis advised that they should slip the cable and endeavor to get to sea. •ifi = 1 ■■^m % 156 HISTOKY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY, They declined to take hia advice, alleging that the wind Het too stronKly into the bay, and would drive them on Hhore. They resolved, as soon an it wom dark, to put off quietly in the ship's Iwrnt, which they would be able to do unperceived, and to coast along back to Astoria. They put their resolution into effect ; but Lewis re- fused to accompany them, being disabled by his wound, hopeless of escape and determined on a terril)le revenge. On the voyage out he had frequently expressed a presentiment that he sliould die liy liis own hands— thinking it highly probable that he should l)e engajred in some contests with the natives, and being resolved. In case of extremity, to commit suicide rather than be made a prisoner. He now '"j- clared his intention to remain on the ship until daylight, to decoy as numy of the savages on board as possible, then to set fire to the powder magazine and ..erminate his life by a single act of vengeance. How well he succeeded has been shown. His companions bade him a melancholy adieu and set off on their precarious expe- dlt'in. They strove with might and main to got out of the bay, but found it im- possible to weather a point of land, and were at length compelled to take shelter in a small cove, where they hoped to remain concealed until the wind should be more favorable. Exhausted by fatigne and watching, they fell into a sound sleep, and In that state were surprised by the savages. Hetter had it been for those un- fortunate men had they remained with Lewis and shared his heroic death ; as it was, they perished In a more painful and protracted manner, being sacrificed by the natives to the raants of their friends with ail the lingering tortures of savage cruelty. Some time after their death the interpreter, who had remained a kind of prisoner at large, effected his escape and brought the tragical tidings to Astoria. While this sati tragedy was being enacted, affairs progressed rapidly at Astoria. The fort was completed and everything was placed in readiness for an opening of the expected large trade with the natives of the Colnmbia. On the ftfteenth of July a canoe, manned by nine white men, was observed descending the rivei', and when they landed at the fort they were found to be a party of em- ployees of the powerful Northwest Company, headed by David Thompson, a partner in that great organization. He had been dis- patched from Montreal the year before, for the purpose of taking possession of the mc^uth of the Columbia before the Astor party should arrive. He had experienced much hardship, disappointment and delay; had been deserted by nearly all his party, and now, with but a few faithful ones, he arrived too late to accomplish his mis- sion. The Americans were in possession. Thf Northwest Com- pany held a warm place in McDoiigal's heart, and as that gentle- man was in charge at Astt)ria, Thompson received a cordial wel- come, and was bountifully supplied with provisions and necessaries for his return journey, notwithstanding the fact that he wa/i but a spy upon his hosts. When he set out upon his return, eight days later, he was entrusted with a letter to Mr. Astor, giving the presi- dent of the company information of the safe ai-rival of the Tonquin, ASTORIA AND THE JOINT OOOTTPATTON TREATY. 157 the founding of Astoria, and the ahHcnce of the vessel ui)on a trad- ing voyage to tlie nortli, for the (h'striiction of th(^ slii]) and ti'agic death of the crew were as yet unknown at the fort. With Thomp- son went David Stuart, at the head of a party of nine men, with instructions to establisli a post on the Up[)er Cohuid)ia. This he accomplished ])y founding Fort Okinagan, near the mouth of the Okinagan River. In the fall Stuart sent half his men back to Astoria, not having sufficient provisions to subsist them all through the winter. The schooner whose frame iiad been brought out in the Tonquin, was constructed (bn-ingthe summer, and was launched on the second of Octo<«er, receiving the name of Dolly. She was the third craft constructed on the upper cojist, and the first built along the Columbia River. While these steps were being taken V>y the party which reached Ast»>ria by sea, the other one which attempted the overland journ(?y was suffering terrible hardshi|)s. The land party was under tiie command of W^ilson Price Hunt, and was composed of McKenzie and three new partners, Ramsey Crooks, Joseph Miller and Rol»ert McLellan; also, John Day, a noted Kentucky hunter; Pierre Dorion, a French half-breed inter- preter, and enough trappers, voyageurs, etc., to make a total of sixty people. They reached Fort Henry, t)n Snake River, October 8, 1811. Small detachments were, from time to t'nie, sent out in the Rocky Mountains to trap, who were to use Fort Henry as a base of supplies and a depot for furs. The remainder of the party continued the journey down Snake River and met with a continuous succession of disasters. Antoine Clappin was drowned in passing a rapid, and soon after famine reduced them to a pitiable condition. They were finally forced to separate into small detachments, one party going under Crooks, another under McKenzie, and a third under Hunt, with the hope that by such a division their chances for reaching the mouth of the Col- umbia would be increased. Once the parties under Crooks and Hunt camped with only the narrow, tvu'bulent waters of Snake River separating them. The Hunt party had killed a horse and were cooking it, while their starving companions on the opposite side of the stream, with no means of crossing it, were forced to look on as they dined. Not a man in Mr. Hunt's camp would make an effort to send them food, until the arrival of Mr. Crooks, who, discovering 158 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. I?: I 1 il: the condition of his men on the opposite side, called to the forlorn band to start fires for cooking, that no time might be lost, while he constructed a canoe out ctf skins in which to take the meat across to them. In vain he tried to shame the more fortunate into helping to succor their famishing companions, but "A vague and almost superstitious terror," says Irving, " had infected the minds of Mr. Hunt's followers, enfeebled and rendered imaginative of horrors by the dismal scenej* and sufferings through which they had passed. Tl'.ey regarded tne haggard crew, hovering like spectres of famine on the oprosite bank, with ir.definite feelings of awe and apprehension, as if something desperate and dangerous was to be feared fi*om them." When the canoe wiis finished, Mr. Crooks attempted to naAngate the impetuous stream with it, but found his strength unequal to the task, and failing to reach his companions on the opposite bank, made another appeal to Hunt's men. Finally, a Kentuckian, named Ben. Jones, undertook and made the passage, conveying meat to them and then came back. Irving, in describing the sad scene, says: — A poor Canadian, however, naiiied Jean Baptlste Prevost, whom famine had rendered wild and desperate, ran frantically about the banks, after Jones had re- turned, crying out to Mr. Hunt to send the canoe for iiini. and take him from that horrible region of famine, declaring that otJierwiw li ■ would never march another step, but would lie down there and die. The canoe was shortly sent over again, under the management of .Joseph Delaunay, with further supplies. Prevost imme- diately pressed forward to embark. Delaunay refused to admit him, telling him ;hat there was now a sufficient supply of meat on his side of the river. He replied that it was not cooked, and he should starve before it was ready ; he implored, there- fore, to be taken where he could get something to appease iiis hunger immediately. Finding the canoe putting off without him, he forced himself aboard. As he drew near the oppo.site shore, and beheld meat roasting befon' the fire, he jumped up, shouted, clapped hi.s hands, and danced in a delirium oi joy, until he upset the canoe. The poor wretch was swept away by the current and drowned, and it was with extreme difficulty that } »elaunay reached the shore. Mr. Hunt now sent all his men forward excepting two r three, in the evening, he caused another horse to be killed, and a c^uoe to be mai'e out of the skin, in which he sent over a further supply of meat to the opposite party. The canoe broaeht back John Day, the iCen- tucky hunter, who came to join his former commanaer and employer, Mr. Crooks.'^ Poor Day, once so active and vigorous, was now reduced to a condition even more feeble and emaciated than his companions. Mr. Crooks had such h value for the mr.j, on account of his pa«t services and inithful character, that he determined not to quit him; he exhorted Mr. Hunt, however, tx) proceed forward and join the party, as his presence was all important to tiie conduct of the expedition. One of the (Canadians, .lean Baptist* Duhreuil. likewise remained with Mr. - "rooks. The occuiTences at this staniinon camp wer" on the twentieth of ASTORIA AND THE JOINT OCCUPATION TREATY. 159 December, 1811, both parties being on their way up Snake River after having found the descent of that stream impossible. It was now their intention to strike across the country fox* the Cohimbia, as soon as it was practicable to do so. On the twenty - third of December, Mr Hunt's followers crossed to the west side of the stream, where they were joined by Crook's men, who were already there. The two parties, when united, numbered thirty-six souls, and on the next day they turned from the river into a ti'ack- less countiy; but, before starting, three more of their number had concluded to remain among the savages rather than face the hard- ships and trials that lay before them. December 28, 1811, the head waters of Grand Ronde River were reached, and the last day of that year found them encamped in the valley of that name. Through all their perils and wanderings since leaving St. Louis, one woman, the Indian wife of Pierre Dorion, a guide, interpreter and trapper, had accompanied them, liringing with her two children, and, as the part)' entered the Grand Ronde Valley, she gave birth to another. The next day she continued the journey on hoi-seback as though nothing had happened, but the little stranger only lived six days. Mr. Hunt, after halting one or two days to enable his followers to celebrate, in their forlorn way, the advent of a new year that had presented to them the Grand Ronde Valley , a kind of winter para- dise in the mountains, continued his course to the west. The Blue Mountain ridge was passed, and January 8, 1812, an Indian village on the Umatilla River close to the mountains was reached, where they were hospital )]y received. From there their route was down this stream t<^ the Columbia River, thence to the mouth of the latter, arriving at Astoria February 15, 1812. Since leaving Fort Henry, October 19, 1811, out of Mr. Hunt's party, two men had been nzie, Robert McLellan and the unfortunate John Reed, had been detached on Snak(* River, and following that stream until its waters mingled with the Columbia, had reached Astoria a ! 160 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. month in advance of Mr. Hunt. Mr. Stuart, when returning from his post on the Okinagan, during ihe first days of April, found Mr. Crooks and John Day on the banks of the Columbia River, without weapons, nearly starved, and as naked as wlien born, having been robbed and stripped by the Dalles Indians. They had wintered in the Blue Mountains about Grand Ronde Valley, and in the spring had reached the Walla Wallas, who had fed, succored them, and sent them on their way rejoicing down the river. AVhen found, they were making their way back to these early friends of the Americans, who never failed to assist our people when in trouble. At length all but three of those starting from the head waters of the Snake River for Astoria had reached that place, except the four voyageurs, and later they, too, were found by a return party. On the ninth of May, the ship Beaver, with reinforcements and supplies, anchored at Astoria, and the Pacific Fur Company was in condition to enter upon a vigorous fur-gathering campaign. Mr. Hunt, who was at the head of affairs, set out in July for Alaska to fulfill the mission upon which the ill-fated Tonqiiin had sailed, and his departure left Duncan McDougal in charge. Prior to this, however, the various expeditions to trap waters and trade with natives between the Rocky and Cascade Mountains had started, sixty-two strong, up the Columbia. Among the number was the unfortunate John Day, and, as the party approached the scenes of his former sufferings, his mind became delirious, and the mere sight of an Indian would throw him into a frenzy of passion. He finally attempted his own life, but was prevented from taking it, after which a constant guard was kept over him. It was at length de- termined to send him ]>ack to Astoria, and being placed in charge of two Indians, he was delivered by them at the fort, where he died in less than a year. His old compeers and staunch friends, who had shared perils and privations with him, were forced to continue their journey with a sad memory of this companion, whose brain had been shattered by his many misfortunes. The stream which had witnessed his sufferings still bears the heroic trapper's name. The arrival of trappers at the present site of Wallula, on the twenty- eighth of July, 1812, was the signal for general rejoicing among the friendly Walla Wallas, who greeted them with bonfires and anight danc€, in which they sang the praises of their white friends. Here ASTORIA AND THE JOINT OCCUPATION TKKATY. 161 the foui' expeditions were to separate, Robert Stuart to cross the continent by Hunt's route; David Stuart to go up the Columbia to Okinagan; Donald McKenzie to establish a post in the Nez Perce country ; and John Clarke to locate one among the Spokane Indians. Of these several expeditions, Robert Stuart, with his party, includ- ing Crooks and McLellan, reached St. Louis eleven months later, bearing news to Mr. Astor of his enterprise on the Pacific Coast. McKenzie's operations were a failure; David Stuart's success was equal to his most sanguine hopes, and Mr. Clarke's efforts resulted second only to those of Mr. Stuart. On the twenty-lifth of May, 1813, M;-. Clarke started fi'om his post on the Spokane to reach the Wfdla Walla, the place agreed upon as a general rende vous, where the different expeditions were to meet and return to Astoria with the furs obtained in their ope- rations during the past season. On his way up, Mr. Clarke had left his canoes in charge of a Palouse chief, living at the mouth of the river of that name, with whom he found them on his return. He had twenty-eight horse j^acks of furs, and all his men were in high spirits because of the nucces.^ that had attended their year's work. While stopping at the mouth of this stream to repair their cauoes, in which to embark upon the river, an incident happened that can not well be passed in silence. Mr. Clarke was a strong disciplinarian, something of an aristocrat, and disposed to impress those with whom he came in contact witli the dignity of his pres- ence and person. He was in the habit of canying a silver goblet t<> drink from, and the glittering object carefully guarded by its possessor, had a strange fascination for the superstitious Indians. In ail their land, no such wondrous device had been seen before. They talked to each other concerning it, ^vatched its appearance, and the care with which the lui'ky possessor laid it away after using. They 1)elieve(l it to be a givat medii ine, like the spotted shirt, and the whit*^ (|uilt among the Cceur d'Alenes, a powerful talisman to shield its owner from harm. One night it disappeared, and Mr. C^irke was enraged, lie threatened to hang the first In- dian detected in stealing, and the next night an unfortunate one was caught in the act. A hasty trial followed, and the prisoner was condemned to die, when Mr. Clarke made the assembled sav- ages a spee<;L. He recounted the numei'ous gift^ that had be(;n be- ll?- i 162 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLET. stowed, the benefit the white man's presence had been to theii* peo' pie, and then, upbraiding them for thefts, told the Indians that he should kill the thief he had captured with pilfered goods. The old chief and his followers besought him not to do this. They were willing that he should be punished severely, and then let go, V)ut the trapper was inexorable, and the poor groveling wretch was dragged to a temporary scaffold, constructed from oars, and was launched into eternity. The other partners of the Pacific Fur Com- pany were unanimous in condemning this act, and Gabriel Fran- chere, who was one of the company clerks, wrote concerning tlie killing of the unfortunate John Reed and his party by Indians dur- ing the ensuing winter: " We had no doubt that his massacre was an act of vengeance, on tlie part of the natives, in retaliation for the death of one of their people, whom Mr. John Clarke had hanged for theft the spring before." * Immediately after this hanging the party embarked for the mouth of the Walla Walla, where Stuart and McKenzie were waiting, and from this point they all continued their way dowli the river, arriving at Astoria, June 12, 1813, Upon re-assembling at head quarters, the return expeditions found that, upon the whole, it had been a successfid year's labor; that the pelti-y brought in, amounting to one hundred and fifty-seven packs, if sold at market rates in Canton, would pay well for the time spent, and reimburse them for local losses. In addition to this, they had become well established in the fur-producing regions, and the outlook wsis very encouraging except for one thing. War had been raging between Gi'eat Britain and the United States for over a year, and they had re(-ently become aware of the fact. On their arrival at Astoria, J. (t. McTavish, with nineteen men, was found camped near by, awaiting the appearance (jf a vessel called the Isaac Todd, sent by the Northwest Company with stores for them, and bearing letters of marque, and instructions from the British Govern- ment to destroy everything American found on the Pacific Coast. This latter fact wan unkni/wu at Ast<)ria at the time, however, but the non-arrival of supplies by sea, combined wnth the unfavorable news of British success in arms, led the partners to fear that none whatever would reach them. Tliey, conse(}uently, determined to • This Is undoubtedly Incorrect, sh Reed's party WM killed near Fort Henry, (eTeral hundred miles distant, and by a totally distlnat tribe of ludiani. ASTOBIA AND THS JOINT OCCUPATION THKATY, 163 abandon the country and start on their return overland the ensuing year, if their misgivings proved well founded. They sold their Spokane fort co MoTavish for $848, and then furnished that gentle- man with provisions to enable him to return to the upper country, and, in July, they visited the interior themselves, to gather what furs they could before taking final leave of the country. Three months later, McTavish returned to Astoria with a force of seventy- five men, for the purpose of meeting the vessel that had caused his former visit, bringing, also, the news that her coming to the Colum- bia was for the purpose of capturing Astoria, and to assist tlie Northwest Company in gaining ascendency on the coast. He offered to buy the furs of the Astoi-ians, and, on the sixteenth of October, 1813, a transfer of the entire stock, worth at least $100,000, was made for less than $40,000. Two months later, on December 12th, the fort was surrendered to the English under conunand of a naval officer. Captain Black of the Raccoon^ when the American flag was lowered to give the British colors place, and the name of Astoria was changed to " Fort George." An amusing incident of this trans- fer is related by John Ross Cox : — The Indians, at the mouth of the Columbia, knew well that Great Britian and America were distinct nations, and that they were then at war, but were ignorant of the arrangement made between Messrs. McDougal and McTavish, the former of wliom still continued as nominal chief at the fort. On tlie arrival of the Raccoon which they quickly discovered to be one of " King George's lighting ships," they repaired, armed, to the fort, and requested an audience of Mr. McDougal. He was somewhat surprised at their numbers and warlike appearance, and demanded the object of such an unusual visit. Concomly, the' principal chief of the Chinooks (whose daughter McDougal had married), thereupon addressed him in a long speech, in the course of which he said that King George had sent a ship full of warriors, and loaded with nothing but big guns, to take the Americans and make them pM slaves, and that, as they (the Americans) were the first white men who settled in their country, and treated the Indians like good relations, they had reso'.ved to defend them from King (Jeorge's warriors, and were now ready to conceal them- selves in the woods close to the wharf, from whence they would be able, wi :h their guns and arrows, to shoot all the men that should attempt to land from the English boats, while the people in the fort could fire at them with their big guns and rifles. This proposition was uttered with an earnestness of manner that admitted no doubt of Its sincerity. Two armed boats fron> the lineconn were approaching, and, had the people in the fort felt disposed to accede to the wishes of the Indians, every man in tliem would have been destroyed by an invisible enemy. Mr. McDougal thanked them for the'r friendly offer, but added, that, notwithstanding the nations were at war, the people in the boats would not injure him or any of his j>eople, and therefore requested ihem to throw by their war shirts and arms, and receive the strangers as their friends. They at first seemed astonished at this answer; but, on assuring them, in the most positive manner, that he was under no apprehension, they cou- It ; 164 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. ^111 II rented to give up their weapons for a few days. Tliey afterwards declared they were sorry for having complied with Mr. McDougal's wishes, for when they ob- served Captain Black, surrounded by his offlcers and marines, break the bottle of port on the flag-stafT, and hoist the British ensign, after changing the name of the fort, they remarked that however he might wish to conceal the fact, the Americans were undoubtedly made slaves. Seventy-eight days aftei* the surrender of Astoria to the British, Mr. Hunt arrived at that fort in the brig Pedlar, and judge of his atLonishment to learn that McDougal was no k)ngei' a partner of the Pacific, but of the Northwest, Company; that he held posses- sion, not under the American, but under the British, flag ; and that all in which Mr. Hunt was interested on this coast had passed, without a struggle, through treachery, into the hands of his country's enemies. Mr. Hunt, finally, secured the papers pertaining to busi- ness trausac;tions of the Paciiic Fur Company from McDougal, and then sailed, April 3, 1814, from the shore that had seemed to yield only misfortune and disaster in return for the efforts of himself, and those with whom he was associated. The next day, David Stuart McKenzie, John Clarke and eighty-five other members and employees of the Pacific Fur Company, stai'ted up the Columbia River in their boats on their way across the continent, and while passing Wallula, learned fi'om the widow of Pierre Dorion, of the massacre of John Reed and his eight associates, among the Snake Indians near Fort Henry. Thus matters remained until the war of 1812 was terminated by the Tieaty of Ghent, by which it WJis stipidated that " all territory, places and possessions, whatsoever, taken by either party fi'om the other during the war, or which nuiy be taken after the signing of this treaty, shall be restored without delay." The commissioners could not agree upon a line of division between the possessions of England and the Unitt^d States west of the Lake of the Woods, so the Oregon (piestion was left for further discussion, and the (Colum- bia remained disputt'd territoiy. Mr. Astor at once applied to the President for restitution of his property under the terms of tlie treaty, as he not only desired to recover his loss<^s, but to resume operations on the Columbia and cai'ry out the plan of Americtin occupation which had been so well begun. Accordingly, in July, 1815, the government notified the British Minister at Washington that it would immediately reoccupy the ca[)tured fort at the mouth of A-NTOKIA AND THE JOINT Of'OtTPATION TKKATY. 165 the Columbia; but the notification elicited no official response from Great Britain. For two years no active measures were taken, and, finally, in September, 181 7, the sloop of war Ontario was dispatched to the Columbia, commanded by Captain J. Biddle, who, with J. H. Prevost, who went as a passenger, constituted a commission to accomplish the purpose declared. They were instructed to assert the claim of the United States to sovereignty over the region of the Columbia, but to do so in an inoffensive manner. This step compelled Great Britain to define her position. Her representative at Wjishington officially inquired of Secretary Adams the destination and object of the Ontario, and with the information he received in response to his query was the intimation, that since England had paid no attention to the notice given her two yeare before, it had been Jissumed that she had no intention of claiming any sovereign rights along the Columbia. In answer to this the British Minister stated that the post at the mouth of the Columbia was the private property of tlie Northwest Company, having been purchased by its agent from a partner of Mr. Astor; furthermore, that it was situated in a region long occupied by that company, (referring, presumably, to the establishment on Fraser River, many hundred miles to the north), and wjis consequently considered a portion of His Majesty's dominions. Quite a spirited correspond- ence was maintained for some time, involving on each side the ques- tions of abstract rights by discovery and al)solute rights by posses- sion, both parties to the controversy l)asiug a claim upon each of these foundations. iVs the claims then put forward remained prac- tically the same until tlie question was settled in 184(3 — with a modification only in the direction of additional settlements made between these periods — it is well to define here the position assumed })y the contending parties. The United States claimed Oregon under four distinct titles: First, as a portion of Louisiana, purchased from France in 1803; second, by right of discovery by the Sjianish explorers — Ferrelo, Aguilar, Perez, Hecela, Bodega y Quadra, and others — the benefit of whose discoveries accrued to the United States by the Florida purchase made in 1819, denying at the same time that Sir Francis Drake proceeded north of the forty -third degi'ee, a point claimed to have been previously reached by Ferrelo [The Spanish title was not 166 HISTORY OK WILLAMETTE VALLKY. Lii-. I asserted, of course, until after the purchase, being subsequent to the first temporary settlement of the question]; third, by reason of the discovery of the Columbia by Captain Gray, claiming that Heceta, Meares and Vancouver had all declared that no river existed there, and that Broughton had simply entered it subsequent to its discov- ery by Gray, and explored it a few miles further up; fourth, by reason of the explorations of Captains Lewis and Clarke, and the establishment of posts at Astoria, Okinagan and Spokane by the Pacific Fur Company, denying that the sale of thos3 posts, effected under the c^uress of threatened capture by a man-of-war, was such as to affect the right of the Unitelayed upon the walls of the fort, while the guns of the Blossom roared a noisy salute. The American ensign was then lowered, and the farce was o\er. The United States was thus again nominally in possession of Oregon, while the actual possessors were the agents of the Northwest Company, subjects of Great Britain. Fort George in 1818 was a far different structure from Astoria 1<>« HISTORY OF WILLAMKTTK VALLKY. as it existed when surrendered to the Northwest Company in 1813. A stockade of pine logs, rising tv/elve feet above the gi'onnd, en- compassed a parallelogi'am 1 50x250 feet in dimensions. Within this were dwellings, storehouses, magazines, shops, etc. The walls mounted two eighteen -po'jnders, six six-pounders, four four-pound carronades, two six-pound cohorns and seven swivels, an ainiament sufficient to render it a strong fort in those days. These remained after the surrender, and Fort George wjis, practically, as mudi of a British post as liefore. The two governments still continued to negotiate on the main point at issue — title to Oregon. Neither would recede from the positions assumed at the beginning of the controvei-sy, and to avoid an open rupture, and with the hope that time would inject a new element into the question, a treaty of procrastination was signed. By this convention it was agreed that all territories and their waters, west of the Rocky Mountains, should be free and open to the vessels and to the use and occupation of the citizens and subjects of both nations for the period of ten years, that no claim of either party, should in any manner be prejudiced by this action, and that neither should gain any right of dominion by su^ h use or occupati< >n during the specified term. This treaty of joint occupation remained in force, by extension with mutual consent, until the question was definitely settled in 1846. On the twenty-second of February, 1819, the State Department consummated negotiations which had been in progress for some time, completing the title of the United States as defined in a previous paragraph. This was the signing of a treaty with Spain, V)y which the Province of Florida was con- veyed to the United States, including all the rights, claims and pre- tensions of Spain to any territories north and east t)f a line drawn from the source of the Arkansas, north to the forty-second parallel, and thence to the Pacific. This remained the boundary between the United States and Mexico, and between the disputed land of Oregon and the Mexican possessions west of the Rocky Mountains. It still continues to be the southern boundary of Oregon, but ceased to divide the United States from Mexico when California, New Mexico and Arizona were conquered or piu"cha8ed. CHAPTER XI. THE RIVAL FUR COMPANIEiS. Growth ami Power of the Northwest Conipani/ — Rivalry hetween it and the Jlvdsun's Bay Company — The Red Rloer War—Bai'roioa' De- scription of the Hwlsori's Bay Company — The Canadian Voya- yeiirs — J'^ort Vancouver J^^otindsd- — Dunn's Description of i Fort and the Methods of the lliulson^s Bay Company in Oregon. THE Northwest Company had now full control of Oregon, but a fierce and bloody struggle was going on between it and the older Hudson's Bay Company, for possession of the f(ir regions of America. The companies had grown too large to be tolerant of each other; one must go the wall. Whet, first organized the old company, enjoying chartered privileges and su[)reme monopoly of a vast extent of territory, laughed with derision at the idea that a few independent traders could so combine as to become dangerous rivals; but that such was the fact was (juickly demonstrated. The Northwest Company began operations on a thorough system, by which it was soon developed into a powerf .1 and \vealthy corpora- tion. All its managing agents were interested partners, Avho natur- ally did their utmost to swell the receipts. In the plenitude of its power it gave employment to two thousand voyageurs, while its agents penetrated the wilderness in all directions in search of furs. It was the pioneer of the Northwest. While the chartered monop- oly clung like a burr to its granted limits, the new organization was exploring and taking possession of that vast region lying between Lake Superior and the Pacific, from the Missouri to the Arctic Ocean. It has been shown how Mackenzie made a journey to the Arctic and another to the Pacific, and how his footsteps were fol- lowed by Eraser and a post e8ta})lished in the extreme west. While the old company was sluggishly awaiting the advent of Indians at 170 HISTORY OP WILLAMKTTE VALLEY. the few posts it had established in central locations, the rival organ- ization sent its agents out to trade with the tribefi far and near. The result was that all the tribes, except those in the immediate vicinity of the Hudson's Bay Company forts, were gradually won to an alliance with the yoimger and more vigorous organization. The collection of furs was so over -stimulated that a complete extinction of fur-bearing animals was threatened. A systematic effort was being made to drive the old company from tlie most valuable beaver country, and to so cripple it that a surrender of its charter would become necessary. The result of this aggressive policy was to arouse the Hudson's Bay Company to a realizing sense of the precarious condition of affairs, and the necessity of taking energetic steps to recover the lost ground. Its efforts to do this soon resulted in hostile collisions between its representatives and agents of the rival company, lead- ing to a state of war between them. The first act of actual hostility, other than mere trade rivalry, was committed in 1806, when a trader of the Hudson's Bay Company was forcibly deprived of four hundred and eighty packs of beaver skins, and a few months later of iifty more. The same year another trader vva« attacked and robbed of valuable furs by servants of the Northwest Company, and received similar treatment again the following spring. These acts of plun- dering were numerous, and since no law but the law of might existed in the wilderness, there was no redress for the^ despoiled company nor punishment for the offenders, since the latter were Canadians and their victims citizens of England and not possessed of facilities for securing redi'ess in the courts of Canada. In twelve years but one case was brought to trial, in 1809, when a Hudson's Bay Com- pany man was convicted of manslaughter for killing an agent of the other company who was making an attack upon him with a sword; and this result was accomplished by the powerful influeniv of the Northwest Company in Montreal. In 1812, having received a grant of fertile land from the Hud- son's Bay Company, Lord Selkirk, a man of energy and an enthusi- ast on the subject of colonial emigration, commenced a settlement on Red River near its junction with the Assiniboine, south of Lt ke Winnipeg. No sooner was this accomplished than the rival com- pany expressed a determination to destroy the settlement, and in THK IlIVAL FtlB COMPANIKK. 171 the autumn of 1814 fitted out an expedition for that purpose at its chief establislnnent, Fort William, on the shore of liake Superior. After haraHsing the settlement for some months, an attack was made upon it in June, 1815, which was repulsed. Artillery having been brought up, the buildings of Fort Gibraltar, the stronghold of the settlement, were battei-ed down and the place cai)tured. The governor was sent to Montreal a prisoner, the remaindei- of the set- tlers were expelled from the country, the cattle were slaughtered and the buildings demolished. In the fall, however, the colonists returned with a great accession to their numbers and again estab- lished themselves under the leadership of Colin Robertson, being accompanied by Robert Semple, Governor of the Hudson's Bay Company territories. In the spring of IHK;, Alexander McDon- nell, a partner of the Northwest Company, collected a strong force with the design of crushing the settlement completely. After cap- turing the supply train on its way to Red River, the invading force came upon Governor Semple and a force of thirty men all of whom they killed, except one who was made a prisoner and four who es- caped. The settlere still remaining in the fort, seeing the hopeless- ness of resistance, surrendered, and to the number of two hundred were sent in canoes to Hudson's Bay. They were chiefly Scotch, as were also the attacking party ; but the love of gain was stronger than the ties of blood. In 1821 parliament put an end to this bloody feud and ruinous competition by consolidating the rival companies under the name of The Honorable Hudson's Bay Company, by which was created an organization far more powerful than had either been before, and England gained a united and potent agent for the advancement of her interests in America. The settlements on the Red, Assiniboine and Saskatchewan rivers were renewed, and Winnipeg became in a few yeai-s the center of a prosperous community. The new com- pany took possession of Fort George and other posts along the Co- himbia, and as it thereafter became closely woven into the history of this region, a brief description of its founding, growth and meth- ods becomes necessary to a full understanding of subsequent events. Dr. William Barrows gives the following description of that pow- erful corporation: Its two objects, as set forth in Its charter, were " for the discovery of a new pas- t'l f 1 I 172 HISTOKV OK WILLAMETTE VALLEY. ii' sage into the South 8ea, and for the finding of some trade for furs, minerals and other conniderable comnioditios." Tt may well be suspei'ttsd that the first was the face and the second the soul of the charter, which grants to the company the ex- clusive right of the "trade and commerce of all taose setui, straik and bays, rivers, lakes, creeks, and sounds, in whatsoever latitude they sliall iye, that lie within the entrance of the straits commonly called Hudson Straits," and of all lauds bordering them not under any other civilized government. This covered all territory within that immense basin from rim to rim, one edge dipping into the Atlantic and the other looking into the Pacific. Through this vast extent the company was made for "all time hereafter, capable in law. to have, purchase, receive, possesss, enjoy, and retain lands, rents, privileges, liberties, jurlHdi(^tion, franchise, and heredita- ments of what kind, nature, or quality soever they be, to them and their succes- sors." The company held that region as a man holds his farm, or a.s the great bulk of real estate in England is now held. They could legislate over and govern it, bound only by the tenor and spirit of English law, and make war and peace within it; and all persons outside the company could be forbidden to " visit, hunt, fre- quent, trade, traffic, or adventure" therein. For all this, and a.s a confession of allegiance to the crown as a dependent colony and province, they were to pay an- nually as rent "two elks anpean e(|ually at l)ay, while within all this vawt unorganized wilderness, their hand over red and wliite man was absolute. At first the compartv rould govern ass it pleas(;d, and was autocratic and irresponsible. By additional legislation in 1808, the civil and criminal government of the Canadas wa^ made to follow the com- pany into lands outside their first charter, commonly called Indian coimtries. The (Governor of Lower Canada Imd the appointing power of officials within those countries~l)ut lie did not send in special men; he appointed those connected with the company and on the ground. The company, therefore had the admin. i:ati:)U In those outside districts in its own hands. Thus tlie commercial life or "t.^ Can- adas was so dependent upon the Hudson's Bay Company that the government could THE KIVAI- FITK COMPAXIKS. 173 be counted on to promote the wishes of the company. I n brief, the Kovernnient of British America was practiwilly the Hudson's Bay Company, iiiid for all the privi- lege and monopoly which it (enjoyed, without seemin : to demand it, tliere was an annual payment, if called for, of " two elks and two . i .k beavers." This company thus became a powerful organization. It had no rival to .nbare the field, or waste the profits in litigation, or in bloody feuds beyond tbc region of law. [Except the contest l)et ween it and the Xortlnv>'^l ((imiiany prior to tlieir consolidation.] It extende at the trader's hut or factory a.s when the sledgeman's grandfather drove up, the same dogs, the same half-breeds, or uui/aff-urn, to welcome him, the same foul, lounging Indians, and the same nunk skin in exchange for the same trinkets. The fur animal and its purchaser and hunter, as the landscajie, seem to be alike under the saUiC immutable, unprogressixe law of nature, " A land where all things always seoin the same," as among tiie lotus-eaters. Human progress end Indian civilization have made scarcely more improvement tluni that central, silent partner in file Hudson's Bay Company — the beaver. One feels towards (he power of this com])! iiy, moving thus witli evenness and immutability through a hundred years, much as one does towards a law of nature. At For^ Helkirk, for example, the fifty-two numbers of the weekly London Tiuws came in on the last sledge arrival. The first nundier is already tliree years old, by its tedious voyage from the Thames. Now one number only a week is read, thai the lone trader there nuiy luive fresh news weekly until the next annual dog-mail arrives, and each successive number is three years Upland time wlieu it is opened! In tiiis 174 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. ,1*1 day of Hteainers and telegraphs and telephones, does It seem possible that any human, white habitation can be so outside of the geography and chronology of the world? The goods of the company, packed and shipped in Fenchurch Street, leave London, and at the end of the third year they are delivered at Fort Confidence on Great Bear Lake, or at any other extreme factory of the company; and at the end of three years more the return furs go up the Thames and into Fenchurch Street again. 80 in cycles of six years, and from age to age, like a planet, the shares in the Hudson's Bay Company nuike their orbit and dividends. A run of three months and the London ship drops anchor in Hudson's Bay. "For one year,'' says Butler in his " (ireat Lone I^and," "the stores that she has brought in lie in the warehouse at York Factory ; twelve months later they reach Red River ; twelve months later they reach Fort 8impson on the Mackenzie." The original stock of this company was 150,820. In fifty years it was tripled twice by profits only, and went u)) to $457,380, while not one new dollar was paid in. In 1821 the (Company al)sorbefi the NorthT,rest Company of Montreal, on a basis of value equal to its own. The consolidated stock then was §1,916,000, of which $1,780,86^ was from profits. Yet, meanwhile, there had been an annual payment of ten per cent, to stockholders. In 183(> one of the company's ships left Fort George for London, witli a cargo of furs valued at $380,0(M). * » * When the English (lovernment, in 184ti, conceded the claims of the United States to hbors, the Indians, in indolent Indulgence and imprudent disregard of the morrow. When Canada passed under British domination, and the old French trading houses were broken up, the voyageurs were for a time disheartened and disconsolate, and with difficulty could reconcile themselves to the service of the new comers, so different in habits, manners ;\nd language from their former employers. By degrees, how- ever, they became accustomed to the chatige, and at length came to consider the British fur traders, and especially the members of the Northwest Company, as the legitimate lords of creation. The drt'ss of these people is generally half <'lvilized, half savage. They wear a -"apot or surcoat, made of a blanket, a strli>ed cotton shirt, cloth trowsers, or leathern leggings, moeeacilus of deer skiu, uud a belt of variegated ^nmi^ THE RIVAL FUR COMPANIES. 175 worsted, from which are suspended the knife, tobacco pouch, andotlier implements. Their language isof tliesame piebald character, being a French patois, embroidered with Indian and Englisli words and plirases. The lives of the voyageury are passed in wild and extensive rovings. They are generally of French descent and inherit much of the gaiety and lightness of lieart of their ancestors, being full of anecdote and song, and ever ready for the dance. Their natural good will is i)rol)ably height- ened by a community of ad venture and hardsiii]! in their jn-ecariouHand wandering life. Thev are dexterous Iwatmen, vigorous and adroit with the oar and paddle, and will row from morning until night without a imirmur. The steersman often sings an old traditioiuiry l<>cn('h song, with some regular liurden in wliich they all join, keeping time with tlaeir oars. In the course of years they will gradually dis- appear; their .songs will die away like the eclu)es tliey once awakened, and the Can- ■ 'Man voyageurs will become a forgotten race, or remenibered anu)ng tlie ^joetical ir.wyes of past times, and as themes for local and romantic associations. The North we,st Company, in 1S21, prio)' to the consoluhitiou, e8ta))lished a post on the north bank of the t/ohinibia, several miles above the mouth of the Willamette. As this was on the point named "Vananiver" by Lieutenant BroUii;hton, in 1 792, the post was christened " Fort Vancouver." In 18"2;5, soon after the con- solidation, the headquarters of the Hudson's Bay Company wiu-* removed fi'om Fort George to Fort Vancouver, because it possessed the de.sii'able features of such an establishment more fully tluui any other in this whole region. It was near the moutli of the Willamette and therefore tlie center and natui'al converging point of ti'apping parties coming rs, warehouses for furs, English goods and other commodities ; workshops for the different mechanics — carpenters, blacksmiths, coopers, wheelwrights, tinners, etc. — in all of which there is the most diligent and unceasing activity and industry. There is also a school-house and chapel, and a powder magazine l)uilt of brick and stone. In the center stands the governor's resident, which is two stories high, the dining hall, and the public sitting room. All the clerks and officers, including the chaplain and physician, dine together in the hall, the governor presiding. The dinner is of the most sul'Stantial kind, consisting of several courses. Wine is fre- quently allowed, but no spirituous litiuors. After grace has been said the company break up ; tlien most of the party retire to the publicsiiting room, called " Bachelor's Hall," or the smoking room, ^o amuse tliemselves as they please, either in smoking, reading, or telling and listening to stories of tlieir own and others' curious advent- ures. Sometimes there is a great infiux of company, consisting of the chief traders from the outposts, who arrive at the fort on business, and the commanders of vessels. Tliese are gala times after dinner, and tliere is a great deal of amusement, but always kept under strict discipline and regulated l)y the strictest propriety. There is, on no occasion, ciiuse for etimii, or a lack of anecdote or interesting narrative ; or, indeed, of any intellectual anuLsement; for if smoking and story-telling be irksome, then there is the horse ready to mount, and the rifie prepared. The voy- ageurand the trapper, wlio have traversed thousands of miles through wild ami unfretpien ted regions, and the mariner, who has eh'cumnavigated the glolje, may be found grouped together, smoking, joking, singing oiid story-ti'lling, and in every way i)anishing dull care, till the j)eriod of their again setiing out for their respective destinations arrives. The t^mokiug room, oi "Bachelor's Hall," presents the appearance of an annory and ii museum. All worts of veapous, uu'i dresses, and THE RIVAL FUR COMPANIES. 177 curiosities of civilized and savage life, and of the various implements for the prose- cution of the trade, might be seen there. The mechanics, and other servants of the establishment, do not dine in the hall, or g' to the HUioking room. The school is for the benefit of the half-breed children of the officers and servants of the company, and of many orphan children of Indians who have been in the company's employment. They are taught English (sometimes French), writing, arithmetic and geography ; and are subsetjuently either api)roi)tice(l to traders in Canada, or kept in the company's service. The front square is, the place where the Indians and trappers deposit their furs and other articles, and make their sales, etc. There may be seen, too, great numbers of men sorting and packing the various goods, and scores of Canadians beating and cleaning the furs from the dust and ver- min, and coarse hairs, previous to exportation. Six hundred yards below the fort, and on the bank of the river, there is a neat village of about sixty well-built wooden houses, generally constructed like those within the fort, in which the mechanics and other servants of the company, who are, in general, Canadians tmd Scotchmen, reside with their families. They are built in rows, and present the appearance of small streets. They are kept in a neat and orderly manner. Here there is an hos- pital, in which the invalided servants of the company, and, indeed, others who may wish to avail themselves of it, are treated with the utmost care. Many of the officers of the company marry half-breed women. They discharge the several duties of wife and mother with fidelity, cleverness and attention. They are, in general, good housewives ; and are remarkably ingenious as needlewomen. Many of them, besides possessing a knowledge of English, speak French correctly, and possess other accomplishments; and they sometimes attend their husbands on their distant and tedious journeys and voyages. These half-lireed women are of a superior class ; being the daughters of chief traders and factors, and other persons, high in the company's service, by Indian women of a supericu* descent or of superior personal attractions. Though they generally dress after the English fashion, according as they see it used by the English wives of the superior officers, yet they retain one peculiarity— the leggin or gaiter, which is nia«le {now that the tanned deer skin has been superseded) of the finest and most gaudy coloured cloth, beauti- fully ornamented with beads. The lower classes of the company's servants marry native women, from the tribes of the upper country, where the women are round- headed and beautiful. These, too, generally speaking, soon learn the art of useful housewivery with great adroitness and readiness ; and they are encouraged and rewarded in every way by the company, in their efforts to acquire domestic economy and comfort. These, too, imitate, in costume the dress of the officer's wives, as much a« they can; and from their necessities of position, which exposes them more to wet and drudgery, they retain the moccasin, in place of adojiting the low- quartere>und in fur-bearing animals. Though a party may be obliged, from a variety of ciy-umstances, to winter in the plain, or in the recesses of the mountains, or on the li<>nit'rs of lakes and rivers, some numbers of it return to the fort in the fall, with the produce of the season's hunt, and report progress, and return to the camp with a reinforcement of necessary supplies. Thus the company are enabled to acquire a minute knowledge of the country and natives, and extend their power and authority over both." I ' ffif olfS CHAPTER XII. DIPLOMACY AGAIN END8 IN JOlNT OCCUPATION. I " I Claim of the United States to the Columbia Rimer — Spasm, jiiic Consid- eration of the Oregon Question in Congress — The Russian Ukase — The Monroe Doctrine — Negotiations in 182 J^ — Claims uth of Gray's Harbor and Hood's Canal throv/n in. Mr. Gallatin renewed Mr. Rush's offer of the forty-ninth parallel, adding free navigation -! T IMAGE FVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-S) A id. 1.0 I.I 1.25 \ti^ 12.5 Iff 1^ 12.2 i:£ 1.4 2.0 1.6 PhotDgiaphic Sciences Corporation V ^ ^ \ 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. M580 (716) 872-4503 K^ i o 184 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. to the sea from all branches of the Columbia lying north of that line. The complete claims and offered compromises of the two na- tions were submitted in written statements, and were published in full in the message of President Adams, of December 12, 1827. There was no essential difference in the claims mmle by the con- tending parties from those set forth above ; they were simply iu"ged in different language and with a better understanding of the sub- ject. The Louisiana title was made a prominent feature by Mr. Gallatin; but the insufficiency of this was clearly shown by the representatives of Great Britain, who also claimed that the titles of the United States and Spain, when taken separately, were imperfect, and when taken together destroyed each other. Mr. Gallatin also advanced the doctrine of contiguity, asserting that the populous settlements in the valley of the Mississippi constituted a strong claim to the extension of their authority " over the contiguous vacant ter- ritory, and to the occupation and sovereignty of the country as far as the Pacific Ocean." This was asserted by the British Commis- sioners to be the doctrine of " might makes right," and to be wholly repulsive to the principles of international law. It was maintained, and with much justness, by the Fnglish n^- gotiators that, since the Nootka Convention especially declared the right of both England and Spain to either of them settle upon and take possession of any portion of the coast now in dispute which had not been previously settled upon by the other, the previous rights of both nations acquired by diecovery were thus expressly waived, and future titles were made to depend entirely upon acts of possession and settlement; therefore, in succeeding to the Spanish title, the United States had acquired nothing but the right pos- sessed by Spain to settle upon and occupy any portion of the coast not already in the actual possession of Great Britain. Mr. Gallatin denied that mere fur trading factories, or posts, could be considered settlements such as were necessary tc* perfect title of a nation to an extended region; but by doing this he dis- credited the title claimed by his own Government by reason of the establishment by the Pacific Fur Company of a post at Astoria; also, by a simple process of reasoning, of the discovery title claimed through Captain Gray, since that gentleman was simply a fur trader, and was not engaged in a voyage of exploration or discovery. biPLOMACY AGAIN ENDS IN JOINT CONVENTION, 185 Not being able to come to any understanding upon the main (^[uestion at issue — a definite boundary line — the negotiations were brought to a close in 1827 by the signing of an agreement indefi- nitely extending the period of joint occupation, making it termin- able by either party upon giving twelve months' notice to that effect. Thus was the aid of time agam invoked to furnish a solution of this vexatious problem. 'i i » I* ■ y 1,1 m !• ml !i CHAPTER XIII. FAILURE OF ALL ATTEMPTS AT JOINT OCCUPATION BY THE AMERICANS. Outlook for Joint Occupation — Comparison of the Advantages of the English and American Traders — Character of the American Trap- pers — 77ie Iludson^s Bay Company's Methods and Servants — Growth of the American Fur Trade — The American Fur Company — The Missouri Fur Company — Ashley, of the Rocky Mountain Fur Company, Penetrates the Rocky Mountains — Method of Conducting Trapping Enterprises — The Annual Rendezvous — Jedediah S. Smithes First Overland Journey — His Second Journey Fraught vnth Disaster — His Adventures in California — IJis Party Massaci'ed on the Umpqua — The Hudson's Bay Company Recover Smithes Furs and Pay him. for Them — Gray^s Version ofthij Affair — The Subject Discussed — Boston's and King George^ s Jlen — Dr. McLaughlin's Account of this Episode — McLeod's Unfortunate Expedition — Ogden's Expedition to the Humboldt and California — Death of Smith — Major Pilcher and Ewing Young — Hudson's Bay Company Establish Fort Umpqua and a Headquarters in California — Bonne- mile's Trading Ventures — Two Efforts of Nathaniel « . Wyeth to Trade in Oregon Result Disastrously — McLaughlin's Remarks on Wyeth — Abandonment of Oregon by American Trappers. THE great power and firm foothold secured in Oregon by the Hudson's Bay Company has been thus minutely described in order that an adequate idea can be had of the herculean task which lay before any American company which might seek to compete with it in its chosen field. Joint occupation, as contemplated in the treaties of 1818 and 1826 was only possible, on the principle of the lion and the lamb. Americans cculd live in Oregon if they would permit themselves to be swallowed by the Hudson's Bay Company — not othei-wise. The chief difficulty which lay in the FAILURE AT JOINT OCCUPATION BY THE AMERICANS. 187 pathway of American tradera in their efforts to compete with the great English corporation, was a lack of unity of purpose and com- bination of capital and effort. The » Americans were all inde- pendent traders, operating alone or in limited partnerships. Sepa- rately they had not the capital to carry on the business in the sys- tematic and comprehensive manner in which the Hudson's Bay Company operated. There was an utter lack of system, unity of action or wise provision for the future. The trtide was not care- fully fostered for future advantage, since none of them cared to build up a business for some one else to enjoy, but each sought to make all the immediate profit possible. The competition among them was ruinous to all, and in a few yeai*8 the whole trade, so far as Americans were concerned, was ruined. In theu- competition with the English monopoly they were at a fatal disadvantage. One unsuccessful season with them was often financially disastrous, while to the gi'eat corporation, covering such a vast scope of country, dealing with so many tribes and handling such varied classes of furs, such a thing as a completely unsuccessful year was impossible. Gains in one section compensated for any losses in another. For this reason, whenever two trapping parties met in open competition for the trade of any tribe of Indians, the Americans were at a dis- astrous disadvantage, and, except in the few instances when they outwitted the rival trader, were forced to the wall. The agent had full authority to use his own discretion in such cases, his only in- structions being to crush his rival at all hazards. No spectre of bankruptcy shook his bony finger in his face; no vision of an angry and distrustful partner rose up before him. He could g' " away every dollar's worth of goods he had, and receive the approval of his superiore, provided, that by doing so, he defeated the ri\^al traders. On the contrary, the American, his entire fortune invested in this single venture, could neither afford to give away his goods nor to lose the opportunity to trade; for often it was the only one of the season, and to miss it meant ruin. In 1815, Congress, in order to aid the struggling traders, passed an act expelling foreign trappers from the territories of the United States east of the Rocky Mountains; but it remained a dead letter, since brigades of the En- glish trappers continued to roam through the country along the Missouri and its tributaries. W^ TP P ■ !r \ P\ R^E *■■ h\ rW r i i ' 1 ; '4 ■ I -.•: 1 ; t H il, 188 mSTOBT OF WILLA3(£TTB VALLSY. Candor compels the confession that there were other reasons for the success of the English and utter failure of the American traders; and these were the great difference in their methods of treating the natives and the character of tt men engaged in the business. The American trappers were, to a large extent, made up of a class of wild, reckless and brutal men, many of them fugitives from justice. With them might made right, and Indian fighting was one of their chief accomplishments. A perpetual state of hostilities existed between them and the Blackfeet and other warlike tribes. They cared nothing for the interests of their employers, were insubordi- nate and quarrelsome, and the histories of their lives and adventures,* written for the glorification of the few of the most noted of them, convince us that, as a whole, they composed the lowest stratum of American society. Irving, in one of many similar passages, thus speaks of one phase of their character: "The arrival of the sup- plies gave the regular finish to the annual revel. A grand outbreiik of wild debauch ensued among the mountaineers ; drinking, danc- ing, swaggering, gambling, quarreling and fighting. Alcohol, which, from its portable qualities, containing the greatest quantity of fiery spirit in the smallest compass, is the only liquor carried across the mountains, is the inflammatory beverage at these carousals, and is dealt out to the trappers at four dollars a pint. When inflamed by this fiery beverage, they cut all kinds of mad pranks and gam- bols, and sometimes burn all their clothes in their drunken brava- does. A camp, recovering from one of these riotous revels, presents a serio-comic spectacle ; black eyes, broken heads, lack lustre vis- ages.^^ Alcohol was a leading article of merchandise, and the annual assemblage at the points of rendezvous and the meetings with Indians for the purposes of trade, were invariably the scenes of drunken debauchery like the one described. Many impositions were practiced on the Indians, and the men, being irresponsible and without restraint, were guilty of many acts of injustice. The Indians learned neither uprightness nor morality from contact with them, and had respect only for their bravery. The reveree was the case with the servants of the Hudson's Bay Company, who were men, chiefly half-breeds and descendants of the French settlers of Canada — the agents and factors being gener- ally of Scotch nativity — who had been reared to the business, as >»> 5. FAILURE AT JOINT OCCTPATION BY THE AMERICANS. 189 had been their fathem before them, and cheerfully submitted to the rigid discipline maintained by the company. It was the company's policy to avoid all trouble with the natives, to whom they gave no liquor whatever. It was by pandering to the Indian's proverbial thirst for "fire-water" that the Americans occasionally defeated their opponents in competition for the trade of a tribe; still, it sometimes happened that after the noble red man had been hilari- ously and even pugnaciously drunk for a week on American alcohol, they sobered up sufficiently to sell their furs to the English trader, who could offer them such a greater quantity of goods in exchange, and left their bibulous friends to mourn. By just and generous treatment the company sought to bind the Indians to them by a community of interest; yet an act of bad faith or treachery was never permitted to go unrebuked. By this means it obtained an influence among the tribes covering a region over a thousand miles square, which amounted, almost to the authority of govern- ment; and this influence was sufficiently powerful to cause the Indians of some tribes to not only refuse to trade with Americans, but to decline selling them provisions when in the greatest distress. Bonneville found this to be the case when he undertook the experi- ment of joint occupation, and sought to do business in Oregon, the chosen field of the great monopoly. The rise and gro^vth of the Hudson's Bay and Northwest Com- panies have been traced till they united and spread like an octopus over the whole West. Let us also trace the growth of American fur enterprise imtil it began to enter Oregon in competition with the Uiiited rivals. In 1762 the Governor of Louisiana, then a Province of France, chartered a fur company imder the title of "Pierre Legueste Laclede, Antoine Maxan ecame a nation, American traders engaged in the fur trade along and west of the great lakes, Mackinaw becoming their general head- ] a^- i >s -:-^ , 1 r ^1 •:i ,1. n !i 190 HISTORY OF WILLAMSTTE VALLEY. III quarters. These men were chiefly New York merchants, the lead- ing spirit being John Jacob Astor, whose ill-fated attempt to found an establishment at the mouth of the Columbia has been related. The trade as then carried on ran in four great belts. To the north was the Hudson's Bay Company; next came the young and ag- gressive Northwest Company; south of them the independent American traders operated ; and still further south was the field oc- cupied by the French. How the two English companies became consolidated and spread out over the whole region north of the Missouri and gained complete possession of Oregon, has been fully set forth. fhe next step was the substitution of Americans for Frenchmen at St. Louis, the natural result of the purchase of Louisiana by the United States. Immetliately foUov^nng this event St. Louis became the goal of thousands of young men who loved the excitement and adventures of a frontier life, and of a« "lany more of all ages who preferred the obscurity of the frontier to the seclusion of a state's prison or the notoriety of a public execution. To say the least, the society, of that frontier city was far from choice. It was not long before the Americans began to be in a majority in the various brigades of trappers which roamed the plains as far west as the bas? of the Rocky Mountains, while the direction of these enter- prises fell almost .entirely into their hands. The French trappers, however, never entirely disappeared, for their names are found fre- quently mentioned in all narratives concerning the trapping frater- nity. They have generally been confounded with the voyageurs and trappers of French descent who formed the bulk of the ordinary servants of the Hudson's Bay Company; but this is an error, since the latter were the Canadian French, who had transferred their allegiance to the British conquerors and successors of their old em- ployers, while the former were the descendants of the French of Louisiana, and, consequently, were Americans. The act of Congress in 1815, expelling British subjects from the territories east of the Rocky Mountains, served to stimulate the American traders. The American Fur Company, at the head of which was Mr. Astor, then operating in the lake region from Mack- inaw, began to send trapping parties further west, reaching the headwaters of the Mississippi and Mispouri. Other American FAILURE AT JOINT OCCUPATION BY THE AMERICANS. 191 traders opened an important trade between St. Louis and Santa F6, the latter becoming headquartere for the fur business in the region of New Mexico, then a Province of Mexico. Up Ui this time the operations of American trappere had not extended beyond the base of the Rocky Mountains, except in the instance previously men- tioned, that of the Missouri Fur Company. This was a company organized at St. Louis in 1808, stimulated by the reports of the Columbia region brought in by Lewis and Clarke, &nd was headed by Manuel Lisa, a Spaniard. Mr. Henry, a partner, established Fort Henry the same year, on Lewis, or Snake, River, just west of the summit of the mountains, and other posts were founded on the Upper Missouri. Two years later, however, these were abandoned, owing to a failure of supplies and the hostility of the natives. The next effort was made by General VV. H. Ashley, who had long been the leading spirit in such enterprises at St. Louis, and was the senior partner of the Rocky Mountain Fur Company. In 1 823 he led a party of trappers up the Platte to the Sweetwater, followed up the latter stream t<.» its source, discovered the famous South Pass (the one Fremont endeavoreti to appropriate to himself twenty years later), explored the headwaters of the Colorado, or Green, River, and returned to St. Louis in the fall. The next year he again entered the mountains and discovered Great Salt Lake and Lake Ashley. On the lat«' he established Fort Ashley, and leaving one hundred men at that post, returnai to St. Louis, From that time the Rocky Mountains were the favorite trapping grounds of the Americans. Their methotl of doing business was by no means sys- tematic. Each company, when there were rivals, organized several brigades of trappers, sufficiently strong to protect themselves from hostile Indians, and seul them out in various directions, generally under the leadership of an interested partner. Once a year these parties assembled at p. previously designated rendezvous, generally on Green River, where a settlement was made. There they met the partner who was the connecting link between them and civilization, such as it was, at St. Louis, He had come up with a train of sup- plies and packs of goods for the Indian trade, and turning these over to his partners, he loaded his train with the accumulated furs and conveyed them to market at St. Louis. Often furs were sent down the Missouri in a nondescript boat, made of buffalo skins — a ;Vrt, i»2 HI8T0BT OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. i I craft of eccentric unreliability. With the supplies was invariably a liberal quantity of alcohol. Whisky was too bulky to carry, and as the palates of the trappere and Indians were none too refined, sour mash and bourbon were omitted from the wine list. There was plenty of water at hand and the spirits could be easily' diluted to any strength required, though there were hot a few who scorned to spoil their drink by putting water in it. Frequently two or three rival bantls of Crappers assembled at the same rendezvous, and it was not unseldom that a thousand white men and two or three thousand Indians were in camp at one time. The appearance of the train from St. Louis was invariably followed by one of those wild debauches described above by Irving, the greatest excesses being committed by the free trappers, those who had been the longest in the business and had abandoned all thought of any other existence than the free and untrammeled life of the mountains. These men worked for themselves, receiving a stipulated price for all the furs taken by them. In return for a contract given by them to sell all their furs to the company, they were allowed almost unlimited credit, which they exercised as freely as it was offered. Their heaviest expenditures were for spirits, horse, gun, traps, clothing, and gaudy adornments of every kind for their Indian women, of whom each possessed at least one. It not infrequently happened that in a few days their reckless excesses and their heedless gener- osity to their fair ones not only exhausted their balance with the company, but ran up such an enormous bill of credit that their labor for a year was pledged in advance. When it is known that some of these men, when employed on a salary, received as high as two thousand dollars a year, the full extent of their extravagance will be better understood. That is a large sum to expend in two or three weeks for spirits and gewgaws. In 1825 the Rocky Mountain Fur Company dispatched Jede- diah S. Smith into the country west of Great Salt Lake, with a party of forty men. He discovered Humboldt River, which he named " Maiy's River " in honor of his Indian wife, so the old trappers testify, and following down that stream crossed the Sierra Nevada Mountains, arriving in the Sacramento Valley in July. This was undoubtedly the first overland journey to California, not- withstanding that Cronise speaks of American trappei-s appearing ^11 FAILUAE AT JOINT OCCUPATION BY THE AMERICANS. 198 m there as early as 1820. He gives no authority for the statt'inent, and there is no record of any other party having p<'netrated so far west; the context, also, shows that he confoundetl tlu'se supposi- tious early trappers with a portion of Sinitli's crompany which he left behind him when he returned. Smith hud good success, and leav- ing the majority of his company to contiiuie their o])erations, he returned to the general rendezvous on Gn^en River. lie crossetl the mountains on his homeward joiu'ney in the vicinity of Mono Lake, discovering large deposits of placer gold in that region, spec- imens of which be took with him to exhibit to his employers on Green River. General Ashley, having made a fortune, was then ready to retire from active participation in the business. He there- fore sold his interests in the Rocky Mountain Fur Company to William Sublette, Jedediah S. Smith and David Jackson. Smith again started for California in the spring of 1S2»), to rejoin the party he had left thei'e, of whose success he and his partners enter- tained high hopes. It was his purpose tojnake a thorough inspec- tion of the gold placers, trap through the Sacramento Valley, and with his whole party return to Green River to j)articipate in the annual meeting the following summer. In his journey he passed as far south as the Colorado River, and, at some point on that stream, his party was attacked by Indians, who killed all except Smith, Turner and Galbraith. Those three escaped to Mission San Ga- briel, and, notwithstanding their forlorn and distresseeen at the nilraion and infonniKi you that there were certain white |>enple in the country. We are Ainericans on our Journey t<) the River Columbia; we were in at the Mitwion Han Oabrlei in January last. I went to Ban DleKo and saw the general, and got a (W^Hport freing f idly, I consider It the most safe point for me to remain, until such time as I can cross tiie mountains with my horses, liuving lost a great many in attempting to cross ten or fifteen days since. I am a long ways from home, and am anxious to get there as soon as the nature of the case will .tdmit. Our situation is quite unpleasant, being destitute of clothing and most of the necessaries of life, wild meat being our principal subsistence. I am. Reverend Father, your strange but real friend and Christian brother. J. 8. HMITH. May 19tb, 1827. Soon after this correspondence Smith starteci northward, crossing to the coast in the vicinity of Russian River. He continued along the coast to the Umpqua, and while ferrying his effects across the stream «:)n a nidely constjucted raft, his party was attacked by Indians, with whom they were holding friendly intercourse, and all but three were slain. Smith, Daniel Prior and one of the Indians were on the raft at the time of the attack, and when the signal yell was given the savage sprang into the water with Smith's gim in his hand ; but. he never lived to enjoy his prize, for Smith seized his companion's rifle and buried a bullet in the Indian's brain the in- stant his head appeared above water. The two men landed on the opposite side of the stream and succeeded in making their way to Vancouver, where they received a warm and sympathetic welcome. The officers of the Hudson's Bay Company would have done their utmost to have ruined his business had he come into their field with a band of trappers ; but one in his pitiable condition — his followers massacred and his furs and accoutrements plundered — could only excite their deepest sympathy. A few days later a third man made his appearance, more forlorn, if possible, than the others. This was Richard Laughlin, who was in camp at the time of the attack, and had seized a burning brand from the fire, with which he rained V? FAILUBE AT JOINT OCCUPATION BY THE AMKUH'A^H. 195 scorching blows upon the naked IxxiieH of his uHHiiiluntH until he cleared a passage for himself and e«ca}>e* the mouth of Rogue River, then came along the beach to tlie Unipqua, where the Indians stole their ax, and as it was the only ax they had, and which they absolutely required to make rafts to cross rivers, they took the chief prisoner and their ax was returned. Early the following morning, Sndth started in a canoe with two (2) men and an Indian, and left orders, as usual, to allow no Indians to come into camp. But to gratify their passion for women, the men neglected to follow the order, allowed the Indians to come into camp, and at an Indian yell Ave or six Indians fell upon each white man. At the time, the narrator. Black, was out of the crowd, and had just fluished cleaning and loading his rifle; three (3) Indians Jumped on him, but he shook them off, and seeing all his comrades struggling on the ground and the Indians stabbing them, he flred on the crowd and rushed to the woods pursued by the Indians, but fortunately escaped ; swam across the Umpqua and [went] northward in the hopes of reaching the Colum- bia, where he knew we were. But broken down by hunger and misery, as he had no food but a few wild berries which he found on the beach, he determined to give himself up to the Killimour, a tribe on the coast at Cape Lookout, who treated him with great humanity, relieved his wants and brought him to the Fort, for which, in case whites might again fall in their power, and to induce them ki act kindly to them, I rewarded them most liberally. But thinking Smith and his two men might have escaped, we made no search for them at break of day the next morning. 1 sent Indian runners with tobacco to the Willamette chiefs, to tell them to send their people in search of Smith and hid two men, and if they found them to bring them to the fort and I would pay them ; and also told them if any Indians hurt these men we would punish them, and immediately equipped a strong party of forty (40) well armed men. But as the men were embarking, to out great joy. Smith and his two men arrived. I then arranged as strong a party as I could make to recover all we could of Smith's property. I divulged my plan to none, but gave written instructions to the officer, to be opened only when he got to the Unipijua, liecause if known before they got there, the officers would talk of it among themselves, the men would hear it and from them it would go to their Indian wives, who were spies on us, and my plan would be defeated. The plan was that the officer was, as usual, to invite the Indians to bring their furs to trade, just u« if nothing had happened. Count the furs, but as the American trappers mark all their skins, keep these all separate, give them to Mr. Smith and not pay tHe Indians for them, telling them that they belonged to him ; that tliey got them by nmrdering Smith's people. They denied having murdered Smith's people, but admitted they lK)ught them of the murderers. The officers told them they must look to the murderers for the payment, which they did ; and as the murderers would not restore the property they had received, a war was kindled among them, and the nmrderers were pun- ished more severely than we could have done, and which Mr. Smith himself admitted, and to be much preferable to going to war on them, as we could not dis- ^T^ V !• FAILURE AT JOINT OCCUPATION BY THE AMERICANS. 199 tinguisb the inuoceut from the guilty, who, if tliey chose, might fly to tlie mount- ains, where we could not find them. lu thla way we recovered property for Mr. Smith to the amount of three thousand two hundred dollars, without any expense to him, and which was done from a principle of Christian duty, and as a leaeon to the Indians to show them they could not wrong the whites with impunity. Smith's report of the excellence of the region to the south aa a trapping ground aroused the company to the importance of reaping the benefit of the American trader's enterprise. Accordingly, two expeditions were sent out in different directions to trap over the field Smith had explored. It has been said that the service of guides to these new beaver streams was part of the price paid by him for the recovery of his furs and traps; ))ut a positive statement on that point is impossible. One party, consisting of forty men, completely equipped for a year's absence, started southward, led by Alexander Roderick McLeod, and guided by Turner. Among them were some of the men who had come out to Astoria ^vith the Pacific Fur Com- pany, and had remained here in the employ of the Northwest Com- pany and its successor. These were Etinne Lucier, Joseph Gervais, both well known to the early pioneers, Alexander McCarty, William Canning and Thos. McKay, whose lather perished in the Tonquin. On theii' journey southward they bestowed several of the familiar names of Southern Oregon, such as "Jumi)-ofF-Joe," " Rogue River," and " Siskiyou Mountain." The first was so named because of an adventure which happened to Joe McLoughlin, son of the Chief Fac- tor. The second was called " La Rivier de Caqucain," because the Indians stole some of their traps and horses, and gave them much trouble. Ti'e last received its title because an old white, bobtailed horse, belonging to Jean Baptiste Pairroult, was stolen while they were camped on the mountain, " Siskiyou " meaning " bobtail " in the patois French of the Canadian trappers. McLeod's party met with consideralile su«'cess; but they were snowed in, early in the winter, on the banks of a tributary of the Sacramento, lost their horses, and were unable to get out of the mountains with the large packs of furs and traps. In this emergency, McKay, Mcljoughlin and Pairroult started on foot for Vancouver, to procure horses, and after much hardship and suffering reached headquarters. McLeod, however, unable to procure food for his men, did not wait for the expected relief, but caelied his furs and traps, and also nuule his toilsome way to Vancouver. The cache was made near the eastern 1 200 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. base of Mount Shasta, which they called " Mt. McLoughlin." When the relief party arrived at the deserted camp, the following spring, •it was found that the snow and rains had caused the river to flood its banks, and the furs had become wet and spoiled. The stream was ever afterwards known among the trajjpers as " McLeod River," the name it still beai"s in pronunciation, though the orthography has been changed to " McCloud." The rea*ion for this is, that in sound the two names are very similar, and that Ross McCloud, a very worthy and well-known gentleman, resided on the stream in an early day, though not for a quarter of a century after it received its baptism of "McLeod." Care should be taken by all map maker^ historians, and writers generally, to adhere to the original orthography. The other jaarty referred to was led by Peter Skeen Ogden, and was accompanied by Smith. They passed up the Columbia and Lewis, or Snake, rivers, to the source of the latter, where Smith left them and proceeded to the general rende"' 'ous of his company on Green River. Ogden continued southward uistil he reached the Hum- boldt. That stream of many titles was known among the American trappers as " Mary's River," and among the Krdson's Bay people as " Ogden 's River," its present name having been bestowed upon it by Fremont, who had sought through that region in \ain for the fabulous " Buena Ventura." Ogden passed down the stream to the "Sink," and then crossed the Sierra Nevada to Sacramento Vaiicy through Walker's Pass. He trapped along the Sacramento, and continued northward until he reached Vancouver, sometime in the summer of 1829, with a valuable lot of furs. When Smith appeared at the Green Riv«r rendezvous with the tale of his manifold fortunes, he was as one risen fi'om the dead, as his partners, having received no tidings of him for two years, supposed him to have perished. In 1830 he disposed of his interest in the Rocky Mountain Fur Company, and the following yt'ar was treacherously killed by In- dians, while digging for water in the dry bed of the Cimeron River, near Taos, New Mexico, and was buried there by his companions. The second party of American trappers to enter Oregon was that of Major Pilcher, They left (xreen River in 1828, and passed along the western base of the Rocky Mountains to Flathead Lake, where they wintered. In the spring they descended Clarke's Fork and the FAILURE AT JOINT OCCUPATION BY THE AMEKICANS. 201 main Columbia to Cclville River, up which they ascended to its source and started on their return eastward. Gray says: "This party of Major Pilcher's were all cut oif but two men, besides him- self; his fui-s, as stated by himself to the writer, found their way into the forts of the Hudson's Bay Company." The writer, though not stating it positively, intends to convey the impression that these men were murdered at the instigation of the Hudson's Bay Company, or, at least, with its sanction. That the captured furs were sold to the company is true, but as that was the only market open to the In- dians, it is a very small foundation upon which to lay a charge of murder against the purchasers. The next band of American trap- pers was that of Ewing Young, who had been for years a leader of trapping parties from Santa Fe to the headwaters of the Del Norte, Rio Grande and Colorado rivers. He entered California through Walker's Pass, in 1829, and returned the next year. In 1832 he again entered California and followed Smith's route into Oregon m far as the Umpqua, when he turned e?istward, crossed the moun- tains to the tributary streams of the Columbia and Snake rivers, entered Sacramento Valley again from the north, and finally crossed out by the Tejon Pass, having been absent from Santa Fe two yeai-s. Mr. Young soon returned, and became one of the first and most energetic of the American settlers in Oregon, his death a few years later leading to the organization of the Provisional Government. While in the Sacramento Valley, in 1832, Young encountered a brigade of Hudson's Bay trappers, led by Michael Lafrarabois. The company had made this one of their fields of operation, and had the year before established Fort Umpqua, at the confluence of Elk Cre<^k and Umpqua River, as a base of supplies for Southern Ore- gon and California. In 1883 an agency was established at Yerba Buena (San Francisco), and trapping headquarters in Yolo and San Joacjuin counties, both places becoming known to the early Ameri- can settlei-s as " French Camp." J. Alexander Forbes, the first English historian of California, and W. G. Ray, represented the company at Yer])a Buona until it withdrew from Calilornia in 1845. William Sublette and David Jackson retired from the Rocky Mountain Fur Company in 1830, at the same time as Smith, the new proprietors being Milton Sublette, James Bridger, Robert Campbell, • ,.: > r a 202 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. Thomas Fitzpatrick, Frapp and Jarvis. In 1881 the old American Fur Company, which had been managed so long by Mr. Astor but was now directed by Ramsey Crooks, one of Mr. Astor's partners in the Astoria ventuie, began to push into the trapping grounds of the other company. Great rivalry sprang up between them, which was the following year intensified by the appearance of two other competitors in the persons of Captain B. L. E. Bonneville and Na- thaniel J. Wyeth. Captain Bonneville was a United States army oflScer, who had been given permission to lead a party of trappers into the fur regions of the Northwest, the expedition being counte- nanced by the Government only to the extent of this permit. It was supposed, that, by such an undertaking, suflScient additional information of the region explored would be obtained to warrant authorizing an officer to engage in a private venture. The Captain first reached the Rocky Mountains in 1832. In 1833 he sent Joseph Walker with forty men to California over the route formerly pur- sued by Smith, and on Christmas of the same year started with three companions from his camp on Portneuf River, upon an expedition to Fort Walla Walla. His object, as given by Irving,. was: "To make himself acquainted with the country, and the Indian tribes; it being one part of his scheme to establish a trading post some- where on the lower part of the river, so as to participate in the trade lost to the United States by the capture of Astoria." He reached Powder River on the tw^elfth of January, 1834, whence his journey was continued do\^Ti Snake River and by the Nez Perce trail to Fort Walla Walla, where he arrived March 4, 1834. This journey, in mid-winter, was attended with its accompany- ing detail of hardships incident to the season, including the absence of game and presence of snow in the moimtains. At one time tliey had wandered among the Blue Mountains, lost amid its canyons and defiles east of the Grand Ronde Valley, for twenty days, nearly frozen and constantly starved until they were at the verge of despair. At length a Nez Perce chief was met who in\ated them to his lodge some twelve miles further along the trail they were traveling, and then galloped away. So great had been the strain upon the Captain's system in sustaining these successive days of unnatural exertion, that when the chief disappeared he sank upon the ground and lay there like one dead. His companions tried in FAILURE AT JOINT OCCUPATION BY THE AMERICANS. 203 vain to arouse iiim. It was a useless effort, and they were forced to camp by the trail until he awoke from his trance the next day and was enabled to move on. They had hardly resumed their tedious journey when some dozen Nez Perces rode up with fresh horses and carried them in triumph to their village. Everywhere after this they were kindly received by this hospitable people — fed, cared for and guided on their way by them. Bonneville and his two companions were kindly received at Fort Walla Walla by Mr. P. C. Pambruu, who, with five or six men, was in charge of that station at the mouth of the Walla Walla River. This Hudson's Bay Comijany's representative was a courte- ous, affable host, but when asked to sell the Captain supplies that would enable his return to the Rocky Mountains, said: "That worthy superintendent, who had extended all the genial rights of hospitality, now suddenly assumed a withered- up aspect and demeanor, and observed that, however he might feel disposed to serve him personally, he felt bound by his duty to th» .Hudson's Bay Company to do nothing which should facilitate or encourage the visits of other tradera among the Indians in that part of the country." Bonneville remained at the fort but two days longer, for his desti- tute condition, combined with the lateness in the season, rendered it necessary for him to return immediately; and he started on the back trail with his Nez Perce guide, and finally reached the point of general rendezvous for his various expeditions. This is a true state- ment of the position assumed by the Hudson's Bay Company ; its agents would not themselves, nor would they permit the Indians under their control to deal with or in any manner assist opposition traders ; but that Bonneville traversed the country in safety with but three companions, after the company was aware of his intention to return and found a rival establishment on the Columbia, is convinc- ing evidence that assassination was not one of its methods of over- coming competition, however much such charges may be reiterated by its enemies. In July, 1 834, Bonneville started on a second expedition to the Columbia, with a formidable number of trappers and mountain men, well equipped, and with an extensive stock of goods to traflftc with Indians. He still contemplated a restoration of American trade in this country, and designed establishing a post for that purpose in ■;■; ;!1 I it •'•I 204 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. the Willamette Valley. This time he passed the Blue Mountains by way of Grand Ronde Valley and the Umatilla River, and upon his arrival at the mouth of that stream, was surprised to find the natives shunning him. They ran from his men, hid themselves, and when intercepted, refused to have anr^hing to do with the Ameri- cans. Not a skin, a horse, a dog, or ish, could be obtained from them, having been warned by the i^! *dson's Bay Company not to traffic with these new comers. It now seemed a question of imme- diate evacuation or starvation, and Bonneville decided to abandon his attempt at joint occupancy. Once more he turned his back upon the Columbia and left the English company in undisputed possession of the field. A contemporaneous effort was made by Nathaniel J. Wyeth, a Boston merchant. With eleven men who knew nothing of trapper- life, he crossed the plains to Humboldt River, with Milton Sublette, in 1832. From this point the twelve pushed north to Snake River, and by way of that stream to Fort Vancouver, where they arrived on the twenty -ninth of October. Mr. Wyeth had his whole fortune invested in his enterprise, and had brought with him a large stock of goods, such as were used in the Indian trade. He was received with great hospitality by Eh*. McLoughlin. The next spring he left for the East, a financial bankrupt, only two of his followers accompanying him. It does not appear that the company's officei-s contributed in any way to produce this result; but if they did not, it was simply because it was unnecessary to do so. Had not natural causes, the chief of which were the wrecking of his supply ship which had been sent around Cape Horn, and his utter ignorance of the business of fur trading, led to his failure, the company would undoubtedly have protected its interests as it did upon his next venture two yeai-s later. Arriving in Boston, Mr. Wyeth organized " The Columbia River Fishing and Trading Company," with a view of continuing operations on the Pacific Coast under the same general plan that had been outlined by Astor, adding, however, salmon fish- ing to the fur trade. He dispatched the brig Mary Dacres for the mouth of the Columbia, loaded with supplies and implements needed in his proposed undertaking. She had on board also supplies for the Methodist Mission, to be spoken of hereafter. With sixty ex- perienced men, Mr. Wyeth himself started overland in 1834. Near FAH,URE AT JOINT OCCUPATTON BY THE AMERlv ANS. 206 the headwaters of Snake River he built Fort Hall, a8 an interior trading post, the name being that of one of hia partners. Here he left twelve men and a stock of goods. He then pushed forward to the Columbia and erected a fort on Sauvie's Island, at the mouth of the Willamette River, which he called "Fort William.-.," in honor of another partner; and again the American flag waved over soil west of the Rocky Mountains. The officers of the company again received him with much hospitality, and though they continued to treat him with courtesy, this did not prevent them from taking the steps necessary to protect the company's interests. Fort Boise was established as an opposition to Fort Hall, and drew the bulk of the trade of the Indians of Snake River. On the Columbia, Wyeth found that the natives were so completely under the conti'ol of the company that he could establish no business relations with them whatever. In two years he was compelled to sell all his possessions, including Fort Hall, to the rival company, and abandon this second effort at joint occupation. To this result the American Fur Com- pany and Rocky Mountain Fur Company largely contributed by conduct towards Mr. Wyeth that was neither generous nor honor- able, and it was finally, with a sense of gratification, that he sold Fort Hall to the British Company, and thus gave them an impor- tant post in the very heart of the trapping gi'ounds of his unpatriotic and unscrupulous countrymen. Dr. McLoughlin's account of Mr. Wyeth's venture, as given in the document previously spoken of, is as follows: — In 18.S2, Mr. Nathaniel Wyeth, of Cambridge, near Boston, came across land with a party of men, but as the vessel he expected to meet here with supplies was wreclied on the way, he returned to the East with three (3) men. The remainder joined the Willamette settlement and got supplies and were assisted by the Hu''- Bon's Bay Company's servants, and to be paid the same price for their wheat^that is, three shillings sterling per bushel, and purchase their supplies at fifty per cent, on prime cost. In 1834, Mr. Wyeth returned with a fresh party, and met the vessel with supplies here, and started with a large outfit for Fort Hall, which he bad built on his way, and in 1836, he abandoned the business and returned to the States, and those of his men that remained in the country joined the settlements and were assisted as the others on the same terms as the Hudson's Bay Company's servants, and in Justice to Mr. Wyeth, I have great pleasure to be able to state that as a rival in trade, I always found him open, manly, frank and fair, and in short, in all his contracts, a perfect gentleman and an honest man, doing all he could to support morality and encouraging industry in the settlement. [ ' I 1 '^ 1 T ' , 1. u ll f ■4iil pk ) i ;i -li 1 1 ' - '■ %i ill; -rS 1 206 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. In 1835 the two rival American companies were consolidated as " The American Fur Company," Bridger, Fontenelle and Dripps being the leaders. The retirement of Bonneville, and the sale of Fort Hall by Mr. Wyeth, left only the consolidated company and a few "lone traders" to compete with the English corporation. For a few yeare longer the struggle was maintained, but gradually the Hudson's Bay Company absorbed the trade until the American trappers, so far as organized effort was concerned, abandoned the field. 1' pH \ r^ i ^ 1. ■) i *i CHAPTEK XIV. FOUNDATION AND PROGRESS OF THE MISSIONS. Missionaries Introduce a New Element into the Oregon Question. — The Flatheads send Messengers to St. Louis to Procure a Bible — Jason Lee and others sent by the Methodist Board of Missions — They Locate in the Willamette Valley— Their Plan of Operations — Sickness at the Mission and Hostility of the Indians — Parker and Whitman sent by the American Board — Parker's Triumphal March — He Re- turns Home and Publishes a Book — Mr. and Mrs. Whitman — Whit- man Takes a Cart as Far as Fort Boise — Missions Founded at Waiilatpu and Lapwai — Progress of the Missions of the American Board — Mission Founded at The Oalles — Advent of the Catholics — A Religious War at Once Begins — A Few Sample Incidents — £f- fects of the Two Forms of Worship upon the Natives. THE opening wedge for American settlement and occupation of Oregon, which was the new and decisive factor time intro- duced into the Oregon Question, was the Protestant Missionaries. In despair of coming to an amicable agreement, the plenipotentiaries of England and the United States, in 1827, had continued indefi- nitely the treaty of joint occupation, hoping that something would turn up to put a new phase upon the question ; and in less than ten years their expectations were fully realized, but in a manner little dreamed of by the most astute of them all. Military posts were thought of, emigrants were thought of, fur traders were thought of; but no one seemed to have thought of the earnest and self-abnegat- ing missionary — that is no one but the aborigines, whose rights and preferences had not been considered by either party to this long controversy. From Lewis and Clarke the Indians of the Columbia first learned of the white man's G(xi. They were told that the Great Spirit wor- i I! 208 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. 8hif)est cordially welcomed by Dr. Mc- Loughlin, who entertained them with the i^reatest hospitality. It had been their intention to locate east of the mountains, but the Chief Factor persuaded them to found their eNtablishment in the Willamette Valley. It has been charged that his reasons for dewir- ing them to choose the latter place were that he might secure the services of one of them as teacher to children at the fort. If such was the case his motive was far fi'om being an unworthy one; and he did the Indians no wrong, since those on one side of the mountains were as much in need of missionary labors as those on the opposite- It was a fortimate thing for the United States that he did so, for the mission became the center about which American settlers rallied a few years later, and it l)ecame an important factor in wresting Oregon from the grasp of Great Britain. On this subject McLough- lin's document says: — In 1834, Messrs. Jason and Daniel Lee, and Messrs. Walker and P. L. Edwards came with Mr. Wyeth to establish a mission in the Flathead eoiintiy. I observed to them that it was too dangerous for them to establish a mission ; that to do good to the Indians, they must establish themselves where they could collect them around them; teach them to cultivate the ground and live more comfortably than they do by hunting, and as they do this, teach them religion : that the Willamette atforded them a fine field, and that they ought to go there, and they would get the same assistance as the settlers. They followed my advice and went to the Willamette, and it is but justice to these pioneers to say that no men, in my opinion, could exert themselves more zealously than they did till 1840, when they received a large rein- forcement of forty (40) or more persons ; then the new-comers liegan to neglect their duties, discord sprang up among them and the mission brolce up. The location chosen was on the banks of the Willamette, some sixty miles above its mouth and ten below the site of the present city of Salem. They began the erection of a log house, 32x18 feet, and so eager were they to begin their labors that they took posses- «»ion of it on the third of November in an uncompleted condition, and received Indian pupils befoie the roof was finished. Their re- lations with the people at Vancouver were the most friendly and 'it ■1 ; ! I :i'H !i II 210 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. cordial. Twonty-one, persons were baptized at the fort by Jason Lee on the fourteenth of December, seventeen of them children; and he received a donation of twenty dollare to aid in his mission- aiy work. Tiiey were viewed by the officei's of the comjiany solely in their charai;ter as misnionaries, their nationality and creed not being considered ; and as sudi they received hospitable treatment and heaiiy encouragenieiit in a work which was deemed beneficial. They proposed not only to teach religion to the Indians, but to teach them to till the soil and to do other useful and jn'oductive labor, by means of which their moral, mental and physical condi- tion mit.rht be elevated. Realizing that the plastic mind of youth is the easiest moulded, they opened a school for children, and fiu"- nished tliem a house, whore they could learn to ivad, woi'ship God and till the soil. To do this required food for their support; and it became necessary for them to embark in fanning in order to pro- duce it. This the}- began the following spring, and their first harvest consisted of two hundred and fifty l)ushels of jiotatoes and a (quantity of wheat, barley, oats and per-s. To this they added six- barrels of salmon, procured from the Indians. In Septeml)er, one year aftei- their arrival, the fi'^t of a series of misfortunes overtook them. An intermitt^'iit fever became prevalent, and foiu- of the children died. The Indians had been watching their movements with considerable interest, and these sad occurrences had a powertul effect upon their superstitious natures, causing them to view with distrust the place where the Great Spirit was displaying his disaj)- proval by causing the death of their children. One Indian, who had lost a little brother, paid the mission a visit with the avowed intention of killing Daniel Lee and Cyrus Sliepard, but was dis- suaded from doing so by a companion. He gave vent to his wrath against the "white medicines" by crossing tlie river and killing several of his own race, presumal)ly his wife's relations. During the fall an juldition, H)x82 feet, was l)uilt to the mission house, and the close of the year found them comfortably housed, with a suffi- cient supply of provisions and only ten pupils luider their charge, while the Indians generally entertained serious doubts of the ad- vantage of having them there at all. The American lioard dispatched Rev. Samuel Parker and Dr. Marcus Wliitman in the spring of 1885, as a pioneer committ«ie to FOUNDATION AND PROGKE88 OF THK MlSf*IONS. 211 examine the field and select suitable locations for missionary work. They joined a party of the American Fur Company, and ac- companied them to the grand rendezvous on Green River, where they encountered a banl of Nez Perce Indians who had come across the mountains to trade with the trappers, with whom the tribe was on terms of warmest friendship. Among the Nez Perces was a young chief who was a most ardent friend of the x\mericans. He possessed great eloquence in debate, and was nameil " Lawyer " by the whites, because of his forensic efforts. With this chief the missionaries had a consultation, and resolved to eMtal>lish at least two missions. Accordingly it was agreed that Dr. Parker would continue the journey across the continent for the piu-pose of explora- tion, so that suitable locations might be selected; he was then to leave a letter of advice with the Nez Perces to l)e given to Whit- man the next year, and return home by sea. Tliis was decidtid upon because the peculiar characteristics of the two men were such as to prevent cordial co-operation. Dr. Whitman was the veiy soul of energy and devotion to duty, caring nothing foi- appearances or the opinion of others if they stood l)etween him and the object to which he had devoted hi;; life; while Dr. Parker .seems to have been a self-important man to whom a little notoriety wa.s extremely soothing. Dr. Whitman, accompanied by two yoiuig Nez Perces, returned to the East to procure the necessary assistance for the two missions to be founded. Dr. Parker resmned his journey westward on the twenty-second of August, and when he entered the Nez Perce country received such an ovation fi'om the delighted Indians tis must have gratified his vanity in the highest degree. No white man before or since was ever received l)y the natives of the Columbia with such cortlial- ity and ceremonious distinction as greeted Mr. Parker on his way to Fort Walla Walla. His approach to an Indian village wius the occasion of general display of sa\age grandeur anped, might smile upon them and make them wise and powerful. With this th«>ught they received the missionary ever) - 212 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. where with outstretched arms and demonsti'ations of unbounded joy. He held religious services in several places, and to a degree inducted his eager neophytes into the mysteries of the white man's religion. He reached Fort Walla Walla on the fifth of October, receiving a cordial welcome from P. C. Pambrun, the gentleman in charge. A few days later he passed down the Columbia in a boat, and during the winter enjoyed the hospitalities of Dr. McLoughlin at Vancouver. In the spring he returned east of the mountains and made a journey through the Nez Perce, Spokane and Colville countries, after which he embarked from Vancouver for the Sand- wich Islands, and thence for home, arriving in 1837. He soon after published an account of his travels, which was of special value at that time 1/ecause of the deep interest the people were beginning to take in the Oregon Question. Dr. Whitman, with his two Indian companions, reached Rush- ville, N. Y., his home, late on Saturday night, and his presence there, instead of in the heart of the Rocky Mountains, was first known when he walked quietly into church the next morning with his copper-hued friends, his mother starting up with a cry of as- tonishment and joy. During the winter all his arrangements were made, including his mamage in February, 1836, with Miss Nai*- cissa Prentiss, daughter of Stephen H. Prentiss. Mrs. Whitman was a woman of refined nature, rare accomplishmerits of voice and manner, of commanding presence, firm in purpose and an enthu- siast in the line of her accept-ed duty. In this cause her deepest sympathies had been enlisted, and she cheerfully yielded all her fair prospects among friends and kindred, and devoted her life to isolation in a country so far away that the very name conveyed to the mind a sense of loneliness and mystery, and where a martyr's grave was awaiting her. She was born at Pittsburg, N. Y., March 14, 1808, and was therefore but thirty-nine years of age when merciless and ingrate hands crowned with her death the sacrifice of her life. Marcus Whitman, M. D., was born September 4, 1802, at Rushville, N. Y., and at the age of forty-five offered up his life on the altar of duty. These two, accompanied by Rev. H. H. Spalding and wife, a lady of much firmness of character and devo- tion to duty, and W. H. Gray, set out on their westward journey under the escort of a party of the American Fur Company. With ■'r f FOUNDATION AND PROGRESS OF THK MISSIONS. 218 the party were Major Pilcher, an independent trader previously alluded to, and Sir William Drumniond, an English nobleman traveling under the a/ias of " Captain Stewart " and accompanied by a companion and three servants. The missionary party took with them three wagons, eight mules, twelve horses and sixteen cows, besides farming utensils, blacksmith and carpenter tools, seeds, clothing, etc., to enable them to become self-supporting. At Fort. Laramie all the wagons but one were ab'j,ndoned, but Whitman in- sisted upon taking this one for the ladies to ride in ; the trappers also concluded to try the experiment of wheels in the mountains, and safely took a small cart to the grand rendezvous on Green River. Here the missionaries met Nathaniel J. Wyeth on his return home from his second unfortunate effort to test the virtues of joint occu- pation in Oregon, and they were by him introduced to McKay and McLeod, the two Hudson's Bay Company agents who had escorted Jason Lee two years before, and who were about to return to Van- couver from a trapping and trading tour. Notwithstanding the urgent objection of the trappers and tlieir assurances that it was impossible for a wagon to pass through tlie mountains, Whitman insisted upon taking tlie vehicle along; but when he reached Fort Hall he was compelled to reduce it to two wheels, and at Fort Boise they insisted upon an entire abandonment of it. Nevertheless, he had demonstrated that wagons could cross the Rocky Mountains, and was satisfied that the remainder of the route presented no more formidable obstacles. They were met on the route b}' a band of Nez Perces who had been informed in the spring by Dr. Parker of their expected coming, and their reception w^as only less impressive than had been that of their herald, wlu)se failure to do anything for them had served somewhat to cool the ardor which his appearance had raised to fever heat. Mr. Pambrun gave them a hearty wel- come to Fort Walla W^alla on the second of Septemlier, which was repeated by Dr. McLoughlin a few days later when they landed from the company's boats at Fort Vancouver. Leaving the ladies to enjoy the hospitalities of the fort, the three gentlemen returned to Walla Walla, and, with the aid of Mr. Pam- brun, sought for suitable locations for their proposed missions. It was decided to locate one among the Cayuses and the other among the Nez Perces. The former was located at Waiilatpu, on the 1 H ' 1 ' i! 214 HKSTORT OK WILLAMKTTE VALLEY. I k Walla Walla River, six miles west of the present city of Walla Walla, and was taken charge of by Mr. and Mi's. Whitman. This was known as the " Waiilatpu," or " Whitman, Mission," the former name signifying "the people," being the proper title of the Cayuse tribe. Mr. and Mi's. Spalding founded the " Lapwai Miasion " among the Nez Perces, at a place on the Clearwater River a few miles from the site of Lewisoon, Idaho. Mr. Gray rendered material aid in cbnstruct'ng the two posts, and assisted the two principals in their missionary labors. The next year, it being deemed advisable to extend the field of their operations, Mr. Gray returned East, to procure the necessary means and additional aid to accomplish that purpose. He was accompanied by four Nez Perces, who took a large band of horses with them, the price of which they intended to contribute to the Mission fund. On the Platte River the party was attacked by Sioux Indians, their horses stolen and the four Nez Perces killed, Mr. Gray barely escaping with his life. He returned in 1888, with Rev. E, Walker and wife, Rev. Gushing Eells and wife. Rev. A. B. Smith, J^'Irs. Gray, and Cornelius Rogers. With the party came Captain John A. Sutter, the honored pioneer of the Sacramento Valley. They brought with them fourteen cows of a superior breed, but at Fort Hall were persuaded to leave them and accept in their place an order for a similar number to be delivered them by the agent of the Hudson's Bay Company when they reached their destination. They failed to fully appreciate the beauties of this transaction until after their arrival at the Whitman Mission in September, and wit- nessed the efforts of an expert vaquero to catch some of the wild heifers roaming with the herds belonging to the company. The following brief and accurate account of the Missions of the American Board is taken from Rev. Myron Eells' book, entitled " Indian Missions," and carries them up to the time when the Amer- ican settlers organized a government in Oregon, fi'om which time they will only be considered in connection with concurrent events. Mr. Eells says: — On the arrival of this mission reinforcement, Mr. Gray was associated with Mr. Bpalding. Mr. Smith wa« first stationed with Dr. Whitman, but the next year he opened a new station at Kamiah, sixty miles from Lapwai, among the Nez Perces, and Messrs. Wallter and Eells likewise began another station among the Hpokanes, ut Tshimakain, six miles north of the Spokane Rivur, in the spring of 1839. Thu "^a^miWTT^ I-'OUNDATION AND PROGRESS OF THK MISSIONS. 215 rtret few yearH of the mission were quite encouraging. Owing partly to the novelty, the Indians seemed very anxious to labor, to learn at school, and to receive religious instruction. In 1H87, as soon as a sctiool was opened ut Lapwai, Mr. Hpalding wrote that a hundred, both old and young, were in attendance. As soon as one had learned something more than the others, they would gather around him, while he would become their teacher. Jn 1839 one hundred and fifty children, and as many more adults, were in school. Similar interest wa^ siiown in religious instruction. Tliey sometimes spent whole nights in repeating over and over what they had but mrtly learned at a religious service. Two years later 1,0()(> to 2,0()0 gathered for religious instruction. Then 2,000 made a public confession of sin, and promised to serve God. Many of them evidently did so with imperfect ideas of what they were doing, yet not a few were believed to give evidence of conversion. Among the Cayuses, also, more were ready to attend school than the mission family could su])- ply with books, or had ability to teach. Morning and evening worship was main- tained in all the principal lodges, and a confession of sin was made somewhat similar to that among the Nez Perces. For a time, when Dr. Whitman or Mr. Hpalding traveled through tiie country, they were followed by hundreds of Indians, eager to see them and hear Bible truths at night. They had a strong desire for hoes and other agrlcultu -al implements, and were willing to part with any property they had, in order to obtain them, even bringing their rifles to be manufactured into such articles. From eighty to one Imndred families planted fields near Mr. Spald- ing, and many near Dr. Whitman raised enough provisions for a comfortable sup- ply for their families. In 1838 Mr. Spalding reported that his field produced 2,000 bushels of potatoes, besides wheat and other articles. In the year 1841 a saw and grist mill were erected among the Nez Perces, and a grist mill among the Cayuses. At Kamiali a large part of the Indians gave up tiielr roving habits for a time, and remained most of the year at home, and the Spokanes received Messrs. Walker and Eells with glad- ness. In 1837 a churdi was organized, and in September, 1838, the first Indian was received into it; though, in .luly previous, two Indian girls, who afterwards died in Mr, Spalding's family, gave evidence of conversion, and were baptized as tlie first fruits of the work. In November, 1839, .losepli and Timothy, Nez Perces Indians, were admitted to tlie church. In 1840 Mr. Eells reported a school of eigiity scliolars. In 1839 the mission received a donation from Rev. H. Bingham's church, at Hono- lulu, Sandwich Islands, of a small printing press, with types, furniture, paper, and otlier things, of the value of $450. The same churcli had, the year before, sent eighty dollars in money and ten bushels of salt to the Oregon mission. Mr. E. O. Hall, a printer at the Sandwich Islands, on account of tlie health of his wife, came with the press, and the first lH)()k printed west of tlie Rocky Mountains, so far as knovn, was issued tliat fall'in the Nez Perces language. This added new interest to the school, and other books in the same language, and one in that of the Spo- kanes, followed. Mr. and Mi-s. Hall renuiinecl until the spring of 1840, when they returned to the Sandwicli Islands. '< . i- But the novelty gradually wore oft" and discourugements began. Tlie natural heart naturally resisted the truths of the Bible, and some of the Spokane chiefs led in the opposition. In 18.38 two Roman Catholic priests arrived, spoke against tlie missionaries, and persuaded some of tiie Cayuses to be baptized by tlu-ni. Others afterwards came, established a mission among them, and one of tiie Roman Catholic Indians instigated some others of the tribe to treat Dr. Whitman and Mr. Gray with much Insolence and abuse, to destroy some property, and to demand payment for the land, timber, fuel and water which had been used. But by moderation and firmness, and with the aid of the Hudson's Bay Company, the Indians afterwards i4 : 3 216 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. admitted their guilt, and peace was apparently restored. In 1841, Mr. Bmlth, after suffering no little annoyance from the savage manners of the Nez Perces, on account of the failure of his own and his wife's health [he hud located among Ellis' band of Nez Perces in 1839, and the following year was prevented from cultivating any ground under pain of death, at the command of Ellis himself], left that mission and Oregon, and joined the mission at the Sandwich Islands. He subsequently returned to the Eastern States. In his opinion the Indians were pbarisaical, and desired to make money out of the missionaries. By February, 1842, affairs seemed so discouraging that the Board of Missions concluded to give up the stations among the Cayuses and Nez Perces, and Rev. J. D. Paris and Mr. W. H. Bice, who had been sent to the mission by the way of Cape Horn and the Sandwich Islands, having reached the latter place, were induced to remain there temporarily, an arrangement which was afterwards made permanent by the Board at Boston. The roving habits of the Indians, and the decrease in the attendance on the schools, increased the trials. Hence, Messrs. Spalding and Gray were to return East, and Dr. Whitman was to join the Spokane Mission. In the fall of 1842, however, afl'uirs took a more favorable turn : the Spokane Indians showed more thoughtfulness and conscientiousness ; the school at Lapwai Increased to an average of eighty, and afterwards to over 20t); 1,000 Nez Perces attended a series of meetings for nine or ten days, seven of whom were examined for admission to the church ; the Cayuse Sabbath congregations varied in tiie spring from 200 to 400, in the fall from 50 to 200, and less during the rest of the year. The two Nez Perces received into the church four years previous, and some others of whom hope was entertained, stood well as Christian workers ; and there was abundant evidence that the truth was exerting a restraining influence over most of the Indians. Some of them were becoming more settled, so that 50 Cayuse and 150 Nez Perces families cultivated from a quarter of an acre to five acres each ; one Nez Perces chief raised 176 bushels of peas, 100 of corn, and 300 of potatoes. Mrs. Spalding had taught a few of the Nez Perces women to knit, card, spin, and weave, and a large number to sew. ****** It was also becoming evident that more Americans were soon to come into the territory, and they would need something other than Roman Catholic preaching. All these things determined the missionaries in the fall of 1S42, to continue all the stations, notwithstanding the instructions received from the Board at Boston, until the matter could again be reconsidered. These, and other considerations relating to the possession of tlie country, to whicli reference will afterwards be made, rendered it expedient, in the opinion of the mission, for Dr. Whitnum to return East. He did so, leaving Walla Walla October 3d, 1842, and reaching Boston March 30th, 1843. He made such representations that the Board ratified the action of the mis- sion, in continuing all the stations. After transacting Important I)uslnes8 at Wash- ington, and visiting his friends, he returned to Oregon. He left the western frontiers of Missouri, May 31st, and after a short time overtook a company of about 875 emigrants, some of whom, when lie was in the East, he had promised to aid, should tliey determine to go to Oregon. Tills journey was successfully made, and the first train of emigrant wagons rolled through to the Columbia River. The Methodist mission, founded by Jasou Lee in the Willamette Valley, and which had met with such misfortune by sickness, was reinforced by Elijah White and wife, Alanson Beei-s and wife, W. H. Willson, Annie M. Pitman, Susan Downing and Elvira Johnson, V • ^W "' i»'.v FOUNDATION AND PK0GRE88 OF THE MISSIONS. 217 who sailed from Boston in July, 1836, and reached their destination the following May. The scourge of fever still afflicted the mission, and it consequently bore ill repute among the Indians of the Wil- lamette, in spite of the most earnest and conscientious efforts of Mr. Lee and his associates to win the good will of those for whose ben- efit they had made so great a sacrifice. In the fall of 1837 Rev. David Leslie, Rev. H. K. W. Perkins and Margaret Smith were added to their force of missionary laborers. Their field of opera- tions was enlarged in the spring of 1838 by the establishment of a mission at The Dalles, under the charge of Daniel Lee and H. K. W. Perkins. To do this required money, if they would continue their plan of operations. The Protestant method of working em- braced the instruction of the Indian in the methods of procuring food and clothing by his own intelligent effort, so that he might not experience those alternate seasons of feasting and famine to which he was subjected when relying solely upon the products of nature. They sought, also, to destroy his roving habits by trans- forming him from a hunter to a farmer. Jason Lee accordingly started East to procure the necessary financial aid, accompanied by P. L. Edwards, F. Y. Evs^ing and two Indian boys. During his absence Mrs. Lee died, also Cyrus Shepard, who was teaching school at the Willamette Mission. Mr. Lee returned in 1840 with a party of forty -eight pei-sons, eight of them being clergymen, and nineteen ladies. From this time the history of the missions be- comes so closely interwoven with that of the settlements, that no further effort will be made to keep it distinct. A new element was introduced into the mission field in 1838, in the form of two zealous Catholic priests. Rev. Francis N. Blanchet and Rev. Modest Demers came overland from Montreal with the regular express of the Hudson's Bay Company, reaching Vancouver on the twenty-fourth of November, 1838, and having baptized fifty- three persons while voyaging down the Columbia. They came pre- pared to stay, and not without having received a cordial invitation. The servants of the Hudson's Bay Company, such, at least, as were of Canadian descent, had a natural leaning toward the Catholic church, which had been the one to administer to the religious wants of them- selves and parents, whenever they had been fortunate enough to come within the radius of Chi'istian worship. When the Protestant mis- ■n-. »"' 218 HISTOKT OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. If i I I! * 3 4. '- li I- sionariea appeared it caused them to long for the presence of the pious fathers ; not with that insatiable longing which has its source in the deepest fountains of our nature; they simply preferred, in case they were to enjoy religious privileges at all, to have those with which they most naturally sympathized. Not only did they feel thus themselves, but they told the Indians that there were other and better missionaries than those who had settled amongst them, men who wore long black gowns and who would teach them the true religion. This created a natural desire among the tribes to have these holy men come among them, a desire shared by the officers of the company, who naturally preferred that religion which would meet with the most favor among their servants and the In- dians, and which was taught by subjects of Great Britain. This was the reason why the society of Montreal sent out Fathers Blan- chet and Demers, and why the advent of the " Black Gowns," as they were called by the Indians to distinguish them from the Prot- ebtants, was not unexpected by the natives. The coming of Catholics was the signal for the commencement of a contest for spii'itual control of the Indians, whose terrible results wUl be seen as this narrative progresses. For this both parties to the controversy were to blame. They were all firmly set in their religious convictions, and intolerant of opposing or differing opinions to the highe-st degree. Embued by the loftiest of motives themselves, they did not possess sufficient charity or liberality to ascribe equally exalted purj)08es to their opponents. This spirit is exhibited to the present day in the rancorous writings of certain participants on either side, in which they do not hesitate to charge upon their adversaries crimes for which the scaffold and peniten- tiary are the only adequate penalty; or motives and conduct, which, being proven, would cause them to be shunned and despised by every honorable man. It is but a continuation of that sectarian rivalry, that battle of religious creeds, which has existed since first primitive man began to worship his shadow as a manifestation of some intangible and mysterious power, and which has caused so much bloodshed, misery and horror in the world, and will not end until man judges his fellow man more by his motives and deeds, and less by his purely religious opinions. A few instances will suffice to show the existence of this spirit FOUNDATION APD PB0OBE88 OF THE MIHSIOXS. 219 on both sides — a deteriniuation to impress upon the Indians the fact that their particular creed and form of worship were tlie only true and potent ones, and that all others were both false and harmful. The Catholics were the chief aggressors in this respect, the more energetic and crafty in undermining their opponents, but it was not entirely lacking with the other side; and it must be admitted that in the matter of subsequent acrimonious writings, the Protestants lead the van. The first gun was fired and the nature of the cam- paign outlined by Dr. Parker when he first entered the country, and long before the Catholics appeared in the field. At the mouth of the Alpowa Creek, on Snake River, he came upon a burial party of the Nez Perces, who " liad prepared a cross to set up at the grave," and because the symbol of the crucifixion offended his sight, and he feared it would make, as he expresses it, " a stepping-stone to idol- atry," he took " the cro&s the Indians had prepared and broke it in pieces." As the Catholics had not yet appeared in the field, they consequently "didn't know they were hit " ; and this incident is of interest only to show the spirit of religious intolerance which held possession of Dr. Parker, and which subsequent events proved to also pervade his successors. When the Catholics appeared they found the Protestants well entrenched, and they had either to attack them there or enter new fields. They did both. Their plan of operations is outlined by Father Blanchet, who, in af tei* years, wrote thus of the duties of the missionary priests : — They were to warn their flocks against the dangers of seduction, to destroy the false impression already received, to enlighten and conflrm the faith of the waver- ing and deceived consciences, to bring back to the practice of religion and virtue all of them who had forsaken them for long years, or who, raised in infidelity, had never known nor practiced any of them. * * * In a word, they were to run after the sheep when they were in danger. Hence their passing so often from one post to another — for neither the white people nor the Indians claimed their assist- ance in vain. And it was enough for them to bear that some false prophet (mean- ing a Protestant missionary) had penetrated into a place, or intended visiting some locality, to induce the missionaries to go there immediately, to defend the faith and prevent error from propagating itself. Here is a direct statement from the Archbishop at the head of the church, that it was the Catholic plan to counteract the influence of the Protestants where they had already located missions, as well as to hasten to any new point they might select in order to prevent the founding of others. The first overt act of this kind was com- It :\ r} J. ... '■1 220 HI8T0KY OF WILLAHETTB VALLBT. H mitted at Nesqually, only a few months after their arrival. Rev. Blanchet says: — The first mission to Nesqually was made by Father Demera, who celebrated the first mass in the fort on April 22, [1839], the day after he arrived. His visit at such a time was forced upon him by the establishment of a Methodist mission for the Indians. * « • After hav'ng given orders to build a chapel, and said mass out- side of the fort, he parted with them, blessing the Lord for the success of his mis- sion among the whites and Indians, and reached Oowlitz on Monday, the thirtieth, with the conviction that his mission at Nesqually had left a very feeble chance for a Methodist mission there. The priests introduced a novelty in the shape of a picture by some ingenious artist. It wm a representation of a large tree, with many branches, and the different Protestant sects were shown as ascending the trunk and going out upon the various branches, fi'om which they dropped into a fire, the blaze being fed by a priest with the heretical books of his roasting victims. This tickled the Indians immensely, and among the Nez Perces it seemed about to capture the whole tribe. As an offset to this, Mr. Spalding had his wife paint a number of illustrations of prominent Bible events, and this colored panorama soon crowded the Catholic cartoon from the field. Thus was the contest waged for several years. In 1841, the Cas- cades Indians were won away fi'om the The Dalles Mission in spite of Mr. Waller's strenuous efforts to hold them. This same Mr. Waller gave expression to his feelings on doctrinal points by cutting down a cross erected by the Catholics at Clackamas village. There was one thing which gave the Catholics a decided advan- tage among the natives — the use of symbols and ceremonies. Mi\ Blanchet says: "The sight of the altar, vestments, sacred vessels, and great ceremonies, were drawing their attention a great deal more than the cold, unavailable and long lay services of Brother Waller." These were more akin to their own ideas of religion than the simple services of the Protestants. The mystery was fascinating to them, and they preferred to see the priests " make medicine " to hearing so much " wa-wa " from the ministers. By thus working upon the superstitious nature of the savages, and making no effort to suddenly change their old habits and time-honored customs, the Catholics gained a firm hold upon them, and were thus able, gradually, to bring about the desired change. The Protestants, on the contrary, endeavored to accomplish too much at once, and having no censers rCUNDATION AND PROGRESS OF THK MISSIONS. 221 to swing, or imposing vestments to wear, could gain but slight influence over the natives when their opponents were abcmt. There was also another distinction the Indians recognized, and one which gradually led them to entertain a spirit of bitterness and hos- tility against the Pi-otestants. This was their affiliation with the American settlers, whose presence wjis highly distasteful to the Indians, the reasons for which will be developed as the naiTative progresses. 1^ MKjiffi' r % ■:B' . : 'ifi tj ; ) ■liP' ' A t .i, i' CHAPTER XV. AMERICAN EMIGRANTS ORGANIZE A PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT. Early Advocates of Oregon E migration — Efforts of Hall J. Kelley — The American Society for the Settlement of Oregon Territory — It Memorializes Congress and Advertises fur Emiyrants — Wyeth, Kelley and Etoing Vnung ooiuf to Oregon — Earliest American Settlers— M c lAnujhIin'' s Accotint of Settlement f His Conduct and the Treatment Received from both E iglish and Americans — A had Showing for the Grati- tuf/"- of nom-: Americans — Classification of the Population as Regards Intereuia- -Reasons for Deriving a Gtyvernment — A Petition Sent to Congres.} in 18^0- First Meeting to Form a Government — Death of Ewing Young Leads to the Organization of a Government — The Officers Elected — Failure to Form a Constitution — The Wilkes Ex- pedition — The Wolf Meeting — The F'irst Legislative Committee — Organization of the Provisional Government — The First Officers — ■ Condition of the Missions — Antagonism of the Indian* to Ameri- can Settlers — Dr. White Induces the Nez Perces^ Wascopums and, Cay uses to Adopt a Code of Lu.tos. TO the missionaries belongs the credit of opening tlie route to Oregon and encouraging that large emigration of hardy pio- neers of the Mississippi Valley which was the element to finally decide the Oregon Question in favor of the United States. This was not their object when they left their F^astern homes, but wa« simply the natural sequence of events. Emigration to Oregon was source oi wr^w^^'w AMKHICANB OKGAMZK A PKOVISlONAt UOVKKNMKNT. 223 considered and advocated long before there wiw any thought of founding missions, but it wtis deemed impracticable, and remained to be so considered until the missionaries and their wives r.> twenty- five men in Oregon who were favorable to the Unitt^i. St t vWj -.aost of them being mountaineers with Indian wives. Fov ■ ( ' ''".:■< inde- pendent settlers were John Turner, George Gay, John V« - 'rhvnrth and Dr. Bailey, the survivors of a party of nine which left *^',i'ifor- nia in the summer of ISr.o for Oregon. The others were Daniel Miller, Saunders, an Irishman called " Big Tom," a man whose name is unknown, and a squaw. Turner wtw one of the survivors of the Umpqua massacre of 182/<. The incidents attending their arrival are thus relat'»i by Hon. J. W. Nesmith, who had them from the lips of the survivoi-s: — The party had forty-seven head of good horses and u eoiiipleJ' ,! for trai)ping. About the middle of June, 1835, the party encamped for the i\i,^ near a place known as "The Point of Rocks," on the south bank of Itogue Kiver. Early the next morning the Indians commesuort rtn [ipinK into camp, a few at a time, Oay was on guard, and not likii.j^ th' ",( i.earani > o; tiic Indians, awoke Turner, who was the leader of the party, and uic latter < , rsed with the savages through his siiuaw, wlio, Hpoke Chinook. Turner c iiiluded that there wa« no harm to be apprehended from their dusky visitorn, and, forgetting the IV'arful massacre which he 80 narrowly es<«|)od with Hmith's party seven years before, near the Umpijua, the party became carelens. In the meantime, stmie four or live hundred Indiani* had assembled in and about the camp of the little party, and at a aigntil. furiously attacked the whit^ men with clubs, l)ows and arrows and knives. The AMERICANS OROANIZIC A I'KOVISIONAL GOVEIiNMKXT. 227 attack was so sudden and unexpected that the Indians obtained ttiree of the eight guns with which Turner and his party were armed. The struggle of the trappers for life was desperate and against fearful odds. The eight men seized whatev er they could lay their hands on for defense. Some of them discharged their rifles in the bosom of their assailants and then clubbed their guns and laid about them with the barrels. Turner, who was a herculean Kentucky giant, not being able to reach his rifle, seized a big fir limb from the camp Are and laid about him lustily, knocking his assailants right and left. At one time the savages had Gay down and were pounding him, but they were crowded so thick as to impede the force of their blows. Old Turner, seeing Gay's peril, made a few vigorous blows with his limb whidi released him, and the latter, springing to his feet, dealt fearful cuts, thrusts, slashes and stabs with bis long, sharp sheath-knife upon the naked carcasses of the dusky crowd. The other men, following Turner's and Gay's example fought witli the energy of despair and drove the Indians from their camp. Dan Miller and another trapper were killed upon the spot, while the six survivors of the melee were all more or less seriously wounded. While tlie flght was going on, the scjuaws drove off the herd of horses and carried ofTall of the baggage and cam|>-equipage, together with three rifles. Three of the remaining guns were rendered useless by having their stocks broken oflT in the clubbing process. The six badly wounded survivors took to the brush and kept the Indians at bay with their two remaining rifles. By traveling in the night-tirae and hiding in the brush in the day-time, they man- aged to elude the Indians, but suffered terribly from their wounds and for want of provisions and clothing. Dr. Bailey had received a fearful wound from a toma- hawk, which split his lower jaw frtini the point of the chin to the throat. From want of proper treatment, the parts never properly united, and uumy old pioneers will recollect the unsightly scar that rlisttgured his face for life. Saunders' wounds disabled him from traveling, and he was left on the South Umpqua, and "Big Tom" was left on the North Umpqua. The Indians subsequently reported to Dr. Mc- Loughlin that both men had died of their wounds where they were left. Turner, Gay, Woodworth and Dr. Bailey, after reaching the head of the Willamette Valley, differed about the route. Turner mistook the Willamette for the Columbia. Gay, in his sea voyages, had seen a map or chart showing that the Columbia ran west, and determined to strike due north in search of the great river, upon the banks of which he expected to find Hudson's Bay trappers and traders. Turner, Bailey and Wood- worth followed down the Willamette River until, in a famishing condition, they struck the Methodist mission below Salem. Gay kept along the foot-hills on the west side of the valley and crossed the Riekreal about where Dallas now stands, and (Tossed the Yamhill River at the falls near Lafayette, passing along on the west side of Wapatoo Lake, and crossing the Tualatin Plains, reached Wyeth's trading post on Sauvie's Island some time in August. Before separating from his compan- ions, Gay had cut up his buckskin breeches to make moccasins for the party, and nuide the most of the journey in a naked condition, with the exception of the tattered remnants of an old shirt. The mosquitoes nearly devoured him in the ('oluml)ia bottoms. This perilous trip of nearly .5(K) miles was made nearly flfty years ago, and was a terrible test of the endurance of a naked, wounded, and starv- ing man. There were, liuwever, other (settlers than the Americans. Tn 1 828, Sir George Simpson, Governor of the Hudson's Bay Company, who was then on an official visit to Fort Vancouver, took possession <>f the Willamette Falls, for the jiurpose, jus expressed liy him, of .;i ^ nii 228 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. locating there a colony of their retired sei-vants. It had previously been the policy of the company not to permit settlements to be made by their servants whose term of contract had expired, since they deemed them detrimental to the preservation of this region as a fur- producing wilderness. They wanted no settlements here whatever, neither British nor American. This move at Willamette Falls was not persisted in, but a few years later some of their ex-servants located about Champoeg, or French Prairie, in Marion county, and became quite a flourishing colony; and there their descendants live to the present day, useful and industrious citizens. On the su Inject of the first settlements in the valley. Dr. McLough- lin's posthumous manuscript has muc* ^'o say. The Etinne Lucier, spoken of by him, is the one menaoned above. He first settled on the east side of the Willamette, opposite the city of Portland, where he lived several yeai-s before removing to French Prairie. The Doctor says : — In 1824 I came to this country to superintend the management of the Hudson's Bay Company's trade on the coast, and we came to the determination to abandon Afstoria, and go to Fort Vancouver, aa it was a place where we could cultivate the soil and raise our own provisions. In March, 1825, we moved there and that spring planted potatoes and sowed two bushels of peas, the only grain we had, and all we had. In the fall I received from New Yorii Factory a bushel spring wheat, a bushel oats, a bushel barley, a bushel Indian corn and a quart of timothy, and all of which was sown in proper time, and which produce well except the Indian corn, for wliich the ground was too poor and the nights rather cool, and continued extending our im- provements. In 1828, the crop was sufficient to enable us to dispense with the im- portation of flour, etc. In 1825, from what I had seen of the country, I formed tlie conclu.^ion from the mildness and salubrity of the climate, that this was the finest portion of North America that I had seen for the residence of civilized man, and as the farmers could not cultivate theground without cattle, and as the Hudson's Bay Company had only twenty-seven (27) head, bigand small, and as I saw at the time no possibility of getting cattle by sea, and that was too expensive, I determined that no cattle should be killed at Vancouver except one bull calf every year for rennet to make cheese, till we had an ample stock to meet all our demands, and to assist settlers, a resolution to which I strictly adhered, and the flrst animal killed for beef was in 1838; till that time we had lived on fresh and salt venison and wild fowl. From morality and policy I 'jtc^ped the sale and issue of spiritous liquor to the Indians, but to do this eflTectually I had to stop the sale of liquor to all whites. In 1834, when Mr. Wyelh. of Boston, came, he l>egan by selling liquor, Init on my assuring him that the Hud- son's Bay Company sold no liquor to whites or Indians, he immediately adopted the same rule. * « * * . « « In 1828, Etinne Lucier, a Willamette trapper, asked me if I thought this wouM become a settled country. I told him wherever wheat grew, he might depend it would liecome a farming country. He asked me what assistance I would aflbrd AMKRICANS OUOANIZK A PKOVI.SIONAL OOVKUNMKXT. 229 biin to settle an a farmer. I told him I would loan him seed to sow and wheat to feed himself and family, to be returned from the produce of his. farm, and sell him such implements as were in the Hudson's Bay Company's store, at fifty per cent, on prime cost. But a few days after he came back and told me he thought there was too remote a prospect of this becoming a civilized country, and as there were no clergymen in the country, he asked me a passage for his family in the Hudson's Bay Company's boats, to which I acceded. He started in September to meet the boats at the mountain ; the express came in too late and he had to return, and went to hunt for the winter. In 1829 he again applied to begin to farm. I told him that since he had spoken to me I heard that several trappers would apply for assistance to begin to farm, and that it was necessary for me to come to a distinct understanding with him to serve as a rule for those who might follow. That the Hudbca's Bay Company were bound under heavy penalties to discharge none of their servants in tlie Indian country, and bound to return them to the place where they engaged them. That this was done to prevent vagabonds being let loose among the Indians and incite them to hostility to the whites. But as I knew he was a good, honest man, and none but such need apply, and as if he went to Canada and unfortunately died before his children could provide for themselves they would become objects of pity and a burthen to others. For these reasons I would assist him to settle. But I must keep him and all the Hudson's Bay Company's servants whom I allowed to settle, on tlie Hudson's Bay Company's books as servants, so as not to expose the Hudson's Bay Company and me to a fine, but they could work for themselves, and no service would be exacted from them. Many of the Canadians objected to go to the Willamette, because it was to become American Territory, which I told them it would, as the Hudson's Bay Company in 1825 officially informed that on no event could the British Government claim extend south of the Columbia, and that they were afraid they would not have the same advantages us American citizens. I told them from the fertility of the soil, the extent of prairie and the easy access from the sea, that the Willamette (they must admit) was the best and only place adapted to form a settlement which would have a beneficial effect on the whole country north of San Francisco, where we could assist and protect them from the Indians in case of difficulty, and as to advantages I did not know what they would have, but this I knew, that tlie American Govern- ment and people knew only two classes of persons, rogues and honest men, that they punished the first and protected the last, and it depended only upon them- selves to what class they would belong. Others wanted to go and live with the relatives of their wives, but as their chil- drtm would be brought up with the sympathies and feelings of Indians, and as tlie half-breeds are in general leaders among Indians, and they would-be a thorn in the side of the whites, I insisted they should go to the Willamette, where their children could be brought up as whites and Christians, and brought to cultivate tlie ground and imbued with the feelings and sympatliies of whites, and where they and their mothers would serve as hostages for the good behavior of their relatives in the interior. As Indians judge of whites by themselves, and I think if tliey injure whites on their lauds, the whites would revenge it by murdering their Indian rela- tives among them, and as the settlement increased by the addition of Indian women half-breeds, the turbulence of the Indian tribes would diminij' ; and certainly the Cay use war would not have been quelled so easily as it was if other halt-breeds hud not joined the Americans; and I have great pleasure to be able to nay, what must be admitted by all who know them, that the Canadian trappers and half-breeds wlio have settled as farmers, are as peaceable, orderly, neighborly and industrious a set of men as any in the settlement ; and that so far tlie Canadian settlement has il Mt rM) UrsTOKY OF Wn-LAMKttK VALLKY, produced and supplied three-fourths of the grain that has been exported. [Every pioneer will heartily endorse this eulogy of the people of French Prairie.] IV I made it a rule that none of the Hudson's Bay Company's servants should be aliowed to join the settlemento unless he had fifty pounds sterling before him, as he required that sum to supply him with clothing and implements. He that begins business on credit is seldom so careful and industrious bs he who does business on his own means. By this I effected two objects — I made the men more saving and industrious, and attached them to their farms. If I had not done so, they would have abandoned on the least difficulty. But having their means invested on their improvements, they saw if they abandoned the loss would be theirs, they therefore persisted and succeeded. When the settlement was formed, though the American trappers had no means, they were assisted on credit, and all in three years paid up fh)m the produce of their farms. The presence of American settlers was extremely distasteful to the company ; not simply because they were Americans, but because they were American settlers. The officers of the company were instructed not to encourage them in any way. It stood ready to sell to the settlers at a high price, but not to purchase from them anything whatever. They were without cattle, except a few rented to them by the company, and until they possessed them could not be or feel independent of the overshadowing corporation. To remedy this evil. Young and Jason Lee (who never let the fact that he came to Oregon simply as a missionary prevent him from advanc- ing American interests whenever possible), set on foot a scheme to procure a supply of cattle from the vast herds gi'azing about the Spanish Missions in California. The effort was opposed by the company, but with the aid of Lieutenant William A. Slocum, an officer of tlie United States Navy, who advanced money and gave a free passage to California in his vessel to those who went after the cattle, it wjis ijompletely successful, and "The Willamette Cattle Company '' was organized. The party which went to California was under the leadership of Mr. Young, and was composed of P. L. Edwards (who kept a diary of the expedition, which is now pre- served in the State Library at Sacramento and numbered 23,989), Hawchurst, Carmichael, Bailey, Erequette, DesPau, Williams, Tib- betts, George Gay, Wood, Camp, Turner, and enough others to make a company of about twenty men, all inured to the dangers and privations of mountain life. Thej' colh cted a band of seven hundred cattle, at three dollars per head, and, with much labor and difficulty, succeeded in bringing six hundred of them into the valley. They AMKKiC.VNH OKOANIZE A PKOVI8IONAJ. (iOVKKNMKXT. 231 had much troiil>le with the Indians on Siskiyou Mountain and along Rogue River, and Gay, without any foundation, charges the com- pany witli stirring up the Indians to cut them off. The fact is, as Edwards' diary plainly shows, the trouble grew out of the unpro- voked murder by one of the party of an Indian who visited their camp on Klamath River. Turner, Gay and Bailey were three of four survivors of the American trapping party which had been attacked on Rogue River two years before, and shot this Indian in a spirit of revenge. It is certainly difficult to trace any agency of the company in this affair, or to assign any other cause than wanton murder for their trouble with the Indians. The arrival of the cat- tle was hailed with joy by the settlers, as it guaranteed them com- plete independence of the company, and demonstrated that Ameri- cans could settle in the Willamette Valley with an assurance of being self-supporting. Such is the version of the cattle question, as it comes from Amer- ican sources. Dr. McLoughlin gives quite another tone to it. His document says: — Every settler had a» much wheat on loan as he wanted to begin with, and I lent them each two cows, ax. in 1825 we had only twenty-seven head, big and small, old and young. If I sold they would of course be entitled to the increase, and I would not have the means to assist the new settlers, and the settlement would be retarded, as those purchasers who offered me two hundred dollars for a cow would put such a price on the increase as would put it out of the power of poor settlers to buy. This would prevent industrious men from settling. For these reasons 1 would not sell, but loaned a» I say, two cows to each settler, and in case the increase of settlers might be greatt.* than we could afford to supply with cattle, I reserved the right to take any cattle I required (aljove his two cows) from any settlers to assist new settlers. To the Methodist Mission, as it was a public institution, I lent seven oxen, one bull and eiyht cows with their calves. In the beginning, several settlers lost cattle, poisoned by eating water hemlock. It has been said by the lat« Mr. Thurston, Delegate from Oregon, on the floor of Congress, that settlers paid for dead cattle. This is a wanton falsehood, as it is well known to all old settlers that no settler paid a cent for dead cattle. It was a loss to the company. In 1836 we found means of forming a company to go to California for cattle. I took half the stock for the Hudson's Bay Company, so that by urchasing a large number (as the expense of driving five hundred or a thousand , as the same) as it would make the cattle cheaper. Those of the settlers that had means put it in the stock ; those that had none, engaged as drivers at one dollar per day, to be paid in cattle at their actual cost. Mr. Slocam, who came here in a chartered vessel, gave them a passage gratis from this place to San Francisco. Mr. Ewing Young was se- lected to conduct the party. Mr. P. L. Edwards, who came with Messrs. Lee, of the Methodist Mission, but now a lawyer in California, was appointe ' Treaj^urer. They brought, I think, about seven hundred head of cattle, which cost eight dollars per hefMl rendered. In the Willamette, the settlers kept the tame and broken-in 'i-: i ■ 282 HISTORY OF WILLAMKTTK VALLKY. oxen they had belougiug to the Hudson Bay Company, and gave their California wild cattle in the place, 80 that they found themselves stocked with tame cattle which coat them only eight dollars per head, and the Hudson's Bay Company, to favor the settlers, toolc calves in place of grown-up cattle, because the Hudson's Bay Company wanted them for beef. These calves would grow up before they were re- quired. At the close of 1837, the independent population of Oregon con- sisted of forty-nine souls, about equally divided between missionary attaches and settlers. With but few exceptions the arrivals during the next two yeara were solely of persons connected with the various missions, whose advent has already been noted. Those coming in 1839 were, Rev. J. S. Griffin and wife, and Mr. Hunger and wife, who had made an unsuccessful effort to found an independent mis- sion on Snake River, and Ben Wright, Robert Shortess, Sidney Smith, Lawson, Keiser, Geiger, and Blair, a blacksmith. By add- ing the following list of arrivals in 1840, to those previously men- tioned, the population of Oregon at that time will be quite accu- rately listed. Mr. Gray thus summarizes the arrivals of that sea- son: — ' 1 > In 1840— Methodist Episcopal Protestant Mission— Mrs. Lee, second wife of Rev. Jason Lee; Rev. J. H. Frost and wife ; Rev. A. F. Waller, wife and two children ; Rev. W. W. Kone and wife; Rev. G. Hines, wife and sister; Rev. L. H. Judson, wife and two children ; Rev. J. L. Parish, wife and three children ; Rev. G. P. Richards, wife and three children ; Rev. A. P. Olley and wife. Laymen— Mr. Geo. Abernethy, wife and two children ; Mr. H. Campbell, wife and one child ; Mr. W. W. Raymond and wife; Mr. H. B. Brewer and wife ; Dr. J. L. Bal)eock, wife and one child; Mrs. Daniel Lee; Mrs. David Carter; Mre. Joseph Holnian ; Miss E. Phillips. Independent Protestant Mission— Rev. Harvey Clarke and wife ; P. B. Littlejohn and wife ; Roljert M; American Physicians, 3; English Phy- sicians, 1; Jesuit Priests, including DeSmet, 3; Canadian French, 60. Total Americans, 137; total • jnadians, including Priests, 63; total population, not including Hudson's Bay Company operatives. AMEKICAN8 ORGANIZE A PROVISIONAL OOVKKNMENT. 233 , '1 within what now is a portion of Montana, and all of Idaho, Wash- ington and Oregon, 200. Up to 1839 the only law or government administered in this region was the rules of the Hudson's Bay Company ; but that year, deeming that there must be some authority which the settlers would respect, the Methodist missionaries designated two persons to act a.s magistrates. This was done entirely without the co-operation of tlie settlers, but the action received their endorsement, or, at least, was generally acquiesced in. Several cases came before these officers for adjudication, the most important being the trial of T. J. Hub- bard for mui'der, he having shot a man who was attempting to enter his cabin through the window. The magistrate was Rev. David Leslie. The prisoner was acquitted by the jury. Settlements were made at this time with reference to the possi- ble division of the country on the line of the Columbia River, all Americans locating south of the stream, and none but British sub- jects north of it. Cook, Fletcher and Moore settled on the banks of the Willamette, near the falls, the last named locating directly opposite the cataract, on the west bank. He purchased a section of land of the Indians, a ti-ansaction which, of course, had no legal force, and named his place "Robin's Nest." Dr. McLoughlin claimed the opposite end of the falls, and, later, when he resigned from the Hudson's Bay Company, located there and became as good an American as any of them. He thus relates some of the diffi- culties he experienced ^vith this claim: — In 1840, as I already stated, the Methodist Mission received a large reinforce- ment. I had selected for a claim, Oregon City, in 1829, made improvements on it and had a large quantity of timber squared. The Superintendent applied to me for a loan of some of it to build a mission house. I lent them the timber and had a place pointed out to them upon which to build. In' 1840 the Methodist Mission formed a milling association and jumped part of my claim and began to build a saw and grist mill. They a^umed the right to judge of my rights, and said that I could not hold it as part of my claim, though the stream that separates the islet from the main land is not more than forty feet wide in summer. This island is what is called "Abernethy Island," and is about three or four acres in extent. In 1842, Mr. Walker, the resident missionary in the house, to build which I lent timber, which they never returned, atid gave the ground upon which to build, set up a claim to Oregon City in opposition to me, but after some difficulty, I paid them $500 and he gave it up. I preferred to do this and have done with it rather than here- after trouble Government with it. It has been remarked that the policy of the Hudson's Bay Com- i , 'I •n i f f 884 HI8T0KY OF WILLAMKTTE VALhEt. i .1 s j^ 1 s I pany was to diswurage any settlements whatever, preferring that the country should remain uninhabited bj all save the Indians and the actual servants of the company. It had even gone to the ex- pense of sending to Canada those employees whose terms of service expired. Had they but themselves and employees to deal with, the policy was a wise one for the purpose of effecting the end aimed at — the preservation of the country in its primeval state — but with the complication of independent American settlers it was the re- verse. Had the company from thi beginning colonized Oregon with its discharged servants, as it had previously done the Red River region, there would now haA-e been such a flourishing colony as would have completely overshadowed the Americans, if, indeed, it did not prevent their coming altogether. Failure to do this lost Great Britain her only hope of acquiring Oregon. The company's eyes were fully opened to the danger when the Wallamet Cattle Company was organized in 1837. It resolved then upon a radical and immediate change of policy — to colonize the coimtry with sub- jects of Great Britain as rapidly as possible. Accordingly, the Puget Sound Agricultural Company was organized in 1837 as an associate of the company, which it was to supply with its products as well as carry on a trade with the Sandwich Islands and Alaska. The company, for reasons previously stated, selected a location on the north side of the Columbia, at Cowlitz and Nesqually. It took several years to caiTy the scheme into effect, since it was necessary to bring a large emigration from the company's older colony on Red River. The settlement on French Prairie has been mentioned ; this consisted of about twenty-five families at the time Father Blan- chet arrived in 1838, and located there the Mission of St. Paul, where a school and church have ever since been maintained. The plan of the company was to thus ovei whelm the American settlers in point of numbers, and at the same time to open negotiations be- tween the home governments for a final settlement of the mooted question of title, in which the great preponderance of English sub- jects should be urged as a reason why Great Britain's claim to the country should be conceded. To the defeat of this deep-laid plan the United States is indebted largely to Dr. Marcus Whitman's per- spicacity, determination and patriotism, as will appear later on. The company's plans embraced, also, a studied and persistent AMKRICANS oaOANlXK A PROVISIONAL (JOVKRNMKNT. 2'.\h miarepresentation of the j'^ricultural resourceH of the country. The idea was industriously impressed upon every one tliat Oregon was a barren waste, of no earthly value except as a fur region. By this means it was hoped not only ^.o discourage emigration, but to im- press upon American statesmen the idea that a country of such little value for colonization was not worth contending for, and some of the speeches made in Congress by several of the foremost men of the nation show how well the plan succeeded. That England, and Englishmen generally, became embued with the same idea was of no consequence, since the company did not desii'e English settlers other than such as, in a measure, belonged to it ; and England could be relied upon to do her l)e8t to secure it as a perpetual trapping ground for this great corporation, which was her powerful repre- sentative in the extreme West. Not only was the region decried, but it was asserted with great positiveness that it was absolutely impossible for wagons to cross the mountains, and that emigrants could not pass overland from the Mississippi Valley. Every book of English origin laid great stress upon these facts, and they were echoed by the magazines and newspapers. Said John Dunn, a former clerk of the company, in his work on Oregon: "None but the wild and fearless free -trappers can clamber over these pre(;ipices and tread these deserts with security. It is true that there have been published more favorable accounts, within the last year or two, l)y parties who have made the ■ Mi! ley safely, and who encourage others to make a similar experinn m, but these accounts are mere bravado." In 1843, the Edinburg Review said: "However the political (juestion between England and the United States, as to the ownership of Oi-egon, may be decided, Oregon will never be colo- nized overland from the United States. The world must assume a new phase before the American wagons will make plain the road to the Columbia, as they have done to the Ohio." These extracts are sufficient to show the general tenor of them all. In this there was nothing either criminal or dishonest, nothing which Americans would not have done under the same circum- stances ; and yet certain writers speak of this and other steps of the company to obtain, or retain, possession of Oregon, as constituting a heinous crime. In looking at this matter one should divest him- self of all national and religious prejudice or bigotry. Both na- j -, 286 HISTORY OP W7LLAMETTE VALLKJ. 1^ ' -i :' 'I i I* tions having well-founded claims to the country, the subjects of Great Britain certainly were as fully justified in making an effort for possession as ^vere the citizens of the United States; and the actual fact is that they were less active, less aggressive than were the Americans, to which is largely due their defeat in the contest upon which they entered with every advantage. Because they made these efforts, parties who were ec^ually active on the other side have charged the company with grave crimes, not the least of which was the inciting of the natives to murder American settles and mission- aries. These charges rest solely upon the most ^imsy circumstan- tial evidence, which is outweighed by the con( md character of the officers who administered the company's a,.. . in Oregon. It is not the purpose of the writer to engage in a general defense of the Hudson's Bay Company, or acquit it of all censure; for he be- lieves its policy to have been harsh and cruel, though natural and human. He would, however, desire to defend the name of good Dr. McLoughlin from the aspersions of men who were not worthy to untie the latchet of his shoes; who possessector as one of the grandest and most noble characters with whom they ever came in contact. The population of Oregon may be dassitied, in 1840, into foui- di.stiint divisions— the Hudson's Bay Company; the Catholic mis- sionaries and their French proteges; the Protestant missionaries; 240 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. and the independent settlers. The first two generally acted together, though there were a few members of the Catholic church who favored American rule. Though not always in full accord, and occasionally opposing each other, the settlers and missionaries, as a rule, acted together, the missions serving as a rallying point for the settlers. These latter cared nothing for the religious creed the missionaries represented, their sole object in securing homes in the Willamette Valley being to better their wordly condition, yet they favored the mission to the extent that it served their purpose of settling in the country. The missions of the American Board located east of the mountains, cut no figure at first in the organization of a government, that movement being confined to the settlers in the Willamette Val- ley. The motives which actuated them are thus set forth by J. Quinn Thornton: — Distant from the land of their birtli, surrounded by restless tribes of Indians, who clamorously and insolently demanded of the immigrants pay for landc which the immigrants had neither the means nor the right to purchase ; still ardently de- siring to have their names and their destiny connected with that of the republic, and yet, often pierced to the heart by the thought, which would sometimes, unbid- den, obtrude itself upon the mind, that they were the victims of their country's neglect and injustice, and suffering all the inconveniences and embarrassments w hich are necessarily felt by a resident and civilized community, without a system of laws for the conservation of peace and order, they were at length compelled to or- ganize a provisional government. Their first step was taken March 16, 1888, when J. L. Whit- comb and thirty-five other settlei-s prepared a memorial, which was presented to Congress January 28, 1889, by Senator Linu. This document set forth the resource's and condition of the country, and contained the following paragraph: — We are anxious when we Imagine what will be, wliat must be, the condition of so mixed a community, free from all legal restraint and superior to that monil inllu- ence which has hitherto been the pledge of our safety. We flatter ourselves that we are the germ of a great State and are anxious to give an early tone to the moral and intellectual character of our citizens— the destinies of our jmsterity will lie intimately affected by the character of those who immigrate. The territory must populate— the Congress of the IJnitefl States nmst say by whom. The natural resources of the country, with a well-judgefl civil code, will luvitea g(x)d community but a good community w!M hardly emigrate to a country which promises no pro- tection to life or property. » * « We can IxHutt of no civil code. We can promise no protection but the ulterior resort of self-defense. » « * \Ve have thus briefly shown that the security of our persons and our property, the hopes and destinies of our children, are involved in thesulyectof our petition. We do not presume to suggest the manuer in which the country should l)e occupied liy the Government, nor the extent to which our settlement should be encouraged. Till i i 1 .A. AMEBICAIfS OROAKIZB A PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT. 241 We confide in the wisdom of our national legislators, and leave the subject to their candid deliberations. This petition was read, laid on the table, and neglected. In June, 1840, Senator Linn again presented a memorial, signed by seventy citizens of Oregon : — Your petitioners represent that they are residents in Oregon Territory, and citi- zens of the United States, or persons desirous of becoming such. They furtiier rep- resent that they have settled themselves in said Territory, under the belief that it was a portion of the public domain of the United States, and that they might rely upon the government thereof for the blessings of free institutions and the protec- tion of its arms. But your petitioners further represent, that they are uninformed of any acts of said Government by which its institutions and protection are ex- tended to them; in consequence whereof, themselves and families are exposed to be destroyed by the savages and others that would do them harm. And your petition- ers would further represent thtit they have no means of prote«!ting their own and the lives of their families, oti r than self-constituted tribunals, organized and sus- tained by the power of an ill-instructed publu opinion, and the resort to force and arms. And your pet'tiontrs represent these means of safety to be an insufficient safeguard of life and perty. » » » » Your jietitioners wherefore pray the Congress of i ;, nit<'d States of America, to e8tal>lisli is soon as may be, a territorial government m Oregon Tirritory. The phrase which is italiciz 1 in the &\ ove memorial undoubt- edly refers to the Hudson's Bay Company, which, so some of tht* settlers then believed and a few still affert to bt^ ev( , designed their destruction. The absurdity of this has already been pointed out by calling attention to the character of tln' company's officers in Ore- gon, and to the very patent fact that had such been their intention it would have been carried out, since notliin tuld have been easier of accomplishment. That the compan} cded in ''freezing out " opposition traders, by exeiling its authority to prevent the Indians form trading with its rivals, and by refusing to sell such men sup- plies when in business distress, is an undisputed fact; and that it sought to " starve out " all American settlers, or, at least, keep them in practical subjection, is equally undisputable, and would probably have been as fully successful had another than Dr. Mc- Loughlin been in charge at Vancouver; but that it sought to achieve these ends by nmrder and inciting the Indians to slaughter them, lacks proof of any kind. Its domination over the Indians was so complete that a simple hint that the company desired the Americans killed would have been sufficient to have accomplished that end. The simple fact that these petitioners lived for many years exposed U' 242 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. r- to attack and never once received it, is evidence enough to show that the fears expressed in the memorial were ungrounded. Having thus provided for making known the situation of affairs to Congress, and being well aware that one, and possibly two, years must roll around before they could even know that their petition liad been presented, they addressed themselves to the task of pro- viding such government as was absolutely required for the security of their families and the proper conservation of the peace. The principal settlement was at Champoeg, and there a meeting was held on the seventh of February, 1841, the record of which shows that it was " a meeting of some of the inhabitants * * * for the purpose of consulting upon steps neceasary to be taken for the formation of laws, and the election of officers to execute them." Rev. Jason Lee was called to the chair, and requested to express his opinion of what was necessary to be done. In a brief speech, which indicates that he had given considerable thought U) the subject, he advised the appointment of a committee to draft a constitution and by-laws for the government of that portion of the territory lying south of the Columbia. The people were also recommended to con- sidered the question of a governor and other officers. Here the matter rested temporarily ; but an event happened a few days later which revived it with greater vigor. This was the death of that able and energetic leader, Ewing Young, on the fifteenth of Feb- ruary. His funeral, which was held tAvo days later, was attended by nearly every settler in the valley. Mr. Young possessed con- siderable property, and left no visible heirs to claim it and no one to administer upon the estate. Had he been a servant, or even an employee of the company, the offier. The naval officer alluded to was Com- modore Charles Wilkew, who had been despatched by the United States Government, in 1838, with a fleet of vessels, on an extended voyage of exploration, continuing five years. Wilkes was then in Oregon with the double pui-pose of obtaining geographical and sci- entific information and learning the exact situation of affairs. Per- sonally, he enjoyed the hospitality t)i Dr. McLoughlin during his brief stay, several expeditions being sent t)ut fi"om Vancouver, one going to Puget Sound, one to the missions east of the mountains, and a third, under Lieutenant Emmons, passing up the Willamette Valley aii4 going overland to the Bay of San Francisco, whither the squadiiln proceeded by sea. Having visited the various mis- sions, talked with the settlers, and consulted with the worthy Chief AMKRrCANS OtlOAMZE A PROVISIONAL OOVKRNMEXl', 345 Factor, he learned that only a minority were in favor of a govern- ment, chiefly those associated with the Methodist Mission. It seemed to he the prevailing opinion that the settlement was not strong enough to sustain a government and not large enough tt> absolutely require it. Accordingly, Wilkes advised the com- mittee which waited upon him, to wait until they were stronger before attempting a government, until the "Government of the United States should throw its mantle over them." This advice was accepted, and the adjourned meeting never convened. This ended the first effort to organize a local government. The first regular emigration from the East arrived in 1841, be- ginning that steady stream of young and vigorous life which has annually flowed into Oregon for over forty years; and the end will not be seen for many years to come. There were deep and moving causes for this living stream to force its way through the rocky bar- riers and alkali deserts and cut a deep channel to Oregon. Trap- pers who had visited the Pacific Coast sang the praises of the lovely and fertile valleys of the Willamette and Sacramento, where winter was unkno^vn and the grass remained green the year round. The western frontiersmen caught up the refrain as it passed from cabin to cabin ; and in a few years the tale was an old one with the hardy pioneers of the West. The publication of Dr. Parker's book, Irv- ing's "Astoria " and " Bonneville," John Dunn's work on Oregon, a letter written by Robert Shortess, who had come out in 1839, combined with a general financial depression in the Western States, caused much attention to be directed towards Oregon, California then being a province of Mexico and, conse<[uently, less attractive to American citizens. The two steadfast frieiuis of Oregon in Congress were the senators from Missouri, Thomas H. Benton and Lewis F. Linn, whose names are borne by two of the oldest and best counties in the Willamette Valley. They never ceased to urge upon the Government the necessity of taking some decisive step to perfect its title to the region of the Columbia, and to extend the jurisdic- tion of the law over thit disputed country for the protection of American citizens who were making, an d m ight in^hejuture mt their homes in the far-off Occident. /'Tt was Senator Linn who pre- sented the two memorials before alluded to, and who, at the same time, introduced bills for the extension of the jurisdiction of the w. 1 ( s. Ki , ,;. i t 1 , i s^^ 1 1; V .. '• .Jikl 1 246 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. United States laws over Oregon, urging them warmly upon the consideration of Congress. Early in 1842 he introduced a bill granting donations of the public lands to all who might settle in Oregon, his idea being that a liberal emigration alone could be re- lied upon to win the Columbia for the United States, and that special inducements should be offered to those brave and hardy people who must be reliepenta day or so witii the Doctor, and then went to Fort Walla Walla, where we were kindly received by Mr. P. C. Pambrun, Chief Trader of the Hudson's Bay Com- pany, Superintendent of that post. On the first of October, we took leave ol those kind people, havinu our toayons and taking tiie river trail — but we proceeded slowly. Our party consisted of Josepli L. Meek and myself, also our families, and a Bnake Indian whom 1 brought to Oregon, where he died a year after our arrival. The party did not arrive at the Wallamet Falls till December, subsisting for weeks upon dried salmon, and upon several occasions compelled to swim their stock across the Columbia and Wallamet. The emigrant.s from the Red River colonies which were brought to Oregon in pursuance of the plan of the Hudson's Bay Company set forth a hove, arrived in the fall of 1841. Sir George Simpson, governor of the company, visited Vancouver the same year, crossing overland from Montreal. Just east of the Rocky Mountains he passed this train of emigi-ants, which he records as consisting of " twenty-three families, the heads being generally young and active.'' They reached Oregon ip September and were located north of the Columbia, in the vicinity of the Cowlitz farm of the Piiget Sound Agricultural Company. A number of them relocated the next year in the Willamette Valley. 3 The emigration of 184y consisted of one hundred and nine people, fifty-five of them over eighteen years of age. They started from Independence on the sixteenth oi May, with sixteen wagons and a number of cattle. In the train was Dr. Elijah White, who had spent three years in Oregon in connection with the Methodist ) 1 ■"!■ 348 HISTORY OF WILLAMKTTE VALLEY. Mission. He had now secured an appointment as Indian Agent for the region west of tha Rocky Mountains, and was on his way back to the scene of his missionary labors. Alexander and John McKay, sons of Tom. McKf*y, were also with the party, being homeward bound from a few yeara of attendance at school in New York State. These three had lived in Oregon, but were not acquainted with the route thither. Judge Columbia Lancaster and his family accompa- nied them as far as the Kansas River, but he was compelled by the sickness of his wife to abandon the journey and return. A few years later he was more successful and his name is now indelibly stamped upon the pages of Oregon history. Stephen H. Meek, an experienced mountaineer and brother of Col. Jo. Meek, served as guide and general advisor, having 'trapped for years through the mountains and been in Oregon several times, first with Bonneville and afterwards as an employee of the Hudson's Bay Company. F. X. Matthieu, well known in the State, joined the train at Fort Lara- mie, with three Frenchmen whose names are unknown. Thomas Fitzpatrick, a former partner in the Rocky Mountain Fur Com- pany, and one of the most experienced of mountain men, wan en- countered at Fort Laramie and engaged for $500 to pilot the train to Fort Hall. At Independence Rock a youn^, man named Bailey was killed by the accidental discharge of a rifle; and L. W. Hast- ings and A. L. Lovejoy, two names prominent in Oregon history, were captured by Sioux Indians while engaged in carving their names on the face of the rock. They were ransomed by making their captors a present of a few trinkets and pieces of tobacco; and this was what gave rise to the story in after years that Hastings had been bought for a plug of tobacco. At Green River one-half of the wagons were dismantled and used to make pack saddles, since it was deemed too slow and difficult a task to take the vvhole train further. This event and the subsequent incidents of the journey are thus related by Hon. Medorum Crawford, one of the party: — Horses, mules and oxen were packed with such clothing, utensils and provisions as were indispensable for our daily wants, and with heavy hearts many articU's of comfort and convenience, which had been carefully carried and cared for on the long Journey, were left behind. About the middle of August we arrived at Fort Hall, th^n an important trading post belonging to the Hudson's Bay Company. From Captain Grant, his officers and employees, we received such favors and assist- ance as can only be appreciated by worn-out and destitute emigrants. Here the remaining wagons were left, and our company, no longer attempting to keep up an AMERICANS OttOANIZR A PROVISIONAL OOVKRNMKNT. 249 organization, dividnd into small partlen, each travel ing an faHt as their nirciimstanceH would permit, following the well-beaten trail of the HudsonV Bay C'om|)any to Fort Walla Walla, now Wallula. The small party to which I whh altiiclied waw one month traveling from Fort Hall to Dr. Whitmaii'H, where we were most hoH- pltably received and supplied with flour and vegetables in abundame, a very acceptable change after subsisting almost entirely on buffalo meat from Laramie to Fort Hall, and on salmon from Fort Hall to Whitman's. In fact there had not been in my mess a mouthful of l)read since leaving Laramie. * * * From Walla Walla Dr. White and some others took passage down the Columbia River in the Hudson's Bay Company's boats. Others pursued the journey by land to The Dalles, and there embarlied in boats or cano&s, and still others, and the larger por- tion of the emigrants, crossed the Cascade Mountains on the oltl Liulian trail. From Fort Hall to the Willamette no precaution was tjiken agains^t, or the slightest apprehension felt of Indian hostility, nor were we in any instance niolcHted by them ; on the contrary, they furnished us with salmon and game, and rendered us valuable assistance for very trifling rewards. From Waila Walla to the Willamette Falls occupied atiout twenty days, and all things considered, was the hardest part of the entire Journey — what with the drifting sands, rocky clittk, and rapid streams along the Columbia River, and the gorges, torrents, and thickets of the Cascade Mountains, it seems incredible how, with our worn-out and emaciated animals, we ever reached our destination. The members of that little train of 1842, such as were then over eighteen years of age, are thus enumerated by Mr. Crawford : — The following named men over eighteen years of age composed the emigration of 1842: C. T. Arendell, James Brown, William Brown, Gabriel Brown, Barnum, Hugh Burns, Geo. W. Bellamy, Bennett, Bennett, Jr., Bailey (killed), Nathaniel Crocker, Nathan Coombs, Patrick Clark, Alexander Copelarid, A. N. Coates, Medorum Crawford, Allen Davy, John Dearnn, John 'Dobblnliess, Samuel Davis, Foster, John Force, James Force, Girtnian, Giblis, L. W. Hastings, J. M. Hudsjieath, John Hofstetter, Hardin Jones, A. L. Lovejoy, Reuben Lewis, F. X. Mattliieu, S. W. Moss, J. L. Morrison, Stephen Meek, Alex. McKay, John McKay, Walter Pomeroy, Dwight Pomeroy, J. W. Perry, Dutch Paul, J. R. Robb, Owen Summer, T, J. Shadden, Andrew Smith, A. D. Smith, Darling Smith, Adam Storn, Aaron Towner, Joel Turnham, Elijah White, David Weston, Three Frenchmen. The condition of the valley and the settlers, when these emigrants arrived, is thus delineated by Mr. CraAN^ord: — On the fifth day of October our little party, tired, ragged and hungry, arrived at the Falls, now Oregon City, where we found the first habitations west of the Cas- cade Mountains. Here several members of the Methodist Mission were located, and a saw mill was being erected on the island. Our gratification on arriving safely after so long and perilous a journey, was shared by these liospiiable i)eople, each of whom seemed anxious to give us hearty welcome and render us every assist- ance In their power. From the Falls to Vancouver was a trackless wilderness, communication being only by the river in small boats and canoes. Toward Salem no sign of civilization existed until we reached the French Prairie, where a few farms near the river were cultivated by former employees of the Hudson's Bay Company. West of the Falls some fifteen miles was Tualitan Plains, where a few settlers, mostly from Red River, had located. Within the present limits of Yamhill County, the only settlers I can remember were Sidney Smith, Amos Cook, Francis Fletcher, James O'Nell, Joseph McLaughlin, Williams, Louis LaBoute and \,\ U 250 HISTORY OF WILliAMETTB VALLEY. George Gay. There may fiave been one or two more, but I think not. South of George Gay's on the west end of Salem, on the east side of the Willamette River, there were no settlement** In the territory. There were In the valley some twelve or fifteen Methodist Missionaries, most of them having families, under the general superintendence of Rev. Jason Lee. Some of them were living at the Fulls, some at 8ulem, and some at the M "ion farm, ten miles below Salem, opposite the place now known us Wheatland. Ai, these plaues, especially at the Fulls and Halem, many Improvements were being made, and em- ployment was given at fair wages to a.' who desired work. Payment was made in lumber and Hour from their mills at Balem, cattle and horses from their herds, and orders on the mission stores at the Falls, kept by Hon. George Abernethy. There was no money In the country, and In fact I do not remembei' seeing a piece of money of any description for more than a year after my arrival. A man's financial condition was based upon his cattle, horses, and credit on the Hudson a Bay Com- pany's or Abernethy 's books. With these he could procure ei^erj'thlng that was purchaseable In the country. All kinds of tools and ImplenientM were scarce and generally of the most i)rimltlve character. 'J'here were no wagonw h' the country. Carts of the rudest manufacture were in general use, which ai '"■' he French were frequently Ironed with raw-hide. Ground was plowed with wooden mould- boards, grain was threshed In rail pens by the tramping of horses and cleaned by winnowing In the wind, and transported In canoes and bateaux to Fort Vancouver to market. Most of our clothing came from the Hudson's Bay Coinpany, was all of one size, and said to have been made to fit Dr. McLoughlln, wlio was a very large man. Boots and shoes were more dltflcult to be obtained than any other article of clothing ; as for myself I had no covering for my feet for two years, either summer or winter, but buckskin moccasins, still I never enjoyed better health In my life. A number of our company, probably one-third, dissatisfied with the winter and not willing to wait and see what the summer would bring forth— acting on their migratory Instincts— determined early In the spring of 1843 to go to California. It wafl said of some of those that they never remained In one place longer than to obtain the means to travel ; and of one family In particular, that they had prac- tically lived In the wagon for more than twenty years, only remaining In one locality long enough to make a crop, which they had done In every State and Ter- ritory In the Mississippi Valley. Accordingly, under the lead of L. W, Hastings, they set out as |oon as the weather would permit, and, after encountering some difficulty with the Indians, tbpy reached Sacramento Valley. Among this party was Hon. Nathan Coombs, then a mere boy, who afterwards beoiime a large land owner and stock raiser in Napa V^alley, and founder of the city of that name. Uncle Tommy Shadden, who is here to-day, was also of that party. In the spring of lSi.3 those of our party who remained in the country generally located claims in different sections of the Willamette Valley, and laid the foundations for homes they had traveled ho far to obtidn. These claims were by common consent recog- nized and respected without other protection than public opinion until the pro- visional government was established, which provided that non-residents could hold claims by having them recorded and paying five dollars annually into the terri- torial treasury. It was in 1842 that the first regular educational institution in Oregon was founded, one which has done noble work for the youth of the coast, and which still flourishes under the management of its founders, the Methodist Episcopal Church. On the seventeenth of ^ imrT p::T AMERICANS OROANIZK A PROVISIONAL OOVERNMKNT. 251 January, 1842, at the call of Jlw. Jason L«^e, the peoph; assembled at Chemeketa, now North Salem, to consider the question of es- tablishing an educational institution capable of meeting the wants of the growing community. A committ(;e was appointed and the meet- ing adjourned till the first of February, when it convened in the old mission building which had been erected in 18.'M. The Oregon Institute was then founded with the following board of trustees: Rev. Jason Lee, Rev. David Leslie, Rev. Gustavus Ilines, Rev. J. L. Parrish, Rev. L. PL Judson, Hon. George Abernethy, Alanson Beers, H. Campbell and Dr. J. L. Babcock. A location on French Prairie was first selected, but that place being deficient in pure water, the institute was finally located on Wallace Prairie, two and one-half miles below the present City of Salem. A constitution was adopted on the fifteenth of March, and on the twenty-sixth of October the school was formally placed under the charge of the Methodist Episcopal Church. The emigration of 1H42, small though it was and diminished by tlie migration of several families to California, served to materially strengthen the independent American element. Those who were desirous of organizing a government began again to canvass the subject, the leading spirit being W. H. Gray, who had left his associates — Whitman, Spalding, Eells and AValker — and settled in the Willamette Valle}'. He gathered a few of the trusty ones at his house to consult upon the best means of getting the people together so as to get a spontaneous action from them before oppos- ing influences could have time to work upon them. A simple but effective plan was devised — one which worked to a charm. Many domestic animals had been destroyed by wild beasts, decimating the small herds of the settlers, and how t j prevent such ravages had become a serious question with every settler. It was decided to call a meeting for the ostensible purpose of devising some means for the protection of cattle from the ravages of wild beasts, and notice was accordingly sent throughout the valley for every settler to attend such a meeting at the Oregon Institute on the second day of February, 1843. The attendance was very large. Dr. Babcock occupying the chair. The presiding officer was unaware of the secondary object of the meeting, to the principle of which he was unfavorable. A committee of six was appointed to submit a plan 252 HISTORY OK WILl.AMKTTE VALLEY. of operations to an adjourned meeting to be held on the ftrst Mon- day in March, at the cabin of Joseph Gervais. These two gather- ings are generally known among the pioneers as " Wolf meetings." Prior to the second meeting LeBreton and a Mr. Smith quietly can- vassed the sentiment of the people on the subject of a more com- plete government, finding that quite a diversity of opinions prevailed. There was a lyceum which met occasionally at Willamette Falls, before which this question was introduced, and was discussed with great animation. The decision there reached was that a government at that time was inexpedient. A government wa.s advocated by Dr. McLoughlin — one which would be entirely independent of the two nations claiming Oregon. L. W. Hastings, as attorney for the Doctor, introduced the rewilution, "That it is expedient for the settlers of the coast to establish an Independent Government," and this was the basis of the discussion. The negative side was taken by George Abemethy and other Americans, the former introducing another resolution for discussion the foll'wing week. This was as follows: '''■Resolved, That if the United States extends its jurisdic- tion over this country within the next four years, it will not be ex- pedient to form an Independent Gt>vernment." After much earnest discussio^: ?;hi8 was adopted, and the question \va6 placed at rest, apparently. Dr. White, the Indian Agent, advocated a government, provided he were placed at its head; but the adoption of the last resolution did not seem to offer him a certainty of such a happy consummation. By these discussions the public mind was some- what prepared for a step of some kind to be taken beyond that of mere protection from wild beasts, and the conse<|uence was that the attendance at the second wolf meeting was even larger than it would otherwise have been. James A. O'Neil, w)io had been quietly notihed of the ulterior purpose of the meeting, was called to the ckair, and he carried the proceedings ax i'a[)idly as possil>le over the nominal object of tlie gathering, full provision being made for the protection of the herds. William H. (Jray then ai'ose and made the assembled settlers a little speech. He said that no one would for a moment (juestion the propriety and judiciousness of their action. It was just and natural to thus seek t<» protect their animals from the ravages of wolves, bears and panthers. Contin- uing, he said: — AMEHICANS ORGANIZE A PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT. 253 How is it, fellow citizens, with you and me, and our wives and clilldren? Have we any ori^anization on which we can rely for mutual protection ? Is there any power or influence in the country sufficient to protect us and all we hold dear from the worse than wild beasts that threaten and occasionally destroy our cattle? Who in our midst is authorized to call us together to protect our own and the lives of our families? True, the alarm may be given, as in a recent caao, and we may run who feel alarmed, and shoot oft" our guns, while our enemy may be robbing our property, ravishing our wives, and burning our houses over our defenseless families. Com- mon sense, prudeuce and justice to ourselves demand that we act consistent with the principles that we have comintn'sed. We have mutually and unitedly agreed to defend and protect our cattle and domestic animals; now, fellow citizens, I sub- mit and move the adoption of tlie two following resolutions, that we may have pro- tection for our person and lives, as well as our cattle and herds: Resolved, That a committee be appointed to take into consideration the propriety of taking measures for the civil and military protection of this colony. Resolved, That said committee consist of twelve persons. The resolutions were unanimously adopted, and Dr. Babcock, Dr. White, O'Neil, Shoitess, Newell, Lucier, Gray, Gervais, Hub- bard, M'Roy, Smith and Gay, were appointed to serve on the com- mittee. About two weeks later the committee assembled at the Falls, many other gentlemen being present and participating in their deliberations. Rev. Jason Lee and George Abernethy, as rep- resentatives of the Methodist Mission sentiment, made speeches in opposition to the proposed action. Unable to come to a definite decision, the committee called a general meeting to be held at Cham- poeg on the second of May, and then adjotirned. A document op- posing the pr(>}>()sed action, and styled " An address of the Canadian citizens of Oregon to the meeting at Champoeg," was prepared by the anti- American element, and circulated among the Canadian French population for signatures. This element held four meet- ings to organize an opposition to the movement — one at Vancouver, one at the Falls, and two at Champoeg. The Canadians were drilled to vote "No" on all questions, and litdircton, whose previous affili- ation with the Catholic element gave him an opportunity to learn of these plans, advised that some measui'e be introduced upon which they should i)ro})erly vote " Yes," to thus throw them into confu- sion and expose their tiictii-s. The settlers assembled at Champoeg in force on the s('<-oiid day of May, and considerable skirmishing was indulge! in, the (Canadians invarialdy voting "No" on all earing they had upon the iu- tertwtw they rejjiesented and becoming much demoralized in conse- •{uence, I..eBreton, who had made a careful canvass of those in ,.ii 254 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. attendance, finally exclaimed, "We can risk it, let us divide and coimt!" Gray shouted, "I second the motion!" Jo. Meek then stepped quickly out of the crowd, and raising h\» voice to a high pitch, shouted, " Who's for a divide? All for the report of the com- mittee and organization, follow me?" The Americans quickly ranged themselves on his side, and a count developed the fact that fifty-two stood in line with him and only fifty on the opi)(>s'ng side. "Three cheers for our side!" exclaimed Meek, and as the responsive cheers rose in the air, the defeated Canadians withdrew and grad- ually left the victors to conduct the remainder of the proceedings to suit themscJves. The Committee of Twelve then rf^norted in favor of the selec- tion of a Legislative Committee, and this plan was adopted. Messrs. Hill, Shortess, Newell, Beers, Hubbard, Gray, O'Neil, Moore and Dougherty, were selected for the committee, and were instructed to report a plan of government to a meeting to be held at Champoeg on the fifth of July. Their session was limited to six days, and their per diem was fixed at $1.25, which was at once contributed to the Government by the members. Beers, Parj'ish and Babcock volunteered to provide gratuitously for the board of the committee, and the Mission tendered the free use of its old granary f' )r a council chamber. The committee assembled at the Flails on the tenth of May, in the building mentioned, certainly a most unpretentious structure for the deliberations of a leglsloture. It was a frame building, 16x30 feet, and one and one-half stories high, the upper portion being used as a sleeping apartment and storage room. The lower story was divided int^) two compartments, one of them doing duty as a school room and church, and the other as a warehouse for the 'storage of wheat. 8uch were the accommodations enjoytxl by the first Legislature of Oregon. It was a plain, stTviceable struc- ture, and they were plain, matter-of-fact men who had met there to deliberate for the public good. The Legislature opened its session by choosing Robert Moore for Chairman, and George W. LeBreton for Secretar}/. The question of an exemitive head for the govern- ment was first considered ; and this wjis a matter of considerable delicacy. The interests represented by the various inhal»itants of Oregon, as has been shown, were quite distinct, and in mme re- spects, were inclined to clash with each other. To choos<' an exec- AMERICANS ORGANIZE A PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT. 255 utive from any one of these was calculated to array the others in either open or covert hostility to the Government. It was finally decided that it would, under the circumstances, be judicious to re- pose that authority in an Executive Committee of three persons, who should represent the strongest and m<..^t desirable interests among the various classes to be included in their jurisdiction. The Legislature adjourned after a session of three days. On the fifth of J uly the people again assembled at Champoeg to hear the report of the Legislative Committee, the meeting being presided over by Rev. Gustavus Hines. The Canadian citizens who signed the address spoken of above were present in force at the meeting on the second of May and participated in the proceedings, votirg against organization, as has been related. Their address wa!» not then presented, but later was placed in the hands of a sub- coramittee of three to whom the Legislative Committee had dele- gated the task of arranging the laws passed by them for submission to the meeting now under discussion. After examining it the com- mif/tee returned it to tlie Secretary, with instructions to file it among the public documents, as a record of the interests and persons op- posed to the organization of a government. At the meeting now being considered many of them were ])rosent and took part, ex- pressing themselves as favorably disposed towards the object sought to be obtained by tlie Americans. Others, however, declined to attend, and asserted that the}' woidd not submit to the authority of any g(>vernment which might be organized. This was also the po- sition assumed by the Catholic Missionaries and the representatives of the Hudson's Bay Company, the latter even addressing a com- munication to the leaders of the organization movement, stating that they felt abundantly able to defend both themselves and their po- litical rights. This was the status of affairs when Mr. Hines an- nounced the meeting as prepared to hear the report of the com- mittee. The report of the committee was presented by Chairman Moore and read by the Secretary, Mr. LeBreton. The debate which fol- lowed was exceedingly animated, Mr. Hines vigorously opposing the three-fold executive lieud proposed by the committee. Dr. Bab- cock also oppost'd it t)n the ground that it lot)ked too much like a j)ernuinent foiiu of government, instead of the temporary makeshift li" ■ i !l 256 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLBT. which he sujjposed was the object of the gathering. O'Neil and Shortess sustained the report, and Mr. Gray made a forcible, and, as it appears, a convincing, argument in its favor, using the follow- ing language: — Mr. Pkksioent and Fellow Citizens :— The speech which we have just listened to, from our presiding officer (G. H. Hines) is in tlie main correct. It is true thut tlie Legislative Committee were not instructed to bring before you an executive department in the law and governiuent you proposed to form, when you appointed your committee to prepare these laws. It is also true that when that committee met they found that they could not advance one step in accomplishing the work you instructed them to perform, without some supervising inttuencesoine- where ; in nliort, without n head. Their instructions being against a governor, they have i)rovided an Executive Committee in place of a single man for governor. The executive head is to act in place of a senate council and governor. This pro- vision is before you for your api)roval or rejection. With the Executive Committee our organization is complete; without it, we have no head; no one to 8et> that our laws are executed, and no one to grant a reprieve or pardon in case the law should be enforced against the life or property of any one for the violation of any law, no matter what the circumstances connected with the real or supposed violation might be. **■»«»» Now, fellow citizens, let us look calmly at our true situation. W«> are two thou- sand five hundred miles from any point from which we can receive the least assist- ance by land, and seventeen thousand miles by water. A portion of our community are organized and ready to protect themselves, and to defend all their rights and interests. Another organization of a religious character is in ou.' midst — I should say, two. They each have a head or executive. How is it with us? Who is our head in all that jiertains to our civil liberty, rigiits and property? It is possible the gentleman niay wish us to remain as unprotected, as helpless and exposed to all the dangers that surround us on every hand as we have heretofore been. If he does, you, fellow citizens, I am sure do not wish to add to his feebleness by destroying the organization you have commenced, be<*ause he is afraid of what some Cie.sar did in Rome. We are acting for ourselves and those immediately dependent upon us for protection. In union there is strength. I lielieve you are fully satisfied your committee acted honorably, and, as they thought, for the good of all they repre- sented. If such is the case, you will approve of their acts, and our organization will be complete as they have prepared it for this meeting. A vote was then taken, which resulted in an. almost unanimous adoption of the report. The next thing in order was the election of the necessary officers. Alanson Beers, David Hill and Joseph Gale were chosen for the Executive Committee, and thus the first regular governnient in Oi'egon was provided. That this wtis ji movement pm-ely American, and the government of a temporary character only, is attested by the preamble to the laws adopted, which states that: — We, the people o' Oregon Territory, for the purpose of nmtual protection, and to secure peace and prosperity among ourselveB, a<(ree t<> adopt the following laws AMERICANS OROANIZE A PROVISIONAL OOVEKNMENT. 257 and regulations, until such time as the United States of America extend their Ju- risdiction over us. The following certificate was issued to the Executive Committee as a warrant of office: — This certifies that David Hill, Alanson Beers and Joseph Gale, were chosen the Executive Committee of the Territory of Oregon, by the people of said Territory, and have talien the oath for the faithful performance of the duties' of their offices, aa required by law. GEORGE W. LeBRETON, Recorder. Wallamet, Okegon Territory, July 5, 1843. Says Mr. Thornton, in speaking of the place where these pro- ceedings were taken: — It may not be quite uninteresting to say that the State House in which all this was done was in several respects different from that in which laws are made at Washington City. The Oregon State House was built with posts set upright, one end set in the ground, grooved on two sides, and filled in with poles and split tim- ber, such aa would be suitable for fence rails, with plates and poles across the top. Rafters and horizontal polos, instead of iron ribs, held the cedar bark which was used instead of thick copper for roofing. It was twenty by forty feet, and did not therefore cover three acres and a half. At one end some puncheons were put up for a platform for the President ; some poles and slabs were placed around for seats ; three planks about one foot wide and twelve feet long, placed upon a sort of stake platform for a table, were all that was believed to be necessary for the use of the Legislative Committee and the clerks. It is due to the people who met to approve or disapprove of the acts of that committee, to say that perfect order and decorum characterized all the proceedings of July 5th, 1843. The following officers, chosen at the meeting on the second of May, were continued in office until the election of their successors on the second Tuesday in May, 1844, at which time, also, a Legis- lative Committee of nine was to be chosen: A. E. Wilson, Supreme Judge; G. W. LeBreton, Clerk and Recorder; J. L. Meek, Sheriff; W. H. Willson, Treasurer; A. B. Smith, Compo, L. II. Jud- son and Hugh Burns, Magistrates; Squire Ebbetts, F. X. Matthieu and Reuben Levvis, Constiibles; John Howard, Major; S. Smith, C. McRoy and William McCarty, Captains. Having thus related the steps taken for the organization of a government, it is in order co consider the great immigration of 1843, which arrived a few weeks later, and created such a pre- ponderance of American sentiment that the staliility of the Pro- visional Government was avssured. There were, however, a few in- cidents which occurred prior to that gi'eat era in Oregon history, whose eff»'ct upon the subsequent events was extreuiely marked,, and thus renders them of comparative importance. These relate to in- ', ! 1 -4:.. 268 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. cidents growing out of the intense competition of the opposing mis- sionaries for spiritual control of the natives. In 1841 the Catholics made proselytes of the Cascades Indians, who had formerly been under the influence of the Methodist Mission at The Dalles, com- pletely winning them away from Mr. Waller. This greatly in- tensified the -existing bitterness between the religious factions. The Catholics were rapidly growing in power and influence, the Method- ists were as rapidly declining, and the missions of the American Board were making but feeble progress. Aside from the ascen- dency gradually being acquired by the Catholics, there was one peculiar reason why the Protestant missionaries lost favor with the Indians; and this was their affiliation with the American settlers, who were regarded by tlie natives as intruders. They did not want white people to settle here and take possession of the land over which they and their fathers had ruled for yeare. This feeling led the Nez Perce chief Ellis, in 1840, to forbid A. B. Smith to cultivate a patch of ground on the Alpowa. The Hudson's Bay Company en- couraged the idea among the Indians that the missions were but stepping-stones to American occupation, and this idea was supported by the conduct of those in charge of the Methodist mission in the Willamette, which had become the general headquarters for Amer- ican settlers, as well as the energetic and prominent part taken by Dr. Whitman in bringing immigrants into Oregon. The fur com- pany had been here for years, and had not only not taken their lands, but had supplied them with a market for their furs' and horses; yet the Americans, who were but newcomers, were already taking away their lands, and more arrived yearly. The outgrowth of this was a feeling of bitterness against the Americans and the Protestant missionaries, in which neither the Hudson's Bay Com- pany nor the Catholics were included; and this feeling intensified from year to year. It was manifested in 1841 by insulting and threatening conduct towards the missionaries both at Waiilatpu and Lapwai, and in 1842 this became so threateniiig that an effort was made to check it. Dr. Elijah White, whose airival that fall with authority as an Indian Agent has been noted, paid a visit to tlie Nez Perces in Novem})er, accomi)anied by Thomas McKay and Mr. Archibald McKinlay, agent at Fort Walla Walla. A treaty was concluded, aud the tribe adopted a system of laws, in which the ':jrW' i ■' 1 1 AMERICANS ORGANIZE A PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT. 259 general principles of right and justice were embodied in a form suit- able to their customs and condition. The same laws were adopted by thv^ Wascopums, at The Dalles, but nothing was accomplished with the Cayuses. The next year Baptiste Doric .., ^ half -breed in- terpreter for the Hudson's Bay Company, upon his o) -n responsibil- ity, circulated the story that the Americans were ccning up in the summer to take their lands. This created great excitement among the tribes along the base of the Blue Mountains, and the young braves wanted to go to the Willamette at once and exterminate the settlers. They were held in check by the older ones, while Peo-peo-mux- mux, the great Walla Walla chief, went to Vancouver to investi- gate. He was informed by Dr. McLoughlin that he did not Vjelieve the Americans entertained such an idea, and his report to the tribes allayed the excitement to a certain extent. Dr. White went up in April to hold a council with the Cayuses, and they adopted the Nez Perce laws, electing Five Crows, who lived on the Umatilla not far from the site of Pendleton, as head chief. The result of this was to restore the feeling of security for a time. Several French Canadians were to have accompanied Dr. White, but were advised to remain at home by Dr. McLoughlin. This action of the Ch^ef Factor has been severely censured and has served as an argument to prove that the Hudson's Bay Company was stirring up the Indians to drive the Americans from the country. The Amer- ican settlers had but a few days before unanimously signed a memorial to Congress, in which Dr. McLougliliu was severely cen- sured. About this time, also, Father Demers arrived from the in- terior and informed him that the Indians were only incensed against the Boston people, and had nothing against the French and King George peojile; but they were determined the Bostons should not have their lands and take away their liberties. Learning that his people were in no dangei", and smarting under the undeserved charges in the memorial, it is not at all unnatural that he should say: " Let the Americans take care of themselves." It was thus matters stood when the great immigi-ation of 1843 arrived, demon- strating to the Indians that their fears were far from groundless. i 1 :i .1,1 ,; I CHAPTER XVI. DR. WHITMAN AND THE EMIGRATION OF 1843. What Induced the Emigration of ISJfS — Steps Taken to Organize the Movement — Dr. Whitman^s Character — His anxiety to Americanize Oregon — The Ashburton Treaty and the Cod Fishery— Whitman's Decision to Visit Washington — The Waiilaptu Meeting — The Un- fortunate Controversy over the Services of Dr. Whitman— Oray* s Walla Walla Romance— Its Absurdity Pointed Out — The Facts — Whitman and Lovejoy's Journey — Extent of Whitman's Influence in Inducing Emigration — ffis Visit to Washington and Boston — Organization and Joiirney of the Emigrants — List of Emigrants and Population of Oregon in 18^3 — Fremont's Exploring Party. i ' i t IN nearly all previous writings upon this subject the eniigia- tioii of 1843 has been considered from the wrong end — from the Oregon end — the destination of the emigrants, instead of the Mississippi Valley, their starting point. It should be viewed fi'om the place where the movement had its inception, to obtain a correct and adequate understanding of the subject. The great emigra- tion to Oregon that year was the result of causes which had been at work for a number of years, and was not a ha«ty and ill-consid- ered action of people suddenly aroused by the voice of one man, a« it has too often been represented. With the diplomatic negotiations which terminated in a treaty of joint occupation ; with the efforts of Hall J. Kelley and others to induce emigration to Oregon, and with the struggle made by Bon- neville, Wyeth and others to enjoy practically the theoretical bene- fits of the compromise treaty, the previous pages have dealt at length. All these had a tendency to turn the attention of the peo- ple towards this far-off land, and especially of those hardy, self-re- liant and adventuresome men who were then building up those DK. WHITMAN AND THE EMIGRATION OK FORTY-THUKK. 2H1 J; powerful States which lie in the Valley of the Mississippi. They received better, more direct and more reliable information of the character and accessibility of Oregon than did the residents of the Atlantic slope, whose ideas of this region were largely formed from the depreciatory writings of English authors. As has before been said, Irving's "Astoria" and "Bonneville," Dr. Parker's book, the letter written in 1839 by Robert Shortess, Congressional reports and debates, and other brief publications had given those who cared to read them pretty correct ideas of Oregon. The trappers who had in person visited this region in some of their numerous journeys through the mountainous West, or had learned them from the lips of such of their companions as had done so, sang the praises of Oregon's mild climate and the beautiful Valley of the Willamette, along the whole frontier. Oregon became a familiar word in St. Louis and throughout the region bordering on the Mis- sissippi and tributary to that great center of the .fur trade. The "Oregon Bills*' introduced into Congress in the fall of 1842 by Senator Linn, of Missouri, have been refen'ed to, as well as their consignment to temporary oblivion by his death the following year. These attracted much attention along the frontier, and hundreds who had previously been deterred from following their inclination to emigrate to this land of dispute, becoming convinced that it was the intention of the Government to assert in earnest its claim to this region, and that the bill donating to each emigrant one section of land would be passed, resolved to make the hazardous journey. Said one of these. Gen. E. L. Applegate, in a recent speech: — This proposition deeply touclied the heart of the western pioneer. He had probably crossed the Blue Ridge or the Cumberland Mountains when a boy, and was now in his prime. Hugged, hardy and powerful of frame, he was full to over- flowing with the love of adventure, and animated by a brave soul that scorned the very idea of fear. All had heard of the perpetually green hills and plains of West- ern Oregon, and how that the warm breath of the vast Pacific tempered the air to the genial degree and drove winter far back towards the north. Many of them contrasted in the imagination the open stretch of a mile square of rich, green and grassy land, where the strawberry plant bloomed through every winter month, with their circumscribed clearings in the Missouri Bottom. Of long winter evenings neighbors visited each other, and before the big shell-bark hickory fire, the seasoned walnut fire, the dry black jack fire, or the roaring dead elm fire, they talked these things over; and, as a natural consequence, under these favorable circumstances, the spirit of emigration warmed up ; and the "Oregon fever" became as a house- hold expression. Thus originated the vast cavalcade, or emigrant train, stretch- ing its serpentine length for miles, enveloped in the vast pillars of dust, patiently 362 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. wending Its toilsome way across the American Continent. How familiar these scenes and experiences with the old pioneers ! The vast plains ; the uncountiible herds of bufTalo ; the swift-footed antelope; the bands of mounted, pimited warriors; the rugged snow-capped mountain ranges; the deep, swift ami dangerous rivers; the lonesome howl of the wild wolf; the midnight yell of the iwHuuiting savage; the awful pauic and stampede; the solemn and silent funeral at the dead hour of night, and the lonely and hidden graves of dei)arted friends -what memories are associated with the "plains across ! " The first united effort was a meeting held in Alton, 111,, on the eighth of November, 1842, at which were paased resolutions urging the importance of a speedy occupation of Oregon. These resolu- tions were introduced by General Semple, a prominent citizen of that State who had taken great interest in this region, and were supported by him in an eloquent speech. Another meeting was held at Springfield, the State Capital, on the fifth of the following February, which was participated in by many distinguished men of Illinois, and similar resolutions were passed. One of those present was the gifted and ehxpient Col. E. D. Baker, who after- wards became a United States Senator from Oregon, and, strange to say, he was one of two gentlemen who spoke in opposition to the resolutions. The following July, several weeks after the emigra- tion had taken up its toilsome march, " a Convention of Delegates from the States and Territories of the West and Southwest" as- sembled in Cincinnati, and p.ossed resolutions urging Congress to assert the claim of the United States as far north as " fifty-four- forty " immediately. How this became a political question the fol- lowing year, will be made clear in the next chapter. In these various ways quite an interest was stirred up in the Mississippi States, during the winter, and it became generally un- derstood, and was so announced l)y the few papers printed along the border, that a large emigration would start for Oregon the fol- lowing spring, rendezvousing at Independence, Missouri. It is now that Dr. Whitman appears upon the scene, and to ex- plain his sudden entre it is necessary to relate incidents occuiTing in Oregon the summer and fall previous. Although, for geographical reasons, he did not participate in the various efforts of the settlers in the Willamette Valley to form a Provisional Government, his heart was in the movement. He was the most keenly alive to the necessities of the hour, and more watchful of the true mterests of the Americans than even the most prominent actors in the govern- folloxl arrivj cepti He I-. hut thwa rest]( some Gove dang was Whe of th these DR. WHITMAN AND THE 15MIOKATION OK FORTY-THRKE. 263 he mental agitation. He was a true American, jealous of his country's honor and zealous to prom )te her interests. His faith in the future — the American future — of Oregon was unbounded, and his miud penetrated the misty veil with prophetic power. As early as 1838 an incident occurred which revealed his abiding faith in the destiny of Oregon. Dr. William C. McKay relates an anecdote which is of importance to show Whitman's ideas on this subject at that early day. His father, Thomas McKay, decided to send him to Scotland to be educated, and with this end in view they started up the Columbia. Whitman and McKay being warm friends, they decided to spend a few days at Waiilatpu, where they were to separate, William to accompany the annual Montreal express by the Manitoba route, and hi father to proceed to Fort Hall, where he was the company's agent. Dr. Whitman urged McKay to send his son to the United States to be educated. "Make an American of him," said lie, "for this country will surely belong to the Ameri- cans." McKay was convinced, and William's route was changed from Manitoba to the I'Yrt Hall trail. He went to Fairfield, N. Y., and entered the same school at which Dr. Whitman was edu- cated, returning to Oregon a few years later as a medical practi- tioner. Several other incidents, the details of which it is needless to relate, contirm tlie statement that the Doctor was a true, zealous, watchful and energetic guardian of American interests in Oregon. When Governor Sim{)Son visited this region in the fall of 1841, followed a few days later by the immigrants from Red River, whose arrival has been previously noted. Dr. Whitman, \\ ih his acute per- ceptive qualities, in a measure defined the intentions of the company. He realized with the convincing force of a revelation, that nothing but a great and unexpected influx of American immigrants could thwart the deep-laid plans of the great corporation. He became restless and anxious. It seemed to him that it was necessary for some one to return to the States and arouse the people and the Government to the exigencies of the hour. Procrastination was dangerous and supine inaction was fatal; yet his missionary work was a charge upon his mind which could not be lightly shaken off. When the immigration of 1842 arrived, as has been related, many of them camped for a time in the vicinity of the mission. Among these was A. Lawrence Lovejoy, with whom Whitman frequently 264 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. and earnestly conversed on the subject of Oregon and events and opinions in the Eyst affecting it. He learned that Lord Anhhurton, an embassador of Great Britain, was even then in Washington ne- gotiating for a settlement of the boundary line between Canada and the United States; and naturally supposing that in this the Oregon Question was involved, he became convinced that it was his dut) to proceed to Washington with all dispatch possible, and enlighten the Government upon the subject, knowing full well that tlu; value of this magnificent region was not in the least realized by the author- ities or the people generally. It has been frecjuently stated that the Government was considering a proposition made by Lord Ashbur- ton to abandon all claim to Oregon, in consideration of certain fish- ing privileges on the Atlantic coast of British America, and that this intelligence was conveyed to Whitman by Lovejoy. How this took its rise it is impossible to ascertain, as all efforts to trace it to a source have been futile. Lovejoy does not say so in his account of these events; no one has testified that Whitman ever made such an asser- tion, and it seems utterly without foundation. The records of the State Department do not disclose any such negotiations; they were publically and emphatically denied by Daniel Webster, through whom, as Secretary of State, the negotiations were conducted, and, finally, the Oregon Question was not included in the negotiations at all, which had sole reference to the unsettled boundary line further east. To be sure it is uov/ claimed — and it was not so at first — that this portion of the negotiations was secret and confiden- tial; but if such was the cjise it becomes s^till more incunnbent upon those who make the assertion to produce some kind of evidence which will weigh against the positive denial of one of the principal actors. No such evidence has ever been produced, and it rests solely upon unsupported assertion. It is evident that the cod fishery episode, with all the changes that have been rung upon it by dra- matically disposed writers and enthusiastic speakers, is utterly with- out foundation. As it was, however, WL'tman decided that his duty to his country wa** paramount to his a;ity to the American Board, and he determined to return East. Ab'"ut this time, proV)ably at the hands of the emigrants, Whitman rece? ved notice from the Board that it had decided to discontinue the missions, which were very expensive DR. WHITMAN AND TUB KMfORATION OF PORTY-THUKK. 266 and were making unsatisfactory progress, and though this, })roV)a- bly, had something to do with his (hitennination to go East, hie conduct while there shows this consideration to have been a second- ary one. lie summoned his associates from the Lapwai and Tshim- akain missions, to consult in regard to the matter. Spalding, (Jray, Eells and Walker jiromptly responded to the call, and when the Doctor laid before them the plan he had formed, they opposed it unanimously. To their objt^ction that politics should not l)e per- mitted to interfere with missionary work, he replied that his first duty was to his country, and if necessary to choose between the two he would resign his mission. Knowing his inflexible character and dee}) convictions of duty, they dared no longer oppose him foi- fear of losing the master spirit of their mission. Says Mr. Eells: "We yielded only when it became evident that lie would go, even if he had to become disconnected with the mission in order to do so." Whitman was accordingly officially delegated to proceed to Boston to transact business pertaining to the missions, and the various mis- sionaries departed to their several stations to prepare reports and letters for him to take, the date of his departure being fixed at the fifth of October. This was done in order to conceal the real object of such an unprecedented undertaking — a winter journey across the mountains. An official record of this meeting was kept, upon the face of which appeared only the proceedings which had reference to missionary work. This was destroyed at the time of the AVhitman Massacre, but its loss is immaterial, except that it would determine the date of the meeting. As to the nature of the proceedings, there is sufficient reliable oral testimony to settle that beyond dispute. Mr. Eells, whose word no one who knew him would ever question, says the meeting was held in September. He adds: "After an extended discussion, it was voted unanimously that Dr. Whitman have the approval of the mission to attempt to make the journey as hereinbefore indicated. The controlling object was to make a des- perate attempt to save the country to the United States. It w'»s also expected that the opportunity would be improved for the transaction of business relating to the mission. The fifth cf the the following October was set as the day on which Dr. Whiiman would start. Letters were to be prepared and forwarded accord- ■;f :i.^l if 266 HISTORY OF WILLAJTETTE VALLl^T. ingly. Probably events transpiring in the intervening time hastened his departure, so that he left on the third of October." This feature of Oregon history has been the subject of much lit- erary conti'oversy. 'No one can have read the preceding pages with- out having become convinced of the sterling integrity, firmness of purpose and energy of action of Dr. Whitman. His character and services to the American cause entitle him to the first place among those whoso m'^mory the citizens of Oregon should ever revere, and whom all trui^ Americans should honor; yet zealous friends have in their eagerness lo place laurels on his brow, clauned for him more than he ever would have sanctioned or permitted had he not fallen before the treacherous blows of ungrateful savages. In their zeal they have allowed their imaginations to take too lofty flights and have wandered too far into the realms of romance. That most of these have been absolutely sincere, their sympathies, perhaps, being somewhat too deeply stirred by denominational influences, is beyond question ; yet so much can not be said of the author of the ques- tionable story upon which has been laid the foundation of their claims, who, apparently, was actuated by the desire to shine in the reflected light Avhich Wald naturally fall upon him as an asso- ciate with the martyred missionary in his early labors among the Indians. * In this he overshot the mark, and drew down upon him- self the vigorous criticism of those who, wishing not to in the least detract from the just merits of Dr. Whitman, earnestly desired that the actual facts only should find a place in recorded history. It is to be regretted that certain writtirs have been led l)y their disbelief in this romance to take the negative throughout, and not only deny Dr. Whitman any honor whatever, but even accuse him of deceit- ful, treacherous and selfish conduct. Such writers are open to the same charge of prejudice and unfa rness which they lay at the door of the auth(»r of this unfortunate controversy. Well might Dr. Whitman exclaim — with others v/hose reputation has Iteen je()])ard- ized by mistaken zeal — "Save me from my friends!" The contro- versy has not been without its benefits. It has settled beyond dispute in the minds of those who have given the 8u})ject a just and careful consideration, the permanent and exalted position Dr. Whitman Kiust ever occupy in the annals of Oregon. To establish this the romance was unnecessary, yd as it has been widely circulated, and DU. WHITMAN AND THE EMIGRATION OF FORTY -TIIUEK. 267 •finds a place in a number of historical sketches and ostensible histories * Oregon, it becomes necessary to relate it, together with the iew simple, undeniable facts wliich refute it. This ro- mance was not the production of Mr. Eells. That gentleman never unchained his fancy when relating facts. He would not un- dertake the hazardous feat of reproducing the exact language used by several people in a conversation occurring thirty years before, at which he was not present, and mth the bare substance of which he could ahnie be acquainted. That such was attempted indicates how little the necessity of adhering t^ the ►'xact facts weighed upon the mind of the author of the romance. It was first given to the world in Gray's "History of Oregon," publb4ied a number of years ago l)y William H. Gray, whose intense Aiuericani>*m and bitter antagonism to the Hudson's Bay Company led him to take the prominent and leading part we have just ^^en he acted in the or- ganization of the Provisional Government, and which, becoming in- tensified and more firmly settled as the years rolled by, rendered him incompetent to form an unprejudiced opinion or do justice to those to whom he was instinctively opposed. The work referred to contains the following paragraph : — In Sept«>mbpr, 1842, Dr. Whitman was called to rlsit a patient at old Fort Walla Walla. While there a number of boat* of the H(idt»on'H Bay Company, with sev- eral chief traders and Jesuit priests, on their way to the interior of the country, arrived. While at dinner, the overland express from Canada arrived, l)i'in<.^ing news that tlie emigration from the Red River settlement was ;ir, Colville. This news excited universal joy amon}? the KueHti*. One of them, a younir priest, sang out: " Hurrah for Oregon, America is too late; we have got the couDtry ! " " Now the Americans may whistle; the country is ours!" said anoth<»r. Whitman learned that the company had arranged for these Red River English i»ettlers to come on U) settle in Oregon, and at tlie same time Governor Simpson wtm tojR' to Washington and secure the settlement of the question as to the boundarief* on the ground of the most numerous and permanent settlement in the country. Th*' Doctor was taunted with the idea that no power could prevent this resuh a« r,- informiidon could reatli Wasli jngton in time to prevent it. " /( shnll bf //»•• I'tned," ^-aid tlie Doctor, "?/ 2 hnve (o go to Wanhington myself.^' " But you i*an not, go tliere to do it," was the taunting reply of the Uriton. ''I will see" wiis tlie DiR'tor's reply. The reader is sufficiently acquainted with the history of this man's toil and labor in bringing his rtrst wagon througli to Fort Boise, to underaUmd what he me»nt when lie .-*aid, "J n>iU ,sec." Two hours after this conversation af the fort, he dismounted fr<)m his horse at Lis door at Waiilatpu. I saw in a nioment that he was fixed on some im- portant object or errand. He 80ii »jigh lauds, but the snow was so deep and the winds so piercing and cold we were compelled to return to camp and wait a few days for a change of weather. Our next effort to reach the high lands was more successful; but after spending several days wandering around in the snow' without making much head- way, our guide told us that the di;ep snow hud so changed the face of the fountry that he was completely lost and < ould take us no further. This was a terrible blow to the Doctor, but he was detern.ined not to give it up without another effort. We at once agreed that the Doctor should take the guide aitd return to Fort Uncumpagra and get a new guide, and I remain iu camp with the animals until he could return ; which he did in seven days with our new guide, and we were now on our route \im 270 HISTORY OP WILLAMETTE VALLEY. again. Nothing of much Import occurred but hard and slow traveling through deep snow until we reached Grand River, which was frozen on either side about one-third across. Although so intensely cold, the current was so very rapid about one-third of the river In the center was not frozen. Our guide thought it would be dangerous to attempt to cross the river In its present condition, but the Doctor, nothing daunted, was the first to take the water. He mounted his horse ; the guide and myself shoved the Doctor and his horse off the ice into the foaming stream. Away he went, completely under water, horse and all, but directly came up, and after buflt'eting the rapid, foaming current, he reached the ice on the opposite shore, a long way down the stream. He leaped from his horse upon the lee and soon had his noble aninuil by his side. The guide and myself forced In the pack animals and followed the Doctor's example, and were soon on the opposite shore drying our frozen clothes by a comfortable fire. "We reached Taos In about thirty days, suffering greatly from cold and scarcity of provisions. We were compelled to use mule meat, dogs and such other animals as came in our reach. We remained at Taos a few days only, and started for Bent's and Savery's Fort, on the head waters of the Arkansas River. When we had been out some fifteen or twenty days, we met George Bent, a brother of Governor Bent, on his way to Taos. He told us that a party of mountain men would leave Bent's Fort in a few days for St. Louis, but said we would not reach the fort with our pack animals In time to join the party. The Doctor lioing very anxious to join the party so he could push on as rapidly as possible to Washington, concluded to leave myself and the guide with the animals, and he himself taking the best animal with some bedding and a small allowance of provisions, started alone, hoping by rapid traveling to reach the fort in time to join the St. liouis party, but to do so he would have to travel on the Sabbath, some- thing he had not done before. Myself and the guide traveled on slowly, and reached the fort in four days, but imagine our astonishment when on making inquiry about the Doctor we I'cre told that he had not arrived nor had he been heard of. I learned that the party for St. Louis was camped at the Big Cottonwood, forty miles from the fort, and at my request Mr. Savery sent an express, telling the party not to proceed any further until we learned something of Dr. Whitman's whereabouts, as he wished to accompany them to St. Louis. Being furnished by the gentlemen of the fort with a suitable guide, I started in search of the Doctor, and traveled up the river about one hundred miles. I learned from the ludians that a man had been there who was lost and was trying to find Bent'^ Fort. They said they had directed him to go down the river and how to find the fort. I knew from their description it was the Doctor. I returned to the fort as rapidly as possible, but the Doctor had not arrived. We had all become very anxious about him. Late in the afternoon he came in very much fatigued and desponding; said that he knew (hat God had bewildered him to punish him for traveling on !he Salibath. During the whole trip he was very regular in his morning and evt'ning devotions, and that was the only time I ever knew him to travel on the Sabbath. Whitman at once pushed on with the nioiintaineers, leaving Lovejoy at Bent's Fort, and reached St. Louis in Fehruaiy. There he inquired eagerly aV)out the status of negotiations on the Oregon Question, and learned that the Asliburton-Welwter treaty had been signed on the ninth of the preceding August, been ratitied by the Senate, and had been proclaimed })y the PreMideut on tlie tenth of November. He was too iate by more than three months to have prevented the treaty; biit hia journey was not in \aiu, for the breec nips, cloth 'MB-t """PUPP^WSTT DR. WHITMAN AND THJi EMIGRATION OF FORTY-THREE. 271 Oregon boundary had not been included in the treaty, had not even been discussed, in fact, as appears from Mr. W ebster's speeches and correspondence. This intelligence brought relief to the Doctor's overwrought feelings. There was still an opportunity for him to accomplish his jjurpose He found great preparations being made all along the frontier to emigrate to the Willamette Valley, as luis been previously shown, notwithstanding the prevailing opinion that wagons could not proceed beyond Fort Hall. He immediately wrote a small pamphlet describing Oregon and the nature of the route thither, urging the people to emigrate and assuring them that wagons could go through, and that he would join them and be their pilot. This pamphlet and his eai-nest personal appeals were effica- cious in adding somewhat to the number of emigrants, though it is a fact that probably the gi'eater portion of those who started from the border of Missouri in May never heard of Dr. Whitman until he joined them on the route. That W^hitman's efforts added some- what to the number of emigrants is true, but that he initiated the movement, or even contributed largely to it, does not appear. He was too late for that ; the movement was well vmder way before his arrival. After writing his pamphlet his next anxiety was to reach Wash- ington before Congress adjourned, so that he might have an oppor- tunity to meet Congressmen and urge upon them the claims of Oregon. He did not undertake to change his apparel, which is thus described by Dr. William Barrows, who TC"t him in St. Louis: "The Doctor was in coarse fur garments and v.'?-ting, and buckskin breeches. He wore a buffalo coat, with a head-hood for emergen- cies in taking a storm or a bivouac nap. What with heavy fur leggins and boot moccasins, his legs filled iip well his Mexican stir- rups. With all this warmth and almost burden of skin and fur clothing, he bore the marks of the irresistible cold and merciless storms of his journey. His fingers, ears, nose and feet had been frost-bitten, and were giving him much trouble." Such was Whitman in St. Louis, and such was he on the third of March when he appeared in Washington, having previously visited Ithlca, New York, to obtain the co-operation of Dr. Samuel Pnrker, his first missionary associate, and still later in Boston, where he treated the rebukes of the officials of the American Board with I i 272 HI8T0RT OF WILLAMETTE VALLET. '^ii* a quiet contempt that astonished them. He found the ideas of Oregon prevailing at Washington to be far different from those ex- isting on the frontier. Public men possessed but a faint idea of the extent and nature of the vast area beyond the Kooky Mountains, deeming it a region of sterile soil and inhospitable climate. Since Lewis and Clarke had subsisted upon dog meat, and Hunt's party had endured such terril>le privations in passing through it, the country lying between the Cascades and Rocky Mountains had been known as the " Great American Desert," and deemed lit only for the abode of migratory trappei-s and famine-afflicted savages. A year later, during a discussion of the Oregon Question in Congress, a speaker advanced this idea in the following language: "With the exception of the land along the Willamette and along a few of the water courses, the wliole country is among the most irreclaima- ble, barren wastes of which we have read, except the desert of Sa- hara. Nor is this the worst of it — the climate is so unfriendly to human life that the native population has dwindled away under the ravages of its malaria to a degree which defies all history to furnish a parallel in so wide a range of country." To demonstrate the error of this idea, and that Oregon could be populated by emi- gration from the East, was Whitman's task. He had numerous in- terviews with public men, including Presiilent Tyler and Secretary Webster, in which he urged upon them the importance of securing as much of that indefinite region known as " Oregon " fis possible, declaring that, so far was it from l:)eing a sterile waste, its agricul- tural and timber resources were unbounded. He called their atten- tion to the large emigration already preparing, and confidently de- clared that he was able to, and would, guide them through by a route over which wagons could travel to the Willamette. His earnest protestations made a deep impression upon many, especially President Tyler, and he was fissured that if he could thus demon- strate the practicability of colonizing Oregon by emigration across the Rocky Mountains, it would have a powerful effect upon the solution of the vexed Oregon Question. The same writei-s, whose tendency toward romancing has been pointed out above, have allowed their imaginations too much liberty in their relation of the incidents connected with Whitman's visit to Washington. Nothing more is known of what occurred there than the crude facts just re- DE. WHITMAN AND THE EMIGRATION OF FORTY -THREE. 273 lated ; and yet these writers undertake to state the exact language employed by Dr. Whitman, President Tyler, Secretary Webster, and others. Those words were never recorded, nor do these writers lay claim to direct information from the men who \ittered them, and common regard for the purity of historical statements should cause them to refrain from any such clairvoyant efforts. When Whitman had accomplished the main object of his journey at Washington, he procoeded to Boston to attend to the official business which had been the ostensible cause of his visit. This was so unimportant that the officers of the Board rebuked him for leav- ing his mission upon such a trivial pretext; but he shamed them into silence by treating their officious chidings with lofty contempt. He then proceeded to his home, and, after spending a few days there, hastened to the frontier to join the emigrants, some of whom had already started and whom he did not overtake until they had reached the Platte, his appearance among them at that time being the first knowledge a majority of them had that such a man as Dr. Whitman was in existence. The circumstances attending the final starting of the emigrants, are thus related by Gen. J. W. Nesmith: — Without orders from any quarter, and without preconcert, promptly as the grass began to start, the emigrants began to assemble near Independence, at a place called Fitzhugh's Mill. On the seventeenth day of May, 1843, notices were circulated through the dift'erent encampments that on the succeeding day, those who contem- plated emigrating to Oregon, would meet at a designated point to organize. Promptly at the appointed hour the motley groups assembled. They consisted of peo- ple from all the States and Territories, and nearly all nationalities ; the most, how- ever, from Arkansas, Illinois, Missouri and Iowa, and all strangers to one another, but impressed with some crude idea that there existed an imperative necessity for some kind of un organization for mutual protection against the hostile Indians Inhabiting the great unknown wilderness stretching away to the shores of the Pacific, and which they were about to traverse with their wives and children, household goods, aiul all their earthly possessions. Many of the emigrants were from the western tier of counties of Missouri, known as the Platte Purchase, and among them was Peter H. Burnett, a former merchant, who had abandoned the yard-stick and become a lawyer of some celeb- rity for his ability as a smooth-tongued advocate". He subsequently emigrated to California, and was elected the first Governor of the Cilolden State, was afterward Chief Justice, and still an honored resident of that State. Mr. Burnett, or as he was familiarly designated, "Pete," was called upon for a 8i>ewh. Mounting a log, the glib-tongued orator delivered a glowing, florid addro<*8. He commenced by showiug his audience that the then western tier of States and Territories was over- crowded with a redundant population, who had not sufficient elbow room for the expansion of their eaterpriw *i\d genius, and it was a duty they owetl to them- selves and posterity to stiike out in search of a more expanded field and moi'e genial climate, where the soil yielded the richest return for the slightest amount of i :1 274 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. \ cultivation, where the trees were loaded with perennial frwlt, and where a good sub- stitute for bread, called La Camash, grew in the ground, salmon and other fish crowded the streams, and where the principal labor of the settler would be confined to keeping their gardens free from the inroads of buflUlo, elk, deer and wild turkeys. He appealed to our patriotism by picturing forth the glorious empire we would establish on the shores of the Pacific. How, with our trusty rifles, we would drive out the British usurpers who claimed the soil, and defend the country from the avarice and pretensions of the British lion, and how posterity would honor us for placing the fairest portion of our land under the dominion of the stars and stripes. He concluded with a slight allusion to the trials and hardships incident to the trip, and dangers to be encountered from hostile Indians on the route, and those inhabit- ing the country whither we were bound. He furthermore intimated a desire to look upon the tribe of noble "red men" that the valiant and well-armed crowd around him could not vanquish in a single encounter. Other speeches were made, full of glowing descriptions of the fair land of prom- ise, the far-away Oregon, which no one in the assemblage had ever seen, and of which not more than half a dozen had ever read any account. After the election of Mr. Burnett as captain, and otlier necessary officers, the meeting, as motley and primitive a one as ever assembled, adjourned, with "three cheers" for Captain Burnett and Oregon. On the 20th day of May, 1843, after a pretty thorough mili- tary organization, we took up our line of march, with Captain John Gantt, an old army officer, who combined the character of trapper and mountaineer, as our guide. Gantt had in his wanderings been as far as Qreen River, and assured us of the practicability of a wagon road thus far. Green River, the extent of our guide's knowledge in that direction, was not half-way to the Willamette Valley, the then only inhabited portion of Oregon. Beyond that we had not the slightest conject- ure of the condition of the country. We wont forth trusting to the future, and would doubtless have encountered more difBculties than we experienced had not Dr. Whitman overtaken us before we reached the terminus of our guide's knowl- edge. He was familiar with the whole route and was confldent that wagons could pass through the canyons and gorges of Snake River and over the Blue Mountains, which the mountaineers in the vicinity of Fort Hall declared to be a physical impossibility. Captain Grant, then in charge of the Hudson's Bay Company at Fort Hall, endeavored to dissuade us from proceeding further with our wagons, and showed us the wagons that the emigrants of the preceding year had abandoned, as an evi- dence of the impracticability of our determination. Dr. Whitman was persistent in his assertions .hat wagons could proceed as far as the Grand Dalles of the Colum- bia River, from which point he asserted they could be taken down by rafts or batteaux to the Willamette Valley, while our stock could be driven by an Indian trail over the Cascade Mountains, near Mount Hood. Happily Whitman's ad- vice prevailed, and a large number of the wagons with a portion of the stock, did reach Walla Walla and The Dalies, from which points they were taken to the Willamette the following year. Had we followed Grant's advice and abandoned the cattle and wagons at Fort Hall, much suffering must have ensued, as a sufficient number of horses to carry the women and chMdren of the party could not have been obtained, besides wagons and cattle were indispensable to men expecting to live by farming in a country destitute of such articles. At Fort Hall we fell in with some Cayuse and Nez Perce Indians returning from the buffalo country, and as it was necessary for Dr. Whitman to precede us to Walla Walla, he recommended to us a guide in the person of an old Cayuse Indian called " Sticcus." He wa» a faithful old fellow, perfectly familkr with all the trails and topography of the country from Fort Hall to The Dalles, and aJthougb not DR. WHITMAN AND THE EMIGRATION OF FOUTY-TIIUEE. ?75 speaking a word of English, and no one in our party a word of Cayuse, be huc- eeeded by pantomime In talcing us over tbe rougbest wagon route I ever saw. This is a glowing tribute to the energy, determination and patri- otic zeal of the one man to whom is due the honor of clearly demon- strating to the world the often-denied fact that there was a practicable route into Oregon for the white-topped wagon of the emigrant. A score of other intelligent gentlemen havo testified to the same effect, but it is obviously unnecessary to give more than a bare mention of the fact. The following list contains the names of every male member of that great train over the age of sixteen years. It was prepared by J. W. Nesmith when the train was organized, and was preserved among his papei-s for a third of a century before given for publica- tion. All reached the Willamette Valley, except a few, the excep- tions being designated by marks and foot notes: — Applegate, Jesse Applegate, Cbarles Applegate, Linds.' y Athey, James Athey, William Atkinson, John* Arthur, Wm. Arthur, Robert Arthur, David Butler, Anion Brooke, George Burnett, Peter H. Bird, David Brown, Thomas A. Blevins, Alexander Brooks, John P. Brown, Martin Brown, Oris Black, J. P. Bane, Layton Baker, Andrew Baker, John G. Beagle, William Boyd, Levy Baker, William Biddle, NicholaaJ Beale, George Braidy, James Beadle, George Boardman, * Baldridge, Wm. Cason, F. C. Cason, James Chapman, Wm. Cox, John Champ, Jacob Cooper, L. C. Cone, James Childers, Moses Carey, Miles Cochran, Thomas Clymour, L. Copen haver, John Caton, J. H. Chappel, Alfred Cronin, Daniel Cozine, Samuel Costable, Benedict Childs, Joseph* Clark, Ransom Campbell, John G. Chapman, Chase, James Dodd, Solomon Dement, Wm. 0. Dougherty, W. P. Day, Williamt Duncan, James Dorin, Jacob Davis, Thomas Delany, Daniel Delany, Daniel, Jr. Delany, William Doke, William Davis, J. H. Davis, Burrell Dailey, George Doherty, John Dawson, * Eaton, Charles Eaton, Nathan Etchell, James Emerlck, Solomon Eaker, John W. Edson, E. G. Eyres, Milesf East, John W. Everman, Niniwon Ford, Nineveh Ford, Ephriam Ford, Nimrod Ford, John Francis, AlexanderJ Frazier, Abner Frazier, Wm. Fowler, Wm. Fowler, Wm. J. Fowler, Henry Fairly, Stephen P'endall, Charles Gantt, John* Gray, Chiley B. Garrison, Enoch Garrison, J. W. Garrison, W. J. Gardner, Samuel Gardner, Wm. Gilmore, Mat, Goodman, Richard Gilpin, Major Gray, Haggard, B. Hide, H. H. Holmes, Wm. Holmes, Riley A. Hobson, John Hobson, Wm. Hembree, Andrew Herabree, J. J. Hembree, James Hembree, A. J. Hall, Samuel B. Houk, James Hughes, Wm. P. Hendrick, Abijah Hays, James • Turned off at Fort Hall and went to California. t Died on tbe route. i Turned back at the Platte. r 276 Hensley, ThoraaH J Holley, B. Hunt, Henry HolderneMs, H. M. Hutchina, Isaac Husted, A. Heps, Joseph Haun, Jacob Howell, John Howell, Wra. Howell, Wesley Howell, G. W. Howell, Thomas E. Hill, Henry Hill, William Hill, Almoran Hewett Henry Hargrove, Wm. Hoyt, A. Holman, John Holman, Daniel Harrigas, B. James, Calvin Jac-kson, John B. Jones, John Johnson, Overton Keyser, Thomas Keyser, J. B. Keyser, Plasant Kelley, Kelsey, Lovejoy, A. L. Lenox, Edward Lenox, E. Layson, Aaron Looney, Jesse Lon-r, John E. Lee, H. A. G. Lugur, F.t Linebarger, Lew Linebarger, John Laswell, Isaac Loughborough, J.J Little, Milton* Luther, HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLET. *Lauderdale, John McQee, * Martin, Wm. J.* Martin, James Martin, Julius* McClelland, • McClelland, F.» Mills, John B. Mills, Isaac Mills, Wm. A. Mills, Owen McGarey, G. W. , Mondon, Gilbert Matheny, Daniel Matheny, Adam Matheny, J. N. Matheny, Josiah Matheny, Henry Mastire, A. J. McHaley, John Myers, Jacob Manning, John Manning, James McCarver, M. M. McCorele, George Mays, William Millican, Elijah Otie, M. B. O'Nell, Bennett Ollnger, A. Parker, Jesse Parker, William Pennington, J. B. Poe, R. H. Paynter, Samuel Patterson, J. R. Pickett, Charles E. Prlgg, Frederick Paine, Claybornt Reading, P. B.* Rodgers, 8. P. Rodgers, G. W. Russell, William Roberts, James Rice, G. W. Richardson, John Stevenson, Story, James Swift, Shively, John M. Shirly, Samuel Stoughton, Alex. Spencer, Chancey Strait, Hiram Sunmiers, George Stringer, Cornelius Stringer, C. W.t Tharp, Lindsey Thompson, John Trainor, D. Teller, Jeremiah Tarbox, Stephen Umnicker, John Vance, Samuel Vaughn, William Richardson, Danielf Vernon, George Ruby. Philip Ricord, John Reid, Jacob Roe, John Roberts, Solomon Roberts, Emseley Rossin, Joseph McDanlel, William Rivers, Thomas McKissic, D. Malone, Madison McClane, John B. Mauzee, William Mclntire, John* Moore, Jacksont Matney, W. J. Nesmlth, J. W. Newby, W. T. Newman, Noah Naylor, Thomas Osborn, Neil O'Brien, Hugh D. O'Brien, Humphrey Seweli, Henry Owen, Thomas A. Stout, Henry Owen, Thomas Sterling, George Otie, E. W. Stout, Smith, Thomas H. Smith, Thomas Smith, Isaac W. Smith, Anderson Smith, Ahi Smith, Robert Smith, Ell Sheldon, William Stewart, P. G. Wilmont, James Wilson, Wm. H. Wair, J. W. Winkle, Archibald Williams, Edward Wheeler, H. Wagoner, John Williams, Benjamin Williams, David Wilson, Wm. Williams, John* Williams, James* Williams, Squire* Williams, Isaiu;* Ward, T. B. White, James Watson, J no. (Betty) Sutton, Dr. Nathan'l Waters, James Stimmerman, C. Sharp, C. Summers, W. C. Winter, Wm. Waldo, Daniel Waldo, David Waldo, William Zachary, Alexander Zachary, John There were in Oregon at the time the train arrived, the follow- ing individuals, a few names, possibly, having been omitted from the list: — * Turned off at Port Hall and went to CalUornU. t Died on the route. I Turned back at the Platte, AM£K10aN8 OROANIZK A PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT, 277 Armstrong, Pleaaant Burii8, Hugh Brown, Brown, William Brown, Black, J. M. Baldro, Balis, James Bailey, Dr. Brainard, Crawford, Medorem Carter, David Campl)€ll, Samuel Campbell, Jack Craig, Wm. Cook, Amos Cook, Aaron Connor, Cannon, William Davy, Allen Doty, William Eakin, Richard Ebhette, Hqulre Edwards, John Foster, Philip Force, John Force, James Fletcher, Francis Gay, George Gale Joseph Glrtman, Hathaway, Felix Hatch, Peter H. Hubbard, Thomas J, Hewitt, Adam Horegon, Jeremiah Holman, Joseph Hall, David Hoxhurst, Weberly Hutchinson, Johnson, William King, Kelsey, Lewis, Reuben LeBretou, G, W. Larrison, Jack Meek, Josej)!! L. Matthleu, F. X. McCiure, Jolin Moss, H. W. Moore, Rol)ert McFadden, McCarty, William McKay, Charles McKuy, Th(>m«8 McKay, William C. Morrison, Mack, J. W. Newbanks, Newell, Robert O'Nell, James A. Pettygrove, F. W. Pomeroy, Dwight Pomeroy, Walter Perry, Riniraick, UuHHuil, Osborn Robb, J. It. fihortess, Roliurt Smith, Hid noy Smith, Smith, Andrew Smith, Andrew, Jr. Smith, Darling Spence, Sailor, Jack Turnham, Joel Turner, John Taylor, Hi rum Tibbetts, Calvin Trask, Walker, C. M. Warner, Jack Wilson, A. E. Wlnslow, David Wiikins, Caleb Wood, Henry Williams, B. In addition to the above were the following gentlemen con- nected with the various Protestant missions: — ' Leslie, David Parrish, J. L. Perkins, H. K. W. Raymond, H. W. Spalding, W. H. Waller, A. F. Walker, E. Whitman, Dr. M. White, Dr. Elijah Wilison, Wm. H. Abernethy, George Eells, C. Babcock, Dr. J. L. Gray, W. H. Beers, Alanson Hines, Gustavus Brewer, Judson, L. H. Campbell, Hamilton Lee, Jason Clark, Harvey In addition to these were some fifty former employees of the Hudson's Bay Company, nearly all of whom had settled on French Prairie, and a number of priests connected with the Catholic mission, making a total male population at the close of the year 1843 of about four hundred and thirty, exclusive of the officers and actual servants of the Hudson's Bay Company. Following in the wake of the emigrants came the party of Lieu- tenant John C. Fremont, who had explored the Rocky Mountains the year before, and who had been this season dispatched by the Government upon an official tour of exploration to the Pacific. After spending a few days at Vancouver, he passed south, crossed the Cascades to Eastern Oregon, continued south into Nevada, and in January, 1844, crossed the snowy summit of the Sierra Nevadas to Sutter's Fort in Sacramento Valley. The title of " Pathfinder " was bestowed upon him, though he was guided nearly everywhere IMAGE EVMUATION TEST TARGET (MT-S) s^ ^,V 4^, 1.0 I.I l^|28 |2.5 |5o "^~ MlH MO 111112.0 12.2 1.8 1.25 1.4 1 l-<^ ^ 6" _ ► P)l V] ^^ e: 0» e^ ^i!^;^.^'^' Photographic Sciences Corporation "%'■ 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. MS80 (716) 872-4503 ^ K78 >. HISTOBT OF WILLAMSTTB VALLEY. by mountain men who were familiar with the country, and found the route to Oregon plainly marked by the emigi-ants' wagon wheels. On this subject Mr. Nesmith says: — In the Easteru States, I have often been asked how long it was after Fremont discovered Oregon that I emigrated there. !t is true that in the year 1843, Fre- mont, then a Lieutenant in the Engineer Corps, did cross the plains, and brought his party to The Dalles, and visited Vancouver to procure supplies. I saw him on the plains, though he reached The Dalles in the rear of our emigration. His outfit contained all of the conveniences and luxuries that a Government appropriation could procure, while he "roughed it " in a covered carriage, surrounded by servants paid from the public purse. He returned to the States and was afterward rewarded with a Presidential nomination as the " Pathfinder." The path he found was made by the hardy frontiersmen who preceded him to the Pacific, and who stood by their rifles here and held the country against hostile Indians and British threats, without Government aid or recognition until 1849, when the first Government troops came to our relief. Yet Fremont, with many people, has the credit of " finding " every- thing west of the Rocky Mountains, and I suppose his pretensions will be recog- nized by the future historian, while the deserving men who made the path, unaided by Government, will be forgotten. "And such is history." Thus close the events of 1843, leaving Oregon with a Provisional Government and a population of intelligent, earnest, hardy Ameri- can pioneers sufficiently great to determine its future as a party of the great Republic whose institutions they had thus plac '^ed in these remote regions. l.' t*»il> ,. THERE was trouble in the Willamette Valley in 1844, which served to still more embitter the Indians against the Americans. There was a sub-chief of the Molallas named " Cockstock," a man of independent nature and belligerent disposition. He had a few followers who partook somewhat of his spirit, and they were gen- erally the prime movers in such small hostile acts as the natives of the Willamette indulged in. He was rebellious of restraint, and not friendly to the encroachment of the white settlers. A relative of his having mistreated Mr. Perkins at The Dalles Mission, was sentenced by the Wasco tribe to be punished according to Dr. White's laws. The sub -chief was enraged at the whipping his kinsman had received, and set out to revenge the insult upon the 280 HISTORY OF WILLAMXTTX VALLXT. Indian Agent. Reaching the Agent's Willamette home during his absence, he proceeded to break every window- pane in the house. He was pursued, but not caught, and became an object of terror to the Doctor. All depredations committed in the country were charged to this chief, and it finally resulted in the offer by Dr. White of one hundred dollars' reward for the aiTest of the formid- able Indian. Learning that he was being accused of acts commit- ted by others, the chief visited Oregon City March 4, accompanied by four of his band, with tlie avowed purpose of having a talk with the whites for the purpose of exculpating himself. He entered the town, staid for about an hour, and then crossed the river to visit an Indian village to procure an Indian interpreter. He then re-crossed the Willamette, when several men undertook to arrest him, and a desperate fight ensued. Cockstock was killed, and his followers, after fighting valiantly until the odds became too great, made good their escape. On the other side George W. LeBreton was killed by Cockstock, and Mr. Rogers, who was working quietly near by, was wounded in the arm by a poisoned arrow, which caused his death. It has been asserted that the Molalla chief attacked the town, but it requires too much credulity to believe that five Indians would in broad daylight attack a town containing ten times their number. The whole affair is chargeable to the rash conduct of a few men who were too eager to gain the paltry reward offered by Dr. White, one of whom paid for his cupidity with his life. Fear- ing that trouble might follow, the Executive Comff'ttee of the Provisional Government issued a proclamation for the organization of a military company. A company was organized on the tenth of March by citizens who assembled at Champoeg. Nineteen names were enrolled ; T. D. Keizer being elected Captain, and J. L. Morrison and Mr. F. C. (or James) Cason, Lieutenants. Their services were not required. In May, 1844, Rev. George Gary arrived by sea to supersede Jason Lee in charge of the Methodist missions, the latter being already on his way East. The mission property was immediately sold and the missionary work, which had amounted to little for several years, so far as accomplishments were concerned, was dis- continued, except at The Dalles. While the Methodists were thus withdrawing from the field, the Catholics were largely increasing WILLAMETTE FALLS AT OREGON CITY. BIGHTEKW FORTY-FOXTB TO EIOHTEEN PORTT-NINE. 281 their force. Among other arrivals for that purpose were six sisters of the order of Notre Dame, who came to found a convent in the Willamette. Father P. J. DeSmet, who had previously founded a mission among the Flatheads, brought the sisters to Oregon by sea, being also accompanied by four priests and several laymen. Three other priests came overland from St. Louis. As Father Blanchet expresses it : " The schemes of the Protestant ministers had been fought and nearly annihilated, especially at Nesqually, Vancouver, Cascades, Clackamas and Willamette Falls, so that a visitor came in 1844 and disbanded the whole Methodist Mission, and sold ita property." On the fourteenth of May, 1 844, an election was held for officers of the Provisional Government, at which some two hundrtd votes were cast. P. G. Stewart, Osbom Russell and W. J. Bailey were chosen Executive Committee ; Dr. J. L. Babcock, Supreme Judge ; Dr. John E. Long, Clerk and Recorder ; Philip Foster, Treasurer ; Joseph L. Meek, Sheriff. The Territory had been partitioned into three Legislative Districts. Tualatin District included what is now Washington, Multnomah, Columbia, Clatsop, Tillamook, Yamhill and Polk Counties. Champoeg District has since been divided into Linn, Marion, Lane, Josephine, Coos, Curry, Benton, Douglas and Jackson Counties. In the Clackamas District were Clackamas County and the eastern part of Oregon, a portion of Montana, and all of Idaho and Washington Temtories. On the following page are the tabulated returns of this first popular election held in Oregon : — -,■■ -J ni. » r ,'! ,j ; I i 883 HISTORY OF W^ILLAMKTTX YALLXT. ELECTION OF MAY 14, 1844. OJ^HriDXDJk.'jrEiB. Executive Committee. P. G. Stewart* --- Osborn Russell* Alanson Beers Jesse Applegate -. Peter H. Burnett Hutfh Burns David Hill W. J. Bailey* William Dougherty A. Lawrence Lovejoy Robert Newell A. J. Hembree-.- William Geiger — Spencer Territorial Recorder or Clerk. Dr. John E. Long* O. ' " C. J. A F. Johnson . M. Wallter O. Campbell — E. Wilson-— X. Matthleu Supreme Court Judge. James L. Babcock f * — J. W. Nesmlth Peter H. Burnett P. G. Stewart Osborn I'.UBsell O. Johnson Territorial Treasurer. Phil. Foster*— Nineveh Ford- P. H. Hatch A. E. Wilson John E. Long - W. C. Remick Territorial Sheriff. Joseph L. Meek* B. Harragus William Holmes-- „ Legislative Committee. M. Gllmore*--- Peter H. Burnett* .- David Hill*— M. M. McCarver* W. T. Perry T. D. Keiser*- Daniel Waldo* Robert Newell* W. H. Gray — W. J. Bailey F. C. Cason - A. Lawrence Lovejoyt dSTXbXOXS. 41 40 21 11 10 6 6 8 8 2 2 I 38 24 39 16 2 4 40 4 4 2 I 1 64 2 1 TUIUTDI. OliHnH. 15 22 10 10 7 7 26 1 2 27 82 24 20 8 84 182 18 67 14 65 88 79 67 75 75 20 11 18 mill. 140 244 49 11 10 6 6 70 26 2 12 1 7 7 73 24 8 1 2 65 80 16 2 6 48 10 4 2 1 1 143 2 1 27 32 24 20 8 67 75 75 20 11 18 • Elected. t ResUned November U, 18(4. I Elected from Clackamas District. EIOHTEBK POBTT-FOUR TO EIOHTESN FORTY-NINE. 283 The Legislative Committee elected met at Willamette Falls, in the house of Felix Hathaway, June 18, 1844, and chose M. M. McCarver Speaker. A nine days' session followed, when they ad- journed until December of the same year. On the sixteenth of December the Legislative Committee met again, this time at the house of J. E. Long, in Oregon City, when a message was submitted to them from the Executive Committee, in which an amendment of the organic law was recommended. A seven days' session followed, during which an act was passed calling for a committee to frame a constitution. Several acts were framed requiring submission to a popular vote to render them valid, among which was a change from the triumvirate to gubernatorial executive, and from a Legislative Committee to a Legislature, which was adopted by the people. The emigration of 1844 was nearly as great as that of the pre- vious year, adding some eight hundred to the American population, two hundred and thirty-four of them able-bodied men. " They were," says Hon. John Minto, "self-reliant, determined men; devoted, loyal, bravely -enduring women. They started from different points under different leadere, and never united, but, on the contrary, divided up still more as they traveled, a single man sometimes separating himself from an entire company, under the settled con- viction that they were all too contrary for him to keep company with any longer." The main companies had three starting points — one from Independence, one from near the mouth of the Platte, and one from Capler's Landing, twelve miles above St. Joseph. The last was commanded by Cornelius Gilliam, the first by Nathan- iel Ford, and the other hf Major Thorp. The following nearly correct list was made in later years by Joseph Watt, Willard H. Rees, William M. Case and J. Henry Brown, and read by John Minto in his address before the Pioneer Association in 1877: — Alderman, Bird, Buzzard, Nathan Burcb, Charles Boyd, Robert Black, William Blakely, Bush, George W. Boggs, Thomas Bowman, Wm., tir. Bowman, Wm., Jr. Bowman, Ira Bunton, Elijah Bunton, Joseph Bunton, Wm. Buich, Charles Bennett, Capt. C. Bordran, Francis Bartrough, Joseph Bray, Wm. Bayard, Nathan Brown, Adam Bonnin, Peter Crawford, David Crawford, Lewis Clark, Daniel Clark, Dennis Clemens, Cave, James Crisman, Joel Crisman, Gabriel Crisman, Wm. Chamberlain, Aaron Conner, Patrick Crockett, Samuel B* Case, Wm. M. Clemens, Wm. Dougherty, Doty, Davenport, James i V I i 1 t '(*• la 1 f'ii it M f 984 HISTORY or WILLAMXTTS YAXUCT. DagoD, Dr. Durbin, Daniel Dupuia, Edward Emery, C. Edes, Moses Everman, C. Bades, John Eades, Abr. Eades, Henry Eades, Clark Eades, Solomon Evans, David Evans, N. D. Eddy, Robert Elliok, John Fleming, John Ford, Nathaniel Ford, Mark Fruit, James Fruit, "Doc." Fuller, Jenny Gilbert, I. N. Goff, David Ootr, Bumuel GofT, Marion Grant, David Gilliam, Mitchell Gililam, Cornelius Gilliam, Smith Gilliam, William Gilliam, Porter Gage, William Gage, Jesse Goodwin, W. H. Gillespie, Oerrish, James Gerrish, John Gillahan, Martin Giilahan, William Gilmore, Charles Hinman, Alanson Hedges, A. F. Hutton, Jacob Hill, Fleming Hawley, J. C. Hoover, Jacob Folt, T. Harper, James Holman, Joseph Howard, John Hunt, James Humphrey, Norrls Hammer, Jacob HIggins, Herman HIggtns Williams Hibler, George Inyard, John Inyard, Abr. Inyard, Peter Johnson, William Johnson, James Johnson, David Johnson, Daniel Johnson, James Jackson, John Jenkins, David Jenkins, William Jenkins, Henry Kindred, David Kindred, Bart Kindred, John Kinney, Daniel Lee, Barton Lousenaute, John Lewis, Charles Morgan, William McGruder, Theo. McGruder, Ed. MInto, John MeDaniel, Joshua McDaniel. Elisha MeDaniel, Mrs. MoMahan, Martin, Nehemiah McSwain, Samuel McAllister, James Morrison, R. W. Moore, Michael Neal, Calvin Neal, Robert Neal, Alex. Neal, Peter Nelson, George Nelson, Cyrus Nichols, John Nichols, Frank Nichols, Benjamin Owless, Ruel Owens, Henry Owens, James Owens, John Owens, John Perkins, Joel, Sr. Perkins, Joel, Jr. Perkins, John Parker, David Priest, Parrot, Joseph Paokwood, S. Packwood, T. Payne, R. K. Prather, William Prather, Theodore Pettie, Eaben Pettie, Amab Rowland, J. Smith, William Smith, Noyes Smith, Texas SaffWin, Henry ei«, Big Stewart, James Saunders, William Shaw, Joshua Shaw,A.C.R.(Sheep) Shaw, Wash. Shaw, Thomas Shaw, B. F. Shaw, Capt. Wm. Stephens, James Sager, , died on the way at Green River. Sax ton, Charles Saelling, Vincent Snelling, Benjamin Snooks, Teller, Jerry Thornton, Sebrin Thomas, O. 8. Thorp, John Thorp, Alvin Thorp, Theodore Thorp, Mortimer Robin8on,E.(Moun- Thorp, Milton tain.) Trues, Cooper Y. Robinson ,T.Q. (Fat- Tucker, Benjamin ty.) Robinson, Ben Rees, Willard H. Rice, Parton Rice, Mao Rice, (Old Man) Ramsey,' Rarasdell, Marshall, James, the Sears, Franklin discoverer of gold Shelton, Jackson at Sutter's Mill. Sobring, WiUiam Moreland, Lafe Mulky, Westley Mulkey, Luke Murray, Mudgett, Neal, George Neal, Attey Scott, John Sflott, Levi Simmons, M. T. Springer, Smith, J. 8. Smith, Charles Smith, Peter Tucker, Long Vance, Thos., died on the Platte. Waunoh, George Williams, Poe Williams, Wrjght, Harrison Woodcock, Richard Welsh, James Walker, James, Sr. Walker, James, Jr. Walker, Robert Williamson, Henry Watt, Joseph Warmbougb, Werner, Thomas The following turned off and went to California : — Calvin, Foster, Joseph Greenwood, O. Hitchcock, — and Flomboy, John Greenwood, Joha Qreenwoody Britein son. XIOHrXXK FORTT-FOrR TO EIGHTEEN FORTY-NINE. 286 II Jackson, Montgomery, Allen Schallenberger, M. Townsend, Dr. Martin, Patrick Montgomery, James Stephens, Captain Scott and Rohbin, Martin, Dennis Murphy,Martin,and Sullivan, John, and colored men with Martin, William Ave sons. brother. Col. Ford. Miller, James Mrs. Wm. M Case furnishes the following list of ladies wlio came in Major Thorp's company : — Case. Mrs. Wm. M. Miggins, Mrs. Her- Snelling, Mrs. Vln- Horace Holden and Eliza, a mulatto girl man cent May, his wife, ar- Hammer, Mrs. Jac'b JohnHon, Mrs. D. ■ Tucker, Mrs. BenJ. rived in April of Hannah, Aunt, ane- Shaw, Mrs. Joshua Thorp,Mis8 Amanda thiu year from the gress Snelling, Miss Eliza Sandwich Islands. Of this emigration Michael T. Simmons and a few others located on Paget Sound, making the first American settlement north of the Columbia. GENERAL ELECTION, JUNE 3, 1845. Theflrst annual election was held on the third of June, 1846. The following tabular statement will prove interesting and of historical value :— OJiJSlTiXDjL.'JKaB. Oovemor. George Abernethy* — Osborn Russell William J. Bairey A. Lawrence Lovejoy Total vote cast Secretary, John E. Long 1* Noyes Smith Treasurer. Phil. Foster - Francis Ermatinger 2* Judge. J. W. Nesmith 3» Diatrict'Attomey. Marcus Ford 4* Aaseeaor. 8. W. Moss*- Jacob Reed - Sheriff. \ Joseph L. Meek 6* A. J. Hembree xjisxnicrrs. I 46 22 2 44 114 65 48 62 61 111 100 53 62 69 42 .a s 9 Eh o 58 54 6 5 123 70 . 47 49 60 116 78 39 48 77 43 61 47 60 9 167 117 63 47 118 166 168 119 111 64 I 1 23 6 12 1 12 17 10 6 16 61 7 7 12 77 26 36 38 20 64 63 6 66 16 61 I 228 130 75 71 604 283 196 197 251 473 409 216 204 267 216 • Oflloera elected. , ™ . . 1. Deceased. Frederick Prisg appointed to flU vacancy Jane 26, 1846. 3. KeslRned. John H. Couch appointed to vacancy March 4, 18W. 8. Succeeded by Alonzo A. Skinner. ^ ._ . ^ «, ^ .« 4. RealKned February 4, 1846, W. G. T'Vault appointed to vacancy ; he reslrned March 10, 1816, and was succeeded by A. L. Lovejoy. 6. Resigned, and was aocoeeded by H. M. Knlgbton. 1 1 ' ( II 'i; [^ m 286 UI8T0RT OF WILLAMZTTX VALLXT. GENERAL ELECTION, JUNE 8, 1866-ConHnued. ajLHTzxnjLTXB. JiepreaentaHves. H. A. J. Lee* Hiram HtniiKht* »V. H. Oniy* C. E. Pkkett N. Ford M. M. MeC'urver* D. Lt'nox D. Hill* C. Hatton - V. W. DuwMon — Josepli Gale J. W. Hmith* C. M. Walker - — J. M. Garrison* M. G. Folry* Jofleph Gervais^ Barton Lee* W. H. VVillHon - Robert Newell* A. Chaml>f rluln F. X. Mathieu - John McClure* - George Binunons JesHC Applegate* A. Hendrlck* S. Bnilth J. Richardson R.Clark Convention (to frame constitution) No Convention (to frame constitution). sx0Tx.xcrrs. 00 82 54 60 28 a a 61 80 63 2^ 22 48 61 47 J3 128 181 68 00 40 70 74 14 I O 11 10 a XI 38 34 81 20 10 00 82 64 60 28 61 30 68 28 22 48 61 47 128 131 68 00 40 70 74 14 11 10 86 84 31 20 10 100 283 * OfllcerB elected. Note— Theophilus McGrader waa appointed Recorder December 8, 1846. Wm. O. T'Vaalt wao appointed Postmaster-General of Oregon In December, 1816. O. W. Bell was ap- pointed Auditor. Two new districts — Yamhill and Clatsop — had been formed out of Tualatin, making five in all. In most of these were held nomi- nating conventions, where, also, were chosen delegates to a general convention at Charapoeg. A. L. Lovejoy was the successful aspi- rant for the gubernatorial nomination, defeating Dr. William J. Bailey, Osborn Russell and George Abernethy. The convention was not satisfactory, and all these gentlemen appeared before the people as candidates. By a combination of the friends of Russell and Abernethy, the latter, who was then in the Sandwich Islands, was elected. EIonXEKW PORTT-FOUR TO EIGHTEEN FOBTT-NINE. 287 The Legislature chosen assembled at Oregon City, June 24th, elected M. M. McCarver Speaker, and remained in Hepsion two weeks. The following onth of office wjia proposed by Jesse Apple- gate, in view of the characv« i of the people and their divided alle- giance, and was administered to the members: — Oath ok Office— I do utimh «wear that I will aupport the or>?anIc laws of the ProvlHional Oovernine. )f Oregon, m»> fur a« the «>lil orKunic Iuwh ure i-onsiHt- ent with my dutleti w a nitlzen of tl,' TJnited States, or a subject of Oreut HriUiin, and faithfully demean myself in ott' e. Bo help me God. The most important, business transacted was the drafting of a memorial to Congress, asking for a territorial governnu'nt, niid the framing of a new organic law. On the twenty-eighth of June the memorial was signed by Russell and Stewart, of the Executive Com- mittee (Abernethy not having yet returned), Judge Nesniith, and members of the Legislature. Dr. Elijah White was delegated all the to convey the memorial to Washington. The Legislature then ad- journed to await the result of the constitutional election, which was held on the twenty-fifth of July. This resulted in two hundred and fifty-five votes f jr the new law and only fifty-two for the old. The Legislature again assembled, according to the provisions or the new law, on the fifth of August. It was then that the memorial was placed in the hands of Dr. White for transmission to Congress. After he had departed they became dissatisfied with their messenger, deeming that he intended using it for his personal advancement at Washington, and they sent a courier to overtake him and demand its return. The Doctor received the demand coolly and refused to comply. His answer, which showed how correct was their opinion that he pra^'osed making the memorial serve his personal ends, was as follows: — August 17, 1846. To THE Hon., Etc.: Gentlemen — Being on my way, and having but a moment to reflect, I have been at much of a loss which of your two resolutions nioRt to respect, or which to obey; but at length have becovae satisfied that the first was taken most soberly, and as it answers my purpose best, I pledge myself to adhere strictly to that. Sincerely wishing you good luck in legislating, I am, dear sirs, very respectfully yours, E. WHITE. This letter, with a statement of the circumstances surrounding it, was sf at by another messenger to Washington, and arrived just in time to foil the scheming Doctor's chances for an important :i 288 niSTOBT OF WILLAMXTTS TALLET. appointment which he was about to receive. Among other acts the Legislature passed a law making wheat a legal tender at market price, owing to the sca»city of a circulating medium. The body adjourned sine die on the twentieth of August. On the second of December, the day set for the assembling of the Legislature by the new law, and no election having been held, the same gentlemen again assembled, and organized by electing Robert Newell Speaker. A session of seventeen days was then held, during which Polk and Lewis counties were created, the latter embracing all of Washing- ton Territory west of the Cascades. This had been designated " Vancouver Distrifct " the year before, but had not sent a repre- sentative to the Legislature. Sheriff Meek, in pursuance of an act of the Legislature, took a census of the population. This did not include those living north of the Columbia or east of the mount- ains, consequently, except thf ninety-one reported for Clatsop, represents only the population of the Willamette Valley. The table, which does not include the immigration of 1845, is as follows: — CENSUS RETURNS OF OREGON IN 1845. 1 419 117 loa «15 ^?->. 110 41 12ri9 8fi1 2110 The immigration of 1845 consisted of some three thousand souls, about one-third of whom, under William B. Ide, of Bear Flag notoriety, and guided by Greenwood, the trapper, turned off at Fort Hall and went to California. There has never been prepared a register of the half dozen trains into which it was divided, and it is impossible to give a list of the pioneei-s of 1845. A few might be mentioned — names familiar in Oregon annals — such as Col. W. G. T'Vault, J. C. Avery, John Waymire, Frederick Waymire, John Flemmiug, Captain English, James B. Eiggs, Rufus A. Biggs, m EIGHTEEN FOHTT-FOUB TO EIGHTEEN FORTY NINE. 289 .: "!! Stephen Staats, John Durbin, William J. Herren, General Joel Palmer, Simeon Smith, David Carson, John M. Forrest, Dr. Ralph Wilcox, Solomon Fetherous, James Allen, They brought the cheering intelligence that James K. Polk had been elected Presi- dent of the United States on the party cry of " Fifty-four-forty, or fight," and had been duly inaugurated, and that the prospects for an immediate favorable settlement of the mooted Oregon Question were favorable. Their numbers, too, added so materially to the strength of the American element that they then outnumbered the representatives of Great Britain ten to one. When the emigrants reached Fort Boise, Stephen H. Meek, the same man who had served aa guide in 1842, offered to show a shorter and easier route across the Blue and Cascade mountains — oro to the south of the old trail. A great many of them followed him, while others refused to depart from the regular route. Meek had never passed through the country he was now entering, but had heard of it from others when he had, as a free American trapper, been for a time in the employ of the Hudscm's Bay Com- pany. The route had never been used, but it was known that the country through what is now Southeastern Oregon, was les^ mount- ainous than that further north, and Meek naturally expected to find a passable route and a good pass through the Cascades, In this he failed, and as soon as the emigrants became satisfied that he was traveling by guess, they became so indignant that he only saved his neck by using his feet. They then undertook to pass down John Day River, and finally reached the Columbia after almost superhuman exertion. Had they trusted to Meek it is possible, and even probable, that he would, by taking them further south, have found them a comparatively easy route. This episode is thus described by Hon. Stephen Staats, one of the immigrants of that year: — When nearing Fort Boise, much discusaion wiw had relative to the route to be followed after leaving that point, Stephen Meek had met the emigrants and pro- posed to pilot them over a new route by which to bring them into the valley, assert- ing that it was much shorter and better than the route to The Dalles. I recollect one old gentleman, John M. Forrest by name, who, when the subject was warmly disouHsed, declared he would follow the old route, even if he had to travel alone. Says he: "When I left the States, after reading the letters of Burnett and others from Oregon, I determined I would not be led off on any new route claimed to have been discovered by any adventurer, but would travel where others had traveled, ■i i '■■I ■'■'/' ■if "m S90 HISTOKT OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. aiid thus be sure of arriving at the desired point to which we are all looking." But now the time had come for action. One morning, after a night spent in spirited discussion, Mr. Forrest broke camp and started on the old trail; others, with much warmth, attempted to restrain him, but he persisted, and about twenty-five other waffons followed his; others, under the leadership of Meek, struck off on the route declared by him the best and shortest ; but well would it have l)een for all those so doing, had they persevered in following the old route, for experience proved to them that had they so done, much suffering, in almost every conceivable form, would have been avoided, and that they would have arrived at their destination much sooner and their condition more hopeful as to future resources to provide for their wa^^n during the approaching winter. It was but a few days after Meek left Fort Boise, that he became hopelessly lost, and had it not been for the good Judgment and determined energy of some of the emigrants, and their hiring an Indian to pilot them through to The Dalles, many would have perished and suffered a most torturing death, that now survive and to-day can recount the many sad incidents and afflictive events of their wearisome travel to that point. It has been positively asserted that while Meek was thus lost, he suffered to such an extent for the want of water to satisfy his thirst, that be opened a vein in the neck of his mule, and thus, in all probability, secured his own life by quafflug the life blood of that most noble and docile quadruped. But be that as it may, whether true or not, there were moments when the sufferings of husband, wife and children, became so unbearable, and so intensely torturing to the mental vision of those having others depending upon them for support and pro. tection. that had be who counseled them to take an unknown and trackless route when almost out of provisions, and energies already nearly exhausted, made his appearance among them, he might have been made a sacrifice tu appease the angry passions with which they were inflamed. The anti-Hudson's Bay Company fanatics absurdly charge that Meek was employed by the company to lead this train of emigrants to theii" destruction in the mountains, the only evidence being the fact that Meek — as did alno a number of Americans who were known as " free trappers," men who were somewhat independent of the fur traders — had engaged himself for two or three seasons to the company. The charge is too ridiculous to be considered. The year 1846 was a momentous one for the United States. It saw the settling of the Oregon Question, which confirmed to the United States all that portion of Montana lying west of the Rocky Mountains, Idaho, Oregon and Washington. It saw, also, the beginning of the Mexican War, which gave us Texas, and the wresting of California from Mexican rule by Lieutenant Fremont and Commodores Sloat and Stockton. It was an exciting period, and the country was held in suspense for months over the contro- versy with England, during which war with that great power seemed almost unavoidable. The incidents attending the settlement of this great question are clearly and graphically described by Til. SIOHTEEK FORTT-rOTJR TO EIGHTEEN FORTY-NINE. 291 James G. Blaine in his "Twenty Years of Congress," in which he displays a profundity of knowledge of the political intricacies of that period which carries the weight of authority with his language. To improve upon it would be impossible, and to epitomize it would destroy its force and perspicuity ; nothing but a complete and liberal quotation will suffice. Mr. Blaine says: — The convention which nominated Mr. Polk took bcM ground lor the immediate re-annexation of Texas and re-occupation of Oregon. This peculiar form of ex- pression was used to indicate that Texas had already belonged to us under the Louisiana purchase, and that Oregon had been wholly ours prior to the treaty of joint occupancy with Great Britain. It further declared, that our title to the whole of Oregon, up to 54° 40' north latitude, was "clear and indisputable"; thus carry- ing our claim to the borders of the Russian possessions, and utterly denying and defying the pretension of Great Britain to the ownership of ar>v territory bordering on the Pacific. « -» * « # • « The election of Mr. Polk was an unquestionable verdict from the people in favor of the annexation of Texas. Mr. Clay and Mr. Van Buren had been able to defeat the treaty negotiated by Mr. Calhoun ; but the popular vote overruled them, and pronounced in favor of the Democratic position after full and fair hearing. Mr. Tyler was anxious that the scheme so energetically initiated by liim should be fully accomplished during his term. The shtrt method of joint resolution was therefore devised by the ever fertile brain of Mr. Calhoun, and its passage through Congress intrusted to the skillful management of Robert J. Walker, then a senator from Mississippi, and already indicated for the portfolio of the Treasury in the new administration. Mr. Polk was in consultation with Mr. Tyler during the closing weeks of the latter's administration, and the annexation by joint resolution had his full concurrence. It was passed in season to receive the approval of President Tyler on the first day of March, three days before the eventful administration of Mr. Polk was installed in power. Its terms were promptly accepted by Texas, and at the next session of Congress, beginning December, 1845, the constitution of tlie new State was approved. Historic interest attached to the appearance of Sam Houston and Thomas J. Rusk as the first senators from the great State which they had torn from Mexico and added to the Union. I s The policy of maintaining an equality of slave States with free States was to be pursued, as it had already been from the foundation of the government, with un- ceasing vigilance and untiring energy. The balancing of forces between new States added to the Union had l>een so skillfully arranged, that for a long period two States were admitted at nearly the same time— one from the South, and one from the North. Thus Kentucky and Vermont, Tennessee and Ohio, Mississippi and Indiana, Alabama and Illinois, Missouri and Maine, Arkansas and Michigan, Florida and Iowa, came into the Union in pairs, not indeed at precisely the same moment in every case, but always with reference each to the other in the order named. On the admission of Florida and Iowa, Colonel Benton remarked that "it seemed strange that two territories so diflerent in age, m distant from each other, so antagonistic in natural features and political Institutions, should ripen Into States at the same time, and come into the Union by a single Act; but these very antagonisms — that is, the antagonistic provisions on the subject of slavery- made the conjunction, and gave to the two young States an luseparable admission." hi ■ 1, 298 HISTORY OP WILLAMETTE VALLEY, During the entire period flrom the formation of the Federal Government to the ' inauguration of Mr. Polk, the only variation from this twin birth of States— the one free, the other slave— was in the ease of Louisiana, which was admitted in 1812, with no corresponding State fh)m the North. Of the original Thirteen States, seven had become free, and six maintained slavery. Of the fifteen that were added to the Union, prior to the annexation of Texas, eight were slave, and seven were f^ee; so that when Mr. Polk took the oath of office, the Union consisted of twenty- eight States, equally divided between slave-holding and free. So nice an adjust- ment had certainly required constant watchfulness and the closest calculation of political forces. It was in pursuit of this adjustment that the admission of Louisiana was secured, as an evident compensation for the loss which had accrued to the slave-holding interests in the uqequal though voluntary partition of the Old Thir- teen between North and South. Lookin into the future, the Southern men took alarm lest the eegluning of the joint occupancy of the Oregon country, England having with prompt and cliaracteristic enterprise forced her way across the continent after she had acquired Canada in 1763. Stimulated by certain alleged discoveries of her navigators on the north-west coast, GreJit Britain urged and main- tained her title to a frontage on the Pacific, and made a Ijold claim to sovereignty as far south as the mouth of the Columbia River, nearly, indeed, to the northern border of California. Nothing had been done towards an adjustment during the ten years of joint occupancy, and wlien the term was about to expire, the arrangement was renewed by special convention in 1827, for an indefinite period — each power reserving the right to terminate the convention by giving twelve-months' notice to the other. The President, John Quincy Adams, made the briefest possible reference to the subject in his message to Congress, December, 1827 ; speaking of it as a temporary compromise of the respective riifhts and claims of Great Britain and the United States to territory westward of the Rocky Mountains. For many years thereafter, the Buljiject, though languidly pursued in our diplomatic correspondence, was not alluded to in a President's message, or discussed in Congress. The contracting parties rested content with the power to join issue and try titles at any time by simply giving the required notice. The subject was also overshadowed by more urgent disputes between Great Britain and the United States, especially that relat- ing to the North-eastern boundary, and that touching the suppression of the African slave-trade. The latter involved the old question of the right of search. The two governments came to an agreement on these differences in 1842 by the negotiation of the convention known as the Ashburton Treaty. In transmitting the treaty to Congress, President Tyler made, for the first time since the agreement for a joint occupancy was renewed in 1827, a specific reference to tlie Oregon Question. He Informed Congress, that the territory of the United States commonly called the Oregon country was beginning to attract the attention of our fellow-citizens, and that " the tide of our population, having reclaimed from the wilderness the more contiguous regions, was preparing to fiow over those vast districts which stretch from tlie Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Ocean ;" that Great Britain " laid claim to a portion of the country and that the question could not be well included in the recent treaty without postponing other more pressing matters." He si^iificantly added, that though the difficulty miglit not for several years involve the peace of the two countries, yet he should urge upon Great Britain the importance of its early settlement. As this paragraph was undoubtedly suggested and probably written by Mr. Webster, it attracted wide attention on l)oth sides of the Atlantic ; and from that rr\onjent, in varying degrees of interest and urgency, the Oregon Question became an active political issue. Before the next annual meeting of Congress, Mr. Upshur had succeeded Mr. Webster in the State Department; and the message v. f the Presi- dent took still more advanced ground respecting Oregon. For political reasons, there was an obvious desire to keep the action of the government on this issue well abreast of its aggressive movements in the matter of acquiring Texas. Emboldened by Mr. Wei)ster'8 position of the preceding year, Mr. Upshur, with younger blood, and with more reason for a demonstrative course, was evidently disposed to force the discussion of the question with British Government. Under his iufiuence and advice, President Tyler declared, In bis message of December, 1843, that "after the 1 ■M ■ f --'»■ 994 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLET. most rigid, and, as far as practicable, unbiased, examination of the subject, the United Btates have always contended that their rights appertain to the enilre region of country lying on the Pacific, and embraced oetween latitude 42' and 54° 40'." Mr. Edward Everett, at that time our minister In London, was Instructed to present these views to the British Qovernment. Before the President could send another annual message to Congress, Mr. Cal- houn had been for several months at the head of the State Department, engaged In promoting, with singular skill and ability, hla scheme for the annexation of Texas. With his quick perception, he discerned that If the policy apparently indicated by Mr. Webster and aggressively proclaimed by Mr. Upshur, on the Oregon Question should be followed, and that issue sharply pressed upon Great Britain, complicntions of a most embarrassing nature might arise, involving In their sweep the plans, already well matured, for acquiring Texas. In order to avert all danger of that kind, Mr. Calhoua opened a negotiation with the British minister In Washington, conducting it himself, for the settlement of the Oregon Question ; and at the very moment when the Democratic National Convention which nominated Mr. Polk was declaring our title to tlie whole of Oregon as far as 54° 40' to 1)0 "clear and un- questionable," the Democratic Secretary of State was proposing to Her Majesty's representative to settle the entire controversy by the adoption of the forty-ninth parallel as the boundary ! The negotiation was very nearly completed, and was suspended only by some dispute In regard to the right of navigating the Columbia River. It is not improb- able that Mr. Calhoun, after disclosing to the British Government his willingness to accept the forty-ninth parallel as our northern boundary, was anxious to have the negotiation temporarily postponed. If the treaty had been concluded at that time, It would have seriously interfered with the success of Mr. Polk's candidacy by destroying the prestige of the " Fifty-four forties," as Colonel Benton termed them. In Mr. Polk's eleciion, Mr. Calhoun was deeply and Indeed doubly interested: first, because of his earnest desire to defeat Mr. Clay, with whom he was at swords' points on all public Issues ; and again, because having assumed the responsibility of defeating the nomination of Mr. Van Buren, he was naturally desirous that his Judgment should be vindicated by the election of the candidate whom his Southern friends had put forward. Urgently solicitous for the annexation of Texas, those friends were Indifferent to the fate of the Oregon Question, though willing that it should be made a leading issue in the North, where It was presented with popular effect. The patriotic spirit of the country was appealed to, and to a considerable extent aroused and Inflamed by the ardent and energetic declaration of our title to the whole of Oregon. " Fifty-four forty or fight " became a Democratic watchword ; and the Whigs who attempted to argue against the extravagance or inexpediency of the claim continually lost ground, and were branded as cowards who were awed into silence by the fear of British power. All the prejudice against the British Governr^jnt which had descended from the Revolution and from the war of 1812 was successfully evoked by the Democratic party, and they gained immeasurably by keeping a measure before the people which many of their leaders knew would be abandoned when the pressure of actual negotiation should be felt by our gov- ernment. Mr. Polk, however, In his Inaugural address, carefully re-afflrmed the position respecting Oregon which his party had taken In the national canvass, and quoted part of the phrase used In the platform put forth by the convention which nomi- nated him. The issue had been made so broadly, that it must be squarely met, and finally adjusted. The Democrats in their eagerness had left no road for honorable retreat, and bad cut themselves off from the resources and convenient postpone- ments of diplomacy. Dangerous as It was to the new administration to confront 1| V- EIGHTEEN FORTr-POUR TO EIGHTEEN FORTY-NINE. 295 the issue, it would have lieen still more dangerous to attempt to avoid it. The decisive step, in the policy to which the administration was committed, was to give formal notice to Great Britain that the Joint occupation of the Oregon country under the treaty of 1827 must cease. A certain degree of moral strength was unex- pectedly imparted to the Democratic position by the fact that the venerable John Quincy Adams was decidedly in favor of the notice, and ably supported, in a unique and powerful speech in the House of Representatives, our title t« the country up to 54° 40'. The first convention for joint occupancy had been negotiated while Mr. Adutus was Secretary of State, and the second while he was President ; so that, in addition to the weight of authority with which he always spolce, his words seemed entitled to special confidence on a question witli which he was necessarily so famil- iar. His great influence brought many Whigs to the support of the resolution ; and on the 9th of February, 1846, the House, by the large vote of 163 to 54, declared in favor of giving the treaty notice to Great Britain. The country at once became alarmed by the growing rumors that the resolution of the House was a direct challenge to Great Britain for a trial of strength as to the superior title to the Oregon country, and it was soon apparent tliat the Senato would proceed with more circumspection and conservatism. Events were rapidly tending towards hostilities with Mexico, and the aggrandizement of territory likely to result from a war witli that country was not viewed with a friendly eye, either by Great Britain or France. Indeed, the annexation of Texas, which had been accomplished the preceding year, was known to be distasteful to those governments. They de- sired that Texas might remain an independent republic, under more liberal trade relations tliau could be secured from the United States with its steady policy of fostering and advancing its own manufacturing interests. Tlie directors of the administration saw therefore more and more clearly that, if a war with Mexico were impending, it would be sheer madness to open a quarrel with Great Britain, and force her into an alliance against us. Mr. Adams and those who voted with him did not believe that the notice to the British Government would provoke a war, but that firmness on our part, in the negotiation which should ensue, would induce England to yield her pretensions to any part of Oregon ; to which Mr. Adams maintained, with elaboration of argument and demonstration, she had no shadow of right. Mr. Adams was opposed to war with Mexico, and therefore did not draw his conclusions from tlie premises laid down by those who were charged with the policy of the administration. They naturally argued that a war with Great Britain might end in our losing tlie whole of Oregon, without acquiring any territory on our south-western border. The bare possibility of such a result would defeat the policy which tliey were seeking to uphold, and would at the same time destroy their party. In short, it became apparent that what might be termed the Texas policy of the administration, and wliat might he termed its Oregon policy, could not both be carried out. It required no prophet to foresee which would be maintained and which would be abandoned. "Fifty-four forty or fight," had been a good cry for the political campaign; but, when the fight was to be with Great Britain, the issue became too serious to be settled by such international law as is dispensed on the stump. A very bitter controversy over the question began in the Senate as soon as the House resolution was received. But from the outset it was apparent that those who adhered to the 64" i'Y policy, on which Mr. Polk had been elected, were in a small minority. That minority was led by General Cass; but Its most brilliant advocate in debate was Edward A. Hannegan, Democatic Senator from Indiana, who angrily reproached his party for playing false to the pledges on which it had won a victory over the greatest political leader of the country. He measured the situation \:'i-;\ :K: ■; 4 ■i i $96 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLET. accurately, read with discrimination the motives which underlay the change of policy on the part of the administration and Its Southern supporters, and stated the whole case in a quicl< and curt reply to an interruption from a pro-slavery Senator, — " If Oregon were good for the production of sugar and cotton, it would not have encountered this opposition. Its possession would have been at once secured." The change In the Democratic position was greatly aided by the attitude of the Whig senators, who almost unanimously opposed the 'ution of notice to Great Britain as passed by the House. Mr. Welwte?, for the ' if not the only time in his sena- torial career, read a carefully prepared speech, i rhlch he did not argue the ques- tion of rightful boundary, but urged that a settlement on the forty-ninth parallel would be honorable to both countries, would avert hostile feeling, and restore amity and harmony. Mr. Berrien of Georgia made an exhaustive speech, inquiring into the rightfulness of title, and urged the line of 49°. Mr. Crittenden followed in the same vein, and in a reply to Senator William Allen of Ohio, chairman of Foreign Affairs, made a speech abounding in sarcasm and ridicule. The Whigs having in the campaign taken no part in the boastful demand for 54° 40', were not subjected to the humiliation of retracing imprudent steps and retracting unwise declarations. Under the influences at work in the Senate, events developed rapidly. The House resolution of notice was defeated ; and the Senate passed a substitute of a less aggressive type, in which the House, through the instrumentality of a confer- ence committee, substantially concurred. The resolution as finally adopted author- ised the President "at his discretion" to give the notice for the tennination of the tieaty to Great Britain. The preamble further softened the action of Congress by declaring that the notice was given in order that "the attention of the governments of both countries may be the more earnestly directed to the adoption of all proper measures for a speedy and amicable adjustment of the differences and disputes in regard to said territory." The Southern Democrats in the House receably endured a serious and permanent loss, from the false step taken by men who claimed what they could not defend and what they did not mean to defend. The emigration of 1846 consisted of some two thousand souls, bringing with them four hundred and seventy wagons, and one 1 H f- ! 298 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. thousand and fifty cattle. At Fort Hall about one-half turned off and followed the Humboldt River route to California, among whom were the Donner Party, whose dreadful sufferings in the Sierra Nevada Mountains form one of the saddest pages of Pacific Coast history. The emigration was divided into a number of independ- ent trains, each having its own leader and guide. Of those whose destination was the Willamette Valley, the greater portion pursued the old route down Snake River, and reached Oregon City without any unusual incident. Not so with all of them, for one hundred and fifty people, with forty two wagons, were induced at Fort Hall to attempt a new route. At Fort Hall, Fort Boise and Fort Walla Walla, the Hudson's Bay Company was doiug a thriving trade with the immigrants, selling them supplies and buying for a song their worn-out cattle, or giving in exchange for them an order on the Chief Factor at Vancouver for a like number of the wild cattle belonging to the company. The general feeling against the com- pany was very bitter, and in the spring of 1846 a number of men who had settled in the extreme southern end of the valley, decided to explore for a new route that would miss the company's posts and present less obstacles to the passage of wagons than the old one down Snake River. They believed that further south it was less mountainous, and that Meek's idea of the year before was correct, his error consisting in not keeping far enough to the south. If this new route could be found they would accomplish the two-fold object of drawing the immigrants away from the trading posts and bringing them first into the upper end of the valley, where, prob- ably, the majority of them would settle — a result earnestly desired by the few who had already made their homes in that region. These men have been charged with having the latter result as their sole object, and that to accomplish it they deceived the immigrants as to the character of the route; but the allegation requires to sus- tain it far more proof than has yet been adduced, especially when made against such men as the Applegates. The road party was composed of Captain Levi Scott, Jesse and Lindsay Applegate, John Jones, John Owens, Henry Boggus, Wil- liam Sportsman, Samuel Goodhue, Robert Smith, Moses Harris, John Scott, William G. Parker, David GofP, and Benjamin F. Burch. They passed through Umpqua Valley and Rogue River BiaHTEBX FOBTT-FOUB TO BIOHTEEN FORTY -NINE. 299 Valley, crossed the Cascades to Klamath, Tule and Goose lakes, and thence over the arid hills and valleys of Nevnda to Fort Hall. They found the route to present far less obstacles to the passage of wagons than the old one, and were of the opinion that water and grass existed at sufficiently short intervals to render it a practicable one for emigrant trains. In this latter opinion they were not cor- rect, though a few years later, the route having been remodeled and new watering places found, it was quite extensively used l)y emi- grants to Northern California and Southern Oregon. The trouble lay chiefly in the fact that they were mounted, and traveled much more rapidly than the slow-mo»'ing emigrant wagon, and were thus easily led into a mistake in judgment. The consequence was, that those who were led by their representatioiis at Fort Hall to try the new route, found it almost devoid of water and grass imtil Goose Lake was reached. They suffered severely, and their cattle became so feeble that they could scarcely pull the wagons along, many of them lying down in the endless sea of sage brush to die. From Goose Lake to Umpqua Canyon water and grass were plentiful, but the work kept the cattle from lecuperating fully, so that they reached the canyon in very poor condition. Here was reached the climax. The feeble cattle, such of them as remained alive, were unequal to the task of pulling the wagons through. Added to this their great loss of time had caused the exhaustion of their supplies, which they had not the opportunity to replenish offered by the trading posts along the old route. Their hardships were great ; and many of them, abandoning everything in the canyon, reached the valley in a deplorable condition. Among these were Hon. J. Quinn Thornton and wife, who experienced exceptionally severe hardships. The impression then received by Mr. Thornton, that those who had induced him to depart from the old route had done so by means of willful falsehood and for unworthy and selfish motives, has never faded away. It has given rise to much acrimonious discus- sion and bitter feeling, and is the more to be regretted because the two leaders of the controversy — Mr. Thornton and Jesse Applegate — are both gentlemen of great natural and acquired attainments, of sterling integrity, and receive the universal respect and honor of their fellow pioneers. A roster of the emigrant trains of 1846 has never been prepared. ;■ I 1 m n:\ \h 800 HI6T0BT OF WILLAMETTE VALLXT. The immigrants brought with them intelligence that the bound- ary question was again being negotiated, and was in a fair way to be settled, giving the country, as far north, at least, as the forty- ninth parallel, to the United States ; and this had a most cheering effect upon this small self-governed community. The annual elec- tion for representatives and county officers occurred June 4, 1846. The following gentlemen were chosen members of the Legislature : Hiram Straight, A. L. Lovcjoy, W. G. T'Vault, from Clackamas ; J. L. Meek, Lawrence Hall, D. H. Lownsdale, from Tualatin; Jesse Looney, Angus McDonald, Robert Newell, A. Chamberlain, from Champoeg; Governor Simmons, from Clatsop; Thomas Jeffre)8, A. J. Henibree, from Yamhill; J. E. Williams, John D. Boon, from Polk; Henry Peers, from Vancouver; W. F. Tolmie, from Lewis. Lewis had been cut from Vancouver (now Clarke) by the previous Legislature, both lying on the north -^ide of the Columbia, Another event of 1846 was the foimding of the Oregon Spectator at Oregon City, printed upon the press brought in 1839 from the Sandwich Islands. The first number was issued in Febioiary, and it was the first newspaper upon the Pacific Coast, since the initial number of the Californian was not printed at Monterey until the fifteenth of the following August. On the tenth of September the United States schooner Shark was lost on the bar of the Columbia while endeavoring to put to sea, and her stand of coloi*8 was a^l the crew saved from the wreck. Lieutenant Howison, her com- mander, enjoyed the hospitalities of the pioneers for several months, and upon taking his departure presented the colore to the people through Governor Abernethy, accompanied by the following letter : — One of the few articles preserved from the shlp-wreok of the late United States schooner Shark, was her stand of colors. To display the national emblem, and cheer our citizens in this distant territory by its presence, was a principal object of the Shark's visit to the Columbia; and it appears to me, therefore, highly proper that It should henceforth remain with you, as a memento of parental regard from the General Government. With the fullest confidence that it will be received and duly appreciated as such by our countrymen here, I do myself the honor of transmitting the flags (an Ensign and Union Jack) to your address; nor can I omit the occasion to express my gratification and pride that this relic of my late command should be emphatically the first United States flag to wave over the undisput^ and purely American territory of Oregon. The flags still, on proper occasions, flutter in the Oregon breezes. Lieutenant Howison, upon his return, wrote a report of Oregon M. r — P -^-^ -f I'' EIGHTEEN FORTY-FOUR TO EIGHTEEN FORTY NINE. 301 and the Htniggles of her loyal citizens, which did much to open the eyes of the Government to the condition of this region and the neceesity of doing Hoinething for the protection of thone hardy people vvho had carried the picket line of republican iuHtitutions so far into the wilderness. The immigration of 1847 has been estimated at five thousand souls, fully two-thirds of whom came to Oregon, the remainder adding their strength to the Americans who were struggling to hold possession of California against the defeated Mexicans, from whose grasp it had been wrested. Many most valuable things were brought by them, things which added largely to the means the people possessed to increase their comfort and wealth. As one of them (Hon. Kalph C. Geer) expressed it in a recent speech, they " brought everything nearly, from a paper of pins to a four-foot buhr." The mill-stones were brought by a Mr. Ilaun, a Missouri miller of considerable notoriety. Another important item was a herd of pure Durham cattle, brought by John Wilson, of Illinois, who also had among his effects some splendid brood mares. Cap- tain Benser and J. C. Geer, Sr., also brought some fine cattle, and M. L. Savage, the well known race horse " Old (Jeorge.'' In a few years the cattle and horses of the Willamette Valley showed the effects of this introduction of blooded stock among them. Mr. Fields contributed a flock of fine sheep from Missouri, whose descendants have always been held in high esteem by the farmers of the valley. " Uncle " Headrick, William Turpin, Johnson Mulkey and R. Patton also brought flocks of fine sheep. Thomas and Wil- liam Cox brought a stock of goods and opened at Salem the first store south of Champoeg. They also brought peach pits and planted them. A. R. Dimick brought potato seeds, which he planted in the northern part of Marion County, raising the famous " Dimick " potatoes. Mr. Geer brought a bushel of apple seeds and a half bushel of pear seeds, which went far toward supplying the coast with fruit trees. But by far the most important under- taking of all is thus related by Mr. Geer: — But the greatest undertaking, and one that was crowned with success, and one that contributed the most to the name and fame of Oregon, was the "Traveling Nursery," brought across the plains by the late Henderson Luelling, in 1847. If a man is a benefactor to his race who makes two spears of grass grow where only one grew before, what is he to his State who makes luscious pears, cherries, plums and • :\ 111 ■! ■: \ \ 302 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. apples grow, where only poor seedlings, or none, grew before ! Mr. Henderson Luelling, by bringing that splendid assortment of apples, pears, plums, cherries, quinces, grapes, berrits and flowers in his "Traveling Nursery" to Oregon in 1847, gave to Oregon the name of "God's Country, or the Land of Big Red Apples," a name that every pioneer of Oregon feels proud of. I never thought Mr. Luelling received the reward tliat his enterprise merited. I liave dealt with him to the extent of thousaiids of dollars, from one dollar to two thousand dollar transactions, and always found him honest. Being honest himself he trusted too much, and consequently was victimized to a fearful extent. The conception and carrying out of that enterprise was not the sudden conviction as to the importance of the fruit business, but was the result of a train of circumstances, the most controlling of which was his long and successful engagement in the nursery business. In the fall of 1845 he be^an to prepare to start to Oregon, but could not dispose of his land in time to start until it Mould be quite late, so he concluded to wait another year and bring the "Traveling Nursery." He planted his nursery thus: He made two boxes twelve inches deep, and just wide and long enough to flU the wagon bed, and filled them with a compost consisting principally of charcoal and earth, into which he planted about seven hundred trees and shrubs, from twenty inclies to four feet high, and protected them from the stock by a light though strong frame fastened to the wagon bed. He left the Missouri River the seventeenth of May. On the Platte Mr. Luelling took charge of the nursery wagon and team to bring it through in his own way and time, for it was already pronounced by some of his friends as a very hazardous undertaking to draw such a heavy load all the way over the Rocky Mountains; but every discouraging proposition he invariably answered, that so long as he could take it without endangering the safety of his family, he would stick to it. The last time that any one tried to discourage him about the nursery wagon was on the North Platte. Rev. Mr. White suggested that he had l)etter leave it, as the cattle were becoming weary and fOot-sore, and that owing to the continued weight of that load, it would kill all his cattle and prevent his getting through; but his answer war: ouch an emphatic "no," that he was allowed to follow his own course after that without remonstrance. The nursery reached The Dalles about the first of October, and the trees were there taken out of the boxes and securely wrapped in cloths to protect them from frosty nights and the various handlings that thoy had to undergo In the transit down the Columbia. That load of trees contained health, wealth and comfort for the old pioneers of Oregon. It was the mother of all our early nurseries and orchards, and gave Oregon a name and fame that she never would have bad with- out it. The load of living trees and shrubs brought more wealth to Oregon than any ship that ever entered the Columbia River. Then I say bail, all hail, to the " Traveling Nursery " that crossed the plains in 1847! Besides those already mentioned the immigration of 1847 con- tained many who subsequently became prominent in the political, professional and industrial life of Oregon, one of them being Hon. Samuel R. Thurston, who first represented the Territory in Con- gress, and in whose honor Thurston County, now in Washington Territory, was named. A portion of the immigration of 1847 came down the Humboldt and over the Applegate trail to Southern Oregon, the route which cox. -pTT ' I*- ^tirVI ilVi EIGHTEEN FORTY-FOUR TO EIGHTEEN FORTY-NINE. ?03 had been found such a disastrous one the year before. They were guided by Captain Levi Scott, the man who had been the leader of the road exploring party, and ^vho accompanied the first of the four trains which this year followed that route. They experienced no un- usual difficulty, and accomplished the whole distance from Snake River, at the mouth of Raft River, to the head of Willamette Val- ley, in sixty-three days, a much shorter time than it took the unfortu- nate part}' with Mr. Thornton. One of them, Hon. Thomas Smith, says: "We got through ' the Canyon ' with but little trouble, although it was such a bug-a-boo to the emigration the year before." The easy pabsage of these trains in 1847 is conclusive evidence that the disasters of 1846 can not be wholly charged up to the unfavorable character of the route, and that the gentlemen who persuaded the immigrants to attempt its passage were not guilty of so much mis- representation of it as has been charged against them. Of the members of these trains — one of which attempted to reach the Sac- ramento Valley from near Lost River, but failed and came to Ore- gon — Mr. Smith remembers the following, many of whom still re- side in the State : John Grimsby, wife and six children; Abraham Coryell and two grown sons, Lewis and George; Benjamin Davis, wife and six children ; Ira Wells, wife and one child ; David Wells and wife; William Wyatt, wife and two or three children; A/illiam Aldrich, Sr., and wife; William Aldrich, Jr., and wife; Andrew Welsh, wife and two or three children ; William Johnson; William Risk; John Benson; David Cook; Thomas Smith; Mr. Davidson; John Lebo; David D. Davis and family; Briggs, Sr., and wife; Briggs, Jr., and wife; Prior F. Blair and family; James Frederick and family; John Aiken and family; James Chapin; Cornelius Hills; Charnell Mulligan; Wilkeson Gouldy; Joseph Downer; John Gilliam; George Gilliam. On the third of June, 1847, was held the annual election for of- ficers, both territorial and county. There were 1,074 votes cast, of which George Abernethy received 530, A. Lawrence Lovejoy 520, A. Husted 11. and scattering 7; thus continuing Mr. Abernethy as the Chief Executive of the Provisional Government. The follow- ing gentlemen were chosen members of the Legislature: Medorum Crawford, J. W. Wair, S. S. White, from Clackamas; Ralph Wil- Jost ,/a L. Meek, David Hill, from Tualatin; Willard H. Rees, cox, u^j^ ■ :! ■ ; i 'i ■*; ■. ■'■ 1 '-' I 304 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. A. Chamberlain, Robert Newell, Anderson Cox, "W. H. Rector, from Champoeg; L. A. Rice, Lewis Rogers, A. J. Hembree, from Yamhill; J. W. Nesmith, N. A. Ford, W. St. Clare, from Polk; Henry Peers, William Ryan, from Vancouver; S. Plamonden, from Lewis; J. Robinson, from Clatsop. The next and last election under the Provisional Government was held June 12, 1848. The usual county officers were chosen and the following members of the Legislature: A. L. Lovejoy,* George L. Curry, J. S. Snook,* from Clackamas ; William J. Bailey, Robert Newell, A. Gaines, William Portius, from Champoeg; Ralph Wilcox, Samuel R. Thurston, Peter H. Burnett, from Tual- atin; William Martin, A. J. Hembree, L. A. Rice, from Yamhill; H. Linnville, J. W. Nesmith, Osborn Russell, from Polk. The emigration of 1848 was quite large, though statistics in re- lation to it have never been gathered. Many who had originally started for Oregon changed their destination for California when learning while en route of the discovery of gold at Sutter's Mill. * Resigned, and Medorum Crawford and A. F. Hedges chosen at special eur head of cattle and $300 worth of personal property, all of which was sold by the Quartermaster for $1,400. The loss of the Indians in killed and wounded was not known. There was one white man wounded. The result was a treaty of peace with the Des Chutes Indians. The command pushed immediately for- ward to the Walla Walla country and reached the Mission prior to March 4. On the way to that place a battle occurred at Sand Hollows, on the emigrant road, eight miles east of the Well Springs. It commenced on the plain where washes in the sand make natural hiding places for a foe, and lasted until towards night. The volun- * Died at Vancouver, February 30, 1848. t Organized«t Walla Walla, June 7, 1848; muKtered out September 28, IStf. Oompanle* E and No. 7 were coniolldated aa Company K, April 17, 1848. ^^ THE WHITMAlf MASSACRE AND THE 0AYU8E WAR. 315 teer force was arranged witli the train in the road, protected by Captain Hali's company. The companies of Captains Thompson and Maxon, forming the left flank, were on the north side of the road, and those of Captains English and McKay, as the right flank, were on the south or right of the command. Upon McKay's com- pany at the extreme right the first demonstration was made. Five Crows, the head chief of the Cayuses, made some pretensions to the possession of wizard powers, and declared to his people that no ball from the white man's gun could kill him. Another chief of that tribe named " War Eagle," or " Swallow Ball," made similar pro- fessions, and stated that he could swallow all the bullets from the guns of the invading army if they were fired at him. The two chiefs promised their people that Gilliam's command should never reach the Umatilla River, and to demonstrate their invulnerability and power as medicine chiefs, they dashed out from concealment, rode down close to the volunteers and shot a little dog that came out to bark at them. Captain McKay, although the order was not to fire, could hold back no longer, and bringing his rifle to bear, took deliberate aim and shot War Eagle through the head, killing him instantly. Lieutenant Charles McKay brought his shot gun down to the hollow of his arm, and firing without sighting it, so severely wounded Five Crows that he gave up the command of his waiTiors. This was a serious, chilling opening for the Indians — two chiefs gone at the first onset and their medicine proved worth- less — but they continued the batllo in a skirmishing way, making dashing attacks and masterly retreats until late in the afternoon. At one time during the engagement. Captain Maxon's company followed the enemy so far that it was surrounded, and a sharp en- counter followed, in which a number of volunteers were disabled. In fact, eight of the eleven soldiers wounded tLa.t day were of Maxon's company. Two Indians were known to have been killed, but the enemy's loss could not be known as they removed all of their wounded and dead except two. That night the regiment camped on the battlefield without water, and the Indians built large and numerous fires along the bliiffs, or high lands, some two miles in advance. The next day Colonel Gilliam moved on, and without incident worthy of note, reached Whitman's Mission the third day after the battle. The i ii 316 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. main body of Indians fell back towards Snake River, and a fruit- less attempt followed to induce them to give up the parties who had committed the murders at Waiilatpu. Colonel Gilliam at last determined upon making a raid into the Snake River country, and in carrying out this programme surprised a camp of Cayuses near that stream, among whom were some of the murderers. The cap- tured camp professed friendship, however, and pointed out the horses of Indians on the hill, which, they said, belonged to the parties Mrhom the Colonel was anxious to kill or capture, stating that their owners were on the north side of Srake "-liver, and be- yond reach. So well was their part acted that the officers believed their statements, proceeded to drve oflf t/'. stock indicated, and started on their return. They soon found that a grievous error had been committed in releasing the village, whose male population were soon mounted upon war horses, and assailed the volunteers on all sides, forcing them to fight their way as they fell back to the Touchet River. Through the whole day and even into the night after theii- arrival at the latter stream, the contest was maintained — a constant, harassing skirmish. The soldiers drove the Indians back again and again, but as soon as the retreat was resumed, the enemy were upon them once more. Finally, after going into camp on the Touchet, Colonel Gilliam ordered the captured stock turned loose; and when the Indians got possession of it, they returned to Snake River without molesting the command any further. In the struggle on the Touchet, when the retreating soldiers first reached that stream, William Taylor was mortally wounded by an Indian, who sprang up in the bushes by the stream and fired with but a few yards between them. Nathan Olney, afterwards Indian Agent, seeing the act, rushed upon the savage, snatched from his hand a war club in which was fastened a piece of iron, and dealt him a blow on the head with it with such force as to cause the iron to split the club, and yet failed to kill him. He then closed with his antagonist in a hand-to-hand struggle, and soon ended the contest with a knife. There were no other casualties reported. Colonel Gilliam started from the Mission on the twentieth of March, with a small force destined to return from The Dalles with supplic >, while he was to continue to the Willamette and report to the Governor. While camped at Well Springs he was killed by ^w^ ^I^^^PIP THE WHITMAN MASSACRE AND THE CATU8E WAR. 317 an accidental discharge of a gun, and his remains were taken to his friends west of the Cascades by Major Lee. This officer soon re- turned to his regiment with a commission as Colonel, but finding Lieutenant- Colonel Waters had been elected by the regiment to that position in his absence, he resigned and filled a subordinate office for the remainder of his term of enlistment. The attempt by commissioners, who had been sent with the volunteers, as requested by the Indians in a memorial to the Americans at the time the captives were ransomed, to negotiate a peaceful solution of the difficult problem, failed. They wanted the Indians to deliver up for execution all those who had imbued their hands in blood at Waiilatpu; they wished the Cayuses to pay all damages to emi- grants caused by theii" being robbed or attacked while passing through the Cayuse country. The Indians wished nothing of the kind. They wanted peace and to be let alone; for the Americans to call the account balanced and drop the matter. The failure to agree had resulted in two or three skirmishes, one of them at least a severe test of strengtii, in which the Indians had received the worst of it, and in the other the volunteers had acco aplished noth- ing that could be counted a success. The Cayuses, finding that no iiompromise could be'effected, abandoned their country, and most of them passed east of the Rocky Mountains. Nothing was left for the volunteers but to leave the country also, ^vhich they did, and the Cayuse War had practically ended. The Cayuses, as a tribe, had no heart in the war. Joe Lewis told them immediately after the massacre that now they must fight, and advised them to send liim to Salt Lake with a band of hoi-ses, to trade for ammunition Avith the Mormons. He started with a select band of animals, accompanied by two young braves; and a few days later one of them returned with the intelligence that Joe Lewis liad killed his companion and decamped with the horaes; and this w£is tl.-e last the Cayuses saw of the scheming villain. Thus matters stood until the spring of 185(», when the Cayuses were given to undei'stand that peace could be procured by delivering up the murderers for punishment. At that time Tam-su-ky and his sup- porters, including many relatives who had not in any manner par- ticipated in the massacre, were hiding in the mountains at the head of John Da;^ River. The Indians who desu'ed peace went after ¥ is ■■' I :| ■ ■ 1 •■ 3 ' ; ■:f ' ■ i: 318 HI8T0RT OF WILLAMETTE \ ALLEY. them, and a fight ensued, ending in the capture of nearly all of the outlawed band. In this fight " Cutmouth John," an Indian well known in Umatilla, while endeavorirg to captui? one of the mur- derers, received the wound which gave rise to his peculiar appella- tion. Only one of the five actually engaged in the hkcd]" work at Waiilatpu (so the Whitman ladiaus assert) ws-n -.''"r '!-' 'Jl, and he was Ta-ma-has, an ugly villain whom his count yiue" cF-lled "The Murderer." It was he who commenced the work of death at Waiilatpu by burying a hatchet in Dr. Whitman's brain. Taking him and four others, several of tlie older men and cliiah went to Oregon City to deliver them up as hostages. They were at once thrown into prison, condemned and executed at Oregon City on June 3, 1850; and even the ones who had escorted them, in view of this summary proceeding, congratulated themselves upon their safe return. They believed that Ta-ma-has should have been hanged, but not the others; and to this opinion the few survivors of the tribe cling to the present day. ^^ CHAPTER XIX. OREGON BECOMES AN ORGANIZED TERRITORY. News Brought by Emigrants in 18Jf.7 very Disheartening — Letter of Senator Benton — J. Quinn Thornton Sent to Washington to Urge Legislation — -Tneidents of his Journey — Joseph L. Meek sent to Washington after the Whitman Massacre — His Mid- Winter Journey — Interesting Account of the Contest in the Senate over the Oregon Bill — General Joseph Lane Appointed Governor — His Trip Over- land — Organization of the Goverment — Officers of the Old and New Governments — Census 0/ ISlfi — Discovery of Gold in California — Beaver Money. ALTHOUGH the treaty settling the boundary line was signed and proclaimed in the summer of 1846, Congress, the follow- ing winter, failed to pass any act creating a government for the people of Oregon, notwithstanding the fact that more than ten thousand A mericans were thus denied the protection of the General Government. An appropriation, however, was made for mail ser- vice to Oregon via Panama; an Indian Agent was appointed, also a postmaster each for Astoria and Oregon City. One of these officials, Mr. Shively, brought with him two letters for the people of Oregon. One was from James Buchannan, Secretary of State, expressing the deep regret of President Polk that Congress had neglected them, and assuring them that he would do all in his power to aid them, including occasional visits from vessels of war and the presence of a regiment of dragoons to protect the emigrants. The otlier was from Thomas H. Benton, explaining the situation of affairs at Washington, where it was dated in March, 1847. Senator Benton's letter ran as follows: — ^,1 ,1 320 HISTORY OF WILLAMBTTB VALLEY. Washington City, March, 1847. My Mends (for such I may call many of you from personal acquaintance, all of > ou from my thirty years' devotion to the interests of your country ) — I think it • make this communication to you at the present moment when the adjoum- Congress, without passing the bill for your government and protection, seeiv o have left you in a state of abandonment by your mother country. But such is not the case. You are not abandoned ! Nor will you be denied protection unless you agree to admit slavery. I, a man of the South, and a slaveholder, tell you this. The House of Representatives, as early as the middle of January, had passed the bill to give you a territorial government ; and in that bill had sanctioned and legalized your Provisional Organic Act, one of the clauses of which forever pro- hibited the existence of slavery in Oregon. An amendment from the Senate's committee, to vhich this bill waa referred, proposed to abrogate that prohibition ; and in the del sal. A collec- tion was taken up, contributions being made partly in coin but chiefly in flour, clothing, and any thing that could be of service or was convertible into money. A contract wtis made with Captain Roland Gelston, of the bark Whition, to convey Mr. Thornton to ' ' ; ; 322 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. Panama, and the vessel sailed at once for San Francisco, and thence to San Juan, on the coast of Lower California. Here the Captain infonned his passenger that he must decline to fulfill his contract, as he desired to engage in the coasting trade. From the perplex- ing dilemma he was extricated by Captain Montgomery, command- ing the United States sloop of war Portsmouth, then lying at anchor in the harbor. This gentleman deemed the mission of Mr. Thornton of sufficient importance to the Government to justify him in leaving his station and returning with his vessel to the Atlantic Coast. He accordingly tendered the delegate the hospitalities of his cabin, and set sail as soon as preparations could be made for the voyage. The Portsmouth arrived in -Boston Harbor on the second of May, 1848, and Mr. Thornton at once hastened to Wash- ington to consult with President Polk and Senators Benton and Douglas, those warm champions of Oregon, as to the proper course ^ to pursue. By them he was advised to prepare a memorial to be presented to Congress, setting forth the condition and needs of the people whom he represented. This he did, and the document was presented to the Senate by Mr Benton and was printed for the use of both branches of Congress. There was still another representative of the people of Oregon at Washington that session of Congress-^-one with even better credentials than Mr. Thornton. This was Joseph L. Meek, the mountaineer and trapper, who had taken such a prominent part in organizing the Provisional Government. When, about six weeks after the departure of Judge Thornton, the massacre of Whitman at Waiilatpu plunged the settlers into a state of mingled grief and alarm, it was thought necessary to dispatch a messenger at once to Washington to impart the intelligence, impress the authorities with the precarious situation of the colony, and appeal for protection. Winter had set in with all its rigors in the mountains. The terrible journey made at that season six years before by Dr. Whitman, on his patriotic mission, the same person whose martyrdom now ren- dered a second journey necessary, was fresh in the minds of all, and appalled the stoutest heart. Mr. Thornton had taken the longier, but safer, route by sea, but time was too precious, too much was at stake, to admit of the delay such a journey would impose, even if the vessel were at hand to afford the means. Nothing but By OREGON BECOMES AN ORGANIZED TERRITORY. 323 a trip across the thousands of miles of snow-bound mountains, plains and deserts, would be of any avail. In the emergency all turned to Joseph L. Meek as the one man in their midst whose intrepid courage, gi'eat powers of physical endurance, long experience in mountain life and familiarity with the routes of travel and Indian tribes to be encountered, rendered him capable of undertaking the task with a good prospect of success. Unhesitatingly he accepted the mission, resigned his seat in the I^egislature, received his cre- dentials as a delegate from that body, and set out on the fourth of January for Washington, accompanied by John Owens and George Ebbetts, who decided to go with him and avail themselves of his services as guide and director. At The Dalles they were forced to delay several weeks until the arrival of the Oregon volunteers rendered it safe for them to proceed, since the whole upper country was overrun by hostile Indians. They accompanied the troops to Waiilatpu, where Meek had the mournful satisfaction of assisting in the burial of the victims of Cay- use treachery, among whom was his own daughter, and then were escoi^ted by a company of troops to the base of the Blue Mountains, where they finally entered upon their long and solitary journey. By avoiding the Indians as much as possible, and whenever encountered by them representing themsehes as Hudson's Bay Company men, they reached Fort Boise in safety. Here two of four new volunteei-s for the journey became discouraged and de- cided to remain. The other five travelers pushed on to Fort Hall, saving themselves from the clutches of the Bannacks only by Meek's experience in dealing with savages. It is needless to recount the many hardships they endured, the sleepless nights and dinner- less days, the accidents, dangers, fatigues, narrow escapes from hostile Indians and the thousand discomforts and misadventures to which they were subjected. It is sufficient to say thi'oag) all these they passed in safety, never forgetting for an instant the impera- tive necessity for haste, and never flinching from the trials that lay in their path\vay. The hearty inviiatiou to spend a few weeks here or there in the few places where they encountered friends and com- fortable quarter, was resolutely declined, and with only such delay as was absolutely required, they plunged again into the snoAvy mountain passes with their faces resolutely set towards the rising 324 mSTOBT OF WILLAMETTE VALLXT. 1 1 sun. They reached St. Joseph in but little more than two months after leaving the Willamette Valley, having made the quickest trip across the continent that had yet been accomplished at any season of the year. Meek was now reduced to most embarassing straits. Dressed in buckskin and blanket clothes and wolf skin cap, ragged and dirty in the extreme, beard and hair long and unkempt, with- out money or friends, how to get to Washington or how to conduct himself when there, were perplexing questions. He decided that the best way to accomplish his purpose was to be " Jo Meek." By assuming an air of great importance at one time, making a clown of himself at another, and generally interesting every one he met in himself and his mission, he succeeding in reaching Washington only a week or two later than Judge Thornton, though his news from Oregon was three months fresher. Meek was a relative of the President, and was well cared for during his stay in the Capital City. The intelligence brought by him, as well as his individual efforts, did much to aid Mr. Thornton and the fi'iends of Oregon in Congress in securing the desired legislation. In addition to the memorial. Judge Thornton drafted a bill for organizing a Territorial Government, which was introduced and placed upon its passage. This bill contained a clause prohibiting slavery, and for this reason was as objectionable to the slaveholding force in Congress as had been the previous one. Under the lead of Senators Jefferson Davis and John C. Calhoun, this wing of the National Legislature made a vigorous onslaught upon the bill, and fought its progress step by step with unabated determination, resorting to all the legislative tactics known, to so delay its consid- eration that it could not be finally passed by the hour of noon on the fourteenth of August, the time fixed by joint resolution for the close of that session of Congress. The contest during the last two days of the session was exciting in the extreme, and the feeling in- tense throughout the Union. The friends of the bill had decided upon a policy of "masterly inactivity," refraining entirely fi'om debate and yielding the floor absolutely to the " filibusters," who were therefore much distressed for means to consume the slowly passing hours. Though silent in oeech they were constantly present in force to prevent the opposition from gaining time by an adjournment. The bill was then on its second passage in the Sen- ;. ;J.'Ti'V ORBOOK BECOMES AK ORGANIZED TERBITOBT. 825 ate, for the purpose of concurrence with amendments which had been added by the House. On Saturday morning, August 12, the managers of the bill decided to prevent an adjournment until it had been disposed of, having a sufficient majority to pass it. The story of that memorable contest is thus told by Mr. Thornton, who sat throughout the scene an earnest spectator : — I re-entered the Senate Chamber with tVie deepest feelings of solicitude, and yet hopeful because of the assurances which had been given to me by the gentleman I have named [Douglas, Benton and Hale.] I soon saw, however, that Calhoun and Butler, of Houth Carolina ; Davis and Foote, of Mississippi ; and Hunter and Mason, of Virginia, as leaders of the opposition, had girded up their loins and buckled on their armor for the battle. When I explain a little the reader will not be surprised that I felt very nervous. The bill had previously been in the Senate and having passed went down to the House where it was amended, and now it had come back for concurrence. The debate when the bill was first in the Senate was one of thrilling interest. " There were giants in those days," and the field on which they fought and measured strength vith each other was one in wliich no man could be at a loss to find a foe- man worthy of his steel, since here might be encountered such mighty men as Douglas and Benton, Webster, Calhoun and Corwin. The last named gentleman having gotten the floor in the debate on the Oregon bill, the Senate adjourned. In this manner it became known at once throughout the city that Mr. Corwin would on the next day, after the preliminary business of the morning hour had been disposed of, address the Senate on that bill— the provision in it taken from the ordinance of 1787, prohibiting slavery being the point of his departure, and human rights the subject of his address. At an early hour the gallery was literally packed full of the elite and beauty of the capital, most of them being brought hither by an unconquer- able desire to witness the triumph of right over wrong and of reason over passion which they felt sure would be achieved by their favorite orator's burning words consuming to ashes the sophisms relied upon by the advocates of slavery to defend the most gigantic evil that ever cursed a nation or stained its escutcheon. On the floor of the Senate were diplomatic representatives from every Court in Europe, already impatient to drink in the Inspiration of the wonderful eloquence of an orator who had no equal in some respects and no superior in any. The preliminary business of the morning hour having been hurried through, Mr. Corwin, of Ohio, rose to his feet ; and during two hours commencing with his saying "Mr. President," and ending with the close of his wonderful address, no other sound was heard save occasionally that of one who seemed to catch at his breath, and no movement could be seen save in the varying muscles of the faces of the listening hearers as the orator's matchless manner, melodious voice, and ready command of most apt language alternately melted the heart into pity or kindled it into resentment, while, with inimitable skill and unequaled power, he portrayed " the sum of all villainies." This description of the effects of the address does not of course apply to such of his hearers as were the advocates of " the patriarchal institution." The faces of these seemed at times to be as much blanched with fear as would that of a nervous woman on being suddenly confronted by a death's head. At other times the face waa equally white, yet the compressed lips, and the flashing eye and a peculiar ex- pression of the countenance as clearly as language could speak, showed that the heart was a burning volcano of the most fiery passions in the throes of a terrible eruption. < I 326 HISTORY 07 WILLAMSTTX VALLST. When Mr. Corwin closed his memorable speech, there seemed to be quite an in- terval before those who heard gained their self-recollection, and a motion was made for the a^ournment of the Senate. As, with others, I was slowly and thoughtfully retiring, Father Ricliie, the most venerable Journalist in the United States, a life- long advocate of slavery, and at that time editor of the government organ, nervously laid his hand upon my shoulder, and with lips as white as paper and quivering with emotion, he said: "A few speeches such as thai; would sever the bonds of this Union!" With such a scene as this fresh In my memory the reader will not be surprised if on Saturday morning, the 12th of August, 184'<, I felt, after my Interview with Mr. Benton, Mr. Douglas and Mr. Hale, anxious for the results of the day's pro- ceedings on the bill returned for concurrence n the amendments made in the House. The friends of the bill, led by Mr. Benton, having taken their position, waited calmly for the onset of their adversaries, who jpent Saturday until the usual hour of adjournment in skirmishing in force, as if feeling the strength of their oppo- nents. When the motion was made at the usual time in the afternoon for adjourn- ment, the friends of the bill came pouring out of the retiring rooms, and on coming inside the bar they voted No with very marked emphasis. I ought, perhaps to ex- plain that when many of the friends qf the Oregon bill went into this room to rest upon lounges, and to smoke and chat and tell anecdotes, they left behind a trusty corps to observe the movements of the enemy, and through a vigilant page stationed at the door to give notice when it was necessary, to rise and rush inside the bar to vote No on all motions for adjournment. This state of affairs continued until after night when Judge Butler, of South Carolina, being the colleague of Mr. Calhoun, resorted to a sort of legislative flli- busterlng with a view to thrusting aside the Oregon bill, under a motion to go into executive session for the purpose of enquiring into the conduct of Mr. Benton, who, he alleged, had communicated to Dr. Wallace, the reporter of the New York Herald, some things that had t)een said and done in secret session. During his remarks, Judge Butler characterized Mr. Benton's conduct as being "dtsAonoraftte." Tiiis word had only been pronounced when Mr. Benton sprang to his feet in great anger, and advancing rapidly toward Judge Butler with his clenched flat and violently gesticulating, said : "You lie, sir! You lie!! I cram the lie down your throat!! !" Both men wore long hair that age had made as white as wool, and yet they were only kept from violence on the floor of the Senate Chamber by Gen. Dix, of New York, Moson, of Virginia, and others, who, by placing themselves between the venerable Senators, prevented them from coming to blows. Thus restrained. Judge Butler said to Mr. Benton in a very loud and angry tone, " I will see you, sir, at another time and place." Mr. Benton immediately rejoined in great heat, "Yes, sir, you can see me at any other time and in any other place ; but you and your friends will take notice that when I flght, I fight for a funeral." Order being at length restored, the vote was taken on Judge Butler's motion to go into executive session, and the real object of the motion being seen to be the de- feat of the Oregon bill through the consumption of time, it was lost. Gen. Foote, the colleague of JefT. Davis, then arose and in a drawling tone, as- sumed for the occasion, said his powers of endurance he believed would enable him to continue his address to the Senate until Monday, 12 o'clock M., and although lie could not promise to say much on the subject of the Oregon bill, he could not doubt that he would be able to interest and greatly edify distinguished Senatore. The friends of the bill, seeing what was before them, posted a page in the doorway open- ing into one of the retiring rooms, and then, after detailing a few of their number to keep watch and ward on the floor of the Senate, withdrew into the room of which OBEGOrr BECOMES AN ORGANIZED TERRITOBY. 327 I have spoken to chat and tell anecdotes and to drink wine, or, perhaps, something even much stronger, and thus to wear away the slowly and heavily passing hours of that memorable Saturday night. Soon great clouds of smoke filled the room, and from it issued the sound of the chink of glasses and of loud conversation, almost drowning the eloquence of the Mississippi Senator as he repeated the Bible story of the cosmogony of the world, the creation of man, the taking from his side the rib ftom which Eve was made, her talking with the " snake," as he called the Evil One, the fall of man, etc., etc. The galleries were soon deserted. Many of the aged Senators prostrated themselves upon the solas in one of the retiring rooms, and slumbered soundly, while "thoughts that breathed and words that burned " fell in glowing eloquence from the lips of the Mississippi Senator, as he continued thus to instruct and edify the few watching friends of the bill, who, notwithstanding the weight of seventy winters pressed heavily upon some of them, were as wide awake as the youngest, and they sat firm and erect in their seats, watcthlng with lynx eyes every movement of the adversaries of the bill. At intervals of about one hour, the speaker would yield the floor to a motion for adjournment, coming from the opposition. Then the sentinel page at the door would give notice to the waking Senators in the retiring room, and these would Im" mediately arouse the slumbering Senators, and all would then rush pell-mell through the doorway, and when the inside of the bar was reached, would vote No with a thundering emphasis. It happened, however, on more occasions than one, that a sleeping Senator, not* yet quite awake, even after getting inside the bar, voted '' aye," then "nay," and then "aye," and finally " nay " again, to the great amusement of those who were sufflciently wide awake to see where the laugh came in. Occasionally southern Senators toward Sunday morning relieved (ien. Foote by short, dull speeches, to which the friends of the bill vouchsafed no answer ; so that Mr.' Calhoun and his pro-slavery subordinates had things for the most part all their own way until Sabbath morning, August 13th, 1848, at about 8 o'clock, when the leading opponents of the bill collected together in a knot, and after conversing together a short time in an under tone, the Misp'ssippi Senator, who had been so very edifying and entertaining dOring the n! i % aid that no further opposition would be madje to taking a vote on the bill. 'lu. u^os and nayes were then called and the bill passed. President Polk affixed his signature to the bill within a few hours after its passage. To have the TeiTitorial Government fully organized before the expiration of his term of office on the fourth of the succeeding March, was earnestly desired by him, in view of the circumstances attending his election. He appointed Meek the United States Marshal of the new Territory, and delegated him to convey the Governor's commission to General Joseph Lane, then residing in Indiana and unaware of the duty about to be imposed upon him, for such, under the circumstances, it really was. With that promptness of decision and energy of action so characteristic of him — qualities which won him the title of the " Marion of the Mexican War" — General Lane accepted the commission without hesitation, and in three days had disposed of his property, wound i ■ 1 I! i- : 1 ■ l p 828 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. up his business affairs, and begun his journey to the far-off wilds of Oregon. A small detachment of troops escorted the Governor and Marshal, and after a journey of six months, by the way of Mexico and Arizona, seven only of them reached San Francisco, two hav- ing dieil and the others succumbed to the allurements of the new gold fields of the Sierras. These seven were Governor Lane, Marshal Meek, Lieutenant Hawkins, Surgeon Hayden, and three enlisted men. At San Francisco they toolv passage on the schooner Jeannette^ and reached the Columbia after a rough passage of eighteen days. Ascending the Columbia and V 'amette in small boats, a distance of one hundred and twenty r they debarked at Oregon City on the second of March, 1849. ine following day Governor Lane issued a proclamation and assumed the duties of his oflBce, having succeeded in instituting the Government just one day prior to the close of President Polk's administration. Other officers , of the Territory did not arrive till several months later. The fol- lowing is a roster of the first officers of the Territorial Government, and those of the Provisional Government at the time of its dissolu- tion : — PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT. Governor, George Abernethy ; Secretary, S. M. Ilolderness ; Treasurer, John H. Couch ; Auditor, Geo. W. Bell (Public Ac- counts), Theo[)hilus McGruder (Territorial); Supreme Judge, J. Quinn Thornton ; Cbcuit Judge, Alonzo A. Skinner ; 'Marehal, H. M. Knighton. TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT. Governor, Joseph Lane ; Secretary, Kintzing Pritchett ; Treasurer, *Jame8 Taylor ; Auditor, *B. Gevvais ; Chief Justice, William C. Bryant ; Associate Justices, O. C. Pratt, P H. Burnett ; Marshal, Joseph Meek ; Superintendent of Schools, *Jc'«s. McBride; Librarian, *W. T. Matlock ; Territorial Printer, *\Vilson Blain ; Commis- sioner of Cayuse War Claims, *Alonzo A. Skinner. One of the first acts of Governor Lane was to appoint marshals to ta;ke the census, as provided in the organic act. The following table shows the population as thus ascertained : — •Apjiolntod by Legislature, September 2B, 1M0. OBEOON BECOMES AN OROANIZEH TERniTORY. 320 si 1^ Males 21 years and over. Females of all ages. Fr reigners. Total number of citizens. Total number of foreigners. COUNTIES. > m a* -1 1 (JlackaniHS 401 346 46.5 40 304 337 39 205 271 4 300 293 458 100 402 327 33 269 229 22 5H5 468 647 75 567 509 37 359 870 20 4 6 3 1 2 12 23 04 3 8 1 31 39 5 8 13 4 4 12 1376 1107 l.->70 224 1363 1173 100 0i'3 870 80 17 36 112 3 16 1 36 70 1303 Tualatin 1142 Chuniuoeiir 1682 Clatsop 227 Yamhill 1368 Polk 1174 Lewis 14'> Linn 0:.'3 Benton 870 Vancouver 160 Total 2tl01 2523 3627 15 211 46 8795 298 008;^ While Thornton and Meek were representing the people at Washington, an event occurred that in a few years wrought a marvelous change on the Pacific Coast. Captain John A. Sutter, a Svnss, had come to Oregon in 1838 and the following year gone to California, whei-e he founded a settlement on the site of the present City of Sacramento, which he named " New Helvetia," though it was known far and wide an "Sutter's Fort." In the Oregon immi- gration of 1844 was James W. Marshall, who went to California the following y^ar and entered the employ of Captain Sutter. In the fall of 1847 Marshall and Sutter entered into a partnership to do a saw-mill business, and Marshall went up into the Sierra Nevada Mountains and selected a location for the mill at Coloma, a place on the South Fork of the American River. It was on the nineteenth of January, 1848, that Marshall discovered gold in the tailrace of the mill. As soon as this news was spread throughout California, nearly every able-bodied man hastened to Coloma, work of every kind being abandoned and much property sacrificed. The excitement was intense. The news of Marshall's wonderful dis- covery was carried East by the various routes of travel, and hun- dreds of emigrants learned of it while slowly plodding along on the Oregon trail, and were thus induced to change their destination to California. For several years thereafter overland emigration was almost exclusively to the gold fields of California. The intelli- gence did not reach Oregon till August, seven months after the discover)'. There were then no regular means of communication 1 ! 'U •'! » = 1^ , ..4. t ; \ ■! ' 1 i < 380 HIHTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. ,■1 ill between the Sacramento Valley and the Willamette. Every year a few people followed the old Hudson's Bay Compau}- trail, some one wav and some the other, and occasiouailv coantins: or oth';r ft. ' ft' ~ vessels came to the Columbia from San Francisco; but the excite- ment of the gold discovery prevented the news fi'oiii rejuliing Oregon by either of these routes, until it was finally brought by a vessel w^hich came for a cargo of supplies for the San Francisco market. The effect produced upon such an adventurous duss as were the early pioneers, can well be imagined. There was at once a rush for California, chiefly overland, as vessels were scai'ce, and it seemed as though Oregon would become depo])uhited. But this was only temporary. Family and business ties were sti'ong enough to hold back many and to hasten the return of others. Not only was Oregon not depopulated, but she foiuid in California the first outside luaivket for her [)roduct8 she had ever enjoyed. It wajs for her the beginning of actual prosperity. Besides the gold dust brought back by returning miners, California gold poured into Ore- gon in a pei-fect stream, in exchange for grain, flour, vegetables, beef, bacon, and food products of all kinds. Minej-s pushed further noith every year, until, in 1851, they crossed the line into Southern Ore- gon, and discovereii rich diggings. After the first excitement sub- sided, emigration again turned in the direction of Oregon, while great numbers, abandoning the gold fields, came north to settle in the beautiful valley of the Willamette. The scarcity of money htwl always been a serious c^'i], inctreasing yearly with the population. When, in the wintei- of 184.S-U, gold dust began to arrive from (/alifornia, the nuiterial for such a medium w»is iit hand; but, though the gold dust Wiis worth from sixteen to eighteen dollars an ounce, returning miners could obtain }>ut eleven dollars for it, while much of it was lost in passing from hand to hand. The Legislature promptly passeefore, also by Asahel Rush, but as they had no material they were compelled to delay publication. Mr. Bush was elected Public Printer by the Legislature, notwithstanding the fact that he was utterly without facilities for discharging the duties of the office, while the Star and Oregonian were ignored. In March his material arrived, and the first nund)er of the Statesman was issued at Oregon t 'f::.J ■•;.i 1^ -i- -a- ■■i: 336 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. City. Mr. Bush was a representative Democrat, and the Statesman for years, while under his control, was the mouthpiece and official organ of the dominant faction of the Democratic party. The Star was also Democratic, but did not enjoy such a generous proportion of the "loaves and fishes" as did the official organ. The Oregonian wa§ a Whig paper of the most pronounced type, and Mr. Dryer was a man of strong prejudices, energetic character and fiery dispo- sition. He had but one standard of measurement — political opin- ion. Everything that savored of Whiggery was good, while any- thing in the least tainted with Democracy was vile. The papers were full of politics and personal abuse, based upon political con- duct — the Oregonian and Statesman presenting the most marked antagonism. It was then the " Oregon style " of journalism had its birth, and flourished like the product of the mustard seed for a series of years. Argument gave way to invective; intelligent dis- cussion of political affairs there was none; the presentation of the most trivial piece of news was done in such a manner that its truth was made of secondary importance to its political effect, and even the most common of the social amenities were lost in the whirlpool of political animosity. Whatever may be said of other things as compared with pioneer days, there has certainly been a vast and most gratifying improvement in the character of Oregon journalism. In the fall of 1850, Lot Whitcomb began, at Milwaukie, the construction of a small steamer to ply upon the Willamette and Columbia, the pioneer of the great fleet which, in later years, bore the whole inland commerce of this region. A public meeting was held in the hall of the House of Representatives at Oregon City, early in December, at which it was decided to name the steamer the " Lot Whitcomb of Oregon," and a stand of colors was pi'esented to the enterprising owner. On Christmas day the little craft wa^ launched, amid the |)eal of cannon and the cheers of a great crowd of people who had assembled to witness the event. Governor (iraines formally christening hei* as above. This was followed by a grand ball in the evening. When the salute was fired, Captain Frederick Morse, of the schooner Merchantman^ which was then in port, wa'' killed by the bursting of a cannon. The steamer, a month later, made a trial trip, with a company of invited guests, to Vancouver and Astoria. She then took her place as a pjissenger and freight m o o w M W M < 53 m o o « H H W W M w w 11 r boat, the 5 land, to tal coraii Oi Cong Calif at th< a mo] he el peop] upon ingto bcdy secon of N gate cast j T 1851 Oreg the t] suddt prodi Valle plies towni follo> whicl mines City) theT Rogu tions for t 1851, OCCUJ tTmr ORKGON AS A TERKITORY. 337 boat, and did excellent service. Captain Whitcomh retired from tlie S/ar, and in June, 1851, Waterman & Carter moved it to Port- land, and changed its name to the Oregon Weekly Times, being led to take this step by the plainly apparent fact that Portland was the coming metropolis of Oregon. On the ninth of April, 1851, Samuel R, Thurston, Delegate to Congi'ess, while on his way back to Oregon, died on board the steamer California, while between Panama and Acapuko, and was buried at the latter place. The news reached Oregon a few weeks later — a month prior to the general election at which his successor was to be elected — and caused a general expression of sorrow from the people. At its next session the Legislature bestowed his name upon a county north of the Columbia River, now a portion of Wash- ington Territory, and later defrayed the expense of bringing his body to Oregon for burial. The general election was held on the second of June, and General Lane, who had returned from the mines of Northern California, became the Democratic candidate for Dele- gate to Congress. He received 2,093 votes, wliile only 548 were cast for William H. Willson, his Whig opponent. There were other things than politics to interest the people in 1851 and 1852. Eai'ly in 1851, gold was discovered in Southern Oregon; several thousands of miners crowded into the diggings on the tributaries of Rogue River, and the town of Jacksonville sprang suddenly into existence. This opened a new market for Oregon products, and added greatly to the prosperity of the Willamette Valley. In an eflFort to find a suitable seaport for a base of sup- plies for the new mines, the Umpqua River was entered and several towns laid out, the most important of which was Scottsburg. The following year Douglas and Jackson counties were organized, from which Coos, Curry and Josephine were, in later years, cut off. The mines in Northern California, at Yreka (then called Shasta Butte City), and along Klamath and Scott rivers, also drew heavily upon the Willamette Valley for support. The discovery of gold in the Rogue River region led to the immediate occupation of (jhoice loca- tions in the valley by farmers, who raised hay, grain and vegetables for the mines. Quite a number of these locations were made in 1851, and in two or three years the best part of the valley was occupied. In the Umpqua region, also, settlements, which were but 1 ! t ' a Is t !■ I M It 'J- %i 338 HISTO'.tY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. few prior to 1850, began to be more numeroiw, and in a few years (|uite a population was found in Southern Oregon, exclu8i\e of those engaged in mining. The Indians of Rogue River Valley had shown a hostile spirit ever sinee tht^ first Americans passed through their country, as has been shown in the naiTative of several early e\ent8, and numerous collisions occurred between them and parties passing to and fro between the mines and the Willamette Valley ; several men were killed in this way, and many pack and saddle animals stolt^n. Brevet Major (afterwaids (General) Phil. Kearney, while passing through that region, on his way fi'om Vancouver to Renicia, with two companies of troops, was appealed to for aid in punishing the Indians. They came upon the savages on the bank of the river ten miles above Table Rock. Captain Walker took his company of infantrymen across the river, to get in the rear of the enemy, while Captain Stewart dismounted his dragoons and made an attack upon the rancheria. The Indians fled with the loss of several of their number. The only cjisualty on the part of the troops was the death of Captain vStewart, a gallant officer who had won distinction in the Mexican War, who was sh(jt with an arrow by a wounded Indian after the battle was over. Later in the day a Miore severe battle was fought. Kearney was soon joined by Major Alvord, who, \vith a military escort, was engaged in surveying a route for a military road through Southern Oregon. With him was Jesse Applegate, General Lane happened to be passing through the country witli a numlxM' of others, and uj)ou hearing the news at once hastened to the aid of the military. The united force of soldiers and civilians then set out in pursuit of the saxages. In a short time they came upon a party of them, who fled upon being charged, and escaped in the chaparral, leaving one of their number dead on the ground. Late in the evening another band was encountei-ed and several were wounded, while twelve women and children were captured. The next day a long march revealed no enemy. Th(^ troops then con- tinued their march south, and the civilians returned to their homes and mines, or resumed their uninterrupted journeys. Soon after- wards Governor Gaines went to Rogue River Valley and negotiated a treaty with a portion of the Indians, assigning them a reservation north of the river. Soon afterwards Dr. Anson Dart was designated wee passi from from (liffic the in of 11 tion geral pll . OREGON AS A TERRITOUY. 339 Superintendent of Indian AfFairn by the President, and lie appointed A. A. Skinner agent for the Indians of that region. In spite of the treaty, trouble continued to arise between the incoming si^ttlers and the native proprietors. A detachment of troops was stationed at Port Orford, under the impression that it was the nearest practica- ble route to the valley, though it was soon discovered that comnui- nication between thost! two points M'as tlifficult and hazardous. There had been trouble at Port Oxford, and a party of men had been besieged on Battle Rock in that harbor. An exploring expe. dition from Rogue River Valley to the coast, headed by W. G. T'Vault, had met with disaster; conse(piently, Lieutenant-Colonel Casey led a detachment of troops up Co(piille River, and severely punished the hostile Indians. Early in the summer of 1852, the Rogue River Indians began to give signs of an intention to go on the war path, and Agent Skin- ner arranged for a peace talk to settle all cause of grievance. A company of men, commanded by J. K. Lanierick, went to the Big Bend, the scene of the proposed conferen<'e. There they met a small company, under Judge Elijah Steele, who had come over fi'om Yreka in search of two Indian murderers. During the progress of the council a fight began and thirteen Indians were killed. The next day, after a brief conflict, the Indians expressed a desire t(» make peace, and it was agreed that hostilities should cease. A few weeks later the Modocs })egan massacring emigrants who were |)a8sing through their country around Tult' Lake. Two companies from Yreka, under Charles McDermit and Ben Wright, and one from Jacksonville, under John E. Ross, hastened to the scene of difficulty, buried the mangled bodies of two score emigrants, guarded the incoming trains, and severely chastised the savages. In the fall of 1 852 it was decided to establish a military post for the protec- tion of Northern California and Southern Oregon. Major Fitz- gerald accordingly built Fort Jones, in Scott Valley, and garrist)ned it with his company of dragoons. He was soon succeeded in com- mand by Captain B. R. Alden. The subsequent hostilities in that region are related in another chapter. On the thirty-first of January, 1852, the steamer General War- ren wa** wrecked at the mouth of the Columbia River. She sailed from Astoria for San Francisco on the twenty-eighth of January, 1 , ■■4^ ( ' ' ■ Ik 340 HIHTORY OF WILLAMKTTE VALLKY. and was Hafely taken to sea by the bar pilot, Captain George Flavel. On the second day out she met with heavy weather and })egan to make water ho alarmitigly that the captain, (Jharh's ThomjtHon, j)ut about for the purpose of returning to Astoria, an nhe had iii.kU' but >ilight progress. Captain Flavel was picked up t)fF the bur and took the steamer across,' but when just inside she refused to mind her helm and drifted upt>n Sand Islanil. She again floated into deep water, when it was iliscovered that slie would sink within a few minutes. As a last i-esort. Captain Thompson ordered th." pilot to beach the vessel on Clatsop Spit. As suon as she struck, the sea began to Invak over her. This was at seven o'clock in the ( '.'ening, and two haul's later she broke in tvvt). The paMsengers and »■♦^^^' dung to the WTeck with the hope that it would hold together until morn- ing, but at about three o'clock Captain Thompson selected a crew of ten men, and putting them in the only l»oat left, reled cattle cauHed tlie supplies in many of the wagons to giv«' out long before the ('oluuibia was reachui, while some emigrants whose stock all died had to struggle along on foot with only such food as could l)e packed upon their hacks. When news of tlie famishing condition of the emigrants i-eached the Wil- lamette, the people held public meetings in various places, to receive donations of money and supplies, and appoint commission' "s to attend to their pi'opei' distribution. Flour and beef-cattle were the chief form in which ai«l was sent. Headquarters were e8tal)lished at Tlie Dalles, and men went out on the route as far as the (xrand Ronde Valley to carry food to those who were suffering. This movement of the people was spontaneous and unselfish in the highest degree, and the men who gave theii- services did so with«)Ut asking or receiving an}' I'eward whatever; and ytit loud t;omplaints were made by some of the emigrants because tiiey did not receive a^ large a share as- they deemed themselves entitled to. At the Uma- tilla Agency — then called " Ttilla" — Sylvester and John B. Hall interviewed the emigrants as they passed by, and took the name, age, and former residencie of those wlu) had died on the route. Tlieir list, which must have been nearly complete, contained one hundred and twenty-one names, nearly all adults, chiefly from Illi- nois, Iowa and Miasoiu-i, and was published in Portland on the eleventh of December, 1852. It may be found by referring to the old files of the Times, or Oregonian. Another list, taken from the Sacramento Union, was published in the Titiies^ November "JO, 1852, giving names of tht)se who died in th<' California trains, but em- bracing the losses of the entire emiscration ejist of Fort Hall. On the first of January, 1853, and for a day or two following, occurred a disiistrous flood in the Willamette. Heavy falls of snow in December were ff)llowe(l by copious warm i-ains, converting every l)rook into a foaming torrent and the riser into a raging flood. The steamer Loi IVhitcomh was wrecked near Milwaukie, but \viis after- wards raised and repaired. At Oregon City, the old Aljeruethy store, McLoughlin's saw mill, the Island bridge, and other objects were washed away. General Palmer's mill, at Dayton, was carried down the stream, a number of tenements at Linn City started on a M'i: 1 ,1 ;'i 342 HISTORY OP WILLAMETTE VALLEY. voyage to the Columbia, and much damage was done all along the stream. During the severe M'eather which preceded the flood, large numbers of cattle, horses and mules died on the plains e^st of The Dalles. Many of them had }>een left there by the emigrants, to be grazed during the winter, while othei-s belonged to men who had already gone into the cattle business on those since famous bunch- grass ranges. But a small percentage of the stock survived. The Legislature assembled at Salem in December, 1852, as did also the Supreme ('ourt, the Whigs having been convinced that Salem was the legal seat of government. The Democrats still maintained u political ascendency, and when Governor (iaines addressed them a long gubernatorial message at the opening of the session, they declined to receive it, on the ground that as the Governor was not required to sign acts passed by them, and Hid not even possess the veto power, he was in no sense a portion of the legislative branch of the government, and had no more right to inflict them with mes- sages than iiD.\ })rivate (Citizen. Had the executive been of the right political faith they would, no doubt, have listened to a message from him as long as the moral law. During the session the subje(!t of a State constitution was much discussed, and a bill providing for the holding rf a convention passed the house, but died in the senate. The question of a division of the Territory also received the attention of the Legislature. Oregtm at that time contained three hundred and forty-one thousand square miles, ecpial in area to the six great States of Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Iowa, Minnesota ami Wisconsin, by far too large for admission into the Union as a single State. Through it ran the great Columbia River, dividing it into nearly ecjual northern and southern parts, from the ocean to old Fort Walla Walla, where the stream made a long sweep to the north. Tht^ great et-'nters of population were the Willamette, Umpqua and Rogue Rivei- valleys. The region north and west of the Columbia was known as " Northern ( >regon," and, during the previous five orsix years, had become quite populous. Quite extensive ship- ments of coal, lumber and fish were being made from Puget Sound, on which three saw mills- liad already V)een established. The chief settlements in Northern Oregon at ihat time wvvtr. Pacific City and CJiinook, near the mouth .)f the Columbia; Vancouver, occupied by the Hudson's Bay Corapati} and a large number of employes, J. to low reqt in ti gon Oly U. Cha An( Mol ORTIOON AS A TEBIUTOKY. 343 United States troops, and many Americans who had settled in or near the town ; Fort« Walla Walla, Okinagan and Colville, further up the ColumVjia; Fort Nisqually, on the Sound, belonging to the Paget Sound Agricultural Company; Olympia; New Market, or Tmnwater; Steilacoom, and Port Townsend, on the Sound, and many locations for agricultural purposes, especially along the Cow- litz, where the little town of Monticello was located. Besides being separated by a natural geographical boundary, the interests of the two sections were, to a large extent, different and often conflicting, and, as Northern Oregon was in a hopeless minority in the legisla- ture, it could accomplish nothing for itself in the matter of legisla- tion. The people of that region greatly desired self-govermnent, and their fellow pioneers of the Willamette were willing thev should have it. The first step taken was on the foui'th of July, 1851, when a public meeting was held in Olympia, to consider the question of a (!onvention of delegates to memorialize Congress on the subject. Another was held in Cowlitz Precinct on the seventh, and on the twenty-third of August still anotlua- at Steilacoom. Nothing defi- nite was agreed upon. In September, 1852, T. F. McElroy and J. W. Wiley founded the Colinnhian at Ohm^na, and l)egan at once to advocate a sepai-ute government. On the twenty-fifth of the fol- lowing November a convention of delegates assembled at Monticelk* and prepared a memorial to Congress, which was foi-warded to Wiushington and pi'esented by Delegate Lane to Congress. He had previously procured the introduction of a bill by the Conmiit- tee on Territories to create the Territory of Coluiiibia. This was amended by chauiiinji; the name to " Washint»:ton," and finallv passed, receiving the Pi'esident's approval on the third of March. The Oregon Legislature had addressed a memorial to Congress requesting such action as above, 1>ut it did not reach Wtushington in time to be of service. The new Tei'ritory embraced all of Ore- gon north of the ('oliun})ia liivcr and the fcnty-sixth pai-allel, with Olympia as the seat of government. Major Isaac I. Stevens, of the U. S. Engineers, wjus appointed Governor by President Pierce; Charles H. Mason, Secretary; J. S. Clendenin, Attorney; J. Patton Anderson, Marshal; Edward Lander, Victor Monroe, and O. B. McFa^lden, Judges. The (Tovernor's proclamation assuming tlit> 1' 344 llrsTORY OP WILLAMETTE VALLEY. dQti*^8 of his oflice was issued while he was crossing the Rocky Moiintains, September 29, 1853. On the fifteenth of March, 1853, less than two weeks after his inauguration, President Pierce made a clean sweep of the Whig officials of Oregon, and appointed Democrats in their places, as fol- lows: Governor, General Joseph Lane; Secretary, Geo. L. Curry; Chief Justice, Geo. H. Williams ; Associate Jui>y the Demo- crats to succeeil himself as Delegate to Congress, having for an opponent., A. A. Skinner, of Jacksonville, the " Peo])le's Candidate." The election was held on the sixth of June, Lane receiving four thoiisand five hundred and si.xteen votes, and Skinner two thousand nine hundred and fifty-one. General Lane soon departed again for Washington, leaving the executive office in the hands of Secretary Curry, who was later appointed Governor. In November, John W. Davis was appointed Governor, and O. B. McFadden, Justice, vice Deady removed. Deady was re-appointed in August, 1854, 'oice McFadden resigned. The Legislature met in Decern b.^r, 185.'i, the government being then Democratic in all its branches. During the session the (!oun- ties of Coos, Columbia, Tillamook and Wasco were created. The formation of a State constitution was a pet measure among tlie leaders of the Democratic party, and they had but little trouble in passing a ]>ill to test the opinion of the peo})le on the subject at tlie next June election. The Whigs were opposed to the movement for the same reason that the Democrats favored it — the present strength of the latter at the [)olls, which would give them control of the gov- ernment and supply fat offices for the leaders of the movement. At the same time General Lane was endeavoring at Washington to have Congress authorize the people of Oregon to frame a constitu- tion, but unsucce.^sfully. The election was held on the fifth of June, resulting in a defeat of the measure by a vote of three thou- sand two hundred and ten in favor of it to four thousand and sev- enty-nine opposed, notwithstanding the fact that in other respects 'i-,,. ::,.'■ -I'.;,H OREGON AS A TERRITORY. 345 the Territory gave a large Democratic majority. The gi'eaiest con- trast was in Jackson County, a great Democratic stronghold, which voted almost unanimously against it. The secret of this was that a movement was on foot in that region to have a new territory cre- ated out of Northern California and Southern Oregon, and the ad- mission of Oregon into the LFnion would be fatal to the scheme. Nothing daunted, the Democratic leaders and newspapers at once made that an issue I'or the next election. Governor Davis resigned and started for his home in Indiana on the fifth of August, 1854, and the executive duties again devolved upon the Secretary, George L. Curry. He was afterwards ap- pointed Governor, and B. F. Harding was appointed Secretary, be- ing succeeded as Attorney by W. H. Farrar. The Legislature con- vened at Salem in December, and one of the first ({uestions it con- sidered was the creation of a county along both sides the Willam- ette Prom above Milwaukie to its mouth, taking in portions of Clackamas and Washington. A bill of a similar nature had been presented to the former Legislature, but too late in the session to secure favorable action. The county seat of Washington was at Hillsboro, and the people of Portland, now l)ecoming ({uite a city, desired a county of their own. The peculiar shape of the proposed county won for it the jocular name of " Boot," but though this may have been extremely funny it did not prevent the bill for the crea- tion of Multnomah County passing the House on the twenty -third of Decenil)er by a vote of twenty -one to four. It also passed tlirough the Coimcil. Later in the session another new county efEoi-t came to grief. After much discussion in the House on a bill to create Willamette County out of portions of Yamhill, Clackamas and Marion, with county seat at Champoeg, it was indefinitely post- poned. A bill passed on the thirteenth of January, 1855, removing the seat of Territorial Government from Salem to Corvallis and the University from Corvallis to Jacksonville. The subject of a constitutional convention occupied much time during the session of this Legislature. The discussion was warm and j)rotracted. Action, at one time, took the form of appointing a committee to draft one, but finally the controversy ended by the passage of a bill to take the sense of the peop.e on the su])ject at the ne.xt general election. At the same time General Lane was ;,, 346 HISTORY OK WILLAMETTE VALLEY. seeking to have Cougfess to pass a bill authorizing a State constitu- tion to be formed b}' the people living west of the Cascades and south of the Columbia, but without success, beyond passing it through the House. At the June election the State went strongly Democratic, General Lane defeating John V. Gaines for Delegate by a vote of six thousand one hundred and seventy-eight to three thousand nine hundred and forty -three. Gaines was the candidate of the American, or Know-Nothing, party, which had succeeded the Whig organization as the opponent of Democracy. Notwithstand- ing the great majority, the Constitutional Convention, a pet measure of the Democratic leaders, was again defeated, and, as before, by Jackson County, which gave a Lane majority of one hundred and forty-two, and against convention of four hundred and twenty-two. The convention was defeated by a vote of four thousand eight hun- dred and thirty-five to four thousand four hundred and twenty, a majority of four hundred and fifteen, or seven less than in Jackson bounty. The opposition fought the constitution project fiercely, and were aided by Democrats in Jackson who still cherished the idea of a new Territory, and oth(?rs who looked upon the State move- ment as prematiu-e. In April Mr. Bush moved the Statesnian from Salem to Corval- lis, as he had previously done from Oregon City to Salem. Much fun was made of the paper which was being carted about the Ter- ritory " on wheels," but the publisher replied that the Statesman was pul)lished at the seat of government, where-er that might chance to be. The opposition to removal of the seat of govern- ment to Corvallis was very strong. Work had been commenced by contractors on the public buildings at Salem, whicli was at once discontinued. The matter was at once referred to the Secretary of the Treasury by Governor Curry for instructions us to the course to pursue in regard to money to be expended foi" public buildings. Early in July he received instructions from the department not to annul existing contracts nor make new ones, and not to remove his office from Salem, as the relocation act was dei-med inoperative till acted upon by Congress. Contractors at once resumed work on the buildings at Salem. Governor Curry and Secretary Harding promptly removed their offices back to Salem, in accordance with instructions, and again Oregon had two capitals. OREGON A 51 A TERRITORY. 347 The incidents attending the discovery of gold, and the Indian wars of 1855 to 1858, are related at length in subsequent chapters. On the second of November, 1855, the Pacific Telegraph Company began stretching wircis south from Portland. The first telegraphic message in Oregon wan sent over this wire from Oregon City to Portland, on the sixteenth of November, 1855. It was as follows: Obkoon City, Friday Ki, 5 i>. m. First flash from Oregon City to Portland. Compliments of the Pacific Telegraph Company to the editor of the Oregonian. How are you, old fellow? Give us your hand. Please send us the latest news from The Dalles and Yukima country. [This was just after Major Haller's defeat in Yakima.] Any news of interest from Puget Sound? The machines work well. More to-morrow. CHAS. F. .TONES. In S<^.ptember, Secretary Harding received instructions from Washington not to disburse any money for public buildings not located in Salem, nor for mileage or pay of members of Legislature meeting at any place except Salem. This settled the question prac- tically, and it became the general opinion of members that they must assemble at Corvallis for sake of legality, but nuist adjourn at once to Salem, for sake of their salaries. On the third of Decem- ber both houses convened at Corvallis, and the first bill introduced — on the sixth — was to relocate the seat of government at Salem. The House passed it on the tenth, to take effect on the twelfth. It was reported at once to the Council and an effort made to rush it through, which failed for want of a quoium. The next day motions were made to amend, so as to submit it to popular vote, also to substitute Eugene City for Salem, then Portland, Roseburg and Albany, all of wiiich were defeated. On the twelfth it was amended to take effect the fifteenth, antl passed. The House concurred in the amendment the same day. The nieml)ers at once journeyed to Salem, accompanit'd by the Siaicsjuan^ and the session was reopened on the eighteenth. On the- night of the twenty-ninth the State House — nearly completed — was destroyed hy fire, together vvith the library and archives of the Territory. It was conceded to be the work of an incendiary. A bill was introduced into the House for submitting the question of location of the capital to popular vote at the next general election. It pa.ssed muster in both houses ai«d became a law. Just before the session came to a close, a bill providing for an election, in April, of delegates to a convention in July, which should 348 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. frame a constitution, to Ije voted upon at the next general election, was rushed through the House, under a suspension of the rules. The Council was equally prompt in passing it. At the election eight thousand four Inmdred and forty -three votes were cast, and a majority of two hundred and forty-nine were in favor of not hold- ing a convention. The delegates elected never attempted to as- semble. At the general election in June the voters indicated their pref- erence for a permanent seat of government. The act provided that in case no town had a clear majority of all the votes cast, a special election should be held the first Monday in October, to decide between the two receiving the greatest number. The ballots, as cast, and canvassed in the different counties, gave the four leading con- testants the following votes: Eugene City, two thousand six hun- dred and twenty-seven ; Corvallis, two thousand three hundred and twenty -seven ; Salem, two thousand one hundred and one; Portland, one thousand one hundred and fifty-four. Neither liad a majority, but Eugene City and Corvallis were the highest two, and between them the final decision ^vas to be made in October. So it was pub- blished in all the papers, and so it was understood universally. There was a surprise in store for everybody. It was one of the provisions of the act that the returns should be filed with the Secretary of the Territory within forty days, and at the expiration of that time he was to canvass them and oflSiciariy declai'e the result. The counties of Wasco, Tillamook, Jackson, and Josephine failed to comply Avith the law in this respect, and were omitted from the eanvtiss. Corvallis had received a large majority in Jackson County, and the loss of it placed her ])ehind Salem. The official result was certified by Sec- retary Harding, as follows: Eugene, two thousand three hundred and nineteen; Salem, two thousand and forty-nine; Corvallis, one thousand nine hundred and ninety -eight; Portland, one thousand one hundred and fifty-four. In accordance witli this, a special elec- tion was called for the first Monday in October, to decide finally between Eugene City and Salem. It is needless to say that the people generally were very much disgusted, while the citizens of Cl()rvalli8 were greatly incensed. The subject was much discussed, and it became known that the authorities at Washington held that Salem was the seat of government by virtue of an act of Congress, ORK(}0N AS A TBRIIITORY. 349 which act neither the Legislature nor people had the power to change; and that no money would be paid for the construction of public buildings or rental of offices at any other point, or for the expenses of a legislative session held at any place but Salem, (xeneral apathy followed, and when the lirst Monday in October came around few people took the trouble to vote. Less than a hundred votes were cast in the city of Portland, while in many places no polls were opened whatever. Curry, Marion, Tillamook, Polk and Wasco made no returns to the Secretary. Of the legal votes cast, Eugene City received two thousand five hundred and fifty-nine, and Salem four hundred and forty-four. Corvallis received one regular vote, and three htmdred and eighteen irregular ones, the latter be- ing ciist by the citizens of that place, who did not propose to be cheated out of their honors by a mere technicality, but who did not open their polls in a regular manner. According to the returns of the special election Eugene City be- came the seat of justice; but the election wjis ignored, and both the Legislature and tlie Supreme Court assembled at Salem in De- cember. No salary would have been received by the members had they met in Salem, and there was danger that Congress woidd de- clare the session illegal. These difficulties were obviated by re- maining in Salem. The (juestion of a constitutional convention again came before tlie Legislatiu'e, and an act was passed providing for the holding of one in August, 1857, provided the people so de- cided at the previous June election, at which time, also, delegates were to be chosen. A great change had come over the sentiments of the people on this ({uestion. owing to divers causes. The people of Jackson and Josephine counties had abandoned their idea of a new Territory ; the people generally had become tired of the crudi- ties and annoyances vf a territorial government; and, finally, the Territory had claims to the amount of several million dollars against the Government for expenses incun-ed in the Indian wars, and it was evident to all that they stood a much better chance of securing these with two Senators and a Representative to talk and vote for them, than simply with a Delegate who had no vote at "all. The consecpience of this revolution in popular sentiment was a great ma- jority in favor of a convention, the vote standing seven thousand two hundred and nine to one thousand six hundred and sixteen. Gen- ' I, i 350 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. eral Lane was again the Democratic nominee for Delegate, and was elected, receiving five thousand six hundred and sixty-two votes. There was no regularly organized opposition, since the Whig party was dead, the American, or Know-Nothing had become disorgan- ized, and tlu^ new Re[)u})]ican party had not been organized as yet in Oregon. Tlie opposition concentrated on G. W. Lawson as an independent candidate, ard gave him three thousand four hundred and seventy -one votes, a minority of two thousand '^ne hundred and ninety- one. The delegates convened at Salem on the seventeenth of August, 1857, and organized by electing M. P. Deady, President, and C. N. Terry, Seci'etary. After an animated session the convention ad- journed on the eighteenth of September, their work, as a whole, being adopted l)y a vote of thirty-five to ten — fifteen members being absent. The following gentlemen composed the convention: — Benton — John Kelsay, H. C. Lewis, H. B. Nichols, Wm. Matzger; Clatsop— CyvxxH Olney; Columbia — John W. Watts; Clackamas — James K. Kelly, A. L. Lovejoy, Wm. A. Starkweather, H. Camp- bell, Nathaniel Robbius; Coos — P. B, Marple; Curry — William H. Packwood ; Dotiglas — M. P. Deady, Solomon Fitzhugh, Stephen S. Chadwick, Thomas W^hitted ; Josephine — S. B. Ilendershott, W. H. Watkins ; Jackson — L. J. C. Duncan, J. H. Reed, Daniel Newcomb, P. P. Prim; Linn — Delazon Smith, Luther Elkins, John T. Crooks, J. H. Brattain, James Shields, Reuben S. Coyle; Lane — Enoch Hoult, W. W. BristoM^ Jesse Cox, Paul Brattain, A. J. Campbell, Isaac R. Moores; Marion — George H. Williams, L. F. Grover, J. C. Peebles, Joseph Cox, Nicholas Shrum, Davis Shannon, Richard Miller; Multnomah — S. J. McCormick, AVilliam H. Farrar, David Lggan; Multnomah and Washington — Thomas J. Dryer; Wash- ington — E. D. Shattuck, John S. White, Levi Anderson; Polk — Reuben P. Boise, F. Waymire, Benjamin F. Burch; Polk and Til- lamook — A. D. Babcock; Umpqua — Levi Scott, Jesse Applegate; Wasco— Q. R. Meigs; Yamhill—^. Olds, R. V. Short, R. C. Kin- ney, John R. McBride. The questions of slavery and fi'ee negroes had been purposely avoided in th'> convention, and were engraft^id upon the schedule as special articles, to be voted upon by the people separately. The constitution was opposed by some people because it did not pro- whi( ..,<' OREGON AS A TEIUtlTOUY. .'151 hibit slavery, and })y othei's because it did not establish slavery. The seat of government wjis also objectionable to some who were opposed to Salem. A special election was held on the second of the following November, and resulted as follows: For constitutioti, seven thousand one hundred and ninety-five; against, three thousand two hundred and fifteen. For slavery, two thousand six hundred and forty-five; against, seven thousand seven hiuiih-ed and twenty- seven. For fi-ee negi'oes, one thousand and eighty-one; against, eight thousand six hundred and forty. The Territorial Legis- lature convened on the eleventh of Decembei', 1857, and held its usual session. For the regular June election, 1858, full State tickets were nominated by the Democratic and Republican parties^ the contest resulting in a sweeping \ictory for the Democrats, as follows: Kepresentative to Congress — L. F. Grover, five thousand eight hundred and fifty-nine; Janins K. Kelly, four thousand one hundred and ninety. Governor — John Whiteaker, five thousand seven hundred and thirty-eight; E. M. Bai-num, four thousand two hundred and fourteen. Secretary of State — Lucien Heath, five thousand seven hundred and forty-six; E. A. Rice, three thousand six hundred and fifty-nine. Treasurer — John D. Boon, five thousand six hundred and seventy-six; J. S. Bramley, three thousand five hundred and thirty-one; E. L. Applegate, five huTidred and ninety. State Printer — Asahel Busli, four thousand nine lumdred and fifty - eight; James O'Meara, four thousand five hundred and fifty-seven; D. W. Craig, four hundred and thirteen. M. P. Deady, R. F. Strat- ton, R. P. Boise, and A. E. Wait were chosen Justices of the Su- preme Court. According to the constitution a special term of the newly elected State Legislatui'e convened in Salem on the fifth of July, for the purpose of electing two United States Senators. It was composed of thirty -eight Democrats and eleven Republicans. On the eighth of July the oath of office was administered to Gov- ernor Whiteaker by Judge Boise, and the machinery of the new Government was put in operation. The Legislature elected Joseph Lane and Delazon Smith to rep- resent Oregon in the United States Senate, and adjourned after a session of four days. Soon afterwards word was received tliat Con- gress had adjoTU-ned without the House passing the enabling act which had passed the Senate early in May, and that Oregon must B62 HIHTORT OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. remain a Territory until the next session. For some time the proper course to pursue was warmly discussed. There were two full sefcs of officers and two forms of government. Gradually it became the general opinion that the State officers should remain (juiet and per- uiit the Territorial Government to proceed unembarrjissed. Under the con8titutit)n the State Legislature sliould have met in September, but at the appointed time only nine representatives and two sena- tf)rs made their appearance in Salem, and these adjourned afti'r two useless meetings. On the sixth of December the Territoi-ial Legis- lature again assembled and held its regular session. Soon after its adjournment news was received that Oregon had been admitted into the Union. Senator Smith and Representative Grover had gone to Wjishingtou the fall before, and when Congress assembled had joined with Delegate Lane (Senator elect) in urging the passage of an enabling act for Oregon. It early pa.ssed the Senate, but met with bitter opposition in the House, being supported by the Demo- crats and opposed by the Republicans. Finally, on the twelfth of February, 1850, it was passed by a strict party vote. It then received the signature of President Buchanan, and Oregon Territory was a thing of the past. vw > CHAPTER XXI. INDIAN WARS OF 1863 AND 18.54. Outrages Committed in Rogue River Valley — Volwiiti-er Companies Organized — General Lane Takes Command- Defeat of Lieutenant Orijfin and of Lleuttnant Ely — . dians Defeated at Battle Creek — Armistice of Seven Days — The Tahle Roi'k Treaty — Incidents of the '■'■Peace Talk "—The Grave Creek Massacre — Cnjttain Miller Sent to Escort Emigrants through the Modoc Country Expenses of the War Paid by the Government — Events of 185 If. — The Snake River Massa- cre — Expedition of Major Haller to Fort Boise. TROUBLE wa.s again experienced with the Indians in Rogue River Valley in the fall of 185M. It began early in August by the perpetration of several murdei-s in different localities by members of several different bands of the tribe, apparently without any preconcerted action whatever. Feeling uneasy at the presence of a small })and of these Indians, tlumgh there is no evidence to show that they had been concerned in any of the niui'ders mentioned, a pai't)'' of men attacked their camp, killed one buck and wounded others, and carried the women and children to a st()ekae spared from the post. l\iro companies of volunteers — ninety men under Captain J. P. Goodall, and sixty under Captain Jacob Rhcades — were organized at Yreka and came over to aid the Ore- gon settlers. Six companies of volunteers were rai»<'d in Southern Oregon, commanded by Captains R. L. Williams, .1. K. Tiamerick, John F. Miller, Elias A, Owens, and W. W. Fowler, the hiat named being designed solely for the protection of Jacksonville. The other companies all assembled at Camp Stewart and were organized into a battalion, of which Captain Alden assumed command by re(iuest, the effective force numl)ering some three hundred men. Each volunteer was mounted, armed and dressed according to his own fashion. It was a nondescript l)ody of soldiery, but, none the less, one well fitted for the work in hand. Meanwhile, the Indians had also united and taken up a position on Table Rock, which they fortified with considerable skill by means of a ditch and a rampart of earth and rocks. This, however, they soon abandoned, and retired into the mountains, and it took several days to ascertain their whereabouts. A messenger was dis- patched to Acting Governor Curry, soliciting aid in prosecuting the war, but before it arrived the war was over. General Lane heard of the difficulty while at his home on Deer Creek, Douglas County, and hastily collecting about fifty volunteers, he was soon with the battalion at Camp Stewart. Captushy — where there was constant prospect of going astray, as the trail left by the savages was veiy dim and nearly obliterated by fire. On the morning of the twenty -foui-th a shot was heard, and scouts came in directly afterward and reported the enemy encamped in a thick Avood filled with underbrush, apparently impenetrable to horses. (Tcneral Lane decided to attack instantly. The first intimation the savages had of the approach of the enemy, was a volley of bullets. They were not stampeded by this rough salute, however, but, catch- ing up their guns, entered with zest into the fight, Avhile the squaws and other impedimenta were se7it out of harm's way. Captain Alden was wounded early in the fight, and his regulars ham the result of his wound, and General Lane never <|nite recov^-red from his own hurt. As soon as the terms of the armistice were ammgetl, the troojjs took \ip their march homeward and went iDt<^) camp at Hailey's (By bee's) Ferry, giving the location tlie umxie of "Camp Alden," in honor of the gallant Captain. Reinforcements began to arrive from various (quarters by the time the forces returned to the valley. Among othet- things a howitzer was sent by the autliorities at Fort A'aucouver, with a supply of ammunition, forty muskete, four thousand carti'idges, and other articles. Lieutenant Kautz, since General, was sent in charge of the howitzer, with seven men. Acting Governor CmT\ made proclamation for an armed guard to accompany the Lieutenant, and 1! 358 IIISTOKT OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. U ^ .: forty-one men volunteered, led by J. W. Nesmitb, with Lafayette Grover as Lieutenant, Lieutenant Grover went in advance with twenty men, and was joined at South Umpqua, on September first, by Judge Matthew P. Deady, who was on liis way to Jacksonville to hold court. Joel Palmer, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, and Samuel II. Culver, Indian Agent, also arrived. From Port Orford came Captain A. J. Smith with his company of First Dragoons, sixty strong. Owing to Palmer's failure to arrive at the time ap- pointed, the peace talk was postponed until Septem' ■ tenth. Judge Dehdy thus describes the scene whiiih was enacitJ * a the day last appointed; — The scene of this famous "peace talk" between .Toseph Lane and Indian Joseph —two men who had so lately met in mortal combat— was worthy of the pen of Sir Walter Beott and the pencil of Salvator Ross. It was on a narrow bench of a long, gently-sloping hill lying over against the noted bluff called Table Rock. The ground was thinly covered with majestic old pines and rugged oaks, with here and there a clump of green oak bushes. About half a mile above the bright mountain stream that threaded the narrow valley below, sat the two chiefs in council. Lane was in fatigue dress, the arm which was wounded at Ruena Vista in a sling from a fresh bullet wound received at Battle Creek. Indian Joseph, tall, grave and self- possessed, wore a long, black robe over his ordinary dress. By his side sat Mary, his favi>rite child and faithful companion, then a comparatively handsome young woman, unstained with the vices of civilization. Around these sat on the grass Captain A. J. iSniith— now General Smith, of St. Louis — who had just arrived from Port Orford w Ith his company of the First Dragoons ; Captain Alvord, then eu. gaged in the construction of a military road through the Unip((ua canyon and since paymaster of the U. K. A. ; (Colonel Bill Martin, of Umpqua, Colonel John E. Ross, of Jacksonville, and a few others. A short distance above us on the hillside were some hundreds of dusky warriors in fighting gear, reclining quietly on the ground. The day was beautiful. To the east of us rose abruptly Table Rock and at its base stood Smith's dragoons, waiting anxiously with hand on horse the issue of this at- tempt to make peace without their aid. Aftes* a proposition was, discussed and set- tled between the two chiefs, the Indian would rise up and coTiununicate the matter to a huge warrior who reclined at the foot of a tree quite near us. Then the latter rose up and communicated the matter to the host above him, and they belabored it back and forth with many voices. Then the warrior communicated the thought of the multitude on this subject back to the chief; and so the discussion went on until an understanding was finally reached. Then we separated— the Indians going back to their mountain retreat, and the whites to tlie camp. J. W. Nesmith has left some additional particulars of interest. He says: — Early in the morning of the tenth of September, we rode toward the Indian en. campment. Our party consisted of the following persons: General Lane, Joel Palmer, Samuel H. Culver, Captain A .,1. Smith, 1st Dragoons ; Captain L. F. Mosher, adjutant; Colonel John Ross, Captain J, W. Nesmith, Lieutenant A. V. Kaut"., R. B. Metculf, J. D. Mason, T. T. Tierney. After riding a cop >le of miles we came to where it was too steep for our horses to ascend, and dism^uating, we proceeded INDIAN WAB8 OF KIGHTKEN KIFTY-THKKK-FOni{. 359 on foot. Half a mile of scrambliug over rouks and through brush brought us into the Indians' stronghold, just under the perpendicular clitf' of Table lloek, where were gathered hundreds of fierce and well-ariued savages. The business of the treaty l>egan at once. Much time was lost in translating and re-translating and it was not until late in the afternoon that our labors were completed. About tlie mid- dle of the afternoon an Indian runner arrived, bringing intelligence of the murder of an Indian on Applegate Creek. He said that a company of whites under Cap- tain Owens had that morning captured Jim Taylor, a young chief, tied liim to a tree and shot him to death. This news caused the greatest confusion among tlie Indians, and it seemed Ibr a time as if they were about to attack General Lane's party. Tlie General addressed the Indians, telling them that Owens, who had violated the armistice, was a l)ad man and not one of his soldiers. He added con- siderable more of a sort to placate the Indiana, and tlnally the matter of "Jim's " death was settled by the whites agreeing to pay damages therefor in shirts and blanket.s. The volunteers were at once di-sbanded and I'eturned to their homes. It was freely predicted by a certain class of people, wLo were satisiied with nothing less than the extermination of the In- dians, that the treaty would prove a failure, and they so conducted themselves as to render it such its quickly as possible. During the armistice and subseij^uent to the signing of the ti'eaty, these exter- minators maintained theii' effc)rts to kill as many Indians as they could, regardless of any restriction whatever. Kevenge was then- motto, and they lived up to it. Not half of the outrages perpeti'ated on Indians were ever heard of through newspapers; yet there are accounts of sev(!ral, and these are of a most cold-blooded description. We will allude lightly to a few examples. Captain Bob Williams, stationed with his company on the banks of Rogue River, attempted to kill two children, the sons of Chief Joe, but General Lane, with the utmost haste, ordered his rehioxal fi'om the locality to another, where there would be less opportunity for the exercise of his pro- pensities. Of another outrage Judge Deady writes: — At Grave Creek I hcrpped to feed my horse and get something to eat. There was a house there called the ' Bates House,'' after the man who kept it. It was a rough, wooden structure witbou a lloor and hud an immense clapboard funnel at one end which served as a chi 'imey. There was no house or settlement within ten or twelve miles, or more, of it, rhert I found Caj)tain J . K. Lamerick in command of a com- pany of volunteer)}. It .seems lie had been sent there by General Lane after tlie light at Battle Creek, on account of the murder of some Indians there, of wiiu^h he and others gave me the following account: "Bates and some others had induced a small party of peaccal-le Indians, who bi longed in tliat vicinity, to enter into an cii- gagement to remain at peace with the whites during the war which wan going nn at uome distance from them, and by way of ratitlcHtion to this treaty, invited thcni to partake of a feast in an uniMjcupied log house just across the road from the ' ' Bates HouBc" ; and while they were partaking, unarmed, of this proffered hospitality the . l\ 360 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. door was suddenly fastened upon them, and they were deliberately Bhot down through the cracks between the logs by their treacherous hosts. Near by, probably a quarter of a mile this side of the creek, I was shown a large, round hole into which the bodies of these murdered Indians had been unceremoniously tumbled. I did not see them, for they were covered with fresh earth." It does not require the thorough investigation to which the records of these events have been subjected by the writer, to deter- mine conclusively that while tlie whites as a class were content with the treaty and obedient to its provisions, there was a consider- able minority who lost no opportunity to manifest theii- contempt of the instrument and their disregard of its obligations. Nor were the Indians idle. As soon as the report of the killings at Grave Creek, at Applegate and other places, had been bruited abroad, and the natives had become convinced that they were individually in as much danger as before, they began committing outrages as great as those from which they had been suffering. It is unnecessary to detail the many incidents which occurred. It is ^^ufficieut to say that these mutual outrages were committed from time to time until they resulted in a long and bloody war in 1855. The Indians were settled on the reservation at Table Rock, where, also. Captain Smith established a military post, which he called " Fort Lane "; and this was for the next tliree years the base of all military operations in Southern Oregon by the regular army. Captain Miller's company of volunteers, one hundred and fifteen strong, was not disl>anded \vith the others, but was dispatched to the Modoc country by General Lane, where it did excellent service for six weeks in protecting emigrant trains in that hostile region. Two men were wounded while engaged in this service. These occurrences complete the history of what is known as the "War of 1853." There is a short note to be appended relating to the indebt- edness which grew out of the war. This wa** assumed by the United States. The muster-rf)lls and accounts of all the eight com- panies and General Lane's staff (the General refused to accept compensation for himself), were made out and adjusted by Captain Goodall, as inspecting ann'' with two of his sons, and it was reported thafthey, as well as others, had also been killed. There was a demand for punishment of the perpetrators, both as an act of vengeance and because it was men meni acti( with disp just] INDIAN WARS OP ElOHTKEN FIFTY-THRER-FOUR. 363 necessary as a measure of protection for the emigration the follow- ing year. At last Governor Curr}^ issued a proclamation calling for two companies of volunteers, to be armed, equipped and mounted at their own expense. A few days later he countermanded it, the high officials of the State Militia — Brigadiei- General J. W. Nes- mith. Adjutant General E. M. Barnun'., and others — having advised him that a winter campaign was not advisable. This brought out a public indignation meeting in Portland, held September 30, and adjourned to October 2, at which resolutions, strongly condenming the Governor and his jidvisers, were passed. In this there was a spice of the some j)olitical feeling which tinged every important movement in those days. T. J. Dryer was one of the committee which drafted the resolutions, and being editor of the Oregonian and an intense Whig, this was a splendid opportunity for him to deal the Democratic administration a stinging blow. In this in- stance he was in the right, for, in case a campfiign were deemed necessary at all, the winter season was the best one in which to make it. Because of the snow the Indians could not retreat into the mountains before the advance of troops, but must remain in the valleys with their families, where they could be easily found and attacked. In the summer, on the contrary, twice as many troops and twice the expense would be reipiired to pursue them through the mountain wilds. It was charged by the Whigs that this greater expense was Avhat the " Government ring " desired, preferring a war with "something in it" to a short and decisive campaign. The question was taken into the Legislature the following January. A majority of the committee to which it was referred reported in favor of doing nothing, while the minority reported a bill providing for raising fixe conqianies of x-oluntcers and jtrosecuting a war against the Snake River Intlians. The majority report was adopted, and the proposed war collapsed. The following May, General Wool, commandant of the Depart- ment of the Pacific, dispatched Major Ualler with a strong detach- ment of troops to guard the emigrant I'oute from Fv>rt Boise. His action was heartily praised by every one, and he was in high feather with the people of < )regon until his conduct, a few months later, displeased them and la-^t him his place in public esteem, whether justly or not the circumstances will show. When Major Haller l: 364 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. reached Fort Boise he held a council with the Indians of that re- gion. During its progress four of the Winnass Indians, the tribe which had committed the massacre, came in to see what was going on. These were arrested as soon as the council was over, and tried by military court. One of them confessed and related the circum- stances, offering to conduct the troops to the hiding place of the tribe. Soon after doing this he broke from his guard and ran toward the river, but was killed by a bullet fi'om Sergeant Kille- hard's gun. The other three were condemned to be executed on the scene of their crime. The next day the command marched to the place of execution, and, after burying in one grave the bones of the murdered emigrants which had been dug up by coyotes, erected a gallows over the mound and hanged all three at one time. The next morning they were cut down and buried, while the gallows was left standing as a warning to others who might feel disposed to murder unprotected emigrants. The command then went into camp on Big Camas Prairie and remained during the summer, re- turning to The Dalles when the emigration had all passed through. CHAPTER XXII. THE GREAT OUTBREAK OF 186.5. mmmm Inability of Indians to form a Coherent Combination — Royiie River, Pnget Sound and Columbia Hostilities Distinct and Separate — Re- lation of Whites and Indiana in Rogue River Valley — Controversy between General Wool and the Citizens — Incidents before the Outbreak — The Lupton Affair— Quick Revenge of the Indians— Massacre of October 9th — Heroic Defense of Mrs. Harris — Great Excitement Pre- vails — A Review of the Situation — Cattses which Led to the War on the Columbia — Indian Treaties made by Stevens and Palmer — They Mislead the People by Publishing Incorrect Statements of what they have Accomplished — Discovery of Gold in the Colvllle Region — Sauce for the Goose not Sauce for the Gander — Murder of Mattice — Ilegira from Colville and Walla Walla — Murder of Indian Agent Bolon — Regulars Invade the Yakima Country — Defeat of Major Haller — Major Raines Calls for Vohmteers — Governor Curry Calls for Ten Companies — General Woofs Opinion of Governor Curry'^s Conduct —Another Cause Assigned for the War — Exciteynent in Willamette Valley — The " Oregonian''^ and '^'^ Statesman''' — Wars and Rumors of Wars Alarm the People. , THE greatest Indian war known on the Pacific Coast was the one — or, more properly sj^eaking, the three — which raged along the Columbia, around Puget Sound, and in the region of Rogue River from the fall of 1855 to the summer of 1856. No less than four thousand warriors were at times in arms against the whites, and only a lack of hearty and intelligent co-operation on the part of the hostiles saved the outlying settlements from total annihila- tion, and the more populous communities of the Willamette Valley fi'om all the horrors of barbaric warfare. Petty jealousies, ancient feuds, tribal antipathies, and a lack of confidence in the honor of their allies has always prevented the t 366 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. formation or long existence of a strong combination among the abor- igines of America. Treachery is the predominating trait of the Indian character, and no one seems better aware of that fact than the Indians themselves. No matter liow extensive an alliance some powerful and enlightened chief might be able to effect, tribal jealous- ies and distrust soon l)roke in pieces his rope of sand. Tlie Indians of America liave been compelled to contend with the advancing tide of Caucasian supremacy, tribe by tribe, as the wave of civilization reachtsd and engulfed it and the^u rolled on to the next. In every struggle they have made to breast and beat })ack this mighty flood, they have found themselves opposed by members of their own race, who helped to render futile their impotent efforts. Not infrequently has it happened that, in the very heat of the campaign, the treach- ery of allies has dashed to earth the fondest hopes of some great chief, whose voice had called to arms the warriors of neighboring tribes. King Philip, Tecumseh, Black Hawk, Osceola, Captain Jack, Chief Joseph, Egan, and even Sitting Bull, each in his turn, saw members of his own race raise their weapons against hiui and aid the white foe to crush him to the ground. Had it been other- wise the picket fires of Caiicfisian civilization might even now be burning on the summit of the Alleghenies, and the settlements on the Atlantic Coast only preserved from annihilation by a continuous line of fortifications from the St. Lawrence to the Gulf. A people so warlike, so brave, so intelligent, and so numerous, lacked only the ability to successfully combine to have checked there the ad- vancing wave of conquest, and, possibly, to have rolled it back to the shore of the great Atlantic Sea. The almost simultaneous beginning of hostilities by the tribes so widely separated as those of Eogue River Valley and the Plains of the Columbia, was at the time, regarded as conclusive evidence of an extensive and well-planned combination for the extermination of the settlements; and this has been the prevailing opinion to the present day. To one who looks deeper than these surface indica- tions, and studies the various causes which led to the beginning of hostilities in the different regions, the question presents another aspect. He sees that totally distinct causes were in operation to produce these effects, though, primarily, they sprang from the one great fountain head of all our Indian wars — the aggressiveness of THE GREAT OUTBREAK OF EIOHTEEN FIFTY-FIVE. ar.7 the higher civilization and the natural reHistance of a warlike [)('<)])le to the encroachments of a superior race. It was an effort, in the one case, to expel white intruders from the home of their anci'stors, suptTinduced by special acts of ill-treatment by the invaders; and in the other case an attem[)t to wai-d off the same evils they saw had befallen the tribes of other regions. The only coud)ination was among the tribes living along ])oth sides of tlie Colinnbia, east of the Cascade Mountains, and this was biit an incoherent union, man- ifested chiefly in a spasmodic and transient co-o[)eration, brought aboTit by a connnunity of interest and a similarity of grievances. Had there been as thorough a imion and as perfect a blending of forces as was imagined, the consequences to the settlements in the Willamette would have been fearful to contemplate. The uprising along Rogue River was distinct, find l)rought about by local events, but occurring at the same time, tlui resoiu'ces of the Terri- tory were severely taxed to conduct campaigns in two regions so remote from each other — where the machinery and organization of two separate and distinct armies had to be maintained. This con- dition of affairs served, also, to divide the regular ti'oops stationed here by the Government into detachments so small that they were totally unable to cope with the enemy. The outbreak along the southern and eastern shores of Puget Sound, was, no doubt, a re- sult of the hostilities across the moinitains; or, to better define it, the Indians of the Sound took advantage of this favorable oppor- tunity to make an attempt to break up the settlements in their midst, while warlike tribes living to the north, in British Columbia, made hostile incursions in their war canoes, drawn hither by the supposed defenseless condition of the people. The first outburst of war's destructive flame occurred in Rogue River Valley, and was but a continuation of that fierce race conflict which began with the first advent of settlers into the valley, and ended only with the extermination or removal of the native pro- prietors of the soil. Here, more than at any other place, had race prejudice been developed to its extreme pitch by four successive years of conflict. Indians were both despised and hated. The least "insolence" on their part met with swift retribution, while on the other hand, indignities put upon them, even, in instances, to the taking of life, went uncondemned by the better portion of the com- .J IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) V {./ 'is < ^ 868 HI0TOBT or WILLAMXTTE VALLET. miinity, and by the more irresponsible and less morally developed, were approved as being " good enough for them." There were many who deprecated this condition of affairs; but when they led to the inevitable outbreak, the relentless ferocity and barbarovis cruelty of the savages soon united the whole community in one uni- versal demand for their extermination. When their property was being destroyed, their families threatened with death, and all the horrors of barbaric warfare were hovering over their homes, there was no time for moral philosophy, no time to inquire into the causes that had produced this teiTible state of afFaii*s. The natural instinct of self-preservation and a spirit of vengeance for the death of neigh- bors and friends bound them together in a demand for retribution, and that the savage perpetrators of these horrible deeds be either exterminated or placed beyond the possibility of repeating them. The officers of the regular army, whose duty it was to protect the people and keep the Indians in subjection, were inclined to inquire more closely into the origin of these difficulties, and in their official reports frequently condemned irresponsible whites for precipitating the uprising which they were called upon to subdue. It was so in this instance, and Captains Judah and Smith and General Wool were severely condemned by the people and press of Oregon for their strictures upon the ante-bellum conduct of the white people ; though it was their dilatory action and half-hearted method of conducting their campaigns which drew down upon them the severest criticism. Much of this was undeserved, yet it must be admitted that General Wool allowed himself to be governed too much by his opinion of the causes which led to the wars and not enough by the critical condition of affairs after hostilities had r^tually been commenced. Believing firmly that the whites were responsible for the outbreak, he considered that his duty only re- quired him ix) defend the settlements from attack, while, on the other hand, the people demanded of i^m an aggressive campaign. This led to a lack of harmonious action between the volunttiers and regulars in the field, and to much abuse and misrepresentation. Passion, pride and prejudice seemed t<> hold such perfect sway, that newspaper editorials and communications, pi'ivate correspondence and official reports all passed beyond the limits of reliability. Had General Wool recognized the fact that, no matter what was the TT— THE OBBAT OUTBBBAK OF EIGHTEI;N FIFTY-FIVE. 369 origin of hostilities, the future security of the people required that a severe castigation be administered to the turbulent tribes, and had he promptly entered upon the vigoious campaign he was afterwards compelled to make, his name would now be revered in Oregon as is that of his successor — the noble Colonel Wright. War having once been begun with savages, it was folly to adopt a defensive policy. Nothing but an aggressive campaign, ending in a complete defeat and humiliation of the enemy, can ever conquer a lasting peace with such a foe. General Wool should have known this and acted accordingly. He was right in condemning the conduct of the whites in drawing down upon innocent heads the vengeance of savages, but he was \vrong in permitting this vo interfere with that vigorous discharge of his duty as the commanding officer of this department, which the proper protection of those innocent heads demanded. A brief summary of the events of the intercourse be- tween the two races in the Rogue River Valley, between the close of hostilities in 1854 and their inauguration again the following year, will show that the severe war which then began was caused by the custom both the wliites and Indians had of taking revenge for the killing of any of their number, by attacking parties not only innocent, but entirely ignorant, of the deed for which vengeance was being exacted. This habit, and especially its manifestation in the Lupton affair, explain General Wool's strong condemnation of the men whom he charged with responsibility for the war. There were a few detached incidents in 1854, which could not be said to be associated in any way with a design on the part of the Indians to make war or commit outrages, yet they served to keep alive the general feeling of insecurity and spirit of hostility on the part of the whites. About the middle of April Edward Phillips was murdered in his cabin on Applegate Creek, and an investiga- tion showed that Indians had committed the deed fur the purpose of robbery. Though this should have l)een considered an individual crime, as it v^ould have been had the perpetrators been white men — and such acts by white men were by no means rare — it was charged to the general Indian account, to be settled, whenever op- portunity occurred, with any Indians who might be so unfortunate as to be selected to balance the score. In September a number of people were killed by the members of Tipsu Tyee's baud. An im- ,\\ 1 1 'I it i i i I in 1 8Y0 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. migrant namerl Stewart was murdered while passing with his wagon along the trail. On the second of September an affray occurred in the upper part of Bear Creek Valley, Jackson County, which re- sulted in the death of a white man and the wounding of two others. A few days previously Indians stole some horses from B. Alberding. The owner summoned his neighbors to assist in recovering them, and a very small company set out on the quest. Following the trail, they walked into an ambuscade and were fired upon. Granville Keene was killed, and Alberding, J. Q. Faber and another man were wounded. The party hastily retired, leaving the body of Keene where it fell. " On the following day a detachment of troops from Fort Lane proceeded to the scene of the conflict and obtained the much mutilated remains, but the Indians, of course, were gone. The next event occurred on the twenty-fifth of September. On the previous day Harrison B. Oatman, Daniel P. Brittain and Cal- vin M. Fields started from Phoenix, each driving an ox-team loaded with flour destined for Yreka. Camping the first night near the foot of Siskiyou Mountain, the train started up the ascent in the morning. When within three hundred yards of the summit, Brit- tain, who was in the rear, heard five shots fired in the vicinity of the men in the advance. Hurrying up the rise ue quickly came in sight of the teams, which were standing still, while an Indian was apparently engaged in stripping a fallen man. Turning back, Brit- tain ran down the mountain, followed by a bullet from the Indian's rifle, but made his way unhurt to the Mountain House, three mi.v's from the scene of the attack. Six men hastily mounted and re- turned to the summit. Oatman, meanwhile, had escaped to Hughes' house, on the California side, and obtained help. He reported that a youth named Cunningham was passing Oatman and Fields when the attack was made, and that he was wounded at the instant Fields fell dead. The latter's body was lying in the road, stripped, but Cun- ningham was only found the next day, lying dead by a tree behind which he had taken refuge. On the following day Samuel Warner was murdered on Cottonwood Creek, not far from the scene of the other tragedy, and most likely by the same Indians. These repeated outrages produced a very considerable degree of alarm, but no military measures of importance were taken, except by the ofl^cials at Fort Lane, who sent forty mounted troops to the various scenes of bloodshed, who returned without having effected anything. THE OKBAT OUTBREAK OF EIGHTEEN FIFTY-FIVE. 371 The first overt act in 1855 was committed by a party of Illinois Indians, who crossed tbe mountains to Klamath River and robhed some cabins near Happy Camp, and then proceeded to Indian Creek and killed a man named Hill, or Hull, retreating to the head of Slate Creek with cattle they had stolen from Hay's ranch. This was on the eighth c c May, and on the following day Samuel Frye set out from Hay^s ranch with a force of eight men, and coming suddenly upon the culprits, killed or wounded three of them. He then returned for reinforcements, and returning with them the next day he found the enemy had taken advantage of the respite from attack to visit Deer Creek and kill a man named Philpot, and seriously wound James Mills. Settlers were thrown into a fever of apprehension, and hastily gathered into a stockade at Yarnall's. Lieutenant Switzer hastened from Fort Lane with a detachment of twelve men, and soon discovered that the Indians had nmrdered Jerome Dyer and Daniel McCiie, on Applegate Creek, and escaped eastward. They were followed, captured and taken to Fort Lane, where they were placed under close guard, both for their protec- tion from the enraged citizens, and to prevent them from escaping. The next event was what is known across the line in Siskiyou County as the " Humbug War." This had its origin in a shooting scrape between a citizen and a drunken Indian, and consisted of the massacre of eleven innocent miners, and the indiscriminate killing of many innocent and inoffensive Indians by the whites of that region. The only connection it had with Oregon was the flight of a band of Indians, among them the originator of the trouble, to Fort Lane, and their pursuit by five companies of volunteers from the Cali- fornia side. These made a demand upon Captain Smith for the fugitives, but the officer declined to surrender them to any one ex- cept the regular authorities, and though the exasperated volunteers threatened to take them by force, they thought better of that rash project and returned to California. Our account now approaches the beginning of the war of 1855-6, by some thought to have been the result of the incidents above re- counted. It is truly difficult at this time to accord these circum- stances their proper influence in the acts which followed. It is evident that the people of Rogue River Valley, toward the end of the summer of 1855, must have felt an additional degree of insecurity, k \ P: I '#1- -■ I u I ■ t I i, n 1 , » ii 1 h \ t 372 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY. but that it was wholly in consequence of the murdei-s which had previously taken place does not seem pr jable, inasmuch as these murders were committed outside the valley, and the most aggra- vated ones nearly a year before. Their legitimate resiilts could hardly have been sufficient to stir up a general war against the Indians, so we are left to conjecture the growth of a public senti- ment deteimined upon war. The vast majority of settlers, wearied of constant anxiety, heartily and unaffectedly believed that the re- moval of the Indians was desirable and necessary. Whatever may have been the exact status of the war party, and whatever the in- fluence of the speculative branch of it, it is clear there was no out- spoken opposition, such as would have been created by a general sentiment in favor of peaceful methods. Almost the only outspoken advocate of Indians' rights was compelled to leave the country of his adoption from fear of personal violence. Whoever doubts the acerbity of public sentiment at that date, will do well to pause; here and digest that statement, comparing with it the tenor of the edito- rial remarks to be found in the Jacksonville Sentinel at that time. If such publications may be trusted to gauge public sentiment, the feeling of absolute enmity against the natives must have increased ten-fold since the signing of the Lane Treaty. This feeling of hos- tility was sufficient to cause the following outrage to receive the endorsement of a large portion of the community; and this was the incident which General Wool so freely criticised and strongly con- demned, and for doing which he was so roundly abused by the press of Oregon. On the seventh of October, 1855, a party of men, principally miners and men-about-town, in Jacksonville, organized and armed themselves to the number of about forty (accounts disagree as to number), and under the nominal leadership of Captain Hays and Major James A. Lupton, Representative -elect to the Territorial Legislature, proceeded to attack a small band of Indians encamped on the north side of Rogue River, near the mouth of Little Butte Creek, a few miles above Table Rock. Lupton, it appears, was a man of no experience in bush fighting, but was rash and headstrong. It is the prevailing opinion that he was led into the affair through a wish to court popularity, which is almost the only incentive that could have occurred to him. Certainly, it could not have been wound man ui of barl fensek great them, danger Languj such a THK ORBAT OUTBREAK OF EIOUTEEN FIFTY-FIVE. 373 plunder; and the mere love of fighting Indians, which drew the greater part of the force together, was, perhaps, absent in his case. The reason why the particular band at Butte Creek was selected as victims also appears a mystery, although the circumstances of their location being accessible and their numbers small, possibly were the ruling considerations. This band of Indians appear to have behaved themselves tolerably; they were pretty fair Indians, but beggars, and, on occasion, thieves. They had been concerned in no considerable outrages that are distinctly specified. The attack- ing party arrived at the river in the evening, and selecting a hiding place, remained until daylight, the appointed time for the attack. The essential particulars of the fight which followed are, when separated from a tangle of contradictory minutiae, that Lupton and his party fii-ed a volley into the crowded encampment, follomng up the sudden and totally unexpected attack by a close encounter with knives, revolvers, and whatever weapon they were possessed of, and the Indians were driven away or killed without making much re- sistance. These facts are matters of evidence, as are also the kill- ing of several squaws, one or more old decrepit men, and a number, probably small, of children. Captain Smith reported to the Gov- ernment that eighty Indians were slaughtered. Others place the number at thirty. The exact condition of things at the fight, or massacre, as irought to a standstill, and trade and commerce be- came instantly paralyzed. All business and pleasure were forsaken to devise means to meet and vanijuish the liowtile bands. Nor was this state of affairs coniincd to the Rogue liiver country. The people of the Willamette V^ alley caught the infection, and for a time the depressing expectation of Indian forays racked many a breast. The Oregon papers of that date were full of mattta* calcu- lated to show the extreme state of ajiprehension existing throughout the State, caused by these events and outrages committed at the same time by Indians north of the Columbia. It will l>e believed that there whs ample reason for such a feeling among those who lived south of the Calapooins. The settlers on the Umpipia and its tributaries were obviously endangered. They retired to places of safety until the Indian scare Imd settled down to a steady wai"fare. At Scottsburg, more than a hundred miles from the seat of war, the inhabitants thus took refuge. On Cow Creek on the twenty-fourth of October, Indians made an attack on some hog-(h"overs from Lane County, who were traversing the road. H. Bailey was killed in- stantly, and Z. Bailey and three others wounded. The Indiana burned, on that day, the houses of Turner, Bray, Fortune, Redfield, and one other. Mr. Redfield placed his family in a wagon and started for a place of safety, but soon his horses were shot, and he" took his wife upon his back and carried her to a fortified place, be- fore reaching which she was wounded. It should be remarked that the situation in Southern Oregon waft even more serious than was thought possible by those who viewed these affairs from abroad, or through the distorting medium of the newspapers. The people were beset on all sides by savages, they knew not how numerous, who might strike, they knew not where. The extent of the Indian uprising was not at first under- stood. The Indians were well supplied with ammunition, and had guns, rifles, revolvers and knives, as great in assortment and better in quality than the whites themselves were provided with. Besides, of tie several thousand Indians who inhabited Southern Oregon, no one could tell which band might dig up the hatchet and go on the war path in imitation of those who were already so actively butch- ering and bui'ning. The Table Rock band, steadfastly fi'iendly, withstood the temptation to avenge their undoubted grievances, and m m in' id , 'V '■■■'] '11 ■ it •'•■■J, ;>ii •>¥a 878 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTB VALLBT. remained upon the reservation, thereby diminiahinj;! the enemy's force very con.siderably. The Co""* Indians, formidable and dangerous barbarians, as yet hj^d nc*^ been influenced to join tht* malcontents. To oppose such an array of active murderers and in- cendiaries, the General Government had a small number of troops, unfitted to perform tjit, duties of Indian fighting by reason of their unsuitable mo i •i * - n- 888 HISTbRT OF WILLAMETTE VALLET. five hundred Yakiniati and Klickitata were within fifteen miles of White Salmon, and at once the military detachment locateti there embarked on the steamer Wasco and proceeded to the mouth of that river, only to find their presence there u ss, and at once returned. On the third of October, Major Haller's force, consisting of one hundred and seven, rank and file, started north from The Dalles, dragging with them a mountain howitzer. News of this movement, of the death of Bolan, and the White Salmon canard, reached Port- land at the same time and created much excitement throughout the Valley. This force marched north, and on the sixth encountered a strong body of Indians on Simcoe Creek. By a dashing charge the savages were dislodged from the brush along the stream, but the fortunes of l)attle soon turned, and the troops were forced to take refuge on the crest of a neighboring hill, where they were imme- diately suri'ounded by the enemy, whose number was estimated at one thousand warriors. A courier succeeded in slipping through the environing savages, and after two days of fatigue and danger, reached The Dalles with intelligence of the precai'ious position of the troops. Lieutenant Day at once started to their relief with forty-five men and a howitzer, l>ut soon met the troops in full re- treat. Unable to maintain their position, they had forced a passage through the enemy's lines and fought their way out of the country, losing, in the whole fight, five of their number killed and seventeen wounded. On the ninth Major Raines made a requisition upon Governor Mason for two companies of volunteei's, and addressed a communi- cation to Governor George L. Curry, of Oregon, containing the following language: — An commanding officer, I have ordered all the United Utatee disposable force in thio district into the field immediately, and shall take the command. ^Vs this force is questionable to subdue these Indians— the Yakimas, Klickitate, and may be some other smaller bands — I have the hon r to call upon you for four companies of vol- unteers, composed, according to our present organization, of one captain, one firHt lieutenant, one second lieutenant, four sergeants, four corporals, two musicians, and seventy-four privates. This number of companies is just enough for a major's command, and would authorize that officer ilso. We have only arms enough at this post for two companies, so it is advisable to have two of the four compauicH come armetl witli rifles, or such arms as can best be obtained. We have plenty of ammunition, however. As celerity is the word, we want as many of the volunteers as can be immediately obtained, to rendezvous at this post, and proceed with the troops to Fort Dalles. They can be mustered here. THE GRKAT OrTBKKAK OF EIOHTKKN KIFTY-FIVE. 3S1» Governor Ma«on at once issued a proclamation for two com- panies, which were speedily filled, (lovernor Culry did better. Instead of four companies he called for eight — one each from Mult- nomah, Clackamas, Washington, Marion, Polk, Yamhill, Lane and Wasco — and a few days later added a company fi-om Benton and another fi'om French Settlement, in Marion Coimty ; the last l>eing designed for scout and guide duty. Just why this was done is not perfectly clear, but it was charged at the time that he proposed to render the regulars auxiliary to the militia instead of the reverse, and therefore desired companies enough to require a colonel, who would outrank Major Raines. It was also charged that speculation was an important factor here aa well as in Southern Oregon, and that ever since the glorious trip of the year before " to fight the emigrants," the powers that were, and their friends, looked upon an Indian war as a bonanza of considerable proportions. This may be doing the memory of the executive and his advisers an injustice, but certain it is, even if that element was not then present, it cropped out later, and with sufficient prominence to give color to the suspi- cion of its existence from the very beginning. It is proper here to give another version of the cause of hostili- ties and the reason for this rather wholesale calling to arms by Governor Curry. General Wool, in a letter to the National Intel- ligencer^ under date of April 2, 1S66, detailed the situation in Oregon from his stand-point. This is one of the letters which drew douTi upon his devoted head such a storm of indignation, which will be more fully referred to in its proper place. In it he says: — It is said that the Yakimati having become dissatisfied with the treaty made with them the summer before by Governor Htevens, determined on war. This was hastened, as it would seem, by some miners forcibly carrying away and ill treating some Yaliima sijuaws. The Yalcimas, according to their own story, complained of this wronK to A. J. Bolan, 8ul>Indian Agent, who was at that time in tlie Indian country, and demanded redress. An altercation took place, when the Indians threatened revenge. The agent, in turn, threatened to send against them troops of the United States. It was under such circumstances that the agent and the Indians separated. The former, however, was followed and overtaken by the Yakimas, when they demanded to know if he intended to send the troops of the United States against them. On answering them in the aftlrmative, as the Indians say, they killed him, and afterwards, as reported, some miners on their way to the t'ol- ville mines. * * * The M^jor, however, partaking somewhat of the alarm pervading the country, increased and stimulated by political demagogues, called upon Acting-Governor Mason for two companies of voluuteei-s, whicli wan 1 " .' 390 HISTORT OF WILLAMKTTK VALLET. promptly and favorably reaponded to ; and upon Governor Curry, of Oregon, for fnur ooiupanies, which he refused, be<>auBe, as he said, the Oregonians would no^ serve under United BtatoR offlcera. At the Hanie time be called into the Territorial service two mounted regiments — one to serve against the Indians of Washington Territory, and the other against the Indians in Southern Oregon. Of the former, no part of It, in any sense of the term, was necessary to defend the inhabitants of Oregon against the Indians in Washington Territory, east of the Cascade Mountains, ftroro whom they had n«) danger whatever to apprehend. « » ♦ Buch have been the results of one of the most unwise, unnecessary and extravagant expedi- tions ever fitted out in the United States, and for no other reason than to plunder the treasury of the Uniteil States and to make ))olltical capital for somebody. It could not have been projected for the defense of the inhabitants of Oregon, nor for the protection of Oregonians in Washington Ten itory, for none resided there. What, then, could have been the object? Nothing but a crusade against the Indians, and a long war to enrich the country. If such was not the ol»ject. Governor Curry, instead of sending his troops against the Indians of Washington Territory and beyond his own jurisdiction, would have sent them all to Southern Oregon, where the war raged, and no where else in his territory. The Oregonians say that the war is a Godsend to the country. * * * It is said by intelligent men that the expenses of Governor Curry's army will amount, in scrip, to three or four millions of dollars. If Congress should foot the bill, some Governor of another Territory will make a bill of ten millions. I do not know how the question will be con- sidered. One thing, however, is certain, that It is an example which, if counte- nanced by the United States Government, may, when least expected, lead to no less embarrassing than disastrous results. In the " River of the West," the author, who evidently was in- spired by the communications and reports of General Wool, thus speaks upon this subject: — But when at last the call to arms was made in Oregon, it was an opportunity sought and not an alternative forced upon them by the politicians of that Territory. The occasion was simply this: A party of lawless wretches from the Sound Country passing over tiie Cascade Mountains into the Yakima Valley, on their way to the Upper Columbia mines, found some Yakima women digging roots in a lonely place and abused them. The women fled to their village and told their chiefs of the outrage, and a party followed the guilty whites and killed several of them in a fight. Mr. Bolan, the Indian Sub-Agent for Wash'ngton, went to the Yakima vil- age, and. Instead of judging the case impartially, made use of threats in the name of the United States Government, saying that an army should be sent to punish them for killing his people. On his return home, Mr. Bolan was followed and murdered. Thje murder of an Indian Agent was an act which could not be overlooked. Very properly the case should have been taken notice of in a manner to convince the Indians that murder must be punished. But, tempted by an opportunity for gain, and encouraged by the somewhat reasonable fears of the white population of Wash- ington and Oregon, Governor G. L. Curry, of the latter, at once proclaimed var, and Issued a call for volunteers, without waiting for the sanction or assistance of the General Government. Though the camas incident may have occurred, it has not been established by proof; and even if an actual occuiTence it was but an incident and not a sole cause of trouble. For this contracted and SI familii sustaii He pn course Goven Th/ hardly straits call for rible n wafi at Oregon tion agt paper, i cious sc THK GKKAT OUTBRKAK OF KIOHIT'IKN KIFTY-FIVF,. 391 and superficial view, General Wool, who was a stranger and un- familiar with the relations the whites and Indians had previously sustained toward each other, may, perhaps, be considered excusable. He probably acted " to the best of his knowledge and belief." His course, was certainly better than the other extreme adopted by Governor Curry. Th^ excitement and panic created in the Willamette Valley can hardly be appreciated at this distant day. News of the terrible straits to which Major Haller was reduced, and of Major Raines' call for aid, was followed two days later by intelligence of the ter- rible massacre in the Rogue River Valley, already described. It wan at once asserted, and generally believed, that all the Indians in Oregon and Washington had combined to wage a war of extermina- tion against the settlements. The Oregonian especially was a panicy paper, filling its columns with all the absurd rumors which menda- cious schemers or timid idiots might invent or conceive. Other papers seconded the hot-headed Dryer in his efforts to create a war feeling among the people, with the exception the Statesman ; and this exception was caused by the simple fact that Bush, its editor, always espousetl the negative of any question upon which Dryer had pronounced in the affirmative. It was somewhat anomalous and paradoxical in this case, since the Statesman was the apostle of Democrac}', and the Territorial Government was completely in the hands of that party, which would, cousetiuently, control all appoint- ments and the letting of all contracts — as subsecjuent events proved that it did. On the contrary the Oregonian^ as the organ of the Whig, or American, party, could hope for no benefit for itself oi' friends, save such as might come indirectly, because the " war was a Godsend to Oregon." By warmly advocating the war, and then as hotly criticising its management by the Democratic officials and con- tractors, while not forgetting at the same time to bestow unlimited praise upon " the brave men in the field," the Oregonian made itself extremely popular. This was an astute piece of journalism, and it may be said that the Oregonian here laid the foundation for its subsequent greatness and prosperity. To enumerate the various rumore which flew about the \' alley, racking the nerves of the timid and rousing the martial ardor of the more warlike, would be impossible. The same evening the start- i j- "'If'^ % I it •,. It 1 ^ "'H' V 392 BISTORT OK WILLAMKTTB VALLKT. [I ling intelligence was brought into Portland that Major Haller was defeated, a rumor was spread that the Cjwoudes was threatened and that six hundred Indians were opposite St. Helens. Hastily a meet- ing was called, excited and warlike speeches made, a committee of safety appointed "to keep an eye on the Indians in and about the city," and another to enroll the names of volunteers. Quite a com- pany was rai8eeH north of us. We hope not ; and we have neen no evidence that such is the case, and do not believe that it in. The troops under tlie fommand of Major RaineH w«^re portions of the 4th Infantry. Immediately upon receiving the Major's re- port of the condition of affairs on the Co]iim>»ia, as well aw intelli- gence of the Rogue River complications, Major General Wool, com- mandant of the Military Division of the Pacific, with headciuarters at San Francisco, forward