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CIHM/ICMH

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'M ■■'>

CONSlDiERATiONS

On Behalf of th^

COLONISTS.

1 K A

L E T T E R

TO A

NOBLE LORD.

y '

'•

THE SECOl^D EDITION*

II I - .1

! )!l

■

1S^

'j.- • ! ■ 'i ' l

tfWMHfa

Mki

LONDON:

SiPrmted for J. Almon, oppofice BuHingtolib.
Houfe, in Piccadilly*
MDcclXv.

[ Price Qnc Shilling. J

, i.j. ■«■>'*;',• >

:^.-

J.^

thfolJowing Pampilet was Jinf fa f^e Ft^^-*
lijher^ by an unknown Per/on ^ from Bofton^
in New England y with a Requejl to prini
it asfoon aspojfibk : findings after a care-
ful Readings it not to contain any Thing
apparently^ or particularly ofenfive to any'
Party, or Body of Men, he pould huve
thought himfelf inexcufeable, if he had been'
the Means ofwitbolding it from the Public.-

'>-'>'

^ >

LETTER, &>c.

■■iT.

My Lord,

IH A V E read the Opu/cklum of the
celebrated Mr. J-— — s, called " Ob^^
jedions to the taxation of , the colonics
by the legiflature of Great-Britairtj briefly
confidered." In obediencelto your lordihips
icommandsi I have thrown a few thoughts
on paper, all indeed that 1 have patience
bn this anelancholy occafion to cplleift. Thd
gentleman thinks it is "abfurd and infolent'^
to queflion the expediency and utility of a
public tneafure. He Teems to be an utter
enemy to the freedom of enquiry aft^r
truth, jufticc and equity. He is not only
ft zealous advocate for pufilanimous and
paflive obedience, but for the mod implicit
faith in the didatorial mandates of power.
The *< feveral patriotic favorite words

t ^ ) ■ ,

iibertyt property, Englijhmen, &c." are in
his opipion of no ufe but to «' make flrbfig
impreflions on the more numerous part of
mankind who havtf ears but no under-
ftanding," The times have been when
the favorite terms places, penfions, French
huh dors and Engh'ih guineas, have made
very undue impreflions on thofc who have
had votes and voices, but neither honor
nor confcience — who have deferved of their
country ^n aX, a gibbet or a halter, much
better than a ftar or garter. The gradd
aphorifm of the Britifh conflitution, that
•' no Engli/hman is or can be taxed but by bis
own confent in perfon or by his deputy* is
^bfurdly denied. In a vain and moft injolent
attempt to difprove this fundamental prin-
ciple he exhibits a curious fpecimen of
his talent at chicanery and quibbling. He
fays that ** no man that he knows of is
taxed by his own confent." It is a maxim
at this day, that the crown by royal preroga-
tive alone can levy no taxes on the fubjedf.
One who had any " underftanding as wett
as ears" would from thence be led to
conclude that fome men mufl: confent to
their taxes before they can be impofed.

[ 3 ] "

It has been commonly underflood, at lead
iince the glorious revolution^ that the
confent of thj; Britifh Lords and Commons,
i. e. of all men within the realm, mud
be obtained to make a tax legal there. The
confent of the lords and commons of his
majefty*s ancient and very refpedtable king-
dom of Ireland, has alfo been deemed ne-
cefTary tp a taxation of the fubjcd^s there.
The confent of the two houfes pf afTembly
in the colonies has till lately been alfo
thought requlfite for the taxation of his
majefty's moft dutiful and loyal fubjefts,
|he colonifts. SedtempQra mutantur,

I would afk Mr. J s, if when a knight

of a (hire, or burgefs of a borough, civil
military, or errant, poflefled of a real eftate^
votes for a land tax, he does not tax him-
felf and confent to fpch tax ? And does
he not by thus voting, tax himfelf as an
identic individual, as well as fomc of hi?
filly neighbours, who "may have ears but
no underftanding", and be therefore in great
danger at a future election of chufing an
empty individuutn vagum to manage their
Jiigheft concerns. Tis much to be la-
IJj^ntpd that thefe people with «« ears but

B ^ without

[ 4 ]

tvlthout under (landing" by certain vulgar
low arts, may be as eafily led to clcA a
flate audioneer or a vote feller as the wifefl
and iDod upright man in the three king-
doms. We have known fome of them
cry Hofanna to the man who under God
and his King had been their faviour> and
the next day appear ready to crucify him.
However, when a man in Europe or
America, votes a tax on his con(lituents«
if he has any eftate, he is at the fame time
taxing himfelf, and that by his own confent ;
and of all this he mufl be confcious, unlefs
we fuppofe him to be void of common
fcnfe.

No one ever contended that ** the confent
of the very perfon he chufes to reprefent
him,"* nor that " the confent of the ma-
jority of thofe who are chofen by himfelf^
tf»</ others of his fellow fiibjeds to reprefent
them," ihould be obtained before a tax can
be rightfully levied. The pitiful chicanery
here, confids wholly in fubilituting and
for or. If for andy we read or^ as the

great Mr. J s himfelf inadvertently reads

it 4 little afterwards, the fame proportion
will be as ilridlly true, as any political

aphorifm

- is]

aphorifm or other general maxim whatever^
the theorems of Euclid not excc;»tcd;
namely, " t&at no Englt/bman, nor indeed
any other freeman^ is or can be rightfulfy
taxed, but by his own adlual confent in perforin
or by the majority of thofe who are chofen
by himfelfor others his fellow fubjeSis to refre-^
fent the whole people**

Right reafon and the fpirit of a free
conflitqtion require that the reprefentation
of the whole people ihould he as equal as
poflible. A perfcdl: equality of reprcfcrt-
tation has been thought impradicable ;
perhaps the nature of human affairs will
not admit of it. But it moft certainly
might and ought to be more equal than
it is at prefent in any ilate. The difficulties
in the way of a perfedlly equal reprefenta-
tion are fuch that in mofl countries the poor
people can obtain none. The lufl of power
and unreafonable domination are, have been«
and I fear ever will be not only impatient
of, but above, controul. The Great love
pillows of down for their own heads, and
chains for thofe below them. Hence 'tis
pretty eafy to fee how it has been brought

about, that in all ages defpotifm has been

r.--'*.->. . V the

[ 6 J

the general tho* not quite univerfal govern-
ment of the world. No good reafon how-
ever can be given in any country why every
man of a found mind fhould not have his
vote in the eledion of a reprefentative. If
a man has but little property to protedl: and
defend, yet his life and liberty are things
of fome importance. Mr. J^— -s argues
only from thp vile abufcs of power to the
continuance and increafe of fuch abufes.
This it muft be confefled is the common
logic of modern politicians and vote fellers.
To what purpofe is it to ring everl^fting
changes to the colonifts on the cafes of
Manchefter, Birmingham and Sheffield,
who return no members ? If thofe now fo
confiderable places are not reprefented, they
ought to bce Belides the counties in which
thofe refpedable abodes of tinkers, tinmen,
and pedlars lie, return members, fo do all
the neighbouring cities and boroughs. In
the choice pf the former, if they have
jio vote, they muft naturally and neceiTarily
have a great influence. I believe every
gentleman of a landed eftate, near a flourifli-
Jng manufadory, will be careful enough
pf its iaterefts. Thp' the great India con^r

pany.

>''JSd?

[5-1

fafty^ as fuch, returns no members, y^
many of the company are returned, and
their interefts have been ever very carefully
attended to.

Mr. J— ^-8 faysj " by far the major part
of the inhabitants of Great Britain are noii
eledlors." The more is the pity. " Every
Engliihman, he tells us, is taxed, and yet
not one in twenty is reprefented." To be
confident, he mufl: here mean that not one
in twenty, votes for a reprefentative. So a
fmall minority rules and governs the majo*<
rity. This may for thofc in the faddle be
clever enough, but can never be right in
theory. What ab initio could give an ab*
folute unlimitted right to one twentieth of
a community, to govern the other nineteen
by their fovereign will and plcafurc ? Let
him, if his intelledts will admit of the re<-
fearch, difcovcr how in any age or country
this came to be the fad;. Some favourite
modern fyftems muft be given up or main-»
tained by a clear open avowal of thefe Hoh^
beian maxims, viz. That dominion is right-
fully founded on force and fraud. — That
power univerfally confers right. —- That
war, bloody war, is the real and natural

Aate

w,N

I ;

t M

(tfiite of man— and that he who c^n And
means to buy» feW, enflave^ or deflroy^ thel
greatcl): number of his own fpecies» is right
worthy to be dubbed a modern politician
and an hero* Mr. J«-^-s has a little con-)
temptible flirt at the facred names of Sel-
den, Locke, and Sidney. But their ideas
will not quadrate with the half-born fenti-
mentsof a courtier* Their views will ncvcf
center in the paricranium of a modern poli<«
tician. The characters of their writings can«
tiot be aSedted by the crudities of a minif-
terial mercenary pamphleteer. He next
j>roceeds to give us a fpecimen of his agility
in leaping hedge and ditch, and of paddling
through thick and thin. He has proved
himfelf greatly fkilled in the ancient alid
honourable fciences of horfe-^racing, bruif>
ing, boxing, and cock-^^fighting* He oflTdra
to <* rifk the merits of the whole caufe On
t fingle queftion." For this one qtieftioA ,
he propofes a firing of five ot fix.-i>— Tc all
which I fay he may be a very great ftateA ^
man, but mud be a vei'y indifferent lawyef •
A good lawyer might rifqUe the merit of
a caufe on anfwers, but never would red it
on mere interrogatories^ A multiplicity of

queftfODSi

■1

I 9 1

queftions^ efpecially fuch as moil of Mf*
J-^--s*s, only prove the folly and impcrti*'
nence of the querifl. Anfwers may be
evidence, but none refults from queftlonB
only. Further, to all his queries, let him
take it for a full anfwer, that his way of
reafoning would as well prove that the Bri^
ti(h houfe of commons, in fadt, reprefent all
the people on the globe,, as thofe in Ame^
rica. True it is, that from the nature ^
the Britifh conftitution, and alfo from the
idea and nature of a fupreme legiflaturey
the parliament reprefents the whole com^ r^
muhity or empire, and have an undoubted
power, authority, and jurifdiftion, over tho i
whole I and to their final dedfions the
whole mufl and ought peaceably to fubmit*
Th^y have an undoubted right alio to unita
to all intents and purpofes, for beiiefits and
burthens, a dominion, or fubordinate jurif^*
didlion to the mother flate, if the good of
the whole requires it* But great tender-
nefs ha« been ihown to the cuftoms of par- ^
tiGular citiea and boroughs, and furely as^
much iddMlgtnCe might ht reafonably ex^'
pe(!led towards large pi'ovinces, the inha^
bitants of which have ueen bom and grown

C i^p

!H •

[ '0 ]

up under the modes and cufloms of a fuboT'
dinate jurifdidion. But in a cafe of necef-
iity, the good of the whole requires, that
not only private interefts, but private paf-
iions, (hould give way to the public. But
all this will not convince me of the reafon-
ablenefs of impofing heavy taxes on the co-
lonics, while their trade and commerce are
every day more than ever reftridled. Much
lefs will it follow, that the colonics are, irt.
fa(fl, reprefented in the houfe of commons.
Should theBritifh empire one day be extend-
ed round the whole world, would it be reafon-
able that all mankind ihould have their con-*
cerns managed by the cledors of old Sarum,
and the " occupants of the Corni(h barns
and ale-houfes," we Sometimes read of?
We who are in the colonies, are by com-
mon law, and by a(^ of parliament^ de-
clared entitled to all the privileges of the
fubjedts within the realm. Yet we are
heavily taxed, without being, in fadt, re-<
prefented.— -In all trials here relating to
the revenue, the admiralty courts have ju-
lufdidlion given them, and the fubjedl may,
at the pleafure of the informer, be deprived
of a trial by his peers. To do as one would

J be

( " ] .

be done by. Is a divine rule. Remember
Britons, when you (hall be taxed without
yourconfent, and tried without a jury, and
have an army quartered in private families,
you will have little to hope or to fear!
But I muft not lofe fight of my man, who
fagacioufly afks ** if the colonifts are Eng-
' li(h when they Solicit protection, but not
Englifhmen when taxes are required to
enable thh country to protedl them V* I
alk in my turn, when did the colonies fo-
licit for protedlion ? They have had no
occadon to folicit for protection fince the
happy acceflion of our gracious Sovereign's
illuftrious family to the British diadem.
His Majefty, the father of all his people,
protects all his loyal fubjeCts of every com-
plexion and language, without any particu-
lar folicitation. But before the ever me-
morable revolution, the Northern Colo-
nifts were fo far from receiving protection
from Britain, that every thing was done
from the throne to the footftool, to cramp»
betray, and ruin them: yet againft the
combined power of France, Indian favages,
and the corrupt adminiftration of thofe
times, they carried on their fettlements,
* ' Q % and

(:-'1

t .2 }

and under a mild government for thefo
eighty years part:, have made them the
wonder and envy of the world.

Thefe colonies may, if truly underftood,
be one day the laft refource, and befl barrier
of Great Britain herfelf. Be that as it may,
fure I ani that the colonifts never in any
reign received protedlion but from the king
and parliament. From mprt; others they
had nothing to afk, but every thii.^ to fear.
Fellow fubjedts in every age, have been the
temporal and fpiritual perfecutors of fellow
fubjeds. The Creoles follow the example
of fbme politicians, and ever employ a ne-
groe to whip negroes. As to ** that coun-
try," and *« protedion from that country,'*

what can Mr. J ^s mean ? lever thought

the territories of the fame prince made one
country. But if, according to Mr. J— --s.
Great Britain is a diftindt country from thp
"Britifli colonics, what is that country in na-%
ture more than this country? The fame
fun warms the people of Great Britain and
us ; the fame fummer chears, and the fame
winter chills..

^-Mr. J s fays, " th« liberty of an Eng-

U^man is a phrafe of fo various a fignifica*

^ tion.

' [ «3 ]

tion» having, within thefe few years, been
yfed ^s fynonymous terms for blajpbeny^
bawdy, treafon, Hbels, ftrong beer^ and gr-
der^ that he (hall not here prefume to de*
fine its meaning." I commend his pru«
dence in avoiding the definition of Englijb
, Liberty ; he has no idea of the thing. -j
But your lordftip may> if you pleafe,
look back to the mod infamous times of
the Stuarts, ranfack the hiftory of all their
reigns, examine the conduct of every de-
bauchee who counted for one in that parli-*
ament, which Sidney fays, " drunk or
fober," paiTcd the five mile a(ft, and you
will not find any exprefHons equal in abfur-*
dity to thofeof Mr. J — -s. He fagely af-
firms, *' that there can be no pretence to
plead any exemption from parliamentary
authority." I know of no man in America
who underflands himfelf, that ever pleaded
or pretended any fuch exemption. J think
it our greatefl happinefs in the true and ge-
nuine fenfe of law and the conftitution, to
be fubjedt to, and controulable by, parlia-
mentary authority. But Mr. J s will

fcribble about «* our American colonies^'

Whofe colonies can the creature mean?

y t.^^ ^ ■ ' ■ The

■*_

[ H ]

The miniftcr's colonics ? Nofurcly. Whofc
then, his own ? I never he<»rd he had any
colonies. Nee gladio noc arcu, nee aftu vi'
cerunt. He muft mean his Majefty's A-
merican colonies. His Majefty's colonies
they are, and I hope and truft ever will
be; and that the true native inhabi-
tantSy as they ever have been, vf\\\ conti-
nue to be, his Majefty's moft dutiful and
loyal fubjc6ls. Every garetteer, from the
environs of Grub-ftreet, to the purlieus of
6t. James's, has lately talked of his and my
and our colonics, and of the rafcally eolo^
nijis, and of yokeing and eurbing the cattle^
as they are by fome politely called, at •* this
prefent now and very nafcent crifis." *

I cannot fee why the American peafants
may not with as much propriety fpeak of
their cities of London and Weftminfter, of
their ides, of Britain, Ireland, Jerfey, Guern-
fey, Sark, and the Orcades, and of the ** ri-
vulets and runlets thereof," -f- and confider
them all but as appendages to their fheep-
cots and goofe-pens. But land is land.

* Pownaira Adminiftration of the Colonies.
Edition,
t Terms ufed in our obfolete charters.

Second

and

t 'J ]

and men (hould be men. The property of
the former God hath given fo the pofTedbr.
Thefc 2xt Jilt juris, or flaves and vaflalsi
there neither is nor can be any medivim.
Mr. J*-— -8 would do well once in his life
to refledt that were it not for our American
colonies, he might at this •* prefent crifis,"
been but the driver of a baggage cart, on a
crufade to the holy fepulchre, or fketching
caracatura's, while the brave were bleeding
and dying for their country. He gives us
three or four fophidical arguments, to prove
that ** no taxes can be exaftly equal." *• If
not exadlly equal on all, then not jufl.*'
** Therefore no taxes at all can be juftly
impofed." This is arch. But who before
ever dreamt that no taxes could be icnpof-
edy becaufe a mathematical exa^nefs or in-
equality is impradticable,

Having in his odd way, and very confuf-
ed method confidered the tight and autho-
rity of parliament to tax the colonies, which
he takes for granted inftead of proving ; he
proceeds to (hew the expediency of taking
the prefent crifis by the fore top, and pro-
ceeding in the prefent manner, left it (hould
run away. As to tbe " nafcent crifis, or

prefent

i^:'

t t6 1
prefetit tenfd," it is as good a tehCe ^i Atif
in grammar. And mifers and politician^
wil]> for their purpofes, ^ver think it the
beft. If we mud be taxed without our con-^
fentf and are able to pay the national debt^
it is our duty to pay it, which fome take for*
granted ; why then I agree we had better
pay it off at once, and have done with it.
For this purpofe, the ** ^ ^'efent identic very*
now, is better than any other now, or crifis,
begotten, or about to be begotten i nafcent,
or about to be nafcent ; born or unborn."*
If Mr. J- — s plcafes, it (hall be the great
Mra, or TO NUN, of the colony admi-
niftratrix. ^ *'

Ultima cummai venitjam carmnis atas,

♦
But as to the manner and reafons, it may
not be amifs to offer a word or two. He
alks with the pathos of a fiage itinerant, if
** any time can be more proper to require
fome ailtflance from out colonies, to pre^
ferve to thettifclves their prefent fafety, than
yrhen this country is ahnofl undone by pro-

ivw^^.j curing

r >7 ]

fcurlng it.** That that country, as he calls it, is
almoft undone, I (hall not difpute ; efpeci*

ally after I have the fagacious Mr. J s's

opinion to the fame purpofe. But he (hows
his ignorance, weaknefs, and wickcdnefs,
who imputes fo tremendous an impending
evil to procuring frfcty for the colonies. The
colonies never cod Britain any thing till the
iaft war. Even now, if an impartial ac-
count was ftatcd, without allowing one
penny for the increafe of European trade
iince the difcovery of America, or for the
employment yielded by the colonics to mil-<>
lions in Britain who perhaps might other-
wife flarve, the neat revenue that has ac«
icrued by means of *« our American colonies"
alone, would amount to five times the fum
the crown ever expended for their fettle-
ment, protedlion, and defence, from the
reign of queen Elizabeth to this day. In
this calculate the whole expence of the lad
war is included, and fuppofed intirely
chargeable to America, according to the
Vifionary theorems of the Admin iflrator,
and Regulator. % I fhould think, how-
ever that fome fmall part of the national

X Adminiftration and Regulations of the colonies.

^^l : D debt

* \

[ '8 ]

debt might be juftly charged to the " pro*-*
curing the prefent fafety of Hanover, and
other parts of high and low Dutchland."
But, waving thisi if it were all to be charg-
ed to America, the hundred and forty-nine
millions were well laid out, and much better
than any fum from the time of Julius Caefar,
to th« glorious revolution, the *« nafcent"
aera of Britifli liberty, glory, and grandeur*
It was for the very being of Britain, as a
great maritime, commercial, and powerful,
ftate ; none of which would fhe long be,
without the afliAance of her colonies. It
requires no penetration to forefee that
fliould flie lofe thefe, which God forbid,
fhe would in a few years, fall a facrifice to
France, or fome other defpotic power ot>
the continent of Europe. The national
debt is confefled on aU hands, to be a ter-*.
rible evil, and may, in time, ruin the date.
But it (hould be remembered, that the colo-
nifts never occafioned its increafe, nor ever
reaped any of the fweet fruits of involving
the fineft kingdom in the world, in the fad
calamity of an enormous overgrown mort-
gage to ftate and ftock jobbers. No placed
, norpenfions, of thoufands and tens of thou-
^ii> fands

[ >9 1

fands fterling, have been laid out to pur-
chafe the votes and influence of the colo-
nifts. They have gone on with their fet-
t|ements in fpite of the mod horrid difficul-
ties and dangers -, they have ever fupported,
to the utmoft of their ability, his majefty's
provincial government over them, and, I
believe are, to a man, and ever will be,
ready to make grants for fo valuable a pur-
pofe. But we cannot fee the equity of our
being obliged to pay off a fcore that has
been much enhanced by bribes and pen^
iions, to keep thofe to their duty who
ought to have been bound by honour and
confcience. We have ever been from prin-
ciple, attached to his majefly, and his il-
luftrious houfe. We never afked any pay :
the heart-felt fatisfadlion of having ferved
our king and country, has been always
enough for us. I cannot fee why it would
not be well enough to go a nabob hunting
on this pccafion. Why fhould not the
great Mogul be obliged to contribute to--
wards, if not to pay, the national debt, as
fome have propofed ? He is a Pagan, an
Ead Indian, and of a dark complexion,
••/hicb are full as good reafons for laying

T> z him

'■-sj

.■»<t ....

[ 20 ]

him under contribution, as any I have found
abroad in the pamphlets and cofFec-houfe
conferences, for taxing the colonifts. There
are, doubtlefs, good reafons to be aiHgned^
cf it would not be done, by my fupcriors >
but I confefs I cannot reach them, nor has

Mr. J s afforded me the leafl: afiillance

in this matter. Neceflity, fay the coffee-
houfe politicians has no law. Then fay I^
apply the fponge at once ! A few jobbers
had better be left to hang and drown them-^
felves, as was the cafe after the South Sea
bubble, and a few fmall politicians had bet-,
ter be fent after them, than the nation be
undone. This would, in the end, tura
cut infinitely more beneficial to the whole,
than impofing taxes on fuch as have not the
means of paying them. In the way reve-t
nue has been fometimes managed, the uni-*
verfe, would not long fet bounds to the
rapid increafe of the national debt. If
places, penfions, and dependencies fhall be
ever increafed in proportion to new rer>
fources, inftead of carefully applying fuch
refources to the clearing off former incum-*.
brances, the game may be truly infinite. I
remember that the great duke of Sully, on

a re-

[ «« 1

n reViHon of the (late of his mader's finan«
ces, found that of one hundred and thirty
millions annually extorted from the poor
people, hut thirty millions of thofe livres
centred in his majefly's coffers. He pro-
ceeded in a manner worthy himfelf. Hap-
pily for Britain, the papifls ruined France
and their own caufe, by the villainous af-
faflination of one of the greatefl, wifefl,
and bed princes, that ever lived. Of courfo
the power and influence of the befl minifler
beyond all comparifon, that ever exifled,
fell with his fovereign. He only lived to
explain to France what (he might have
been. She has ever fince been toiling to
regain the lod opportunity : God be thank-
ed, it is yet in vain, and if Britain pleafes,
ever will be.

Mr. J— — s afks, if ** any time can be
more proper to impofe taxes on their irade^
than when they are enabled to rival us ir^
our manufactures, by the encouragement
and protection we have given them I" Wha
are WE? It is a miracle he had not af-
firmed, that the colonies rival Great Britaia
in trade alfo. His not afferting this, is the
pnly glimmering of modcfty or regard to
sr. truth,

111

[ 22 ]

difcoverable through his notable perform-.
ance. As the colonifts arc Britifh fubjeds,
and confeflcdly on all hands entitled to th«
fame rights and privileges, with the fub-
jedts born within the realm, 1 challenge
Mr. J— -s or any one elfe to give even the
colour of a conclufive reafon, why the
colonifts are not entitled to the fame means
and methods of obtaining a living with their
fellow-fuDJefts in the iflands. • *

Can any one tell me why trade, com-
merce, arts, fciences and manufa<flures,
fhould not be as free for an American as
for an European ? Is there any thing in
the laws of nature and nations, any thing
in the nature of our allegiance that forbids
a colonift to pulli the manufadlure of iron
much beyond the making a horfe-fhoe or
a hob nail ? We have indeed *' files for
our mattocks, and (or our coulters, and
for our forks, and for our axes, to lliarpen
our goads,'* and to break our teeth; but
they are of the manufadure of Europe :
I never heard of one made here. Neither
the refinements of Montcfquieu, nor the
imitations of the fervile Frenchified half
^linking mortals, who are fa fond of quoting
< him*

t 23 ]

Lim, to prove, that it is a law of Eur6ptf*
to confine the trade and manufactures to
the mother ftate, " to prohibit the colonifts
ere<5ting manufaOories," and "to interdidt
all commerce between them and other
countries," will pafs with me for any
evidence of the rectitude of this cuftom
and procedure. The Admmjlrator has
worked thefe principles up to " fundamental
maxims of police at this crifis." The
Regulator hath followed him, and given
broad h^nts that all kinds of American
manufadtures will not only be difcountenan-*
ced, but even prohibited, as faft as they
are found to interfere with thofe of Britain.
That is, in plain Engli(h, we ihall do
nothing that they can do for us. This is
kind!— —And what they cannot do for
us, we arc permitted to do for ourfelves*

Generous ! However, I can never heaf

American manufactures ferioufly talked of^
v/ithout being difpofed to a violent fit of
laughter. My contempt is inexpreffible>
when I perceive ftatefmen at home amufing
the mob they affedt to defpife, with the
imminent danger, from American manu-'
factories. / - ^^^ ; *.. -

^" :. > Mr,

III

t 24 i '

Mr. J— r-s complains that the plantatioii
governors have broke all their inftrudions
to procure a handfome fubfiftence, and
betrayed the rights of their fovereign."
Traitors, villains I Who are they ? I never
before heard of any fuch governors; I have
had the honour to be acquainted virith not
a few governors, and firn>ly believe they
ivould in general fooner break their owii
Hecks than their inftrudions. If Mr. J-*-8
)ias difcovered fuch a knot of traitcitj and
betrayers of their fovcreign*s rights, as
he reprefents the plantation governors to
be *« they one and all," * for he makes no
difcrimination> it is liis duty to give the
proper information that they may be brought
to condign puni(hm2nt, and he himfelf
ftand unimpcacbed for mifprifion of treafon.
I promife him aid enough in moflp.ovinces
to apprehend and fee u re fuch atrocious
cfFenders as the betrayers of the rights of
the befl of kings. He may alfo reft af-*
(ured, there is no colony but what would
rejoice in feeing its governor rewarded ac-
cording to his works, and duly exalted or
depreiicd as he may deferve. But this man

* />-,/—».

cannotj

' f 25 ]

cinnot, by any figure in any logic or
fhetoric, but his own, juftify the pofltiori
thit the colonics ought to fufFer for the
perfidy and treachery of fuch governors at
he fays have betrayed the rights of thei^
fovereigH. That the colonies have eventu-
ally fuffered, rnd may again, by the faults
of fome governors is not inipofiible. But
j^unifhing the colonics in their (lead, v^rould
be a fample of juflice like that of hanging
the weaver for the cobler, according to
Butlef.

The reverend, honbrab! and grave, our
American judges, are alfo lugged in head
Und fhoulders, and fcandalouOy abufed by

Mr. J s. He has the audacity even to

flout and fncer at thofe who wear long robes
and full bottomed wigs, inftead of greafy
hats, (baggy hair, and ragged coats, as the
manner of fome yet is. He has the im-t
jjudence to mention " coftly perriwigs and
robes of expenfive fcarlet," " as marks of
the legal abilities of the American judges."
What an ungentleman-like infmuation is
this ? as if he apprehended them to be def-
titute of all other law-like qualifications.
What a reflcdion is this on thofe who
.. > E. appoint

if'

i; ;

' !

^ [ -6 ] •

appoint American judges? They arc chor.
fen by the people no where but at Rbodq
Ifland or Connedticut. There they never
expedt any falaries. Their judges hav^
been in general men of fortune, honour,
integrity and ability, who have beqn willing
to give a portion of their time to the pub-
lic. For the judges in other colonies, the
people are not anfwerable; if they are
any of them weak or wicked, it is a fore
calamity on the people, and needs no ag-
gravation* — He fays the judges are '* Co
dependent on the humors of the afjemblies,
that they can obtain a livelihood no longe^:
than quamdiufe male *gejjmjit" This make ^
the judges as bad as the governors, vi^hq
for a morfelof bread, or a mefs of pottage^,
he makes mercenary enough to *« betray
the rights of their fovereign." 1 would
have Mr. J— s, for his own fake, a littlp
more careful of his treatment of American
judges. I once knew an American chief
juftice take it into fcrious conlideration,
and confult the attorney-general of the
province where he lived, whether his late
majefty's attorney and follicitor-general h^d
not been guilty of a libel upon his cour;.

Ill

' t 27 ] •

Ih ftating a favourite cafe before the king ^
and counfel, in a manner that bore a little
hard upOri the provincial judicatory, I would
alfo afk good Mr. J-— s if he certainly
knows that any of our plantation governors
and judges have lately complained home;
that they cannot get a «* livelihood" iii
America, but by breaking ihelt inftrudions'
and oaths, and bafely " betraying the rights
of their fovereign ?" Dare any of them
bpehly avow fuch a complaint on either .
fide the atlantic ? If any of them have
given fuch reafons, among others, in a
fedulous application to the miniftry, that
America (hould have heavy duties and taxes
impofed, let them come forth and declare
it, and they will foon receive their re-
ward. If there have been any complaints
of this kind, to my great confolation, the ^
authors arb like to be fadly difappointed : *
for I cannot find my intention of applying
any part of the new American revenue to
the difcharge of the provincial civil lift.
The prefent palliative indeed feems to be
the appointing a number of influenclal
Americans to be STAMP mafters ; but I
fufpedt this will be but a temporary pro-
i*i i E 2 vifion.

1 '-w

■J

i |!|
'■I

ill

. I

I '<^» y

[ 28 I

Ti£cn> and as a kind of reward to jfbme'
who may have been but too a^iye in bring-
ing about the meafure. When the prefent
&t ihali die off, or be fufpendeda there
can be no objedion to the appointment of
Europeans, as I wi(h it had been at firil^
Here I muO: make a general reHedion that
will not afFedl: the good, the juft, and the^
worthy, all others are at liberty to apply
it to themfelves. In many years expcrienqe
in American affairs, I have found that
thofe few of my more immediate country-
men the colonics, who have been lucky
enough to obtain appointments from home,
have been either gentlemen of true Amerir
can quality, or of no quality or ability al
all. The former have generally the pride
of a Spaniard without his virtue, the latter
are often as ignorant and impudent as the
Scotch writers of the Critical Review.—-
Hence 'tis eafy to fee the colonifla, as they
ever have been, would be in general better
treated, lefs fubjeifted to the infolence pf
office from Europeans, than from colonifts..
I will go one flep further, and venttN^e ta
affirm, that if we look carefully into the
kiflory of thefe provinces, we (hall find

that

ijj " ii

,• V •■ » • s, >

fliat in ^very grievance, every hardfljtp itt
the reftrii^ion of onr tf ftde and comnacrccp
fonie high qf Iqw dirty American has had 9,
band in procuring it for tw, ,
v,:Tbe main objedt of the Aaicrican revenue*

. according tp Mr. J— s, the Mminiftrator,
the Regulator and others, fcews to be for
the inaintenance of a Aandii^ army herc«
For v^^hat ? To protect and defend us, p'H>r
fouls. Againft whom ? Why a few ragged
Indians, thoufands and ten thdufands of
whofe fathers, without any European aid*
when w€ moft wanted it^ were fent to the
infernal (hade$. But " fih'al di^ty,** the mo-»
fal Mr. J— ^s thinks will ** require tha«
we give fome afTiftance to the diftreflcs of
our mother country." Dear mother, iwQtt
mother, honored mother-country, I an»
^er moil dutiful fon, and humble fervant \
j^ut what better afllflance can be given to
madam, than by yielding, as her Americaa
fons have* for more than a century, fub«
fiftance for half Britain ^ Take my word
for once, my lord, every inhabitant in
America maintains at leafl two lazy fellows
in eaft?, idlenefs, or luxury, in mother

, BritaiA's lap^ We have nothing we eait

cair

Ii! i

fii;

1 1

1. '

■*■■

'] 'A%

r :■*■■*-

call our own, but the toil of our hands
and the fwcat of our brows. Every dollar
that is exported hence to lodge in madam's
great pocket, returns no more to us, faci/h
ilefcenfus Avernu The coarfeft coat of the
meancft American peafant, in reality con-
tributes towards every branch of our gra-'
cious and ever adored fovereign's revenue.
The confumer ultimately pays the tax, and
*tis confefTed on all hands, and is the truth,
that America, in fadt or eventually, con-
fumes one half the manufadures of Britain;
The time is haftening when this fair daugh-
ter will be able, if well treated, to pur-
chafe and pay for all the manufadures her
mother will be able to fupply. She wants
no gifts, fhe will buy them, and that at
her mother's own price, if let alone. That
I may not appear too paradoxical, I affirm^
and that on the bed information, the Sun
rifes and fets every day in the fight of five
millions of his majefl:y's American fubjedsj
white, brown and black. I am pofitive
I am within brunds, let the Adminijirator
and Regulator compute as they pleafe in
their rapid flight thro* our weftern hemi^
fphere. The period is not very remote

when

:,<iN,

I 31 ]

yrhen thefe may be increafed to an hundred
inillions. Five millions of as true and loyal
fubjedls as ever exifted, with their good
^(Fedtions . to the bed civil conflitution la.
the world, defcending to unborn miriads*
is no fmall obje6t. God grant it may be
>vell attended to! Had I the honor to be
minifler to the fird, the bed monarch in
ihe univerfe, and trudee for the braved
people, except perhaps one, that ever ex-
ided, I might reafon in this manner, " the
Roman Eagle is dead, the Britidi Lion
lives ! drange revolutions ! the favage roving
Britons who fled before Julius Caefar, who
were vanquiftied by his fucceflbrs Hengift
and Horfa, who cut the throats of the
LurdaneSf and fell , under the Norman
bondage, are after all the maders of the
fea, the lords of the ocean, the terror of
Europe, and the envy of the univerfe ! can
Britain rife higher ? Yes, how ? Never
think yourfelf in your zenith, and you
will rife fad enough. Revolutions have
been 5 they may be again ; nay, in the
courfe of time they mud be. Provinces

* have not been ever kept in fubjedtion.

V: What then is to be done? Why it is of
^.fx . - little

'. I*;

^ 11'

r 3v I

little \ttip6mtict to my mader, v^h^thcr a
thoufand y^&ts fittitt, tbg <^6]61iies ttth^ih
dGpetkdiint oti BtitatiH or ndf ; my bufinei^
is to fall od the only means to keep them
ours for the longeft tferni pofiibJe. How
<:dti that be done ? Why in one Word, it
muft be by nburiihing and chdrifliing theiti
^6 the apple of your eye. All hiflbry Will
prove that provinces have never been dif-
pofed to independency^ ivhilc well treated.
Well treated the?) they fhall be." To re-
turni the colofiifls pride themfelves in the
teal richcis and glory their labours procure
for the beft of kings : liberty is all they de^
iire to retaliri for themfdives and pofterity.

I could widi my lord, that the colonifls
' ^ere able to yield ten times the aids for
the fupport of the common caufe ever yet
granted by^ or required of, them. But to
pay heavy provincial taxes in peace and
in war, and alfo external and internal parli*
imentary ajfejfments, is abfblutely out of the
peojple*s power. The burden of the Jiamp
ad will certainly fall chiefly oh the midd-*
ling, more neceflitous, and labouring people.
The widow, the orphan, and others, who
have f6vV on earth to help, or even pity
^*^ . . tbem>

> /

r 33 ]

them, muft pay heavily to this tax. An
inftance or two will give fome idea of the
weight of this ir. polition. A rhcam of
printed bail bonds is now fold for about fif-
teen (hillings fterling ; with the ftamps, the
fame quantity will, I am told, amount to
near one hundred pounds fterling. A rheam
of printed policies of aflurance, is now
about two pounds fterling ; with the ftamps
it will be one hundred and ninety pounds
fterling. Many other articles in common
life here, are in the fame proportion. The
fees in the probate offices, with the additi*^
on of the ftamps, will, in mofl provinces,
be three times what has been hitherto paid.
Surely thefe, and many other confiderations
that muft be obvious to all who are verfed
in the courfe of American bufinefs, are far
from being any evidence of the boafted
equality and equity, of this kind of taxa-
tion. I do not mean to infinuate that there
is, or hath been, any thing intentionally
wrong, in the views of adminiftration; far
from it, I deteft the thought. I am con-
vinced that every Englifliman, as *tis his
intereft, really wifhes and means well to
the colonics, and I fhall ever have full con-
i^ft F fidence

i|!

I hi

[ 34 ] ,

fidence in the wifdom and reftitude t(
the prefent truly Britifh adminiflration*
But I have a very contemptible opinion of
divers vile informers and informations, that
have been tranfported and re^tranfported,
within thefe feven years. I know fome of
the former to be mofl infamous fellows,
and not a few of the latter to be moft in-
fernal falflioods. How many low and in-
fignificant perfons, have, on their landing
in Britain, been inflantaneoufly metamor-
phofed into wife politicians, or fuddenly
transformed into hugeoufly fage connaij/eurs,
in the admintjiration of the colonies at this
crifis ? Some have had the alTurance on
their return to aflert, that they were per-
mitted to attend, and even frequent, lord
Greenlaurel's levy, and dine with duke
Humphry ? Credat Judeus Appella, Two
hopeful young brother furgeons, who lately
went over, wrote to their friends, that they
had laid afide all thoughts of going into an
ordinary hofpital of invalids, having had
overtures from the CrHicai Reviewers, to
aflift them in a new proje(5t of theirs,, for
diileding the colonies and all writers in
their favour. An apothecary, a quack,
• -• ■' ''?*tr'* ■'■ ■' ''I ■ ,-■ and

[ 35 t

and a fortune-hunter, not long fince arrived^
fay they were clofctlcd by this, and that,
and t'other, great man, who made moil
marvellous (hrewd enquiries concerning the
luxurious tade of our cods, crabs, mufcles,
eels, and fmelts. They even add, that as
a reward for their important difcoveries and
informations, in the nature of American
fhrimps and ferpents, they are to be admit-
ted members of the fociety for the encou-
ragement of arts, ^r. One fwears he has
obtained ample promifes of high preferment,
fo foon as ever the finance tres grande toute
novelie et admirable (hall receive its long pre-
dided completion in America. Another
fays, he is to be farmer general of a^tax of his
own projecting, on all colony gold finders,
A third fays, he (hall accept of nothing leis
than the place of Intendant extraordinaire of
the much expedted duty on all North Ame-
rican manufadured moufe traps, he having
given the firil hint.— -But be thefe things as
they may : this however, is certain, that a
fet of fribbling people, and fome others in
the colonies, who are become to the lad
degree, deteflable to all true Americans,
flffpd to ufe their fage advice, and furprifing

I '

l(:

jnflu.

, [ 36 ]

influence, in order to conciliate good and
worthy men to nieafures, which if ever fa
juft and falutary, thefe contemptible per-
fons would bring into difgrace.

* Mr. J s fays, " impofing taxes on

our colonies has been called harih and arbi-
trary." By whom ? I never heard one man
of fenfe and knowledge, in the laws and
Bfitifii conftitution, call the parliamentary
authority arbitrary. The power and autho-
I'ity of parliament is not to be queftioned.
Nay, after all the buftle, the authority of
"that augulT: body really never has been quef-
tioned by one o( the colony writers, when
duly attended to. The mode of exercifing
this authority, and the manner of proceed-
ing, may in fome inflances have been thought
a little hard and grievous, and may be

sgain, notwithflanrling what Mr. J s

has faid. He objedls to the aflertion of fome,
that '* it would have feemed lefs hard if
the admitiiflration or the parliament had
been pleafed to fettle the reipective y»(?/^ of

, 'each colony, and left it to each one to aflefs
the inhabitants, as eafily to themfelves as
^n>ight be, on penalty of being taxed by par-

' 'iiament in cafe of any unrcafonable non
V uom-

I 37 ]

compliance with the jufl requiritions of the
crown, of which the parliament is, and
muft, in the nature of things, be the final
judge."— Mr. J — s afks, *' what would
have been the confequence of this ?'* I an-
fwer, neither he nor I can tell. It will be
time enough to anfwer this when the ex-
periment is mades but I believe there
would have been found a chearful com*-
pliance on the part of the colonies, and
that they would exe:t their utmofl abi^
lities. He moft infolently afks if the " af-
femblics have (hewn fo much obedience to
the orders of the crown, that we coiild rea-.
fonably expedt they would tax themfelves
on the arbitrary commands of a minifter ?'*.
I hope he holds the proper difference be-
tween the lawful commands of our fovc-
leign, the jufl orders of the crown, and
^« the arbitrary commands of a minifler,"
thought he has fo ftrangely tacked them to--
gethcr? 'Tis our iiidifpenfible duty to
yield <ivery aid in our power to our gracious
prince, and to the ftate, and to obey the
juft orders of the crown : but the arbitrary
commands of a minifler, are no more obli-.
eatory, than the balls pf the pope. How-
-£.. ' ' ^ver.

,i.'5(<;

[ 38 J
ever, I have feen the time when the flower
of our youth have been annually impi:effed
and dragged forth by thoufands and tens of
thoufands, to certain mifery and want, if
not death and deflruv^ion. I have alfo feen
immenfe provincial taxes levied, and all
thefe things efFedled, by a (no Englifh) fpeech
of a governor, the military mandate of a
general, or, if pof!ible, the more haughty
didate of a minifler. What have we got
by all our compliances ? Precifely what by
many wife and good men, was forefeen and
foretold, we ihould get. Canada is con-
quered, the colony trade is more than ever
teftriifced, we are taxed without our atiual
confent in perfon, or any reprefentation in
Jadi, and in many inftances rre to be tried
without a jury. The remains of thofe tribes
of favages, the French ufed to ke«p in pay,
to fcalp ui'> and cut oiir throats, are, in the
eftimation of fo.ne great men, more refpedt-
p.ble than his majefly's ancienf, and ever
loyal colonics, , .

Mr. J-^— s afks if it would be *' pofllblc
to fettle the quota's of an American ta^
with juftice ?" Why not ? The whole
ufed to be CQmmenfurate with all the part§»

( 39 1

Is it not nearly as eafy to fay what each part
ought to pay, as to determine what ought
to be paid by the whole ? The gentleman
will not infinuate that adminiilration can
ever zd: (o prepofterous a part, as to guefs
what the whole fhould pay, as muil be the
cafe, if ignorant of the ability of each part.
He alfo afks, if " any one of the colonies
would fubmit to their quota, if ever fo
juft ?" What doubt can there be of the
loyalty and fubmiffion, paflivc obedience,
and non-refiflance, of the colonies, in all
cafes and contingences, fo far as the laws of
God, of nature, and of their country re-
quire P I have none. Is not the obliga-
tion to fubmiffion the fame in one cafe as in
the other ? If an adt of parliament fays A
ihall pay ten (hillings, and B ten (hillings,
would any man in his right mind fay it was
lefs binding, than if A and B were by the
fame authority ordered conjointly to pay
twenty. His odious comparifon of " the
Roman tyrants," is left with its author,
vith this (ingle remark : that " the choice
of a dofe, a dagger, or a halter is mod cer-
tainly preferable to the fudden obtrufion of
cither fmgly, without time allowed to fay a

(hort

■j ,;

'!l>l

(hovtpatcrnofler" The gentleman has made
himfelf quite merry with the modeft propo-*
fal fome have made, though I find it gene-^
tally much difliked in the colonies, and
thought impradicable, namely — an Ame^
rlcan reprefentation in parliament , But if he
is now fober, I would humbly afk him, if
there be really and naturally any greater
abfurdity in this plan, than in a Welfh and
Scotch reprefentation ? I would by no
means, at any *!me, be underllood to in-
tend by an Am. in reprefentation, the
return of half a fcore ignorant, worthlefs
perfons, who like fome c6lony agents^
might be induced to fell their country and
their God, for a golden calf. An Ameri-
can reprefentation, in my fenfe of the terms,
and as I ever ufed them, implies a thorough
beneficial union of thcfe colonies to the
realm, or mother country, fo that all the
parts of the empire may be compadled and
confolidated, and the conftitution ourifh
with new vigor, and the national ftrength,
power and importance, /hine with far greater
ij.' .4. br than ever yet hath been i^txi by the
fonsofmen. An American reprefentation

implies

1 t

[ 41 1 '

TttJpltes eVcry real advantage to the fubje(Sk
abroad^ as well as at home.

It may he a {)roblem what ilate will hiei
cf longeft dui-atloni greateft glory, and
domeilic happinefs. I am not at leifurd
fully to coafider this queftion at prefent.
Time ihall (howi I can now only fay« it
will be that flate, which> like Great<*
Britain^ Heaven fhall have favoured with
eve.y conceivable advant^ge> and gave it
wifdom and integrity enough to fee and
embrace an opportunity, which once lofti
can never be regained. Every mountain
muft be removed, and every path be made
fmooth and (Irait. Every region, nation
and people^ mud to all real intents and
purpofes, be united, knit, and worked
into the very bones and blood of the ori-*
ginal fyflem, as fad as fubdued> fettled or
allied. Party views and {hort fighted poli^
ticians^ (hould be difcarded with the ig-*
nominy and contempt they deferve*

Mr. J— — s feems to be feized with ait
inimenfe pannic led «a fudden importa-*
tion of American eloquence" fhbuld' inter-
fere with thofe who are fond of monopo-
lizing the place and penfion iufine/s. He

Q - even

ill

I ..

■ i 4t y

even infiauatcs thai it would coi)i mote t6
pay our orators, than a Aanding army Jvn^i
I will cafe him of this difficulty. iTherc
^ould not be many worth the high prices
of Britain. When trimmers, time ferversy
feepticks* cock fighters, architeds, fiddlers
and caille builders, who commonly fell
cheap, were bought OfF, there might not
he more than threeor four worth pnrchafing;
and if they . fhould fell as cheap in Britatn
as I have known fome of themin America,
il would fall infinitely ihort of the blood
and treafure a (landing army may one day
coft. Fromf any danger therefore Mr. J-r
is in, from ** the fudden importation ot
American eloquence," he may fpecchify
and fcnbblc for or againfl adminiflradony
ahufe the colonies,, turn and return, fhift,
wind and change as ufual,' no man will truil
him, aud 'tisJioped ih^t \n fecuia feculoruffi
by the eternal fitnefs of things^ and the
eonftrudturc of the cells of his eerebellumi
and moral aptitude, he will be kept. down
juil where he is and ought to be. He
ieems to have no idea of revenue, but that
of drawing money into the public cofiitrs/
per fas aut nefas, mecrly to fqufindcr away

\ ♦

,'{■

■ I'

*■'

ll-

f^Hbitum, Riches returning ffdmth^ fouf
wlNs of the earth in heavier ihowers thaii
the poets ever dreamt of, into the pocketi
of the worthy and opulent Britifh merchant
will, according to him, give a griping
miniftcr too much trouble before he has
extra^fked and *« fqueezed it out again by
various domeftic taxes." His own words f
*< Perhaps" fays he "in the mean time, it
may enable the merchant, by augmenting
his influence, together with his wealth, to
plunge us into new wars and new debts,
for his private advantage." By this 'tis
plain Mr. J— s's plan is to flop the rivulets,
and lelve thp eiftern dry. Do you not fee
this, Britilh colonifts, Britifh merchants^
»nd Britilh manufacturers? Confider this,
before it is too late! it is the fum total of

^r^ J™ s*s political logic and arithmetic!
Jt is too abfurd to require a more particular
refutatioB* He concludes, ad ca^tandunu

*both the great and fmall vulgar, thus j " it

! is", fays he, "to be hoped, that in this
great and important queftion, all parties

*'»tad fa6lions, or in the more polite and
falhipnable term,. all connedtions will cor-^
J}i4lly unite; that every member of the

G z Britiib

i:i'..

f 44 I

Britifh parliament, whether in or out of
humour with the adminifiration, whether
he has been turned out becaufe he oppofed^^
or w' i^ei he oppofed becaufe he has been
turn J, o :, will endeayour to the utmofl
of his power to fupport this meafure. A
nieafure which muft not only be approved
by every man who has any property or
common fcnfe, but which ought to be
required by every Enghflo fubjedl: of an
Englifh adminiJlration"^^-\ thought all Tub •
jedts were now British, and the adminidra**
tion too, I cannot tell whether the exhorted
was ever " turned out becaufe he oppofed,
or oppofed becaufe he was turned out|'*
but certainly among other fpecies of readers,
he has omitted to addrefs himfelf to the
hopeful young men and promifing caf^dii
dates for prefernient, who have as it were
peri(hed in embrio^ by difcovering too great
an infolence and avidity of power, by
afTuming the advowfbn, nomination and
indudtion of their fellow fervants, before
they, themfelves have been taken into place.
My Lord, we have heard much faid of.
a virtual repreferitation. What can it mean ?
)f a focietv of a thoufand men are united

t 45 T

from a ftate of nature, and all meet to
tranfadl the bufinels of the fociety they
are on a perfedt level and equality, and
the majority muft conclude the minority.
If they find tliemfelvcs too numerous to
tranfadt their bufinefs, they have a right
to devolve the care of their concerns on a
part of the fociety to a(fl for the v^^holc.
Here commences the firft idea of an aSiual
truft or reprefentation in faSi, The truftees
council or lenate, fo chofen are in fadl re-
prefentatives of and agents for the wholo
fociety. If the fociety agree to have but
one truftee, reprefentative or agent, he is a
monarch If they make choice of a council
or fenate, they are joint agents, truftees or
reprefentatives of the whole community^
Upon fo fimple a principle are all govern-
ments originally built. When a man chufes
to adt for himfelf he has no reprefentative/
agent or truftee. When the individuals of
a community chofe to take care of their
own concerns, they are in no wife repre*
fented; but being their own fadors in
perfon, form that fociety which the learned
wrangle about under the name of'a democracy,
^hen two or i^iore arc appointed joint

fadtors.

fadlors, agents for, truftees and feprefenta*
lives of, the whole fociety, they are called
noble, and politicians denominate this form
an arijlocracy. When the trull: is as above
obfcrved devolved on one, it is called ^
monarchy, i. e. one great or chief man is
in fa6t truilee, reprefentative of, and agent
for the whole flate. And he has a right
to aft for them fb long as he may be chofen
to ad by the fociety ^ Which fociety being
originally the conftitutents of their agent
or reprefentative, have an abfolute right
and power to lay him under fuch limitations
and reftridtions as they may think reafon-*
able. In all this we find no myflery, no
occafion for occult qualities, no want of
the terms virtual reprefentation as diftinr
guifhed from a reprejentation infadl., or any
other jargon^ If the fociety find each of
the fimple forms of adminiftration incon-»
vcnient or dangerous, as they all are, and
agree on a mixture of thofe fimple forms,
as it is commonly expreffed, but in plaincF
Englifh, to have difi-crent divifions, ranki
and orders of truftees or neprefcntativesi
they proceed thus. When they chufc a
H^oparch or fenate, they cotruft him or

then)

• C 47 1

thetn with the nCccflary powers of govern-
ment, to ad for the good and welfare of
the whole ibciety. So in a governip.ent
qonftruded like that of Great-Britain, the
fociety hath made two diviiions of the
fupreme power: the firft is the Jupreme
kgijlative, confifting of three ranks ot
branches, viz, King, lords and commoi^s.'
Tht fupreme executive, which is folely mo-t: ^
narchial,. and admits of no diviiion or dif-*.
ferent ranks. Both thefe divisions, and all
the ranks of the former, derive their powcar
originally from the whole community. This
tt lead is all the idea a philoibpher can form^^
i^s to iht jus divmum, the indefeafible in^
lieritance, the indelible charader, and other
noofenfe of the fchools, they are only fol'
the entertainment of old women, and
changelings.— —The king's fhare in the
kgiflative and executive trufls by the Brittilr
Conditution is perpetual, and his royal dig^^.
mty is hereditable. So are the. titles of
the boufe of Lords. The honorable houfe
of Cot'amons, the third rank or branch of
our univerfal legiilative, are eledive, and
the delicti populi. God grant they may ber
always viewed in this light* Thefe feveral
fei . branches

r 48 1

branches and diviiions are all fiibjedt td
further alterations, liniitations and ref^ric->
tions from time to time^ In the original
idea and frame of our happy conftitution^
it was immaterial as to the fucceflion to thd >
crown, whether the heir apparent, wercJ
^ Pagan, Turk, Jew^ Infidel or Chriflian^
But now Papifls,> and all but Proteflants^
are very juftly excluded from the fucceflion^
as for the beft reafons they arc from a feat j
ih either houfe of the auglid parliament
of Great-Britain.— The number of thd
two houfes of parliament, is not by naturo
Bor by any thing I can difcover in tha
Sritifh conflitution, definite. The familiea *?
of the peers may be extin^. The con-
flitution, has on fuch events left it to the
crown to fupply the vacancies by new fa-*
milies and new creations. And as reafbif .
Requires, when places have grown to b«
coniiderable, they have been called to a
fhare in the legiflature of their country by
a precept to return members to the great ?
Council of the nation i So wheti a territory
hath been conquered, as was the cafe o£
Wales, or united, as was the kingdom of
Scotland, they have had their full ihare in .

Ih*

[ 49 ]

the Jegijlntive. The wifdoin of ages hatli
left Ireland to be governed by its own
parliaments^ and the colonies by their own
afTemblies, both however, fubordinate to
Great-Britain, and fubjedt to the negative
of both the fuprcme legiflative and fupreme
executive nowers there*. Is not this a
fufficient fubordination ? The fears of our
independency mufl be affedted or imaginary.
We all acknowledge ourfelves to be not
only controulable by his majefty's negative
on all our ads, but more efpecially fo by
that augud, and by all true BritiOi fubjeds,
ever to be dearly efteemed and highly
reverenced body, that high court the par-
liament of Great-Britain. In all this, how-
ever, we find nothing of virtual reprefen-^
tation. ' '

The parliament of ift of James i^,
** upon the knees of their hearts (as they
exprefs it) agnize their mod conftant faiths
obedience and loyalty to his majefly and
his royal progeny, as in that high court of

• The charters generally referve to the crown a negatire
on all colony laws. The parliament repeal fuch as they
think fit. So that a colony bill is in efFeA fubjeft to four
negatives, viz. the governor and council here, and hia
Q)aje(ly in his privy council at home, and after all $h6
parliaijFient.

H ' ' parliamcrt.

' t i» 1

parliament, where all the whole body of
the realm, and every particular member
thereof either in perfpn or by reprefentation
upon their own free cl^dions, are by the
laws of this realm, deemed to be perfonally
prefent." But as mu^:h prone aa thofe
times were to myftick divinity, fchobl phi-
lolbphy, academick politicks, and other
jionfenfe, they fay riot a word of the virtual
reprefentation of Ireland or the other do-
minions. There can be no doubt but the
fupremelegiflature may if they pleafe unite
^ny fubordinate dominion to the realm,
It has not been yet afTerted that the coloniftg
are v^faB reprejented in the houfc of com-
mons, nor I believe will any man feriouily
affirm it. The truth is, the colonifts are
no more rep'refented in the houfe of Com-
mons, than in the houfe of Lords. Thp
king in his ejcecutive capacity, \vi faB as
well ^s lawn reprefents ail his kin^dom^
and dominions : and king, lord$ and com* '
mpns, conjointly, as the fupreme Icgiflature,
infa5l as well as in law* reprefent and adt
for the realm, and all the dominions, if
.th^y pleafe. It will not follow from thence^
tha^if a^ fubordinate legifiature and privi-

^P^^H

\ I r

■ I 1? 1 ■'■■..:■,.■

kgesarereaflumed, without any equivalent
allowed, but it will be a cafe of very fin-
gular hardfliip.^ The inhabitants of the
Britifh nations,, and of the dominions of
the Britifh crown* in Europe, Afia, Africa
and America, are in my idea but one people,
fellow fLibje(5ts of the moft gracious fove-
reign on earth', joint heirs to the rights
^nd privileges of the beft civil conftitutibn
in the world, and who I hope e'er long to
fee unhed in the mod firm fupport of their
Prince's true glory, and in a fteady an4
imiform purfuit of their own welfare and
bappinefs,

V It may perhapp found ftrangely to forne,
but it is in my mo^l humble opinion as good
law, and as good fenje too, to affirm that
all the plebeians of Great-Britain are in
fadl or virtually reprefented in the afTembly
of the Tuikarora's, as that ail the colonics
are in fadt or virtually reprefented in the
honourable houfe of Commons of Great-*
Britain, feparately confidered as one branch
of the fupreme and qnivcrfai Icgiflature of
|he whole empire.

• T.

It is no where faid in any a£l or refolution of paflia-
inent, nor ia any lavy book, that ihe Britifh houfe of Com-
gions, in faftorinlavv, virtually, reprefent the colonifts.

Thef?

t 5^ T

Tbefe confiderations I hope will in due
time have weight enough tc induce your
lordfhip to ufe your great influence for the
repeal of the Stamp A5i. I fhall tranfmit
your lordfhip, by the next mail, a fimple*
^afy plan for perpetuating the Britifli empire
in all parts of the world. A plan however
that cofl me much thought before I had
matured it. But for which I neither expedt
er defire any reward in. this world, but
the fatisfa(5tion of refleding that I have
contributed my mite to the fervice of my
king and country. The good of mankincj
is my ultimate wifh, ^-.v?

:\ <^ i\

'■»M

J!!o0on, Sept.
4» »7^S-

lantt ^y Lord, ^

Tour liOrdJhifs mojl obedient i'-'^

and mojl humble Servant, '

' F. A»

V*-

F I N I S.

[

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Pleas. — -Whofe Speeches are all printed verbatim.-^ — To
which IS prefixed, the remarkable Trial of John Peter
Zei^cer, of New York, Printer, (which for fome Time
has been very fcarce). With a Narrative of his Cafe#
Price only i s. (Zenger*s Trial alone, was formerly ibid
for IS. 6d.)

9. A Defence of the Minority in the Houfe of Common«#
on the Queflion relating to Cieneral Warrants. Fifth Edify
Price I s.

10. A Counter Addrefs to tli6 Public: on the Difmiffionof
Ctneral Conway. Fourth Edit. Ptice 1 s.

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