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CIHM/ICMH

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Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques

1980

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FOR

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TRANSPORTATION THE PROBLEM.

A GRAIN DEALER.

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MON'TK'EAL.
W. FOSTER BROWN 6- CO.

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INTRODUCTORY

The Ccr.sus of 189: tor ihc l),,inininii wf Canada shows llial out
ot our five niillions of inhabitants, thciv aiv only six hundred and
fifty thousand who aiv not of Cana.har, i.uth.' and two-lliirds of
these be-n- in Ontario must rei).vscnl old ^cuk-rs, there being no
particular difference between the relinns ,,f i88i and 1891 for' that
Provmr.c, in that respect ; leaving only two hundred and fifty thou-
sand, not native born, for all the rest of the Dominion.

In f.ct, having (nitgrown our old Provincial limits, we have spread
over half the Continent.

Canadians may be .-ongratuiaied that, at the dawn of their
national life, their country is owned by Canadians, and that even
with the neighbouring Repubi:.' fuMore tliem they need n<.,t fear a
(Miiij^arison,

It seems as though the position whi( h we hold, the .Mcjiiaivhy on
one hand and the Republic on the other, with free trade and pro-
tection doctrines carried out m practi<-,e, allows us a more favour
able opi.ortanity of judging of the merits of each than is usuallv
offered to a nation starting into iife. .Situated between the two, we
;ii-c m a position to udopt whichever policy we choose, with no on.'
l)ui ourselves to blame if we choose the wrong one.

Inputting tiiese notes into print, be ic understood that, whii ■
entering a protest against Protection, 1 am not assuming anv posi-
tion ol superior wisdom, but only giving expression to views whicii
I trust will be fouiKl to establish my casein favour of the freedom
of Canadian trade from the incubus with which it has been saddled.
The general policy advocated is a very considerable reduction
of the ta,nff m favour of English goods, («-+Wi*aa4^>f hhv -othtM"
fTt^TTaue-prpopin, and a moderate reduction onlv in favour'of pro-
tectionist countries, especially of the LMiited States, until such time
as the independent scab,, trd tariffs approacli a basis common
cMiough to warrant a free exchange along (,u.- land line.

While Mr. Hincks (afterwards .Sir Franci.sj advo<:ate<l a policy
somewhat on the.se lines in 1S52. his was one of retaliation only,

TRANSPOKTA'I ION 'IKK PROBLEM

goinj; 10 lie cxirtiiic of i)roliil)ilinLi- ihc Americans the use of our
c;inril>. '! he difference between the Canada of 1852 nnd tliat of
189? may he ilhistrated in the vahie of her exports, represented l)y
$15,300,000 as against $1 14,000.000 to-day. At that time, and for
nearly thirty years after, we re|)resented the wants of an U])pcr and
I^)Wer Canada, as they were called ; now we must figure upon those
of half a continent.

Tliere is no retaliation pro])osed, but on the contrary every effort
is advocated to secure a treaty with the L'nited States, favouring an
exchange of the products of the f(jresi, the farm, the mine, the sea.
and of any other article which they can admit freely, with due re-
gard to their own interests, on the basis that the high contracting
parties maintain the same liberty of control o\er ihcir own sea-
tioard tariffs and internal revenue which tb.e\ hold at present.

With ihe exception of the four jjidducis named, vuy little could
Le done at first : but with an agent ;!l \\ ashinglcn, doubtless many
articles ( tjuld in time be worked on to the free list between the two
countries, and obviously trie greater tl'.e reductions made in the
respective seaboard tarilTs ilie larger would become this free list
along the land I'ne. Meantime we could redtice oiu" own taxes by
favouring (Xih.- nge with the great tixe trade nation of Murope.

The er.urir.oiis advantage of unlettered trade is the creed of a free
trader, and it is not intended tliat aiy wcrils lelating to the mainte-
nance of ilie indejiendenl i). silion { I Canada sl.ould be construed into
an assertion of tl.e unce: irabilily oi (l(;s<.r tn.de relations wuh the
United States. The impossibility of attaining this along the land
line ujjon goods, either raw or manufactured, ui)on which we impose
a lower seaboard tariff than do th.e l'nited States. :s ilie point main-
tained.

The next best thing to universal tree tr;!de is the freest exchange
])ossib!e with free trade nations. 'I'he base of my whole arginnent
is. that no general reciprocity treaty can be negcjliated with any
protectionist countr\ without carrying with il protection against
any free trade country. It is not [)ossible to ride two horses at once.

The problem of transportation, now looming up as one of the
most imjiortant of the day, is inseparably bound up with the ques-
tion of free trade and i)rotection. The development of Canada with
its Pacific railroatl is stirring matters up along the whole line of the

lOR CANADA. 5

Northern States tVom the Atlantic to the Pacitu:, and its intluonc.e
is being retlected in Washington. I do not believe that I am mis-
taken when 1 say. that it is' exceedingly fortnnate for Canad.i. aiifl
in the long run for the United States, that tiiose who lor the past
four years have held the reins of j^ower in that country have heea
forced to yield them ui) at the bidding of the electoral.

In old diys. Chicago and Milwaukee were the ports of sliip-
nient for Minnesota wheat, the most northerly at that time procur-
able ; now Lake Superior commands that trade, and with the (k'velo))-
inent of tlie still more northerly wheat lands that iidand sea must
be their point of shipment. The only question at issue is, to which
seaport shall it go, — New York or Montreal ? There can be no (lues-
tion as to its natural outlet. Canada has her eyes fixed on the inland
transportation problem, but all shi[)i)ers of grain fnjm the interior
know that the true difticully lies in tlie limited amount of >^{:cr.n
tonnagi,; available in M(jnlre:d. The pressure to e\pf>rl via the St.
Lawrence and the limited imports for C'anada place ocean tonnage
outward l)Ound about one shilling a quarter, say, three cents a
bushel higher than in the competing jiort of New York, (i) and to
just this extent is the trade via Montreal al a discounl.

Canada lays out millions of money in canals on the one hii.nd,
and on the other checks free iin])orts at her only seaport capal)le of
comi)eting with New York ; and, while -paying interest on the outlay,
taxes herself on her ocean shipments iii addition, to say notliing
of the indirect taxes, the result of the tariff.

The volume of export trade of the port of Montreal has increased
greatly of late years, but so has the production of grain, vastly ; a
one horse estal)lishment may do an increasing business, but it is fjuite
a different question, whether it is a satisf^ictory one, when another
outfit has a steam engine in the same line.

To allude once more to the Census, it reports 367.496 men,
women, l>oys and girls (2) engaged in the '• industrial establishments "
throughout the country. From these, wdien we deduct not only the
number which are in no way benefited by the tariff, but those to
whom it is a positive injury, the result left for this high-sounding

(1) May freiglitH, this year, us this goe- to pro-^s,are more oven than usu;ii
See Appen'lix.

(2) The iiiei) are reported n« 270, TUl.

I i<AN.ilMK I'AlloX llli: I'ROlil.KM

national policy is siii|)risiiigly small. Of what l)oiK'tU is our tariff
to saw mills. Hour mills, cheese factories, fisli canneries, electric lii^ht
and gas works, and .1 line ol Odier industries wlucii exist quite indepen-
dent of the tariff? (3) Hut the report on page 5 Census bulletin No-
8 is of itself suliicient to condeiiina policy of ])rotection lor our coun-
try. It appears that the number of hands emi)loyed in " Industries."
in the rrovuicc^ oi' Nova .Scoti;i, .New Hrunswick. Quebec and
Ontario, in iSyi. \va^ 1 87,942. wiiile in 1S91 it had risen to 342,661
(including l)lack>niidis and ni.iny oilier nidustries not of a primary
character), showing a gam of 154.719 hands in the four Pro\inces
in twenty years. This i> triil\ magnificent, and should be remem-
bered wlienexer any ])roteclioiiisi m.dves use of high->ounding
|)hrase^ : one hundred and fifty-four tliousand sevci hundreland
nineteen ad(htionaI hands in twenty years, two-ihirds of which
ha\e been solidly protection.

Canada i> so tiun!\' populated as yet. and the market so small,
that it iloes not j)a\' to la.x 90 ]ier (•(.■nt.oi the people for the supjiort
of the leinaining 10 percent. So far as their maintenance and wel-
taie are conceiiied. it would jiay belter to pension them. As a
matter ol" fact, the figures quoted re[)reseniing men, women and chil-
dren, a glance .il the .Appendix will quickly reduce those absolutely
dep 'ndjiit on ihe lariffto a number below 10 ]»er cent, of the whole
popLilation. and for the r,i!p'iori of these in their particular lines of
manufacture ewry one else is taxed.

J :im conscious iliat in the trade and transportation arguments of
tile loilowing pages, the rca-'er will find little if anything wiiicii is
not as old as •' The wealth of nations ; " but in many journeys across
tae c liilinent, the parallel in the ])Osition of the producer on the
United .States Pacific coast, — cut off l)y a sea of arid wastes from the
great centres of population. — with the producer in our own great
West, beyond our wilderness, is to me so striking, that I feel that no
ot'ier apology is necessary for callingattention. as clearly as 1 may,
in " My Notes from a Car Window " and " Transportation the /
Problem for Canada," to the "posiiion whit:h this (juestion c'f trans- ■
portation holds in the future success of our country.

Jaml:s 1]. l^AMi'r.i'.LL.

<!») Srr Appciul x.

THE DOMINION OF CANADA.

A SKETCH.

In the Canada of my boyliood. (i860), the openings for young men

were decidedly limited. The two Provinces of Ontario and Oiiebec,—

Upper and Lou-er Canada as they were called,~were all t^hat there

was of the country. Northward the wilderness, with its forl)id-

dnig chmale, westward the wilds of Lake.Sui,eriur district, unoi)ened.

and only part imd parcel of an unknown land, a land barred fn.ni

settlement by clK,ric-r of the Hudson's Bay Company, and advertised

by them as a wilderness unfitted for the abode of civili/ed man. 'lb

the East, New Brunswick and N^ova Scotia offered few elements of

advancement, so that unless one was to move on in the groove in

which he had been born, there was nothing left for it bi-t go to the

States, and to Chicago my destiny carried me.

Since those days, howt^e7,~ alT that has been changed: the I )om-
nmm of Canada has l^cen created, and we are now opening up the
country at as rapid a rate as our resources will permit.

The history of Canada is not lacking in interest, ^\'ere it noi for
the overshadowing of the neighbouring Re])ublic, the development of
our Constitutional government would attract more attention than it
has clone in the past.

Before the American Revolutionary War, the Canada of ok!
colony days represented <jnly the lately conquered French settlements
on the banks of the St. Lawrence, altogether about a hundred
thousand people, principally of Norman French descent.

What is now the Province of Ontario was practically unoccupied,
while very little impression had been made on the Provinces o!
Nova Scotia and New Brunswick; but with the recognition of the
independence of the American colonies a great change took place :
the Tory party, representing an influential minority, found itself in
these Independent States in an exceedingly uncomfortable position ;
in fact, notwithstanding the broad principles of the Declaration of
Independence, the victors in this New England behaved in a manner
worthy not only of the Parliamentary tyranny of the Restoration,
but also of the reign of the green coats in that older England from
■which the Revolutionists had sprung.

TRANSrORl-^TTON THE I>K01)LF:M

Duriiij^' llie struL^gle, estates hnd been confiscated right and left ;
a farm a short distance outside of what were then the hniits of the
city of New York, anil bought by a gentleman of the name of Astor,
is an example. After the i)eace. systematic persecutions pre-
vailed, under which many returned to England, while an emigration
unparalleled in numbers since the Huguenots, and known as that of
United Mmpirc Loyalists, hieaded for Canada. Ontario, which ujj to
that time had lain an unbroken wilderness, was opened up under
the Avoodman's axe. and to those men, the Pilgrim I'alhers of Englisli
Canada, must be allowed every sentiment, every tributeof respect with
which it is usual to clothe the Pilgrims of the Atlantic Coast. In
both ca.ses they lived up to their convictions, and sought in a freer
atmosphere that liberty which had been denied them at home.

It is not niy |)uri)osc to write a history of Canada, lor ihe steps
by which these men obtained Constitutional government some
Canadian history niusl be consulted ; but the outbreak of the Civil
War in the United States in 1861 found Ontario and Queoec united
under one government, crdled Canada, wiiile New Brunswick,
Prince Edward Island and Nova Scotia were so many self-govern-
ing colonics, independent of each oiiier and differing very little
from the status of the old Thirteen Colonies.

They all, including British Columbia, enjoyed the benefit of a
common reciprocity treaty with the United Slates, and their trade,
except during the Crimean War, was in the main with that country.

The various questions which had arisen between England and
the United States, during the Civil War, had caused a considerable
amount of irritation in both countries ; sometimes wholly English
or United States questions, sometimes the broils and friction brought
about by designing men along our own frontier. But the outcome
of the war, so far as Canada was concerned, was, that the United
States, acting within their treaty rights, gave a twelve months' notice
of the abrogation of this reciprocity treaty.

Most of our people considered this action of theirs as a necessity
consequent upon the rearrangement of their tariff. Since then,
however, more light has been thrown on the subject, and we find
Sir Charles Tupper (in his report to the Dominion Government)
authority for the assertion that Mr. Blaine told him that the treaty
had been abrogated in order to punish Canada for her sympathy
with the South.

KOR CANADA.

At the (l;itc referred to, Charles Sumner was a leading politician
in the Republican party; his sentiments are now very generally
known ; anything wliich would help to drive the English ting from
I'^is Continent fcnmd ftivor in his sight, (leneral Grant is authority
K . the statement, that no settlement of the '• Alabama " case could
be arrived at with Knglantl, until Mr. Sunnier had been removed from
the chairmanship of the Committee on I'breign Relations. So that
there was, doid)tless, a great deal of truth in Mr. JJlaine's assertion.
However that may be, feeling ran high against Canada ; and what-
ever may have been the sentiments of the United States Ijefore the
war. or since then, there was in iha'; day very little love lost on any-
thing British : Canada coming i' . her fiir share of the dislike.

Fortunately, the idea (jf our e dencj upon their markets for

our existence prevailed in that day as mucii as il does in this, and
it was the opinion of the Re|)ul)li(;aii leaders that their taiiffwall
would speedily bring us to wliatever terms tliey chose to dictate,
and their i)olicy was t > allow time to work the inevitable solution.

The loss of this reci|)rocity treaty made it simply impossible for
these semi-independent colonies to maintain their Custom Hou-es
against each other ; and as a matter of fact there was nothing left
for them but Confeder;uion or Annexation.

All this happened, too. at a time when a school of politicians had
arisen in Kngland, who, in a state of disgust at the expenses and
troubles brought upon them by their South .-Vfrican Colonies, de-
clared all colonies to be a weakness instead of a strength to the
kingdom, and advocated their being got rid of as soon as possible.
Fortunately these ideas found little favor with the English people,
and on statisticians proving that the Colonies, even on a protection
and self-governing basis, took twice the amount of English goods,
in proportion to their population, that Foreign nations did, the
cioakers changed their tune betbre any harm had been done.

''"■he Republicans, in the meantime, occupied with the re-construc-
tion of the Southern States, remained content with their tariff wall
effectually shutting us out from tlieir markets ; and the pressure
thus applied to the various divided communities north of their line
was one of the leading causes which resulted in the creation of the
present Dominion.

We have a great deal to be grateful for ; to the whole section of

THANSPOR'l'ATION THE PR(Mil,EM

tile Re[)uljlicaii part}- wliich looked to Mr. Charles Sumner
tor guidance do we owe our present united state. It is rejiorted,
how good the authority 1 know nol. that someone over the border
Ikis said or written, that the way lo get Canada is to divide it ; this is

without douht true, and it i-

rreat r(jnsolation to remember, that it

w,ts those lireat and good men wJio freed and enfranchised their

C(;lored brcjthers in the .South, at a time when w

did

e were all divided

amongst (jurselves, who also did what was m tiieu- ])ower to assist
loyal subjects like Sir John A. Macdoiiakl to create a united Stale
upon their North.

A parallel lo ir,i> m ly bv- fniail in the his'.ory of the Thirteen
Colonies. The efforts whicli tlseir leading statesmen made to recon-
c le their diffjreiicjs suggest the rpiestion ; What was there ill com-
mon between the planter of Virginia and the rurilan of Massa
chusetts other than a common danger? It was tlie mistaken p()lii:y
of George III and of the i'aiglish })eo])le whit h bound them to-
gether in the first instance : in a like manner, without some such hos-
tile i)ressin-e, the i)rovinces comi)osing this Dominion. French and
J^iglish, would not so readily have given up their indejK'ndence.
As it is, Newfoundland, owing to her Island position, prefers to re-
main outside of tiie Confederalion.

xA. case in ])oint m.iy be seen in .-Vustralia to-day; with all the
encouragement and assistance of haigland. but without pressuie of
any kind, the statesmen of the Antipodes have found it impossible
as yet to bring the peopu; together under one head. In their case
there is neither a George II I nor a United States.

Our Canada up to date has not succeeded in attracting the emi-
gran . for whom she has been catering ; the last census, showing only
4,850,000 i)eopie, was a d sappointment. That the rate of in-
(a-ease. too, had not been equal to that oi' the United States, was
eagerly taken hold of by the press on the other side of the line and
tae opponents of the governmenton this side, as proving that under
existing conditions the Dominion is not able to hold her own in
competition with the United Slates.

Time alone will solve that ])roblem ; but it may be asserted here,
that whatever may be said against our laws and institutions, it will
be difficult to find a country in which there i

rop

lately

abject poverty than there is in Canada. Poor people there are, and

FOR CANADA.

pieniy of them, hut everyone is making a living, and their general
ai;pear.,n(e is that of being well clothed, well jioused and well
Jed.

'ihv causes operating against as rapid an average increase as has
takui place in the United States ni the same time are easilv
staled : —

Tiie United Stales, in the first place, have had the ear of the
piihlic. and have been the greit absorbent of the emigrant masses
'Ji I'urope. wiiilc Canada, until the Canadian Pacific^ Railway be-
came a fact, has been a vntual ferra inco,iinta. The differen<:e be-
tween the territorial signifieaiion of Canada, before and after the
creation of the Dcjminion. mu.t always be remembered. Contrast
(or one nr.ment. the old Canada, going no further West than the
State of Michigan, witii the i^resent Dominion stretching from the
Atlantic t(; the i'acifu-. Of the great West we iiad no more control
before Confederation than the United State, had. and until .piite
recently the world in general did not consider it worth anything.
Under these disadvantages, with the energetic United .states in the
Jiossessioii .)f the emigrant market, it has not been possible lor
Canada m the short time since the opening of the Canada Pacific
Railway to turn th. tide. In the second place. Canada has been
handicapped with tile reputation of her climate: the climatic dis-
advant.iges ofiheoid Provinc.-s have been fre.iy applied to new
Canada ; so that while Minnesota and the Dakota's have gained, and
liave in part lived on the reputation of the United States, Manil(;ba
and the far West have been correspondingly saddled with a reputa-
tion which they do not deserve.

^ The tlow of emigration to the United States has now been
<:hecked, and. as emigrants make a success of it in ourcountrv, the
'■'Kid to increased population will be easier, every letter Uj the
native village doing more real adveriising than a 'ton of printed
circulars.

^ Theratioof increase, however, will never equal that of the United
States ; their land extends over so manv degrees of latitude that
It can offer a home to all manner of men. The Southern climate
suits the negro and the Italian, as well as the political atmospnere
of then- Northern cities does the natives of the Emerald Isle :
and where these races find a congenial home they multiply like
flies.

TRANSPORTATION THK PROHLF.M

4,.

ll is hard in this line of business, however, to !)cat tlie French
Canadian, l)iii iie lias only the original stock to maintain his increase
with ; it must ncNertheless.be admiltrd tli;it he represents very well'

Cn the other har.d. new settlers for Canada can only be drawn
from those wlio. in betterinir their condition, leave the shores of
Northern Europe or tho?e in whose veins Hows Xorlhern bhjod.

At date, stitistics show that tiie emigrant to this Continent has
been deteriorating in (piality, — in other words, the ])erccntage iias
been increasing from Southern Europe, and in the milder climate f)f
the Soutliern and Central States most of these fnid their homes.

The old ICastern I'rovinces of the Dominion, like the old Eastern
States of the Union, have in the last decade done little more than hold
their own in ])opul;iiioM. The reason for this is the same in both cases.
Immigration goes past them, and their own ])eo])le drift westward ;
indeed, liad it not been for an emigration of French Canadians into
the States of Maihc. New Hami)shirc, VeniKinl. and I'ven Massa-
chusetts, these States would have made a very j)Oor showing in tlie
last Census.

Meantime, Canada is rapidly removing the ])rejudice caused by
the lack of general information regarding the true nature of the
country ; and as it becomes more evident that the best and most
available arable land in the United States has b?en picked over, and
])assed into hrsl hands, it is to be expecteil that the tide will ere long
turn in our direction, and being too f.ir North foi the less desirable
class of emigrants, we shall succeed in building up our country on
our own lines of thought and sentiment, and giving homes to a
class of men free from the political and \icious taint with which tlie
Ke])ul)l;c i=; unfortunately being glutted.

KOK CANADA.

THK FEELING IX THE ['XiTEI) S'l'ATES Wiril
Rr.(;.\RD 'I'U CANADA.

While on the surface Jingoism is a irump card in the United
States, especially where the Hag of England is concerned ; yet there
is nothing surer than that Jingoism, jnire and simple, falls flat.
The very latest example, that of Chili, (i) is a case in point ; the com-
mon sense and self-respect of every American worthy of the name
received a shock at the spectacle which his country afforded. Sixty-
five millicns of jieople, versus two millions just emerged from civil
war : let anyone look over the back numbers of. say, the C/i/aix'o
Tribune for those few montiis, and say what he thinks (if a spirited
foreign policy, so called.

It does not seem, either, that the tail-twisting Ir;shm;.;i is as popu-
lar as he was some years ago, but that is merely on account of his
having made himself a nuisance.

Unfortunatelx-, tiie flag of England still brings iIk' bull to the
charge. We niiL^lit WxX that, after all. this hostility is but skin deep.
and dismiss it witii i.l;e rest c.f the Jingoism, incidental to a slate of
eternal politics, were- it not that our senses are simply stunned by
productions such ai '• Twentv \'ears of Congress," by James C.
jJlaine : and this stalcr-,inan was inlnisied with almost supreme
power by the American iteopie. alter having |iroduced a work which
is a disgrace to his name ami reputation as an American citizen. If
he did n.oi know the people of the United Slates, then who does?
That he was •• knifed" by his friends last year may only prove thai
they were wrong ; and when he thought proper to rejuvenate the old
exjjloded charges against England, he must either have believed in
them or have been of the o])inioii thai the)- werj aeceidr.ble in that
form to the American jteople.

The chapters which he devotes to England .ire simply a travesty of
history, half truths cleverly vamped u|) as hisloric al facts, and on
reading them one is forced to the idnviction that so long as the
Americans accept such histories of their own time as g(jod author.

( I) And now Hawaii.

TRANSPORTATION THK PROI'.LEM

' 1

lit)-, we (viniiot expect ihem to Iiave :iiiy iiarticuilarly i^ood neigh-
bourly tcL'ling for those ">yho niaimain the flag of Kngland on this
Continent.

That tliere slioiild be a race of men ui)on their Northern frontier
who not only prefer the Hbcrty as represented by tliis flag of England
to that of the United States, but who fail to become enthusiastic over
liieu- success or their institutions, to the length of ex])ressing any
desire of joining them, surpasses their comprehension ; that this
;;noinalous slate ofaffairs is only of a temporary character ; that
there can be no rjuestion of " the inevitable destiny,'' it being only
" a quLStion of time." is their idea, existing since the founda-
tion of the Repid)lic ; and it is not only the idea of the masses,
but of their reading men : it crojts out everywhere — in tact, they
<~annot see how Canada can get along without joining them.

It is not \ ery long ago that the prevailing opinion was that
Canada was in ^ome manner held in check, in bondage, and gov-
erned by ['".ngland ; troops were quartered on us, we could not be free.
1 )id we not ( ontribule money to I'.ngland? did we not contribute men.'*
Were we not forced to admit English goods free of duty ? Questions
such as these were of frequent occurrence. In the ])ast lew years,
however, a great change has taken place, and with the exce])tion of
the ([uestion of taxing English goods, a tolerably correct idea of the
status of Canada is general throughout the States.

The ])eople of that country, one and all, declare thatimtil Canada
comes of her own free will, they do not want her : as for conquest,
they would never think of it. Of course, this is only in the days of
peace. In the event of war witli England, they would hold the
country, and try and arrange matters, so that when peace came they
would not have to give it u[) ; but they assert that. l)arring interna-
tional complications, conquest by force is simply out of the question,
'vow, this is all very well, but there are different kinds of force and
different ways of ushig it. The wars of armed men may or may not
be gradually becoming more discredited; but what may be called
the commercial warfare of this century is a force which it is consi-
dered perfectly consistent with friendly sentiments to use ; and this
is what the United States ore doing to day. If by any possibility they
could squeeze Canada through a tariff, there is — could the problem

FOR CANADA.

'.=;

od neigh-
(1 on this

11 frontier
'" England
insticover
ssing any

that tliis
:ter ; that
.'ing only
foanda-
L' masst.s.
fact, they
in.

was that
and gov-
3tbe free.
lUte men.^
Questions
;w years,
option of
ea of the

"I Jr. r- rend, .Sute l>c,,ati.fa,.t„nly .lis|,„scj ,„-l,:,r.!lva „„„ in ,1,.

Nc„i,.,.„ Mates wl,o wouW ,,„, ,lo „. Tl,c manulkctua-,., i„ tl„.

perlccon ol tl,e,r combi.uuiuns. „vK,ld have „„ ,„,,rke>s; t he ik.II:
.c,a„s o, tljc hnstcn, and Nortlu-,-,, S,,,...,. „.„„M ,.,c.i.,.. .V.^s.-n
o . cnanks ,n ,he pcr.o,,,, oCSaKUors .„d Kc,,r«c„u„iv., „„„,
ho l«.r<k.r a,ul lull a do.c, no. S.au-s round ll,c f;uir.,r .he S,

I~nv,vnce thai m, any s.ctio.ial ,i„,.,s,i„„ „• ^| ,„„„.|,|, ,|,^.,„ ;

Angle, .olK. „.„„M av. ,„..,.,., acon of.-en,, the hated e,nh

OK gland dtuen .n,n, tins Contna-nt. ulnle the „atri,„i,.: eui.en
".M .onte,„|,lateu-uh satisfact,,, : .„eu.„le eonti'ent ofAtneWc

under die star-spangled banner. inierica

To the Sunthern |,„r„„n .,( their country this prospective
Klvsntn, does not carry the charn, that it does to the I astc n and
N<.rthern. ne States gronpn,, round the (lul, of .\[ex,co >vo d
no. conteutplate „-,th u.nnixed satisiact.on the .nerease of the' ™
i.ovver of the.r N-eu- England and North U'estern ,r,er,ds "s t
1..U-V. '-■ l:>-n.>c,-a.s opposed the ad.niss.on of .he |,ak,,a's. Mon'-
.-..a Waslnng.on, Idaho and Wyoming in.o .he Uu„h, as S.a.es. and

ei.d,Tu "'r:r '"" "Tr"r" "■"• "■ "'"-l--'- »ra l.alauci„g
ugh. ,n Mexico, would a. leas, p.efer ,, Canada ,v,.h which thev

would no. have to figure, to an unkn .„■„ ,p,a,ui,v of IVee and n'

hghtened ..ates, carrying w,.h n an ..ninnired .ncrease of ^„

I Canada
:onquest,
-' days (if
hold the
.inic they
interna-
}uestion.
3rce and
may not
le called
is consi-
and this
lity they
|)roblem

rRANSPORTATIOX THE I'ROP.LKM

k .

THE KKKI.ING IX CANADA WITH RKGARD TO ii : ,

UNITED STATHS.

While the struggle in llie Thirteen Colonies was creating Ameri-
can sentiment, the then Canada was entirely French. Consequenily,
i: is a lillle too much to expect that the descendants of those Nor-
man seitK'rs in Quebec can have any sentiment in common with
the descendants of those who under Washington made their coun-
try,— more especially as the French are in the hands of a clever and
aml)itious priesthood who teach them to look to Rome, and v.-ho
educ-ate their children to that end. i'or this as well as for the sup-
l^ort of the Church of Rome established in the land, the law made
;'iul maintained bv themselves gives »he cure right to collect taxjs
on the land and tithes on the crops. That this is a law and a sen-
timent entirely antagonistic to the institutions of the United States
is obvious to the most superficial observer : that if they were joined
to the United States the power of this Church would be broken is
well known to their leaders, and. under these circumstances, until the
Church in the United Slates ieels itself strong enough to carry
Quebec into the Union as a solid Roman Catholic State with all its
present rights, it is difficult to see how annexation can ever be per-
mitted in Canada to come withm the range of practical politics. ()f
the English-speaking element within the Dominion the bulk consists
of the native-born descendants of those who in early days emigrated
from the Independent States. It is hardly possible to conceive of a
state of affairs which would bring these men forw.ardas annexation-
ists now. '["iiey and the French element mainly constitute public
opinion in the old provinces, and a nongst them a distinctly Cana-
dian sentiment is springing u[) — a sentiment born of the Domin-
ion ; and. should we make a success: of our new country, the day is
far distant when they will voluntarily turn the power and ,,elf-govern-
inent now in their own hands over to the control of a central body
located in Washington.

Another class of men represent the descendants of those whose
fathers or grandfathers, on lea\ing their old homes, chose deliber-
ately, with the Republic on one side and the Colonies on the other,

FOR CANADA.

H.';

[vc of a

wViion-
h)ul)li(:
iCana-
|)()inip-
day is
)veni-
1)0 dy

livhoso

.■libcr-
)Uiei-,

to follow the fortunes of the old tlap, in -/reference to those of the
new. With self-government and perfect freedom secured to the
French, it will have to be a very dire and dismal state of affiiirs in
Canada which will carry conviction to those men that we are a fail-
ure, and bring with it an application for admission into the Ameri-
can Union.

There are some amongst us, too. who, having recently left their
liomes in Europe or the United States, have not yet almndoned
their fireside sentiments, and in their new Country are perhaps too
outspoken regarding its future destiny. It is not to be expecttd
that these raw recruits should bloom out enthusiastic Canadians all
at once ; in time they will work roiuid, but, in the meantime, they
must be treated in this country in exactly the same manner in which
the corresponding article is handled in the United States. How
many tinies on the Chicago lioard of Trade have I seen an obnox-
ious Britisher stumped with, '• Well, if you don't like the country,
what are you here for ? "

When one goes to Rome, one must do as the Romans do ; and
except for the fact that I was engaged in the Canadian and English
trade, I doubt if there was an American on that board who would
have gathered from any remark of mine that I was not an American
citizen. The only occasion that I remember, on which I got it over
the knuckles, was at a social gathering in that city. I had spent the
previous winter in Europe, south of the Alps, and in allusion to a
horrible winter storm riging at the particular moment, I remarked
to a lady friend that in the formation of this country agreat mistake
had been made in running the mountain ranges North and South
instead of East and West. *' Well, but you must not run down the
country you are making your living in," was the crushing and un_
expected rejoinder- Forever afterwards I dealt lightly with mountain
ranges and everything else.

We in Canada are now repeating the early history of .nat Repub-
lic. The Americans of that day who were weak had no confidence
in their future. A stiff-necked generation came to Canada, in pre-
ference to moving elsewhere in that land and kissing the rod ; but in
their country, the United States of to-day represent the survival of
the fittest amongst them. So it is with us ; it depends upon Cana-

'\l>

TRANSPOR'IATION THE PROBLEM

-r*

'M I

dians whether our Dominion is to be a success or not. Against
many of the advantages wliich v/o possess we have the disadvantage
of standing face to face with an aggressive Rei)ublic of twelve times
our population ; we liappen, too, to be in possession of somctliing
which they want, — an outlet for their coming generation. 1 believe
that our great emigration will come from the States, and we must
be prepared to assert ourselves as Canadians, and guard well our
nationality within the Empire ; like the Pilgrims of Massachusetts,
we must worship our own God in our own way, and make other peo-
ple do the same.

That the Americans do not like what they choose to call the
development of un-A oerican institutions on their Northern border is
easy to perceive ; but it is certainly to be regretted that they do not
recognize the facts as they stand, and not as what they would wish
them to be. The continual " inevitable destiny " cry is not only mis-
leading, but causes some irritation on this side. It is manifest to
us tliat annexation will only follow upon our failure to govern our-
selves according to our own ideas (whatever our own ideas may be)
or the bankruptcy of our country. To have this incessantly dinned
into one's ears as the only result in the end is, to say the least of it,
not the most agreeable tone for our candid and assertive friend to
take, and must represent either total ignorance of the sentiment of
Canadians, coupled with such exaggerated and egotistical ideas re-
garding the perfection of his own institutions, and the greatness of
his own country, as to completely blind him to any sentiment not
identical with his own ; or the wish must be the father to the thought,
and that we may not succeed u his hope.

There are some Americans whose pleasure at the prospect, or
supposed prospect, of our joining them may be frankly accepted as
the highest compliment ; but where this only represents antipathy
to P'.ngland, it is of course quite a different affair. With regard to
such Americans we can only regret that they miss the point of Cana-
dian sentiment. That we have aspirations of our own, and that
these aspirations do not point to Washington, is the result as much
of the action of the people of the United States as of anything else.
For twenty-five years from the death of Louis XVI, England had
been engaged in fighting 'n every quarter of the Globe, and her

]m I

FOK CANADA.

Against
ivantage
Ive times
)mothing
I believe

we must
well our
ichusetts ,
ither pco-

D call the
I border is
ley do not
'ould wish
: only mis-
lanifest to
)vern our-
is may be)
tly dinned

least of it,

friend to
intiment of
1 ideas re-

eatness of
Itiment not

e thought,

jospect, or

Iccepted as

antipathy

regard to

litofCana-

and that

It as much

[hing else.

igland had

and her

armies absorbed the surplus population. During these years the
foundations of English Canada were laid by those United Empire
Loyalists who had been driven out of the TTnited States, and by
them alone, (i)

History shows how the revolutionists lo.U the afft.'ctiop and sym-
patliy of the French ; and now, coming down to our own day, wc find
the descendants of those two classes falliny into the ])ossession of
a country, the })ossil)ilities of whicii they arc only beginning to
aj)[)reciate.

To understand the change which has taken jjlace in the past few
years, it would be well for Americans to remember, that inasmuch
as no single Stale in tlieir own Union had any real control over the
territories of the United States, in a far less degree had the people
of old Canada any control over the vast territories which now com-
prise the Dominion. Over these uninhabited lands the charter of
the Hudson's Bay Company ruled, from the Atlantic to the Pacific,
and this charter had as much validity and force as those which
created their original Thirteen Colonies. Besides, it existed before
those men who had been driven out of the independent States had
organized sufficiently to obtain Constitutional government. In fact,
it antedated the Revolutionary War by exactly one hundred years.

While it is true that in point of population Canada is at the moment
out of the race, yet the resources of the Dominion are more nearly
a match for those of the United States than any other possible on
this Continent, and are a factor in its future development which
they must acknowledge and count with. Meantime, we are fed daily
with such information as this : " The Canadian annexation boom,"
and " annexation is desirable because it would open up a new market
for the products of diis country." The Chicago Herald has late-
ly permitted itself to drift into the usual line of American journalism
regarding us. We are told by it that " The i)ortion of North
America to which the most thrifty and enterprising of our own
natural increase must in a few years look for new homes belongs to
Canada. In the great North-Western provinces there is an em-
pire of unsurpassed fertility, whose products are being brought

(i) The only marked exception was as an emigration of Irish, the result of the trouble of '98,

TRANSrORTATlON THE PROliLEM

.,i I

l\\^ <

every year luarcr lu the market by tlie trunk lines and l)ranchts —
an empire wiiich must become in time the home of a thriving and
prospennis peoijle." Just so ; and this empire is Canada. Open
your eyes, Mr. Editor, and see wiiat is going on about you.

Let us overiuiul, from a Canadian standpoint, this sickening
annexation twaddle so common amongst Americans. We are always
assure of the grandeur of the destiny before us, as part of the
American Union : one government, one language, one grand Repub-
lic, one flag to the North Pole, and one race, — the inevitable des-
tiny. I'his would be all very well, were we not CANADIANS;
but Americans should remember when addressing us, that, although
we may not be as outspoken as they are, they are dealing with a
set of men as proud of their own nationality as ever were the
fatluTs of their Americ:an Republic; and that every sentiment which
nerved them in that past day to create a State lives on their Nor-
thern frontier to day with exactly the same life and being. We
know as well us do the people of the American Union the destiny
that is before us. We know that within our Empire is to be the
home of a thrifty and prosperous people, and that they will repre-
sent the most enterprising of those born upon this free Continent
of America to-day. We know, too, that it rests with the people of
the United States to declare, whether this people on their North
shall be a friendly or a hostile nation. We would not repeat the
history of the last century between the United States and the United
Kingdom ; we would not create a sentiment in our children to-
wards the United States such as the United States nurses towards
that older State. But the sooner the people of the Republic under-
stand that we have achieved our Continental independence of them in
trade, sentiment and national aspirations, the better will it be for
those who are destined to live side by side on this Continent of
America. They may rest assured that there is amongst us some
feeling of independence, but, except amongst a few hybrid Canadians,
none for the obliteration of Canada from the face of the world. Could
these same United States citizens feel the force of the remarks which
they are never tired of cramming down our throats, they would at
once see the absurdity of such sky-soaring as they indulge in at
present. How would it sound for British statesmen and writers to

FOR CANADA.

anchts —
iving and
I. Open
1.

sickening
irc always
irt of the
(I Kepub-
tal)le des-
JMANS;
altliough
ig with a
were the
icnl which
heir Nor-
;ing. We
ic destiny
to be the
vill repre-
[Joniinent
people of
ir North
lepeat the
Ihe United
Idren to-
towards
ic under-
f them in
it be for
Itinent of
us some
nadians.
Could
ks which
tvould at
|ge in at
Titers to

offer them the marvellous advantages of a return to their allegiance :
a Queen, an Aristocracy, one Flag, one Empire upon which tiie sun
never sets ; and dominant over the rest, and above all — glory be unto
those who preach anything like it — one race jjolitically bound
togetiier under one constitution ! Yet it is just such stuff with which
they dose us, in their desire to " oi)en up new markets for this coun.
try." The true way to open up new markets is to recognize freedom
of thought as well as freedom of trade, and to work away from the
narrow ideas and prejudices, the result of the veritable Chinese wall
with which they have encircled what they fell heir to.

Much as we admire the United States and appreciate their suc-
cess, we prefer to carve out a destiny of our own ; and the North-
ern half of this Continent, preserved to us by the colonizing instinct
inherent in the Anglo-Saxon race, gives us the desired opi)ortunity.
If this be strange or perhaps a crime, then great is our fault ; but
for any of our friends to the South to look upon our attempt to
create a State as one of unfriendliness to them or their institutions
is as great an error as for anyone on our side to shut his eyes to
American sentiment, and call upon them to return to their alle-
giance and throw in their lot with our Empire.

We have on either hand great questions to solve. Senator
Hoar, speaking of the South, on the floor of the Senate, said : —
" The person hears the sound of my voice this moment who in
his lifetime will see fifty millions of negroes dwelling in those
States."

The most serious problem for the people of the United States
is the neL'ro nroblem. Statisticians declare that the blacks have
doubled in population since the war, but they find comfort in the
fact that the ratio of increase has not equalled that of the
whites. A hundred years may be a very long time in the life of a
man, but is a mere bagatelle in that of a nation. At the rate indi-
cated, the wants of over seventy-five r^.illions of negroes, if the land
will maintain them, will have to be consulted before A. D. 2000.
The colored brother is not to be sneezed at. Why should we
place ourselves within the sphere of such a question ? Canadians
are of the opinion that they know a great deal better what they
want than the negroes of Louisiana can tell them.

TRANSl'OKTATION THt: PROBLEM

I ''

I i

J .'•

m I

TIic election of Mr. Cleveland may or may not make any par-
ticular differciu'.c to us so far as reciprocity is concerned ; there-
fore, let us for a moment review the past two years of the now
doomed McKinleyism.

We have been told by the late Mr. lilaine that, so far as he could
help it, he "would not permitthc Canadiai the sentimental satisfac-
tion of waving the British Hag, paying liritish taxes and enjoying the
cash rennineralion of American markets ; " nor, he is also reported
to have said, diil he "mean that they should be Canadians and
Americans at the same time." (i) However laudc.ble and pattiotic
such sentiments may sound in American ears, their tendency is to
create a feeling amongst us which cannoc be called one of uncjuali-
fied satisfaction ; and the determination to maintain our own in
spite of American hostility has only to be expressed to be under-
stood. Of course, he knew ])erfectly well that our paying British
taxes was all nonsense. His reciprocity card carried with it a
great attraction for the American mind ; under it they were to open
South American ports to United States produce and manufac-
tures, and to shut them to the manufactures of all others, and to
England in particular. Anxious as they were for reci[)rocity,
however, the only offer which they would make Canada was one
which it was utterly out of her power to accept. The demand, when
stripped of verbiage, was, that we clear away the Custom Houses
along the frontier, and maintain a seaboard tariff against the rest of
the world, — in fact, free exchange in everything with the United
States. This at first glance looks well, api irently it was a fair and
equitable propositio i ; but it carried with it the transfer of our
fiscal arrangements to Washington, out of our own control. Of
course, our seaboard tariff would have to be assimilated to that of
the United States, that country not proposing to allow us to import
raw material or manufactures at a less duty than they themselves
do, and then enter their markets with them. Any change in their
own tariff, which the people of the United States demand, would
be made at Washington for the benefit of the people of the United
States, and, under the treaty, our people would have to conform to
the new schedule, even were it a detriment to Canatla. It is

(I) Speeches in August, l888.

FOR CANADA.

uny par-
id ; there-
if tlic now

i he could
ril satisfac-
joying the
) reported
dians and
1 patiiotic;
cncy is to
)f unciuah-
ur own in
be luider-
ng British
with it a
re to open
manufac-
•s, and to
eciprocity,
a was one
nd, when
m Houses
\c rest of
le United
a fair and
er of our
trol. Of
to that of
to import
lemselves
e in their
nd, would
le United
onform to
la. It is

universally conceded thai all tariff is ;i tax, and if this does not
represent taxation without representation, what then does it repre-
sent ? Have wc not read in history of a very vigourpus protest
against the principle involved?

Tlien, too, Canada has a debt. It is extremely unfortunnte, not
to say iMipleasant, that this should be the case ; and if the Canadian
:jaboard tariff and internal revenue (the internal revenue sche-
Gules must also conform to those of the United States) failed in
producing sufficient funds for the expenses of our government and
the interest of our debt, where was the balance of cash to come
from, except by direct taxation? Would th*. United States in
framing their tariff care at all for the necessities of the Canadians
indulging in the " luxury of waving the British flag." What it
all amounts to is, that, if wc are to be independent of the United
States, we must maintain the independence of our tariff,

A ZoUverein may be dismissed as simply i..oonshinc.

Under these circumstances, is Canada helpless? Were not
Englisii markets open, she certainly would be; but as in the
main she produces everything which the Northern States do, she
has notliing to fear. The sudden imposition of the Mclvinley
tariff, of course, upset established trade, but, like a stream ofwiiter
suddcnlv l)locked, it found a new channel. Over two years have
now elapsed since that celebrated law came into operation. It may
be claimed that it was purely American legislation for American
interests, and levelled against the world at large and no one in par-
ticular ; but with Canada stretching along 3,00c miles of their bor-
der, against whom were the agricultural clauses levelled, if not at
Canada ? Except a few potatoes and other vegetables, who else ships
one cent's worth of agricultural product into the United States?
With all the talk of reciprocity on one hand, and the refusal to deal
on any but bankruptcy terms with Canada on the other, the claim
of the Republican party, that their legislation was simply for the
benefit of their own farming industry, will not stand the test of this
question. Had Canada knuckled down, and admitted the mainifac-
tures of the United States free of duty, what was to become of the
protection of this late pet of the Republican party, the United States
farmer ?

TRANSPORTATION THE PROBLE..

ii'

The McKinley tariff is now doomed. It is probable that its effect
on us has not been as detrimental to our interests as has our own
system of protection. Our financial institutions do not seem to
have suffered in consequence of McKinleyism. Investment stocks
compare favourably with New York stock quotations :

Feb. I, 1889. Feb. 3, 18^3-

Bank of Montreal ...225}^ 236^/^

Ontario Bank 126 119

Molsons Bank 157 174

Bank of Toronto 21 2 1^ 254

Merchants' Bank 137 , 167

Quebec Bank , 1:5 130

Banque Nationale 83 ■ 100

Eastern Township., Bank 125 140

Union Bank 93 102

Canadian Bank of Commerce 118 145

Hochelaga Bank , 90 128

Montreal Telegraph Co 88^ 153

Montreal Street Railway 189^ 184

Montreal City Gas ^9^}i '■'■34

Montreal Cotton Co 80 154

Merchants' Manfg. Co 65 160

Montreal Loan & Mortgage Co 112 . 132^

Bell Telephone Co 90 163

Canadian Pacific Railway 511^ 86^

New York Stock Quotations.

Northern Pacific Railway, common. 25^.... 18^

Northern Pacific Railway, preferred. 60-;'^ 49^^

Chicago, B. & Quincy 109^ 102^

Delaware & Hudson ^37H ^35

Lake Shore 103^ 130

Pullman Car 197 197^

Rock Island 98^. Sy}^

St. Paul, common 65^ 81

St. Paul, preferred '^2^ 122^

Union Pacific 64^^ 41

FOR CANADA.

49>^

102/2

130

■197^

One or two attempts have been made to negotiate reciprocity
treaties with the States,— our Ministers have been charged with be-
ing the real obstructionists ; but Mr. J. W. Foster, upon whose
shoulders had fellen the mantle of Mr. Blaine, has told tiie whole
story at the annual dinner of the New York Board of Trade.

He is reported to have said : " But it may be said, if this be true,
why not extend it to our Canadian neighbours on the North ? The
first answer is that witii our tropical neighbours whose products are
so dissimilar to ours, reciprocity is a simi)le matter; but when we
come to deal with a country having thousands of miles of contermin-
ous territory, and with like products and industry, the question
becomes more complex. But this -s not llie insujjerable difficulty.
The fact that Canada does not possess the right of negotiating her
own treaties, but must have them negotiated by a distant power
which is controlled by economic principles entirely different from
those of liie United States and Canada, constitutes the chief barrier
to any arrangement, so long as other interests than those of Canada
are to control the negotiations for commercial relations. With such
neighbours as recognize American (in its broadest sense) as para-
mount to European influence in this hemisphere, to all such coun-
tries we should open the doors of trade as v ide and as freely as the
interests of our own established industries would permit. Beyond

that, the spirit of genuine Americanism does not require or permit
us to go.

This " insuperable difficulty " had not prevented these very men
negotiating a treaty with Jamaica and the British West India Islands,
and also with Cuba and Spain. Our Ministers must be excused if
they failed to transact business, when they had to deal with a man
capable of uttering such unmitigated nonsense before men well
known for their shreuuness and business ability. If it were an at-
tempt to say nothing, it was about the most clumsy effort on record.

However, we have a new set of men to deal with in the United
States, and they may refuse to negotiate reciprocity treaties with
anyone, on the broad ground that such treaties can only mean more
or less protection.

Far better for Canada would it be to reduce her own tariff all
round, independent of everyone, than to bind herself in a general
treaty with any country maintaining a lariff for protection.

M T

TKANSPUiiTATION THE PROP.LEM

WOULD CANADA HAVK BEEN BETTER OFF TO-DAY
HAD SHE JOINED THE THIRTEEN COLONIES

IN 1774?

Here again we must draw a line between the old and the new
Canat'a : the new Canada, extending from the Atlantic to the
Pacific, is all in the future. With ihe past, however, Canada is the
ol^ Canada, including New Brunswick and Xova Scotia.

Is it so very certain that tiie part of ilie Continent now under
co-,isideration would have done any better as part of the American
L^nion ?

Lci us look for a moment at the Slate of Maine, lying on one
exlromc of our Country. There is a Stale with all the climatic
disadvantages with which old Canada has had to struggle ; and in
its favor, it has not only had the advantage of an (:i)en sea-board,
but of the free American market — the market of sixiy-five
millions of people which we sometimes hear about. Its sea-coast
draws tourists from all parts of .America ; but, with that excepiion,
does anyone ever go to Maine ? How much ahead of Canada is
the State of Maine ? This State, it is true, has pr(jduced the Hon.
James G. Blaine, and with that it must remain content : nature in
all |)robability owed some counterpoise.

Everything which nuy be said of Maine may be said of the
States of Vermont and New Hampshire. State reports give us lists
of farms abandoned or imsaleable; and yet, had Canada joined the
States one hundred and twenty years ago, of what would she have
been possessed which these Slates have not been in possession of
ever since ?

To the extreme west o{ old Canada stands the Slate of Michigan,
another State in |)ossession of that free market of sixly-five millions
of [jeople. (i) The most southerly part of it has benefited by the
emigrant wave settling and passing westward ; but northward it
is yet the wilderness of the lumberman, and backwoods to all intents
and purposes.

In view of the fact that until about twenty-five years back, the whole
drift of emigration had been to the West and West Central States, it

(I) The Census of iTq") yives Michigan 2,093,889. The Canadian Census of
1891 gives Ontario 2,114,321.

FOR CANADA.

is not too much to assert tliat had the country known as Canada
been only the far North-East of the United States, it would not have
attained its present standard of development. To say nothing of the
railroads-, the incentive to open up the Country with canals would
certainly have been less ; the energies and the attention of the
people would have been diverted into other channels, and, with the
exception of that strip between Buffolo and Detroit, it would have
remained equal in value to the lumber regions of Michigan and
Maine. Certainly, Toronto is fiir ahead of any city on the American
shore of Lake Ontario.

It is worthy of note that the Americans have not yet cut a canal
connecting Lakes Erie and Ontario. Why has an enterprising
nation omitted doing this ? Will anyone believe that the asserted
military consideration has been the reason for the long delay ?

The sentiment of New YorkState is to throw everything possible
into the Erie Canal at Bufflilo, ihtnce to New York City. The
position which this large State has held in the American Union
must be noticed. New Yorkers are very fond of remarking that
" what :;ew York wants she gets." A glance at the map will show
ti at so long as this State wished to block the outlet into Lake
Ontario from her side, she could do it by refusing to cut a canal
round the Niagara Falls.

Everyone knows that this State, with its 26 to 36 votes for
President in the Electoral College, has represented an interest in
the American Union which it has not been safe for either party to
trifle with ; and New York interests are, of course, wl.at is best for
New York State. With Canada a Maine, and certain up to a very
late date to have consisted in a great measure of territories, would
the present canal and railway systems have existed, in view of the
deference which politicians were bound to pay to New York interests,
especially when it was to be only at the expense of backwoods-men
and Frenchmen bound to the Church of Rome ? (i)

(I) Edward D. North, in the Forum, May, 1892, says, among other reasons, that
the canal was cut to Erie because the Ontario route " presented cheaper transpor-
tation to the sea via the St. Lawrence than by any other existinj^ route."

With Oswego the port of transhipment, grain would more readily drift to the
sea by tlie cheapest outlet.

TRANSPORTATION THE PROBLEM

I3efore the war, politics would have been different ; the South
would not only have been well pleased to jjurchase the vote of the
State of New York, by sealing up the Northern route, but would
have been happy in the consciousness that they were blocking the
formation of other Yankee States, (i)

The West and Northwest were in possession of the Indians ; the
trend of politics would have been so different, that one can easily
imagine the South long remaining, masters of the situation. As it is,
New York State has succeeded in cutting off the whole north
country, including Vermont, New Hampshire and Maine, by the
line Albany to Jiuffalo, and would have blocked Canada still more
had it been American territory.

But the reign of New York State on old lines is very nearly over.
" Westward the course of Empire takes its way," and Presidential
candidates are very rapidly becoming less dependent on that State.

Senator Davis has lately drawn attention to the necessity of a
ship canal around the Falls. It is true he advocates another, Oswego
to the Hudson ; but with a race of grain producers in these North-
western prairies on either side of the boundary line, it is not
probable that any artificial barriers will long be permitted to check
the flow of grain on its cheapest route to the sea ; and be it either
nature or laws, whether it be New York State or the manufactures
of Ontario and Quebec, they will in a few years be forced to bend
at the demand of the \Ve«t. Is it not plaik that all this Northern
Country, until tiie Northern Country west of us was peopled, would
have remained the abode of Frenchmen and backwoodsmen had
the Thirteen Colonies obtained possession of it in 1774? With no
one in the Northwest to push it, who would have been interested
in the opening of it up, in opposition to the wishes and interests of
the great Eastern State ? Without the start given it by the Colonial

(i) The Chicago 7)77>««?, the leading paper of the West, remarks editorially :
" The Slave-holding South which ruled then at Washington was equally anxious
to give the Canadians, while remaining English subjects, all the commercial bene-
fits which would have followed annexation. The Southern leaders did not want the
latter to happen, because it would have added four or five free States to the
Union."

January 27th, 1893.

FOR CANADA.

emigrants, and the flow of English capital into th.. country since
then, the native French would have been left in the peaceful
possession of the St. Lawrence.

The general progress made in seventy years, in the older Provinces
and States, subject to the same climatic: conditions, is well illustruied
by the average yearly increase in population. We find that

Quebec has gained per year ,5,735 for 66 years.

^^^'^'"^ 5,182

Nova Scotia ^^^^^

New Brunswick ^687

New Hampshire * jl'^g^^

^'^•""«"' 1,380

70
73
67

70
70

The reports of the different census give :—

Quebec (Lower Canada) in 1825-450,000 In 1891-1,488,535

'^^^'"^ rS2o 298.335

NovaScotia jSiS— 82^053

New Brunswick 1824— 74,176

New Hampshire 1820—244,161

V^-""o»t 1820—235,764

[890 —
1891 —
1891 —
1890 —
1890 —

661,086

450,39*^
321,263

376,530
332,432

All that this question of progress and vaunted superiority of
institutions amounts to is, that the United States have had just one
hundred years start of us in the possession of a great West

The development of Canadian railroads has been of considerable
assistance to Maine. The value of its statistics depends somewhat
on whether its census was taken in the tourist months or not; but
the progress of New Hampshire and Vermont, depending more
upon the United States markets, has not been anything very parti-
cular to boast about. ^^y pani

In the ten years between 1880 and 1890 the population of the
State of Vermont has increased by one hundred and thirty-six
souls. It IS somewhat difficult to argue out a benefit to us in join-
ing our fortunes with that commonwealth at any rate. Are we
absolutely certain in this Lower Province that it would do more for
us than enlarge the boundaries of Vermont Park? We are to be
congratulated that we did not get in, in 1775.

TRANSPORTATION THE PROI'.LRM

Why should our iirogress in tlie past 70 years have been greater
than that of iliese neighbouring States, had the French joined in
the American Revolution ? The size of ()utbec has little to do with
the calculation ; for away north of the St. Lawrence, the land, owing
to climatic conditions, is beyond the sphere of colonization.

While our National Policy has had a great deal to answer for, the
protection policy of the United States has had as much on their
side, So far as these North Eastern States are concerned. A record
of their exodus would sliow that their native born have been replaced
with the French Canadians representing the exodus from Quebec.

So long as these display the characteristics of their ancestors,
work as hard as and live clieaper than other people, and yet remain
in touch with each other and their Church, they can in slow but
steady waves drive everything before them in the labour line. The
manufactures of the New England States are principally benefited
by the change.

When living in the States one cannot help being struck with the
general consensus of opinion that Canadians are slow. This is not
very flattering ; but we may allow a little for the natural sentiment of
their people. If we were up to the times, we ••■ ould join them, instead
of poking along and sticking to England. Well, our friends may
rest assured that while we fully appreciate their wonderful progress,
yet, to whatever end Canadian sentiment may point, that end is not
to Washington.

And in their own country can they show any better record after
all? Our climate and our wilderness were factors in the case over
which we had no control ; the fair comparison for the old days is
Maine and Michigan, it is well to remember, too, that the rough
edge had been taken off their wilderness by two hundred years of
occupation before the axe was heard in the woods of English
Canada.

Since the creation of the new Canada, it seems as though the
wand of the magician had passed over the country on their North.
It is just twenty-five years since limited Statehood gave place to
Dominion. In 1870 Manitoba was organized, and half the Conti-
nent, which up to that time had been held by the Hudson's Bay
Company, passed into the present Dominion. British Columbia and

lOR CANADA.

Vancouver Island followed in 1S71, and Prince Edward Island in
1873. We then did exactly as the United States have done over and
over again : when in want of money we entered the general money
market of the world with our security in our iiands ; and now, af.er
twenty-five years of possession, we cliallenge a comparison. Let
any sceptic travel over the Dominion from Winnipeg to Vancouver,
and carry in his mind that, far away North of liis comfortable car,
the settler is seeking out the best agricultural land, farm by farm,
where only fifteen years ago his scalp would have been unsafe ;
onward to the town of Vancouver, primeval forest in 1886. Such
a forest, too, as only those who have been on the Pacific Coast know
anything about. If he cannot, in any corresponding portion of his
own country south of the line, produce anything to surpass it for
ten years work, (i) then for ever let him hold his peace regarding
the slowness of Canadians.

The trouble with Canadians is, that they are a great deal too
modest.

The assertion that England built our Pacific road for us for
military purposes is so ridiculous, that an apology is necessary for
taking time to refute it. Nevertheless, as it is constantly asserted
by such authorities as Senator Cullum, we cannot be surprised at
some of the people south of us believing it. The class of men who
look upon us as slow old pokes are the class who believe in the
military road. It is evident that someone has accomplished some-
thing, which, on this Continent at any rate, has been considered as
the prerogative of go-ahead Americans. It could not have been
the "fringe to the States," and accordingly it must have been
England.

That the Canadian Pacific Railroad, extending from the Atlantic
to the Pacific, was built on Canadian credit alone, is well known to
all who have taken the trouble of informing themselves. That in
the early days of our Federation the Government of the United
Kingdom did guarantee the bonds of a road connecting the Pro-
vinces of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick with the city of Quebec
is a fact, but this road is no part of the Canadian Pacific Railroad

(I) The Canada Pacific Railroad was completed in 1885,

■. , f

TRANSPORTATION THE PROItLEM

system. That guarantee was given to enable us to borrow the
money in London at a cheaper rate than we could have obtained
at iliat time. I'lngland on her part may have had some idea of the
mihtary advantages of such a road ; but the concession was
granted in consideration of the fact that Canada had been at great
expense during the American Civil War in maintain mg her
neutrality, and at danger and expense afterwards, from the raids
of armed bands of citizens, so called, whom United States law
seemed utterly powerless to reach. These losses were brought
upon us for no other reason than because we chose to fly the Hag
of I'.ngland ; and this guarantee was the last which Canada either
asked or received from the JJritish nation.

'I he discussion anent " Canada's Government road" was all
calculated to lead up to President Harrison's message to Congress.
It their assertion be true, that they are having cheap transjjorta-
tion at our expense, tin ir jicople must have somethin^.^ to thank us
for, to say the very least.

The Treasury report that the debt of the United States increased
by three millions during the past month v)f January. Two millions
in cash had to be paid out to meet the " semi-annual interest on
the Union Pacific Railroad bonds."

Whether Canada made a good or bad bargain with er Pacific
Railway Company is a question for Canadians to decide, and
affects them only.

|U,

FOR CANADA.

THF CHURCH OF ROME.

People who so glibly talk of Canada joining the States fail to realize
the position whirh the Church of Rome holds on the Comment.

lliat this Church will do anything which will jeopardize its
position in Canada is not to be expected. Within this Dominion the
Irovinctof Quebec is completely under its thumb ; the Census gave
us population as 1,196.346 French and 292,189 Fnglish speaking.
If this Church meets the wants of such an overwhelming majority of
the people, it is not for the English minority, demanding the freedom
of their own opinions, to say : '« Thou shalt not have it." All that
we can demand is that it will mind its ovvn business.

Its definition, however, of what its own business is differs some-
what from our English Canadian definition.

Apparently the idea of their priesthood is, that they should spread
their language and their institutions over the rest of this Dominion ;
ours IS that the decision must be left to the local legislatures as
representing the will of the people subject to the constitution.

hot some inscrutable reason, the French Canadian has proved to
be the most prolific race on this Continent. With only 100,000 to
start with in 1762, they now amount to 1,415,000 in Canada, and
I believe it is estimated that there are 500,000 of them in the United
States. His natural instinct is lo close up about his Church, but
Manitoba must be admitted to have attracted her share of their peo-
ple lately. These men are a distinct race, and as yet have not
assimilated to the other people of this Continent. They, too, have
their aspirations. If their ambition be to Romanize the Maritime
Provinces and the New England States, using Quebec as a base of
operations, their prolific production will permit of their accomplish-
ing it, and presenting the twenty-first century with a very interest-
ing problem.

The French Canadian is a good settler, in every sense of the word ;
he is bound to overflow somewhere, and it will be in the direction in
which there is the least resistance to his Church.

Exactly parallel to our ideas of to-day were the ideas of the two
sections of tlie United States with regard to slavery up to i86r.

TRANSPORTATION THE PROBLEM

''•lud'

:1„

It is exported, however, that we shall be able to settle this question
amongst ourselves, without apjieaHng tu the force to whieli the
United States were driven in that year.

Our pol.tical machinery being the more perfect will carry us
through all such ([uestions as may arise.

At any rate, the Church of Rome stands a fact, and its workers
are guided by a set of men educated to politics and dealing with the
various phases of the Church throughout (>hristend(;m. As a com-
pact body of politicians they are as clever as in the world exist. Had
their leaders in Rome been of the opinion that annexation would have
been conducive to their benefit, and have contributed to the power
of their Church, the'formation of this Dominion, de|)ending upon il'.e
vote of the people, would never iiave been permitted. As it was,
through opening u\) a new country in which, backed by their solid
province of Quebc( , they were sure of having a heavy vote, pre-
sented a condition of affairs eminently calculated for their expan-
sion. It is a great deal easier for them to make their power felt, and
extend their sway in the present Dominion than as a State of tin;
American Union. With tliis power in their hands, what inducement
is there for them to give it up ? In the present temper of the United
States, could a vote be passed through Congress admitting a solid
Roman Catholic State, with its church establishment, language and
treaty rights, to equal rights in the American Union ?

The New York limes of February 3rd says : — " The proposition
to admit as a State of the Union a population of 17th Century
French Canadians, about as large as the population of Wisconsin,
is one that should make thoughtful Americans paur.e."

It is clear that, to join the States, they would either have to give
up their traditions, or consent to be ruled as a territory.

The Church of Rome has a far better game to play than that.

This Church, both in Canada and in the United States, is guided
by the same men over the sea ; and their great object is power.
They believe that with power they can lead men in the true path ;
therefore, what they do, they do, because they believe that it contri-
butes to the power of their Church ; and what they refrain from doing
is because they do not think that it will help the ends which they
have in view.

Iff

FOR CANADA.

5 question
whicli the

I carry us

Ls workers
igwith tlie
As a com-
<ist. Had
I'ould ha\ c
the power
i^ upon tiie
Vs it was,
their solid
vote, prc-
leir expan-
:r felt, and
ate of tiie
iducement
he United
ing a solid
guage and

iroposition
h Century
IVisconsin,

ive to give

It .s too early yet to guess what effect the large emigration fron.
the konun Cathohc c:ountries of Kuropc will have upon the United
Mates; but the one familiar object which the emigrant to the new
world meets on landing in America is the Church of his fathers
rh.s Church ,s on an entirely different basis from any in the land'
1 he decree ot Rome is the law for its priestiiood; these smooth-
laced, long-robed gentlemen and hooded ladies are to be found

everywhere steadily working, while quietly laying the foundations of
lUture power.

No better field could be found for them than this Continent ; and
It IS evide.U to us, who live amongst tiiem, that if they ever obtain

a position of sufficient strength in the United States, they will strike
the Constitution through the will of the people

At any rate, as sentiment runs in the present day, they are far
too wary to bring up the burning question of the position of the
Church, which te annexation of Canada would Inevitably call to
^.e front; but the assertion maybe made, that if the stars of
Quebec, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island and
Ontario ever grace the star-spangled banner of the United St .tes
It wiU only be typical and emblem.atical of the fact, that upon this'
broad Continent ot America the Church of Rome holds unLputed
sway, and you will not see them there until that day

m that.
, is guided
is power,
true path ;
It it contri-
from doing
which they

TRANSPORTATION THE PROBLEM

1,1

Ml M

;|
l(
I

'1 I III 'lid

THE REPUBI-ICaN PARTY IN THE UNITED STATES —

THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY IN CANADA— THE

CONSERVATIVE PARTY IN ENGLAND.

It is ihe belief of free traders that all tariff is a tax ; that in
countries, such as Canada and the United States, in the face of the
prejudice against the princii)le of direct taxation, a tariff is the
easiest, the cheapest, the most equitable and popular method of col-
lecting the necessary revenue, but that this tax for revenue should
be framed to the end of producing the greatest amount of income
with the smallest percentage of taxation, and that luxuries should be
made to pay heavily for revenue.

That as all trade is exchange, no unnecessary barriers sliould be
placed in the way of people exchanging the product of their labour
as freely as possible ; in other words, that a man should be per-
mitted to buy where he can buy the cheapest, and to sell where he can
sell the dearest.

That unnecessary freight charges are as much barriers as unne-
cessary duties.

That in such countries as Canada, with a widely scattered popu-
lation, a tariff for revenue is not an unnecessary barrier.

The very reverse of this is the opinion of the protectionist. He
believes that home industries should be encouraged, with the idea
of giving employment to labour in the production of everything
possible within his own country, of checking the purchase abroad
of anything which can be produced at home, and of creating a home
market for the produce of the country. ,

Under leaders pledged to uphold one of these views, every man
in our country and in the United States ranges himself.

The Republicans in the States, being the party of the manuf^ic-
turers, can only maintain themselves by appealing to American pre-
judice and American sentiment. Repudiating any alliance with the
manufacturers on this side of the line, forming the Conservative
party, thry persist in placing those here in alliance with the Conser-
vative party in England, and seeing in them only hostility to Ameri-
can institutions.

\TES -
IIE

; Ihat in
:e of ilie
ff is the
td of col-
ic should
f income
hould be

iliould be
Mr labour
d be pcr-
,'re he can

as unne-

•ed pcpu-

nist. He
the idea

verything
e abroad
g a home

very man

manufac-
rican pre-
with the
servative
e Conscr-
to Ameri-

FOR CANADA.

That the object of the Conservatives in Canada is exactly the
same as that of the Republicans in the United Slates they will not
admit.

So long as the Republican party lives, and its end, from either
sclfisii or patriotic motives, is the so-called protection of American
industry, England, being the most formidable manufacturing power
in the world, lust expect to see her flag trailed in the dust, and
those who lly it on this Continent must ex[)ect to be under the ban.
While on this side of the line, the promoters of infant industries,
with the full right of taxing English goods conceded to them, only
look with dread upon the huge combinations of capital in the
United States, and accordingly are just as outspoken in appealing to
Canadian prejudices, setting themselves up as the most patriotic
of Canadians and supporters of British institutions.

When Sir John A. Macdonald with his party slumped Canada in
his last election in support of protection, he was not one whit less
pronounced than the most rabid protectionist on the United States
side of the line. He succeeded in fastening the stigma of annexa-
tion upon the whole Liberal party, and, in the face of what, in my
humble opinion, is a wide-spread desire for a reduction of the tariff,
succeeded in carrying the election.

Canadians must be willing to accept their fair share of the un-
pleasant things said on their side. I heartily commend the cartoon
in Puck of September 7th, representing the girl Canada on one
side and Uncle Sam on the other; between them are two fighting
dogs, each labelled " Protection," and the scroll, " We would be
very good friends were it not for these two animals."

Until our Liberal leaders free themselves from " differential duty
and commercial union" planks, they need not expect the confidence
of the Canadian people.

In the late bye-Elections the Liberals have spoken out in no un-
certain terms ; they have put Conservatives in power all over Can-
ada, in the place of men who proposed giving away the control of
their own affairs. That the Conservatives gained all these late elec-
tions themselves is nonsense ; in very many cases Liberals put them
in power because they proposed running their own Country their
own way.

^ 1'

I.J

I 'i

TRANSPORTATION THE PROBLEM

The Conservative and Republican parties in their respective
Countries on this side of the watsr bear the same relation to the peo-
ple, so far as trade questions go, that the Conservative party in the
United Kingdom did to their people fifty years back. They all op-
posed freedom of trade in the interes.o of a class— the landlords m
the old world, the manufacturers in the new. The speeches of the
men of that day, for and against protection in England, apply the
well worn arguments on this continent of the present time.

In later days the English Conservatives having accepted the free
trade doctrine, the parallel does not hold good ; but in the States
the 'leaders y^^* place the English and Canadian Conservatives
together, in hostility to the United States.

With a strong Democratic party in power, and free trade relations
with the world, the necessity for a great deal of this declamation
will pass away, and an era of better feeling develop ; while in Can-
ada, if the Conservatives can be brought to accept th - free trade doc-
trine, parties may then struggle over the best mean of carrying it
into effect.

•'Miff

i :

FOR CANADA.

spective
the peo-
ty in the
y all op-
dlords in
es of the
pply the

•

1 the free
le States
ervatives

relations
:lamation
I in Can-
rade doc-
irrying it

THE CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILROAD.

The Chicago Tribune, in writing its obituary notice of President
Harrison s political career, said: -Like all his public utterances,
whether to Congress or the people, President Harrison's message
IS practical and business-like in its contents, earnest, dignified and
impartial in its tone."

The business point is the only one which will be touched upon
hei-e In his message, he says : •-' It is hardly too much . o sav, that
the Canada Pacific and otlier Railway lines which parallel our North-
ern boundary are sustained by commerce, having either its origin
or terminus, or both, in the United States."

Mr. J. W. Nimmo. jr., an experienced servant, has furnished
him with the figures upon which he bases this assertion_in fact he
favours.us with them himself. For the year ending 30th Tune i L-^
they tabulate as follows for the C.P.R :— ' '

Into the United States from China and Japan 2, 2x0 6S0

fr\ : " " ^° " " 34;o68;346

Lnited States Eastern to U. S. Western points i, 01207,

'' '' ^^^-^--" " Eastern << ,^^,\

. 74,5 • 3,423 pounds.

Phis IS a very imposing array of figures, but the result of a little
arithmetic is somewhat surprising. Allowing an average of 40 000 lbs
to a car load, it represents 1863 cars. For crossing the plains or any
%rly flat country, allow 40 cars to the train, this gives a result of 46
trains; in other words, less than two full train loads each way per
month, for twelve months, represent, according to President Harri
son's figures, the dependence of the Canadian Pacific Railway on
the United States. From a business point of view, will these fig-
ures permit of the assertion that the Railroad in" question is " sus-
tained by commerce, having either its origin or terminus, or both, in
the United Slates ? "

The reports of the Company give the gross earnings of the whole
Canadian Pacific system for 1891 as $20,241,095.48, of which
:t)i, 162,475. 55 were from interstate traffic, or 5.07 per cent.

If'i

TRANSPORTATION THE PROliLE.M

What President Harrison did not tell us was, that the books of
the Transcontinental R. R. Association representing all the Rail-
roads show that in i8gi, while the Canadian lines diverted from the

United States lines

s 1

I (t ()■

of I per cent, of United States West-

bound traffic, 13 iVfo per cent, of Canadian Westbound traffic was
diverted to United States lines, and while livo of i per cent, of
United States Eastbound traffic was diverted to Canadian lines,
12 ,Vo per cent, of Canadian traffic Eastbound was diverted to
United States lines, (i)

The local mileage freights on the Canadian Pacific are lower than
those in Minnesota ; Brandon rates of freight fix the rule for wheat
in Manitoba. Brandon is 559 miles from Fort William (Port Arthur),
and the freight is 22 cents per 100 lbs.

Crookston, in the centre of the Red River Valley in Minnesota,
is 290 miles by rail, from either Duluth or Minneapolis, and freight
is 16 cents per 100 lbs.

At the end of December " No. i Hard" sold at the Crookston
elevator for 57 cents, and "No. i Northern" f 55 cents, while at
Brandon the prices were 52 and 50 cents for like grades.

In this telegraphic age, differences in prices of equally graded
grain are, in most instances, differences of lales ingrain freiglits.

(i) A. C, Raymond's figures.

r« '.M*.

' :! d%

ii i

FOR CANADA.

lie books of
11 ihe Rail-
ed from the
tates West-
traffic was
ler cent, of
adian lines,
diverted to

: lower than
e for wheat
irt Arthur),

Minnesota,
and freight

Crookston

ts, while at

ally graded
freiulUs.

NOTES FROM A CAR WINDOW.

THE PACIFIC COAST.

The maps of the United States do not show the great American
desert as of yore. The desert, as a flict, only exists so far as agri-
culture is concerned. Cattle may graze in very many parts of that
immense country, lying between the Rocky and Sierra Nevada
ranges, and the melting of the snow may supply water for a limited
amount of agriculture. In travelling over the State of Washington
East of the Cascade range, a more dismal prospect could hardly be
found. The Columbia River, where the Northern Pacific Railroad
crosses it, flows through an unmitigated desert ; yet it would not be
safe to assert that wheat will not do as well there as it does in other
parts of the State, — the rains and mild winters work wonders; but
up to date, no one has been in a hurry to try the experiment. For
two hundred miles in a straight line, there does not appear to be
five living souls in the country. It is desolation itself.

Southward, Nevada may be given up as a bad job, where cattle
cannot grub.

Regarding irrigation, any desert may be converted into a garden
if enough of water can be procured, but in this instance there is not
one thousandth part available.

The Corn belt, of which Illinois with its Chicago is the centre, is
probal)ly the best part of the United States east of the Pacific Coast
Ranges. The farmer in that section may plant winter wheat, and,
in the event of a failure, it is possible tor him to plow up for corn
before it is too late. The situation of Chicago is eminently fitted for
the growth of a great city. As it stands now, the centre of a great
Railway system, there is probably no other city which holds such
an extent of fertile country tributary to it. As America fills up, there
is very little doubt that Chicago will be the largest city in the world.
Its markets for lumber, hogs, cattle, corn, wheat, and a great
variety of manufactures give law to-day to more square miles of
land than any other city in America. If America is to grow, it is
difficult to see what there is to stop Chicago.

i fr"""

TRANSPORTATION THE PROIU.EM

(•iMlfli

; !i .

■ ii !

Northward in the States and in British America spring wheat is
the main crop ; tlie winters are too severe for the successful growing
of winter wheat, and the summer nights too cold for the maturing
of corn, but it is now well understood that all other cereals natural
to a Northern country crop out better in quality, and greater in
(juantity per acre, the nearer they approach their Vorthern limit of
])roduction. At the present time, most men own more land than
they can farm with success, and the result is that, if the crop is poor,
too much money has been spent in working over the great breadth
of land for its light return per acre ; if it is a heavy crop, the labour
is not in the country to save it in good condition. It is hurriedly
shocked instead of stacked. 'J'he fall rains come on ; there being no
system of drainage the tlat lands are Iield wet, and neither teaming
nor ploughing can be done. The effort to secure this heavy crop has
thrown the fall ploughing back, resulting in more spring work and
late seeding ; in fact. - 1 the large scale on which they are attempting
it at present, prairie 1.1 r aing is a somewhat risky business for a poor
man.

Spring wheat growing will play out in time there, a? it has done
elsewhere in America. This hard wheat, at present so popular, will
give way ; it w''l only grow on new lands. Once you fertilize this soil
you change the character of the wheat ; it gradually becomes softer
and whiter, and will not make as strong a flour, (i) There is no
doubt that other wheats suitable for the country will take its place,
but smaller farms, better farming, and more attention paid to the
rotation of crops, the raising of hogs and cattle, will be a decided
advantc.^e to the country.

This is all that can be said against it, but in case a sanguine
Canadian may be charged with drawing too highly coloured a picture-
Let us view it through the eyes of Mr. J. W. Taylor, United States
Consul at Winnipeg, through all administrations since the early days
of our federation.

In reporting to his Government last year, he said : — " But the day
is near at hand when American farmers must meet such competition
as they never met before, and such as few of them have ever dreamed

(1)1 cannot quote any particular authority for this statement, and would like
more light thrown on the subject .

FOR CANADA.

of. The parallelogram included between the longitudes loo and
170 West of Greenwich, and latitudes 50 to 70 degrees, is identical
in climate and as rich in resources as an etjual area in Europe in-
chid'jd between the same meridians of latitude, and extending 68
degrees East and 10 degrees West of Greenwich. The European
parallelogram includes England, Ireland. Scotland, Denmark, Nor-
way, Sweden, Belgium, Holland, and most of Germany and Russia
in Europe. Over all the territory included in the North American
parallelogram, the ojieningof spring occurs at the same time, almost
to a day. It is known by the test of experience that wheat can
be grown as far North as latitude 69, and by tar the iinest wheat
which I have ever seen came from Fort Vermillion on Peace River,
in latitude 59, longitude 116; Wheat, barley, oats, pease, all the
grains and vegetables are successfully raised at the Mission Stations
throughout this region, and the farmers of Manitoba have had
greater average crops per acre for many years past than the American
farmers in Minnesota and Dakota.

The causes for this remarkable extension Northw st of cereal pro.
duction are : first, the continually decreasing altitude, the influence
of the warm wind of the Pacific blowing through the low mountain
passes of the North, and the fact that the long summer days of
higher latitudes give a vast deal more sunshine during the growing
season than is the case further South, while the cold winters prevent
the development of insect pests, which are so injurious in milder
climates. The causes are certainly sufificient to explain the fact, so
well demonstrated by experience, that all grains are produced in the
highest quality and the greatest quantity per acre near the Northern
limit at which they will grow.

Within five years from the present time, and at the present rate
of progress, there will be a clear channel for vessels drawing 14 feet
of water through Canadian teriitory, all the way from Lake Superior
to the sea. Six feet of water in the Erie Anal and two transfers of
freight can no more compete with fourteen feet of water through
Canadian canals, and no transfjr, than a wheelbarrow can compete
with an Express train. The canal boat carrying 200 tons, drawn
by mules at the rate of 4 miles an hour, can by no possibility com-
pete with steamships carrying 2000 tons propelled by steam at the

\h>

'"!#■

TRANSPORTATION TlIK PROIiKKM

rate of 14 miles ;iii hour; and while the United States farmer has
held his own fairly well against the semi-civilized wheat growers of
India, I go not see liuw he can hope to win in comi)etiiioii with
men of the same race, men just as iiilelligeiit, with a climate no
more rigourous, with a soil at least as fertile, and with iransjKjrtation
facilities immeasurably superior. The great plains of the Canadian
Northwest are unsettled now, but when once the conditions of soil
and climate which there exist are supplemented by facilities for
tranvporlation not surpassed, if equalle 1, by those of any other region,
I believe the Canadian Northwest will settle up with a raceofhardy»
intelligent and prosperinis people, and will become the granary of
the v.'orld. " /A' who can most cheaply reach the markets of the xvorld
can control the markets of the world."'

If Canadians do not apj^reciate the country to which in fact, as
well as in theory, they have fallen heir under the Imperial Hag,
Americans do. Wake up, ye of little faith in the destiny of
Canada, and see yourselves as others see you ! Our country can
seize a position upon the ('ontinent which " wad frae monie a blunder
free us, an' foolish notion." Our Northern position saves us from
many of the evils of which our neighbours to the South complain,
while the depression in the moimtain ranges makes all the differ.;nce
between an agricultural land and a desert. If we can by any means
lay down the necessaries of life in these plains, and carry the i)ro-
ducts of these jilains to their destination, more cheaply than the
Americans, to which land will the farmer turn when ouce lie under-
stands the conditions existing?

Of the Pacific Coast. The practical settlement of California com-
menced with the discovery of gold in 1848. Surprise has fref[uently
been expressed thac a country with the natural advantages of this
State should not have secured more of the emigrant wave with
which the United States has been favom-ed. Mr. II. II. JJancroft,
while hopeful for the futifte, admits that California, the finest State
in the Union, has not kept pace with her sister rivals in the East.
Amongst causes assigned is lack of trade, and want of a proper
market.

There is no part of this Continent of America to surpass the
Pacific Coast. An enthusiastic citizen has described California as the

III

i I

I OR CANADA.

Italy, Oregon as the l-'rancc, ;iiul Washington Stale and IJrilish
Coltniihia as the I'aighind of this Continent. 'I'his description ;ii)i)Hes,
however, only to the strip of country West of the Sierra Nevada,
and along the ccjast Northward towards Alaska.

Leaving all sentiment or prejudice of one kind or another out of
the (|uesti(jn, there is some cause for what stands an established fact
to-day ; that little hit of an Island of Britain, lying upon the Western
shore of lOurope, has become the seat of a great l'Jii|)ire, It is either
their climate, their country, iheir laws, or all three c.ombinefl, which
is responsible for tliis creation. Althoug'n Komc held l''ngland for
five hundred years, the modern !''aiglishnian is not only tiie out-
growth or the result of Roman civili/.alion ; that was all wiped out
by the jilundering i'i(.ts, Scots, Northmen, Saxons and Danes. The
bona Jidc Englishman was born at Senlac Hill, andwhaA he has done
he has done himself, a.nd borrows naught from abroad.

All the conditions of greatness, except their Island security, which
are to be found in that country, are lying undeveloped to-da.y between
some point in Washington Slate and a point in IJrilish Coliunbia,
taking in, say, one hundred to twrj hundred a.nd fifty miles inland,
exclusive of the Island of Vancouver. They have fish (ami .\laska
sea has valuable '' banks," exi;lusiveof the seal business), timber, coal
and iron on the coast ; in the Mountains of I5riiisli Columbia lie
.silver, coi)per in enormous {[uantities, and lead, to sa,y nothing of
Other minerals, while its climate is tempered by the japan curreiit,
in exactly the sain,' m inner that ihe Gulf Stream tempers i'lngland,
.Vs a,n illustration ofihe climate, market gardens can be shown from
which fresh vegetables are taken daily, for twelve months m ihe
year. For the soil, the vegetation s|)Laks for itself, and taking iiuo
considera.lioi\ its minera.1 resources, it is not too much to say that,
when one-tenth of the cajjital and energy which have been spent on
the Atlantic Coast shall lia.ve been put in on the Tacihc, it will be
found that one acre of that land will support more men than the
like quantity in any other part of the New World.

The country is only now opening u]), and except in the Coast
towns, and in older California, the life is all that can be expressed
in that of a jjioneer.

But the development of this Coast, e:;pecially of California, is

IRANSI'ORTATION TIIK PROliLKM

!jH,

,! ,1

slower ih:in the faiiiiess of tlie country would sccni to warrant. Not
many citizens of the United States will he ready to admit that their
laws restrict the growth of that part of their country ; hut a case
may he staled to this effect. The wheat (jf California, Orei^on and
Washington Slate differs entirely from that of the'lJentral. Eastern
and Northern ; it is a heaiitiful article, douhlless, hut so long as
Minnesota, Dakota, Manitoha .uul the N'orthwest [)roduce sufficient
spring wheat, and the Central anil Southern States supply enough
of iall wheat for home consumption, not one hushel of Coast wheat
will he sold for consumption east of the Rocky Mountains. The
Northern Pacific Railroad has found that out. Two years ago they
offered Palouse wheat in every market from St. Paul to New York,
without sales of anything more than samples. It would suit them
well to get a load hack from the West Coast ; hut the fact is, that,
while their wheat is good, it will not make a llour strong enough to
compete with the strong haker's llour, the jjroduct of the si)ring
wheat of the North, nor will it jrind white enough to compete with
the fall wheals of, say, (.)hio. Being a i)lumi), heavy and soft herry,
the millers found that it was not suilahle for mixing in their
Northern mills, and in every case it lowered the colour in the winter
wheat mills. The wheat of the I'acific Coast, so flir as the Eastern
Stales are concerned, is out in the cold.

Their only outside market is Europe — iMigland and France in
particular. One cargo of it would fill up the Scotch market for a year
— the Highlander wishes something strong for his money — hut with
England and France it is different ; they must in them meet the com-
petition of all the world. It follows that while forced to sell in
Europe, and no other i)lace. unless China opens up, they are at
the same time prohihited hy the tariff of the Uniied States from
buying in the same market. The reciprocity arguments, so jjopular
at present, might come into play here. Every article of necessity
they are compelled to buy in the protected Eastern markets, and pay
protection prices, with the long haul over therai'oids into the
bargain.

It certainly appears that the laws of the United States, to the
extent to which they are restrictive, deprive the farmer of the Pacific
Coast of the benefit of exchange with his customers in Europe.

FOR CANADA.

ifit he asked, why do not lliey start factories of their own ? well,
the distances are great between iioints of local consumption, local
rail freights are high, and the loral market at any one point (except
perhaps at San Francisco and L'ortland) is not huge enough to
sustain a factory of any magnitude, turnin;^ out but one line of goods;
and, above all, fuel is dear. l'acu»ries go slow, is the nsual answer
to the encpiiry ; but from my limited [joint of view, the real reason
for the stagnation on the I'acific Coast is the stagnation of foreign
trade.

Between the Railroad monopolies on one hand and the protected
Eastern manufacturers on the other, tlie wheat producer, having no
choice where his purchases shall be m ide or his produce sold, h is a
hard time of it ; that i)e makes a living at all says a great deal tor the
country.

The case is not complete even yet ; the farmer being forced to buy
in the Eastern markets is not in a position to make favourable freight
contracts with the Ocean carrier; the ship will not go to .San Fran-
cisco unless it will pay. A vessel may load at Liverpool for China,
and on arriving there, if a cargo is procurable to Frisco, and this
freight and the Frisco freight to Liverpool pay better than a return
trip straight to F^ngland, to Frisco then she will go, but not other-
wise. It is futile to argue that this China trade will carry the Pacific
Coast wheat, — protection restricts that also ; and in these days of
Ocean cables there is not the same chance of a vessel going to a
port to which it will not pay for the outward cargo thence. Ships
will rt'iihout doubt sometimes be caught in the Pacific, and a glut in
this port or that take place ; without a steady trade, however, consi-
derable fluctuations may be expected, resulting in irregular prices for
grain. So far as Ocean carriage is concerned, if i)eoi)le make laws
which restrict their own purchasing power in the only market in
which they can sell their product, they must be prepared to give
away more of the result of their labour, in the shape of higher rates
of freight, than would otherwise be necessary.

With competition in Liverpool and Havre, and ships there getting
full cargoes for Frisco, Portland, Tacoma and Seattle, more vessels
would be on the route, a steady trade maintained, and outward
freights from these latter ports relieved from some share of their

"-^'^'

TRANSPORTATION THE PROIiLEM

i\mi

burden, thereby gaining a coTcsiJonding advantage for the grain.
In early days, wheat sold for fifty cents a bushel in Chicago, when
foreign markets were much higher than they are to-day. the cost of
transportation absorbing the differei\c.e ; but will anyone argue that
the Ncjrthwestern Stales would have been as prosperous (even allow-
ing everything for |)rotection whicii is demantled) iiad the same
heavy ciiarges been maintained going East, and the people been
obliged to buy their clothes and hardware in California ?

In the winter of 1S90-1891 there was great complaint ihroughoui
Washington State about the blockade of wheat ; no cars, grain was
bagged and piled like cordwood ai every way station; no cars, l)ut the
run to Taconia or Seavtle was short, the enterprise of these citizens
had built elevators, docks, etc. Pugct Sound offered all the fixcilities
for a slii|)ping trade ; the farmers were in want of money, and anxious
to sell ; a market kiy open for them in England, with men ready to
pay cash for their wheat put on board ships in the Sound. The only
links wanting to complete this chain were the trade and the ships at
the right ])laces ; of cars there were plenty, and owned by the
Northern Pacific too, but they were not in the right placj either,
because there was not the trade. With the wheat cro() of Washington
State harvested and ready for market, the si)eclacle was afforded of
one ship loading at Seattle, h is peihaps necessary to remember
that this is the Nineteenth Century.

A hurried trip over the ground last summer showed affairs to be
in the same unsatisfactory state ; the larger the factory the slower
it seemed to " go ; "' the elevator at Seattle was in the hands of a
receiver, and generally there were flat times over the whole coast. It
really seems as ihougli other interests than those of the inhabitants
dominate in that part of the country ; but an average of twenty-
three bushels of wheat to the acre carries it, in spite of monopolistic
legislation. Reciprocity has been before people, and if the sum
total of legislation be the creation of markets for manufactures, the
peojile of the Pacific Coast are to be congratulated on the possession
of a happy and accommodating disposition ; but as the East respect-
fully refuse to eat their wheat, if the grower of sugar be entitled to
a bounty, then to a much greater extent is the farmer of California,
Oregon and Washington State.

KOK CANADA,

TRANSPORTATION THi: PRQliLKM FOR CANADA.

It IS impossible to consider the transportation problem without
at the same tune opening up the question of free trade .nd protec
tion. I he one is indi-:solul)ly bound up with the other. Tliis in
Its turn carries with it an attack, not only upon the present National
lolicy of Canada, but also on Recii)rocitv with any protectionist
country, and especially with the Cniled Stales, so lon.^ as that
country mamtams a higher seaboard tariff than one which we
consider suitable to the particular wants of our own Northern coun-
try. A very large and deep (luestion is this, truly ; and one which
IS only taken up here because of its effect on the transportation
problem.

So long as the Northwestern States and the Hudson's Jjav Com-
pany lands were in the possession of the Indians, the questions
involving the Canada of the St. Lawrence were of local interest
only , but Continental transportation is now a live issue, and lar-et
and more far-reaching problems are before the people holdmg
the outlet for that immense country tributary to the Northe:n
Lakes.

Freedom of trade being, as a matter of fact, the transportation
problem, is my apology for entering into the well-worn and thread-
bare tarilf discussion of the day.

Tiiere must surely be some ex]>lanation tor the fact, that, under
free trade, England has advanced by leaps and bounds in every-
thing winch makes a nation great; while under protection, the
United States have developed their resources at a rate bevond
ar.y thing ot which the r.-t sanguine could have dreamed. Hovv
comes this apparent anomaly.? In England no one questions the
free trade doctrine, although some do question its advisability in
the face of the bounty and protectionist systems carried to such
extreme lengths in other countries. In the United States, had pro-
tection been such a millstone as its opponents make out, that
country could not have stood where she does to-day.

Freetrader as I am, and believing it to be the only sound basis
on which to work, I am at the same time forced to admit that the

5°

TRANSPORTATION' THi: I'KOHLEM

i'
i

..'I

Ill

l)rotcctionit is perfcclly justified in pointing to Iiis country with
trium])li, and dc Handing, tinder free tradj could we have done any
better? I am not sure tliat niy opinion will be accepted regarding
the state of affairs in the I'nited Slates, but ii is the only argument
upon which I can admit of protection beipg a benefit, and it is based
on free liind.

The United States stood with an er.ormous amount of arable
land, unoccupied and uncultivated, and. in effect, said to the would-be
emigrant ; — " 'I'o buy 160 acres of hnul in I'airope is entirely beyond
your means. Come to this country, we will give you 160 acres for
nothing, or at least for no cash payment down, but you must consent
to give jircferencc to the goods manufactured in this country over
those of foreign countries. We will admit that you will have to pay
a little more for them, but you are getting a clear title to something
which you cannot get in Europe. It is our policy to open up our
mines and build railroads, and we can only do this by offering
induccinents to men leaving their homes to come here, because of
t.ne greater inducements which we o'^ljr over those of other coun-
tries. While not saying anything about the home market thus created
for your produce, you must remember that every man who lands
on this shore cannot become a farmer, and, while a mechanic work-
ing for his daily wage, at the end of his life has only what he may.
have saved oiit of his daily earnings, you, on the other hand,
while working for your daily wage, have at the end of your life a
••^perty, the title to which you received gratis from the nation, and
ich has now a market value. As between you and the mechanic,
at the end of your days, you are a capitalist, a landei proi)rietor."
This argument would hold good so long as there was any free land,
or for one generation only, but, like a |)ateni, ii must have its limit.
The farmer is quite justified in answeri.ig to-d ly : — '• Granted : and I
agreed to support your industries because they were infant indus-
tries, but when are 'hey to cease being infants ? Will they never
stand alone? There is no free land to be had now, farms must be
paid for, and so far as 1 am concerned, for this farm which was
given me I feel that I have paid its value. The argument about
the working man is all right, but it has either proved such a success,
or the principle has been carried to such an extreme, that it is doing

FOR CANADA.

with
c any
jding
imcnt
based

arable

)Vikl-be

jcyond

;rcs for

;onsent

rv over

J to pay

nothing
u\) our

offering

:ausc of

or coun-
created

10 lands

lie work-
he may.

;r hand,

iiir life a

lion, and
echanic,
)netor.

[•ee land,
its limit,
d ; and I
Int indus-
ey never
must be
hich was
nt about
Li success,
It is doing

more than provide for the workingnian. Men with millions are
multiplyiug; at a rapid rate, and these millions are out of our
I'ockets, for we farmers are the great consumers of home manufac-
tures."

Unless protection can be justified on this line of -xrgument, T
fail in seeing any justification for it. Why one .;et oi men should
work harder, so that another set may gain a living out of their toil,
is an anomaly difficult to understand in a free country.

'I'lie evolution of this word " tariff" is of some interest. Origin-
ating in the dark ages with those pirate robbers of the Moorish
tou'ii Tarifa, who, to the teiror of all legitimate traders, by virtue of
their power concentrated at a given point, collected tribute upon all
vessels passing in and out of the Mediterranean, it has come round
in this enlightened age of ours, to ref^resent loyalty and the most
intense and vehement patriotism.

So little am I satisfied with the whole protection argument that L
have no faith in its application to Canada ; I feel that giving the
cultivators of the soil the jjrivilege of buying their wares in the
cheapest market, wherever that may be, is lor our Northern country
the sounder policy. That tremendous stretch of country lying
l)etween Winnipeg and the Rockies is nothing if it is not agricul-
tural ; and to succeed, agriculturists must be allowed the opijor.
tunity of making their money go as far as possible.

Of all the Canadians who have made permanent homes in the
United States, Mr. Wi.nan has probably taken more interest in Can-
adian-AmericL,n affciirs than any other of those whose fortune or
necessity has drawn them over tl e border. On the trade (piestion,
he insists that giving the United States differential treatment against
the world is the better policy for Canada, and that it is the only basis
upon which the United States will open their markets to us. He
says : " While it will be most desirable on the part of the United
States to admit freely raw materials and food products, it will be
equally desiral)le to open up new markets in exchange for those — not
new markets for natural products, but markets for manufactures
into which these natural products find their way. Certainly it will
not fulfill the idea of the Democrats of Freedom of Trade if the
freedom is on one side only. Unless goods or merchandise are

?,il

TRANSPORTATION THE PROBLEM

It'

exchanged for wlial Canada has to sell, there can be no freedom of
trade with Canada. If money alone is to be the medium of exchange,
then there is little prosj^cct of an inccased trade between the two
countries as the outcome of the new V'olicy, hereafter and for a long
time to prevail in the United States '

This is nothing more nor less than our old friend in a new form :
the price of free trade with the States is the acceptance of the Amer-
ican tariff. And it is desirable that in exchange for our " raw ma-
terial and food products " we should accej)! of their " manufiictures "
under a Continental protection agreement : iii other words, our
farmers are to give yet a little more of the result of their labour, in ex.
ciiange for the manufactures of the United States and Canada. But
this is only for the amount of " raw material and food products" which
th y may re([uire, how about the enormous quantity which they do
not want? At which port is it to find its way to the sea?

'J'he larger and the greater the variety of market, the larger an('
cheaper the trade. New York is already in possession of the great
lines of trade, and if we place more obstructions to imports at our
own port of entry, through unrestricted reciprocity with the United
Stales, the larger freight market is to have the advantage over the
smaller.

The full significance of a large ocean freight market versus a small,
one can only be realized by those in the grain trade.

I\Ir. Wiman's argument would be i)erfect were it based upon uni-
versal free trade ; the cheapest would then get the business, and no
favour asked ; but as it stands, choking off our port only means
l)lacing the whole West tributary to New York.

" Meantime, Canada is a market for the manufactures of the United
States " at ijrotection prices, and our import trade is burst. Mr.
Wiman's assertion cuts both ways : " If money alone is to be the
medium of exchange, then there is little prospect of an increased
trade between the two Countries," applies as much to England as it
does to the United States. We stand ready to trade with either or
b'- :h ,; but if we must choose, then let it be the one that will give us
uie greatest amount of goods in exchange for our ])roduct.

We can do a great deal better business exchanging freely with the
workshop of the world, for the reason that this workshop turns out

, 'ii'M

! ': I

FOR CANADA.

its goods on a supply and demand basis alone. Would any of us
in private life go into business or join a firm which proposed to
give more of its own labour for a less amount of the labour of other
jK'ople ? Yet that is jjrccisely what we do as a nation when we i)ro-
pose to fxchange with a protectionist country instead of a free trade
one. 'J'he same argument applies to a tariff of protection against our-
selves ; we are menihers of a firm, and some of the p'lrtncrs receive
a bonus wliicli llie other partners contribute. After fourteen years
of such i)olicy, we have succeeded in reaching a i)oint of national
prosperity, which permits of our maintaining a certain proportion of
154,000 men, women, boys and girls ( 1 ) in employment at our own
expense ; we Iku'c liad to work hard to do this ; we have had to close
up a farm or two, in tlic form of selling out at a reduced i)rice, or
ihiHugh the simplilication of the usual mortgage, because the part-
ners working those farms could not continue the contribution to the
other partners in the National business ; and not having a markc^ for
more manufactured goods, we have not l)uilt more manufactories, but
have sent the extra hands out of the country to provide for them-
selves. Such is the sum total of our fourteen years' business.

A point of considerable importance in respect to Reciprocity
with the United States is that their prices are establi^' J by a tariff
law. It has always been a Democratic campaign argument that the
manufacturers had two sets of i)rices, — one to their own citizens, as
liigh as their tariff law would ])ermit, and one to foreigners, based on
cost. Lists of these trade prices have frecpiently been published in
American papers at election times, the object of the manufacturers
being to keep an outlet for their over-production and make their
profit out of their own citizens. Once tlaeir surplus was sold in a
foreign market, their own duty prevented it coming back again, in
C'- .npetition with their later work.

An illustration of this may be seen in the Shepard Hardware
Company, of Buffalo, N.V.— an establishment of which the buildings
cover acres of ground, and, as it happens, conveniently situated for
Canadian trade. As an example, take an article such as an ice-cream
freezer. (2) No. 4 at regular trade retails for $5.00 in the States,

(1) Incliulingthe ratio of increase amongst the 12,000 blacksmiths.

(2) These freezers beiuy; numbered according to sizes,and listed, no mistake cm
be made in the figures.

I'ilBMII

TRANSPORTATION THE PRORLEM

) ^

I i I

:!r

^1'

«f'""'

depending somewhat on the profit wliich the retailer thinks he can
make (the h'sted price is $5.50 to Americans, subject to the trade
discounts), yet, Messrs. Henry Morgan (.\: Co., ol Montreal, can afford
to sell this very article, after paying freight and a Canadian duty of 25
per cent., at a regular price of $3.15, and at their annual cheap sale
for .$2.40 cash. The same result would come about from the dis-
posal of a bankrupt stock. The Steinway piano can be bought hcr^i
at tlie same price that it is sold for in the States. Who pays the
duty? Into whose pocket would it go under reciprocity? Many
other articles might be named. I regiel, however, to say, the rule
does not appear to hold good with regard to ladies' boots and shoes,
American make, .vhich are dearer hemhan in the States. Partisan
ship may assert that these published lists referred to are only
Democratic Campaign thunder : but from a business stand-point in a
country suffering from over-production, it would seem that a
few safety valves in the shape of greater discounts to foreign tra<!e
to push business, and to clear the works in dull tiuK";, would be "i'
great assistance to the business management.

These foreign discounts of the American manufacturers would
not apply to us under unrestricted reci])r()city.

In a free trade country such as England, it is not possible to
maintain prices by combination, for then Germany and the rest of
the world step in and cut under.

If we give any protectionist nation preferential treatment in our
market, by placing a higher duty on any article, against the rest of
the world, we may depend that the price we shall have to pay for that
article is the world's price plus the import duty. 'I'he difference goes
into the jiocket of die protected manuf' turer, who gets preferential
treatment, instead of into our Federal treasury.

In pre-McK ■ .ley Tariff days, sugar from the Sandwich Islands was
admitted by treaty free of duty into the United States; yet the con-
sumers on the Pacific Coast ilid not obtain their suL^ar one fraction
less than at the price of the two cent per pound duty paid article of
the Atlantic Coast. An enlightened people donated to Mr. Clans
•Spreckles the result of a certain proportion of their daily labour, in
the extra price which they paid him for their reiined sugar. Should
there be any doubt about this, compare the market price of sugar in

FOR CANADA.

San Francisco with the market price in New York previous to the
McKinley law, and ans'ver Ihequestion : Into whose pocket did the
extra two cents a pound go, and out of whose i^ocket did it come ?
AS the American refined and manuf ired sugar of the Sandwich
Islands was to the people of the Pacific Coast, so would the Amer-
ican m mufactured goods be to us under preferential treatment

I he argument will not stand good that under reciprocity our
port of entry would have as good a chance tor United States imports
as any other. Their goods do not com. this wav now. and even
under reciprocity the bonding of such imports could not work more
casny than it does at present. Trade begets trade; an.l until we
create a large importing business of our own. we need not expect
importations on any very large scale for other people.

It IS absurd to attempt any prediction as to what the comin-
United Srates congress will do. further than t!-,at a reduction of the
tariff will take place. " Tn. tariff, for revenue men " have obtained
such an overwhelming victory, that should thev come down to the
tariff of ,846-which was one of 30 per cent.-a general reciprocity
airreement might possibly be carried into effect, provided we wished
to maintain our seaboard tariff at that figure ; i)rovided, too. that the
Democrats were willing to enter into any such treaties;.

Free traders are of the opinion that a considerably lower tariff
than oneotjo j.er cent., especially on iron an.l wo .lens, would best
serve the interests of our country, but it is not possible to have a
11% per cent, seaboard tariff on, say, woolens and free trade in
woolens with the United .Stales, while they have one of 30 per cent
or higher, along their seaboard on the same class of good-,; it won't
figure. As tor the products of iron and tin, the United States Cus-
tom House olfi<:ers would have to be experts in their business to
discover the origin of every article, and act accordingly.

For our Northern Country, woolens should be put on the free
list with all the world the moment our finances will permit ; the best
woolens to be had for the money, irresi-ective of nalions, would
probably be .. gr ^er boon to the j^oor of this country than any
other which coulu oe offered them.

We have not the tremendous woolen industries to consider which
other nations have, and why should we tax ourselves under reciprc
city fcr the benefit of United States woolen industries ^

TRANSrORTATION THE PROP.LEM

^[^. L;iiiricr seems to be of the opinion that reciprocity may I)e
effected wiili the States, even if they insist upon getting,' more than
an exchanu'c of natural products, by giving some of their nnnufac-
tures preferential treatment ; this is nothing more nor less than basing
the trade nfihis country on continued jirotection. If the object
and the i lllct of the seaboard tariff be not to enhance the price of
the die. '.per g()f)ds, even for revenue purposes, what th.en is its ob-
lect ? Ill iiis speech at Hamilton he was singularly unfortunate in his
al!usii)iis to the Cobilen treaty with France in i860. He says :
'' U'hen ti'.eysay that reciprocity canimt be obtained unless we adopt
a similar tariff, I der.y this, f think th;il I can show you thai it is
i)0.ssible for us to liavc reci]>rocily. each having their owi; tariff. The
proof seems easy. Theie is not lo-day a civilized nation that has
not a treaty r,f commerce with some other nation. After tree tr.ide
was adopu-d in England, it wa-; expected that all other nations would
follow : it was expected that h'l.ince would follow above all others,
but FijiKe did not. The l!riii>ii (iovcrnment, therefore, in 18605
sent Mr. ("oi dvu to negotiate a treaty with Trance ; and the sub-
stance ( fihis Treaty was, tiiat a number of manufactured articles of
British goi ds were allowed lo be brought into France at a siK-cial tariff
denied all other nations, while in return French wines were allowed
into Englai.d at a favoured tariff."

It is 10 b.e ho])ul that Mr. Laurier does not base all his state-
ments on t'oundations as unsound as this. Of this very treaty, that
veteran frc: trader, the Right Hon. F^arl Cirey, writes; "They (the
free traders) have been taunted, not unjustly, with the failure of
Mr. Cobden's prediction, that the free admission of corn for (ton-
sumption into this country, and the abolition here of other restric-
tion^ to li." liberty of commerce, would speedily tend to the general
adoption ( ['the policy of free trade by civilizetl nations. The real
reason wli\' it did not lead, though more slowly than could be ex-
pected, to the result he had on goo I grounds confidently anticipated
was, that this country did not remain true to the principles of the
policy it professed to have adopted. I refer to the conclusion of
the commercial treaty with France, which involved a departure from
one of the main ])rinciples of the free trade policy adopted by tiiis
country. For nearly thirty years at'ter the peace of 1815, the gov-

FOR c:anapa.

ernment was engaged in laborious negotiations with other nations.
upon the principle of what it called 'reciprocity,' that is to say. it
was to open its ports more freely only lo goods of those nations
which would in return give greater faeililies for the importation of
British produce into their territories. These negotiations, like the
similar negotiations of other nations with each other, signally failed.
In 1S43 ;"i'l 1^44 ^'^c late Mr. J. L. Ricardo called the attention
of the House of Commons to this result, and proposed that, as we
liad f.iiled in i;oming to salislaclory arraiigemc *■> with the most
important nations for giving i';realer freedom to ((imnicrce on the
princijile of ' recii)rocity,' we shoukl take a different course, and
proceed at once to reduce our ov,ii duties on imports as much
as the state of our revenue wouUl iiernnt. Mr. Ricardo and his
supporters held tliat the real advantage a nation derives from com-
merce consists in the larger and cheaper supply it obtains thereby
of the various arlic;les consumed by the poi)ulati(Ui. or. in other
words, in the greater command thus given to the members of the
community of the necessaries and comforts of life. They believe
that ilis])lainly the imports a nation receives which confer u])on it
this advantage, and that exporting the produce of its own industry
is only useful in affording the means of paying directly or indi-
rectly for the imports it reipiires. This mode of acting with regard
to our commercial relations with other countries was adhered to by
the various admiiiistrations to which power was entrusted up to the
year i860; this will show very clearlv how widely this policy was
departed from by concluding with France the Commercial Treaty
of i860. The government of that day bound the country by this
treaty to reduce the duties charged upon certain articles largely
produced in France, it being stipulated in return for these conces-
sions that France should diminish the high duties it levied on some
descriptions of l-'nglish goods. The treaty of \%(^o diJ not li^'O so
far in alhiiidouiiii^ the policy of free trade a<i to i^^rant to Frane; a
ri'/Jit to have any of its produce admitted to our markets on lower
t:rms than the similar produce of other countries-"'

Lord Grey furtlier treats this treaty of Mr. Cobden's as a depar-
ture from that gentleman's own principles, and a fatal error. He
was working with Mr. Cobden hand and glove at the time, but

TRANSPORTAIION 1 HE PKOLLEM

,11 'i§<^'

differed with him on this point. He says that it bec.une a law-
only by virtue of Mr. Cohden's great name, and with the liclp of the
old protectionists, who thought that they saw in it the beginning of
the end of free trade.

France was working on a protection basis, and the atlmission of
British man u fixatures into that country under a reciprocity treaty
was perfectly consistent with [)rotection principles, like all other
•'civilised nations" who were working out protection theories. JJut
we tiid not up.derstand Mr. Laurier to be arguing out his c ise on a
'• protection " basis for Canada; o;i the contrary, we luiderstood his
whole speech to b_' an appeal for the freedom of trade. On the
Hritiih side, the favjur wis granted to France o\\ an article of which
France had almost a nionf)|)jly, a certain grade of light sour wines ;
b.it where is the [larallel to that proposed with the United States?
Are the positions t(^ be reversed, and are we to be the protectionist
country, admitting their minufactures in exchange for some one or
m.)''e favtrareJ articles of which w^ havj aim )st a monopoly, say
lumb.T.' If that be all, would it not be better to trade freely with
the party that will give us the greater ipiantity of manufactures in
exchange for our lumber, rt'heat, and anything else which we have
to give ?

All free traders must regret the publication of such letters as Mr.
Edgar addressed on the 24tn of January last to his constituents.
Here we have the liberal argument again based on protection. He
advocates unrestricted reci[)rocity with the United Slates on some
lines oi m.inuf u:tured goods, giving them differential treatment
aganist the rest of the World. Wlio can dehne "differential treat-
ment" on any other than on a protection basis? And furthermore,
differential treatment is not to produce a revenue, for we are to get
the go(jds from the United States under reciprocity, are to pay
somewhat b.igher for them tiian if they came from abroad, and are
to be minus revenue into the bargain.

Mr. KJgar argues that, uiider sucli an arrangemjnt, timj would
have to be given thegovernmenttodo various things; amongst others,
'' providing other sources ot revenue."

I believe that it has been fairly well established that a decreasing
tariff results in an expanding revenue. What is there wro!ig with

FOR CANADA.

Canada, that, if this be applicable to other countries, it should be in-
applicable to her ? He also refers to the Cobden treaty between
England and France, and goes on : '• If we were an independent na-
tion we would assuredly seek to enlarije our trade by such treaties
all over the world." Wcnild we? Well, in the first place, our mar-
ket is so small that we might fmd some diffi :ulty in making a satis-
factory arrangement with sayCiermmy on any large line of goods.
That country might hesitate before making any particular change
for the benefit ol' such a small market, and in thu second place I
would call his attention to the fact, that such an assertion sounds
strangely, wlien followed by nearly a colimin of printed matter,
proving that, so far as regnrdsour tariff, we are an independent nation.
He is addressing farmers ; the position argued out by him has
not favoured the farmers of Vermont or Mew HamjJslMre, and three-
fourths of Michigan is practically a wilderness, while outot the sixty
counties of New York State, twenty-two show a decrease in poi)ula-
tion between the census of rSSo and 1890, and five show an increase
of less than a thousand in the ten years.

Taking our manufactures from the country south of us, and de-
pending upon the nation away over, to the northeast for our market,
is placing ourselves on something the same basis as the Pacific
Coast.

Statistics prove that our sales to England are increasing, while
our purchases are falling off Tliis can go on to a certain ])oint,
and that point is re])resented by the extra amount of produce which
our producers are unwilling to give in exchange for the
necessaries of life. Hard times come with low prices : when that point
is reached, the producers then protest. As sure as the Englisli
pound sterling is the standard of all value in money, so sure is it that
the English free trade nation represent the standard of all price, and
a tariff is plus that standard.

Reciprocity with any protectionist country means protection and
no revenue. I may be insane, but I cannot see any other result.
I humbly protest against false doctrine. The closer we can get to
free trade nations the greater the benefit from a free trader's point
of view, and the Liberals are supposed to represent free trade prin-
ciples .

•^«5

•60

TRANSPORTATION THK I'ROliLEM

I: A

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■J, If
III

It is on tlu; cards, however, that all these difficulties may be s\ve]it
away, and most satisfactorily dispfjsed of by the United States mak-
ing a rapid reduction of its own tariff; but why should Canada
waif ?

It may be argue'l that giviiig a free trade nation differLiuial ireat-
ment in our markets would also seriously affect our revenue ; for
the imports, coming from protectionist countries which had \)a'u\ full
duties, would be replaced by imports coming from free trade coun-
tries which ])aid a less ad valorem duly. Again 1 say the increased
imi)orts would hnve to be depended upon lo make u]) the necessary
re\enue ; but there is one thing absolutely certain, — a tarilT framed
on this basis v/ould relieve the Canadian consumer from the evils of
d(juble taxaliun for revenue and for protection.

For the market forour surphis. our]ire>ent government trust that
Canada, in common with the rest of the lMni)ire, will be given differ,
ential treatment by England, especially as against the Tnitod
States. This would be very fine ; the idea maintained being that
tlu' whole Empire would be benefited diereby. Emigrants would
flock to the country where they were, as a matter of fact, to get a
bonus on ail wheal which they might raise; the Empire would develop,
and everything be lovely — in fact, as nearly as modern conditions
will permit, the old exploded Grcnvillian idea of a century and a
quarter back vam[)edui) as a strictly tresh discovery. Incidentally,
our Conservatives would be able to keep up their protection to
native industry. 'I'hat the manufacturers would in return open
wide their gates to English goods is a little too much to believe.

This twopenny view is opposed to the condition which exists.
Territorially, England is somewhat smaller than Virginia, somewhat
larger than New York, but in it live, move and have their being,
thirly-two millions of, without exception, the freest people on earth.
Their little hit of half an Island, however, will not support thom
alone, and to live they must trade with the outside world. Accord-
ingly, their publ'c opinion tolerates their pushing th'eir fiag into every
quarter of the globe, and maintaining it there with all the risks of
war and complication ; for them there is no escape, they must trade
or starve. Consequently, if one set of men whom they place in
power do not make satisfactory arrangements, another set will ; they

lUR CANADA.

must stand free to do tlie best busine.-is they can with anyone and
everybody. It is in vain to ask tlieni to discriminate against Russia,
France, tlie United Slates, South America or anyone else, in order
that we and some other portions of the Empire may maintain a
protection tariff, and that is all whieh the Coaservutive proposition
amounts to.

That these men ovlt there will fight liard for iheir trade is a fore-
gone conclusion. 'I'h^'ir policy being to kerp the seas open, they
push their trade into all cpiarters of the world. If one people will
not exchange with them, another will; and, although the sudden anil
constantly changing tariffs of some protectionist countries tend to
throw their business into temporary confusion, in the m;iin they
maintain thenisehes.

^Vhile recogni/.ing the right of nations to make what laws they
deem best for their cjwn interests, and of those "'civili/ed nations "
wedded to i)rotection to agree to lower llieir respective tariffs in each
other's favour, it is not probable that in the present temper of the
English workingman they would tolerate any interference in any
quarter in which they had a right, and a summons for •'■ hands off"'
would be supported by a united ])eoi)le.

To fdl up our agricultural West, let us down tlu- bars on English
goods, as far as our fiscal arrangements will permit, relying on the
increased imports at the lower duty to maintain the revenue. Free
exchange being no robbery, with ships getting full inward cargoes,
no bolsters to protection would be needed to encourage grain to come
to Montreal. Full freight both ways would make lower freights all
around, and being in possession of the' cheaper route for this dead
weight of grain, with free canals, would be differential trade quite
sufficient to :';:ve us the a!i\'i.nta.':e over the restrictive United' i.tes.
and more thin !) ilance a^iy differential duty which England, w... at
hartlship to h-TSjlf, c;3ald ever put upon her food supply.

With no iron th;U we know of, and coal only in limited areas, it
will be a long time before our plains will support a manufacturing
population. 'I'iie plains are agricultural, and, in general terms, the
buyers of the necessaries of life in this West of ours being the sellers
of the necessaries of English life, would create a trade, the volume
of which would only be limited by the ([uestion of supply and
demand.

TRANSPORTATION THK PROHLKM

■4'

The spring wheat belt is moving northward with a rapidity which
tlircatcus to overtake poUticians ; and witli the peojjle west of Lake
Superior, on eitlier side of tiie line, the cpiestion of the best route to
market is chiiming more attention. This brings I'-astern Canada^
conlrolHng the St. Lawrence river, prominently into view, and the
j)rogress made of late in Lake navigation adds materially to the
importance of the natural outlet to the sea,

'I'he '• \\'halel)ack " is a vessel apparently very suitable for the Lakes,
carrying an immense cargo with perfect safety, and at a mininuun
cost; she seems about to revolutionize the carrying trade of the
West.

The " Charles W. Whetmore " was not the first '• Whaleback." but
she was the first and only onv, 1 believe, which has crossed the
Atlantic. On her trial trip, she carried 87,000 bushels of wheat
from Duluth to Liverpool via the St. Lawrence, returned to this
side, crossed the lM[ualor, i)asscd through the Straits of AL^gellan.
and is now upon the Pacific Coast. Whatever be her fate, her record
l)roves what such a vessel can do.

Built of steel, 265 feet long, 38 l)road, drawing 17 feet of v/ater
when loaded with 100,000 bushels of wheat, the advantages claimed
for her are, her low cost of c(jnstruction, her elongated elli[)tical form,
offering less resistance to wind and waves, and thereby gaining for
her tile small consimii)tion of 10 to 13 tons of coal per day. Some
trouble seems to hav-e been experienced in Chicago, during the
excessive heat of summer, by the trimmers being imable to remain
below ; but this seems to have been the only objection.

Although this class of vessel has hardly passed the experimental
stage, there are already twenty-eight of them afioat on the upper
lakes, and I believe the company have eight on the stocks at the
present moment.

On the '• Whetmore's " trip, she had to lighter at the Welland ; but
with that exception, bulk was not broken between. Duluth and
Liverpool. With a 15 fool channel throughout the whole Canadian
system, and this channel as free/Vv/// fo//s and as open as the river
itself, steam vessels of all kinds would come to Montreal with
giain unbroken in bulk.

This " \\ haleback " carries her own motive power. For the transfer

I'OR CANADA.

of grain from her hold to tlic hold of a steamship, is there any good
reason why she cannot have a light steel elevator beam and spout
(Iho model of which may ho soon in any Chicago elevator) set in a
steel frame elbow at her own hatchway and with the same power
which drives her through the water, do her own elevating into the
steamship in our luirhour here? The case is different from the lake
l)roi.eller ; as between the pr()i>eller and whaleback, the latter is a
barge ,. then this shafi could lie on deck while she traveled through
the water. Towage of floating elevators and elevating charges in
our harbour would then go to the credit of the whaleback, and in-
directly, through the cheapening of freight, into the pockets of the
producers in our West and the Western Slates.

The reason, I take it, why such an arrangeuieni has not been added
to her outfit is that there has not been the trade lo call for it. The
*' Whaleback " receives lier grain from the land elevator owning its own
spout at, say, Duluth, and speeds on to Buffalo to another land ele-
vator on the same basis into which, the grain must pass, and from
thence into little 8, 000 bushel canal boats, or rail cars on to New
York. Again the process of elevating and handling must be gone
through with before the much taxed bushel finally bids adieu to
its American home.

No man can run his business on the lines of twenty-five years
back, and live in the competition of to-day. The Canada of the
l)resent differs from even that of fifteen years ago to such an extent,
that old rules and i)recedents in trade are only so much ancient his
tory.

The more the country northv.-est of us devcloi)s, the more do
the conditions under which we have struggled widi New York for
trade change in our favour ; in fact, the situation is reversed. Here-
tofore it has been a question of the dead weight of grain drifting
northward instead of in a straight line to tlie more central and larger
New York market ; now it is a ([uestion of the more northerly
grain drifting southward, instead of travelling along its more direct
route, via our river.

When we depended upon southerly grain exclusively, the fact of
Montreal being only a summer port was a heavy i)ull against her,
and, just at the advent of Duluth as a shii»ping point;, our Nationa

TKANSrORTAllDN THE I'KOIJI.F.M

r ■*"

jioHcy st(.'])|)L'(l in. and ix'strictcd importations hero. \\'illi the dcvcl-
opnicni of lliL' great Norlliwost, and freer trade witii l''.nL,'land, the
climatic objection l)ecomes one ot" far less degree.

The Sauit Sle. Marie and the Straits of Mackin.nv are. as a usual
thing, not open .in)- earlier than is the St. I.awrem'.e. The whole
traffic of the St. Lawrence and the wlnile tralfic of I.;ike Superior
may be jiul on a common b; sis and under aconunon rule. (ii\ri)
tlic volume of trade to luirry it. the wheat cargo issuing from Lake
Superior with the opening of navigatitjn there, will meet the oce.m
carrier in the harbour of Montreal, wiili the result that it may be
landed in Javer[)Ool, not only cheaper but nuick'jr than \ia New
York.

r'rom Kingston to Montreal is but rjo nailes, and the Americans
cannot make a water route to opial it. \Ve ])ossess the only route
which, as a matter of business, can carry large lines of grain through
from the West to J'Airoiie, and also preserve the identity of the cargo
in general trade ; the loss in mixing, consecpient on the breaking-up
of a roimd k)t, say, of lo.ooo qrs. (So, coo bushels) into 8,000 bushel
boat loads on the h'rie Canal is known only to shi[)pers.

The quality of this Northern hard wheat is deservedly appreciated
across the water, :\nd with a choice of routes at equal rates of
freight, the Duluth and Port Arthur dealers would soon discover
that '• No. I Hard " shi])ped via the St. Lawrence, commanded a
jDremium in the Eiiglish mai.iet. when it was once established that
identity of cargo was preservetl dov,-n to the ocean carrier in Mon-
treal harbour : elevators on land and lighters in the canals would
be a more or less obstruction io business.

Give us the requisite depth of water, and the " Whaleback " can meet
the demand of th.e trade. Turning grain into her at the Lake Su-
perior Port, and afterwards iiito the sea-going vessel in the harbour
of Montreal, would be all that was necessary for insuring its good
condition ; and as " those who can reach the markets of the world
cheapest can control the marke^.s of the world, " so would the world,
the moment confidence was established, look to the St. Lawrence
for its " straight " wheat.

Regarding this St. Lawrence route, I submitted a draft of my
argument to a member of a leading firm on the Chicago Board of

For (■AX.\r)A.

Trade, and am in rec:ci[)t of tlie folluwini; answer which 1 am per-
mit led to use : —

" I read over your Draft {-.irefully last evening, and certainly,
from a Canadian standpoint, you are workini; in a good cause.
It is evident nou are not booming New \'ork as an ocean port of
shipment, or the l"'rie Canal as a. means of iidand transportation
for grain, particularly wheat. So far as the handling of cargoes of
wheat for export from any point o'lhe Tpper Lakes, — say Michi-
gan and Su))erior, — I consider the .St. Lawrence route preferable to
that through or al any Atlantic port; the main reason for such
preference is the preserving oi le iilenlity of grain shipped from
Western points, whichi is most important. An exporter, having in
nearly all cases to guarantee quality, there is, as you know, no
trouble in watching (if necessary) or protecting identity via Kingston
and Montreal, whereas via iJuffalo it is generally passed througii
an elevator into small canal boats, and on arrival ; t New Yt)rk, if
ocean vessel not on hand to receive it, is put into store and often
mixed with a similar grade, so called; it is very easy in this way to
lose the identity. W special bins are arranged for, severe loss of
weight often occins. Altogether, my exjjerieiice shipi)ing via New
York has been very unsatisfactory, whereas l)y Montreal we iiave
never had trouble from mixing or loss of weight. I may say right
here all the wheat shijjped by my firm last year was via the St.
Lawrence.

" As regards ' Contract ' grades of No. 2 Chicago a.sd New York,
I would hardly like to say what the difference in value is ; '^it it is
a fact that any so-called No. 2 regular New York wiieat would only
be No. 3 in Chicago. Nearly all the wheat we shipped last year
was for millers in Great Britain, and, with the exception of two lots,
was bought in Duluth and shipped via Montreal. The other two
lots were ' special bin ' here, consisting entirely of ' Hard
Northern,' for wdiich we paid good premium over ordinary No. 2
Chicago; these lots also went via Montreal. It does seem, to me
that the natural water outlet for this hard variety of wheat is via
the * St. Lawrence,' and I should think that Canada would give
great attention to this trade, giving it encouragenient by keeping
down charges, such as canal tolls, etc. Competition is very keen

TRANSPORTATION THE PROBLEM

■^''

nowadays, and every dollur counts on a cargo. I think I have
covered about all the ground you desire, and, may be, have vviitten
too much."

Another Chicago firm write their representatives as follows: —
" Please hand them (sundry documents) to the bank that holds
the inland Bill of Lading, and see that the inspection certificate is
endorsed on the back, showing that the identity of this grain has
been [)reserved until delivered on l)oard said ocean steamer."

Other things then being equal, Montreal would make a very
respectable bid for the carrying trade of the West — in fact, its
position would be commanding ; with a clear course, the advan-
tage of a carrier being irdependent of elevators or transfer barges
must be apparent lo anyone.

Some .irgue that this through trade would be of no advantage to
us, thp.t the West would be the only gainers thereby, that the only
way of securing a part of the booty is the maintaining of stop-over
checks of more or less magnitude. Suppose this for one moment
to be true, Kingston and Montreal would be the only two ports
adversely affected ; but, so far from its being true, the very reverse
is the case. Compare Montreal with New York ; what is it that
has held New York, both City and State, prominent in America for
so long a period of time? Other Cities and States have great
manufacturing industries and fine land, but they cannot rival New
York. What they have not been able to grasp is the importing,
distributing and exporting business for half a continent. ^Vith
such extremes of protection as the United States have been
labouring under. New York, being the centre of a gicat trade and a
great population, has develoi)ed a manufacturing industry of its
own, but it was its exporting and importing business which first
gave and has since maintained its i)re-emineiu;e. Tlie next great
development was Chicago, and again tlic first great start, when
people began to drift westward, was its importing, distributing and
exporting business. These are parallel cases, and prove that with
the Northwest opening up to us, Montreal, the most northerly
port, need not fear the ^Vest being the only gainers by a through
trade. By far the greatest gainer would be Montreal ; and when we
allow trade to seek other channels, we are allowing our rivals to

i-3

FOR CANADA. g-

establish themselves in a position from wliich it will take years to
oust them. From the day of the opening of the Straits of Macki-
naw to the closing of the season at Montreal, om-s will be both the
quickest and cheapest route. In the main, now that the xNorth-
west country is opening up, the onlv rival to New York must
be Montreal. The dead weight of grain raised in the central
States may easily travel in a straight line east to the seaboard •
buL wheat raised m the Northwest will not drift Southeast on its
journey to Northern Europe, unless forced into that eccentric line
through the insanity of the people possessing the more direct and
the cheaper route.

The ocean carrier loading at lake ports is probably a myth.
Did she carry passengers, they would leave her at the first port of
eniry, and the capital invested in this ocean vessel could not stand
the delay of canal locks both ways, in ^competition with the
cheaper lake tonnage, especially of the " Whaleback " ; and of this
latter vessel, a quick trip between interior points would pay better
than one over the ocean in competilion with 8,000 ton sh.ips.

Our present National policy is framed to the end of protecting
native industry, namely, the cutting off of imports and replacing
them with our own manufactures. The object of opening u], t!-,is
Northwest is to get men to go there and farm ; if it is to be a suc-
cess at all, is it not true that one hundred millions of grain are to be
there ready for export within a very icw years ? If we are to restrict
imports, how is this surplus to be exported ? If ships cannot get in-
ward cargoes, they will not come these thousand miles inland for
outward cargoes alone ; these outward freights cannot go up to a
point which will pay them to come here in ballast ; there is no chancj
as on the Pacific Coast, for bleeding the farmer when there is a pres'
sure to export. Without free inward cargoes, freights outward from
Montreal will go just high enough to send ourgrain along the longer
route to New York and Boston, and that is the extra charge wliFch
must come out of the pocket ol the Manitoba farmer.

Freights, year in and year out, average higher with us than they
do in New York, and to just that extent are we ulaying the game
for the Americans ''r)

(1) See Appendix.

TRANSPORTATION THE PR0I5LEM

Although the lake carrier of the i)resent day will not make a success
of it as an ocean carrier too, these whalebacks can cross the At-
lantic. 1 hey are built exclusively of iron and steel ; let the.ii be built
in free trade England, let them come up through our canals, and, as
a carrier of grain, what chance would a protection built vessel have
on the Lakes? They could make a living where a higher priced ves-
sel would starve, and the cheaper the freight both ways, the greater
the benefit to both producers and consumers. Knglish and Canadian
capital could quickly lead that trade as they do that of the ocean ;
but there is very little use in making preparations in the shape of either
deepening the canals or lengthening their basins, if the necessary
link is r.ot to be permitted to be in its place in the harbour of Mon-
treal, (i)

The success of the United States under jirotection is not a case
in point. That country opened up under quite different conditions;
there were millions of people in it before a railroad whistle was heard ;
and, under a tariff for revenue, ships entered every seaport from
Maine southward, carrying goods for distribution to the adjacent
country, and loading with the product of that country in return.
In those days roads were rough and few, and in 1824 protection
was advocated even by farmers, because they had neither a home
nor a foreign market, if they were a certain distance from the coast.
With the advent of the railroad, and the impetus since, and the lesult
of the war, the Western country has opened up at an unprece-
dented rate. The war, the millions upon millions of greenbacks,
which eventually represented standard gold, the spreading of rail-
roads, the emigration, all these acted as so much stimulant when
free land was the backbone of the country and made protection a
success ; but in all this there is no parallel for Canada ; free land
and protection will not do it alone. The parallel does come in,
when we reach the Pacific Coast ; free land was there, and, favoured
by a fine country, handicapped industry is making a i)ersevering
attempt to maintain itself ; but the Coast is not only backward but

;

(I) Canada's imports remain stationary. Tliey were for 1873, $128,011,281;
or 1874,1128,213,582; for 1892, $127,406,068.

FOR c:ANADA.

flat : with 90 per cent, of not only what a man wears, but what he
uses, paying its tril)ute to protection and raihvays, no other explan-
ation is necessary. So is it with our Northwest ; a long freightage
westward is bad enough, but to cap it with protection taxes into the
bargain seems a curious way of starling a new country, where farm-
ing [and mining must be the main sources of gaining a living..
Placing all the necessaries of life at a fictitious price in the first
instance looks like making it up-hill work at the very hardest time,
— the first start in a new country.

In the future, we may see a race of men in our central plains bene-
fited by the freest exchange possible with the consumers of the Old
Wor'd, and farther on in the mountains beyond, those whose natural
instincts carried them into the pine-clad ranges and wooded valleys
of the Rockies. There, as time went on, they would develop a life
of their own, with the vast granary at their feet, equidistant be-
tween Europe and Asia ; the water power, the boundless supply of
timber and d»uM«» mineral wealth would generate a trade, the
natural n^sult of agricultural development, while the protection
afforded to their native industries would be the natural protection
afforded by their position, in tlie heart of a Continent beyond the
reach of their European competitors, where freight counted as an
item in the cost. A nation might then swiftly arise on a natural and
sure foundation, neither forced nor checked by unnatural laws.

In travelling over the different trans-continental lines, it is this
growth of timber throughout our whole mountain region which calls
for more particular remark. Southward even where the Northern
Pacific Railroad traverses Washington State, the mountains enclos-
ing a valley as fertile at the Yakami rise abruptly in great brown,
bald, treeless wastes from their very base. The depression in the
Rocky Mountain-range farther North, allowing the moisture of the
coast to travel Eastward, changes the whole face of nature, and is
marked on the present line of the railroad by these tree-clad moun-
tains, in place of sage bush and brown earth. The effect produced
on the mind is, that, while in one no one will ever care to live, in
the other, people will, just as they do in Switzerland to-day ; but
so long as the settler can obtain land through which he may drive
a plough immediately, no one need expect him to undertake a

TRANSPORTATION THE PROl'.I.EM

clearing in preference. Until ive fill our plains with workers, our
mouniain valleys must be held in reserve.

The {juestion may be asked : Suppose there had been no inter-
national line in the first instance, would not this transportation
question have solved itself ? It would, entirely in favour of New
York.

Canadians of Ontario and Quebec need not fear a policy cal-
culated to carry them towards a position of disputing with New
York State for the business of a Continent.

FreiglUs last summer from New York to ports in tiie United
Kingdom ruled between 8d. and 2s. 8d. per quarter, against is. 6d.
to 3s. 3d. from Montreal; (x) neither .was the past year any excep-
tion to the general rule, while the distance from port to port is, if
anything, in our favour. Tliat a considerable amount of grain did
come to Montreal from Chicago, on through shipment to Liver-
pool, proves that our route has some advantage over New York,
even when handicapped with higher ocean freights. If ocean tonnage
could be placed in our harbour on the same basis as in the New
York market, a very interesting problem, indeed, would be offered
to that City and State.

There is just one way of accomplishing this : Encourage
imports.

Imports may be increased by making our country the cheaper
country to live in. I wish to sound a note of warning : dissatis-
faction exists in our great West. They feel out there that they
are being exploited for the benefit of the East ; they are not of
the class of men who have spread over the Western -tales;
they use our own tongue, they are our own people ; and so long
as protection is the acknowledged policy of our country, no
amount of argument will induce them to believe that they cannot
purchase from abroad cheaper than they can at home. There
is, within the bounds of common assertion, no limit for our
imports, once it is understood that the necessaries of life are
to be had in what, without the slightest exaggeration, may be
called our agricultural Empire, at a price which would repiesent

(1) Appendix tables.

FOR CANADA.

the nearest approacli possible to cost and freiglit. Men would have
courage where now they feel a wciglit ; the imagination may be all
nonsense, but it takes pluck to go out into these plains and start a
farm, when every second man will tell you that everything costs
so much that there is nothing in it, and that you are only working
for the manufacturers down East. Reverse this policy : let the man
stand conscious of his freedom, and a class of men will go into
farming who will once more make farming popular. What is true
ot our West is also true of our East. Is there a single merchant in
a business centre who does not know that business is best when the
farmers buy? And yet a policy is maintained which restricts their
purchases and discourages farming. A nation's imports proclaim
its buying powers, its wealth ; exactly as in private life our domestic
purchases proclaim our prosperity; the more we have, the more we
buy and import.

Free trade has not beaten the farmer in free trade in England ;
but steam and electricity have brought the high priced and high
rented farms there down nearer to a business level with the cheap
lands of America, both North and South, and of Australia. How
could high rents and high piices maintain there, when continually
decreasing freight charges brought the product of continually in-
creasing areas on to their market in competition v.ith their home
products, and were the men in that land to continue to pay higher
prices for their bread than the world would charge them for it,
merely that landlords and farmers might make a better living
thereby ? If this be true with regard to them, what arguments can
be produced supporting an analogous state of affairs with regard to
manufacturers here ? Why should 90 per cent, of our people pay
more for a given article than the world would charge them for it ?

Neither would we be only wheat producers for England ; we are
like a new firm starting in business. If we do not woik up the lines
first, which will pay best, it is probable that we shall fail. With a
hundred millions of acres of fine land lying vacant, and 154,000
additional workers under a National Policy, which interest is the
most valuable for us to push as a nation for all that it is worth ?
Given a great agricultural development, native industries will not
only maintain themselves, but multiply. Our new firm will have

TRANSPORTATION THE I'ROHLEM

capital — the profit of its business made in these agricultural
resources — and stand ready to extend its lines as the market
demands.

What line of imports would we have at the Port of ^lontreal if
we had three millions of men in our West instead of three hundred
thousand ? Is there any line of business which would develop more
rapidly into national wealth than the trade represented by a popu-
lation so situated ?

In the first years of the Civil War, American Generals, when in a
quandary, were always asking themselves, what, under the circum-
stances, would Napoleon do? Grant was the first man who said,
" 1 don't care a rap what he would have done." Do not let us fix
our eyes too closely on the success of the States ; with power
driftin.g Westward, the West is already repudiating a ])olicy the
result of necessity and of prejudices created by a war. Where was
our war? Protection taxes are of no benefit to our West, and
when we check their development by legislation, we expect, from a
national standpoint, that the cart will draw the horse.

These greatly increased exports for which we are arranging can
only be possible with greatly increased imports ; and had this been
the policy in the past, it would in fourteen or twenty years have done
much more than jirovide labour for 154,719 additional adults and
children.

It is an exploded idea, that of selling for gold alone; the transpor-
tation ]jroblem enters at once into one of the success of our Country ;
it is a question of our existence. We stand with millions of acres of
arable land in our far West, but divided from the sea by hundreds
of miles of imi)enetral)le forests and barren and uninhabitable lands.
A glance ac the map will show immediately, tliat for us there is
no Indiana, Ilhnois or Wisconsin to form stepping stones between
our East and our West ; but, on the other hand, we are in possession
of the shortest cind cheapest route to the sea, and our salvation
depends upon our making the most of it.

I cannot close this chapter without reiterating at the risk of some
little repetition, that Reciprocity with the States — except in natural
products — means double taxation for Canadians. Do we reduce our
tariff in their favour say 50 per cent., our taxation represents our

l-'OR CANADA.

receipts from tariff, and the taxation represented by their protection
too; besides, favored by differential treatment, they will drive English
goods out of our market, and the full taxes charged on the cheaper
goods will be lost to our Federal treasury, without relieving us from
the evils of protection : the deficit will then have to be made up in
some other manner, and time will have to be given, as Mr. Edgar
argues.

I believe that there are very many States in the American Union
to-day that would be better off wiih free trade with the world instead
of free trade with their sister States; but, in their case, they have no
choice, they must accept the position as it stands.

So long as a people have surplus i)ro<luct to dispose of, the price
which that surplus will sell for makes the price for the whole. So
long as the United States export agricultural product, they do not
want our surplus for consumption any more than we do ourselves.
In fixing this price we must not see any imaginary international line.
What they are ])erfectly ready and willing to do is to transport
our surplus, handle it, do our business for us, and that is all ; and if
we arrange our affairs so that they can do it cheaper than we can,
who is there to blame but ourselves ?

The only true Reciprocity is universal free trade, and when run
to the ground, the only reason why we cannot have this complete
freedom, is on account of the practical difficulties of direct taxation ;
but Reciprocity on any other basis is simply a bonus to some par-
ticular manufacturers to prevent cheaper manufacturers under-selling
them. In one other word, Protection.

The following telegram has appeared in our papers on date.—
" Washington, March rsth. The Senate Committee on relations with
Canada consists of Messrs. Murphy, chairman, Pugh, Colquitt
Hunton and Mitchell, the four latter being Republican."

T believe that this is a new committee, the creation of the present
administration; it stands distinct from the Committee on General
Foreign Relations.

The routine observed in the Government machinery at Washington
is that all bills (and treaties) are first referred to these several Commit-
tees of Congress ; and that no bill can be admitted for debate until
favourably reported back by the Committee to which it has been
referred.

TRANSPORTATION THE PROBLEM

The result is that these Committees are the graves of thousands
of bills, as it is practically impossible to pass a bill unless favourably
reported.

The composition of this particular Committee, which has now the
handling of Canadian affairs, is of deep inte'-est to Canadians ; four
of those composing it are Republicans. The Cleveland administra-
tions now clearly indicate that there is to be no change in the Repub-
lican programme with regard to Canada ; the Committee is over-
whelmingly Republican.

It is to be hoi)ed that Canadians will not bi' weak enough to ( on-
tin ue i)reaching Reciprocity.

While Congress may reduce duties all round on their own lines,
It IS a satisfaction to us to know that the past few years have proved
our mdependence of them, and our independence would be more
clear did we make a marked cut on our seaboard duties.

1 OR CANAr)A.

OUR DKSTINV.

Canada is very much interested in the proposed Federation of
the ilmpire. its object being to obtain the benefit of the English
market at the expense of the United States. Sentiment is altogether
a secondary consideration, for sentiment is fully met by the Empire
as it is.

While Federation in the form of a defence league is one of formal
agreement only, and affects no one but ourselves, Federation under
a customs league is quite a different affair, and affects the world at
large. It might easily be, that a league on this basis would put it
in the power of the United States to interfere seriously with this very
union of the Emjiire, which so many people have at heart.

If it be true that the recent Democratic upheaval in the United
Stales has been brought about by the masses "n their desire for relief
from tariff taxation, it is these masses who would be hardest hit by
an Imperial customs league. It is not to be expected that to this
they would submit tamely; and in the event of their legislating in their
own interests in such a manner as to turn the tables on the Colonial
Empire, by offering great advantages in trade to the masses in the
United Kingdom, in what position would British Statesmen be
pledged to prevent the consummation of this desirable end? Under
the system of popular government existing in England, can there be
any doubt as to the result? It would not be conducive to Imperial
sentiment for the Colonial Empire to feel that it had been used as
a fulcrum for the benefit of the United Kingdom and the United
States. So fiir as a customs league goes, Federation of the British
Empire without the United States is an impossibility.

As for independence of the Empire, or annexation to the United
States, far better would it be to go annexation without independence,
as the one must follow the other.

Who could study an important question with the sword of Dam-
ocles over his head? It is just so with our independence of the
Empire: with independence the tender plant Capital would disap-

7«

TRANSPORTATION THK PROllLEM

pear, new eiUerpriscs would be an impossibility, and, as there would
be some ([uestioii about our maintaining ourselves, Capital would
observe a neutrality whicli would simply lead to bankruptcy. Under
the distress and dismay of our moribund existence, annexation would
raise its head, as then in truth the only panacea for the ills of which
the State was the victim.

As certain as the attraction of the lesser is to the greater, would
annexation follow our withdrawal from the Empire. Independent
of the United Kingdom we stand to-day, inasmuch as any checks
upon our freedom are self-imposed, by virtue of their acceptance
by us.

Without wisliing to shirk our responsibilities, and favouring a
strictly Imperial jjolicy, I make the assertion — with all deference to
those who are lamiliar with ami studying out the problems of this
Empire — that Canada is really independent of the United Kingdom ;
and that the sooner P\ reign nations understand the position which
she holds within the Empire, the better will it be for the United
Kingdom, Canada and the United States.

Between the conflicting interests represented first by indepen-
dence, and then by annexation ])rojects, in a newly formed confede-
racy of mixed language and widely separated communities, it is hardly
possible to conceive of the transfers being made without the destruc-
tion of life and property, and the financial ruin of the present
generation of Canadians. Would we accept the position of Hawaiians
by permitting United States troops to guard our lives and property
until the will of the people (!) had become manifest? Great would
be the descent on the part of United Empire Loyalists.

Even if there were a base for the assertion that fresh capital would
come from over the line in anticipation of annexation, that capital
would fight shy of Quebec and Ontario, as well as of the Maritime
Provinces. The certainty that the United States would not accept
the Province of Quebec as a State, with its established Church and
treaty rights, would alone throw a cloud over everything east of
Michigan.

Is it not a fact that the highest ideal of government is freedom and
security ? It is not too much to assert, that the only reason why war
on a large scale is possible in this world to-day is on account of the

KOR CANADA.

mitoriunatc split in the dominant race. Were what is nou- repre-
sented by our old flag and the new the mandate of one, would it l,c
necessary to enlist a single soldier to enforce the decree? xVnd vet
tor independence, here are men to-day professing themselves ready
to comnm the folly of a hundred and twenty years ago, and again
suhchvide the race. =. . h

While free speech and debate are the best safeguards of liberty any
agitation lookmg to a change of Sovereignty should be undertaken
only as a last resort, and in consequence of some unbearable tyr-
anny, or deeded and uncpialined advantage, and in fact necessity •
for It carries m its train uncertainty and the consecpient interruption
ol trade and development.

The latest change in Sovereignty has been in the case of Era/Jl
the reports which we now receive from that country are not con-
ducive to the investment of capital, whereas, before, it was remark-
able amongst South American nations for its steady government Of
course we are vastly superior to the Brazilians, and with a change of
Mmisters, our superiority would display itself in so marvellous i
manner, that a change of Sovereignty would be the last thing con-
templated by those in power.

As regards these miserable creatures, who, lacking the manliness
to acknowledge their convictions, merely use independence as a cloak
for annexation, no position in the body politic is too low for them
to fill : they are simply the canaille of their country.

Neither would we be gainers in security by either independence
or annexation. Europe will never agiin land hostile troops on this
Continent, and will it be argued that we should obliterate our nation-
ahty-when on the very threshold of national advancement-on
account of the risk of a stray cruiser or two ? The question of the
supply of coal almost precludes the possibility of a raiding vessel
remaining long on our coasts, and this represents our whole risk in
European complications. On the other hand, to annex would onlv be
to throw ourselves amongst the unsolved problems of that country
accept of their tariff as it stood, whether it suited our North and
Pacific Coast or not, an J give Texas, Kentucky, Georgia and many
other States, with whom-with the black population increasing--
we have less and less in common every year, equal rights in deciding

;,[/

TRANSrORl'ATION IHK PROHLEM

Upon the puiiicuhir wants of (Quebec. Nova Scotia aiul of the whole
North Country.

It is easier to make bad laws tlian to gel rid of tlieni when once
passed ; the Governors of several Western States have protested
over and over again, in their official reports, that the ianil laws of the
United Stales are n(jt suitable for iheir i»art of the country. It is
obvious to the most superficial observer liiat there is something
wrong on tiie Pacific Coast — in fact, their body politic is already so
big, that it is imjiossible lor States so distant to bring pressure on
the central body sufficient to make their wants respected.

Of freedom greater than we now possess, it is not possible to
conceive. There is not any demand that we may make which, as
a matter of fact, can be denied us ; while, as a ])art of the United
Slates, we would, in the last resort, be com[)elled to submit to the
verdict of a body known as three-quarters of all the States of the
Union.

Take our Executive, for Inst mce. Would many of us care to
have our Executive the leader of one party in the Stale? Let us
imagine him seated at either Ottawa or Washington ; this woidd be
the first question which we woukl have to settle under any other
form of Government. It mav be, trulv, that the clearness -ind fresh-
ness of our winter atmosphere has, in the depths of our electoral,
gener.ited many Washingtons. who, although as yet in an embryo
existence, give great promise for the future. The supply, however,
having given out amongst our friends to the South, it would not be
safe to depend ui)on a very great number here, although apparently
our raw material is unlimited.

While the franiers of the American Constitution believed that they
had made excellent arrangements for an Executive above and inde-
pendent of party, and, in the person of George Washington, were
in possession of a man who filled the bill, yet it stands proved to-
day that from this iiigh standard they have fallen to that of their
Executive, having to maintain the dignity of their country, and be
the scapegoat for all the undignified minutiaj incidental to the
leadership of a party into the bargain.

Bryce, in his •' American Commonwealth," says of the idea of the
fram rs of the American Constitution, the President " was to repre-

I'OR CANADA.

sent the nation as a wliole. The independence of his position, with
nothing either to gain or fear from Congress, would, it was hoped,
leave him free to think only of the welfare of the people."

Amongst the advisers of tlie President in the first cabinet of
the United States sat togetiier Thomas Jefferson and Alexander
Hamilton.

The contrast in the position of our Canadian and the United
States Executive does not siiow to any great extent yet ; but give
us twenty-five to thirty millions of people, an Kxecutive following
out our idea, and maintained in the position wliich such a nation
will call for, the exhibition then, every four or six years, of an Execu-
tive officer, representative of the dignity of Washington, the Presi-
dent of such a nation as the United States, marching up to tl- poll,
and, principle or no principle, voting for himself, is only one of
the many objtct-lessons which will serve to steady us in the desire
of i)erfecting our own institutions under our own lines of thought.
The " American Commonwealth " has found a place in every
reader's library, both in England and America. On this point of
the connection of the Executive with party, the author says : *' The
choice of party leaders as Presidents has in America caused far
less mischief than might have been expected. Nevertheless, those
who have studied the scheme of Constitutional Monarchy, as it
works in England or Belgium or Italy, or the reproductions of that
sysiem in British Colonies, where the Crown-appointed Governor
stands outside the strife of factions as a permanent official, will,
when they compare the institutions of these countries with the
American Presidency, be impressed with the merits of a plan which
does not unite all the dignity of office with all the power of office,
and which, by placing the titular chief of the executive alone and
apan from party, makes the civil and military services feel them-
selves the servants rather of the nation than of any section of the
nation, and suggests to them that their labours ought to be ren-
dered with equal heartiness to whatever party may hold the reins
of government. Party government miy be necessary. But it is a
necessary evil ; and whatever tends to diminish its mischievous in-
fluence upon the machinery of administration, and prevent it from
obtruding itself on Foreign States ; whatever holds up a high ideal

TRANSPORTATION THE PR015LEM

of devotion to the nation as a majestic whole, living on from cen-
tuiy to century while paities form and dissolve and form again,
strengthens and ennobles the commonwealth of all the citizens."

The career of Lord Dtifferin, as Governor General of Canada,
was a brilliant example in point. Two extracts from his speeches
will serve to illustrate the position jf the Constitutional Executi\e,
representing Canadian ideas :

'' On my way across the lakes, I called in at the City of Chicago,
a city that has risen more splendid than ever from her ashes, and
at Detroit, the home of one of the most pros])erous and intelligent
communities on this Continent. At both places 1 was rece'ved
with the utmost kindness and courtesy by the civil authorities and
by the citizens themselves, who vied witli eacli other in making me
feel with how friendly an interest that great and generous people,
who have advanced the United States to so splendid a i)osition in
the family of nations, iej;ard their Canadian neighbours. But, though
disposed to watch with genuine admiration and sympathy the devel-
opment of our Dominion into a great power, our friends across the
line are wont, as you know, to amuse their lighter moments with the
large utterances of the early gods. More than once I was addressed
with the playful suggestion tliat Canada sliould unite her fortunes
with the Great Republic. To these invitations I invariably refjiied
by acquainting them that in Canada we were essentially a Demo-
cratic people, that nothing would content us unless the popular will
could exercise an immediate and complete contiol over the Execu-
tive of the country, that the Ministers who conducted the Govern-
ment were a committee of Parliament, which was itself an emana-
tion from the constituencies, and that no Canadian would be able
to breath freely if he thought that the [persons administering the
affairs of his country were removed beyond the supervision and
contact of our legislative assemblies. And, gentlemen, in this
extemporised repartee of mine, there will, I think, be found a germ
of sound philosophy. In fiict, it ap[)ears to n)e thiat even from the
point (..f vit w of the i.io'-. enthusiastic advocate of popular rights, the
Government of Canada is nearly perlect, for wliile you are free from
those historical complications which sometimes clog the free running
of our Parliamentary machinery at home, while you possess every

FOR CANADA.

popular guarantee and privilege that reason can demand, you have au
additioaal eiemcnt of elasticity introduced into your system in the
person of the Governor-General. For in most forms of government,
should a misunderstanding occur between the head of the State and
the representatives of the people, a dead lock might ensue of a very
grave character, inasmuch as there would lie no appeal to a third
party, and dead locks are the danger of all constitutional systems ;
whereas in Canada, should the Governor-General and his legislature
unhappily disagree, the misunderstanding is referred to England,
whose only object, of course, is to give free piay to your Parlia-
mentary institutions, and who would immediately replace an erring
and impracticable Viceroy— for such things can be— by another
officer more competent to his duties, without the slightest hitch or
disturbance having been occasioned in the orderly march of your
affairs. If then the Canadian people are loyal to the Crown, it is
with reasoning loyalty ; it is because they are able to appreciate
the advantage of having inherited a constitutional system so work-
able, so well balanced, and so peculiarly adapted to their especial
wants." Once more let us quote him when addressing " My Lords
and Gentlemen " in London ; he said, '' that they (the Canadians)
desire to maintain intact and unimpaired their connection with this
-ountry, that they cherish an ineradicable conviction of the pre-
eminent value of the political system under which they live, and
that they are determined to preserve pure and uncontaminated all
the traditional characteristics of England's prosperous polity. It
would be impossible to overstate the universality, the force, the
depth of this sentiment ; and proud am I to think that an assem-
blage, so representative of the public opinion of this country as
that which I see around me, should have met together to recipro-
cate it, and lo do justice to it. But, my Lords and gentlemen, I
should be conveying to you a very wrong impression, if I give
you to understand tliat the enthusiastic loyalty of the Canadian
people to the Crown and person of our Gracious Sovereign,
their tender and almost yearning love for the mother country,
the desire to claim their part in the future fortunes of the
British Empire, and to suscain all the obligations such a position
miy imply, 'as born of any weak or unworthy spirit of depen-

TRANSPORTATION THE PROBLEM

It'
«; Iff'

dence. So far from that being the case, no characteristic of a
national feeling is more strongly marked than their exuberant
confidence in their ability to shape their own destinies to their
appointed issues, their jealous pride of the legislative autonomy with
which they have been endowed, and their patriotic and personal
devotion to the land within whose ample bosom they have been
nurtured, and which they justly regard as more largely dowered
with all that can endear a country to its sons than any other in the
world. And I can assure you, this intense affection can surprise
no one who has traversed her picturesque and fertile territories,
where mountain, plain, valley, river, lake and forest, prairie and
tableland alternately invite by their extraordinary magnificence
and exicat the wonder and the admiration of the traveller."

When a majority in the Canadian Parliament declare for an Exe-
cutive of their own election from amongst their own people, and
this demand is refused by the Parliament of the United Kingdom,
it will then be time enough to unsettle trade with questions of inde-
pendence or annexation.

Let any of our French citizens who truly believe in independence,
in the interests of French Canadian aspirations, carefully study
the sentiments of the people of the United States. No exclusively
French nation would long be permitted to exist by the Anglo-Saxon
nations surrounding it on all sides, especially one holding the out-
let for such a trade as the St. Lawrence must represent. We hear
ofion of the Stars and Stripes in connection with the whole conti-
nent to the pole, and for a French Canadian to advocate indepen-
dence is simply to advocate his own destruction. Even were he
tolerated by the vast majority, he would not be independent, for he
would have to do as he was told, or take lUe consequences.

Our French Canadian friends U'jed not expect that the Anglo-
Saxon majority would long remain independent with them : loosely
throw'! together as States, and widely separated as Communities,
they \\ aid not stand the strain of the snapping of the old ties. Our
memories can easily carry us back to Mr. Blaine's attempt to make
a treaty with Newfoundland, which would have shut our fishermen
out of that Colony's waters. With an independent Canada on their
North, a most inviting field would be offered to United States diplo-

MKuw.niiiiih mititm

■:• utmmni:

FOR CANADA.

macy. Proposals might be made which would be very accept-
able to some particular section of this independent Canada but ex-
ceedingly distasteful to the rest. Americans do not want us, until
we come of our own accord ! Take British Columbia, for instance ;
the census gives an increase of 21,334 of Canadian birth against an
increase of 26,820 of foreign birth, and if our efforts to draw emi-
grants are to meet with success, the voting power in our new Pro-
vinces (new independent States ?) for some time on is to be in the
hands of those to whom an independent Canada would simply be a
geographical expression. English, Scotch, Irish, German, American
and other voters of foreign birth would certainly not stand any dic-
tation from French of Canadian birth. Here would be a great
opportunity for a second Mr. Blaine, and the glory of carrying the
Stars and Stripes to the North Pole would encircle the Statesman's
brow with a halo sufficient to ensure two full terms of Presidential
office. Chatham, when he settled the Scotch question by carrying the
kilted regiments into every battlefield in Europe, would be no-
where.

The case is widely different from that of the formation of the
United States ; any history of that country will show that up to
1812 (i) the usual relief from sui)poscd ills was secession from the
Federal body, and afterwards in 1832 when South Carolina seceded.
Had there been a nation of sixty-five millions on their frontier their
union could hardly have been maintained ) and just so with us : the
French, with their Church and language, would have to accept the
position loft, and submit to be ruled. They are in such a hopeless
minority on this Continent, and so close to a nation in which a
minority has no rights, that their only salvation depends upon their
maintaining a sentiment which carries this country independent of
its Soutliern neighbour.

When they have over-run nnd occupied the New England States,
their very compactness will give them a position which they m.^y
maintain with marked effect on the destiny of this Continent ; ' it
to spring the mine prematurely in the present day is to pass off in
smoke.

(i) Massachusetts and Connecticut refused to send their contingents to tliat war.

TRANSPORTATION THE PROHLEM

It may not be a pleasant or constitutional way of putting it, but
the cold fact remains, that the peculiar position which the Dominion
of Canada holds prevents either the United Kingdom or the United
States from using force to coerce her, even if they had the will. It
may be asked, from a purely Canadian stand-point, and to meet
the most selfish and unsentimental m the land, is there any change
outside of the Empire upon which this would improve? While hold-
ing aloof from the problems peculiar to the Southern country, we
govern ourselves as we please upon the North.

" An Empire is a?i aggregate of political bodies bound together
by a common relatioji to a Central State, but whose relations to it
may vary from the closest dependency io the loosest adhesion!^

When Green in his history of the English people wrote these words
he was referring to the false position into which our ancestors, on
both sides of the water, drifted, when failing to recognize Tmptrial
responsibilities as co-existent witli national interests. It is well that
he lesson should be applied, even in this day of general enlighten-
ment and education, and to none more than to ourselves.

National sentiment is undoubtedly developing amongst us, but
there is reason to fear that this sentiment is being used by an active,
unprincipled and bastard minority, un-Canadian in birth and senti-
ment, a minority which arrogates to itself a position to which it is
not entitled, and which at home here we could well afford to treat
with the contempt it deserves, did not its loud-mouthed yelps deceive
a nation to the South as to the real sentiments of the people on their
North.

Of those So, coo of United States birth, and their children who dwell
amongst us. we must expect their sentiments to carry them more
or less in sympathy with their Southern relations, but the error
must not be permitted of allowing them to speak as representing
Canadian sentiment ; of some others, the loaf should be turned on
heir approaching the table.

A position of independence within an Empire leaves to these na-
tional aspirations full of vigour andlife, and allows full scope for the
development of Canadian sentiment coupled with Imperial patrio-
tism, (i) Tbe great bugbear to the attainment of such a position

(i) A parallel on a small scale is to be found in the States, in their loyalty
each to their own State and to their Union .

FOR CANADA, 85

at present is the fear that treaties negotiated by our Statesmen would
conflict with Imperial treaties, and carry the Imperial Hag into con-
flict with others.

Lately Mr. Elaine called upon the Government of Italy to recog-
nize the status of the United States. He said that it was as impos-
sible for that foreign Government to interfere with the free and in-
dependent State of Louisiana as it was for the United States itself.

What is the matter with this argument as applied by us and to our-
selves? The world must recognize the British Empire as it is, and
perhaps as not being exactly as some would like it to be. Give
Canada a chance ; those of us who have travelled often between the
Atlantic and Pacific know that all that is necessary is for her to give
herself the chance, and before we turn the Government of our
country over to our children, twenty millions of people will stand
ready to maintain the Empire, representing altogether a force with
which it is not a difference of opinion regarding barter that will
empt a collision in arms.

Our destiny is not easily disposed of.

It IS possible that on account of the favourable position which we
hold in relation to the Northern wheat belt, when considered with
the development of our water and railway transportation facilities,
a tier of free States may, by virtue of their own interests, be attached
more to Canada than to, let us say, Pennsylvania, Kentucky or Flo-
tida ; that is to say, if we endow these Northwestern States with
the benefit of cheap transportation, the advent of the Twentieth
Century may mark a new era of thought on this Continent of Anier-
rica.

Should the mass of voters in these wheat States ot the North
come to the conclusion that the sentimentality involved in the tra-
ditions of the Thirteen Colonies was interfering with their material
prosperity, a new rendering miglit be given to our destiny.

imm

TRANSPORTATION THE PROBLEM

SENTIMKNT.

Willi trade and tra!isi)ortation arguments sentiment appears to be
out of place; nevertheless, it is not trade that rules the world, but
sentiment.

Let all who would bring everything down to a basis of dollars
and cents only, consider what it is, that in the last resort carries
men up to the line of fire, and h(jlds them there, when life is as
cheap as the falling autumn leaves.

If they have no practical experience, or are in doubt, then let them
cross the line, and ask of those who faced each other at Shiloh
and Gettysburg, where were the men who represented sentiment
with her allies — pride and discii^line, and where were those
who represented dollars and cents? Some of us are of the opinion
that our great emigration will come from the United Slates. Our
country is opening up at a time when theirs has become so great a
power, that citizens of United States birth and education justly rnn-
sider it undignified to assert themselves the equals of the highest in
any land. The maintaining of such a position has been delegated
to the newly landed emigrant, whose heart is permitted to swell
beneath the " Declaration " securely buttoned np in his waistcoat
pocket ; consequently, much of the boorishness of earlier years has
passed away. Sensitive they are in the extreme, but it is only when
a man makes hinsLclf obnoxious that he draws down the ire of the
free and enlightened, " Martin Chuzzlewit " has lost its sting, and
an orator would not now face the ridicule of an attack upon George
III.

No Canadian can imagine a greater future for his country than
that of giving homes to those born on this free Continent of Amer-
ica to-day. It is to be hoped that the most energetic and enter-
prising amongst them will meet another stream of free-born men
from our own British Islands, and that Canadians will be able to
offer a nationality, in the institutions of which, be it in a majority
or a personality, " tyranny of the ruler and licentiousness in the
people " will find equally in them " an inexorable foe."

FOR CANADA.

We possess a distincl advantage over our neighbours to the South,
in maintaining the influence aniDugst us of a sentimental history.
The history of the old land is yet our own ; we are developing a
great State without the instrumentality of the sword, so that the
Abliey is yet our Westminster Abbey, and we hold an interest in a
line (jf kings associated with the traditions and the develoi)ment o*"
a race. 'I'o despise the lessons, the traditions and the association.,
of the ])ast is simply to declare ourselves uneducated or unread
boors, mental hewers of wood and drawers of water. As wealth
rises in our land, there is little doubt that, in our sons and our
daughters the effect of our connection with a historic past will lend
steadiness and strength to our free National institutions, and mark,
the great difference between the North and the South.

United States children are not educated to venerate any senti-
ment of the older pastj this, of a surety, reacts ujjon their national
character. The sentimentality of their cou'itry is bound up in one
historic event, represented by the position which the Thirteen Col-
onies won and created for the Federal Union. They alone ceded to
this Federal Union something of which they were possessed, namely
a certain portion of their much prized and dearly bought inde])en-
dence, in order to create a nation, (i) The other States in this Fed-
eral Union of to-day (excepting Texas) never were in possession of
anything to cede, they simply acce])ted what was created for them.
Without a national sentiment of their own, they have, in accepting
the constitution, adopted the traditions and the sentiments of the
Thirteen Independent States.

Destroy this sentiment, and the States fall asunder of their own
accord.

On our part a train of events, representing a sentiment deeply
seated in the human heart, led up to the formation of another State
upon this Continent, antagonistic, at that time, to the sentiment of
the Independent States. Out of this has developed the Canadian
nationality of to-day, neither hostile nor subservient to tlie greater
American State ; and now, with the disappearance of the territorial
rights of the Hudson's Bay Company, we, too, suddenly find our

(i) Freeman.

TRANSPORTATION THE PROIiLEM

hfel

selves in a position to offer to new States our nationality, backed
by the sentimentolity involved in maintaining Imperial traditions.

Destroy this sentiment, and situated as \vc are, it is not possible
for us to maintain oar national life. \Vithout any inborn sentiment
towards the Thirteen Independent States, we would only disappear,
<' unhonoiired and unsung"; but as it stands, within our Empire we
remain one of a group of nations, and it is not easy to see why broad
rules, applicable to individuals, should be inapplicable to nations „
As Oliver Wendell Holmes put it, " Other things being equal, I will
take themanof famil/." Why the man of family? Simply because of
the effect which the sentimentality of family pride has upon the indi-
vidual.

As Canadians, if we stand forth maintaining our own free insti-
tutions, there is no reason why the sentimentality involved in main-
taining Imperial traditions should for one moment check our onward
career. After all is said and done, Americans must confess to their
English tongue ; and for those of them who eventually make their
homes amongst us, it will be a comparatively easy task, as our
nationality develops throughout our great West, to lead their
children back to the traditions of their ancestors, and one may
ask, " other things being equal," in this Imperial pride, is there not
an advantage for us ?

FOR CANADA.

GOOD ADVICE.

Advice is chcaj). Canada has been favoured with a very large sup-
ply of this unprotected article, both raw and manufactured.

Mr. Goldwin Smith, an Englishman settled amongst us, but with-
out a single Canadian sentiment or aspiration, would sacrifice Cana-
dian nationality upon the altar of problematical race unity. Mr.
Smith is very fond of talking about educated Americans ; let liim read
v/Init that educated American, Mr. Bancroft, has to say of a certain
Mr. Huske, member for Maiden, and let him realise, if he can, what
educated Americans in their secret hearts think of him in the roll
which he has adopted.

Mr. Andrew Carnegie, a Scotchman, having made a fortune run-
ning into the millions as a protected manufacturer in the United
States, considers himself perfectly qualified to pose as an authority
upon many subjects entirely beyond his ken. Next to the United
States, his native land is the object of his solicitude, and having pre-
sented his native town and some neighbouring cities with libraries,
the usual modesty of the self-made man develops in his speeches.
His native townsmen being under obligations 'to him show better
breeding in receiving his unasked advice in silence than does our
Americanized Midas in ofifering it. I would ask him, was the send-
ing of Pinkerton's men to Homestead a sample of " Triumphant
Democracy ? "

As for Canada, he has lately placed his valuable opinion on record
with regard to us. We are •' suckling Colonists, a people without
national aspirations," and various other equally broad and states-
man-like observations. The history of Canada has, of course, been
too small an affair for a mind such as his to trouble itself with ;
nevertheless, it is an encouraging mark of the times that he deigns
to express himself regarding us. Yet, what would he have us do to
prove that we have national aspirations ? Strange to say, the proof
of it would be the overthrowing of any national aspirations which
we might have formed, the obliteration of all that is signified in the

TRANSPORTATOIN THE PROBLEM

word '* Canada," and the ranging of ourselves within the American
Union as simply the different States of Prince J'Mward Island, New
Brunswick, Quebec, and so on. Can he or anyone else point to a
single instance in history in which a nation, in possession of self-
government, voluntarily committed national suicide ?

Norway finally allied itself with Sweden only because *' its means
of resistance were small." United Germany depends for its unity
on the sentiment of a united fatherland — the United States will
not accej)t the idea involved here. Tlie case of Scotland is
frequently brought forward, was she not the most northerly and the
weaker of two countries ? Did she not join England, the wealthier
and the stronger power, and since that day has she not grown in
wealth and in consideration, in union with her Southern neighbour?
Why not carry this parallel one step further ? Scotland, the weaker
power, maintained her independence from the dawn of civilisation
down to the eighteenth century, and only joined her Southern
neighbour after that neighbour had accepted her Executive.

The history of that union is not the point here, but it may be
asserted, that in the history and position of that Island and the his -
tory and position of this continent there is no parallel whatever, and
the idea of such a comparison generated only in the minds of the
unread.

But we are not a nation. Excuse me, we are : —
" What constitutes a State ? Not turret,
or embattled tower, but men.
Freeborn men, who know their rights

and will defend them.
These constitute a State."
Time was when we were all Englishmen, Scotchmen, or Irishmen;
we talked of" going home"; and Frenchmen were the only Cana-
dians. Under Dominion, a generation has arisen who have accept-
ed the natural cognomen of the French ; and when Canadians talk of
going " abroad, " or " to England," the change in the designation
of our old land marks without more formal recognition the advent
of a new nation upon this Continent. Were other signs wanting,
our desire to maintain ourselves is proof of national aspirations.
They may not be those in sympathy with the political ideas of the
United States ; but what then ?

FOR CANADA.

9«

The best advice which can be given Canada is to develop her
own institutions, governing herself in whatever manner she pleases,
and it is probable that so long as the British FMiipire lasts, she will
hold her place in fitting rank, maintaining all of which that historic
Imperial Crown is emblematical, before which mere nations dwarf
into insignificance, and in common with Australia and Africa, rise
in such strength as will be the best guarantee for peace at home and
the development of the Anglo-Saxon race.

eWj,\oy^ -.

T^^j

fi:

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IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

I.I

!i.25

2.0

£ Itt

1.8

1.4 III 1.6

INDUSTRIES OF ALL CANADA COMPILED

FROM CENSUS BULLETIN No. 8.

Employees 1S91

Saw Mills ^2,os8

Fish Curing and Canning 29,039

Tailoring and Clothing 23,241

Boot and Shoe Factories 18,105

Foundries and Machine Shops 12,614

Blg,cksmithing 12,053

Carpenters and Joiners 9^36

Carriage-makers , f,|o4o

Woolen Mills and Cloth 8,415

Cotton Mills 80,,

rrmtmg and Publishing 7,640

Cabinet and Furniture 7 ie2

Brick and Tile Works 6718

Flour and Grist Mills 5^296

Sash, Door and Blind Factories 5,720

Tin and Sheet Iron Works.. 4*939

Rolling Stock ^'900

Agricultural Implements 4,887

^^'^^^ries 4^'6^2

Tanneries ^^262

Marble and Stone Cutting 3,747

Cigar Factories ^ jyg

Cooperages ^'^^^^

Ship Building ^^^^^

Shirt and Collar and Tie Manufacturers .... 3,057

Harness and Saddlery ^^q.c

Cheese Factories 3007

\4j-

94 APPENDIX.

Planing Mills 2,657

Lime Kilns 2,567

Hatters and Furriers < 2,517

Musical Instruments 2,199

Fruit and Vegetable Canning 2,196

Tobacco Works 2,105

Paper Mills 2,104

Sugar Refinery i>927

Smithing Works i;90i

Breweries 1)865

Meat Curing i>^87

Watchmaking and Jewellery i>663

Bookbinding 1,320

Engine Building i>256

Gas Works i>i64

Chemical Establishments 906

Press Stamp Die Works 127

V/ood Turning 784

Cement Mills 243

Mattress-making iSo

Picture-frame Making 367

Safe and Vault Works. 180

Dyeing and Scouring Works 281

Paint and Varnish Works 536

Salt Works 246

Baking Powder and Flavouring 214

Hosiery 672

Rope and Twine 764

Sail-making X30

Starch and Blue Works 238

Packing Cases 323

Electric Lights 504

Oil Ps.efiners 347

Paving Materials ,. ^'222

Terra Cotta Works 130

Potteries 527

Glass Works 933

wama^ff

!?!^!??5H5H'PP'

APPENDIX,

Electro Plating

Wire Works

Cartridge-making

Paper Collar Factories

Belting and Hose

Tents and Awnings

Creameries

Dried Fruits and Veg tables

Vinegar Works

Aerated Works . .

Distillers

Coffee and Spice

Brush and Broom Factories

Trunk and Valises

Soap and Candles

Paper-box Making

Engraving and Lithography ,

Gunpowder Mills ,

Boiler Works

Furnaces, Stove and Heaters ,

Edge Tools ,

Iron and Brass Fittings

Brass Foundries

Tinsmithing ,

Type Foundries

Washing Machines and Wringers.

Nail and Lock Factories ,

Boat Building

Baby and Invalid Carriages

Lamps and Chandeliers

Gold and Silver Smiths

Block-making

Masts and Spars

Carving and Gilding

Springbed Making

Superphosphate Works

Pickle-making

239
861

271

127

184

425

350
30G

654
4M
162

771
8to

517

964

746

302

445

497

873
781

586

215

102

131

869

824

139

78
42

45
89

14.1:

96 APPENDIX.

Maltsters 43

Cork Cutting 65

Stationery ; 90

Gun Smiths 68

Piano Action 34

Cutlery , 81

Glue Factories 53

Belting and Hose i6

Whip Factories 44

Basket-making 47

Maccaroni and Vermicelli 20

Asbestos and Pipe Covering 14

Saw and File Cutting 9

Tallow Refiners ., 7

Mathematical Instruments 7

Pattern and Moulding , 6

All other industries 52,739

367,496 hands.

No information given on " all other indu?tries."

"iii«.'j^|.lij»iuifj^»;p(

'^'^■^^

V^'^^

OCEAN FREIGHTS OUTWARDS.

Freights Outward from
Montreal, 1892.

Actual charters. Per 480 II)s.

May— s. d.

3rd. Glasgow 2 6

5th. London 2 6

7 th. Glasgow 3 3

nth. Liverpool ... 2 ;>

" London 2 3

'*' Avonmonth .. 3

i6th. Uverpool 2 6

iSth. Liverj^Gol 2 3

" London 2 6

June—

2nd. Liverpool .... 2

4th. Liverpool i g

" A von mouth... 2 6

i5lh. Glasgow 2 4 ^

23rd. London 2 9

" Liverpool .... 2
July-

Sth. London 2

i2lh. Avonmouth... 1 7 14

15th. London 2

26th. London 2 3

29th. Liverpool i 10 )4

August —

5th. Liverpool i 10 }4

13th. London 2 3

19th. Avonmouth... 2 3

22nd. London 2 3

23rd. Liverpool .... i 6
Sejjt —

2nd. Avonmouth... 1 9

7th. Liverpool i 6

Sth. Glasgow I 6

91I1. London 2

Freights Outward from
New York, 1892.

Actual charters reported, 480 lbs.
May — s^ d.

2 1 St. Liverpool i 6

" Glasgow 2 I

'' London 2

23id. Liverpool 1

London .

Glasgow.

2Gth. London .

'' Glasgow .

June—

2nd. Liverpool

4th. London ,

'' Glasgow I

nth. l^iverpool i

15th. London i

2Sth. Liverpool 1

" London o

" Glasgow I

July-

ist. London o

•' Glasgow o

Sth. Liverpool

1 6th. Glasgow.

" Liverpool

" London .

26th. London .

Glasgow.
August —

I St. London. .

(ilasgow.

Liverpool
?ih. London. .

4
8

4
10

S
6

4
4
8

23rd. Liverpool

" JiOndon o

8
8
9

'■-■*t /

APPENDIX.

Si'pt —

1 51I1. Glasgow I ()

24tli. Glasgow i 6

sSth. London 2 3

Oclohcr —

4th. (ilasgow 2 3

" Avonmouth... 2 9

i2t]i. (ilasgow 2 9

15th, Glasgow 3

2211(1. lavcrpool 3 3

25th. Javcrpool 3 3

Nov.—

5lh. Live;"i)Ool 3 3

lOth. javerpool 3

nth. London 3

30th. Glasgow 2 3

August —

23rd. (llasgow T

Sc'pl. —

Sill. Livci'ijool [

131I1. Livorpdol I 4

2[st. Gla.sgow I 8

" Livcipool I 4

•' London o 10

3otIi. Liverpool i S

del.—

8th. Liverpool i 10

I4lh. London i 4

" Liverpool 2

29th. Liverpool 2 2

Nov.—

I St. London 2 8

" Glasgow 2 2

" Liveri)Ool 2 2

London i 6

Glasgow I 8

Liverpool i 6

Liverpool i 4

26tli. London 2

" Liverpool i G

" Cilasgow I 4

New York freights are subject

to 5 per cent, primage, equal to
about one penny a (piarter extra.

nth.

rSth.