t> ^a^ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) ^< ik. &?^ fA 1.0 :?:»^ I.I 1.25 2.2 2.0 1.4 ill 1.6 V] (meaning "CON- TINUED "), or the symbol V (meaning "END"), whichever applies. Un des symboles suivants apparaitra sur la dernidre image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: le symbole —^' signifie "A SUIVRE", le symbole V signifie "FIN". aire Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre film^s ci des taux de reduction diff6rents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seul clich6, il est filmd d partir de i'angle supdrieur gauche, de gauche d droite, at de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images ndcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mdthode. by errata led to ent une pelure, Fapon d 1 2 3 32X 1 2 3 4 5 6 u fr (IE Mlil/i'IsH ■ iitfiiiii iini iiii li I i»t -m iwamiiwuywiaii i niai l iwiti «■ 11 !•: M A R K H ON A G-ENEllAL UNiOM uF i'HK liRli'IsH NORTH A.ViKincAlN l40)V]\v i:^ i-a^ -*VV.<:V''i^iS >^ <^'p-':^^t. ■-<> <■':«#, 'Ki^^ >? ,>>';.:%■• ./.iir-.;, ^.;-'/><^'H'' ./> '- > ■ 4- ,: «7*jifc«K,'iW#f-;'i."[^-:»-^--- ,.',: ':■- ■J.- *IT- ^l(/'-.f J- _ i'Jy-, v--' - ' '■' if''^' '-'. '• ,.;■■• r.'; - ' ''^'■- "!■ " ' V"- ' ,'.'■■ .■■ -■„"■*■; ''■ '"■' > ]■ '.J. ■■ ■■'\' I' r\^A ;■,:;"■ .- "^'-i '• V ' ;• .■■• . . •..'','- 1 :-^ ': \:i-r x-':'< "■■• ■■■" *^';'hY', :■■■■•''"•■'' ■•■■■•' ■• ■ ,:^''l' ^^^■■'''■^'S :_ - tJ ' ■.'•• '.ri-'- ;/ ,' ■,»'"'"■■ ■' ''^i" .'^'' ■'■ -■■■ C:vvH,7r'' .^r) " T .'. • . . i - ' ' ' ' . '.' -v ■':* ' ■.-■■ REMARKS (IN A LEGISLATIVE UNION or THE PIIOVINCKS OF IIRITI^II ?V€^ltTH Ai^IERfiCA. - .( -!J. BY O. T. . ■■^^i;:'Jriat QLnhouxQ, m. HL. PRINTED AT THE STAR OFFICE, COBOURO, BY R. D. CHATTERTON» 18 3 9, ! S; ne\v» I like! Impi It far r presi Peru the i of i\ ago I uhicl mini! inser licy ( of M pape after. origii cond se it I Silt, 7b the Editor of the Cohoiirg Siar^ It appears to mc not a little strange that the newspapers of lu-th tlio Caiiadas are totally silent in . . <_ -(i to th"! measures respecting them which are likelv to he etiteitainecl durini; the Session of tho Imperial Parliament just ahoiit to commerce. It will readily be granted that their discussion is of far more importance than many sul.jeds which at present occupy the columns of our best Jouruald. — Permit me, therefore, in yonr able paper, to break the ice, by sending yon a document agai"st the Union of the two Canadas, which was submitted many years ago to the Secretary of St..tc for tiie '^'•cdonie.«, and which had, it is believed, some weight with the ad- minibtration of tiie day. Should you think it worth insertion, it will be followed by remarks on the po- licy of r (jeneral Union of all tho liriti^h Provinces of North Auicrica, beii'^r the substance of aiiother paper presented to the Government about tv-o years after. The document now sent is the same with the original copy, but should vou lind room for the £0- cond, I sha'l so far deviate as to adaj)t it to the pre- se it stale of the Colonies. I remain, Sir, Your obedient humbln *ervant, O. T. REMARKS, «fec. i' A Bill was introduced into the Imperial Parlia- ment in the Session of J 822, for uniting the two Provinces; it was printed and circulated in the Ca- nadas. On reading it, the following paper was hastily drawn up, and transnutted to the Colonial depart- ment in April, 1822. In August of the same year, a law was passed to meet the difficulty noticed, in 28, 29, and J30 clauses of this Essay ; which is to be considered as referring to the state of the Canadas in 1822, both as it fespects population and commerce. Their present state in these particulars is very dif- ferent, but the principles and reasonings here laid down, are as applicable as ever. The two Canadas are at variance on the subject of Finance, for Quebec, the ordy Port by which they can communicate with the sea, lies within the Pro- vince of Lower Canada, and the Legislature taking advantage of this circumstance, determines in future to treat the sister Province of Upper Canada like a foreign nation. The Province of Lower Canada has been kept in great agitation for many years, through i the extraordinary conduct of the IIoiiso of Assembly, and without some remedy the Cohnilul (iovernment must soon stop. 1st. ('anjul.i was considered by Franco in no other light than that of a military outpost, uiul liad no cominereo except that of i\ir. The inliahitants at the con(jut'St, amounting to nearly 70,000, cultivated a narrow strip of land very badly on the banks of tho St. Lawrence. 2d. ]5y the capitulation dateil nt Montreal, 8th Sept. 1760, tho inhabitants are allowed the free use of their reli<^ion, but in regard to their obli;^ation of paying tillies to t'.ie Priests, or enjf)\ ing their former laws, they are to dt.peiui upon tlie Kitig's pleasure* yd. IJy the fourth article of the deliuili\;3 Tre.'ity ritain ani :^ipain, signed at Paris, lOtli February, 176;), Ilis IJritannic Majesty on his side, agrees to grant the liberty of the Catholic Religion to the inhabilantr, of Canaui; he will consefjuently give the most eiTectual orders, that his new ilomau Catholic s'lbjocts may possess the worship of their religion, according to llie rights of the Romish Church, "as far as tho Laws of Groat Britain permit." 4th. Tho proclamation of 1763, after the regular cession of the country, declares in the most solemn manner, that all the rights and privileges secured to Britons by their laws and constitution, should be ex- tended to the new settlers, and promises a House of Assembly as soon as the State of the Province would permit, and in the mean time the ordinances of 17th September and 6th of November 1764> of the Go- vernor and Council sstablished the lawi of England, I i • I i I .5th. In conscquonco of the guiraittcci coiitaiiieU iu tho proclamation, and tlie cstablishmenl of Kn- ^lisli 'aws, lliore was a great influx of Si'ltlerH into tho Province, who justly considored that their futuro constitution was secured to them by iho strongoat picdgcs. Gti. The fulfilment of the promises iu the procla- mation, was retarded l)y public events. The otfier American Ctdonios opposed the Parent State, and their Assemblies weie found active in organizing re- bellion. Alarmed at this general revolt, the Hnliskh Ministers declared that a change from despotism to complete freedom in Canada would be unwise, ovid certain to protluce bad elfccts, and thercforo brought forward, in 1774, the Qu(d)ec Ijill. The tiMidency of this Statute was to keep Canada distinct and dillVrent from tlio other Ci^lonies, in every thing essential to Government, Laws, Religion, Manners and Lan2;uan;e. 7lh. The Quebec I5ill repeals the laws of England^ retaining only the Criminal Law, and re-cslablishing the French Law, which has proiluced, and still pro- duces endless collisions and perplexities, and this bill has made a permanent distinction between the English and French part of the population. The French preserve the superiority in Religion. Laws, Manners, Customs ai»d Language, and the English still feel as if they were in a foreign land. 8th. The Quebec Bill, as might have been fore- seen, was particularly obnoxious to the British Settlor, and so reasonable were their complaints that an al- teration in its enactments became necessary. 9lh. In doing this many difficulties presented them- aeUes ni the general principle, as well as in the par- >> i ticular concessions made to the IVench part of ilie population by tlie Quebec bill. 10th. To remedy or avoid them it was judged ne- cessary to divide the (Tovenimeiit ufQtieboc ititotwo F'rovinces, in order to leave the Religion and Laws, &c. of iha: part of the country inhabited by the French as they were placed by the Quebec Bill ; and to confer upon tlie other part, inhal)ited by English and American Settlers', a separate Government, 11th. Mr. Pitt declared that his grand object in dividing the country inio two distinct Provinces, was to put an end to the di; ;:utes and competitions between the old French inhabitants, who reside chiefly in L. Canada, and the new settlers from England and the American Slates, who were principally fixed in Up- per Canada, and were daily increasing. He con- tended that the only niethud of reconciling the jar- ring interests and opposite views of the inhabitants, was by giving them two Legislatures, in one of which the a.'icieut Canadians might have the ascendancy, and in the otlier the new settlers ; as animosity and confusion must ariose from uniting in the same Legis* latu^'i persons so dissimilar in religion, lanj;uage, man- ners and character; the conquerors and the conquer- ed — aome attached to the English, so-^^e to the French laws. He trusted, however, that the French would ^r'reafter voluntarily adopt tiie English juris- prudence, from a conviction of its being preferable to their own, which would bo far better than using compulsion on the subject. 12t}i. This reasoninir prevailed, and the 31st of the late King was enacted, dividing the government of Quebec into two Provinces, and conferring a corw 1 ^i rce. 19th. In Upper Canada British feeling has been cherished. The Itenefits of the Constitution have been fell ;md acknowletlgcd. Indeed everything there is British, t'lereforc on the part of the English and American seiiier liie reasons which produced the se- paratioii -jtill it.'tii.iin. ^1 A 1 11 .\ 20tli. Sup[5()So a Union : you mako liolh proviiicos diseontentcd, perhaps rebellious. The inhabitaiil.-. ©f Upper Canada will feel it as a punishnicni. Their proj)erty will diminish in value, and the seltlemetiti will languish ; for the presence of the local govern- n)e!it gives them life. 21st. The united Provinces would still bo go- verned by the majority of French votes, totally re- gardless of a stronger minority. Every thing would be French and Roman Catholic, and everything Eng- lish and Protestant hated. Feeling thuir situation degraded, and oppressed, and hopeless, it is even dangerous to surmise the length to which the inha- bitants of the Upper Province might be driven. 22d. Suppose an equal representation is given to each, and that the United Legislature is composed of 50 members from Lower, and 50 members from L'^p- per Canada. Will this cure the evil ? In Lower Canada the House of Assembly consists at present of 50 members. Of these usually Against jovernment, 40 In favour cf ** 10 Majorily against Government 80 In Upper Canada the present house of 40 mem- bers commonly divides 25 for and 15 against govern- ment. Suppose Upper Canada to have 50 meinbcrs th« division would stand by the same proportion For Government,. ..31 ' Against " ...19 Majority fur government 12 ,< ll> United Legislatuvr. Lower Canada, against govcrnnjunt, 40 Upper Canada, against government, 19 — 50 Lower Canada, in favor of govern mo.nt,... 10 Upper Canada, do. do. 31 — 41 Majority against Government in the United Legislature 18 This is the most favorable result that can be anti- cipated. 23d. The number of inhabitants in Lower Canada amounts to 350 thousand ; in Upper Canada, to 150 thousand. It is not therefore likely that the Impe- rial Parliament would be disposed to give as many re- presentatives to Upper as to Lower Canada. 24th. Nor is unanimity to be looked for in such United Legislature ; for the parties might and would join against government ; the fiercest contentions would rage in respect to all measures v\hich seemed to benefit one of the provinces more than the other. Such a near equality would excite the most deadly jealousies, and arm one province against the other. 25th. The consequence of any union at present will be, that British subjects who have uniformly be- haved well — men who have proved their loyalty thro' two wars, and with the most precious sacrifices, will be placed for a cenliwy to come under the dominion of njon who have no conrcpti(;n of the British con- stitution, or tlic duties it requires. 2611). Sucli a Uni(»n will save no expense. The Courts of Justice in both Provinces must be kept up. 1 i \ I ;3 50 41 such A'ould lions med thcr. adly ler. esent bo- th ro' will inion con- Tl.e it U^), ' ? i for the laws will still remain different, and all locul establishments must be retained. 27th. While there arc two provinces, the Upper becomes a great check to the Lower. PROPOSED UEMEDIES POU THE FIUST DIFFICULTY. l28th. The contest between the provinces in respect to the revenue, arises from the assumption of powers by the Provincial Legislatures which the constitution did not grant them. All their imposts upon goods, wares, and merchandise, coming from Great Britain, from sister Colonies, or Foreign States, are illegal, because this power is retained by the Imperial Par- liament. 29th. Should it be deemed unwise for the Impe- rial Parliament to resume the whole of this power, a short act might confirm such duties as have been already imposed by the Provincial Legislatures, pro- hibiting the future exercise of such powers, and di- recting the proportion of duties to be awarded to each province on the basis of population. A new census for the purpose of settling the proportion to be made once in five years, 30th. Or the powers retained by the 46th clause of the Constitutional Act might be delegated to a committee of both Legislatures, to meet once in four years, or oftener in cases of emergency. The com- mittee to consist of an equal number of members from each province, to be elected in form and man- ner as follows : — The House of Assembly in each province shall once in every four years ele<:t members of its own body, and the Legislative Coun- cil in each Province members. The Goveruor.n of tlic respective Provinces shall appoint one membo', B 1 i4 each; tho one appointed by the Govornor-in-chiei'tc; be Chairman, or Speaker, and in hia absence tlic one appointed by the Governor of Upper Canada.— This committee shall meet n.r> soon after its election as the Governor shall deem meet. It shall deter- mine the proportion cf duties to be paid to each pro- vince respectively, within ten days after its first sit- ting; which determination sliall continue in force 4 yearj, unless in cases of emergency, requiring a meet ing before the expiration of that time, or preventing a meeting for a longer period. In either case such proportion to continue till altered by the committee. This committee shall likewise have power to make all laws for establishing regulations, or prohibitions, or for levying, imposing or collecting duties, &c. (in virtue oi the said 46th clause), but such laws shall not take effect till the end of the next coming ses- sions of the legislatures of the tv.o provinces, nor even then, if remonstrated against by both Legislatures, which shall be considered a repeal. The remon- strance of one Legislature to have no effect. The committee shall have no power of appropriation other than for the expenses incidental to its meeting PROPOSED REMEDIES FOR THE SECOND DIFFICULTY. 3 1st. The civil list should be resumed, as the crown revenue, King's rights, &c., amount to within a very few thousand pounds of what k sutficient to support tho civil government. The difference is not worth contending for, and may be paid as heretofore. 32d. The English language should be made the language of the courts of justice, of the Legislature, of all legal writings after a certain day, and the French prohibited. Till the English tongue be- I ciice tlio in ad a • — election 11 deter - juch pro- first sit- force 4 y a meet eventing aso such mnittee. to make bibitions, f &c. (in aws shalt ning soa- nor even slaturesy renion- L^t. The ion other ICULTY. le crown in a very > support lot worth tre. riade the ^islature, and (he iguo be- 15 i omo the pn-vuilinj; language, we sht \ never n)iike a 15ntisli Colo*iiy of Lower Canada ; nor will this language over he cultiv.'itod till it becomes the inte- rest of individuals to ieiirn it. 33d. The commercial laws of Great Britain should be introduced, and no part of the French law re- tained, except that which respects fixed property, granted according to the laws of France, before the conquest. 34 th. Were these measures adopted, Lower Ca- nada would, in thirty years, become in reality a British colony, and both provinces would assimi- late so much as to render it easy to unite them ; — but a union at presentwould increase the evils which it may bo intended to cure. It is an ulterior mea- sure, which requires long preparation, and the adop- tion of many previous steps. 35 That ft jme strong measures must be soon ta- ken respecting the Canadas by the parent state, ap- pears evident from this, that the present policy is daily separating them more and more, and render- Jng th©m foreigners to one another, r- i ) OJi^tfcKVATIOI^!^ ON THE POLICY OF A GENERAL UNION Of' ALL THE BRZTXSH PROVXSrcZSS OF NORTH AMERICA ■i OBSERVA TIOiMS, Sec ' LETTER I. ' INTRODUCTION. Some of the most onlightened mon in both tho Ca nadas, and t heliGve in the othor Provincey, have for many years considered a General Union of the Bri- tish Territories in North America, s mGaaure of the greatest importance ; and not only highly expedient, but likely to produce the most beneficial results both to the Colonies and the Parent State. The policy of such a measure had frt^qu' ntly on- gaged my attention before the Union of the two Ca- nadas was projected : but since that has been hi agi- tation, I hare let myself to examine it more minutely. And it certainly appears to me that every argument that can be adduced in favour of the partial, applies with much more force to the General Union ; and that the probability of its success is much better founded. Indeed many persons of great intelligence are apprehensive that the ad^ antages expected from uniting the Legislatures of Upper and Lower Cana- da; will not be realixed. And their dislike to the measure arises not from its Principle, which is cer. tainly good, nor from any personal or selfish motivps, 20 V. but from i\ut fo.ir tlmt thi' collision of partie."^ will be so great arii New Vork. — Hence, if we CNainiiii! the crews of American vessels, \f(^rchant or NationJil, we seldom find a sailor from the States, so\ith of the Hudson, tin; irdiahitants «if which are, from inclination or liahit, averse from be- coming Mariners. This accounts for the vast num- ber of Foreigners (dways to be found navigating Ame- rican Ship:^. Comparatively speaking ihend'orc, they havo very few native seamen, and arc obliged to have recourse to Europeans and chieily to Englishmen to complete their crews. The fisheries which they are permitted to carry on along the coasts of the British Provinces and on the Banks of Newfoundland, produce more native seamen than all their other navigation. Nevertheless the numbers from both sources arc (piite inadequate to the manning of a formidable or extensive Navy. Were the United States in possession of the Bri- tish Provinces, matters would be very different: for then they would possess a more extensive coast than the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the fme'-t Fisheries in the world. But as matters now stand it is only requisite that we consolidate the Provinces in order to make them ':xceedingly powerful. Unite their interests by judi- cious measures, and you promote entcrprize and en- ' t)nrage the Fisheries on the coast, and Commt»rce :uid Agriculture in the interior. Every advantage is in our favcur. All that is want- ing is, a strong and united Cinvernment which would attract Capitalists, urge improvemerts connecting more intimately the dilFerent Colonies by Canals, Koads, Rail- ways and Steam Navigation, and thus render their resources a kind of common stock by :2ii ^♦hK'h ihey would bt'<.«>mo more int'infUciy acquuintod, and Ity vvhich a niosl 3iiipt)^taiit r\ii({ valuable mteninl Commerce aincni' t lion. selves would bo produced Fibilierie* aloiiL^ present an inexhau^itibl*; mine of wealth, and strength. Our peopb.' can dry their Fis^h upon their own shores, and many of the fishermen may carry on thair business with profit and even sleep in their own houses at nigh\ The magnitude of these Fisheries and their ines- timable value, are perhaps best seen, by looking at their importance to the United States, not merely as their chief nursery for seamen, but as a most produc- tive source of wealth and Commerce* At the commencement of the Revolutionary War, the Americans had upwards of 1500 fishing busses, most of which, on the breaking out of hostilities were transformed into Privateers, to prey upon our trade ; and with such effect, that they captured nearly one iifth of all the merchantmen then belonging to Great .Britain : and so much discontent was produced by commercial lossei^ and misfortunesj as to pave the way for the dismemberment of the empire. Last War the clfoct was similar, and the loss of jmerchantmun during the first eighteen months was (juite appalling. Now hud we a ger.eral Government of sufficient weight and ability to take advantage of our territorial situation and to call forth (er would first rival and then graduoliy drive i; •2S )SS of was icient iiorial tSt the IS to »wirig ivan- it sei] drive >i ' >■:■'■ I f ihcm out of the market. At the sawj tiiru^ thir Fisheries, ever increasing, would become an abuiidant nuraery of seamen, Cfipahle of checking at any nio ment th-j Naval Power of our neighbours ; and this. without any great expense to the Imperial Govern- ment. Indeed, to copy a speech made at a late pul)- lie meeting, the British North American Provinces possess the elements of ?; mightier Empire than any other portion of this Continent Place before you the Map or' America. Mark tho vast extent of sea coast which these Colonies enjoy Pass your eye round th(j Bay of Fundy — along Cape Sable — the Rocks of Nova Scotia and the Shores of the Gulph of St. Lawrence on both sides to Quebec. Add to these, the Coast of Labrador to Hudson's Bay — the Shores of Newfoundland, Cape Breton. Prince Edward* Anticosti, and many other Islands, scattered over this immense surface, and you have a sea board far more extensive than any other nation of the world possesses, and embracing the most pro- fitable and Inexhaustible Fisheries on the Globe. — - Here arc materials of power and public wealth, which are beyond calculation, and of a naval force far su- perior to that of the parent state if shorn of her Co- lonies. Cast yonr eyes again on the Map and you will per- ceive that tho British possessions enfilade and there- fore command the whole coast of North America With fleets at Halifax, St Johns, Nrwff)r.n(ll;ind, and Bermuda, no ship wirhout our pormissicn .liir?t put to sea from (>apG Sable to New Orleans, \\'>\- any part of this immense Coast or iny West India I-!.i?>d be uifo from the attack t)f this izreal NortU. . i. •.;;•. v 24 Nor IS this ail. ,,, . . ^^P«" tlh; Sl Lawrofjco lor a Shii; l\avigation,~.join the Lakes of Canada, works alrcadv nearly complotud, and you add nearly fivo thousand miles of coast, and a f.nilo country nearly equal to the naif of Europe, * s already ihousand lal to the LETTER ir. 1 I What would Great Britain be without Ships, Co- lonies and Commerce? Mad the mischievous paradoxes in which several writers on Political -Economy have lately indulged, only produced contempt for that branch of knowledge and proved that with a few trifling exceptions it had gone back since the publication of Dr. Smith's fa- mous Treatise on the Wealth of Nations, it would have been matter of merriment rather than of com- plaint. But when we find it gravely asserted that the British Empire is independent of Foreign Commerce, — that she would be much better shorn of her Colo- nies, which are a burthen without profit — that Trade should be entirely free and allowed to take its level as water, &c. &c., and that such assertions are not only credited by many, but are leading to serious blunders in Legislation, it is time to expose their wickedness and folly* In regard to Free Trade, it may be conceded, that were it left by all nations completely without restric- tion, the advantage on the whole would be in favour of the British Empire, because of her various posses- sions, productions, capital and knowledge. But even in this case, it would be a question of debtor and cre- ditor. With poor nations such as Sweden, Denmark, &c. the advantage would be against her, while to them it would be positively great. At the same time her general commerce with all nations, would yield a fa- C 'J(> I ; it 1 I :!! vourable baJnnce. But ^;o long as other nations coij- tinne their restrictions &c., it is unwise in (ircatBri- tain to remove licrs in respect to such. And it be- trays extreme ignorance of Trade, to make, under sucli circumstances, reciprocal treaties with nations that can offer no equivalent advantages fn return. Great Britain and Ireland are inferior in climate and fertility of soil to many countries in Europe : but their position affords them advantages far more than sufficient to counterbalance this inferiority. The Sea Coast which they possess, admitting in our estimate the numerous small Islands attached, and the sinu- osities of the land, is not perhaps less than four thou- sand miles. Their situation is truly admirable for Trade and Commerce. The two principal Islands are of irregular forms, full of deep Gulphs, Bays and- Harbours, favourabte to a communication with a great many portions of the world. On- one side they open to the vast expanse of the Atlantic Ocean. On the other, they command the entrance of t^ Baltic. On- the third, they present an easy access to the Continent of Europe^ The possessions of the British Empire are dispersed through the whole world. In the North and West and South of Europe — West and South of Africa, and East of Asia, and North of America. — Possessed of the Cape of Good Hope, and St. Helena, she commands the passage to India. With Gibralter and Malta, she commands the navigation of the Me- diterranean, and secures a permanent influence over Sicily and Sardinia^ The Ionian islands have given her the power of directing the councils of Greece, and the power of opening or shutting at her pleasure , Ihe straits of the Dardanelles. In every part of the world she possesses the most central points and the a>rin them I the m she pr and \ the m More mcdif re Hi 01 to ini )*jbou iil atioMS coij" (iicat Bri- 4n{l it be. ke, under th nations return, in climate rope : but more than The Sea estimate the sinu- fourthoii- irable for 1 Islands Bays and- th a great ley open On the tic. On ontinent Empire le North South of erica. — . Helena, ribralter he Me- ?ce over e given jrreece, easure, of the md the a>rin ler di- ny pla- many ilh the re con- rinida- es and ether) tn lose ion in ideof 4 LETTER III. I now proceed to give a general sketch of a Con- stitution for British North America. I am deeply sensible of the defects of written con • stitutions — that like legal enactments, they are lia- ble to misconstruction, and are often iTiade to admit of various interpretations, whatever care may have been taken in their composition. This objection is not however so strong against a Colonial plan of go- vernment as that of a sovereign State : because an appeal may be had to the Imperial Legislature, in all material difficulties. It is right to premise that the scheme proceeds upon the presumption that the Governments of the Provinces remain as at present, excepting such curtailment of power, &c., as must be vested in the General Government. I. The Legislative powers herein' granted shall be vested in a General Assembly or Parliament, con- sisting of the Governor General or Viceroy, a Legis- lative Council and House of Assembly. Such Ge- neral Assembly or Parliament to continue six years from the day of returning the writs for choosing the same, and no longer, subject, nevertheless, to be sooner prorogued and dissolved by the Governor Ge- neral or Viceroy. II. The Legislative Council shall be composed of six members from each Province, to be chosen by the :\0' Governor, Lieutenant Governor, or person adminis- tering tho Government of the several Colonies from their respective Legislbiive Council ; or of persons selected by the Crown from the most prominent men in the respective Provinces. III. The House of Assembly shall be composed of Members chosen by the Provincial Assemblies from among their own number ; or by a special elec- tion, but with a higher qualification, both on the part of the electors and elected, than is required in the Provincial Assemblies. IV. That a deputation of three members from the T^egislative Council, selected by the Governor Ge- neral from that body, or three out of six proposed by the Council for his choice, and six chosen by the House of Assembly from among its own members, have seats in the House of Commons. V. This General Legislature or Parliament shall have power 1. To lay on and collect taxes, duties and imports, the same to be uniform throughout the Union, and not repugnant to the laws and policy of the Parent State. 2. To assume and pay the debts, and provide for the peace and welfare of the Union. 3. To establish uniform commercial regulations be- tween the different Provinces, and between them and foreign countries ; provided the same be not repug- nant to the laws of the United Kingdom. 4. To determine all disputes that may arise be- tween the Provinces. 4 I '4 All 31 i i i 5. To regulate tho navigation of rivers and lakes common to two or more Provinces, or common to any Province or Provinces and a foreign power. 6. To open internal communication for the gene-^ ral advantage, such as Uoads, Canals, &c. 7. To establish and regulate the Post Office and post roads within the union. 8. To adopt and establish a uniform system of Mi- litia Laws, and to provide for calling forth the Mili- tia : to execute the laws> to suppress insurrection and repel invasion. V/. All Bills for ralsmg Revenue sliall originate in the House of Assembly; but the Legislative Council may propose or concur with amendments, as in other Hifls. VIL 'i'here shall h^ a Supreme Court to take cognizance^ of causes respecting the breach of the Union LawS;^ and questions bctv.cen inhabitants of the difterent Provinces, and betwetni them and foreigners. VIU. This tribunal shall likewise be a Court of Appeal in certain cases from Provincial Courts ; and its de- cision shall be fnial. All proceedings to be in the English language, not only in the Supreme Court^ but in all the inferior courts of the Colonies. IX. Persons charged in any Province with treason, fe« lony or other crime, who shall flee from justice and be found in any of the other Provinces of the Union, shall, on t^emand of the Lxecutive authoritv of the Colony from which he lied, be delivennl up, to b(? 1^:1 1 '. I'i /■ » /v 32 removed into the province having jurisdiction of tlie >vernnient, like every other govern- tnoiii, would look to its own interest and to the con- tinuance of its own power, both of which would be best promoted by continuing faithful ; since Great l^rilain has much more in her power to give, and therefore much more to take away ; and has hitherto been felt only by acts of kindness. For the Gene- ral Government to join the United States would be to sign its own destruction ; and to become incorpo- rated would bo still worse. The inhabitants of Bri- tish North America are quite sensible that they tvould gain nothing but lose much by attaching them- selves to their neighbors. Moral principle, the love of their country, the glory of being Britons, and — if you will — pride, interest and ambition forbid such an unnatural conjunction. 3d. But difficulties may arise between the General Government and the Provincial Governments. Such can produce no serious or lasting trouble.-— The questions at issue will undergo a thorough dis- cussion in the General Parliament, and as the mem- bers which compose it are sent by the different Colo- nies, they will be naturally jealous of their rights and privileges, and will not suffer injustice to be done to any particular Province, as the next case (were a precedent once established) might be their own, — Even allowing the violent supposition that wrong was done, there is a dernier resort in the Parliament of the United Kingdom, where the Colonies have a voice. 4lh. It may be s?id that the General Legislature would have nothing to do. The business might perhaps, after the Irst and second sessions, be, far a few years, soon dispVched ; I ).i ^9 but of V tent easi not govern- the con- 'ould be J Great ive, and hitherto ; Gene- ould be incorpo- of Bri- at they lof them- the love I, and — bid such General IS. )uble. — Ligh d is- le mem- it Colo- ir rights be done were a own, — ong was iament lave a islature it and Iched ; / • 87 but it would rapidly increase. In truth, many things of vast importance would immediately engage its at- tention. Wore it otherwise, this objection may be easily disposed of. The General Legislature need not be called together every year. A discretionary power may be lodged in the Viceroy with his Coun- cil to summon it once in two years, or every year if necessary. It might also be a royal instruction that the General Legislature meet at a time when the in- ferior are not in session. But all this is mere matter of regulation. 5th. It may be argued that the Supreme Court cannot be one of appeal for Lower Canada, because its members would be ignorant of the Civil and French law. The weakness of this objection appears from the fact that the Chief Justice of Lower Canada, with the exception of the present and the last, has been com monly a Lawyer from the English bar. Messrs. Os- goode, Elmsley and Alcock, Westminster Barristers, were successively Chief Justice. Moreover ; appeals from the Scotch Courts, are finally decided in the House of Lords, where the opinion of the Lord Chan- cellor, an English Lawyer, generally prevails. Yet thq Scotch law is different from the English, ana si- milar to that of Lower Canada. 6th. But it may be urged that a General Union meets not the principal difficulty — which is, to make the French of Lower Canada gradually English ; and to give to the British population the requisite share of political power. Now it is presumed that this difficulty is in a great degree met and explained in the sixth advantage ari- "' jneral Union: but perhaps to re- smg D S9 move it enttrely» it will be expedient 1st. To continue' the law suspending the Constitution of Lower Cana- da for fifteen years : 2nd. To select from the Special Council of the Governor GeneraF or Viceroy, the pro- portion of members to serve in the Council of the Ge- neral Legislature : 3rd. To divide the Province into so many portions as are equal to the number of mem- bers assigned to Lower Canada for the House of As- sembly of the general Legislature, putting a higher qualification than at present, on the electors and elec- ted. 4th^ To pour in during the fifteen years of sus- pension of the Constitution, British subjects, so that by that time they may be equal to the French, and so regulate the counties, that the British may have an equal share in the representation. These measures and a change of language in all matters of public business or record, would gradually change Lower Cianada into a British Colony. In truth,- the vast in- flux of emigrants would of itself give, in a short time^ the preponderance to the British population in Lower Cianada. 7th. There appears, perhaps little in the shape of a serious objection to the General Union, though un- questionably many difficulties will present themselves in the details : yet not so great as must be surmount- ed in joining the two Provinces. Seldom does it occur in the progress of Legislation that a measure pregnant with results so grand and be- neficial is required : and if the great William Pitt considered the Constitution which he conferred upon the Canadas one of the glories of his life, what glory may be expected to redound to the Statesman who gives a free Constitution to the British Norih Ameri- can Colonies ; and by consolidating them into one 09 Territory or Kingdom, forms them into a Naticwi, act- ing in unity and under the protection of the British Empire : and thus preventing for ever the sad conse- quences that might arise from a rival Power getting |)ossession of their sluyres. H ■•¥1 4 LETTER V. Itl all As this scherco proceeds upon the principle of leav- ing the inferior Legislatures as they are, only de- priving them of such powers as are to be transferred to the General Legislature, it may be convenient to enter a little into the detail. The Counsellors from each state are proposed to be equal in number. Such an arrangement has been adopted in the constitution of the United States, but it is not new. History presents many leagues and compacts among independent and sovereign States, which, unequal in size, yet enjoyed an equal share in the common councils. For besides the spirit of amity which such an equality exhibits, it is attended l)y many solid advantages. 1st. It is a constitutional recognition of the right i)f each state to enjoy all the advantages of the Union. 2il. It preserves one State or Province from being mcorporalLHl in another, or from having any of its rights and privileges curtailed. {3d. It becomes a restraint upon rash Legislation. No law can be passed without first having a ma- jority of the Commons or population of all the Co- lonios as represented in the House of Assembly — and then a majority of states as represented in tho Legislative Council. Should any suppose that two Houses are not neces- sary, I answer that the second House doubles the se- curity of the people by requiring the concurrence of se< 41 :) [ two distinct bodies to the passing of every measure It likewise forms an impediment to intemperate and pernicious resolutions which a single house ospeci • ally if numerous, is apt to fall into by yielding to the impulse of sudden and violent passions, or in being seduced by factious leaders. The period of their service might be six years : — one third to retire as the Senators of the United States do, every second year ; that the members may acquire a due acquaintance with thp principles and objects of Legislation — that mutability in public mea- sures may be avoided — and that a due responsibility for which they are amenable, be attached to their character. In regard to the number of Legislative Council- lors, or Senators, from each Province, it is proposed that they be six. This number, had there been any probability of new Colonies being from time to time added, would have been too great: but as this can- not happen, the number 42 in all seems necessary to give dignity to their proceedings and weight to their decisions. The first mode of election proposed in the scheme may be considered by some as objectionable ; but it will bear examination and be found preferable to the second, which is simple nomination by the Crown. To give the election to the people, would be the same with that pursued by the United States, and be too democratic for our form or government, and by no means so advantageous to real liberty. On the proposed plan, the Counsellors would be the elite of all the CJouncillors of the inferior Legislative Councils : and as they would hold seats in the supe- rior as well as the inferior Legislatures, there would 42 be a full community of feeling and interests between them and tlie population of the respective Colonies. Perhaps it might be matter for consideration, whe- ther each Legislative Council might not be allowed to picsont to their respective Governors in Council, a li.«endalions to be discussed in the Executive Council, and to re- ceive its sanction before they are submrtted to Her ^Majesty's Government for final decision. 5th, No Goverl cillors,! the C( pointi to be r| tions, would As 11 Legish trve G( certain t selectio conclusi General vears on of the ii life. F( be intro. above, e tice all ra ngeme long. I Legislati lation mi ot the wa Viceroy ( rounded OneB inliabitai no colon ken ever election ! 43 Governor to recommend persons for Legislative Coun- cillors, till he has administered the government of the Colony full two years. 6th, Before their ap- pointment, a condition of regular attendance ought to be required. With these precautions and condi- tions, the most respectable men in the Province would be found among the Legislative Councillors. As from seven Legislative bodies, the supreme Legislative Council would be chosen by the respec- tive Governors in Council, ther© would be a moral certainty that it would consist of a most respectable selection of the principal men in the Union. In conclusion it is to be observed, that though in the General Legislature the Councillors continue six years only, yet they are chosen from the Councillors of the inferior Legislatures, who are Councillors for life. For here the elective principle ought never to be intro.Luced ; but with the modifications mentioned above, every advantage would be gained. To no- tice all the benefits which would flow from this ar- rangement, would be to render this letter far too long. It may be sufficient to state that the superior Legislative Council would bring to ihj work of legis- lation much experience, and an intimate knowledge ot the wants ot the different colonies. Moreover, the Viceroy or Governor General would find himself sur- rounded by men in whom he might safely confide. REPRESENTATIVES. One Representative for every twenty -five thousand inliabitants might be sufficient, provided always that no colony has fewer than eight. A census to be ta- ken every six years, upon which the next ensuing election should be predicated. 44 Perhaps it might be wise to provide that the Re- presentatives should not for a time exceed a certain number — one hundred for example. This could be managed by increasing the number of inhabitants entitled to send a representative, as the population of the Union increased ; viz. : — If it begin with one for 25,000 then one for 30,000, 35,000, 40,000, &c. &c. ; or the number of Representatives might be in- creased. Supposing the population as in the follow- ing table, to which it will be found a near approxima- tion, the first General Legislature will be at one re - presentative for eyery 25,000, as follows : — TABLE. Councillors. 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 4'? Representativen. 20 28 10 9 8 8 8 91 Thel Can ad J i)Ut it 1] 1st. order t( and laii conseqi a Frenc the moi tioii of 2d. the 31st tion upo Icged to was ano It wai been thi use of tl State an every thi insulting recourse Lower C ttiemselv reigners Their fler Fror reprcsen AssembI the Re- ft certain could be habitants lulation of th one for ,000, &c. ^ht be in- le foUow- pproxima- at one ro - vefi. LETTER VI. The policy of ihc United Kingdom in regard to the Canadas has indeed been marked with great kindness, i>ut it has been void of wisdom and replete with error. 1st. The passing of the I4th Geo. III. cap. 83, in order to conciliate the French by restoring their laws and language, was an error of great magnitude. The consequence has been, that Lower Canada is as much a French Colony now as it was at th^* conquest, and the more active and influential portion of the popula- tion of that name, as little attached to Great Britain. 2d. The division of the Province of Quebec by the 31st (jeo. III. cap. 31, and bestowing a constitu- tion upon Upper and Lower Canada respectively, al- leged to be an epitome of the British Constitution, was another measure of great political blindness. It was doubtless well intended, but the result has been that the French in Lower Canada have made use of the power thus given them against the Parent State and the sister Colony. And after reprobating everything British, overturning the constitution and insulting the Imperial Government, they have had recourse to open rebellion. The leading men in Lower Canada have always hated the British, calling themselves children of the soil, and Englishmen fo- reigners and intruders. Their manners, habits and modes of thinking reu" (lei Frenchmen incapable of using to advantage the representative form of government. Tlie House of Assembly in Quebec has ever been an epitome of the J i^ 46 Chamber of Deputies in Paris, — roaring, gesticu« laling, and adopting the wildest measures by accla- mation. You saw nothing of calm discussion in their deliberations, — no diligent preparations to perfect a complicated measure : they seem unable to alter, amend and re-construct a complex statute, in a calm business-like manner. All appears noise and excite- ment. The true principles of liberty are unknown or forgotten in the impulse of the moment ; and the dis- cretion necessary to mature and guide any plan of policy to produce the wishcd-for results, seems altoge- ther wanting. dd. To leave the law of Lower Canada so long in its present state of confusion, is another error of the most pernicious tendency. The French law mixed with Roman law — ordinances before the conquest and after the conquest, and then the Provincial Acts and IJritish Acts, &c. &c., form a mass so obscure and uncertain, that no property can be considered secure, and so anti-commercial are its general principles, so far as they can be gathered and understood, that it has proved a great barrier to the introduction of Bri- tish capital and enterprise into the Colony. Foreign laws pnd a foreign language have likewise stood in the way of general emigration. Hence the French are still to the other inhabitants as three to one ; — while in Upper Canada, where these obstacles do not operate, the whole population may be considered An- glican. The result in Lower Canada has been, that the House of Assembly is almost entirely French, and without great alterations in the constitution and policy of the Parent State, must always continue so. 4th. Add to these the foolish and inconsiderate concessions made to the most unreasonable demands of thi prise( becai thing Repre or im| conscc attack^ under ceded- fused. to be, the Im eonstiti quill Ize pled dei which ci loss of t thousani 5th. gFovellii and pen This concern triment British i as nume more so are, a d nada, w ocean ► from thl mities b' to thems gesticu- by accla- n in their perfect a to alter, in a calm id excite- iknown or id the dis- y plan of ns altoge- so long in rror of the aw mixed iquest and Acts and scuro and 3d secure, ciples, so , that it n of Bri- Foreign stood in French one; — les do not jred An- ^en, that French, Ition and tinue 80. isiderate emands 47 of the IIou90of Assembly, and wc need not be- sur- prised that instead of being satisfied, the members became more rapacious and discontented. Every- thing which th« Lower Canadians asked through their Representatives in 1828, whether just or unjust, wise or imprudent, was freely granted. What was the consequence ? The invention of fresh grievances, attacks on the constitution and all the departments under it — absurd demands which could not be con- ceded- -and now Rebellion, because thev were re- fused. Things actually wrong were, as they ought to be, promptly redressed : but the great error lay in- the Imperial Government departing from just and constitutional principles, and in its anxiety to tran-< quilllze and satisfy, giving way to selfish and unprinci- pled demagogues, and surrendering rights and powers- which compromised the sovereignty and hazarded the loss of the Colony and the murder of two hundred thousand loyal subjects. 5th. Some cold-hearted political economists, whose grovelling minds comprehend nothing but shillings and pence, say, why not give up the Canadas ? This perhaps were wise so far as Lower Canada is concerned, if it could be given up alone, without de- triment to the vital interests of the empire. The- British inhabitants of Upper and Lower Canada are as numerous as the French, and will soon be mucli' more so ; and these cannot be given up ; or if they are, a dreadful civil war must .^ollow. Lower Ca- nada, where the French prevail, holds the key of the oceaUr Already has Upper CaniuLa suffered bitterly from this locality, and is only restrained from extre- mities by the authority of the niotlier country. Left to themselves, the French Canadians would harrass 48 the commerce of Upper Canada, and force a colli- sion. But in giving up the Canadas, we virtnally give them to tlio United States, and eventually Nova Sco- tia, New Hrunswick, Newfoundland, &c. ; for these Colonics caniiot be long held without the Canadas. The Fisheries would also soon go, and without a port on the continent of North America, our West India possessions must likewise fall. 6th. But many respectable persons contend that a remedy for all these evils is to be found in the Legis- lative union of the two Canadas. The French and British population, say they, though at first nnarly equal, would in a few years give the latter a great nu- merical majority by emigration. Then the conime rcial difliculties would be removed, and the two Provinces become a tranquil, loyal, and truly a British Colony. Were such benefits to be the result of an union, it ought to take place immediately: but let us look a little farther : — 1st. The French population in Lower Canada are to a man against it; and a great majo- rity of the best informed in Upper Canada. 2nd. The French customs and laws prevail in Lower, the British laws in Upper Canada; and how shall the same body, nearly equally divided, legislate for both ? Sd. The people of Upper Canada feel that in the United Legislature, the French would have a majo- rity for many years — indeed for a time indefinite — since the present majority of the House of Assembly in Lower Canada would be joined by the usual mino- rity of Upper Canada, not because this minority is attached to the French, but because it is Republi- can, and attached to the United States, and it calcu- lates that by joining the French, it would sooner bring about a separation from Great Britain. ce a colli- tiially give Nova Sco- for these Canadas. out a port /est India end that a tho Legis- •ench and irst nnarly I great nu- [)nimercial Provinces jh Colony. i union, it look a in Lower it majo- a. 2nd. >wcr, the shall tho or both ? at in the J a majo- e6nite — ssembly al mino- lority is epubli- t calcu- ler bring lettp:r vn. GEOGRAPHICAL DIFFICULTY. Conversing with a friend on the subject of the ge- neral union of the British North American Provinces, he mentioned an ol)jection arising from their geogra- phical position, which he considered insurmuunta- ble. That their situation will present difficulty 'till af- ter many improvements in affording mutual support and becoming amalfjamatod into one great nation or people, and that their various interests will require great prudence and emper to reconcile and mould them to the comnnni advantage, is freely admitted. But the same difficulties will be lound to exist with nearly equal force in the partial union of the two Ca- nadas : and in either case will find their remedy in the recent discoveries of science and a skilful adrni* nistration. Happily Quebec stands near the centre of the Bri- tish North American Provinces, and can maintain an easy and quick communication with their farthest extremities. Indeed it is farther from Sandwich and Goderich, the most western to\>ns in Upper Canada, than from Halifax, 8l. Johns and St. Andrews. The conlemplated Cat;als and Kailroads will reduce dis- tances, and by facilitadng (he comnuinicalion with the I. ovver Provinces, bring them almost uiihin call of one anotlujr. Though the ofFects of the application of steam may be coiusidered as only beginning to 50 shew themselves, they are already bringing piace.-^ into near neighborhood which were formerly inacces- sible to each other ; and they will doubtless in a short time produce the most astonishing revolutions in hu- man affairs, and rer.der much that was impracticable altogether easy of performance. With the facilities therefore which steam offers, Quebec becomes ad- mirably aaapted for the capital of the Unio'i. It is the key of the Canada??, is easy of access, avA can reach the Atlantic Colonici?, dnri'jg the navigation- by means of steam boats, in a very short time. If it be said that Quebec is on one side, and has scarcely any settlement to the northward, it ought to be obsei ed, tliat the fisheries would rreatlv increase in the(-.ulph and along the shores of Labradore : — that iarge agricultural settlements might be made with advantage on ilie great river Saganah, ^nd perhaps in many other places to the nort; ^ast or north west of the capital — a country which has not vet been suf- ficiently explored to ascertain its capabilities, but which may present tracts for improvement of suffi- cient extent to render Quebec nven in this respect central. Were indeed the British Government to yield to the rapaciousness of tlio American pretensions on the side of New Brunswick, the consolidatiDn of the Colonies under one government would be far more difficult, because the communication between what are called the Upper and Lower provinces would be well nigh cut olT. But it cannot be that any adminis- tration of whatever party, will now be so blind to the dignity of the Crown and the honor of the nation, or so reckless of the feelings and interests of a large portion of their fellow subjects, as to give up a tract ^f country which is only a fragment of what is justly inu'Sf but of which we have been deprived by igno- rance and falsehood. In all out territorial negocia* tions with the United States, we have had on our side, profound ignorance of the country, great con- ceit in our diplomatic talents, an utter contempt for uncultivated lands, woods lakes and rivers, and a vain-glorious affectation of generosity in giving up what we chose to consider worthless. To these singu- lar qualifications for ncgociation, we have had opposed on the side of the Americans, local knowledge, and a deep conviction of the value and importance of the territory inquestion: tolhis wereaddedshrewdnessto perceive and make available the weaknei-s and igno- rance of our negociators, and an unscrupulous readiness to make any statement that would facilitate the at- tainment of their object, however inconsistent with truth and honour. The co-^ectness cl these remarks fully appears in the history of oiv American negociations. No com- punction is fell by our adversaries in taking advan- tage of our local ipnorance or denreciatinw the coun- try in dispute, however important it may really be, in order to insure its attainment. Sometimes an affec- ted indifference is assumed, and it is pretended that one line of boundary is little preferable to anoiher ; and fastening on the weakness, conceit and vanity of the British negociators, every thing is obtained on their own terms. A strip of land more or less, they will urge with consummate hypocrisy, is nothing to 50 great and generous a nation as that of England, but may be of some value to one of the States, and by rounding the territory, render peace more durable hy removing every possible cause of future dispute. H.; I ;.i-» s^ fi In this way the British negociators were induced to relinquish the river Penobscot (the true St. Croix) as the bound.iry, and to adopt an insignificant stream also called St. Crnix — an error which has produced so much difficulty and dissention ; and if carrieii out to what the Americans now call its legitimate conse- quences, threatens to cut off all communication- be- tween Canada and New Brunswick — a result to which Great Britain never would have knowingly consented. The river Penobscot formed the true and proper boundary. It runs far into the country, and divides at it^ source the rivers ilowing into the St. Lawrence and BayofFundy, from those dischnrging themselves into the Albmlic. But the paltry St. Croix proceeds but a snuill distance inland and has its mouth rather within the Bay of Fundy. This fact has been taken advanta^^e of hv the United States to confound this Bay with iho Atlantic; and this, notwithstanding the treaty of J7S3, whidi evidently rests upon this dis- tinction, and entirely de (roys the American pretence to any portion whatever of the land which has been made the subject of controversy. Here then we see the reason why our opponents direct such strenuous and pertinacious efforts to confound the Bay of Fundy willi I he Atlantic ; and their l)razeii perseverance has produced the usual results. Great Britain, instead of abiding (ly this important distinction, had the folly to submit the matter to the King of Holland, \\\\o awarded almost the whole territt^ry in dispute to the Americans. Fortunately their insatiable avarice for land relieved us from this unjust decision. Still we are in the conceding humour, and now propose to yield half the disputed region, and if the Americans continue to bluster, and flatter and appeal to our mag- b'i nduced Croix) stream oduced ieil out * coMse- on- be- which sented. proper divides .wreiice [iiselves roceeds 1 rather [} taken ud this ling the liis dis» retence IS been we see renuous F Fundy nee has instead he folly d, wiio to the irice for Still we )ose to lericans ur mag- ttanimity as a great imlion, ttiey raay, from soma i«- tane administration, obtain the whole ; and if *o, we might as well give up an English county to which we have no better right ; nor will it serve any other purpose than to give rise to fresh pretensions, and compel us to go to war after losing our honor and all that was worth contending for. A like vain and senseless generosity induced our negociators to adopt a line passing through the mid- dle of the St. Lawrence and great Lakes to one pass- ing through Lakes Champlain and St. George, to which Mr. Adams the Ameiican Ambassador had au- thority to agree, because they 'bought the difference of little consequence, and thus yielded a country equal to half of Europe. Again : gross ignorance of the country induced them to consent lo the extension of the boundarv line throimh Lake Huron to Lake Sii- perior, instead of making it pass through the middle of Lake Michigan to the Mississippi, and thus add- ing to their territory half a million of square miles of the most fertile land on the globe. 'I he climax of the whole is still to come. Instead of continuing the lin** through the middle of Lake Superior and then West to the Mississippi, our wise negociators having heard something of the Lake of the Woods, took it for granted that it was a continuation of the chain of the groat Canadian inland seas, and there- fore agreed, at the suggestion of their shrewd anta- gorjists, to 'rake the line pass from Lake Superior to the Lake of the Woodi, and to its north-western angle. Now it happens that to reach this Lake, you must pass iVom about the middle of Lake Superior directly north several hundred miles before you reach the Lake of the Woods, and this takes you so far 'P 64 north and west, that a line drawn west from its north westernmost extremity cannot reach the Mississippi, which does not extend so far to the northwest, and excludes you from all the land on the east of the Rocky Mountains, capable of cultivation. Though gaining immense territory by the folly and stupidity of the British negociators, the Americans are still dissatisfied while there is a possibility of gaining any more. Instead therefore of acquiesc'ng in the boun- dary pointed at by the treaty of 1783. which, bad as it can well be, is clear and distinct to the westward, they now pass it oviBr, and claim all the country be- yond the Rocky Mountains, comprehending an ex- tent of territory on the shores of the Pacific equal to their possessions on the Atlantic— a country which Great Britam discovered and took formal possession of while the United States were vet British Colonies. Should this new pretension be successful, they will, from their ports at the nnouth of the Columbia and adjacent coast, command, at no distant period, the navigation of the Pacific Ocean, endanger our trade and communication with India, and engross the com- merce with China. And in all these demands, how- ever impudent and unjust, they have hitherto been successful, waiting patiently when the current is. against them, for a feeble admuiislration, and watch- ing the moment of embarrassment, they rush for- ward with a mixture of threats and blandishments, and get possession of their prey. The negociations and treaties between the British government and the United States, were their effects not so ruinous, would be considered the most ludicrous in the annals of his- tory : they remind us of Jenkinson and farmer Han- borough in the Vicar of Wakefield. Jenkinson ton- sidere gularl; States joke, JU sideredthe honest farmer a sort of income^ and re- gularly cheated him once a year. And the United States lay it down as a principle as well as a good joke, to cheat John Bull in every negociation. LETTER VIIT. FORMER UNIONS. An attempt to form an Union of the British North American Colonies, is by no means new : on the con- trary, it was familiar to those which now form the United Slates, not as matter of speculation but of ac- tual practice. The first project of this kind was made among the New England Colonies in 1643, to protect themselves against a formidable combination of the neighboring Indian nations, assisted as was appre- hended by the Dutch, who were then in possession of New York. A senso of impending danger sug- gested the policy of this consideration, and articles of union were adopted in May 1643, by the Colo- nies of Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut and Newhaven. These Provinces entered into a perpetual league of offence and defence, mutual advice and succour upon all just occasions, both for preserving and propagating the truth and liberties of the Gospel, and for their mutual safety. Each Colony retained its full sovereignty in all niRtiers except those which concerned the Union ; and these were managed by two commissioners, annually chosen bv each State. The number of Commissionevs was ei^ht ; and three- fourths, or six, possessed the power of binding the whole. Such measures as were approved of by a smaller majority, were referred to the Legisla- ture of each Colony, and only adopted if agreed to by all. If on any oxtraordinary meeting the whole ing a Count which be apj^ make the C were t lollies was fir after ] Coloni o/ ! 1 North he con- irm the it of ac- as made ) protect 1 of the appre- >ssession rrer sug- articles le Colo- cut and erpetual kice and fserving Gospel, retained ie which iged by State, ul three- Jing the of by a Legisla- grecd to le whole number of rouimissioners coukl not assemble, four were empowered to determine on war, and call for the respective quotas of the several Colonies ; but fewer than six could not determino the justice of the war, or settle the expenses, or levy money fur its support. The charge of war was to be borne by the Colonies respectively in proportion to the male in- habitants of eac!i between 16 and 60 years of age. Each colony raising their quota as they ()leased. Tliis Union was of the greatest benefit ; for the prudent and vigorous measures which it pursued entirely dis- concerted the plans of the Indians and preserved the general peace. The league was continued upwards of thirty years, when a dissolution of their charter and a new arrangement of their boundaries took place. Nearly a century elapsed before any other project for a Union was suggested : but at the commence- ment of the troubles previous to the French War of l7o5, the Earl of Holderness, then Secretary of State, wrote a circular to the Governors of the respec- tive Colonies ordering them to repel by force the French encroachments on the Ohio, and recommend- ing a Union aujong themselves for their mutual pro- tectiuu and defence. The plan was to form a grand Council to be chosen by the Provincial Assemblies, which Council, together with a President General to be appointed by the Crown, should be authorized to make general laws, and also to raise money from all the Colonies for the common defence. Ol)stacles were thrown in the way of this plan, both in the Co- lonies and in England, and after much discussion it was finally i-'jiindoned. Another scheme was yoon after proposed — viz. that the Governors of all the Colonics, attended by one or two members of their 0^ iiipjtecllve Cojijcils, sliould from lime to time meet >rt for th )r tl le common deleiice o Colonies, erect Forts and raise Troops, with power o draw upon the Briti.sh Treasury in the first instance — tlie sums so drawn to be reimljursed bv a tax to be laid on the Colonies Itv net of Parliament. Tliis scheme was not approved of in America, and fell to the ground. There were no further attempts at a Union of the Colonies till after the conquest of Canada, when, relieved from a forniidablc enemy by whom they were almost surrounded and held in cheque, they be- jifan to unite in conspiracies against the mother country. This result had been already foreseen by men of ne- netration, who stated long before the peace of 1763, that the true policy of Great Britain was, not to expel the French from North America, but to establish a clear and distinct boundary between the Canada.i and the thirteen Colonies. It has indeed been long fashion- able to praisethe American Revolution, and the little bloodshed with which it was attended. But I be- lieve that ample proofs are still in existence to shew that for hypocrisy, falsehood, violence, and cruelty, it comes behind no other rebellion. To this revolt mav be fairly attributed the French Revolution with all its horrors, and dreadful consequences, by which the civilized world has been ever since convulsed. It is not to bo inferred that in finding fait with the Colonies, for their revolt, the conduct of the Parent State towards them is deemed worthy of approbation. It was doubtless in many respects blameable and short- sighted; but it presented no sufficient cause for insur- rection ; and was far more conspicuous for its weak- ness and wantof vigour, than for its injustice or cruelty. In on ac Comn met ii lion 0, petitio It wa; should red res; journc 1774, gia, as: on th( the C( subsisti It uas such as kept in was t! tion to Britain iii^ the cause, it was ri money, was ad tered 0th of imbecil reeded ■md wa hrin^fv tl When I nal pre It :>9 meet of the power istancc ji to his This I to ibo I of the whtjii, :n ihey hey he- jountry. n of pe- >f 1763. to expel h a clear and the fashion- Lhe little A 1 be- lo shew cruelly, bis revolt ion with ,)V which sed. It with the c Parent obation. lid short" for insur- Is wcak- r crneltv. in 1765 some steps were taken towards an Unions on account of the passage of the Stamp Act ; and Commissioners were appointed from nine States who met in October of that, year, and adopted a declara- tion of Rights and Grievances of the Colonists and a petition to the King ard each House of Pcjrliamenl. It was likewise ordered that the several Colonies should appoint special Atronts wIjo should unite for a redress oi grievances. All tliis being done, they ad- journed. On the passs).i;e of the Doston Port Ijiil in 1774, Dole^iates from all the Colonies except Geor- gia, assembled in Pliiladelpliia to consult and advise on the means most proper to secure tlie liberies of the Colonies, and to restore the harmony formerly subsisting between tliem iiw} tlie Tlolher Country. — It v»as fartlier agreed tliat their proceedings, except such as thev mii^ht determine to publish, siiould be kepi inviolably secret. The most important business was the adontion of a Declaration of Ri'Tbts — a Peti- I O tion to the Kir^f — and address to tl^e noodle of Great Britain, and an address to the other Colonic's, invit- ing them to unite with tlieir brethren in the commo!^ cause. A new Congress assembled in 1773, at which it was resolved to rait;o an Army and contributions id money, and m 1776 the Declaration of Independence- was adopted, and Articles of Confederation were en- tered into, ihoMgh not finally agreed upon, until the* 9th of July, 1778. This Confederation or Union^. imbecile and inefficient as it proved to be, vvas far ex- ceeded in these respects by the British Government, and was therefore enabled with all its weakness, to bring the Revolutionary War to a successful issue. — When left however to itself without the help of exter- nal j)ressure it was found totally powerless against the X 60 Stale Government* ; an(i llierefore, to preventMnarcl^ and civil war, tha present Constitution of (lie United Status was agreed upon and .routjht into full opera- lion on the 4th March 1789. The (lifferences be- tween any of tlu'se Unions and the one here proposed are many and important. Among others, it may suf- fice to mention that of being represented in the House of Commons, as it insures ready and correct information respecting every one of the Colonies: and it is from the want of this knowledge that most of the errors committed bv the British Government in regard to thoir dependencies originate. If the farther advantages of a Colonial Board were added, composed principally of persons who had resided in the different Colonies, with freedom for all their Re- presentatives to sit and vote at the Board, and that all measures respecting the Colonies should be first dis- cussed and prepared at this Board, or at all events reported upon, before they were introduced into the House of Commons, a «?ystem would gradually rise up and become consolidated of a steady and permanent nature, which could not fail of producing general sa- tisfaction and tranquillity, and the utmost protection to person and property. Such a Board would not be turned from its fixed and estalilished principles of proceeding by the Secretary of State, whose business it would be to preside at its deliberations : for as that officer would be frequently chaf)ged, be would in ge- neral be happy to shelter liimself under the wing of such an Institution : and were he disposed to alter the svstein, it couhl ouiv be effected wliere error could be evidiMitly proved. It is not intended tliat the CJctieral Union shall interfere witli lite Local or Provincial Governments : becau rican ties ca power: spot, bitant: instan were it But wl they ci improi matter Legisl Consti Goven gulatio of its ] many i or ov( Towns ges an( rallyin libeity Hac ate re( incide ness, scene and nc ceedin them viciniti Pol niotenl 61 Hnarci'^ United 1 opera- :ces be- roposed riov suf- in the correct olonies : lat most crnment If the added, sided in heir Re- I that all first dis- II events into the y rise up jrmanent neral sa- rotection Id not be niples of business nr as that Id in ge- ? wing of to alter rror could TJon shall runients ; because in now countries like the British North Ame- rican Colonies, their resources and peculiar capabili- ties cannot bo fully developed without leaving certain powers with the authorities more immediately on the spot. Living in the confines of civilization the inha- bitants of the more remote parts of Upper Canada for instance, might feel little sympathy for the Colony were it only known through the General Government. But when they have a Local Legislature to which they can apply for Roads and Bridges and Township improvements, they will feel OjUite content to leave matters of a more general character to the superior Legislature. It is therefore a happy feature of tho Constitution that every Colony has its independent Government, a respect to its internal policy and re- gulation and to watch over and become the depositary of its local interests. The multiplied details of so many improvements could never be clearly understood or overtaken by the General Government. But Township and County Meetings, District Assembla- ges and then the Provincial Legislature increase the rallying points, without which the principle of rational libeity might be too much weakened. Had we no local administration to which immedi- ate recourse can be had in all the minuter difficultiesi incident to the progressive settlement of the wilder- ness, we should feel ourselves too remote from tho scene of action to experience its immediate influence, and not be sufficiently aifected by the political pro- ceedings of the General Government, to consider them paramount to the sectional interests of our own vicinity. Political life grows fainter in proportion to its re- moteness from the seat legislation ; and the energies F (it-' of the people instead of being roused by the neces- sity of action, degenerates into passive acknowledg- ment of tlic protection of tlu; ruling power. This ib more or less the case in every country except Great Britain, and the United States; and tlio principal reason of their little progress in the acquisition of true freedom. The General Union would by degrees generate a national character. Every township has its meetings and proceedings, so as to give it as much liberty as is consistent with good order. The counties and dis- tricts are aggregates of townships or parishes. The Province comprehends the whole, and the General Government represents all the Provinces. The whole rises in a regular and beautiful gradation and opens the way to every inhabitant to attain political eminence. If a man desires distinction he begins at home : he makes himself acceptable to his immediate neighbourhood — then to his country — then he aspires to a seat in the Provincial Legislature, and through it, to that of the General Union. He begins hum- bly in his native place — acquires influence around him — attains the dignity of Representative, and if found worthy he is in time promoted to the dignity of a Member of the General Government. He is thus prepared, by a long course of political education, to tako a share in the public affairs of the Country. It was in this way that the present United States became fit for self-government. So far was the Mother Country from keeping them in restraint, that with the exception of a trifling tax, which she desired to impose for their defence, she left them in the enjoyment of a liberty which might be termed almost I'centious. So much was this the case, that the State of Connecti* eut coi ter, loi nor di( to mail ness, ( cratic nifican Coh the Sti and Si deeme their I possesi joying would of Brit monar them, portun and pi public- Ant discard land, I provei necesi Em pi the p of sut tlie c< be ea For I wise ] teresl ♦iy neccs- )\vledg- riiis ib . Great incipal of true crate a cetings ty as is nd (lls- The reneral The >n and olitical gins at lediato aspires irough i hum- iround xnd if nityof 3 thus on, to States lother ith the mpose t of B So necti* eut continued to be governed under its Royal Char- ter, longafCer the acknowledgment of Independence ; nor did it sink from its liigh moral altitude, or fail to maintain an influence notwithstanding its small- ness, equal to that of tlie greatest State, till a demo- cratic change in its Constitution, reduced it to insig- nificance. Colonies should be considered integral portions of the States to which they belong. Thus the Canadas and Sister Provinces of North America, should be deemed the same as a County in England, and havo their Representatives in Parliament. In such case, possessing the same Laws and Institutions and en- joying a full community of rights and privileges, they would fully participate in all the feelings and glories of British subjects, and a reverence for a moderate monarchy would be so far from being weakened among them, that it would daily become stronger by the op- portunity of contrasting their happy enjoyment of life and property with the growing Anarcliy of the Re- public. And are such Colonies to be treated slightly or discarded ? This would be as wise as to discard Ire- land, Scotland or Wales; since it has already been proved that the British American Provinces are as necessary to the wealth, security, and grandeur of the Empire, as so many English Counties. And should the period arrive to render it expediont for Colonies of such magnitude to prefer an intimate alliance to the continuance of a united Independence, it might be easily brought about to their mutual benefit. — For by the time that such a change was bsneficial, a wise policy will have produced such an identity of in- terests — so many kind pledges — such intimate con- G4 nections between the inhabitants — such a community of Laws and Institutions, and language, that the pro- posed alteration would be attended with no hostile feelings. There would be a quiet separation of the powers of Government, foJJowed by an intimate alli- ance. Ministers might lose something of patronage, but the nation would be no loser. A long nursing time is however required, to bring about results so happy. In such case Great Britain would be the natural ally, and the United States the rival of the new Empire. For to them such a power as these Colonies would form, must become a powerful check — pc3sessingon the one hand the most effectual means of annoying their Commerce and far greater sources for a formidable Navy ; and on the other hand an in- creasing land force in the interior for War, either de- fensive or ofiFensive. The Canadian Provinces en- filade the North Western Boundary of the United States as completely as the Maratime Colonies their Sea Board in the Atlantic. And are Colonies so valuable, a burthen to be cnst off or lightly valued, or to be insulted with the pounds shillings and pence, that may at times attend their pro- tection and defence ? im unity he pro* hostile 1 of the ite alli- ronage, nursing ults so be the of the J these 1 check means sources I an in- her de- es en- United s their be CHst pounds sir pro- LKTTEK IX. THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION. Don Quixote says Sir Francis Palgrave with the curate and barber fell into a discussion about State affairs and modes of Government, correcting this, condemning that, and dealing with tlie commonwealth as though they had put it on the anvil, and hammered it into a new shape or form. Now what this wise triumvirate was doing figuratively, our modern con- stitution makers, menders, and marrers, are perform- ing on a large scale and distracting the world. A Constitution, according to Sir James Mcintosh grows; it is not conceive'^ in the brain of an enthu- siast, reduced to paper and instantly put into opera- tion. Men are not clay, to be moulded as you please in a moment. Changes, to be useful, must take time in their completion ; the public mind requires a long train of preparation— a preparation which must pro- ceed slowly and almost by imperceptible degrees; and as it becomes better informed, the Government becomes more wise aiid enlightened. It is in this way the British Constitution has advanced to its pre- sent degree of excellence. It has been the work of ages and has been produced as it were step by step. As different portions or organs were required, they seemed to come insensibly as it were into action, till the whole assumed its complete form at the Revolu- tion of 1688. In their worst convulsions, the people of England tiii respected some leading rights and principles. Thus it was in Magna Charta, the bill of rights and act oi settlement, &c. The true history therefore of the British Constitution is to be sought for in the Annals of the Government which give evidence of its gradual developement. The seeds were indeed sown early, but they required many ages to ripen into the fruits that they now bear: for these are comparatively of a recent date and are not the result of abstract specula- tions but of the growing wants and desires of a pro- gressive state of society. These movements towards liberty in tht completion of the Constitution were nurtured and directed by religion which exerted in all periods of English history, a prevailing influence among all ranks of society. In regard to the consti- tuent parts of the British Government, consisting of King, Lords and Commons, it may be remarked that they weio long in acquiring the relative positions which they now occupy. From the Reformation to the Revolution in J 688, the power of the House of Commons grn.dually increased, and then became in some measure stationary : but from recent changes and some that are threatened, there is great danger lest it acquire a preponderating influence and so de- stroy the balance ot the Constitution- The great ex- cellence of this Constitution stands recorded in the history of Europe, and without indulging in the com- mon superlatives that it has made Great Britain the first country in the world, it may be considered second to none in liberty, in moral and intellectual elevation and in all that dignifies and adorns mankind. A country possessing so many advantages beyond those of most others, and which has without interruption enjoyed a uniform system of Government, may rest (17 assured tliat. its Ct)iistitiition is too prcrious to ix- lightly tampered with, o.iid aught not to be allowed even in the most trilling particular, without the most deliberate and anxious eonsideration, and a deep conviction that it will be beneficial. Under a Kin<', Lords and Commons it has prospered infinifoly be- yond any neighbouring country for the last hundred and fifty years ; and it is but fair to believe that if its spirit be retained in full vigour, it will continue to flourish to a far distant period. And such expecta- tion is by no means unreasonable, when it is con- sidered that the British Constitution possesses within itself the principles of renovation and expansion, an»i may, as it has already been, be moulded and modified into a state of adaptation to the then condition of the people. By its working it has been proved bejond all ra- tional dispute, that different ranks under proper re- gulation, are highly beneficial to society ; for the mixture of respect, influence and authority, give health and expansion to tlie public mind. Such dis- tinctions of rank are oidy hurtful when there is not a proper circulation through all the orders of society, by which the spirit of one may be transfused through the rest. In this way the higher orders may be con- sidered the lungs of the political body, breathing a refined and celestial principle, and communicating it to the whole frame of Society and Government - That among the upper ranks there are many unwor- thy exceptions, we freely admit ; but we speak of the tendency of difl'erent ranks in general; and in Great Britain it has been of the greatest value to the well being of the nation. The vulgar declaimer there- fore who talks against rank and title, may as well dc- l)S cluirn iigumst the surface of the earth bccauio it ib not a Hat k'vel. I ft rrspcct to tho gradation and intercourse of its (liUVTont orlors, tho 15ritish (Constitution is certainly tho brst tliat tho world hfis ever seen. There is no man so ohscuro, that he may not see men of the high- est rank among his posterity, and there is none so high that ho niay not sec his descendents mingling by «legrtH»» with all ranks of the community. Among olIuT nations, the exclusive character of the nobility provtMitod that circulation of rights and feelings which Jin* favourable to the community only when circulated throMgii the whole. In consequence, the nobles be- canu? proud — a distinct and privileged race, totally separated Iron the lower classes, who therefore be- came in time mean, discontented or enslaved. In (ireat Britain, mi thecontrar\, no one is noble except the heir to the title : tho rest of the familv soon mix nmi>ng the commonality, and are forced to betake lliemselves to professions and employments to gain a respectable subsistence, as well as those who belong not to such houses. It is farther to be remarked that in the British Constitution the different orders are not to be consi- dered as mere chcvks regulating the reciprocal mo- tions of one another, but as distinct organs z{ the political body — each actuated bv a d.^Vrer.l s: irit and principle, and comnnmicating to it a peculiar :r!:pulse. I'he mou'.^rch I.mcs glory, courts the an-j-c^.-r? of his people, and t'or.iis cxici^si^e c.cs gr.s i:: :"f ,r reace and happiness. Wc nobles love .".£:". ty. rtor 10 Svn.v.d in.'.crcs'.?. an.vi mf.-.K" irt.'^ '"r.e me:i«'jres • pe- ♦ ation of rvTvi v»;/.fh ibe;: Tw^er. ra.rV. r.atu'sllv msp the J cial I and effori Thes but I other cies, of eas the f forwa monei com in vernm sii'j3:i loKy n det ce. bu.cc J: trei: :t .; IS a r. ca-- e r.e.::.e: « c : r : : th^. C.i (ill i it ib of its ■tainly 1 is no jbigb- one so ling by \.mong ability s wbich culated les be- totally "ore be- ed. In ? except )on mix betake gain a belong British le consi- :al mo- f the -.: and r::pul*e. '. :r.5 of : reace e 5upe- --.-^f'jres :.i ele- mspires. The Commons united with l\w body of the people, have for their object what is most luMK<(i- cial and interesting, the complete security of person and property, and the encouragement of all ihoHo efforis on which their virtue and comfort depend These princi{)les are not merely calculated to check, but to give a varied and salutary animation to eath other, and a proper direction to their mutual tenden- cies, and when indulged in a proper spirit the virtues of each order melt in harmonious union and increase the felicity of the body politic. 'J he liaroii looks forward to his family in distant futurity : the Com- moner thinks of his infant on his mother's bosom be- coming a nobleman and memoer of the supreme (lO- vernment — for in England, all placee, ranks and siiua'icns are open to the whole populatiorj. 'I'he 1gi":v mind ccunieracta the limiditv of a narrow pru- dei ce, and the interests of the poor, restrain the am- biL:cn cf the great. 1: has ir.aeed heen faihi^nable of late ycari to t:ei: ".he c.ilir.cuor.* c." society with contempt: but ;t .3 C2::e c&*y lo sneer than to argiie. Distinction is a ^i■.:^^. ur-{"tnj:ty of iLe human constitution, »jim1 ^c'i '.r-e pr.r.-..L.fi of ihoie v. Lo contend aj^amst it ca** cl .•-•. '. . •:ic .* legitimate length, lliere would r.e."..".e: :c *'•.«•-:. i-^ i'.: jnduslrv, &iid marikind, in- . c.i ..la'.ion and the artu and : i.T.K riip<.dly into the nnvayn tiz:-i*^. '.'^ %\.:.'tt.\r xX'f.f.wWi and violrTH.Ji riV-'S lb c:r::':i C i If ? ;.i. I J '. •' ' :.*,'■ .f:n, li'\ Jh** ')«• 70 I lie honours of England arc desirable distinctions won by noble qualities — badges v.f superior skill and oxperience, of courage, wisdom, and eloquence, of important services and glorious exploits : and were they faithfully emplo;ycd, it is diHicult to conceive any thmg which may be mor^ properly adapted to bring forward merit, and give life and energy to the nobler qualities of man. By the British Constitution the Government is able if it be so disposed to accomplish every salutary act of power — to defend, control, or attack, to raise or to degrade when necessary. Its deliberative part has the power of subjecting all to its examination, so that it may give full influence to the principles of real liberty. The executive and deliberative powers are no further separated than is requisite for the attain- ment of their respective objects. In great and sudden emergencies, the executive wants no new authority, but acts promptly and vigor- ously, trusting to the good sense and wisdom of the deliberative assemblies to sanction such additional authority as may have been exerted. But where the executive ought to wait, it must wait, or incur a re- sponsibility which it may be unable to meet. The persons who have the privilege of deliberating, whe- ther by inheritance or election, are the best qualified to discern the public interests, and are the most wor- thy to guard them. And those who act are such as have the full confidence of those who deliberate. — l^rrors no doubt occur, but they cannot continue long, because the deliberations of the Parliament are open, and the public opinion has other powerful channels of free circulation. The boast of the British Constitution is not that it IS per of go adapt Its pr manni tempo dually the is which prelud and se ternal disting for the the faci vitality per coi vain pi gradua cellenc formers They I tic into publica For th distrac learnin desperj It is immine the Bri of a ch views. 71 ctions II and ce, of I were nceive (ted to to the is able iry act e or to irt has so that of real ers are attain- ecutive I vigor- of the iitional ere the r a re- . The whe- Lialified st wor- such as rate. — leloiig, e open, inels of t tliatit is perfect, but that it contains, beyond all other form* of government, the powers of renovation, and of adapting itself to new situations and forms of society. Its principles have taken deep root in the hearts, manners and habits of the people ; and even from temporary convulsion verging on revolution, it gra- dually recovers its form and substance. Thus from the late regeneration of the House of Commons, which by many was supposed its death-blow, and the prelude of anarchy or civil war, it is fast recovering, and settling itself down upon those principles of in- ternal peace, security and order by which it has been distinguished since 1688. But here we must stop ; for the alterations with which it is now menaced by the factious and turbulent, would utterly destroy its vitality : for as we have already said, it is not a pa- per constitution emanating from the brain of some vain philosopher, but a wise system of government gradually consolidated, and every part proving its ex- cellence before its incorporation. Your present Re- formers seek their unhallowed purposesby revolution. They begin with hacking and hewing the body poli- tic into pieces, and then expect the magic of a re- publican will call up a perfect form of government. — For the last sixty years such movements have been distracting the world, but their abettors, instead cf learning wisdom from experience, have become more desperate and reckless. It is not, however, to be concealed; that great and imminent dangers are at this very moment assaihng the British Constitution ; and although they are not of a character to frighten a statesman of extensive views, energy and talents, acting rigidly on christian 7*J principles, yet r; deviation from such principles vvill pro(luc:e the most alHicting consequences. The nearest danger is lest the governing power should continue to remain satisfied with measures of mere expediency, or persist in modelling the great institutions of the country on the miserable and sel- fish suggestions of political .Ticonomists, instead of re- ligious principles. This policy, by substituting heart- less selfishness for the kindly affections, is separating the poor froiii the rich and ripening the seeds of re- volutio. in *'?arful acceleiation. The population of the CO )*^^ry j.?s been increasing in a most wonder- ful manner durii;^ the last fiftv years, but no ade- quate provision has been made to meet its wants ei- ther physical or moral. Hence the dreadful degra- dation of the population of large towns and their ap- palling destitution, which makes them ready for every iniquity. Add to this, the discoveries of science, by which the labour of one man is rendered equal to that of hundreds, and so diminishes the call for la- bour. The whole country is threatened to become covered with machinery instead of human beings, leaving one solitary individual here and there to di- rect its movements. These causes again increase inequality, which, however beneficial to a certain extent, has its limits, beyond which it becomes a most alarming evil. The physical and moral condition of the popula- tion must be greatly improved. To do this, the whole power of government, assisted ns they will be by every man of property and religion, must be direc- ted. Lands at home capable of cultivation must be distributed, an efficient plan of emigration adopted, and no cost must be spared. The United Provinces li cs vsill power ires of ( great nd sel- 1 of re- ; heart- arating 1 of re- ulation vonder- 10 ade- anis ei- [ degra- heir ap- jr every jnce, by jqual to for la- become beings, } to di- which , limits y hi. popula- He whole be by )e direc- must be adopted, rovinces of North America would open an inexhaustible field, both on land and water, agriculture and fisheries, to case the mother country of her burthen. No consi- deration must deter the government from the adop- tion of such measures as shall make the humblest oc- cupations of honest labour pr'^cure all (he necessa- ries of life. The poor must be made comfortable, and then thev will be content with their station. — They must be so trained as to make them wise unto salvation. They must drink from the living spring of Religion — not from the broken cistern of politi- cal Kiconomy. Unless measures such as these be speedily adopted, no other policy can save the British empire from greater calamities than have er yet been poured out from the vials of wrath. Ant iuch measures being in manifest accordance witli the course of a benevolent Providence, their promoters may rely in full faith upon that Providence .or bles- sing. u> LETTER X. mo^PKCTS OF TlIK LNITEl) STATES. Great Hritain may bo considered in a great degree ainenai>l(i for *^o Iw^ mo-'" proajiufnt i^\'As 'vliirh af Icct tlie rnitfd dilated. Siil* leit tbcm without an es- tablished form of Christianity, and entailed upon them the curso of slavery. Eor these breaches of the divine law, both nations are now reaping their reward in tlie convulsive movements by which they are agitated. To look for true amelioration, in the present state of society, from any other cause than the prevalence of christian principles, evinces the blindness of that infidelity which basso fearfully extended its influence in Europe and America. Man, from the very plan and constitution of his nature, is a religious being ; and however far nations or individuals may be per- mitted to stray from the Gospel, to that Gospel they must return, before those blessings can be enjoyed, which, by a kind Providence, are placed within their reach. To raise man to his true dignity and station, religion must be blended with the whole course of iiis instruction, whether private and domestic or social and public. Its doctrines and precepts must drop as the rain into the breasts of the young, and distil as^ the dew. Thus impregnated, their hearts and minds will grow in knowledge and moral beauty as they grow in stature, and they will become the pillars of social order, and the conservators of its tranquillity 7.> degree lii'h af • t an cs- \ upon :bcs of y their ch they nt state valence of that flucnce 3ry plan being ; be per- lel they njoyed, in their station, e of his - social drop as listil as^ d minds as ihev liars of quillity and enjoyment. Were the rising generation so in- alructed, Religion would gradually enter into all our manners, customs and habits, and superintend the whole business of life. It would guard our health, our possessions and our reputation ; preside over our prudence and uprightness in our dealings ; direct our familiar intercourse, our public conduct and recrea- tions, and make them all subservient to its influence and spirit. But this source of all good is despised or valued lightly by modern reformers and philoso- phers, and they look to far different principles for the improvement of our species — but they will look in vain. In this matter the celebrated De Tocqueville, who writes so well on Democracy in America, seems to have had some glimpses of the truth ; but the dark- ness of a false philosophy carries him away, and ho gatisfies himself with admitting religion as one among many elements, and prides himself in the fanciful theory, that there is an irresistible tendency among mankind to democracy and equality of condition ; — that it is in continual operation, and that it is the most uniform, the most ancient and the most perma- nent to bo found in history. To the triumphs of this universal tendency, he attributes every step ot civi- lization since the dark ages, and declares tliat all the great events since that period have turned to the ad- vantage of equality of condition ; that such equality is daily advancing towards those extreme limits which it seems to have reached in the United States ; and that the democracy which governs the American com- munities, appears to be rising rapidly into power in Europe. According to this writer, the struggle ii between Democracy and Aristocracy ; the desire of 7G 0(|uality and llic retention of power, — caeli figlitin^' for the mastery, llut according to I)c Tocquevilles hypothesis, democracy will finally prevail. The fonndation of this theory is on earth, and hns no divine spirit of renovation or rcfinemenl ; and if true, can only lead to the most disastrous results. AVilh much ahility, though with many contradictions, he is nevertheless forced to admit that Religion is the com- panion of Liherty in all its hallles and in all its tri- umphs; the cradle of its infancy and the hallovcd source of its claims. Had he not been smitten hy a false theory, he would have seen that religion, in- stead of being the companion, is the mother of true Liberty, and the only foutitain from which it can spiing. At times, a momentary light seems to pe- netrate his mind, wlien he calls religion the safeguard of morality, and the best security of the law, and the surest pleilge of freedom. Here he is indeed on the threshold of the truth. But the Gospel, or Christianity, is not merely the safeguard, but the foundation or source of morality and freedom, lie soon, however, falls away, and settles down \u con- sidering Religion as a niereelement of m£»ny involved in his equation, and nothing more. We too admit of antagonist principle?, but derived from a very different origin. For every thinking man not only perceives, but feeU, that two great princi- ples are continually •ontending for the mastery ; and as they scpaialely prevail, produce ditTerent and op- posite effects : the principle of evil, embracing igno- rance, vice and discord, struggling for paramount dominion ; the principle of good, or Religion, en- forcing justice, purity and truth, sternly arresting the progress of the former, and gradually establishing ilie kitii>dum of heaven upon earth, lioih ihesoprui' t-iplci uini at ubsolute dominion nnd equality among their subjects ; but with the principle of evil it is an equality of misery — with the principle of good, of felicity. The great struggle among men is between good and evil : uU other contentions are only the jar- ring of elements subordinate to one or other of these principles; and it is the temporary prevalence of evil which at present is agitating the civilized world, — u principle which seems in America to proceed with little or no check, but which in England is now meeting with so formidable a resistance as to give good hope that it must fmally succumb. True Ileligion undoubtedly tends to [)roduce a per- fect equality in all the rights and privileges that are compatible with the happiness of society, but not an equality of ability, state or condition; since variety of rank appears as necessary for an extensive cultiva- tion of virtue and enjoyment of felicity, as a variety of tastes and dispositions. The doctrine of primi- tive equality in the sense of Wat Tyler and modern Uadicals, never did and never can exist ; for the dis- tinctions of society, when contemplated in their true light, are essential portions of the dispensations of Providence. Upon these antagonist principles two schools of politics are founded, — the one resting on cold-blooded selfishness, despising and discarding religion ; the pther resting on that family afifecl ion and social love by \v! ich all feel themselves the children of the same heavenly father, and the disciples of the same Lord. The one furnishes the politics of modern philosophers and reformers, — the latter those of the kingdom of Heaven upon earth. The Trench Kevolution was I '^ the first result of this wicked or infidel principle : (he United States are destined to furnish t!ie second. — Their constituMon is a huge cold- blooded sea mon- ster, raising its back out of the Atlantic Ocean, and but very partially brcaihing the air of heaven. It has no reference to God or his moral government, and ii therefore an atheistical institution, and cannot be of long contin:jarice. It is inueed maiter ofw .»nd'jr that it should have been pertniUed lo exiii io long *, but there are nevertheless several causes which may pro- crastinate, but not prevent, in due time, its utter de- struction. The general aspect of the political institutions of the United States is the reverse jf their natural sce- nery. Instead of mighty rivers descending from lofty mountains through fruitful valiies, and venerable fo- rests, their various provinces present afi immense plain, varied only by a few paltry and tottering emi- nences, intersected by muddy streams and putrid ca- nals. With many objects to inilame, it presents no- thing to give expansion to the mind or elevation to the heart. There is no union of the affections — every one for himself or his political party — all earth and 210 heaven. The causes which tend to preserve the Union may be reduced to four. 1st. A sense of Religion. Before the Revolution, the Colonies which now form the United States possessed as great a degree of equality as seemed compatible with peace and order. This was more especially the case in the New Eng- land Provinces, be.ause tho liberties and educntion of the people were engendered by the moral and re^ ' : the ind. — mon- n, and It has and ii be of >r that •> but y pro- tcrde- lons of il sce- [1 lofty )le fo- niense emi- rid ca- ts no- to the -every h and n may 1 now yrce of order. Eng- icntion ud re- \t ligious priiijiploa cf their font: ']«;■•■!, lleiicc r. lov*. l* order, regular haljits Lv.d irgny virtues. In t^^ose, and in somd of the njoro sonlber'i Colonies, tliero was likewise for a time some provisio'.i for the support of religion. It was incorporated in their inslitutions, and was the basis of their laws. Even the promoters of the revolution shewed great respect for Religion«f and it ceased only with General Washington. Even now, though the nation irs its nni)]i4: cnpacity may be pronounced iniidel, yet religious feelings prfr" vail among the people to a very considerable extent^ and niav be the salt which saves the nation from im • mediate destruction. To the general observer, Chris- tianity seein.>. little less than pro^icribed bv the dilTer- cnt states, and appears never to have been considered as a necessary element of govenuiienfi by the framers of any of their codstitutions, however much it ma^ be venerated b^ small portions of the community The pernicious effects of this course are widely snrend : the current of society is daily becoming more opposed to man's best interests in all his social relations, and blighting the fairest hopfs of the future. But a wise Providence is long suffering, and although there be no public recognition of Christianity in the gene- ral or state governments, as being in any way neces- sary to rational liberty, [>rosperity or happiness, there are nevertheless thousands of de\OLt Christians pray- ing di^yaiid night for the safety of their count,n)milled hy this people which is of yesterday, than would have sii- tisfied the most corrupt Government during ten tiuies the period of their existence. 1st. Their treatment of the Indians or ancient possessors of the country which they inhabit, has no parallel ii the history of the woild. The nations of antiquity, to secure their conquests killed, and some- times carried into captivity, the principal inhabitants of a conquered kingdom, to another country : but in general with as much comfort as the customs mid ha- bits of the times allowed, giving them fields and vine- yards in a distant Province equal — perhaps superior to their own. In the way of justification, there was the provocation of war: battles had been fought— towns beseiged — the wicked passions exciled, and the conviction that the vanquished, if successlnl would have acted in the same nmnner. In the ciisc of tho poor Indians, there wei s>o similar causes of irrita- tion or palliation. Thv:^ were living in pence and tranquillity on a small portion of the territory which had been once wholly theirs. They had exchanged their former habits for those of civilized life ; and in- stead of hunters had become farmers cultivating tho small possessions which still remained to them, and which were guaranteed by the most solemn treaties. But the spectacle of happy industry which the Chero- kces exhibited, the beauty of their plantations — the (picturesque scenery of iht'ir wood* and rivers, was too of ini gMira, Ihibmc b-'i these iiiiifii for lliL'ir licanle^.i TieiglilxMir.-,, (upuiny sa'\ (lioir happiness, and desiring thoir possessions, nam- plod on justice, and drove th'Mn from 'Jioir cniiivalcd farms — Uieir comfortable homes — the graves of tlieu fatliers — into the desolate wilderness, by a military force. Many perished by the way, and the wretched remnant, destitute of every convenience, now un- acquainted with savage life, and opposed l)y hostile tribes, caimot long survive. The treatment of the Poles by the Russians, which has excited so great in- dignation throughout Europe is nothing to what the miserable Indians have experienced at the hfnids of the American Government. I^ut ihcy are far distant and unkni)wn. They have no one to tell their wrongs, or to stand up in their defence. Bet the history of the world is a lie: the book cf Revelation a fable, if guilt so rank and deadly pass iuipuni are in tliat State coumijii, 84 for the purpose of raiding a new race of negroes, as other nations do cattlo. 'J'hc thing is ulatiou .should bo considered, as far as possible, subjcK-ts of tho coininuiiity, a^ well as tlio muster to whom they m >ro i n iKvii lU^ly heloiij, fill iht«y bi'coinj iVei; at the aLji' of t.V'iiiy live. '1 hi-« •>iin,tl.? <,Miaclin Mit wodd in Ii?ss liniii (illy yc.irs, c'Xtiii;^ui>Ii slmory ahni)^t vvilli- ouL iiouce: I')!' its ()|)v.»rali()n won! i so niui^k* ilself with the current of scKMoly, as scarcely to atira(!t at- tjruion. II. 1. 1 ihu 15iili>h P.irhainLMit conm-ctcd tlio miM-^nre of iMuancipation with such restraints as tho welfare of the negri) and the safety of the pnl)lic re- qiiirt'd, tiie lesnlt would hive been very d life rent from what is now (K'cnrrini;. Tiie p)vver necessary to com- pel the nei,'ro to work f »r liis siipj)orl, should have bei-n plaee^l \i\ pruilenL hands, and to -iupply that <{ii- cretion which he has not set allainod. I'he [)rivi- b'^es whiih the nei^n-oes enjoyeil while yet slaves, in hoiiNjj ;i 1(1 garden, clothinij', victuals, \'c., oni»ijt to have been caridiillv vahunl, and l)een ujade their lirst allowance ol' wairos to be uicreased, according to their abililv, skill and indu> y ; and no cou)l)iuations aiiaiii«;l workiniz oue le- gislation is equally prudent and useful when applied to man in dill'erent stages of improvenieut. '1 he ne- groes when emanci[)aled, require a h ng training, similar to that which the nalious of Lnrftpeha^e been undergoing during the last two centuries, ^ot that it would require so long a period — perhaps one fourth 86 of that time would be more than sufficient ; but an Act of Parlinment cannot chnnjro tb«» nature of thinqis onH mnkeofnn inrlolput neero whoha«s no conception of lil)erfy iuit the more absence of laI>our, an indus- trious mid skilful planter or arlizan. They are somi- bnrbaroiis, perhaps lowor, and mtist be treated as snch. Ifynncnii tiot thiMii to labour by rational and interes'ed niotivc>», it is well : if not, they mn^t be forced to work on iho same principles that vaf/rants in other rommiiniliesare confined and compuUed lo earn their bread. Srd. Ineffirury of the Laws. Peace and spcnritv it) the enjoyment of life and properly, are the ol^jerts of all trnod jrovernment. — But without (rood morals, these raniiot be obtained : for unless there be a virtuous spirit amonty the people, (he best and wisest institutions have no life, and are therefore of no nse. Now it is quite evident that the two factions which are at present rli'^traciinpj the Uni- ted States, havft no regard for justice in their treat- ment of one another — (hat thev cherish the fiercest mutual atiimosity, anrl render the laws alton;ether iir potent. These factions have indeed become so in- veterate, that withont some chanjje their furv will only terminate in the dite(i. Itc ends its outrages to their neigiibouis. In the Texas u has been ^ucces>ful, and though bidlled in Canada, the murderous inroads which it promotes and vnIucIi are justih cd in the public prints and lait slightly cti»^urcd by those who Mill allcct some decency of moral con- duct, il' carried much larther, will make the ^tates a pu(»lie nuisance, vnIikIi it will become the duty of civilized nations to destroy, 5th. 'ihe must prominent cause of this moral de- gradation, is universal sullruge. Ihis appe of discord and mi.-ery is enjoyed l)y ihe whole pojjlalion, and places them abo\e the law. Ihe masse^j are blind in eiery country, and no less so in the United States than eh^ewhere. 'ihey are a jirey to every breeze of passion and every sudilen impid>e which the arts of the vicious may employ to ilatter their prejudices and be- tray their intere>ts. 'i hey are continually beset by the wiles of parasites l.:'-. the snares of the ambitious the avaricious and desperate. The consequence is, ?b»t neither ability in the management of public wf- ss fairs nor moral worth, aro rccominiMidiiiion'* to their favour: they must be fawned upon and employ such only as are subservient to their inclinations. I'lie people of the Uuitttl ISUites are ever on the move, eK'ctiii(T or prejiarijig to elect, jdwjiys seeking how to L'overn themsi'lves oiid never fnidiu': the waN : idu;l^a in a state of exeiternt nt, they are niilil lor (Ulilnra- tion ; and the liuniod ol polilics ii'wcs llu u) no tin o or relish for d.inusfie peace and lamilv t ndi ai u)i nls. Their social happiness c()nsi>t.s in vioh nt pnldie nicet- it)<»s — (jnarrils (Ml political questions, ami in | lots to leiel llieir oj>poneiits. J heie can |pi> no suvli ihieg as social ami donn'.stic quitl and lire>i(le chaiities amonnr stich a prople, till elcclions are fur h'>s fre- quent, and ihose enlithd to \ote, fi'wer in number. Wliat makes up his loss of time to the poor man for altendinL' meetinL'"^ — can\assincr ilu; nurits of canditlal(»s — vvalc!iin<: ihe ballot liox, tS:c? Doe3 he find his rt»vv ird in iho corruption of secret voting, so hostile topenerons indi'jii'ndence and manly feeliuL', in the consciousness orha\in. '^> 7 ///. Photogr^hic Sciences Corporation S V .4 v « :i>^ :\ \ ^9> ^ <^'..\ V 6^ ^ > '^^ 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, NY. 14580 (716) 072-4503 'JU i!e*s. It cnnnct therefore continue long or prudut'.' peace and lscu- ';;;. Unfortiui. 'cly for manliind, respect for authority and reverenci* for virtue, are in the present state of society too much disre^a^'ded, and ihe pretended re- generators of the worhl depreciate the legitimate influence of kinchiess, as a badge of slavery, and set at naught the family aiTections and domestic charities which vr»ndcr the fireside happv ; yet it is from these affections ad charities carried out, that all felicity on earth must prin^r. 6th. Were all other causes wanting, the greed of territory would, in no very protracted length of time, dissolve t'le Union. The old States are already un- able to control the General Governmetit, and will very soon be in a hopeless u)inoritv, and must then succumb to the south and west. Facts are not wantinj; to shew that even single States may contend successfully with the General Government, or withdraw if tliey please from the Confederacy without dani^er. The Union therefore, in serious conflict with two or more States 13 helpless, as a rope of sand. It produces no patriot- ism or love of country. Its chief cement is an extra- Tagant vanity among the people. Moreover, vhen the country i filled with inhabitants, from the Atlan- tic sliores to the Ilockv Mountains, it will fall to pieces, by its own weight, if not sooner dissolved from other causes: for it is not credible that interests so various and important, will be left to the everlastiiig speaking Congress at VVashinsjton. 7th. In no other country either ancient or modern, has party spirit so completely contaminated the pub- lic mind; for, to use the language of a native, it per- vades the whole country ; is found in the rural village. >rodutt' ithorify state of led re- itimate ukI set harilies T) thijse ic'iiy on •eed of f lime, idy 11 n- ill very iccumb :o shew ly with please Ur)ion States •alriot- extra- vvhen Atlan- ^all to i from sts so asfi iig )derri, i pub- t per- llage. 1^ Vt I ju the mart^ c' commerce, in the courts of justit'<*. Ir* the legislative lialls, on the floor of Congress ; and the President's mansion has, within a few years he- come a principal receptacle for its vile and loathsome poison. Its power is above the law, and its influence more powerful than the Constitution ; before it, every thing hallowed by time or sanctified by religion, falls prostrate. The ties of gratitude, the obligations of justice, the love of country, arc destroyed. At its pleasure, like the green withes in the hands of Sam- son, it spurns al! restraint, and teaches tiiat the end sanctifies the means. Its attendants are falsehood.* bitter denunciation, envenotned slander, cold hearted unfeelingness, and an utter disregard of probity and honour. 8ih. The true root of all the evils which thr'^a- ten the destruction of the United States and pro- duccisthe revolutionary movements in Europe, may be traced to the separation of vvhal is falsely called Education, from Religion. The Hadical Reform- ers seek to p^ive all the assistance of Science and the Arts to the malignant and deceitful passi«)ns and vicious propensities of the human heart, and to cherish all that corrupt violence which alarms and offends rather than restrains them. To the love of God and man, and all the kindly affections which pive peace, enjoyment and happiness to the human family, they are opposed. Were indeed religious principles thus to be planted in the hearts of the rising generation and universally to prevail, vio- lence, fraud and selfishness would quickly disappear. The inmates of every cottage would be sweet con- tentment and peace. Every palace would invite us with open gates to receive the kindness and ble?^- n»> sing of a father. Alas ! they know not the powe^r of truth who seek to sepuraie the light of thi; Gos- prl from (i of iho Empire, atid allow llieiii a repre.-entalioti in I^arliu- nuMit, would remove the greater noniUer of e\ils which distract aiul opjiress lliem. 'i'he crude and hasty measures so frequently adopted ami enforced hy the Colonial Department, seldom proceed from de- siiiii or an intention of doinjjj wroni:, hut mav he in general traced to incorrect iidormatu)n receuea Irom a»'enls paid to mislead, or persons Iron) the Colonies wh'> have seltish views and no responsibility. Lven sendiujx out commissioners, tends to mystily and de- ceive. Never was there concocted such a larrago of ahsolule inanity as ihe reports of the three sapient Commissioners lately sent to Quehec to inquire into the slate of Lower Canaila. 'n two things only did they agree — in tl'eir disposition to prostrate every vestige of Sovereignty still retained hy the Crown, to an ephemeral populari'y, and displaying the most gross and ludicrous ignorance of the real slate cl the country ahout vv*]ich they came to enquire. The working of the prop, sed Union may be hriefly considered as it respects the mother country — and as it respects the confederation itself. I St. Were members from each of the Colonies in the Hou-e (,f Commons agitation would soon become a losing trade to British demagogues. They would no longer be able to deceive and to substitute selfish r>4 And fals€ information for that which is true, or induce the Administration of the Queen to pamper traitors into rebellion, and to discourage and trample upon the loyal. There may be much of liberty and independence in Great Britain but there is also much of the rotten- ness and licenliojsness of v\hat is falsely I'alled free- dom. An honest man reading the parliamentary dL4)ates, during the American rebellion, becomes dis- gusted with speeches in deieru'C of treason and insur- rection, it makes him sick to find the warmest sympathy and kindness manifested for rebeN, and the I'lyalists treatetl with contempt; and his indignation cannot be repressed when he is forced to the convic- tion that what is called American Independence was acliievcd in tiio House of Commons, and not by the swords (if tl»e insur<'ents. But thus it has ever been. Great Britain has ahvays been betrayed by her own factious politicians and degenerate sons. At the commencement of the French Ilevoluti('n, atrocities v\hich set the hair on end, were applauded in Parliament, and the defenders of their country were stigmatized as the slaves of tyrants. Even now, wlien traitors are murdering the peaceable and unolTen classes — the einplnyers and tlio emplryyed — or mer- chants and (i^hers; and as tlio snUVa^e is almost universal, theuiiole pov.ei'cftiie ConsliliUion iMcnmcs vested in t'le einployi'd, or servants, A similar Cnn- slitntion mit^ht with rqual wisdom he confi-rrcd on any great niannfarfnrin-^ estahlishment. The work- men, as in Newfoundland, vvoidd letjiislaie aiiuinst their masters, refuse to work, indul^'e in idleness, and dissipate tin? capital hy which in their di>ys of in- du-try they had hctMi supported. With scarcely tH)0 electors it is sai that Tohajo has a. I Assemhly, and tii; t a tavertdceeper and prolli- Cate attorney can return a in ijoritv of the memhers. To Lower Canada a Ibriii of Oovernnient similar to that of (Jreat Britain was given too early. The in- hah.tants at the time had no true conceptions of civil liUerty. 'J'liei>- laws, manners, ami hal>its were totally opposed to flee iustitnlions, and to tlieni it has proved a great CNil. It has enahled a few proHigate an)l)iti- ons and turbulent characters, hy falsehood and mis- representation to work upon the minds of the rural jx^pulalion tdl thev were goaded into rehellion. Be- fore the late d sturhances a hapj)ier people did not exist:— free in their persons, industry, and oj)inions, there ',vas nothinu to disturb or grieve them. iNot a single penny was ever taken out of their pockets for the support of Governujent, the exp use of which is defrayeti out of a small duty imposed on merchandize arriving at Quebec, consumed cnielly hy the Brili-h part of the population. This Iritling duty is not one tenth of that collected on similar commodities in the Unite . States. Even this small sum solely applicable to provincial purposes, is greatly increased by thtr 97 e only twt> — or mer- Is almost n l»«Cf>mcg nilar Cdji- ifiTrcd on riu" worl;- e .iLSitiust idleness, \ve)s of in- il TohnjTO atid prolli- mombers. siindar to The in- iiis ol' civil ere totally m las proved le amhiti- niid mis- the rural on. Be- i did not opinions, . Not a ickets for which is chandize e Brili->h 5 not one les in the pplifable i bv thtf monoy spent in ihe Colony by the British Govern - rneiJt which commonly nmounts to six times as much as the whole Provincial i Revenue. The people them- selves felt not a single grievance, till urged by factiou.-; leaders, and even then the greatest anxiety was ma- nifested on tho part of the Imperial Government to remove such grievances as vero imaginary, since none real could ho found. Were history and cxpe- rienco to teach wisdom, t}iero might be hope for tho future. But the pena' settlement^, in Australia have already begun to clamour fcr a constitution ; and if they persevere they wih succeed : for such is the ma- nia among Englishmen about free governments, that they think no happiness can be enjoyed without' them : and of couise what so excellent as their own form of government. " When a representative constitution •* is given to the settlements in Australia, wo may <* bid farewell to anything like peace and comfort in *^ that vast country.'* But on this subject, deep as the disease lies, much may be done to enlighten the British Legislature by Representatives from the Co- lonies. They can point out from experience in al- most all cases, the miserable working of such consti- tutions in small settlements, and urge with effect a common sense mode of proceeding — that is, first to train the colonies to liberal principles, step by step, in smallcfr matters, and after a proper apprenticeship, confer a constitution, because then they may be able to bear it. 3. The consolidation of the empire which the ad- mission of deputies from the colon?>es presents, wouM attach heart arid soul to the one Legislature, and add immeasurably to its strci^.gth and dignity ; and cherish a:j intense* affection throughout all the depen- I 98 irJ liencies for everything British. VVc would foel moro near our sovereign by having our own people in her councils; and whilst wo rejoiced in the success of all her measures, we would cherish a warm and deter- mined desire to support them. Our sovereign would unite all parties, however dissimilar on lesser matters, and a generous spirit not seliish but noble, v/ould be propagated more strongly in the Colonies than at home. The Colonies would feel that they were new truly British subjects — that their interests in the Im- perial Legislature were known and appreciated, and no longer considered vague and of no importance. 4. A Colonial Representation in the House of Commons would be essentially conservative. The deputies know well the pernicious workings of those institutions which appear so perfect and desirable to the British people. They behold at their feet the United States torn to the centre by inveterate fac- tion — all law and justice disregarded, and rolling for- ward with an impetus that no possible obstacle can now resist, to anarchy, revolution and despotism Experiments on the wildest theories have been made in the American States, and their results are on re- cord. Ibt, cheap justice attracted the attention of the people, and a law passed in one of the states to determine law suits by arbitration. It was found that ignorance and knavery prevailed : nothing was set- tled, or satisfactorily settled, \Yhile the expense was multiplied tenfold. Where the relations of men and the transactions of society are complex, laws cannot be simple. The superiority of opposite claims de- pends upon circumstanccH varying with time, and of- ten of a delicate or very intricate natine. You cannot dispense justice without making proper dis- i 1)0 fool more lo in her :os3 of all ij(l deter- ign would sr matters, would be i than at were new n the Im- ated, and iriance. House of 'e. The 3 of those sirable to feet the Dratc fac- oUlng for- jtacle can )otism. — een made re on rc- snlion of states to ound that I was sct- lonsc was men and rV3 cannot aims do- I, and of- You •oper dis- tinctions ; and u dupcuds upon the caao, not on the Judge or Iia\v}•e^^^, whether these be much involved and diilicult to dotcrminc. :2. Cheap Governmenls is another experiment which has been tried in America, ".nd which the free na- tions of Europe aro now raving to procure. And what has been the result? The most base and un- heard of peculation among all the public oHicers — scarcely one pure, tiirough the whole Union. Judges sitting daily on the bench for less than a menial's wages, but indemnifying themselves irom other chan- nels, and laughing at the dupes that placed them there. Public men must be rewarded according to their rank and ability, or they will decline the ser- vice of the government ; and inferior men who re- munerate themselves a thousand wa^s, and laugh at the parsimony and credulity of the people, will rea- dily take their places; — and thus it is in the United States. In this simple, cheap, homely and pure re- public, one runs away with two, and another with three hundred thousand pounds. The late celebrated Randolph of lloanoake used to say, the expenses of Congress were an Augean Stable which for twenty years he had endeavored to cleanse, but the more ho exerted himself the greater the waste ; and thinking of reynard and the mosquitoes, he finally gave up the attempt. There is no protection from peculation except high and honorablo principles— articles ex- tremely rare in all republics, ancient or modern, and subjects of derision among the office holders of the United States. 3. Universal suffrage, which places the wealthy and honest, bound hand and foot, at the mercy of the profligate and turbulent — which destroys industry, loo ;; riclif s and capital ; and prostrates all tliat ii^ noble in principle, delicatu in sentiment, and honorablo in conduct; and liurrii's llic whole communitv towards anarchy and revolution. Nor woukl the return of the Colonial Representa- tives to resume their seats in the Lcjiislaturc of the Union, with their enhirged views and subdued ex- perience, be less beneficial, it would infuse a 15ri- ti.sli spirit into the whole confederacy — not the^oretic but practical. There woidd be an identity of views and feelings — a sublime vista of promotion opening itself to the views of our aspiring youth, which no other government under the sun can present. All would feel that they had indeed a country such as no other nation ever possessed, and tliat tho^igli living on the banks of the Ottawa, they had the same pri- vileges as if living on the banks of the Tliames : — that the highest ollicos, appointments and ranks, arc equally open to all honourable aspirants, and to be attained by the same honest exertion of talent and iibility. A living specimen of all this would ever be present before theni in the deputies who had returned after their time of service in the Imperial Parliament had expired, and still more in some who had been promoted, from their superior attainments, to high stations in other parts of the empire, from which they would never return. As to the working of the union in the Colonies, something has already been said : but here it may be remarked that the deputies would have seen from the contrast between elections in England and in the neighboring States, that their frequency is a very great evil. It keeps both goveriimcnt and people in a state of continual excitcmenv, totally incompatible .5;* 101 noble ill ral)lc ill towanls resenta- e of the ucd cx- ;e a I5ri- tlieoretic of views opening hith no nt. All :h as no 111 iving :uue pri- irnes : — nks, arc id to be lent and ever bo eturned •liamcnt xd been to bigh ich tbey olonles, may be roni the in the a very ople in ipatible with social peace anil comfort. Here the true me- dium of aiK yoars is assunr.od :— u period neither too long nor too short — long enough to enable the Ue- presentatires to understand the interests of the peo- ple, and y*?t sufficiently short to secure the approba- tion of the doctors. It is quite obvious that men who are to assemble from the Bay of Fundy, Newfound- land, Labradore and Lake Superior, ought to have a term of office sufficiently long to make them acquain- ted with their business. It is not by travelliuG: to and from the Legislature in a rail-road car or sleam boat, that a man can acquire a just knowledgj of the true interests of tha Union. Six years are an essential security to liberty, and that the sober and deliberate opinions of the pt'ople on public questions, shall, after being well discussed and considered by their re- presentatives, become law. For, to provide for true hberty, and ensure its enjoyment, care should be ta- ken that no measure be adopted without mature de- liberation. INIoreover, the superior Assembly has tlie power of impeachment ; ami a sliort time will seldom be suffi- cient to {\etyA guilt and pursue the offender to convic- tion. A briefer term would be, to blind the eyes of our watchmen, and to i)ind the hands which held the sword for our defence. The deputies woull likewise be able to instruct our rising population on many points of which to be ig- norant is attended with great evil. They uould sbev. that dilTeroncj of lank in society is highly l^enoficial to the general eomfort and liappincss. It is iiko the division of labour, and leaves every one to follow hi-s own business unmolested. Hank and office, when allowed a free circulation, a^i in the British emjiirr, 102 presents tho most desirable statu of society which cnn be conceived- It is a safeguard of freedom, the sourco ol the highest enjoyment, physical and intel- lectual, and a subject of honest prido and exultation. In regard to emigration, the imion would work ad» mirably; for it possesses localities within its bounds, suitable to pi?opIo coming from all the different por- tions of tho British empire. Are they fishers from Scilly, Shetland and the Hebrides ?— -The Banks of Newfoundland, theshores of Labradore and theGulph of St. Lawrence offer them innumerable stations, and the reasonable hope of acqu.ing great wealth. Are they agriculturists ? — The inland Provinces present millions of acres of the lurst fertile land in the world. The Confederacy would have power to protect in a far more effectual manner the fisheries on its shores than has been hitherto done, and thus deprive our natural rivals of a great souiee of wealth. Moreover, their own (ishi. ries would increase to an infinite de- gree ; and not only give additional strength to the navy, but produce an effectual and cheap bridle to the United States. AppointnT'^.nts from home to public offices would become rare, because quite unnecessary ; and thCf^ management of tho public lands and revenue cou. J be more easily arranged with one than eight govern- ments. The Legislature of the Union would with more ef- fect than the separate Colonies, establish a well-de- vised system of religious and intellectual education, throughout all the provinces. An education which would give uniformity of character to the people ; — and while it purified their morals, manners and ha- bits, woul;! direct their attention to the public good. /I dty which cdom, the and intel- ixultation. Ivvork ad^ ts bounds, irent por- shers from Banks of iheGuIph itions, and 1th. Arc 33 present the world, protect in its shores iprive our Moreover, ifinite de- ll to tho bridle to 3es would and th^t^ ue cou J t govern- more ef- well-de- Jucation, n which jople ; — - and ha- lic good. i03 A system of public instruction becoming the confe- deracy should direct the energies of youth to proper objects ; substitute knowledge of business for inex- perience — an intimate acquaintance with their true interests for blind propensities ; and gradually mould the inhabitants of the different colonies into one great nation. Nor is it Utopian to believe that in a com- paratively short time, the French character would re- lax, and form no distinct portion of the growing na- tion. But without entering further into detail, it may suffice to remark that to return to representative institutions in Lower Canada, for a long time to come, would be perfect madness : for it would only increase the rancour that bad management has produced be- tween the French and En,q^lish population. On tfie whole, the situation of these Provinces will force themselves on the attention of Parliament this ses- sion : but what policy it is best to pursue, there is great difficulty in determining. The General Union is a splendid project ; but perhaps the Provinces re- quire a little preparation before it can be judiciously adopted ; and thu settlement of the Boundary line seems a preliminary step to its fair consideration. *^1 Till prepared for the union, the best plan would ^be to modify the law for suspending the constitution /of Lower Canada, giving it the full power of the j Constitutional Act, and extending its duration to fif- I teen years. Then to change the language from I French to English in all courts of justice and public I proceedings — the English law to be introduced, civil I as well as criminal — emigration to be promoted and j\ poured in at any expense — the navigation of tlio St. ,^ \Lawrenco to he opened to tho lakes — the British [Provinces to be declared integral parts of the empire, 104 Xnd one or two members admitted from each into the House of Commons, If, in addition to this, a Colonial Board were es- tablished, on nearly the same principles as that fool- ishly suppressed by Mn Burke's act, consisting of permanent members, a steady judicious and prosper- ous administration of all the Colonies might be rea- sonably anticipated for very many years: for though the Colonial Secretary of State for the time being i would of course be at its head, yet he could not ea- sily change the general principles of policy by which xits decisiorjs were governed Jy- '# into the ere es- at fool- ting of rosper- be rea- tliough I being lot ea- / which LETTER XII. RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION. It was remarked in letter third, that one of the ad- vantages resulting from a General Union would be the facility with which the moral and religious im- provement of the population might be promoted, and institutions established s^ii^ilar to those in the Parent State, by which they would learn to distinguish be- tween liberty and licentiousness, and between social tranquillity and anarchy. Every Government is entrusted with the guardian- ship of the public morals; and accordingly, the world's history presents no people or nation in any state of civilization without Religion, There must be some standard of moral feeling, in order to keep society together. Indeed Religion, either true or false, has been at all times intimately connected with the government and polity of nations ; and the far- ther back we trace any one people, the greater will be found the influence of its modes of worship on its civil administration. Even in the smallest republics the sentiment of a common religion was found ne- cessary as a bond of union among their citizens. All other bonds were liable to be broken by the dissen- sion of parties : but the bitterest political opponents acknowledged that they were the children of one mother when they assisted at the customary rites of their native gods, and worshipped in tlio temples erected by the piety of their ancestors. iOG In all the confederations of antiquity, Religion was, in a special degree, the principle of unity, and infused into them all a spirit of nationality. Thus the temple of the Tyrian Hercules became the cen- tre of the Phoenician league ; — that of Jupiter La- tialis of the Latin confederacy : and the Greeks, notwithstanding their perpetual contests, felt that they were one people when they were assembled to celebrate the Olympic Games. In the great monarchies, which were composed of a mixed multitude of nations of different forms of worship. Religion could not act with equal force as a bond of union ; but it was nevertheless of the great- est importance, as it checked the despotism of mili- tary rules, and produced an order of men who, from their superior talents and supposed intimacy with the Gods, possessed a veneration of character and a de- gree of influence which kept the most absolute ty- rants under restraint. If, then, the wildest superstitions were found use- ful and necessary to preserve the very form of society, two things follow, — 1st. That without religion social order cannot long exist in any country. 2d. That as Religion becomes pure, the body politic becomes happy. Now among the nations acquainted with Chris- tianity, the question is between it and the absence of all religion : for no sort of Pagan superstition can «ver prevail among them. It is therefore justly in- ferred that no government can continue long either prosperous or happy, where Christianity is known, unless it be publicly professed and acknowledged. — The truth of this is as certain as the truth of the Gospel, and may be easily proved from history, which uni as i07 [leligion lity, and Thus the cen- iter La- Greeks, felt that ibled to losed of orms of Dree as a e great- of mili- 10, from with the id a de- lute ty- nd use* society, n social rhat as •ecomes Chris- erce of on can stly in- cither known, ged — of the , which uniformly shews that nations are exalted or debased as they revere or reject God^s revealed will. Look at the ancient world, and with the exception of one little spot, it was lying in wickedness. But in that spot there lived a people some thousand years ago, of manners singular and retired and repulsive to strangers ; and yet while every other nation was enslaved by superstition of the most odious and de- grading character, the Jews were not idolators, but sublime and pure in their worship of the only true God. Some countries advanced farther than they did in the arts and sciences, and some individuals among the heathen attained an eminence in personal virtues : but in religion, other tribes made no favou- rable progress, and in piety and virtue there was no comparison between the most celebrated of ancient nations and the inhabitants of Judea. And what is remarkable, as we recede from this favoured countrv. superstition gets more revolting and civilization gra- dually disappears. And if we talk of general com- fort and happiness, in these the Jews stood vastly pre-eminent. For elevation of sentiment, purity of manners, social enjoyment and personal liberty, no contemporary people could offer any such spectacle of popular felicity. In Judea a teacher of righteousness arose, an- nouncing himself a messenger from Heaven, and wielding ail the attributes of the Divinity. The re- ligion which he communicated to mankind, though he perished in the cause, was rapidly spread by his followers, and all the wickedness and splendour of superstition fell before it. Through its propagation Judea now embraces half the world, and ^^ill in time cover the whole. By what means ? — Nut Ly t]i<» 106 force of arms, but by the progress of «ound opiniori, All the nations ol" Europe, one after another, — Greek, Roman and Barbarian, gloried in the name of the crucified Galilean, and made national profes- sion of the faith. And at this hour, the east and the west, the north and the south, are throwing down their treasures before his manger. This blessed re- ligion is still proceeding, and is gradually making all nations one people, notwithstanding their difFerenco in colour, language and climate, and whether they inhabit the mountain or the plain, the coasts of the ocean or the recesses of the forest. It is breaking down by degrees all corrupt distinctions, and shall yet tame the wild, and restore Ishmael to his father^s house, giving him f a equal portion, without c^imi- nishing that of the son of Sarah. Christianity will go forward whether vi'o hear or whether we forbear, but woe shall inevitably overtake the nations and individuals who hinder its progress and place themselves in hostility to its holy require- ments. It is a fact of singular importance, that no nation known to history, v\iih the exception of the United States, ever existed without an established form of worship: and that some signal judgment has not al- ready destroyed that exception, may be accounted for from the circumstance that Christianity prevails to a considerable extent among the people, and there- fore a space may be given for repentence : but al- ready symptoms of destruction appear. Anarchy is making rapid strides, and the foundations of the so- cial compact are giving way. The devout believer in the Bible can havt no more patience or sympathy with professing Christians who L opinion, lother, — :he name al profes- ;t and tlm ng down essed re- aking all lifFerenco her thev is of the breaking and shall s father's ut dimi- hear or overtake progress require- nation United form of not al- Dcounted evails to therc- but al- archy is the so- no more [ins who 1(19 place tiKMiKL'lves in ();)pusition to religious est;il)lisli- nuMits, timn with the avuwecl iuliJel : for such iiisli- tiUioiis are scriptural and sanclioutHl by heaven. Au eci'le.siasticul establir^hmont was ortlained among tliw Jews by God hiinsell", and thougli in some respects inajiplici'j'olo to the Christian revelation, it involves the groat principle of National Religion, and may with some niodilictitions be adapted to ail nations be- lieving in the GospeL It would indeed be monstrous if a religious establishment moulded by the hands of God yielded no instruction — no practical Example for human guidance. Far from admitting so profane and impious a supposition, we boldly avow that no sincere and enlightened reader of his bible can be opposed to National Church Establishments, or he- sitate in admitting that the Jewish Church, separated from what was evidently special and temporary, fur- nishes the best ground-work of a national religious polity, and will operate in every sanctilied mind as a clear revelation of the will of God, that every nation professing Christianity is bound to make provision for its being taught to all its people. Nothing can be more clear than that the enemies of ecclesiastical establishments never read their Bi- bles with a sincere view of ascertaining the truth. — For in every page such an institution stands forth in bold relief, and presents a brief but complete refuta- tion of all their objections. Nor are the Scriptures less conclusive against mak- ing the Clergy dependent for their maintenance on the voluntary offerings of those whom they are ap- pointed to instruct. The divine economy placed the ministers of religion in absolute independence of J J iio ]»r/pular will or cuprice, as v.aW in rcganl to pccuniar^^ support Hi to ap[)oirjtmoi)t luiu removal. But although the ministers of religion among the Jews were secured in a comlortuble mainteuance ade- ipiate to their \var»tsand station in society, scope vva;* iitill left for iho manifestation of the spontaneous af- fection of the people towards them, and to their zeal also o:; special occasions when public spirit was likely to meet the demand. There was an animal gratuity to tlie Priests, left to the liberality of the people, and such as might give excitement to pious regard towards them and open the way for a reciprocal feeling on the })art of the Clergy. It was also the usage of the Jewish Church, following th » example of jloses, to appeal to the generosity of the nation whenever tlie house of God needed extensive repairs, or was to be rebuilt, or synagogues erected. A generous enthu- siasm was thus enkindled and always surpassed the necessities of the occasion. The Jewish polity, as established by God himself, likewise furnishes a complete refutation of the mon- strous dogma of modorn infidels and political dissen- ters, that governments ought to have no business with religion. *' Thou shalt provide out of all the peo- ple, able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hat- ing covctou55ness, ♦obe rulers ((f thousands, &c., and let them judge the people at all seasons." In the teeth of this, modern reformers in Church and Stat<^ prefer men without religion. Whether llu^y or God be right, judge ye. The administrators of government ought undoubt- edly to be religious. Thev are individuals amenable to God, and being appointed to act in high trusts, it is their duty to sanctify their acts as public men by ihtt long tliL* nee ade- ope vvat> eons af- leir zeal as likely gratuity pie, and towards g on the of the OSes, to ever the as to be S eiillui- pcd the limself, e mon- dissen- ess with le peo- th, hat- c, and In the id Stat<^ or God idouht- lenable usts, it I bv the ; ' ■ )flicc« (»f religion, othcrvvi'»e iheir I'icts cannot hoiK-