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Lorsque le document eit trop grand pour Atre reproduit en un seul ciichA, II est flimA d partir de I'angie supArieur gauche, de gauche d droite, et de heut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images nAcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants lllustrent la mAthode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 ;:.^ 7 ..-lit' a:** Ki / -.^ IMPORTANT LETTER f 11' ■ 4: i ON f RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT, PROM v*' i#;'v LIEUTENANT-COLONEL GO WAN, • M. r. r. FOR THE COUNTY OF LEEDS IN TJ. CANADA. 'isfcVr '■ Tlic ir.an who is not moveil wi1.li what ho reads, " WJio take's not lire, ivhen e'er his country nocds : Urwcrthy of the bloseings of the brave, ^ Js 'jaae in kiml, and born to be a slave. " CowriR. < i i I i A' r' ;! f TORONTO : PRINTED AT THE EXAMlVEII OFFtCE, " ■■^>*; * \ ) 1. E T T E R. " Th« qoMtion is an important one, and it is " but fair, that it should be approached on all "honds, in a spirit of candour, impartiality '•and truth. "—Jlfontreai Gazette, 2Uth July 1839. I have taken the above motto, from one of the most ultra, if not the most able, an- tagonist of Responsible Government, on the continent of British North America. — I have selected it purposely to show^ frst that those who aro its greatest enemies, admit its '•importance?" and secondly, to prove, by tlio same authority, that its discussion should bo conducted * in a spi- rit of candour, impartiality, and truth' — in that spirit I no^r approach it ; and while I fervently hope for its continuance through the discussion, I cannot with- hold my anxious desire, that in tho same spirit, tho reader will accompany mo through it. With this introduction, which tho public of all parties, will admit is a brief one, I proceed at once to the consi- deration of the subject. As many persons cither do not know, or do not desire to know what is meant by responsible government, it is necessary to explain what is meant and intended by t^.ose terms i so that all may know what they really are discussing and that no room for doubt, or cavil may hereafter exist. By responsible government then, I mean that the Lieutenant Governor should form his Executive Council, or Colonial Cabinet, of gentlemen having seats in the local Legislature ; and in whose judgment ability, and discretion, a majority of the Representatives of the people would rely, so as to ensure to the Executive, upon nil important questions of domestic govern- ment, the concurrence and support of the Legislature — the Governor not to be bound to take any particular set of men, but to be allowed a free choice ; and an unlimit- ed discretion, not only in the selection, but in the dismissal of his advisers also. This then, is what I call responsible govern- ment — it is the British Constitution, as administered in England, but denied to the Colonies, v^ith this exception, that in England it is necessarily more enlarged, embracing the Imperial interests of the whoJe empire ; while in a colony, it would bo necessarily more narrow and circun ' scribed, embracing domestic and local ii tc rests only. Having now stated what Colonial res ponsibilify means, I will proceed to consi - der tho matter under the following heads. Firsl — Does the present irresponsible system benefit England ? Second — Does it benefit Canada 1 Third — What were its effects in the old Colonics ? Fourth — Is Colonial responsibility con- sistent yith tho Constitution % Fifth — Is Colonial responsibility, a British or an American custom % 8ixth — Aro the people of Upper Cann da, deserving the benefits of its introduc- tion ? Seventh — What has been its origin and ^ progress in the Colony ? Lastly — Some objections to it answer- ed. I am first to consider ; does the present irresponsible system, benefit England ? — To answer this question, it will not bo ne- cessary to use much argument ; it ho: been already declared in a continued strain of language not to bo misunderstood fov the last twenty years : and by authorities not to be doubted ; that instead of benefit- ing England, the present irresponsible sys tem, has been a constant source of unhnp piness to her statesmen, and a constan'^ drain upon her resources — a sort of uii fathomable whirlpool, into which the beslj intentions of her Ministers, and the mi lions of her gold continually enter, an from which, nothing but discontent a:i fresh demands are emitted. To establislj this fact, I will only refer to a (ew auihc rities ; but those shall be conclusive. Admiral Coffin, upwards of fifteen yean ago, declared in his place in the Britis House of Commons, that so great and e:; travagant, were our constant demands u on England that it would be much bette| for the nation if tho tow rope was cut m the Colonies set a drift ! Mr. Warburlon, in the course of lengthy speech, delivered in the Britr House of Commons, in August 18^^ * ted that the Canadot oost too EoffP*^ & r tioHN^ t house clesias vy, an missai partm( elusive Wheat argued .to the I gociate Upw nions y nell Ba ry at w his li ig Jier Ma the best a corret The] Chancel on open: House o last, Stat EXPExN defence ( ending A dred and and that epding ir ^ndred pounds; makes tt sand thri Qxtraordl wo add t j a^ stated] Pjftrnell, for the Ij the Britis nine mill fhousandl h I migl »'ject fror ^Jumo, other Ral their prif with tnei such upc as I am,| shown, t\ that the fruitful already' Nor car I«»% nrcun ocal ii 1 ial res 3 corisi • ' heads. > >on8ibio 1 the old lily con- 1 bility, n er Cann ntroduc- rigin and ; anewer- present! gland t— lot be rtc- l: it ho aed attain stood fov luthorities >f benefit- osiblo sys- of unhnp- a constant lort of uii- ;h the besl i the mil enter, an Dntent a-i( 'o establis few authc ive. fteen year the Brills eat and e: emands up nuch bette vas cut qJi ^n upwards of tmo miUlomfne hunthred thousand annually, including Canals, Ec- clesiastical establishment, the Army, Na- vy, and Indian establishments, the Com- missariat, Ordinance, and Engineer De- Public Works, &c. «fec., ex- the Timber Monopoly, the partments, elusive of coureo of the Briti lb I me »»»" 1 18^ Wheat, Corn, and other Monopolies, and argued at much length, that it would be to the advantage of Great Britain, to no- gociate a peaceable separation. Upwards of two years ago, similar opi- nions were expressed by Sir Henry Par- nell Bart M. P. for Dundee, and Secreta- ry at war ; and it is to be presumed that his high rank and official standing in her Majesty's Government afforded him the best possible opportunities, of forming a correct judgment upon th.e subject. The Right Hon. Thomas Spring Rice Chancellor of the Exchequer, in his speech on opening the * Budget,' in the British House of Commons, on the 7th of July last, stated that the EXTRAORDINARY EXPENSES ALONE, for the military dofence of the Canadas, for the two years ending April 1838, amounted to nine hun- dred and forty seven thousand pounds ; and that the estimate for the irresent year, opding in April 1840, is one million one ^ndred and one thousand, three hundred pounds; which added to the former sum, makes two millions and forty eight thou- sand three hundred pounds sterling, for Qxtraordinary expenses alone. And if wo add this sum, to the ordinary expenses, a9 stated by Mr. Warbuvton, Sir Henry P^rncll, and others, it will bo found that ibr the last three years the Canadas cost the British nation, tho enormous sum of nine million five hundred and forty eight fhousand three hundred pounds sterling ! ! ,, I might quote much to illustrate this sub- yject from the published speeches of Mr. .^ume, Mr. Roebuck, Mr. O'Connell, and other Radicals, but as neither tho men nor their principles have ever been authorities with me, so I declino to adduce them as such upon the present occasion : satisfied as I am, that sufficient has been already shown, to convmce every reasonable mind that the present irresponsible system is the fruitful parent of increased tax.atlon to tho already over-taxed people of England. — Nor can we hope by its continuance for tlMl^liint dii9inut&S^n In this outrageous and •j^lpU^VO* eiplibSiture — this fact we are ^0k^fiiiM by" thoBc who are its warmest and aUiMt advo(»at«s : as for exampio, in the * Report oftho Select Committee of the House of Assembly, on the state of the Province,' drawn up by Mr. Henry Shor- wood, Q. C. and adopted by tho House, in the Session of 1837 and 8 ; the follow- ing passage occurs. — ♦ Tho next sugges * tion to which your Committee beg to * draw the attention of your Hon. House, * is the necessity (now too plainly obvious) * of keeping up a respectable military force * within both Provinces.' And again, the sama demand is reiterated for continufjd military occupation and expenditure, in tho * Report of the Select Committee of tho ' House of Assembly,' drawn up by Mr. Hagerman, A. G. and adopted by fho House, at the close of the last Session, (1839) as the following passage will prove. * Yo.ir Committee feel called upon to im- * press upon your Hon. House tho neces- * sity — a painful one it certainly is — of * assuring our gracious Queen, that while * her loyal subjects in these provinces, ac- * knowledge with the deepest gratitude tho * efficient protection extended to them, by * the large military force that has been * stationed in the country, they are bound * to reiterate the opinion expressed in tho « Report of your Hon. House of tho last * Session ; that the continuance of this < protection is essential to their future * peace and safety.' Thus, then, I trust I have shown, that not only is the present irresponsible sys- tem deeply injurious to England ; but that it is proposed by its advocates, to render that deep injury, a settled incubus upon the mother country. Under such circum- stances the plain question will naturally strike the mind of every reflecting man, can the continuance of such a system, promote a lasting connexion with tho ■ Parent State ; or can those who uphold it, be considered as favourable to that connexion ? Should they not rather be viewed as its worst enemies, and as the Traitors to British Supremacy in the Col- onies ? Is it of any consequence to Eng- land whether Mr. Chri«topher Hagerman, or Mr. Robert Baldwin, is tho Attorney- General of Upper Canada — whether Mr. Henry Sherwood, or Mr. George Boswell, is called UfK-n to discharge tho duties of Queen's Counsel — whetlier Mr. Carf- wright, or his partner, Mr. Armstrong, fill a similar post— or whether the situa- ticns held by Mr, John Joseph, Judge . 1' JL Khci'wood, Judgd Junai, or Sir Allan Macnab, were filled by gentlemen uncoii- noctnd with what is popularly termed, the •' Family Compact'?" 1 use the names of these gentlemen, by way of illustration ; and I again repeat that it can make no dltrerenco to England, which class of those persons, fill the public ollices in Up. •Having thus siiown, that the Irrc^jpo^]- sible system docs not benefit Enj^land ; I now come to the consideration of tho second h'.>ad, nunit^ly does it benefit Ca- nada ? To a resident of the province, it would be scarcely necessary to put this interro- gatory ; one view of the country would bo Canada, provided the duties of tho ofiicea sufiicient to satisfy any observant mind, nro discharged with integrity and ability. Y ot strangers might bo led to believe tlial What iniorest then, can England have, to u country, where so manycstablishnionts resist tho public wish ; or to keep any set nro upheld, and in the support of which, of men in office, in opposition to the public England annually lavishes so many mil- voice? And yet, the advocates of irres- lions, would surely possess, at least a ponsibility, wish to make it appear, that degree of temporary contentment, pros- upon tho perpetual continuance in office, perity & wealth ; .Ait unfortunately the sad of jne particular set of men, depends the reality forces a contrary confession; in- connexion with tho Mother Country ! — stead of havinff peace rnd tranquillity Surely the futility of such an assum})tion tcUldn and receiving capital, cnterjM-isu is obv ous to evjry man. Even the Hon. and emigration from without^ wo have John Neilson, Editor of the Quebec Gaz- civil war and coniontion at home, Vrhile cite, one of the most able antagonists of tlie miserable piitanee of capital, eniigra- responsible government, in an elaborate tion or enterprise received from abroad, article, published on the 15th July, 1809, wu have neither tho influence nor tho honestly admits, that "it can be of no import moans to keep with us when they come. »* to England, who are the men who hold Thus then we find, that this irresponsible •* office in the province, provided they dis- system, instead of benefiting Canada ; »* charge the duties of their office. She that it discourages the British population ; ♦♦ spends more money in Upper Canada, that it inflames the Reformers; that it gives " than all the Civil List amounts to, and a handle to domestic radicals and foreign "it can be no great satisfaction to tho Hympathicers; that it satisfies nono but tho *' the Queen's Secretary for the colonies, vile "Compact ;" that it taxes En/'land; •' to be troubled with the quarrels of the impoverishes Canada, and benefits tne U. ♦'colonies." To close this head of the States; into which country all our money discussion, I would merely ask ; — Does Great Britain desire to maintain tho con- nexion, or does she not ? This is a car- iMnal question. If tho answer is in the jiffirmative, then I ask, in what way does uhc desire to maintain it — with the con- tent of the people, or by the sword ? If with the consent of the people, then the idtimatcly finds its way, never to return. If any man of common observation, will only divest himself of prejudice, and look at the country from tho Eastern to its Western extremity, ho cannot fail to be- hold its fruilii, which the irresponsible tree has produced. Independent of the deep- est and bitterest party-strifo and animosity v»'ishes of the people should be consulted, he cannot open his eyes without viewing and persons enjoying their confidence deserted mansions ! uncultivated fields ! should administerthe government. Thus a neglected harbours! half finished or half reciprocity, between those governing and closed canals! miserable roads! depreciated fliose governed would prevail and the mu- tual tiev/ould be too strong and tooelastic. property' a stagnant trade! a crippled commerce ! a selfish and illiberal banking cither to require military force to defend it system ! bayonets for Canada ! and taxes or to be snapped by every hurricane, that for England to send them here ! a dimin- faction and unprincipled men might at- ished revenue ! and an increasing debt ! — tempt to raise, it is not necessary to ar- lie can see nothing of a prosperous, hcal- guc the other alternative ; because it must thy or a thriving nature — his eyes only bo obvious, that it is neitlier the interest, rest upon what has been described by Sir ijor the principle of Britons, to enforce Francis Head, as "a land pf pcstilenj^ llicir institutions with the sword, nor to and famine*' — "a gir(]k(|Jre»|. trace the records of their benignant sway, drooping branches, tostS^aiiSiy , in characters of blood. that its natural nouris!h|^ni|^^)t^|[^ liboratcly visit tho ask ; wh! vou desc t dsj, vvh f (Untry your dill parent st would could not fess, thai our dill pure ; oi| internal plod; anc we sprur but that " Stood a ll If it i our air o or intellij our mise ing of o responsil scribed ? called m it down. No ! eve rather le — every every ar tatod str spurious lop off t been tor symmetr new life which fc and hea peace a follow. 1 trus Canada i of the in it Can be at this 1 have bee hall, for the Impr or wheed the part fare. / ing our in the as is there blinded who can ms^in a liboratoly «ut olT." Sliould a it.angor visit tho tlio l*j'Ovinc:o, ho woiil'i naturally ask ; what has caused all tho uVi-icfy whioli vou describe ; all tlio trair* of altniKhint 1 ils> which are but too nmnifost inyoir r luntry ? Is your aoil iinprodLictivo ( your climato co'.d and barron i Is tl.o parent stem lUihoalthy ? And what ro|ily would wo give to such quusiion 3 ? \\'u could not iicgative them : wo should con- fess, that our soil is rich and fertile ; that our climate is wholesome ; our water.=3 pure; our mineral wealth abundant; our internal water communications unexam- pled; and that tho parent stem from whence we sprung, is not only sound and healthy, but that it has "Stood a thousand yo.irs.tho battle nnJ tho Ijrcezc." If it is nothing in ojir soil or climate ; our air or water ; our industry, enterprise, or intelligence ; what then can cause all our misery and unhappincss, but the work- ing of our colonial constitution ; the ir- responsible tree, which I have before de- scribed ? Shall then the Axe man ])Q called m, and tho fatal order given — "cut it down, why cumbcreth it the ground" ? No ! every British manly feeling forbid it! rather let every voice be loud in its favour — every heart fortified for its defence — every arm uplifted to ward off the medi- tated stroke. Let the axe fall on the spurious protuberance of irresponsibility: lop off the unnatural swelling, that has been too long permitted to destroy its symmetry Sf draw oft' its sap — infuse tho new life blood into the old channels from which for a time it has been withdrawn ; and health withi.i and beauty without ; peace at homo and strength abroad, will follow. 1 trust then, that I have shown, that Canada is not benefited by a continuance of the irresponsible system ; unless indeed it Can be a benefit to us, to view ourselves at this moment ; and to consider that we have been for years, a sortof polilicaiybo/- ball, for the two great parlies into which the Imperial Parliament is divided, to kick or wheedle at their pleasure, as it may suit the party purposes of their political war- fare. And what hope have we of better- ing our condition, whatever party may be in the ascendant at home ? Or what man is there, not stultified by ignorance, or Winded by the most criminal selfishness, who can desire that we should longer re- rnsjin a political play-toy for Mr. Christo- pher TLigermun, and a luughiiij-altxik loi' the infellignnt aud civili',;cd woild ' Tho hingungf may be tcM'nKMl strong, but is it nittru(!? and wliat truo-hearlrd loyalist, rir lover of his country can avoid it ; when ho beholds " the most dospisnd mt'ti iu Upper Canada,'' us if in mockery o' tho jHiblio voI;:e, not only coiillnui d iu oflico, iujt rcfjronco madi; to him, and hU advico and couiiud gMUM'ally asked! Should furthrr iuff.rnintion bo d(.'sirod, as to tho nctu;il coudilicni, to wliioh irrcsponsiblo govcrniiiont has reduced Upper Canada ; I know no docimKiUt, in which it is more truly find faitlifullv described, than In his Excellency Sir Cleorge Arthur's desj)atclii to [jord Glcnclg : and to that docum'nt, full of descriptive truth, I bog rcspcctijlly to refer. 1 am to consider, thirdly ; what were its efiects in the Old Colonics ] To view the clFects of tho irrcsponsibio system in the Okl Colonies, and to see what it has brought about, ono has only to turn to their library, and open the first history of those colonies and plantations upon which the hand is laid, and in almost every page, we trace the baneful efiects of this anti-BrilisIi and rebellious system. Inuoed the annals of our parent country abundantly prove that the Anglo-saxon race, would not long sufler tho govern- ment of an irresponsible power. Franco has very recently demonstrated the same imperishable truism, and even the United States, men of our own blood, c^' children of our own parents, have brought homo tho samo fact, and deposited it at our very doors ! Nay, more, does not the past history and present condition of our colo- nial possessions on this continent, estab- lish the samo fact ? Do we not see Up. and Lower Canada ; Nova Scotia and Prince Edward's Island ; N jwfoundland, and Cape Breton ; all " hungering and thirsting," for local responsibility ; and all declaring, in language not to be mis- understood that without it, they can hope Cor no peace, no prosperity ? Have wo not beheld the same system, produce the snme fruit in New Brunswick, until the administration of Sir John Harvey, when in an hour of threatened invasion and emergency the responsible system was conceded to that colony ; and since the concession, what people have been more united ; what Governor more popular ; or what province more truly British ? Why I!; It tluHi siioukl wo bo dubari'od of the same privilegos, enjoyed by us when by our nativo iiro-sides, in old England ; and by our fellow-colonlats in tlifs loyal and fldii- risbing province of Now Hrunswick ? All history, as well human us divine goes to provo that without peace there can bo no jirosperify, contentment, being the founda- tion of all prosperity. A family, n church, a society, or a nation, at war with itself, instead of enjoying prosperity, wastes its resources, enervates its strength r^nd falls into rapid decay — " a house divided against itself cannot stand." Lot us then have the benefits and blessings of peace, by local self-government and security, and suflfur us no longer to bo repining in disfrust and dissalisjaclion, lest those may lead to a bitterer and more hostile feeling than at present exists. It is worthy of remark, that those of the old colonics which had the freest constitutions, remained the most loyal. Those in which the Crown retained the most power in its own hands, were the first to reb«I ; while those that had extend- ed to them, the principle of even a partial responsibility, remained firm in their duly and allegiance, and were only torn from the parent stato, by the ' pressure from without :'* and even many of them (Rbodo Island for example) retain to this day, tho Royal Charter, with slight modifications! as their constitution. It has been well and truly said, by an able and distinguished writer in the St. Catharines .Journal, that the present State of New- York, was once tho Colony of New-York ; so it was ; — there too, the "Glorious Flag" of Great Britain unfortunately protected a once proud and local " compact :" there, for many years, did a patient and loyal people pray for a redress of grievances : long and earnestly did ihey remonstrate against the irresponsible powers assumed by the do- mestic " compact :" but unluckily their complaints were unattended to, and what was the result % Where British laws might have been administered with British jus- tice; where British power might havo protected millions of happy and loyal Bri- tons, content with the enjoyment of British constitutional liberty! and where the time honoured and glorious Red Cross of St. George might still have waved victorious, now floats in triumph the * Stars ^ Stripes' of a new & rival power. Such were its ef- fects in the old colonies, and such must be its effects here if persisted in. Let the pcoplo of UppQr Canada th«» who ard loyal and true at heart, implore a benefi- cent ProTidcnce, to rouchiafe to them, a speedy and safo doiiverance from the like perils. Lot them ''struggle zealously and earnestly" for British responsibility, and with it an *• eternal connexion" with the British Empire. I am now to consider is colonial rotpon- sibility consistent with the Constitution ? — By tho constitutional act, Slst of George III, wo are allowed to have a council * for ihe ajfairs of the Province," not for any particular or special afTair, but the affairs. Had tho act said, for its decision on a Mi- litia claim or a U. E. right, or any other special, or express matter, tho power of the council, its duties and prerogatives, might be said to bo defined and limited by law ; but when * the affairs of the province* ore expressly slated, to be within the duty of the Council, then there can be no room for cavil, or doubt, ns to its extent, or limitation — all things that can, with pro- priety, bo termed 'the affairs of the Pro- vince,' a re clearly and by the express letter of the constitution, within tho sphere of its action ; while all things foreign to *tho affairs of tho Province,' are foreign to tho duty of the council. This is the plain and obvious reading of the constitution itself. Independent of tho letter of the constitu- tional act, tho spirit of all free govern- ments is on tho same side. To a clear and observant mind ; indeed to any persont at all acquainted with history, it must be ob- vious, that in no free country can govern- ment, be conducted, either with advantage or satisfaction, if opposed in its important measures, by the people, In many mat- ters, tho servants of the crown may be, and indeed often are in a minority in tho le- gislature, without any serious interruption to the general harmony ensuing but when the legislative and executive powers meet in hostile array, upon any cardinal questi- on, it is plain that ono party or the other must recede, or tho general tranquillity 6s safety will be jeopardised. But although I give it as my opinion that in such a case, the advisers of the Governor should give way ; still I am far from supposing that the representatives of tho people, as well as their rulers, may not err — they may come to hasty and erroneous conclu- sions, and arrive at doctrines which if carried out, would sap the foundation '"f the very constitution itself. In such « ,>l»nd •precis Govern aolemn terfwei be is8U( Colonia would ii road at service, situatior whom a accordiL wo are form of lich if ition -f 1 such oaao ilwouU bo the duty of ihu council , ilMtead of receding fi'otn tho Governor unJ withdrawing from iiia confKlonco u> remain firm in their course, unil adviao an immediate appeal to the people hy a disso- lution of tho Assembly, within a reasona- ble time ; should tho people support the views of tho council, well and good ; if otherwise the provincial judgment would have been clearly pronounced, and it could not conduce to tho public weal, that the council should longer continue in tho fublic service. Ever since the days of tho mmortal Prince of Orange, when the li- berties of tho people were fixed on a secure and imperishable foundation, this practico has prevailed in England, and when it is constitutional and conservative there, why should we not enjoy it here ? Tho single exception may l>e taken to 178G, when Mr. Pitt did not retire from tho public service although a largo majority of tho House of Commons, were opposed to him ; he was moreover supported by tho Lords and by the Sovereign, «& he eventually succeeded. 'Such doctrines are however, exploded in these days. In 1829, the Duke of Wel- lington and Sir R. Peel, gave up their op- position to * Catholic Emancipation,' bc- |:auso the commons had so frequently declared for it. And again in 1835, both thow eminent statesmen, retired from the CiAniet) after many unsuccessful attempts to Mcapb a majority in the commons. Tho vftrv nature of a free constitution, ncces- '•ily inirolves responsibility without which ^oiple, the name is but a mockery. If * ia to bo no diredt and immediate ac- ibiUty within the colony, it is absurd of a colonial administration ; better ^ repeal the constitution at once, Mr. Stephen, or whatever other ^^n writes the colonial despatches, ^^drad out the orders of his master, with ^l^recise imtructions' to the Lieutenant Grovernor to enforce them, without the soiemn farce of a nominal legislative in- teifwence— let the • precise instructions' bo issued from Downing Street to each Colonial Governor ; just as an 'order' would issue from the Horse Guards to bo road at the head of every regiment in tho service. We should then know our exact situation and form of government, and by whom administered, and govern ourselves accordingly ; — but if, on the other hand, wo are to have a free and representative form of government, let us have that local indcpendenoe and rospoutiibiiity which tts spirit guarantees — lot us not bo mocked with the name deprived of its reality ; tho name without tho gain. I do not aak to in- troduc this principle into tho working of our colonial government, as ' tho device of a ciintting man ;' as an unpractical theory duiibtrul in its results and consequonccb. I'oth systctnf^, the responsible and irrcs- })onsiblo, have been tried ; the former in England, liio latter in Canada ; one has succeeded, the other has failed ; one has produced charity, power and wealth, tho other sanguinary strife, weakness and j j- verty ; ono has stood tho test of nges, tho other cannot stand a century. But view- ing the matter even as a mere experiment, its trial is perfectly safe, because if ('as is contended by its adversaries) it would lead to separation from the mother coun- try, the moment such an attempt would bo made by a colonial cabinet, the British Government would possess the same pow- er to crush it that it possesses at present. Tho experiment (H' experiment it can properly bo called,^ would not weaken or diminish British supremacy in tho colony, wrest a single fortress from its grasp, a heart from its allegiance, or a bayonet from its defence. It would be as free and as powerful to crush rebellion then, as it is now. The only diflerence, it seems to me, which the introduction of the British principle, into the practical administration of our colonial government, would effect, would be this. It would place the Execu- tive government of the provmce, at the Jiead of public opinion, instead of leaving it at the tail. It would station a steady, vigilant and constitutional pilot, at tho helm of public sentiment, directing tho various adverse winds and currents by which it is continually assailed into safe and legitimate channels ; instead of, as at present, placing itself in direct opposition to that sentiment, blocking up the currents and concentrating the floods, until at length they resist all barriers, and burst forth with overwhelming violence, against all impediments and opposition. In New Brunswick, the late Governor Sir Archibald Campbell, refused to com- ply with the wishes of the Assembly, which body declared that they wanted se- veral reforms, and had no confidence in the Governor's advisers to carry them through. Sir Archibald dissolved the As- sembly and appealed to the people ; they tl,: 8 •oiificnifil ihe tj|i'mi(jn «;xprelicil hy lliuir ro()roscritiitivr:j, iiiuJ ugniri tclurmul llicm fo Parliiiiiiciil ; tlio new Iloutc srnl homo Mosars. Cnmu iiial W'ilinot, as duN'^'utcs Id till! Cohm'uil n!il( o : wliiit. wn.s tlio ro- sult I yir Aicli!l);ilJ Ciitii|)I)cll was it;- rallml ; Sii- JdIih lliirvry was a))j)(/uiti?(.l ; lio chose for liid CiMiiail, muii who accur- (ul ii trmjority in ihohjcal I'ai liaincnt ; uikI fiuru ihat dny to this, that (wcelk'iit and |)o-)iihtr Governor, Sir John Harvey, ruh-a the Province in peace, liarmony, loyahy and prosperity. Wlial other principh', then, had redponsiiile govcrntiient Intro- •luccd, hut a change of men, luid with thcin, some nceesauiy locul rcj'orins ? AikI if so, \vc surely cannot suppose that the holding of the olllco of Attorney or Soli- citor CJencral, of Queen's Counsel, Tnspoc- for, or Receiver General, or any similar apj)ointmoiit, by A. ]>. or C'. or Ity X. Y. or Z. can load to ot brinp; ahout scpuratiun. Lot us then have rcspr)n.si])le government in U[»per Canada, as our ffHow-colonisia have in New JirunswieU ; and instead of having hundreds of traitors to contend witii at homo, and hundredd of syn)pathi- sors to lepel from abroad, wo shall bo ns loyal a people as the gallant New I'luns- Nvickers; and following their noble c.sarn- ple, wo shall freely oiler our men and our money, to the neighboring colonies, should they need our assistance. Say then Uri- tons of Upper Canada, sh'dl we continue this little mound of partition, which a self interested 'Compact' has erected between ouraelves and the glorious constitution of our mother country, or shall we come out boldly, as Britons & loyal subjects should do, to level it with the dust, and to erect upon 'ts foundation, the Pillar of ]>rilish Liberty, with the Flag of the constitution floating from its loftiest lower % My fifth proposition is to con^'idor whe- ther Colonial responsibility, is a British, or an American custom. There can be no person acquainted with English annals, who will deny that res- ponsibility — immediate, direct and une- quivocal — in every department of the Ex- ecutive governinent, is a "part & parcel" of the Constitution itself — that it is so in- terwoven with the customs and practices of Britain, as to be considered the modern Magna Charta of the Parliament of the Empire. Responsibility on the part of the Executive to the people's representatives, is characteristic of the British name — it is blended with ihc vory i.aturc of her poU licul institutions ; and it is tho most dittin* giiishing and protnini'tit |irinciplu of the compact between the Britihh Sovereign h tho Jiriti:ih I'e( pU- — it is written us clear 11,1 with u sunbeam, in every page of her h^gislulivo hibtory. In the mother country W(! behold her INIajesty so fur consultmg tlu! wishes of the pe<;ple, os to continue nf) IMiiiibtcr in Dlllce, no matter how pow- eri'ul by connexion, or how great or varied may be his talents, except he possess tho oonlitlenctj of iIkj nation, as expressed through its representatives in Parliament ; w hile here, on the otiier hand, we behold that Sovereign's deputy, continuing his Advisers in ollice, w hciher thi-y [)os8eas the conlidi'iico of tho people or not! — Hero then, is tho great tlislmclion and thy true source (-f all our didictdties. Tho Sovereign in England, administers tho Constitution according (a Jiritish princi' p/rs ; while the CJovernor in Canada, ad» ministers u, uccnriliv^ to American prac- tice. The Queen's depn'y is allowed to do more in the capital of Canada than the (^ueon herself can do in the capital of ]'Jngland, the very heart of her Empire! Jle may act as u powerful and coloniuUy irresponsible despot, while She must adt as a Constitutional and limited Monarckl In Er.gland, the government mustbottt*^ ried on, wiili the approbation of Paalifr ment; here it may be conducUd in dfl^ ance of it ! Surely then there it noihK^ of British practice, British principle,' British feeling, in such a coucve. f quite unnecessary that I should lo«d'' few pages with quotations from.' stone, or from any of the moderp lary works of eminent Englirf. the principle and practice at home, . well known to be doubted or questiotw But if any thing were needed lobriog djil practice down to the very latest date, waiA from the very highest authority, wb«t de recent events open to our view ? Do^'V not read that in Er^land even His Grace the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel, tho highest " tory" and *'preroga- tivo" statesmen of modern times, actually declare that the Queen's confidential advi- sers aro responsible to Parliament, even for the very Household apfoiniments ; aye even down to her Majesty's waiting maids. Yet, here forsooth, we can have no parli- amentary i-esponsibility. even for the high- est and most impoivai •^ offices in the colo- i jire/oi'.it ted : it i a Ijo.ve '1. ny. Ilow can nk.'n \viit> uphuUl sucli ix iiysLPin, Buy tbcy aro J^ritons 'tt hoait, fool- in;^ and prRctico 1 ^^()sl ufaurodly fhny cannot. AliJiouj^li iho IJi-itisli constitution is not a body of written lau\ us ours \n ; vol, i'. is as cU-iir, as simple, as nol)l(.', and Its dcliiiL'd, us tlial portion of it, wliicli is written in ilio pii!^f)s of IMiiguu Clmrlu. — ]t is u stn()ondous coliuan, (erected alter !i)]fes of o.\j)Cirien<',o ; cndearod to the liearts of the peoph) of Knjjlund, hy the loil and blood which cemented it ; und us visible to their ' mind's eye,* as were tlie Pyra- mids of the Pbaroahs to the optics of an li^^ypliiin. It is a conipcnilinni of laws all I customs, of practices and usages, of ](rci"oi\i fives ndmitt(;d,of concns.:ions gran- ted : it i>! a I'biono erected by Iveason ; a []() .ve; where Liberty delip,hl3 to dwell : it is not porfuir.cd ))y aonuals that bloom only for a sea..-;on, nor adorned by tinsel to capllvalo ihc eye ; it.-i odour and its orna- ments emanate from that Divine JJeing, whose blessings it supplicates; wlioso protection it has exporienced ; nmy truly ])i) compared to the ' Table of the liaw,' traced by an invisible finger upon the heart of England y the Ibunlain to \vhicli llio thirsty and oppressed Englishman flies fur relief; the Jdount Sinai of a I>riton. " Pfi/.o it yo Miuinlorq ; 30 Monar'.'hfl spnro, " Y«i rutriola {Tiiaril it v.itli a JNIisor'a rare." An irresponsibly administered govern- ruent, instead of bcin'' allied to raiy thim? '»i;Ui8h, in name, nature, or practice; is •»08t con6j)icuous feature of a Dcino- ,it is a Democrat by biith ; in prin- ts fallacious; in practice, it is re- 'md yaukce ; since the glorious % great & good King \Villlam,' !qi.od any part of the open, .d " be jast und fear not" cou- ^4 a true Jjrilon, who, instead of eva- iig direct, immediate & j^rcsent accoun- ability, is proud of it; solicits a scrutiny ito all Ills actions ; and stands with clean ^ands and an open heart, responsible to ills God, to his sovereign and to his coun- try. The irresponsible system is tint of secrecy and the ballot ; its foundation if deceit its prmciple is distrust it is protect- ed by secrecy : it discards allection and conlidcnce : sets at naught the natural and consttutional fealty of the people and car. onl^' bo preserved in the ascendant — at the bayonet's point or the cannon's mouth — I: is the dear bought and ill be- stowe/*/- iis/i priiicip/e c»i the Uritisk practice ; but afur the fashion of republicanism ; which, it would seem, affords rather a nominal, than a real rcspon-^ibility ; as a thousand acts have amply d-'mohstrated. 1 have already (juoted a few jjrominent instances during tho administration of President Jackson, and GovcrnoV Ritncr ; but I li nd the same principle fully ca riled out, by the present President, IMr. Van Buren ; ibr example, — (and jierhaps a contrast would be the best example) — upon a men^ question of colonial policy, tho British Ministry v/ent out of office, having only a bare majority oi five to support them, in tho House of Commons, last May ; and this on tho Jamaica (paestion : while in the " great Republic" we have seen measures come directly from the President and his Cabinet, fivie times in succession rejectee hii Congress J and yet, both President and Cabinet keep their places. Now, here then, we have the contrast — in Britain direct and immediate responsibility — in the United States, dogged and unac- countable chicanery. Still we are rcforrcritish col- ony, look to Britain and to Britnin only, for tlio workings of the systum — lot thoso v.-ho desire potty tyranny, and star cham- ber responsibility, look to tho U. States lor examples; thoso who desire British responsibilityiiavo no occason to go abroad to look for examples. An irresponsible colonial government, is but another namo for a Roman Pro-Consulate — it may suit the capacity of a minor, as milk will tho stomach of an infant; maturity requires meat as well as milk ; and no Proconsu- lar form of government can be permanent where the stream of domestic responsi- bility, does not supply thn milk that nou- rishes and tho meat tliat strengthens to maturity, p.nd gives to tfianhood its life, vicrnur and elasLicitv, i*,lv sixlu proposition i.-^, nro tho people of Upper Canada deserving of the benefits of its introiluction i Under this head, [ would remark, that in tliis colony, as well as in all others, there nro religious, local, political and party dif- ieronces : in fact, I view them as csscnlial to the purity of the community, and to tho stability, if not the existence, of all free governments — they arc inseparable from the varied and cvor varying opinions of man ; they will find life and form, as long as our fallen nature has an existence. In England, we find the greatest jealousy of, and opposition to, the great contending par- ties ; but tlieref there is no treason against the state : but simply ^Vhigs against To- ries ; Ministers againsv Oppositionists; or, in other words, the Ins against the Outs^ and vice versa. Hero, every man, no mat- tor how loyal, who asks for the introduc- tion of the British principle of responsibi- lity, in tho administration of the colonial government, is denounced as a rebel and traitor to his country ! It is in vain to urge that through his whole life he has been a devoted loyalist; that through tho partial insurrections and invasions of 1837, 1838, nnd 1839, he rushed to the post of danger, and volunteered to expose his body to every passing bullet ; nay, even the wounds upon his own body, received in his country's defence, are not sufficiout to screen him from the malignant opposition of antagonists, or to husU to siloncc the calumny, of tho &ccrot and irrcsponslblo enemy. These observations I regret to say, not only apply to myself individually, but arc also continually applied to all thoso v/lio support tho same principles ! As np- ])licd to myself, I care nothing about them; tiio whole history of my political life, and the evidence which I always carry about my person, nro tho best answers I could give to such calumnies ; but v.s applied la the great bulk of the people, I woidd sny, they are either true or false — thoso who titter them, may take cither horns of tho dilmma. If true, then it demonstrates a very unwholesome state of society, and one that ought not to be allowed to conti- nue : if false, it ought never again to bo repeated ; but to bo r.t onco and for ever abandoned. No country can prosper where ui.slryalty is allowed to flourish ; tno utmost latitude should bo given to n conscientious diirorcnco of opinion in all matter's whether religious or political ; but ail cau'3cs for treason and disloyalty ought to be immediately removed — this I appre- hend is the true science of government, and without its application no country can prosper. Governor Simcoc, the first Re- presentative of Majesty in Upper Canada, old tho assembled representatives of tho people, in their first Parliament, that ours was tho '* very imago and transcript" of tho constitution of the mothdr-country.' — Well do tho groat bulk of tho peopio of Upper Canada deserve that free and glof^ ous constitution, and rationally and r " have they defended it. Though oncr^ lution had torn from tho ancestors^ of them, all their earthly possesr' ti;c homes of their fathers ; and dread of another stared them X. yet, was not tho altar of Britisu prostrated in their hearts — the procW^ tions of Hull, and the multitudes of WiM kinson, wero not able to allure their aHe- giancc, or damp their valour — the intern^ treason of Mackenzie, Duncombo & Phil lips ; and the external throats and pro- mises of Sutherland, Van Ranssclaer andj Von Shoultz, foil alike still born, lifclesFJ and sterile, on their manly hearts. And are not the Emigrant llrilons, as well as thoso who forfeited their all, rather than their connexion with Britain, and who liO' od foreign foes and domestic traitors, ;n perpetuation of that connexion, onlitlcd to some rcf^pcct? Do they not dcscrvo all tho rights of tUo Empire, for the integi ■I 11 * blessed not with a mutilated Constiia- * tion, but Willi n Constitution which lia.s ! v'lty of which tliey have so nobly, so suc- cessfully strugglnd ? Lot the man who will deny to such a people, the common rights • stood the test of oxporicncc, and is the oC their fellow-subjects in Britain, stand ♦ image Sf transcript of ihtxt of Great Dri- forth before the people of Upper Canada, tain." Nor was the promise left unde- ararrt art* for the public gaze and the pub- mandcd. In the days of Mr. Justice lie scorn. But why need 1 write upon such Thorp, it was amply discussed, and ioud- a subject; it is only necessary to refer to ly demanded. In IS/S, ('eleven years **- any of the numerous despatches of Sir ago,) the lion. Roberr Baldwin, brought ' John Colborno, Sir Francis Head, or Sir the subject prominently forward, in his George Arthur, to establish the ♦ devoted,' address to llie electors of the Town of * generous' and * enthusiastic' loyalty, of York, ('now the City of Tororto.) In the this * noble British l*rovince." same year it was introduced into an ad- Having shown that the 'j-osponsible dress to the Throne, adopted at a public system, inflicts deep injury upon both Meeting, held in the capital of the Prov- Dritain and Canada — that it produces the inco ; of which William Warren Bald- samo effects here that attended it in the win Esquire, was Chairman ; and the Old Colonies — that domestic responsibili- present Lord Stanley, in his reply to Doc- ty is perfectly consistent with the consti- tor Baldwin, not only declared that the tution — that it is a British not an American supplies might bo stopped, if a really /es- custom — and that the people of Upper ponsiblo charactf^r should not be given to Canada, are eminently entitled to its in- tlio Executive Council," but also made troduction — I now proceed to enquire, in use of the {bllowing words. •* I do how- the seventh place what has been its ever think, that some thing might be dono origin and progress in the Colony. with great advantage to give a really res- The system of domestic rc?5ponsibil- lionsiblediaractertotke'JBxecutive Coxmcil ity on domestic questions as in England ; which at present, is a perfectly anomalou?) has been termed the child of Rolph, Mac- body hardly recognized by the constitution kenzio &i Co., but such is not the fact. In and elTective chiefly as a sourco of patron- J'lngland, it is as old as the Revolution 5 ago." In the following year ('1829) the v/hile hero it has been cither promised, or subject was again introduced, in the reply demanded, since the first days of the of the House of Assembly to the speech Constitution, down to the present hour, as I shall presently prove. Governor Simcoe in his opening speech at the first session, of the first Provincial Parliament of Upper Canada, promised to the inhab- itants, the introduction of this vital prin- ciple of the Constitution, in the following unequivocal and emphatic words. " I ' have summoned you together, under the ' authority of an Act of the Parliament of ' Great Britain, passed last year ; which * has established the British Constitution, ' and all the forms ivhich secure andmain- * fain it^ in this distant Colony." And again it) his closing si)eech, of the same Session, ho not only reiterated the same scnli- monls ; but in the most emphatic manner, 1/3 requested the tcpresentativos of the People, to explain to their constituents. from the Throne, made by Sir John Colborne. In the next Parliament (which was a Conservative one,J the samo principle was insisted upon, as the follow- ing extract from the Journals will prove. " We cannot think it was intended, (by * the constitutional act,J to give a power of ' interference with our internal affairs : a- * gainst :uch an interference, we respect- ' fully, but plainly protest, as inconsistent 'with those sacred principles, which aro 'essential to a f'ec government: since it *is manifest that if your Majesty's Minis. ' ters, at a distance of more than four thou- ' sand miles, and not at all controllable hy, *■ or account alle to, your Majesty's subjects * here and possessing nccessaril}' a slight & ' imperfect knowledge of the circumstan- * CCS of the country : the wants and habits ihat it was not the piebald, mutilated sys- * and feelings of the inhabitants, and the tern of irresponsibility, by wh.ch they were to bo governed, but by the pure forms and practices of the Parliament of Great Britain. His words arc ♦* At this juncture, I particularly recommend to you, to explain that this province is singularly ' mode of transacting business amongst U3, ' can dictate a different course, in relation, ' to measures effecting ourselves only, Fr.OM THAT WHICH THB PeOPI.E nv TIIFIIl RErKEi-ENTATiVEs, ond with the concur- rcncf >*'the other branches of the Provin- 12 cial Legislature have cliosen, wc are rc- were prepared to unsay and lo undo, all duced to a state of mere dependence upon they had done the day before ! Alas, foi tho will and pleasure ofa ministry thataro our fallen nature, that one man could so irresponsible to us, and beyond the reach soon influence so many of one species tc and operation of ihe public opinion of the act contrary to the course they had so lone Province." The stoutest and ablest and so deliberately considered to be right 1 advocates, for responsible Gcvcrnmcnt Surely when wo have it recorded that sucl never asked for more than is contended men as Sir Allan Macnab, Judge McLear. for in this address , and the rcmalndur of and Mr. Hagerman, deliberataly declarec the same document, is couched in language that ♦• a responsible Executive Council was fully as strong 'nd decided, aa the para- one of the happiest features in our consti- graph I have quoted ; yet it was supported tution," there &ha be little of either prin- by every Member then in tho House; ex- ciple, consistency or truth, in jtho:.so v^hc cept one fMr. Jesse Kttchum,) and in the charge tho advocates of the same princi numb«;r of its advocates, I find recorded, pic, with being rebelfi and traitors, foi the names of Sir Allan IMcNab, tho Hon- supporting it ! Nor, had I room or lime, arables James Crooks, Alexander Fraser, should I desire to stop here ; I cou!cl show William Morris, Pliilip Van Koughnett, that tho authority of almost all public mer and John Wilson, as well as Joiirtecn of in the province has been at times exercis thehiffhcst Tory Members in the House cd, in favor of this vital conrjitutional iv'm of Asscnibiy. Vide Commons Journals ciple. In tho f^imous Report upon tin 183V and 8. Page 141, And again in tho 2d Session of tho 12th rarliamcnt, the same priuciplc was again State of til'' Province, drawn up by Mr Hagerman, signed by a majority, if no by all, of tho member;? ; and afterward; insifctod upon and adopted, with the dis- adopted by a vote of the whole House, (th( agnling voices of Messrs. V.ov'^l .•■. -nd Mul- present Parliament of Sir Francis Head, loch alone ; as the following resolution of n-^ it has been called.) we arc told, " Tha the people are intelligent ns well as patri otic, and when left to themselves, ii tlie free exercise of their constitutioila rights, they have ever proved able to cqjpli l/w. nccessarij rcm<\hi to any attempt t( oppress nr rnisload I licm." Tiiis is exacLb the princiijlo of responsibility, nnci itianl that tho warmest Briton contend.^ t\)r, o can desire, if the intelligence and \wU''\ otism of the people is such, as is hero dd thero being 55 present, of which number scribed, why not allow them " to apply ihl 5a are recoi Jed as yeas, and only two as remedy," which that patriotism demands nays; and in tho list of its supporters, I Why, in fact, should not the public ser the House itself will prove : — "Resolvod— Tliut tliia II()ii.-i! roiisi.lcrs l!i(! nppoinl- niciit of ii UESPONSIULE EXECUTIVE COIINCML, lo tiihisotlie Lieut, (jovcriioi-, or pcrt'on adiiiiiii.'-luriiig tho lriilioii of tin, Governni.^nt, tiiiil full ciijoj aioiit of our civil uad i-ijliyiuus rijjlit-J uuJ privilcij <-'.<," For this resolution, the whole House, wlih the exception of two mombois, voted; lind not less than 21 high Tories, includ ing Sir Allam Pdacnab, Judge Mct.can, Mr. W.^Uobinson, ("brother to the ('hiui' iustice,) and Mr. Atlorney-Geneial Hug vants be responsible to public intclligonc and patriotism ? I will quote a 'low ej< tracts from the writings wvA speeches o public men and public presses, to shoi erman ! And on llio same day, (the i4ih liow gcnoral and constant hnr, been th of March, 18*30, J tiie samo' sentiments desire, in all tho colonies, for the intrc were embodied in an address to tho Crown duction of tho responsible system. and passed by tho House. Nov/ it, will l;'j remembered that u[) to this time, all men and all parties, supposed tho Executive Council, ndvis "d the Covernor, upon llio Jifiairs of the pi'ovinoe, and therelbio it was, that all parties united, in demanding *« a responJ^^ble Executive Council ;*' but before tho clock had struck 12 that nirht. !-"'tr Franciii Head, liai, liCtl.nr from Henry S. ('I;apm'in, Esq. to Ji 6. [ill Uowu, Emi- M. 1'. lor llulilax, Kova tjtotia, 18lU i\\ lo.;:.. "if you roaii.v tlesiro to rniilinnc tlin connrxio;! vi r.rit'i'.i", until llii'.tf! (."olo'.iKs liuv" i.Town up lo "iiiiiu'n n tutc"-— until I'lry iui! ri;>oi- in Icnoivlcilgr, viitiio imv! n sourco?, tlian I tliiiik \\vy aro now — unil merely .sccU sir clianir'-^ !;:irl r>,fonii!-,'.!oi',:i nn aro i-ssonti.il to (Ii' ir pence i pro'^pcniy— to tli" controUintr of local fnciions, ond tl pujoynif lit of ocor.oniuMl r.iid re; p.iuaiijl.i !>oVPiiiinjiJ li.puv, ill I ;;o \vit!i you. lioivrt and iin.nd, arid what is niiieli more ii3i^'pi(>ncr, the rrcat bi'lk of tbri peopli : tln.'?pri<.viiu"::, willgo witli voii nlsn." Vide, Utr. llowj rpply te Mr. <'h(ipman'H letter, 2ik1 Oct.dr.-r. I8:i5. ■ I 13 *' Tbone ar« c4rcuiiM>taiicOi that i-oquira full Inveoti^ntion ant] tlio IIoBso uf AiBoui'ily having juKt coiifldoiiue io tliu wlfldum, dotoriniimtinn aud vigour of tho Uovornnr Gunu- ral, that such investigation will be riguroiiely iiixtitutcd — that tho Ofllcors of tho Crown, will bo Riilijoctud to duo reiponaibility— that tho sonts of .jiiKtice will bo piirifloil : hattbove all that the rights &, priviln<.r.d in consequence, for tho purpose of carrying ''ifo cfl'oc*. tirj local policy of our Provincial Lrgislaiurr, must !)e ,';!iidi:d by tlio advi' o of tlrjr i\ whoso i\'sidenc-> in the Coluii. ■unl ".ngni;e.n"nl« in conducting tii.» b lad.* uf lJo|):ir(meiif >, Invo eiiublrtd llieiu to for;ii opiiiioiiT iu llcir several i^rnn- rlias, from ob~oivuli"ii and exporienco. T.) guide liis Ex- -erianry in such mnttcrs, he is r;n;;'i)wcr';d to call to hii councils, tuch iiomotui ad ho uny doAni best qua1t 'luence of that appeal, and to tho advice oi* a coun- cil wno are nominated by tlie Governor because thoy are known to possess tho confidence of such Pi>rliamont." — Vide, Hamilton Journal, 10th July, 1839. Edited by Dr. Thomas, nii Englishman. " We cannot see why nn extension of this principle, juiliciously managed, should tend to a dismemberment of tlio Empire. If, for instance, the Governor's Council should consist of tho Heads of Departments, chosen from int!n the bcit qualified to fill their various appointments, and of gentlemen of high professional attainments, soma of whom should hold scats in both Houses of Parliament, as is the case with the leading Miuitters at home ; if, wo say, those gontluincn were held responsible to this country but subject to the Imperial Veto, as they would, in what manner could thot respoiisiI>ility endanger the connection with the Mother Countrvt" Vide, Toronto Palladium, 10th July, lf30. Edited by Mr, Fothergill, J. P. an En- glisliman, and the former Uenrcscntative for the County of Durham. "British freemen, accustomed to tho working of the Rritibh Constitution, will aot endure a system which ron- de;-s representative goveniineat a f irce, by placing the full power of the state in the hands of men who are indepen- dent of tho people's roprn.sentatives, and in no shape or s'>:isn accountable to tliein lor any improper or illegal act. ?'eu who have been arcustoinad to sec their votes influcuco tlio govcrnir.ent, and i)roduco a prompt agreement with t!i3opiuioi;s rf aj.iajority, uaturidly rfjcct a system which renders their votes useless, an.! enables the cabal who rule to set thsir votes ut dofiatico ijr a soiics of years, with ii!i!uiuity. It would not be ea.-y to diviso a plan that could produce greater irritation than this. If we had no pri^tonco to the iirili^h Coi,;-titution, but were avowedly under the sole contnd of a fu.v irrcjponsible men, at any rate we should not be disappoinKMi. We shouM expect nothing liberal or equal, and having no right to iuterfero with tho gdvcrnmcnt, we could not complain that it never regarded us. But to be mocked with a shailow yet denied tlin substance; to bo told that wc are governed under tho British Constitution, yet be der.ic J the vital principle which is essential to its successful working, is to add in- sult to injury, and to give us a stone when we usk for breod." Vide, Kingston Herald, 53id July, 1830, Edited by Mr. Waudby, an Englishman. I have heforo me the St. Catharines Journal of tho . Ifh of July, the Niagara Reporter of the 5;h of July, the Brock- villa Recorder of tho "oih of July, the Mon- treal Morning Courier for July and Aug. the Nova Scotian i- •; July, and an almost innumci'ablo number of other colonial jour- nals, iVom which I might quote, did my time, or space permit. I have also beforo me, the rcsolationo adopted at public meet- 14 iiigd, he J within iho last month at Niagara, inmilalc the workings of both consiilutiong ntThorah and Mara, in the Home District : in their practical details — it would confer nt Haldimand, Brighton, Colbornc, and only a local, not a general responsibility, Eldori, in the Newcastle district ; at Trent- leaving every prerogative of tho Crown port, in the Victoria district ; and at Gait, untouclicd, inviolably observing every iet- Dundas, Guelph, Preston, and Hamilton, tcr of the Constitutional Act, as it now is, in tho Core district ; at all of which rcso- vesting in the Sovereign forever, the i»ow- liitions in fuvor of responsible government or of declari ;g war, and of making pfaCQ^ were ad-jpted ; but 1 really deem it unnc- of regulating and protecting our commerce cessary to copy them ; the public send- with fjreign nations ; of appointing our ment being so well known, and so clearly Governors ; keeping our garrisons ; ne- cxpressed upon tho subject, that not a gativing our acts; dissolving our Parlia- single meeting, or petition, or address has ments, and calling them together at plea- been attempted m opposition, in any part sure ; selecting his Ministers, and, on tho of the province : I will, therefore, pass on, English principle, dismissing them when in the eighth and last place, to consider he pleases ; appointing one branch of tho some objections that have been made co-ordinate Legislature for life ; or even against tho introduction of the re^ponsi- rendering it hereditary, if found benefi- ble principle. These objections I shall cial ; in a word, not curtailing or dimin- notice seriatim, as I have read them, or ishing in the city of Toronto, one single heard them ; and in the plainest and most privilege, power, or prerogative, nppcr- simple manner, so that every man may taining to the Sovereign in the city of distinctly understand the nature of the ob- London. Where, then, is the independ- jection, arid the effect of the reply. encc which must follow? Independent 1st Objection. — A responsible govern- we would be. so far as our independence ment Avould render useless the functions of on the Colonial office, in the management tho Governor, the Executive and Legisia- of our domestic and local affairs arc con- tive Councils, and all that would bo requir- corned, but no further ; and this just and cd would be, the Clerk of the Assembly to necessary independence, is what will pre- record, and the Sergeant at Arms to on- vent separation, and perpetuate the con- force, the acts of that body. ncxion, to the latest period of time, v. . Reply. — If there ia any force in this ob- 3d Objeclion. Whenever a Colisny jection, it applies with more effect to the enters upon ths enjoyment of the right'* "of Commons of the Empire than to the Com- domestic responsibility, it ceases to bo a mons of the Province — the former claimB Colony, subject to be legislated for by the and exercises an Imperial responsibility ; Parent State, and becomes at once, a freo eupreme & uncontrollable over every por- and independent nation, tion of the Empire ; whereas, the latter Reply. This objection :s, in substance solicits only a local, limited, and compara- the same as the former ; but as it has been tively unimportant responsibility ; bcsidus, repealed at different times, and in differ- tho Legislative Council is a balancing ent language, I will discuss it a little more power, independent of the Assembly, and fully. And first, I would asl:, has this can at any time, as the Lords do in Eng land, cast the shield of it authority, be- tween the Executive Government, and an unwarrantable approach of the Assembly. I contend only for the English system ; and in England, the practice sought for, has not been found to produce the effect dreaded. 2nd Objection. — Colonial responsibility local independence and responsibility, pro- duced soparatio)! in tho Unittd States ; where even the principles of Universal f.ufu-age and t!ie i]allct, are exercised? — No, so far from it, that we find neaily thirty s'ates, delarinf^ themselves 'free and independent,' sovereign and uncontrollable sc far as their local aJJ'airs arc concerned; yet, in relation to tho national interests, would so weaken and unhinge the powers forming but so many parts of a whole of the Imperial Government, as to praeti- ])eople. W'th this example before our cally dis-unite the colony and the Parent eyes, an example almost at our very doors; Slate. how can it be said that local responsibility Reply. — So far from producing such a will naturally produce a division of tlxj result, that it appears to me, it would knit Empire ? But it is not necessary that I 8f unite them much closer — it would u;.:ii- slioukl go to the United.^ atcs for examples ' ( lii-^'of Ibo a the freo U nil OS 15 I wonld merely l)cg the reader to consider that no more is asked for by this whole province, than hns been nl ready conceded to the large Cities of the Empire — Lon- don and Dublin, for example. 'J'here they have the power of appointing their chief Magistrate, their Lord Mayors and their Aldermen, yes, and their Chief Criminal Judges loo, called a Recorder — they ap- point their Court of Conscience — their City SheritFs, and thnir City Magistrates — they levy their City Taxes, and they expend them, they lay out new Streets, and Squares, and Lanes, and widen and straighten old ones — they make City Laws and ordinances — theycarry their privileges so far, as even (o exercise the right of pre- venting the Queen's subjects, from passing through the city ; as in the case of Sir F. Burdett, under Lord Sidmoiith's Warrant, when sent to the Tower for Libel : and as in tho case of Sir Abraham IJradley King, Bart. CLord Mayor,) with Georgo the IV, when ho visited Dublin, in 1820. — Nay more, they claim, and constantly exercise, tho right of entering tho House of Commons, with the Mace, and Regalia, and of presenting by the Lord Mayor, in person their humble petition, or Remon- monstrance. Yet after all this those cities arc a3 loyal, as intimately connected, and indissolubly bound up, with the general interests of tlie Empire, as if no such local and legislative functions and responsibili- ties existed. Why then, should the Loy- alists of Toronto, or Kingston, be taunted as being desirous of separation, because they ask for privileges, far short of those exercised by their fellow subjects, in Lon- don and Dublin ? Away with such an unmanly insinuation ; it is but the olFspring of self interest ; or the illusive shadow of a disordered mind. But as those persons, who arc opposed to respcnsibit government po constantly refer to tho United States, for examples, allow me to refer once again to the same authority. The state of Ohio by its constitution " retains its sovereignty, freedom and independence, and every power, jurisdiction and right, which is not by the confederation, expressly delegated to tho United States ;" yet it is as firmly handed and knit, to the rest of the Union, as any one of our Colonies, Provinces or Plantations is, to tho empire of Britain. — Why then, all this bugbear here about inde- pendence ? Ohio has not half the popula- tion of the Canadas ; yet has it arespon- Riblo and independent govcrlimcnt. We worship at the samo altar — we speak the same language — wp are descended from tho sumo Sires — we are instructed in the samo Sciences*— wo follow the same agri- cultural and commercial pursuits — our soil is equally fertile, and our climate much moro healthy ; yet, witli all this our very Emigrants with all their British feelings and British habits, leave us for Ohio ; and even our old grey headed U. E's. with all their early prejudices against the Yankees, are leaving tho province, as if it were ♦' a land of pestilence and famine," and re- turning to a country, which but a few years ago, they sacrificed all their earthly possessions rather than live in. — Surely when we thus find British feelings and Canadian prejudices, alike give way to despondency, we cannot longer shut our eyes to the naked fact that thero must bo something wrong, in the body politic ; some cankerous, eating worm, knawing at the heart, and preying upon the vitals of the Province ; something which brings about that state of society, described by Addison, when he wrote. " When vicG prevails, and evil men bear swny* \ " The post ol honour, is a private elation." I 4th Objection. — The principle of res- ponsibility can never be extended to any part or portion of the British nation; but must be solely vested in the Imperial Gov- ernment, which represents not only every particular part but the tchole people of tho Empii'e; and upon this principle, England is obliged to submit to Ireland and Scotland the balance of whoso members, overturn the clearly expressed wishes of a majority of the English representation. Reply. — This reasoning though speci- ous, is entirely fallacious : so long as En- gland and Wales were united in the king- dom of Great Britain, so long the respon- sible system existed in their Parliament alone. While Scotland remained as an independent kingdom, that is between the Union of the two Crowns and the two nations, she exercised the responsible sys- tem by her own Legislature alone, the principal measures for its deliberation be- ing first prepared by the Lords of Article^|: but when, in the reign of Queen Anne, she agreed to a Legislative Union, her respon- sibility was not ahandonedj but transfer- red; it was not a giving tip, but a local re- moval ; it still adhered to her Nobles and her Commons, and with them was trans- fcrrcd from Holy rood-House to St. Ste- phen's Chapel. So long as she; ))o.sscssecl her local legislature, sho possessed her lo- cal responsibility ; and when the former was transferred, the latter naturally ad- hered to it. The same may bo said of Ire- land. Previous to the Union under Geo. HI, sho had an independent Legislature, nltho' in connexion with, and subject to, tha Crown of England. Her case was entirely analagous to this province, '^he had her Vicc-Koy, or representative of iho Crown, by whoso directions, the principal government measures were submitted to Parliament. She had her l/|)per and her Lower House also : but l)e it remembered, so long as she retained them, so long she retained her independence and her local responsibility. Many, and many were the stormy nights in which the Ministerialists and Oppositionists arrayed their respective forces against each other in the Irish House of Commons ; when the eloquence of her Foster, her Flood, c^^ her Ogle — hcrGrut- tan, and her Castlereagh, — her IJourke, and VVellsIcy Pole — her Curran, and her Toler — her i>ush and her Maxwell Carry, were heard to resound tiiro' the domes of Jier once classic and splendid, but now silent and golden legislative halls. Great as were the powers of England's Rut- lands, nndTowNsuEXDS they could only retain their places at the Castle of Dublin, a5 the Deputies of England and the Vice- roys of Ireland, so long as they could com- mand a majority of the, Irish Senate upon important questions of Slate-govf;nn)x;nt : but the moment they ceased to have power they virtually ceased to bo the Viceroys of the kingdom. What clearer proof can possibly be afforded of the principle of res- ponsibility, being iniicrent in a local and independent legislature ?■ Like Scotland, however, the Irish nation agreed to a Le- gislative Union with Great r>ritain, and the three kingdorns becoming thus incor- porated into one legislature, the responsi- bility which was before separate, became united ; but this did not abolish, but change the responsible system from the represen- tatives of each separative kingdom, to the representatives of the whole. Should they sir separately and mdependently, in the ca- pital of each kingdom, the responsibility would still appertain to them ; and when they unite for the general purpose of a more extended legislature, it still adheres to them. By parity of reasoning, so long as this province retains hor separate Gov- ernment and legislature, so long i!ls sho possesses a free constitution, so long sho is entitled to a local responsibility : but should sho receive a moru direct incorpo- ration into the Empire, by a Legislative Union; then, liko Scotland and Ireland, her rcsponsibil'ty will be transferied from Toronto to London, and her representa- tives, instead of sailing down lOrie, and up Outailo, will cross the Atlantic. And that wo should, to a certain extent, bo ro- prosonted in the Imperial Parliament, is mucii to be desired, and the principle will, I hope, soon be conceded. 5th Ohjcclion. — The people do not de- sire local responsibiliiy, because it would divest the Lieutenant-Governor of hi3 pro- per patronage. ' llrpJy. — There are two principles in- volved in this objoctioii ; the first, the wishes oi" tho people : the second, the cause of those wishes. As to tho first, it i-cems absurd to me to argue that tho peo- ple do not desire responsible government, which simply means, in other words, that they do not ('cnire the government to bo conducted as tliey wish ! To suppose that any set of men could desire a gove/nment to be conducted by persons in wn^fci they have no confidence, in opposition to those who possess their confidence, is too pre- posterous a notion for serious discussion. As to the second part of the objection it is not only a very futile, but a very selfish 0:10 also. If tho object of retaining tlu.'j colony as an appendage of the Empire, is merely to confer the patronage of office, on a Lieutenant-Governor, let it be at once, openly avowed, and let u« not be led to believe, that higher and nobler mo- tives actuate the British nation. If, how- ever, I must descend to the consideration of an objection so low, and petty, and sel- fish, my answer to it is this. — Under the present system, the Governor must advise with some one, because (and especially in the outer districts,) he knows not the par- ties qualified for ofiice. Candidates for situations, must cither apply themselves, or be recommended by some friendly in- fluence. Whether then is it better that the appointment of Magistrates, Commis- sioners, Sheriffs, and other public functi- onaries, should pass under the review of the chosen representatives of tiie landed proprietary, and commercial enterprise of the province, and be selected by the Exe- 17 les in- ; it, tho id, the Irst, it he pco- nrncnt, Is, tliat t to bo )so that rnment h they o those )o prc- ussion. !on it is sellish g tl'.i.'i birc, is ofiicc, bo at not bo r mo- how- ii'ation nJ sel- ilcv tho advise |ially in ic par- |tes for iselvcs, idly in- |er that mmis- functi- iow of landed rise of >c Eso- cutlvo Council, who would be lield directly siblo government is not more natural than responsible for tho appointments; or that his Lordship's tenacity tooling to odke ; they should, as at present, be chosen upon and the marquis of Nornmnby's dea the priva*o reference of an Altorney-Gen. n political Judge, or some secret and irre- sponsible eourtier ? 6th Objection. — A responsible colonial government, might ieild to foreign collisi- ons and national wars, because the local Parliament might assume powers not given it by tho constitution. Reply. — I think it barely possible that an honest man could seriously advnnco this objec Ion. If the provincial Pari la- ment should attempt such an interference, it would have no more power to do so than to pass a law to hang a man for walking to church on a Sabbath-day, instead of riding in an air-balloon! IJcisides, tho council should assent to it — tho Governor should assent to it — and even if passed by all, British money and llritish troops should enforce it. But really the matter is too puerile to waste words about. As well might it bo argued, that tho manu- facture of gunpowder should be prohibited, because, if made, some mischievous fel- low might load a pistol, and shoot his neighbour through the head! 7ih Objection. We should not forget the motives of Rolph, Bidwell, and others, who were the warmest advocates of res- ponsible government. Reply. With tho motives of others we have nothing to do : they are wholly beside the question ; and it only shows weakness in argument, to fly from the ob- ject under discussion, and seek shelter under the motives of some individuals, who patches, are just as powerful with the gov- ernment of Canada, as tho Marchioness' iMfluenceis said to be, with the Government of England. Oili Objection. The Colonies now form- ing tho United States of America, never obtained local responsibility, and why shoLjId it he granted to the Colonics, north of the line 4.^ '? Reply. True, they did not unfortunate- ly obtain local responsibility : and what was the result ? \Vhy simply that "they sought for and won their indopendcnco with tho sword !"' Do the objectors really desire, that such a crisis should arrive here : and that a similar result should fol- low the liko causes ? If so, they had better at onco a ow it. 10th Objection. We have had a tafto of " the blessings of responsible govern- ment," in the profligate cxpcnditureof Mr. Van Buren, at an Hotel in the City of N. York, where in six and a half days, ho spent C7G dollars. Reply. Admitting that the Americans had a responsible form of government, which I thitjk I have clearly shewn they have not, at lea^st after ihc British form ; what I would ask, has the president's tra- velling expenses at an Hotel, to say to tho question of I'esponsiblc government in U. Canada? Why nothing tibsolutely no- thing. But after all, what are those great expenses that have been blazoned forth with such triuiDph 1 Why about £25 a day / Surely those Gentlemen could never were once its supporters. As well might have thought of urging such a circumstance the christian Faith, be stabbed through tho in opposition to responsib'o government, side of Judas, or Annanias ? Many a had they recollected that Lord Durham's good measure was supported by bad men, travellingexpenses, were about t£80 a day, and many an evil measure by good men. or 1,920 dollars for six days ! But some The public have nothing to do, with the motives, either of its friends, or its ene- mies — it is the measure itself, and that ulone, they are called upon to discuss. people will make themselves laughed at whether or not. 11th Objection. A responsible govern- ment might lead to the dictation of "an Q\\\ Ohjectuni. Even the present Whig irresponsible cut throat and mail robber, Government of England, is opposed to it. like Mackenzie." Reply. No person acquainted v/ith the Reply. Such an event would be high- policy of modern Whiggery, can view their ly improbable, if not impossible. Muck- opposition as singular. The irresponsible enzie when in the parlinment of this pro- system continues their power and patron- vince, and before heavowed histreasonablo age, and there is no instance, that I re- member, where they have parted with ei- ther, as long as they could retain them. — Lord John Russell's opposition to respoa- prqiv"xts, never was a Leader in the As- sembly ; and althoTigh ho generally acted with and nnder the Leaders just as Mr Fothergill, Mr. Dalton, Mr. Thomson, and 18 other GctitlcmcMi did, in n formor '^ Uid- well and Rolpli parliamr ut ;" still wa lind by references to the Juurnals, and to his published speeches, that ho not only con- tstuntly voted in tho minority ; but that ho frequently heaped tho most bitter abuses on the Leaders of the majority. And if such was tho cfFect of his agitation, before ho became an avowed Traitor and Murder- er, and while he had innumerable and ob- vious grievances to stir up the [jliblic mind with, what would be tho eftuct of his agi- tation after ? Surely the answer is obvious. Can any man in his common senses sup- pose that the majority of the people of U. Canada, who havo been described by Sir J^'rancis Head in one of tho very last sup- plementary chapters to his *♦ Narrative," as possessing " a manliness of character which it is almost impossible to describe" would unite that '* manliness of character" and their " noblo British feelings" to tho chariot wheels of a cut throat, a mail rob- ber, a murderer, and an incendiary i The bare supposition is a libel upon the Elec- tors of Upper Canada ; and the authors Know it to be a libel. After the numerous and long continued perils and privations, ^hich the people have suffered, to defend their soil from the ruthless hands of the invaders in 1812, 13 and 14, and from the unprovoked attack of the sympathisers in 1837, 8 and 9, it is treating them infin- itely worse, than they have been treated by the Pirates, to be told after their many acts of heriosm and suffering are over, tl^at they are now ready to throw themsel- ves into the arms of the enemy, and to become the champions of a cut throat and a mgrderer ! Shame, utter shame, upon such calumniators. With as much justice might it be said, that the present respon- sible Parliament of England, would follow the example of the irresponsible Parlia- ment of Cromwell, that brought Charles to the block ! 12th Objection. A House of Assembly might be found that would pass such reso- lutions, or adopt such principles, as would 80 compromise the connexion with the mother-country, aa to render separation an inevitable consequence. Reply. It is more likely that a House of Assembly would pass such resolutions, or adopt such principles without the guid- ance and moderation of a responsible Ministry, than with it. The name, or the nature of the Governor's advisors^ woiild have nothing to say to tho resolutions or principles of a traitorous House. If such a House could be found, and such resolu- tions would be adopted, it would bo the duty of tho Governor, whether his Coun- cil was responsible or not, to dissolve Par- liament and appeal to the people ; if a con- stitutional majority were returned all good ; his council should possess their confidence ; but if the same pack of rebels wore son^ back, and they reiterated their treasonable resolutions, tho Governor might again dis- solve the House, and give his reasons for doing so, if they persisted in returning avowed traitors to the connexion, it would then become his duty to prorogue Parlia- ment, and to report the whole matter to the Home Government, for Imperial con- sideration and decision. This would bo the obvious course, whether there was ti responsible ministry or not : I cannot see that the responsible system would inter- fere with it, or prevent the just authority and supremacy of tho mother-country, in such a case. 13th Objection. The ancient colonies oi Greece and Rome were not favoured with the responsible principle. Reply. Granted. But what has thajt to say to us ? Are we to follow their examo pie ? It. Old England reduced to the piti- able plight that she must * pick up crumbs* that fall from the tables of the Grecian, Ro^ man, or A^'ienii^n Colonies '? If so, Ih&n she must abolish our present representa" tive form of government, and reduce us to the ancient condition of Scio ! 14th Objection. A responsible govern* ment would destroy the authority of the Crown, and subject the government to the authority of the Assembly. Reply. This principle, which has been so eagerly contended for by Mr. Hager- man, Mr. Sherwood, and the " Compact" in Upper Canada, is not only one of abso- lute despotism, but it is worse than the most naked despotism that has been yet attempted in modern times — because it is a despotism toilJiout danger — a poisoned dagger struck by an unknown hand ! To establish this fact, it will only be necessary to quote a passage or two, from the report of the Select committee of the House of Assembly, on the state of the Province in 1837 and 8. This report from the pen of Mr. Hagerman, and signed by Mr. Sher- wood, as Chairman, states, at page 528, that the responsible system "would utterly Id Jos'roy the authority of the Crown, and would subject the people to the government of the capricious and over varying opin- ions, of the party tlmt might chance to have the ascendancy in the House ol As- sembly." And again, at page 59, wo are told that the British Governmont should ex- tend to the Colonial Governors, "a liberal and generous share of confidence-;— rely upon their honor and follow their sugges- tions, and not deprive them of office, so soon as they are found to differ with, or are unreasonably complained against, by the faction that happens to be in the as- cendant, in the Assembly, or out of it." — What is the plain and obvious meaning of those passages I First, that the majority of the people of the province of U.Canada — (for it must bo a majority " in the EIouso of Assembly, or out of it,'* to be •' in the ascendant") — are denounced as " a fac-» ! tion ! I" Is it to be supposed that Sir John . Campbell, would continue for one hour^ ^s Attorney General of England, did he denounce the majority of the House of Commons, and the majority of the whole people of England, as "a faction?" If even an attempt to retain him was made, after the use of such language, all Eng- land would be in arms in a week ; yet here not only Mr. Hagerman and Mr. Sher- ' wood are allowed to continue in the sun- i shine of Executive favour, but Mr. Ha- german has been since promoted to the of- fice of Attorney General, and Mr. Sher- wood advanced to the dignity of Queen's Counsel ! ! ! Let us now see what does the principle of the paragraph imply. — Instead of appointing a new governor, when the old one loses the confidence of the whole people, the British Government is to continue him in ofiice^ to give him a generous confidence ! ! to rely on his hon- or !! ! and to follow his suggestions ! ! ! ! If this is not the daggeryrowi the invisible hand ; or despotism without danger^ then I don't know what is. The Governor may (to use Sir F. Head's language,) *'say what he chose, write what he chose, and do what he chose," without any responsi- bility whatever, to the Courts, the People, or the Parliament of Upper Canada? Nay more, the remonstrances of Parliament and People to the British Government, are only to procure for him, continnance in •flice, strict confidence, an honorable re- iianoe, and a following out of his suggesti- ons ! ! ! To what absurdites will despotism iaterq^tf le^ their votariea .' 15th Objection. Tho British Govorn- * mcnt want no responsible cabinet in the colonics to advise them, because thoy havo ever shown alacrity in sending out com- missioners, at great expense, to enquire into our complaints, and to correct them. Reply. This argument only amounts to this, that a parcel of surgeons havo been *. consulted, who admit the existence of dis- ease, but prescribe no medicine or remedy ! Whatbctter arc such Surgeons than quacks, who admit the nature and extent of the dis- ease, yet apply no medicine to cure 1 The I Surgeons, it is true, aro numerous. At ^, one time, it was proposed to send us Lord Amherst ; and next. Lord Canterbury — then followed Lord Gosford, like a Bashaw of three tails, with Sir Charles Grey, Sir G. Gipps, and Mr. Frederick Elliot, in his train — our appetite was next satiated by Sir F. Head, with "bread and butter" — then came the " Durham purge" — now tho lancet is in the hands of Sir Geo. Arthur, and we know not tho hour, when we may bo honored by fresh piiis, or a more pow- * erful lotion than has yet been administer- ed, from Lord Clarendon, Lord Dumferm^ ? line, and other skilful state physicians ! -*" But to be serious, what have all our con^- missions and commissioners, and all our committees of enquiry, and all our inqui- . sitors general and special done for us? — why, nothing ! nothing is to be done ! But * after seriously thinking from 1839 to 1842, they will then consider what will be best to be done ! ! ! Where then is the weight ^ in this objection % It is worse than use- less to employ Doctors, if they kill, inr ^ stead of cure. I have now finished. Every article or ' speech, which I have recently seen upon the subject of responsibility, I have care- fully noted, and selected from them every objection, which could at all be deemed worthy o^ attention. To those objections I have given candid, and I hope satisfac- tory replies— satisfactory I trust they will be to those for whom they have been spe- a cially written — to those brave and loyal men who are their country's pride and their country's strength — those who are its productive wealth in time of peace ; and its right-arm of defence in the hour of danger-^} mean the loyal, industrious, and ever to be respected Yeomanry of Upper Canada. If these observations shall prove satisfactory to them, I shall care but little for the malignant slanders, which the ♦* Comnact hack*" mav hpun f I ( I J I ( so • . .. upon mo ; and with " Milesuts," I will tLsii princIjilcH aiid Dritiuti fiucltcc-^'rot ■ay that "I would blush to allow my hum- tho Conslitution, the whole Cons^oiioi, bio name to figure in public or in piivnti^, and noiliitig but tho Constitution., a 4' &H the coadjutor or fellow-labouri v of tl:o Rrmeinbor, Oji myl'iiontlHjthe LawB, lhe«{|fKt«, republican slanderers of Britain," on the Thogcncrouu plan of I'owor delivered tJt\tti, \ ono hand, or, on tho other, with those ^'romu.roiocgc: by your renowned rorctathpn^; f • I • 1 . Ml I- ISO (It'urly uouirlit tlic price ot so much bloMi : fawnmg sycoplmnfs and ciiterpillar poh- oh let .t^nevo'i perinh'in your hands ; K ' • ticians, whc feeling veneration for Brituin But uiounly transmit it to yourchildren. would deliberately sot down as •' designing l^o thou great liberty inspire our Bobla, • ,« traitors," ihoso who for many a long year ^"'^ *""}" «"' ''/^? '» ^'.'^ I oBsession hap^y, havo spent their time, their talents, and Or our death- gIonou-,m thy jnstdotencj^^ • thoir means, in Britain's service, and who Brockville, Upper Canada, rfiow only pant for tho introduction of Bri- 22d August, 1839. W^ Since tho foregoing admirable letter wns in typo ^n mport has been industriously circulated, that its author, Col. Oowan, has abandoned the views no ably advocated therein. To prevent nil misunder- standing on this subject we hove thought it advisa- ble to append the resolution adopted by tho Orange- men of the County of York, together with the gar- bled version of it, publi«bed in tho Demi-oflicinI Patriot, convinced, that our readrra of all shades of politics, will join in condemning tho scandalous condu prcshcd or written, by the Right Hon. tho Earl of Dur- hiim in His LordNhip'a Re- port, on tho Ffulo of theiio Proviuccs BO Inr us tho said Report in any way up- holds or • advocates elec- tive in9tit«tl|>n8, or any Hpeclcs of dciiiocrntio noti- ons, repugnant to the prin- ciples of our Glorious Con- stitution a Constitution which, under all circum- stances Vr'c are resolved to mnintuiu — that wo equally repudiate tho GovernuioDt of any faction in the Colony but aro dctormised to rosif t tho. sway of radieals who seek in any manner or under any guise to impair our vHi^ erable institution, or witli-^ draw froin the «t«ence of tbe British ConttituUon. J^ tufion.. ^}' nwH, the t^in, verod ifbyth, ' ?d (brorathpr/; much blofi ; litis f « * lildren. •o(il», • ^« 'sion hap^y, 9t dorciicQ, . . . GOWAN. • English politfcs, I. ^Ve aro coii' r the principles ritish Conatitu- the government, of Sjmcoo natn > lot tlieir in»ti- iho support 0/ that the donfi. e only cxisUtI of Orangemen [jjccts, on tiito to subvert the in no danger re secure Laisis 9 iiTPsponsihIc (ew (ibiiervati- . y Col. Qovf%m. I ( oscd hij Col. uwan. —That we eiH vv, coii