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Hemied, Great Ntw^'titH, Fetter % «^ ^ )' m % OIL wjTBOUT riNEQj^ ac GHAP. I, •^■,*>^. •■^#v; Kecessit^ of discussing the question on a liberal plan, . —Greatness of the object — Circumstances new — Each ■ . pftrt^ should view the case in a general way^ not re» garding only particular and near interests. ^RHAPS no two countries were ever better situated for making each other rich and happy than England and the United States of America; yet by some strange fatality they are on the eve of a rupture, attended . with 'circumstances' of acri- mony that seldoni accompany hostilities even amongst nations inost opposil^ in character and in interest. — Why is all this so ? That is an im- portant question\y-How can the case be altered and animosities diniinished ?' This is a more important question still, to which I propose to call the attention of tbe public of both countries, after first adverting tp the existing circumstances, observing that those who have written on both feides of the question, have by their variety qf op- IK JI9 ^ posite representations rendered the subject so con- fused, as to make it difficult to form an opinion as to what is wise or just : immediate views and im- mediate interests seem to be the guide of those in ikrhose hands is placed the destiny of mankind. What is wise and advantageous to be done ? What is it found equitable to do ? and what is practicable ? these are the great questions on every important occasion. When people are too much biassed by interest or inflamed by passion, they are incapable of making the enquiry, and when reason loses its effect an appeal is made to what the ancient Germans emphatically termed *' the Right of the Fist ;" but let us hope that on the present occasion two free and enlightened na- tions may settle their differences in a wiser way. »T' Enough of blood, enough of slaughter's past, t'j And Albion's sons shall have repose at last. Those writers who have with such labour and pains cited authorities, ancient and modem, for and against the Rights of Neutrals have been of little service to the cause — An appeal to the law of nations is not much better, but the law of na- ture scarcely ever will be appealed to in vain. As to authorities, the present circumstances are so new, that the cases that have occurred do not now apply ; and with regard to the law of na- tions I must be indulged in one observation. > . i '' l^" ' So long as a convention that is entered into tends to the mutual or ultimate advantage of the parties, they may all join cordially in the measure, but the instant that the majority find a regula- tion injurious to them, however just it may be, they will endeavour to get rid of it ; and on the other hand an unjust regulation, if advantageous to the stronger party, assumes the appearance of law and right. Much has been said about the regulations adopted about fifty years ago, but at that time the trade of Europe was pretty equally divided, so were colonies and settlements both in the East and West Indies — America did not then exist as a nation. Now the case is quite altered ; the trade of Europe, and the territories in the East and West Indies, are chiefly monopolized by Britain ; so that the regulations that agreed with the general interest during the seven years war, are not now equally beneficial to al' nations ; the consequence of this is; that the regulations are in- voked by Britain, and exclaimed against by all other nations ; to enter into arguments on that sub- ject, will scarcely therefore be of*kny great utility, — Interest is too much concerned in the bu.siness, for justice to be taken as the guide. We must, then inquire into practicability, endeavouring, however, to be ruled by justice as much as possible, fOf, when that is neglected, new quar- rels are the certain consequence; , ., • 83 I I I Having lived for nearly as long a period in England, as I did in America, (my native coun- try) I feel a great attachment to both nations. I think I feel a tolerable degree of impartiality, and I confess I am very desirous of preventing hostili- ties beturen two nations that may be so much be- nefited by peace, and that certainly will be so much injured by war. But before I enter into particulars, I shall just state the consequences as they appear to be to me to each country. America i^ a new and rising country, its pro- gre£s, which is unprecedentedly rapid, may be retarded, but it cannot be stopped; therefore, whatever bad consequences may result, they will be but momentary. It is not so with Britain which is a country already risen so high, that the question is not to rise higher, but to remain as it is. Should hostilities with America prove seri- ously injurious to England, they may never be remedied; thus the case is of much more im- portance to Britain, than it is to America. I mean not to say that America may not suffer most severely in the first instance, but the conse- quences can only be momentary ; whereas, with respect to Britain, they may be such as never to be done away. CHAP. II. ' ! »'■>'■ ., ! , . ; '-''■ " Three Quest'ons dhcussed — Cithemh'p^ Navitfatian^ Laws and Colonial Trade, and Observations upon tht Increase of the Trade of Great' Britain. The thfee great questions to be discussed, are Citizenship, Colonial Laws, and General Navi- gation Law, or the Rights of Neutrals. First, As to their importance, we shall find that it is greatly exaggerated, but particularly that of Citizenship. Certainly no act of one country can free a man from his allegiance to his Sove- reign, but then it is to be considered ** what is that allegiance ?" Allegiance in respect to obeying the laws is local as much as the payment uf taxes, for a British subject does neither when he leaves his country, but while he remains in it he must do both. Not to carry arms against his So- vereign is the only fragment of allegiance that may be said to follow a man into another coun- try, so that the question of Citizenship is very easily determined. No law prevents a man from leaving his coun- try ; and when a man enters into a new country, that country may naturalize him. If peace re- mains between the two nations, here the matter is. ;r : I at an end ; but if the person so emigrating enters into an army to fight against his original Sove- reign, if taken, he is liable to be treated as a re- bel ; but there is no right to demand him. The rights of the former Sovereign only return when his subject comes under his dominion . If then there is no right to demand back Bri- tish subjects who have emigrated, it may be added, as a still more important argument that even if the matter of right were different, what would be the mattet of policy ? England certainly has not conceived the mad project of keeping people from leaving it by force ; but, if so, as few do emi- grate, preventing them would not be attended with much advantage to the country, and if the number is but small, whatever the right may be, it is bad policy to engage in a war that may be very serious, to obtain so small an advantage. As to the dignity of protecting rights, and the disgrace of yielding a point, and submitting to an injury, that may, in this case, be entirely done away by an arrangement entered into in a voluntary man- ner; proceeding upon the principle that allegiance is local, and ceases with removal, for when a man ceases to be with a society, he ceases to derive any ♦ There is a law to prevent artists from being carried out of the kingdom, which so far infringes on the Bill of Rights, as it separates one portion of society from the ether, without 4ny other reasons than what are founded on policy. 1 t l>ut of as it lother benefit from its laws, and is no lon^jCr any of iu members. I know it may be said that the case of seamen is different from that of other mon,* but whatever the point may be as to ri^ht, it is nothing as to importance. Were it agreed that such men were to be given up, of what value would such an obligation be ? The parade of the deserters at Norfolk would not indeed have taken place, but the mem would have gone up the country privately. The injury would have been the same, though then there would have been no insult. As the matter stands, the parading of the seamen seems to have been intended to produce some disturbance ; but let this business «nd as it may, when English sailors wish to join Americans, and when they have an opportunity to do it, the execution o!f their purpose will never be prevented by anj law that can be made to the contrary. So much then for the small interest England has as a nation in the affair of citizenship^ Let us now proceed to examine into the law* respecting her colonial trade. The colonial laws must in all cases d.'penl on circumstances, not on what people apprehend * A$ Ijy the law of the land, a journeyman must not h-rv: his Blaster in the middle of a job. This is a deprivation of liberty, arising from aa act of the man lumself who undertook to do the work* i. li; t ; 10 to te rights, in the jargon of the day, called thi legal rights of the mother country, one of which is stated upon the general scale to be a monopoly of the trade of the colony. Now with the gr«at- est deference to those hish authorities who o entertain a different opinion, I will maintain that the mother country has not an unlimited right to monopolize the trade of a colony. * If such unlimited right existed the mother country might starve a colony for want of pro- visions, and yet do so without injustice; a thing contrary to the immutable law of God, as well as to those laws of man, which being implanted in the nature of things, do not admit of change. If then the mother country has not an unlimited right it must be a limited one, it is like the right of a parent over a child, to correct, but not to maim, strangle, or destroy. A father cannot be pu- nished for an assault, though he may have admi- nistered correction to a child, that had it not been his own would have made him liable to very high damages. In this case the law between the parent and child is different from that be. twecn other individuals, or from common law, but if the parent starves or murderss his child, the pu- nishment is the same as if it were the child of another person. In this case the law between the parent and child is the same as between any other persons. Thus it is with colonies in ccrt^iixi cases, and 11 an( to a certain extent the mother country has a right tc regulate the trade of a colony, but in others it has not ; it is therefore a limited authority, like that of a parent. This point being once established, no question is to be decided but upon the footing of reci- procal interest or particular circumstances, which must determine whether it is without or within the limits. We then have to enquire whether the subjects in dispute are without or within the limit that bounds the right of the mother country. It is from that, and that only the case of the right can be established. To have free liberty to exchange produce for produce is the chief part of what is wished by the inhabitants of the islands and by the Ameri- cans, and this certainly it is not within the power or authority of the mother country to prevent for, as the mother country cannot rob or starve the colony, so likewise it has no right to prevent it from tr?.fficking to the best advantage, and sel- ling its produce as it pleases, only obtaining a preference for itself upon equal conditions. The mother country has the right of laying on duties, governing and legislating, but surely can have no right to prevent a man who grows sugar on his estate from exchanging it for wheat, as he cannot always be sucking sugar, and must have bread -, neither has it a r^^ht to oblige him to i » ; h V i ;i 12 •end all his sugar to a London merchant, which he sells (by a candle's end) for an old song, in return sending over, at an enormous price, dresses for slaves, and the other European articles want- ed in a plantation. If this point were granted, perhaps the dispute would be at an end; for though there are other objects, they are of minor consequence; but as in other cases, we have taken into consideration. the importance of the object demanded, as well as the juvstice of the demand, let us do so in the pre- sent instance. If Government would place the English West India islands and settlements under a just, but liberal regulation, the Planters would be happy, the islands would become rich, and all the differ- ences with America would be at at end without altering her navigation laws, and West India es- tates would be doubled in value in a ^c\v years. Government must know the amount of revenue, it receives duty on West India' produce. If every planter in the West Indies was obliged to take out a licence, or (in any other way more agreeable to himself) to pay a duty in the West In- dies upon the produce raised, so as to bring in the t.i;me revenue to Government as at pre- se.'it, it would give him an opportunity of selling or exchanging produce in the island, or sending it to England if he found it bis interest, which would break a combination I 13 h London, that is now labouring to tr'ng about a war with America, and risqueing the separation of the VVe!>t India Islands, from the mother coun- try, merely because the Americans are carrying on a considerable trade in West India produce, which the do not stnd to the West India mer* chants in London to sell, in order to avaid rui- nous charges. . , Was there ever any thing more contrary to luir- ness and common sense, than that a Planter in the West Indies, who has sugar, and wants bread, meat, and the other necessaries of life for him- self and negroes, should not have a right of ex- changing his sugar for them. He must be oblig- ed to send it to a London West India merchant to sell, in order to raise the money to pay for bread, &c. by drawing on the merchant, at a loss, who sells the sugar perhaps for half the price the poor Planter could have got in the W^est Indies ? Any person wishing to see a curious official document on the subject of the West Indies will do well to read the Report of the Committee on the Trade to the West India Colonies. I find in it the examination of a Mr. Ht^nry Shirely, who I conclude is a West India Planter; he appears to know what arrangements would benefit the West Indies, and add to the happiness of individuals. There seems to be so much candour and good sense i I 1 If 1 1 < 1 , ' i ! 1 [ 1] 14 in his answers, that I will annex part of his exa- mination; Question — Would the British Planter, in your opinion, be relieved to any, and what ex- tent, by being permitted to barter certain proportions of their coffee and sugar in pay- ment for American supplies equivalent to the cargoes imported ? * jlnsxver — They certainly would. The Americans would take some of our worst sug-ars; it would greatly reduce the exportation of mo- ney, and prevent the ruinous consequences of giving bills of exchange, which, in these calamitous times are often dishonoured. Qiieslion — Would the British Planter's market for rum be injured by a monopoly of their sup- ply being granted to the British North Ame* rcan Colonics. Answer — It would make the Planter still more dependant on the British merchants, who caimot be very indulgent in such times' as these. They seem to pity our case, but they add to our miseries by always deriving a pro- fit from our distresses. After going through a pampWet on the subject of the West India commerce, on the last page, (i6o) I find information which appears to be given with so much correctness, that I have 15 talcen the liberty of annexing a copy of it.* The pav. r t) wh eh I refer is a London West India mtrchan 's ccount of sales of ten hhds. of su^ar ; I regret that the time the ugars were ship- ped is not mentioned, that I might have made a statement to .vho.v f the poor Planter had been permitted to exchange the sugar for beef, how jn.any barrels it would have produced, and hovv many poor negroes that beef would havefed. When I look at the account of sales, and consider si- milar ones every packet carries to the West In- dies, and when I see that the fruits of the labourer, which were intended to cherish the hearts of the poor Planters, have gone into the pockets of men enjoying all the luxuries in the world, I cannot withhold exclaiming — Oh! Providence, Jiow much longer will you permit your intenti- ons to be so perverted? — Well may the Planters be poor, and poor they will remain until they get jrid of the blood-suckers who are drawing their existence from them. The Planter's situation at present is worse than that of the negro slaves they purchase from Africa; the latter is expected to work only with his hands, and for a certain num- ber of hours each day, but the former is obliged to work body and mind, night and day, for his London masters, without gi^ ing satisfaction. His situation is but little different from poor * See Appendix, No. 1. m i s t I I! Iff Mungo, except that his skin is not black, whe« lie says, , . i • « Dear heart, what a terrible life am I led ! A dog has a better that's shelter'd and fed. Night and d.ny 'tis the same. My pain is dere game : • ' . Me wish to de Lord me was dead t • The Americans already deal to a very large amount with the English West Indies* for rum, and thty sell much more than they are allowed to return ; but if they were not shackled they would take the return in sugar instead of money, and every one would be gainer by this except tlie London merchant, his broker and auctioneer. In the fir&t place the merchants' consignments would be diminished; in the next place the Planter being more at his ease, would not depend upon him, as he now generally does. The bro- ker, auctioneer, and merchant, (that respectable trio,] are then the persons for whom the negroes sweat, their masters run in debt, and we are to go to war. Let us consider this a little, " Softly, softly, says a Custom-house officer, *' his Majesty's revenues will be injured." I have no objection to going softly that I may go surely, but I will maintain that it would not injure the revenue. The same quantity of sugars being raised, they could still be subjected to the same duties, * See Appendix, No. 2. 17 but raised in another way, for we are not to give up the right of taxing the commodity so as to make up to the revenue what it already pays. It is not altogether the money paid; but, in a great degree, the manner of paying, that is the grievance, and this would form a proper subject for inquiry and regulation. The sugars and other produce would then cost much less than at present in the first instance ; and, therefore, even those things which I have stated as losses, would be, in a great degree, coun- ter-balanced. Shall I add to all this that the natural disposi- tion of the islands to coalesce with America, against Britain, would be diminished, and by that means an event that must some day take place, would be removed to a greater distance. On the -^hole the loss to Britain would be lit- tle, perhaps nothing, the advantages would pos- sibly be considerable : but, at all events, this would be an absurd cause of a war, the first con- sequences of which, as will be seen hereafter, would be to starve the West India Islands. I next come to the most important of all the questions, including the whole of the navigation laws as now interpreted, on the one part and on the other. When all the powers of Europe had a pretty equal share of trade, as was the case till the be. ginning of the French Revolution, as the regu- it i I.I f IIIMIJ 1 18 lations were mutually advantageous and disad- vantageous, it was not of very great importance what those regulations were. But now that England alone of the Belligerents, has ships, co- lonies and commerce, the justice of the regulati- onsj'^it must be allowed, becomes of more impor- tance. Those who seek innovations in Europe, are greatly to be condemned for the contempt they express for ancient laws and usages, but not less so they who are ready every moment to engage in war to preserve whatever they possess, without examining whether it is worth the contest. When Government begins to put the West In- dia possessions under a proper regulation ,*and set- tle their difference with America, the citizens of London must expect to be alarmed with an out* cry against Ministers, by the West India ship owners. It theiefore gives me pleasure to say, that in no instance in viewing the commerce of this country have I been so much surprised, as at the little comparative importance of the West India shipping*, with the total amount of the ship- ping of England. Of 21,700 ships, only 785 are employed in the West India trade, and in 1796, the number was only 692, and they are ge- nerally owned by those West India merchants who engross the West India trade ; and if they were out of employ for two or three years it * See Appendixy No. 3. 1 19 would not be a real grievance, fortbft'profit tii^y' have been making is excessive. , When England went to war for Jenkm'.'s ears*, it was in reality a small object, suppos- ing the story had been true, for it co.st above twenty millions. She went afterwards to war to preserve Americat, as she called it, in order to /^ * In the year 1739, just before war broke out with Spain, the party that wished foi war (that was the ministerial party), wishing to inflame tlie nation, hit upon the following expedien;. A Cap- tain of a vessel named Jenkins had been stopped and searched at sea by a Spanish Captain, who finding nothing on board sent Jen- kins home. Jenkins complained of the haughty conduct of the Don, and a stoi*y was spread abroad that the v paniaid had cut off his ears. To animate the pailiament and the nation, Jenkins .was examined at the bar of the House of Commons, his ears were covered with waxed silk close to his head, so that the corner of his wig when lifted up at the bar of the house excited strong feel- ings. * What did you think,' said a member, < Captain Jenkins, when the proud Spaniard cut off your ears.* • Why,* rr plied Jen- kins, * when I found my ears were off I gave my soul to God, and left my revenge to my country ?* The house was electrified in an instant, and the nation in a few days That veiy night an ad- diess passed praying the king to revenge the insult by the d'xlara- tion of a \yar with Spain. This only cost about twenty millions, or 3000 1. a day interest ever since. A pretty price for a pair of ears, even if they had been lost ! •j- American War cost Debt Interest. 64,648,8001. l,')39,410l. 3 .',750,000 1. 1 ,3 1 0,000 1. 17,869,9921. 8)6,6231. 3 per cent. 4 5 115,267,9921. 5,012,5621. Equal to about 1,3001. per hour ever since. fi 2 ,'; i i gain by trading with that country.— The duty on a few chests of tea did the business. England lost the tea and the duty, but what was best of all, she lost America, she has since then gained by her trade vastly more than before. Britain then treated America as she does the West Indies now. Yet she gained by the change, even dearly as it cost her to part with it. — Thus it appears we have sometimes seen objects over valued. — ^The reinstating of the French nobility to their lands, and the restoration of the house of Bourbon, were thought indispensa- ble about seven or eight years ago. — Now they are thought impossible, yet we have not despair- cd, though the tenth part of the derangements which have now taken place are such as for- merly would have struck us with consternation. Having overvalued so many things, it is pos- sible that England may overvalue the navigation laws as she executes them. Let us examine whe- ther it is so or not. Did England ever find an enemy cease fighting for want of what is termed contraband of war ? why then make so many enemies in order to pre- vent contraband articles from being carried ? Why be so rigid with Neutrals ? Has England forgot that the rigid conduct of the Hanseatic League at sea was the chief cause of the down- fall of its power ? Has not England been the first nation to flou- rish by freedom of commerce in the interior of it a iv 21 iuty on nd lost ill, she by her treated Yet she ;t her to metimes igof the itoration [ispensa- ow they despair- [igements as for- nation. it b pos- Lvigation ine whe- fighting lof war? to pre- ;arried ? In gland [anseatic down- to flou- terior of the country? Is it not well known that her commercial prosperity is created by industry, cre- dit and confidence, and not supported by rcgu- l;ition or kept up by force ? How can it be sup- posed in a country, where the principles of po- litical economy are so well understood as in Eng- land, that it will be ruined, unless it keeps up a rigorous police upon the ocean ? I have long thought that the Navigation Laws made for re- gulating the commerce of England with regard to British built and foreign ships, had been mis- taken for the general maritime law of nations as it is called, and that the just attachment to the one has been the cause of setting so great a value on the other. If the code contended for as begun to be acted upon about the middle of the last century is so necessary for British prosperity, what did Britain do before that period ? It may, however, be said^ that the sea is the element of Britain, and that if ever she gives up the sovereignty her day is done. This requires a little consideration. Is that sovereignty such that it may not be given up, or at least modified, without a suspicion of fear ? Magnanimity is a word, as well as dignity, it is of as high a sound and signification, and there is great magnanimity in looking into such affairs with an intention to rectify what may be found Q be wrong or impolitic. C3 h ' II mil' Ml 22 It is always a matter of great wisdom to con- sider, whether an object that excites envy is worth the danger with which envy is in most cases attended. It is a mistake to think that the greatest dan^rrs consist in making concessions. I do most readily grant, that if concessions are not made with great prudence, they are gene- rally construed to arise from fear; but that, so far from being a reason for never making conces- sion, is a reason why when such a thing comes in question it ought to be considered in what man- ner it may be done so as to avoid the appearance of fear. It is far more easy to render a question obscure by quoting hi^h authorities and making a display of learning, (by giving a list of books at the bot- tom of a pagf^), than it is in a short concise man- ner to discuss an important point; but my aim is by no means to seek thut sort of reputation, and it most certainly is one of my objects to avoid rendering the subject more confused, by appeal- ing to cases that do not apply, or to authorities which will not be acknowledged. Great as is my respect for fhose persons who at an early period promulgated a code of )^ /;- time law, and highly as I thi.k ut their abilities, it is not greater than for the first persons who constructed good sailing ships. As I, however, would not copy from the model of the Great 23 Michael*, (which cumbered Scotland to send to aea), or fi.>in the Henry Grace de Dieu, so the laws of the IhIcs of Rhod> . and Oleron are not precisely sucli as I tiank wotJd regulate my :on« duct with other nations, were I tfi a situat. . n that enabled me to treat of national interests. The fact is, and an undeni tble ou'i it certainly is, that the times and circumstr* nces are new, and that however great a regard we may have for what has been done by those that ( me before us, we must accommodate ourselves tu the circum- stances in which we are placed ; that is always necessary to success, not that it alway insures it, but without it success is impossible. There is more danger from making oncessi- ons in a piece-meal way, than by proceec ing up- on, and promulgating one grand princip e from which you will not recede. Give up what you think it reasonable, wise and just to yield, L ut no more ; after that be firm, but it is in vain i o at- tempt to stand firm on a rotten stage where the boards will moulder to dust under your feet. A declaration that you are ready to revise the law, and willing to correct it, is all that is now necessary for all parties, and it is not worth while to go to war merely because you are in a hurry to frame a code to be acted upon in time of peace. 1 view the probable difference between England and * An immense vessel built in Fife upo« the dry land) and afterwards witii great difficulty conveyed to the aea. 24 ilY lil' America as the more serious, because I do not be- lieve the tvro governments wish to go to war, and I have the same opinion about the most respecta- ble inhabitants of both countries. I view the ob- ject which they are differing about, as that of a party wall between two houses which it is the interest and wish of both to support, but an artful bricklayer getting into the confidence of one of the inhabitants, persuades him the wall is crooked and inclines on his side, and urges him to insist upon having the wall pulled down that he may get a profit by building it up again. America has certainly flourished very much, and she would have done so if there had not been a war in Europe, but there is no reason why if I am doing very well that I should be prevented from doing better. I am sorry to see so much acrimony in individuals on both sides : what can be the use of all the low scurrility which the English Pamphlets contain against the President of the United States of Ame- rica? — Neither should America encourage that acrimony against England, that may terminate hurtfuliy for both, particularly at a time when England is fighting to preser\'e what yet remains uninvaded of the libei tifes of the ancient world. If the English writers could point out indivi- duals in America, who were deceiving the Presi- dent, (as the British Ministers are deceived) by giving him false information, by representing that England was ruining America by taking away her ships, sailors, and commerce, then those indivi- duals would be fair objects of attack, and all good men would wish to see them punished, particularly if they could prove that so far from being injured, her ships, sailors, and commerce were increasing in the way that the following statement will show that those of England have been. Ycars^ Vessels. Tons. Men. 1775 6,219 977,262 1783 5,182 933,785 _ 1790 15,015 1,460,823 112,556 1792 16,079 1,540,145 118,286 1800 17,895 1,856,175 138,721 1802 20,060 2,078,561 152,299 1806 21,725 2,271,928 154,299 219 The British Navy i September i, i^oj. Men. 262 1026 130,000 Ships of SO to 34 Frigates Sloops Gun-brigs Total the Line 30 264i 96i COMMERCE. Years. Value of Imports; 1775 j^ 13,843,842 1780 11,663,211 1790 19,130,886 5 3 1795 22,736,889 10 1780 30,570,605 6 4 1805 30,344,628 18 6 Total value exported. ^17,420,309 13,387,562 20,120,121 17 2 27,312,328 7 4 43,152,019 5 6 36,508,776 19 2 v^ 26 What a contrast the following statements, reca- pitulated exhibit of the beginning and end of the Amciitan war to. the present ! , •••,>v't- .tiN.JO Mr WM/. ' i !*.*'. Years. Vessels. Torn. 1775 6219 5)79,262 1783 5182 ■ 933,78'* COMMERCE. Ycr.rs. 1780 Imports. * Exports. ^15,843,842 ^17,420,309 J1,G(J3,211 13,387,502 With respect then to two questions, those of Ci- tizenship, and the Commerce of Colonies, I think they are clearly decided ; but as to the third, pru- dence and expediency must be the guide, for the acting on a principle of what may be termed equality or reciprocity, is nonsensical. As a ge- neral rule applicable in particular cases it may ba vt ry well, but before we speak of equality, or reci- procity, we mustknow whether circumstances make ihcm possible. In the present instance of the Chesapeak, it is understood that the English Captain had orders to act upon a principle of equality, and to allow his ship to be searched, at the same time that he insisted upon searching the American lor deserters. This was proper, un- doubtedly, but where was the reciprocity ? 27 The English Cnptnir knew there were some of his men in the otlter vesel, and he knew there were no American deserter^ in hi^ ; the liberty to search han mi.,hl cither be taken as a complimental for- mahty, or as an insult, for m rejiity it meant no- thm^. It brings to my mind a grnt^eman well known as an eccentric character, who had his pocket picked of his handkerchief in Bond-street. A passenger informed him of his los«, and poinfed GUI the jhief. The enraged gentleman ran in an in.stant, collared the thief, and seized his handker- chief, exclaiming — " You scoundrel. I have got your handkerchief, and you have mine, restore it to me this instant." This was an examp'e of search for search, but then each person acted From the conviction that the other had a handker- chief. The English and Americans were not on equal terms in the affair of the Ciiesapeak, to which parti- cular affair I do not allude for any other purpose than to shew, that a code fouiid^dupon perfect ecj'ia- lity will not do in time ol war. In time ot peace it is quite practicable, but it will not d ) with respect to neutrals in time of war. because the belii^erent and the neutral are alw.»v^ under umoum. cik- cu.Mi rANCtcj — they never can he on an equally. Much has been said to prove that a neutral has no right to derive gain or profit from the mis'or- tune o! a neighbouring sta<-e en^i^ed in war. I ut in my huuiuic o^inionj tins i6 liic mooc ^halluw uf 28 all arguments. The evil of the one and advantages of the other, are circumstances not connected by any right whatever. If I break my leg, and my neighbour next door \vho is a surgeon is paid for setting it, he gains by my misfortune. In like manner, when one man dies or fails in trade, another, or others, get his business. This is natu» ral, nay it is unavoidable; the business must be done, and justice or right have no connection with the business. Even in the case of a colony belonging to % belligerent power, the case of a neutral trading with it must be a question to be discussed on circumstances, not on gen> '^ princrpks^ unless the principle of free trade is admitted* If the mother country cannot do the business so well herself, she must give leave to some other to do it, or some other must do it without leave. This, indeed, is nothing more than extending the prin- ciple that applies to all sorts of commerce. Eng^ land supplies America with her manufactures, be- cause she cannot supply herself, and England takes corn, cotton, &c. from America, because she cannot supply herself; thus, so sar from the de- ficiency of one not being ar advantage to another, it is, on the contrary, the very cause of all com- mercial intercourse. As to the liberty of the seas, spoken of by the ruler of the French nation, it seems to be a sub- ject that he does not well understand; for so long as ;li!! advantages inected by g, and my on is paid rtune. In Is in trade, bis is natUo iss must be connection nging to a al trading icussed on (Sf unless d. If the s so well ther to da ve. This, the prin- te. Eng^ |tures, be- England [cause she the de- another, lall com. 29 he is at war he can have nothing to complain of, " When the day comesthat he is neutral and oppres- ed, when his ships, colonies, and commerce, be- comea prey to fierce belligerents, then he may have a right to spedk in the tone of complaint ; or, when all the world becomes peaceable, he will have a right certainly to assist in settling any general code of maritin>e law that may be established amongst nations. ^ • = , , , At presentthose who are neutral, alone canhave a right to complain for the injustice done (if it is an injustice), for seizing a neutral conveying stores to an enemy can in no case be an injustice done to that enemy, whatever it may be with respect to the neutral. To the enemy the injury may be great, but injury and injustice are not necessarily connected j as in time of war, to do an injury to an enemy, is the very essence and spirit of the contest. f by the ^e a sub- |o long as ' i ; M ! i 1 ' 1 i ! ll! f 30 ..«,-'!' ^ :'fr:i.;': :t:' ' y ■,(>.;.• C II A P. III. v\ i ■»ct'rr> V)i,.';,/ "- :-.:. ... ., Ifc,- Of the Mis-statements of Writers on the Suhlert of the , Report Of the West India Committee y and of those 'icho pretend to state Facts. • ,,^ WHEM men are either much interested, or their passions inflamed, exaggeration is always to be ex- pected : and in the present case we have by no means been disappointed in that respect. Amongst those who have been examined as to the shipping, in order to determine its increase or decrease ; and those who have been examined rela- tive to the West India trade, we find nothing but cxaggen^tion. The misfortune is attributed to the system pursued with respect to America ; but in its proper place I shall state another cause. The West India merchants make it appear that sugar costs more than it sells for. Yes, that they do; and they are very accurate : — 20S. lod. per cwt, and 15s. bringing over make the cost. About 335. :he selling price. They have not informed us from what large and liberal purse the money comes that supplies this deficiency. Wc see West India merchants still living like princes;, but when they come before the Parliament they have got the whnnng cant of beggars. — There must be some 31 mystery in all this; neither the iron bridges not any of the wild beasts at the Tower, arc so curious and inexplicable as this simple fact, corroborated most solemnly by men of honour and fortune. In the north bears live under the snow by sucTc- ing their paws ; toads have lived for ye.us shut up without light or food ; and a tortoise has beei* known to hold a fast of an unusual length ; but though natural philosophers consider such phe- nomena as wonderful, the bears, toads, and tortoises, are nothing to the West India mer- chants : the*former exist on nothing, but they do not get fat. The West India merchant live* oa. less than nothing, and gets very fat ! ! How can all this be ? the thing is not credible. It is not possible. ■ There must be a cause, Novr without positively asserting what the cause i^ I think I have a shrewd guess. ' > Amongst the chief expences of the aos. loi* prime cost of sugars, are loss upon bills of €x« change drawn on England, enormously high price* paid for every thing supplied by the British mer- chant, and the interest of all the money advanced. If those items were taken off, the sugar would not cost near so much as it appears to do now. ; • Again, as to the second sum of 155., a great part of that consists in commission, profit, brokerage, and expense of selling ; so that, on the whole, the sUjjar that appears to cost 365. did not cost ia 32 t'l reality above 265. ; and the West India merchant, who seems to get fat upon a loss of 35. per cwt^, is in reahty getting fat on a profit of 6 or ys. per This calculation may not be very accurate : but the matter certainly is only to be explained in that way ; and it is fit that it should be known, for at present the public is deceived. The sugars are represented as lying on hand, to the ruin and destruction of the merchants ; yet, in the West India docks there were* but 31,000 hogsheads, which, at 35 s. each, malces only the sum of 675,000; a sum not equal to the for- tunes of some single individuals concerned in the trade ; and not more than used to be advanced in better times before the bonding system was adopted. To be able to comprehend the whole of the ex- aggerations in the examination of the different gentlemen concerned in the West India trade, in the Appendix will be found some specimens of it ; but it is not only necessary to give a specimen, but to make some observations. So long as the Committee of the House of Commons attends merely to a sort of routine, and repeat the same questions to different gentlemen without adverting to the new questions that may aiise from their answers^ the information will be to little purpose. * At the time the report of the West India Committee wat made. r ■JK; •9o merchant, per cwt.. or 75. per irate : but plained in nown, for on hand, ants; yet, >ut 31,000 I oiily the [) the for- nedin the Ivanced in idopted. of the ex- different trade, in lens of it ; specimen, House of tine, and entlemen that may ill be to amittee wat lit is viery evident, from the prtcir isitur^ of the answers given, that the minds of the informants had been made up, ahd that too, with a most asto- nishing degree of accuracy. 20s. iod» says Mr. Andrew Weddtrburn, is the first cost of 1 cwt. of sugar in Jamaica. — Indeed ! ! If the President of the Board of Affriculture had been asked if he^ amongst the hundreds uf volumes written on that subject, had pretended to calculate the first cost of a bushel of wheat, would he have pretended to state it to a penny ? No, he would have said, in no particular case could it be accurately ascertain- ed, though it may within about 25. or 35. a bushel, but then that woul4vbe to little purpose, for time and place make perpetual differences. 'That i to say, the case is different in two contiguous fields, and in the same field in two different years ; and even when the crops are got in and finished, we cannot be accurate in one single instance. ij Perhaps it may be said this is true ; but then the sugar crops in Jamaica are more certain, the mode more regular, and the survieyors better calculators than English farmers or gentlemen. This, how- ever, is not quite the case. The sugar crops are the rtiost uncertain possi- ble Jamaica property is proverbially hazardous. In England the produce of land may be uncertain, yet the chief expense of raising corn is quite certain. The rent of land is fixed, the wages of labour (I mean in any one instance), and 34 the expense of keepiifg horses aftd itiaintaifling' servants may be very nearly estinrated ; yet, with all this, the farmer can make tio vtry adcu^ rate estimate. In Jamaica evcrjr expense is uncertain: tKtt price of provisions and of every sort of stock, the weather and the produce ; yet the result Was given with accuracy. ' ' ' Again, would it not have been natural and ne- cessary to know how the losing bu:srness w»s carried on; to know of what items this accurate calculation consisted; and to add or.her questions that might haVe arisen from those answers. Then perhaps the true state of thiag^ might have beou known. As it is, I do maintain thisit we ate misled, and that 20s, i6d. is not the cost price, but is a sort of average taken, at which planters could aflfbrdto sell for ready money on the spot, with a reason- able profit, after having paid exorbitant prices for slaves, as well as of all sorts of materials imported from Europe. "^ r i vi Other inconslsCences^ occur that should not have been looked over. Ten percent, is represented as a fair profit; and it is said that 10,000/. will be capital sufficient to grow annually 20b hogsheads of sugar, that is, at the rate of 50/. capital for each hogshead pro- duced. We are informed in a pamphlet, written (it is said} by a man of great kiformatipn, that the capital employed in the^ West India trade is 100 itallling' et, with int tHfe ock, the as given and ne- less wats accurate jucstions . Then ave been re misled, t is a sort aflEbrd to reason- rices for imported luld not )fit;and icient to lat is, at pad pro- written that the le is too 35 millions* if so, the gain must be irl ordinary timti^ 10 millions a year. Unfortunately it so happens that the whole West India produce from British islands has seldom amounted to so much. kr ' Such contradictory statements, and suchaffecta* tion of accuracy, when there is not even a fair attempt to it, are disgusting; and I point them out merely to shew how the public is deceived, and how the business is misrepresented. Before any step is taken to relieve the West India merchants, it is to be hoped that pains will be taken to ascertain the real state of the case, and that the ex parte evidence of the London merchants will not be relied upon. ,:■, If true relief is intended, let it be, by allowing the planters to purchase every necessary at the cheapest market, and pay for it in such produce, without restriction, as they find the most advan- tageous ; it is by that means, and that only, that British colonies can grow sugars equally cheap with those of other nations. But this is not the aim of the West India merchants, though they make all their complaints as if they were natural griev- ances, and important for the nation to remedy. I have never been informed that Providence has not been equally bountiful in its favours to the English West India islands as to the other islands ; that they are not equally well situated for commerce, and that their inhabitants are not »2 36 •« equally sober, honest, and industrious ; then why should not their sugars be equally cheap with those of the ocner islands ? If I should appear to wish to be severe on the West India merchants, I shall answer, no. I have no such desire : but I have a very decided wish to be true, and to select truth from the evidence before me. When I find two nations, for both of which I have a sincere regard, about to be involved in a very serious war, by the misrepresentations of in- dividuals, I must speak out ; nay more, when those very individuals will themselves be amongst the first sufferers, I think any thing that appears severe in my remarks will assume another aspect. Let those gentlemen to whose statements I al- lude answer my questions, explain what appears to be contradictory, and I am satisfied. \ ,, 'f jr. i . rflfe I .' .r ".■! 37 CHAP. IV. Oreat increase qf the Trade of England and America with the Weii Indies since the French Revolution--' The nature of the West India Trade explained^ and its consequences examined. One circumstance not the least curious in the present state of things, and which more than any other is the cause of the war with which we are threatened, is, that the true causes of the situation of trade, as it relates to Britain, to America, and the West India islands, is not taken into conside- ration. ' The last three years of the last century, and the two first of this, were those at which the trade of Britain, America, and the British West Indies was the highest ; and not having since increased as it had previously done, complaints, suspicions, and mutual recrimination are the con- sequence. The real state of the case, however, is, that the total British exportation trade had risen from the beginning of the French Revolution from as millions to 46 millions, and has been for some years diminishing : but if Britain eonsidered this immense trade as a permanent possession she is » 3 I$< I- 38 :f . ;; greatly mistaken. It is the Revolution, and the panic it occasioned, that promoted this immense trade, and as the panic wears ofF, and the n itions on the Continent begin to trade again, this must diminish. So far as this, America is under cir- cumstances perfectly similar to Britain. As to the West India islanJs, owing to the terrible state of St. Domingo, (which alone pro- duced more than all the other islands put toge^ ther,) that has caused the increase of irr ports from English islands, so that the great trade which each expects to keep, and which each accuses the other about, is diminishing of itself, and the mis- take consists in considering that as -permanent^ which in reality is owing in a great degree to temporary causes. The vship owners, all in one voice call out loudly about the diminution of the trade, but I shall dismiss this part of the business by referring to the Appendix. The nations may all quarrel if they like to do it, but let not human blood be spilt without taking pains at least to be informed of the real state of the question, and by no means let any of the parties consider that thing to be permanent, that is only founded on one ac- cidental coqcurrence of circumstances in its ffivour. As the amount of the trade which America car- ries on in West India produce, appears to astonish many persons in Europe, and to be the envy of 39 not a few, - 1 shall endeavour to explain how she carries on this vast trade, and show the result. As so many unfair and illiberal observations have been made against her commerce, I beg to refer to a Table* which I have annexed, to shew that her vast trade is not that of a moment, or from one place, but scattered along a vast oce^n of fifteen hundred miles, and consists of the produce of countries hundreds and hundreds of miles from that ocean ; that her trade has risen in a regular way, and that the exports from each port along this vast country will be found to correspgnd with the produce of each state, its inhabitants and local advantages. Previous to the RevoluMon^ the exports of West India produce to France, Holland, 5pain» andEng« land.wasabout fourteen million five hundred thou- sand pounds, that of ^gland about four nuUioRs. In consequence of the Revolution, upwards ot ten millions of West India produce yearly, which belonged to France, Holland, and Spain, en- tirely changed its destination ; an.d it^ masters, (to whom it produced a handsome income,) are now, perhaps, wanting bread, and kpow no xnore about their estates th<^n if they never belonged to them. It is natural that we should, therefore, be ap3;;ipus to know what has become of the pro- duce, and through what channel it finds it» way to market. . . D 4 * See Appendix. No. 4^ t1 40 Some years after the Revolution we find the Imports of Great Britain from the West Indies in- creased from three millions to upwards of nine, and we find America exporting to Europe upwards f seven millions. < ■ • ' - , . - * . Thus England and America have nearly the whole benefit of this vast and valuable trade. What other neutrals may have had, I do not think worth considering, for it would only be as a drop in a bucket of water. • - = In order to account for the share which America has of this trade, it is requisite that I shoal4 first speak of the importation of British manufac- tures -into America. In the year 1789 they a- mounted to two millions five hundred thousand pounds, now they amount to upwards of nine millions, and she consumes rather above six mil- lions, and exports above two millions. As England imported nine millions, and Amcr rica exported seven millions more than their con- sumption, the quantity raised must be greater since the Revolution, This has certainly been the case in the English islands, so as to make the total produce equal to about sixteen mil- lions. In estimating the total produce of the West In- dies, therefore, at sixteen millions, I suppose the English islands and settlements produce six mil- lions. Having endeavoured to explain what is the 41 amount of the produce of the Islands and settle- ments, it is requisite to consider what are the proba- ble returns which America makes for her share of this trade, I find by official documents published by par- liament, that notwithstanding all the restriction^ which exist between the English Islands and Ame- rica, the Islands receive yearly from America, in flour, meal, Indian corn, beef, pork, fish, pine-boards, shingles, staves ind timber, to an amount, which agreeable to the price they pay for them in the West Indies (as stated to the West Jndia Committee,) exceeds one million sterling. The same Islands receive in addition provisi- ons from England yearly, to an amount above five hundred thousand pounds. If then the Eng- lish Islands, as I conceive producing six millions require 1,500,000/. of provisions; the Islands and settlements which produce eleven millions will require above three millions, I therefore be- lieve that, America pays for her West India pror duce in this way : ' . " ^Provisions and articles the growth of £ . America r - - 3,000,099 British manufactures exported from America - - - 2,000,000 Luxuries from the Continent of Europe which have been imported > jnto America - r - 700,000 42 Xast India goods • *• - JProfit to America, or the diflFerence between the articles grown, and when manufactured, the price of the ^oods imported and &oId» ^c^ 200,000 .. a ; ^i t'^-i' i/ '■ ^ ■ti i,ooo,o©o '■■n. n*.- v.)iv ■HKli> J. 'iiii-\ . iut..: -■ l;vf1i;M iU'(^^^■^ jf .7,000,000 - .lif* , f«;r '^ r Supposing the exchange complete, and the ^est India produce delivered in America ; I say tliat xVmeiica has been fair and honourable in her transactions with England : she takes her xnanufac-^ tures and exchanges them for West India produce j then why, in the name of all that is equitabk, should Jihe not have an equally fair opportunity qf disr loosing of that produce ? England is thp country to which America would rather send this produce, not on account of her having been the mother country, but from con^. venience. A man 9f business would rather transact ^CFairs either in writing or speaking with onp whose language he understands, than with another: but the duties, taxes, commission, &c. are so high in English ports that they ruin every American that sends West India produce to them ; this is daily proved by ships which are intended to be loaded wifcli British manufactures, first going to Amstevdam and delivering a cargo of sugar and eoiFee, and then coming to Engand for her manu* factures to carry back. 43 The reason why An-erica is able to tinder ell England in West India produce in foreign cQun» tries, is clearly owing to the English expenccs* One instance of the enormous expence which the planters have to, pay, was clearly proved to the West India committee by a document handed them by Mr. Maryatt, of which the following is a copy, ■;,■;■ ';., .■■.I' FREIGHTS. ri Foreign Colonies. West Indies to Uni- ted States, per cwt. £.0 3 . pnited States to tiolland 4 6 drO 7 6 British Colohies* West ladies, to Lon- don, per cwt. <£.0 10 London to Ton-" ningeinand Hol- land,45 guilders 1> •! per ton, or per cwt. i * .£.0 14 O The American makes two voyages which taken together double the length for ys. 6d. per cwt, for which the English charge lOi. even making an allowance for the difFerence of war ; conceiving then that for every article that the West Indi- ans draw from England they pay in a similar way, it is conclusive that the West India planters must be poor, and the Americans grow rich, -v As it is impossible for America tofsend her West India produce to England, she is obliged to look out for another market, and the business is gene- rally done as follows : A merchant in America 44 |l ' ' ' forms a connection with a merchant in London, who informs him of the names of his correspondents in Holland, France, Spain, Russia, Hamburg, &c. advising him that if he will make a shipment of West India produce, and send the ship to his correspondent in either place, he may* upon sending him bills of lading of the property, and orders to insure the sum, draw bills upon hira for one half, or three fourths of the value, and when he supposes the ship arrived, draw for the lemainder. Although the whole amount of property sent in this way to Europe is very great, I am now speaking, of West India produce only and consi- der the amount 7,000,000/. I will in the first instance make a statement, supposing this trade was allowed without inter- ruption. ' ' The merchant in Lotidon having received ad- vice of the shipment of the property, and orders to insure, does it with London underwriters. " Insurance upon 7,000,000/. America to a market in Europe at a low a- verage, of 4 guineas per cent. The merchant who transacts the bu- siness gets 4 per cent. Government for policy stamps | per cent, s^; :" . ■-.-#:-. - ", -•■ The llnglish manufacturers sell £'.287,000 35,000 46 A, 000,000 more of their goods than t \ they would otherwise sell, upon which I calculate the nation re- ceives 25 per ceat. profit, - 500,000 ' J !..'." ,V. >> £.839,500 The result of this concern being closed, I esti- mate that America gets in the first instance by the transaction with the West Indies, 1,000,000 and 500,000 upon the European part of the trans- action : that Great Britain gets 839,500/. by it. Her manufacturers sell for two millions mOre goods than they would otherwise do. British manu- facturers receive payment for 7,000,000/. of the 9,000,000/. imported by America from England, and America by carrying on the trade, prevents 1,200,000 innocent individuals from starving. All the writers against the trade have been very fortunate in their plans to get possession of the produce, but none of them have the humanity to suggest any mode of supplying the productive labourers with the necessaries of life ; yet this is the trade which England and America are to go to war about ! ! I will now explain how this trade is, or has been carried on, to show what any man under the psesent regulations may expect. 4 m A supposed Transaction. • ' London, Jan. 14, 180^. Messrs. Well-wish?r9i Frbthers and Co. Merchants, Phila. elphia. Dear Sirs, HAVING an opportunity of knowing the result of the Cabinet Council, in which it was 1 tsL night deteimined to rescinct ihLJr last order in Council respecting Ainericans canying West India produce, which order Will appear in the Gazette on Satur- day, as t.'ic resficticina intended are sofcvV, 1 ihiiili the coiiifiierce jU'.'fcctty safe. By the last advices I had from iriy friends, Messrs. Vahspari- gcl and Co. Amsterdam, as per price current annexed, 1 would strongly advise your immcdit;tely purchasing for thirty thousand pounds of Havannah sugar, for thirty thousand pounds of Musco- vado, and for forty thousand pounds of cof!ee,and shipping it to my friends Messrs. Vanspangel and Co Amsterdam, and upon receipt oif your Letter, with advice for Insurance and bills of Lading, yon may draw upon me for three foui-ths the amount. I have so high an opinion of such a speculation, aild of its answering, that if the articles are not higher than they were in your price current, 4th Jan. 1802, I will be half concerned with you in the speculation, I am, Sir, your very humble servant, 'i^ ' ■- MOSES ATTENTIVE, P. S. You must make your purchases immediately, for after the Order in Council appears on Saturday, eveiy person will know of it, and be sending out similar orders and advice, I, ;J London, March 4, 1803< Messrs. Wellwishers, Ijrothers, and Co. . , < ,, ,, ,.,_ Merchants, Philadelphia, ,j.' .,, £i ',. , ,, , ' Gentlemen, -, .,•,*,,. , . I HAD the pleasure of writing you an the 14thJapuafy, 1 am truly sorry to inform you that yesterday, at a Cabinet 47 CouhciU it iRfte d&term'ined to reftcitld the fottner order in Council respecting Americans carrying West India pmduce, and to U? more strict, they have detemiined to bring in all Americans witU sugar and coffee. . hope this will be in time to prevent your makinji; the shipment 1 pointed out to you. I am afraid we shall Im ruined if you have. Waiting the event, I am. Sir, . • ' > Your very humble ser^'aTit> - ' . MOSES ATTENTlVIu " On the isl of April the follot^ring letter is re- ceived : ^ . ,, Philadelphia, 7th of third Mo«th> ISO^,- Mtwes Attentive, London. Respected Friend^ % We yesterday received thy letter of the 14th of thf first month, and we feel pleased tiia; thy government have re- laxed their unfriendly measures towards us. - - - - Feeling confident that the sugar and coffee will answer, ve have lost no time in making the purchases and hiring the fol- lowing three ships i . -.^ The William Penn, Obadiah Underdone, Miister. Father and Son, Jesse Shatterwocd. Six Sisters, Zachariah Anxious. We trust we shall be aWe t« send them all to sea this week* We inclose their bill of lading and invoice, amounting to i*r.e hundred and eight thousand pounds. Thee will be particular to insure imm..diately, William Penn, 40,000/. } Father and Son* 35,000/. J Six Sisters, 33,000/. We have availed ourselves of thy permission to draw for tlie proportion as under ; and beg to let thee know that wc consider thee one half concerned. ' -. ■, : V .•" * Wishing the ships well with thy friends. We are yours assuredly, WELLWISHEllS, BROTHERS, AND CO< • 48 p. S. We hope thee will always bear ui in mindt and let ui know part of thy early iiiformation. Bills asunder: Dated 7th of the third month, in favour of Caleb Jones, of Liverpool, 20,000/* Owen Thompson, Leeds, 25,000/. Solomon Overgrown, Glasgow, 10,000/. ", ^ . Jesse Wishwell, Bristol, 15,000/. Ezekel Nogood London, \QOt: ,t ', . V Wm. Cruikshanks, Manchester, .« 100/# Mr. Moses Attentive accordingly insures his three ships, and in about a week, gets up, goes to Lloyd's, waits with great impatience until Mr. Pompous struts in with a list of the arrivals of the morning to put on the book ; and the first ship he enters is the William Penn, from Philadelphia to Amsterdam taken by a British ship, and car- vied into Bermuda. : •' '; .*' - y J f T w • Mr. Attentive scratches his head, goes home f nd finds the following letter : .tij- , ; Bermuda, 20th March, 1803. Mr. Moses Attentive, ,. Sir, , . . , I AM sorry to inform you, that on my voyage from Philadelphia to Amsterdam, in Long. 68. Lat. 34. I fell in with the English frigate John Bull, Captain Takeall, who askec^ jne the following questions. «* What ship is that ?'» William Penn. «* Where from ?'» •' • ' ■ Philadelphia. -'' -• -r; 49 . • «• Where bound ? ■ . Aiiiiterdam. « What have you got on board ?" *-' ' Sugar and coffee. ** Did you lay sugar and coffee I" Yei. . It ** Back your main top-iaiU, receive on board a lieu- tenant and ten men, and bear away for Bermuda." After a very unpleasant yoyage, we arrived here yesterday. Your obedient Servant, > * OBEDIAH UNDERDONE. K. B, Pray immediately send me a letter of credit, to prOse* ' cute my suit, for I have bo money, and the Proctors will not go on without having it ; tho' the judges do not sit for six months, and there are twenty-iive other American ships sent in before me, whose causes come on before mine. I am sorry to say our friend, Messrs. W^llwishers, Brothers and Co.'s ship St. Tarn* many from Batavia to Philadelphia is one of the number. '« The next day Mr. Attentive goes to Lloyd's and finds the Father-and-son captufed by the Lion British frigate, and carried into Halifax, and the Six Sisters captured and carried into Cork by the Justice English frigate. The bills being near due, Mr. Attentive speaks to the underwriters, who tell him, '* we did not •• know this was Enemy's property that you was ** insuring, and we have nothing to do with it. If •' the propel ty had not been Enemy's it would *• not have been captured by the English frigates, *• and we are surprised, Mr. Attentive, you would ** insure Spanish property." • If pi I Hi if' I 60 All the property being locked up, Mr, Atten- tive fails : when the bills return to the manufac- turers Mr. Thompson, and Mr. Jones, they fail ; the other bill holders curse the Americans for be- itig such rogues as to draw bills without effects, and the whole of the bills are sent back to recover of Messrs. Well wishers, Brothers, and Co. and as the damages in America upon all bills that go back is 20 per cent, they fail also. In'abour two years after the judges find out this property is not ene- my's, and give it up ; but the law expences arc so great that they take away about 1 5s. in the pound, so that the concern i» cleared by the credi- tors getting a dividend of 5s. ' To complete the account of the intercourse with the West Indies, I conceive it requisite to speak of the only part unexplained, and to quote a writer of a Pamphlet called Concessions to America, &c, wha observer " an infinite delicacy affected oti one side, and infinite delicacies affected on the other, in settling the quantum to be imposed ; the negotiators on the part of America contending, that they could not in conscience charge more thaq one per cent, and the negociators on the part of Great Britain, urging tbem to charge two per cent." As the particulars of that negotiation have not transpired, it would require more than as- sertion, to make me believe that either of the four gentlemen, Lord Aukland, Lord Holland, Mr. Munroe, or Mr. Piakey, who, I cousidevto be mea 51 «of as high honour, as this or any country ever produced, tvould communicate the subject of their private interview to any man upon earth. The regulation which I allude to is one of the causes of American ships being frequent- ly captured. £ngland insists that American ships shall unload their cargoes from the West Indies in America, before they proceed to Europe, This is so ridiculous that I will explain it. A merchant in Philadelphia conceiving that he can make a good voyage to St. Domingo, goes and purchases perhaps 2,000 barrels of flour, 1,000 barrels of beef and pork, one thousand pounds value of English goods, five hundred pounds of French wine, and five hundred pounds of In- dia goods ; freights a ship, and gives his Captain directions to go to St. Domingo, and exchange the cargo for as much sugar and coffee as he can get. Before his ship returns the merchant receives a letter from his friend in London, saying, that sug^r avnd coffee answer very well in Amsterdam. Then it is but natural to suppose, that when the Captain returns from St. Domingo, the Phi- ladelphia merchant should have che liberty of sending his ship off instantly to a good market, as dispatcli is the life of business ; but "no", says Great Britain, " you shall take that ship into dock, employ a number of hands, to unload the ship, carry all the sugar and coffee into a warehouse, E 2 I ; (lil ,(.;■ 62 and as soon as you have done caitying it, thert' you may begin and bring it back gain, and put it on board of ship, and then sslil for the destined port." British ministers afe not sii|)posed to be mer- chants, and to understand all the details, other- wise such a regulation would certainly b^ consi- dered as one of the most tyrannical and foolish restrictions that ever was attempted by one nation to be imposed upon another. The Americans tould only consider it as a badge of disgrace, and wonder that it had not been added that the Porters should wear the king's livery while they were carrying the sugar and coffee backwards and for- wards. I am therefore disposed to attribute ic to not understanding the business, for there has not yet been to my knowledge any instance, in which the British cabinet has acted either wil- fully wrong, or from a spirit of oppression, though 1 will not attempt to estimate errors aris- ing from want of care or of proper information. The Jews of the lower class, I believe, have a custom of throwing a piece of pork into a cask of water, and when they take it out they say it is flesh, and'eat it; if the British Ministers had the power of turning the sugar and coffee into silver or gold, or increasing the quantity, the Americans would not object, but as it always come& out less, I be- lieve they begin to calculate something as follow J. 2 vi 53 t'l . Upon every West India ship with sugar and coftee unloaded, there is a loss from breakage, pil- ferage, charges of unlading, and re-lading about ten per cent, and supposing the amount to be half their exportation, the amount will stand thus :— ^ Upon 3,500,000!. at ten per cent. — 350,000!, loss to the United States for the British Minister's ignorance or want of attention. I speak of the natqie of American West India trade with confidence, l^ecause I have been en- gaged in that trade. I have for years shipped to America goods, the manufacture of Great-Britain, to the amount of one hundred thousand pounds per year, collected from almost every manufac- turing town, and have known what part of the goods was intended for the West India market, and so did the manufacturers as well as myself. That iijstances of deception and cover have been disco- vered, I have no doubt ; but will any man tell nie that because a (ew men in his Majesty's domi- nions do acts for which they are hanged, that the whole of his Majesty's subjects should be con- (Jemned to the same punisliment. O" Why Qreat IJritain should be so partiQular in wishing to restrict the American West India trade appears more unaccountable, as there is no voyage, liowever contrary to that principle, that by paying the fees of the office in London for a licence (which costs twenty guineas) may not be obtained. u m 54 . . 1st. The Isabella, Green, an American, last year got a licence to go from London to Portu- gal, and Buenos Ayres. 2d. The John, Paris, an American ship, ha^ this year got a British licence to go from London to Portugal, and Lima. ' To enumerate all »he unaccountable voyages which the British Government allow, would fill more pages than I intend my Pamphlet to con- tain. Justice and the laws of nations are nop consulted m thc-se t ansactions. As precedents are stated to be found in Gro- tius, &c. againft all the voyages which neutrals undertake, I should like to know whether the fol? lowing voyages were undertaken in their days, what they would have said, or what would be Sir William Scott's decision upon a voyage which I will state, and similar voyages are as notorious as shameful. «■ CASE, Great Bntain and Spain are at war, America is at war with Spain but at peace with England. One of the American ships of war being off Vera Cruz leains that there is an English frigate at Vera Cruz receiving thousands and thousands of dollars on board from the royal mint. The American conceiving she must be a Spanish frigate in disguise, waits for her coming out, and captures her, and finds one million of pounds on board. The captain of the English frigate protests that she is an Eng- lish frigate ; and shews an order from the Lords of the Admiral- ty, ordering her to go there for the dollars j the whole appearing so unaccountable the American captain agrees to bring the frigate to Englandi and let it be decided by the Admiralty court. When the cause comes on the following facts appeai;. !?•: 55 1 1 An English broker comes forward and claims it as his; but not being able to prove any connexion with the Royal Mint of Vera Cru/, or how he got the King of Spain's Order, or Royal Licence, for a British frigate, further proof is ordered, when a Hamburgh broker comes forward, but he al o not being able to explain t.ie transaction, or how he got the property, more proof is still requested. After that Monsi^r Talleyrand comes forward and puts in a claim, but his claim being still worse, further proof is again ordered, when the Prince of Peace comes forward and explains ^he whole transaction. The King of Spain it seems wanting pioney to pay to France, Tallyrand had ap- peared to purchase dollars from him in the Royal Mint, in Vera Cruz; he had sold them to Monsieur Talleyrand at 2s. 6d. and Talleyrand had paid the Hamburgh broker one per cent, and the London broker i per cent. Such was the transaction, but whether the Bri- tish Ministers received also a per centage for the use of the English frigate, or not, he never could get Talleyrand to explain. Qtiestion — Would the dollars be a good prize ? and in what Authors, upon the Laws of Na- tions, is such transaction justified ? Was the Resistance English frigate last year not ordered to Vera Cruz, and did she not arrive at Portsmouth on the 26th of February, 1807, with eigh( hundred thousand pounds in dol- £4 mi m '" l^rs? — That such voyages take place, see the following Extract from the Motning Post. r London, Feb. 28, 1807. The Resistance frigate,'^Captain Adam, from the West In- dies, is arrived at Portsmouth, having on board upwards of four millions of dollars, which she brought from Vera Cruz, by per« mission of the British and Spanish Governments, the resistance sailed from Vera Cruz on the 14 th of January. I shall make no further ohprvation on this, but take the subject in another and more important point of view, and examine while such paltry and double transactir^ns ars going on, what is the fate attends the two nations if a rupture takes place. >>■ ''-'^ ^- ' ■'■■-■ i ''" •'•■ ■'{ r ' juii^i i^-'-^H ^'4. :• ■*.. '.•A J , I •it- >^t.. . ,1 ' .- .-ir^- • 'i.ih" , ,; !•■,. 57 nift^ "t- CHAP. V. ■H . 'O . ,* r ^1 ^\ Of the advantages and disdtantnges to America hi cane • of a War with England — Advantages and disadxan' gcs to England. . ^ - .j, The American States have risen so rapidly, and continue to rise so fast that they must naturally, if they reflect, consider that the derangement of their present favourable situation will be at least at- tended with the danger that the rapidity ot their career may be stopped. , America is increasing rapidly in population from the nature of things, but still it must be granted that men,capital,imd commerce, have been going over to America ever since the beginning of the French Revolution, owing to its remaining in a state of peace. From the Appendix it will be seen how much the commerce has increased, according to which progress, if it were to go on, that country would have more trade than all the world besides in the space of another twenty years. This progress will certainly be interrupted by a war, which is a consideration of great import- ance ; add to this that the peace establishment of America is so totally inadequate to a war expen- vi 58 diture, that instead of the debt diminishing an- nually, as it has done, it would greatly in- crease. At present, the revenues, * debts, and exports of America and Britain, are on the following scale, the smallest sum being unity. America. - - 1 M Interest - . Expenditure Revenues - - 4 Trade exports - 25 Capital debt - 14 W\ ^'}<>rdk ■ V i-^ H i) !■ In England the case is very different, - ■^-^ Interest - - 18 --^ •"'' ^-^^^ ;^;^ ■ :t i.^'i; Revenues - 45 including Poors* Rates,, flxpenditure 60 n^^r-^,;' r ^«ui >: .;.» Trade (exports) 33 c. ;/ ■ Capital debt 400 -^ ., The situation of America will become more like to that of England : her exports will dimi- nish; the interest, expenditure, and capital of the Jebt will increase. Such will be the immediate consequences of war : a great number of Amieri- can ships, with the capitals of private merchants, will fall a prey to British cruizers ; in fact, I con- sider her commerce will be destroyed; but in f;peaking of that commerce, although it is so amazing at present, when we examine what it would be in case of a war with England, we find See Appendix^ No. 5. 59 !.l hing an- atly in- . exports ng scale, »N >".•-:'■.)- s' RateS) '".....» le more ill dimi- il of the imediate Ameri- jrchants, \, I con- but iq It is so rhat it re find ^xf.' that commerce would be very much reduced, for a great part would faU a prey to British cruizers. At present (or in time of peace) there are an- nually Amercn ships carrying from England for about nine millions, from the East Indies for about two millions, from the West Indies for half a million; although America would not enjoy the benefits of that trade, she would not lose the cap tal, or but a small part of it; and in the same way her exports would be much less ; fjr, those s: ips whi h are employed to bring cot- ton, tobacco, &c. to England, produce to the West Indies, and doi...rs to t e Ea t, would not have an opportunit ot ^oing to sea, owing to the ports where all this trade was carried on being enemy's ports ; this would prevent speculators, if they were disposed, sending their ships to sea. I think it proper to notice one advantage which I have heard -nentioned by persons in England, that America v. juld derive from a war ; the same thins has been mentioned in congress, viz. that of not paying the English debts. To show how little those persons are acquainted with circumstances in pro- posing so unjust a measure, the fact is that there is no time when America is carrying on her usual com- merce with Europe, if a balance was drawn, but what there would be more property in England belonging to America, than is due to England from the Americans. The exports of cotton, tobacco^ &c. to England and of the West India I !i ^ 60 produce to Europe, which generally comes into the hands of English merchants, is much greater than the exports of England to America, I cal- culate nine millions sent to Europe, and drawn for thus; two millions at two months, two millions at six months, and five millions in fourteen months; so that if America was ever to do so unjust an act, if Great Britain r^tali^ted bj' an order to prevent thq merchants paying away the money in their hands, and from paying the bills accepted, there would be a gain to £,ngland. The American navy cannot be able to protect her coast and trade lor many years. The British navy alone costs four times as much as all the revenue of America, therefore the undertaking will be attended with a very uncertain success on the part of America. As to the advantages, they may be ranked under the following heads. Conquest of Canada. , ;i Privateers. ,,^ ■ . The tree trade of the English West Indies. Preventing the English fishing on the bank ,,,^,yr^ of Newfoundland. :..t;r:.yf>^.'^K :..>,^^ .1 The capture of Canada is certain, whenever the Americans please to take it. It is contrary io the nature of things that England could prevent that, but I do not think it would be an advantage to Ameiica ; they have barren land enough, and, like Scotchmen, always go to the south ; and there always has appeared to me a kind of attraction • 61 tnever >ry to [•event [ntage and, I there Iction dbouf the Spanish mines. If a war takes p^ace, th?' Americans may indeed take possession of Canada^ to prevent the English from having any port on the continent for ships to water at. The Cana<^ dians do not love the Americans, neither do they lik<* the English much better, yet my mind is made up that Ametica can take Canada when she pleases. I do not like to speak positively without having solid grounds : in conscqtienCe I applied to a gentleman on whom I could depend, who has perfectly satisfied my mind. I have annexed in the Appendix the force which three of the United States can furnish iand which may be collected in one point in the State of Vermont in one month, at a distance of not more than 300 miles from Quebec. My idea was that the army could march from Vermont with as much ease to Quebec as it could from London to Liverpool, and I asked a gentleman who had travelled the road the question, and his answer was " that they could not do it quite so fast, as the road was not so good." But as three States can lurnLsh the army I have mentioned, and there are thirteen other States that would be ready to send their proportion of men if requisite, I do not think it worth while to make another observation on the subject. Perhaps Quebec might hold out for a time, but of what use would it be if the Amencans had pos- i?a- * See Appendix, No. 6. 62 session of the country, except the cxpencc to Great Britain. It is by privateering that America will do the gr(!*atcst injury to Great Britain. From the number of ships which she will have ready to fit out, I con- ceive it will be almost impossible to carry on any trade to the West Indies, but i^uch as would be at- tended with ruin to all parties. In the American war. West India Premiums got up from 5 guineas to 23 guineas in the summer, and the underwri- ters were ruined. At present I do not sup- pose if a war breaks out that 40 guineas would pay from Jamaica. In the early part of the Ame* rican war, they had not France and Spain to send their prizes to or run for safety, now if a war breaks out they know the course which the West India fleets take going out, and would run directly for France or Spain, so as to fall in with them. From the circumstance of the winds the privateer would make a passage from America to France in €0 or 25 days, that would take West India ships from forty to fifty days going the opposite course, so that the chance of taking a good many must be very great. In returning from £urope, know- ing also nearly the course the trade takes, they could likewise fall in with them, but then they would not have an equal advantage, owing to the JE^iglish ships having a fair wind to Europe, but still uicy would have a great chance of taking a . 63 number ; as large fleets are generally very long in making their voyages. If twelve guineaji is a fair premium to the Leeward West Indies, thirty guineas would not be so in an American war. When the Americans know there is a valuable fleet coming from Jamaica, or the West Indiesi I conceive they would fit out twenty or thirty privateers as a joint stock, and send them to cruize after or wait for the fleet, and send one, two, or three of them to decoy the frigates, while the remainder would take a number of the ships. Two years after the American war commenced the following statement was given in a report or- dered to be made to the House of Lords, design- ed to satisfy the nation that England was gaining by the war, in capturing more ships from America than she captured. The amount stood thus : The English had captured from America 904 ships. The Americans had captured from the English 733 ships. ' lii . / jfe ' ' ' ' ■ ' The number of American privateers was i73> which carried 2,556 guns, and 14,000 men; of these 34 were captured. > As Great Britain had at that time 6,200 ships, and she has at present 21,725 ships, supposing the American privateers to have only increased in the same proportion as the English ships have done ; (but I calculate they would a vast deal i-issses^ 64 inorc in the snnie lime} the loss of Dritush ship* wouki be 'J,5CO ships. Not knot\ring how many ships America has at present, I cannot make the same calculation, but supposing it in the same proportion, the two countries will do the individuals much injury ; for, although Lord North thought, that because £n<;land had captured more ships from America than she captured, England Was carrying on a proCtable war, I do nut think any ship-owners or underwriters would agree* with him. ♦ As to the privateering system, it is that in which the Americans may probably succeed the best. It will be some diminution of the losses in trade that I have explained, but it will be incon* siderable if compared with the advantages arising from usual mercantile transactions. ^r ' - j What the course is which America must pursue with respect to the West Indies will require the utmost consideration to determine ; for I consider her more interested in the welfare of them than Great Britain : before long they must, in the coiirs.e of things, belong to America, and England will be much richer without them. If a war should not take place, if Great Britain was at once to give up all the islands and settle- ments to America, an:l pay the English mercr.ants what they have advanced, she wo lid be a much richer nation than she is at present ; for I con-^ 65 iritain settle- [f.ants mch con- ceive that in the place of about 1 4 .000,000/- , which America, and the West Indies, now take of her manufactures, they would take 20,000,000/., and in the course of ten years 30,000,000/. In the course of twenty years more Great Britain could not manufacture enough. If all the ports in hiit Majesty's dominions were thrown open, and all extravagant duties taken ofF, the merchants mitjht reduce their charges and commission, and they would have the whole exports of America and the West Indies come to their ports. But to return to that subject which 1.. very JifFe- rent, and stares us in the face, and which it grieves me to. express I fear is almost certain — a w: " with America. — If America attempts to captire the West India Islands, and does not succeed, the negroes will most probably revolt, and, like St. Domingo, will, for a number of years, be a loss in the place of a benefit to either England or America. Although I see little to prevent Ame- rica, in the first instance from taking Jamaica, which contains only about 30,000 white inhabi- tants, and the distance from many ;>arts of Ame- rica is less than two hundred miles, from whence troops would be embarked to prevent their suc- ceedin*!, it would therefore be difficult : \ et still the danger of the negroes rebelling is great, and if they wcje in a state of revolt, where would the advantage be to America ? — As a master, if suc- cessful, America would gain nothing by a re- 66 volted island. — If unsuccessful, America would be an enemy ; but this latter evil will be avoided if America does not attempt to take the island. — America has nothing to do but not to let a bar* rel of provisions go out oj her ports for eighteen months, and the West India Islands will declare themselves independent ; Great Britain cannot supply them if the war continues in Europe. 600,000 inhabitants will not starve. Of this number there are 500,000 slaves, whom no change could place in a worse situation than they are : therefore they would be glad to try the experi- ment of a change. Advantages and disadvantages to England. The disadvantages in this case greatly pre-- ponderate, therefore I shall examine them first. They may be divided as follow : Dangers of starving the West India Islands, of losing the West India Islands, of losing Canada, of suffering by privateers, of suflFering by want of corn. of suffering by want of cotton, of the loss to British manufacturers. On the other side, the advantages to England, considering the present crisis, when, being shut out from the continent of Europe and all its ships, considered as belligerents, and those of America as neutrals are : 67 md, Ihut its ot >l t Destroying American trade with India. Preventing Americans from becoming ge^ neral carriers for all Europe. Preventing English capital from going over to America. Either stopping all commercial inter- course and commercial enterprise, or participating in it as heretofore. Such are the only views on the part of Bri- tain that Can in any way support the idea of an American war being bene- ficial. Were I to espouse the cause of either nation, I should be deceiving both ; though I know well that I m»y be liable to be thought by each to favour the pretensions, the views, or the pros- pects of the other j and however far I may be mis- taken in my opinions, I feel it as a duty imposed upon me to speak freely, and I hope with impar- tiality. As to the danger of starving the West India Islands, I do consider it as very great. Britain ever since the year 1790 has scarcely been able to supply its home consumption in the necessaries of life ; this is a fact well known from the quantities of com it has been under the necessity of import- ing. From any of the European n i> 69 and flour which could be obtained from the Bri- tish North American colonies ?" *• Yes, I can ; there have been exported from Canada about 30,000 barrels of flour, and 80,000 bushels of wheat in one year." ** You have already stated, that, with due en- couragement, the British North American colo- nies would be able to supply the West India co- lonies with lumber, provisions, and all other ar- ticles of necessity. Supposing an immediate sus- pension of direct intercourse with America to take place, could not all the articles above-men- tioned be procured from Great Britain, or some other market, so as to supply the West India co- lonies, till the effect of that encouragement could operate ?" *' Flour, salted provisions, and fish, can be supplied from Great Britain and Ireland, and from the British colonies in North America, to any extent which may be required." Question to Mr. Idle. '• Are not other markets, besides the West Indian markets, supplied with flour, corn, and lumber, from Canada ?" " Very considerable supplies, I know, have been derived from Canada to Portu- gal, and I presume Spain, chiefly of wheat and Ifldiar corn, and to this market al^o." IT ^"0 '$^- ■^l' % .•4- .,'1 1 )ffish On this I must observe that Canada produces and exports 30,000 barrels of flour, and 80,000 bushels of corn : which, from circumstances that M 70 son:etiines occur in trade, is generally sent to Por- tugal and Spain ; but the British fisheries, and other British settlements in North America con- sume 40,000, which they import trom the United States of America ; therefore, so far from Great Britain being able to calculate upon any supplies from Canada, in case of an American war, even if Canada remains in her possession, she must calcu- late upon .supplying her British American settle- ments witb about 10,000 barrels from home. From 1779 to 1782 there was such a deficiency of crops in Canada, that the exportation of corn was prohibited, and they received supplies from other quarters, Such a CHSe may occur again. Having in two of the strongest ways possible shewn that no supply of grain can be expected from Canada : first, because it is not probable llngland will retain that country ; and sepondly, if she had it, that country does not always pro- duce sufficient for the wants of the British settle- ments of North America. I will endeavour to show what the wants uf England may be if she goes to war \ ith America. Quarters, In an Appendix to a pamphlet called " Concessions to America,'* I find it stated, that Great Britain .- - im^ orted fiom all ports, from istOcf. 1800, to ist Oct. 1801 1,, ^91, 582 By documents published by Parlia- ment, it appears that the Eng- 71 - Brought over 1,191^582 Jish Islands received from Ame- } , rica, in flour, corn, &c. a quan- 1 .. V; titv, which is stated in the An- ,, ti jacobin Review yearly equal ,., , to --------- 'Bhe supply received from America at Newfoundland 40,000 barrels, equal to .,----- 300,000 25,000 Total 1,816,582 4.. I Of the ccunlrics from which these supplies were received, if she goes 10 war with America; Russia, and Sw'^cden will be the only ones that will remain, and that she will not beat war with, and I find a very intelligent writer on the subject €.{ the crops of this country, makes the following observation. " We have had only ten good crops," says this writer, ** in 35 years, six very unproductive, if not calamitous sea.sons, viz. 1782 and 1783 in Scot- land; 1795 and 1796 in England; and 1800 and 1801, over all the island." The remaining if) years have been rather deficient than otherwise, some of them very unproductive. If Great Britain wanted that quantity, when she had not the West Indies with 600,000 inha- f 4 lit I L s;t'»#). %ti:ii> n bifants to supply, what will be her situation should those supplies be cut off ? my object is to prevent harm, therefore I will not continue the subject : every one will underiitand to what I allude, but I cannot help obsei ving thai I . m sur- prised to see statements on the subject made pub- lic that had better be conctrled. * ^^ With respecf. to the West India islands pro- ducing the provisions and other artick^s sufficient for their existence, that is entirely out of the ques- tion. They never yet could clo so, and therefore their doing so now is impossible. Under such circumstances, how is it to be ex- p»xted that the West India islands are to be sup- plied with the necessaries of life, not to speak of those things that are required for carrying on their Plantations ? I confess 1 see no way by which the West India islands can be supplied, or prevented from revolt, (the natural consequence of want of the means of existence), but from America. The immediate inconvenience of the West India Planters, ^heir loss of capital, and ruin in a com- mercial point of view, are not the only conse- quences to be apprehended ; the negroes following the example of those of St. Domingo, and pressed by absolute want, may and probably will revolt, and then all future connection with tho«e islands will be lost to Britain, together with the large capital that is there embarked. « ) 'ii iQ ) t 73 It is fov Britain to appreciate this loss, it is for me only to point out its probability. ; * .» t There may be persons who si ppose t'lat such an event is impossible, others may think that it is improbable, but if it should happen while Britain is engaged with all the contiiient of Europe, I should like to know how it could be possible to make those efforts on all sides that would be- come necessary ? If the ports of Canada were shut up, where could British vessels enter to refit or to obtain sup- plies on the American station. The whole coast of the continent of America, like that of the conti- nent of Europe, would refuse aid to every British ship. This would be so extraordinary a situa- tion of things, that it is not necessary for me to en- ter into the consequences; for if every port is t»hut so that neither commercial intercourse nor friend- ly aid can be obtained, I can neither see the pro- bability of carrying on war to advantage, or main- taining the usual commercial relations amongst mankind. -4 u ' The Americans can by land attack Canada with such numerous forces, that Britain certainly could make no effectual resistance, therefore in case of war, the event of which I speak, the separation of Canada, is one of the most probable consequences. The other consideration of British trade suffer- ing from privateers, is one of great importance, for not only would the Americans fit out privateers 74 from all their own ports, but from every port in Europe. The West India trade would then be hampered ; and even such of the Americans as had an intention clandestinely to supply the Islands would find it unprofitable on account of the pri- vateers which would swarm in every quarter, and would not cease their ravages till there was no- thing more left to destroy. In this war of the ex- termination of fair commerce no doubt the Ame- rican trade would be ruined. America has al- ready done without foreign trade, and can do so again, which is not the case with the British em- pire, where the national expences are mounted so high that the taxes could not be made productive without foreign trade. It is not so in America : there the people would only have to suffer some privations in point of luxuries, and to turn to rniniufactuies with more attention, and there would be an end of the evil. The situation of that country is not raised to any artificial height, as Britain is, and its permanent prosperity, tho* it may be interrupted, caniiot be destroyed by any external ciicumstances. The privateering warfare would then be much more injurious to Britain than to the United States of America. In regard to want of a supply of corn in case of war, this is onl; an eventual evil, depend .ig on the seasons and crops in England ; but though it is only eventual, the miseries that would ensue if England should have short crops, as it had a 75 ) I few years ago, are beyoud all calculation : and in the circumstances 1 have stated, no supply could be obtained From any country. The bare possi- bility of such a situation of things is itself a suf- ficient cause for deliberation before a war is un- dertaken with the only country now left from which Britain can obtain supplies. The United States, it will be seen from the Note, in the Appendix *, supply Britain with nearly one half of the raw materials of cotton, which is now the most extensive and profitable branch of English manufactures. This will, in the event of war, be cut off from Britain ; but here I must allow that disadvantages are already so accumulated, that those that come latest cease to be felt. If England loses all her commerce she will not want much cotton as a raw material ; it is only then on the supposition that English manufactures will sutler almost total destruction from other causes that this circumstance is to be undervalued. If England should go to war with America, and be at peace with other nations, so that its trade went o i.it would be found impos- sible, for some ) ears at least, to find materials to supply the manufacture of cotton without the aid of the United States. This is one of the evils re- sulting from an American war of which the Bri- tish public is the least aware ; and perhaps it is * See Appendix, No. 8. T>ot sufficiently appreciated by the Brisish ml- In the course of the wonderful events which have taken pluce, few are more surprising than, th^t not seventeen years ago Ld. Grenville and Mr. Jay should be engaged making a treaty, ir^ which it was stipulated by Ld. Grenville, and agreed to by Mr. Jay, that no cotton should ht imported Jrom America ; and yet that at this time the greatest of all tainj;s to prevent a war should be — having the certainly of receipt of cotton from America. Of 61,000,000 lbs. which, Great Britain con- sumes, she receives 31,000,000 from America, iO,ot)o,ooo from Portugal; and I do not think she can calculate upon any more than 16,000,000 lb. V itliOLit America; and as the quantity she now mdnufactures rmploys about five hundred thou>and pi.'rson>, upnards of two hundred thou- sand hands mu.st bi- luiiied out of employ unless tht'> have cotton from America. > ., It this want of the raw n^atvTial of cotton is an injury to British munufactures. tliat is little ex- p-cttd, that of the loss of the Amcriran market ior manufactuied goods is the one that is the most yenera'iv understood. The staj^nation of nianu- l.utures during tlie American war is yet well re- iTif;rnbercd ; arid the extent of that market for Bri- ji^li ooods is well known ; so that there is no ne- tf'ssity to duell much on this d-ang-^r, as it will not be denied and is already fuUy foreseen. 77 Such then are the numerous evils with which England is threatened by a war with America ; let us now take a view ot the advantaijes slie may ex- pect. That she will nearly destroy the American trade in every quarter for a time is probable : but it v;ill be only during hostilities ; and as to cap- tures, \ve may set them down at par, a.s a great many will be made by both nations. ' ];■ The greatest, and perhaps the only real advan- tage that England has to expect from such a war, is that of preventing the Americans from becom- ing general carriers, and monopolizing all the trade of the world, by being the only Neutral na- tion, which it is likely to be. — This I cannot consider but as a great advantage to Britain; for certainly if America alone continues at peace, America alone will monopolise nearly all the trade of the world. In the event of America getting all the trade, British capital would to a certainty be transferred to that country in great quantities ; this is another evil that will be prevented by going to war : and It certainly also is gi U ; but when that is said, there is nothing more to add on the subject of advantages. The case of Britain seems only to derive pallia- tion from the desperate circumstances in which she is involved ; it is to prevent worse, not to obtain a better situation, that Britain alone can go to war 1 78 with America; and in makiaj; that attempt wc have seen the dangers to which she is liable on every side ; therefore, before the attempt is made, very serious reflections on the consequences are necessary. •-•.!'* * I have referred to every part of the trade of Great Britain, to satisfy myself ot the real cause of the difFerence with America, to see where she is injured by the Trade to America ; I must say, if ever there was a nation that should be contented and happy, the inhabitants of Great Britain should be ; for, after one of the most se- vere struggles for every thing that is dear to them, I find ships, commerce, and manufactures, flou- rishing and increased upon an average, since the Revolution, in a way that no man would believe, unless he examined into facts. Having spoken freely, I wish it to be under- stood, that I am not influenced by party or inte- rest, or a desire to injure any set of men : far from it : but I consider the present crisis of so much importance to the two nations, that I have been induced to examine into facts, and, as far as possible, to lend my aid, in preventing a war, the consequences of which will be so very disastrous. » I ' 79 \ -^ CHAP. VI. ^ nt >/*«^tf«.'ff ... 'r» y •it "! »>j Hit if •' Genera! Deductions, Observation a, and Proposals y in , ; consequence of the foregoing Inquiry. . , Having endeavoured, to the best of my power, to show what the consequences to each na- tion will be from entering into war at this period, it remains for me to endeavour to take a general v'ew, and see how the matter will stand upon the whole. One striking feature of difference characterises the difBculties of the two nations. America will suffer : but at the worst her sufferings can be but temporary. — Britain will suffer, but the conse- quences will not be temporary, and pcrhap.s will not even admit of any remedy on her part ; then - fore the considerations are vastly more serious and important. There is no doubt that Britain is placed in a very disagreeable and difficult situation by being shut out nearly from the commerce of Europe, and America remaining the only Neutral nation; but it was not America that occasioned this circum- stance ; and if war is engaged in between the two countries, it never will be supposed on account of any real disagreement, but because it was y '.1 » J" 1 1 ■ n w 80 thoUgKt to be convenient for Britain to prevent America, as the only Neutral, from enjoying the advantages that must of a necessary consequence fall to her. Will it be believed that Britain, with hands so full, would engage in war on so frivolous a pre- text, and that in a precipitate manner ? when taken at the very worst, it is a subject for negotiation, not a cau.e for immediate hostility. No, if Bri- tain urges on the war, it will be considered as Irom some other motive than that of determining the Ri^ht of Search for Seamen, a right which as has been shewn, cannot be supported ; and if it could be supported is scarcely worth supporting at any great expence, and by no means at the ex- pence of a war. If Britain urges on the war, it will be con- cluded that she does so because it is her interest, or that she conceives it to be so. My business has therefore been to inquire into the real balance of advantages and disadvantages ; and I have no hesitation in saying, tliat I think it fa^-.'-- con- cluded that the disadvantages will greatly pre- ponderate. With regard to America, I by no means think it her interest to force on hostilities; she has al- ready gained immensely by her neutrality, and is now on the point of gaining more than ever; it would therefore' be-the height of madness to stop so advantageous a career by any rash act that 81 > ,. * might deprive her of the advantages of that neu- trality. , ... It may be said in answer to all this, even after Conceding the circumstance of the wisdom and of the risk attending a rupture, that there is a Point of Honour to be determined, that is more impor. tant than any point of interest ; in so far as the character of a nation is not to be put in the ba- lance with any difficulties she may encounter, or any advantages she may forego. — I am ready to allow this : but I am not equally .ready to allow that this is one of those cases where the charac- ter of either nation must necessarily be involved. At any rate, listening to argument, and negotiating before blood is shed, can never implicate national character : which, if it is implicated, must rather be by haughty and hasty resolutions, not listen- ing to reason, but foUowiiig the dictates of passion and pride under the idea of dignity. Britain has at this moment every thing at stake that can be dear to a nation. She cannot increase the stake, hut she may increase the risk, which is the same thing ; and therefore, as the play is already too deep, it is by no means wise or ad- viseable. America is now clear of all risks and in a most flourishing way ; let her not barter peace and the advantages it is accompanied with ; let her not put a stop to so prosperous a career until she at least finds it unavoidable to do otherwise. Now I have viewed the iuiiAiediate or near con- f t 82 sequences of war to both countries, let us next make some inquiry into the more remote conse- quences both of peace and war. — Should Britain sink in the contest she now maintains with Euro* pean powers, let it not be thought that that would be a matter of triumph for America; no, the world would be again plunged in despotism, and darkness would soon follow. — The age of com- merce would be over, for despots do not ad- mit of its flourishing under their hands. — Would this be any advantage to America, even if she could stand aloof from the danger ? Certainly not. But again, could America stand aloof ? No. Al- though extensive, and probably about to become one of the most powerful nations on earth, she is not yet able to cope with the Colossus of Europe. — Divisions will be excited in her councils; the East will be divided from the West ; and Ame- rica will remain long under the hard and distress- ing influence of that power which aims not at freedom ; which aims not at the conquest of sin- gle kingdoms ; which aims not at the conquest of Europe, but of the whole world ! ! The ambition of France has mounted by de- grees, as on a ladder ; at one time the Rhine was a boundary ; at another the Princes of the Con- federation of the Rhine were included under the supreme dominion of France, and now the whole of Germany. — Russia is yet allowed to be termed the Empire of the East, or of the North, but that '..' ,■¥ ■ 1 - 83 is but a temporary measure. The means of France to destroy Russia are increasing every day, while the means of Russia to resist France are daily diminishing. — Nothing is more certain than what I have now advanced ; and France will, if the career is not stopped by England, now soon swallow Russia and the whole Continent ; not having any means of resisting the effects of French gold, and French intrigue becoming more active every day. England may fall : but if it does, civilized mankind must fall ; and then adieu for many cen- turies to civilization, liberty, and commerce. It would therefore be the interest of America, if it could be done, to support Britain in this con- test ; but as that is impossible, let it at least with great care abstam from every act that may in- crease its own danger, by increasing the number of the enemies ot Br-ain. But whilst I speak this I am filled with sorrow. — There are already two parties in America. — There is a Fif nch party and a British party. — How will it be if Britain falls ? Now before I go any farther I must just re- mind my readers, that the aim of France is to sub- due England and all the world ; the aim of Eng- land is to preserve her independance, and, ifpos- possible, keep France within her bounds. The question is not then between England and France, but regards the legitimacy of the object of " xh C 2 .1 ■J 84 country, and that question cannot be indiflFerent to America, it cannot be indifferent to any honest and well thinking people. There is no greater cause for sorrow than that two nations should be led into war by a set of in- terested merchants, when they might flourish so much by maintaing a good understanding ; yet the case is as I have stated it to be. All facts are ex- aggerated if they answer the purpose, or suppress- ed if they do not : if any one statement is taken, it will mislead, and if all are taken, they lead to such a confusion that there is no forming an opi. nion at all. The data from which person^ W^H^^ be led to judge are, ^ . ; Examination of West India Merchants, Determination in the Prize Causes. Pamphlets published. The man who would form an idea of the ques- tion from the testimony of the West India mer- chants, would think the West Indies are irre- trievably ruined, or at least that they never could send home a hogshead in a belligerant ship with- out great loss, yet they contend for preventing neutrals from carrying. It is impossible to un- derstand those interested gentlemen, yet they pro- bably have some meaning, if they knew how to explain themselves, , , As to the Prize Causes, what is to be learnt from them is a sort of determination founded upon careful and accurate argument, which argument ■11 > .. I stands upon a very curious foundation. Partly what is termed the Rule of 1756, adopted when all the Belligerents were nearly under the same cir- cumstances with respect to colonies, a rule which fell at the end of the seven years war, and which Jias never since been completely acted up to, or acknowledged : in addition to this are some for- mer decisions for precedent, and a side squint at what is supposed to be the law of nations . Out of all these has been formed what is termed a case of right, in virtue of which ev^ry honest fair trader, coming with a neutral ship from a West India Island with its produce, will be captured ; but every captain who gets false papers fabricated, and throws away a great deal of money in order to de- ceive, will escape. No great light then will be thrown upon, the subject, from the determination of the Prize Courts, nor by the evidence of the West India merchants. Let us see whether the writers on those subjects are much better guides. If we follow some of them, such as War in Disguise, we must con- sider England as an ill used and ruined nation, unless the neutral trade is abolished. — We arc alarmed to find a poor shoemaker the reputed owner of 150 vessels* that are all we suppose en- * If the fact is as stated, that there is a poor Crispin who ha$ been the owner of a number of vessel?, I have no doubt his [Ma- jesty's revenues, the British manufacturers, and West India mer- chaots, are as fflucb indebted to biui as to any subject in his m gaged in ruining England ; yet still this writer does not prove that neutrals do any thing more than evade absurd regulations, so that we do not find any right to stop their trade, nor any means, though England has certainly continued to put them to very great expence, in order to give false appearances to transactions; Another Pamphlet coming from high authority in America, argues quite the contrary in sense, and is extremely learned and scrupulously exact in quoting all that has been said by various writers on one side the question ; but as what has been said by the most profound writers applies not to the present case, all the learning is of little use, if it were not that it proved that there are very com- plete libraries of books on such subjects in Ame« rica. Distracted and unable to determme either what is fair or what is advantageous, both parties are apt Majesty's dominions, for the trade that kiiad of vessels have be«q engaged in, has been carrying from English ports British manvi. factures, sugar and coffee direct to France, and bring back corn ormor.jy by means of Bills of Lading and clearances dated Embden, which were manufactured in London, and the tature of the trade they were carrying on was as well known to the Custom House «>ffici;r; s as where the Custom House stands. With all the elegance •f the pamphlet to whicii I refer ; I cannot help observing that in reading it I fancy 1 see a gentleman of the Chancery bar, with his bag and wig en Change, cndeavDuring to find out the secrets of the^business of a Jew broker, and Moses Moses supplying his place in the Chancery Court, expatiating upon tquity^ . i 87 : 1 • to follow the natural bias of their tempers, and vote for war, rather than wade through such a scene of contradictory evidence and assertion : it is therefore necessary to consider the matter in a general way, and review evidence against evi- dence, and set off argument against argument ; the result then will be something like reason and common sense, but as the great portion of readers have not an opportunity of doing this themselves, I have endeavoured to view the matter on every side, and to lay the result before the public, hoping that two nations that must lose so much by war, and gain so much by peace, will not be rashly led to the ruinous expedient of force, by the false or interested representations of individu- als. CftiA^ if ^-^ 111 APPENDIX, '•.r»' r oi .'tilt i4',> *i i\ '*■ '.Wr' 4 V . >'^ "'V, M •s ^. .t" •a a J •w 1^ • «•* 5 o S *^ " o o a fci Cd C3 y •* '^ o g cj _7- w r^ - 1^ »»i o «0 '- ^ .rt c o u w -> !!. a. •< hv :0 ::^ »i:^'^-;.; :b . ► APPENDIX OF DOCUMENTS No. 1. '^f . . ^ ^ An Account of sales of Sugar at the price current in 1807> of 10 hogsfieads weighing, Cwt. 130,' sold at 60. — yields, gross,..,,,..: ^390 O Charge. £. S. D. Duty, per Cwt 1 7 Freight 10 per cent Dockdues '' Insurance on 200/. at 12 and duty 25 14 O Deduct convoy ]2 Comiiission for aiFecing in- surance half per cent Commission for Brokerage on the sale of 3 per cent, on S90/. Two months interest on duty primage, pierage, fire in- 6urance and petty charges. 13 14 O 1 U 14 3 10 O But the planter has to pav, besides the chargt in the . West Indies, 20/. 6/. per cent. C- S. D, 175 10 65 4 17 6 29 18 275 5 6 114 14 e 133 5 £. 18 10 6 .,*l ■^^1 41 « •;S So that the planter loses in every ten bogsheade, not only his own labour, and labour of his negroes, but 18/. 105. 6d. besides, or l/. 16*. p^r hogshead. ,^i j»% APPENDIX 2^.). 2. Account of the quantitUt of Provisions and Lutnler imported mtv tki British mst Indies (exclusive of conquered Islands) jtutn tu^. Lntted States of America, and from the British continental Coli,.(s, re- sptctiveiy, in the three years, ending 5th January, 1B04 ; distin' guishing the quantities imported in British ships from those tnforeign sh: f. United Statct of America Beef and Pork.... Bread and Flour... British Vessels. Barrels. * 2,102 BarrelH 104,002 Foreign Vessels. Total. British continen tal CoU>- lles. Barrels. M.OOl Barrels. 107,493 595,(m Corn Indian Meal I Fish dry.... Fish wet ... BtisheU aj!),03D 1,3.56,697 Barrels Bar. gu. FecL Pine Boards 4,652,354 Barrels 5,681 95,845 Barrels. ()03&14i,611 699,';' J* l,615,73fi Pronor- tionofthe vhole in British Vessels, Barrels. .1,791 2,805 Bushels 9,43'2 Propor tinn from British continen- tal Col6> nies. l-9th 1.6tl l-.«th 1.25tli 1.6th 114,408 Bushels. 621 & 149,098 40 70,393 I. No. Shir gk:) .,..'8,951,658 Stave's. 82,619,574 76,074 87,271,928 Quintals. Barrels. 59510 l-oth 1.22d l-175th 1.2800th nearly all 1.1.3th 5,309,005 108,865,030 4,642,180 Pons. Ft. Timber 5,.322 1 117,816,688 2,803,564 85,952,640 Ton.t. Feet. 30,2'_'7 49 40,594,820 830,494 Tons. Feet. Tons. Ft 35,550 50 i 857 M l-19th 1-1 Sfh 2-3ds l-17th 1.39th 1.9t]i 1.5th 1.50th 1.40th From the two last columns, which I have formed from the authentic contents of the otliers, it appears, that there is not more than one-fifth of any article carried to the West Indies in British ships, and in others only about one twentieth ; on an average, we may suppose one^twelfth, or about the supplies for a month, or, at the ufmost, for six weeks. As to the articles suj/plicd by British continental colonies), in the great articles of bread, cum, beef, and pork, the whole would scarcely serve for the consumption of one week ! ! In the articles of wet and dry fish, the supply" is great ; but the others are reallv not worth mentioning. - I hy no means state this to stimulate America to war, but it is necessary to speak' the truth. The documents in the four first columns are official, and th(s hit two ara founded on them. APPENDIX, No. 2, continued. > .► ^ t An Account of the quantities of Rum^ Sugar^ CoJJeey and Louon fVool, cvpvrted Jrom the British /Test - Invia li/utios, in the three years, cnaing bth January, 1804; diatin" guishing the (juantilics so ejported from the respective ^ 'ds, to the Cnittd States, to the British -> the CotUincnt ij' ulmcricaf and to Gr id, rcspcctialy. * United States'^ of } America. J Rum. Gallons. 11,761.770 Sugar. 1 Coffee. Cotton Wool Cwt. 210,500 Cwt. 47,419 lbs 15,350 British ^ Continental / Colonies. J 1,946,838 35,6G9 2,545 18,700 Great Britain.. 11,897,840 25, 606, 44 d 9,063,574 555,426 25,677,470 9,309,803 603,390 25,711,520 The United States take nearly the same quantity of Rum with Great Britain ; and most probably would, in the same proportion, take the other articles, if they were permitted. As to the British Colonies, what they take is very inconsiderable indeed: this corroborates the fact, — that the supplies they furnish are not of great amoui).t. •. ^. Viir. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I l^|28 12.5 Ki 1^ 12.2 Ui KS u lAO I 2.0 1.8 L25 «l|.4 11.6 Hiotographic Sciences Corfwration 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 ,'\ qv •sj \\ 4r APPENDIX, No. 3. SHIPPING. In an Appendix to a pamphlet, called, Con- cessions to America, on the subject of British shipping, I find it stated that, ** Since the year 1780, the rate of freights has decreased ^6 10 4 per ceat, although, since the same period, the price of provisions has in- creased ^84 8 2 per cent, the price of mate- rials ^133 10 2 per cent, and rate of wages, . ^39 7 1 per cent. " No wonder then, that brooms were at the ;, mast-heads, as tokens of there being for sale of near 18,000 tons of shipping in the river Thames alone, last year." This is what a most accurate pamphleteer pretends to give as a true statement ; but as he. does not say what are the sort of ships qf which he speaks, or what voyages they were engaged in, I cannot contradict him directly, nor can I com- prehend the business — perhaps he alludes to. ships fitted out in the following manner : > - » r \ > , ^ -h Appendix, No. 3, continued. A number of tradesmen, timber- merchants, carpenters, smiths, rope-makers, slopsellers, and dealers in provisions, all living in one place, agree to fit out a ship, each furnishing his proportion in kind. They become owners; but the yalue of their shares is but a nominal one, as my rea- ders will ei%gily perceive ; however, if this gen- tleman makes his calculations upon such a re- sult, I do not think, it a fair way of judging of the value of the shii)ping of England. I cannot help taking notice of the 2d per cent, that is to say, a 12- thousandth part of the whole in tlie price of provisions \\ ! ! This is really being extremely accurate ; but how does any man come to speak so exactly without stating ^v hat the provisions are — a quarter of a farthing on the sack of flour, would make ten times this diffe- rence, or t\vo-pence on a ton of butter ; and I believe no dealer can calculate to such a nicety. When this writer states that there were 18,000 Tons of shipping in the River Thames last year, for sale, he conceals the tonnage of English shipping amounting', in all, to 2,271,928, tons, of which 18,000 tons is the 126th part; nei- ther does he say how many ships. If they were as large as the Isis, of Alexandria, is described to have been, it would oiily require four ships and a half, to make the same tonnage. -I conceive the West India ship-owner^, who .^^^ f Appendix, No, 3, continued, are generally West India merchants, are making use of the same means (as the ship owners) to mo-' nopolize the American West India freights, as I have already shewn they have done, as merchants, to continue their monopoly of freights; but as the consequence of those mis-statements may be a war, I am justified in asking those gen- tlemen a few questions, respecting frtights : Has not the ship Hanover, in the Jamaica trade, which cost ^10,000, in six voyages, cleared her first cost, with lOOOl. surplus? I know two other ships just returned from the West -Indies. 1st, cne which cost /8,o6o Fitting Out '. /3,000 / 11^000 Which raaue a freight out of / 1,000 Home /7,000 /8,000 Expenses of the Voyage. ..... . / 3,000 Clear profits in twelve months / 5,000 2nd, one cost 16,700 Fitting Out /2,000 /8,700 Freight Out /6,00 .Ditto Back /5,000 /5,600 Expenses of the Voyage 22,200 Clear profit in twelve months, and the Ship nearly as good as when she went to sea /3,40O -**N.» Appendix, Ko, 3, continued. And will not all ships pay nearly in the same proportion with sugar, at 10*. per cent, freight ? It is to be observed, that, in those instances, the ships were nearly as good as new ; — and, as in- surance was deducted from the profits, the gain was merely from the employment of capital with- out risk, that is above 35/. per cent. It is the enormous prqfits of those ship-owners that leads the planters into debt ; — misleads the committee of the House of Commons ; — and makes a very prqfitablc business appear to be a very losing one. ♦ > i APPENDIX, No. 4. Account shewing the gradual rise of the Exports of the United States of America, 1794, 1795, 1796, 1802. 33,026,233— 47>989,472— 67,064,097— 84,250,I20-!.Doll». at 4»,6d. each. Summary, shelving the Exportation from each State, from ist October, 1805, to the 30th Sept. 1806. STATC. New Hampshire , Vermont » Massachusets " Rhode Island Connecticut New York New Jersey Pennsylvania Delaware '. Maryland District of Columbia Virginia North Carolina South Carolina Georgia Territory of the United States.. Ohio ^ Dollars TOTAt. 795,263 193,775 21,199,243 2,091,835 1,715,828 21,762,845 33,867 17.574,702 500,106 1^,580,905 1,246,146 5,055,39d 789,682 9,748,750 82,764 4,108,583 62,318 101,536,963 ',s APPENDIX, No. 5. Comparative view of the Financial and Commer- cial situation of Great Britairi, and the United States of jimerica, • American. British. Proportion. Total produce of taxes.. . 3,260,000. . . 41,000,000. . . l-Qth. Payment of debt 990,000... 8,250,000... l-pth. luterest 810,000. . . 18,000,000. . l-20th. Military establishment.. . 258,000. . . 16,000,000. . l-60th. Naval 202,000. . . 7,000,000. . l-80th, Total expenditure 3,262,000. . . 53,000,000. . 1-lOth, Total debt .12,935,i>14. . 462,000,000. . l-35th. Exports 25,000,000. . .*5 1,000,000. . . h^lf* After having shewn the contrast between the British empire, and the United States of America, with regard to debts and expenditure, it is necessary to say. something with regard to those debts and expenditure. — To compare England now, with what it was in 17P2, and to explain, as it appoars to me, the' enigma of tlie increased burthens, and augmented crtdit of the British nation In 1792 the expenses were under 1 7,000,000 The revenue of all the individuals was calculated at 125,000,000 By this means, deduding the proportion df taxes paid by the 17,000,000/. about two iTiillions, so that the public, at that time, paid 15,000,000/. or about 3 shillings in tiie pound j now the country pays 41 millions, and the revenue of individuals ' , . * The exports are stated ai the real value. Appendix, No. 5, continued. IS augmented 50 per cent, by the depreciation of naoney ; and at least one fifth, or 20 per cent, in real weahh ; so that tho 125,000,000/. is now 213,000,000/. but 56,000,000/. is to be deducted for expenditure, leaving I 57jOO0,O0O/. for the public to receive. The persons receiving that 56,000,000/. paying their fair proportion of taxes, tliat will be eleven railliouH, so that thirty miJlions only is paid by the public on 157,000,000/. of income, which is four shillings in the pound, or an aug- mentation of one fourth. That the burthens have not in- creased more in reality is clear from another statement ; that, if the 30 millions now is reduced according to the depreciation of money, it will be but equal to what 20 millions was in 17{)2, that is about one fourth more, proportion considered, than they were then. Thus I have explained the enigma of the British national debt, which astonishes the world, and which appears ta be nearly trebled^ while in £ict it is only augmented about one OUARTER. ' This shews plainly by what means the British nation sup- ports those burthens, which the world seems not to compre- hend. All the calculations pf those who predicted the overturn of its finance, from Mr. Hume to Thomas Paine, are entirely deranged by this plain and undeniable view of the matter. In two words, then, the depreciation of money, and the por- tion of the taxes repud by those who live at the public expense, enable England to bear its enormous burthens. \^. »4'- •■; ''i-"';'»''V, ';'" -f. ■ '. '..r' *^i-' * * .ii 'i-. APPENDIX, No. 6. -- Statement, shewing the certainty of the Capture of Canada, in case a war takes place with America. Every person acquainted with the population of the United States of America, the population of Canada, the troops that are generally there, or the expense of sending troops from Europe, and the proportion of the year in which it is only possible to land troops, must be convinced of the fact; but as there are many persons not ac- quainted with these facts, i v ill state, the total of the British troops there, is about 7,000. The part of the United States most convenient to capture the country, is the§tate of Massachusets, which contains about 700,000 inhabitants; the state of Vermont, which contains about 200,000 inhabitants ; and New Hampshire, about 210,000. The State of Massachusets has under arms, or men that have been trained to war, the following, Appendix, No, 6, continued, t Infantry 50,QOO Cavalry 5>Q00 Artillery 7,000 New Hampshire, and Vermont half as many Infantry. .... . 25>00O Cavalry 3^500 Artillery 3,300 92,000 The whole canbe collected together,in one point,in Vermont, at any time, in one month, within three hundred miles of Quebec, and little more diffi- culties in marching them, than there would be in marching the same number of men the same dis- tance in England. As these States can furnish that force, and there are thirteen other States ready- to furnish their quota, I am sure that every man will agree \yith me, that Canada must always be at the. mercy of America. Quebec might hold out for a short time; but of what use would that be to Great Britain, except draining her coffers, and occasioning an effu- sion of human blood. •If . ' . ' ' ' . .^ APPENDIX, No. 7. — Jin account of the Official Value of Exports from Great Britain to the West India Colonies^ in the under-mentioned periods, from 1775 to 1805, both inclusive. 1775. . . . 1781. . . . 1785. . . . 1791. • . . 1795. . . . 1800. . . .^ 1805. . . . Official Value. 1,718,457 1,149,528 1,235,315 2,649,061 2,880,132 4,474,670 3,931,035 When it is considered what proportion of the articles that constitute the amount, are arti- cles of provisions, which injure Great Britain, by being sent away, the value of the manufac- tures which the West Indies take, is but of little service to the manufacturers, comparative to the injury done by furnishing so much pro- vision. .' V APPENDIX, No. 8. An Account of the quantity of Cotton Wool imported J rom the /Vest- India Colonies into Great Britain, in the under-mentioned perioiis, from 1801 to 1806, both inclusive^ xbitk the quantity exported in the same periods. Periods. Imported. lbs. 19i957,307 16,284,857 7,O:i6,104 20,535,574 16,226,344 17,712,344 Expo. .ed. 1801. 1802 1803 : 1804 1805 1806 Total lbs. 196,482 1,522 23,632 43,638 27814 Annual Average. l6,29i2,OP.8. 76,458. iin Account shewing all the Countries from whence the . Cotton Wool, which is manufactured t was imported, in the year 1805. From the United States 31 ,943,268 From the British West-Indies 16, 192,068 From the East-Indies , 2,432,483 li'rom Portugal 10,00,000 From all othpr parts 1,013,033 Total, 61,580,872 These tables shew, that a little more than | of the Cotton consumed in England comes from the West-Indies ; and from both East and West Indies, not quite one-third, when thirty one millions, or above |, comes from the United States only, which, in the year 1796, only amounted to 3,416,332 lbs. Perhaps no one thing could, in a stronger way, shew how the two Countries are mutually dependent upon each other. -* r » ~. ' . r 1 . / ■ ^i ,Cl/. 9of » « ■%« I %A *^»-i J- «i' .<7^^ t- Juft Published, OBSERVATIONS OK "^ EUROPEAN COURTS, ^C. '^C MAdtoMEDFQRD, Esq/ I" P ■.•<•■-. " ■ 1 • "^ ■•" ' ''" '•*-#■ .4^^-. -.-rJl^- •i. ikmf-'*- ■-*■ •'«'-••■ ■■'■■■■ ^ff „ / I ■ ■ a« G. Sidney, Prioter, iNorthumberland-8tr«et, SUaad. m