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COU.ECTED AND PUBUSHED BY RICHARD HAKLUYT, I'BEUEHDABY OF IIHISTOL, IN THE VEAIl 16H2. GIIITEI), SlBitf) J&oti0 anl) an intcotiuctton, BY JOHN WINTER JONES, OF THE DIUTISB MUSEUM. • • t , LONDON: PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY. m M.DCCC.L. ■■' i '4- LONDON: t I I r < I ( « • • r • . • • • • • • • • • . . . ' * t • • • • * • r THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY. OTouncK. sill IKIDKIIICK IMPKY MUIICHISON, O.C.St.S,, K.U.S., Ciur, M.ii. In^l. li„ Moll. Mem. Imp. .\caJ. Sc. St. Petersburg, Ac, Ac, Phexidkn r. V Vi(i;-I'iii: ViCE-AnmiUL Sill CUAHLKS MAT.COl.M, Knt. The earl of ELLKSMEHK. llEAii-AnuiRAL Sib FKANCXS BRAUFOKT, K.C.Il. chaiu.es t. beke, Em., I'lrn. d., f.s.a. fAPr.MN C. n. DRINKWAIEU nKTIinNE, ll.N., < .11. 'J'HB I,OKB ALFRED S. OHUIU'IIILL. WILLtAM DESBOROUOir COOLKY. Esq. 1I«)LT0N CORNEY, Esq., M.K.S.L. TilR RloHT Rev. LORD JJISIIOP OV ST. DAVIDS. Siu lll'.NRY KLLI9, K.H., F.U.S. JOHN FOUSTEH, Esij. R, W. OREY, Esq., M.P. THOMAS HODOKIN, Es.j., M.D. .lOHN HOLMES, Esq. •lOHN WINTER JONES, Es.}. I'. LEVESQUE, Esq. IHE VEliv Rev. the DEAN OF SI'. I'AIT.S. » THOMAS RUNDALL, Esq. The Rmnr Hon. the LORD ADVOCAli; oF scoir.AND. The Hon, HENRY E. J. STANLEY. H. H. MAJOR, Esq., F.R.O.S., H.oioisahy SF,iiiKT.M;y. ■%*2)00^ INTRODUCTION. The " Divers Voyages touching the Discoverie of America", was the first publication of the active- minded and public-spirited clergyman from whose name the Uakluyt Society has derived its designation. To many members the question will naturally suggest itself, why, having thought the name worthy adoption, the work should have been so long postponed. The following is the explanation of this circumstance. When the Hakluyt Society was instituted, the first work proposed for publication was the " Divers Voy- ages"; but it having been ascertained that the late intelligent American bookseller, Mr. Rich, had con- templated publishing a fac-simile reprint, and that he had had cut a fount of black-letter type for that pur- pose, application was made to him, in order to ascer- tain whether he still proposed carrying that design into e£fect. Mr. Rich, in reply, stated that he was willing to leave the work in the hands of the Society, provided the Council would print it as he himself had proposed to do, and would purchase the type he had had cast for it. As it was not deemed advisable to adopt this proposition, and as a separate publica- tion by the Society would have interfered prejudicially il INTRODUCTION. iMl rt I with Mr. Rich's prior right, it was considered proper to forego what would certainly have been the most appropriate leader of their series, and to adopt some other work. When, however, after the lapse of three years, the subject was again mentioned to Mr. Rich, he stated that he had abandoned his intention of publishing the book ; and the Society, being now un- fettered, lost no time in placing it in course of pre- paration. ■ Before making any remarks upon the work itself, it will be proper to say something of the compiler ; than whom few, perhaps, have better deserved an honourable place in the memory of their countrymen, and none have commanded more general respect with those who have taken the trouble to make themselves acquainted with his far-seeing and patriotic views, and the untiring perseverance with which he sought to make his views effective. It is hardly necessary to refer here to the solitary exception to this feeling of admiration for the labours of an honest, upright man, which is presented in the person of Mr. Biddle, in his Memoirs of Sebastian Cabot. Mr. Tytler, in his Historical View of the Progress of Discovert/ on the more Northern Coasts of America, has sufficiently exposed the animus of Mr. Biddle's strictures. t The ancestors of Hakluyt were established at a very early period in the county of Hereford. The family seat was at Yatton ; and they must have ranked amongst the principal landowners of the county. In the list of sheriffs, given by Duncumb in his History of Here- fordshire, we find that "Walter de Hackluit filled that INTRODUCTION. Ill office in the first, second, third, and fourth years of Edward II ; Hugh tiackluit, in the tenth and eleventh years of the same reign ; Kdward Hackluit, in the thirty-first, thirty-second, and thirty-third years of Edward III ; Leonard Haclcluit, knt., in the second year of Hen. IV; and a Ralph Hackluit in the seven- teenth year of Edw. IV, and again in the twenty-third of Hen. VII, and tenth of Hen. VIII. The list of members for the county, contained in the same work, presents us with Walter de Hackluite, in the sixth year of Ed. II ; Edmund Hakelute, in the first year of Ed. Ill ; Edmund Fitz-Edraund Hackluit, in the twenty-eighth of Ed. Ill ; Edward Hackluit, in the thirty-first of Ed. Ill ; and Leonard Hakkluyt, in the ninth, eleventh, and seventeenth years of Rich. II. We also learn, from the General Introduction to the same work, that Walter Hakelut was knighted, with several others, in the thirty-fourth year of Ed. I ; and in a return of the principal inhabitants of Here- fordshire, made to royal commissioners in the twelfth year of Henry VI, we find, in the list of knights, Walter Hackluit, and in that of the gentlemen, Wil- liam Hackluit, Hugh Hackluit, and Egidius Hackluit. One Thomas Hakeluyt was chancellor of the diocese of Hereford in the year 1349. It appears also, from the two following documents, that Thomas Hakeluytt, probablj^ the head of the family, was in the wardship of Henry VIII, and Edward VI. Vizt. : 1. "An indenture, made the 8th day of August, anno 28 Hen. VIII, between William Beuyle, gentleman, Roger Acton, gentillman, twoo of the cousins and heyres of John 1 II; I J I IV INTRODUCTION. Suggewas, deceased, Philip Baskerwile, Esq., and Elizabeth, his wife, late wife of James May, one other of the cousins and heyres of the said John Suggewas, and Richard Watkyn, gentilman, the king's coinittee of the body and lands of Thomas HakeLytt, sonne and heyre of John Hakeluytt, Esq., deceased, one other of the cousins and heyres of the said John Suggewas, on the one partie, and John White, on the other partye, etc., for a messuage in Grafton in com. Heref. Datum A". 21, H. 8." — Visitation of Huntingdonshire, p. 45, published by the Camden Society. 2. " Extract from a Court Boll held at Kyngstaple, in the county of Hereford, 26 April, 1 Ed. VI, containing a memo- randum that Thomas Havarde, Esq., the king's feodary, had granted to Thomas Mynde all the purpartie of Thomas Hake- luyt, gent., the king's warde, and one of the lords of King- staple, of the copice of Cary Woodde and lands in Castell- dichefelde, Vaughans Welle, and Moche Cavene, to hold during the minority of the same Hakeluyt, paying yearly the Lum of three shillings and eight pence.'' [Additional Char- ters and Rolls, No. 1351, Brit. Mus.] The subject of this memoir was born about the year 1553, in or near London as it has been conjec- tured, but upon what authority does not appear, un- less it be the circumstance of his having been educated at Westminster school, in which he informs us he was one of the queen's scholars. He was elected to Christ Church College, Oxford, in the year 1570, being then seventeen years of age. He took his degree of Bachelor of Arts on the 19th of February 1574, and that of Master of Arts on the 27th of June 1577. The love of cosmography, and maritime discovery, for which he became so justly distinguished at a later period of his life, had been implanted in him while he INTRODUCTION. V was yet a scholar at Westminster. The following is the graphic account of his introduction to this fasci- nating pursuit, given by himself in the dedication to Sir Francis "Walsinghara, prefixed to the first edition of his General Collection of Voyages and Travels. *' I do remember that being a youth, and one of her Ma- jestie's scholars at Westminster, that fruitful nui-serie, it was my happe to visit the chamber of M. Richard Hakluyt, my cosin, a gentleman of the Middle Temple,' well knowen unto you, at a time when I found lying open upon his boord cer- teine bookes of cosmographie with an universall mappe : he seeing me somewhat curious in the view thereof, began to instruct my ignorance by shewing me the division of the earth into three parts after the olde account, and then ac- cording to the latter and better distribution into more. He pointed with his wand to all the known seas, gulfs, bayes, straights, capes, rivers, empires, kingdoms, dukedoms, and territories of ech part ; with declaration also of their spe- cial commodities and particular wants which by the benefit of traffike and intercourse of merchants are plentifully supplied. From the mappe he brought me to the Bible, and turning to the 107th Psalme, directed mee to the 23rd and 24th verses, where I read that they which go downe to the sea in ships and occupy by the great waters, they see the works of the Lord and his woonders in the deepe, etc., which words of the Prophet, together with my cousins discourse (things of high and rare delight to my yong nature) tooke in me so deepe an impression, that I constantly ' Wood, in hia AtheneB Oxonienses, vol. ii, p. 186, edit. Bliss, falls into a confusion between the cousins, and states that our author studied law in the Temple. The mistake is natural, inasmuch as Bichard Hakluyt of Yatton was himself distinguished for his geo- graphical knowledge, and frequently applied to for advice by mer- chants and others. vl INTRODUCTION. t I n )i resolved if ever I were preferred to the university, where better time and more convenient place might be ministred for these studies, would, by God's assistance, prosecute that knowledge and kinde of literature, the doores whereof (after a sort) were so happily opened before me." He did not forget this resolution when the oppor- tunity for carrying it into effect arrived. He pro- ceeds, in the same dedication : — " According to which my resolution, when not long after I was removed to Christ Church in Oxford, my exercises of duety first performed, I fell to my intended course, and by degrees read over whatsoever printed or written discoveries and voyages I found extant either in the Greeke, Latine, Italian, Spanish, Portugall, French or English langv ages ; and in my publike lectures was the first that produced and shewed both the olde and imper- fectly composed and the new lately reformed mappes, globes, spheares and other instruments of this art for demonstration in the common schooles, to the singular pleasure and generall contentment of my auditory." It is much to be regretted that Hakluyt does not say specifically where these lectures were delivered. Oldys, in his memoir of Hakluyt, printed in the Biographia Britnnnica, expresses himself in such a manner as to lead to the supposition that they were read at Oxford, but the silence of Anthony a Wood on the subject at least throws much doubt upon the cor- rectness of such an inference. It may not be out of place here to mention a curious error into wliich Oldys has fallen respecting this same lectureship. Speaking of the publication of the present work he INTRODUCTION. Vll says, quoting from notes he tells us he had made many years before, " It appears, in the epistle dedi- catorie,that his lecture of navigation, before mentioned, was so well approved of by the renowned Sir F. Drake, that he made some proposals to continue, and establish it in Oxford, upon the prospect, which Mr. Hakluyt soon after had. of some engagement abroad." It is difficult to imagine, as the reader wiU be able to judge for himself by turning to page 16, that the man who wrote this sentence could possibly have seen the epistle dedicatorie in question. The proposal ioT founding a lectureship, not continuing one, came from Hakluyt himself, in consequence of what he had heard of the good results of such establishments in Spain, and of what he knew of the fatal consequences resulting from the too general ignorance of our own seamen : and the place was not Oxford, where, for the purpose he had in view, it would be totally useless, but London, or about RatclifFe ; in the very centre, in fact, of the localities most frequented by mariners of all grades. It had no reference whatever to Hakluyt's lectureship, whether at Oxford or elsewhere; of which, although his own statement is specific that he did, at some time before 1589, deliver lectures on cosmo- graphy, he leaves us to form our own conclusions as to the probable period and locality. There is, no doubt, however, as to the reality and earnest- ness of Hakluyt's exertions in this direction. He returns to the subject in the dedication of the first volume of the second edition of his Collection, where he urges on the Lord Admiral Howard the import- ! I M! i ! il * Vlll INTRODUCTION. ance of establishing such a lectureship in London.' The honour due to the suggestion was not the less that the suggestion itself was allowed to pass unheeded by those with whom it rested to give this boon of nautical instruction to our seamen. Let us hope that this now national reproach is about to be effectually removed." ' See also Hakewill's Apology, 3rd edit. 1635, fol. p. 310, where Haklujt's suggestion is particularly noticed. ' In a paper addressed to Lord Mahon, president of the Society of Antiquaries, and printed in vol. xxxviii of the Archaologia, p. 283, Mr. Payne Collier publishes for the first time two highly interesting letters from Hakluyt to Sir F. Walsingham. The first letter is for the most part upon the subject mentioned in the text. As Mr. Collier does not say where the original is to be found, we print it as it appears in the Archaologia, " Right Honorable, *< The famouse disputations in al partes of the matheinatikes, which at this present are held in Paris, for the gayning of the lecture which was erected by the worthy scholer Petrus Ramus, to the great increase of those excellent sciences, put me in mynd to sollicite your honour agayne and agayne for the erection of that lecture of the arte of navigation, whereof I have had some speach with your honour, Sir Francis Drake, and Alderman Barnes and other. And that you might meet with al inconveniences, which might frustate the expected profit, which is hoped for by the erec- tion of the same, I send your honour here the testament of Petrus Ramus, newly put out agayne in printe, and sent unto mee by monsur Bergeren, Ramus his executor; whereby you may see, first the exceeding zeale that man had to benefit his countrey, in be- stowing 500 livers, which (as your honour knoweth) is fiftie pound sterling, upon establishing of that lecture, bequeathing not halfe so much to al the kindred and friends he had. Secondly, you may note, that he, being one of the most famouse clerkes of Europe, thought those sciences, next after divinitie, to be most necessarie for the common welth, in that he erected a newe lecture of the same, whereas there was one before erected, and endued with fiftie INTRODUCTION. IX It is very probable that some proposals had been made to Hakluyt to accompany Sir Humphry Gilbert in his last and fatal voyage to Newfoundland, in the year pound stipend, by the kinges of France. Thirdly, that most pro- vident order, which the good man by his will hath taken, is most requisite to be put in execution in England; which is, thnt everie three yeares there shalbe publicke disputation, signified to al men by publicke writing, wherein it shalbe free for any man, for three monethes space, to dispute agaynst the reader for the tyme being; who, yf he be found negligent, or yf any one of the competitours be found more worthy by the opinion of certayne indifferent men of lerninge, chosen out of the purpose to be judges, that then the unworthie shall give place to the more sufficient; who, so being placed, is bound in three yeares space to read through the course of the mathematikes. " Yf, by your honour's instigation, her Majestic might be en- duced to erecte such a lecture in Oxford, and the like for the arte of navigation might by some other meanes be established at London, allowing to each of them fiftie poundes yearly, with the same conditions, in my simple judgment it would be the best hun- dred poundes bestowed these five hundred yeares in England. For it is not unknowne to your wisdome, how necessarie for service of warres arithmeticke and geometric are, and for our new discoveries and longe voyages by sea, the arte of navigation is, which is com- pounded of many partes of the aforesayd sciences. " Understandinge heartofore of your honour's great abundance of busines, and your dangerouse sicknes, I thought it not meet to trouble your honour with such thinges as I had carefully sought out here in France, concerning the furtherance of the westerne discoveries, but chose rather to imparte the same with Mr. Carlile, which thing also I did. But, being lately advertised of your re- covery (for which I humblie thanke almightie God), I was bold to signifie unto your honour my dealing with Horatio Palavicini, to become an adventurer in those westerne voyages, and, among other talke, alleadged your good disposition to the same; which he hearing of, replyed very cheerfully, that yf he were moved thereto by the least word from your honour, he would put in his hundred pcfkind adventure or more. If Mr. Carlile be gone, yet it might come in c INTRODUCTION. I ii!!l 1583 ;' but no particulars are to be found recorded. The circumstance that Hakluyt contemplated taking part in the expedition is alluded to in a letter ad- good tyrae to serve Mr. Frobisher's turne, yf your wisdorae shall like well of yt, seeing he setteth not forth, as I understand, until the beginning of May. " I understand that the papistes give out secretly in the towne, that there shall shortly come forth a confutation of the defence of the execution of justice in England, which was set forth in English and French in London. When yt conieth forth, I trust to have it with the first. " There is good hope that the minister, and those that were taken lately with him in Paris, by the abbot of St. Geneveva, shall very shortly be set at libertie; for the King secretly seemeth to favour them; and they have very discreetly aunswered for them- selves, that they were not at any communion or sermon, but that they met together to consult whether to go out of Paris to some place lawful by the edict. A frind of myne told mee he heard a frier inveigh very exceeding bitterly agaynst them in a sermon before a great congregation of people. " Wee have heard by divers letters from Geneva that, besides the earthquake, which was there about the end of Februarie, which untyled many houses, and overthrewe many chymneis in the towne, there is besides a whole village, in the contrey of Vallaye, swallowed up, being foure dayes journey of Geneva. " Those that favour the Spanish here in the towne have spred al abroad, these two or three dayes, that Monsur is dead, which is nothing so. " Thus leving other matters and advertisementes of importance to them unto whom they apperteyne, with remembraunce of the continuance of my humble dutie to your honour, and your worthy and vertuouse sonne in la we, I leve you to the merciful protection of the Almightie. Paris, the first of April, 1584. " Don Antonio, his captaynes, and his fleet, are not yet departed from Paris, but look every day to depart. " Your honour's most humble • *• Richard Hakluyt." ^ The second letter from Hakluyt to Sir F. Walsingham, pub- INTRODUCTION. xi dressed to him by Stephanas Parraenius, of Buda (one of those engaged in the expedition), on their arrival at the port of St. John. His words are lished by Mr. Collier id the paper before quoted from (ante p. viii), refers to a " motion lieartofore made" to him by Sir F. Walsingham whether he could be contented to accompany an expedition to America, in which he expresses his willingness to go and to employ all his observations, readings and conference whatsoever for that object. It does not appear that he contemplated any pecuniary adventure in the undertaking, as he refers his " entertaynment in this voyage" to Walsingham. Tlie voyage here contemplated was most probably that of Sir Francis Drake to the West Indies and Carthagena in South America, the English fleet leaving England in the month of September 1585. It is certain, however, that Hak- luyt did not accompany it. Tlie letter, as given by Mr. Collier, is as follows : — " Right Honourable, " I understand from your servant Curtis your good acceptation of my hastie letter, your special favour and good will towardes mee, as also your expectation of ray diligent inquirie of such thinges as may yeld any light unto our westerne discoverie. For the two former I yeld you most humble thankes; and for the later, I nether have nor will omitte any possible diligence, expecting intelligences thereof from Roan, Diepe, and St. Malo very shortly. " In Paris I have seen in one man's house, called Perosse, the value of five thousand crownes worth of furres, as sables, bevers, otters, and other sortes, which he bought in August laste of the men of St. Malo; and the yeare before, he told mee he bestowed four thousand crownes with them in the like commoditie. He gave me further to understand that he saw great quantitie of bufFe hides, which they brought home, and sent into the lowe countreys to sell. All which commodities, with diverse other of noe lesse value, are brought out of the most northerly partes of those countreys, where- unto our voyage of inhabiting is intended. " And now, because I knowe that this present enterprise is like soone to waxe colde, and fall to the ground, unlesse in this second voyage all diligence in searching everie hope of gayne be used; and calling to mynd that your honor made & motion heartofore unto me, xn INTRODUCTION. *' Non stutueram ad te scribere, ciim in mentem veniret prornissum literarutn tuaruin. Putebas te superiore jam Junto nos subsecuturum. Itaque de meo statu whether I cold be contented to goe myselfe in the action, these are to put your honor out of doubte, that for myne owne parte, I am most willing to goe now in the same this present setting forth, and in the service of God and my countrey to employ al my simple observations, readinges, and conference whatsoever. For obtaining leave of my L. Ambassador heere to departe, I doubt not but to find meanes of myselfe, seeing he may have inough to supply my roonie. *' For leave of my coUedg, and entertaynment in this voyage, I will wholly referre yt unto your honor, who wish me so well as you will not see my poore estate impared. Because the tyme is ex- ceeding shorte, I wold desire your honor's present aunswere; uppon sight whereof, with winges of Pegasus, I wold fly in England. " I have talked twiae with Don Antonio of Portugal, and with five or sixe of his best captaynes and pilots, one of whom was born in Easte India. They al wish al prosperitie to Her Majestic and yourselfe, and say that, if the Queene of England wold joyne with their master, whose strength by sea they commend unto the skyes, they know how the King of Spayne, our mortal enemy, might easily be met withal, and she much enriched. The number of Portingalls which hange uppon the poore King are aboute an hun- dred or sixe score : diverse of them are lately come out of the Easte India, overlande by Tripoly in Siria. They have a voyage in band, with five or sixe sayle of ships, which are in preparing at Newe Haven for the coste of Guinea, and the castle of Mina, wherein most parte of the Portingalls aforesayd are to be employed, being joyned in company with the French. They set forward, as I heare, within this moneth. " One Sinior Andreas, borne in Savoy, is nowe, I heare, in Paris, which hath bin lately in the Island of Japan, with whom, by meanes of Doctor Pena, I shall have conference within a day or two. Diverse other intelligences, tending toward the furtherance of our western planting and discoverie, I looke for from sondry places very shortly. In the meane season, with remembrance of my humble dutie to your honor, and to your worthy and honorable INTRODUCTION. Xlll ex doctore Humfredo certiorem te fieri jusseram. Veruin sic tibi non esset satisfactura, etc." — Hak- luyt, vol. iii, p. 161. Whatever may have been his intention in this respect, it may be presumed that his plans were changed, in consequence of his having been appointed chaplain to Sir Edward Stafford, ambassador from Queen Elizabeth to the court of France. At this period, also, he is said to have held a professorship of divinity, but we are not told where ; it could hardly have been at Oxford, for if so it would not have been omitted in the Athencn Oxonienses. In the month of May 1585, during his residence at Paris with the British em- bassy, the reversion of the next prebendal stall that should become vacant was secured to him by the queen's mandate ; and in the same, or the following year, he, by virtue of this grant, took possession of the first stall in the cathedral of Bristol, which at that time became vacant by the death of Dr. John Gough. Notwithstanding this preferment he did not, as he informs us himself, give up his post of chaplain sonno-in-lawe, I cease for the present, and beseech the Almightie to hold you bothe in his safe garde. " It was told me by Perosse, of whom I spake before, and by Andrew The^et, the Kinges cosmographer, that Duke Joyeuze, Admiral of France, and the Cardinal of Burbon and their frindes, have had a meaning to send out certayne ships to inhabite some place of the north part of America, and to carry thither many friers and other religiouse persons; but I thinke they be not in haste to doe yt. Paris, from my Lord Ambassadour's house, the vijth of Januarie, 1584. " Your honor's most humble to command, " HiCHARD Hakluyt, Preacher." XIV INTKODUCTIOX. 1 ill! :ii to the British embassy at Paris until the year 1588, when he returned to England with Lady Sheffield, sister to his early patron the Lord Admiral Howard, after a residence in France of five years. Elizabeth had granted to Sir Walter Raleigh letters patent, aated the 25th of March 1584, authorising him, in the usual terms, to discover, search, and find out such remote heathen and barbarous lands, coun- tries, and territories not actually possessed by any Christian prince, nor inhabited by Christian people, as to him, his heirs, etc., should seem good. This patent Raleigh, in the latter part of this year 1588, assigned to Hakluyt, and several other gentlemen and merchants, as a corporation of counsellors, as- sistants, and adventurers, for the purpose of carrying out the object of the patent. On the 20th of April 1590, he was instituted to the rectory of Wetteringsett cum Blochford, in the county of Suffolk. The next event we find recorded in the life of Hakluyt, apart from his literary labours, is that of his marriage, which is supposed to have taken place in or about the year 1594. About the year 1605, he succeeded Dr. Richard Webster as a prebendary of Westminster. Hakluyt, by his writings, and by his personal exer- tions with several persons of influence, was the chief promoter of a petition, addressed to King James in the year 1606, praying that he would grant patents for the colonization of Virginia. A charter was in consequence granted, bearing date April 10, 1606, by which two companies were formed, subsequently known as the London Company, and the Plymouth INTRODIX'TION. XV er was in Company. The tract of country lying between the thirty-fourth and forty-fifth degrees of latitude was to be divided into nearly equal portions, one of which was to be enjoyed by each of the said companies. The first settlement was effected by the London, or South Virginian Company ; the chief adventurers in which, as patentees, were Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, Richard Hakluyt, and Edward Maria Wingfield. Notsvithstanding the extraordinary interest our author took in maritime discovery, and his extensive intercourse with seafaring men of all grades, it does not appear that he was ever tempted to quit his native country, with the exception of his sojourn in France. Contenting himself with the peaceful task of collecting and recording the accounts of other men's doings, it is not surprising that his life should afford so little of incident to be recorded. He died on the 23rd of November 1616, and was buried in St. Peter's Church, in Westminster Abbey, on the 26th of the same month. He left one son, who in- herited from his father a fair estate, which, it is said, he had not the prudence to keep, and an illustrious name, which he knew not how to value. Hakluyt had three brothers ; one older, and two younger than himself. Of the eldest, Thomas, we are only told that he was elected from Westminster school to Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1567. The next, Oliver, was educated at the same college, and after- wards practised, with distinction, as a physician. The youngest, Edmund, held the post, for four years. XVI INTRODUCTION. \U of tutor to the Lord William Howard, the eldest son of the earl of Nottingham. Having given this hasty sketch of the life of our author, we now proceed to the discussion of those labours, by which his name has become inseparably connected with the history of maritime discovery and enterprise. It has been already stated, that he had been chosen to lecture on cosmography and naviga- tion ; but his views extended much farther than in- structing his countrymen in these branches of know- ledge. He saw clearly tlie course in which lay the advantage and glory of his country ; he saw that maritime traffic, and the acquisition of territory by colonization, were the means by which England was to improve the moral condition of her people, and main- tain her position as a great naval power. Anxious to promote these objects, he cultivated the acquaintance of all who could give him information, and sought the pro- tection of men who, appreciating his views, could assist him in carrying them into effect. No labour, no ex- pense deterred him. In the account of the " English Voyage to Newfoundland in 1536", given by him in his General Collection, p. 517-519; vol. iii, p. 129- 131 ; he says, "One Master Hore, of London, a man of goodly stature, and of great courage, and given to the studie of cosmography, encouraged divers gentle- men, and others, being assisted by the king's favour and good countenance, to accompany him in this voyage of discovery", and that " his persuasions tooke snch eflFect, that within short space many gentlemen of the innes of court, and of the chancerie, and divers INTRODLTTION, XVll others of good worship, desirous to sec the strnngc things of the world, very willingly ODtereil info action with him." This was a very disastrous voyage ; re- markable for the intense sufferings of the crew, and the very curious incident of their obtaining partial relief for their hunger by taking from an osprey's nest the fish the parent bird brought in great abund- ance to its young. Hakluyt was so anxious to obtain correct particulars of this voyage, that he rode two hundred miles, in order to obtain the facts from the lips of one Thomas Butts, then the only survivor of the adventurers in the said voyage. He was inces- santly employed in the examination, collection, tran- script, and translation of accounts of voyages and travels, charters, letters, and documents bearing in any way upon his subject, and in correspondence with men eager to impart information, obtain advice and assistance, or to encourage him in his laudable and patriotic efforts. The celebrated Abram Ortelius, and Gerard Mercator, were among those who ex- changed with him friendly communications upon the subjects of common interest between them. Sir Francis Walsingham, Sir Robert Cecil, the Lord High- Admiral Howard, Sir Philip Sydney, and Sir Francis Drake, were among those who supported him in his labours by their commendations, and encouraged him to proceed. On the 11th of March 1583, Sir F. Walsingham writes to Hakluyt, thanking him for the exertions he had made to assist in " the discovery of the western parts yet unknown", and wishing him to continue " his travaile in these, and like matters." — d XVIU INTRODUCTION. 1 .uti 'ilil Hakluyt Collection, vol. iii, p. 181. And by a letter of the same date, addressed to the Mayor of Bristol, Sir Francis Walsingham recommends the Bristol adventurers to confer with the bearers of his letter, R. Hakluit and Thomas Steventon, on the subject of some ships these Bristol merchants were about to fit out for the purpose of accompanying Sir Humphry Gilbert in his ill-fated expedition before referred to. lb. The first work which issued from our author's pen was the collection now republished ; and it is not im- probable that it may have been this work to which Sir F. Walsingham more particularly alluded in his letter of ths 11th March 1582, when he spoke of Hakluyt's exertions to assist in the discovery of the western parts yet unknown. It would be impossible to explain Hakluyt's views, or the object towards which his exertions were directed, more clearly than he has himself done in the epistle dedicatory to Sir Philip Sydney, prefixed to this work. The glory of England ; the advantages of colonization, as a means of employing the idle, of rendering the laws less san- guinary, by diminishing the necessity for capital punishment, and of enlarging the commerce of the country ; the extension of the knowledge of navigation, particularly amongst our merchant seamen ; and the conversion of the savage, and consequent promotion of the worship and glory of God, are all brought forward in their turn. We shall have much to say, in the course of this Introduction, upon the various pieces of which this collection is composed ; but we postpone our remarks for the present, in INTRODUCTION. XIX order to dispose of the other works which either emanated from our author, or were produced at his suggestion. These will be taken in the order of their production, as nearly as we have been able to ascer- tain it. He did not neglect his favourite pursuit during his residence in France ; but made diligent inquiries for information, not only among cosmographers and others, but also in the libraries, both public and private. During his researches he discovered a manuscript account of Florida, a country which had been visited, and to a certain extent explored, by Ribault in 1562, and by Laudonniere in the following years. Perceiving the interest and importance of this work, he engaged, at his own expense, Martin Basanier to publish the book at Paris, in French, in the year 1586.^ It is dedi- cated to Sir Walter Raleigh ; and the editor takes occasion to bestow high praises upon Sir Walter, for the enterprise he displayed in his then late discovery of Virginia. This work does not contain Ribault's own account of his voyage. The attention this book excited in France, encouraged Hakluyt to present it to his countrymen in an English dress, and it was published in London, in the year 1587, with the fol- lowing title : "A notable historic containing fonre voyages made by certayne French captaynes unto Florida j wherein the great riches and fruitefulnes of the countrey, with the maners of the people, hitherto concealed, are brought to light ; written, ' See Dedication to vol. ii. of the 2nd edition of his general col- lection. ill; i» I XX INTRODUCTION. all saving the last, by Monsieur Laudonniere, who remained there himselfe as the French king's lieuetenant a yere and a quarter; newly translated out of French into English by R. H. London : imprinted by Thomas Dawson, 1587. 4to." Hakluyt has prefixed to his translation a dedicatory epistle to Sir Walter Kaleigh, encouraging him to prosecute the colonization of Virginia, by pointing out the advantages, and probable resources of the district. In the year 1587 he also published, at Paris, a re- vised edition of Peter Martyr Anghiera's work, jC? orbe novo. This edition appeared with the following title : "De orbe novo Petri Martyris Anglerii Mediolanensis Protonotarii et Caroli quinti Senatoris Decades octo, dili- genti temporum observatione et utihssimis annotationibus illustrata;, suoque nitori restitutae, labore et industria Richardi Hakluyti Oxoniensis Angli, etc. Parisiis, 1587." 8°. Amongst other improvements in this edition, men- tioned in the Latin dedication to Sir Walter Raleigh, prefixed to the work, he observes : " Cartam geogra- phicara praecipua operis loca continentem ut perpen- dicularem appendicem adjunxi, memor illius quod vere dicitur ' Geographiam esse historia3 oculum'." The map here referred to is one of the world, and is dedicated to Hakluyt in the following words : " Doctiss. et ornatiss. Rich. Hakluyto F.G.S. Cui potius quam tibi orbem hunc novum dicassem ? cum tu assiduis eruditisque libris tuis ipsum eundem in dies illustriorem reddas. Eum igitur uti tua humanitate dignum est accipe, teque nos vicissim amabimus. Paris. Cal. Maij. 1587." This map is of very rare occurrence. There is pre- INTRODUCTION. XXI fixed a dedication, in Latin, to Sir Walter Raleigh, occupying nine pages Many years afterwards, Michael Lok, whose name is intimately connected with the maritime history of this period, translated Anghiera's work into English at the recommendation of Hakluyt. The title is as follows : " The historic of the West Indies^ containing the Actes and Adventures of the Spaniards which have conquered and peopled those countries, inriched with varietie of pleasant relation of the manners, ceremonies, lawes, governments, and warres of the Indians. Published in Latin by Mr. Hakluyt, and translated into English by M. Lok. Gent. London. Printed for Andrew Webb.^' This publication preceded by a very short time the permanent colonization of Virginia, the first English settlement in America ; and it is but just to presume, that the public and private efforts of our author must have had a most important influence in directing at- tention towards these establishments, from which such mighty results subsequently followed. We shall have to refer to his exertions in this respect on more than one occasion. It has been stated, in the early part of this narra- tive, that Hakluyt was one of those to whom, in the year 1588, Sir Walter Ralegh assigned his patent for the prosecution of discoveries in heathen lands. Whether this circumstance directed his attention more particularly towards the maritime exertions of the English, or whether, as he himself states,' he was roused by the reproach of want of enterprise, brought ^ Dedication to the first edition of his general collection. xxu INTRODUCTION. mi m ^ i I J ii'H against his countrymen by foreigners, certain it is that about this time he bent all his efforts towards the arrangement of materials for a work which should show that the English had not been idle, or unsuc- cessful. This project, and its author, are thus referred to by Philip Jones, in the dedication to Sir Francis Drake, prefixed to his Certain briefs and speciall Instructions for Gentfemen, Sfc, employed in ser- vices abroad. London: 1589. 4to. " I confesse that although my propension was alwaies to endevor somthing for the inlargement of your name and honor, having so well deserved of this commonwealth and of every partictdar thereof, yet I was motioned to remember yourselfe in the impression of this Index by my very good and learned friend Mr. Eichard Hackluyt, a man of in- credible devotion towarde yourselfe and of speciall careful- nesse for the good of our nation ; as the world injoying the benefit of some of his travels can give testimonie, and is pos- sible to give better if that rare and excellent worke which he now plyeth once come to publike view. In the mean time I record his diligence,*' etc. The result of these labours appeared toward the end of the year 1589, in the publication of a folio volume, with the following title : — " The principall navigations, voiages and discoveries of the English nation made by sea or over land to the most remote and farthest distant quarters of the earth at any time within the compasse of these 1500 yeeres: devided into three severall parts according to the positions of the regions wherunto they were directed. The first conteining the personall tra- vels of the English into Judaea, Syria, Arabia, the river Euphrates, Babylon, Balsara, the Persian Gulfc, Ormuz, INTRODUCTION. xxiii Chaul, Goa, India, and many islands adjoyning to the south parts of Asia : together with the like unto Egypt, the chiefest ports and places of Africa within and without the streight of Gibraltar, and about the famous promontorie of Buona Espe- ranza. The second, comprehending the worthy discoveries of the English towards the north and north-east by sea, as of Lapland, Scrikfinia, Corelia, the Bale of S. Nicholas, the Isles of Colgoieve, Vaigats, and Nova Zerabla toward the great river Ob, with the mightie empire of Russia, the Cas- pian sea, Georgia, Armenia, Media, Persia, Boghar in Bactria, and divers kingdoms of Tartaria. The third and last, in- cluding the English valiant attempts in searching almost all the corners of the v^ste and new world of America from 73 degrees of northerly latitude southward to Meta Incognita, Newfoundland, the maine of Virginia, the point of Florida, the bale of Mexico, all the inland of Nova Hispania, the coast of Terra Firma, Brasill, the river of Plate to the streight of Magellan and through it, and from it in the South Sea to Chili, Peru, Xalisco, the gulfe of California, Nova Albion upon the backside of Canada further than ever any Christian hitherto hath pierced. Whereunto is added the last most renowned English navigation round about the whole globe of the earth. By Richard Hakluyt, master of artes and student some time of Christchurch in Oxford. Imprinted at London by George Bishop and Ralph Newberie, 1589." Fol. The dediccation to Sir Francis Walsingham, prefixed to this edition, contains some interesting particulars relating to the life of the author ; and of which Oldys, in his memoir of him in the Biographia Britannica, has made good use. In the address to the reader, Hakluyt explains the character of his work in the fol- lowing concise terms. " I meddle in this work with the navigations onely of our XXIV INTRODUCTION. m m ■'■;! owne nation. And albeit I alleage in a few places (as the matter and occasion required) some strangers as witnesses of the things done, yet are they none but such as either fayth- fuUy remember or sufficiently confirme the travels of oui* owne people, of whom (to speake trueth) I have received more light in some respects than all our owne historians could affoord me in this case, Bale, Foxe, and Eden onely excepted." His anxiety to communicate the best information he possessed, is shown in the account of " The Ambassage of Sir Hierome Bowes, to the emperour of Moscovie, 1583", printed at page 491 of the first edition of his General Collection, in some copies of which this nar- rative will be found to have been reprinted, with the title altered, as follows : " A briefe discourse of the voyage of Sir Jerome Bowes, knight, her majesties ambassadour to the emperour of Mus- covia, in the yeere 1583 : and printed this second time according to the true copie I received of a gentleman that went in the same voyage for the correction of the errours in the former impression.'* Having now given a definite form to his work, he went on with increased energy. " The honour and benefit of this commonwealth", he says, "hath made all difficulties seem easy, all pains and industry pleasant, all expenses of light value and moment to me." In 1598 he published the first volume of a second edition of his Collection, and two othei* volumes followed in the two succeeding years. The first volume is dedicated to the Lord Charles Howard, Earl of Nottingham ; and it may be mentioned {par paren- thise) as a curious fact that, neither in this dedica- INTRODUCTION. XXV tion, nor in any part of the introductory matter, does he make the slightest allusion to the first edition. The second and third volumes are dedicated to Sir Robert Cecil, the principal secretary of state, *' whose earnest desires to do him [Hakluyt] good, lately broke out into most bountiful and acceptable effects." The titles of the several volumes of this edition are as follows : " The principal navigations^ voiages, traffiques and dis- coveries of the English nation made by sea or over land to the remote and farthest distant quarters of the earth at any time within the compasse of these 1500 yeeres : devided into three severall volumes according to the positions of the regions whereunto they were directed. This first volume containing the woorthy discoveries, etc. of the English toward the north and north-east by sea, as of Lapland, Scrikfinia, Corelia, the baie of S. Nicholas, the isles of Colgoieve, Vaigatz, and Nova Zembla toward the great river Ob, with the mighty empire of Russia, the Caspian sea, Georgia, Armenia, Media, Persia, Boghar in Bactria, and divers king- doms of Tartaria. Together with many notable monuments and testimonies of the antient forren trades and of the warre- like and other shipping of this realme of England in former ages. Whereunto is annexed also a briefe commentarie of the true state of Island and of the Northern seas and lands situate that way. And lastly the memorable defeate of the Spanish huge Armada, anno 1588, and the famous victorie atchieved at the citie of Cadiz, 1596, are described. By Richard Hakluyt, etc. Imprinted at London, by George Bishop, Ralph Newberie, and Robert Barker, 1598." Fol. In the dedication to the volume, Hakluyt addresses the Lord-Admiral strongly on the subject of the e ':f XXVI INTRODUCTION. establishment of a lectureship, on navigation, in the city of London.' " The second volume of the prineipal navigations, voyages, traffiqiics, and discoveries of the English nation made by sea or over land to the south and south-east parts of the world at any time within the compasse of these 1600 yeres : divided into two severall parts. Whereof the first containeth the personall travels, etc., of the English through and within the streight of Gibraltar to Alger, Tunis, and Tripolis in Barbary, to Alexandria and Cairo in ^gypt, to the isles of Sicilia, Zante, Candia, Rhodus, Cyprus and Chio, to the citie of Con- stantinople, to divers parts of Asia Minor, to Syria and Armenia, to Jerusalem and other places in Judaea ; as also to Arabia downe the river of Euphrates to Babylon and Balsara, and so through the Persian gulph to Ormuz, Chaul, Goa, and to many islands adjoyning upon the south parts of Asia ; and likewise from Goa to Cambaia and to all the dominions of Zelabdim Echebar, the great Mogor, to the mighty river of Ganges, to Bengala, Aracan, Bacola, and Chonderi, to Pegu, to Jamahai in the kingdome of Siam, and almost to the very fi'ontiers of China. The second comprehendeth the voyages, trafficks, etc., of the English nation made without the streight of Gibraltar to the islands of the Agores, of Porto Santo, Madera, and the Canaries, to the kingdomes of Barbary, to the isles of Capo Verde, to the rivers of Senega, Garabra, Madrabumba, and Sierra Leona, to the coast of Guinea and Benin, to the isles of S. Thome and Santa Helena, to the parts about the cape of Buona Esperanza, to Quitangone ' In some copies of the first volume of the second edition, the voyage to Cadiz in 1596 is altogether suppressed or reprinted. Where this is the case, the title-page is found to bear date 1599, and that part of it which refers to the expedition to Cadiz is omitted ; other alterations of a minor character being also intro- duced into it. INTRODUCTION. XXVll neerc Mozambique, to the isles of Comoro and Zanzibar, to the citie of Ooa beyond cape Comori, to the isles of Nicubar, Gomes Polo, and Pulo Pinaom, to the maine land of Malacca and to the kingdome of Junsalaon. By Richard Hackluyt, etc. Imprinted at London by George Bishop, Ralph New- bery, and Robert Barker, anno 1599." " The third and last volume of the voyages, navigations, traflfiques and discoveries of the English nation, and in some few places where they have not been, of strangers, performed within and before the time of these hundred yeeres to all parts of the Newfound world of America or the West Indies, from 73 degrees of northerly to 57 of southerly latitude : as namely to Eiigronland, Meta Incognita, Estotiland, Tierra de Labrador, Newfoundland, up the Grand bay, the gulfe of S. Laurence, and the river of Canada, to Hochelaga and Saguenay, along the coast of Arambec to the shores and maines of Virginia and Florida, and on the west or backside of them both to the rich and pleasant countries of Nueva Biscay a, Cibola, Tiguex, Cicuie, Quivira, to the 15 provinces of the kingdome of New Mexico, to the bottome of the gulfe of California, and up the river of Buena Guia : and likewise to all the yles, both small and great, lying before the cape of Florida, the bay of Mexico, and Tierra firma, to the coasts and inlands of Newe Spaine, Tierra firma and Guiaua, up the mighty rivers of Orenoque, Dessekebe, and Marannon, to every part of the coast of Brasil, to the river of Plate, through the streights of Magellan forward and backward, and to the south of the said streights as far as 57 degrees : and from thence on the back side of America along the coastes, har- bours and capes of Chili, Peru, Nicaragua, Nueva Espanna, Nueva Galicia, Culiacan, California, Nova Albion, and more northerly as farre as 43 degrees. Together with the two renowned and prosperous voyages of Sir Francis Drake and Mr. Thomas Candish round about the circumference of the whole earth, and divers other voyages intended and set forth i UJ -III XXVI n INTRODUCTION. for that course. Collected by Richard Hakluyt, preacher, etc. Imprinted at London by George Bishop, Ralfe New- berie and Robert Barker. Anno Dom. 1600." This and the preceding volume, as we have already stated, are dedicated to "Sir Robert Cecil, principall secretarie to Her Majestic." In the de- dication to the second volume, Hakluyt strongly urges on the minister the expediency of colonizing Virginia, and refers to the circumstance of Cecil having consulted him, in 1597, "touching the state of the country of Guiana, and whether it were fit to be planted by the English?" In the de<^ication to the third volume, Hakluyt takes an opportunity to refer to the subject of a lectureship on navigation for the benefit of English mariners, and to urge its esta- blishment, referring to the good example of Spain in this respect. But Hakluyt was not satisfied wiih labouring him- self, and encouraging others to labour; he endea- voured to provide against the time when professional or other cares might interfere with his great pursuit. In the dedication of the third volume he says: " As I long since foresaw that my profession of divinity, the care of my family, and other occasions, might call and divert me from these kind of endeavours, I therefore have for three years past encouraged and furthered in these studies of cosmography and foreign histories my honest, industrious, and learned friend, Mr. John Pory ; one of special skill and extraordinary hope to perform great matters in the same and beneficial to the commonwealth." The result of this encouragement was a translation 1 1 INTRODUCTION. XXIX of the History of Africa by John Leo, commonly called Leo Africanus, which Mr. Pory published in the year 1600, with the title — " A geographical historic of Africa, written in Arabicke and Italian, by John Leo, a More, borne in Granada and brought up in Barbaric, etc. Before which out of the best ancient and moderne writers is prefixed a generall description of Africa, and also a particular treatise of all the maine lands and isles undescribed by John Leo. And after the same is annexed a relation of the great princes and the manifold religions in that part of the world. Translated and collected by John Pory, lately of Gonevill and Caius College in Cam- bridge. Londini, Impensis Georg. Bishop, 1600." Fol. In his dedication to Sir Robert Cecil, the translator refers to the interest Hakluyt took in the work, in the following terms : " M. Richard Hakluyt, who out of his mature judgement in these studies, knowing the excellencie of this storie above all others in the same kinde, was the only man that mooved me to translate it." Pory was not the only person whom Hakluyt en- couraged to make translations of works bearing upon his favorite pursuit. Parke, in the preface to his translation of the History of China, from the Spanish of Gonzalez de Mendoza, bears the following testimony to his active zeal : " Which labours I have undertaken at the earnest request and encouragement of my worshipfuU friend Master Richard Hakluyt, late of Oxforde, a gentleman, besides his other manifolde learning and languages, of singular and deepe insight in all histories of discoverie and partes of cosmo- graphie. And also for the zeale he beareth to the honor of ' 111. :< il ii XXX INTROULCTION. liis countrie and countrimcn brought" the same [i. e. Gon- zalez de Mendoza's work] first above two years since over into this courtj" etc. Again, about the year 1612, P. Erondelle published a translation of part of Lescarbot's Histoire de la Nouvelle France^ under the title of — " Nova Francia, or the description of that part of New France which is one continent with Virginia. Described in the three late voyages and plantation made by Monsieur dc Monts, Monsieur de Pont-Grave, and Monsieur de Poutrin- court, into the countries called by the French men La Cadie, lying to the south Mcst of Cape Breton. Together with an excellent treatise of all the commodities of the sail cowntries, and manors of the naturall inhabitants of the same, etc. London, printed for Andrew Webb." 4to. From tlie preface we learn that Hakluyt was also the instigator of this work. " Gentle reader, the whole volume of the navigations of the French nation into the West Indies (comprised in three bookes) was brought to me to be translated by !Mr. Richard Hackluyt, a man who for his worthy and profitable labours, is well known to most men of worth not only of this king- dome but also of forrain parts, and by him this part was selected and chosen from the whole vvorke, for the particular use of this nation, to the end that comparing the goodnesse of the lands of the northern parts heerein mentioned with that of Virginia, which (though in one and the selfe same continent, and both lands adjoining) must be far better by reason it stands more southerly neerer to the sunne, greater encouragement may be given to prosecute that generous and goodly action in planting and peopling that country to the better propagation of the Gospel of Christ, the salvation of innumerable souls, and general benefit of this land, too much INTltODUCTION. XXXI pestred witli over many people. ... If a man that shcwcth foorth effectually the zealous care he hath to the wcllfare and commou good of his country descrvcth praises of the same, I refer to the judgciaunt of them that abhor the viee of ingra- titude (hateful! above all to Ood and good men) whether the said Mr. Ilakluyt (as well for tlie first procuring of this translation, as for many workes of his set out by him for the good and everlasting fame of the English nation) deserveth not to veape thankes." In the following year, 1601, Hakluyt gave to the world a translation, from the Portuguese, of a work by Antonio Galvam, entitled — " Tratado dos varios e divcrsos camiuhos por onde nos tempos passados a pimenta e espeeiaria veyo da India as nossas partes e assim de todos os descubrimentos antigos c modernos que sa5 feitos tdi^ a era de 1550. Com os nomes particulates das pessoas que os fizerao em que tempos e suas alturas. Lisboa por Joao Barreira, 1563." 8vo. This work was edited and published, after the author's death, by Francesco de Sousa Tavares. To the English version Hakluyt gave the title — " The discoveries of the world from their first originall unto the yeere of our Lord 1555. Briefly written in the Portugall tongue by Antonie Galvano, Governour of Ternate, the chiefe island of the Malucos : corrected, quoted, and now published in English by Richard Hakluyt, sometimes student of Christchurch in Oxford. Londini, Impensis G. Bishop. 1601." 4to. This translation was not his own, as he himself states in the dedicatory epistle to Sir Robert Cecil. His words are — " Now touching the translation, it mtiy please you, sir, to XXXll INTllODUCTION. ill!' m n f i be advertised that it was first done into our language by some honest and well affected marchant of our nation, whose name by no means I could attain unto, and that, as it seemeth, many yeeres ago. For it hath lien by me above these twelve yeeres. In all which space, though I have made much inquirie and sent to Lisbon, where it seemeth it was printed, yet to this day I could never obtain the originall copie; whereby I might reforme the manifold errours of the trans- lator." He then proceeds to describe the trouble it cost him to verify the facts from the original histories, and to annex the marginal quotations to the work. His last publication was a translation of Fernando de Souto's discoveries in Florida, which he printed under the following title : " Virginia richly valued by the description of the maine land of Florida her next neighbour : out of the foure yeeres continuall travell and discovcrie for above one thousand miles east and west of Don Ferdinando de Soto, and sixe hundred able men in his companie. Wherin are truly observed the riches and fertilitie of those parts abounding with things necessarie, pleasant and profitable for the life of man : with the natures and dispositions of the inhabitants. Written by a Portugall gentleman of Elvas emploied in all the action, and translated out of Portugese by Richard Hakluyt. At London, printed by Felix Kyngston for Matthew Lownes, 1609." 4to. This work was evidently intended to encourage the young colony in Virginia, and procure support for the undertaking. The hardships, naturally attendant upon the first attempts at colonization in Virginia, had been greatly increased by mismanagement, and INTRODUCTION. XXXUl the losses and discouragement of the settlers had ar- rived at such a height that, but for the opportune arrival of Lord Delawarr in the month of June, 1610, the colony would have been abandoned ; the settlers being actually on their way to the sea coast when they were met by their new governor, with supplies of stores and men. It was, probably, for the purpose of again stimulating the exertions of the colonists, depressed by much suffering, and of procuring the additional support, of which they stood so much in need, that in the year 1611 the title of the Virginia richly valued^ was altered as follows : " The worthye and famous historie of the travailes, disco- very, and conquest of that great continent of Terra Florida, being lively paraleld with that of our now inhabited Virginia. As also the comodities of the said country, with divers excel- lent and rich mynes of golde, silver, and other metals, etc., which cannot but give us a great and exceeding hope of our Virginia, being so neere of one continent, etc. Loudon, printed for Matthew Lownes, 1611." 4to. The preface is addressed "To the right honorable the right worshipfull counsellors, and others, the cheerefuU adventurers for the advancement of that Christian and noble plantation in Virginia", whom, perhaps, it was found necessary to excite by a direct reference to " riche mynes of golde, silver, and other metals." It will be evident from all that has been said, that Hakluyt took a deep interest in the success of the Virginian colony. Robertson, in his History of America^ vol.iv, p. 171, 10th edit., bears honorable tes- timony to our author, in the following words : " The Hi W '1 \i ill! ' 1 i"!f .1 i,Ht ^m XXXIV INTRODUCTION. most active and efficacious promoter of t'.is (the colonization of Virginia) was Richard Hakluyt, pre- bendary of Westminster, to whom England is more indebted for its American possessions than to any man of that age." The esteem in which he was held by mariners is evidenced by the fact, that in a voyage of discovery made by Hudson in the year 1608, at the charge of the Muscovy company, a promontory, on the continent of Greenland, was named Hakluyt's Headland ;^ and three years later, in a voyage of discovery to Pechora, in Russia, made at the expense of the same company, by William Gourdon, a river was named by the navi- gators Hakluyt's River.^ We have already mentioned that his estate de- scended to his son, who is reported to have squandered it. His unpublished manuscripts, sufficient to have formed a fourth volume to his Collection, had a better fate, by falling into the hands of Purchas, who in- serted them, in an abridged form, in his Pilgrimes. It is to be regretted that this compiler should have adopted the plan of curtailing all his narratives ; we get more facts, within a given compass, it is true, but this advantage is more than compensated by the loss of the interest, and indeed confidence, which a genuine unabridged narrative always inspires. Purchas, how- ever, was fully able to appreciate the merit of such a ' Purchas, vol. iii, p. 464. The name of Hakluyt's Headland no longer exists, nor can the locality be identified. 2 Purchas, vol. iii, p. 531. This river cannot be identified at the present day. INTRODUCTION. XXXV man as Hakluyt, and has not neglected to give him the praise he deserves; "thereby", says Oldys, "concurring with those writers of established judgment who have distinguished, according to his deserts, the surpassing knowledge and learning, diligence and fidelity, of this naval historian." In Wood's Athence 0,vomenses, edit. Bliss, a refer- ence to three of Hakluyt's manuscripts, in the Selden Collection, is given as follows : viz., — 1. "Notes of certain commodities in good request in the East Indies, the Moluccas, and China.'' 2. " The chiefe places where sondry sorte of spices do growe in the East Indies, gathered out of sondry the best and latest authors by R. Hackluyt." 3. " The remembrance of what is good to bring from the Indyes into Spayne, being good marchandize and bowght by him that is skillfull and trusty." These manuscripts the Editor has printed in the Appendix to this work. There is every reason to con- jecture that these notes were drawn up for the use of some body of merchants ; the nature of the notes themselves, and the language used in several places, leave little room for doubt on this point. The ques- tion is, for whose use were they intended ? It is not probable that they were framed for the Muscovy Com- pany, which had been incorporated by Philip and Mary as far back as the year 1554, and, in all probability, stood in little need of such assistance. But in the year 1600, the date of the Notes, Queen Ehzabeth granted a charter to an association of merchants, with whose gigantic growth there is no parallel in the history of commercial success. This association, "The United U; XXX VI INTRODUCTION. Company of Merchants of England trading to the East Indies", commonly called " The East India Company",' sent out their first venture in the same year. Notes such as those drawn up by Hakluyt, contain precisely the information which would be required by men about to trade to the East ; and when we look at the coinci- dence in the dates of the charter and the notes, we cannot but come to the conclusion that it was for the use of the East India Company that Hakluyt framed them.* "We now turn to the discussion of Hakluyt's first publication, the Divers Voyages touching the Discoverie of America. This work is of extreme rarity ; when perfect it contains two maps, fac- similes of which are given with this edition. We are not aware of the existence of more than five copies of the book ; and of these two only con- tain both the maps, and a third has one map. The two perfect copies are in the British Museum. One of these was acquired in the year 1841, at the sale of the library of the late Mr. George Chalmers, and is the most interesting of all, having the auto- graph signature of the author subscribed to the 1 This is now their legal title by the 3rd and 4th Wm. IV, c. 85, s. 111. ' The Editor's acknowledgments are due to Thomas Randall, Esq. of the East India House, for his kindness in searching in the archives of the Company fc;* evidence of these notes having been communicated to it. Memoranda of " What the Indies do vent", etc. were found by that gentleman, but not in such a form as to identify them with the " Notes". This want of success, however, can hardly be considered to aifect the question. INTRODUCTION. XXXVll " Epistle Dedicatorie", and of which signature a fac- simile is here given. The second is contained in the Grenville Collection. A third copy is in the Bodleian Library, at Oxford : this copy has only one map, that by Michael Lok. A fourth copy is in the possession of Mr. Edward A. Crowninshield, of Boston, with the maps supplied in fac-simile ; and the fifth is in the library of Mr. James Lennox, of New York, the maps being also supplied in fac-simile.^ It may be said of this, as of every other work of ' At a meeting of the Society of Antiquaries, held in the month of March 1850, a copy of Michael Lok's map was exhibited by Mr. Payne Collier, and a letter read, addressed by that gen- tleman to the president, comprising " Some observations on Richard Hakluyt, and American discoveries." Speaking of the ** Divers Voyages", Mr. Collier says ; " Another copy has come to light, from which the map before the society has l..>en extracted for exhibition this evening ; and I apprehend that a third copy of the volume is preserved in the cabinet of a chary lover of old books, who was glad to obtain it at a high price, although it has not either of the maps that properly belong to it." Unfortunately, the names of the lucky possessors, or supposed possessors of these copies, are not given by Mr. Collier. The map, so exhibited, makes the fourth known, and not, as Mr. Collier supposes, only the second. I I xxxviii INTRODUCTION. which Hakluyt was either the author or promoter, that it had a direct and practical object. At the period when he commenced his geographical studies there was but one English book in existence present- ing even a limited view of maritime discovery ; viz., Eden's Historie of Traoayle ; and this was confined to a translation of four decades of Peter Martyr, of Oviedo's History of the West Indies, and of extracts from various writers on geographical subjects, as Zi- glerus, Paulus Jovius, Haiton, Herberstein, and others. The English, in general, knew little of what had been accomplished by their own countrymen, and still less of the labours of foreigners. Merchant ad- venturers collected information for the purposes of their traffic, but they had no interest in making it public, and a gold-mine, or a galleon, was in general the real object of expeditions professing to aim at higher purposes. With this spirit pervading all classes, it is not surprising that Hakluyt should express him- self in the following language, in his epistle dedicatory to Sir Robert Cecil, prefixed to the English transla- tion of Galvam's work : " Now if any man shall marvel that, in these discoveries of the world for the space almost of fower thousand yeeres here set downe, our nation is scarce fower times mentioned, he is to understand that when this author ended his discourse (which was about the yeere of grace 1555) there was little extant of men's travailes. And for aught I can see there had no great matter yet come to light if my selfe had not undertaken that heavie burden, being never therein enter- tained to any purpose untill I had recourse unto yourselfe, by whose speciall favour and bountifull patronage I have INTRODUCTION. XXXIX been often much encouraged and as it were revived. Which travailes of our men, because as yet they be not come to ripenes, and liave been made for the most part to places first discovered by others, when they shall come to more perfection and become more profitable to the adventurers, will then be more fit to be reduced into briefe epitomes by myselfe or some other endued with an honest zeale of the honor of our country." And, again, in the preface to the first volume of the second edition of his General Collection, he says, — " For the bringing of which into this homely and rough- hewn shape which here thou seest, what restlesse nights, what painefuU dayes, what heat, what cold, I have endured ; how many long and changeable journeys I have travailed ; how many famous libraries I have searched into ; what va- rietie of ancient and modeme writers I have perused ; what a number of old records, patents, privileges, letters, etc., I have redeemed from obscuritie and perishing : into how ma- nifold acquaintance I have entred ; what expenses I have not spared; and yet what faire opportunities of private gaine, preferment and ease I have neglected, albeit thyselfe canst hardly imagine, yet I by daily experience do finde and feele, and some of my entier friends can sufficiently testifie," etc. At the period when this was written the history of travel was in truth to the English reader all but a blank, and it is not too much to say, that when our author wished to enlist the sympathies of his country- men in favour of his enlightened views for the moral and political improvement of the nation, he found few or no evidences to which he could point in support of his proposals. Haklnyt was an ardent advocate for emigration. But I xl INTRODUCTION. ■sr; I .JH emigration to the states of a foreign power would give strength to such power at the expense of England. In order to be beneficial it must be connected with a sound system of colonization ; and he naturally looked towards the vast continent of America as the only field upon which any such system could be carried out with efifect. Here again he had to find information not only for the nation at large, but for those through whom the accomplishment of his designs was to be effected. For this purpose he brought together va- rious accounts showing the discovery of the whole of the east coast of North America. The materials for this collection had to be gathered from various sources. One only was printed to his hand, viz. Ribault's dis- covery of Florida, and this, he informs us, was so rare, that had he not reprinted it, it would have utterly perished. The rest were either in manuscript or printed in a foreign language. A very slight examina- tion of this little work will show that it is skilfully put together for the object in view. After a list of writers of geography and another of travellers, we have a short chapter showing the great probability of a pas- sage to India by the north-west. This is followed by the epistle dedicatorie to " Master Phillip Sydney, Esquire," in which the author explains his views upon many subjects : The letters patent granted by King Henry VII to John Cabot and his three sons for ex- ploring unknown regions : and, A note of Sebastian Cabot's voyage to the coast of North America. We then have a declaration of the Indies and lands disco- vered unto the emperor and the king of Portugal, INTRODUCTION. xli written by Robert Thome, and showing that the northern part of America remained for " King Henrie the Eight to take in hande" ; and The booke made by Master Robert Thorne, being an information of the parts of the world discovered by him [the Emperor Charles V] and the king of Portingale ; and also of the way to the Moluccaes by the north. This is followed by the relation of John Verazzani, in which he gives an account of his voyage of discovery along the eastern coast of America from about South Carolina to New- foundland. Then come the Discoverie of the Isles of Frisland, etc., made by Nicolas Zeno and his brother Antonio ; and The discovery of Florida by Captain John Ribault. Having thus given the reader the fullest particulars then known respecting the coast of America, he proceeds with notes given to Arthur Pett and Charles Jackraan, sent bv the merchants of the Muscovy Company for the discovery of the north-east streight, " not altogether unfit for some other enter- prises of discoverie hereafter to be taken in hande." These notes are evidently framed with a view to com- mercial enterprise, but they are followed by " Notes to bee given to one that prepared for a discoverie", which are drawn up as instructions to colonists. The whole is wound up by the " Names of certain commo- dities growing in part of America not presently inha- bited by any Christians from Florida northward", containing a goodly list of objects available both for the necessaries and the luxuries of life. In a work so suggestive as this before us, it is dif- ficult to avoid the innumerable temptations to dis- xlii INTRODUCTION. cursiveness which beset almost every page. Minute annotation would, however, be out of place in the present instance. No more notes, therefore, have been given than appeared to be necessary for the pro- per elucidation of the text, reserving for this Intro- duction such further remarks as might be desirable for the purpose of illustration. These will now be made, in as concise a form as possible, upon the several pieces, in the order in which they occur in the Collection. Our author commences with " The names of certaine late writers of Geographic, with the yeere wherein they wrote", and " The names of certaine late travay- lers, both by sea and by lande, which also for the most part have written of their owne travayles and voyages." In order to make these lists really useful, the works of the respective authors should be enumerated. This deficiency it is now proposed to supply, giving in every instance the title of the first edition, where it could be ascertained. 1. Ismail Ibn Ali Abulfeda. The work which entitles him to a place in this list is named " Taku- wimu 1-boldan" (i. e.. The description of the coun- tries), and is the most complete and best geographical work in Arabic. Portions have been published from time to time by European scholars, as follows : I. Descriptio Chorasmiae et Mawaralnahrae {i. e., regionum extra Oxum) . Arabice cum versione J. Gravii. Lon- dini, 1650. 4to. INTRODUCTION. xliii II. Descriptio Peninsulse Arabire (printed with the Descriptio Chorasmiie), Arab. Lat. ; in vol. 3 of Geographia; vetcris Scriptores Groeci minores. [Edited by J. Hudson.] Oxo- niffi, 1C98-1712. 8vo. III. Tabula Syrise, Arabice cum vcrsione Latina et notis J. B. Koeliler, et cum observationibua J. J. Rciskii. Lipsise, 1766. 4to. IV. Descriptio yEgypti, Arab. Lat. et cum notis J. D. Mi- chaelis. Goettingse, 1776. 8vo. V. Tabulae qusedam geographicae . . . nunc primum Arabice ed. F. T. Rinck. Lipsiie, 1791. 8vo. VI. Descriptio regionum Nigritarum, Arabice. Printed at the end of Makrizi^ Historia Regum Islamiticorum in Abissinia . . . cum versione Latina F. T. Rinck. Lugduni Batavorum, 1790. 4to. 2. Sir John Mandeville. He wrote an account of his travels in the east. This work is said to have been composed originally in French in the year 1355, at Liege, to which place he had retired some years before his death. We give the titles of four editions (in as many languages), which were printed prior to the year 1500. Ce livre est eppelle madeville et fut fait et compose par monsieur jehan de mande^'ille chevallier natif dagleterre de la ville de saict alel. Et parle de la terre de promis- sion cest assavoir de Jerusalem et de pluseurs autres isles de mer et les diverses et estranges choses qui sont es dites isles. End. Cy finist ce tresplaisant livre nome Mandeville.. ..Et fut fait la 1480 le un jour davril. Fol. This is supposed by Brunet to be the first edition in any language. The first Italian edition is without title, but has the following colophon : xliv INTRODUCTION. ri )' ■ ■ Explicit Johannes tV MSdcvilln imprcssus Mcdiolani ductu et nuapiciiH ningititri Petri de corneno pridie Callcndns nugusti 1480. Johano Oalcazio Maria Sfortia Viceco- mittc Duce uostro invictisaimo ac principe Jucondis- simo. 4to. Itincrarius domini JohSnis do mSdcvillo militis. Printed about tbe year 1480. 4to. It is not certain whether the first English edition was that printed by Wynkyn de Worde in 1499, or that by Pynson, without date. Pynson's, however, was probably earlier than 1499; it has no title, but the colophon is as follows : Here endeth the boke of John Maimdvyle knyglit of wayes to Jerusalem and of marveylys of ynde and of other countrees. Emprented by Rychard Pynson. 4to. 3. Albert Krantz. His historical and geographical works are — I. Polonise et reipublicse descriptio. Erfurti, 1575 ; fol. n. Vandalia. Colonise, 1519; fol. III. Regnorum aquilonarium Danise, Suecise, Norvagiie, Chronica. Francofurti ad Moenum, 1575 j fol. IV. Saxonia. Francofurti ad Moenum, 1575 ; fol. 4. Pietro Martire Anghiera. His works are — I. Opera. Legatio Babylonicaj Oceani decas (one only) ; Foemata; Epigrammata. Hispali, per Jacobu Corum- berger, 1511 j fol. II. De Orbe novo decades tres (with the Legatio Babylo- nica) . Alcala, 1516 ; fol. III. De Orbe novo decades (viii). First complete edition. Compluti, 1530; fol. IV. De nuper sub Carolo repertis insulis, simulq : incolarum moribus, R. Petri Martyris Enchiridion, Dominae Mar- garitse Diui Max. Cses. filise dicatura. Basilese, 1531 ; 4to. INTRODUCTION. xlv V. Opus cpistolaru Petri Mnrtyris Anglerii lyicdiolnticMis Protonotnrii aplici ntq : a cosiliis reru Indicaru nuc pmu ct natu ct mediocri cura excustim : cpiod tide praitcr stili vcnustatc nostroru qq} tcporum historic loco esse potcrit. Copluti, 1530; fol. 5. Gonsalvo Hernandez de Oviedo y Valdez. He wrote — I. La historia general y natural de las Indias Occidcntalca. Toledo, 152G j fol. II. La historia del estrecho de Magallancs; which also forms book xx of the preceding work. Printed sepa- rately, 1 552 ; fol. III. Navegacion del rio Maranon. Printed in Ramusio ; vol. 3, p. 415, edit. 1565. 6. Robert Thome. What he wrote appeared for the first tinae in the " Divers voyages". 7. Girolarao Fracastoro. His geographical writ- ings are comprised in his letters to Giainbattista Ramusio, in which, amongst other subjects, he dis- cusses at considerable length the periodical risings of the Nile. — Ramusio, vol. i, fol. 284 b. Edit. 1550. 8. Reinerus Gemma. He wrote a cosmography, also " Charta, qua continetur totius orbis descriptio", and "De principiis astronomia) et cosmographia) ac usu globi a se editi"; all which occur in the following work: I. Cosmographia Petri Apiani per Gemmam Fvisium....jam demum ab omnibus vindlcata mendis, ac tioniiullis quo- que locis aucta. Additis ejusdem argumenti libellis ipsius Gemmsc Frisii. An1;verpia3, Gregorio Bontio, 1550 ; 4to. i ! xlvi INTRODUCTION. II. De Astrolabo Catholico Liber; which is inserted in Joannes Bellerus's edition of the Cosmographia of Appianus and Gemma, printed at Antwerp in 1584; 4to. 9. Antonio de Mendoza. His papers and despa ohes were used by Herrera in the composition of his " Historia general de los hechos de los Castellanos en las islas y tierra firrae del mar Oceano"; and he also, while viceroy, caused a work to be written, entitled " De las cosas naturales y maravillosas de Nueva Hispafia", the authorship of which has been generally attributed to him. 10. Gerard Mercator. Besides the numerous maps and charts laid down by him, he published — I. Tabulae geographicse ad mentem Ptolemaei restitutse et emendatse. Lovanii, 1589 ; fol. 11. Chronologia a mundi exordio ad annum 1568, ex eclyp- sibus & observationibus astronomicis ac Bibliis sacris ; opus Onuphrio Panvinio probatum. Coloniae, 1568 ; fol. III. De usu annuli Astronomici. Lovanii, 1552. IV. He edited also Globi terrestris Sculptura, 1541. And, V. Globi coelestis Sculptura. Lovanii, 1551. VI. Gallise tabulae gcographicse. Germanise tabulae geogra- phicae. Duysburgi Clivorum, 1585 ; fol. VII. Italiae, Sclavoniae et Graeciae tabulae geographicae. Duisburgi, 1589; fol. VIII. Atlas, sive cosmographicae meditationes et fabrica mundi et fabricati figura. Duisburgi Clivorum, 1595; fol. 11. Giovanni Battista Guicciardini. He published a map, entitled — Universi terrarum orbis imago, maxima forma; quam aquila biceps, alis expansis, comprehendit. Antverpise, 1549. 1 1486 INTRODUCTION. xlvii 12. Giovanni Battista Ramusio.' He compiled three volumes of voyages and travels ; the first was published anonymously, the second and third with his name. The first volume, which appeared in 1550, has the following title — Primo volume delle navigationi et viaggi nel qual si contiene la descrittione dell' Africa, et del paese del Prete Janni, con varii viaggi del mar Rosso a Calicut et insin al? Isole Molucche dove nascono le spetierie et la naviga- tione attorno il mondo. In Venetia, appresso gU heredi di Lucantonio Giunti, I'anno 1550. The second volume appeared in 1559; and the third, three years earlier, viz., in 1556. That which is called the second volume was not published until two years after Ramusio's death. The titles of these volumes, as taken in an abridged form from the editions of 1574 and 1565, are as follows: Secondo volume delle navigationi, etc. Nel quale si con- tengono I'Historia delle cose de' Tartari e diver si fatti de' loro iraperatori....varie descrittioni di diversi auttori dell' Indie Orientali, della Tartaria, della Persia, Arme- nia, Mengrelia, Zorzania, e altre provincie, &c. Et il viaggio della Tana. Con la descrittione de' nomi de' popoli, cittk, flumi et por*\ d'intorno al mar Maggiore, &c. In Venetia nella stamperia de' Giunti, 1574 ; fol. Terzo volume delle navigationi, &c. Nel quale si con- tengono le navigationi al mondo nuovo, agli antichi incognito, fatte da Don Christoforo Colombo.. ..con gl' acquisti fatti da lui e accresciuti poi da Fernando Cor- tese, da Francesco Pizarro et altri valorosi capitani, &c. II ' *i ' ■ ' Ramusio was born at Trevigi in 1485, and not at Venice in 1486, as erroneoubly stated in Note 11, at the foot of p. 3. xlviii INTRODUCTION. ; MJ* Lc navigation! fatte dipoi alle dette Indie postc nella parte verso maestro Tramoutana dette hora la Nuova Francia, &c. In Venetia nella stamperia de' Giunti, 1565 ; fol. The materials for a fourth volume had been col- lected, but were destroyed by fire at the printer's. 13. Sebastian Munster. He was the author of — I. Cosmographei oder Besclireibung allcr Lander, Hecr- schaften, furnemsten Stetten, Geschictcn, Gebreuchen, Hantierungen, etc. Zum dritten mal trefflich sere gemeret und gebessert. Basil, H. Petri, 1550; fol. The first edition was printed at the same place, and by the same printer, in 1541. From this work Richard Eden translated — A treatise of the newe India with other new founde landes and ilandes, as well eastwarde as westwarde, as they are knowen and found in these oure dayes, after the descrip- cion of Sebastian Munster in his bokc of universall cos- mographie. London, by Edward Sutton, 1553; 8vo. II. Tabulae novae ad geographiam Ptolcmaei adjectaj. III. Dcscriptio Germaniae pro tabula Nic. Cusae intelligcnda, cum canone ejusdem tabulae. Printed in Schardius, Historicum opus, commonly called Rerum Germanica- rum Scriptores. Tom. i. Basileae ; fol. 14. Tommaso Giunti. The only connexion he appears to have had with the history of maritime discovery, was as one of the printers of Ramusio's Collection of Voyages and Travels. In 1559, after the death of Ramusio which occurred in 1557, Tom- maso Giunti printed a second volume of the Collection, with a preface laudatory of Ramusio. At the end of the account of the Discovery of the Isles of Frisland, INTRODUCTION. xlix etc., posty p. 90, this passage occurs : " This discourse was collected by Ramusio, secretarie to the state of Venice (or by the printer, Thos. Giunti). John Baptista Ramusio died in Padua in July 1557." 15. Clement Adams. See post under Richard Chancellor, No. 41. 16. Oronce Fin6. His works are — 1. Dc mundi sphsera sive cosmograpliiae libri v. Parisiis, 1530; fol. II. Nouvelle description de la France (a map). Paris, 1525. Ill and IV. Two other maps, entitled, respectively ; Nova descriptio terrarum ad intelligentiam utriusque testa- racnti maxime conducentium. Paiisiis, 1536: And; Cr s totius recens et integra descriptio ad cordis humanl f I ; C'it. Farisiis, 1536. 17. Abraham Ortel. His geographical works are — I. Theatrum orbis terrarum. Antwerp, 1570; fol. II. Synonymia geographica. Antwerp, 1578 ; 4to. III. Thesatu*us geographicus. Antwerp, 1596 ; fol. IV. Italiae antiques specimen. Antwerp, 1584; fol. v. Gallia Cisalpina. Antwerp, 1590 ; fol. VI. Itinerarium per nonnullas Gallise Belgicse partes, ab Ortelio et Joanne Viviano descriptum. 1584; 12mo. VII. Parergon, sive veteris Geographiaj aliquot tabulae ; item nomenclator Ptolemaicus. Antwerp, 1595 ; fol. VIII. Descriptio civitatum in agro Leodiensi. In number 2 of M. Z. Boxhornii autores prsecipui de Leodiensi rc- publica. Amsterdam, 1633; 16mo. IX. Tabula veteris et novae Hispanise. In the Hispania illus- trata. Tom. 1. Franckfort, 1603; fol. 18. Jeronimo Osorio. He wrote, inter alia — h I I INTRODUCTION. Le rebus Emmanuelis regis Lusitanise virtute et auspicio gestis libri duodecim. Ulyssiponae, 1571 ; fol. This work contains an account of the discoveries and conquests by the Portuguese in the East Indies. 19. Andr^ Thevet. He laid down several maps, and also wrote — I. Cosmographie du Levant. Lion, Jean de Tournes, 1556; 4to. II. Les singularites de la France Antarctique, autrement nommee Amerique, et de plusieurs terres et isles decou- vertes de nostre temps. Anvers, C. Plantin, 1558 j 8vo. III. Cosmographie universelle. Paris, Lhuillier, 1575; fol. IV. Le grand insulaire et pilotage. V. Description de plusieurs isles. VI. Second voyage dans les terres australes et occidentales. The last three works are in manuscript, in the Bibliotheque du Roi, at Paris'. 20. Fran9ois Belleforest. He edited, with great additions and numerous alterations, Munster's Cos- mography, under the title — La Cosmographie universelle de tout le monde....Auteur en partie Munster, mais beaucoup plus augmentee, ornee et enrichie par F. de Belleforest, tant de ses recherches, comme de I'aide de plusieurs memoires par hommes amateurs de I'histoire et de leur patrie. 2 vols. Paris, chez Michel Sonnius, 1575 ; fol. 21. Sir Humfrey Gilbert. He wrote — A discourse of a discovery for a new passage to Cataia. Imprinted at London, by Henry Middleton, for Richard Ihones. 1576, Aprilis 12; 4to. In this work there is a curious map, with the title INTRODUCTION. li fol. " A general map, made onelye for the particular declaration of this discovery"; in which all impedi- ments in the way of the north-west passage are cleared away in a most summary manner. 22. Dionysius Settle. He wrote — A true reporte of the last [or rather the second] voyage into the west and northwest regions, &c., 1577, worthily atchieved by captaine Frobisher, of the sayde voyage the first finder and generall. With a description of the people there inhabiting, and other circumstances notable. London, by Henrie Middleton, 1577 ; 8vo. Two editions of this work were printed in the year 1577. 23. George Best. He wrote an account of the three voyages of Sir Martin Frobisher for the disco- very of the north-west passage, under the title of — A true discourse of the late voyages of discoverie, for the finding of a passage to Cathaya by the north-weast, under the conduct of Martin Frobisher, generall ; devided into three bookes. In the first wherof is shewed his first voyage, wherein also, by the way, is sette out a geogra- phical description of the worlde, and what partes thereof have bin discovered by the navigations of the English- men. Also, there are annexed certayne reasons to prove all partes of the worlde habitable, with a generall mappe adjoyned. In the second is set out his second voyage, with the adventures and accidents thereof. In the thirde is declared the strange fortunes which hapned in the third voyage, with a severall description of the countrey and the people there inhabiting. With a particular card thereunto adjoyned of meta incognita, so farre forth as the secretes of the voyage may permit. Loudon, 1578] 4to. I!, U INTRODUCTION. 24. Nicholas Chancellor. He drew up — The second journal of Arthur Pet and Charles Jackman, in their discoverie northeastward, in the yeere 1580, with two barkes, the one called the William, the other the George. — Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 476. 25. The Rabbi Benjamin Ben Jonah. He wrote an account of his travels in Hebrew ; the first edition of which in that language was published at Constan- tinople, at the Soncino press, in 1543, in 8vo. The earliest Latin edition has the following title : Itinerarium Benjaiuini Tudelensis, in quo res memorabiles quas ante quadringentos annos totum fere terrarum orbem notatis itineribus dimensus vel ipse vidit vel a fide dignis suae setatis hominibus accepit, breviter atque dilucide describuntur ; ex Hebraica Latinum factum, Bened. Aria Montano interprete. Antwerpi8e,1575j 8vo. 26. Marco Polo. His work comprises an account of the travels of his father Nicol6, his uncle Mafifeo, and himself, in the east. There has been much discussion, whether the account of these travels was written originally in Italian or in Latin ; but it appears to be now generally admitted, that it was composed by Marco in the Venetian dialect, and not in the Latin language. Transcripts and translations were, however, speedily multiplied ; and in the year 1477, the first printed copy issued from the press. This, however, was neither in Latin nor in Italian, but in German. The following is the title : Hie hebt sich an das puch des edeln Ritters vn landtfarers Marcho polo. In dem er schreibt die grossen wunder- lichen ding dieser welt. Sunderlichen von den grossen kiinigeu vud keysern die da herschen in den selbigcn INTRODUCTION, liii landen vnd von irem volck vnd seiner gewonheit da selbs. End. Diss hat gedruckt Friez Creiissner zu Nurinberg, 1477; fol. The first edition in Italian was printed at Venice by " Zoanne Baptista da Sessa" in the year 1496, with the following title : Marco Polo da Veniesia de le merauegliose cose del luondo; 8vo. The Latin edition, like many books printed in the fifteenth century, has no title-page, but begins as follows : In nomine dni nri ihu xpi filii dei viui et veri amen. In- cipit plogus i libro dni marci pauli de venecijs de cosue- tudinibus et codicionibus orientaliu regionu. It was printed about the year 1490 ; 4to. 27. Hatto. He drew up an account of various places in the east. His work is said to have been written in the French language, and it has been trans- lated into many others. We give the titles of four editions {i. e., two in French, one in Latin, and one in English), all of which were printed within a short time of each other, and between each of which there is more or less variation. That which immediately follows is supposed to be the earliest. L'hystori merveilleuse, plaisante et recreative du grad empereur de Tartaric seigneur des Tartres nome le grad Can. Cotenat six livres ou parties : Dont le premier traicte des singularitez et conditions des xiiii Royaulmes de Asye subjectz audict grand Chan. Le second parle des empereurs qui....ont regne et encore a present regnent en Asie„..Le tiers descript ^Ue chose on doibt faire avat que commencer la guerre. Le quart parle du voyage q fist ung religieux des frcrcs pscheurs allant....oultru i 'J liv INTRODUCTION. mer preacher les me8creas....Le ciuqesme c5tiet commet ung aultre religicux dcs freres mineurs alia oultre mer pour preacher les infidelles. Et fust jusques en la terre prebstre Jan....Le sixiesme pie du pays de surye et des villes sur mer degipte du desert du mot de Synay darabe &c. Imprimee nouvellement a Paris en Van 1529^ pour Jehan sainct denys ; fol. In the commencement of this edition, it is stated that the author, after having for a long time followed the profession of arms under his uncle the king of Arme- nia, became a monk of the Premonstratensian Order in the kingdom of Cyprus in the abbey of the Epi- phany, in which he wrote this book in the year 1310. And that this book was translated from Latin into French by Jean de Londit, a Benedictine monk of the abbey of St. Berlin, at St. Omer, in the year 1351. Another French edition, printed without date, but certainly within a few years of the above, differs from it materially both in language and substance, and is entitled as follows : Les fleurs des hystoyres de la terre Dorient. Copillees par frere Haycon seigneur du core et cousin germain du roy Darmenie par le comandement du pape. Et sont divisees en cinq parties. La premiere partie contient la situa- tion des royaulmes Dorient. La seconde parle des seigneurs q en orient ont regne depuis lincarnation de nre seigneur. La tierce partie parle des tartarins. La quarte pie des sarrazins et des turcz depuis le pmier jusqs aux presens ^ ont conqueste rliodes, hongrie et dernieremet assailly Austriche. La v. parle de Sophy roy de Perse et du prince Taraburlan. Nouvellement imprimee a Paris. 4to. With the device of Denis Jauot on the verso of the last leaf. INTRODUCTION. Iv The earliest Latin translation has the following title : Liber historiarum partium Orientis sive passagium terroc sanctee, Haythono ordinis prsemonstratensis authore : scriptus anno Redemptoris nostri 1300. Haganose, per Johan. Sec. 4 anno 1529 ; 4to. The preface to this edition, after stating that it was compiled by Haytho, adds: — "Which I, Nicholas Salconi, by command of Pope Clement V, first wrote in the French language in the city of Poitiers, as the said Friar Haytho verbally dictated it to me, without note or copy. And from the French I have trans- lated it into Latin in the year 1307." Not later than the same year (1529), Richard Pynson printed an English translation in folio, cor- responding very closely with the Latin edition, but with the addition of matter not found in any of the three editions above mentioned. The title is — Here begynneth a lytell cronycle translated and imprinted at the cost and charge of Rycharde Pynson, by the comaundement of the ryght high and mighty prince Edwarde dnke of Buckingham, yerle of Gloucestre Staffarde and of Northampton. It is stated in the colophon, that this chronicle was translated out of French. 28. Nicol6 and Antonio Zeno. The account of the travels of these brothers was published in the year 1558. The following is the title of the work in which it is found : Dei Commentarii del viaggio in Persia di M. Caterino Zeno 11 K. e delle guerre fatte nell' imperio Persiano dal tempo il 1 ^-^t■y M INTRODUCTION. di Ussuncassano in qui. Libri due. Et dcUo scopri- mento dell* Isole Frieslanda, Eslanda^ Engrovelanda, Estotilanda, et Icaria fatto sotto il Polo Artico da due fratelli Zeni, M. Nicolo il K. e M. Antonio. Libro uno. Con un disegno particolare di tutte le dette parti di Tra- montana da lor scoperte. In Venetia, per Francesco Marcolini, 1558; 12mo. 29. Nicol6 di Conti. He communicated hia travels in the east to Poggio Bracciolini, by whom they were committed to writing in the Latin language, and form the fourth book of his Historia de varietate fortuncR^ first published in 1723, by D. Georgi, from a manu- script in the Ottoboni Library. Georgi says in his preface, that this fourth book was published sepa- rately about 1492 : " Quartus vero continet elegantem ...Indiae...descriptionem quam a Nicolao de Comitibus cive Veneto qui tum ex iis oris venerat Florentiae hausit. Hie porro liber separatim prodiit circa annum 1492." No authority is given for this latter assertion ; nor does an edition of 1492 appear to be known. Ramusio has inserted a translation into his Collection, vol. i, p. 365, edit. 1550; but his translation was made from a Portuguese version by Valentin Fernandez. 30. Cristoforo Colombo. The letters of Columbus comprise accounts of his first, third, and fourth voyages of discovery to the West Indies. The first letter, which was written in Spanish on the 14th of March 1493, was translated into Latin and published in the same year, with the title : Epistola Christofori Colom : cui etas nostra multum debet ; de insulis Indie supra Gangem nuper invetis. Ad quas perquirendas octavo antea mense auspiciis et ere invic- INTRODUCTION. Ivii tissimorum Fernandi ac Ilclisabet Hispaniar regu missus fuerat ; ad magnificum dnrn Gabrielem Sanchcs ; corun- dem Serenissimorum Regum Tcsaiirariu missa: Qua* generosus ac litteratus vir Leandcr do Cosco ab Hispana idiomate in Latinu covertit ; tcrtio kaleii Maii, 1493. Pontificatus Alexandri Sexti anno primo. Impressit Romae Eucharius Argentcus anno diii 1493 ; 4to. The remaining letters, and also a memorial relating to the second voyage, and addressed to Ferdinand and Isabella, are printed in " Navarrete, Colleccion de los viages y descubrimicntos que hicieron por mar los Espanoles desde fines del siglo 15." Madrid, 1825; 8vo. 31. Sebastian Cabot. Hakluyt refers to " Mappes and Discourses drawne and written by himself (Cabot), which are in the custodie of the Worshipful Master William Worthington, etc." {post p. 26) ; but they are no longer to be found. The " Navigatione nelle parti settentrionali", generally attributed to him, and in- serted in the second volume of Ramusio, edit. 1583, is nothing more than the Journal of Stephen Burrough's " Navigation and discoverie toward the river of Ob." This was first noticed by Mr. Biddle, in his Memoir of Cabot. We also find in Hakluyt, p. 259, edit. 1589: " Ordinances, instructions, and advertisements of and for the direction of the intended voyage for Cathaye, compiled .... the 9 day of May in the yere of our Lord God 1553." 32. Vasco da Gama. He wrote — Rela^ad da viagem a India em a anno de 1597. MS. 33. Duarte Barbosa. He wrote an account of his ' \ ) Iviii INTRODUCTION. travels in the cast, which has been translated into Italian, and inserted in the first volume of Ramusio's Collection, p. 288. Kamusio's translation was made from a copy of the Portuguese manuscript, original then at Lisbon. 34. Fernando de Magalhaens. Ho wrote — 1. Roteiro da sua navega9ao (MS.). 11. Mandado escrito em o canal de todos os Santos a 21 dc Novembro de 1520 em o qual ordena a todos os capitaens a advirtad em tudo que for conveniente ao bom successo da Jornada que hia porseguiendo. Published in Barros, Decad. 8, da India, liv. 5, cap. 9. 35. Joao de Barros. He wrote — Primeira decada da Asia, dos feitos que os Portuguezes fizerao no descubrimento e conquista dos mares e terras do Oriente. Lisboa, 1552; fol. Secunda decada da Asia, &c. Lisboa, 1553 ; fol. Terceira decada da India, &c. Lisboa, 1563 ; fol. At his death he left a fourth Decade unfinished in manuscript, which was completed many years after- wards by Joao Baptista Lavanha, by order of Philip II of Portugal, and published at Madrid in 1613, in fol. Amongst his unpublished works are — I. Decada da Africa. 11. Geographia universalis. III. Historia natural do Oriente. IV. Summario que trata das provincias do raundo em especial das Indias assi de Castella corao das de Por- tugal, &c. 36. Jacques Cartier. We have accounts of three voyages made by J. Cartier. The first account which INTRODUCTION. lix WQ8 printed was of the second voyopjo, undertaken in the year 1535. The title is as follows: Brief rccit ct succinctc iinrration de la navigation fuictc rs ysles clc Canada, Hochclagc, et Sagiicnay ct aiitres, avcc particulicrcs mcura, langaigc, ct ccrimonics dcs habitans d'iccUcs : fort dclectal)le a vcoir. Paris, par Ponce Roffct diet Fauchour ct Anthoinc Ic Clorcj frcrca^ 1045 ; 8vo. In 1598, the first voyngc appealed under the title— Discours du voyage dc Jacques Cartier aux torrcs nruf ,•.":. de Canada, Norimbergue, Hocliclage, Lal)ra(lor, ct ;;}W"ii adjaeens dites Nouvelle France, cu 1534. Kouc?j, vJnpb. du Petit, 1598; 8vo. The Journal of the third voyage is print^^d in the third volume of Hakluyt's Collection. It does not appear that any of these journals were written by Cartier himself; indeed, the presumption is the other way. 37. Frances Vasques de Coronado. The third volume of Ramusio (p. 354, edit. 1565) contains — Sommario di due sue lettere del viaggio fatto da Fra Marco da Nizza alle sette citta di Cevola. 38. Juan Gaetano. He wrote — Relatione del discoprimento dell' Isolc Moluijobc pe • la via dell' Indie occidentali. In vol. i of Ramusio, fol. 4CS; edit. 1550. 39. Fran9oi8 Xavier. Much rii'^ographictd informa- tion is contained in his IcroerS) written during his long residence in the east. The first publication was entitled — Ix INTRODUCTION. Copie d'une lettrc missive envoiee des Indes par monsieur maistrc Francois Xavier a son prevost monsieur Egnace de Layola. Paris, Jehan Corbon, 1545 ; 8vo. In 1600, Iloratius Tursellinus printed at Mentz a collection of the letters of Xavier, under the title — Francisci Xaverii epistolarum libri quatuor in Latinum conversi ex Hispano. 8vo. And in 1661, Petrus Possinus printed at Paris the remainder, with the title — S. Francisci Xaverii....Indiarura apostoli epistolse novae xviii nunc priraum ex autographis partim Hispanicis partim Lusitanicis Latinitate et luce donatse. 13mo. 40. Sir Hugh Willoughby. In Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 265, edit. 1589, we find— The true copie of a note found written in one of the two ships, to wit the Speranza, which wintered in Lappia, where sir Hugh Willoughby and all his companie died, being frozen to death. Anno 1553-4. O. S. This note is said to have been in the handwriting of sir Hugh Willoughby, and contains the names of the ships and their respective companies ; the juramentum, or othc ministred to the captaine; the othe ministred to the maister of the ship, &c. ; followed by a journal of the voyage from the 10th of May to the 18th of September. 41. Richard Chauncellor. He wrote — The book of the great and mighty emperor of Russia and Duke of Moscovia, and of the dominions, orders and commodities thereunto belonging. — Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 237 ; edit. 1598. " The newe navigation and discoverie of the king- dome of Moscovia by the north-east in the yeere 1553", is said to have been drawn up by Clement INTRODUCTION. Ixi Adarns, from the dictation of Chancellor. — Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 270, edit. 1589; where the account is given in Latin and English. 42. Antonio Galvam. He was the author of a work entitled — Tratado dos varios e diversos caminlios por onde nos tem- pos passados a pimenta e especiaria veyo da India as nossas partes, e assim do todos os descubrimentos anti- gos e modernos que sao feitos ate a era de 1550, &c. Lisboa, por Joao Barreira, 1563; 8vo. He is also said to have written a work entitled — Historia dos Molucas, da natureza e descubrimento daquel- las terras. But it was never printed entire, and the original is not known to be now in existence ; a great part, how- ever, is said to have been inserted by Damiao de Goes, in his " Chronica del rej D. Manoel". 43. Stephen Burrough. He wrote — The navigation and disc ery toward the river Ob (i. c. Obe), intending the discovery of tlie north-east passage : and, The voyage, an. 1557, from Colmogro to Ward- house, which was sent to secke the Bona Speranza, the Bona Confidentia, and the Philip and Mary, which were not heard of the yeere before. In Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 274-290. 44. William Burroughs. All that we appear to have of this navigator's writings, are the following short pieces : I. The copie of a letter sent to the emperour of Moscovie by Christopher Hodsdon and William Burrough,anno 1570, informing him that William Burroughs had taken five ships of the freebooters. — Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 425 ; edit. 1589. 1 1 I ' ' ^1 Ixii INTRODUCTION. III. IV, II. The deposition of Mr. Wm. Burrough to certaine inter- rogatories ministred unto him concerning the Narve, Kegor, &c., to what king or prince they doe appertaine and are subject, made the 23 of June 1576. — Ibid, p. 438. Certaine reasons to dissuade the use of a trade to the Narve aforesayd, by way through Sweden. — lb. 439. Tlie opinion of Master Wm. Burrough sent to a friend requiring his judgement for the fittest time of the de- parture of our ships towards S. Nicholas in Russia. — lb. 487. 45. Anthony Jenkinson. He wrote the accounts of his several voyages, as follows : I. The first voyage made by master Anthony Jenkinson from the citie of London toward the land of Russip, begonne the twelfth daye of Maye in the yeere 1557. II. The voyage, wherein Osepp Napea, the Moscovite am- bassadour to Queen Maria, returned home into his coun- trey. And a large description of the manners of the countrey, &c. III. The voyage of mr. Anthony Jenkinson, made from the citie of Mosco in Russia, to the citie of Boghai' in Bac- tria, in the yere 1558. IV. A compendious declaration of the Journey of M. Anth. Jenkinson into the land of Persia, passing thorow Russia, Moscovia, and Mare Caspium. Anno 1561. V. The voyage of Anthony Jenkinson into Russia the third time, an. 1566. VI. The voyage of Anthony Jenkinson into Russia the fourth time, an. 1571. These several accounts are printed in Hakluyt, vol. i, pp. 310, 314, etc. 46. Jean Ribault. He wrote, in French, an account of his voyage to Florida in the year 1562. This INTRODUCTION. Xlll appears to be no longer extant ; but the title of the English translation, published in 1563, and which Hakluyt has reprinted in this collect on, is given at p. 17 post. 47. Luke Ward. He wrote — The voyage intended towards China, wherein Mr. Edward Fenton was appointed generall. Written by Mr. Luke Ward, his vice-admiral and captaine of the Edward Bonaventure, begun anno Dom. 1582. In Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 757 ; edit. 1600. 48. Edward Heyes. He wrote — A report of the voyage and successe thereof attempted in the yeere 1583, by Sir H. Gilbert, knight, with other gentlemen, intended to discover and to plant Christian inhabitants upon those large and ample countries ex- tended northward from the Cape of Florida ; written by Mr. Edward Haies, the principal actor in the same voy- age. In Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 143 ; edit. 1600. " A very late and great probabilitie of a passage of the north-west part of America in fifty-eight degrees of northerly latitude", refers most probably to Hud- son's Straits. It is well known that the Spaniards made some feeble attempts to discover the north-west passage, but whether the expedition here referred to as sent out by one Anus Cortereal be one of them, or whether such an expedition was ever sent out at all, it is impossible now to ascertain. Hakluyt was a man of easy faith, and too apt to repeat accounts as he received them, without stopping to verify or correct them. This " late probabilitie" would doubtless be an important addition to the eight reasons mentioned Ixiv INTRODUCTION. ' n III It! ii in his epistle to Sir Philip Sidney, and as such, not lightly to be rejected. It is much to be regretted, however, that he has not informed us who the " singu- larly grave and experienced man of Portingale", his informant, was. The eight reasons alluded to in proof of the probability of a north-west passage are : 1 . The opinion of Cabot that all the north part of America is divided into islands. 2. That the passage is laid down in the map by Verazzani. 3. The story of Gil Gonsalva, recorded by Franciscus Lopes de Gomara, which, however, amounts to no more than a statement that Gil Gon9alez de Avila in 1522 explored the western coast of Mexico from Capo Blanco to Capo de Fonseca, for the purpose of finding a strait which it was said by the pilots existed thereabouts, and by which they could pass from the South Sea to the Atlantic Ocean.* 4. The report of the people of Saguinay to Jacques Cartier, that upon their coasts westward there was a sea the end whereof was unknown to them. 5. The assertion, by the inha- bitants of Canada, that it is a month's space to sail to a land where cirmamon and cloves are growing. 6. That the people of Florida stated to Ribault that they might sail from the river of May unto Cevola and the South Sea through their country in twenty days. 7. The experience of Frobisher and Drake, one on the west coast of America, and the other on the east. 8. The opinion, or rather con- jecture, of Mercator, that there must be a short way ' Lopez de Gomara. La Historia general de las Indias, fol. 258. Anvci's, 1554. 12mo. INTRODUCTION. Ixv open into the west. It is not necessary at the present day to enter into any arguments to show the utter futility of these eight reasons. In the year 1582, however, the case was widely different : enough had been discovered to whet the appetite. To say nothing of the pretended voyages of the Zeni at the end of the fourteenth century, which were then universally re- ceived as genuine, Sebastian Cabot, there is great reason to believe, penetrated as high as 67 degrees of north latitude, discovering Hudson's Straits and Fox's Channel, in his search after the north-west passage to India. Caspar Cortereal, in 1500, explored the eastern coast of America with the same object, and discovered the St. Lawrence, and also Hudson's Straits. Jacques Cartier in 1534 found the St. Lawrence, and explored it as high as Montreal, and from the statements of the natives, great expectations were entertained that the passage so ardently desired had been at length disco- vered. Frobisher, in his first voyage, in 1576, disco- vered in latitude 63 the strait which long bore his name, and has subsequently been called Lumley's Inlet ; and in his second and third voyages, made in the two following years, he penetrated further into the strait, and also made his way into Hudson's Straits, although with no better success than on his former voyages. The time mentl:.ned by Hakluyt, " not above eight yeres past", would be about 1574, and as the attention of navigators had since that time been always directed to Frobisher's Straits, this apparently new discovery might well be considered by him worthy of special mention. k Ixvi INTRODUCTION. '•;' The next piece in the collection is the epistle dedi- catorie to " Master Philip Sydney, Esquire". It is well known that Sir Philip Sidney took a great in- terest in whatever tended to the honour and advantage of his native country, and it cannot be supposed that he looked with only ordinary interest upon the efforts made by such men as Frobisher and Drake for en- larging the limits of geographical knowledge. Al- though little is said by his biographers upon this point, it is more than probable that he occupied a prominent place among those who favoured the various adventurers in search of gold mines and new worlds. In October 1576, Frobisher returned from his first voyage in search of a north-west passage. His sup- posed success, both on this point and in the discovery of gold ore, caused great excitement in England, and Sidney wrote to his early friend and watchful adviser, Hubert Linguet, in such glowing terms of Frobisher and this expedition, as to draw from him (Linguet) a long and striking reply, in which he says : " Si vera sunt quae de vestro Forbissero scribis, ille baud dubie obscurabit non solum Magellani sed etiam ipsius Christophori Columbi famam Ego vero ad te respicio qui banc ob rem exaltas perinde ac si patria esset optime consultum, cum praesertim superiore vere in te animadverterim cupiditatem aliquam suscipiendas ejusmodi navigationis." Linguet was right in his conjecture that Sidney contemplated undertaking one of these voyages of discovery. There can be little doubt that he entered into arrangements with Sir Humphrey Gilbert, taking from him an assignment of INTBODUCTION. Ixvii part of his interest under the letters patent granted to him by Queen Elizabeth in 1578.' He also, at a later period, made secret preparations for associating him- self with Sir Francis Drake in his second expedition, of which he (Sidney) was to have had the principal direction, and had even engaged to equip a naval and land armament, and to make a vigorous attack upon the Spanish settlements in America. He was only prevented carrying this design into effect by the ex- press command of the queen. It was not without reason, therefore, that Hakluyt addressed to Sir Philip Sidney a collection of documents, the object of which was to induce his countrymen to make permanent settlements in America : and we find that when in 1584 a bill was brought into parliament for confirming the letters patent granted by the queen to Sir Walter Raleigh for discovering remote heathen lands, it was committed, on the second reading, to the care of Sir Philip Sidney jointly with Hatton, then vice-chara- berlain, Sir Francis Drake, and others.^ Full as this epistle is of various and most important topics, the author has laid out his views in so clear and concise a manner as to render any additional explanation here altogether superfluous. One of the points upon which he insists is " the title which we have to that part of America which is from Florida to 67 degrees north warde, by the letters patentes graunted to John Gabote and his three sonnes, Lewis, ^ See Gentleman's Magazine, Feb. 1850, p. 116, et seqq. " Zouch's Life of Sydney; Linguet, Epist. ad P. Sydneium, p. 176-177. 1 Ixviii INTRODUCTION. i III If . Sebastian and Santius, with Sebastian's owne certifi- cate to Baptista Ramusius of his discoverie of Ame- rica, and the testimonie of Fabian our old chronicler." This forms the subject of the next division of the collection before us. The honour of having discovered North America is claimed by most English writers for John Cabot, or Gabota, a Venetian, who was residing in Bristol as a merchant in the year 1594. In the preceding year all Europe had been astonished by the unlooked-for dis- coveries of Columbus, and Cabot, who appears to have possessed a bold and adventurous spirit, conceived the idea of following in the same track. With this object in view, he solicited the sanction of the king, Henry VII, to his undertaking, and on the 5 th of March 1496,^ the letters patent above referred to were granted to John Cabot and his three sons. The expedition did not sail until the following year, and. no very intelligible details of the voyage are in existence. There are, however, several accounts more or less contradictory. Hakluyt has inserted no less than six in his general collection. Perhaps the most precise is that which was inscribed in Latin by Clement Adams upon a map drawn by Sebastian, and engraved by Adams, but which is no longer in existence. This notice runs as follows : " In the year of our Lord 1 This patent is sometimes sjiid to have been granted in 1495, which would be correct according to the computation of the civil year at that period, viz., from the 25th of March ; but as Henry VII commenced his reign on the 22nd of August 1485, the 5th of March in the eleventh year of his reign would fall in the year 1496, according to the historical computation. INTRODUCTION. Ixix 1497, John Cabot, a Venetian, und his son Sebastian, discovered that country, which no one before his time had ventured to approach, on the 24th of June, about five o'clock in the morning. He called the land Terra prinium visa, because, as I conjecture, this was the place that first met his eyes in looking from the sea. On the contrary, the island which lies opposite the land, he called the island of St. John — as I sup- pose, because it was discovered on the festival of St. John the Baptist. The inhabitants wear beasts' skins and the intestines of animals for clothing, esteeming them as highly as we do our most precious garments. In war their weapons are the bow and arrow, spears, darts, slings, and wooden clubs. The country is steril and uncultivated, producing no fruit ; from which circumstance it happens that it is crowded with white bears and stags of an unusual height and size. It yields plenty offish, and these very large, such as seals and salmon : there are soles also above an ell in length ; but especially great abundance of that kind of fish called in the vulgar tongue baccalaos. In the same island also breed hawks, so black in their colour that they wonderfully resemble ravens ; besides which there are partridges and eagles of dark plumage." The map upon which this account was inscribed was engraved in the year 1549,* fifty-two years after the event recorded took place ; but it has been suggested with much plausibility'' that Adams may have been * Purchas, vol. iii, p. 807. " Tytler, Historical View of the Progress of Discovert/ oh the more Northern Coasts of America, p. 23. Edinb. 1832, 12mo. Ixx INTKODUCTION. 11 employed by Sebastian Cabot himself to engrave this map in order to gratify Edward VI, with whom he was in great favour, and that this account of the dis- covery of Newfoundland may have been supplied by Sebastian. The author of the Memoirs of S. Cabot argues with great show of reason, that the land first visited by John Cabot was Labrador, and not the island of Newfoundland. The name of the vessel which first touched the shores of America was the Matthew, of Bristol. The fact of this discovery having been made by John Cabot and not Sebastian, is alluded to in a second patent granted to " John Kabotto, Venetian", giving him license to sail with six ships " to the land and isles of late found by the said John in our name and by bur commandment." It is not our object to enter into any examination of the various accounts extant respecting the voyages of the Cabots, father and son ; neither do we purpose attempting to settle the respective claims of these two great men to the dis- covery of the North American continent. To an im- partial mind the quotations given above would, in all probability, prove sufiiciently conclusive. The author of the Memoirs of S. Cabot however takes a far difibrent view of the question, and we cannot therefore quit this part of our subject without noticing the perti- nacity and ingenuity with which he endeavours to set aside John Cabot, and disputes all evidence calculated to disprov} his theory in favour of Sebastian.^ The * See Memoir of Sebastian Caboi, cap. x, where the author treats this subject at some length, and brings forward many inte- resting particulars. INTRODUCTION. Ixxi extract given by Hakluyt from Fabyan, must refer to the voyage made by Sebastian after the second patent had been granted to his father. The next paragraph of Hakluyt's work refers to three savage men, said to have been brought home by Sebastian in 1498, and presented to the king. Here again Mr. Biddle steps in to defend his protege,' and contends that these men were not brought home by Cabot, repelling with great energy the charge that he would be guilty of so cruel an act as carrying off the aborigines of the country. This cruel act, he contends, must have been perpetrated by " three Portuguese", who, jointly with Richard Warde, Thomas Ashehurst, and John Thomas, obtained letters patent from Henry VII in 1501, conferring upon them the same powers, and couched in the same terms as we find in the letters patent granted to John Cabot and his sons in 1496. While upon this part of our subject, it may not be out of place to give a list of the several patents granted by the sovereigns of England for the dis- covery and planting of unknown lands. The first is the patent granted by Henry VII in 1496 to John Cabot and his sons, as mentioned above, and which is printed in this collection, post^ p. 19. On the 3rd of February 1498, Henry VII granted a second patent to John Cabot alone. This patent has often been referred to, but was printed for the first time in the Memoir of Sebastian Cabot by Mr. Biddle, who discovered this interesting document in . ; ' Memoir of S. Cabot, p. 229. I" > I W ! ' Ixxii INIUOnUCTION. the Holla' chnpol. It is of much importance in ex- amining the question of the first discovery of America, and we therefore give it at length. Memoraiulum quod tertio die Februarii anno regni Regin TIenrici Septimi xiii ista Billa delibata fuit Domino Cancel- lario Anglite apud Westmonasterium cxcquenda. TO TIIK KINOE. Please it your highnesse of your most noble and habun- daunt grace to graunte to John Kabotto, Venecian, your gracious Lcttrcs Patents in due fourme, to be made accord- yng to the tenor hereafter ensuyng, and he shall continually praye to God for the preservacion of your moste noble and roiall astate longc to endure. H. R. Rex. To all men to whom theis presenteis shall come send gretyng : knowe ye that wu of our grace especiall and for dyvers causis us movying, we have geven and graunten, and by theis presentis geve and graunte to our welbeloved John Kabotto, Venecian, sufficiente auctorite and power, that he by him, his deputie or deputies sufficient, may take at his pleasure vi Englisshe shippes in any porte or portes or other place within this our realme of England, or obeisance, so that and if the said shippes be of the bourdeyn of cc tonnes, or under, with their apparail requisite and necessarie for the safe conduct of the said shippes, and them convey and lede to the londe and isles of late founde by the seid John in oure name and by our commaundemente, paying for theym and every of theym as and if we should in or for our owen cause paye and noon otherwise. And that the said John, by hym, his deputie or deputies sufficiente, maye take and receyve into the said shippes, and every of theym, all such maisters, maryners, pages, and other subjects, as of their INTRODUCTION. Ixxiii owcn free wille wolc f?oo anil paaso with him in the snmc sliippcs to the 8ci(l londe or ilea witliout nnyc itnpcdy- mcntc, Ictt, or pcrturhnncc, of nny of onr officers or ininistrcs or sxihjects, whatsoever they be, by theym to the seyd John, his dcputie, or deputies, and all other our seid snlyccts, or any of theym passingc with the seid John in the acid shippcs to the seid londe or iles, to be doon, or suffer to be doon or attempted. Geving in commaundement to all and every our otHeers, ministers, and subjects, seying or hcryinj? theis our Lcttres Patents without any ferther commaundement by us to theym, or any of theym, to be gcvcn to perfonrmc, and soeour the said John, his deputie, and all our said sub- jects so passyng with hym, according to the tenor of thcis our Letters Patentis. Any Statute, Aetc, or Ordcnnanco, to the contraryc made or to be made in any wise notwith- standing. The next patent, in order of date, was granted by Henry VII on the 19tli of March 1501, to Richard Warde, Thomas Ashehiirst, and John Thomas, of Bristol, and John Fernandus, Francis Fernandas, and John Gunsolus, subjects of the King of Portugal. This document also was first brought to light by Mr. Biddle. It was discovered by him in the Rolls' chapel, and is printed in the Appendix to his Memoir of Cabot. As it is not likely to become very generally known througheitherof these channels we have thought it advisable to give it here at length. It is as follows : Memorandum quod xix die Marcii, anno regni Regis Henrici Septimi xvi, ista Billa delibata fuit Domino Custodi Magni Sigilli Angliaj apud Westmonasterium exequenda. II m ' TO THE KYNG OUR SOVEREYNE LORD. Please it your Highness of your most noble and habunclaunt Ixxiv INTRODUCTION. ;i li Grace to graunt unto your welbeloved subjects Richard Warde, Thomas Asshehurst, and John Thomas, merchants of your Towne of Bristowe, and to John Fernandas, Francis Fernandus, and John Gunsolus, Squyers, borne in the Isle of Surrys under the obeisaunce of the Kynge of Portingale, your gracious Lettres Patentis, under your Greate Scale, in due forme to be made according to the tenour hereafter ensuying; and that this Byll, sygned with your gracious hand, may be to the Reverend Fader in God, Henry, Byshop of Salesbury, Keeper of your Greate Scale, sufficient and immediate warrant for the making, sealyng, accomplysshyng, of your said Lettres Patentes, and they shall duryng ther lyves pray to God for the prosperous contynuance of your most noble and ryall astate. H. R. Rex universis e+ singulis ad quos prsesentes Literaj Nostras pervenerint Salutem : Notum sit vobis et manifcstum quod ex certis conslderationibus nos moventibus de advisamento Consilii Nostri, concessimus et licentiam dedimus, prout per Praesentes concedimus et licentiam damns, pro Nobis et haeredibus nostris quantum in Nobis est, dilectis subditis nostris Ricardo Warde, Thomae Asshurst, et Johanni Thomas, mercatoi ibus villae nostrae Bristolliae ac dilectis nobis Johanni Fernandus, Francisco Fernandus, et Johanni Gunsolus, armigeris in insulis de Surrys sub obediencia Regis Por- tugahae oriundis, et eorum cuilibet ac cujuslibet eorum haere- dibus, attornatis, factoribus, sen deputatis ac eis et eorum cuilibet plenam ac liberam auctoritatem, facultatem et potesta- tem committimusnavigandi et se transferendi ad omnes partes, regiones et fines Maris Orientalis, Occidentalis, Australis, Borealis et Septcntrionalis, sub banneris, et insigniis nostris cum tot et tantis et talibus navibus sive batellis quot sibi placuerint et necessariae fuerint, cujusctinqae portagii quilibet navis sive batella extiterit, cum magistris, contromagistris, marinariis pagettis aliisque hominibus pro gubematione. INTRODUCTION. Ixxv salva custodia et defensione navium et batellarum prasdic- tarum competentibus requisitis et necessariis, ad custus et onera dicti Ricardi et aliorum prsedictorum et pro hujusmodi salariis, vadiis et stipcndiis prout inter eos poterunt concordare ad inveniendum, recuperandum, discoperiendum et investi- gandunoi insulas, patrias, regiones sive provincias quas- cunque gentilium et infidelium in quacunque i,.Liudi parte positas quae Christianis omnibus ante hsec tempora fuerunt et in prsesenti sunt incognita. Ac hujusmodi banneras et insignia nostra in quacunque villa, oppido, castro, insula seu terra-firma a se sic noviter inventis affigendi, ipsasque villas, oppida, castra, insulas et terras firmas pro nobis et nomine nostro intrandi et capiendi et ea tanquam vasalli nostri ac gubernatores, locatenentes et deputati nostri, eorumque dominio, titulo, dignitate et proe- eminencia eorundem nobis semper reservatis, occupandi, possidendi et subjugandi. Et insuper quandocumque, imposterum, hujusmodi insulae patriae, terrse et provinciee per praefatos Ricardum et alios praevocatos adeptae, recuperatae et inventae fuerint, tunc vo- lumus et fer praesentes concedimus quod omnes et singuli tam viri quam fceminae hujus regni nostri caeterique subditi nostri et insulas hujusmodi sic noviter inventas visitare et in eisdem inhabitare cupientes et desiderantes, possint et valiant licite et impune ad ipsas patrias, insulas et loca cum eorum navibus, hominibus et servientibus, rebus et bonis suis uni- versis transire et in eisdem sub protectione et regimine dictorum Ricardi et aliorum praenominatorum morari et inhabitai'e, divitiasque, fructus et emolumenta patriarum, terrarum et locorum praedictorum adquirere et obtinere. Dantes insuper et concedentes praefatis Ricardo, Thomae et Johanni, Johanni, Francisco et Johauni et eorum cuilibet plenam tenore Praesentium potestatem et auctoritatem omnes et singulos homines, marinarios caeterasque personas ad insu- las, patrias, provincias, terras firmas et loca prajdicta ex causa Ixxvi INTRODUCTION. !r I prsedicta^sedivertenteset confluentcs tam incomitiva dictorum Ricardi et aliorum praenominatoriim quam in comitiva aliorum illuc imposterum recursum habere contingentium tam supra mare quam in insulis, patriis, terris-firmis et locis hujusmodi post quam iuventa et recuperata fuerint regendi et gubernandi legesque ordinationes, statuta et proclamationes pro bono et quieto regimine et gubernatione dictorum hominum, magistrorum, marinariorum, et aliarum personarum prsedic- tarum faciendi, stabiliendi, ordinandi et constituendi et superinde proclamationes faciendi ac omnes et singulos quos in hac parte contrarios et rebelles ac legibus, statutis et ordinacionibus prsedictis inobedientes invenerint ac omnes illos qui furtum, homicidia, rapinas commiserint et perpe- trarint aut aliquas mulieres insularum seu patriarum prse- dictarum, contra eorum voluntatem aut aliter, rapuei'int et violaverint juxta leges et statuta per ipsos in hac parte ordinata castigandiet puniendi. AcetiamconcessimuspraefatisBicardo, Thomae, Johanni, Johauui, Francisco et Johanni hteredibus et assignatis suis quod postquam aliquoeinsulse,provincise, terrse- firmse, regio seu provincia imposterum per ipsum Ricardum et alios praenominatos inventa fuerint tunc non licebit alicui seu aliquibus subdito seu subditis nostris durante termino decern annos proximo et immediate sequentes ad ipsas villas, provincias, insulas, terras-firmas et loca causa mercandisandi ac bona acquirendi absque licentia noslra regia et [the words in italics illegible, but supplied coujecturally from the cor- responding paragraph in the subsequent patent of 9th December 1502] dictorum Ricardi et aliorum prsenomina- torum hseredum et assiguatorum suorum cum suis navibus frequentare aut se divertere aut in eadem ingredi seu in eisdem pro aliquibus bonis acquirendi intromittere. Et i)ost terminum dictorum decern annorum quod nullus ex nostris subditis ad aliquam terram-firmam, iusulam, patriam seu loca per ipsos Ricardum et Thomam et alios priedictos sic noviter iuventa uavigare et frequentai'c pracsu- INTRODUCTION. Ixxvii mat absque Ucentia nostra pradicta et [the words in italics supplied as before] prsedictorum Ricardi et cseterorum sub poena amissionis et forisfacturae omnium bonorum, mercan- disarum^ rerum et navium quarumcunque ad ea loca sic noviter inventa navigare et in eadem ingredi praesumentium (videlicit) una medietas inde erit ad opus nostrum et alia medietas ad opus dictorum Ricardi et aliorum prsenominato- rum et haeredum suorum. Et ultius ex abundanti gratia nostra concessimus et per Praesentes concedimus pro Nobis et haeredibus nostris, quantum in Nobis est, praefatis Ricardo, Thomae, Johanni, Johanni, Francisco et Johanni et eorum quilibet mercandisas, mercimonia, aurum et argentum in massa, lapides preciosos et alia bona quaecumque de crescentia patriarum, insularumque et locorum praedictorum per ipsos sic recuperandorum et inveniendorum tam in dictis navibus et batellis quam aliis quibuscumque navibus exteris a dictis patriis, insulis, terris- firmis et locis in hoc regnum nostrum Angliae ad qucmcunque portum seu alium locum ejusdem adducere et cariare et adduci seu cariari facere possit et valeat, eaque vendere et distribuere ad eorum proficium et advantagium, aliqiio statuto, actu, ordinatione seu provisione inde in contrarium factis sive ordinatis nonobstantibus. Ac Nos intime considerantcs grandia custus et onera quae circa praemissa facienda et perimplenda requiruntur, volentes igitur praefatis Ricardo, Thomae et aliis memoratis personis gratiam provide facere specialem concessimus (proutj per Praesentes concedimus eisdem, haeredibus et assignatis suis quod ipsi et eorum quilibet haeredes et assignati sui praedicti de tempore in tempus durante tcrmino quatuor annorura a tempore recuperationis et inventionis insularum, et pro- vinciarum praedictarum proximo et immediate sequentes, mercandisas, mercimonia caetcraque bona in uno navi tantum cujuscunque portagii fuerit eskippata et onustata ac in hoc regnum nostrum Angliae adduceuda et trausportauda in portu \\ * Ixxviii INTRODUCTION. r * seu loco prsedicto ad teiTam ponere, eaque vendere, exponere et pro libito suo distribuere possint de tempore in tempus, quolibet viagio, durante termino dictorum quatuor anno- rura, absque aliquibus custumis, subsidiis, seu aliis deveriis pro eisdem bonis mercimoniis et caeteris prsemissis in dicta unica navi tantum contentis et eskippatis nobis aut haeredi- bus nostris infra dictum regnum nostrum Angliee aliqualiter solvendis. Proviso tamen quod Nobis de custumis, subsidiis, pondagiis ct aliis deveriis Nobis pro cajteris mercandisis, mercimoniis et bonis in omnibus aliis navibus contentis debitis juxta con- suetudinem in hoc regno nostro Anglise hactenus usitatam fideliter respondeatur ut est justum. Et insuper volumus et concedimus per Praesentes quod quilibet capitalis magister, contra magister et marinarius cnjuslibet navis ad aliquam terram-firmam, insulam, patriam, provinciam et locum prae- dictum frequentantis et navigauUb habeant, gaudeant et per- cipiant de bonis et mercimoniis a dictis insulis, terris-firmis et pro^dnciis in hoc regnum Angliae adducendis custumas et subsidia sequentia, videhcit. Quod quilibet magister habeat, gaudeat et percipiat sub- sidia et custumas, quolibet viagio, quatuor doliorum. Et quilibet contramagister vel quarter-magister custumas et subsidia duorum doliorum. Ac quilibet marinarius custumas et subsidia unius dolii. Licet sint caveata et eskippata [the words in italics sup- plied as before] ut bona sua propria aut ut bona alicujus alterius personae cujuscunquc et hoc absqiie aliquibus cus- tumis, subditis debitis seu deveriis infra hoc regnum nostrum Angliae ad opus nostrum aut haeredum nostrorum pro eisdem doliis aliqualiter solvendis seu peteudis. Et si contingat aliquem vel aliquos mercatorem seu mer- catores hujus regni nostri ad dictas insulas, patrias et loca sub licencia dictorum aubdictorum nostrorum aut absque licencia causa habendi mercandisas et mercimouia adventare INTRODUCTION. Ixxix et laborare ad bona et mercimonia ah eisdem partibus in hoc regnum nostrum adducere, tunc voluraus et concedimus, per praesentes, prsefatis Ricardo, Thomse, Johanni^ Johanni, Francisco, Johanni haeredibus et assignatis suis quod ipsi durante terraino decern annorum antedicto habeant de quo- libet hujusmodi mercatore, solutis nobis custumis, subsidiis et aliis deverus Nobis in hac parte debitis et consuetis, vicesi- mam parten. omnium hujusmodi bonorum et mercimoniarum per ipsos a dictis iusulis, patriis et locis quolibet viagio durante dicto termino decern annorum in hoc regrum nos- trum Anglise traducendorum et caricandorum habendam et capiendam hujusmodi vicesimam partem in portu ubi con- tigerit dicta bona discaricari et exonerari. Proviso semper quod predicti Ricardus et alii prsedicti, haeredes et assignati sui et non alii omnino imposterum durante dicto termino decem annorum sint Factores et At- tornati in dictis insulis, terris-flrmis et patriis pro quibus- cunque hujusmodi mercatoribus aliisque personis illuc ex causa prsedicta confluentibus in et pro eorum factis merca- toriis in eisdem. Proviso etiam quod nidla navis cum bonis et mercandisis a dictis partibus sic noviter inventis carcati et onusta post- quam in aliquam portum hujus [the words in italics supplied as before] Regni nostri adducta fueriit non exoneratur de eisdem bonis et mercandisis nisi in prtesentia praefactorum Ricardi et aliorum praedictorum eorumve haeredum seu depu- tatorum ad hoc assignandum sub poena forisfacturae eorumdem bonarum et mercandisarum ; unde una medietas ad opus nostrum et alia medietas praefatis Ricardo et aliis praenomi- natis et haeredibus suis applicentur. Et si imposterum aliqui exti'an-ei aid alia [the part in italics supplied as before] personae ad ipsas partes contra voluntatem ipsorum Ricardi et aliorum praenominatorum causa habendi divitias navigare et ea vi et armis ingredi ac dictos Ricardum et alios praedictos aut hceredes suos ibidem ] : 1 XXX INTRODUCTION. 11 ! insultare ac cos expellere ct debellarc awt alias inquietarc presumpserint quod tunc volumus ac eisdem subditis nostris tenore Prsesentium damus et committimus ipsos extraneos licet sint subditi et vasalli alicujus principis Nobiscum in liga et amicitia existentis totis suis viribus tarn per terrara quara per mare et aquas dulces expugnandi, resistendi et gucriam contra eos levandi et faciendi eosque capiendi, sub- pcditandi et incarcerandi ibidem quousque fines et redemp- tiones eisdem subditis nostris facerint moratur aut alias secundum sanam discretionem ipsorum subditorum nostorum ct hseredum suorum castigandi et puniendi. At etiam prsefatis subditis nostris cseterisque personis prae- dictis plenam tenore Preesentium potestatem damus et com- mittimus sub se quoscumque capitaneos, locatenentes et deputatos in singulis civitatibus, villis, oppidis et locis dictarum insularum, provinciarum, patriarum et locorum prsedictorum ad regendum et gubernandum omnes et singu- his personas in eisdem partibus sub regimine et gubernationc dictorum subdictorum nostorum ibidem commorantium ac ad justitiam eisdem secundum tenorem et effectum ordina- tionum, statutorum et proclamationum prtedictorum debite exequendum et administrandum per Literas suas Patentes sigillis corum sigillandas, faciendi, constituendi, nominandi et substituendi. Et insuper concessimus et per Praesentes concedimus prsefatis Ricardo, Thomse, Johanni, Jobanni, Francisco et Johanni ad terminum vitaj suae et cujuslibet eorum diutius viventis officiura Admiralli supra Maro in quibuscunque locis, patriis, et pj jvinciis a se sic noviter inventis et imposterum inveniendis et recupcrandis, ipsosque Ricardum, Thomam, Johannem, Johannen', Franci cum, Johannem et eorum quemlibet conjunctim divisim Ad- mirallos nostros in eisdem partibus facimus, constituimus, ordinamus et deputamus, per Praesentes dantes et conccdentes eisdem et eorum cuilibet plenam tenore Praesentiarum potes- tatem et auctoritiitem ea omnia et singula quae ad officiam INTRODUCTION. Ixxxi Admirallitutis pertinent faciendi, exercendi et exequendi se- cundum legem et cousuetudinem maritimam in hoc regno nostro Anglise usitatam. Ac etiam postquara prsefati Ricaidus Warde, Thomas Aahhurst et Johannes Thomas, ac Johannes Fernandus, Franciscus Fernandus et Johannes Gunsolus aliquas terras- firmas, insulas, patrias et provincias, oppida, castra, civitatcs et villas per assistentiam nostram sic invcnerint, obtinuerint, et subjugaverint tunc volumus et per Prsescntcs concedimus eisdem, hajredibus et assignatis suis, quod ipsi et hseredes sui habeant, teneant et possidcant sibi, hseredibus et assignatis suis omnia et singula talia et tanta, terras-firmas, insulas, patrias, provincias, castra, oppida, fortallicia, civitates et villas qualia et quanta ipsi et homines tenentes et servientes sui possunt inhabitare, custodire, sustinere et manutenere : Habenda et Tenenda easdom terras, insulas et loca prsedicta sibi, hseredibus et assignatis suis et cujuslibet eorum dc nobis et hseredibus nostris imperpetuum per fidelitatem tantum absque aliquo compoto sen aliquo alio nobis aut hseredibus nostris proinde reddendo sen faciendo, Dignitate, Dominio, Regalitate, Jurisdictione, et Pre-eminentia in eisdem nobis semper salvis et omnino reservatis. Et ultius conccssimus prsefatis Ricardo, Thomse, Johanni, 'ohanni, Francisco, Johanni quod ipsi, hseredes et assignati &ui prsedicti dictas terras-firmas, insulas et provincias ipsis et hse- redibus suis prsedictis ut prsemittitur sic concessas, postquam inventse ec recuprratse sint, ac cum in plena possessione earun- dem fuerint teneaut, possidcant etgaudeant liberJi, quiete, et pacifice absque impedimento aliquali nostri aut haeredum nos- trorum quarumcunque. Et quod nullus ex subditis nostris cos eorum aliquem de et super possessione et titulo suis de et in dictis terris-firmis, insulis et provinciis se aliqualiter contra volvmtatem suam expellat quovis modo sev. aliquis extraneus aut aliqui extranet virtute aut colore alicujus concessionis nostrce sibi Magno Sigiilo' I^o Islands. Second. — That the said chart has been compiled from hearsay information, and not by any seaman who had himself navigated in those seas for several years. Third. — That the " History of the voyages of the Zeni" — more particularly that part of it which relates to Nicol6 — is so replete with fiction, that it XCIV INTRODUCTION. ) cannot be looked to for any information whatever as to the state of the North at that time. Fourth. — That both the history and the chart were most probably compiled by Nicol6, a de- scendant of the Zeni, from accounts which came to Italy in the middle of the sixteenth century, being the epoch when information respecting Greenland first reached that country, and when interest was awakened for the colony which had disappeared. It is not our purpose to follow Captain Zahrtmann through his chain of proofs in support of these several positions. His arguments appear to us most conclu- sive ; and they are easily ace essible to allwho take sufficient interest in the subject to desire to follow out the investigation. At the period when Ribault wrote his account of " the true and last discoverie of Florida," and for a very long time afterwards, the name of Florida was applied to that vast tract of country extending from Canada to the Rio del Norte. The present boundaries of the state were not definitively fixed until the year 1795, when they were settled by treaty with Spain. Ribault, in the early part of his narrative, says that " many from time to time have gone about to finde out this great lande, and to inhabite there, who neverthelesse have alwaies failed, and beene put by from their intention and purpose; some by fear of shipwrackes, and some by great windes and tempestes, that drove them backe to their marveilous griefe." That this assertion was substantially true, not only INTRODUCTION. XCV of the district then known as Florida, but also of the entire country from Mexico northwards, will appear from the following facts. Of the voyage of Sebastian Cabot in 1498, but slight particulars have come down to us: supposing, however, that he left some of his three hundred men as colonists on any part of the American coast, it is certain that the settlement never took root. The voyage of Verazzani produced no result. Jacques Cartier in the years 1534 and 1535 visited the higher parts of North America. In the first voyage he discovered the gulph of St. Lawrence, and in the second the river of that name, up which he sailed three hundred leagues, and took possession of the country (which he called New France,) in the name of his sovereign Charles IX. In both voyages he wintered in the country, returning home in the spring, but made no settlement. In the year 1540 he was dispatched thither again by Francis I, with five ships, for the purpose of extending his discoveries in Canada and Hochelaga, to which latter district he gave the name of Montreal. It was now determined that the work of colonization should be vigorously prose- cuted, and that Cartier should be followed as speedily as possible by Frangois de la Roche, Sieur de Roberval, as governor of Canada, with emigrants, and all necessary stores. Cartier arrived in Canada in August 1540, and waited until 1542 for Roberval (who had been detained in France by various obstacles), when finding himself reduced to great extremities, he re- turned to France. Roberval arrived in Canada this same year and planted his colony, shortly after which XCVl INTRODUCTION. he also returned to Frnnce, and the colony was totally neglected. In 1549 Robervul again embarked for the St. Lawrence, accompanied by his brother and many emigrants, but they were never heard of afterwards. Another attempt at colonization on the American coast was made in the year 1555, under the auspices of the Admiral Coligny, who was actuated by the double object of promoting the welfare of his native country, and of providing for the Protestants of France a refuge from religious persecution, of which he foresaw they would ere long stand in great need. Tlie Chevalier de Villagagnon, who had embraced the tenets of the Reformed Church, was chosen to com- mand the expedition, which consisted of two ships. In this instance Villagagnon selected South America, and landing at the river Janeiro, constructed a fort, to which he gave the name of his patron Coligny. This fort was soon washed away by the sea. Three ships arrived at the settlement in the year 1557, car- rying colonists, and also fourteen missionaries sent out by the Church of Geneva ; but Villagagnon had in the mean time abandoned the Protestant religion, and returned to his old faith. The settlers, treated by him with harshness, became discouraged, and the greater number returned home in the following year. Many of those who remained were murdered by the Portuguese, who compelled the few survivors to quit the colony in the year 1560. This attempt having proved abortive, Coligny, anxious to carry out his project of colonization, selected Jean Ribault as the captain of an expedition to the coast of North America. INTUODUCTION. XCVll A man more fit for his purpose could not have been chosen. The account of this voyage which Hakluyt has printed, is of tlie most interesting character; but it breaks off with the departure of Ribault from the shores of Florida on his return to France, leaving his readers in ignorance of the fate of the small band of brave men ho left behind hiin. Fortunately we possess an account of this same voyage, and of two which succeeded it, edited and published by Basanier at the instigation and expense of Hakluyt in the year 1586, and translated and published by Hakluyt himself in the following year.' From this work we learn' that when Ribault had explored the coast and neighbouring country, as described in his own Accpunt, and while at Port Royal, he called his men together, and addressed them in the following terms : " I thinke there is none of you that is ignoraunt of howe greate consequence this our enterprise is, and also howe acceptable it is to our young king; there- fore, my friends, as one desiring your honour and benefite, I woulde not fayle to advertise you all of the exceeding greate good happe which shoulde fall to them, which as men of valure and worthy courage, would make triall in this our first discoverie of the benefites and commodities of this newe lande : which should be, as I assure myselfe, the greatest occasion that ever could happen unto them to arrise unto the title and degree of honour. And for this cause I was desirous to propose unto you, and set dowiie before yeour eies, ' See ante p. xix. * We quote from Hakluyt's translation. I i \ h ' I r xcvni INTRODUCTION. i I the eternall memorie which of right they deserve, which forgetting both their parents and their countrey, have had the courage to enterprise a thing of such importance, which even kinges themselves understand- ing to be men aspiring to so high degree of magnani- mitie, and increase of their majesties, doe not disdaiue so wel to regarde, that afterwardes, employing them in matters of weight and of high enterprise, they make their names immortal for ever. How beit I woulde not have you persuade yourselves, as manie do, that you shall never have such good fortune, as not being knowen neither to the king nor the princes of the realme, and besides descending of so poore a stock that few or none of your parents having ever made pro- fession of armes have beene knowen unto the great estates. For albeit that from my tender yeeres I my self have applied al my industry to follow them, and have hazarded my life in so many dangers for the service of my prince, yet could I never attaine ther- unto (not that I did not deserve this title and degree of government) as I have seen it happen to many others, only bicause they descended of a noble race, since more regard is had of their birth than of their vertue. For well I knowe that if vertue were regarded, there would more be found better to deserve the title, and by good right to be named noble and valiant. I Avill therfore make sufficient answeare to such proposi- tions and suche thinges as you maye object against mee, laying before you the infinite examples which we have of the Romaines : which, concerning the point of honour, were the first that triumphed over INTRODJCTION. XCIX the world. For how many find wc among them which for their so valiant enterprises, not for the greatnesse of their parentage, have obtayned the honour to triumph. If we have recourse unto their ancestors, wee shall finde that their parentes were of so meane condition, that by labouring with their handes they lived verie basely. As the father of Jj^lius Pcrtinax, which was a poor artisant ; his grandfather likewise was a bondman, as the historiographers do witnessc : and neverthelesse, being moved with a valiant courage he was nothing dismayed for al this, but rather de- sirous to aspire unto high things, he began with a brave stomache to learne feates of armes, and profited so well therein, that from steppe to step he became at length to be emperour of the Romaines. For all this dignitie he despised not his parentes ; but contrariwise, and in remembrance of them hee caused his father's shoppe to be covered with a fine wrought marble, ^o serve for an example to men descended of base and poore linages, and give them occasion to aspire unto high things notwithstanding the meanness of their ancestors. I will not passe over in silence the ex- cellencie of prowes of the valiant and renowned Agathocles, the sonne of a simple potter ; and yet, forgeting the contemptible estate of his father, he so applied himself to vertue in his tender yeeres, that by the favour of armes he came to be king of Sicilia ; and for all this title he refused not to be counted the sonne of a potter. But the more to eternise the memorie of his parents and to make his name renowned, he commanded that he should be served at the table ■ 3 Hi: ^1 C INTRODUCTION. with vessels of gold and silver and others of earth; declaring thereby that the dignitie where in he was placed came not unto him by his parents, but by his owne vertue onely. If I shall speak of our time, I will lay before you onely Rusten Bassha, which may be a sufficient example to all men ; which, though he were the sonne of a poor heardman, did so apply his youth to all vertue, that being brought up in the service of the great Turke he seemed so to aspire to great and high matters in such sorte, that growing in yeeres he increased also in courage, so farre foorth that in fine for his excellent vertues he married the daughter of the great Turke his prince. How much then ought so many worthy examples to move you to plant here ? Considering also that hereby you shalbe registered for ever as the first that inhabited this strange countrey. I pray you therefore all to advise your selves therof and to declare your minds freely unto me, protesting that I will so well imprint your names in the king's earcs, and the other princes, that your renowme shall hereafter shyne unquenchable through our realme of Fraunce." This speech excited the greatest enthusiasm among his men, and the volunteers to remain were so numer- ous that the only difficulty was whom to select. Twenty-eight men were ultimately chosen, at the head of whom he placed Albert de la Pierria, " a souldier of long experience, and the first that from the beginning did offer to tarry". His next care was to find a fit place for the settlement, and after some search he fixed upon a spot generally supposed to be sm{ the u INTRODUCTION. CI be the site of the present town of Beaufort. Here he erected a fort, to which he gave the name of Charles- fort, after the reigning sovereign of France ; and having supplied it abundantlj'^ with stores of all kinds, resigned it to the settlers with the following observa- tions : " Captayne Albert, I have to request you, in the presence of all men, that you would quite yourselfe so wisely in your charge, and governe so modestly your small company which I leave you, which with so good cheere remayneth under your obedience, that I never have occasion but to commend you, and to re- count unto the king, as I am desirous, the faithful service which before us all you undertake to doe him in his New France : And you, companions, quoth he to the souldiers, I beseech you also to esteeme of Captayne Albert as if it were myselfe that stayed here with you ; yeeldin^ him that obedience which a souldier oweth unto his generall and captayne, living as brethren one with another without all dissension, and in so doing God will assist you and bless your enterprises." After this admirable exhortation Ri- bault and his company took leave of the settlers and returned into France. Albert and his companions now set themselves dili- gently to work to fortify their position. This neces- sary work accomplished, they spent their time in exploring the country and forming friendships with the Indians. All this was wisely and prudently done : but unfortunately they neglected one most important duty ; they made no provision for their future sus- tenance. As a natural consequence, when the stores :i ;?ii lit cu INTRODUCTION. left them by Ribault were exhausted, they were forced to apply for assistance to the natives. This appeal was responded to readily and with great liberality, and they had just begun to feel themselves at ease as regarded the means of existence, when their fort acci- dentally caught fire and was burnt to the ground. Again the Indians came forward, and lent their aid with such hearty good will that in twelve hours their fort was rebuilt. Want of provisions was for some time their principal ground of complaint, but at length dissensions arose among them, the administration of the affairs of the colony by Albert became unpopular, and the hostile feeling arose at last to so great a height that he was put to death, and a man named Barre chosen as captain in his place. The account of this tragedy, as given by Laudonniere, is as follows: — " But misfortune, or rather the just judgment of God, would have it that those which coulde not be overcome by fire nor wator, shoulde be undone by their owne selves. This is the common fashion of men, which cannot continue in one estate, and had rather to overthrowe themselves than not to attempt some new thing daily. We have infinite examples in the auncient histories, especially of the Romanes, unto which number this little handful of men, being far from their countrey and absent from their countrie- men, have also added this present example. They entred therfore into partialities and dissentions which began about a souldier named Guernache, which was a drummer of the French bands ; which, as it was told me, was very cruelly hanged by his owne captaine :» . INTRODUCTION. 0111 and for a small fault ; which captaine also using to threaten the rest of his souldiers which staled be- hind under his obedience, and peradventure, as it is to be presumed, were not so obedient unto him as they should have bin, was the cause that they fell into a mutiny, because that many times hee put his threat- nings in execution; whereupon they so chased him that at the last they put him to death They assembled themselves together to choose one to be governour over them, whose name was Nicholas Barr^, a man worthy of commendation, and one which knew so well to quite himself of his charge, that all rancour and dissention ceased among them and they lived peaceably one with another." This account was derived by Laudonni^re from the mutineers themselves, whose interest it was to throw all the blame upon the murdered man. But Williams, in his Territory of Florida (New York, 1837, 8vo.) presents us with a somewhat different version of the story. He says (p. 170) : " Albert visited the Indian princes in his neighbourhood, cul- tivating their friendship and paying every attention to their waiits, and such was his success that they readily supplied his people with provisions, and made them many presents of pearls, crystals, silver, etc. The colonists, however, were licentious, lazy and quarrel- some, and to preserve peace between them and the natives, he was obliged to exercise a very strict disci- pline ; this they would not endure. Among the co- lonists was one Lachan [query. La Ch^re], who was a popular demagogue : he endeavoured to reduce some of ' > ! CIV INTRODUCTION. the Indians to slavery, which Albert would not permit, and compelled him to do justice to the natives. A mu- tiny was the consequence, in which Albert lost his life. The Indians then refused to supply them with provi- sions, and none being likely to arrive from France, the colonists resolved to leave the fort and return to their country, etc." Whatever may have been the circumstances by which Albert was led to adopt those measures of severity which cost him his life, his murder doubtless increased the difficulties of the settlers, and rendered it necessary that they should devise means for quitting Florida. With great labour, none of them being acquainted with the art of ship building, they con- structed a small pinnace ; the natives supplied them with cordage, and the sails they made out of their shirts and the sheets of their beds. In this ill-con- structed vessel they put to sea, scantily supplied with provisions even for an uninterrupted voyage. Again the consequences of their want of foresight fell heavily upon them. When they had made about one-third of their voyage, the wind, which had hitherto been fa« vourable, fell, and they lay becalmed for three weeks, making in all this time only about twenty-five leagues. Their provisions were soon exhausted, and after expe- riencing all the ordinary sufferings of famine, they were forced to the crowning horror, that of sacrificing one for the safety of the rest. A man named La Chere voluntarily offered himself. Before it became necessary to sacrifice a second victim, they were picked up by an English vessel, who, after putting the INTRODUCTION. CV most fceblo on shore (wc are not told on what land) carried the rest to England, where they were pre- sented to Queen Elizabeth. The civil war which raged in France at the time of Ribault's return prevented the government from giving any attention to the settlement in Florida; but on the restoration of peace, Laudonni6re was appointed to command three ships fitted out for the purpose of carrying succours to Albert and his companions. They set sail on the 22nd of April 1564, and arrived on the coast of Florida on the 22nd of June following. On this occasion, finding the settlement at Charlesfort abandoned, they selected a spot for their plantation near the mouth of the river May (now called the St. John), where they erected a fort, to which they gave the name of Fort Caroline in honour of Charles IX of France. They do not oppear to have taken any wiser measures for a permanent settlement than those adopted by Albert, spending their time like him in exploring the country, and also suffering like their predecessors from want of provisions. After the lapse of more than a year, during which time they were often reduced to the brink of starvation, the men became clamorous to return to France, but two of their vessels having been carried away several months previously by some of their mutinous companions, they no longer possessed the means of transport. On the 3rd of August, 1565, however, Sir John Hawkins came upon the coast, and through his hu- manity and kindness the suffering Frenchmen were put in a condition to escape from this wretched con- P CVl INTKODUCTION. dition. The following is the account given by Lau- donni^re of the generous conduct of the British com- mander, who voluntarily offered them a free passage to France, and ultimately, at the desire of Laudonnifere, sold them one of his ships. " "We therefore tooke a viewe of the shippe which the generall would sell, whom we drewe to such reason that he was content to stand unto mine owne men's judgment, who esteemed it to be worth seven hundred crowns, wherof we agreed very friendly. Wherfore I delivered him in earnest of the summe two bastards, two mynions, one thousand of iron and one thousand of powder. This bargaine thus made he considered the necessity wherein we were, having for all our sustenance but myl and water : whereupon being moved with pitie, he offred to relieve me with twenty barrels of meale, six pipes of beanes, one hogshead of salt, and a hundred of waxe to make candels. Moreover, forasmuch as he sawe my souldyers goe barefoote, he offred me besides fifty payres of shoes, which I accepted, and agreed of a price with hym, and gave hym a byll "of mine hand for the same, for which untill this present I am indebted to hym. He did more than this : for particularly he bestowed uppon myselfe a great jare of oyle, a jare of vynagre, a barill of olyves, and a great quantitye of ryce, and a barill of white biscuit. Besides he gave diverse presents to the principall officers of my com- panye according to their qualities ; so that I may saye that wee receaved as manye courtesies of the generall as it was possible to receive of any man living." Having made all necessary preparations, they were !!■ INTRODUCTION. CVU about to depart on the 28th of August, when several vessels were discovered making for the shore. This proved to be Ribault, who had returned to Florida with seven ships, carrying emigrants and stores, and with authority to supersede Laudonnifere in the go- vernment of the colony. About a week after his arrival, six large Spanish ships appeared on the coast, and anchored in the road, where four of the French ships lay which were too large to enter the river. The Frenchmen, distrusting the intentions of the Spaniards, slipped their cables, and stood out to sea. The Spaniards immediately gave chase, and fired upon them, but finding the French too fast for them, they returned to the coast, and entered a river about eight leagues from the River May, named by Ribault, in his first voyage, the Dolphins. The French vessels soon afterwards returned to their former position off the mouth of the River May. Ribault was at this time on shore with Laudonni^re, who was confined by fever. When the arrival of the Spaniards was reported to Ribault, he determined to attack them with the three ships that were in the river, notwithstanding the remonstrances of Laudonniere, whose objections he silenced by producing a letter from the Admiral Coligny, containing these words : — " While I was sealing this letter, I received certain advice, that Don Pedro Melendes is departing from Spain to go to the coast of New France. See that you suffer him not to encroach upon you, and that you do not encroach upon him." On the 10th of September Ribault departed on this expedition, taking with him almost ilil !l< if, cviii INTRODUCTION. every man accustomed to bear arms, and thus depriv- ing Laudonniire of all means of offering effective resistance to the Spaniards should they attack him, as he fully anticipated they would do. He endeavoured as far as he was able to repair and strengthen the fort, but a violent storm commenced immediately after Ribault's departure, and continued with such severity, that the works were greatly impeded. The same cause, however, which checked their defensive operations, gave them a delusive sense of security, as they imagined the Spaniards would never attempt an attack during such tempestuous weather. In this, however, they were fatally mistaken. On the 20th of September, the Spaniards suddenly appeared, having been guided overland by a deserter named Franyois Jean, and captured the fort after a very slight resist- ance — the greater part of those who attempted to defend it were slain, and Laudonniere himself escaped with difficulty to the woods. The only chance of safety consisted in reaching the French ships, which lay at the mouth of the river. To accomplish this he had to wade through the marshes, and passed the night standing up to his neck in water, supported in the arms of one of his soldiers: in the morning he got safely on board, and succeeded in picking up about eighteen or twenty others, the rest being all butchered by the Spaniards. Dismal as was the fate of Laudonniere and his company, that of Ribault was yet more disastrous. Tlie storm which we have already mentioned as having arisen immediately after his departure from the River May, wrecked all his INTRODUCTION. CIX ships, and he and his men, to the number of about six hundred, escaped with difficulty to shore in the neighbourhood of the spot where the Spaniards had encamped. It is said, that even under these unfa^ vourable circumstances, Ribault might have attacked the enemy with a prospect of success, but his men were discouraged. One party of two hundred gave themselves up, and were forthwith led by tens behind a sand-hill and butchered in cold blood. Three days afterwards, Hibault and one hundred and fifty more surrendered, and were in like manner murdered. Le- scarbot, in his Histoire de la Nouvelle France^ says, that Ribault was flayed alive, and his skin sent into Spain. Of the remainder, twenty escaped to the woods, and were never heard of afterwards ; and the rest, being too insignificant to cause any fear to the Spaniards, were spared. The French settlement was thus utterly destroyed by the Spaniards, who, it must be borne in mind, were at this time at peace with France. They attached labels to their murdered victims, on which were inscribed the words, " Not as Frenchman, but as heretics" — the poor Frenchmen being Hugue- nots. These atrocious deeds were bitterly revenged by Dominique de Gourgues, who in the year 1567, fitted out a private expedition, and in his turn utterly annihilated the settlement raised by the Spaniards on the ruins of Fort Caroline— hanging those who were not destroyed by the sword, to whom he attached labels, with the words, " Not as Spaniards, but as murderers". The particulars of this expedition are of high interest, but the scope of the present work does i,' Ml t III ex INTRODUCTION. *' not permit us to carry any further the history of the colonization of America. Eight ga- lien belonge tollierivcrof LiHbun & six to )e river of Sivil. On the 14th day of September 1585, Sir Francis Drake sailed from England ^on his voyage to the West. Indies, in comman'i of twenty-five ships. He first directed his course to the coast of Spain, and anchored within the isles of Bayona, now called the islands of Cies, at the mouth of the Bay of Vigo. His appear- ance caused the greatest consternation among the Spaniards ; and the Marquis of Santa Cruz, High- Admiral of Spain, drew up suggestions for the neces- sary defences, both on the coast of Spain, and for the Spanish possessions in the East and West Indies. A translation of a small part of this plan, in the hand- writing of Hakluyt, is now in the possession of Mr. Henry Stevens. By the kind permission of this gen- tleman, we are enabled to present the members of the society with a fac-simile of this highly interesting fragment, of which we also append a transcript for the benefit of those of our readers to whom the hand- writing of the sixteenth century may not be familiar. " That the castles of this citie, river, and teritorie, bee victuayled : and that they bee provided of powder, mach, and leade, and al things els touchinge artillerie : as I have craved the same in my supplications, w"*' I sent unto his ma*** the seventh of March this present yere 1585. " That the galies bee provided for fower monethes, and that sixe more bee brought from Spayne unto this river w* r i) soldiers in every galie, that they may bee devided 1 . .' 'V r ^i r:\ .•■I**' •• ■"> .\. - '" ■**< '<..',»5*«n ' j,^ .V"b J . I ; '. 0«':.j '*5-.. I i !" I bJ "6 v^U-^t- *i ?r ..^ / (En dors e d . ) /u<:< and la^rt Jtimvttti^ ^Qjewne ^ *^ .JR-wa^ j: INTRODUCTION. CXI amonge those eight w"** are here in this river of Lisbon. And in case that it fall out that the English army goe not for the Indies, and occupie it selfe in this kingdome, because there bee English ships w"** will doe the one and the other, wee shall bee enforced to make another army for the safe conduct of the Indian fleete of twelve ships, fower pataches, and fifteene hundred soldiers, beside ma- riners. " Al these things seeme unto me to bee necessarie for his ma"'" service to bee prepared w'*" greate diligence and care, and to provide money needful for the same without preferringe the one before the other, but that al may bee don without omittinge of any parte. Yet I referre my- selfe wholely to better advice and riper judgment. Written in Lisbon the 26 of October, after the Spanish accompte, 1585. THE ENDB. Translated out of Spanish by Richard Hakluyt, preacher. (Endorsed.) " The opinion of Don Alvaro Ba§an, Marches of Santa Cruz, and late Admiral of Spayne, touching the army of Francis Drake, lying at the yles of Bayona, on the cost of Galizia, declaring what harme hee might doe in al the West Indies." The document of which the above is a portion is printed entire in Hakluyt's General Collection, vol. iii,p. 532. Edit. 1600. Il I i- m M ■I li voy V] Am DIVERS voyages touching the discouerie of America and the Hands adiacent vnto the same, made first of all by our Englishmen and afterwards by the French- men and Britons. And certaine notes of aduertisements and obserua- tions, necessarie for such as shall heereafter make the like attempt. i Wxf\^ tf»o jHappeo annercU l^eenunto for t^e plaintr unHerstanUtng of X^t h)|)oIe matter. Imprinted at Lon- don for Thomas Woodcocke, dwelling in paules Church- Yardt at the signe of the blacke beare. 1582. t. ^ / THE NAMES OF CERTAINE LATE WRITERS OF OEOORAPHIB, WITH THE YEERE WHEREIN THEY WROTE. The yeuro i)f our Lorile, 1800. Abolfada Ismacli Prince of Syria, Persia, and Assyria.' 1320. John Mandeuill, Englishman.' 1500. AlbortuB Crantssius of Hamburge.' 1520. Peter Martyr, Millanoyse.* 1525. Oonsaluo Ouiedo, Spaniarde.* 1527. Robert Thome, Englishman. 1530. Hioronymui Fracastor, Italian.^ 1539. Gemma Fnaius.^ 1540. Antonio di Mondoza, Spaniard.^ 1541. Oerardus Morcator, Fleming.^ 1549. John Baptista Guicchardine, Florentine.^" 1553. John Baptista Ramusius, hee gathered many notable things." 1554. Sebastian Munster, Germane.^^ 1554. Thomas Giunti, Venetian." 1555. Clement Adams, Englishman. 1555. Orontius Finaeus, Frenchman.'* (1) Iiamall Ibn AH Abulfeda, King of Hammah, in Syria, born in the year 1273, (3) Sir John Mandoville, born at St. Albans. (») Albert Krantz, a native of Hamburg. (*) Pietro Martire Anghiera, bom at Arena in 1450. (A) Oontalvo Hernandez de Oviedo y Yaldez, born at Madrid about 1478. (") Girolamo Fracastoro, a native of Verona, bom in the year 1483. (7) Reinems Qomma, bom at Dockum, in Friesland, in lfi08. (8) Antonio do Mendoza, Viceroy of Mexico. (9) Qerard Mercator, born at Rupolmond, in 1512. Q^) Giovanni Batista Quic- ciardini, (1^) Oiovanni Batista Ramusio, born at Venice in 1486. (12) Sebastian MUnster, born at Ingelheim in 1489. (}^) Tommaso Giunti, a oolebrutod printer at Venice. {'*) Oronce Fin^, born at Bri- y !f 4 1564. Abraham Ortelius, Fleming.'* 1574. Hierome Osorius, Portingall.'" 1575. Andreas Theuet, Frenchman." 1575". Francis Belforest, Frenchman.'* 1576. Humfrey Gilbert Knight, Englishman."^ 1577. Dionyse Settle, Englishman. 1578. George Beste, Englishman. 1580. Nicolas Chauncellor, Englishman. an9on iu the year 1494. (i") Abram Ortel, a native of Antv/'srp, was born in the year 1527. ('^) Jeronimo Osorio, bom at Lisbon in 1606. (17) Andre Thevet, a native of Angouldme. (^^) Francois Belleforest, bom at Sarzan, near Samatan, in 1530. (i^) Sir Humphrey Gilbert, born in Devonshire in 1539. TUE NAMES OP CERTAINE LATE TRAUAYLERS, BOTH BY SEA AND BY LANDE, WHICH ALSO FOR THE MOST PART HAUE WRITTEN OP THEIR OWNE TRAUAYLES AND VOYAGES. , was 1506. )re8t, Ibert, The yere of our Lorde. 1178. Beniamiu Tudelensis, a lewe.' 1270. Marcus Faulus, a Venetian.' 1300. Harton, an Armenian.' 1320. John Mandenile Knight, Englishman. 1380. Nicolaus and Antonius Zeni, Venetians. 1444. Nicolaus Conti, Venetian. 1492. Christopher Columbus, a Genoway.* 1497. Sebastian Gabot, an Englishman, the sonne of a Venetia.' 1497. M. Thome and Hugh Eleot of Bristowe, Englishmen. 1497. Vasques de Gama, a Portingale.^ 1500. Gasper Corterealis, a Portingale.^ 1516. Edoardus Barbosa, a Portingale.* 1519. Femandus Magalianes, a Portingale.^ 1530. John Barros, a Portingale.'" 1534. Jaques Cartier, a Briton." 1540. Francis Vasques de Coronado, Spaniarde. 1542. John Gaeton, Spaniarde.'* (') Benjamin Ben Joua, bom at Tudela in the first half of the twelfth century. (2) Marco Polo, a native of Venice. (3) Hatto, Hayto, Aitho- nus, Aythonus, Haithonus, or Aytonus, Prince of Gorigos, in Cilicia. {*) Gristoforo Colombo, a native of Genoa, born about the year 1447. (6) Sebastian Cabot, born at Bristol about the year 1467. (^) Vasco da Gama, bom at Sines, in Portugal. (T) Gaspar Cortereal, born at Lisbon. (B) Duarte Barbosa, a native of Lisbon. (^) Fernando de Magalhaens. (1*) loao de Barros, was bom at Viseu, in Portugal, in the year 1496. (11) Jacques Cartier, bom at St. Malo. (i2) Juan Gaetano. 1549. Francis Xauier, a Portingale." 1553. HughWillowbie knight and Richard Chauncellor,Eng. 1554. Francis Galuano^ a Portingale.'^ 1556. Steuen and William Burros, Englishmen.'^ 1562. Antonie Jenkinson, Englishman. 1562. John Ribault, a Frenchman. 1565. Andrewe Theuet, a Frenchman. 1576. Martin Frobisher, Englishman.'* 1578. Francis Drake, Englishman.'^ 1580. Arthur Pet and Charles Jackma, Englishmen. 1582. Edwarde Fenton and Luke Warde, Englishmen. 1582. Humfrey Gilbert knight, Edward Heyes, and Antonie Brigham, Englishmen. (18) Frauqois Xavier, Saint, born at the Castle of Xavier, at t^e foot of the Pyrenees, in 1506. ('*) The person here meant appears to be Antonio Galvam, Governor of the Moluccas, bom in 1603 at Lisbon ; or, according to Barbosa Machado, in the East Indies. Q^) Stephen Burrough, bom at Northam, in Devonshire, in 1525. (i^) Sir Martin Frobisher, born at Doncaster. Q'') Sir Francis Drake, born near Tavistock, in Devonshire, in 1645. li) A VERIE LATE AND GREAT PROBABILITIE OF A PASSAGE BY THE NORTIMVEST PART OF AMERICA IN FIFTY- EiailT DEGREES OF NORTHERLY LATITUDE. An excellent learned man of Portingale, of singulcr grauety, authorities and experience, tolde mee very lately, that one Anm Cortereal,^ Captayne of the yle of Tercera, about the yeere 1574, which is not aboue eight yeres past, sent a Shippe to discouer the North-west passage of America, and that the same shippe arriuing on the coast of the saide America, in fiftie eyghte degrees of latitude, fouude a great entrance ex- ceeding deepe and broade without all impediment of ice, into whiche they passed aboue twentie leagues, and found it alwaies to trende towarde the South, the lande lying lowe and plaine on eyther side : And that they perswaded them selues verely that there was a way open into the south sea. But their victailes fayling them, and being but one shippe, they returned backe agayne with ioy. This place seemeth to lie in equal degrees of latitude with the first entrance of the sounde of Denmark, betweene Norway and the head land, called in Latin Cimbrorum promontorium,^ and therefore like to bee open and nauigable a great part of the yeere. And this report may be well annexed unto the other eight reasons mentioned in my epistle dedicatorie, for proofe of the likeli- hood of this passage by the north-west.' * i.e., loao, or loannes. ^ Anglici, the Skaw. * This statement is extremely vague. There can be no doubt but that the '' great entrance" mentioned in the text was Hudson's Straits ; but, unfortunately, we have no further account of this expedition. It is, to say the least, singular, that the names of Gaspar Cortereal and his de- scendant or relative Anus (or Joannes), should be connected with two independent discoveries of this great inland sea, at the distance of nearly eighty years from each other. 8 TO THE RIGHT WOllSHIPFULL AND MOST VERTUOUS GENTLEMAN MASTER PHILLIP SYDNEY, ESQUIRE. I MAttUAiiiE not a little (right worshipfuU) that since the first discoucric of America (which is nowe full fourcscore and tenne yeeres), after so great conquests and plantings of the Si)aniarde8 and Portingalcs there, that wee of Englaude could neucr haue the grace to set fast footing in such fcrtill and temperate places as are left as yet vTipossessed of them. But againe, when I consider that there is a time for all men, and sec the Portingalcs time to be out of date, and that the nakednesse of the Spaniards and their long hidden secretes^ are nowe at length espied, whereby they went about to delude the worlde, I conceiuc great hope that the time approchcth and nowe is, that wc of England may share and part stakes (if wee will our selues), both with the spaniardc and the Portingale, in part of America and other regions, as yet vn- discouered. And surely if there were in vs that desire to aduaunce the honour of our countrie which ought to bee in euery good man, wee woulde not all this while haue foreslowne' the possessing of those landes, whiche of equitie and right appertaine vnto vs, as by the discourses that foUowe shall appeare most plainely . Yea, if wee woulde beholde with the eye of pitie how al our Prisons are pestered and filled with able men to serue their Countrie, which for small roberies are dayly hanged vp in great numbers, euen twentie at a clappe, out of one iayle (as was scene at the last assizes at Rochester), wee * By " hidden secretes", it is presumed that the author alludes to the false pretence of religion used by the Spaniards as a cloak for their cruel oppression of the Indians ; or, as he expresses it in a subsequent passage, " pretending to convert infidels, but seeking their goods." 2 Foreslowne — Forborne, in the sense of neglected. TIIK KIMSTI.K DKDICATOltlK. wouldc h;^«tun mid further cuory num to his power tlio de- ducting;' of some Colonics of our supcrfluouH people into those temperate nnd fertile partes of America, which, beinjj within ■ixe wecJ''^s sayliug of En{;land, are yet vnpossessed by any ChristimnN ; and sccnie to offer themselucs vnto vs, stretching iieerer vnto her Maicstics Dominions then to any other part of Europe. Wee reado that the Bees who* they grow to be too many in their own hiues at home, are wont to bee led out by their Captaines to swarme abroad and secke them- Bclues a new dwelling place. If the examples of the (ire- cians and Carthaginians of olde time and the practise of our age may not mooue vs, yet let vs Icarne wisdome of these smal weake and vnreasonable creatures. It chaunccd very lately that vpon occasion I had great conference in matters of Oos- mographie with an excellent learned man of Portingale, most priuie to all the discouerics of his nation, who wondered that those blessed countries from the point of Florida North- ward were all this while vnplantcd by Christiana, protesting with great affection and zeale, that if hee were nowc as young as I (for at this present hee is threescore yecres of age) hee woulde sel all hee had, being a man of no small wealth and honour, to furnish a conuenient number of ships to sea for the inhabiting of those countries, and reducing those gentile people to christianitie. Moreouer, hee added, that John Barros, their chiefe Cosmographer, being moued with the like desire, was the cause that Brcsilia was first inhabited by the Portingales i'^ where they haue nine baronies or lord- ' Deducting, j. e., convoying. 2 Tliis statement must be received w'th caution. The coast of Brazil was discovered by Vicente Yaflez Pinzon, in the year 1499, and posses- sion taken for the crown of Portugal by Pedro Alvarez Cabral in 1500. The first settlement was made as early as the year 15U3, by Amerigo Vespucci. Toa5 de Barros, who was not born until the year 149G, held successively the offices of Captain or Governor of Fort St. George da Mina, Treasurer of the Colonial Department, and Factor or Agent- General for the Colonial Possessions of Portugal in India and Africa. C I (>r H li'iii'iii'cl MiinterJiiljii lilllTlls, tlir I'UUsiTol'tlie hilinliitiiiK of Breailiu. I'l V 10 THE EPISTLR ships, and thirtie engennies or suger milles, two or three hundred slaues belonging to eche my 11, with a ludge and other oflScers and a Church : so that euery mill is as it were a little common wealth : and that the countrie was first planted by such men as for small oflFences were saued from the ropeJ This hee spake not onely vnto mee and in my hearing, but also in the presence of a friend of mine, a man of great skill in the Mathematikes. If tljis mans desire might bee exe- cuted, wee might not only for the present time take posses- sion of that good land, but also, in short space, by God's grace, finde out that shorte and easie passage by the North- About 1539 he obtained the Captaincy (or in other words a grant) of a district in the Brazils called Maranham, but that was ten years after the attention of the Portuguese goyernmcnt had been steadily directed towards the colonization of the Brazils, and the system of dividing the country into captaincies had been adopted. His great work, the Decads, was not published until the year 1553, and these contained the history of the East and not of the West Indies. It appears, therefore, that neither his official nor his historical labours pointed towards the American "jntinent ; and although he ma^ have influenced the movements of his government in this respect, there is no evidence on record to support the broad assertion contained in the text. — See Barbosa Machado, BiUiotheca Lusitana. — Southey's History of the Brazils, part i, page 32-48. * The Portuguese and Spaniards, but particularly the former, set the example to modern Europe of transporting criminals to their colonies. The first legislative enactment in England, upon the subject of transport- ation, was the statute 39 Eliz. c. 4, by the fourth section of which it was enacted — ^that " if any rogues shall appear to be dangerous io the inferior sort of people, &c, they may lawfully bee banished out of this realme unto such parts beyond ye seas, as shall be at any time hereafter for that purpose assigned by the Privy Councell or by any sixe or more of them." The practical interpretation of this act was given by James I, who, by a letter addressed to the Treasurer and Council of the Colony of Virginia in the year 1619, commanded them " to send a hundred disso- lutfc persons to Virginia, which the Knight Marshal would deliver to them." Virginia appears thus to have been the first British settlement in America to which English criminals were transported ; and the system was afterwards extended, particularly from the reign of Charles II, to Maryland, Delaware, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, New Jersey, New York, and Pennsylvania. — See also Lang, Transportation and Colo- nization, p. 8, et seqq. , . . , i .j DEDICATOIIIE. 11 ' west, which we hauc hetherto so long desired, and whereof wee haue many good and more then probable coniectures : a fewe whereof I thinke it not amisse hcere to set downe, although your worship knowe them as well as my selfe. First, therefore, it is not to be forgotten that Sebastian Gabot wrote to Master Baptista Ramusius, that he veryly beleeued that all the north part of America is diuided into IlandesJ Secondly, that master John Verazanus, which had been thrise on that coast, in an olde excellent mappe which he gaue to King Ilenrie the eight, and is yet in the custodie of master Locke, doth so lay it out as it is to bee scene in the mappe annexed to the end of this boke, beeing made according to Verazanus plat. Thirdly, the story of Gil Gonsalua, recorded by Franciscus Lopes de Gomara, which is saide to haue sought a passage by the Northwest, seemeth to argue and proue the same.* Fourthly, in the second relation of laques Cartier, the 12 chapter, the people of Saguinay doe testifie that vpon their coastes Westwarde there is a sea, the ende whereof is vnknowne vnto them.' Fiftly, in the end of that discourse is added this, as a special remembrance, to wit, that they of Canada say that it is a monethes space to saile to a lande where cinamon and clones are growing.* Sixtly, the people of Florida signified vnto ' Ratnusio, Navigationi, vol. iii, Preface, p. 6. 3 For the passage referred to in the text, see Lopez do Gomara, Ilis- toria general de las Indiaa, fol. 258. An vers, 1654, 12o. 3 The following is the passage referred to in the text : " We understood of Donnacona and of others, that the said river is called the River of Saguenay . . . and that beyond Saguenay the said river entcreth into two or three great lakes, and that there is a sea of fresh water found ; and as they have heard say of those of Saguenay, there was never man heard of that found out the end thereof : for as they told us, they themselves were never there." — Ilaklugt, vol. iii, p. 225. The river hero meant is the Bt. Lawrence ; and the lakes and sea, Lakes Ontario, Erie, Huron, Michi- gan, and Lake Superior. * I!aHu>/t,\o\. iii, p. 232. This statement is far too vague to admit of any conjecture as to the laud meant. -I 12 THE ElMSTLK John Ribault (as it is expressed in his discourse hccrcwithall imprinted), that they might saile from the Riuor of May vnto Ceuola and the south sea throtxgh their countrie within twcntie dayes. Scuenthly, the experience of captain Fro- bisher^ on the hyther side, and Sir Fraunces Drake on the b.ick side of America,* with the testimonie of Nicolaus and Anthonius Zeni, that Estotilanda is an Ilande,' doth ycehle no small hope thereof. Lastly, the judgement of the ex- cellent Geographer Gerardus Mercator, which his sonne, ' Frobisher made three voyages in search of a north-west passage : the first in the year 1576, and the second and third in the two following years. On each occasion ho penetrated far enough to excite hopes of ultimate success ; but not so far as to meet with any of those discou- raging circumstances which at a later period checked the spirit of adven- ture in this quarter, and it is to be hoped will at length be allowed their due weight in determining how far it is expedient to risk the lives of brave men in solving a geographical problem, — the explanation of which, however complete, can lead to no practical result. In the first voyage those straits were discovered which have since borne Frobisher's name : " He entered", the account says, " the same the one and twentieth of July, and passed above fifty leagues therein . . having upon either hand a great niaine or continent." — JIakluyt, vol. iii, p. 58. In the third voyage, the ships missed Frobisher's Straits, and bearing to the south of Queen Elizabeth's Foreland, entered Hudson's Straits by mistake, — " of which mistaken straights, considering the circumstance, we have great cause to confirm our opinion, to like and hope well of the passage in this place. For the foresaid bay or sea, the further wo sailed therein, the wider we found it, with great likelihood of endless continuance." — lb. vol. iii, p. 80. ' The voyage of Drake, in which he discovered and took possession of California, under the name of New Albion, was performed in the years 1577-80. There is no circumstance connected with this voyage calcu- lated to raise hopes of the practicabilHy of the north-west passage, beyond the fact, that Drake sailed as high as the forty-eighth degree of north latitude, with the bold design of returning home by a north-east passage, and still found an open sea before him : at this point, however, the suffer- ings of his men from cold obliged him to turn southwards again. It is worthy of notice, that in the description of New Albion, contained in the account of this voyage, the following passage occurs : " There is no part of earth here to be taken up wherein there is not some probable show of gold or silver."' — Haklui/t, vol. iii, p. 730. 3 See jwst, under " The Discoverie of the Isles of Frisland^ Iseland," etc. BEDICATOIUE. 18 third south of -"of ve great in this , the or—lb. Riimold Mercator, my friende, shewed mee in his letters, and thc iuiipc- ' •' ' ' nient of Oe- drewe out for mee in writing, is not of wise men lightly to "^J,'I"''of"" be regarded. His words are these — Magna tametsi pauca SJe nohu- de noua Probisheri nauigatione scribis, quant miror ante multos annos no fuisse attentatam. Non enim dubium est, guin recta et breuis via pateat in Occident em Cathaium vsq;. In quod regnu, si recte nauigationem instituant, nobilissimas totius mundi merces colligent et multis Gentibus adhuc idololatris Christi nomen communicabunt. You write (saith hec to his Sonne) great matters, though very briefly, of the new dis- couerie of Frobisher, which I wonder was neuer these many yeeres heretofore attempted. For there is no doubt but that there is a straight and short way open into the West, euen vnto Cathay. Into which kingdome, if they take their course aright, they shall gather the most noble merchandise of all the worlde, and shall make the name of Christ to bee knowne vnto many idolatrous and Heathen people. And heere, to conclude and shut vp this matter, I haue hearde my selfe of Merchants of credite,that have lined long in Spaine,that King A lawc Phillip hath made a lawe of late that none of his subiectes maaeofiate ^ by King shall discouer to -.he Northwardes of fiue and fortie degrees of p*"'"'?- America : whiche may bee thought to proceede chiefly of two causes, the one, least passing farther to the North they should discover the open passage from the south sea to our north sea : the other, because they haue not people enough to possesse and keepe that passage, but rather thereby shoulde open a gappe for other nations to passe that way. Certes, if hetherto in our owne discoueries we had not beene led with a preposterous desire of seeking rather gaine then Gods glorie, I assure my self that our labours had taken farre better effbcte. But wee forgotte that Godlinesse is great riches, and that if we first seeke the kingdome of God aU other thinges will be giuen vnto vs, and that as the light ac- companieth the Sunnc, and the hcate the fire, so lasting riches do waite vpon them that are zealous for the aduauncement It t M THE EPISTLE M ■ .! ) of the kingdome of Christ and the enlargement of his glori- ous Gospell : as it is sayde, I will honour them that honour mee. I truste that nowe, being taught by their manifolde losses, our men will take a more godly course, and vse some part of their goods to his glorie : if not, he will turne euen their couetousnes to seme him, as he hath done the pride and auarice of the Spaniards and Portingales, who, pretend- ing in glorious words that they made their discoueries chiefly to conuert Infidelles to our most holy faith (as they say) in deed and truth, sought not them but their goods and riches. Whiche thing, that our nation may more speedily and happily performe, there is no better meane, in my simple iudgcmet, then the increase of knowledge in the arte of nauigation and breading of skilfulnesse in the sea men : whiche Charles the Emperovir, and the king of Spaine that nowe is, wisely consi- tatio' house dcring, haue in their Contractation house' in Sivdll, appointed at SiuUl. ° ^^ a learned reader of the sayde art of Nauigation, and iojoied with him certayne examiners, and haue distinguished the orders among the sea men, as the groomet, whiche is the basest degree, the marriner, which is the seconde, the master the thirde, and the pilot the fourth, vnto the which two last degrees none is admitted without hee haue heard the reader for a certaine space (which is commonly an excellent Mathematician, of which number were Pedro di Medina,^ which writte learnedly of the art of nauigation, and Alonso di Chauez' and Hieronimus di Chauez, whose works likewise 1 Gontractation-house, i. e., the house in which agreements are made for the promotion of trade^— the Exchange. 2 Pedro de Medina, born at Seville. He wrote — 1, Arte de Navegar, Seville, 1545, fol. 2, Begimiento de Navegacion, Seville, 1563, 4to. 3, Lihro de las Grandezas y Cosas memorahles de Espana, Seville, 1643, fol. 4, Chronica breve de Espaiui, Seville, 1548. 5, Chronica de loa Buques de Medina Sidonia, MS. 6, Dialogos de la Verdad sabre la Conversion del Pecador, Valladolid, 1545, fol. 7, Tabula Hispanice Oeographica ; used by Ortelius, in his Theatrum Orbis Terrarum. 8 Alonso de Chaves was a Spanish cosraographcr, and one of the exa- miners of pilots (Herrera, Historia general de loa Hechos de los Cmtelhtnos Navegar, 4to. 3, 543, fol. Duques ihe exa- Htellimoa DEDICATORIE. 16 I haue scene),' and being founde fitte by him and his assis- tantes, which are to examine matters touching experience, they are admitted with as great solemnitie and giuing of pre- sents to the ancient masters and Pilots, and the reader and examiners, as the great doctors in the Vniuersities, or our great Sergeantes at the hiw when they proceed, and so are admitted to take charge for the Indies. And that your wor- shippe may knowe that this is true. Master Steven Borrows,' m. steuen nowe one of the foure masters of the Queene's nauie, tolde me that, newely after his returne from the discouery of Mos- couie by the North in Queene Maries daies, the Spaniards hauing intelligence that he was master in that discouerie, tooke him into their cotractation house at their making and en las Isles y Tierra Firme del Mar Oceano, Dec. iii, p. 219 ; iv, p. 30), but we cannot find any account of his works. * Qeromino de Chaves, a native of Seville. His works are— 1, Tratado de la Esfera, que compuso el doctor Juan de Sacrobusto, con muchas adi- ciones, traducido con escolios y Jiffuras, Seyille, 1545, ^to. 2, Chronogra- phia Repertorio de los Tiempos, Seville, 1554, 4to. 3, He was also the author of two maps : one of America, which was never published ; and the other of Seville and its territory, which was used by Ortelius, in his Tkeatrum Orhis Terrarum. 2 The following inscription occurs on a monumental brass, in the middle aisle of Chatham Church, and is here given from a rubbing, with which we have been favoured by William Thomas Wright, Esq., of Gravesend : — " Here lieth buried the bodie of Steuen Borough, who departed this life ye xijth of July, in ye yere of our Lord 1584, and was borne at Northam, in Deuonshire, ye xxvth of SeptemV, 1525. He in his life-time discouered Muscouia, by the Northerne sea passage to St. Nicholas, in the yere 1653. At his settinge foorth of England, he was accompanied with two other shippes, Sir Hugh Willobie beinge Admlrall of the fleete, who, with all the Company of ye said two shippes, were frosen to death in Lappia ye same winter. After his discouerie of Roosia, and ye Coastes there to adioyninge — to wit, Lappia, Nova Zemla, and the Cuntrie of Samoyeda, etc. : hee frequented ye trade to St. Nicholas yearlie, as chiefe pilot for ye voyage, until! he was chosen for one of ye fowre principall Masters in ordinarie of ye Queen's Ma^'^s royall Navy, where in he continued beinge imploycd as occasion required, in charge of sundrie sea seruises, till time of his death." This inscription is printed in the Hegistrtim Rofense, p. 731. II 16 THE KPISTI.E / 1 A lecture of the art (if nauiffntio' neccNsarie for to be erected in London. The bounti. ftill offer of Sir Fra'cis Drake to- ward fur- thering the art of Naui- gallon. admitting of masters and pilots, giuing him great honour, and presented him with a payre of perfumed gloues, woorth fine or six Ducates. I speake all this to this ende, that the like order of erecting such a Lecture here in London, or about Ratcliffe, in some conuenient place, were a matter of great consequence and importance for the sauing of many mens lines and goods, which nowe, through grosse ignorance, are dayly in great hazerd, to the no small detriment of the whole realme.^ For whiche cause I haue dealt with the right worshipfuU sir Frances Drake, that seeing God hath blessed him so wonderfully, he woulde do this honour to him selfe and benefite to his countrey, to bee at the cost to erect such a lecture : Whereunto, in most bountifull maner, at the verie first, he answered, that he liked so well of the motion, that he would giue twentie poundes by the yeere standing, and twentie poundes more before hand to a learned man, to fur- nish him with instruments and maps, that woulde take this thing vpon him : yea, so readic he was, that he earnestly re- quested mee to helpe him to the notice of a fitte man for that purpose, which I, for the zeale I bare to this good actio', did presently, and brought him one, who came vnto him and con- ferred with him thereupon : but in fine he would not vnder- take the lecture vnless he might haue fourtie pounde a yeere ' In the course of nearly three hundred years, but little improvement, if any, appears to have bcon effected in this respect. In the year 1848, certain papers relating to the commercial marine of Great Britain were presented to both Houses of Parliament : they consist of answers addressed to Mr. Murray, of the Foreign Office, in reply to queries submitted to several of the British Consuls abroad — having a particular reference to the character and conduct of British shipmasters and seamen. Two sen- tences from these documents will suffice tp show how closely the present state of things resembles that against which Hakluyt so strongly pro- tests : — " There is no system of regular education for the merchant ser- vice of Great Britain ; but in foreign countries this is much attended to" (page 1). Again : — " Is it justifiable, that the lives of thousands of persons should be jeoparded, because shipowners have a right to place incompetent persons in charge of vessels?" (page 142). DRDTfATOItTE. 17 Htaiuling, and su the matter ceased for tliat time : howebeit, tlie woi'thiu and goud Knight remaineth still constant^ and will be, aM ho told nie very lately, as good as his worde. Nowe, if (Jod aliouldc put into the head of any noble man to contril)iito other twentio pounde to make this lecture a competent liuing for a learned man, the whole realme no doubt might rcapo no small benefite thereby. To leave this matter and to drawo to an ende I haue heare, right worship- full, in thJH haNtie worke first put downe the title which we hnue to that part of America which is from Florida to 67 de- grees northwardo by the letters patentes graunted to lohn ^"J};,',,^ „,„, Gaboto and his three sonnes, Lewes, Sebastian, and Santius, '"mni's?' with Sebastians owno Certificate to Baptista Ramusius of his discoucrio of America, and the testimonie of Fabian, our own Clironielor. Next, I have caused to bee added the letters of Mr. llobort Thorne to King Henrie the eight, and his dis- course to his Anibassadour, doctor Ley, in Spaine, of the like argument, with the Kings setting out of two ships for dis- coucrio in tho ID ycre of his raigne. The' I have translated the voyage of lohn Verarzanus from thirtie degrees to Cape Briton (and the last yeere, at my charges and other of my friendes, by my exhortation, I caused laqucs Cartiers two voyages of diseoucring the grand Bay, and Canada, Sagui- nay, and Ilouhelaga, to bee translated out of my Volumes, which aro to bo annexed to this present translation) . Morc- ouer, following the order of the map, and not the course of time, I have \)\\i downe the discourse of Nicholaus and An- tonius Zenio. The last treatise of lohn Ribault is a thing that hath been alreadie printed, but not nowe to be had, vnlesse I had caused it to be printed againe.* The mappe is 1 Tho title of tho first edition of this treatise is " The whole aiul triio discouorye of Terra Florida, (onglishcd the Florishing lande) Contcyning aswell the wunderfuU Htraungo natures and maners of the people, with tho raoruoyloHH commodities and treasures of the country : As also the plusaunt PortOM, HauotiH and wayes therevnto. Neuer foiinde out before the last yero 15(12. Written in Frenche by Captaine Ribauld, the fyrst D i^i^^iii^ 18 THE EPISTLE DEDICATOUTE. master Michael Lockes, a man, for his knowledge in diuers languages, and especially in Cosmographie, able to doe his countrey good, and worthie, in my iudgment, for the mani- folde good partes in him, of good reputation and better for- tune. This cursorie pamphlet I am ouer bold to present vnto your worshippe : but I had rather want a litle discretion then to bee founde vnthankful to him which hath been alwaies 80 readie to pleasure me and all my name. Heere I cease, crauing pardon for my ouer boldnesse, trusting also that your worshippe will continue and increase your accustomed fauour to- warde these godly and honourable discoueries. Your worshippe's humble alwayes to commaunde. R. H. that whoUye discouered the same. And nowe newly set forthe in Eng- lishe the xxx of May. 1563. Prynted at London by Rouland Hall for Thomas Hacket." A copy is in the general library of the British Museum, but the vrork is of great rarity. !r 19 A LATINE COPIE OF THE LETTERS PATENTES OF KING HENRIE THE SEVENTH, GRAUNTED vnto lohn Gabote and his three Sonnes, Lewes, Sebastian, and Santius, for the discouering of newe and vnknowen Landes. Henricus dei gratia rex Angliee et Francia et dominus hiber- nia, omnibus ad guos preesentes literee nostra peruenerint, salu- tem. Notum sit et manifest um: quod dedimus et concessimus, ac per preesentes damns et concedimus pro nobis et hceredibus nos- tris dilectis nobis loanni Gaboto ciui Veneciarum, Lodouico, Sebastiano et Santio, filiis dicti loannis, et eorum et cuiuslibet eorum hteredibns et deputatis, plenam ac liberam authoritate facultatem et potestatem nauigandi ad omnes partes, regiones et shvus maris orientalis, occidentalis, et septentrionalis, sub banneris, vexillis et insigniis nostris, cum quinque nauibus sine nauigijs cuiuscunque portiturce et qualitatis existant et cum tot et tantis nautis et hominibus quot et quantos in dictis nauibus secum ducere voluerint, suis et eorum propriis sumptibus et ex- pensis ad inueniendum, discoperiendum et inuestigandum quas- cunque insulas, patrias, regiones sine prouincias gentilium et infidelium quorumcunque in quacunque parte mundi positas, quce Christianis omnibus ante heec tempora fuerint incognitce. Con^ cessimus etiam eisdem et eorum cuilibet eorumque et cuiuslibet eorum heeredibus et deputatis ac licentiam dedimus ad affigen- dum pradictas banneras nostras et insignia in quacunque villa, oppido, castro, insula seu terra firma a se nouiter inuentis. Et quod preenominatus loannes et filii eiusdem seu hceredes et eorundem deputati quascunq ; huimmodi villas, castra, oppida et insulas a se inuentas qtue subiugari, occupari, possideri pos- sint, subiugare, occupare, possidere valedt tanqud vasalli nostri et gubernatores, locatenentes et deputati, eorundem dominium, 20 LE'lTERS PATENTE8. titulum et iurisdictionem earundem villaruin, castroruin, oppi- dorum, insulanim, ac terrre Jirmai hic inventorum nobis acqui- rendo. Ita tamen vt ex omnibus fructibus, projicuis, emolu- mentis, commodis, lucris, et obuentionibus ex hidusmodi naui- gatione prouenientibus, preefatns Joannes et filii ac hceredes, et eoruni deputati tenedtur et sint ohfigati nobis pro omni viagio mio, toties quoties ad porta nostra BristoUia applicnerint fad quern omnino applicare tenedtur et sint astrictij deductis omni- bus stiptibus et impensis necessariis per eosdem fact is, quintam partem capitalis hicri facti, siue in mercibus siue in pecuniis persoluere. Dantes nos et concedctes eisdc suisq: hteredibus et deputatis, vt ab omni solutione custumarum omnia et »ingu- torum bonorum ac mercium, quas secum reportarint ab illis locis sic nouiter inuentis, liberi sint et immunes. Et insuper dedimus et concessimus eisdem ac suis fueredibm et deputatis, quod terras omnes jirmee, insulte, vilfee, oppida, castra et loca quacunq ; a se inuenta, quot-quot ab eis inueniri contigerit, non possint ab aliis quibusuis nostris subditis frequentari seu visi- tari, absq: licentia pnedictorum loannis et eius filiorum suo- rumq; deputatorum, sub poena amissionis td nauium, quam bonorum omniu quorumcunq; ad ea loca sic inuenta nauigare proisuentiu. Volentes et strictissime mandantes omnibus et sin- gulis nostris subditis tam in terra quam in mart constitutis, vt prafato loanni et eius filiis, ac deputatis, bond assistentiam faciant et tam in armandis nauibus seu nauigiis, quam in pro- uisione quietatus et victualium pro sua pecunia emendorum, atq : aliarum omnium rerum sibi prouidendarum pro dicta nauiga- tione sumenda, suos omnes fauores et auxilia impertiant. In .. ..... cuius rei testimonium has literas nostras fian fecimus patentes : Martii 14U5. o ,/ mt teste me ipso apud Westmonasteriu qwinto die Martii, anno regni nostri vndecimo. •\. 21 THE S.VMK LK'ITERS PATENTS IN KNCIMSIF. IIknrie, by the grace of God, king of Eugland and France, and Lorde of Irclande, to all, to whom these presentes shall come, greeting. Be it knowen, that we haue giuen and granted, and by these presentcs doe giue and grant for vis and our heyres, to our well beloned John Gabote, citizen of Venice, to Lewes, Sebastian, and Santius, sonnes of the saide John, and to the heires of them and eiicry of them, and their deputies, full and free authoritie, leaue, and power, to sayle to all partes, countreys, and seas, of the East, of the West, and of the North, under our banners and ensignes, with fine ships J',iuvl,n„ of what burden or quantitie soeuer they be : and as many hi»'",„?nrs'" mariners or men as they will haue with them in the saide io".iiH".mn' ships, upon their owne proper costes and charges, to seeke iiui'i" vmiur out, discouer, and finde, whatsoeuer iles, countreyes, regions i">niHr. or prouinces, of the heathen and infidelles, whatsoeuer they bee, and in what part of the worlde soeuer they be, whiche before this time haue been vnknowen to all Christians. We liaue granted to them also, and to euery of them, the heires of them, and euery of them, and their deputies, and haue giuen them licence to set up our banners and ensignes in euery village, towne, castel, yle, or maine lande, of them newely founde. And that the foresaid John and his sonnes, _, , , * ' To siwiilue or their heires and assignes, may subdue, occupie, and pos- ""sso^'those sesse, all such townes, cities, castles, and yles, of them founde, lu^'kriisT V tLS S 111 Ic H which they can subdue, occupie, and possesse, as our vas- sailes and lieutenantes, getting vnto vs the rule, title, and iurisdiction of the same villages, townes, castles, and firme lande so founde. Yet, so that the foresaide John and his sonnes and heires, and their Deputies, bee holden and bounden of all the fruites, profites, gaines, and commodities, growing of such nauigation, for euery their voyage, as often as they shall arriue at our port of BristoU (at the which port they shall be bounde and holden only to arriue), all manner of 22 I. KIT Kit 8 P^TKNTKS. ( Tin- lift of III! ^oiiiIh tu III' (Mlill tu till' kiiiK. J'pi'i'ilome Iroin nil I'lmtdtnes. Ncini' but llii'v mill lljcir iih:iin'hn.i, Maiur <>l' Londuii. Sebastian Gabots letters to linmusiuH. 24 SKBASTIAN GABOTKS VOYAOK. Of the whicli vpon two yeeres past after I saw two apparelled after the maner of Englishmen, in Westminster pallace, v/hich at that time I coulde not d^'seerne from Englishemen, till I was learned what they wcie. But as for speech, I heard none of them vtter one worde. John Baptista Ramusius, in his preface to the thirde volui-iC of the nauigations,^ writeth thus of Sebastian Gabot : — In the latter part of this volume are put certaine relations of John de Verarzana, a Florentine, and of a great Captaine'* a Frenchman, and the two voyages of Jaques Cartier, a Briton,' who sailed vnto the lande set in fiftie degrees of latitude to the north, which is called New France : and the which laudes hitherto it is not throughly knowne whether they doe ioyne with the firme lande of Florida and Nona Hispania, or whether they be separated and diuided all by the Sea as Hands : and whether that by that way one may goe by Sea vnto the countrie of Cathaio :* as many yeeres past it was written vnto me by Sebastian Gaboto, our countrie man Vene- tian, a man of great experience, and very rare in the art of 1 Page 6. Edit. 1565. 2 The title of this piece is as follows : — "Discorso d'un gran capitano di mare Franccse del luoco di Dicppa sopra le navigationi fatte alia terra nuova dell' Indie occidentali, chiamata la nuova Francia, da gradi 40 fino a gradi 47 sotto il polo artico, e sopra la terra del Brasil, Guinea, Isola di San Lorenzo e quella di Summatra, fino alle qiiali hanno navigato le caravelle e navi Francesi." Who the great captain may have been does not appear. 8 i, e., from Brittany. * Cathaia, or Cathay, has been mentioned by writers as a great kingdom, as early as the thirteenth century : it is not easy, however, to ascertain what district was comprised under this appellation. The locality was the north of China ; but the notions of the early cosmographcrs appear to have been far from definite upon the subject. — See a learned dissertation, by Andreas Miiller, entitled Disqaisitio (leographlca et Ilis- torica de Chataja, in which he discusses " Quasnam Chataja sit, et an sit idem ille terrarum tractus quem Sinas et vulgo Chinam vocant, aut pars ejus aliqua?" Berolini, 1671, 4to. / SEBASTIAN GAB0TE9 VOYAGE. 25 Nauigation and the knowledge of Cosmographie: who sayled along and beyonde this lande of Newc Fraunce, at the charges of King Henrie the seuenth, king of Englande. And hee tolde mee, that hauing sayled a long time West and by North beyonde these Ilandes vnto the latitude of 67 degrees and an halfe under the North Pole, and at the 11 day of June, find- ing still the open Sea without any manner of impediment, hee thought verily by that way to haue passed on still the way to Cathaio, which is in the East, and woulde haue done it, if the mutinie of the shipmaster and marriners had not rebelled, and made him to returne homewardes from that place.* But it seemeth that God doth yet still reserue this great enterprise for some great Prince to discouer this voyage of Cathaio by this way; which for the bringing of the spiceries from India into Europe were the most easie and shortest of all other wayes hetherto founde out. And, surely, this en- terprise woulde bee the most glorious, and of most impor- tance of all other, that can be imagined, to make his name great, and fame immortall, to all ages to come, farre more then can be done by any of all these great troubles and He calleth lliem Hands. Sehastioii (iabot might Iiniip sailed to Cathaio. This voyape to Cathay reserued by God I'lir some great Prince. Tliis way thi' slioilest ofnll others. This disco- uery were a most glori- ous cnte- prise. been 1 There is much contradictory evidence, and of an early date, as to the degree of north latitude actually reached l)y S. Cabot ; and the natural consequence has been great discrepancy in the statements of later writers, according as they have followed one or other of the earlier authorities. The doubt is, whether he stopped short at 56 degrees, or had penetrated as high as 67, when compelled to turn back by the mutinous fears of his crew. There ia a strong presumption in favour of his having actua'ly discovered Hudson's Straits, and gained the ()7th degree through Fox's Channel. — See Kamusio, Navigationi, vol. i, fol. 402. Edit. 15')0. Id. vol. iii, fol. 417. Edit. 1565 ; the various statements in Hakluyt's PrincipaU Navigatioiis, vol. iii, p. 6-0, 25, 26. Edit. HiOO; vol. iv, p. 417. Edit. 1811 ; Gomara, Historin general de Ian Indian, fol. .31. Edit. 1554 ; and also the Memoir of S. Cabot, by Biddle, where the subject will be found discussed at considerable length. It is to be regretted that this gentleman has not been as careful in tlic aiTangenicnt of tlio vuiy valuable materials he has brought together, as ho luis been diligent in the collec- tion of them : we can rarely be certain that we have got all the informa- tion containetl in his book upon any given subject. E III ! S Williiun Woi'thiiiK- toii, Pen. sitiucr. 20 SEBASTIAN OABOTES VOYAOK. warres, wliich dayly are vsed in Europe among the miserable Christian people. This much concerning Sebastion Gabotes discouerie may suffice for a present cast : but shortly, God willing, shall come out in print, all his owne mappes and discourses, drawne and written by himselfe,' which are in the custodie of the worshipfuU master Willia Worthington,' one of her Maiesties Pensioners, who (because so worthie monumentes shoulde not be bi'ried in perpetuall obliuion) is very willing to suffer them to be ouerseene and published in as good order as may bee, to the encouragement and benefite of our Countriemen. 1 Cabot's Maps and Discourses wore never printed. See also Memoir of S. Cabot, page 221, where Mr. Biddle suggests that Worthiiigton may have been a creature of Philip II of Spain, and have been employed by him for the purpose of gaining possession of all Cabot's charts and papers. 2 William Worthington. One of the "ordinary gentlemen and pen- sioners" of King Edward VI, and " bailiff and collector of the rents and revenues of all the manors, messuages, and hereditaments, within the city of London and county of Middlesex, which did belong to colleges, guilds, fraternities, or free chapels." — Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, \o\. ii, part ii, page 234. Oxford, 1822. *l: 27 A DECLARATION OF THE INDIES AND LANDES discouered and subdued vnto the Emperour and the king of Portugale ; and also of other partes of the Indies and rich countries to be discouered, which the worshipfuU Master Eobert Thome, merchant of London (who dwelt long in the city of Uiuil, in Spaine), exhorted King Henrie the eight to take in hande. MOST EXCELLENT PRINCE, ExPEKiENCE proueth that naturally all Princes bee desirous to extend and enlarge their dominions and kingdomes. Wher- fore it is not to bee maruelled to sec them euery day procure y lame, not regarding any cost, pcrill, and labour, that may *ii ;h7 chaunce; but rather it is to bee maruciled if there IV prince content to Hue quiet with his owne dominions. For surely the people would thinke he lacketh the noble courage and spirit of all other. The worlde knoweth that the desires of Princes hauc beene so feruent to obtainc their purpose, that they haue aduentured and proued things to mans coniecture impossible, the which they haue made pos- sible, and also things difficult haue made facil ; and thus to obtainc their purpose, haue in maner turned vp and downe the whole worlde so many times, that the people inhabiting in the farthest regio of the Occident, haue pursued with great desires, labours, and perils, to penetrate and enter into the farthest regions of the Orient: And in likewise those people of the said partes of the Orient haue had no lesse labour and desire to enter and penetrate into the farthest land of the Occident, and so following their purchase [purpose ?] haue not seased vntill they could passe no farther by reason of the great Seas. This natui'all inclination is cause that scarsely it may bcc 38 DKCLAUATION OP saide there is any kingdome stable, nor king quiet, but that his owne imagination, or other Princes his neighbours, doe trouble him. God and nature hath prouided to your Grace, and to your Gracious progenitors, this Realme of Englande, and set it in so fruitefuU a place, and within suche limites, that it shoulde seeme to bee a place quiet and aparted from all the foresaide desires. One speciall cause is, for that it is compassed with the Sea : by reason thereof it seemes, this notwithstanding, their desires and noble courages haue been most commonly like vnto others : and with marueilous great labours, costes, and perilles,they haue trauelled and passed the Seas, making warre not onely with kings and dominions nigh neighbours, but also with them of farre countries, and so hath wonne and conquered many riche and faire Dominions, and amplified this your Graces Realme with great victorie and glory. And also nowe of late, your Grace hauing like courage and desire, and not without iust cause to enlarge this your kingdome, and demaund your limites and tribute of the French king, which at that present hee restrained, your Grace in person passed with a great power into France,' putting your Grace's person to great paine and labour, and without doubt victoriously you had conquered the saide Realme of Fraunce as yee began, if your aduersarie hfcd not reconciled him, and knowledged your Graces right and title : and so promised truely to pay the tribute then due, and ful- fill your request in all thinges, and also desired your Grace for peace, the which of your clemencie you could not refuse. Nowe I, considering this your noble courage and desire, and also perceiuing that your Grace may at your pleasure, to your greater glory, by a godly meane, with litle cost, perill, or la- bour to your Grace or any of your Subiectes, amplifie and inriche this your saide Realme, I knowe it is my bounde dutie to manifest this secrete vnto your Grace, which hitherto, as I 1 Henry VIII passed over into France in the month of June, 1513. THE INDIES. on suppose, hath beene hid : which is, that with a small number nuc. of shippes there may bee discouered diuers newe landes and kingdomes, in the whiche, without doubt, your Grace shall winne perpetuall glory and your Subiects infinite profite. To which places there is left one way to disccuer, which is into the North : For that of the foure parts of the worlde it seemeth three partes are discouered by other Princes. For out of Spaine they haue discouered all the Indies and Seas Occidentall, and out of Portugale all the Indies and Seas Ori- ental : So that by this part of the Orient and Occident they haue compassed the worlde. For the one of them departing towarde the Orient, and the other towarde the Occident, met againe in the course or M'ay of the middest of the day, and so then was discouered a great part of the same Seas and coastes by the Spaniardes. So that nowe rest to bee dis- couered the said North partes, the which it seemeth to mee is onely your charge and dutie. Because the situation of this your Realme is thereunto neerest and aptest of all other: and also for that you haue alreadie taken it in hande : And, in Note. mine opinion, it will not seeme well to leaue so great and profitable an enterprise, seeing it may so easily, and with so little coste, labour, and daunger, bee followed and obteined : Though; heretofore, your Grace hath made theereof a proofe, and founde not the commoditie thereby as you trusted, at this time it shall bee no impediment. For there may bee nowe prouided remedies for thinges then lacked, and the in- conueniences and lettes remooued that then were cause your Grace's desire tooke no full effect, which is, the courses to be chaunged, and followe the aforesaid new courses.' And con- 1 lu Ildkluyt's Collections, vol. i, page 615, we find an account of " The voyage of Sir Thomas Pert and S. Cabota to Brasil, St. Domingo, and St. John de Porto Ricco, -.n. 1616." This is the only voyage of the kind in Henry VIII's reign, prior to the time when Thome wrote this Declaration ; and is, no doubt, the " proofe" referred to in the text. Hakluyt declares that the expedition failed through the cowardice of Sir Thomas Pert ; but we are not informed whether the object were the discovery of new I iii ill 80 DECLAttATlON OF cerning the marriners, shippes^ and prouiaion^ an order may be deuised and taken, meete and conuenient, much better then hetherto. By reason whereof, and by God's grace, no doubt your purpose shall take eflfect. Surely the coste heerein will bee nothing in comparison to the great profite. The labour is much lesse, yea nothing at all, where so great honour and glory is hoped for : and, considering well the courses, truly the dager and way is shorter to vs the to spaine or Fortugall, as by euident reasons appeareth. And Note. nowe to declare some thing of the commoditie and vtilitie of this Nauigation and discouering : it is very cleere and certaine that the Seas that commonly men say that without great danger, difficultie, and perill, yea, rather, it is impossible to passe, those same Seas bee nauigable, and without any such daunger but that shippes may passe, and have in them per- petuall cleerenesse of the day without any darknesse of the night : which thing is a great commoditie for the nauigants to see at all times rounde about them, as well the safegardes as daungers; and howe great difference it is betweene the commoditie and perilles of other, which lease the most parte of euery foure and twentie houres the saide light and goe in darknesse, groping their way, I thincke there is none so ignorant but perceiueth this more plainely then it can bee expressed : yea, what a vantage shall your Graces Subiects haue also by this light to discouer the strange landes, coun- tries, and coastes, for if they that bee discouered to sayle by them in darkenesse is with great danger, muche more then the coastes not discouered be dangerous to trauell by night or in darknesse. Yet these dangers or darkenesse hath not letted the Spaniardes and Portingals and other to discouer many unknowen realmes to their great perill, which con- regions, or a predatory excursion against the Spanish possessions. The "new courses" recommended by Thome, evidently refer to the expediency of attempting a northern passage in preference to the more beaten track towards New Spain. THE INDIES. 81 aidcred (tuid that your Grace's Subiectes may haue the said lighte) it will Roome your Grace's subiects to bee without ac- tiuitie or courage in leauing to do this glorious and noble enterpriiio. For they, being past this little way which they named so dangerous, wliich may bee ii or iii leagues before they come to y" Pole, and as much more after they passe the Pole, it ii clecro that from thence foorth the Seas and landes are m toniporat as in these partes, and that then it may be at the will and pleasure of the marriners to choose whether they will sailo by y" coastes that bee colde, temperate, or hot. For thoy being past the Pole, it is plaine they maye decline to what parte they list. If they will goe towarde the Orient, they shall inioy the regions of all the Tartarians that extende towardo the midday, and from thence they may goe and pro- cecde to the lando of y* Chinas, and from thence to the land of Cathaio oriental, which is of rll the mayne lande most oricntall that can bee reckoned xrom our habitation. And if from thence they doe continue their nauigation, fol- lowing the coastc that returns towarde the Occident, they shall fall in Melassa,' and so in all the Indees which we call oriental j and, following that way, may return hither by the Cape of Bona Speransa :' and thus they shall compasse the whole worldo. And if they will take their course after they be past the pole towarde the Occident, they shall goe in the backe side of the new found lande, which of late was dis- couored by your Grace's subiectes, vntill they come to the back- side and South seas of the Indees occidentalls. And so con- tinuing thoir viage, they may returne thorowc the Straite of Magallunas to this countrey, and so they compasse also the worlde by that way, and if they goe this thirde way, and after thoy bee past the pole, goe right towarde the pole Ant- artike, and then decline toward the lands and Hands situated betweenc the Tropikes and vnder the Equinoctial, without 1 Melatin— moflt probably the Malay peninsula. 8 Oiipo of Good Hope. In .1 *1 as DECLAllATION OF THE INDIES. doubt they shal find there y*" richest lads and Hands of the worlde of Golde, precious stones, balmes, spices, and other thinges that wee here esteeme most: which come out of Strang countreys, and may returne the same way. ■ i ■.- By this, it appeareth your Grace have not onely a greate aduantage of the riches, but also your subiectes shal not trauell halfe of the way that other doe, which goe rounde about as nforcsaide. \\ 4tt4. Ci 'rati f^3 I V , 111 it / .sNN' .N-^^ N>^^*^' ^^'^ ^^^*^" A j'''^;;: *; I. ♦• I S5i??K?J^5S? v»j v*. W /^FadBSiSo. dcmercationuPortugiilcariu Atcrrisifto oppofitisincipiiint,acterminitiu wgtA(iiisi6o ^^buimcanxveifU5orieiitfin,fccuchim computationemHifp&noxum. Etfic infulxTharfuacOftirditifli tiixvidejlturrjctrA.illorumdcinercationein cxdere.Portugaien/esvrrdfuam eleuafionrm Atcrris illo/igno »l« oppo/ituincijMK »iuat,& tenninuemgraJus 180. huiu5cArt^,vtvjelrAntur pr^di£lis infuUsvtcuqt jttin- -^ gere,8cgMdus 180. dcmercAtioniiHi/jpAnorum Apnorcfigno ^ (ecundum HiIpAnorum coputMioncm- Vcl tacipiuntapofterioreiecundum PortugAlenresvcHusocctdcnlem^^ tenninanturin gudiu I ^o. Xecunduni Hifpanes,vcl iBoJecundum Portu^rnfcs-EtriCjiicetfnfuIxTliarfis 6c Ophirvidenturaitingeir Portugalm. icMAmrnmAilsCapoveTdedfAx,qilKiiiirAfuprAdidafign% A cidunt,vid^rttroinittere.£tficdumia- faUs Capovcfde letinere voKint Portugalmfes, iJlasTnarfuA. ^ OAr nonpeiTuntatiingert. ■^»Wv ""«">HW,„„^ nX* -o -"""'^^ %.Kipxu Tot A\^^^4t/ikl A ^^"***>^^'<^^Vl^^^^^^^^■^^,^ vvvw^vwi^vv/ ^^-^ ^^; TO Jo J/ "^ >rs o -r^ t '^ x> « Iiiiltiic ingrA(Jiiri5o. ^affiJicOfiirditi/fu Items illofigfio kli |ulASvtcuq)4ttin IcoputAtionem- Vd uiu 1 ^o. Xecunduffl [ingeir Portugalcn. littere.Etfic dum in. Itingert. •HisisthcforracolaMappefcnt iliZ7. fromSiuill inSpaync by miifterKobert Thome ixiArchaiinMoDodlor LeyEmtaflfadourforkingHenrythcS.to Chirluthe Emperour.. AndahhougK theUmeih this prefenttitncm Ay fecnie rude, yet Ihauc/eiit out , be- C4u(ehis bookecouldc not well be vnderftood without tbeCume. The imperfeilion of ivhichMappemaybcexcuirdby that tymeithcktiowJcdgeof Cofmogntphienotthenbe- yng entrej Among our MarebaunteS', a&neweitis. ; I -._ ■•^..i^.tx '',>«*fH^-"'r./i->- ' -'..v -**-. ^^; 1 V ■j *|Mi - ft- r i • 1- r , jT jtfc 11 ■ ir n — m m ifc I ■irii— ■B-«fr*^ s THE BOOKE MADE BY THE RIGHT WORSHIPFUL Master Robert Thome, in the ycere 1527, in Siuill, to Doclour Ijpy,' Lorde Amlmssatlour for King Ilenri'i the eight, to Charles the Emperour, bein^ •.•\ iiiformatiop, of the parts of the worhl discouerf ;] by hiia an'i the King of Portingale : And also of thr \%.iy to tho Moluccacs by the north. Right Noble and ReuerendIj in, etc. -- 1 vc^'ciued youi* letters, and haue procured and sent to kuowr of your >(;runnt who your Lordcship wrote shoulde bee E-.j.kij m Merfheiui.'' I can not there or els where heare of hini, ■»v''>ut lie be re- turned to you or gone to S. Lucar and shipt. 1 cpji not ^uc^ge but that of some contagions sicknes he died, so tlii\t tho o\vm;r of the house for defaming his house woulde bury him secretly and not be known of it. For such things haue ofte times happened in this countrey. Also, to write to your Lordshippe of the ne k e trade of spicerie of the Emperour, there is no doubt but that the Ilandes^ are fertile of clouos, nutmegs, mace, and cinnamon: And that the saide Ilandes, with other there about, abounde in gold. Rubies, Diamonds, Balasses,'' Graviates,* iacincts, itd other stones and pearles, as al other lads that ar?. vnder and nere y* equinoctial. For we see where nature gi Kith any thing she is no nigarde. For ns with vs and other, that are 1 Dr. Edward Lee, chaplain and almoner to Kiu^ Honry YIII, and afterwards archbishop of York. — Woo >, Athence Oxon, vol. i, page 138. Edit. 1813. ' Marchena, near Sovillo. 3 The Philippine Islands, discovered by Magellan for the crown of Spain, in the year 1621. < The Balass ruby, of a faint red colour. <> Qranate, or grenatite ; prismatic garnet, of a shining, transparent, yellowish red. i ir 34 TUIC UOOKE MADK BY aparted from the sayde equinoctiall, our mettalles be lead, tynne, and yron, so theirs be golde, siluer, and copper. And as our fruites and graines be aples, ^luttes, and corne, so theirs bee dates, nutmegges, pepper, cloues, and other spices. And as wee haue iette, amber, cristall, iasper, and other hke stones, so liaue they rubies, diamonds, balasses, saphires, lacincts, and other like. And though some say that of such precious mettals, graines, or kind of spices, and precious stones, the aboundance and quantitie is nothing so great as our mettals, fruites, or stones, aboue rehearsed : yet, if it be well consi- dered how the quantitie of the earth vnder the equinoctiall to both the tropicall lines (in which space is founde the said golde, spices, and precious stones), to be as much in quan- titie as almost all the earth from the tropickes to both the poles : it can not be denied but there is more quantitie of the said mettels, fruites, spices, and precious stones, then there is of the other mettels and other thinges before rehearsed. And I see that the preciousnesse of these thinges is measured after the distance that is betweene vs, and the things that we haue appetite vnto. For in this nauigation of the spicerie was discouered, that these Hands nothing set by golde, but set more by a knife and a nayle of yron, then by his quan- titie of Golde : and with reason, as the thing more necessarie for mans seruice. And I doubt not but to them shoulde bee as precious our corne and seedcs, if they might haue them, as to vs their spices : and likewise the peeces of glasse that heare wee haue counterfayted, are as precious to them as to vs their stones : which by experience is scene daylie by them that haue trade thither. This of the riches of those countries is sufficient. Touching that your Lordship wrote, whether it may be profitable to the Emperour or no, it may be without doubte of great profit : if, as the King of Portingall doth, he woulde become a marchant and prouide shippes, and their lading, and trade thither alone, and defende the trade of these MASTER llOUEUT TUOUNB. 35 Hands for himselfe. But other greater busines withholdeth him from this. But still, as nowe it is beguiine to bee occu- pied, it would come to much. For the ships comming in safetie, there would thither many euery yeere, of whiche to the Emperour is due of all the wares and Juelles that come from thence the fift part for his custome clcare without any cost. And besides this, he putteth in euery flote a certayn quantitie of money, of whiche hee enioyeth of the gaines pounde and poundes, like as other aducnturers doe. In a flote of three shippes and a carauell, that went from this citie, armed by the marchauntes of it, which departed in Aprill last past, I and my partener haue 1400 Ducates, that Note. we employed in the sayde fleete, principally for that two Englishmen, friends of mine, whiche are somewhat learned in Cosmographie, shoulde goe in the same shippes, to bring mee certaine relation of the situation of the count rey, and to bee experte in the Nauigation of those seas, und tliere to haue informations of many other things and aduise that I desire to know especially. Seeing in these quarters are shippes and marriners of that r?ountrey, and cardes by which they sayle, though much vnlike ours : that they should procure to haue the said Cards, and learne howe they vndeistande them, and especially to know what Nauigation they haue for those Ilandes Northwardes and Northeastwarde. For if from the sayde Ilandes the Sea do extende without Note. interposition of lande, to sayle from the North poynt to tlie Northeast poynt, 1700 or 1800 leagues, they should come to the Newe founde Ilandes that wee discouered, and so wee shoulde bee neerer to the sayde spicerie by almost 2000 leagues then the Emperour or the king of Portingal are. And to aduise your Lordshippe whether of these spiceries of the King of Portingal or the Emperours is neerer, and also of the titles that eyther of them hath, and howe our Newe founde landes are parted from it (for that by writyng without some demonstration it were harde to giuc any declaration of it), , ' » » « J ■> ^ 9 ^ ^ \n A 4 a i« 86 THE BOOKE MADE BY To know the hiti- tudeb. I have caused that your Lordeshippe shall receyue herewith a little Mappe or Carde of the worlde : the whiche I feare mee shall put your Lordshippe to more labour to understande then mee to make it, only for that it is made in so little roome that it cannot be but obscurely set out, y* is desired to be scene in it, and also for y' I am in this science little expert : Yet to remedy in part this difficultie, it is necessary to declare to your Lordshippe my intent, with which I trust you shal perceiue in this card part of your desire, if, for that I cannot expresse mine intent with ray declaratio, I doe not make it more obscure. First, your Lordship knoweth that the Cosmographers haue deuided the earth by 360 degrees in latitude, and as many in longitude, vnder the which is comprehended al the round- nesse of the earth : the latitude beeing deuided into 4 quarters, ninetie degrees amount to euerie quarter, which they mea- sure by the altitude of the poles, that is, the North and South s+arres, beeing from the line equinoctiall, till they come right vnder the North starre, the saide ninetie degrees : and as muche from the sayde line equinoctiall to the South starre bee other ninetie degrees. And asmuche more is also from eyther of the saide starres agayne to the equinoctiall. Which, imagined to be rounde, is soone perceiued thus 360 degrees of latitude to be consumed in the said foure quarters, of ninetie degrees a quarter, so that this latitude is the measure of the worlde from North to South, and from South to North. And the longitude, in which are also counted other 360, is counted fro West to East or from East to West, as in the card is set. The said latitude your Lordship may see marked and deuided in the end of this carde on the left hande. So that if you woulde know in what degrees of latitude any region or coast standeth, take a compasse and set the one foote of the same in the equinoctiall line right against the said region, and apply the other foote or compasse to the saide region or coast, and then set the sayd compasse at the ende of the . I'leiff , f • t •► MASTER UOBEUT THORNE. 37 carde, where the degrees are deuided. And the one foote of the copasse standing in the line eqiiinoctiall, the other will shewe in the scale the degrees of ali'tade or latitude that the sayd region is in. Also, the longitude of the worlde I have set out in the nether part of the carde, contayning also 360 degrees : which begin to be couted, after Ptolome and other Cosmographers, from an head land, called Capo verde} which is ouer against a little crosse, made in the part occidentall, where the diuision of the degrees beginneth and endeth in y* same Capo verde. Nowe, to knowe in what longitude to know any lande is, your Lordshippc must take a ruler, or a com- tude». passe, and set the one foote of the compasse upon the lande, or coast, whose longitude you woulde knowe, and extende the other foote of the compasse to the nexte parte of one of the transuersaU lines in the Orientall or Occidentall part : which done, set the one foote of the compasse in the saide transuersaU lyne at the ende of the nether scale, the scale of longitude and the other foote sheweth the degree of longi- tude that the region is in. And your Lordshippe must vnder- stande, that this carde, though little, conteyneth the vniuersall whole worlde betwixte the twoo collaterall lines, the one in the Occidentall parte descendeth pei'pendicular vppon the 175 degree, and the other in the Orientall on the 170 degree, whose distaunce measureth the scale of longitude. Aud that whiche is without the two sayde transuersaU lynes is oaely to shew howe the Oriental part is ioyned with the Occident, and Occi- dent with the Orient. For that that is set without the line in 1 Tho meridian adopted by Ptolemy is not Cape VerJe, but Ferro, the most westerly of the Canary Islands, which were well known to the ancients as the Insulte Fortunataj, although gradually forgotten after the destruction of Carthage, the great maritime power of antiquity. Some have fixed the first meridian at the island of St. Nicholas, near Cape Verde ; some at the island of Corvo, oue of the Azores. Tho Dutch have chosen the Peak of Teneriffe ; others, the Isle of Palma, one of the Cana- ries ; and the French have reckoned, within the last hundred years, both from the Island of Ferro, and from Paris. 38 TIIK BOOKE MADE BY m; 4 the Orient parte is the same that is set within the other line in the Occidentall parte : and againe, that that is sette without the line in the Occidentall part is the same that is set within the line on the Orientall parte : To shewe that though this figure of the worlde, in playne or flat, seemeth to haue an ende, yet one imagining that this sayde carde were set vpon a round thing, where the endes shoulde touche by the lines, it would plainely appeare howe the Orient part ioyneth with the Occident, as there without the lines it is described and figured. And for more declaration of the said card, your Lordship shall vnderstand, that beginning on the parte Occi- dentall within the lyne, the first land that is set out is ye mayne land, and Hand of the Indies' of ye Emperour. Which mayne lande or coast goeth Northwarde, and finisheth in the lande that wee founde, which is called heere Terra de Labra- dor. So that it appeareth the sayde lande that wee founde, and the Indies, to bee all one mayne lande. The sayd coast from the saide Indies oouthwarde, as by the carde your Lordshippe may see, cometh to a certaine straite sea, called Now culled Estrcvho de todos Sanctos: by which straite Sea the Spaniardes Ihe slnit of jMug.iuiie. go to the spiceries, as I shall declare more at large : the which straite sea is right against the three hundred fifteene degrees of Longitude, and is of Latitude or altitude from the Equinoctiall fiftie-three degrees. The first lande from the sayd beginning of the carde towardc the Orient, is certaine Ilandes of the Canaries, and Ilandes of Capo verde. But the first mayne lande next to the line Equinoctiall, is the sayde Capo verde, and from thence northwarde by the streite of this sea of Italic.* And so foUoweth Spayne, Fraunce, Flaunders, Almaine, Denmarke, and Norway, which is the highest parte toward the North. And ouer against Flaun- ders are our Hands of England and Irelande. Of the landes and coastes within the straites, I haue set out onelye the 1 Mexico and the West Indies. » The Straits of Gibraltar. MASTKR ROBKUT THORNE. 39 Regions^ deuiding them by lynes of their lymittes, by whiche playnelie I thinke your Lordship may see, in what situatio euery region is, and of what highnesse, and with what regions it is ioyned. I doe thinke feAV are lefte out of all Europe. In the partes of Asia and Affrica, 1 could not so well make the said diuisions : for that they be not so well knowen, nor neede not so muche. This I write, because in the sayde earde bee made the sayde lynes, and strikes that your Lord- shippe should vnderstande wherefore they doe serue. Also, returning to foresayde Capo verde, the coast goeth South- warde to a cape, called Capo de bona speransa:' which is right ouer agaynst the sixtye and sixtie-fifte degree of Longitude. And by this cape goe the Portingales to their spicerie. For from this cape towarde the Orient, is the Lande of Calicut, as your Lordshippe may see in the head lande ouer against the 130 degree. From the said Cape of Botia Speransa the coast returneth toward the line Equinoctiall, and passing foorth, entreth the read sea, and returning out, entreth againe into the gulfe of Persia, and returneth towarde the Equinoctiall line, till that it commeth to the headland called Callicut^ aforesaide, and from thence the coast, making a Gulfe,' where is the riuer of Ganges, returneth towarde the line to a head lande called Malacha, where is the principall spicerie : And from this cape, returneth and maketh a great Gulfe,* and after, the coast goeth right toward the Orient, and ouer against this last gulfe and coast be manie Ilandes,® which be Ilandes of the spiceries of the Emperour. Upon which the Portingales and he be at variaunce. The said coast goeth towarde the Note. Orient and endeth right against the 155 degrees, and after returneth toward the Occident Northwarde : which coast not yet plainely knowne, I may ioyne to the new found land found by vs, that I spake of before. So that I finishe with 1 Capo of Good Hope. ^ jf o .-r called Cape Comorin. 8 The Bay of Bengal. * The Gulf of Siam. 8 The Philippine Islands. i m 40 THE BOOKE MADE BY this, a briefe declaration of the carde aforesavde. Well I knowe I shoulde also haiie declared how the coastes within the strtiites of the Sea of Italic runne. It is plaiiie, that passing the streites on the Northside of that Sea after the Coast of Granado, and with that which pertaynes to Spayne, is the coast of that which Fraunce hath in Italie. And then followeth in one peece all Italie, which lande hath an arme of a sea, with a gulf, which is called Mare Adriaticum. And in the bottome of this gulfe is the citie of Venice. And on the other part of the said gulfe is Sclauonia,' and nexte Grecia, then the streites of Constantinople,* and then the Sea called Euxinus, which is within the saide streites : and com- ming out of the said straits, floweth toward Turcia maior. (Though now on both sides it is called Turcia.) And so the coast runneth Southward to Syria, and oner against the said Turcia are the Hades of Rhodes, Candie, and Cyprus. And oner against Italie are the Ilandes of Sicilia and Sardinia. And ouer against Spaine is Maiorca and minorca. In the ende of the gulfe of Syria is ludea. And from thence returneth the coast toward the Occident, till it commeth to the streites where wee beganne, whiche all is the coast of Affricke or Barbaric. Also, your Lordshippe shall vnder- stande, that the coastes of the Sea throughout all the world I haue coloured with yellow, for that it may appeare that all that is within the line coloured yellow, is to be imagined to be mayne land, or Hand : and all without the sayde line so coloured to bee Sea ; whereby it is easie and light to know it. Albeit, in this little roorae, any other description would rather hciue made it obscure then cleere. Also, the sayd coasts of the Sea are all set iustly after the manner and forme 1 Istria, Croatia, and Dalmatia, to which the term Sclavonia was for- merly applied, as well as to that part of Europe which is known at the present day as Sclavonia Proper, situate between the Save, the Danube, and the Illova. 2 The Dardanelles and Sea of Marmora. MASTKll ROBERT THOHNE. 41 a» thoy ly(», as the nauigntion approoueth the throughout all tlio earth), iaue onely the coastcs and lies of the spicerie of y" Eraperour, which is from ouer against the 160 to the 215 dogrecH of Longitude. For these coastes and situations of the IlandM, ouery of the Cosmographers and pilots of Portin- gall and Spayne doe set after their purpose. The Spaniards, more towards the Orient, because they should appear to apper- taino to the Emperour: and the Portingalles more toward the Occident, for that they should fall within their iurisdic- tion. So that the Pilots and nauigants thither, which in such cmvM should declare y* truth, by their industrie doe set the falsely euery one to fauour his prince. And for this cause can be no certaine situatio of y' coast and Hands til this difference bctwixte them be verified. Nowe, to come to the piirpoNC of your Lordshippes demaunde, touching the difference betwcene the Emperour and the king of Portin- gall, to vndcrstad it better, I must declare y*" beginning of this discouering. Though, peraducture, your Lordship may say, y* in that I haue writte ought of purpose, I fall in the Pro- uorbe, A (fi-mino ouo bellum : But your Lordship commaunded me to be large, and I take licence to be prolixouse, and shal be, peradiienturu. tedious, but your Lordship knoweth that nihil iymrantia verhosiua. In the yeere 1484,' the king of Portingal minded to arme certaine caruelles to discouer this spicery. Then forasmuch as he feared that being discouered, euerie other prince would send and trade thither, so y' the cost and peril of discouering should be his, and the profite common : wherefore, first, he gaue knowledge of this his mynd to all princes christened, saying, y' he would seeke amogst y* infidels newe possessios of regions, and therefore * In this year Congo was discovered by Diego Cam, a Portuguese. — BarroN, A$iy'^ 48 THE BOOKE MADK BY yil I men. Note. wrote, whether that which wee discouered toiicheth any New found thing the forcsayde coastes : once it appeareth plainely, that engil'sh-'^'^^ the Newe founde lande that wee discouered is all a mayne lande, with the Indies occidental], from whence the Empe- rour hath all the golde and pearles : and so continueth of coaste more then 5000 leagues of length, as by this Garde appeareth. For from the saide newe landes it proceedeth toward the occidet to the Indies, and from the Indies return- eth toward the orient, and after turneth southwarde vp till it come to the straytes of Todos Sanctos, whiche I reckon to bee more then 5000 leagues. So that to the Indians it shoulde seeme that wee haue some title, at least, that for our discouering wee might trade thither as other doe. But all this is nothing neere the spicerie. To sayie by Nowc then (if from the sayde newe founde landes the Sea the pole, ^ _ •' bee Nauigable), there is no doubte, but say ling Northwarde and passing the pole, descendiug to the equiaoctiall lyne, wee shall hitte these Ilandes, and it shoulde bee much more shorter way then eyther the Spaniardes or the Portingales haue. For wee bee distaunt from the pole but 39 degrees, and from the pole to the Equinoctiall bee 90, the which added together be 129 degrees, leagues 2480, and mylcs 7440. Where wee shoulde finde these Ilandes. And the Nauigation of the Spaniardes to the spicerie is, as by this Garde you may see, from Spayne to the Ilandes of Canarie, and from these Ilandes they runne ouer the lyne Equinoc- that the line of partition for the three hundred and seventy leagues must commence at the Island of San Antonio, and that 'he Moluccas, Sumatra, Malacca, the Philippine Islands, and also China, fell within the line of demarcation for Castille, by mary degrees ; and that their situation was not in the longitude affirmed b}' the Portuguese. In the midst of these discussions, the term for which the commission ^vas appointed expired, and the commissioners ultimately came to the decision that they could decide nothing ; and not knowing what better to do, left the matter to be settled by their respective sovereigns. — Herrera, Historia de la E^pana, torn, i, Descripcion, p. 2, Dec. iii, lib. vi, cap. 3-8 j Navarrcte, CoUeccion, torn, iv, p. 310 et seqq. *\ MASTKtt llOHERT TUOllNK. 51 ation or desire of this discouerie I inherited of my father, which with another merchant of Bristowe, named Hugh Eliotj were the discouerers of the ncwe found lads, of the which there is no doubt, as now plainly appeareth, if the The cause marriners woulde then haue been ruled, and folowed their ^|;j' [,"( ^*'' pilots mind, the lands of the Avest In ^^"t::., from whence all also 'srbas. the gold commeth, had been ours. For all is one coaste, as writeth in an ciiislln by the carde appeareth, and is aforct«aide. Also in this carde, S^^"^p^„' , by the coastes where you see C, your Lordship shall vnder- stand it is set for Cape or head land ; where I, for Hand j where P, for Port ; where R, for Riucr. Also in al this little carde, I thinke nothing be erred touching the situation of the land, saue onely in these Hands of spicery : which for that as afore is sayd, euery one setteth them after his minde, there can be no certification how they stand. I doe not denie that there lacke many things that a consumate carde should haue, or that a right good demonstration desireth. For there should be expressed all the mountaines and riuers that are principall of name in the earth, with the names of Portes of the sea, the names of all principall cities, whiche all I might haue set, but not in this Carde, for the little space would not consent. Your Lordship may see that setting only the names almost of euery region and yet not of all, the roome is occupied. Many Hands are also left out for the saidc lacke of roorae : the names almost of all portes put to silence, with the roses of the windes or pointes of the compasse : For that this is not for Pilots to sayle by, but a summaric declaration of that which your Lordship commaunded. And if by this your Lordshippe cannot well perceiue the meaning of this carde, of the which I woulde not maruell, by reason of the rude composition of it, will it please your Lordship to aduise mee to make a bigger and a better mappe, or els that I may cause one to bee made For I knowe my selfe in this and all 1 Ramusio, Navigutioni, vol. iii, p. C, Preface. Edit. 1565. 52 THE BOOKE MADE BY other nothing perfect but Licet semper discens, nunquam tamen ad perfectam scientiam peruenient. Also I knowe to set the forme Sphericall of the worlde in Piano after the true rule of Cosmographie, it would haue been made otherwise then this is : howbeit the demonstrati(m shoulde not haue beene so plaine. And also these degrees of longitude, that I set in the lower part of this Card, shold haue been set along by the line equinoctiall, and so then must bee ima- gined. For the degrees of longitude neare either of the poles are nothing equal in bignes to them in the equinoctiall. But these are set so, for that setting them a long the Equi- noctiall, it would haue made obscure a great parte of the mappe. Many other curiosities may be required, which for the nonce I did not set downe, as well for that the intent I had principally was to satisfie your doubt touching the spicerie, as for that I lacke ley sure and time. I trust your Lordshippe, correcting that Avhich is erred, will accept my good will, which is to do any thing that I maye in your Lordshippes seruice. But from henceforth, I knowe your Lordshippe wil rather commande me to kecpe silence then to be large, when you shalbe weeried with the reading of this discom'se. lesus prosper your estate and healtii. Your Lordshippes Robert Thome, 1527. Also this Carde, and that which I write touching the vari- aunce betweene the Emperour and the king of Portingale, is not to bee shewed or communicated there with many of that Courte. For though there is nothing in it preiudiciall to the Emperour, yet it may bee a cause of paine to the maker : as well for that none may make these Gardes but certaine appointed and alloAved for masters, as for that pcr- aduenture it woulde not sounde well to them, that a stranger shoulde knowe or discouer their secretes : and wolde appeare MASTER KOBEllT THOllNE. 53 worst of all, if they vnderstand that I write touching y*^ short way to the spicerie by our Seas. Though, peraduenture, of troth, it is not to bee looked too, as a thing that by all opi- nions is vnpossible, and I thinke neuer will come to effect : and, therefore, neither heere nor elswhere is it to bee spoken of. For to moue it amongcst wise men it shoulde bee had in derision. And, therefore, to none I woulde haue written nor spoken of such things but to your Lordship, to whome boldly I commit in this all my foolish fantasie as to my selfe. But if it please God that into Englande I may come with your Lordship, I will shewe some coniectures of reason, though against the generall opinion of Cosmographers, by which shall appeare this that I say not to lacke some foundation. And tyll that time, I beseeche your Lordship let it bee put to silence : and in the meane season it may please God to sende our two Englishmen, that are gone to the spicerie, which may aLo bring more plaine declarsition of y' which in this case might bee desired.' Also I knowe, it needed not to haue beene so prolixe in the declaration of this Carde to your Lordship, if the saide Carde had beene very well made after the rules of Cosmographie. For your Lordship woulde soone vnderstande it better then I, or any other that coulde haue made it : and so it shoulde appeare that I shewed Delphmuni nature. But for that I haue made it after my rude maner, it is ncccssarie that I be the declarer or gloser of mine owne work, or els your Lordship should haue had muclx labour to vnderstande it, which nowe witli it also cannot bee excused it is so grossely done. But I knewe you looked for no curious things of mce, and therefore I trust your Lordshippc will accept this and holde mee for excused. In other mens letters that they write, they craue pardon that at this present 1 Sec ante, p. 35, where Thome informs us, that he and his partner had ventured 1400 ducats in a certain fleet of Spanish merchantmen, princi- pally that he might have an opportunity of sending two Englishmen with them, who might thereby haye an opportunity of observing the naviga- tion to the Spice Islands. 111 m 54 THE BOOKE MADE BY MA.8TEU KOBERT THORNE. \i\: p I they write no larger : but I must finish, asking pardon, that at this present I write so largely. lesus preserue your Lord- ship with augmentation of dignities. Your seruant Robert Thome. 1527. This Exhortation to king Hcnrie the eight, with the dis- course to Doctor Ley, his Ambassadour in Spaine, was pre- serued by one master Emmanuel Lucar, executour to master Robert Thome, and was friendly imparted vnto mee by master Cyprian Lucar, his sonne, an honest Gentleman, and very forwarde to further any good and laudable action. And that it may bee knowne that this motion tooke present effect with the king, I thought it good herewithall to put downe the testimonie of our Chronicle that the king set pur shippes for this discouerie in ^is lifetime. Master Hall ' and master Grafton'' in their Chronicles write both thus : This same moneth king Henry the eight sente two faire ships well manned and victualed, hauing in them diners cunning men, to seeke strange regions : and so they, set foorth out of the Thames the xx day of May, in the xix yeere of his raigne. In the yeere of our Lorde 1527.^ 1 Vol. ii, fol. 158, b. Edit. 1650. « Page 1149. Edit. 1569. 3 These two ships were the Mary of Guildford and the Sampson, which sailed from Plymouth on the 10th of June 1527. The Mary of Guild- ford arrived at Newfoundland on the 21st of July; but the Sampson had been separated from her consort in a storm about the 1st of July, and was never heard of afterwards. The fullest account of the voyage, and that extremely meagre, is given by John Rut, the master of the Mary of Guildford, in a letter addressed by him to King Henry VIII, from St. John's Bay, Newfoundland, and dated August 3rd, 1527. — Purchas, Fil- grimes, vol.iii, p. 809. See also Hakluyt (vol. iii, p. 129), who evidently had not seen Rut's letter, and was very imperfectly acquainted with the particulars of this voyage ; and Memoirs of Cabot, p. 272, et seqq. 'U FINIS. MASTER UOBEUT TilORNE. 49 tiall Southwarde to the cape of the mayne lande of Indians, called the Cape of Sainte Augustine, and from this cape Southwardes to the straytes of Todos Sanctos, in the whiche ^tJaUes of Nauigation to the sayde straites is 1700 or 1800 leagues: and ""«''''"• froLi these straytes, being past them, they returne towarde the line Equinoctiall to the Ilandes of spicerie, whiche are distante from the sayde straites 4200 or 4300 leagues. The Nauigation of the Portingalles to the sayd Hands is, departing from Portingale Southwarde towarde the Capo verde, and from thence to another Cape, passing the lyne equinoctiall, called Capo de bona speransa, and from Por- tingale to the cape is 1800 leagues, and from this cape to the Ilandes of spicerie of the Emperour is 3500 leagues. So that by this nauigation amounteth all to 4300 leagues. So that as afore is sayde, if betweene our Newe founde landes, or Norway, or Islande, the Seas towarde the north be Naui- gable, wee shoulde goe to these Ilandes a shorter way by more then 2000 leagues. And though wee went not to the saide Ilandes, for that they are the Emperours or Kinges of Portingale, wee shoulde by the way, and comming once to Note. the line Equinoctiall, fiude landes no lesse riche of Golde and spicerie as all other landes are vnder the saide line Equi- noctiall : and also shoulde, if wee may passe vnder the North, enioye the Nauigation of all Tartaric. Which should bee no lesse profitable to our commodities ^^"JJJ^^,^" of clothe, then these spiceries to the Emperour and king of Portingale. But it is a generall opinion of all Cosmographers, that Obieciion. passing the senenth clyme,* the sea is all ice, the colde so 1 A climate is a space of the surface of the globe comprised between two circles parallel to the equator. Thn general rule for determining the region embraced by each climate has been a certain variance in the length of the longest day, so that the longest day at the parallel nearest to the equator shall exceed the longest day at the parallel nearest to the pole by the per: id of time fixed upon. Ptolemy made a quarter of an hour his rule ; but most geographers, up to a period long subsequent to the time H i : I I' I iil. 50 THE BOOKE MADE BY Answere. A tree opinion. A voyage of diseouerie by the pole. M. Thome nnd M. Eliot, disco- uiTcrs of New found land much that none can sviflter it. And hitherto they had all the like opinion^ that vnder the lyne Equinoctiall for muche heate the lande was inhabitable.^ Yet since by experience is prooued no lande so much habitable nor more temperate. And to conclude, I thinke the same shoulde bee founde vnder the North if it were expe- rimented. For as all iudge, Nihil ft vacuum in rerum natura: So I iudge there is no lande inhabitable nor Sea innauigable. If I should write the reason that presenteth this vnto mee, I shoulde bee too prolixe, and it seemeth not requisite for this present matter. God knoweth that though by it I shoulde haue no great interest^ yet I haue had and still haue no little minde of this businesse : So that if I had facultie to my will, it should bee y° first thing that I woulde vnderstande, euen to attempt, if our Seas Northwarde bee nauigable to the Pole, or no. I reason, that as some sicknesses are heredi- tarious and come from the father to the sonne, so this iuclin- when Thome wrote, made half an hour the boundary of each climate, which would bring the "seventh clyme" mentioned in the text to about 60^ de- grees north. This, however, would not at all bear out the assertion, that " it is a general opinion of all cosmographers, that passing the seventh clyme, the sea is all ice, the cold so much that none can suffer it." Qeogra- phers have been far from unanimous on the subject. Ricciolius, in his Geo- ffrajj/na ei Hydrogra2)hia reformata, page 268, Edit. Venetiis, 1672, fol. commences a very learned disquisition, " De climatum diversitate," by observing, " There is a marvellous confusion respecting th^m, and not a little need of reformation." It is quite clear, that the opinion quoted by Thome, must h^ve been founded upon tables very different from those generally given ; and that his " seventh clyme" must have been much farther north. Jan Janson, refefing to the necessarily increasing con- traction of the climates as they receded from the equator, when the variance of time is made the basis of the limit, proposed that the northern and southern hemispheres should b divided 'uto ten climates of ten degrees each, — thus rejecting all con- 'eration both of time and of temperature. This would bring the nor.aern limit of the seventh climate to seventy degrees ; but this division, which was adopted by Blaeu, was not introduced until more than a century after Thorne wrote. — Janson, Novus Atlas, tom. i, cap, 6, Introd. Edit. 1658 ; Blaeu, De Globis, cap. 4, No. 3. 1 In pro non, i. e., not habitable. I .....^.^■fev'is iLLVSTKI VJRO, DOMIHO PHILIPPO SIDN^O MICttALL LOK, CIVIS lONDINENSIS mKC CHARTAM DETDJCAb/Vr :• '<-«^ 55 TO THE MOST CHRISTIAN KING OF FUAUNCE, FRAUNCES THE FIRST. THE RELATION OF JOHN VERARZANUS, A Florentine, of the landc by him discouercd in the name of his Maiestie, written in Diepo tho eight of July 1524. I WROTE not to your Maicstic (most Christian king) since the time wee suffered the tempest in the Nortli partes, of the successe of the foure Ships wliich your Maiestie sent forth to diseoner new hinds l)y the Ocean, thinking your Maiestie had been alreadie duly enformed thereof. Nowe by these presents I will giue your Maiestie to vndcrstand howe by the violence of the windes wee were forced with y" two ships, the Norman and the Dolphin, in such euill case as they were, to landc in Britaine.* Whereafter wee had repaired them in all pointcs as was ncedefuU, and armed them very well, wee tooke our course a long by the coast of Spaine. Afterwardes, with the Dolphin alone, wee deter- mined to make discouerie of newe Countries, to prosecute the nauigation wee had alreadie begun, which I purpose at this present to recount vnto your Maiestie, to make manifest the whole proceeding of the matter. The 17 of lanuarie, the yeere 1524, by the grace of God, wee departed from the dis- habited Rocke,' by the Isle of Madera, appertaining to the king of Portingall, with fiftie men, with victuals, weapon, and other ship munition very well prouided and furnished Brittany. 2 Oue of the Dozertas. I ! IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) I I.I 11.25 rM PM ti 1^ IM 12.2 12.0 us KS m 1.4 Photographic Sciences Corporation ' to our Shippe, leaning this lande to our great discontent- •x, e piea. ment, for the great commoditie and pleasantnesse thereof, nchesofthe whiche wee suppose is not without some riches, all the hills shewing minerall matters in the. We weied Ancker, and sayled towarde the East, for so the coast trended, and soThedescnp. J ' ' tio of Clau- alwayes for 50 leagues, being in the sight thereof, wee disco- ^'» ^''""'*- uered an Ilande in the forme of a triangle, distant from the ' The mouth of the Hudson River answers to this description. The Hudson is, most probably, the river known in this locality to the geogra- phers of the sixteenth century as the Rio Grande. 64 THE DI9C0UERIE OF •i 1 1 1 , maine lande 8 leagues, about the bignesae of the Ilande of the Rodes, it was full of hilles, couered with trees^ well peopled; for we sawe fires all along the coaste, wee gaue the ^'if"of KTn* ^*™® °^ ^* °^ y^^^ Maiesties mother,' not staying there by Francu. reasou of the weather being contrarie. Se*of'si"' ^^^ ^®® came to another lande, being 15 leagues distant H.^u. uoy. £j,Qj^ tijg Ilande, where wee founde a passing good hauen, wherein being entred we founde about 20 small boates of the people, which with diners cries and wondrings came about our shippe, comming no nerer then 60 paces towards vs, they stayed and behelde the artificialnesse of our ship, our shape, and apparel, tha they al made a loud showte together, declar- ing that they reioyced : when we had something animated them, vsing their geastes, they came so neere vs, that wee cast them certaine bells and glasses and many toyes, whiche when they had receiued, they lookte on them with laughing, and came without feare aborde our ship. There were amongst these people 2 kings, of so goodly stature and shape as is possible to declare, the eldest was about 40 yeares of ag, the second was a yong man of 20 yeeres old. Their apparell was 1 Or rather his first wife, Claudia. Generally supposed to be the island now called Martha's Vineyard. If this supposition be correct (and it would be difficult to substitute any more plausible conjecture), it becomes im- possible to make the subsequent account of Verazzani's course correspond with the present character of the coast, unless we admit, that at this point he sailed back a few leagues. He says : " Wee came to another land, being 15 leagues distant from the Ilande, where we founde a pass- ing good haven": — and, subsequently, describes the land as lying east and west, and the mouth of the haven as open to the south. Sailing from Martha's Vineyard eastward, and following the coast, no haven would be found corresponding in any particular with that described in the text, nearer than Boston, which, however, is much more than fifteen leagues from Martha's Vineyard, which opens to the east and not to the south, and where the land runs north and south, and not east and west ; not to mention other points of dilference. If, on the other hand, we suppose that on leaving Claudia, he approached the main land to the north-west, the fifteen leagues would bring him to Narraganset Bay, which in all its main features corresponds with the " passing good haven", as described in the text. MOItl'M HKOA. 65 lande of 568, well gaue the there by 9 distant i hauen, bes of the ae about 3 V8, they ur shape, r, declar- animated that wee s, whiche laughing, I amongst ape as is f ag, the )arell was the island ad it would jcomes im- correspond lat at this to another ade a pass- ying east stilingfrom yen would Q the text, eigues from south, and it ; not to e suppose orth-west, in all its described on this maner : the elder had npo liis naked body a harts skin, wrought artificialie with diners braunches like Damaske, his head was bare, with the hairc tycd vp bchinde with diners knottes : About his necke he had a large chaine, garnished with diners stones of sundric colours, the young man was almost appareled after the same manner. This is the good- liest people, and of the fairest conditions, that wee haue found in this our voyage. They exceed vs in bignes, they are of the colour of brasse, some of the encline more to whituess : others are of yellowe colour, of comely visage, with long and blacke heire, which they are very carcfull to trim and decke vp, they are blacke and quicke eyed. I write not to your Maiestie of the other parte of their bodie, hauing all suchc proportion as appertayneth to anye handsome man. The women are of the like conformitie and Beawtie, verie hand- some and well-fauored, they are as well mannered and cou- tinente as anye women of good education, they are all naked, sane their priuie partes, whiche they couer with a Deares skinne, braunched or embrodered, as the men vse : there are also of them whiche weare on their armes verie riche skinnes of leopardes, they adome their heades with diuers ornamentes made of their owne heire, whiche hange downe before on both sides their brestes, others vse other kinde of dressing them seines, like vnto the women of Egypt and Syria, these are of the elder sorte : and when they are married, they weare diuers toyes, according to the vsage of the people of the East, as well men as women. Among whom wee sawe many plates of wrought coper, which they esteeme more then golde, whiche for the colour they make no accompt of, for that among all other it is counted the basest, they make most accompt of Azure and red. The things that they esteemed most of al those which we gaue them, were bels, cristall of Azure colour, and other toies, to hang at their cares or about their necke. They did not desire cloth of silke or of golde, much lesse of any other '^^' % \i ' 1 k 60 THE DI8COUER1E OF ^^ II i ! ) e, which ^hich al- leth out in these iding of led. Zi- as a very s in Sea rthrowe , beeing on land iVisland, herefore seeing that M. Nicolo was a ma of iudgemcnt and discretion, and very expert both in Sea matters and martiall affaires^ hce gaue him commission to goe aboord his nauie with all his men, charging the captaine to honour him, and in all things to vse his counsaile. This Nauie of Zichmni was of thirteene vessels, wherof two only were with oares, the rest small barkes, and one ship, with the which they sayled to the Westwardes, and with little paines wonne Ledouo and Ilofe, and diners other small Ilandes, and turning into a bay called Svdero, in the hauen of the towne named Sanestol, they tooke certaine small Barks laden with salt fish. And heere they founde Zichmni, who came by land with his armie, conquering all the countrie as he went ; they staled here but a while, but held on their course to the Westwards, till they came to the other Cape of the goulfe or bay, then turning againe,they found certaine Ilelandes and broken landes, which they reduced all vnto the Seignorie and possession of Zichmni. These Seas for as much as they sayled, were in maner nothing but sholds and rocks, in sort that if M. Nicolo and the Venetian mariners had not beene their Pilots, the whole Fleete, in iudgement of all that were in it, had been cast away, so small was ye skill of Zichmnis men in respect of ours, who had been trained vp in the art and practice of nauigation all the dales of their life. Now the Fleete hauing doone such things (as is declared), y* Captaine, by the counsel of M. Ni- colo, determined to goe a lande at a towne called Bondendon, to vnderstande what successe Zichmni had in his warres, where they heard, to their great content, that he had fought a great battaile and put to flight the armie of his enemie : by reason of which victorie they sent Embassadours from all partes of the Ilande to yeeld the countrie vp into his handes, taking down their enseignes in euery towne and castell : They thought good to stay in that place for his comming, being reported for certaine that he would bee there very shortly. At his comming there was great congratulatio and many 76 THE DISCOUERIG OF !?ii \: M IH I* signcs of gladncs shewed, as wel for the victorie by lande as for that by Sea, for the which the Venetians were honoured and extolled of all men, in such sort y' there was no talke but of them, and of y® great valour of M. Nicolo. Wherfore, the Prince, who was a great fauourer of valiant men, and especially of those that coulde behaue them selues well at the Sea, caused M. Nicolo to bee brought before him, and hauing commended him with many honourable speeches, and praysed his great Industrie and dexterie of wit, by the which he acknowledged himselfe to haue receiued an inestimable benefite, as the sauing of his Fleete and the winning of many ma(?e"knight placcs, hc made him Knight, and rewarded his men with by ic mn . jj^^^^y richc and bountifull giftes : Then departing from Sith filh'at' tlience, they went in triumphing maner towardes Friseland, Frisland; for F1 Bun- ders, Brl- tainp, Kng- laod, Scot- lanJ, Nor- way, and Denmark. But not lo bee proued that eucr any came the'ce. the chief Citie of y** Ilande, situate on the Southest side of the Isle within a goulf (as there are very many in that Hand) . In this goulfe or bay there is such great abundance of fish taken, that many ships are laden therewith, to serue Flaunders, Britaine, England, Scotland, Norway, and Denmarke, and by this trade they gather great wealth. Aietter sent And thus much IS taken out of a letter that M. Nicolo sent if zeno ' vnto M. Autouio his brother, requesting him that hee woulde from Frise- . , . ^,_, « i i land to bis scekc somc mcaucs to come to mm. Wherefore hee, who brother M. ven^c'e'^End ^^^ ^^ great dcsirc to trauaile as his brother, bought a Ship, utter.""' and directing his course that way, after hee had sayled a great while, and escaped many dangers, hee arrived at length in safetie with M. Nicolo, who receiued him very ioy fully, for that hee was his brother not only in fleshe and blood, but also in valour and good qualities. M. Antonio remained in Friselande, and dwelt there for the space of fourteene yeeres, foure yeeres with M. Nicolo, and ten yeeres alone. Where they came into such grace and favour with the Prince, that hee made M. Nicolo Captaine of his Nauie, and with great preparation of warre, they were sent foorth for the enterprise of Estlande, which lyeth upon the coaste between Friseland MOKUM BKGA. If lande as onoured no talke Tierfore, len, and ill at the 1 hauing Ipraysed fhich he stimable of many len with ng from Viseland, de of the t Hand), ce of fish aunders, irke, and colo sent woulde hee, who a Ship, sayled a it length 'uUy, for ood, but Lained in e yeeres. Where ice, that th great terprise riseland and Norway, wliere they did many domages, but hearing that the king of Norway was comming towardcs them with a great Fleet, they departed w' such a terrible flaw of wind y' they were driue vpo certain sholdes. Where a great part of their ships were cast away, y« rest were saued upo Grisland, a great Hand, but dishabited. The king of Norway his fleete being taken with the same storme, did vtterly perishe in those seas. Whereof Zichmni hauing notice, by a shippe of his enemies, that was cast by chaunce upon Grisland, hauing repayred his fleete, and perceyuing him selfe northerly neere vnto the Islandes, determined to set vpon Islande, which together with the rest was subiect to the king of Norway : but he founde the countrey so well fortified and defended, that his fleete being so small, and very ill appointed both of weapons and men, hee was gladde to retire. And so hee left that enterprise without perfourming any thing at all, and in the same chanelles he assaulted y^ other lies, called the Islands, which are seven : Talas, Broas, Iscant, Trans, Mi- uant, Dambere, and Bres, and hauing spoyled them all, hee built a fort in Bres, where he left M. Nicolo, with certaine small barkes and men and munition. And nowe thinking he had done well for this voyage, with those fewe shippes which were left hee returned into Frieslande. M. Nicolo remayning nowe in Bres, determined vpon a time to goe forth and dis- couer lande, wherefore arming out their small barkes in the moneth of July, he sayled to the Northwardes, and arriued in Engrouelande. Where he founde a monastery of Fryers of the order of the Predicators, and a church dedicated to S. Thomas, harde by a hill that casteth forth fire like Vesu- uius and Etna. There is a fountayne of hot burning water, with the whiche they heate the Churche of the monasterie and the Fryers chambers; it commeth also into the kitchen so boyling hotte, that they vse no other fire to dresse their meate, and putting their bread into brasse pottes without any water, it Engroue- latule. Preaching Friers of 8. Tbumaa. 78 THE DISCOUKIUE OF ■ ! •[| A notiitile lyr. (locth bnkCj as it were in a hot oucn. They haue also small gardens coucrcd ouer in the winter time, which being watered with this water, are defended from the force of the snowe and colde, which in those parts being situate farre vuder the pole, is very extreeme, and by this meanes they produce flowers and fruites and herbes of sundrie sortes, euen as in other temperate countreys in their seasons, in suche sorte that the rude and saunge people of those partes seeing these supernaturall effectes, doe take those Friers for Gods, and bring them many presentes as chickens, fleshe, and diuers other thinges, and haue them all in great reuerence as Lords. When the frost and snowe is great, they heate tlieir houses in maner before said, and will, by letting in the water or opening the windowes, temper the heate and colde at their pleasure. In y* buildings of the monastery, they vse no other matter but that which is ministred vnto them by the fire, for they take the burning stones that are cast out as it were sparkles or ceindres at the firie mouth of the hill, and when they are most enflamed, cast water vpon them, wherby they are dissolued and become excellet white lime, and so tough, that being contriued in building, it lasteth for euer. And the very sparkles after the fire is out of them do serue in steede of stones to make walles and vautes : for being once colde, they will neuer dissolue or breake except they be cut with some ir5 toole, and the vautes that are made of them are so light, that they need no sustentacle or proppe to holde them vp, and they wil endure continually very fayre and whole. By reason of these great commodities, the friers haue made there so many buildings and walles that it is a wonder to see. The couerts or roofes of their houses for the most part are made in this maner j first they rayse the wall vp to his full height, then they make it enclining or bowing in by litle and litle in forme of a vaute. But they are not greatly troubled with raine in those partes, for that, by reason of the pole or colde climate, the first snowe being falne, it 80 small watered owe and ider the produce len as in orte that (ig these ods, and d diuers rence as !ate their he water colde at they vse them by ist out as the hill, )n them, ite lime, tsteth for them do for being they be of them to holde iyre and le friers it is a Is for the the wall bowing are not ly reason falne, it MOllUM BEGA. ro thawcth no more for the space of nine moneths, for so long dureth their winter. They fecde of the fleshc of wildc bcastcs and of fish, for where as the warme water fallcth into the sea, there is a large and wide haucn which by reason of the heatc of the water, doeth neuer freeze all the winter, by mcancs whereof there is suche concourse and flocks of sea foule and such aboundance of fishe, that they take thereof infinite mul- titudes, whereby they maintayne a great number of people rounde about, whiche they keepe in continuale worke, both in building and taking of foules and fishe, and in a thousandc other necessarie affaires and busincs about the monasterie. Their houses are builte about the hill on euery side, in fovume rounde, and 25 foote broadc, and in mounting vp- wardes they goe narower and narower, leaning at the toppe a litle hole, whereat the ayre commeth in to giue light to the house, and the flore of the house is so hot, that being within they feele no colde at all. Hither in the sommer time come many barkes from the Hands there about, and from the Cape aboue Norway, and from Trondon. And bring to the Friers al maner things that may be desired, taking in change thereof fishe, which they drie in the sunne, or in the colde, and skins of diuers kindes of beastes. For the which they haue wood to burne, and timber verie artificially earned, and come and cloth to make them apparell. For in change of the two foresayde commodities, all the nations bordering rounde about them couet to trafficke with them, and so they without any trauell or expences haue that which they desire. To this monasterie resort Friers of Norway, of Suetia, and of other countreys, but the most part are of the Islandes. There are continually in that part many barkes, whiche are kept in there by reason of the sea being frozen, wayting for the season of the yeere to dissolue the Ice. The fishers boates are made like vnto a weauers shuttle; taking the skins of fishes, they fashio them with the bones of the same fishes, and sowing the together in many doubles, they make Trade in sommer time n-um Tromlon to 8. Thomas rrierH in In- gronela'd. 1 i Resort of friers ftvm Norwdy and Snellen to the munas- terle in In- grouelande called S. Tho". ! f ID thf; DisrorERiE or thum 80 Riire and substnnciall, that it is miraculoua to sco liow in tempests they ^vill shut thcsclnes close within^ and let the sea and windc carrio them, they earo not whether, without any fcare eyther of breaking or drowning. And if they chance to be driuen vpo any rocks they rcmaine sounde, without the least bru^.e in the worlde : And they haue, as it were, a slceue in the bottome, which is tied fast in y* middle, and when there cometh any water into their boat, they put it into the one halfe of y* sleeue, the fastning y" endo of it w' two peeees of wood, and loosing y* band beneath, they conucy the water forth of the boate : and this they doe as often US they haue occasion, witliout any perill or impedi- ment at all. Moreouer, the water of the monasterie, being of sulphurious or brimstone nature, is conueyed into the lodginges of the principall Friers by eertaine vessels of brasse, tinne, or stone, 80 hotte, that it heatcth the place as it were a stowc, not car- rying with it any stinke or other noysome smell. Besides this, they haue another eonueyanee to bring hot water, with a wall vnder the ground, to the ende it should not freese, vnto the middle of the court, where it falleth into a great vessel of brasse, that standeth in the middle of a boyling fountayne, and this is to heate their water to drinke, and to water their gardens, and thus they haue from the hill the greatest commodities that may be wished ; and so these Fryers employ all their trauaile and studie for the most part in trimming their gardins, and in making faire and beawti- fuU buildings, and especially handsome and commodious ; neyther are they destitute of ingenious and painefuU artificers for the purpose, for they giue very large payment, and to them that bring them fruites and seedes they are very boun- tifuU, and giue they care not what, So that there is great resort of workmen and maisters in diuers faculties, by reason of the good gaines and large allowance that is there. The most of them speake the Latin tongue, and especially MoirrM BfifiA- 81 I to SCO liii, and fhctlicr, And if Boundc, ac, as it middle, tlicy put ido of it th, tlicy y doc as impedi- phurious 38 of the or stonCj , not car- iring hot should eth into die of a drinke, the hill 80 these aost part heawti- Qodious ; artificers and to ry houn- is great y reason specially the supcriours and principalis of the monustofi^ And this in J^'^ll'g as muche as is knowen of I'pgrouolande, which is all by the J^',',"{^,ni„„ relation of M. Nicolo, who niaketh also particulftr description 'iiiri''i',n'l* of a riuer that he discoucrcd, as is lo be scene in the carde S'r the iwo that I drewc. And in the ende, N. Nicolo, not being vscd and acquainted with these cruell coldes, fell sicko, and a little while after returned into Frislandc, where he dyed. lie left behinde him in Venice two sonncs, M. Oiouanni and M. Toma, who had two sonnes, M. Nicolo, the father of the famous Cardinal Zeno and M. Pietro, of whom descended the other Zenos that arc lining at this day. Now M. Nicolo being dead, M. Antonio succeeded him, n, zmo both in his goods and in his dignities and honour, and albeit iu!de? he attempted diuers wayes, and made greate supplication, hee coulde ueuer obtaine licence to returne into his Countrey, for Zichmni had determined to make himsclfe Lorde of the sea. Wherefore, vsing alwayes the counsaile and seruice of M. Antonio, hee sent hym with some small barkes to the Westwardes, for that towardes those partes some of his fish- ermen had discouered certaine Ilandes verye rich and popu- lous ; which discoucrie, M. Antonio, in a letter to his brother M. Carlo, recounteth from point to point in this manner, sauing that wee haue chaunged some olde woordes, leaning the matter entire as it was. Sixe and twentie yeeres agoe there departed foure Fisher (£«? m. a^ boates, the whiche a mightie tempest arising, were tossed for Frltiinde °' the space of manye dayes verye desperately vpon the Sea, brother in , Venice, when at length the tempeste ceassying, and the weather n»>ned Mas- waxing fayre, they discouered an Ilande called Estotilande, Estoutand. 3 letter be- ginnetb from the bro- lying to the Westwardes aboue 1000 Miles from Frislaude, vpon the whiche one of the boates was caste awaye, and sixe o Fisher men that were in it were taken of the inhabitauntes, and brought vnto a verye fayre and populous Citie, where the kyng of the place sent for manye interpreters, but there was none coulde bee founde that vnderstoode the language of the M THE DISCOUEIIIR OV i!i; FiBhprmen fishermen, excepte one that spako Latin, who was also cast sitakTiotinf by chaunce vpon the same Ilando, who in the behalfe of the kyng asked them what Countroymen they were, and so vnderstanding theyr ease, rehearsed it vuto the King, who sbteweres wiUed that they shoulde tarrie in the Countrey, wherefore, Eauftuwide. they obeyinge his commaundement, for that they coulde not One of the otherwise doe, dwelte fine yeeres in the Ilande, and learned FrisUnd re- the language, and one of them was in diners partes of the Estotiiande. Ilande, and reporteth that it is a vcrye riche Countrey, Estctuande abounding with all the commodities of the worlde, and that abounding it is little Icsse than Islande, but farre more fruitefull, with al the ' ' ofThS°*^^* hauing in the middle thereof a verye hyghe mountayne, from worlde. ^j^g whiche there riseth foure Biuers, that passe throughe the whole Countrey. The inhabitantes are very wittie people, and haue all the artes and faculties as wee haue : and it is credible, that in time past they haue had trafficke with our men, for he sayde that he sawe latin bookes in the Kings library, whiche they at this present doe not vnderstande, they haue a peculiar language, and letters, or caracters, to themselues. They Aboundance hauc miucs of all manner of mettals, but especially they Trade from abouude With goldc. They haue their trade in Engroueland, to^Enf^ue. from whencc they bring skins, and brimstone, and pitch : brimstone, ' And he saith, that to y" southwards there is a great populous and pitche. _ o r r Gold, come, coutrey, very rich of gold. They sowe come, and make here or ale, which is a kind of drinke that the north people doe vse, as we do wine. They haue mightie great woods ; they make their buildings with wals, and there are many cities and castles. They build smal barkes, and haue sayling, but they haue not the lodestone, nor know not the vse of the copasse. Wherefore these fishers wore had in great estima- tio, insomuch that the king sent them with 12 barkes to the southwardes, to a countrey whiche tlicy call Drogio : but in their voyage they had suche countrary weather, that they thought all to haue perished in the sea, but yet escaping that ale. Many cities and castles. gio. MOnUM BEOA. 83 [so cast 5 of the and so ng, who lerefore, aide not learned IS of the ountrey, md that fuitefull, ne, from ughe the B all the I, that in he sayde iche they peculiar J. They ally they roueland, id pitch : populous lake here jople doe ids; they any cities rling, hut se of the it estima- tes to the i: but in hat they ping that cruell death, they fel into another more cruel. For they were take in the countrey, and the most parte of them eaten by the Sauagc people, which feede vpon mans fleshe, as the sweetest meate in their iudgementcs that is. But that fisher, with his fellowes, shewyng them the maner of taking fishe with nettes, saued their liues : and woiQde goe euery day a fishing to the sea and in fresh riuers, and take great aboundance of fish, and giue it to the chiefe men of the countrey, whereby hee got himselfe so great fauour, that hee was very well beloued and honoured of euery one. The fame of this man being spred abroad in the countrey, there was a Lorde thereby that was verie desirous to haue him with him, and to see how hee vsed his miraculous arte of catching fishe, in so muche that he made warre with the other Lorde, with whom hee was before, and in the ende pre- uayling, for that hee was more mightie and a better warriour, the fisherman was sent vnto him, with the rest of his com- pany. And for the space of thirteene yeeres that hee dwelt in those partes, he saith that he was sent in this order to more than 25 Lordes, for they had continuall warre amongest them selues, this Lorde with that Lord, and he with another, onely to haue him to dwell with them ; so that wandring vp and downe the Countrey, without any certayue abode in one place, hee knewe almost all those partes. He saith that it is a very great countrey, and, as it were, a newe world, the people very rude and voyde of all goodnesse ; they goe all naked, so that they are miserablie vexed with colde ; neyther haue they the wit to couer their bodies w' beasts skins, w' they take in huntinge ; they haue no kind of metal ; they line by huting; they carie certain lances of wood, made sharp at y* point ; they haue bowes, the stringes whereof are made of beastes skinnes : They are a very fierce people, they make cruell warres one with another, and eate one an other, they haue gouernours and certayne lawes verye diuers amongest themselues. But the farther to the Southwestwardes, the The 6 fish- erme' of frisland only saued by shewing the maner to take fishe. The rhiefest of the 6 fish- ers speeified before bis co'panions. In the space of 13 yeres in Urogio. Sent to more then 35 lords, which continually warred amongst the selues for the some fisherman. I 84 THE DISCOUERIE OF \m 'f\' i. '. <' more ciuility there is, the ayre being somewhat temperat, so that there they haue Cities and temples to Idolls, wherein they sacrifice men, and afterwardes eate them ; they haue there some knowledge and vse of gold and siluer. Nowe this fisher hauing dwelt so many yeeres in those countreys, purposed, if it were possible, to returne home into his countrey, but his companions dispayring euer to see it agayne, let him goe in Gods name, they kept them selues where they were. Wherefore hee bidding them farewel, fledde through the woods towardes Drogio, and was verie well receiued of the Lorde that dwelt next to that place, who knewe him, and was a great enemie of the other Lorde, and so running from one Lorde to an other, being those by who hee had passed before, after long time and many trauelles, he came at length to Drogio, where hee dwelt three yeeres. When as by good fortune he heard by y*" inhabitants y' there ed certliie' '^^^^ ccrtainc boates arriued upon y* coast, wherefore, en- Est^tiiMT tring into good hope to accoplish his intent, he went to y® sea side, and asking the of what countrey they were, they answered of Estotiland, whereat he was exceeding glad, and interorewr Tequcstcd that they woulde take him into them, wliiche they tba/ariued did vcryc willingly, and for that hee had the language of the the boates o^ Countrey, and there was none of them that coulde speake it, Estotilande, i i • <. , . . they vsed mm for their interpreter. Aftcrw&rd s hee fre- And after that, hee frequented that trade with them, in quentedthat tt^emTii* ^^^^ sorte, that hee became verye riche, and so furnishing ftatVe^he- ^^^ ^ barkc of his owne, hee returned into Frislande, where ri*h!An7so hcc made reporte vnto this Lorde of that welthie Countrey. hark of his And hcc is througlily credited, because of the Mariners owne, and F'"™*de^ who approoue many straunge thinges that hee reporteth to reported^the ^^® ti*"^. Wherefore, this Lorde is resolued to sonde me H^J^e'" " foorth with a fleete towardes those partes, and there are so manye that desire to goe in the voyage for the noueltie and milid^dto strangenesse of the thing, that I thinke we shall be very tonio zeno stroHgly appointed, without any publike expence at all. And 3 yeres in Drogio. Where by MORUM BEGA. 85 erat, so wherein By haue n those ime into see it a seines farewel, as verie ace, who rde, and by wh5 rauelles, B yeeres. y' there Ebre, en- to y* sea re, they ;lad, and che they re of the peake it, them, in rnishing e, where (untrey. Mariners »rteth to nde me are so iltie and be very ■ill. And this is the tenor of the letter, before mentioned, which I haue toJ^" **" heere set downe to giue intelligence of an other voyage, that ^EstSSu'*'' M. Antonio made, being set out with many Barkes and men, ora letter. notwithstanding hee was not captaine as hee had thought at the first hee shoulde, for Zichmni went in his owne person : and concerning this matter, I haue a letter in forme, as fol- 4 letter be- "^ einnethft-o' loweth. Our great preparation for the voyag of Estotiland, |^f*"j'^j,'' was begun in an vnluckie houre, for three dayes before our iSe^^Jkrio departure, the fisherman died that shoulde haue been oiu* T^eXher. guid : notwithstanding, this Lorde woulde not giue ouer the [Sat g^houid enterprize, but in steade of the fisherman, tooke certayne guided in- Marriners that returned out of the Ilande with him, and so certaine making our naiugation to the Westwards, we discouered cer- Sk^lnlis tayne Ilandes subiect to Frislande, and hauing passed cer- whichcame ' 1 b f with him tayne shelues, we stayed at Ledouo for the space of 7 dayes [J^/^'*""" to refreshe our selues, and furnish the fleete with necessarie prouision. Departing from hence, we arriued the first of July at the He of Ilofe, and for that the winde made for vs iJo^'. ^'* wee stayed not there, but passed forth, and being vpon the maine sea there arose immediatly a cruell tempest, where- with for eight dayes space wee were miserably vexed, not knowing where wee were, and a great part of the Barkes were cast away; afterwarde waxing faire wether, we gathered vp the broken peeces of the Barkes that were lost, and sayl- ing with a prosperous winde, wee discouered lande at West. Wherefore, keeping our course directly vpon it, wee arriued his'fh?"t'<'iis- in a very good and safe harborough, where wee sawe an infi- nite companie of people readie in armes, come running very JJ^f^^^^^ furiously to the water side, as it were for defence of the {J^'/e L"^ Ilande. Wherefore, Zichmni causing his men to make signes """**' of peace vnto them, they sent tenne men vnto vs that coulde speake tenne languages, but wee coulde vnderstande none An island of them, except one that was of Island. He being brought ^«'"''« before our Prince and asked what was the name of the Hand, and what people inhabited it, and who gouerned it, answered. coiii'ry of the Hand Icaria. i i t THE DISCOUERIB OF ■' "! U m r. i \l loari* Ilande. All the kings yt had raigned in that Ila'd were called Icari, after the name of the first king of vt place: which they say was the Sonne of Dedalus, king of Soots. loarius drowned. Icarian Sea. The people of Icaria de- sirous of the Italian tongue. Hauing in tliat Hand 10 men of ten sundry nations. that the Hand was called Icaria, and that all the kinges that had raigned there, were called Icari, after the name of the first king of that place, which, as they say, was the sonne of Dedalus, king of Scotland, who conquering that Hand, left his sonne there for king, and left the those lawes that they retain to this present, and after this, he desiring to sayle fur- ther, in a great tempest that arose, was drowned; wherefore, for a memoriall of his death, they call those Seas yet the Icarian Sea, and the kings of the Hand, Icari j and for that they were contented with that state which God had give them, neither whold they alter one iote of their lawes and customes, they would not receiue any straunger, wherefore they requested our Prince that hee woulde not seeke to violate their lawes, which they had receiued from that king of wor- thie memorie, and obserued very duly to that present : which if hee did attempt, it woulde redounde to his manifest destruc- tion, they being all resolutely bent rather to leaue their life, than to loose in any respect the vse of their lawes. Not- withstanding, that wee should not thinke they did altogether refuse the conuersation and trafficke with other men, they tolde vs for conclusion, that they would willingly receiue one of our men, and preferre him to be one of y^ chiefe amongest them, only to learne my language the Italian tongue, and to bee enformed of our maners and customes, as they had alreadie receiued those other tenne of tenne sundrie nations, that came vnto their Hand. To these things our Prince answered nothing at all, but causing his men to seeke some good harborough, hee made signes as though he would come on lande, and sayling round about the Hand, hee espied at length a harborough on the East side of the Ilande, where he put in with all his Fleet, the mariners went on land to take in wood and water, which they did with as great speede as they coulde, doubting, least they shoulde be assaulted by the inhabitants, as it fell out in deed, for those that dwelt there abouts, making sigues vnto the other with fire and MORUM BEOA. 87 ges that 3 of the tonne of ind, left liat they lyle fiir- lerefore, yet the for that lad give wes and herefore ;o violate : of wor- ; : which destruc- ;heir life, s. Not- itogether len, they eiue one mongest 3, and to ley had nations. Prince Ice some dd come ;spied at e, where land to t speede ilted by .t dwelt re and ' smoke, put them seines presently in armea, and the other comming to them, they came all running downe to the Sea side vpon our men with bowes and arrowes and other wea- pons, that many were slaine and diners sore wounded. And we made signes of peace vnto them, but it was to no purpose, for their rage encreased more and more, as though they had fought for life and liuing. Wherefore, wee were forced to depart, and to sayle along in a great circuite about the Hand, being alwaies accompanied vpon the hil tops and the Sea coast with an infinite multitude of armed men, and so dou- infinite bling the Cape of the Hand towardes the North, wee found arm'^d men or J inloaria. many great sholdes, amongst the which for the space of ten daies we were in continual danger of loosing our whole Fleete, but that it pleased God all that while to send vs very faire weather. Wherefore, proceeding on till we came to y® East cape, we sawe the inhabitaunts still on the hill tops and by the Sea coast keepe with vs, and in making great out- cries, and shooting at vs a farre of, they vttered their olde spitefull affection towards vs. Wherefore we determined to stay in some safe harborough, and see if we might speak once againe with the Islander, but our determination was frustrate, for the people, more like vnto beastes than men, stood continually in armes, w* intent to beat vs backe if we should come on lande. Wherefore, Zichmni seeing hee coulde not preuaile, and thought if hee shoulde haue per- seuered and followed obstinately his purpose, their victuals would haue failed them, hee departed with a faire winde, and sailed sixe dayes to the Westwards, but the winde chaung- pi^e'd°from ing to the Southwest, and the Sea waxing rough, wee sayled 4 wiids.^^'^"' dayes with the wind in the powpe, and at length discouering land, wee were afraide to approch neere vnto it, being the \^°^ Sea growen, and we not knowing what lande it was, but God prouided for vs, that the winde ceasing, there came a greate calme. Wherefore, some of our companie rowing to land with oares, retvirned and brought vs word to our great com- % THE DISCOUERIE OF !!■• 100 Rood souldiers sent by Zichmni to search the countrie (which countrie is not named). June. The ayre so te'perate and sweete as impossi- ble to ex- presse it. Hauen Trim. Capo di Trim. The 100 souldiers returned which had been through the Hand, re- port what they sawe and found. forte, that they had founde a very good Countrie, and a better harborough, vpon which newes wee towed our ships and smal Barkes to lande, and being entred into the harborough, wee sawe a farre of a great mountaine y' cast forth smoke, which gaue vs good hope that we shoulde finde some inha- bitantes in y® Hand, neither would Zichmni rest, aliliough it were a great way of, but send a 100 good souldiers to search the Countrie, and bring report what people they were that inhabited it; and in the meane time they tooke in wood and water for the prouision of the Fleete, and catcht great store of fishe and Sea foule, and founde such abundance of birdes egges, that our men that were halfe famished were filled withall. Whiles we were riding here, began the moneth of June, at which time the ayre in the Hand was so temperate and pleasant as is impossible to expresse; but when we coulde see no people at all, wee suspected greatly that this pleasant place was desolate and dishabited. We gaue name to the hauen, calling it Trim, and the point that stretched out into y* sea we called Capo di Trim. The 100 souldiers that were sent foorth, eight dayes after returned, and brought worde that they had been through the Ilande, and at the moun- taine, and that the smoke was a natarall thing, proceeding from a great fire that was in the bottome of the hill, and that there was a spring, from which issued a certaine matter like pitch, which ran into the Sea, and that there aboutes dwelt greate multitudes of people half wilde, hiding theselues in caues of the grounde, of small stature, and very fearefuU, for as soone as they sawe them, they fled into their holes ; and that there was a great riuer and very good harborough. Zichimni being thus informed, and seeing that it had a hol- some and pure ayre, and a very fruitefull soyle, and fayre riuers, with sundrie other commodities, fell into such liking of the place, that he determined to inhabite it, and b"i'd there a Citie. But his people being weary and faint Aith their long and tedious trauaile, began to tumult and mur- MORUM BEOA. 89 a better lips and borough^ 1 smokCj ae inha- lioiigh it to search rere that rood and eat store af birdes re filled loneth of emperate ve coulde pleasant le to the out into hat were ht worde e moun- oceeding hill, and e matter aboutes heselues earefull, J holes; )orough. id a hol- d fayre ;h liking id b"iM int iVith id mur- mure, saying, that they would returne into their Countrie, f^^^^^ '\"o for that the winter was at hand, and if they cntred into the H^^ew li\a- harborough, they should not be able to come out againe E kept before the next Sommer. Wherefore, hee retaining only the imrkes with ourcs, and Barkes with Oares, and such as were willing to stay with "•«' thnt him, sent all the rest with the shippes backe againe, and j^^^^^'^J**"' willed that I (though vnwilling) should bee their Captaine. w"?(u''°ApI I therefore departing, say led for the space of twentie dayes to'ni'o'"zeno ohicfo cap- to the Estwards without sight of any land, then turning my »"'"« »'■ course towardes Southeast, in fine dayes I discouered lande, Antonio and founde my selfe vpon the He of Neome, and knowing ^ight ot^Ne- the Countrie, I perceiued I was past Islande : Wherefore, knewe"iim- selfe past taking in some fresh victuals of the inhabitants, being is'anJ- . subiect to Zichmni, I say led with a faire winde in three dayes * '*"«'"■ to Frisland, where the people, who thought they had lost their Prince, because of his long absence, in this our voyage, receiued vs very ioyfully. What followed after this letter, I know not but by coniec- Apeeceofa K letter ture, which I gather out of a peece of an other letter, which I will set downe heere vnderneath : That Zichmni builte a towne in the porte of the Hand that hee discouered, and that hee searched the Countrie very diligently and discouered it all, and also the riuers on both sides of Engroueland, for that I see it particularly described in the Sea card, but the discourse or narration is lost. The beginning of the letter Beginning is thus. Concerning those things that you desire to knowe of mee, as of the men and their manners and customes, of the beastes, and the Countries adioyning, I haue made thereof a particular booke, which, by God's helpe, I will bring with mee : Wherein I haue described the countrie, the monstrous fishes, y® customes and lawes of Frisland, Island, Estland, the kingdome of Norway, Estotiland, Drogio, and in the end, the life of Master Nicolo, the knight our brother, with the discouerie which he made, and of Groland. I haue also written the life and acts of Zichmni, a Prince as worthie of f' ,1 i! \'^ IK) TIIK DIHCOiriOllIK OV MORUM HKOA. u ■H'.r' ''' iininortiill incMiiory as any that (Miur liuod, for his f^rcat valU mw'w and sin^nlcr hiunanitio, wlioruiii I hatio dcHcriluul tlio disroucric of Kn(<;roii(, as well to the ende they might bee made great ouer this poore people and rude nation, as also to approue the former affection which our kings haue had vnto this discouerie. For y* late king Frances the first (of happie memorie), a Prince endued with excellent vertues, the yeere 1524 sent a famous and notable man, a Florentine, named Master John A'erarzan,' to search and discoucr the West parts as farre as might be : Who, departing from Deepe'^ with two vessels little differing from the making and burden of these two Pinnaces of the kinges which your honour hath ordeined for this pre- sent nauigation. In the which land they haue found the cleuation [of] the Pole, an viii degrees.^ The Countrie (as he 1 Giovanni Verazzani. — See ante, p. 65. 2 Dieppe. ^ We have no account of any of the voyages of Verazzani, but the first ill 1524 ; and it does not appear that on thin occabiou he penetrated fur- TMIIH.V KUHKIU. 03 one, a writcth) goodly, fruitful I, luul so good tcmpomturo, that it is not possible to liaue a better : beciug * iien us yet of no ma seen nor disecrncd. But they not being a1)le to bring to passe at this first voyage that Avhich lie had intended, nor to arriue in any Port, by reason of sundrie incouenienccs (whieh comoly happc) were costrained to return into Fnuinee: wherCj after his arriuall, he ncner ceassed to make suite vntill he was sent tliither ngaine, where at last he died.' The which occasion ga\ie small courage to sende thither ag>iyne, and was the cause that this laudable enterprise was left of, vntill the yeerc 1534, at whieh time his Maiestie (desiring ahvayes to enlarge his kingdomc, countreys, and dominions, and the aduaiincing the case of his subiectes) sent thitlier a Filote of S. Mallowes, a Briton named James Cartier, well scene in ",\'™'^'' ^'"" the art and knowledge of Nanigation, and especially of the North parts, commonly called the new land, led by some hope to find passage that waies to the south seas : Who, being thor south than about twonty-cight degrees. The eight degrees mcu- tioned in the text, may be a mistake for twenty-eight : wo cannot under- stand it in any other manner. ^ The time and manner of Vorazzani's death is not known. In the introduction to his voyage in 1524, published in the third volume of Ilfimusio (p. 417 b.), the following passage occurs : — " In the last voyage which he made, having landed together with some of his companions, they were all killed by the natives, and roasted and eaten in the presence of those who remained on board the ships." Mr. Biddle, in the Memoirs of Ciihot, p, 278, contends, that ho was the Piedmontese pilot who accom- panied an English vessel on a voyage of discovery to the north in 1527, and having ventured on shore at Newfoundland, was killed by the natives. There are two objections to this theory : one, that Verazzani was a Flo- rentine, and not a Piedmontese ; and the other, that Annibale Caro, in a letter dated ten years afterwards, — viz., on the 13th of October 1537, — addresses himself to one " Verrazzano, a seeker of new worlds and of their marvels", and says : " We have passed no lands that have not been discovered cither by yourself or by your brother." {Letters Familiari, page 7. Edit. 1610.) We think that it is proper to lay these facts before the reader, but cannot pretend to draw any conclusion from them. — See Tiraboschi, Sloria della Lettemtimi Ttaliami, torn, vii, page 383. Edit. 1824. ;M 04 TIIK DIsrOUKUlK OK not ublc at his first going to bring iiny thing to passe that ho prctCdcd to do, was sent thither againo the yeerc following, and likewise Lc sire Ilemerall ;' and as it is well knowcn they did inhabite and builde, and plant the kings armies in the North part, a good way in the lande, as far as Tauadu and Ochisaon.^ Wherefore (my Lord) trust iustly that a thing so commendable, and vorthie to bee with good courage attempted, that God woulde guid and keepe vs, desiring alwaycs to fulfill your commaundement. When wee had done your buainessc, and made our preparations the xvin day of Februarie 15G2, through the fauour of God wee departed with our two vessels out of the hauen of Clauc de Grace' into the road Caur :* and the next day hoysted vp saile (the winde being in y^ East), which lasted so fine daies, that ree coulde not arriue at the nauch,* that is from betweene the coast of Briton" and Englandc and the lies of Surlinos^ and Wiskam:^ So that the Winde blowing with great fury and tempest out of the West and West Southwest, altogether contrary to our way and course, and all that we could doe was to none effeete, besides the great daunger of breaking of our Mastes, as also to be hindered in our other labours. Wherefore as well to shonnc many other inconueniences which might follow to the preiudice and breach of our voyage, hauing regard also to the likely daunger of death, y' some of our gentlemen and ' The person here meant must be Francois de la Roche, sieur de Roberval, who was appointed governor of Canada by Francis I, in 1540, and sailed for America with emigrants in 1<542. 2 The English edition of Ribault's voyage, which Hakluyt has here reproduced, is disfigured by several gross inaccuracies, prarticularly in the proper names. The French original is not known to exist, and it is doubtful if it was ever printed. Probably, this translation was made from the manuscript, and hence the extraordinary mis-readings we shall have to correct in the course of our remarks upon this voyage. The two names, Tavidu and Ochisaon, must be Canada and Hochelaga, to which latter district Carticr gave the name of Montreal. 8 Havre de Grace. ^ Brittany. * Caux. 7 The Scilly Islands. 5 The Mauchc, or English Channel. ^ Ushant. TKRRA FLOniDA. m sieur de in 1540, souldiors being troubled with feucrs and whot sicknosscH, might Iwuje fallen into; as also for other consideratiouH wee thought gdil to fall into the roais('(»i(',iMi', or fc} W- bin thought impo8sil)lc. ForcHocitig also that it was not expedient for vs to passe throuf^h the Ilandes, as wel to shune many inconuenienccs that might happen in passing that way (wherof springeth uotliing but inniunerable quarrels, plead- ings, cofusions, and breaeli of al worthy enterprises and goodly nauigations, whereof eiiHUCtli complaintes and odious questions betweene the subicetuH of the king and his friends and alies) as also to the ende tlw.y might vnderstand that, in the time to come (God hauiug Hluiwed v» such graces, as these his wonderfull benefitcs lirste shewed to the poore people of this so goodly newe framing' people, of so gentle a nature, and a countrey so pleasant and fruitefull, lacking nothing at all that may sceme necessarie for mans food), we would not haue to doc with their Ilandes Jind other lundes, which (for that they first discouered them) they kccpc with much ielousie : trusting that if God will suffer the king (through your per- swation) to cause some part of this incomparable countrey to be peopled and inhabited with Huch a immber of his poore subiectes as you shall thiukc good, there neuer happened in the memory of man so great and good commoditie to France as this j and (my Lorde) for many causes, whereof a man is neuer able to say or write to the ftil, as vnder the assured hope that we banc alwayes had iu executing vprightly that which I had reeciued in charge of yon, God Avoulde blesse our wayes and nauigations. After we had constantly and with diligence, in time couueuicuit, d(!tcrmincd itpon the way, wee shoulde haue thought it noyHonu; and tedious to all our companie if it had before l)in kuowc vnto any without tourn- ing or wauering to or fro from tlunr first cntentio. And not- withstanding that satan did often what he could to sowe many obstractes, troubles, and Icttes, according to his accus- tomed subtilties, so it is come to paisHO that God, by his onely -oodnes, hath giuen vs grace to make the furthest arte and ^ There is, most probably, a minttiko hoi'u i but wo are unable to sug- gest au explanation of it. x~^-l) TERRA FLORIDA. 97 to BUg- trauars of the seas, that euer was made in our memorie or knowledge, in longitude from the East to the West :' and therefore was it commonly sayde both in Fraunce and Spaine, and also among vs, that it was impossible for vs safely to arriue thither, whither the Lord did conduct vs. Al which perswaded but of ignoraunce and lacke of attempting : which wee haue not bin afrayde to giue aduenture to prooue. Albeit that all Mariners Gardes doe set the Coastes with shipwrackes, without portes or Riuers : which wee haue found otherwise, as it follow eth. Thursday the last of Aprill, at the breake of the day, wee discouered and clearely perceyued a fayre Coast, stretchyng of a great length, couered with an infinite number of high and fayre trees, wee being not past 7 or 8 leagues from the shore, the conn trey seeming vnto vs plaine, without anye shewe of hils, and approching neerer, within foure or fine leagues of the land, we cast an ancker at ten fadome water, the bottome of the Sea being plaine with muche Ocias,* and fast holde on the South side, as farre as a certaine point or Cape situate vnder that Latitude of nine and twentie degrees and a halfe, which we haue named Cape Francois.' Wee could espie neither Riuer nor Bay, wherefore wee sent our Boates, furnished with men of experience, to sounde and knowe the coast neere the shore : who returning to vs about one of the clock at after noone, declared that they had founde, among other thinges, viii fadome of water at the harde bancke of the sea. Whercvpon hauing diligently wayed vp our Anckers, and hoysted vp our sayles with wind at will, 1 See, however, the relation of Giovanni Verazzani {ante, page 56), who also crossed the Atlantic without touching at any of the West Indian Islands. 2 Ocias — Another blunder; perhaps for the word osiers. 3 The nearest cape to the latitude 29^ is Cape Canaveral, which is situate in latitude 28° 16' 60". " Under that latitude", we are inclined to conjecture, means to the south of the latitude of the spot where they cast anchor. i't 98 THE DISCOUEIIIE OF we sayled mnd vewed the coast all along with vnspeakahle pleasure, of the odorous smell and beawtie of the same. And because there appeared vnto vs no signe of any Porte, about the setting of the sunne we cast ancker againe : which done, we did behold to and fro the goodly order of the woods, wherewith God hath decked euery way the sayd land. Then perceiuing towarde the North, a leaping and a breaking of the water, as a streame falling out of the lande into the Sea. For the whiche Avee set vp sayles againe, to double the same while it was yet day. And as wee had so done, and passed beyond it, there appeared vnto vs a fayre entrie of a faire riuer, which caused vs to cast Ancker agayne there nerer the land : to the end the next day we might see what it was, and though that the winde blew for a time vehemently to the shoreward : yet the hold and Anckerrage was so good, that one cable and one Ancker helde vs fast with out danger or sliding. The next day, in the morning, being the first of May, wee assayed to enter this Porte with two newe barges and a boate well trimmed, finding little water barges whiche might haue astonied and caused vs to returne backe to shipborde, if God had not speedily brought vs in. Where finding 36 fadome water, entred into a goodly and great riuer,' which as we went founde to encrease still in depth and largenesse, boyl- ing and roaring through the multitude of all kind of fish. This being entred, wee perceiued a great number of y^ In- dians, inhabitants there, comming along the sandes and Sea bankcs, comming neare vnto vs, without any taking of feare or doubt, shewing vnto vs the easiest landing place : and thereupon, we giuing them also on our parts thanks of assu- rance and friendlinesse. Forthwith, one of appearance out of the best among them, brother vnto one of their kinges or 1 This was, most probably, St. John's river ; there is no other near the locality pointed out in the text that corresponds with the author's description. peakable he. And te, about ch done, B woods, d. Then aking of the Sea. bhe same d passed )f a faire nerer the was, and [y to the ood, that langer or Vlay, wee id a boate ght haue le, if God fadome ch as we 3se, boyl- of fish, of y^ In- and Sea of feare ice : and of assu- ance out cinges or Dther near le author's TEllRA FLORIDA. 99 gouernours, commaunded one of the Indians to enter into the water, and to approach our boats, to show vs the coastes landing place. We seeing tliis (without any more doubting or difficultie), landed, and the messenger (after we had re- warded him with some looking-glasse, and other pretie things of small value) ran incontinently toAvard his Lord : who forth- with sent mee his girdle, in token of assurance and friend- ship, which girdle was made of red leather, as well coucred and coloured as was possible : and as I began to go towards him, hee set foorth and came and receiued me gently, and reised after his manner, all his men following with great si- lence and modestie : yea, mo/e then our men did. And after we had awhile with gentle vsage congratulated with him, we fell to the ground a little way from them, to call upon the name of God, and to beseech Him to cotinue still His good- nesse towards vs, and bring to the knowledge of our Saviour Christ tliis poore people. While wee were thus praying (they sitting vpou the grounde, which was strawed and dressed with Bay bowes), behelde and hearkened vnto vs very attentiuely, without either speaking or mouing : and as I made a signe vnto their king, lifting v^p mine arm, and stretching foorth one finger, only to make thv.m looke vp to heauen ward : He likewise lifting vp his arme towards heauen, put foorth two fingers, whereby it seemed that he made vs to vnderstande that they worshippid the Sunne and ye moone for Gods : as afterwardes wee vnderstoode it so. In the meane time, their numbers increased, and thither came the kings brother that was first with vs, their mother, wiues, sisters, and children, and being thus assembled, they caused a great number of Bay boughes to bee cut, and therewith a place to be dressed for vs, distant from theirs two fadom. For it is their manor to talke and bargaine sitting : and the chiefe of them to bee apart from the meaner sort, with a shewe of great obedience to their kinges, superiours, and elders. They bee all i.'vked, 100 THE DISCOUERIE OF ; and of a goodly stature, mightie, and as well shapen and proportioned of body, as any people in y° world : very gentle, eurteous, and of a good nature. The most part of them couer their raines and priuities with faire Harts skinnes, painted most commonly with sundrie colours : and the fore part of their body and armes bee painted with pretie deuised workes, of Azure, red and blacke, so well and so properly, as the best Painter of Europe coulde not amende it. The women haue their bodies painted with a certaine Herbc like vnto Mosse, whereof the Cedar trees, and all other trees, bee alwayes couered. The men for pleasure doe alwayes trimme them selues therwith, after sundrie fashions : They bee of tauny colour, hauke nosed, and of a pleasant countenance. The women be well fauoured, and will not suffer one dishonestly to approch too neare them. But wee were not in their houses, for we sawe none at that time. After we had taried in this North side of the riuer the jify^y „,g most part of the day (which riuer wee haue called May for Ma*y was so that wcc discoucrcd the same the firste day of the Moneth) wee congratulated, made aliaunce, and entred into amitie with them, and presented the king and his brethren with Gownes of blewe cloth garnished with yellowe Flouredeluces. And it seemed that they were sory for our departure : so that the most part of them entred into the water vp to the uecke, to set our boates aflote. Putting into vs sundry kinde of fishes, which with mer- ueilous speede they ranne to take in their packs made in the water with great Reedes, so well and cunningly set togeather, after the fashion of a Laberinth or Maze with so many turnes and crookes, as it is impossible to do it without much cunning and industrie. But desiring to imploy the rest of the day on the other side of this riuer, to viewe and know those Indians that wee TERRA FLORIDA. 101 sawe there, we trauersed thither, and without any diffi- cultie landed amongest them who receiued vs very gently and with great humanitie : putting vs of their fruites, euen into our boates, Mulberies, Raspis, and such other fruites as they founde ready by the way. Soone after this came thither the king with his brethren, and others with bowes and arrowes in their handes, vsing therewithall a goodly and a graue fashion, with their beha- uiour right souldierlike, and as warlike boldnes as may be. They were naked and painted as the other, their haire like- wise long, and trussed vp (with a lace made of herbes) to the top of their heads : but they had neither their wines nor children in their companie. After we had a good while louingly enterteined and presented them with like gifts of habersher wares, cutting hookes and hatchets, and clothed the king and his brethren with like robes, as we had giuen to them on the other side : we entred and viewed the countrie thereaboutes, which is the fairest, fruitfullest, and pleasantest of al the world, abounding in hony, venison, wilde foule, forests, woods of all sortes, Palme trees, Cypresse and Cedars, Bayes y'' highest and greatest, with also the fayrest vines in all the world, with grapes according, which without natural art and without mans helpe or trimming will grow to toppes of Okes and other trees that be of a wonderfuU greatnesse and height. And the sight of the faire medowes is a pleasure not able to l)e expressed with tongue : full of Hemes, Cur- lues, Bitters, Mallards, Egrepths,' woodcocks and all other kinde of small birds : with Harts, Hindes, Buckes, wilde Swine, and all other kindes of wilde beastes, as we perceiued well, both by their footing there, and also afterwardes in other places, by their crie and roaring in the night. Also, there be Conies and Hares : Silke wormes in mer- ueilous number, a great deale fairer and better then be our silk wormes. To bee short, it is a thing vnspeakable to 1 Egrets : beautiful birds, like herons, but white. 1 { : I ^ 102 THE DISCOUERIE OF consider the thinges that bee seene there, and shalbe founde more and more in this incomperable lande, which neuer yet broken with plough yrons, bringeth forth al things accord- ing to his first nature, wherewith the eternall God indued it. About their houses they labour and till the grounde, sowing their fieldes with a graine called Mahis, whereof they make their meale : and in their Gardens they plant beanes, gourdes, cucumbers. Citrons, peason, and many other fruits and rootea vnknowen vnto vs. Their spades and mattocks be made of Wood, so well and fitly as is possible: which they make with certaine stones, oyster shelles, and muscles, wherewith also they make their bowes and smal launces: and cut and polish all sortes of wood that they imploye about their buildings and necessarie vse : There groweth also many "Walnut trees, Hasell trees, Cheritrees, very faire and great. And generally wee haue seene thereof the same simples and herbes that wee haue in Fraunce, and of the like good- nesse, sauour, and taste. The people be very good archers, and of great strength: Their bowe stringes are made of Leather, and their arrowes of Reedes, which they doe head with the teeth of fishes. As we now demaunded of them concerning y^ land called Seuola,' whereof some haue written 1 The correct form of this name appears to be Sibola, or Cibola. Sibola is the name of an Indian district, or province, situate on the river Gila, and about one thousand miles north-west from Mexico. The attention of the Spaniards was first directed towards it by a missionary named Marcos de Ni(,'a, who, in the year 1539, penetrated into this at that time unconquered region. On his return to Mexico, he gave such a glow- ing description of the wealth and populousness of Sibola and its seven cities, that an expedition was fitted out for the conquest of the country, under the command of Rodrigo del Rio, the governor of New Biscay. The result of this enterprise was far from justifying the representations of the friar. The Spaniards became masters of the district at the expense of considerable loss in men and horses, and of great suffering from cold and starvation ; but the gold and precious stones they had been taught to expect were nowhere to be found.— Lopez de Gomara, Hiit. Gen. de las Indias (Anvers, 1554 ; fol. 272) ; Herrera, Hist, de las Indias (Dec. vr, lib. vii, viii). See also the Maps of America by Ortelius and Mercator. TEllllA FLORIDA. 103 Muy. not to bee farre from thence, and to bee situate within the lande, and toward the Sea called the South Sea. They shewed vs by signes that which we vnderstood well enough, ^-i""/"^^ that they might goe thither with their Boates (by riucrs) in uSSiinlt'by twentie dayes.' They that haue written of this kingdome rii.lr of ' '* and towne of Seuola, and other townes and kingdomcs there aboutes, say, that there is great aboundance of golde and siluer, precious stones, and other great riches : and that the people had their arrowes headed (in steede of yron) with sharpe pointed Turquesses. Thus the night approching, it was conuenient for vs to returne by day a ship-boorde. Wee tooke leaue of them muche to their griefe, but more to ours without comparison, for that wee had no meane to enter the riuers with our shippe. And albeit, it was not their custome eyther to eate or drinke from the Sunne rising till his going downe : yet the king openly woulde needes drinke with vs, praying vs verie gently to giue him the cuppe where- out we had drunke : and so making him to vnderstande that wee woulde see him againe the next day, we retired to our shippes, which lay about sixe leagues from the hauen to the sea. The next day in the morning we returned to land againe, accompanied with the Captaines, Gentlemen, and Souldiers, and other of our small trope : carrying with vs a Pillour or columne of harde stone, our kings armes graued therein, to plant and set the same in the enteric of the Porte in some high place, where it might bee easely scene, and being come thither before the Indians were assembled, we espied on the south syde of the Riuer a place very fitte for that purpose vpon a little hill, compassed with Cypres, Bayes, Paulmes, and other trees, with sweete smelling and pleasant shrubbes. 1 From the eastern shore of Florida to Sibola is about two thousand miles in a direct line. There was, therefore, as little possibility of the journey, if practicable at all, being accomplished in twenty days, as there was probability that the Indians of Florida knew anything of the country in question. 104 THE DISCOUBIIIB OF Oolde, sil. vcr, and Clipper, in Florida. Turqucsses and ahoiin. dance of pearles. Marshes. Pearles as big as acomes. In the middle whereof we planted the first bound or limit of hia Maiestie. This done^ perceiuing our first Indiana assem- bled, not without some misliking of those on the South parte, where we had set the limitte, who taried for vs in the same place where they met with vs the day before, seeming vnto vs that there is some enimitie betweene them and the others. Rut when they perceyued our long tarying on this side, they ran to see what we had done in that place, where we landed first, and had set our limitte : which they vewed a great while without touching it any way, or abassing, or euer speaking to vs thereof at any time after. Howebeit, we could skat depart, but as it were w' griefe of minde, fro this our first alliance, they rowing vnto vs all along the riuer from all parts, and presenting vs with some of their harts- skins, painted and viipainted, meale, litle cakes, freshe water, rootes like vnto Rinbabe,' which they haue in great estima- tion, and make therof a potion of medicine: also they brought little bagges of redde colours, and some small spices like vnto Vire, perceyiiing among them selues fayre thinges painted as it had bin with graine of scarlet, showing vnto vs by signes that they had in the lande golde and siluer and copper: whereof wee haue brought some. Also lead, like vnto ours, wliich we shewed. Also turquesses and great aboundance of pearles, whiche, as they declared vnto vs, they tooke out of oysters, whereof there is taken euer along the riuer side, and among the reedes, and in the marshes : and so merueylous aboundance as is skant credible : and we haue perceiued that there be as many and as faire pearles found there as in any countrey of the worlde. For we sawe a man of theirs, as we entered into our boates, that had a pearle hanging at a coller of golde and siluer about his necke, as great as an Acorne at y^ least. This man, as he had taken fishe in one of their fishing packs, thereby brought that same to our boates, and our men perceiuing the great- ' Most probably rhubarb. TEIUIA PLOUinA. 105 nesse therof, one of them putting his finger toward it, tlic man drewe backe, and woulde no more come neare the boate : not for any feare that he liad that they wouUle haue taken his Coller and Pearle from Iiim, for he wotild haue giuen it them for a looking glasse or a knife : But that hee doubted lest they Avoulde haue pulled him into the boate, and so by foree haue caried him away. He was one of the goodliest men of all the company. But for that we had no leasure to tary any longer with them, the day being well passed, whiche greened vs, for the commoditic and great riches, whiche as wee vnderstoode and sawe, might bee gotten there, desiring also to employ the rest of the day with our seconde aliance, the Indians on the south side, as we perceiued them the day before, which still taried looking for vs : Wee passed the riuer to their shore, where as wee founde them tarying for vs, quietly and in good order, with newe paintings vpon their face, and feathers vpon their heads : the King, with his Bowe and Arrowes lying by him, sate on the grounde, strawed with boughes, betweene his two brethren, whiche were goodly men and well shapen, and of a wonder- full show of actiuities, hauing vpon their heades, one haire trussed vpright of heyglit, of some kindc of wild beast, gathered and wrought together with great cunning, wrethed and fasted after the forme of a Diademe. One of them had hanging about his necke a rounde plate of redde copper well polished, with one other lesser of Siluer in the raiddest of it, and at his eare a litle plate of Copper, wherewith they vse to stripe the sweat from their bodies. They shewed vs that there was great store of this mettell within the countrey, about fine or sixe daies iourney from thence, both in the southside and northside of the same riuers, and that they went thither in their Boates.' Which Boates they make but 1 Copper is no longer named among the mineral productions of the country. The statement in the text was most probably cither an exag- geration on the part of the natives, or a misconception on the part of tho French. 106 THK niSCOUERTK OK Gcntlenes must be vsed to- vrnrds them of one piece of a tree, woorking it whole so cunningly and featly, that they put in one of these boates fifteene or twentie persons, and go their wayes very safely. They that rowe stande vpright, hauing their ores short, after the fashion of a Peele. Thus being among them, they presented vs with meale dressed and baked, very good and wcl tasted, and of good nourishmet, also beanes and fish, as crabbcs, lobstara, creuises," and many other kinde of good fishes, shewing vs by signes y' their dwellings were ,farre off, and if their prouision had been neerc hande, they woulde hauc presented vs with manye other refreshinges. The night nowe approaching, we were faine to returne to our Shippe, very much to our griefe : for that we durste not hazarde to enter with our Shippe, by reason of a barrc of sande, that was at the enteric of the Porte, howe be it, at a full Sea there is two fadome and a halfe of water at the least, and it is but a leape ouer a surge to passe this Barrc, not passing the length of two cables, and then forthwith euery where within sixe or seuen fadome water. So that it maketh a very fayre hauen, and Shippes of a meane burden, from fourescore to a hundred tunnes, may enter therein at all floodcs, yea, of a farre greater burthen, if there were French men dwelling there that might skoure the enterye, as they doe in Fraunce : for there is nothing lacking for the lyfe of man. The situation is vnder the eleuation of xxx degrees, a good climate, healthfuU, and of a good temperature, mer- \ieilous pleasat, y^ people good and of a good and amiable nature, which willingly will obay : yea, be content to serue those that shall with gentlenes and humanitie goe about to allure them, as it is needful for those that be sent thither here- after so to doe, and as I haue charged those that be left there to do, to the ende they may aske and learne of the where they take their gold, copper, and turquesses, and other things yet vnknowen vnto vs ; by reason of the time we soioumed ' Ecrevisses : cray-fish, or lobsters. TERRA FLORIDA. 107 ngly and r twcntie hnt rowc ashion of d vs with d, and of lobstars, ing vs by prouision d vs with eturnc to lurstc not barre of be it, at a the least, 3arre, not ith euery it raaketh den, from sin at all re French e, as they he lyfe of K. degrees, ure, mer- i amiable t to serue about to ther here- left there the where her things soioumed there. For if any rude or rigorous mcancs should be vsed towards this people, they woulde flic hither and thither through the Woods and Forests, and abandon their habitations and countreys. The next day being the thirde day of May, desiring alwaies to finde out harbours to rest in, we set vp saile againe : And after we had raungcd the coast as neere the shore as we could, there appeared vnto vs, about seuen leagues of on this side of y" riuer of May, a great opening or Bay of some riucr, whither with one of our boatcs we rowed, and there found one entric almost like y* of the riuer of May, and within the same as great a depth, and as large a diuiding it selfe into many great streamcs, great and broade stretchinges towardes the high lande, with many other lesse, that diuide the countrey into faire and great landes, and great number of small and fayre Medowes. Being entrcd into them about three leagues, wee found in a place very commodious, strong, and pleasant of situation, certayne Indians, who receiued vs very gently : Howe be it, we being somewhat neare their houses, it seemed it was somewhat against their good willes that we went thither, for at their cries and noyses they made their wiues and chil- dren and hoshoulde stuffe to be caried into the Woods : Howe be it they suflfered vs to goe into their houses, but they themselues woulde not accompany vs thither. Their houses bee made of Wood, fitly and close, set vpright and couered with Reedes : the most part of them after the fashion of a pauilion. But there was one house amongest the rest verie long and broade, with settles rounde about made of Reedes, trimly couched together, which serue them both for beddes and seates, they be of height two foote from the grounde, set vpon great rounde pillers, painted with red, yelowe, and blewe, well and trimlie polished : some sorte of this people perceiuing that we had in no maner wise hurted their dwellings nor gardens, which they dressed very dili- gently, they returned all vnto vs before our inbarking, seem- 108 riic DiscouKiiiii: ur tlreut tvr- lilltii'. Nuto. II ii iug very well cuntented by their giuiug vnto vs water, fruitcs, and Hart HkinueH. It is a place wonderfuU fertill, and of strong dtuatid, the ground fat, so that it is likely that it would bring forth Whcate and all other come twiso a yeere, and the commodities for liuclihood and the hope of more riches, bee like vnto those we found and considered vpon the riuer of May : without comming into the sea, this arme doth diuide, and makcth many other lies of May, as also many other great Ilandes : by the which wee traucU from one Ilande to another, betweenc laude and land. And it seemeth that men may sayle without danger through al the countrey, and ncucr enter into the great sen, which were a wonderfidl aduantage. This is the lande of Checere' whereof some haue written, and which many haue gone about to find out, for y" great riches they perceiued by some Indians to be founde there. It is set vnder so good a climate, that none of our men, (though wee were there in the hotest time of the yeere, the sunne entring into Cancer), were troubled with any sicknesses. The people there Hue long and in great health and strength, 80 that the aged men goe without staues, and are able to goc and runne like the youngest of them, who onely are knowen to be olde by the wrinckles in their face, and decay of sight. Wee departed from them verie friendly, and with their con- tentation. But the night ouertaking vs, we were constrayned to lye in our ships all that night, till it was day, floting vpon this riuer, which we have called Sene," because that the en- ' Checero, Chicora, or Chicoria, a province in Florida, probably the locality afterwards called St. Helens, in South Carolina. — See Garcilasso de la Vega, La Florida del Inca (page 4 ; Madrid, 1723; fol.) ; Cardenas, Etisayo Cronologico para la llistoria General de la Florida (pages 4, 6, etc. ; Madrid, 1723 ; fol.). * This bay and river may be either Nassau Inlet and River, or Cum- berland Sound and St. Mary's River ; most probably the latter, the inland connexion between that and the St. John's River, which we con- jcctuvc to be the vi\ or May, corresponding very closely with the descrip- tion in the text. nr, fruitcs, 11, and of 3ly that it le a ycerc, B of more d vpon the armc doth nlHO many from one it sccmeth countrey, (vonderfiill le written, »r y great inde there. our men. yeere, the jickncsses. strength, blc to goc re knowen y of sight, their con- tnstrayned rting vpon at the en- >robably the ie Garcilasso ) ; Cardenas, (pages 4, 5, rer, or Cum- latter, the uch wo con- thc dcscrip- TRRIIA KLOKIUA. KM) tcry of it is as broadc as from haucr degraco vnto Honoslenc.* At the brcake of the day wee espied out of the South sydo one of the fayrest, plcasauntcst, and greatest mcdowc grounde that might be seene, into the which wee went, finding at the very cntrio a long, faire, and great Lake, and an innumerable number of footesteps of great Hartes and Hindes of a wonder- full grcatncsse, the steppes being all fresh and new, and it Hcemeth that the people doc nourish them like tame CattcU, in great beards : for we saw the steppes of an Indian that folowed them. The Chanell and depth of this riucr of Seyne is one y* side of the medowe that is in the He of May. Being returned to our ships, we sayled to knowe more and more of this coast, goying as neere the shore as we coulde. And as wee had sayled about sixe or seuen leagues, there appeared vnto vs another Bay, where we cast anker, and tarrying so all the night, in the morning wee went thither, and finding (by our sounding) at the entric many banks and beatings, we durst not cuter there with our great ship, hauing named the riucr Somme," which is 8, 9, 10, 11 fadome depth, diuiding itsclfe into many great Hands, and small goodly medow grounds and pastures, and euery where such abundance of fish as is in- credible, and on the Weast Northwest side, there is a great riuer that commeth fro the countrie of a great length oucr ; and another on the Northeast side, which returue into the Sea. So that (my Lord) it is a countrie full of luiucns, riuers, and Hands of such fruitfulnes, as cannot with tongue be ex- pressed ; and where in short time great and precious como- dities might bee found. And besides this wee discoucred and found also vii riuers more, as great and as good, cutting and diuiding the land into faire aiu; great Hands. The In- dians inhabitants there be like in ^nanuers, and the countrie ' IIonflouT. s The river Somme appears to correspond most nearly with the river St. Ilia and Jykill, or St. Andrew - Sound. Tlic liiiii- III' Hi'iii'. llrai'ili'H III IIUIIi' lllll'tri Oooil till' ucus anil riuiTH. 7 Krcnt nnd (,'iioii riuers. u 110 THE DISCOUERIK OF Maps and Sea Gardes, in fertillitie apt and commodious throughout, to beare and bring foorth plentifully all that men would plant or sowe vpon it. There bee cuery whore the highest and greatest Firtrees y' can be scene, very well smelling, an: discoueries. 30 lefte be- hind lit their owne suite. 114 THE DISCOUEllIE OF i Hand. Fortie de. grees of eleuation And haue left vnto the forehead and rulers (following therein your good will) Captaiue Albert de la Pierria, a souldier of long experience, and the first that from the begin- They^forti- jjing did offer to tarry. And further by theyr aduice, choyce, and will inskaled and fortified them in an Hand on the north side, a place of strong situation and commodious, vpon a riuer which wee named Chenonceau, and the habitation and Fortresse Ch^rlefote.' After we had instructed and duly admonished them of that they shoulde doe (as well for their manor of proceeding, as for the good and louing behauior of them) the xi day of the moneth of June last past, we departed from port Royal : minding yet to range and view the coast vntill the xl degrees of the eleuation : But for as much as there came vpon vs trouble- some and cloudie weather, very incommodious for our purpose, and considering also amongst many other thinges, that we had spent our cables and furniture thereof, which is the most principall thing that longeth to them that go to discouer countreys, where continually both night and day they must lie at ancker : also our victualls beeing perished and spilte, our lacke of Boateswaines to set forth our rowe barges and leaue our vessels furnished. The declaration made vnto vs of our Pilots and some others that had before been at some of those places, where we purposed to sayle, and haue been already found by some of the kings subjects, the daunger also and inconueniences that might thereof happen vnto vs : Mistes and and by reason of the great mystes and fogges wherof the fORs when _ , , . -, 11 i they come, scaso was already come, we percemed very well wheras we vented any attention being directed towards this colony until 1564. The colonists in the mean time had been obliged to abandon the country : the circumstances which led to this resolution on their part, will be found stated in the Introduction. ^ It is generally supposed, that Oharlesfort was constructed near the site of the present town of Beaufort. Gharlesfort must not be con- founded with Fort Carolin, erected by Laudonniere two years afterwards, about two leagues from the mouth of the River May. jllowing ierria, a le begin- , choyce, he north , vpon a ition and n of that eding, as ay of the t Royal : legrees of 3 trouble- [• purpose, 1, that we the most discouer hey must ad spilte, irges and e vnto vs at some laue been daunger vnto vs : herof the irheras we a TERRA FLORIDA. 115 were, y' we could do no good, and that it was to late, and y^ good and fit season for to vndertake this thing already past. All these thinges thus well considered and wayed, and also for that we thought it meet and necessarie that your honour should with diligence be aduertised (through the help of God) to returne homewards to make relatio vnto you of the effect of our nauigation. Praying God that it may please him to keepe you in long health and prosperitie. I I'l ;■ « I 1564. The ountry: the ill be found d near the lot be con- afterwaxds, 110 NOTES IN WRITING BESIDES MORE PRIUIE BY Mouth that were giuen by a Gentleman, Anno 1580, to M. Arthure Pette and to M. Charles Jackman, sent by the Marchants of the Muscouie Companie for the discouerie of the northeast strayto, not altogether vnfit for some other enterprises of discouerie, hereafter to bee taken in hande. What respect of Ilandes is to be had, and why. Whereas the Portingales haue in their course to their Indies in the Southeast, certaine portes and fortificatios to thrust into by the way, to diuers great purposes : So you are to see what Hands and what portes you had neede to haue by the way in your course, to the Northeast. For which cause I wish you to enter into consideration of the matter, and to note all the Hands, and to set them downe in plat,^ to two endes, that is to say. That wee may deuise to take the bene- fite by them. And also foresee how by the the Sauages or ciuill Princes may in any sort anoy vs in our purposed trade that way. And for that the people to the which wee purpose in this voyage to goe, be no Christians, it were good that the masse of our commodities were alwayes in our owne disposition and not at the will of others. Therefore it were good that we did seeke out some small Hand in the Scithian Sea,'' where we might plant, Fortifie,and Staple safely, fro whece (as time shoulde serue) wee might feede those heathen nations with 1 Plat ; i. e., a map or chart. " That part of the Arctic Ocean which lies to l:.e east of Nova Zembla. 1 UIE BY [580, to 16 lieir Indies s to thrust L are to see aue by the ch cause I ;er, and to at,^ to two the bene- esorciuill trade that se in this ;he masse sition and )d that we ea,'* where e (as time tions with ,st of Nova XOTES IN WUITIVO. 117 our commodities without cloying them, or without venturing our hole masse in the bowels of their countrey. And to whiche Ilande if neede were (and if we shoulde thinke so good) we might allure the Northeast navie, the nauie of Cambalu' to resort with their commodities to vs there planted, and stapling there. And if such an Hand might be found so standing as might shorten our course, and so standing as that the Nauie of Cabulu, or other those parties might coueniently saile vnto w*out their dislike in respect of distace : the would it fal out wel. For so besides lesse dauger, and more safetie, our ships might there vnlade and lade againe, and returne the selfsame sommer to the ports of England or of Norway. And if such an Hand may be found for the stabling of our commodities, to the which they of Cambalu would not saile, yet we might, hauing shippes there, imy»loy them in passing betweene Cambalu and that stapling place. Respect of hauens and harbarowes. And if no such Ilandes may be found in the Scithia sea toward the firme of Asia, then you are to search out the ports that be about Nona Sembla, all along the tract of that land, to the end you may winter there the first yeere, if you be let by contrarie winds, and to the ende that if wee may in short time come vnto Cabalu, and vnlade and set saile 1 Cathay, as we have already explained (page 24), is the name which was formerly given to the northern part of China, and Cambalu, Eanbalu, or Ehau-balik, or Khan-baligh, the name given to its capital, is the modem Pekin. It is an old Mongolian form, and means " the city of the Lord"; or, in other words, the residence of the Khan. The name was in use in the time of Marco Polo, who describes the city as situated towards the north-eastern extremity of the province of Kataia, and says, that it was the winter residence of the Khan : it also occurs as late as 1653, in an account of the Russian embassy to China in that year. — Travels of Marco Polo, Translated with notes, by W. Marsden. London, 1818, 4to, page 300. li •li :' 118 NOTES IN WRITING. againe for retume without ventering/ there at Cabalu^ that you may on your way come as farre in retume as a port about Nouasebia : That the Sommer following^ you may the sooner be in England for the more speedy vent of your East c5modities, and for the speedier discharge of your Mariners : if you can not goe forward and backe in one selfe same sommer. And touching the tract of the land of Nona sembla^ toward the East, out of the circle Artick, in the more temperate zone, you are to haue regard, for if you finde the soyle planted with people, it is like y^ in time an ample vet of our warm wolle clothes may be founde. And if there be no people at al there to be found, then you shall specially note what plentie of whales and of other fish is to be found there, to the end wee may tume our newfoiid land fishing, or Island fishing, or our whalefishing, y' way, for the ayde and c5fort of our new trades to the Northeast to the coasts of Asia. Respect of jSshe and certayne other thinges. And if the ayre may be found vpon that tract temperate, and the soyle yeelding wood, water, land, and grasse, and the seas fish, then we may plant on the mayne the ofials of our people, as the Fortingals doe in Brasil, and so they may in our fishing in our passage, and diners wayes yeelde com- moditie to England, by harbouring and vitelling of vs. And it may be, that the inland there may yeelde mastes, pitch, tarre, hempe, and all thinges for the Nauie, as plen- tifully as Eastland' doth. The ilandes to be noted with their commodities and wantes. To note the Hands, whether they be hie lande or lowe laud, moutanie or flat, sandy, grauelly, clay, chalchy, or of ^ i. e., wintering. ' Esthonia. I NOTES IN WRITING. 119 balu, that as a port I may the jroiir East Mariners : elfe same la, toward temperate le planted our warm people at lote what , there, to or Island ind cofort f Asia. lemperate, rasse, and le offals of they may elde com- f vs. le mastes, ;, as plen- antes. e or lowe chy, or of what soyle, wooddy or not wooddy, with springs and riuera, or not, and what wyld beasts they haue in the same. And whether there seeme to be in the same apt matter to build withall, as stone, free or rough, and stone to make lime withall, and wood or coale to bume the same withall. To note the goodnes or the badnes of the hauens and har- borowes in the Ilandes. If a straite be founde, what is to bee done, and what greate importance it may bee of. And if there be a strayte in the passage into the Scithian Seas, the same is specially and with great regard to bee noted, especially if the same straite be narrow and to be kept, I say it is to be noted as a thing that doeth much im- porte, for what Prince soeuer shall be Lorde of the same, and shall possease the same, as the king of Denmarke doth possesse the straite of Denmarke, he onely shall haue the trade out of these regions into the Northeast partes of the world for himselfe, and for his priuate profit, or for his sub- iectes only, or to enioy wonderfuU benefite of the toll of the same, like as the king of Demarke doth enioy of his straites, by suffering the Merchantes of other Princes to passe that way. If any such straite be found, the eleuation, the hie or lowe lande, the hauens neere, the length of the straites, and all other such circustaunces, are to be set downe for many purposes : And all the Mariners in y^ voyage are to be swome to keepe close al such thinges, that other Princes preuent vs not of the same, after our returne, vpon the dis- closing of the mariners, if any suche thing should happe. Which way the Sauage may be made able to purchase our cloth, and other their wantes. If you finde any Hand or mayne lande populous, and that the same people hath neede of cloth : Then are you to T l> 1 120 NOl'KS IN \VlIlTlN(i. deuisc what commodities they haue to purchase the same withall. If they be poore, then you are to consider of the soylc, and how by any possibilitie the same may be made to enrich the, that hereafter they may haue somthiug to purchase the cloth withall. If you enter into any mayne by portable riuer, and shall finde any great woods, you are to note what kynd of timber they be of : That Ave may know whether they are for pitclic, tarre, mastes, deleborde, clapborde, or for buylding of ships or houses, for so if the people haue no vse of them, they maye be brought perhaps to vse. Not to venture the losse of any one man. You must haue great care to prescrue your people, since your number is so small, and not to venture any one man in any wise. To bring home besides marchandize ccrtaine trifles. Bring home with you (if you may) from Cambalu, or other ciuill place, one or other young man, although you leaue one for him. Also the fruites of the countries, if they will not of the- selues dure, drie them, and so prescrue them. And bring with you the Curnelles of pcres and apples, and the stones of such stone fruites as you shall find there. Also the seedes of all strange herbes and flowres, for such seedes of fruites and hearbes comming from another part of the world and so farre off, wil delite the fancie of many, for the strangenes, and for that the same may growe and con- tinue the delite long time. If you arriue at Cambalu or Quinsay,' to bring thence the 1 The proper name of this city is Hang-cheu-feu : it stands on the NOTKS l\ M'RlTlNd. 131 ;hc same he soylc, to enrich chase the Mappc of that Countrcy, for so shall you haiie the pcrfecte description, which is to great purpose. To bring thence some old printed bookc, to see whether they haue had print there before it was deuised in Europe, as some write.' and shall of timber or pitchc, ; of ships tiem, they >ple, since ne man in .1, or other leaue one LOt of the- nd apples, nd there. 9, for such ler part of many, for e and con- thence the ;auds on the To iioto their force by sea iiud by hmde. If you arriue in Cambalu or Quiusay, to take a speciall viewe of their Nauic, and to note the force, grcatnesse, manor river Tsien-tang-kiang ; was the ancient capital of Southern China, and is now the capital of the province of Che-kiang. Quinsai, Kin-sai, Kin- tsay, or according to Morrison, King-sze, appears to have been no more than a descriptive appellation, signifying, says Marco Polo, " the celes- tial city", "and which it merits, from its preeminence to all others in the world in point of grandeur and beauty." The literal signification is — " The residence of the Imperial Court". — Travels of Marco Polo : Edited by W. Marsden. London, 1818, 4to., p. 608 et seqq. ; Morrison's Chinese Dictionary, p. 794. ' There is much reason to believe, that the art of printing books, as exercised by the Chinese at the present day, was known to them as early as the first half of the tenth century. — See Medhurst, China, its State and Prospects, p. 673. London, 1 838. The earliest work, however, of which we have been able to obtain an account, from one having had the opportunity of personally inspecting it, bears date the eighth year of the last period of the reign of Shun Te, or ad. 1348. M"". Prevost, our informant, who is at present engaged in cataloguing the splendid collec- tion of Chinese books in the British Museum, has favoured us with the following description of the book. " The title is Chin Tsaou Tseen Wan, or The Thousand Character Classic. It is one of the most popular works in China, and consists of exactly one thousand different characters, not one being repeated. It is composed in octosyllabic verses, which rhyme in couplets; each verse presenting to the student some useful Chinese notion, either in morals or in general knowledge. The object of this work is to teach the written character, both in its semi-cursive and in its stenographic form, termed Tsaou, or grass-writing : the text is, therefore, printed in parallel columns, alternately in the Chin, or correct, and the Tsaou, or cursive character. The author lived in the first half of the sixth century." This work, when seen by M"". Prevost, was in the pos- session of Colonel Tyntc. .-ll \ 122 Nm'EM IN WHI'lINO. uf building of them, the sayles, the tackcls, the anckcra, the furniture of them, with ordinauiice, armour, and munition. Also, to note the force of the walles and bulwarkcs of their cities, their ordinaunco, and whether they hauc any caliucrs, and what powder and shot. To note what armour they haue. What swordes. What pikes, halbertcs, and billcs. What horses of force, and what light horses they haue. And so throughout to note the force of the countrey, both by sea and by lande. ThingH to be luarkud to inaku couiuctures by. To take speciall note of their buildings, and of the oma* ments of their houses within. Take a speciall note of their apparell and furniture, and of the substance that the same is made of, of which a mar- chant may make a gesse, as well of their commodities as also of their wantes. To note their shoppes and warehouses, and with what com- modities they aboundte, the price also. To see their shambles, and to vicwe all such thinges as are brought into the markets, for so you shall sone see the com- modities, and the maner of the people of the inlande, and so giue a gesse of many things. To note their fieldes of grayne, and their trees of fruitc, and howe they abounde or not abounde in one and other, and what plentie or scarcetie of fishe they haue. Thinges to be carried with you, whereof more or lesse is to bo caried for a sbewo of our commodities to bee made. Kersics of all orient coulours, specially of starael,' brode cloth of orient colours also. 1 Stamcl — Fine ivoihted. \ NOTKH IN WRITINO. IM kcrs, the inition. 8 of their caliucrs, hauc. ;rey, both bhe orna- turc, and :;li a mar- cs as also :hat com- ixes as are the com- le^ and so of fruite, nd otlier, caried for el,' brode Frisadoes,' motleys," bristowo fricos, spaniHh blankcttcs, bayes of all collours, specially with stamcll, woatods, carols,' sayes,* wedmoles,* flanelles, rasho,' etc. Feltes of diners colours. Taffeta hats. Deepe cappcs for mariners coloured in stamell, whereof if ample vent may bo found, it wouldc turne to an infinite commoditic of tlie common poorr people by knittinr Quilted Cappes of leuant Taffcin of liif.orn f belles, daue two i tinder, )ffence of by shew- Musters' and shewes of the colours and of the materials, for that it may serue this clothing realme to great purpose. To take with you for your owno vso. All maner of Engyns to take fishe and foule. To take with you those thinges that bee in perfection of goodnes.se. For as the goodnesse nowe at the first maj' make your commodities in credit in time to come : So false and sophis- ticate commodities shall drawe you and all your commodities into contempt and ill opinion. ' Samples or patterns. loditie of the way r 111 in these Irnaments iaterialles to bring Iroug smell las m ^b r m i NOTES FRAMED BY A GENTLEMAN HERETOFORE to bee giuen to one that prepared for a discoucrie, and went not: and not vnfitt to bo committed to print, considering the same may stirre vp considerations of these and of such other thinges, not vnmeete in such new voyages as may bo attempted horeafter. That the first Scate be chosen on y« seaside, so as (if it may be) you may haue your owne Nauie within Bay, riucr, or lake, within your seat safe from the enemie. And so as the enemie shalbe forced to lie in ope rode abroade without, to be dispersed with all windes and tempests that shall arise. Thus seated you shall bee least subiecte to annoy of the enemie, so may you by your Nauie within, passe out to all partes of the worlde, and so may the shippes of Englande haue aecesse to you to supply all wantes, so may your commodities be caricd away also. This seatc is to bee chosen in temperate Climat, in sAveete ayre, where you may posscsse alwayes swecte water, wood, seacoles, or turfe, with fish, flesh, grayne, fruits, herbes, and rootes, or so many of those, as may suffice very' neces- sitie for the life of such as shall plant there. And for the possessing of mines of golde, of siluer, copper, quicksiluer, or of any suche precious thing, the wantes of diners of those nccdfull thinges may be supplied from some otlier 4)lace by sea, etc. 1 Every. II I NOTKS FRAMED BY A (iKNTLEMAX. 133 ITOFORE ric, and iidering (1 of (if it may ^, riucr, or d so as the liout, to be rise. Thus ciicmie, so irtes of the accessc to is be caricd ate Climat, ccte water, its, herbes, ery' neces- nd for the [uicksiluer, ;rs of those cr 4)hice by Are to be looked for as thingcs without whicli no Citie may ])ee made, nor people ii- eiuill sorte be kept together. Stone to make Lyme of. Slate stone to tile withall, or such clay as maketh tyle. Stone to wall withal, if Brveke may not bee made. Timber for building easely to be conueied to the place. Reede to couer houses, or such like, if tile or slate be not. The people there to plant and to continue, are eyther to Hue without trafficke, or by trafficke and by trade of mar- chandize. If they shall Hue without sea trafficke, at the first they become naked by want of linen and wollcn, and very miserable by infinite waiites that will otherwise ensue, and so will they be forced of them sclues to depart, or els easely they will bee consumed by the Sp.' by the Fr.'* or by the naturall inhabithantes of the countrey, and so the inter- price becomes reprochfuU to our nation, and a lett to many other good purposes that may be taken in hande. And by trade of marehandize they can not Hue, excepte the sea or the lande there may yeelde commoditie for com- moditie. And therefore you ought to haue most speciall regarde of that point, and so to plant, that the naturall com- modities of the place and seate may drawe to you accesse of Nauigation for the same, or that by your own*. Nauigation you may carie the same out, and fetche home the supplye of the wantes of the seate. Such nauigation so to bee employed, shall, besides the supply of Avantes, bee able to encounter with forreyne force. And for that in the ample vente of suche thinges as are brought to you out of engl. by sea, standeth a matter of great consequence, it behoueth that all humanitie and cur- tesie, and much forbearing of reuenge to the inland people, be vsed, so shall you haue firme amitie with your neyghbours, Spaniards, « French. tl i 134 NOTES PRAMKI) BY A OENTLKMAV. 80 shall you have their inland commodities to maintaync traf- ficker and so shall you waxe rich and strong in force. Diners and scucrall commodities of the inland arc not in great plentie to be brought to your handes, without the ayde of some portable or Nauigable ryuer, or ample lacke, and there- fore to haue the helpe of suche a one is most requisite : And so is it of effecte for the dispersing of your owne commodi- ties in exchange into the inlaudes. Nothing is more to be indeuoured with the Inland people then familiaritie. For so may you best discouer al the naturall commodities of their countrey, and also all their wantes, all their strengthes, all their weakcnesse, and with whome they are in warre, and with whome considerate in peace and amitie, etc., whiche knowen, you may woorke many great eft'ectes of greatest consequence. And in your planting, the consideration of the climate and of the soyle bee matters that are to bee respected. For if it be so that you may let in the salt sea " ter, not mixed with the fresh, into flattes, where the sunne is of the heate that it is at Rochell, in the Bay of portingall, or in Spaine, then may you procure a man of skill, and so you haue wonne one noble commoditie for the fishing, and for trade of mar- chandize, by making of Salt. Or if the soyle and clymate bee such as may yeelde you the Grape as good as that at Burdens,^ as that in Portingale, or as that about Siui^ in Spaine, or that in the Hands of the Canaries, then there resteth but a woorkeman to put in exe- cution to make wines, and to dresse Resings of the sunne and other, etc. Or if you finde a soyle of the temperature of the South part of Spaine or Barbaric, in whiche you finde the Olif tree to growe : Then you may bee assured of a noble marchan- dize for this realme, considering that our great trade of clothing doth require oyle, and weying howe deere of late it Bourdcaux. » Seville. \. lyne traf- !. Diuers in great B ayde of md there- jite: And commodi- ad people er al the ► all their and with iderate in ly woorke limate and d. For if not mixed the heate in Spaine, nue wonne le of mar- ^eelde you 'ortingale, nds of the lut in exe- the sunne ;he South Oliftree marchan- trade of of late it N0TK8 FRAMED DY A CKNTLKMAN. 18S is become by the vent they banc of that commoditie in the West Indies, and if you findc the wilde olif there it may be graffed. Or if you can finde the berrie of Cochenile, with which e wee colour StammcUes, or any Roote, Berrie, Fruite, wood, or earth, fitte for dying, you winne a notable thing fitt for our state of clothing. This Cochenile is naturall in the west Indies on that firme. Or if you haue hides of beastes fit for sole Lether, etc., It wilbe a Aiarchandize right good, and the sauagcs there yet can not tannc Lether after our kinde, yet excellently after their owne maner. Or if the soyle shall yeelde Figges, Almondes, Sugar Canes, Quinces, Orenges, Lemons, Potatos, etc., there may arise some trade and trafficke, by figges, almonds, sugar, marmeladc, Sucket, etc. Or if great woods bee founde, if they be of Cypres, chests may bee made, if they bee of some kinde of trees, pitche and tarre may be made, if they bee of some other, then they may yeelde Rosin, Turpentine, etc., and al for trade and trafficke, and Caskcs for wine and oyle may be made : likewise, ships and houses, etc. And because trafficke is a thing so materiall, I wish that great obseruation be taken what euery soyle yeeldcth natu- rally, in what commoditie soeucr, and what it may be made to yeeld by indeuour, and to send vs notice home, that therevppon wee may deuise what meanes may be thought of to rayse trades. Nowe admit that we might not be suffered by the sauages to enioy any whole countrey, or any more the the scope of a Citie, yet if wee might enioy trafficke, and be assured of the same, wee might bee much inriched, our Nauie might be increased, and a place of safetie might there be found, if change of religion or ciuill warres shoulde happen in this rcalmc, which arc thinges of great benefitc. But if wc may 1 1 ■* » » ■ '1 J , 1 130 NOTKS I'ltAMKK l\\ A (IKM'I.KMAN. U 111 inioy any largo Tcrritoric of a|)t my\v., we might mo vhc the matter, aH we Hhouhl not depeniU; vpon Spaim; for oylea, saeks, re.singes, on^nges, hsmoiis, Spanish skiniieH, etc. Nor vppon IVunnce for woud, buyHalt, and (Jancoync wines, nor on lOstlaiuU; for fhixc, pitcli, tarn;, mastea, etc. So wo shouhlo not HO cxliaust onr treasure, and so exceedingly inrichc our dout)tfull friendes, as we doe, l)ut shouhle purehasse tlie com- modities that we want for lialfe tlie treasure that now we do : bjit shouhl by our own iuchistries and the benefits of tlio soih) there, cheapely purches oyles, wines, salt, fnfits, pitch, tarre, flaxe, hempe, mustes, Ijoordes, flshe, gold, siluer, cop- per, tallowe, hides, and nuiny commoditica : besides, if there he no flatts to make salt on, if you hanc plentie of wood you may make it in sufficient quantitie for common vscs at homo there. If you can kecpe a safe hauen, although you hauo not tho friendship of the ncerc ncyghbours, yet you may haue traf- ficke by sea vpon one shore or other, vpon that firme in time to come, if not present. If you findc great plenty of tymber on the shore side, or vpon any portable riuer, you were best to cut downe of tho same the first wynter, to bee seasoned for shippes, barkes, botes, and houses. And if neerc such wood there be any riuer or brooke, vpon the which a sawing mill may be placed, it woulde doc great scruice, and therefore consideration woulde beo li'.ul of suclic place. And if such port and chose place of setling were in pos- sessio, and after fortified hy art, although by y land side our Englishme were kept in, and might not inioy any traffick with the next neighbours, nor any vittel : yet might they vittel themselues of fishe to serue verie necessitic, and enter into amitie with the enemies of their next neighbours, and so haue vent of their marchandize of England, and also haue vittel, or by meanes herevpon to be vsed, to force the next ," « It • •• • • • * ■ NOTKS HJAMKU HY V (iKNTF-KMAN. I a; no vsc the for oylcH, I'tc. Nor tviiu's, nor vc Mhouldc iirichc our e tlu; com- ow \vc do : fits of the ifits, pitch, iluer, cop- es, if tlierc f wood you CB nt homo iiuc not the r hime traf- me in time ore side, or iwnc of the [JOS, barkcs, looke, vpon doe great [m\ oi suehe ere in pos- id side our [vny traffick flight they I, and enter [ibours, and also hauc Ice the next nRt{ A crusado is worth 2s. 3d. * A vintin is of the value of l^d. or not quite three halfpence. f r^ ino APPENDIX. Pcarlca of 5 graincs, worth 15 rialls - - 600 Fcarlcs of ^ quilatc, bcingo 6 graincs^ worth 20 rialls 800 Pearlcs of 7 graincs, worth 8 crusudos - - 1,200 Pcarlcs of 2 quilatcs, 8 grainea, worth 2 milries 2,000 Pearles of 9 graincs, worth 7 crusados - - 2,800 Fcarles of 2^ quilatc, 10 graincs, worth 10 crusados 4,000 Pearlcs of 1 1 graincs, worth ... 5,000 Pcarlcs of 3 quilatcs, worth ... 6,000 Pcarlcs of 13 graincs, worth 20 crusados - 8,000 Pcarlcs of 3^ quilates, worth 30 crusados - 12,000 Pcarlcs of 15 graincs, worth 40 crusados - 16,000 Pearlcs of 4 quilates, worth 70 crusados - 28,000 Pearlcs of 17 graincs, worth 90 crusados - 36,000 Pcarles of 4 quilates and i, worth 110 crusados 41<,000 Pearlcs of 19 graines, worth 130 crusados - 54,000 Pcarles of 5 quilates, worth 150 crusados - 600,000 These pcarles ought to be perfect in all respects. Towch- inge the buying of these pearlcs, it must be accordinge to the time, and they may be bowght at sometime cheaper then at another ; for a man may gaine by them according to the vallew and estimation that every person hath of them, for they be things without certeinc limits or estimation, and are esteemed accordinge to the time. A REMEMBRANCE of what is good to bring from the Indyas into Spayne, beinge good marchandize, and bowght by him that is skillfull and trusty. Small seede pearrell, naturall white, of the first size. Of the same sorte, of the second size. Small sede pearrell, of the same sorte, of the 3rd size. And of the 4th size, which APPENDIX. 101 600 800 1,200 2,000 2,800 4,000 5,000 6,000 8,000 12,000 16,000 28,000 30,000 44,000 54,000 600,000 Towch- nge to the ler then at ng to the them, for n, and are he Indyas it by him size. Of earrell, of ize, which is called Anc. Of the 5th and 6th Hortc, which hatli not croase nor yellow. Small pcarrcU of the 7th and 8th size. Small sede pearrcU, that is called Ane ervell ; let it be of the largest you can gett. Bringe no sede pearle of the first 2 nor 3 size, but bringc of the 4th sorte, for they yeld more proffitt and gaine then other sizes. Rubis, perfect of coullor, of 5 or 6 cnfanos.' Yf you can find any good saphires, well couUored or white, bcinge bowght chcape and cleane, they will yeld greate gayne. Diamondes bought by him that hath knowledge of the now or old cutt, or poynted, being cleane, from 3 to 6 in man- gellin. Diamondes, pojrnted, from 1 to 2 mangelins.' And rubis, beinge perfect, yf ye find any, buy them accordinge to the state of the contry, for in these things there is no certeinc price, but they are things that yeld most proffitt. Heere follow the prizos. Small pearle, naturall, of the first size, are worth heerc, 8,000 or 10,000 res. per ounce. Small pearle of the sccondo size, 6,000 or 7,000 res. The 3rd and 4th size arc worth 4,500 res. per ounce. Small pearle of the 5th and 6th size are worth heere, this yeare, 2,200 res. The 7th and 8th size, 1,100 res. Small pearle, called Ane ervell, hath no liuiitted price, but are esteemed according to the greatncs and good- nes of them, and are of many prizes. Pearle of the 4th size are sold heere for 30 and 35 ryalls and 40, accordinge to their wayght. Rubis of 5 or 6 infanos, being perfect, are worth heere 5 or 6000 res. You must vnderstand, that things naturall, and espinellas,^ ' For the explanation of this word, see post, p. 1G5. ' The word mangalis, or mangelim, is here the same as the quilatc or carat, but it is also used to express five, six, or seven and a half grains. * A kind of ruby. Y i 162 APPENDIX. y that are large and good, are to be bowght the best cheape you can gett them, for they have no certeyn prize. Yf you can find any araatistes or jacincts, buy them in like sorte as you can. Diamondes of 3 in mangelin rongs, are worth 6,000 res. ; of the 4th in laangelin, 5,000 res. Diamondes of 5 and of 6 in mangelin, are worth 3 and 4,000 res. Diamondes of 15 in mangeUin, pointed, 3,000 res. Dia- mondes of 1 mangellin, 8 and 10,000 res. Diamondes of 2 mangellins, 15,000 res. These thinges are worth more or lesse, accordinge to the times ; but these are the best marchandize for stones. Diamondes wrought throughout. Diamondes wrought of every side, of 1 grayne, are worth 3,000 res j of 1 graine 4, 4,000 res. Diamondes of 3 graines are worth 8,000 res. Diamondes of 2^ graines are worth 10,000 res. Diamondes of 3 graines, 15,000 res. Diamondes of 3| [graines], 20,000 res. Diamondes of 1 quartine, which is 4 graines, are worth 25,000 res. Diamondes of this sorte, beinge perfect, and wrought on every side, are the things most esteemed ; and the bigger sizes are worth in vallew by waight. Diamondes rough are so to be bought that I may gaine by workinge of them. Diamondes rough, of 3 quartines, which is 12 graines, 6,000 res. Diamondes rough, of 4 quartaines, are worth 5,000 res. Diamondes of 5 quartaines are worth 4,000 res. Diamondes of 1 quartaine, and of 2 pointed, are worth 10,000 res. Rubis perfect of 5 or 6 quartines, are worth 6,000 res. Rubis of 4 quartines, 8,000 res. best cheape ly them in 6,000 res. ; i^orth 3 and I res. Dia- ese thinges ; but these 1, are worth Diamondes are worth erfect, and smed; and Diamondes mrkinge of 2 graincs, 000 res. are worth )0 res. APPENDIX. 163 Bubis of 2 quartaines are worth 30 Ds.^ Rubis of 1 quartine, 30 Ds. Towchinge rubis, they are bought cheaper, or deerer, as time serves, but they must be perfect in all perfection. Prizes of Pearles. Pearles beinge perfect of 1 graine are worth 20 res. Pearles of 1^ graines, 50 res. Pearles of 2 graines are worth 80 res. Pearles of 2J graines are worth 200 res. Pearles of 3 graines, 320 res. Of 3^ graines, 400 res. Pearles of a quartine, being 4 graines, 480 res. Pearles of 5 graines are worth 600 res. Pearles of 6 graines, 800 res. Pearles of 7 graines, 1,200 res. Pearles of 2 quartines, 2,000 res. Pearles of 9 graines, 2,800 res. Pearles of 10 graines, 4,000 res. Pearles of 11 graines, 5,000 res. Pearles of 3 quartines, 6,000 res. Pearles of 13 graines, 8,000 res. Pearles of 3 quartines i, 12,000 res. Pearles of 15 graines, 16,000 res. Pearles of 4 quartines, 28,000 res. Pearles of 17 graines, 36,000 res. Pearles of 4 quartines i, 44,000 res. Pearles of 19 graines, 54,000 res. Pearles of 5 quartines, 600,000 res. These pearles must be perfect in all perfection ; towchinge their prizes, it wilbe accordinge to the time ; but they are things much esteemed; buy them as cheape as yc.i can. Nicholas, SOBRAS, * Ducados. . R' — I 164 APPENDIX. A REMEMBRANCE of suche tilings as are good marchandize to bringe from the Est Indies into Spayne, beinge bought by a skyllfull and trusty factor.' Aliofre," or perles of the first sorte or size. Aliofre of the second sort. Aliofre of the third sort. Aliofre of the fourthe sort, which is called Ane. Aliofre of the 5 and 6 sorte, which have no Calixo, nor is not yellow. Aliofre of the 7 and 8 sorte. Aliofre, which is called Ane ervel, which must be of the bigest sort that can be gotten. Bringe not into Europe any Perles of the first, second, or third sort, but those of the 4th sorte, in which there is more gayne then in the others. Tf buy Kubies perfect of hart, of 5 or 6 Enfanon, beinge about 2 caratts of Venice weight. Saphires good of hart or white, and cleane, and baratas, wherin a marchant may do much good. Diamondes bought by one that hath skill of the new or old rockes, which have their chapas and pointes cleane, from 3 to 6 in a mangalin, beinge § of a carate. Diamondes pointed from one mangali, unto 3 mangalis, and rubies per- fect, which must go together with them, which must be bought accordinge to the custome of the country, for heerin there is no certeine price sett downe, and these are the commodities wherein a man may do most good accordinge to the time. The severall prices of pearles, rubies, saphires, spinels, amatists, jacynthes, or ballasses. ^ This section is substantially the same as the first page and a half of that which precedes it : as there are some variations, however, it has been thought advisable not to omit this part of the manuscript. " A corruption of the Portuguese and Spanibh word Aljofar, which is again a corruption of the Arabic word El Jauhar. APPENDIX. 165 rchandize ;e bought 1X0, nor IS ; be of the second, or ere is more ion, beinge id baratas, the new or eane, from liamondes ubies per- must be for heerin Ise are the accordinge 3S, spinels. land a half of rever, it has Ept. tfar, which is Aliofre nataraon, or pearles of the first jueira or size, beinge perfect, are worth 8,000 and 10,000 reyos the ounce. Aliofre of the second sort are worth from 6,000 to 7,000 reies the ounce. Aliofre of the 3rd and 4th sorte are woorth 4,500 reies. Aliofre of the 5th and 6th sorte were sold this yeare at 2,200 reies. Aliofre of the 7th and 8th sorte is sold, and is worth heere 1,100 reies. Aliofre Ane Cruel (or seede pearle) hath no certeine price, because it is sold accordinge to the bignes and goodnes therof, and is of many prices. Pearles of the 4th sorte are sold in the Indies at 30 reies, at 35 reies, and at 40 reies^ accordinge to their difference in weight. Kubies which be perfect, of 5 and 6 to an enfanon (beinge a kind of weight which conteineth about 2 carates of Venice weight), are worth 5,000 or 6,000 reies. Saphieres are at uncerteine prices, which a man must buy as good cheape as he may. Good and greate spinells, beinge a kind of base rubies, must be bought as good cheape as you may, for they are not sold at any certeine price. Amatistes, or jacinthes, and balasses, are bought after the same manner. Diamants of 3 to a mangalin beinge chapas, are sold at 6,000 reies ; of 4 to a mangalin, 5,000 reies ; of 5 and 6 to a mangalin, they are worth from 3,000 to 4,000 reies. Diamondes of 15 to a mangalin, beinge pointed, are sold at 3,000 reies. Diamantes of one mangalin are worth from 8,000 to 10,000 reies. Diamantes of 2 mangalins are worth 15,000 reies. At certeine times the prices of these juells riseth and fallcth, but these arc the best marchundize of all other juells. Safrun. Sacks, Ca- iiarie wyne, Malnieyies, Oyle Olive, Uulland cloth, Cam- liricke. 166 APPENDIX. NOTES OP CERTAYNE COMODITIES IN GOOD REQUEST IN the East Indies, the MalucoeS| and China, gathered out of the last and best authours which have lived and trafficked in those parts, by Richard Hakluyt. Out of Ccesar Frederiche, a Venetian, who lived 18 yeres in many parts of the East Indies. Velvets, damasks, satins, armesine of Portugal, which is a kind of silke taifata, safron and skarlets. — -fol. 10, pag. 2. The ships that come from the streight of the Red Sea or Mecca, bring to Pegu and Sivion woUen cloth (made at Venice, of these coullours, to witte, murrey, violet, red- mosine, skarlet, light or grasse greene), skarlets, velvets, opinno or affron, and chekines of gold.— /o/. 32, pag. 1, and fol.S6,p. 1. Bracelets of elephants teeth of diverse colours, much esteemed. — -fol. 6, pag. 2. The money of Pegu called Gansa, is made of copper and lead, which two mettals raay therefore prove good marchan- dize.— fol. 32, pag. 2. Notes of Commodities fit for the East Indies. Out of John Iliii/ffen Van Linschoten. Wyne, as sacks, canarie wyne, and malmesies. — pag. 4. Oyle of olives. — pagina 4. Holland cloth and cambricke good marchandize in Jaua. — p. 54. Wollen cloth good marchandize in China. — pag. 40. Reals of 8, wyne, both Portugale and Indian, oyles of olive greatly desired, velvet, cloth of skarlet (whereof they have none, nor yet can make any, although they have both sheepe and woU inough), looking glasse, ivorie, al kind of cristal, and glasse, arc wcl sold in ChinsL.— pagina 44. APPENDIX. 167 IQUEST IN Bred out Eind 9 in many , which is a led Sea or L (made at violet, red- sts, velvets, pag. 1, and lurs, much jopper and marchan- ■ John lag. 4. ze in Jaua. (.40. i, oyles of [ereof they [have both lal kind of I44. Emraulds, wrought and unwrought, very gayneful mar- chandize to bee carried to India, Pegu, and other places, brought thither from Cairo, and the Spanish Indies, which in these oriental parts are much womc and esteemed : So that many Venetians that have travayled thither with em- raidds, and bartered them for rubies, are become very rich, because amonge them men had rather have them then rubies. — -pag. 134. Costly wares carried from Turkie into India by the Streight of Mecca.— jao^. 214. Notes out of The Iliatorie of China, in English. Noe wollen cloth is made in China. — pag. 20. Spanish wollen cloth much esteemed in China. — pag. 163. Helmets of tynne gilded over, wome in China. — pag. 188. Notes out of Mr. Lancaster's Vojage, printed in the second volume of Richard Hakhiyt. There were found in the galeon of Malacca, which Mr. Lancaster tooke in the entrance of the Streight of Sincapura, 300 butts of canarie wynes, al kind of haberdash ware, as hats, redde caps knit of Spanish wol, worsted stockings knit, Hau, ie.i which are wome of the mastizoes, shooes, velvets, taffataes, stnckinjhical workH, xlii ; birth, etc., 3 aiiiB (Clement), 3 Aithonus, see Hayto Alexander VI, ropo, grant to Spain in 1493of theWeatern Hemisphere, 42 America, " Divers voyages touching tlie diacoverie of", dcHcription of this work, xxxvi ; (Utile attempts to colonize America, xcv ; arguments in favour of sending colonies to, from England, 8, 9 ; names of commodities growing in some parts of, 139 Anghiera (Pietro Martire), works, xliv ; birth, etc., 3 B. Barbosa (Duarte), works, Ivii ; birth, etc., 5 Barros (Joao de), works, Iviii ; birth, etc., 5 ; account of, 9 ; said to have caused Brazil to be colonized by the Portuguese, 9 ; this statement doubt- fid, ib. Belleforest (Francois), works, 1 ; birth, etc., A Benjamin, TudeUnsis, works, lii ; birth, etc., 5 Best (George), works, li, 4 Brazil, when discovered, 9 ; colonized by the Portuguese, ih. ; origin of name and its antiquity, 46 Brigharo (Anthony^, 6 Burrough (Stephen), works, bci ; birth, etc., 6 ; account of, on a monu- mental brass in Chatham church, 15 Burrough (William), works, Ixi, 6 Burros (Steven), see Burrough Burros (William), sec Burrough 0. Cabot (John), discoverer of America, Ixviii ; account of his expedition in 1496, ih. ; letters patent granted to him and to his three sons by Henry VII, 19 Cabot (Sebastian), works, Ivii ; birth, etc., 6 ; argument in favour of a north-west passage, 11 ; extract from Peter Martyr respecting his voyage along the east coast of North America, Ixxxviii ; extract from Gomara on the same subject, Ixxxix ; note of his voyage, 23 ; extract from Ramusiu respecting his voyage to the north, 24 ; maps and discourses in the possession of William Wor- thington, 26 Cabral (Pedro Alvarez), took posses- sion of Brazil in 1500, 9 Calicut, Vasco da Gama arrives at, by sea in 1498, 42 Cam (Diego), discovers Congo in 1484, 41 Cape Verde islands, discovery of, 46 Cartier (Jacques), Iviii, xcv, 5 Cathaia, explanation of, 24 Chancellor (Nicholas), works, lii, 4 Chancellor (Richard), works, Ix, 6 Charles V, emperor of Germany, study of navigation promoted by, 14 Chart, by R. Thome, explanation of, 36 Chaves (Alonso de), account of, 14 Chicoria, described, 108 Claudia island, discovered by Veraz- zani, 63 Clinuite, described, 49 Colombo (Cristoforo), works, Ivi ; birth, etc., 5 Congo, discovered by Diego Cam, in 1484, 41 Conti (Nicold di), works, Ivi, 5 Contractation House, 14 Coronado (Francis Vasques de), see Vasques Cortereal (Anus), ship sent by him in 1574 to discover a north-west pas- sage, 7 A A INDEX. Curtereul (n»»piir), 6 C'rantziiiN (AllnirtuH), mt Kraiitz CuImi, iliMcowrod by Cohiinbun in 1402, 43 B. Diainoiida, prices of, 168, 161, 164, lOS Diaz (Hartiiolnmeu), doubloH thu Cape uf (}ou(l IIupu fur the first ttiiio in 1487, 42 Dominica, tliacovered by ColumbuM in 14l»3, 43 Drake* (Hir FranciH), 6 ; makes a voyage of diHcovery along tlio western coast uf Nurth America as high as the 48 th degree, 12 ; ufler tu found a lectureship in navigation, 16 Drogeo, discuvery of, 72 Eleot (Hugh), tee Elliot £ngroveIand, discovery of, "2 ; Fran- ciscan monastery at, described, 77 ; Zichmni arrives there, and builds a city, 87 Krondello (P.), translation of part of Lescarbot's " Histuiro de la Nouvelle France," xxx Estotiland, discovery of, 72 ; descrip- tion of, 81 F, Penton (Edward), 6 Finieus (Orontius), see Fin6 Fin6 (Oronce), works, xlix ; birth, etc., 3 Florida, first French colony in, under Albert de la Pierria, xciv ; misman- agement and sufferings of the first colonists, ci ; second colony under the command of Laudonnidro, cv destroyed by the Spaniards, cviii natives of, tlieir evidence in favour of the north-west passage, 11 ; dis' covery of, by J. Ribault, 91, 97 description of the country, its inha' bitants and produce, 98 Fracastoro (Girolamo), works, xlv birth, etc., 3 Frisland, discovery of the island of, 72 Frobisher (Sir Martin), 6 ; made three voyages in search of the north-west passage, 12 G. Gabot, tec Cabot Gaetano (Juan), works, lix, 5 Gaeton (John), (.re Oaotann Gaivani (Antonio), works, Ixi ; birth, etc., 6 ; his " Tratndu", published in English by Hakluyt, xxxi Galvano (Francis) ice Ualvam Gama (Vasco da), works, Ivii ; itirth, etc. S ; (hmbles the Cape of Good Hope in 1497, and arrives at Cali- cut in 1498, 42 Gemma, FrimiM, k« Gemma (R.) Gemma (Reinerus), works, xlv ; birth, etc. 3 Geography, names of writers on, 8, 4 Gilbert (Sir Humphrey), works, 1. ; birth, etc. 4, 6 Giunti (Tonmiaso), xlviii ; birth, etc. 8 Gunsalva (Gil) said to have sought a passage by the north-west, Ixiv, 11 Gonzalez de Mendoza, ( ), History of China translated by Parke, xxix Good Hope, Cape of, doubled for the first time by Uartholomeu Diaz in 1487, 42 Grafton (Richard), extract from his chronicle, relating to thu voyage of discovery by two ships in 1527, 64 Guicciardini (Giovanni Uittista), works, xlvi ; birth, etc. 3 H. HaithonuB, Bee Hatto Hakluyt, Family of ; account of, ii-iv Hakluyt, (Richard), birth and educa- tion, iv ; circumstance which led him to study Geography, v ; his desire to procure the establishment of a lec- ture on navigation, vii ; addresses the Lord Admiral Howard on the subject, vii ; letter to Sir Francis Walsingham principally upon the same subject, viii ; proposal to him to accompany Sir Humphrey Gilbert in his voyage to Newfoundland in 1583, ix ; second letter to Sir F. Walsingham, xi ; appointed chaplain to Sir Edward Statford, ambassador to the Court of France, xiii ; made a prebendary of Bristol, xiii ; one of those to whom Sir Walter Raleigh assigned his letters patent for dis- coveries in heathen lands, xiv ; in- stituted to the rectory of Wettering- set-cum-Blochford, in Suffolk, xiv ; his marriage, xiv ; chief promoter of a petition to King James for a char- ter for tho colonization of Virginia, xiv ; death, xv ; his anxiety to pro- mote geographical discovery, xvi ; his exertions to procure inibrmation, xvii ; encouraged by Sir F. Wal- I INDKX. iin.({hnin to oontintie \m fetWirw, i xvii ; hiM flnit viu,]' tlio "Divers Voyagen", xviii ; iiulwoo^ liiiHnnier '. t(i ticlit thu voyagtiN of ni>/;ii)lt and 1 othorH t<> Florida, aiul uIho jiiili- | liMlieH an EtigliHli traiiHlation ot tliu ' Work, xix ; puliliNhcH an oilition of Peter Martyr AntfhiorH'H work, Do [ nrl)o novo, xx ; ])uTiliHlioH \m " I'rin- oipal Navigations of tho Kng- HhIi Nation", etc, xxii-xxviii ; indiicuM Pory to i>ul)liHh a translation of tliu Ilixtory of Africa by Loo AfricantiH, xxix ; induccH Parko to puhliHli a tranMlalion of tliu IliHtory of China, from tiio Spaninii of Oonzaluz de Mendoza, xxix ; inducett P. Kron- (lello to puMiHh a tranHlation of part of Lt'Mcarbot'H IliHtoiro du la nouvelle Franco, xxx ; puMiHhcH an KngliHh trnnnlation of a work ))y A. Galvani, xxxi ; tranHlatCH F. de Souto'H DIh- coveriea in Florida, xxxii ; a promon- tory on the ci;ntinont of Oruenland named after him, xxxiv ; n river tlis- covereil in a voyage to Pechora named after him, ib. ; doHcription of hiH " Divers Voyagos," xxxvi etseq.; Will. 14fi ; note of the chief places where spices grow in the En^t In- dies, 161 ; of the several prices of precious stones and spices, 168 ; good merchandize to bring from tho East Indies into Spain, 160 ; note of commodities in good request in the East Indies, the Moluccas, and China, 1«6 Hall (E.), extract from his chronicle re- lating to the voyage of discovery by two ships in 1627, 64 Harton, «ee Hatto Hatto, works, liii ; birth, etc. 6 II ay to, see Hatto Henry VII., king of England, letters patent granted by him to John Cabot and his three sons, Ixxi, 19 ; letters patent granted to Richard Warde and others, Ixxiii ; also to Hugh Elyot and others, Ixxxv Hernandez de Oviedo y Valdez (Gon- salvo), works, xlv ; birth, etc. 3 Heyes (Edward), works, Ixiii, 6 Hudson's straits, discovered by Gaspar Gortereal, and by the ship said to have been sent out by Anus Cor- tereal, 7 I. J. Jackman (Charles), 6 Icaria, discovery of, 72, 85 Ioelan