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Las diagrammes suivants illustrant la mAthode. rrata to palura. n A 1 2 3 1 □ 32X 5 6 l(.f p. Mr. CRl le subject, 1 its furthe imself for Producing icumbent ( lould end( roper deci «e for the )r the joial That ten fountains i le parallel ver— the i nd the latt< This is tl nd which I Our clain imbia rivei on of that tates, in If merican ci ailed our o imbia rivei The seco tates and ^ righls, clai nd pretensi lese are nc tie to the V In opposi 1 also on al 'cts, and sa ade betwe( id make se ents on th( The expU ;t up claim lade either id not folio ttltement ai Such is th ritain, end or a period nd repeated pon some |: ent statesm SPEECH I OP • U. CRITTENDEN, OF KENTUCKY, ON THE OREGON QUESTION. Delivered in the 3enate of the United States, April 16, 1846. Mr. CRITTENDEN said, he was very sensible, notwithstanding the importance o< le subject, that the Senate were much too weary of this debate to take much interest its further discussion. Did lie consult his own inclinations, he should not obtrude iinself for a single moment on their attention ; but, having had the honor of originally itroducing the resolution which is the immediate subject to be acted upon, it seemed icumbent on him to say something in its support before the vole was taken. He lould endeavor to confine himself to those considerations which seemed essential to a roper decision of the policy ami propriety of giving to Great Britain the proposed no- ice for the abrogation of the treaty or convention made with her by the United States »r the joint occupancy of the Oregon territory. That territory lies on the northwest coast of this continent, between the Rocky fountains and the Pacific ocean, and extends from the 42d degree of north latitude to je parallel of 54° 40'. Through it flotv two large rivers — the Columbia and Frazer's ver— the former emptying itself into the ocean between the latitudes of 46° and 47°, nd the latter between 49° and 50°. This is the territory now in dispute be. een the United States and Great Britain, nd which has been disputed between them for nearly forty years past. Our claim is rested on two grounds— first, vrior discovery of the mouth of the Co- Iimbia river in 1792 by Capt. Gray, an American navigator — the subsequent explora'- on of that river by Lewis and Clarke, under the order and authority of the United tates, in 1805 and '6, and settlements made at or near the mouth of the same river by >merican citizens in 1809 and 1810. This, for the purpose of distinction, may be ailed our own American tide, and it will be perceived that it applies only to the Co- jmbia river, and that portion of the territory which is (I:-:ine«.' by it. The second ground of our claim is the Florida treaty, nii<'le between the United tates ar.d Spain in the year 1819, whereby Spain ced^d to tl > United States all her rights, claims, and pretensions" to the territory in questicn. Those "rights, claims, id pretensions" are founded on the dii overies and explorations of her navigators, and lese are now alleged on the part of our Government as embracing and giving us a tie to the whole of Oregon. In opposition to these claims, the British Government assert rights in Oregon, found- 1 also on alleged discoveries, explorations, and setlleinenti of her navigators and sub- sets, and sanctioned and sustained, as they contend, by the Nootka Sound Convention, ade between Great Britain and Spain in 1790. Ths British were the first to explore )d make settlements on Frazer's river, as we wfre the first to explore and make settle- lents on the Columbia. The explorations and discoveries of the Spanish navigators, in virtue of which Spain !t up claim to the whole northwest coast of America, were long antecedent to those tade either by the English or Americans; but it is insisted by Great Britain, that Spain id not fellow up those discoveries and explorations by such acts o( occupation or ttllement as could alone confer on her a national title to the country. Such is the brief and general oudine of the claims of the United States and Great ritain, end of the dispute existing between them iu respect to the territory of Oregon, 'or a period of near forty years these parties have asserted their conflicting claims, nd repeatedly endeavored, but without succtjss, to settle the controversy by agreeing pon some permanent line of division. In these negotiations, the ablest and most emi- ent statesmen of both countries have been employed, and almost every questictn of 9 fact and of national law that could aflfect the acquisition of title to newly-discovered f*' ^ ^^}^^* countries has been considered as involved in this controversy, and has been discussed **' >rl>itra with the greatest learning and ability. Y^^'' }^^ ' The first difficulty in these discussions was to investigate and ascertain the true state "? "'^^ ° of the/ac/« and circutnatancea alleged as the grounds of the respective claims. This, '^ ^^^ *'" to some extent, was to bt traced by the doubtful evidence furnished by the narratives of ^^ ^^1 o' early navigators, of voyages along the northwest coast, of occasional landings, settins '^i^llel of up of crosses, and other symbolical and equivoc.l acts of possession, settlement, and "mbia riv ownership. But when that difficulty was overcome, and where the facts were indis- ? '"® bou putable, the still greater difficulty remained of giving to each of those facts and circum< '^^ory has stances its proper appreciation and effect, and determining the nature and extent of the ^nventior territorial right it conferred in that vast and unappropriated region. '^^e P' These difficulties have hitherto prevented the United States and Great Britain from ^ounces tl agreeing upon any amicable adjustment of their claims. )rovi3ion i I do not intend to enter into any investigation or argument of those conflicting claims. O'^i' occuj They still remain as subjects for diplomatic discussion and negotiation, and so long as '^^^ ly ^fue settlement only can give tide. According to these principles, our own proper American '^nder the title to the Columbia river, and the country drained by it, extending at least to the 49th ^^ questio degree of latitude, stands on more clear and distinct ground than that which we derive ^^ "po* q*^ from the Spanish claim to the residue of the territory in question. hemselvea Such are the sources, and such the general character, of the claims of the United" strength States and Great Britain to the Oregon territory. To ascertain the state and preson condition of the controversy, in respect to which we are now ".ailed upon to act, it will be proper to advert for a moment to the proceedings and negotiations that have takei place on the subject between the Governments of the two countries. As early as 1807, Mr. Jefferson, by instructions to our Ministers at the Couit of St James, manifested his earnest desire that the boundary line of 49° north, which hai "'ith them been agreed on as the line of division between the United States and Great Britain or neans has this side of the Rocky Mountains, should be extended across them to the Pacific ocean. ^S^ of re| But this could not then be effected. las this qu In 1818, a further attempt was made to adjust the claims of the two nations, by eserved as agreeing upon a line of division between them ; but failing in this, the negotiation ter< '^en perve minated in a convention, to continue in force for ten years; by which it was agreed, 'he Democ that the territory should be open and free to the citizens and subjects of both; that, iii late for th( effect, there should be, for the stipulated period, a joint occupation by both nations, >ther care < without prejudice to the rights of either. >s a soundi This convention was made expresshr '• to prevent disputes and differences,*' coa 'lear and u cerning which the parties could not then agree upon any final settlement. mpose it a In 182.3, another unsuccessful attempt was made by negotiation to agree upon some his chamb line of division. )emocrati< In 1827, when the convention of joint occupancy for ten years was about to expire ^en by the another negotiation was opened, and a further attempt made to settle the controversy bj ^reside nt r establishing some line of partition and boundary. But the parties being still unaUc tf^ means that agree on any such line, the negotiation ended in an agreement to continue indefinitelj ictiou in h< the convention of 1818, with the privilege reserved to either party to abrogate it upor >et;n better giving one year's notice to the other. The contro To setUe this long continued dispute another negotiation was recently undertaken, it ^n our part the course of which each party proposed a line of division, which was rejected by th( "»d elsewh other. And upon this mutual rejection of the Jirat propositions of the parties, the ne *l^*n posse gotiation, though not broken off, seems to have been suspended, without further effor subjects of n fact, hai ave had a oon and q But, as rought inl vly-diacovered **' * aetdementt except that the British made, and the President riejected, a propositioit l)een discussed ^^ arbitration of the controversy. Since this suspension, in the summer of the last frear, the negotiators on the part of the two Governments appear to have been stand- I the true state ^8 '^i^^* o" ^°^^ ground of policy or ceremony, each apparently waiting for the other to take the Hrst step. In all our negotiations on this subject, we have constantly oflercd to adopt the 49th ndings, setting '^r^llel of latitude, and the British Government as constantly offered to adopt the Go- lettlement, ana ""ibia river as the line of division; and so far neither party has been willing to accede cts were indis- '° ^^^ boundary offered by the other. The consequence has been that the Oregon Ter- Its and circum- ritory has remained, as it now is, in the joint occupation of the parties, in virtue of the 1 extent of the inventions of 1818 and 1827. The President, in his message at the commencement of our present session, an- at Britain frora^'^*"^''^" ^^^ result of the late negotiation, and recommends that Congress shall make >rovi3ion for his giving notice to Great Britain for the abrogation of the convention of flicting claims. ^'"^ occupancy, at the expiration of twelve months, and so long ac '^^^ question now before us is, whether we shall make that provision. I regret that d be somewhat '^^ question has been agitated now. But for that agitation, and its probable conse* Lir Govemmeni luences, the convention, though it could not long have remained suitable to the changed from pro- '"'^ changing condition of Oregon, might, perhaps, have sufficed fur some time to. ram t does seem taf^'''*^* ^"d, in my judgment, it was the best policy of the United States to have con- wn reason, the iinued it in force as long as it was found safe and practicable so to do ; because tual occupation "whatever may have been the state of things in the territory in time past, it is cer- occupation am ^inly true that recently the emigration to Oregon is mainly from the UniiCd States, oper American '^nder the silent operation of this continued emigration, we should have had, whenever last to the 40th ^^ question of title came to be settled by arms, if that were unavoidable, n power on hich we derive ^^ "P^t quite capable of maintaining their own rights. Our setders would have spread hemselves over the territory; and, although I grant that this would not have increased of the UnitecA^' strengthened, or in any manner aff'c'cted our legal right to the country, yet it would, te and preson ^ f^U have afforded a strong practical support to such rights as wc had. We should n to act, it wil '^ve had a strong power on the spot, not easily expelled, and whose possession would lat have takei#oon and qniedy have setded in our favor all questions of confficting titles. 1 But, as things now stand, we have no power to choose. The question has been e Couit of St. irought into the arena of our party strifes, and the attempt has been made to identify it rth, which ha( i^ith them. Who is it that has thus prematurely agitated this question ? Bv what reat Britain or neans has it been effected ? I do not ask these questions in any spirit or wicli any de- Pacific ocean, ^g" of reproaching any body : I speak only of the fact ;- and I again ask, by whom las this question been thus prematurely introduced? How is it that, instead of being vo nations, by '^served as a matter for diplomatic arrangement, this question, so purely national, has gistrate as a nandi* ings, and without both nations,tther care or thought on the subject than whether it might aid their party nomination, IS a sounding manifesto, resolved, that our tide to Oregon'— the whole of Oregon — was erences," con 'l^ar and unquestionable, and thus attempted to make it the tenet of a party creed, and mpose it as such upon the country. And now, sir, we are told here, on the floor of ree upon some his chamber, in this Senate of die United States, that the Senators belonging to the )emocratic party, and the whole patty as a body, and the Executive himself as cho- bout to expire >en by them, are bound by this resolution ; that they would be treacherous, and the controversy bj 'resident most of all, to the extent that they dared to depart from it. It is k * these ' still unable tr neans that this Oregon question has become matter of ardent party discussion auv party lue indefiniteh 'ctiuu ia both Houses of Congress and throughout the country. I think it would have )rogate it upor >et;n better had we remained quiet under the existing convention for some years to come. The controversy could then have been reopened with better means and better prospects undertaken it '" our part. But that is now no longer possible. A feeling has been gotten up, here ejected by thi ""d elsewhere, that will spread westward till it has passed the Rocky Mountains and parties, the ne 'A^^n possession of our setdcrs there. They are interspersed promiscuously with the it further effoi i^ubjects of Great Britam in the territor)', and both will soon become animated by the when 'y feelings which prevnil in their respective counlries. Neighbors, who have heretofore lived in harmony and mutual good will, will come to regard each other with a hostile spirit, difficulties will spring up, and they will be prepared, on both sides, to settle the^t quarrels by a resort to force; blood will be shed, and a war will be forced upon us, M'heiher we will or not. To prevent such conspqtiences, this question must bo disposed of in some way. Shall we dispose of it by adopting the measure recommended to us by the Presi* dent? I believe, under the circumstances, that pence will be less endangered by giving ably incr n by re danger at Why, the If we h vention, tl then the e Bur beneii o from til io long as oint occu >oth. It j •n the joir tinues eve Every Am with the 1818 ??P ourpeo id vantage torn the L It appea improved, sircumstan In the si perhap We have s tUl. Wh 18, in the i wldly and ^et concili: sontrovers; >e less thai ind accidei rican and i Do genti the Aine e warlike ;«n, that a iroused ? Dnegon, ar ntme Influence v \ iritish f>f nei hem woul night kind This sta >eople in t ect is undi uid to wai retain the ( nve heretofore with a hofttile to iettle the>f >rced upon ui, in Bome way by the Presi ndangered by casons for this 8 aspect les measure oal appeal is made to thorn in behalf of peace, by the sacrifices which must attend « war— is it, I say, too much to hope that, thus pressed, they may come to some amicable rrangement? At all events, I ask, does the continuance of both parlies, under the eover of this convention, promise an easier future to either? No, sir. Now that we have departed from that quiet policy, under which our people, in the ttatural course of their increasinj; emigration, would soon have spread over and possessed themselves of the country ; now that the agitation and excitement of the subject has been obtruded on the country, the sooner we settle it the better. Every day, every hour, will more pro- nroDoscd is '><^ly 'increase rathei than diminish the difficulties of a settlement. What, then, shall we aspect • that f^'" ^^ refusing the notice? That which we put off to day, from the apprehension of of a peace- ^*"?*'' ^' ■ distance, we must approach to-morrow under danger increased by delay. asure ' it ie ^^X' *''•'"' "ot meet it at once ? to ffive s'nch a '^ ^^ ^^^^ unwisely precipitated upon ourselves the necessity of abrogating the con- er nart But *^^'^''°'^< there will, perhaps, result to us one advantage from its abrogation, in this, that expressed be ^*" *^*^ emigration and settlement of our people in Oregon will enure exclusively to ither hand 'the "" benefit, and the confirmation of our title. Though the great mass of emigrants must .«„„». «f !.«.; to from the United States to that country, vet, under the operation of the convention, means ot ami- * , . . , , • i /. * , . ■ ,. ■ cirnumstancee '° ^"^ ** '' contmues m force, the settlement there of our people is but part ot the' Extraneous ***'*^ occupancy of the United States and England, and operates to the equal benefit of unfriendly '°^' ^' gives us no exclusive right, any more than the settlement of one joint tenant in which it is "^ ^^^ j*^'"' estPte would give him an exclusive right. So long as that convention con- how can it be ''""®* every setder holds the coimtry as much for England as for the United States, will be so un- l^^ery American emigrant holds possession with one foot only for his own country, and, hat mav be it ^''^ ^^^ °'''^''< ^''^'' ^"S^^"'^* When the convention is abolished the settlements made ifter all when '^ our people will be our sole possession, and enure exclusively to our benefit ; and the mav neverthe- *^v,antage to us will be in proportion to the greater number of emigrants that will go R come it will ^^""^ ^^^ United States than from England, ct of the con- '* appears to me, Mr. President, that the prospect of an amicable adjustment will be other and a '"iproved, not obstr'icted, by the notice, if it be given in teims of amity, and without :ircumstances of offence. without anv '" *^® situation into which we have been hurried, by impatience and impolicy, we the vear 1818 ''" Perhaps take no course that is entirely free from danger. The danger is upon us. of that con- ^® ^^^^ stirred it up. We cannot now avert it by inaction. We cannot now stand s continuance *^' ^'•''^ *^ hesitate and delay it will thicken around us. The safest course for without nreiu- "' *" ^^^ midst of these difficulties, is to go forward with this notice, and, confronting ^ K>ldly and at once the unavoidable perils in our way, endeavor, by a last, decided, and nt of the con- ^®^ conciliatory -igotiation, to setUe, peacefully ami permanendy, this long-continued without conse-> ^n^oversy. I am persuaded that the danger of putting the dispute upon that issue will eased with the ^ ^"" ^^"^ ^^^ danger that will result from leaving the whole matter to the irritations uid accidents of the future, and to the imminent chances of collision between the Ame- to continue to '^''*" '""^ British inhabitants of Oregon. Britain is now ^** gentlemen suppose that our countrymen in Oregon, Americans by birth, children division of ^^ ^^ American soil, and trained under our free institutions, can hear the fervent voices, ve the nresent ^^ warlike declamation and fierce denunciations of England, and rll her claims to Ore- nd so lone ae ^"* ^"^ ^'^ uttered in this Hall, without having all their sympathies and feelings as It irotued ? No, sir, that cannot be. Those speeches and denunciations will be read in increased bv all the That 'ait for a "bet-P*^"*' *"*' ^'^^ ^'^^^ *" influence upon its American population, increased by abrogated the -**chantments that distance and recollections of their far-off native land can give, ■orv hvoothe- °^*'®'*''* w*''* *<*®» probably lead them to look with jealousy and hostility upon their and inistead ^"*'*^ neighbors, and to regard them as intruders and enemies. Collisions between btiation has an ■^®"' would soon follow ; and all can see how readily a petty, obscure conflict there, olemnlv in the ^•J''** kindle war between the United States and Great Britain. nrobablv must '^^^^ "'*'^ o^ things will be guarded against by giving the notice now. When the " ^ >eople in tlic territory know that their joint occupation is soon to end, and that the sut)- insibilitv Is *^* '' "'"^^'' discussion by their respective Governments, they will be content to wait, and a oracti- "**^ *** *^*'' ^l"'®''/' *''^ ^^Y *^^ ^^^ ®"<^ arrived at. Thus the two Governments will ^ ' etain the questioa in their own hands; but, rely upon it, if you cast it off the people will take it up. You may avoid danger here for a moment, but you create danger at u distance, and permit a state of things to arise under which the convention which you refuse to annul must soon unnul itself. That treaty, when made, may have been, and ~ think was, wise. 1 cannot agree with some gentlemen who have expressed an oppo- site opinion. The convention, in my judgment, was a wise one when made; it wa« demanded by the circumstunces and by the mterests of both countries. Hut, however judicious it may then have been, it is inapplicable to the present slate of things was then an almost uninhabited wilderness. Now setllemenUi, both American and British, have been formed, and are forming, which may require the control and protec' tion of law; and yet, according to the terms of the convention of joint occupancy* neither the United States nor Great Britain can do more than legislate for its own citi- zens or subjects. And when both have legislated, to the utmost of their power under the convention, what a pictuie of government would it present? English laws prevail- ing over English settlers, and American laws governing American settlers; and the two classes of settlers intermingled in daily intercourse ami the nearest connexion. Instead feel the ir of the E] has asked aflbrded t tions will and war. Does i Itland are, them? or is ir.ter Its appeal demands i and inimc conduct a have one issue, as It is the I nations, an issue, consequei of a Government preserving peace, protecting rights of person and property, and ad- ministering justice, it will be, rnthcr, a legal invitation to collision and disorder. Ita very feebleness will be a provocation to violence — a constant source of irritation natu rally leading to outrage. Supposing a dispute arises or a wrong is done, it cannot be settled before an English judge, because the American settler will never submit to Eng- lish jurisdiction. It cannot he settled before an American judge, because the English have rio e settler will make the like refiisal. What peace, then, can there be in such a conflict oi ^|>eir feeli laws and jurisdictions i It can lead only to anarchy; it can prove only a source silenced h of "confusion worse confounded." The time has come when the territory is fast be- ^|>e age — coming peopled — when there exists, instead of a few scattered hunters, a social com- ^O" cannc munity; and law is becoming necessary to its safety and well being. Tiie territory has sure to be passed from that condition when the convention was suflicient for its necessities and adapt- ' g>v6 >t ii ed to its circumstances. The time has arrived when each portion of the community must measure t take that which is its own, and must be subject to one exclusive jurisdiction. For these yet I thii reasons I am in favor of a notice. I regret, as I said at first, the necessity for giving it meet the at this time, but it is now irretrievable. Given it must be, in some form; and if we crisis of 1 give it in the form now proposed, I feel a strong hope, a confident hope, that the whole way ^e p difficulty can and will be settled. If this When we shall have authorized the notice proposed, we shall have placed the whole ^^eje mue subject at the disposal of the President. It is his business to conduct diplomatic nego< hility of < tiations; to take care of our territorial rights and interests, and watch for the preserva- on l""" ™ tion of peace. Clothed with this authority and these responsibilities, he has recom- fail to do mended that we authorize him to give this notice. He asks for it at our handn as i a people, measure calculated to render negotiations more effectual. He has told us that his course of comini will be directed to the preservation of the peaceful relations of the country. Can i will be hi then be, that he asks for this measure merely that he may bring on more speedily am show thai surely a state of war f No, this cannot have been his motive. I say so, because, i' **"«' a dep the very same message in which he recommends the notice, he expresses his hope a promise, an amicable setUement. This is strong evidence: but we have evidence yet stronger ir the civilia the action of the President. I am confident that he did not intend a war; for is it con- tribunal tl ceivable. if he had, that he could have so far forgotten every obligation of duty, and th< most obvious dictates of common sense, as not to have recommended to Congress 8om< measures to provide for the defence of the country ? The whole course of the Administration deems . to imply, that whatever danger o war we may see, or think we see, whether in the Executive message or in the diplo matic correspondence, and whatever uncertainty, apprehension, and excitement maj prevail in the country, there never has been, in the view of the President and his con. fidential advisers, any real danger. While all is apprehension, and uncertainty, and in qniry, and surprise out of doors, the Administration seem to sit in the recesses of the White House in all the confident serenity of assured peace. They neither take them> •elves, nor advise us to take, a single step which looks towards a preparation for war I infer^ and the inference seems to jne irresistible, that the purpose and the expectatioi his judges is before The Pi been done try, who boundary northern 1 Jetferson offered hi 49°; and offered y( latc danger at m ion which you ivc been, and I ;88cd an oppo- mude; it was Hut, however of things American Irol and protec- tnt occupancy. of the Executive ii peace. And it is in this spirit that I will believe that the Prcaident has asked for this notice, to strengthen his hands in negotiating, by taking off the covert afforded to both parties by the existing convention. When tnat ia done, the two na- tions will come up to the question in thb full view of the responsibilities of pcaea and war. Does any gentleman think that great, and bold, and fearless as both nations mar be, Itjand are, that such a posture of things will exert no solemn, no paritic influence apoa and|them ? They must be more or less than men if it did not. Not tliat this will operate, or is intended to operate as a pressure, appealing to the apprehensions of eitlier party. Its appeal is to motives and feelings far higher and nobler than mere personal (eat. It or its own citi- demands no sacrifice of national honor, none ; it only sumnionH their attenuon to a solemn r power under ih laws prevail s; and the two xion. Instead operty, and ad disorder. Its irritation nata le, it cannot be submit to Eng- ch a conflict of only a source itory is fast be< a social com- lie territory has ities and adapt- ^mmunity must ion. For these ity for giving it )rm; and if we that the whole aced the whole iplomatic nego- >t the preserva- he has recom' ur hands as i that his course and immediate consideration of the great questions of peace and war. If those who conduct a negotiation under such circumstances deserve the name of sutesmen : 1/ they have one of the high qualities which ought to inspire men so entrusted, lliey cannot bot feel the influence of their solemn position. They will then be dealing witli no feigned issue, as they were, so long as the cover of the convention was over the heads of h>th. It is the real and the solemn issue of peace or war between two great and powerful nations. I cannot believe, when they stand side by side in the immediate view of such an issue, with a prospect in the distance of all the consequences whirh miut follow— consequences which are to be the immediate work of their own hands — thai it will se the English ^lavo no ennobling, no elevating eflcct upon their thoughts, no purifying influence upon their feelings and their motives? Passion, and pride, and selflshness must be aved and silenced by the Ncnse of such a solemn responsibility. It would shame ih:; vi*tloin of the age— it would disgrace the morality of both countries, to believe that such a qoes. tion cannot be amicably arranged between them. I look upon the result uf this mea- sure to be peace between us. I understand the notice to be recommended with that Tiew. I give it in the spirit of peace and of conciliation in which it was asked. It is the best measure toward peace which is now left to us; and, though there may be danger in it, yet I think tuat the danger is less than would result from the other course. Lri us not meet the case with the folly of rash and reckless men, but as wise men should meet a crisis of thoir country — with moderation, with flrmness, and in such a temper that we may be prepared to meet the issue before both God and man. If this dispute between the United States and Great Britain be not setUed amicably, there must be a grievous fault somewhere. With the President will rest the respoosi- bility of conducting, on our part, all negotiations for the settlement of that dispute, and on him may depend the issues of peace or war. Let him look well to it. If be shall fail to do all his duty ; if, entrusted as he is with the peace as well as the rights of such a people, he shall omit to do all within his power to preserve botli, and shall, by acts of commission or omission, plunge his country into an unnecessary war, bow feaifid re speedily ant so, because, i^ ses his hope o yet stronger in r; for is it con- f duty, and th< Congress som< ever danger o >r in the diplo- xcitement maj nt and his coa rtainty, and in- recesses of th( iher take them- iration for war the expectatioi untry. Can ii will be his responsibility ! If war shall come, let him see to it that he is prepared to show that he has offered all fair and reasonable terms of peace, or let him be assured that a departure from his duty can have, and will meet with, no apology- No party promise, no party pledge, no Baltimore resolutions, will be admitted by his coantry and the civilized world as an excuse for a needless war. He will be amenable to a higher tribunal than an assembly of party politicians. The people of the United Stales wiU be his judges; nay, the people of the whole civilize ' '^rld will sit upon his cooduct; it is before them he will have to stand. The page ot history will record the senienee. The President has the whole history of this case before him ; he knows all thai has been done. The patriots, the sages, the pure and practical statesmen of our own coun- try, who in former times treated of this subject, have all agreed upon the same line as a boundary between us and England. Mr. Jefferson desired the parallel, which was oar northern limit east of the Rocky Mountains, to be extended westward to the sea. Mr. Jefferson went for 49°. In 1818 your Government, in its negotiation with En^iaod. offered her 4U°. In 1823 you again offered 49°. In 1827 you repeated your offer of 49°; and again in 1844 you proposed to her 49°. The British Government as ot'iea offered you the Columbia river. The President has this in all its details before him. Whether he shall iniist on extreme pretensioni, or ■hall, with firmneat but moderation Wa are ■ conduct negotiation with a view to the nmicnbic iotllement of our difncultiea, he ia ame 'ore, it ia nable to tho judgment of his country. He lias the whole field before him. There ia i byaical on way that leads lo peace ; there is a way that loads to wor — both open before him ; le 'hich it ms him choose, at his peril. """ ''^ • ■ The iniiller in dispute involves no question of national honor. It is simply a ques fr dominir tion of boundary; and, in such a cast) an honest statesman, before proceeding to the ex fill be ihr tremity of war, would s'op a little to rumparo the value and importance of the territory 'ill not be in dispute with the cost and consequences of that war. •* CJrt-ady to find a quarrel ii What de a straw," is a sort of ambition to whirh the world no longer gives countenance. Al r a year •uch heroics have passed away, and have given place to the justcr sentiment which re mtthani a tjuires of the sialcsman and ruler, entrusted with tho interests and happiness of hii '&r lasted f country, to save and protect it from the calamity of utmeccHsarij war. f *be parti Be the value of this territovy wliai it may, the dispute about it is but a question o »o o"u of i jtropr.rty, unmixed with any point Oi .lonor. It is as purely a question of property ai on, look at a dispute between two neighbors about the line between their farms. Are they recrcan ubjects wli to all sense of honor, if they do not rush into the court-house and litigate the matter to fill be the ihe end? Is there any honor in spending all they have upon a lawsuit? Who thinki lillion^ BO? Who will reproach and contemn them if they come to a pacific adjustment o >ad l«» wo their dispute f I say tliat this question of Oregon is as purely a question of pro; Ttj lest man ii as theirs ; as clearly and solely a question of property as ever was between nations >■ mite an( If there were any great question of principle involved, as tho honorable Senator from ''ill the l*i Texas (Mr. IIoi;ston) very justly remarked, if this was a clear question of the national le fearful t honor, then the cost, even to the sacrifice of life itself, ought not to be counted. Bui ut some cl when there is no principle of ho.ior in tlie matter, where it is a mere dispute about pro On the o perty, ought we not — I put it to every man in his sober senses — ought vc not to coun' onder on t the cost ? ation, sine I do not design to exaggerate the conscquniices of war — much less should I think o rithin the i presenting here affecting pictu'cs of its horrors and desolations. I lay no stress upon « if the po these. Let them all be laid oat of the question. Still, war is an evil. You may deck » if the har it out in gorgeous colors, gli'.iering dress, and waving plumes, and «lrown its cries and iti eemed to I groans in the loud blast of i!ie trumpet and in tho shouts of victory ; stilt, sir, still war is a rhere has t mighty evil. It breaks up the relations of nations, involves them in immense and ru It is a litl inous expenditures, loads them with heavy burdens of taxation, checks all industry am ery feeble, commerce, nd put-i a stop to all social and physical improvements. And shall a con- ehold? '1 eideration of all this form no part or portion of the motives of national action? If, in- nent, from deed, war built schooMiouses, and meeting-houses, and dug canals, and stretched out rom a few railroads ; if it fostered institutions for purposes of education or charity, and cherished hild is bor the interests of trade, of commerce, and of art, then it would be a thing to be sought rith the sp after. But as its eflect and operation is direcdy the reverse of this, is it not Just, and ation and I wise, and right to avoid it, when it can be avoided without a sacrifice of honor ? This is ci Here is a territory four thousand miles off, lying upon another ocean, whose com- ess ! Oui mercial connexions are on the other side of the world ; for the most part a barren and an scarcel; unbroken wilderness. I do not speak to deprecate its value ; I speak but naked truth : ten, shonl the fact is so. Of what great consequence is the immediate possession of such a region »rce of cii toihe people of the United States? And what are the consequences of going to war for ow? it? Let both questions be looked at. Let us not foolishly and wilfully shut our eyes to them. I do not say we are to look at them with dread and horror — far from it. But, if danger approaches, let us not act like children, who hide their faces lo get clear of see- ing what they fear. Let us look the danger in the face like men. He only is prepared for danger who can look al il steadily, with that composure and int'^pMity which become a man. Look at the consequences. Determine whether you viil ^j to war to enforce your claim lo the *♦ whole" of the disputed territory of Oregon, r.-.ther than settle ihc dispute on principles of compromise and upon terms of par'ittot: iilc^ those which for near forty years past we ourselves have repeatedly offered. Is this to be a small war? Is it to be a war cotifiaed to the 'erri^ory of Or;gon? Let us see. Car pen a tide (lUst we h( or progref he contin etty Euro nee of po^ entment it evenly ye t is justly le alarmct Vhat can but moderation W« are aaid to bo rather a boaaiful people, but, abating whaterer you will on that Iticn, he ii ante 'ore, it ia not to be denied tliat tlua i« a great and a powerful nation; of vaat moral and ni. There ia i liysinal cnrrf^y ; and mpalilc of iipplyin^ the whole of that enerf^ to uny rontaat in before him ; le 'hich it may onga^t). England nl»o ia a ifreat Power. Will a war between two auch na- one be a amQll war t As it liaa been proudly aaid of her, that the aun never aata upon ainiply a ques n domiiiiniif*, to it may be aaid that the aun will never ael upon this wnr. Ita havor idini; to the ex 'ill bo throughout the world. There is no ocean, or aea, or shore, where Ma cchoaa iif the territory 'ill not be hoard. nd a quarrel ii What debt will it not leave behind it f Will it be a war of short duration— of a day inicnauce. A1 r a year? The honornble Nenatorfrom South Carolina (Mr. Calhoun) im more oompe- mont which re mt than I am to hazHrd a calculation on either point. How loni^ will it laat f Our Aral tppineaa of hi 'ar lasted nevon yenra. If the duration of the war is to be in proportion to the abilitiea f the parties, how long, I ask again, will it last? /\..tl whnt will be our condition at It a queation o >e end of it ? Ought w« to refuse to look at this ? Do c not, in all our acu of legisla- of property ai on, look at thoconsequonrea of the laws we make ? \n\ shall we, on one of the greatest '0 they recrean objects wiiicli can come liefore us, madly refuse to (>.aat . glance at the future f What to the matter tc 'ill be the war debt? The Henator from Soiitl. Carolina eatimated it at (tve hundred Who thinki liliionv Is this a trifling burden to lay upon the backs ofoizr people ? Is this a light adjustment o >ad Uu weary generations to groan under? Kememl*er ;hat tlie poorest and the hum- on of pro; <*rt) lest man in the land will not be without his share of this burden, and must contribute twccn nations ia mite and his labor to its repayment. Is this a coniiideration to be kept out of sight? e Senator from ^iH the President exclude it irom his view ? or will he not pauae long before he incur* of the national le fearful rasponaibiliiy of casting such a burden upon them and tiirir children, witti- counted. Bui ut some clear necessity for it? lute about prO' On the other hand, while we look at the consequenrps of war, let us for a moment re not to coun onder on the wonders of our national progress and prosperity. Kas there ever been a ation, since the foundation of the world, which exhibited such a spectacle of progress ould I think o rithin the same length of time? Has tlie work! ever seen a parallel to it ? It aeema no stress upor s if the powers of the human intellect had just broken loose from the slumber of ages ; You may deck ■ if the hands of man had acquired the power of giants tc perform what was heretofore its cries and iti eemed to belong to fable. Look at the public works of this young republic, and say Ir, still war is a rhere has so murh been done in the same space of time upon the face of the earth ? imense and ru It is a little more than two centuriea since our forefathers, a feeble band, very few and II industry am ery feeble, landed on the bleak shores of an unknown land. And what do we now nd shall a con ehold ? They have established liberty, and spread their empire across this broad con- iction? If, in- nent, from sea to sea; they have overcome the wilderness, and tilled it with cities ; 1 stretched oul rom a few hundred people they have already multiplied to twenty millions, and the and cherished hild is born who will see that number swelled to one hundred millions, all animated g to be sought rith the spirit and energy of freemen, and pressing forward in the great cause of civili- it not just, and atton and liberty. honor? This is our country 1— our inlieritance!— with all its present and prospective great- n, whose com- ess ! Our hearts burn wahin us at the contemplation. Patriotism, ambition itself, rt a barren and an scarcely suggest a wish that is not anticipated by its mighty progress. Why, It naked truth : len, should we be impatient? Why so impatient to get to^iay, what, by the mere fsuch a region >rce of circumstances, by a destiny that cannot be controlled, will be yours to-mor- >ing to war for ow ? Cannot we atford to 6e a little wiae, a little patient? We are borne along ihut our eyes pon a tide of prosperity with the speed of the wind. Can we not be satisfied ? Why from it. But, nust we be trying artificial means to g«t on faster? This is the only way by whieh :t clear of see- ur progress can be successfully impeded. We are the great first-born of this continent, ly is prepared 'he continent ia ours by a title indefeasible, irreversible, irresistible. I smile at all which become «tty European endeavors to check us, by establishing what they denominate a " bal- ivar to enforce nee of power." I know it is natural on their part; an ' it provokes no feeling of re- Iran settle the entment in my breast — it rather excites our pride of country. This republic is not )se which for eventy years old ; as a nation it has not yet attained to the length of the life of man — t is justly and correctly spoken of as an " infant republic" — and yet we see it exciting Oregon T Let le alarmed attention and policy of the kingdoms of Europe. But what can they effect ? Vhat can Mons. tiuizot's fine drawn policy of a "bsdance of power" on this Weatr 10 •rn eontineni accomplish in stopping the march of this advancing people ? We 'are tli ide and e day twenty millions of people ; we shall soon be one hundred millions ; where will en called find his •' balance" for this f !r results I remember, Mr. President, to have been once very much amused by an old mem( graded, a (now to be found in the Congressional library) addressed to the King of France by h structive minister, the celebrated Count de Vergennes, in relation to this continent, and the poli( If, after t to be observed in respect to its various inhabitants. It was written something mo oflfence, than sixty years ago, about the time of our treaty of independence in 1783. The mi ns of a b ister there informs the King of a powerful and formidable tribe of Indians called Chei on his h kees, situated near to and on the western side of the Alleghany mountains, and he i But I fee commends the policy of favoring and upholding them as a " barrier against the peop bring it i: of the United States" — mark that — (much laughter) "lest the people of the Uniti ove to pr States," says the worthy count, " more ambitious than wise, should, at some future da wise and attempt to cross the heights of the Alleghany mountains, and look even to the far « sy or pr lower Mississippi itself. (Renewed merriment through the chamber and galleries.) lieve tha The Cherokees were to restrain and coniine our progress. There is the Count < oper imp! Yergennes's " balance of power !" Ii has vanished before us} nor can Monsieur Gi )wth and zot, at the present day, devise any that will not be equally fugitive and impotent. Oi len, with march has outstripped all their calculations, and they do not know how to measure tl mpare wi progress and power that stir within us. We do not realize it ourselves. The day is fa They are coming when our posterity will smile and wonder — if we do not ourselves live to smi ce in thei and wonder — at our present impatience and anxiety to get the " whole of Oregon," ju reer. Thi as if it was not a part of that great continental inheritance that must fall to us, witho us. I fei a struggle, as soon as it was really suitable or desirable to us. Our power and progre I have fcl are founded in the very nature of things, and depend on principles of eternal truth. Vi e course c cannot avoid the great career that seems to have been assigned to and marked out for u im New ^ but by the grossest folly or wickedness. Let us only be true to ourselves, and take ca the Unil of our Union. All the rest is certain — is but a natural consequence. The shadow, i le gentlei rather the radiance, of your free institutions, will go before and prepare the way for yoi iss of the Your neighbors will seek the shelter of your laws or the security of your protectioi netrated v and all things that can gratify a just and noble ambition will be added to you. Yc this day, will seldom have occasion to exert your mighly power. Without wrong or violenc broken se without a blow, and without a wound, you may conquer more effectually than ever d ipect to I the Roman legions. And when that great moral power, springing from your examp rnation, ai and your principles of liberty, is combined with your vastly increasing physic untry. I strength, what is there that can resist or stay your progress and expansion ? You a occasion the embodiment of the principles of civil liberty, and you must go forward, in the vei assured tl nature of things, with all the rapidity that the moral force of those principles, and yoi Since our amazing increase of physical power, can give. Beyond this there would seem to be n tiation .vii thing for ambition to grasp at. AVhy, then, should we be so impatient to pluck th s have ^aiii fruit green to-day which to-morrow will fall ripe into our hands 1 sditablc tu I do not say these things in any spirit of aggression or aggrandizement, or with an it within 1 desire to have my country usurp its neighbor's rights. No, sir; no. It is a part of tl )lomacy, I elements of our conquering character, a part of the augury of our great career, that v ai regions shall be just to all — that we shall violate no right — thai we shail do no injury. Not f( icific ocea ourselves only, but for the common race of man, we hold the sceptre of an empire sue le Senator as never before was seen upon the earth. Do not, by precipitancy and a childish in 8t imagina patience, mar the fortune which nature and destiny hold out to you. lole of Oi The President of the United States will doubtless look at all this in the spirit whi( nate is dii becomes his high station. No matter how an American President may ascend to tl We have chair of State, I would hope that there is a purification in the office itself sufficient 54° 40' t redeem the man — to make him politically new born, and to inspiie him witli principl men feel i and aims worthy of the place he fills. Whatever vapors of party feelingand narrow ai 5 such inf selfish designs may float below, he is raised to a height where he may breathe a pun d not Mr. air.' From that eminence he can survey his whole country, and behold the mighl ry on the progress and the mighty works she is accomplishing under the auspices of peace, ent Mo^rc he be not dull and perverse in his nature, he must contemplate the glorious scene wi lams, did 11 pie? We 'are di ide and enthusiastn, and hia heart must exult within him at the thought that ha ha* IS ; where will en called to preside over it, and to lead his countrymen on to still greater and hap* ;r results. Patriotism could not so err — ambition itself could hardly lie so blind and by an old memc graded, m willingly to exchange such scenes and such prospects for the hazards of of France by h structive war. n\, and the poli( If, after this notice shall be given into his hands, the President shall use it as a weapon something mo offence, of menace, and of war, the responsibility will be upon him^the denuncia* 1783. The mi ns of a betrayed people, and the just and lasting execrations of mankind, will fall lans called Cher on his head, and follow his name while its history endures. ttains, and he i But I feel persuaded, sir, that he can have no inducement to seek a war, or recklessly igainst the peop bring it upon his country. Yet war may come after he has done all that honor can ap- )le of the Unit< ove to prevent the evil. I trust it will not come. I want no war with England. It is t some future da; wise and unworthy of us to act from, or indulge in, any mere feelings of national jealh ven to the far < sy or prejudice, or to seek superiority by the humiliation of others. We shall md galleries.) lieve that superiority more surely and more honestly in elevating ourselves by the is the Count ( oper improvement and use of our own unlimited resources and means of national in Monsieur Gi )wth and prosperity. We can look forward with certainty to that not distant future, [1 impotent. Oi len, with our hundred millions and more of freemen, neither England r;or France can 9f to measure tl mpare with us in political power. . The day is fa They are q^reat, heroic, and enlightened nations. We do not repine at that. We re- vives live to smi ce in their prosperity. Their greatness is not in our way. It helps us on in our ! of Oregon," ju reer. Their wealth, their improvement in arts, their spreading commerce, all minister fall to us, witho us. I feel towards them neither envy, jealousy, nor fear. iwer and progre I have felt surprised at the views which have been expressed by some Senators in ternal truth. Vi e course of this debate. Sir, the luc^ubrious views taken by the honorable Senator larked out for u im New York opposite, (Mr. Dickinson,) of all the former treaties and negotiations ves, and take ca the United States excite commisseration. The review appears to make the honor- The shadow, i le gentleman quite melancholy ; for he thinks that in all, or if not all, in the great the way for yoi iss of them at least, the people of the United States have been overreached. He i» your protectioi netrated with the conviction that our whole course, from the days of the Revolution d to you. Y( this day, has exhibited towards the Government of Great Britain little else than one ong or violenc broken series of abjectness and servility. And our whole diplomatic history (not in illy than ever d ipect to England only) seems to have filled the Senator with mingled sadness and in- m your examp ^nation, and he speaks of it like a patriot mourning over the shame and decline of his reasing physic untry. I cannot argue with the gentleman's sensibilities, but I must say, that I see ision ? You a occasion for his griefs. I look back with verv different feelings, and wish we could Krard, in the vei assured that the future may do as well as th. j}a8t has done for us. iciples, and yoi Since our war of'^independence, we have neither gained nor lost any territory by ne- ild seem to be m tiation ,vith England. We have only adjusted unsettled boundaries with her. But if nt to pluck th ! have gained nothing as respects her, our general diplomacy has still been neither dis- ;ditabl(. nor unsuccessful. Let me, sir, for the consolation of the gentleman, remind hiiu ent, or with an it within little more than forty years we have acquired, by the peaceful means of that ~t is a part of til )lomacy, the States of Louisiana, Arkansas, Missouri, Florida, and Texas, besides the it career, that v tit regions that stretch away to the Rocky Mountains, and extend beyond them to the injury. Not f( cific ocean. These acquisitions might satisfy an imperial ambition. But the honor- f an empire sue le Senator's case seems to admit of no consolation but the possession of Oregon. Our d a childish in at imaginary sacrifices must be compensated, as he seems to think, by Oregon — *'the lole of Oregon" — a country four thousand miles off, and so little known that the the spirit whic nate is disputing at this day what is its climate, and what is its soil. ly ascend to tl We have been told that if the President shall give up a single inch of Oregon south Iself sufficient 54° 40' the country will be forever disgraced. Disgraced ! Why, sir, do not genf- 1 with principl men feel that they do themselves wrong, that they do their country wrong, by apply- ;.and narrow at i such inferences as these to that which has actually been done over and over again ? breathe a pur d not Mr. Jefferson, in 1807, express an earnest wish that 49° should be our boun- old the mighl ry on the west of the mountains, as it had been on the east of them ? Did not Pres- es of peace, ent Monroe offer 49° in 1818 ? Did not Mr. Gallatin, did not Mr. Clay, did not Mr, rious scene wi lams, did not General Jackson himself, by acquiescing in the convention of joint oa- 12 :; r' ifeupation, did they not all, in the language of these gentlemen, " disgrace the ooun forever!" Certainly; undeniably. And, stranger yet, I understand the gentleman from Illinois, (Mr. Brbese,) moreb 4igerant on this question than any even of those who go the most resolutely for 54"* to say, that he wants no more compromises, no more negotiations; he is for raai ing at once and taking possession of the whole territory, regardless of consequenc 'Another Srnator, the honorable gentleman from Michigan, (Mr. Cass,) says that ought to have the whole; yet I was glad to hear him add, thut the President acted diciously in offering to compromise on the parallel of 49°. The Senator, to be su would rather get up to 54° 40' ; yet he is content, if he cannot get that, to put up w ■49°. There, at least, we are together. If we can get Oregon up to 64° 40', let us it by all means, and be glad to do it ; but if the President shall say to us, I tried t>est to get the whole for you, but I could get only up to 49°, and shall send us a trei -with that boundary, I trust the Senator from Michigan will agree to ratify it. lie si we escaped a great danger by rejecting the British offer of arbitration, and that it woi have left a " disgraceful scar" upon us. How does he infer that i Arbitration an approved mode of settling controversies between nations. You have always offei -this as a mode of settlement. It has been peculiarly your own mode of ananging di culties. You have offered it to others over and over again. In the case of the no 'eastern boundary you accepted as an arbitar one of the crowned heads of the World. But if you are jealous of kings, and doubt their impartiahty, (and there ni 1)c reason for that,) there are other arbitrators in the world ; arbitrators to whose awi the proudest and the haughtiest nations would show their own true dignity by subn ■tmg. I refer neither to crowned heads, nor potentates, nor yet to civilians or lawy merely, but generally, to the honest, liberal, wise, philanthropic and independent in that are to be found in ev'ery Christian land. Out of these might easily be forme "tribunal to which no nation need to blush in submitting its claims. Such an arbitrati is the proper emanation of this age ; it is the homage due to intelligence ; due to w 4lom ; due to experience ; due to virtue ; and every way worthy of a Republic. my judgment the Administration, in rejecting the British proposition on this subje have not only lost the opportunity of ensuring, in an unexceptionable manner, the a icable settlement of the present dispute, but have lost also an inviting occasion of to mankind the noble example of such a mode of arbitration. And now, sir, I have a little more to say on another subject, although I fear I hi detained the Senate too long already. - Among the subjects of grief presented by the •' researclies" of the Senator fn New York, (Mr. Dickinson,) is an alleged interference of General Harrison's adni istration with the courts of justice of New York, in McLeod's case. Perhaps I o it to that gentleman, to myself, and to truth, to say a little on that subject. It is son what hard, (said Mr. C. with a smile,) that I, who enjoyed for so brief a period the l\ iiry of office, should be involved in those grave and hazardous responsibilities to wb ^*ged in tl rfee. He w York, a Hilar preji lie pasflio to make. t on the 4 British n ' emphflti le which been plat )lic transac and that (beying th what they that, then I not liable British d eneral Hj •I hisK'^y 'tile honorable Senator calls those who were agents in the transactions of that day. charge is, that there was an interference by the' agents of this Government with the gular course of justice in the State of New York. Now let me tell that honorable S ator what was precisely the character and extent of the alleged " interference" wh seems to have given him so much offence. All are so well acquainted with McLeod's case, that I need only allude to its in brief and general terms. During the civil war in Canada, and while certain refug from that province, with some of our own citizens who sympathized with them, w preparing and in the act of attempting an invasion of it, across the Niagara river fn Ae American side, a body of armed men passed over that river from Canaila, in night, and seized and destroyed the steamboat Caroline, then lying on the New Y( shore, and which they alleged was in the service of the invaders. In this attack 1 seizure of the boat, a man by the name, as well as I recollect, of Durfee was killed. This occurrence naturally produced great excitement along that whole front! Shortly a'ilterwards, a British subject and inhabitant of Canada, having come into ISCate of New York, was there arrested apd imprisoned upon charges of having. b( minister nd carried lign relatio stion of pc ht well fe< 1 a sacred ifTecting th t, charged vY ork ot Inder thes General) to; I expr the duty. y instruct :e myself use], I was onducted a r, to see tl as might r( judicial pv hese instr 11) in the h letter imp ived by m« e did I con 8 Attorney e. I kncM diew tl hose instn: ic documei he object c him to sh< nder my ii ved at All uctions, an •elease B eward ass proof in lii ace the coon tBGSE,) moreb Jtelylbr54' le ia for mar )f consequene mr (Aged in the attack and destruction of the Caroline, and of llaving shot and kilkdf rfee. He was thereupon indicted for viurder in one of the courts of the State of w York, and his trial was set for some day in the latter part of March, 1841. Greai mlar prejudice and excitement prevailed against him, and it was apprehended that )iic passion and vengeance would be but litde regardful of any defence he might fa*B to make. In this state of the case, General Harrison was inaugurated as Preai* It on the 4th day of the same month of March, 1841. In a few days afterwards^ Ftiii lent acted ^"""'^ minister, by the direction of his Governnjsnt, renewed, in a formal and- , y cmphntic manner, a demand for the release of McLeod, avowing thpt the enter- nator, to be su t, to put up w e which had resulted ia the destruction of the Caroline and the killing of Durfefr 4" 40 let "us ^^'''^ planned ai)d executed under the authority of his Government; that it was a T , ■ jj I »lic transaction for which and its consequences the Government was alone responsi- I A d us a tre ' '^"'' ^^^^ ''^^ individuals who had acted in it had but perlormed the r the Governor's I acquiesced ; but as we had just learned at A.lbany that the ti'ial woi defiance a not take place at the appointed time in March, and must, for some cause that I do i d amicabh now remember, be necessarily continued, and as the demand of Mr. Fox was lewal of tl McLeod's " immediate" release, I apprehended there might arise some difficulty from I more, in 1 further detention and imprisonment. We consulted about this difficulty, and came If it be ad( the conclusion, tliat as Mr. Fox had said, in the close of his letter, if any •'harm" w t doubt its done to McLeod, Great Britain would consider it as cause of offence, he must be und rdless of tl stood as having reference to the execution of any sentence of condemnation that mi( ^otiation h be passed on him ; and that no danger would probably result from his deteniion a ire been co trial, as in the event of his conviction the Governor was determined to pardon him. r for and d this determination I was authorized to inform the President. The Governor was both of w firmed, by my letter of instructions, that the President would be pleased at his orderi le that it v at once a dismission of the prosecution, if he had the power so to do; and I, no dot n that thei in furtherance of the President's views, endeavored, by such suggestions as occurred isible, sir, me, to sustain the propriety of the course indicated by him. But as the Governor i ice. The clined that course, saying, I believe, that he had no power to direct a nol. pros., I acq n, they car «sced in the course which he stated he would pursue, and said to him, I believe, tha ensue wit supposed it would be satisfactory to the President. ler. This, I believe, is the whole substance of the matter. Gov. Seward complained )/[y friend 1 BO interference, though he did state that he had heard it was contemplated at Washii enjoining i ton to appoint Mr. Spencer district attorney of the United States for one of the N ing the noi York districts, and that he thought the appointment objectionable because of his havi nmended t( been employed as counsel for McLeod. measure. It is not true, sir, that in my intercourse with Gov. Seward on this subject, any thi Ions, that I was said or suggested by me for any purpose of intimidation. The simple object ^ asion. tj put him in possession of all the information the General Government possessed, aniThe Hon. I its views in relation to McLeod's case, and to obtain such co-operation on his pari ice. He d was snitable to the occasion. And nothing was said on the subject that was impro rith bated t to be said by me, or improper to be addressed to him. trust, sir. And now, sir, I a^k the honorable Senator, (Mr. Dickinson,) in full view of my 1 to be cap structions, and my agency under them, what he finds to condemn as an 'Mnterferan(|> Senator v with the courts of the State of New York ? I will not dispute with him about s .. Mr. Hovsi but if he means to say that the Administration of Gen. Harrison was guilty of any e to the rei proper course in regard to the judicial authorities of New York, or any of its functi racter and ; aries, I deny hU accusation as totally unfounded. All that was done by it in relatioi fr. Critte McLeod's case, was required of it by the plainest and strictest obligations of duty, lis resoluti precedents were necessary to ssnction the course of that Administration, in a matte! itiou of ev( such obvious duty, they are amply furnished by our past history. During the Pr s. I cong dency of Gen. Washington, he addressed to the Governors of the States a circular it assure hi ter admonishing them as to the performance of certain duUes of theirs, that concer abhorrence and were connected with the General Government. In the Administration of Mr. . irtained an( ferson, Mr. Wirt was employed to assist the district attorney in tlie prosecution of Aa our patrioi Burr, at Richmond, in Virginia; and Mr. Bibb was in like manner employed by s, and that Federal Government to assist the district attorney of Ohio in the prosecution of [uageofdei same individual, when the prosecution was transferred from Virginia to the Stat( b ideas, am Ohio. Instances might easily be multiplied, but it is needless. The Senator him n dignity ai (Mr. Dickinson) must, I hope, be convinced of the groundlessness of his own oi 'he Chairm plaints and accusations, and I part with pleasure from the subject. }'le of rem The chief reason with me, sir, for agreeing to the measure of giving notice to E >ose of recc land is the belief that the convention which it is intended to abrogate cannot long ( speaks of £ [e further Stat lue to be an adequate security for the peace of tht two countries. And my objeef rdon him befc by the abrogation of that convention, to impose on the parties the whole weight of le should not it moral obligation or necessity that will then rest upon them to settle, permanently whenever trie d definitively, their dispute about Oregon. nee, and he st The suspension of the negotiation seemed to have left the parties in no good humor Dost satisfacto th each other. The resolution under consideration was, therefore, drawn in each lis conclusion ms as t > meet the whole exigency of the case, and not only to exclude all appearance t the t.ial woi defiance and hostility in our proceeding, but to manifest that our object was peace 18C that I do I d amicable settlement, and to indicate, further, that to that end we desired to see a r. Fox was lewal of the suspended negotiation. The resolution expresries these purposes, and ifficulty from I more, in language of respect and amity, suitable to the occasion and to ourselves. Ity, and came If it be adopted, and the negotiation be resumed in the spirit of this resolution, I can- ny ♦'harm" w t doubt its successful termination. It can hardly be that the Executive will be re- e must be und rdless of the declared will of Congress on the subject. Since the suspension of the lation that mi( ^otiation last summer, the negotiators, Mr. Buchanan and Mr. Pakenham, seem to 18 detention a ve been confronting each other in diplomatic dignity and silence, each perhaps wait- pardon him. r for and desiring the other to speak the first word,' These distinguished gentlemen, (overnor was both of whom I have the grreatest respect, will no longer hesitate — they will be sen- d at his orderi le that it will be rather better a good deal should be abated on points of etiquette, and I, no dot [u that their countrymen should be required to slaughter each other — they will be ns as occurred isible, sir, that honor will be due to him who shall speak the first brave word for the Governor i ice. The negotiations will be resumed, and, if conducted with wisdom and modera- ol. pros., I acq a, they cannot fail to lead to a peaceful settlement of all our differences. War can- , I believe, tha : ensue without a high degree of criminality on the part of the one Government or the ler. rd complained Vly friend from Arkansas (Mr. Sevier) complains of this resolution because, instead ated at Washii enjoining it upon him, it leaves to the President the discretion and responsibility of one of the N ing the notice. It seems to me altogether proper that it should be so. He has re- use of his hav nmended to us to ruthorize the giving of notice, and must bear the responsibility of measure. It is but suitable to his high office, as the organ of intercourse with foreign ubject, any thi Ions, that he should exercise some discretion, and take some responsibility on the limple object ^ asion. possessed, an( 'he Hon. Senator from Texas (Mr. Houston^ would prefer what he calls a naked m on his part ice. He does not like apologies, and would not appear before the British Premier [lat was impro rith bated breath," asking terms of him. trust, sir, that I know how to appreciate the honor and dignity of my country too view of my I to be capable of proposing anything derogatory to either. I must ask the honor- interferen(^ Senator whether his remarks were intended to apply to this resolution, im about e <■ |iVIr. Houston explained, and said that, in the remarks referred to, he had no refer- ;uilty of any : e to the resolution of the Senator from Kentucky — his remarks were general in their ' of its fnncti racter and application.) y it in relatioi Ir. Crittenden resumed. I was certain the Senator could find nothing in the tone ions of duty. lis resolution deserving his animadversion, and we should concur entirely in the rep- on, in a matte itiou of everything like humbleness or servility in our intercourse with foreign na- )uring the Pr is. I congratulate the gentleman on his return to our national brotherhood, and I tes a circular it assure him that he brings with him no more of the genuine American feeling, in , that concer abhorrence of everything mean and humiliating, than he will find cordially and fully ation of Mr. . irtained and reciprocated here. There are some in this country who seem to think lecution of Aa our patriotism is to be measured by the contempt with which we speak of other na- employed by s, and that our national character is to be sustained and advanced by holding the osecution of [uage of defiance towards the rest of the world. We should discard altogether such to the Stat e ideas, and learn that the true honor of a nation consists in its probity, and the Senator him t dignity and courage with which it maintains the right. )f his own 'he Chairman of the Committee of Foreign Relations (Mr. Allen) has indulged in >ie of remark and invective that seems to me unsuited to the occasion, or to anv notice to E )ose of reconciliation or amicable adjustment between this country and England, cannot long ( speaks of England and her power with contempt, and describes her as a huge, mis> in i^f>«n ••pattfMirg*' wboM joinU a>e ao loose and ilUfiited that she totters to her fal and is incapable of standing the shoek of a war with this country. He sees, ( course, but little difficulty or danger in such a war. If such language could ha« any effect, and we were seeking to provoke w?r with England, it would be apprt priate enough to the purpose ; but even then there would be no policy in thus undle rating an adversary, oi deceiving ourselves as to his power and prowess. It would b much wiser to overrate the danger of the conflict, and prepare like men to meet i England is a great, powerful, and valiant nation ; and to deny it would be but to sho our ignorance and folly. We ourselves are but part of the same warlike race. Eoj land feais no enemy, and we fear not her. But there is in thia no reason why should ieek war with each other. Our common origin and common character, indepei dent of other considerations, should rather operate as bonds of mutual respect and frieni ship. But whenever the conduct of Great Britain shall make it necessary or propi for us to meet her in the field, in the defence of our rights or our honor, we shall I ready for the encounter ; and shame be to liim who then stops to count cost or danger. Mr. President, the Senator from Arkansas, ([Mr. Ashley,) as I recollect, deprecat all appeals to the " horrors of war." He insists that it is an unfair mode of argumei and seems to fear that it might agitate our nerves and frighten us from hia favorite hi of 54" 40. I shall not, for myself, say a word about those "horrors of war." Indeed, I so ii concur with the Senator as to agree, that, when war becomes necessary, we ought t» be deterred from it by the mere consideration of Us horrors. To relieve us, however, from all alarm and panic, that Senator assures us that ws with all its " horrors," can do us comparatively but little mischief, and especi^ly th it will not diminish our population. To verify this statement, he re rred usto certa cypherings and (ialeulations of his, by which it appeared, and no doubt correctly, thi ascording to the natural increase of our present pO|^ulation, four hundred and eighty*oi males per day attained the age of eighteen years, and supposing the war to destn these, and no more, the conclusion is arrived at that war will not diminish oar nnmbe or impair our strength— that, at the end of it, our population will be just as numero ae it was at the beginning. The gentleman's arithmetic seemed to be good, and y there was one little circumstance which he seemed to have overlooked, and which mig yet very materially aflfect his calculations. It was this : that he saved only the old men, and that it might, therefore, admit of serious and sober doubt how long they cot exactly keep up that natural increase on which his tables seem to have been founde (Great and continued merriment.) ' It is not a little singular that a gentleman who deprecates so much all mention of "horrors of war," should himself have brought forward or used any. argument or culation that could suggest ever so remotely an idea so overwhelming and extravag: as the destruction and slaughter of the entire youth of the country. I know that gentleman has used it as a mere hypothesi" on which to make his calculations, but ev in that form it suggests a more terrible iuea of war than ail else that I have hea But, sir, none of these painted or imaginary horrors frighten or move us. When becomes necessary for the vindication of our rights or honor, we will make it and mi it like men, and through all its horrors we can then look to the glory that is beyond, such a war as that you may rely with confidence upon the patriotism and courage our countrymen. With the generous ardor of their age, the whole youth of the coi try will, at your summons, rally around the standard of their country. I can ans> for those that I ir ore particularly represent — the youth of Kentucky. They will ta the field at the first signal. But I do not want to see their brave young blood, that ou| to be as dear to me as my own, wasted and poured out in idle, foolish, or unnecessi war. In a good cause — a proper, patriotic war^— you will have them all ; and not th only, but the youth of the whole land. They will all come up to fight your battles not all, I trust, to perish, according to the fatal hypothesis of the Senator from Arki saa, but to conquer in the righteous cause of their country. Those that perish in st a field will die nobly, and Victory will wipe away the tears their Country must si tor their fall. tters to her fal y. He sees, lage could hav toald be apprt in thus undie 98. It would I men to meet i be but to sho like race. En reason why m larncter, indepei !8pect and frieni (Mary or propi nor, we shall I cost or danger. )llect, deprecati ode of argumei hia favorite hi Indeed, I so ii y, we ought a ures us that ws id especially th rred usto certa >t correctly, thi id and eighty*oi 5 war to destn lish oar nnmbe ast as numero be good, and y and which mig id only the old 7 long th«y CO! ve been founde 11 mention of t irgument or [ and extravag: I know that ^ jlations, but ev lat I have heai us. When « make it and mi at is beyond. . and courage >uth of the coil r. I can ansv They will ta blood, that ou| I, or unnecess! ill ; and not th ht your battles ator from Arki lat perish in st luntry must si