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32X

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THE

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H I S TO R Y

SOUTH AMERICA.

CONTAINING THE

Discoveries of Columbus,

. *. THE

CoNQjjEST of Mexico and Peru,

AND THE I

Other Tranfadions of the Spaniards

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■; 'z. IK THE . . .-; -

NEW WORLD.

By the Rev. Mr, Cooper,

Embelliflied with Copper-plate Cuts,

LONDON,

Printed for E, N e w B E r y, the Corner of
St. Paurt Church- Yard, 1780.

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PREFACE.

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H E Hiftory of South America, like
all other hiftories of newly difcovercd
countries, has been fo intervowen with
fable, as in fome meafurc to deter the
youthful ftudent from employing his time
in the purfuit of Tribes ; for in that light
fabulous hiflories muft generally be con-
fidcred. ' *, -, , .

The Spanifli Adventurers to the New
World were moftly illiterate men, whofc
principal purfuits were gold and filver.
On their return to their native flate, their
reprefentations were guided by intercft
and vanity ; and, alhamed of having
made no obfervations on the rude arts,
manufaftures, and genius, of the people
they had conquered, they fabricated ftories
the moll wild, romantic and ridiculous,

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Preface.

to which the Spaniih writers of thofe davs
gave a helping hand.

The literary world is undoubtedly much
obliged to the labour, genius, and atten-
tion, of Dr. Robertfon, whofe cxtenfivc
and polite conne6lions enabled him to
procure information for his Hiftory of
America, which few other individuals
could perhaps have obtained. We have
therefore carefully confulted and followed
that work, by the affiftance of which we
may venture to fay, that we have now
the pleafure of laying before our youthful
Readers fuch an epitome of The Hijltny
tf Scuth yfmeriia as may by no means be
confidered as fabulous, but as founded
on the moft authentic materials and au-
thorities.

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CONTENTS.

C H A P. I.

Origin of navigation. — Introdu6lion of
commerce. — Rude -ftate of navigation
among the ancients. — State of navigation
and commerce among the Egyptians, —
Phenicians, — Jews, — Carthaginians, —
Greeks, and Romans. — Difcoveries of
the ancients by land. — Imperfeft ftate
of Geography among the ancients. —
Commerce preferved in the Eaftern em-
pire. — Revival of commerce and navi-
gation in Europe. — The crufades fa-
vourable to commerce. — The invention
of the mariners compafs. — Firft regular
plan of difcovery. — The Portuguefe
double Cape Non. — Difcovery of Porto
Santo, — Of Madeira. — The Portuguefe
double Cape Bojador, and advance within
the tropics. — The Cape de Verci Ifi.ands
and the Azores difcovered. — The Por-
tuguefe crofs the line, — Tlicy difcover
the Cape of Good Hope. . . P. i.

C H A P. II.

Birth and education of Columbus, — He
enters into the fervice of the Por-
tugueije, — He forms the idea of a new
courle to India, — He applies to the
Genoefe, — Then to Portugal, and after-
wards to Spain, — Propofes his plan to
Henry VIII. of England, — His treaty

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Contents.

with Spain, — He fets fail oi> his
voyage, — His crews are filled with
alarms and apprehcnfions. — Land difco-
vered. — Firfl: interview with the na-
, tives. — Columbus aflumes the Title of
admiral and vice-roy, — He dilcovers
Cuba and Hifpaniola. — Lofcs one of
his Ihips, — His diftrefles, — Rclblvcs to
return to Europe, — Arrives in Spain,
and receives the higheft marks of ho-
nour. — He fets fail on his fecond voy-
age. — Builds the town of Ifabella, —
Dilcovers the ifland of Jamaica, — The
Indians take arms againft the Spa-
niards. — Columbus attacks and defjats
thein. — He taxes them. — Returns to
Spain. — He fets fail a third time. — He dil-
covers Trinidad. — Troubles at St. Do-
min;5o. — ThePprtuguefefiilto tlieEalt-
Indies by the way of the Cape of Good
Hope. — From whom the name of AMt'
RICA was given to the New World.—
The Portugucfe difcovcr the Brafil. —
Columbus ient in chains to Spain. — Is
there tbt at libertv. — Sails a fourth time
on difcoveries. — Is wrecked on the coall
of Jamaica. — Death of Columbus. 25

CHAP. HL

State of the colony in Hifpaniola. — New
difcoveries and fettlements. — Dieg:o Co-
luii)b]a,s appointed govciQOr of Hilpa-

niob.—

V' 1^.,

Contents.

niola. — Sets fail for that ifland. — New
difcoveries made. — Attempts made to
fettle on the continent. — Difcovery of
Florida. — Difcoveries of Balboa. — He
enters the South Sea, — And returns. —
Pedrarias Davila appointed governor of
Darien. — His bad condudl. — Balboa
publickly executed, through the treache-
ry and intrigues of Pedrarias. — Further
attempts at difcovery. — The ftate of
Hlfpaniola under Don Diego Colum-
bus. — Death of Ferdinand, and acceflion
of Charles the Fifth. — New difcoveries
made towards the Weft.— Difcovery of
Yucatan. — Are attacked by the Indians,
and defeat them. — The Spaniards quit
that place. — Arrive at Campeachy. —
Meet with a defeat on landing to take in
water, and are forced to return to
Cuba. — Voyage of Juan de Grijalva. —
He difcoveis New Spain. — Touches at
Tabafco, and then at Guaxaca. — Lands
on the ille of Sacrifices, and thea
touches at St. Juan de Ulua. . ^i

CHAP. IV

Vafl; extent of the New World. — Its
prodigious mountains. — Rivers and
Lakes. — Temperature of tlie climate. —
Its original rude ftate. — Its animals.—
Infects and oept lies. — Birds. — Soil. —
How was America firft peopled? —

Charadkr

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Contents.

Charaftcr and condition of the original
Americans. — The firft difcovcrers of
the New World moftly illiterate men. —
The bodily conflitution of the South
Americans. — Their complexion. —
H.ive fmall appetites. — None of them
d« formed. — State of their health and
diieafes. — Power and qualities of their
nrnds. — The active eftbrts of their
minds few and languid. — Domeflic
union. — The condition of the American
women humiliating and miferable. —
P ir jntal afFeflion and filial duty. —
Mode of fubfiftencc. — Fifhing, hunting,
and agriculture. — The Americans di-
vided into fmall communities. — Had no
notion of property. — Their method of
carrying on war. — Their drefs and or-
naments. — Habitations. — Their arms —
Domcftic utenfils and cookery. — Their
canoes — Ideas of Religion. — Their
phyiicians, — Dancing, gaming, and
drinking, their favourite amufements. —
Deftroy the aged and incurable. — Their
general character 76

CHAP. V.

Velafquez makes preparations for the
invafioii of New Spain. — Ferdinando
Cortts undertakes the command of
that expedition. — His forces. — Cortes
f«tl fail with his little armament.

— Arrives

Contents.

—Arrives in Mexico. — Rich prefents
fent from Montezuma to Cortes. —
Charaftcr of Montezuma. — Cortes rc-
figns his commiffion, and is chofen by
his officers and followers chief-juftice
and captain-general of the new colony. —
He proceeds to Zimpoalla. — From
thence to Quiabiflan. — Builds a town
there, and forms alliances. — Cortes dc-
ftroys his own fleet. — Advances into the
country. — Concludes a peace with the
Hafcalans. — Sets out for Mexico. —
The Spaniards aftoniflied at the diftant
view of that city. — Firfl: interview be-
tween Cortes and Montezuma. — Dan-
gerous fituation of the Spaniards in
Mexico. — Montezuma feized as a pri-
foner, and carried to the Spaniih quar-
ters. — Montezuma's fon, and five of
his officers, burnt alive, by order of
Cortes. — The Mexican monarch ac-
knowledges himfelf to be a vafTal of the
king of Caftile. — A new Spanifh arma-
ment arrives at Mexico, fitted out by
Velafquez to deftroy Cortes — Cortes
attacks Narvaez in the night, defeats his
forces, and takes him prifoner. — The
greater part of the Spanifh prifoners
enter into the fervicc of Cortes. — The
Mexicans take up arms againft the
Spaniards. — Montezuma flain by his
own people. — Cortes abandons the city
•f Mexico. — The Mexicans defeat hhn.—

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Is reduced almoft to famine. — The
battle of Otiimba. — Cortes receives con-
liderable reinforcements. — Builds and
launches feveral brigantines on the
lake. — The brigantines defeat the Mexi-
can canoes on the lake. — Attacks the
city of Mexico, Cortes defeated and
wounded, forty of his men taken, and
facrificed to the god of war. — Cortes
again attacks the city, and takes tlie
emperor prifoner. — The Spaniards much
difappointed in their expe6lations of the
riches the conqueft of this city would
afford them. — Cruel treatment of the
emperor — The whole province of Mexico
fubdued by the Spaniards. — The ftraits
of Magellan difcovered. — Death of
Magellan. — Cortes appointed captain-
general and governor of New Spain. —
Sets out for the court of Caftlle. — The
reception he meets with there.— Returns
toNewSpain, and difcovers California. — •
Death of Cortes 103

' CHAP. VI.
Fir/1: attempts to difcovcr Peru unfuccefs-
ful. — Pizarro, Almagro, and Luque,
undertake that bufnicfs. — Pizarro fcts
fail from Panama on his firft expedi-
tion. — Experiences great hardfhips. —
Difcovers Peru. — I'he Spaniards are
furprifed at the riches and fertihty of
that country.— Returr\ to Panama.—

Pizarro

CONTEKTS.

Pizarro is fcnt to Spain, where he gets
himfelf appointed captain-general, &c.of
the new difcoveries. — Pizarro fails on
another expedition, and lands in Peru.—
Commences hoftilities. — Limits of the
the Peruvian empire. — A civil war rages
in Peru at the time of the arrival of the
Spaniards. — Pizarro turns that circum-
fiance to his advantage. — State of his
forces.— Arrives at Caxamalca.—
Treacheroufly feizes on the perfon of
the Inca. — Muffacre of the Peruvians.—
Almagro arrives with reinforcements.—
Divifion of the immenfe ranfom of the
Peruvian Inca. — 'I'he Inca put to
death. — Pizarro leaves Caxamalca, and
marches to Cuzco. — He takes pofleffion
of that capital, and feizes on immenfe
treafures. — Pizarro fets out for Spain — •
His reception there. — Sets out on his
return to Peru. — Settles differences there
with his afTociate Almagro. — Pizario
builds the city of Lima. — Ahnagro
marches towards Chili. — An infurrec-
tion in Peru. — The Peruvians befiege
Cuzco. — Engage Almagro, and are de-
feated. — Civil war among the Spa-
niards.— Almagro defeated, tried, con-
demned, and executed. — Progrefs of the
Spanifh arms. — Chili conquered.——
Treachery and ingratitude of Orellana. —
Miferable condition of the followers of
Pizarro, in confec^ueuce of that treache-

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Contents.

i-y. — Francifco Pizarro murdered in his
palace. — Almagro proclaimed governor
of the city. — Vaca de Caftro arrives at
Quito, and affumes the name of gov«?r-
ncr.— Difputcs between him and Al-
magro.— The emperor reforms the go-
vernment of his American dominions. —
Sends over a vice-roy, who is killed in
battle. — Pedro dc la Gafca fent out as
prefident of Peru. — Gonzalo Pizarro
afFumes the government, oppofes Gafca,
is defeated, tried, and put to death. —
Gafco fets out for Spain. — His reception
there ' • • ^33

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rn ; CONCLUSION. / ^

Political inftitutions and national manners

of the Mexicans and Peruvians. — Origin

of the Mexican monarchy. — The city

of Mexico, when foundea.— Splendour

and power of their monarchs, — Their

wars. — Funeral rites. — Agriculture. —

o*! Temples, and other public buildings.—

.-: Religion of the Mexicans. — Peruvian

antiquity doubtful. — Abfolute power of

. their Incas The filver mines of

*£ Profi. — — The Peruvian wars condu(3e4
-f with humanity. — Their improved flatc
tij* of agriculture. — Tafte in their build-
.-«- ings. — The Peruvians of an unwarlikc
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THE

HISTORY

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SOUTH America.

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CHAP. I.

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O nice and complicated are the arts of
navigation and fliip-building> that thejr.
require the ingenuity and experience off
muny fucceeding ages, to bring them ta-
any tolerable degree of perfection. The
rate or canoe, which at firft fervcd to
convey a favage over a river, that ob->
ftru£led him in the chafe, gave rife ta.
the invention of conftruifting a veficlcap-^i
a\)le of carrying a number of people ipi
Mety to a diflant coaft. Many efforts
were made, many experiments were tried,
and much labour and invention employed,
before this important undertaking was
accoinplifhed. *^v, ^

lu proportion as the art of navigation
encrealld, men became more acquainted

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with each other, and a commercial in*
tercourfe commenced between remote na-
tions. Men muft have made fome con-
fiderable advancements towards civillza-^
tion^ before they acquired the idea of
property, and afcertained it fo perfecJlh^,
as to be acquainted with the moft fimple
of all contradls, that of exchanging by
barter one rude commodity for anotljer.
However, as foon as this important right
Was eftabliflied, and every individual felt,
that he had an exclufive title to poflefs or
alienate whatever he had acquired by his
own labour or dexterity, the wants an4
ingenuity of his nature fuggefted to him,
a new method of encreafing his acquifitions
and enjoyments, by difpoung of what ap-
peared to him fuperfluous, in order to
procure what was neceflary or defirable
in the pofleffion of others.

As navigation and commerce extended,
fo in courfe did the intercourfe of remote
nations- The ambition of conqueft, or
the neceflity of procuring new fettlements,
were no longer the folc motives of viliting
diftarit lands. The defire of gain became
a new fpuf to adtivity, roufcd adventurers,
and fent them out on long voyages, in
the purfuit of countries, whafe produce or
want might encreafe that/ circulation,
which nourlfhcs and gives vigour to com-
nierw« Trade proved a great fource of

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SovTfi America* m

difcovcry, it opened unknown fcas, it
penetrated into new regions, and contri-
buted more than any other caufe, to bring
men acquainted with the fituation, the
jnature, and commodities of the different
regions of the earth, j .

The ftrufture of the veffels ufed by the
ancients was very rude and imperfe6l, and
their method of working them on the
ocean Was >very defedlivc. Though the
property of the magnet, by which it
attradts iron,, was well known to the
ancients, its more important and amazing
virtue of pointing to the poles had entirely
efcaped their obfervation. Deftitute of
this faithful guide, which now condufts
the pilot with fo much certainty in the
unbounded ocean, during the daiknefs of
jiight, or when the heavens are covered
with clouds, the ancients had no other
method of regulating their courfe than by
obferving the fun and ftars. Their na-
vigation was confequently uncertain and
timid. They dared not even to quit fight
of land, but crept alopg the coaft, expofed
to all the dangers, and retarded by all the
obftru£lions, unavoidable in holaing fuch
an aukward courfe. An incredible length
oi time was requifite for performing
voyages, which are now finiflied in a
fliort fpace. Even in the mildeft climates,
^n4 in feas the leaft tempeftuous, it was
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4 Thx History or

only during the fummer months that tlie
ancients ventured out of their harbours,
the remainder of the year being loft in in-
aftivity. ** <

The Egyptians, foon after the eftablifh-
ment of their monarchy, are reported to
have commenced a trade between the
Arabian Gulph, or Red Sea, and the
weftern coaft of the great Indian continent.
The commodities, which they imported
from the Eaft were carried by land from
the Arabian Gulph to the banks of the
Nile, and conveyed down that river to the
Mediterranean ; but the fertile foil and mild
climate of Egypt, producing all the ne-
ceflaries and comforts of life, the Egyptians
had no inducements to undertake long and
hazardous voyages.

The Phenicians poflefled a fpirit more
favourable to commerce and difcovery
than the Egyptians. They had not, like
the natives of Egypt, any diftinguifhing
peculiarity in their manners and inftitu-
tions ; tney were not addifted to any
fmgular and unfocial form of fuperftition,
and could mingle with other nations with-
out fcruple or reluftance. The territory
they poflefled was neither large nor fertile,
and commerce was the only fource from
which they could derive opulence or power.
The trade, therefore, carried on by the
Phenicians of Sidon and Tyre was more

extenfive

South America. ^^

cxtenfive and enterprifing than that of any
ftate in the ancient world. In many of
the places to which they reforted, they
planted colonies, and communicated to.
the rude inhahitants fome knowledge of
their art$ and improvements.

The Jews, encouraged by the riches
they faw the Phenicians acquiring from
commerce, fecmed defirous to endeavour
to partake of it. Solomon fitted out fleets^
which under the direftion of Pheniciah
pilots, failed from the Red Sea to Tarfhifh
and Ophir ; but the fingular inftitutioii
of the Jews, the obfervance of which was
enjoined by their Divine Legiflator, with
an intention of preferving them a feparatc
people, uninfedted by idolatry, prevented
their being numbered among the nations,
which contributed to improve navigation,
or to make any material or ufeful dif-
coveries.

The Carthagenians caught the fpirit of
commerce from the Phenicians and Jews.
The commonwealth of Carthage applied
to trade and naval affairs with the greatcft
fuccefs. They extended their navigation,
chiefly towards the weft and north, and
vifited not only all the coafts of Spain,
but thofe of Gaul, and penetrated at
laft into Britain. They made confidcr-
ablfe progrcfs by land, into the interior
provinces of Africa, traded wjth fome of

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The History of

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them, and fubjeftcd others to their empire.
They failed along the weftcrn coaft of that
great continent, almoft to the tropick of
Cancer, and placed feveral colonies, in
order to civilize the natives, and accufton^
them to commerce,

.. It is evident that the Phcnicians, who
inftrufted the Greeks in many ufeful arts
and fcienc^es, did not communicate to them
that extenfive knowledge of nayigatioh,
which they themfelves poffeffed j nor did
the Romans imbibe that commercial fpirit
and ardour for difcovery, which diftin-
gulfhed their rivals the Carthagenians.
Though Greece be almoft encompailed by
the fea, which formed many fpacious bays
and commodious harbours ; though it ba
furrounded by a vaft number of fertile
iflands, yet, nowithftanding fuch a favour-
able fltuatioD, vvhich feemed to invite that
ingenious people to apply themfelves to
navigation, it was long before this art
^.ttained any degree of perfediion among
them. Even at the time, when the Greeks
engaged in the famous enterpriz^ againft
Troy I their knowledge ixx navdl affairs
feems not to haye been much improved.
Theit veflels wer^ of iiiconfiderable bur-
then^ and mpftly without decks., Thefe
Jhad only one maft^ and they were ftrangers
to the ufe of ^cho^rs. All their opera-
tions ifl failing wer€ cl.u^fy a^4 \|i.nflk.ilful.

.South America. ' ff

The expedition of Alexander the Great
into the Eaft, confiderably enlarged the
fphere of navigation and of geographical
knowledge among the Greeks, He
founded a great city, which he called
Alexandria, near one of the mouths of the
river Nile, that by the Mediterranean fea,
and the neighbourhood of the Arabian
Gulf, it might command the trade both
of the Eaft and Weft, This fituatioa
was chofen with fuch difcernment, that
Alexandria foon became t;he chief com*
^i^rcial city in the world.

The progrcfs made by the Romans in
navigation and difcovery, was ftill more
inconfiderable than that of the Greeks,
The genius of the Roman people, their
military education, and the fpirit of their
laws, concurred to difcourage tbem from
commerce and naval affairs. It was the
neceffity of oppofing a formidable rivals
not the defire of extending trade, which
flrft prompted them to ^im. a»t maritimQ
power..

As foon as the Romans acquired a tafto
for the luxtii:ies of the Eajft, the tradet
with India thrgugh Egypt was puflied
with mw vigour^ afid carried on to greatw
atept^ By frequenting tile Indian con-*
^inent, navigaitors. became acquainted with '
the periodical coui^f^ of thg winds,, which,^ ,

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Tnk History of

India, blow with little variation during
one half of the year from the eaft, and
during the other half blow with equal
lleadinefs from the weft. Encouraged by
this obfervation, they abandoned their
ancient flow and dangerous courfe along
the coaft, and as foon as the wefteni
xnonfoon fet in, took their departure from
Ocelis, at the mouth of the Arabian Gulf,
and ftretched boldly acrofs the ocean.
The uniform diredlion of the wind, fup-
plying the place of the compafs, and
rendering the guidance of the ftars kf^
neceffary, conducted them to the port ot
Mufiris, on the weftern fhore of the
Indian continent. There they took on
board their cargo, and returning with the
eaftern monfoon, finiflied their voyage to
the Arabian gulf within the year. This
part of India, now known by the name
of the Malabar coaft, fecms to have been
the utmoft limits of ancient navigation in
that quarter of the globe.

The. difcovery of this ne>v method of
failing to India, is the moft confrderablc
improvement in navigation made by the
Komans during the continuance of their
power. Tn ancient timcs^ the knowledge
♦ t remote countries was more frequently
rxquired by land than by fea ; and the
Romans, f^'om their particular diflike to
iparitimc affairs, may be faid to have

' ' • totally

South America; 9

totally negkded the latter, though a much
more preferable way to make difcoverics,
being more eafy~ and expeditious.

If we rejeft fabulous and obfcure ac-
counts, if we clofely abide by the light
and information of authentic hiftory,
without giving way to the conjeftures of
fancy, or the dreams of etymologifts, we
muft conclude, that the knowledge which
the ancients had acquired of the habitable
globe was very confined and fuperficial.
In Europe, the extenfive provinces in
the eaftern part of Germany were little
known to them. They were almoft tO;*
tally unacquainted with the vaft countries
which are now fubjeft to the kings of
Denmark, Sweden, Pruflia, Poland, and
the Ruffian empire. The more barren
regions, which ftretch within the ardlic
circle, were quite unexplored. In Africa,
their rcfearches did not extend far beyond
the provinces which border on the Medi-
terranean, and thofe fituated on the weftern
fhorc of the Arabian gulf. In Afia, they
were unacquainted with all the fertile and
delightful countries beyond the Ganges,
which furnifh the moft valuable commo-
dities for the European commerce with
India; nor do they feem to have ever
penetrated into thofe immenfe regions,
occupied by the wandering tribes, which
they called by the general name of

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The History op

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Scythians, and now pofleffe4 by Tartars
of various denominations, and by the
Afiatic Ruffian fubjedls.

But however in^perfecft or inaccurate the
geographical knowledge which the Greeks
and Romans had acquired may appear, in
refpedl of the prefent improved ftate of
that fcience, their progrefs in difcovery
will feem confiderable, and the extent to
which they carried navigation and com-
merce, muft be confidered as great, when
compared with the ignorance of early
times. Geography continued to improve
under the Romans fo long as they remained
in their powerful ftate; but when the
barbarians broke in upon them, the con-
sequence of luxury and effeminacy, the
Sciences then dwindled, and difcoveries
xeafed to be made.

Conftantinople, after the dcftrudlion of
the Roman empire^ though often threatened
by the fierce invaders, who fpread defqla^
tion over the reft of Europe, was fo
fortunate as to efcape their deftruftive
rage. The knowledge of ancient arts
;md difcoveries were preferved in that city,
.a tafte for fplendour and elegance ftill
fubfifted, the productions and luxuries of
foreign countries were in requefl, and
commerce continued to flourim in Con-
ftantinople, when it was almoft extinfl
in every othe^ part of Europe.

.^nunr, :.^ . Much

SbUtH AMERtCA.

Much about the fame timej a gleam of
light and knowledge broke in upon the
Eaft* The Arabians, having contrafted
fome relifti for the fciences of the people
whofe empire they had contributed to
overturn, tranflated the books of fevcral
of the Greek philofophers into their own
language. The ftudy of geography in
I ourfc became an early objedl of attention
to the Arabians; but that acute and
ingenious people Cultivated chiefly the
ipeculative and fcicntific parts of geography .
la order to afcertain the figure and dimen*
lions of our earth, they applied the prin-
ciples of geometry, they had recourfe to
ailronomical obfervations, and employed
experiments and operations, which Europe,
in more enlightened times, have eagerly
adopted and imitated«

The calamities and defolation brought
upon the weftern provinces of the Roman
empire by its barbarous conquerors, by
degrees were forgotten, and in fome mea*
fuie repaired. The rude tribes which
fettled there, acquiring infenfibly fome
idea of regular government, and fome
rclifli for the functions and comforts of
civil life, Europe awakened, in fome de-
gree, from its torpid and inadlive ftate, the
firft fymptoms of which were difcerned in
Italy. The acquifition of theie roufed"
induftry, and gave motion and vigour to

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all the a6live powers of the human mind;
foreign commerce levived, navigation was
attended to, and great pains taken to
unprove it, ^ —

, From that period, the commercial fpirit
of Italy became aflive and enterprifing.
Venice, Genoa, and Pifa, rofe from in-
conCderable towns, to be populous and
wealthy cities; their naval power en-
creafed, their veflels frequented not only
all the ports in the Mediterranean, but
venturing fometimes beyond the ftraits,
vifited the maritime towns of Spain,
France, the Low Countries, and England.

, While the cities of Italy were thus
advancing in their career of improvement,
nn event happened, the moft extraordinary
perhaps in the hiftory of mankind, which,
iriftead of ol)ftru(5ting the commercial pro-
grefs of the Italians, contributed to i*:s
encreafe. The martial fpirit of the Eu-
ropeans, heightened and inflamed by re-
ligious zeal, prompted them to attempt
the deliverance of the Holy Land from the
dominion of Infidels. Vaft armies, com-
pofed of all the nations in Europe, moved
towards Afia on this ftrange enterpriie.
The Genoefe, Pifans, and Venetians, fur-
niflied the tranfports to carry them thither,
and fupplied them with provifions and
military ftoies. Befides the immcnfe funu
which they received on this account, they

obtuiiKfi

South America.

»3

M-

obtained commercial privileges and efta-
bli/hments. From thefe fourccs prodi-
gious wealth flowed into the cities above
mentioned. This was accompanied with
a proportional encreafe of power, and by
the end of the Holy War, Venice, in
particular, became a great maritime ftate,
poflefling an extenfive commerce and
ample territories.

Communications being thus opened
between Europe and the weftern provinces;
of Afia, feveral perfons were encouraged
to advance far beyond the countries, in
which the crufaders carried on their opera-
tions, and to travel by land into the more
remote and opulent regions of the Eaft.
The wild fanaticifms, which fecm at that
period to have mingled in all the fchemes
of individuals, no lefs than in all the
councils of nations, firfl incited men to
enter upon thef<? long and dangerous ex-
curfions. They were afterwards under-
taken from profpe6ts of commercial ad-
vantage, or from motives of mere cu-
riofity. ' .

In the midft of this rifmg defirc for
Jifcovery, a very fortunate event took
place, which contributed more than all
the efforts and ingenuity of preceding
ages, to improve and extend navigation.
That wonderful property of the magnet,
by vvhicli it communicates fuch virtue to

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The History or

a needle or flender rod of iron, as to point
towards the poles of the earth, was happily
difcovered. The ufe which might be made
of this in direfting navigation, was im-
mediately perceived. From hence, that
moft valuable^ but now familiar inftrument,
the mariners compafs, was formed. As
foon as navigators found by means of this,
that at all feafons, and in every place, they
could difcover the North and South with
(o much eafe and accuracy^ it became no
longer neceflary to depend merely on the
light of the flars, and the obfervation of
the fea-coaft. They gradually abandoned
their ancient timid and lingring courfe
along the fhore, launched boldly into the
ocean, and relying on this new guide,
could fteer in the darkeft night, and under
the moft cloudy fky, with a fecurity and
prccifion hitherto unknown. The com-
pafs may be faid to have opened to man
the dominion of the fea, and to have put
him in full pofleflion of the earth, by
enabling him to vifit every part of it.

About* the year 1 365, Providence feemed
to have decreed, that at this period men
Were to pafs the limits within which they
had been fo long confined, and open to
themfelves a more ample field, wherein to
difplay their talents, their enterprifc, and
courage. The firft confidcrable efforts
towards this were not made by any of the

niorc

Mk:C .^

South Am£rica.

'H'

more powerful ftates of Europe, or by
thofe who had applied to navigation with
the greatcft afliduity and fuccefs. The
glory of taking the lead in this bold attempt
was referved for the Portuguefe, whofe
kingdom was die fmallcft and leaft power-
ful of any in Earope. As the attempts of
the Portuguefe to acquire the knowledge
of thofe parts of the globe, with which
mankind were then unacquainted, not only
improved and extended the art of naviga-
tion, but roufed fuch a fpirit of curionty
and enterpize, as led to the difcovery of
the New World, of which we arc perfently
to give the hiftory.

Various circumftances urged the Portu-
guefe to exert their adlivity in this new
direction, and enabled them to accomplifh
undertakings apparently fuperior to the na-
tural force of their monarchy. John I.
king of Portugal, furnamed the Baftard,
having obtained fecure poflcflion of the
crown, in the year 141 1, foon perceived,
that it would be impoflible to prefcrvc public
order, or domeftic tranquility, without
finding fome employment for the rcftlefs
fpirit of his fubjefks. With this view, he
affembled a numerous fleet at Lifbon,
compofed of all the ihips he could fit out
in his own kingdom, and of many hired
from foreigners. This great armament,
fitted out in 141 a, was dcftincd to attack
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The History of

the Moors fettled on the coaft of Barbary,
While the fleet was equipping, a few veflels
were appointed to fail along the weftern
fliore of Africa, bounded by the Atlantic
ocean, and to difcover the unknown coun-
tries fituated there.

The peculiar fituation of Portugal was
an invitation to this new undertaking, and
the genius of the age being favourable to
the execution of it, it proved fuccefsful.
The veflels fent on the difcovery doubled
the formidable Cape Non, which had ter-
minated the progrefs of former navigators,
arid proceeded one hundred and fixty miles
beyond it, to Cape Bojador. As its rocky
cliffs, which ftretched a confiderable way
into the Atlantic, appeared more dreadful
than the promontory they had pafTed, the
Portuguefe commander was afraid to at-
tempt to "fail round it, but returned to
Lifbon,rnore fatisfied with having advanced
fo far, than afhamed of not having gone
farther. * * - ' -

Though this voyage was in itfelf incon-
fiderable, yet it encreafed the paflion for
difcovery, which began to fhew itfelf in
Portugal. The fortunate iffue ot the
king's expedition againft the Moors of
Barbary, added ftrength to that fpirit in
the nation, and pufhed it on to new under-*
takings. In order to render thefe fucceff-
fi>l, it W5S neccflary, . that they fliould be

conducted

South Amehica.

conduced by a perfon, who poflcfled abi-.!
lities capable of difcerning what was attain-
able, who enjoyed Icifure to form a regular
fyftem for profecuting difcovery, and who
was animated with ardour, that would per-*
fevere in fpite of obftacles and repulfes.
Happily for Portugal, fhe found all thefe
qualities in Henry dukeof Vifeo, the fourth
fon of king John, That prince, in his
early youth, having accompanied his father
in his expedition to Barbary, diftinguiflied
himfelf by many deeds of valour. To the
martial fpirit, which was the chara6i:eriftic
of every man of noble birth at that period,
he added all the accomplifliments of a more
enlightened and polifhed age. He culti-
vated the arts and fciences, which were
then little known, and defpifed by perfons
of his exalted fituation. He was parti-
cularly fond of the ftudy of geography,
and he early acquired fuch a knowledge of
the habitable globe, as difcovered the greal
probability of finding new and opulent
countries, by failing along the coafl of
Africa.

The commencement of every new under-
taking is ufually attended with triflng fuc-
cefs. In the year 141 H, he fitted out a
iingle fliip, and gave the command of it to
two gentlemen of his houfehold, who
otFered themfelves as volunteers to condudt
the enterpuife. He inilrufled them to

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The Histtory of

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B|.il< •;, V -.ft

double Cape Bojador, and thence to fteer
towards the fouth. They held their courfc
•long the ihore, the mode of navigation
which ftill prevailed, when a fudden fquall
of wind arofe, which drove them out to
fea, and, when they expelled every mo-
ment to perilh, it blew them on an un-
Icnown ifland, which, from their happy
efcape, they named Porto Santo. They
inftantly returned to Portugal with the
news oif their difcovcry, and were received
by Henry with the applaufe and honour
due to fortunate adventurers.

The next year Henry fent out three
fliips under the fame commanders, in order
to make a fettlement in Porto Santo. From
this ifland they obferved towards the fouth
a fixed fpot in the horizon,, like a fmall
black cloud. They were, by degrees, led
to conje6lure it might be land, and fleer-
ing towards it, they arrived at a confide-
rable ifland, uninhabited and covered with
wood, which on that account they called
Madeira. As it was Henry's principal
objeft to render his difcoveries ufeful to
his country, he immediately equipped a
fleet to carry a colony ot Portugucie to
thefc iflands. He took care that they
fliould be furniflied not only with the feeds,
plants, and domeftic animals, common in
Europe ; but, as he forefaw that the warmth

9f the climate, and fertility of the io\h

? . . ^ ^ vvouW

South America;

^»

;srouId prove favourable to the rearing of
pther produ(Slions, he procured flips of th&
vine from the ifland of Cyprus, the rich
wines of which were then in great requeft,^
and plants of the fugar cane from Sicily,
into which it had been lately introduced.
Thefe throve fo profperoufly in this new
country, that the advantage of their cul-
ture was immediately perceived, and the
fugar and wine of Madeira foon became
confiderable articles of commerce, fronx
which die Portuguefe derived great advan-
tage. ^ , . . ., ,

Thefe important fuccefles gave a ipur to
the fpirit of difcovery, and induced the
Portuguefe, inftead of fervilely creeping
along the coaft, to venture into the open,
fea. They doubled Cape Bojador, in 1433,
and advanced within the tropics. In the
courfe of a few years, they difcovered the
river Senegal, and all the coaft extending
from Cape Blanco to Cape de Verde.

The Portuguefe had hitherto been guided;
in their difcoveries, or encouraged to at-
tempt them, by the light and inforraatioi^
they received from the works of the ancient
mathematiciai s and geographers; but, whea
they began to enter the torid zone,^ the
notions which prevailed among the anci-
ents, that the heat was there fo. intenfe
as to render it infupportable, deterred them^
for fpmc time, from proceeding. How-
ever,

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ever, notwifhftanding thcfe unfavourable
appearances, in 144.9 the Portuguefe dif-.
covered the Cape de Verde iflands, which
lie ofF the promontory of that name, and
foon after the ifles called Azores. As the
former of thcfe are above three hundred
miles from the African coaft, and the
latter nine hundred miles from any
continent, it is evident, that, the Portu-
guefe had made great advances in the art
of navigation. ^ '

The pailion for difcoveries received an
unfortunate check by the death of prince
Henry, whofe fuperior knowledge had
hitherto dire6led all the operations of the
difcoverers, and whofe patronage had en-
couraged and protedled them. However,
xiotwithftanding all the advantages they
derived from hence, the Portuguefe,
during his life, did not advance, in their
utmoft progrefs towards the fouth, within
five degrees of the equino6lial line; and,
after their continued exertions for half a
century, hardly fifteen hundred miles of
the coaft of Africa were difcovercd.

The Portuguefe, in 147 1, ventured to
crofs the line, and, to their aftonifliment,
found tliat region of the torid zone, which
was fuppofed to be fcorched with intole^
rable heat, to be habitable, populous, and
fertile.

.. •- . '.. * * :. .. . ; . .» Under

South America.

Under the direftion of John II. in
14.84, a powerful fleet was fitted out,
which advanced above fifteen hundred
miles beyond the line, and the Portuguefe,
for the firft time, beheld a new heaven,
and obfervcd the ftars of another he-*
mifphere. '

By their conftant intercourfe with the
people of Africa, they gradually acquired
fome knowledge of thofe parts of that
country, which they had not vifited.
The information they received from the
natives, added to what they had obferved
in their own voyages, began to open prof-*
pefts of ,a more extenfive nature. They
found, as they proceeded fouthward,
that the continent of Africa, inflead of
extending in breadth, according to the
doftrine of Ptolemy, appeared fenfibly to
contradl: itfelf, and to bend towards the
Eaft. This induced them to give credit
to the accounts of the ancient Phenician
voyages round Africa, which had long
been confidered as fabulous, and gave them
reafon to hope, that by following the fame
route, they might arrive at the Eaflt Indies,
and engrofs that commerce, which had fo
long contributed to enrich other powers.

In i486, the conduft of a voyage for
this purpofe, the moft dangerous and diffi-.
cult the Portuguefe had ever embarked in,
was cntrufted to Bartholomew Diaz, wha

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22 The History ot

ftretched boldiy towards the South, and
proceeding beyond the utmofl limits to
which his countrymen had hitherto ad-
vanced, difcovered near a thoufand miles
of a new country. Neither the combined
powers of violent tempefts, and the frequent
mutinies of his crew, nor even the cala-
mities of famine, which he fuiFered from
loofing his ftore-fhip, could deter him
from the purfuit of his grand objeft. In
fpite of all, he at laft difcovered that lofty
promontory, which bounds Africa to the
South ; but he did nothing more thaa
difcover it. The violence of the winds,
the fliattered condition of his ihips, and
the turbulent fpirit of his failors, com*
pelled him to return after a voyage of
fixteen months. The King of Portugal,
as he now entertained no doubt of having
found the long defired route to India, gave
this promontory the name of The Capt
of Good Hope,

Thefe fanguine ideas of fuccefs were
ftrengthened by the intelligence the King
received over land, in conlequence of his
embafly to AbyfGnia. Covillam and
Payva, by the King's inftruftions, had
repaired to Grand Cairo. From this city,
they travelled in company with a caravan
pf Egyptian merchants, and embarking on
the Red Sea, arrived at Arden in Arabia.
7'hcrQ thev fcparated : Pay va failed di^-

redlly

• \

South America#

reflly towards Abyffinia ; Covillam em-
barked for the Eaft Indcis, and having
vifited Calecut, Goa, and other cities of
the Malabar coaft, returned to Sofala, on
the caft (ide of Africa, and thence to
Grand Cairo, which Payva and he had
iixed upon as their place of meeting.
The former, however, was unfortunately
and cruelly murdered in Abyffinia ; but
Covillam found at Cairo two Portugefc
Jews, whom the King of Portugal had
Jifp^ched after them, in order to receive
an account of their proceedings, and to
communicate to them new inftruftions.
By one of thefe Jews, Covillam tranfmitted
to Portugal a journal of his proceedings by
feaand land, his remarks upon the trade of
India, together with exaft maps of thef
coafts on which he had touched ; and from
what he himfelf had obferred, as well as"
from the information of fkilful feamen in
different countries, he concluded, that by
failing round Africa, a paffage might be
found to the Eaft Indies. The happy
coincidence of Covillam*s report and opi-
nion with the difcovcries lately made by
Diaz, left hardly anyihadow of doubt
with refpe^l to the poffibility of failing
from Europe to India. However, the
vaft length of the voyage, and the furious
ftdrifis, which Diaz had encountered near
the Cape of Good Hope^ alarmed and in-
timidated

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The History of

timidated the Portuguefc to fuch a degree,
although they were become adventurous
and Ikilful mariners, that fomc time was
requifite to prepare their minds for this
dangerous and extraordinary voyage.

Memorable Events n cor did in this Chattn,

. Introduftion of commercial purfuits.
, Imperfedlions of navigation among the
ancients. — .. , , - . . .

Navigation and commerce of the Egyp-
tians, rhenicians, Jews, Carthaginians,
Greeks, and Romans^

The firft regular plan of difcovery formed
by the Portugucfe. .

The ufe of the mariners compafs dif-
covered about 1322.

The Portuguefe double Cape BojaJcr
about the year 1412. ' . *,> .; -

Attempts to difcover a new route to the
Eaft Indies.

Voyage of Bartholomew Diaz, in i486,
who penetrated as far as the Cape of Gocd
Hope. ,- ' .,j . t\ . K, .. .- '

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South America.

CHAP. II.

Christopher columbus, a

fubjedt of the republic of Genoa, was
among the foreitioft of thofe foreigners,
whom the fame of the difcoveries made
by the Portuguefe had allured into their
fervice* Though neither the time nor
place of his birth are certainly known,
yet it is on all hands agreed, that he was
defcended from an honourable family re-
duced to indigence by misfortunes. As
his anceflors were accuftomcd to a fea-
faring life, Columbus became naturally
fond of it himfelfj and very early difcovered
thoie talents for that profeffion, which
plainly indicated the great man he was one
day to be* He applied with uncommon
ardour to the ftudy of the Latin tongue,
geography, aftronomy, and the art of
drawing. Thus qualified, in 1461, at the
age of fourteen, he went to fea, and began
his career on that element, which con-
duced him to fo much glory.

In 1467, he repaired to Lifbon, where
many of his countrymen were fettled^
They foon conceived fuch a favourable
opinion of his merit and talents, that they
warmly folicited him to remain in their
kingdom, where his naval Ikill and ex-

pencncc

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perience could not fail of rendering him
confpicuous. ^ r- » n

To find out a paflage by fea to the Eaft
Indies, was the great objedt in view at
tliat period. From the time that the Por*
tuguefe doubled Cape de Verde, this was
the point at which they aimed in all then-
navigations. The tedioufnefs of the
courfe, which the Portuguefe were pur-
fuing, naturally led Columbus to confider,
whether a fliorter and more diredl paflage
to the Eaft Indies^ than that projected by
failing round the African continent, might
not be found out. After revolving long
and ferioufly every circumftance fuggefted
by his fuperior knowledge in the theory,
as well as praftice of navigation, after
comparing attentively the obfervations of
modern pilots, with the hints and con-
jedlures of ancient authors, he at laft
concluded, that by failing direftly towards
the Weft, acrofs the Atlantic ocean, new
countries, which probably formed a part
of the vaft continent of India, muft in*
fallibly be difcovered. ' '

Filled with thcfe ideas, he laid his fchcme
before the fenate of Genoa, and making
his country the firft tender of his fervice,
oflTered to fail under the banners of the
republic, in quell: of the new regions he
expefted to difcover ; but they inconfi-
dcratcly rejected his propofal, as the dream

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South America*

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of a chimerical projeflor. He then fub-
mitted his plan to the Portuguefe, who
endeavoured to rob him of the honour,
by fending another perfon privately to
purfue the fame track propofed by him ;
but the pilot, chofen to execute Columbus's
plan, had neither * the genius nor the for-
titude of its author. Contrary winds
arofe, no fight of approaching land ap-
peared, his courage failed, and he returned
to Lifbon, execrating a plan, which he
had not abilities to execute.

Columbus no fooner difcovcred this
diflionorable treatment, than he inftantly
quitted Portugal in difguft, and repaired
to Spain about the clofe of the year 1484.
Here he refolved to propofe it in perfon to
Ferdinand and Ifabella, who at that time
governed the united kingdoms of Caftilc
and Arragon. He alfo fent his brother
to England, to propofe his plan t^
Henry VIII. .. . .. ...

After a long fucceflion of mortifying
circumftances and difappointments, Ifabella
was pcufuaded to fend for Columbus to
court. The cordial reception he there
met with from the aueen, together with
the near profpefl of letting out upon that
voyage, which had fo long been the objedl
of his thoughts and wifhes, foon effaced
the remembrance of all that he had fufFered
in Spain, during eight tedious years of

D 2 " folicitation

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felicitation and fufpence. The ncgocia-
tion now went forward rapidly, and a
treaty with Columbus was figned on the
xyth of April, 1492. '

The chief articles of it were, i. Fer-
dinand and Ifabella, as fovercigns of the
ocean, conftituted Columbus their high
admiral in all the feas, iflands, and con-
tinents, which fliould be difcorered by
his induftry; and ftipulated, that he and
his heirs fhould enjoy this office, with the
fame powers and prerogatives, which be*
longed to the high admiral of Caftile,
within the limits of his jurifdi6tion.
2. They appointed Columbus their viceroy
in all the iflands and continents which he
ihould difcover ; but if, for the better
adminiftration of affairs^ it fhould here*
after be neceflfary to eftabliih a feparate
governor in any of thofe countries, they
authorifed Columbus to name three per-
fons, of whom they would choofe one
for that office ; and the dignity of vice-
roy, with all its immunities, was likewifc
to be hereditary in the family of Columbus.
J. They granted to Columbus and his
neirs, for ever, the tenth of the free profits
accruing from the produdions and com-
merce of the countries which he fhould
difcover. 4. They declared, that if any
controverfy or law-fuit Ihould arifq with
fcfpcdl to any mercantile trs^nfacStion in

South America.

the countries which fhould be difcovered,
it fhould be determined by the folc autho-
rity of Columbus, or of judges to be
appointed by him, 5, They permitted
Columbus to advance one eight part of
what fhould be expended in preparing for
the expedition, and in carrying on com-
merce with the countries which he fhould
(lifcover, and entitle him, in return, tQ
an eighth part of the profit.

Ferdinand, though his name appears
conjoined with that of Ifabella in this
tranfa6lion, refufcd to take any part in it
as King of Arragon, his diftrull of Cq-
lumbus being very violent.

After all .the efforts of Ifabella and Co-
lumbus, the armament was not fuitablc,
either to the dignity of the power who
equipped it, or to the importance of the
fervice to which it was deftined. It con*
fifted of three vcfTels. The largefl, a fliip
of no confiderable burden, was commanded
by Columbus, as admiral, who gave it the
name of Santa Maria, Of the fecond,
called the Pinta, Martin Pinzoa was
captain, and his brother Francis pilot.
The third, named the Nigna, was under
the command of Vincent Yancz Pinzon.
Thefc two were light vcflels, hardly fu-
perior in burden or force to large boats.
The fum employed in the whole of thi»
equipment did ^lot cxcee4.40QpU

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On the 34 day of Auguft, 1492^
Columbus fet fail, a little before fun-rile,
in prefence of a vaft crowd of fpe£latois,
who fent up their fuppJications to heaven
for the profperous ifliie of the voyage,
which they wiHied rather than expeded.
Columbus fleered diredlly for the Canary
Iflands, from whence he departed on the
ht\\ of September. In the /hurt run to the
Canaries, the fliips were found to be i"o
crazy and ill appointed, as to be very
improper for a navigation, which was cx-
pe6led to be both long and dangerous.
♦ i Columbus, on leaving the Canaries,
held his courfe due weft, left immediately
•the ufual track of navigation, cind ft retched
into unfrequented and unknown feas.
By the 14th of September, the fleet was
about two hundred leagues to the Weft of
the Canary iflands, at a greater diftancc
from land than any Spaniard had been
feefore that time. Columbus early dif-
covcred from the fpirit of his followers,
that he muft prepare to ftruggle, not only
>vith the unavoidable difficulties, which
'might be expefled from the nature of his
?uadertaking, but with (uch as were likely
'.to arife from the ignorance and timidity of
-the people under his command. All the
art and addrejTs he was raafter of was hardly
fu^cicnt to qviell the mutinous difpoiition
of his failors, .who grew the jnorc tur-
• • ' ; ^jT bulciir,

South America.

buleiit, in proportion as their diftance
encreafed from home.

On the nth of 06lober, Columbus
Avas lb confident of being near land, that
he ordered the fails to be furled, and the
fliips to lie by, keeping ftri6t watch, left
they ihould be driven on fliorc in the
night. During this interval of fufpcnce
and expe6lation, no man fhut his eyes,
all kept iipon deck, gazing intently towards
that quarter where they expefted to dif-
covcr the land, which had been fo long
the oh}e£t of their wifhe^s. A little after
midnight, the joyful found of Ian J/ land!
was heard from the Pinta, which kept
always a- head of the other ftiips ; but,
having been fo often deceived by fallacious
appearances, every man was now become
flow of belief, and waited, in all the
anguifli of uncertainty and impatience,,
for the return of day.

On the 1 2th ot October, as foon zs
morning dawned, all doubts and fears
were difpelled. From every fliip an ifland
was feen about two leagues to the North,
Avhofe flat and verdant fields, well ftorcd
with wood, and watered with many ri-
vulets, prefented the afpcdk of a delightful
country. The crew of the Pinta in-
flantly began the Te Deum^ as a hynm of
th;mkfgiving to God, and were joined by
•thofe of the other Jliips, vvith tears of joy
^^ and

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and tranfports of congratulation, They
then on their knees begged pardon of
Columbus for the mutinous fpirit they
had fhewn, acknowledged his fuperior
abilities, and promifed implicit obedience
to his will in future.

The boats being manned and armed as
foon as the fun arofe, they rowed towards
the ifland with their colours difplayed,
warlike mufic^ and other martial pomp.
As they approached the coaft, they faw it
povered with a multitude of people, whom
the novelty of the fpccSacle had drawn to-
gether, whofe attitudes and geftures ex-
prefled wonder and aftonifliment at the
ft range objefts before them. He landed
in a rich drefs, with a fword in his hand.
His men followed, and kneeling down,
they ail kiflcd the ground which they had
fo long defired to fee. They then took
folemn poflcffion of the country for ths
crown of Caftile and Leon.

The drefs of the Spaniards, the white-
nefs of their (kins, their beards, their arms,
appeared ftrangc and furprifing to the
natives. The vaft machines in which thev
had traverfed the ocean, that fcemed to
move upon the water with wings, and
uttered a dreadful found refcmbling thun-
der, accompanied with lightning and
fmoke, ftruck them with fuch teror, that
they began to coniidcr t;hcra as children of
i- . the

South America.

the Sun, who had dcfcended to vifit mortals
here below. • i

The Spaniards were no lefs furprifed
at the novelty of their fituation. Every
herb, flirub, and tree, was different from
thofe which flouriflied in Europe. The
inhabitants appeared in the fimple inno-
cence of nature, entirely naked. Their
Wack hair, long and uncurled, floated
upon their fhoulders, or was bound in
treflcs round their heads. They had no
beards, and every part of their bodies was
pcrfedly fmooth. Their complexion was
of a du(ky copper colour, their features
fingular, rather than difagreeable, and
their afpeft gentle and timid. They were
fliy at firft through fear, but foon became
familiar with the S[)aniards, and with
tranfports of joy received from them
hawks-bells, glafs heads, or other baubles,
in return for which they gave fuch pro-
vifions as they had, and fome cotton yarn,
the only commodity of value that they
could produce. Thus in the firft inter*
view between the inhabitants of the new
and old worlds, every thing was conduced
amicably, and to their mutual fatisfaftion.

Columbus now afTumed the title and
authority of admiral and viceroy, and called
the ifland he had difcovered San Salvador,
It is one of that large clufter of iflands
called the Lucaya or Bahama ifles. It is

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fituated above 3000 miles to the weft of
Gomera, from which the fquadron took its
departure, and only four degrees to the
fouth of it.

It foon appeared evident to Columbus
that this was but a poor place, and confe-
quently not the objedi: of his purfuit. But,
conformably to his theory concerning the
difcovery of thofe regions of Afia, which
ftretched towards the eaftj he concluded
that San Salvador was one of the iflcs,
which geographers defcribed as fituated in
the vaft ocean adjacent to India ; but he
was herein miftaken. Having obferved,
that moft of the people whom he had feen
wore fmaU plates of gold, by way of orna-
ment, in their noflrils, he eagerly enquired
where they got that precious metal. They
pointed to vards the fouth, and made him
comprehend by figns, that gold abounded
in countries fituated in that quarter.

In confequence of this intelligence, he
failed to the fouthward, and faw- feveral
Iflands. He touched at thofe of the largeft,
on which he beftowed the names of St.
Mary, Fernandina, and Ifabella ; but, as
all his enquiries were after gold, and none
of them produced any, he made no ftay in
any of them. He afterwards difcovered
Cuba, and foon after fell in with Hifpa*

niola.

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South America.'

Coluir.bus, ftill intent on difcovering
the mines which yielded gold, failed from
hence on the 24th of December, '492*
The great variety of bufinefs in which
he was engaged having prevented Co-
lumbus from taking any fleep for two
days, he retired at midnight, in order
to take fome repofe, having committed the
helm to the pilot, with ftrift injunftioa
not to quit it for a moment* The pilots
dreading no danger, careleflly left the hc^lm
to an unexperienced cabin-boy, and the
jhip, carried away by a current, was daflied
againft a rock* The violence of the fhock
awakened Columbus* He ran up to the
deck, where all was confufion and defpair^
healone retaining prcfence of mind. How-*
ever, all his endeavours were in vain ; tho
veffel opened near the keel* and filled fo
faft with water that its lofs was inevitable.
The boats from the N igna faved the crew,
and the natives in their canoes did every
thing in their power to ferve them, by
vvhoTe ailiftancc they faved almoft every
thing that was valuable. ... 4

The diftrefs of Columbus was at this;
time very great. The Pinta had failed
away from him* and he fufpetSled was
treacheroufly gone to Europe* There re*
mained but one veflcl, and that the frndlleft
and moft craxy of the fquadron, to traverfe
tuch a vaft ocean, and carry fo many men
back to Europe- He relolved therefore to

leave

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36 The History of

leave a part of his crew on the illaiul,
that, by rcfiding there, they might Icam
the language of the natives, ftudy their
difpofitions, fearch for mines, and pre-
pare for the commodious fettlement of the
colony, with which he propofed to return.
Having fettled this bufincfs with his men
and the natives, he built a fort, and placeJ
in it the gwns faved out of his own Ihip.
He appointed thirty-eight of his people to
remain on the ifland, under the command
Diego de Arada, and furniflied them with
every thing requifitc for the iubfiftance or
defence of the infant colony.
* Having thus fettled matters, he left
Navidad on the 4th of January, 1493, and
ftretching towards the eaft, difcovercd and
gave names to moft of the harbours on the
northern coaft of the ifland. On the 6th
he decried the Pinta, and foon came up
with her, after an abfence of fix weeks.
Pinzon endeavoured to juftify his condu(3,
and though Columbus was by no means
fatisfied in his own mind, yet he thought
it prudent to diflemble at prefent, and ac-
cordingly received him again into favour.
Pinzon, during his abfcence from the ad-
miral, had vifited feveral harbours m the
ifland, had acquired fome gold by traffic
with the natives, but had made no diico-

very of any importance-
Columbus,

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South America.

Columbus now found it necciTary, from
the condition of his fhips, and the icniper
of his men, to return to Europe. Ac-
cordingly, on the 1 6th of January, he
diredled his courfe towards th.:^ north-eaft,
and foon loll fight of hmd, The /oyage
was profperous to the .4th of February,
when he was ovetaken by io violent a
ftorm, that all hopes of i'urviving it were
given up. At length Providence inter-
pofed to fave a life referved for other pur-
pofcs ; and, after experiencing a fecortd
llorm ahnoH: as dreadful as the firft, he
arrived ar the Azores, then Lilhon, and
reached Spain on the i 5*-h of March, in
the port of Palos, fevcn months and eleven
days from the time when he fet out from
thence upon ];is vovare.

Columbus was received, on his landing,
with all the honours due to his great abi-
lities ; and Ferdmand and Ifabella were no
lefs aftoiiiilied than delighted with this
iinexpevSted event. Every mark of honour,
that gratitade or admiration could fuggeft,
was conferred upon Columbus. Letters pa-
tent were illued, confirming to him and
his heii's all the previleges contained in the
capitulation concluded at Santa Fe ; his
family was enobled,' and the king, queen,
and courtiers, treated him as a peribn of
4he higbefl rank. J>ut what pleafed hiui
moft was an order to e([uip, without delav^
aa armament of fuch force, as mieht enable

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him not cnl\ to take poffefficn of the conn-
trie.; he hac al..-:idy dif.overcd, but to go
m feiui-h of thole more opulent regions,
whicli he 11:111 coi^fidencly exnedled to find.
v^auL!v>u.> as r cidinnnd was, and aver fe
to every thing ne.v and adventurous, pre-
paianons for a iecond expedition v^ ere car-
ried on with a ra^)idity ujuiiiia! in Spain,
and to an extent that would !>e deemed
not in. onfiderah'e in the prefent age. The
fleet CO lillted of Seventeen fliips, Tome of
tvliich were of good burthen. It had on
board 1 5C0 pei:<>ns, amoi\g whom were
^nariV of noble families, who had ferved in
honourable it at ions.

Eveiy thing being ready, Cokimbus fet
fail fiom the bay of Cadiz on the 25th of
Sei)ten]ber, 14Q3, and arrived at Hiipaniola
on the 7 2(1 of November. When he ap-
peared o.r Navidad, from the ifatir 1 in
which he hid left the thirtv-eic^ht men
under the command of Arada, he was
afloiiiiiied that none of them appeared;
and rx.^filed every moment to fee them
running with tranfports of joy to welcome
their ^ounttvmen. But he loon foun.^
that t!ie imprudent and Hcentious bciia-
viour oi his men had roufed the relcnt-
ment of the natives, uho at lail dcftroved
them all a^id burned their fort.

He then tr*u:ed out the plan of a town
in a large plain, near a fpacious bav, and
obliged evci y j^ei foa to puc his hand to a

worL

South America.

wor^, on which tlicir common Tifcty de-
pended. This rifino^ city, the Hrlt that
the Euiopenns founded in the New World,
he named Ifahella, in honour of his patro-
nefs the queen of Cafiile.

His followers loudly complained of heing
obliged to turn builders, where they ex-
pe6led to meet with riclies and luxuries.
He therefore found it necefTary to proceed
in quefl of thofe golden ihadovvs. Hav-
ing fettled every thins; refpectini; the go-
vernment of the new colony in his ahfence,
lie weighed anchor on the 24th of April,
1494., vAJth one fhip and two fm all harks
under his command. During a tedious
voyage of fuli five months, he hnd a trial
of almoft all the numerous hardihips, to
which perfons of his profciUon are expofed,
without making any difccverv of impor-
tance, except the iiland of Jamaica.

On his return to Hilpaniola, he met
with his hrother Batlio-omcw at Ifahella,
after an abfence of near thirteen ^eirs,
which gave him ineA^^'ieffible joy. He
could not have arrived more feafonably,
as the Spaniards were not only threatened
with famine, but even v-ith an infurrevflion
of the natives, owing to the fluVnefa! liber-
ties the new fettlers tool: with the womea
and property of the Indians, 'who united
their forces to drive thefe formidable inva-
ders from the fettlemcnts, of which they
had violently taken poffciTion,

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On tlif 24tb of March Columbus took
the tit'id with his little army, which con-
fiftci! only of 2CO loot, twenty horfe, and
tu 'ntv brcT' c!o|n^«^ ; ardhowftrnngt loever
it iT^av ietm, to m ntion the laft as com-
poling part of a military force, they W(tc
not ptirhaps the leaft formidai^le and de-
ilrutMive f the whole, v\hen employed
agriinit naked and timid Indians. If we
-may b lifn-e ti\e Spamfli hiftonans, the
Indran a: my amounted to loo.oco m'='n ;
but rh( Y wc re in[norani of the arts of war,
and had orhing but clubs and arrows
for their defence. Columbus ai ticked
them during; the ni^ht, and obtained \\x\
caly and bloody vidory. Many were
killed, more takf n prifoners, and re uccd
to lervitude; and To thoroughly were the
teft inrimidate'l, that they abanc-oned
thcmrdvt's to defpairj conliuering their
enemies as invmciblc.

v^olumbus en>p o ed fevral months in
march. nc, through the ifland, and in fub-
jccnng it to the Spam lb government,
without meeting with any oppofition. He
impoftd a tribute upon al' the inhabitants
above fourteen years of age. Each pcr-
fon v\ho lived in thofe diftiifts where gold
was ivvaiiu> was obliged to pav quarterly
as much goid-duft as filled a hawk's hell ;
from th' !e iri otiur parts of the country,
twenty pounds of cotton were demanded.
' This

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South America.

This was the firft regular taxation of the
Indians^ and lerved as a precedent for ex-
aflions, ftill more exorbitant. Such an
impofition was extremely contrary to thofe
maxims which Columbus had hitherto
inculcated, with re.'pcft to the mode of
treating them.

. The condition of the Indians became
infupportable, and they endeavoured to
ftarve the Spaniards, by dcftroying all the
produce of the earth, and then retired to
the mountains. This reduced the Spani-
ards to extreme want : but thev received
fuch fcafonable fupplies of provifions from
Europe, and found fo many refources in
their ingenuity and induftry, that they
fuflfc-ed no great lofs of men.

Columbus finding he had many enemies
in the court of Spain, refolvcd to return
home in order to juftify himfelf, leaving
his brother Bartholomew as lieutenant-
governor, and Francis Roldon chief juftice.
He was received at court, on his arrival,
with lb many marks of approbation, after
having pericflly cleared up his condu6V,
as made his enemies afliamcd of thcmlelves,
and it was rcfolved to fend h;m on difco-
yeries a third time. '..

After innumerable dif^ppointments and
<1elays, he failed on his third voyage, on
^hc 30th of May, 1498. His fquadron
Wifilted of fix Ihips only, of no great

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burden, and but indifferently provided for
fo long and dangerous a navigation.

He failed in a differ nt direction to what
he had hitherto done, in order to fill in
with the coaft of India, On the firft of
Auguft, the man flationed in the round
top furprifed them with the joyful cry of
/^W. They fto)d towards it, and difco-
vered a confidcrable ifland, which the
admiral called Trinidad, a name it flill
retains. He did not arrive at Hifpaniola
till the 30th of Auguft, when he found
the affairs of the colony in fuch a fitu^tion,
ss afforded him no profpeft of enjoying
that repofc, of which he ftood fo much in
need. v *

Many revolutions had happened in that
country during his abfence. His brother,
the deputy -governor, in conlequence of
the advice the admiral gave him before his
departure, had removed the colony from
Ifabclla to a more commodious flation, on
the oppofite fide of the ifland, and laid the
foundation of St. Domingo. The natives
were foon after reduced to the Spanifli
yoke, which appeared fooppreffivc to them,
that they rofe in their own defence, but
were eafily conquered. At the fame tin)?,
Roldon, whom Columbus had placed in
a flation, which required him to be the
gardiar^ of order and tranquillity^ pcrfuadcd
the colony to rife in arms, • *

South America. 43

Sucli was the diftrafted ftate of the
colony when Columbus arrived at St. Do-
mingo; but liis wifdom and moderation
foon brought every thing to order.

While Columbus was "thus engaged in
the Weft, the ipirit of difcovery did not
languifh in Portugal. Emmanuel, who
inherited the enterprifing genius^ of his
predeceflbrs, peififted in their grand fchemc
of opening a paflage to the Eaft Indies
by the Cape of Good Hope ; and foon
after his acceflion to the throne, he equipped
a fquadron for that important voyage^
He t' ve the command of it to Vafco de
Gari A man of noble birth, pofleffed of
virtue, prudence, and courage, equal to
the ftation. The fquadron, like all thofe
fitted out for difcovery in the infancy of
navigation, was extremely feeble, con-
fifting only of three veflcls, of neither
hurthen nor force adequate to the f rvice.

He fet fail from Lilbon on the 9th of
uly, 1497, and ftanding towards the
iouth, had to ftruggle tor four month?
with contrary windt, before he could
reach the Cape of Good Hope : Here
their violence began to abate, and during
an interval of calm weather, in the latter
end of Novemb r, Gama (doubled that
formidable promontory, which had fo long
been the boundary of navigation, and di-
veiled his courfe towards ihe north-faft,

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alons; the African coaft. He touched at
fevcial ports, and after v;in)us adventures,
Jie came to an anchor before the city of
M'iieida. Gama now purfue i his voyage
witb alnM)ft abfolute c^*rtainty of fucccls,
and, under the conduft of a Mahometan
pilot, he arrived at Calecut, upon the
coaft of Malabar, on the 22d of May,
14q8.

What he beheld of the wealth, the po-
puloufneis, the cultivation, the induftry,
and arts of this highly civilized country,
far exceeded any idea that he had foiiiicd,
from the imperft£t accounts, which the
Europci-ns had liitherto received of it.
But as he poflcfled neither fufFicient force
to attempt a fettlement, nor [ roper coui-
jBodlties, with which he could carry on
commerce of any confequence, he haftened
back to Portneal, with an account of Hs
fuccefs in pcrform'ng a voyage the longed,
as well as moft difficult, that had ever been
mndefmce thciirlt invention of navigation.
He landed at Lifbon, on the 14th of
September, 1409, two years, two months,
and live dajs irom the time he left that
pert.

Amerigo Vefpucci, a Florentine gcntlc-
nian, liaving accompanied Ojeda in a
V( yagc \o the new world, on his return
Xianfmitttd an account of his adventures
;u.d dnccveries to one of his countrymen j

South America.

and labouring with the vanity of a traveller
to magnify his own exploits, he had the
addrefs and confidence to frame his narra-
ti' e, fo as to make it appear, that he had
the glory of having firPc difcovercd the
continent in the new world. The coun-
try, of which Amerigo was foppofed to
be the difcoverer, came gradually to be
called bv his name. By the univerfal
conlent of nations, America is the name
bcftowed on this new quarter of the globe.
J\\Q bold pretcnfions of a fortunate im-
poftor have robbed the difcoyerer of the
new world of a d.ftinftion which be-
longed to him. The name of Amerigo
has fupplanted that of Columbus, and it
is now too late to recrefs the injury.

During the laft year of the fourteenth
century, Pedro Alvarez Cabral was
fitted out by the king of Portugal, in Order
tocairyon trade, or attempt conqucfts,
in India,, to which place Gama had juft
iluvvn tlicm the way. In order to avoid
the coaft of Africa, where h^ was certain
of meeting with variable breezes, or fre-
quent caliijs, which might retard his
voyag. , C bral ftood out to {c.^j and kept
in ^ar to the Weft, that, to his furprife,
lie loudd h>mfelf upon the fliorc of an
unknown country, in the tenth degree
beyond the line. The country with which
lie iell in belongs to that province in South

America,

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America, now known by the name of
Brafil, He landed, and having formed a
very high idea of the fertihty of the foil,
and af^reeablenefs ot the climate, he took
poffeffion of it for the crown of Portugal,
and difpatf^hed a fhip to Lifbon with an
account of this event, which appeared to be
no lels important than it was uncxpeftcd.
While the Spaniards and Portuguefe
were daily acquiring more enlarged ideas
of the extent and opulence of that quarter
of the globe which Columbus had m.adc
known to |hcm, he himfelf, far from
enjoying the tranquillity and honours,
with which his fervices fliould have been
rccompenfcd, was ftruggling with every
diftrefs, in which the envy and malevolence
of the people under his command, or the in-
gratitude of the court which he ferved, could
involve him. As toon as the court of Sf>ain be-
gan to be prejudiced againft Columbus, a fa*
tal refolution was taken. Francis de Bova-
dilla, a knight of Calatrava, was appointed
to repair to Hifpaniola, with full powers
to enquire into the conduft of Columbus ;
and, if he fhould find the charge of mal-
adm.miftration proved, to fuprcedc? him,
and aflume the government of the ifland.
It was impoflible to cfcape, when this
prepofferous commiffion made it the in-
tereft of the judge to pronounce th«
pcrfon, whom Ke was fent to try, guilty

South America,

ofeverj^ charge. What followed cannot
at all appear lurprifing: Columbus was
fcnt to Sp^in loaded with chains.

Fortunately, his voyage to Spain was
extremely fhort, where he arrived on
the 23d of November, 1500. As foon as
Ferdinand and Ilahella were informed that
Columbus was brought home a priibner,
and in chains, they were alhamed of their
conciu6t, and dreaded the ccnfure of all
Europe, They inftantly iffued orders to
fet Colum*>us at liberty, invited him to
court, and remitted him money to enable
him to appear there in a manner fuitable
to his rank. On his ^yppearance at court,
the modeft manner in which he told his
tale, ^nd related his grievances, were felt
by every one, the new governor of Hifpa-
niola was recalled, and Ovando was lent
in his room.

While the neceffary fteps were taking
for fecuring the prolperity and welfare of
the colony which Columbus, had planted,
hehimlelfwas engaged in the unpleafant
einploymcnt of foliciting the favour of aa
ungratetul court, and, notwithftanding all
his merit and fcrvices, he folicited in vain.
After attending the court of Spain for near
two years, as an humble fuitor, he found
it impofliblc to remove Ferdinand's pre-
judices and apprehenlions, and perceived
^t length, that he laboured in vain^ when

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he urged a claim of ju^ice or merit with
an interefted, ungenerous, ;ind unfeelinoj
prince, .

Flowever, Columbus, at laft, pr vailed
on the court of Spain to fit him out on his
fourth expedition, which they were per-
fuaded to eml^ark in, on the promifcd hope
of his finding out a fhorter and fafer route
to the Eaft Indies. He accordingly failed
from Cadiz on the 9th of May, 1502,
with only four fmall harks, th : largcft of
which did not exceed fcventy ions in
burden. On his arrival at Hifpaniola, he
met with the moft ungenerous treatment
from the new governor Ovando, who
would not fufFer him to enter their liar-*
bours.

' After various and fruitlefs attempts to
difcover a paflage to tht- Indian ocean,
Columbus met with all the dirafl:(^rs to
which navigation is expofed. Furious
hurricanes, with violent florms of thun-
der and lightning, threatened his do-
Uruc^ion, and at h<ft drove him on the
coaft of Jamica, where his little crazy
fleet was wrecktd, on the 24th of June,

J he diftrefs of Columbus in this firu^-
tion was truly lamentable ; but his gt nius
Tofe above every thing. He fu| 'ported
the infolcnce and cruclry of the mhahi-
tants, the Hill more slarming muiiny of
V -' his

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South America. 49

his men, anu the infamous condaft of the
governor of Hilpaniola, till fome fhips
appeared, vhen the Spaniards quitted an
ifland in which the unfeeling j aloufy of
Ovando had futFered them to languifli
above a year. • n^

On the 1 2th of September, 1504, he
fet fail for Spam with two fhips, and his
ill fortune purfucd him even in his paflagc
home, being overtak n by a ftorm, rnd
with the greateft difficulty got b ck to
Spain. On his arrival, he received the
fatal news of the death of his patronefs
Qiicen Ifabella. : . - - .

Columbus, difgufted with the ingra-
titude of a monarch, whom he had ferved
with fuch fidelity and luccefs, exhaufled
with the fatigues and hardfhips he had
endured, and broken with the infirmities
theie brought upon him, he end d his His
at Valadolid, on the 20'h of May, 1506^
in the 59th year of his age.

Memorable Events recorded in this Chapter^

1492; Columbus fets out on his iirft

. Diicovc s the illands of Cuba and
Hi'paniola.

M93 Cokunhus fcts out on his fccond
voyage.

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1498

1499

1500

1503
IS€>6

The History of

Difcovers tlie \{land of Jamaica.
Third voyage of Columbus.
He difcovers the continent of

America.
The Portuguffe fail to the Eaft

Indies by the way of the Cape

of Good Hope.
On what account the name of

America was given to the

New World.
Columbus fent in chains to Spain.
He fets out on his fourth voyage.
Searches in vain for a pafTage to ths

Eaft Indies.
Shipwrecked on the ifland of

Jamaica.
Death of Columbus*

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South America.

CHAP. III.

HE colony of Hifpaniola, before
the death of Columbus, had gradually
acquired the form of a regular and prof-
pcrous ftate. The humane folicitudc of
Ifabclla to protcil the Indians from op-
preffion, and particularly the proclamation,
by which the Spaniards were prohibited to
compel them to work, for fome time, it
is true, retirded the progrefs of improve-
ment. The natives, confidering every
exemption from toil as a fupremc felicity,
defpifcd every allurement and reward by
which they were invited to labour. The
Spaniards were not numerous enough,
either to work the mines, or cultivate
the foil, the diftempers peculiar to the
climate having carried off great numbers.

In order to lave the colony from ruin,
Ovando ventured to relax the rigour of
fome royal edifts that had been fent to
him. He made a new diftribution of
the Indians among the Spaniards, and
compelled them to labour for a ftated
time, in digging the mines, or in cul-
tivating the giounds; but, in order to
fcreen himfelf from the imputation of
having lubjefttd them again to fcrvitude,
he enjoined their matters to pay them a

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certnn fum, as the price of t'\' ir work.
But the Indians, afrcr cnjo ing; ieipi:c
from oppifflion, though chirlni^ a fhort
interval, now feit the yok of bondage
to he lb galling, that they ma 'c fevcral
attempts to vindicate their own liberty.
However, thev vveic fubdued as often as
they role, and ih^ ti -atmnt they rcc ^ived
from Ovando was both cruel and trea-
cherous.

The attention of the Spaniards was
fo much engroff d by their operations in
the mines of Hif aniola, that the fpirit
of difcovcry lan^^uifli i for fome time.
In 1508, Juan Ponce dc Leon, who com-
manded under Ovando n the caftcrn
diftricl of Hiipaniola, paffcd over to im
ifland of St. Juan de Puerto Rico, wiiioh
Colum us had difcov' red in his lecond
voyage, and penetrated into the interior
parts of the country. As he found the
foil to be fertile, and expected, from forue
fymptons, as well as from the i* formation
of the inhai^itants, to difcovtr mines of
gold in the mountains, Ovam'o peMnitted
him to attempt making a fcti'ement in the
ifland. In a few years, Tuerto Rico was
fuhjecScd to the Spaniih government, the
natives were reduced to fcrvituir, and
being treated with the fame inronlidi^ratc
rigour as their neighbours in Hifpaniola,
the race of original inhabitants, worn

out

ScuTH America,

worn out with fatigue and fufferings,
was foon exterminated.

Sehaftian de Ocampo, by the command
rf Ov^ndo, failed round Cuba, and firft
difcov red, with certainty, that this
country, which Columbus once fuppofed
10 be a part of the continent, was only
a I'-rge iiland.

This voyage round Cuba was one of the
laft occurrences under the adminiftration
of Ovando. Ever fince the death of
(Viumbus, his fon Don Diego had beea
employed in foliciting Ferdinand to grant
him the offices of Vice-roy and Admiral
in the New World, together with all
the other immunities and profits which
dcfccnded to him by inheritance, in con-
feqiience of the original capitulation with
his father. But if thefe dignities and
revenues appeared fo confidcrable to
Ferdinand, th;it, at the expence of being
deemed unjuft, as well as ungrateful, he
had wicftcd them from Columbus, it i$
not furprizing that he fl\ou!d be un-
wiiling to confer them on his fon. Ac-
cordingly Don Diego walled two years in
iiU( iliint but fruitleis importunity. Weary
of this, he endeavoured at length to ob-
tain, by a legal fentcnre, what he could
rot procure trom tlic fiivour of an inte-
Tcilcd nmnarch. He commenced a fuit
agiuUl Ferdinand before the council

F ':» which

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which managed Indi m affairs, and that
court, with an integrity which reflefts
honour upon its procee^^ings, decided
againft the king, a»d confirmed all the
privileges ftipulated in the capitulation.
Ferdinand ftill fliewed his r pugnance to
do Diego juftice, nor would he at laft
have done any thing, had he not been in
a manner forced to it by a powerful party,
raifed in conkquence of the marriage of
Don Diego with Donna Maria, daughter
of Don Ferdinand, great commendator of
Leon, and brother of the duke of Alva,
a nobleman of the firfl rank, and nearly
related to the king. The duke and his
family efpoufed fo warmly the caufe of
their new ally, that Ferdmand could not
refift their folicitations.

In 1509, he recalled Ovando, and ap-^
pointed Don Diego his fucceffor, though
even in conferring this favour, he could
not conceal his jealoufy ; for he allowed
him to affumc only the title of governor,
and not that of vice-roy.

Don Diego immediately fet off for
Hifpaniola, attended by his brother, his
uncle, his wife, whom the courtefy of the
Spaniard! honoured with the title of
vice-queen, and a numerous retinue of
both fexcs, born of good families. He
lived with a fplendour and magniiicencc

hitherto unknown ia the New World; and

the

South America.

the family of Columbus feemed no\/ to
enjoy the honours and rewards due to his
invvntive genius, of which he himfelf had .
been cruelly defrauded. The colony it-
felf acquired new luftre by the acceffion
of fo many inhabitants, of a different
rank and charafter from moft of thofe,
who had hitherto emigrated to America,
and many of the moft illuftrious families
in the Spanifh fettlements are defcendcd
from the perfons, who at that time ac-
compan-icd Don Diego Columbus.

Juan Diaz de Solis, about this time,
fctout, in conjunftion with Pinzon, upon
new difcoveries. They failed due South,
towards the equinoftial line, which Pinzoa
had formerly croffed, and advanced as
iar as the fortieth degree of fouthern
latitude. They were aftonifhed to find,
thnt the continent of America ftretched,
on the right hand, through all this vafl
extent of ocean. They landed in different
places, to tak^ poffcffion in the name of
their Ibvercign ; but though the country
spp^artd to be extremely fertile and in-t
viting, thtir force was lo fmall, having
brer: fitted out rather for difcovery thaa
making fettlements, th^t they left no co-»
lony hthind them. Th.ir voyage, how-
cvtr, ferved to give the Spaniards moro
cxiilted and adccjuate ideas, v^ ith refpeft .
to the dimenlions of the New World.

Private

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The History of

Private adventurers attempted to make
fettlements on the new continent ; but
the lofs c f their fliips by various accidents
upon unknown coafts, the difeafes p -
culiar to a climate the moft noxious in ill
America, the want of provifions, un-
avoidable in a country imperfectly culti-
vated, diffentions ..mong themfelves,
and the inceflant hoftilitics of the natives,
involved them in a iucccffion of calamities,
the bare recital of which would fir ike my
readers with horror.

Notwithftanding the unfortunate ifluc
of this expedition, the Spaniards were not
deterred from engaging in new fchemes of
a fimilar nature. Juan Honcc de Leon, in
1512. fitted out three ihips at his own
expcnce, for a voyage of discovery, and
his reputation foon drew together a re-
fpeftable body of followers. He diredled
his courfe towards the Lucayo illands;
and, after touching at feveral of them,
as well as of the Bahama iil( s, he
flood to the Southweft, and difcovcrccl a
country hitherto unknown to the Spiniards,
which he called Flori ia, either becaufe he
fell in with it on Palm Sunday, or on ac-
count of its gay and beautiful appearance.
He attempted to land in dihf' rent places,
but met with fuch vigorous oppoiit on
from the natives, who were fierce and

warlike, as convinced him^ that an en-

creale

South America,

crc^ife of force was rcquifite to efFeft a
fettlement, SarisHed with having opened
a communication with a new couiUrv, of
whofc value and importance he conceived
Ycrv fanguine hopes, he returned to Puerto
Rico, through the channel now known by
the name of the Gulf of Florida.

Soon after the expedition to Florida, a

difcovery of much greater importance was

made in another part of America, Bal oa,

having been raifed to the government of

the fmall colony at Santa M iria in

Darien, made frequent inroids into the

adjacent country, and coUeftcJ a conli-

derable quantity of gold, which abounded

more in that part of the continent than in

the illands. In one of thefe excurfions,

the Spaniards contended with fuch eager-

r.cis about the divifion of Tone gold, that

they were at the point of pioccecing to

acls of violence againft one another.

A young Indian prince, who was prefent,

allonlihed a the hii^h value they fet upon

i thing, of which h^ did not difcern the

tne, tumble J the gold out of the balance

with indignation, anH, turning to the

Spaniards, '^ Why do you quarrel," (faid

he) <^' ^bout ft-ch a trifle ? if you are fo

palhonately fond of goUl, as to abandon

your own country, and to difturb the

tranquillity of diftant nations for its fake,

I Will condud you to a region, where

this

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58 The History of

this metal, which fecms to be the chief
objeft of your aclmir«ition and clcfirc^ is
fo common, that the meaneft utenfils arc
formed of it,"

Balboa and his companion*?, tranfported
with what they heard, eagerly enquired
where this happy country lay, and how
they might arrive at it. He* informed
them, at the diftance of fix funs, that is,
of fix days journey towards the South,
they fliould difcover another ocean, near
to which this wer.lty kingdom was fituatcd;
but, if they intended to attack that power-
ful ftate, they muft affimble forces far
fuperior in number and ftrcniith to what
they were at prefent. This was the firft
information which the Spaniards received
concerning the fouthern ocean, or the
opulent and extcnfive country, known
afterwards by the nnmc of Peru.

Balboa, having muftercd all the force?
he could, which amounted only to 190
men, fet out on this important expedition
on the firft of September, 1513, about
the time that the periodical rains b gan
to abate. Though their guides had rc-
pre'ented the breath of the illhmus to be
only a journey of fix days, they Ind
already fpent twcnty-tive in forcing their
way through the woods and mountains*
Many of ihem were ready to fink under
iuch uninterrupted fatigue in that fultry

climate,

mountains.

South America,

climate, feveral were leized with the dif-
eafes peculiar to the country, and all be-
came impatient to reach the period ef their
labours and fufterings. At length, the
Indians aflured them, that from the top
of the next mountain they fhould difcover
the ocean which was the obje6l of their
wiflies. When, with infinite toil, they
had climbed up the greater part of that
ftecp afcent, Balboa commanded his men
to halt, and advanced alone to the fummit,
that he might be tlie firfl who fliould enjoy
fuch a fpc6tac!c which lie had fo long de-
fired. As foon as he beheld the South Sea
ftretching in endlefs profpecl below him,
he fell on his knees, and lifting up his
hands to hei^ven, returned thanks to God,
who had condu6led him to a difcovery fo
beneficial to his country, and fo honour-
able to himfelf. His followers, obferving
his tranfports of joy, ruflied forward to
join his wonder, exultation, and gratitude.
They held on their courfe to the Ihore,
with great alacrity, when Balboa advancing
lip to the middle in the w\aves, with his
buckler and fword, took pofTeffion of that
ocean in the name of the king his mafter,
and vowed to defend it.

That part of the great Pacific or South-
em ocean, which Balboa firft difcovered,
ilill retains the name of the Gulf of St.
Michael, which he gave to it, and is fitu-

ated

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tited to the eaft of Panama. From fcveral
of the petty princes, who governed in the
diftridls adjacent to that gulf, he extorted
provifions and gold by force of arms;
Others fent them to him voluntarily. To-
gether with the acquifition of this wcahli,
which ferved to (bothe and encourage his
followers, he received accounts which ccd-
firmed his fanguine hopes of future and
more extenfive benefits from this expedi-
tion. All the people on the coail of tlie
South Sea concurred in informing him,
that there was a mighty and opulent king-
dom fituated at a conliderable diilance
towards the fouth-eaft, where gold was
found in plenty.

Though the information Balboa received
from the people, on the coaft, as wcl! as
his own conjedlures and hopes, made liiai
extremely impatient to vifit this unknov;ii
Country, his prudence reftraincd him fioiii
attempting to invade it with a handful of
men, exhaufted by fatigue, and weakcistd
by difcaies. He determined to lead baci;
his followers to their fcttlenicnt at Sar.ti
Maria in Darien, and to return next fcaioa
with a force more adequate to fuch an ardu-
ous enterprize. He reached Santa Maria
after an abl'cnce of four months, with grc;it-
er glory and more treafure, than the Spani-
ards ever had acquired in any former c."-:-
peditioa in tlie Ktw World.

T T

SouTfi America.

He took care to acquaint tlie court of
Spain with the important diicovery he had
made, and demanded a reinforcement of a
thoufand men, in order to attempt the
conqueft of that opulent country, concern-
ing which he had received fuch inviting
intelligence.

The meannefles and jealoufies of Fer-
dinand, and the advice of men around him
worfe than himfelf, induced him to fuper-*
cede Balboa, rhe moft proper man he could
have employed, and to appoint Pedrarias
Davila goven>or of Darien. He gave him
the command of fourteen (lout vclfels, and
twelve hundred foldiers. Thefe were fitted
out at the public expcnce, and granted
with a liberality unufual to Ferdinand.

Perdrarias reached the gulf of Darien
without any remarkable accident, in July,
1514; but his ill condudt, and bafe treat-
ment of Balboa, flopped all operations,
and nearlv ruined this flourilTiinp: col on v-
hoth parties fent home complaints to Spaia
againft each other.

At length, Ferdinand became fenfible
of his imprudence in fupc reeding the moft
aftive and experienced ofEcer he had in the
New World, and, by way of compenfation
to Balboa, he appointed him lieutenant-
governor of the countries upon the South
Sea, with very cxtenfive privileges and

G authority.

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autliority, at the fame time ordering Pc-
drarias to iupport him in all his operations,
and to confult him on every meafure which
he himfclf purfued. Surely nothing could
he more ridiculous and abfurd in Ferdhiand
than this condu6l ! Padrarias now con«
ccivcd the moft implacable hatred to Bal-
boa, and, though he afterwards feemed fo
far reronciled to him, as to give him his
daughter in marriage, he foon found means
falfely to accufe him of high treafon, had
him tried, condemned, and publicly exe-
cuted, in 1517. Pedrarias, notwithftand-
hig the violence and injuftice of his pro-
ceedings, was not only fcreened from pu-
nifhment by the powerful patronage of the
infamous bifliop 'of Burgos, an inveterate
enemy to real merit, but continued in the
govern men t> «

While matters were thus going forward
in Darien, feveral importan tevents occurred
with refpevSi: to the difcovery, the conqueft,
and government of other provinces in the
New World. Ferdinand was f© intent upon
opening a communication with the Mo-
lucca or Spice Iflands by the weft, thatf
in the year 15 15, he fitted out two iliips
at his own expence, in order to attempt
fuch a voyage, and gave the command of
them to Juan Diaz de Solis, who was
deemed one of the moft fkilful navigators
in Spain, He ftood along the coaft ot

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South America,

South America, and on the firft of January,
1516, he entered a river which he called
Janeiro, where an extenfive commerce is
now carried on. From thence he pro-
ceeded to a fpacious hay, which he fuppo-
fed to be the entrance into a ftrait that
communicated with the Indian ocean ; but,
upon advancing farther, he found it to be
the mouth of Rio de Plata, one of the vaft
rivers, by which the fouthern continent
of America is watered. In endeavouring
to make a dcfccnt in this country, De Solis
and feveral- of his crew were flain by the
natives; who, in fight of the fliips, cut
their bodies in pieces, roafted and devoured
them. Difcouraged by the lofs of their
commander, and terrified at this fliocking
fpedacle, the furviving Spaniards fet fail
for Europe, without aiming at any further
difcovery. Though this attempt proved
abortive, it was not without benefit : it
turned the, attention of ingenious men to
this courfe of navigation, and prepared tlie
way for a more fortunate voyage.

While difcoveries were thus going for-
ward, Hifpaniola continued as their prin-
cipal colony, and the feat of government.
Don Diego Columbus wanted neither in-
clination nor abilities to have rendered the
members of this colony, who were mofl:
immediately under his direftion, profpe-

rous and h

appy

but he was circumfcribed

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The History of

in all hh oneiations by the fufoicious po-
licy of Ferdlnan J, who on every occafioii,
and under the moll frivolcub* pretexts, re-
trenche i his privileges, and en-.ouraged
the treaiurer, the iiHlj;e>, and oth. r iubor'-
dinate officers, to rounrci a6l his meafures,
and to difpute hi> nutb-" 'ly. In fliort,
Ferdinand's conduct was (0 unojenerous,
as obliged J^^on Dicrr'-^ vo quit Hifpaniola,
and repair to Spain, la order to leek rcdreis
for his injuries.

On the death of Ferdimnd, in 15 17,
Charles V. took poltLlTion of the govern-
ment. Diego Velal'qnez, who conquered
Cuba in the year 1511', Hill retained the
government of that ifland, as the deputy
of Don Diego Columbus, though he fel-
dom acknow'cdgcd his iuperior, and aim-
ed at rendering his o^n authority altoge-^
ther independ \nt. Uiulcr his prudent ad-
miniftration, Cuba became oncoftlie inoft
fiouriihing of the Spnnifh fettlements.
The fame of this drew many pcrfons from
the other colonies, expe6^ing there to find
fome permanent eflabbfiiment, or fome
employment for their aftivity. As Cuba
lay to the weft of all the i Hands pofTcffcd
by the Spaniards, and as the ocean which
fli etches beyond it towards that quarter.
had not liitherto been explored, tlicfe cir-
cun /lances naturally invited the inhabi-
tants to attempt new difcovcries,

• ; An

^ s.

South Am¥:rica. 65

An expedition for this purpofe, in which
acHvity and refokuion might conduct tp
fudden wealth, was more iuited to tlie ge*
nius of the age, tlian the patient induilry
rcquifite in clearing ground, and manu-
flouring fugar. Hence it happened, that
feveral officers who had fcrved under Pe-"
drnrias in Darien, entered into an affoci-
ation to undertake a voyage of difcovery*
They perfuaded Francifco Hernandez
Cordova, an opulent planter in Cuba,
aiiJ a man of great courage, to join with
them in the adventure, and chofe him to
be their commander. Vehilciuez not ^ nly
approved of the defign, but affilted ia
carrying jt on.

Three fmalls veffels were purchafed,
and furnifhed with every tiling rcquifite
either for trafSc or war. An hundicd
and ten men embarked on board them, a.'vd
failed from St. Jago dc Cuba on t!ic 8th
of February, 15 17.

• On the twenty-firfl: day, after their
departure from St. Jago, tht y Jaw land»
whicli proved to be Cape Catoche, the
partem point of that iarg(' pcninfula pro*
jcfting from the continent of America,
wliieh ftill retains its original name of
Yucatan, As they approached the ihore,
five canoes came oiFfull of people decently
ciad in cotton garments : an ailonifhin^^
%l^t tQ the Spaniards, who had found
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The History of

every other part of America poflefled by
native lavages. Cordova endeavoured hy
fmall prefents to gain the good- will of
thefe people. They, though amazed at
the ftrange ohjecfts now prefentcd for the
firft time to their view, invited the Spa-
niards to vifit their habitations, witli an
sppearance of cordiality. They landed
accordingly, and as they advanced into
the country, they obferved with new
wonder fome large houfes built with
ftone; but they foon found, if the Yi:ca-
tans had made progrefs in improvement
beyond their countrymen, they were like-
wife more artful and warlike. Though
the Indian chief received Cordova with
many tokens of friendfliip, lie h?d polled
a confiderable body of his fubjeils in am-
bufli behind a thicket, who, upon a fi(?;na[
given by liim, ruflicd out and attacked
t\\Q Spaniards with great boldneis, and
with fome degree of martial order. At
the firft flight of their arrows, fifteen of
the Spaniards were wounded ; but the In-
dians were fo terrified with the fud.kn
exploi^.on of the fire-arms, and fo furpri-
(cd at the execution done by them, by
the crofs-bows, and by the other
weapons of their new enemies, that they
precipitately ^^:i\. Cordova immediately
^juitted a country wliere he had nict
Ifvuh fo unwelcome a reception*, cairyin^i^

•tv,-, , ■^'

South America.

ofFtwo prifoners, with the ornaments of
a fmall temple which he plundered in
making his retreat to his iliip.

Cordova continued his courfe towards
the weft without lofing fight of the coaft,
and on the fixteenth day arrived at Cam-
peachy. At this place the natives received
them more kindly ; but the Spaniards were
much furprifed, that on all tlje cxtenfjve
coaft along which they had failed, they
had not met with any river. Their water
beginning to fail, they advanced in hopes
of finding a fupply ; and at length they
difcovered the mouth of a river.

Cordova landed all his troops in order
to prote6V the failors, whofe bufinefs it
was to fill the cafks; but the natives
ruflied down upon them with fuch fury,
and in fuch numbers, that forty-feven of
the Spaniards were killed upon the fpot,
and o'l man only of the whole body
elcapeu unhurt. Their coi^mander, though
wounded in twelve different places, di-
redled the retreat with prcfence of mind
equal to the courage with which he had
led them on in the engagement, and with
miicli difficulty they reached their fhips.
Having met with this terrible repulfe,
nothing remained but tc haften back to
Cuba witJi their fliattercd forces. In
their pciffa^c thither, they fuftered the
greatclt diftrefs from the want of water,

that;

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that men wounded and fickly, /Imt up in
fmall vcile^ls, and cxpofcd to the lieat of
the torrid zone, can be iuppoied to fuf-
fer. Some died on their paflage, and
.Cordova their commaiider, ioon after lie
Janded at Cuba, paid the debt of nature.

Unfortunate as this expedition proved,
it contributed rather to animate than
damp a fpirit of enterprize aiuong the
Spaniards. They had dlfcovered an ex-
tenfive countrv, fituated in the neiph-
bourhood of Cuba, fertile in appearance,
and poflefTed by a people far more refined
than any they had hitherto met with in
America. Velafquez, through particular
views of ambition and interell, not only
encouraged their ardour, but at his own
e>: pence fitted out fourfliips for the voyage.
Two hundred and forty volunteers, among
whom were feveral perfons of rank and
fortune, embarked in this cnterprife. The
command of it was given to Juan dc
Grijalva, a young man of knovvn mciit
and courage, with inftrudions attentively
to obfervc the nature of the countries
which lie fliould difcover; to barter for
gold; and, if circumftances v/erc inviting,
to fettle a colony in fome proper ilation.
He failed from St. Jago de Cuba, on the
£th. of April, 15 18.

. They held the fame courfe as in the
fbnr:cr yoyage^ and at lalt reached P<>

tonch.an^

South America,

tonchan, where the laft adventurers haci
been fo roughly handled. The defirc of
avenging their countrymen who hnd been
flain there, concurred with their ideas of
good policy, in prompting them to land,,
that they might chaftize the Indians with
fuch exemplary rigour, as would ftrike
terror into all the people around them;
but, though they difmibarked all tlieir
troops, and carried afliore fome field
pieces, the Indians fought with fuch cou-
rage, that the Spaniards with d'iiiculty
gained the vi6lory ; and were confinncd in
their opinion, that the inhabitants of this
country would prove more formidable
enemies than any they had met with iii
other parts of America.

From Potonchan, tliey continued their
voyage towards tlie weft, keeping as near
as poffibie to the fliore, and calling an-
chor every evening, from dread of the
dangerous accidents to which* they might
be expoled in an unknov/n fea. During
the day their eyes were tiu'ned continually
towuds land, with a mixture of f^rprize
and wonder at the beauty ;>[' the country^
as well as the novelty of the objcdts they
belicld. Many village^ wer«^ fcattered along
the coaft, in which tlicy could diftin^uifli
ftouics of ftone tluU api>earcd white and
lofty at a diltance. ()ne of the foldieis
happening to remark, that this country

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rcfemWed Spain in its appearance, Grijalvn,
with univerfal ;ipplauie, called it New
Spain, the name which ftill diftingulflies
this cxtenlive and opulent pi evince of the
Spanifh empire in America.

On the 9th of June, they landed in a
river, which the natives called Tahafco,
and the fame of their viftory at Polonchaa
having reached this pl.ice, the chief not
only received them amicably, hut heftowcd
prefents upon them of inch value, as con-
firmed the high ideas, which the Spaniarus
had formed with refpeft to the wealth and
fertility of the country. Thefe ideas were
raifed ftill higher, by what occurred at the
place where they next touched. This was
confiderabiy to the welt of Tahafco, in
the province fmce knowMi by the name of
Guaxaca. There they were received w 'h
the refpc6t due to fuperior beings. 1 he
pco])le perfumed them as they landed »vvith
gum copal, and preiented to them as ofilr-
jngs the choiceft delicacies of tlieir coun-
try. They were extremely fond of trading
with their new vifitants, and in fix thivs
the Spaniards obtained ornaments of golti,
of curious workmanihip, to the value
of fifteen thoui'and pclbs, in exchange for
European toys of fmall price. The two
prif oners, whom Cordova had broiiglit
from Yucatan, iiad hitherto flrvcd :; . in-
teipreters; but as they were unacquainted

With

Jed in a
Tabalco,
otonchaa
cliief not
belTiowcd
', as con-
SpaniaruS
/ealth and
ideas were
rrcd at the

This was
abafco, in
le name of

rived VI "li

gs. 'Ihe
indcd »vvith
m as ofilr-

;l-,eir coun-
J of trading

ts of gold.
the vahie
icchange for
The two

k1 hrouglit
crvcd r.s in-

aaccjuan

South America,

with the language of iWvs country, the
Spaniards learned from the i]ci:r.Oi by
figns, that they were tlie fubjcCts of a
great monarch, called Montezuma, whole
dominions extended over that and many
other provinces.

Leaving this province, with which he
had fo much reafon to be contented, Gri-
jalva continued his courfe towards the w^eft.
He landed on a fmall illand, which he na-
med the liie of Sacrifices, hecaufe there the
Spaniards beheld the ho^'nd fpedlacle of hu-
man vi6lims, which the barbarous fuper-
ftitions of the natives offered to their gods.
He touched at another fmall illand, which
he called St. Juan de Ulua.

From this place he difpatclied Pedro de
Alvarado, one of his officers, to Velaiquez,
wit!) a full account of the important dif-
cov erics he had made, and with all the
treafure that he had acquired by trafficking
with the natives. After the departure of
Alvarado, lie Inmfelf, \A.ith the remaining
vcffels, proceeded along the coall as fix
as the river Panuco, the country flill ap-
pearing to be well peopled, fertile, and
opulent.

It was the opinion of feveral of Gri-

jalva s officers, that it was not enough to

have difcovered thofe delightful regions,

to have pcrfoimcd, at their diilerent

w ith

landing-j)laccs, the empty ceremony of

A taking

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taking pofTeflion of them for the crown of
Cafiilc, and that their glory was incom-
plete, unlcfs ihev planted a colony in Tome
proper liation, which might not only fecure
tfle Spanifh nation a footing in the country;
but, with the reinforcements they WLTe
Certain of receiving, might gradually iu!)-
jcft the whole to the dominion of tlic^ir fo-
vercign. Ho'"evcr, the iquadron had now
been above five months at lea, the greater
part of their provifions were exIiauH-ed,
nd what rcmaiiied of their Itores fo much

•A

LJ|al|:^: rv^ corrupted by 'ihc heat of the climate, ns

|1hM'(^' V "^ . to be ahiioft unfit foriii'c; they had loft

fome ^ntn by deaili, and others were fickly;
the country was crouded with people, who
feemed to be intelligent as well as brave,
and tlicy were ui^lcr the government of
cne pow^.ful monarch, who could brin^^
them to a6t againit their invaders with
united for. ,. To plant a colony uiu'er fo
many coi lefpoiKiiiig difficulties, ap[K\arc(l
a matter too hazardous to be attempted.
Thoue:h Griialva was not witiiout am'oi-
tion and couraee, vet he was deflitute oi
the. fuperior abilities rccniiiitc to form and
execute fo extenfive a plan. Fie judo^cd ic
more prudent to return to Cuba, having
fulfilled the purpofe of hi^ voyage, and
jK:com')lillied every thing, which the ar-
mament he commanded enabled lum to
perform. He retuined to St. Jago dJ

Cub.i,

South America.

:owii of
i iiicom-
in lome
ly fecure
country;
ey wi^re
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thi'ii io-
hnd now
le greater
xluuifl-ed,
s fo muca
imatc, ns
f had loft
-re fickly ;
ople, who
\ as bravc,^
rnment ot
mkl brino;
iders with
V unuer io
ar»nearcd
itteinptcci.
out anvJi-^
cftitute of
, form and
e iudc;cvl it

)A.

having

i)yage, an J
Ich the ar-

•a him to
Jago dc

Cub..

Cuba, on the 26th of Odobcr, from wlience
he had failed about fix months, without
having met with any material accident.

As this was the longcft, fo it had been
the mod fuccefsful voyage the Spaniards
had hitherto m.ade in the New World,
They had difcovered that Yucatan was
not an ifland, as they had fuppofed, but
part of the great continent of America.
From Potonchaa tlicy had purfued their
courfc for many hundred miles along a
coall: formerly unexplored, ftrctching at
firft towards the welt, and tlien turning
to the north. All the country they dif-
covered appeared to be no lefs valuable
than extenfive. As foou as Avarado
reached Cuba, Velaiquez, tranfported with
fuccefs fo far beyond his moil: fanguine
cxpe£)ations, immediately difpatched a
perfon of confidence to carry this impor-
tant intelhgence to Spain ; to exhibit the
rich produ6lions of the countries which
had been difcovered by his means ; and to
folicit fuch an increafe of authority, as
might enable and encourage him to attempt
theconqueft of them. Witliout waiting for
the return of his meffenger,or for the arrival
of Grijalva, of whom he was become fo
jealous or diftruftful that he refolved na
longer to employ him, he began to pre-
pare fuch a powerful armament, as might;

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prove equal to an entcrprife of fo much
danger and importance. The little and
mean jealoufies. v/hich the Spaniards feem
naturally to entertain of every man of
merit, is a very fingular hlemifli in the
chara6ter of tliat nation.

The expedition, for vvrhich Velafqucz
was now preparing with fo much aidoiir
and a-6livity, had in its views conqueft3
far beyond what the Spanifh nation had
hitherto accompliflied. It led them to
the knowledge of a people, who, if com-
pared with thofe tribes of South America,
and the Weft Indies, with whom they were
hitherto acquainted, were infinitely moie
civilized, and far better acquainted wi'Ji
the arts of war, and the fciences in gen-
eral. Before we proceed to the hiilory
of events extremely different from thole
we have already related, it may not be nn-
proper to take a view of the ilalc of the
Kew World, fuch as it was when fi nl
diicovered, and to contemplate the policies
and manners of the rude uncultivcd tribes
by whom the different parts of it were
occupied, and with whom the Spaniar.i^
at this time had intercourfe. This Hiall
be the fubjecl of our next chapter.

• *

.. , Min:ord!i

South America.

Memorable Events recorded in this Chapterm

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1505

1508

3510
1512

15^3

15^7

1518

War with the American Indians.

New difcovcries and fettlements.
Diego Columbus appointed gover-
nor of Hifpaniola.
Cuba conquered.

Florida difcovered. ■ t

The South Sea difcovered.
Pedrarias appointed governor ol
Darien. ^

Balboa executed by the order of the

treacherous Pedrarias.
Death of Ferdinand, king of Spain ;

fucceeded by Charles V.
Yucatan difcovered.

Campeachy difcovered. '
Grijalva difcovers New Spain,

Tobafco> Guaxaca, and St. Juan

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The

World is

immenfe extent of the New
a circumflance thac firikes us
with wonder. America is remarkable, not
only for its magnitude, but for its pofiiion.
It irretches from th:^ northern polar* circle
to a high fouthcrn latitude, abov< iittcen
hundred miles beyond the furthelt exire-
mity of the old continent on that fide
of the line. Next to its extent, the
grandeur of the obje6ts which it prefents
to our view is moft apt to firike the eye
of an obferver. Nature feems to have
carried on her operations upon a larger
fcale, with a bolder hand, and to have
dilVmguiihed the features of this coun-
try by a peculiar magnificence. The
mountains of America are much fuperior
in height to thofe in the other divifions of
the globe. Even the plain of Quito,
which may be confidered as the bale of
the Andes, is elevated farther above the
fea, than the top of the Pyrenees. From
thofe lofty mountains defcend rivers pro-
portionably large, with which the fi:reanis
in the ancient continent are not to be
compared, either for length or courfe, or
the va ft body of water, which they roll
towards the ocean. Their lakes are no

left

SotrTH America.

lefs confpicudus for grandeur than their
mountains and rivers. They may pro-
perly be termed inland leas of frefli water.

The temperature of the climate of
America, and tiie different laws to which
it is fubjedl with refpei^l to the diftributioii
of heat and cold, are marks which parti-
cularly dillinguifh it from other parts of
the earth. Throughout all theie vaft
regions, there were only two monarchies
remarkable for extent of territory, or
diftinguifl:ed by any progrefs in improve-
ment. The reft of their continent was
poffefled by fmall independent tribes, de-
ftitute of arts and induftry, and neither
capable to corrcft the defeats, nor de-
firous to meliorate the condition of
that part of the earth allotted to them
for their habitation. Countries, occupied
by fuch people, were almoft in the fame
ftate as if they had been without inhabi*
tants.

Nothwithftanding the vaft extent of
America, and the variety of its climates,
the different fpecies of animals peculiar to
it are much fewer in proportion, than
thofe of the other hemifphere. In the
illands, there are only four kinds of
quadrupeds knt)wn, -the largeft of which
did not exceed the fize of a rabbitr On
the continent, the variety was greater ;
and though the individuals of each kind

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• could not fail of multiplying exceedingly,
when alinoit unniolefted by men, who
were neither fo numerous, nor fo united
in fociety, as to be formidable enemies to
the animal creation, yet the number of
difl:in£t fpecies mull be confidercd as ex-
tremely fmall.

To the caufes, which checked the
growth and vigour of the more noble
animals, may be attributed the propagation
and encreaie of reptiles and infefls.
The air is often darkened with clouds of
infe6ls, and the ground covered with
ihocking and noxious reptiles.

The American birds of the torrid zon'",
like thofe of the fame climate in Aih
and Africa, are decked in plumage, wliich
dazzles tlie eye with the beauty of its

: colours; but nature, fatisfled with cloth-
ing them in this gay drefs, has denied
moft of them that melodv of found, and
variety of notes, which catch and delight

' the ear. Let mv voathful readers lio.)
here, and paufe for a while ; through all
the conditions and circumftanccs of lili\
they will find, on reflection, tliat the
hand of Providence has diftributed thin?,s

' more equally than they are aware of, a >
Well in the human, as in the fcatiiciccl
race. ^ ^

In a continent fo cxtenfive as America),

■ the nature of ilie foil mult be vaiioiu^.

'. . . In

South America. 79

In each of its provinces, we find fome
diilinguifliing peculiarity, the delcription
of which belongs to thofe who'write their
particular hiflory, and would bean idle
attempt to dcfcribe in this epitome.

How America was fkiH peopled, by
what courfe mankind migrated from one
continent to the other, and in what quar-
ter it is mofl probable the communication
was firfi: opened between them, are matters
for which we have little grounds to go
upon beyond that: of conjedlure. The
theories and fpeculations of ingenious men,
with re {peel to this fubjeft, would fill
iTiaiiy volumes ; but they are often fo
v/i!d and chimerical, that it would be
offering an infult to the underflanding of
our readers, to attempt either to enumerate
or refute them, even provided the limits
of this work would admit of it.

To enquire into the charadler and con-
dition of the American Jiations, at the
time when tliCy became known to the
Europeans, defer vcs more attentive con-
fidcration, tliLiii the enquiry concerning
their original. The difcovery of the New
World enlarged the fphere of contem-
plation, and preientcd nations to our view
m a fLatie very rude arid uncultivated.
The greater part of its inhabitants were
(iianv'cij to indufh'v and labour, ionorant
Qt aits, impeif^^wlly acquainted with the

nature

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nature of propertjs and enjoying almoft
without reil:ri<Llion or controul the bleflings
which flowed fpontaneoufly from the
bounty of nature. Among the fmall in-
dependent tribes of South America, their
cuftonis, manners, and inftitutions, were
nearly fmiilar, and fo extremely rude,
that the denomination of favages may be
applied to them all. The Spaniards, who
firft vifited America, and who had op-
portunity of beholding its various tribes,
while entire and unfubdued, were far
from poffefling the qualities requilite for
obferving the ftriking fpc£tacle prefented
to their view. Neither the age in which
they lived, nor the nation to which they
belonged, had made fuch progrefs in true
fcience as infpires enlarged and liberal
fentiments. The conquerors of the New
World were moftly illiterate adventurers,
deftitute of all the ideas which fliould
have dircfted them in contemplating ob-
je(9"&, fo extremely dilterent from thofe
with which they were acquainted. Sur-
rounded continually with dai>ger, or
ftruggling with hardfliiips, they had little
leiiure, and lefs cnpa-city, for any fpecu-
lative enquiry. Eager to tal e nofTeffion
of a country of fuch extent ai d o ulcnce,
and happy in finding it occupied by in-
habitants fa "ricapahle to defend it, they
baftily pronounced \\icxtx to be a wMetched

4>r4er

V' <

SouVh America.

order of men, formed merely for fervitude;
and were more employed in computing
the pn fits of tlielr labour, than in en-
qu'f'T'g into the operations of their
niHuis, or the I'jafon of their cuftoms and
inftitutions. .

The human body is lefs afFe6led by
climate than that of any other animal.
Some animals arc confined to a particular
region of the globe, and cannot exift
beyond it ; while others, though they
may he l)rought to bear the injuries of a
foreign climate, ceafc to multiply when
carried from their native air and foih
Even fuch as ieem capable of being na-
turalized in various climates, feel the
efFefl of every remove from their proper
ftation, and gradually dwindle and de^
generate from the. vigour and perfe6lion
peculiar to their fpecies. Man is the
only living creature, whofe frame is at once
fo hardy and fo flexible, that he can fpread
over the whole earth, become the inhabi-
tant of every region, and thrive and
multiply under every climate, though not
without fome attending inconveniences.

The complexion of the Americans is of a
reddifh brown, nearly rcfembling the colour
of copper. 1 heir perfons arc of a full fize,
extremely ftrait,and well proportioned; but
they are more remarkable for agility than
ilrength. As the external form of the

Americans

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Americans leads us to fufpedl, lliat tllere
is fome natural debility in their frame,
the fmallnefs of their appetite for food
has been mentioned by many author? as
a confirmation of this fufpicion. Tlie
quantity of food which men confume
varies according to the temperature of
the climate in which they live, the de-
gree of aftivity which they exert, and
the natural vigour of their conllitutions.
Under the enervating heat of the torrid
zone, and where men pafs their days in
indolence and eafe, they require lefs
nourifhment than the adlive inhabitants
of temperate or cold countries.
' Notwithftanding the feeble make of tlie
Americans, hardly any of them are de-
formed, mutilated, or defedlive in any
of their fenfes. All travellers have been
flruck with this circumftance, and have
celebrated the uniform fymmetry and
perfe6i:ion of their external figure.

In the fimplicity of the lavage flate,
when man is not opprefied with labour,
or enervated by luxury, or difquletcd
with care, we are apt to imagine, that
,his life will flow on almoft untroubled
by difeafe or fufFering, until his days be
terminated, in extreme old age, by the
gradual decays of nature. We find, ac-
cordingly, among the Americans, as well
as among other rude people, perfons,
'" - : whole

South America, 83

whofe clecrepid and flirivillcd forms feem
to indicate an extraordinary length of
life ; but as moil of them are unac-
quainted with the art of numbering, and
all of them as forgetful of what is part,
as they are improvident for what is to
come, it is impoffible to afcertain their
age with any degree of prccifion.

Whatever may be the fituation in
which man is placed, he is born to fuffer;
and liis difeafes, in the favage ftate,
though fewer in number, are, like thole
of the animals, whom he nearly re-
Icinhles in his mode of life, more violent
and more fatal. If luxury engenders and
nouriflies diftempers of one fpecies, the
rigour and diftrefs of favage life bring on
thofe of another. As men, in this itate,
are wonderfully improvident, and their
means of fubfiftencc precarious, they often
pafs from extreme want to exuberant
plenty, according to the viciffitudes of
fortune in the chafe, or in confequence
of the various degree of abundance,
Vv'ith which the earth affords to them its
produftions in ditferent feafons. Their
inconfidcratc gluttony in the one fitua-
tion, and their fevere abftinence in the
other, are equally pernicious. The
ftrength and vigour of favages are at
fome feafons, impaired by what they
fuifer from fcarcity of food 5 at others,

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they are afflidled with diforders arifing
from indigeftion and a fuperfluity of grofs
aliment. Thefe are fo common, that
they may be confidcred as the unavoidable
confequence of their mode of fubfilling,
and cut oiF confiderable numbers in the
prime of life. There are other diforders,
to which they are continually exposed,
owing to the inclemency of different
feafons. In the favage ftate, hardfliips
and fatigues violently aflault the con-
flitution ; in polilhed focieties, intem-
perance undermines it. It is not eafy
to determine, which of them operates
with moft fatal effe<5ls, or tends moft to
abridge human life.

. The thoughts and attention of a favage
are confined within the fmall circle of
objc61:s, immediately Conducive to his
prefcrvation or enjoyment. Every thing
beyond that is beneath his obfervations,
or is entirely indifferent to him. Like
a mere animal, what is before his eyes
interefts and affefls him ; what is out of
iight, or at a diftance, makes little im-
preffion. They follow blindly the impulfe
of the appetite they feel, but are entirely
regardlefs of diftant confequcnces, and
even of thofe removed in the leall degree
from immediate apprehenfion, r ,

^ The adive efforts of their minds <ir©
few and languid. The defires pf fimple

nature

South America. 85

natore arc very limited, and where a favour-
able climate yields almoft fpontaneoufly
what fuffices to gratify them, they fcarcely
ftir the foul, or excite any violent emotion*
Hence the people of fcveral tribes in
America walte their lives in a flate of
indolence.

To be free from occupation, feems to
be all the enjoyment to which they
afpire. Such is their averfion to labour,
that neither the hope of future good,
nor the apprehenfion of evil, can furmount
it. They- appear equally indifferent to
both,difcovering little folicitude,and taking
no precaution to avoid the one, or to
fecurc the other. The cravings of hunger
may roufe them ; but as they devour,
with little diftin6lion, whatever will ap*
peafe its inftindlive demands, the exertions
thefe occafion arc of fliort duration.

Amongft the rudeft tribes in America,
a regular union between hufband and wife
was univerfal, and the rights of marriage
were underftood and recognized. In thofe
difiriits where fubfiftence was fcanty,
and the difficulty of maintaining a family
was great, the man confined himfelf to
one wife. In warmer and more fertile
provinces, the facility of procuring food
concurred with the influence of climate,
in inducing the inhabitants to encreafe the
number of their wives. In fome coun«»

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life ; in others, the imj)atience of the
Americans under reltrainr. of any lrec.es,
together with their natural levity and
caprice, prompted them lo dillolve it on
very flight pretexts, and often without
afligning any caufe.

I'he fituation of tlie American wonicn,
Jn whatever hglit we cunlider thenj, was
equally humiliating and miierable. Among
many people of America, ihe marriage
contracSl is properly a purchafe. The
man buys his wife of her parents.
Though unacquainted with the ufe of
money, or with fuch commercial tranf-
adtions as take place in more improved
fociety, he knows how to give an equi-
valent for an obje6l he defires to poncfs.
In fome places, the fuitor devotes his
fervice for a certain time to the parent
of the maid whom he courts ; in otijers,
he hunts for them occafionally, or ailiils
in cultivating their fields, and forming
their canoes ; in others, he ofters prelents
of fuch things as arc deemed moft valuable
on account of their ufcfulncfs or rarity.
In return for tlicfc, he receives his wife ;
and this circuuiftance, added to the low
eftimation of women among lavages, leads
|iim to coniider her as a ll^iiale lervant
whom he has purchafcd, and whom he has
a title to treat as an infcvlur. The con-

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South America.

»(* •

dition of an American woman is To pe-
culiarly grievous, and their dcprciTiOii To
complete, that iervitude is a name too
mild to dcfcrihe their wretched fiate.
A wife, amoni^ moft tribes, is no better
than a beaft of burden, ddlined to every
office of labour and fatigue. While the
men loiter out the day in floth, or fpend
it in amufement, the women are con-
demned to inceffint toil. I'aflcs are im-
pofed upon them without pity, and fer-
vices are received without complacence
or gratitude. Every circumftance reminds
women of this mortifying inferiority.
They muft approach their lords with
reverence, regard them as more exalted
bcin j^ , and are not permitted to cat in
thcii prefcnce.

The Americans are not deficient in
aft'e6tion and attachment to rlieir oftspriiig.
They feel the power of this inflindl in
its tuil force, :iud as long as their J^rogeny
copriiiuc feeble and helplefs, no people
exccvd them in tcndcrnefs and care. In
the limpii Jty of t!ie favage Hate, the af-
fedioiv of parents, hlvC the inflindlive
foiidneis of animal^^^ cenfes almoft entirely
as foon as their oji'spring attain maturity.
Little in(lru6tion fit^ them for that mode
of hf^- to which tlicy are deftined. The
parenrs, as if tbeif duty were accomplifiied,
when they have conducted their children
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through the helplefs years of infancy,
leave them afterwards at entire liberty,
\n an American hut, a father, a mother,
and their poileritv, live together like
perfons aflembled by accident, without
feeming to feel the obligation of the duties
mutually arifmg from fuch connexion.

Though the people of America may be
all comprehended under the general de-
nomination of favage, the advances they
had made in the art of procuring to them-
felves a certain and plentiful fubfiftence,
were very unequal. On the vaft plains
of South America, man appears in one
of the rudeft ftates, in which he poffibly
can exift, feveral tribes depending entirely
upon the bounty of nature for fubfiftence.
They difcover no folicitude, they employ
little forefight, and fcarcely exert any
induftry, to fecure what is neceffary for
their fupport. The roots which the earth
produces fpontaneoufly, the fruits, the
berries, and the feeds, which they gather
in the woods, together with lizards and
other reptiles, which multiply amazingly
with the heat of the climate in a fat foil,
moiftened by frequent rains, fupply them
with food during fome part of the year.
At other times they live upon fifli ; and
nature feems to have indulged the lazinefs
of the South American tribes by her
liberalities in this way. The vaft rivers

SoOTH America.

of that part of America abound with an
infinite variety of delicate fifti, and are
lb numerous as to be caught with little
trouble. None but tribes contiguous to
great rivers can fupport themfelvcs in this
manner. The greater part of the Ame-
rican nations, difpcrfed over the forefts
with which their country is covered, do
not procure fubfiflence with the fame
facility ; but are obliged to obtain it by
hunting, which in many parts is their
principal occupation, and which requires
itrenuous exertions.

As game and fifli are the principal food
of the Americans, their agriculture is
neither extenfivc nor laborious. Their
principal productions in this line ar«
maze, manioc, plantain, potatoes, and
pimento. All the fruits of their induftry,
together with what their foil and climate
produced fpontaneoufly, afforded them
but a fcanty maintenance. Though their
dcniaiids for food were very fparing, they
hardly ralfed what was fufficicnt for their
own confumption. '

In America, tlie word nation is not of
the fi:me import as in other parts of the
globe. It is applied to fmall focieties,
perhaps not exceeding two or three
hundred perfons, but occupying provinces
larger tlian feme kingdoms in Europe.
In the provinces which border on the

I 3 Oronoco,

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The History of

Oronoco, one may travel feveral huncTred
miles, in d fferent direftions, without
finding a fingle hut, or obfcrving the
footfteps of a human creature.

,The Americans had no idea of property-a
As the animals on which the hnntcr
feeds are not bred under his infpeftion^i
nor nourifhed by his care, he can claim
no right to them while they run wild in

^ the foreft. The forefts, or hunting
grounds, are deemed the property of the
tribe, from whicli it has a title to exclude
every rival nation ; but no individual
arrogates a right to any diftricl of thefe,
in preference to his fellow-citizen.

We fliall now proceed to take a curfory
view of their art of war. Savage nations,
in carrying on their public wars, arc in-
fluenced by the fame ideas, and animated
with the fame fpirit, as in profecutinjr
private vengeance. The max ins by which
they regulate their military opeiations,
though extremely different from thofe,
which lake place among more civilized

•and populous nations, are well fuitcd to
their own political ftatc, and the nature
of the countrv in which they aft. They
never take the fielJ in numerous bodies,
as it would require a greater effort cf
forelight and induilry, than is ufual amonj

. favages, to provide for their lul fiftcncs,
during a niaich of fomc hundred mil s

tiM-OU^»>

Soxjth America.

tlirou^h drearv forefts, or during a long
voyage upon their lakes and rivers.

Their armies are not encumbf^red with
baggage or military ftoics. Each warrior,
bcfides his arms, carries t m?t and a imall
bag of pounded maize, and with thefe he
is completely equipped for any lervice.
"While nt a diftance from the enemies
frontier, t: ey dilp rfe through the woods,
an 1 fupport tli. mfelves with the game they
kill, and the fifh they catch. '1 he man-
mer in which they attack their eneiTi es,
the trcaim.nt o their prilbners, iind the
furprizing fortitude they flicw in bearing
the nicfl cruel tortures, IxMng nearly the
fame amoiiJ!^ the houtU American Indians
as amonfT ihofe of the North, we fliall net
here repeat what we have already men-
tioned on that head in our Hiftory of
North America.

I» the warmer and more mild climates
of America, cone of the rude t ibcs were
cloaincd. 'i o mofi; of ihcm Nature had
not even fu?:gefte:. any U!ea of impropriety
oNKmcr rJ.occther uncover u As under
a mild c imaic there wl's rutic need oi any
defence f.cm t!,c injuries of the air, and

their cxtreiiv,^ iiulolen'C iliunncd • vc

ipecies of iah(u^F to vvhied it was noi urii^ed
by absolute r.eceilhly, all lie inhabitaivsof
the illes, iwA a conlk:cra J:;^ part ( ) lac
people on ihc couliiKal, ici^ained in this

Hate

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The History of

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ftate of naked fimplicity. Others t^rcre
fatisfied with fome flight covering, fuch
as decency required ; but though naked,
they were not unadorned. They faftcned
bits of gold or lliells, or fhining ftones,
in their ears, their nofes, and cheeks.
They ftained their ikins with a great
variety of figures, and they fpent much
time, ^nd fubmit^ed to great pain, in or-
namenting their perfons in this fantaflic
manner.

In one part of their drefs, which, at
firft fight appears the moft fingular and
capricious, the Americans h iVe difcovered
confiderablc fagacity in providing againft
the chief inconveniences of their climate,
which is often fultry, and moift to excels.
All the different tribes, which remain
unclothed, arc acuftomed to anoint and
rub their bodies with thegreafe of animals,
with vifcous gums, and with oils of dif-
ferent kinds. By this they check that
profufe perfpiration, which in the torrid
zone, waftes the vigour of the frame,
and abridges the period of human life.
By this too they provide a defence agaiiill
the extreme moifture during the rainy
fcafon# They likewife, at certain feafons,
temper paint of different colours with thole
unftious fubftinces, and bedaub them-
fclves plentifully with that compofition.
bli«4tu^d with this impenetrable varntfh,

thc:r

South America.

their fkins are not only proteftcd from
the penetrating heat of the fun, but^ as
all the innumerable tribes of infedts have
an ant'pathy to the fmell or tafte of that
niixtue, they arc delivered from their
teazinr; perftcutions, which amidft forefts
and marnics, efpccially in the warmer
regions, u^ould have been wholely infup-
portal) e in a ftate of perfcft nakednefs.

Savage nations, being far from that
ftate of improvement, in which the mode
of livincr is conlidered as a mark of
diftinftion, and unacquainted with thofc
wants, which r'-quire a variety of ac-
commodations, regulate the conftru£lioa
of their houfes according to their limited
ideas of neceflity. Some of the American
tribes were fo extremely rude, and had
advanced fo little beyond the primeval
fimplicity of nature, that they had no
houies at all. During the day, they took
Ihclier from the fcorching rays of the fun
un er thick trees, and at night they formed
a fhed with their branches and leaves.
In ilie rainy feafons, they retired into
caves, formed by the hand of nature,
or hollowed out by their own induftry.
Others, who had no fixed abode, and
roamed through the foreft in queft of
game, fojourncd in temporary huts,
which they erected with little labour, and
abandoned without any concern.

Clubs

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Clubs made of feme heavy wood,
flakes hardened in the fire, lances whole
heads were armed with flmt or the bone
of fomc animal, are weapons known to the
rudeft nations. All thefe, however, were
of ufe only in clofe encounter ; but men
wifhed to annoy their enemies w^hilc at
a diftance, and the bow and arrow is the
moft early invention for this purpofe.
The people in fome provinces of Chili,
and thofe of Patagon'a, towards the
fouthern extremity of America, ufe a
weapon peculiar to themfclves. Thf^y
fallen flones, about the fize of a man*s hfl,
to each end of a leather thong of eight feet
in length, and fwinging thcle round their
heads, throw them with fuch dexterity,
that they feldom mifs the object they
aim at.

' As their food and habitations are per-
feftly fimple, their domcftic utenfils are
few and rude. Some of the iouthem
tribes difcovered the art of formine: vefi'els
of earth n ware, and baking them in the
fun, fo as they could endure the fire,
Thefe vefiels they ufed in preparing part
of their provifions, and this mav br con-
fidercd as a ftep towards refinement and
luxury ; for men in their rudeft ftatc
were not

icqu

:d with

of dreffing their viftuals, but by roafting

them on the fire, and among fcveral tribes
« •

wood,
L^s whole
the bone
vn to the
er, were
but men
w^hile at
)w is the
purpofe,
of Chili,
irds the
ufe a
Th'*/
nan*s fift,
eight feet
unci their
kxteiity,
jedt they

are per-
enfils are

iouthern
nil vefi'els
:n\ in the

the fire,
aring part
V br- con-
ment and
deft ftatc
r method
y roafting
sral tribes
in

South America.

in America this is the only fpecies of
cookvTy yet known.

What appears to be the mafter-piece of
art among the favagcs of America is the
conftruftion of their canoes. An Indian,
ihut up in his boat of whalebone, covered
with Ikins, can brave that ftormy ocean,
on which he is compelled to depend for
part of his fubfiftence. The inhabitimts
of the ifles in South America form their
canoes by hollowing the trunk of a large
tree, with infinite labour, and though m
appearance they are extremely aukwar4
and unv^ieldly, they paddle ano fleer them
with Tuch dexterity, that Europeans, well
acquainted with all the improvements in
the fciencc of navigation, have been
aftoniflied at the rapidity of their motion,
and the quicknels of their evolutions.

With refpedl to their religion, even
among thole tribes, whoi'e religious lyftcm
was more enlarged, and who had formed
ibme conception of"* benevolent beings,
which delighted in confcning benefits, as
Well a-^ of malicious powers prone to infli£l:
evil, iuperiiition ftiil appeais as the ofF-
fprino of fear, and all its efforts were em-
ployed to avert calamities. They were
perluadcd that their good deities, prompted
by the beneficence of then nature, would
bcfto'.v every bkiiing in their power, with-
out luiicitaiion or acknovvkdu:emcnt ; and
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96 The History of

their only anxiety was to footh and de-
precate the wrath of the powers, whom
they regarded as the enemies of mankind.

With refpeft to the immortality- of
the foul, the fentiments of the Americans
were more united. The human mind,
even when leaft improved and invigorated
by culture, flirinks from the thoughts of
diirolution, and looks forward with hope
and expcftation to a Itate of future
exiftence. The mod uncivilized favages
of America do not apprehend death as
the extinftion of beinj^ : all entertain
hopes of a future and more happy flate,
where they fhall be for ever exempt from
the calamities, which cmbiiter human
life in its prefent condition. This future
ftate they conceive to be a delightful
country, bleffed with perpetual fpring,
whofe foreft« abound with game, whole
rivers fwarm with fifh, where famine is
never felt, and uninterrupted plenty (hall
be enjoyed without labour or toil.

As the difeafes of men in the favdge
ftate are like thofe of the animal creation,
few but extremely violent, their impatience
under what they fufFtr, and folicitude for
the recovery of health, foon infpired them
with extraordinary reverence for fuch as
pretended to underftand the nature of their
^laladics, or to preferve than from their
Sudden and fatal cfFcdtsi However, thefc

ignorant

South America,

ignorant pretenders being fucli utter ftran-
f^ers to the ftrufture of the human frame,
as to know neither the caufes of diforders,
nor the manner in which they were likely
to terminate, fuperftition, frequently
mingled with fome portion of craft, fup-
pliecl what tliey wanted in knowledge.
They imputed the origin of difeafes to
fupernatural influence, and advifed oc
performed a variety of fuperftitious rites,
which they reprcfented to be kifficient to
remove the moll obftinate and dangerous
diforders.

From the fuperftition and credulity of
the Americans likewife proceeded their
faith in dreams, their obfervation of omens,
their attention to the chirping of birds,
and the cries of animals, all which they
luppofed to be indications of future events ;
and if any one of their prognoftics was
deemed unfavourable, they eagerly aban-
doned the objedt they had in puriuit.

Savage as the Americans were, they
were not without their amufemcntsj and
of thcfe dancing appears to be the principal.
The war-dance feems to be the moft
flriking, in which are reprefented all the
manaiuvres of an American campaign.
Their fongs and dances are moftly folemn
and martial, they are connected with fome
ot the moft ferious and important affairs
of life. and. having no relation to love

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The History of

or gallantry, are feldom common to tlie
two Texes, but executed by the men and

p women apart.

i ' The Americans are unlverfally fond- of

I ganiing. Though they are at other times
fo indifferent, phlegmatic, lilent, and

j| animated with fo few dcfires, as (bon as

%^. they engage in play, they become rapa-

%' gious, impatient, noify, and almoft frantic

I, with eigjernefs. Their furs, their do-

\ meftic utenfils, their' clothes, tlieir arms,

\ are flaked at pl^y, and when all is loil-,

high as their fenfe of independence is,

^ in a wild emotion of hope or defpair, tliey

will often rilk their perional liberty upon

a fingle bet. Among feveral tribes, fuch

^ gaming parties are frequently made, and

become their moft agreeably entertainment

at every great feftival.

^ The fame caufes that contribute to

render them fond of play, is the caufe

of drunkennefs among them. It feems to

have been one of the firft exertions of the

human ingenuity to di-fcover fome compo-

fition of an intoxicating quality; and

II there is hardly any nation fo rude, or fo
|i deftitute of invention, as not to have

fucceeded in this fatal refearch. The
moft barbarous of the American tribes
have been fo unfortunate as to attain this
, art ; and even thofe, which are fo deficient
in knowledge, as not to be acquainted witl>

South America.

the method of giving an inebriating
ftrength to liquors by fermentation, can
accomplifh the f -me by fomc other means.

It is cuftomary with the Americaii
Indians, when tlieir parents and other
relarions become old, or labour under any
diftemper which they have not art enough
to cure, to put an end to their lives, in
order to i.e relieved from the burden of
tending and fupportirig them. The fame
hardfhips and difficulty of procuring fub-
fiftence, which prevent flwages, in fome
cafes, from rearing their children, prompt
them to deftroy the aged^ and mfirm.
The declining ftate of the one is as helplefs
as the infancy of the other; and the
American thinks he does nothing more
than his duty, in eafing his father or
friend of a burthenfome life of oain and
difcafe.

A hardnefs of heart and infenfibility
of feeling are remarkable in all favagc
nations. Their minds, roufed only by
ftrong emotions, are little fufccptiblc of
gentle, delicate, or tender atfcdtions.
When any favour is done him, he neither
feels gratitude, nor thinks of making any
return. The high idea of independence
among the Americans nourifties a fullen
refcrve, which keeps them at a diftancc
from each other, " '

K 2 A favagc^

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100

The History or

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A lavage, frequently placed in fituations
of danger or diftrefs, depending on no one
but himfelf, and wrapped up in his own
thoughts and fchemes, is a fcrious and
melancholy animal. The American, when
notcngag'^d inadlion, often fits whole days
in one pofturc, without opening his Ii[)s.
When they engage in war or the chacc,
they ufually march in a line at feme
diftancc fron> each other, and do not ex-
change a fingle word. Even in their
canoes, the fame profound filence is ob-
fervcd; and nothing but intoxicating
liquors or joUity attending their dances,
can at any rate render them in the leaft
convcrfabie.

, ., We may attribute the refined cunning,
with which they form and execute their
fchemes, to the fame caufes. With the
American Indians, war is a fyftem of craft,
in which they truft for fuccefs to ftratagem
more than to open force, and have their
invention continually at work to circum-
vent and furprife their enemies. The
people of the rude tribes of America are
remarkable for their artifice and duplicity.
The natives of Peru were employed above
thirty years, in forming the plan of an
infurrcftipn^ which took place under the
vice-royalty of the Marquis dc Villa
Garcia i and though a great number of

people

South i^iMERicA.

101

people of different ranks, were let into the
fecret, yet not a fyllable of it tranfpired
during all that period; no man bLtrayed
his truft, or by i^n unguarded look, or im-
prudent word, gave rife to any fufpicion
of what was meditating.

However, let us not fuppofe that the
Americans were without their virtues^
among which fortitude and courage were
remarkably confpicuous Accuftomed as
the Indians are to continual alarms, they
grow familiar with danger; courage be-
comes an habitual virtue, refulting na-
turally from their lituation, and Itreng-
thened by conftant exertions. They arc
naturally attached to the community of
which they are members. From the
nature of their political union, we Ihould
be led to fuppofe this tie to be very
feeble ; but each individual freely and
cheerfully undertakes the moft perilous
fervice, when the community deems it
neceflarv. They have a fierce and deep-
rooted antipathy to t!ie enemies of their
country, and that zeal for the honoui:
of their tribe, which prompts them, to
brave dangei' in the purfuit of triumph,
and to endure the moft exquifite tor-
nitnts, without a groan, that it may
not be difiionoured. F'ar from com*

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IC2 . The History of

plaining of th' ir own fituation, or view-
ing t;jtU of men in a more improved
Hate with admiration or envy, they
regard themiclvcs as the llandard of
excellence, as being the beft entitled,
as well as the mofl: perfc£lly qualiMed;
to enjoy real happinefs.

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or view-

SoiTTH America,

CHAP. V.

id3

x\mBITION and avarice united to^
induce Velafquez to prepare for the con-
qucft of New Spain, fo that when Grijalva
returned to Cuba, he found the armament
deftined to attempt the conqueft of that
rich country he had difcovered, almoft
complete and ready to fail. Velafquez
knew not whom to entruft with the com-
mand of this important expedition. Though
he was of a mort afpiring ambition, and
not deftitute of talents for government, he
pofleffed neither fuch courage, nor fuch
vigour and activity of mind, as to under-
take in perfon the conduft of the arma-
ment he was preparing. He meanly wilh-
ed to find fome p&rfon, who had bravery
and abilities equal to the undertaking, but
would attribute all the honour and glory
to him. After fome time fcarching for
fuch a perfon, and finding that no man
of abilities would fubmit to fuch di grace-
ful terms, he at laft appointed Fernando
Cortes to the command. Cortes was a
man of noble blood, but whofe family was
of moderate fortune: he Wds a good fol-
dier, and every way qualified for fuch aa
undertaking...

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104

The History or

Though the governor ht-^d laid out
confiderable fums, and each adventurer
had cxhaufted his ftock, or ftralned his
credit, the poverty of the preparation was
luch, as muft aftonifh the prcfent age,
and bore no refembhmce to an armament
deftined for the conqueft of a great empire.
The fleet conlifted of eleven veflels, the
largeft of onc^ hundred tons, which was
difrnified with the name of Admiral ; three
of feventy or eighty tons, and the reft fmall
open barks. On board of thefe were 617
men; of which 508 belonged to the land-
fervicc, and 109 were feamen or artificers.
As the ufe of fire-arms among the nations
of Europe was hitherto confined to a few
battalions of regu'ar difciplined infantry,
only thirteen foldicrs were armed with
mulkets; thirty-two were crofs-bow men,
and the reft had fwords and fpears. They
had only fixtecn horfes, and ten fmall
field -pieces. . .^^ ^

On the lotb of February, 1519, Cor-
tes failed with this fmall armament to at-
tack a moft powerful monarch. He touched
firft at Cozumal, then at Tahafco, and
on the 2d of April arrived at St. Juan dc
Ulua in Mexico. As foon as they entered
the harbour, a boat came off* to them, to
know what was the intention of their vifit,
and to offer th^ni tluir afliftance if need-
ful. Cortes affarcd them, in rcfieftful
♦ tern'5|

id laid out
adventurer
ftrained his
)aration was
prcfent age,
1 armament
reat empire,
veflels, the
which was
miral ; three
he reft fmall
fe were 617
to the land-
er artificers,
the nations
led to a few
ed infantry,
armed with
"s-bow men,
ears. They
i ten fmall

1519, Cor-
ment to at-
He touched
ahafco, and
St. Juan dc
ihey entered
to them, to
f their vifit,
iCe if neeti-
n rcf^efiful
tcro'?^

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105

terms, which he did by means of 9n in-
terpreter, that he appronchc ' their country
with moft friendly fentiments, an'^ came
to propofe matters of great importpnce to
the welfare of their prince and his king-
dom, which he would unfold more fully,
in perfon, to the governor an'^ the general.
Next niorning, without waiting for any
anfwer, he landed his troops, his horfes,
and artillery; and having chofcn proper
ground, began to erc£l huts for his men,
and fortify his camp.

The Mexicans treated the Spaniards
With the greatefl civility, but wifhed to
divert theig^from their intention of vilit-
ing the capital, where the emperor Mon-
tezuma refided. For this purpofe, they
commenced a ncgociation. by introducing
a train of an hundred Indians loaded with
prefcnts, lent from Moni^zuma to Cortes.
The magnificence of thefe were fuch as
became a great monarch, and tar exceeded
any i.^ea the Spaniards had hitherto
formed of his wealth. Thev were p aced
upon mats fpread on the ground, in Tucli
order arlhewed them to the o-reiteft ad-
vantage. Cortes and his officers viewed
with admiration the various manufaf lures
of the country; cotton ftutFs fo fine, and
of fuch delicate texture, as to reiemble
filks; pifturcR of animals, trees, and other
natural objcfts, formed with featht is of

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different colours, difpofcd and minglai
with fuch Ikill and elegance, as to rival
the works of the pencil in truth and beauty
of imitation ; but what more particularly
attracted the attention of the Spaniards,
was the amazing quantity of unwrought
gold anJ lilver, . n" the profulion of pearls
and precious ftones, the produce of the
country.

Thefe rich prefents, inftead of inducing
the Spaniards to quit Mexico, made them
the more rtfoliite to make a conqueft of
jt. Cortes infilled on vifiiing the ki.ig in
his capital, and declared he would not
Jeave the ifland till that was granted. Of
all the princes wno had fwayed the Mexi-
can fceptre, Montezuma was the moft
haughtv, violent, and impatient of con-
troul. His fubjcdls viewed him with awe,
mnd his enemies with terror. The former
te governed with unrelenting rigour, and
the latter he reduced to awe by the power
of his arms. However, though his power
and tyranny kept his fubjects and neigh-
bours in awe, yet he wanted thofe quali-
ties of mind, which were nccciiaty to in-
timidate and fubdue bis new vifiiv)rs.

Montezuma, from the moment the
Spaniards appeared on his coaft, diicovered
fymptonis of timidity and embarraffin-^nt.
Inftead of taking fuch reiolutions ab his
power enabled him, he deliberated with an

anxiet^

South Amfrica.

107

anxiety and hclitation that did not efcape
the notice of the meaneil of his courtiers.
He fpcnt his time in fruitlefs negociations
with the Spaniards, and thereby railed
their courage and conicquence.

In the mean time, Cortes was watching
the opportunity to throw ofl all conncflions
with Velalquez, whofc natural jcaloufy
had induced him to endeavour to deprive
Cortes of the command of ? he expedition
before he failed. He got the confidence
of the officers and foldicrs, and, having
affemhled a council, lie reiign'.d the com-
miflion he had received from Velafquez,
and was immediately chofen chief-juftice
and captain-general of the new colony,

Cortes owed much of his fucccls to the
Mexican gold, which he diftributed with
a liberal hand among both friends and
opponents, and thereby brought all to be
of one mind. Having thus fettled every
thing to the fatisfaftion of his army, by
engaging it to join him in dilclaiming any
dependtnce on ti>e governor of Cuba, he
thought he might now ventuie to tjuit the
camp, in which he h d hitherto remained,
and advance into th'^ country. To this
he was encouraged by an cvf nt no Icis
fortunate than fealbnable. He received a
proffer of fricndfliip from tiic cazique of
Zimpoalla, aconfidcrable town at nr> great
diftancCt He found by their Oitffage,
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that they \vci*e filled with fuch dread and
hatred of Montezurm, that nothing could
be more acceptable to them, than a prol-
pe£t of deliverance from the oppreffions
iindrr which they groaned. Cortes was
highly delighted to find, that ihe great
empire he intended to attack was not uni-
ted, nor its fovereij^n beloved.

Some officers, whom Cortes had em-
ployed to lurvey the coaft, having difro-
vercd a village about forty miles to the
northward, which, as well on account of
the fertility of tiie foil, as commodiouf-
nefs of the harhour, fcemed to be a more
proper ftaiion for a fettlcment tlian that
where he was encamped, he determined to
remove thither; Zimpoalla lay in his way,
where the cazique welcomed him in tbc
manner he had reafon to cxpeft. He re-
ceived Cortes with refpeft, almoll ap-
proacning to adoration, and like one to
whom he looked up as a deliverer. Froni
ihe cazique he learned many particulars
with relptft to the charadlcr of Montezu-
ma, whom he reprefented as a tyrant,
haughty, cruel and fufpicious. Cortes
aflured the cazique, that one great objcci:
of the Spaniards in vifiting a country fo
ten otc from their own, was to redrds
grievances, and to relieve the opprelTcd.

Ha ing taken his leave of the caziq» c,
Ic coiiupucd his m^rcb to Quiabifian.

South America.

109

The fpot his officers had chofen as a pro-
per fituatioB, appeared fo well to meet his
approbation, that he immediately marked
out ground for a town. The houfes to
he ercdled were onlj^hiits; but thefc were
to »e furrounded with fortifications, of
fufficient ftrength to refift the affaults of
an Indian army. Every one, even Cortes
not excepted, gwe an helping hand to
the crefting of fortifications, fo eflcntial
to the prcfcrvation of every individual of
the colony. His next care vvas to form
an alliance with the neighbouring kingis,
whom he taught to defpife their emperor,
by gradually infpiring them with an high
opinion of the Spaniards, as beings of a
luptrior order, and irrdlftible in arms,

Cortes perceiving that fomc of his mc*n
grew tired of their prefent purfuits, and
had even formed the plan of making their
cfcape to Cuba in one of the fhips, faw
no hopes of fuccefs, but in cutting ofFall
poflibillty of retreat, and reducing hii
men to the neccffity of adopting the fame
refolutions with which he himfelf was ani-
mated, cither to conquer or perifli. With
this view he determined to deftroy his
fleet, and his addreft in perfuading his
followers to adopt his ideas, was not infe-
rior to the boldnefs of the undertaking.
With univerfal confent the fliips were
drawn alhore, and aftor ftripping them of

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their fails, rigging, iron work, 2nd what-
ever clfc might bit of ufe, they were broken
in pieces. Thus, from an effort of mag-
nanimity, to which there is rothing pa-
rallel in hiftory, five hundred men volun-
tarily confented to be (hut up in a hoftilc
country, filled with powerful and unknown
nations; and, having precluded every
nieans of efcape, left themfelves without
any refourcc but what their own perfcve-
rance and valour could procure Them, and
on which every thing now depended.

On the i6th of Auguft, 15x9, Cortes
began his march from Zimpoalla, with
five hundred men, fifteen horfe, and fix
field pieces* The remainder of his troops,
(ponfifting chiefly of fuch as from age or
infirmity were lefs fit for aftive fervicc,
he left as a garrifon in Villa Rica, under
the command of Efcalante, an officer of
merit, and warmly attached to the intereft
pf CortL^.

The firft war he engaged in was
with the Hafcalans, who advanced againft
hin\ with numerous armies, and attacked
Jiim in various forms, with a degree of
valour and perfeverance, to which the
Spaniards had feen nothing equal in the
lMe\y World. Tfee Hafc^lanSj^ however,
were at laft glad to fue for peace, feeing
jh ir own people fo dreadfully deftroycd,
v.Li}e tb^ Spanif^rds re^iained unhurt.

South America,

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were broken

<<Ifffaid they TO the Spaniards) yon an*
divinities of a cruel and favagc nature, we
prclent to you five flavcs, that you may
drink their blood and cat their flefh. If you
are mild deities, accept an offer of incenfc
and variegated plumes. If you are men,
here is meat, and bread and fruit, to
nourifli you." As both parties were
equally defirable of peace, matters were
foon fettled between them. ThcHafcalang
acknowledged thf mfelves as dependant on
the crown of Caftile; when Cortes toolc
the republic under his proteftion, and
promired to fecure them againft every at-
tempt of injury or violence on their perlbns
or property.

On the 13th of October, Cortes fet out
on his march for Mexico, accompanied
by fix thouland Hafcalans; lb that he
now appeared at the head of fomcthing
hke a regular army. As the Spaniards
dcfcended from the mountains of Chaico,
over which the road lay, the vaft plain of
Mexico gradually unfo!i!cd itfclf to their
view. This proipji-t afforded ' ne of the
moft ftriking and beautiful views op the
face of theearih; when they bvheld fer-
tile and cultivated fields, ftretching bevond
the reach of the human eye; when they
faw a lake refemWing the fea in extent,
cncompaflfed with large towns, and beheld
the capital city rifing upon an ifland in
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the centre, adorned with its temjfles
and turrets; the profpcft to far furpafTcd
their mod fanguinc expeftations, that
fome believed the fanciful defcriptions of
romance were realized, and that its en-
chanted palaces and gildtd domes were
prefentcd to their fight; others cculd hard-
ly perlui^de themfelves, that this wonder-
ful figlu was anv thing more than a dream.
As they procrcdcd their doubts were re-
moved, but their amazement encrcafcd.

Cortes was almoft at the gates of the
capital before Montezuma had determined,
wheth' r he ihould receive him as a friend,
or oppofe him as an enemy. On their
arrival near the city, about a thoufand
perfons, who bore marks of diftindtion,
came out to meet them, dreffcd in mantles
of tine cotton, and adorned w^ith plumes.
Each of thefe fcparately pafled Cortes, and
p^tid the moft fubmiffive obedience to him
according to the mode of their country.
They announced the approach of Monte-
zuma himfclf, and his harbingers foo:i
after came in fight. Two hundred perfons
in an uniform drefs firft appeared, orna-
mented with feathers, proceeding two and
two, barefooted, and in profound filence,
with their eyes fixed on the ground. A
company of higher rank next followed,
in their moft fumptuous ornaments; in the
midft of whom was Montezuma, in a

litter

South America.

litter riclily ornamented with goK^, and
feathers of various colours. He Was car-
ried on the fliouklers of four of his prin-
cipal favourites, while others fupportcd a
canopy of curious workmanfliip over his
head. Before him marched three officers
with rods of gold in their hands, which
they lifted up on high at certain intervals,
"When all the people immedintely bowed
their heads and hid their faces, as unwor-
thy to look on fo great a monarch. As
foon as he approached, Cortes dil'mounted,
advanced towards him with officious hafte,
and in a refpe£lful pofture. Montezuma
immediately alighted from his chair, and
leaning on the arms of two of his near re-
lations, approached with a flow and ftately
ftcp, his attendants covering the ftrcets
with cotton cloth, that he might not touch
the ground. Cortes accofted him with
profound reverence, after the European
fafhlon; and Montezuma returned the fa-
lutation according to the mode of his
country, by touching the earth with his
hand, and then kiffif^g it. Montezuma
conduced Cortes to the quarters he had
prepared for his reception, and immedi-
ately took leave of him with a politenefa
not unworthy of a court more refined.
Nothing material pafled at thi* firft ift-
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III the evening, Montezuma returned
to vifit his guefts with the fame pomp
as in their firft interview. He told Cortes,
that from what he liad heard and feen of
him and his followers, he was convinced,
that they were the very perfons, whofe
appearance the Mexican traditions and
prophecies taught them to expedl, in
order to reform their conftitutions and
laws ; that he had accordingly received
them, not as ftrangers, but as relations of
the fame blood and parentage, and dellrtrd
that they might confider themfelves as
maftcrs in his dominions, for both himfelf
and his fubjedls ftiould be ready to comply
with their will, and even to prevent their
wiflies. The three fubfequent days were
employed in viewing the city; the ap-
pearance of which, fo far fuperior in the
order of its buildings, and the number of
its inhabitants, to any place the Spaniards
had beheld in America, filled them with
wonder and furprife.

Though the novelty of thefc obje(5ls
amufed the Spaniards, yet they were not
without their alarms on account of their
fafety. The allies of the Spaniards aflured
Cortes, that the Mexican pricft» had, in
the name of the gods, counfelled their fo-
vereign to admit the Spaniards into the
capital, that he might cut them ofF there
at one bIo» with pcrfcft fccurity.

Cortt«

j;.,

South America,

Cortes very plainly perceived, that his
deft ru6l ion was intended ; it was therefore
neceffary to extricate himfelf out of the
difficulties, in which one bold ftep had
involved him, by venturing upon another
frill bolder. The fituation was trying,
but his mind was equal to it ; and, after
revolving the matter with deep attention,
he fixed upon a plan no lefs extraordinary
than daring. He determined to fcizc
Montezuma in his palace, and to carry
him as a prifoner to the Spanifh quarters.
The plan being properly fettled between
Cortes and his officers, this powerful
prince v as leized by a few ftrangers, ia
the midft of his capital, at noon day,
and carried off as a prifoner without
oppofition or bloodflied. Hiftory contains
nothing parallel to this event, either with
reipe£l to the temerity of the attempt, or
the fuccefs of the execution ; and were
not all the circumftances of this extraor-
dinary tranfadtion authenticated by the
moft unqucftionable evidence, they would
appear io wild and extravagant, as to go
far beyond the bounds of reafon and
probability.

On the 4th of December, 15 1 91
Qiialcopoca, the fon of Montezuma, add
five of the principal officers who fervcd
under him^ wevc brought prifoners to
the capital, form.-illy tried by a Spanifh

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court-martial, and, though they had a6led
no other part than what became loyal
fuhjefts and brave men, they were con-
demned to be burnt alive, which was im-
mediately put in execution. The rigour
with which Cortes puniflied the unhappy
perfons, who firft prefumed to lay violent
hands upon his followers, feems to have
made all the impreflions he dcfircd. The
fpirit of Montezuma was not only over-
awed, but fubdued. Duruig fix months
that Cortes remained in Mexico, the
Monarch continued in the Spanifli quar-
ters, with an appearance of an entire
fatisfadlion and tranquillity, as if he had
refidcd there, not from conftraint, but
through choice. His minifters and officers
attended him as ufual, he took cognizance
of all affairs, and every order was iffued
in his name. The external afpedl of
government appearing the fame, and all
its ancient forms being fcrupuloufly ob-
ferved, the people were fo little fcnlible
of any cliange, that they obeyed the
mandates of their monarch with the fame
fubmiffive reverence as ever. Thus, by
the fortunate tcm«rity of Cortes in feizin;^
Montezuma, the Spaniards at once ftcurcJ
to thcmfclves more extenfive authority in
the Mexican empire, than it was pofhbls
to have acquired in a long courfe of time
by open force ; and tlicy cxcrcifed more

abf(>lut«

South America.

1^7

abfolute fway in the name of another,
than they could have done in their own.

Cortes, encouraged by fo many in-
jflnnccs of the monarch's tame fubmiffion
to his will, ventured to put it to a proof
ftill more trying. He urged Montezuma
to acknowledge himfelf a vaffal of the
king of Caftilc, to hold his crown of him
as luperior, and to fubjeft his dominions
to the payment of an annual tribute.
With this requifition, the laft and moft
humbling that can be made to one poflefled
of fovereign authority, Montezuma was
fo obfequious as to comply. The tx&i of
fubmiffion and homage was executed with
all the formalities the Spaniards were
pleafcd to didlate.

The next aitcmpt Cortes made was to
alter their religion, which had fuch an
cflefi: upon the Mexicans, that they deter-
mined to dcflroy the Spaniards if they
perfifted in it ; and even Montezuma
himfelf had cxpreffed his wifti to Cortes,
that he would think of returning home.

While things continued in this critical
fituation, Cortes, anxious about what was
paft, uncertain with refpcdl to the future,
and much oppreflcd by the late declaration
of the Mexicans, he received an account
of fome (hips having appeared on the coaft.
He idly imagined, that his meflcngcrs wcr^
returned from Spain, and that the com'*
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pletion of all his hopes and wiflies were
at hand. However, a courier foon hrought
certain information, that the armament
was fitted out hy Velafqucz, governor of
Cuba, and, infteaxl of bringing the aid they
cxpe6lcd, threatened them with immediate
dcilrudlion. This armament was com-
manded by Pamphilo dc Narvacz.

Cortes was now greatly alarmed, as
Narvaez fecmcd determined to ru#n him,
having received orders from Velafquez to
feize him, and fend him to Cuba in irons,
Cortes at firft attempted to treat with his
enemies ; but finding that impoflible, he
marched againft them with an army in-
finitely inferior to theirs, and rufliingupon
them in the night, obtained a complete
vidtory. Narvaez was wounded, taken
prifoncr, and put in irons.

This viftory proved the more accept-
able, as it was gained with little blood-
ihed, only two foldiers being killed on the
fide of Cortes, and two officers, with
fifteen private men, of the adverfc fadlion.
Cortes treated the vanquiflied not like
enemies, but as countrymen and friends,
and ofFercd to fend them back immedia-
tely to Cuba, or to take them into his
fervicc, as partners in his fortune, on
equal terms with his own foldiers. The
greater part of them accepted the offer,
and vied with each other in profefllons of
L ^ fidelity

South America.

fidelity and attachment to a general, whofc
recent fuccefTcs had given them Tuch a
ftriking proof of his ahilitics. Thus, by
a feries of events no lefs fortunate than
uncommon, CortCvS not only efcaped from
the dertru£tion that feemed inevitable,
hut, when he had leaft reafoH to expe<5l
it, was placed at the head of a thouland
rciolutc Spaniards.

While Cortes was engaged in this
biifiiiefs, the Mexicans feized the oppor-
tunity of his abfence to take up arms,
to which they had been more particularly
urged by the cruelty and treachery of
Alvarado, whom Cortes had left in the
city, in order to take care of the royal
prifoner, and keep the natives in awe.

On the 24Jth of June, 1520, Cortes
marched back to the city, and took quiet
pofTeffion of his ancient ftation. How-
ever, being too much elated with his fuc-
cefs, he neglefted to vilit Montezuma,
and embittered the infult by expreffions
full of contempt for that unfortunate prince
and his people. This being remoured
about, they flew to arms in every quarter,
and attacked the Spaniards in their for-
tifications. Though the artillery pointed
againft their numerous battalions, crowded
together in narrow ftreets, fwept oiFmuU
titudes at every difcharge, though every
|)lov7 of the opanifti weapons fell with

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mortal efFeft upon their naked bodies,
the violence of the aflault by no means
abated. Frefh men rulhed forv^'ard to
occupy the places of the flain, and meetinfj;
with the fame fate, were fucceeded by
others no Icfs intrepid and eager for
vengence. The utmoft efforts and abilities
of Cortes, fcconded by the difciplined
valour of his troops, were hardly fufficient
to defend the fortifications of the Spaniards,
into which the Mexicans had nearly forced
their way.

Cortes was now willing to try whir
effeil the fight of the emperor woiiM
have upon his fubjedls. He was accord-
ingly brought on the ramparts, from
whence he addreffed the Mexicans, ex-
horting them to peaceable meafu res, which
fo enraged them, that he was foon wounded
by two arrows, and the blow of a ftonc
on his temples brought him to the ground.
The Spaniards carried him to his apart-
ments ; but he was fo broken and dejcdcd
by the feverity of his fate, that he tore off
the bandage from his wounds, and foon
expired.

Soon after the death of Montezuma,
Cortes found it abfolutcly neceffary to
abandon the city. He attempted his
retreat by night, but the Mexicans, who
had watched all his motions, fell upon
him in his march, and deftroycd nearly

South America.

121

one half of his army. All the artillery,
ammunition, and bap;gage, were lolt, nnd
only a very finall portion of the treafure
tlvey had amaifcd was laved. Many of
the fokliers, havinrr lb overloaded them-
fclves with bars of gold as rendered tlicm
unfit for adlion, and retarded their flight,
fell ignominioully the victims of their own
iiicon fide rate avarice.

Cortes dirc£tcd his march towards a
rifing ground at fome httle diftance, and
havii>g fortunately difcovered a temple
htuated on an eminence, he took poffefiion
pf it. He there found not only the Jheltet
for which he wiflied, but, what was no
kfs wanted, fome provifions to refrefli his
men. On leaving this place, they marched
for fix days with little refpite, and under
cfxitinual alarms, numerous bodies of tlic
Mexicans hovering around them, and
baraffing them in front, rear, and flank,
with great boldnefs. As the barren coun-
try through which they palled afforded
hardly any provifions, they were reduced
to feed Oi: berries, roots, and the i\z\ks of
green maize; and, at the very time that
faiuinc was dcprefliing their fpirits and
walling their ftrength, their fituation re-
t|aircd the moft vigurous aqd unrcmittir^
exert ions of courage and activity, Amidft
thcfc complicated dillrclies, one circum-
ilancc fuppoitcd and aninaatcd the Spa-

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niards. Their commander fuftalncd thit
fad revcrfc of fortune with unfhaken
magnanimity. His prefcnce of mind
never forfook him, his fagacity forefaw
every event, and his vigilance provided
for it. He was forcraoft in every danger,
and endured every hardiliip with cheer-
fulnefs. His foldiers, though defpairing
themfelves, continued to follow him with-
out reluAance.

On the fixth day of their march, they
reached the fummit of an eminence,
when a fpacious wallcy opened to their
view, covered with a vaft army, extend-
ing as far as the eye could reach. The
Mexicans, while with one body of their
troops they harafled the Spaniards in their
retreat, had aifembled their principal force
on the other fide of the lake, and polled
it in the plain of Otumba, through vi^hich
they knew Cortes mull pafs. At the fight
of this incredible multitude, which they
could furvey at once from the rifmg
ground, the Spaniards were allonifhcd,
and even the boldeft began to defpair.
Cortes, however, without allowing leifurc
for their fears to acquire ftrength by
refle6lion, after reminding them, that
nothing remained but to die or conqucr|
led them immediately to the charge. The
Mexicans with unufual fortitude, waited
tiiplt approach j but fuch wa$ the fupe^

riority

South America.

»23

riorlty of the Spanifti arms and difciplinc,
that the impreffion of tliis fmall hody was
irrcfiltible, and whichever way \ts force
was dire6led, it penetrated and dif[>crfed
the moft numerous battalions. However,
while thefe gave way in one quarter, a
firefli fupply of enemies advanced from
another, and the Spaniards, though fuc-
cefsful in every attack, were ready to
fnk under thefe repeated efforts, with-
out feeing any end of their toil, or any
hope of viftory.

Cortes now obferved, that the great
ftandard of the empire, which was carried
before the Mexican general, was advancing.
He fortunately recolledied to have heard,
that on the fate of it depended the event cf
every battle. He therefore affembled a
few of his braveft officers, whofe horfes
were ftill capable of fervice, and placing
hrmfelf at their head, pufhed forwards
towards the ftandard, with an impetuofity
that bore down every thing before it.
A chofen body of nobles, who guarded th«
ftandard, made fome refiftancc, but were
foon vanquifhed. Cortes, with a flrok«
of his lance, wounded the Mexican general,
and threw him to the ground. One of the
Spanifh officers alighting, finifhed his life,
and feized the imperial ftandard. The
inftant thtir leader fell, and their ftandard,
to which all dircftcd their eyes, wa« no

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longer to be feeii, an univerfal panic ftrucV
the Mexicans, every enfign was lowered,
each foldier threw avray his weapons, aihi
every one made the bcft of his way to the
mountains. The Spaniards, who were
not in a condition to purfue them, con-
tented thcmfelves with collecting the fpoils
of the field, which were fo valuable, as to
be fomc compenfation for the wealth they
had loft in the city of Mexico.

After this vi£tory, Cortes difpatched
an officer of confidence with four Ship5
of Nnrvacz/s to Hifpaniola and Jamaica,
to engage adventurers, and to purchafe
horfes, gunpowder, and other military
ftores. As he knew it would be in vain
to attempt the redudlion of Mexico, unlcft
he could fecure the command of the lake,
he found means to procure materials for
building twelve brigantines, fo that they
might be carried thither in pieces, ready
to be put together, and launclied, when-
ever he ihould want them. » \ ,
' While he was harafl'ed and perplexed
with the mutinous difpofition of his troops*
two fhips arrived, with a fupply of men
and military ftores, fent by the governor
of Cuba, not to aflift Cortes, but with 4
view to complete his ruin. His addrcfs*
however, brought them over to his views-
He now found his army reinforced with
ijio Spaniards, and twenty horfes.

» ' Soon

South Amjrjga.

125

Soon after this four Ships arrived at
Vera Ciu7, from Hifpanioln, viritli two
hundred foldiers, eigthy horfes, and two
battering cannon, and a coafijer^jble fiipply
of ammunition and arm^*

On the 28th of April, J52I1 all the
Spanifti troops, together with the auxiliary
Indians, wjcre drawn up on the bqinks of
the canal j and with extraordinary military
pomp, heightened and rendered more lolemii
by the celebration of the rpoft facrecj rights
of religion, the hrigantines were launched.
Cortez now determined on jpaking an at-
tack on the city of Mexicq. The hrigan-
tines. no fopner appeared before the city,
than the lake was covere4 wil:h innumerable
canoes, \yhi(ch made biit a feeble reliftancc
againft thefe vcflels, mani).e(| by Europeans.
The hrigantines, with tjie utmoft eafc,
broke through their fieel>lp opponents,
overfet many canoes, and difljpated the
whole armament with fuch flaughter, as
convinced the IVIexicans, that it was not
in their power to contend with th^p
Spaniards on the watery element.

Cortes now determined to attgck the
city, ajid for this purpofe he made ;»II the
wife prepaaations an abk general could
do ; but, owing to his orders n^t being
properly obfcrved, he was at laft repulfcd,
received fome dangerous wounds, and
would hayc been taken fay ^he JVIexicans^

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had not fome Spanifli officers rcfcucd him
at the cxpcnce of their lives. Forty
Spaniards fell alive into the hands of the
Mexicans, who facrificed thofe unhappy
vi6lims, in the moft cruel manner, to
their god of war.

However unpromifing an afpcft matters
wore at prefent, Cortes had a mind that
rofc above all difficulties. He foon found
himfelf enabled to renew the attack on the
city of Mexico, in which he proved ib
fortunate, that he took the emperor
Guatimozin prifoner, who feemed worthy
of a better fate. When the emperor was
conducted to Cortes*, he appeared neither
with the fuUenfiercenefs of a barbarian, nor
with the dejedtion of a fupplicant. *' I have
done (faid he, addreffing himfelf to the
Spanifh general) what became a monarch.
1 have defended my people to the laii
extremity. Nothing now remains but to
die. Take this dagger, (laying his hand
on one which Cortes wore) plant it in
my breafty'and put an end to a life, which
can no long<ir be of ufe.'*
" As foon as the fate of this unfortunate
fovereign was known, the Mexicans ceafed
all refiftance, and Cortes took poffeffion
of that fmall part of the capital, which
had not been deftroyed during the fiege.
Thus terminated the figc of Mexico, the
m9i\ memorable evtnt in the conqueil of

> America.

South America^

127

America. It lafted twcnty-fiyc days, of
which hardly one paflcd without fomc
Cngular effort on the part of the hcfiegcrs
or the bcficgcd. The great abilities of
Guatimozin, the number of his troops,
llic peculiar fituation of his capital, fo far
counterbalanced the fuperiority of the
Spaniards in arms anddifcipline, that they
muft have relinquifhed the enterprizc,
had they trufted for fuccefs to thcmfelves
alone ; but Mexico was overturned b/
Its own tyranny, and the jealoufy of its
neighbours.

The Spaniards were no fooner mafiers
of the city, than they fet about feeking
for the profufe riches they expcdled it
would produce ; but they were liercin
fadly difappointed. The foldiers could
collect only an inconfiderable booty amidll
ruins and defolation, and this difappolnt-
incnt excited them almoft to an open
rebellion againft Cortes. Arguments,
entreaties, and promifes, were employed
in order to foothe them ; but with fo
Iktle cfFedl, that Cortes, with a view to
check this growing fpirit of dlfcontent,
gave way to a deed, which ftains the
glory of all his great ailions. The un-
happy monarcTi, together with his chief fa-
vourite, were given up to be tortured, in or-
4cr to force from them a difcovery of the roy al
• . %, •. . trealures.

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The History or

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treafures, which it was fuppofed ilicj h:xA
concealed. Guatimozin bore whatever
the refined cruelty of his tormentors could
infiidl with the invincible fortitude of an
american warrior. His fellow fufferer^
finking under the violence of his angiiifli,
turned his forrowful eyes towards hi«
mafter, which fcemed to implore his per-
niifliion to reveal all he knew ; but the
high-fpirited prince, darting on him a look
of authority, mingled with fcom, checked
him by afking, ** Am I qow repofing on z
bed of flowers r" His favorite felt tl:^;
reproach, perfevered in his dutiful filence,
and expired. Cortes was fo much afliamcd
of this horrid fcene, that he refcucd the
royal viilim from the hands of hh tor-
turers, and thereby prolonged a life de-
voted to future miferies.

The fate of the capital, as both parties
had conjcdlurcd, decided that of the em-
pire, and the provinces fubinittcd, cue
after another, to the conquerors^ Cortes,
being now more at Icifurc, began to form
fchemcs of difcovery, and to complete tlu5
original plan of Columbus, by finding a
paflage to the Eait Indies by tliat quarter
of the world they were then in ; but he
did not then know that this fchenie had
been undertaken and accomplilhed.

Ferdinand Magellan, a . Portugucfe
gcmlexnan, on the loth of Aii^ufl, 15 if),

South Ab^erica.

129

failed from Scvile with five Ships, and,
^{t€V touching at the Canaries, ftooJ di-
re6lly South along the coaft of An^erica,
and on the •12th of January, 1520, reached
the river De la Plata. Frorn hence he
continued his courfe, after having con-
quered the mutinous difpofition of his
crew, and at length difcovered, near the
fifty-third degree of latitude, the mouth
of a ftrait, into which he entered, in fpitc
of the murmurs and reiponftrances of the
people under his commend. After failing
twenty days in that winding dangerous
channel, to which he gave his own name^
and where one of his iliips defcrtcd him,
the great Southern Ocean opened to his
view, when he fhcd tear$ of joy and gra-
titude for th?it hijppy difcovery.

After enduring inexprcffihle hardfhips,
from the want of provifions and other
nccefiarics, on the 6th of March? 1521,
they fell in with a cluftcr of fmall hut
fertile iflands, which afforded them rc-
frefhments in fuch ahundance, that their
health was fooii re-ertahliflied. This ex-
tcnfivcfca Magellan called i\\Q Pacific Ocean^
which name it ftill hears. He afterwards
dilcovercd the Philippine ifl^nds, and wa$
there killpd by the barharoi^s natives.

John Scbaftian del Cano prpfecutcd the
expedition after the death of Magellan.
After vifiting many of the fmijljer illands,
fcatterci} in the caftcrn part of the Indian

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130 The History OF

Ocean, they touched at the great ifland
of Borneo, and at length landed in Tidore,
one of the Moluccas. He followed the
courfe of the Portuguefe by the Caj>c of
Good Hope, and, after many dilaiicrs and
fufFerings, he arrived at St, Lucar on the
yth of September, 1522, having failed
round the globe in the fpace of three years
and twenty-eight days.

But let us return to the tranfa<3ions in
New Spain. At the time that Cortes was
acquiring fuch vaft territories for his native
country, and preparing the way for future
conquefts, it was !»is fingnlar fate not only
to be deftitutc ot any commiflion or au-
thority from the iOvcrci<^n, wliom he was
ferving with fuch fucc^:i^ful zeal, but to
be regarded as an undutifu! and feditious
fubjeft. The court of Spain fent a perfon
to fuperfcHe him, to fcize his perfon, and
confifcatc his effefts ; but Cortes tri-
umphed over all his enemies, and was
appointed Captain-General, and Governor
of New- Spain.

The jcaloufies and ingratitude of the
court of Spain threw fo many obftacles ia
the way of Cortes, that his government
became very uneafy to him, and the court
went fo far as to fend pcribns to enquire
into his conduct, and to bring him to
juftice, fhould his intercfted judges find
him guilty. He refolved, however, not
to cxpofe himfelf to the ignominy of

South America,

^$^

a trial, in that country, which had heen
the fccnc of his triumphs ; and, without
waiting for the arrival of his judges, to
repair dircftly to Caftile, and commit
himfelf and his caufe to the juftice and gc-
nerofity of the King.

The Emperor Charles, having now
nothing to apprehend from the defigns of
Cortes, received him at Court like a
perfon, whom confgious innocence had
brought into the prefencc of his mafter,
and who was entitled, hy the eminence
of his fervices, to the higheft marks of
<iiftinclion and refpeil. The order of
.t. Jago, the title of Marquis del Valle
de Guaxaca, and the grant of a vaft tcr*
ritory in New Spain, were fucceffively
bcftowed upon him.

Cortes returned to New Spain ; but his
power was fo cramped, that he found
himfelf in a very difagreable lituation.
He formed fchemes for new difcoveries,
explored California, and furveyed the
greater part of the gulf which feparates it
from New Spain. On his return to his
government, he found himfelf furrounded
with fo many enemies, that he determined
once more to fcek for redrefs in his native
country.

On his arrival in Old Spain, the Em«
pcror behaved to him with cold civility,
his minifters treated him fometlnes with
ieglcft^ Hnd foiYietimes witb infolence*

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His grievances received no redteft, his
claims were urged without efFcft, and
fevcral years pafled in fruitlefs applications
to minifters and judges : an occupation the
moft irkforhc and mortifying to a man of
fpirit. Cortes finiflied his mortal career
on the fecond day of December, 1547, in
the fixty-fecond year of his age, having
experienced the fame fate with that of all
the pek-fons who diftinguifhed themfelvcs
in the difcovery or conqweft of the New
World : envied by his coteitiporarics, and
ill requited by the courts he ferved, he has
been admired and celebrated by fucceeding

ar:-'^s.

4-J

Remarkable Events recorded in this Chapter,

151 8 Cortes is fcnt by Velafquez to

conquer New Spain.

1519 Lands his troops in New Spain,
. , Deftroys his own fleet.

Sets out for Mexico with his little
army.

1520 Montezuma acknowledges himfelf

a valFal of Spain.
Death of the Emperor Montezuma.

1 52 1 The conqueft of all Mexico, fol-

lowed by the taking of the city.
The Strait of Magellan difcovercd.
J522 Cortes appointed Captain- general
^^ and Governor of New Spain.

1536 Cortes difcovers California. •
l5i|.o Keturns homc^ and there dies.

CHAP. VI.

South America,

CHAP. VI.

J 33

H E difcovery of the Southern Occah
by Balboa excited a fpirit of adventure in
tlie colonies of Darien and Panama, wh«
fighed after the imaginary wealth of thofe
unknown regions. Several armaments
were fitted out in 1523, in order to explore
and take poHcfTion of the countries to the
Eaft ol Panama, but under the condudl
of leaders, whofe talents and refburces
were unequal to the attempt. They proved
unfuccefsful, and thereby damped the ar-
dour of others.

Three perfons fettled in Panama, whofe
names were Francifco Pi/arro, Diego de
Almagro, and Hernando Luque, refolved
to attempt the difcovery of Peru, not-
withftanding the ill fuccefs of former ad-
venturers. Tliefe three men were dellined
to overturn one of the moft extend ve
empires on the face of the earth ; though
Pizarro Was a baftard, with very little
education; Almagro, a foundling; and
Luque, aprieftandfchoolmafterat Panama.

Each engiiged to employ his whole for-
tune in this adventure. Pizarro, being
the pooreft of the three, undertook the de-
partment of the greriteft fatigue and danger,
and to command in perfori the armament

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The History or

dcftincd for the difcovcry. Almagro waj
to conduit the fuppJics of provifions and
reinforcements of troops, of which Pizarro
might ftand in need. Luquc was to re-
main at Panama to negociate with the
governor, and fuperintend whatever was
carrying on for the general good. As
the fpirit of enthufiafm uniformly ac-
companied that of adventure in the New
World, and by that ftrange union both
acquired an encreafe of force, this con-
federacy, formed by ambition and avarice,
v.'as confirmed by the moft fc!emn aft of
religion. Luque celebrated mafs, divided
a confecrated hofl into three, and referving
one part to himfelf, gave the other two
to his aflbciates, of which they partook,
and thus, in the name of the Prince of
Peace, ratified a contradl, of which plunder
and bloodfl)cd were the principal cbjedls
in view.

On the 14th of November, 15251
Pizarro fet fail from Panama with a fingic
veflel, of fmall burthen, and 112 men.
His voyage, however, was attended with
great difficulties and hardfhips. After
remaining five months in the ifland of
Gorgona, noted for the moft unhealthy
climate in that region of America, a veflcl
arrived from Panama. This tranfported
them with fuch joy, that all their former
fyfferings wtrt forgotten. Their hopes

rcvivcdi

South America.

135

revived, and Pizarro found little difEculty
to induce not only his own followers, but
alio the crew of the veflel from Panama,
to refumc his former fchemc with no lefs
ardour. Inftcad of returning to Panama^
they ftood towards the South-eaft, and^
more fortunate in this than in any of their
paft efforts, on the twentieth day after
departure from Gorgona, they difcovered
the coall of Peru.

After touching at fcveral villages on the
coaft, they landed at Tumbcz, a place of
feme note, about three degrees fouth of
the line, diftinguifhcd for its ftately temple,
and a palace of the Incas, or fovereigns of
the country. There the Spaniards feafted
their eyes with the firft view of the opulence
and civilization of the Peruvian empire.
They beheld a country fully peopled, and
cultivated with an appearance of regular
induftry ; the natives decently cloathed,
and poneflcd of ingenuity fo far furpaffing
the other inhabitants of the New World,
as to have the ufe of tame and domeftic
animals. But what chiefly attracted their
notice, was fuch a fliow of gold and filver,
not only in the ornaments of their perfons
and temples, but in feveral veflels and
latcnfils for common ufe, formed of thofc
precious metals, as left no room to doubt
that they abounded with profufiots hi th«
country. Pizarro and his companions

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now fcemcd to have attained the coin*
pletion of their moft fanguine hopes,
and fancied that all their wilhes
^nd dreams of rich domains, and incx-
hauftible treafurcs, would foon be rea-
lized. ^ •

Pizarro, having explored the country
SIS far as it was neccffary to afcertain the
importance of the dilcovery, procvircd
from the inhabitants fome of their Llamas,
or tame cattle, to which the Spaniards
g^vc the name of fliecp; fome velFcls of
gold and filver, as well as fome fpecimens
of their other works of ingenuity; and
two young men, whor)i he propojed to
inftru6t in the Caftilian language, that they
might fcrve as interpreters in the expedi-
tion he meditated. With thefe he arrived
^t Panama, towards the clqfc of the third
year from the time of his departure thence.
No adventurer of the age fufFered hardfhips
or encountered dangers, which equal thole
to which he was expofcd during this long
period.

On their arrival at Panama, Pizarro
pould not prevail on the governor to aflift
him in the conquell of Peru; his ^ffociutes
therefore fent him to Spain to negociate,
^yhere he managed matters more to his
pwn intereft than to theirs. On the 26th
.^f July, 1528, Pizarro was appointed
governor, captain-generali aqd adeUiUado

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SottTtt Amjerica. 137

of the countries he had difcovered, an4
hoped to conquer, with fupreme autliority,
civil as well as military : thus he iccured
to himfelf whatever his boundlefs ambitipn
could drfire*

After all the efforts of Pizarro and his
aflbciates, three fmall veffels, with 180
foldiers, 36 of whom were horfemen, com-
pofed the whole of the armament. With
this contemptible force, in February, 15 31,
Pizarro did not hefitatc to fail to invade
a great empire.

He no fooner landed in Peru, than he
began hoftilities, by which imprudent con-
dndl his followers were expofed to famine,
fatigue, and difeafes of various kinds-
However, they at length reached the pro-
vince of Coacjue; and having furprizcd
the principal fettlement of the natives,
they feized there, veffels and ornaments
of gold and (ilvcr to the amount of thirty
thoufand pcfos, with othc" booty of fuch
value, as difpclled all their fears, and in-
fpired the moil dcfponding with fanguine
hopes.

The dominions of the foverelgns of
Peru, at the time that the Spaniards in-
vaded them, extended in length, from
north to fouth, ahove hftcen hundred
miles along the Pacific Occ.^.n. Its breadth,
from eafl to wefl, was much leis confide-
rable, being uniformly bounded by thp

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The History of

vaft ridge of the Andes, ft retching from
its one extremity to the other.

Pizarro, foon after his landing in Peru,
difcovered that a civil war was carrying
€)n in that country. By thefe means Ivc
was permitted to purfue his operations
unmolefted, and advanced to the centre of
a great empire, before one cfFort of its
power was exerted to ftop his career. Tiie
firft complete information the Spaniards
received of this war, was by meflcngcrs
from Huafcar, one of the contending pari-
ties, fent to Pizarro, in order to folicit
his aid againft his opponent Atahualpa.
Pizarro at once perceived the importance
of this intelligence, and forcfaw fo clearly
all the advantages, which might be deri-
ved from this divided ftate of the kingdom
he had invaded, that^ without waiting
for the reinforcements he expelled from
Panama, he determined to pufli fon^^ard,
while inteftine difcord put it out of tbc
power of the Peruvians to attack him with
their whole force, and while by taking
part, as circumftances fliould incline him,
with one of the competitors, he might be
enabled with greater cafe to crufh then
both*

Strange as it may appear, Pizarrd

marched into the heart of the country

attended by his followers, confifting only

* ^f 62^horf6men, and 102 foot foldiers, cf

South America.

J 39

IvKom twenty were armed with crofs-
bows, and three with muflcets. Pizarro,
in the coufc of his march, received an
cmbaflhdor from the inca of Caramalca^
who brought him very valuable prefents
from that prince, accompanied with a
profFer of his alliance. Pizarro, according
to the ufual artifice of his countrymen in
America, promiled every thing, without
meaning to fulful any thing but what his
intereft diredled. In confequence of thefe
declarations, the Spaniards were permitted
to march where they pleafed.

On entering Caxamaica, Pizarro took
poflcflion of a large court, on each fide of
^hich was a houfe, which the Spanifh
hiflorians calls a palace of the Inca, and
on the other a temple of the Sun, the
whole furrounded with a ftrong rampart
or wall of earth. When he had poftcd
his troops in this advantageous fituation,
and had feen what profufion of riches th«
Inca pofleflcd, Pizarro treacheroufly feized
on his perfon, during the interview to which
the monarch had invited him. While the
Inca was engaged in conference with the
Spaniards, Pizarro gave the fignai of
aflault. At once the martial mufick
ftruck up, the cannon and mufkets began
to fire, the hdrfe fallied out fiercely t«
the charge, and the infantry rufliea on
fw9r€ in hand. The Peruviaasi aftpniihed

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140

Thj: HisTORY or

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at the fuddennefs of an attack which they
cjid not expe6l, and difmaycd with the
deftruftive efFedls of the fire-arms, and
the irrefiftable imprelfipn of the cavalry,
fled with univcrfal conftcrnation in every
quarter, without attempting cither to an-
noy the enemy, or to defend themfelves.
Pizarro, at the head of his followers, ad-
vanced direcSlly towards the Inca; and,
though his nobles crowded around him
with officious zeal, and fell in numbers at
his feet, while they vied one with another
in facrificing their own lives, that they
might cover the facred peribn of their
king, the Spaniards fooa penetrated to
the royal feat, and Pizarro, fcizing the
Inca by the arm, dragged him to the
ground, and carried him as a prifoner to
^ his quarters. The fate of the monarch
precipitated the flight of his followers-
The Spaniards every where purfu^d them,
and with a deliberate and unrelenting bar-
barity, continued to flaughter the wretch-
ed Peruvians, who never attempted to re-
fift. The carnage did not ceafe till the
clofe of the day put an end to it, when
above four thoufand Peruvians lay dead
gn the fpot. Not a fingle Spaniard felh
por was any one wounded but Pizarro
himfelf, whofe hand was flightly hurt.
- Thie plunder the Spaniards acquired on
this tpail^rc; W4s far beyond every thing

tbev

South America.

141

t!iev had Ibrmed in their minds of the
wealth oi ?cru, and thev were lb tranf-
ported wi^h the value of tlic acquifition^
as well as the gi^atncfs of their fuccefs,
that thev paflcci the night in thofe extra-
vagant exultations natural to indigent ad-
venturers on fo fudden a change in their
affairs.

The captive monarch coiifcl at firffc
hardlv helicve what he law to be real, and
the dejection into which Ivj funk was in
proportion to the height of grandeur from
which he had fallen. However, the Inca
foon dlfcovcrcd the ru!in<r pafluon of the
Spaniards, and by applying to that, made
an attempt to recover his liberty. He
offered as a ranfoni what allonimed the
Spani;vrds, even after all they now knew
coBcerning the opulence of his kingdom.
The apartment in which he wms confined
was twenty-two feet in length, and fix-
tcen in breadth ; he undertook to fill it
with veflcis of gold as high as he could
reach. Pizarro eagerly clofed with this
tempting propofal, and a line wa« drawn
upon the wall of the chamber, to mark
the ftipulated height to which the trea*
fure was to reach.

As fait as the gold was brought in, it
was melted down, except fome pieces of
curious fabric^ which were referved as a
jprcfeut for the emperor. After fetting

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The History or

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apart the fifth due to the crown, and a
hundred thoufand pefos as a donative to
the foldiers, who were juft arrived with
Almagro, there remained 1,528,500 pefos
to Pizarro and his followers. The fefti-
ral of St. James, (July 25, 1513) the
patron faint of Spain, was the day chofcn
for the partition of this vaft fum. Though
aflemb d to divide the fpoils of an inno-
cent people, procured by deceit, extortion,
and cruelty, the tranfailion began with
a folemn invocation of the name of God,
as if they could have expeflcd the guidance
of heaven in diftributing thofe v/ages of
iniquity. In this divifion, about 8000
pefos, at that time not inferior in efFedlivc
value to as many pounds fterling of the
prefent century, fell to the fhare of each
horfeman, and half that fum to each foot
foldier. Pizarro and his officers received
their dividends in proportion to their fu-
perior ftation.

The Inca having thus fulfilled his en-
gagement, demanded his releafe; but th«
treachery of the Spaniards induced them,
inftead of fetting him at liberty, to put a
period to his life. He was tried, and
condemned to be burnt alive. At laft,
the unfortunate prince confented to receive
baptifm, and was therefore induleed with
being itrangled at the flake,

Pi7.arr«,

South America*

Pixarro, having by thefc crue! proceed-
ings cftabliflicd his authority in Caxamal-
ca, no longer hcfitated to advance towards
Curco; and, having received confidcrable
reinforcements, he could venture, with
little danger, to penetrate into the interior
part of the country. The Peruvians had
affembled fomc large bodies of troops to
oppofe his progrefs, and feveral fierce en-
counters happened; but they terminated
like all the acSlions in America: a fe\r
Spaniards were killed or wounded, and
the natives were put to flight with incrc-.
dible flaughter. At length Pizarro forced
his way to Cu7Xo, and took quiet poflcf-
fion of the capital. The riches found
there, even after all the natives had car-
ried off and concealed, either from a fu-
perftitious veneration for the ornaments
of their temples, or out of hatred to tlieir
rapacious conquerors, exceeded in value
what had been received as the Inca's ran-
fom. However, as Pizarro*8 forces were
now more numerous, the common foldier*
did not receive fo much as they cxpefled^
which proved a difappointment to their
rapacity.

After all thcfe conquefts, Pizarro fet
•ut for his native country, and arrived in
Spain in 1534. The imraenfe quantities
of gold and filver which he imported,
filled the kingdom with aflonifhmcnt.

Pizarr«

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144

The History of

It,,,

Pizarro was received by the Emperor with
the attention due to the bearer of a prefent
fo rich, as to exceed any idea the Spani-
ards had formed concerning the value of
their acquifitions in America, even after
they had been ten years mailers of Mexico.
pizarro Was admitted into the order of
St. Jago, and, after getting his authority
^confirmed with new powers and privileges,
he fet out on his return to Peru, accom-
panied by many perfons of higher rank
than had yet ferved in that country. Al-
inagro received the honours he had lo
long defired : the title of Adelantado, or
govcriior, was conferred upon him, with
jurifdiftion over two hundred leagues of
country, ftretching beyond the fouthern
limits of the province allotted to Pizarro.
On his arrival at Peru, he found Al-
mn^ro in arms oppofmg his interell, «nnd
endeavouring to do himfclf juftice for
the treacherous condufl of Pizarro, who
had engroffed to himfclf all the honours
and emoluments, which ought to have
been divided with his aflbciate. However,
matters were foon accommodated between
them. Their new agreement was con-
firmed with the fame facrcd folemnitics
as the firft, and obfcrvcd with as little
fidelity.

^ Cuzco, the capitrd city of tlie Incas,
yas fituated in 4 corner of the empiit,

aboY'i

South America,

above four hundred miles from the fea,
and much further from Quito, a province
of whofc value he had formed an high
idea. No other fettiement of the Peruvi-
was fo confide rable as to merit the

ans

name of a tow>, or to allure the Spaniards
to fix their refidence in it. Pizarro, in
marching through the country, had been
itruck with the beauty and fertility of the
valley of Rimac, one of the moft exten-
five itnd beft cultivated in Peru. There,
on the banks of a fmall river, of the fame
name with the vale which it waters and
enriches, at the diftance of fix miles from
Callao, the moft commodious harbour in
the Pacific Ocean, he founded a city,
which he deftined to be the capital of his
government. On the i8th of January,
1535, he gave it the name of Cindad dc
Ids Reyes, either from the circumftance
of hnvmg laid the firft ftone, at that fea-
fon when the church celebrates the feftival
of the Three Kings, or, as is more pro-
bable, in honour of Juana and Charles,
the fovercigns of Caftile. This name it
ftill retains among the Spaniards in all
legal and formal deeds, but it is
better known to foreigners by that of
Lima^ a corruption of the ancient appella-
tion of the valley in which it is firuated.
Under his intpc(^"lion, the buildings ad-
vanced with fuch rapidity, that it foon

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146

The History or

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afTumed the form of a city, whicli, by z
magnificent palace that he ercfted (or
himfelf, and by the ftately houfes built
by Tcveral of his officers, gave a ftreng proof
of the grandeur it was at laft to acquire,
Ahnagro, as agreed on between him
and Pizarro, fet out for Chili; but on
his march, he met with fo many hardfliips
and difficulties, that many of his men
died with fatigue. They no fooncr entered
on the fertile plains of Chili, than tlicy
met with new difficulties to encounter.
They there found a race of men vrry
different from the people of Peru, intfrcpid,
hardy, independant, and in their bodily
conftitution, as well as vigour of fpirit,
nearly refembling the warlike tribes in
North America. Though filled with
wonder at the firft appearance of the Spa-^
niards, and ftill more attoniflied at the
operation of their cavalry, and the cffcfts
of their fire-arms, the Ciulefe ibon recov*
ercd fo far from their furpri^c, as not
only to defend thcmi'elves with.-4)bftinacy,
but to attack their new enehucs with
more determined fiercenels than any
American nation had hitherto diicovercd.
The Spaniards, however, continued to
penetrate into the country, and coiledtcd
fome confiderable quantities of gold, when
they were recalled to Peru by an unex-
pc^ed event.

The

• *

South America.

147

The Inca of Peru, having oSferved the
inconfideratc fccurlty of the Spaniards in
dilpcrling their troops, and that only a
handful of foldiers remained in Cuzco,
thought that the happy period was at
length come for vindicating his own
rights, for avencrins: the wropc^s of his
country, and extirpating its oppreflbrs.
The Inca, who was the prifoner of Pi-
zarro, obtained permifii .n from him to at-
tend a great fcftival, which was to be
celebrated a few leagues from the capital.
Under pretext of that folcmnity, the great
men of the empire were aficmbled. As
foon as the Inca joined lliem, the flandard
cf war was erefled, and, in a (hort time^
all the fighting men, from the confines of
Quito to the frontiers of Chili, were in
arms. Many Spaniards, living fecurely
on the fettlcments allotted them, were
mafficrcd. Several detachments, as they
inarched carelcfsly through a country
which fcemcd to be tamely fubmiffive to
ttiicir dominion, were cut oft" to a man.
The Spanifh writers aflcrt, that the Peru-
vian army amounted to 200,000 men^
aowi with this powerful army, and their
Inca at the head of it, they laid liege to
Cu7xo. During nine months they carried
on the ficgc with inccflant ardour, and in
various forms. The Inca, in fpite of the
valour of the Spaniards, recovered pollei^
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148

The History of

fion of one half of his capital; and, in
their various efforts to drive him out of
it, PIzarro loft one of his brothers^ and
fomc other pcrfons of note.

Almagro arrived at Cuzco in a critical
moment. The Inca at firft endeavoured
to gain the friendlhip of Almagro; but
after many fruitlefs overtures, defpairing
of any cordial union with a Spaniard, he
attacked him by furprize with a numerous
body of chofen troops. However, the
Spanifh dil'cipline and valour maintained
their ufual fuperiority. The Peruvians
were repulfed with fuch flaughter, that a
great part of their army difperfed, and
Almagro proceeded to the g itcs of Cuzco
without oppoiicion.

The Spaniards had no fooner got rid of
their Peruvian enemies, than they begin
to quarrel among thcmlelves, and the ^hmc
at laft burft out into a civil war. Though
countrymen and friends, the I'ubjcfts of
the fame fovereign, each with the royal
ftandard difplaycd j and though they be-
held the mountains that furroundcd ihc
plain in wh ch they were drawn up, cc^^r-
cd with a vaft multitude of Indians, af-
fembled to enjoy the fpcftacle of tlicir
mutual carnage, and prepared to attack
whatever party remained mailer of the
field ; fo fell and implacable was the ran-
cour which had taken polfeiHon of every

^ brcail»

South America, 149

kreaft, that not one pacific council, not a
finglc overture towards accommodation,
proceeded from either fide. Almagro was'
defeated and taken, tried by the Pizarros
as guilty of treafon, and condemned and
executed, in 1538.

However rapid the progrefs of the

Spaniards had been in South America

fince Pizarro landed in Peru, their avidity

of dominion was not yet fatisfitd. The

officers to whom Ferdinand Pizarro gave

the command of different detachments,

penetrated into feveral new provinces, and

though lome of them were expofed to great

hardmips in the cold and barren regions

of the Andes, and others fufFered diTirefs

not inferior amidtt the woods and marfhes

of the plains, ihey made difcovcries and

coaqucfts which not only extended their

knowledge of the country, but added

confiderabiy to the territories of Spain in

the New World. Pedro dc Valdivia

re illumed Amagro*s fcheme of invading

Chili, and notwithftanding the fortitude

of the natives in defending their poircfli-

ons, made fuch progrcls in the conqueft

of the country, that he founded the city

of St. J.'.go, and gave a beginning to the

cllabhlhinent of the Spanilli dominions in

thiit province.

Cionzaio Pizarro, whom his brother
Fi\.uciil;o had made governor ot Quito,

O 3 had

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150 The History op

had cntruftcd one of his confidential ofE-
cers, named Orellana, with an expedition
on difcoveries, appointing a proper place
where they wxrc to meet; but this young
pfEcer began to fancy himfclf independent,
and, tranfported with the predominant
p.aflion of the age, formed fchemcs of
diftinguifhing himfelf as a difcoverer, and
treacheroully abaadoned hi* friend and
employer. , ,

It is impoffible to defcrlbe the confter-
nation of Pizarro, when he diJ not find
the bark at the confluence of the Napo
and Maragnon, where he had ordered
Orellana to wait for him; but that treach-
erous fervant, after having made fou.c
difcoveries, got back to Spain, and there
magnified his wonderful exploits. In the
merin time, Pizarro was twelve hundred
miles from Quito; and, in that long
march back to their capital, the Spaniards
encountered hardfliips greater thiiu tlio^e
they had endured in their progrcis out-
ward, without the alluring hopes that
then foothed and animated them under
their fufFerings. Hunger compelled ih.cm
to feed on roots and berries, to eat ell
their dogs and horfes, to devour the moil
loathfomc reptiles, and even to knaw the
leather of their faddles and fword bells.
Four thoufand Indians, and two hundred
and ten Spaniards pcrifhcd in this v;ih.i
•' ' and

South America. 151

and cVifaftcrous expedition, which con-
tinuevi near two years. Thofe that got
back to C^iito were naked like favages,
and fo emaciated with famine, or worn
out with fatigue, that they had more the
appearance of fpeftrcs than. men. ^

Gonzalo Pizarro was not much more
happy on his arrival at his government of
Quito, where he found every thing in a
ftatc little (hort of open rebellion againlt
his brother Francifco. The young Al-
magro, after the execution of his father,
never loft fight of taking revenge of Pi-
zarro. He poflcired all the qualities whicli
captivate the afFeflion of Ibldiers; he was
of a graceful appearance, dexterous at
2tjl martial cxcercifcs, bol^, open and
generous, he feemed to be formed tor
command; and as his father, confcious
of hi;* own inferiority from the total want
of education, had l>cen extremely attentive
to have him inftrufted in every fcience
becoming a gentleman, the accomplifh-
nicnts lie had acquired heightened the
refpj i1 of lus followers, as they gave him
d)ftin£lion and eminence among illiterate
advcniurcrs. In this youn^; man the Al-
inagrians found a point of union which
they wanted, and looking up to him as
their heaJ, were ready to undertake any
thing to promote his intereft. Their af-
i^dio;) for Aiuvgio was not the only in-

cilcmcnt.

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citement^ being urged on by their own
diftrcffes. Many of them, dcftitutc of
common neceiTaries, and weary of loiter-
ing away life a burden to their chief, or
to fuch of their ailbciates as had faved
fomc remnant of their fortune from pillage
and confifcation, fighed for an occafion
to exert their aftivity and courage, and
began to deliberate how they might be
avenged on the author of all their mifery.
Juan de Harrada, an officer of great abili-
ties, who had the charge of Almagro't
education, took the direction of their
confultations, with all the zeal which
this connection infpired, and with all the
authority which the afcendency that he
was known to have over the mind of his
pupil gave him.

On Sunday, the 6th of June, 1541, at
midnight, the feafon of tranquillity and
repofe in all fultry climates, Harrada, at
the head of eighteen of the moft determi-
ned confpirators, fallied out of Almagro's
houfe in complete armour, and drawing
their fwords, haftily advanced towards the
governor's houie. Their aflbciatcs, warned
of their motions by a ligtial, were in arms
at different ftations to fupport ihcin.
Though Pizarro was ufually furrounded
by fuch a numerous train of attendants,
as fuited the magnificence of tlie moft
•pulent fubjcft of the age in which he
t ■ lived,

South America.

^53

livcci, yet he was juft rilen from tabic,
and moil of his doineftics had retired to
their own apartments, fo that the confpi-
rators pafl'ed through the two outward
courts of the palace unobferved. They
were at the bottom of the ftaircafe, before
a page in waiting could give the alarm to
his mafter, who was converfing with a
few triends in a large hall. The governor,
whofe fteady mind no form of danger
could a'.ter, ftarting up, called for arms-
and commanded Francifco de Chaves to
make faft the door; but that officer, who
did not retain fo much prefence of mind
as to obey this prudent order, running to
the top of the ftaircafe, wildly alked the
confpirators what they meant, and whither
they were going. Inftead of anfwering,
they ftabbed him to the he irt, and burft
into the hall. Some of the perfons who
were there threw themfelves from the
windows, others attempted to fly, and a
few, drawing their fwords, followed their
leafier into an inner apartment. The con-
fpirato s, animated with having the objedt

of their

vengeance now

in view, rufhed

forward after them. Pizarro, with no
other arms than his fword and buckler,
defended the entry, and fupported by his
half brother Alcantara, and his lictle knot
of friends, he maintained the unequal con-
Uft with intrepidity worthy of his paft

exploits.

i i

'54

The History or

'. n

•" * ■ .A

exploits, and with the vigour of a youthful
combatant, ** Courage, (cried he) com-
panions, we are. yet enow to make thofc
traitors repent of their audacity.*' But the
armour of the confpirators proteiled thcni.
while every thruft they made took efFed.
Alcantara fell dead at his brother's feet,
and his other defenders were mortally
wounded. The governor, unable any
longer to parry the many weapons furi-
oufly aimed at him, receive : a deadly
riiruft full in his throat, funk to the
grounrl, and expired.
! As foon as Pizarro was killed, the affuf-
lins ran out into the ftrects, and waving
their bloody fwords, proclaimed the death
of the tyrant. Al)out two hundred of
their affociates having joined them, they
conduced young Alm^gro in folenin pro-
ceffion through the city, and afTcmbiing
the magiflrates and principal citizens,
compelled them to acknowledge hira as
lawful fucceffor to his father m his go-
vernment.

Matters were not properly fett'ed, when
the arrival of Vaco de Caftro, who afiiimcd
the title of governor, threw every thing
again into frelh confufion. Caftro and
Almagro both took the field. The for-
mer, knowing his ftrength to be far fupe-
rior to that of the enemy, he was impatient
to determine the conteft by a battle. Nor

did

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South America.

^55

did tlie followers of Almagro, who had
no hopes of obtaining a pardon for a
crime lb atrocious as the murder of the
£T)vernor, decline that mode of decifion.

On the 1 6th of September, 1542, they
met at Chupaz, about two hundred miles
from Cu'/co, and foui^ht with all the
fierce animolity infpired by the violence
of civil rags the rancour of pivate enmity,
the egernefs of revenge, and the laft ef-
forts of delpair. Viflory, after rcnjaining
long doubtful, declared at laft for ^aco
de Cftio. 1 he carnage was great in
proportion to the number ot combatants.
Of fourteen liundred men, the total amount
of the armies on both fides, five hun*
ilrcd lay dead on the field, and the num-
ber of the wounded wus ftill greater. Of
ihc prilbnrrs, Caftro condemned fome to
death, others were banifhed Peru, and
AUnagro b^'ing taken, was publickly be-
headed.

I'hc fcrltrf;? of the emperor were ex-
ceedingly hurt at the recital of ib many
aclions Ihockiiig to humanity. He per*
ceivcd, that relieving the Indians from
opprcliion Vv'as but one ilep towards ren-
dering his poflcflions in the New World
a v;ilu;:ble ;icqu:fition, and would be of
httlc avail, unlcfs he could circumfcribe
the power and ufurpitions of his owa
{uhjccls ihcic. Wiih this view, he formed

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'56

The History or

a body of laws, containing many falutary
appointments with refpeft to the conftitu-
tion and powers of the fuprcme council of
the Indies; concerning the ftation and
jurifdiftion of the royal audiences in dif-
ferent parts of America; and the order
of government, both ecclefiaftical and
civil.

Notwithftanding thefc regulations, Peru
was haftening to the higheft pitch of
anarchy and confufion. Caftro however,
by his wife and prudent mcafures, for
fome time averted the ftorm, A viceroy
was fent over by the emperor, and, foon
afer his arrival in Peru, he was firft im-
prifoned, and, after obtaining his liberty,
and raifing an army to fupport his autho-
ritv, was flain in batth*. In this critical
fituation, the emperor fent over Pedro dc
la Gafca as prefident of Peru, who, by
his moderation and good management,
might have done great things, had not
Gonzalo Pizarro, Supported by a ftrong
party, aflumed the government of Peru,
Gafca, perceiving that force mull be em-
ployed in order to accompliTh the purpofc
of his miflion, col!e£lcd troops in all
quarters.

On the 9th of April, 1548, as tlie two
parties moved forward to the chnrgc, they
exhibited a very lingular appearance, in
that of Pi/arro, compofcd of men enriched

witk

^.^

South America.

^57

with the fpoils of the moft opulent country
in America, every ciTicer, and almoft all
the private nicn, were clothed in ftufts of
fiik or b'ocade, embroidered with gold
and filver; and their horfes, their arms,
their ftan^^ards, were adorned with all the
pride of military pomp« That of Gafca,
though not fo fplendid, exhibited what
was no lefs (Iriking. He himfelf, accom-
panied by the archl>if!iip of Lima, the
bifhops of Qiiito and Cu/xo, and a great
number of ccclcfiaftics, marchinp; along
the lines, blelfcd the men, and cnccu^
uz^d them to a refolute difcharQ-e of their
dutv, which could not fail that dav of
rcftoring Peru to peace and tranquility.

When both armies were JL;fl: ready to
engage, fevera! of Pi/arro's principal offi-
cers fct fpurs to their horfes, and went
over to Gafca, and many others filehtly
flipped away. Fizarro, feeing all irre-
trievably joit, cried out in amazement to
a few officers, who flill faithfully adhered
to him, '* "^Vhat remains for us to do?'*
' — *^ Let us rufli (replied one of them)
upon the enemy's firmeft battalion, and
flic like Romans." Pi/arro, dejeflcd with
fuch a reverfe of fortune, had not fpirit
to follow this foldierly counfel, and, with
a tamencfs difgraceful to his former frtme,
he lurrendered to one of Gafca's officers.
Gafca, liappy in this bloodlefs viftorv,

? did

y*-*-

Fmw""*^

158 The History of

did not {lain it with cruelty, Plzarro,
and a imall number of the moft diftin-
guifhed or notorious offenders, were capi-
tally punilhcd. Pi/arro was helieadcd on the
clay after he furrend<rcd. He fuhmitted to
his fate with a conipofed dignity, ai d
fcemcd dcfirous to atone by repentance for
the cringes he had committed.

Pizarro was no fooncr cead, tlian the
malcontents in every quarter of Peru laid
down their arms, and tranquillity was
foon reftored. Gafca tlicn endeavoured to
find employment for the mutinous iohhers
who had Lid down tiieir arms, which he
did by engaging them in the conqueft of
Chill. In orJer to reward liis own f )ldi-
crs, he made a divilion cf tiie country
among them, w^ithout refcrving the fmalU
ert portion to himfelf.

Gafca, liaving now accornpliflicd every
objeft of his miffion, and longing to return
again to a private ftation, committed the
government of Peru to the court of audi-
ence, and fct out for Spain on the firft of
lebruary, 1550.

There had been no remittance of the
the royal revenue for four years, owing
to the diftracltd flatc of the country.
Gafca, however, on his return to Spain,
carried with him 1,300,000 pefos of puh^^
lie money, which the p'udence and good
oider of adminlfiration enabled him to

lave,

South America.

159

favc, after paying all the expenccs of the
war. He was receiver! in his native conn-
try Willi univerfal admiration and eftcem
for his abilities and his virtue?, both
which were highly confpicuous. Without
army or fleet, or public funds; with a
train fo fimple, tliat only three thou find
ducats were expended in equipping him,
he fct out to oppofc a formidable rebellion.
But the praile beftowcd on his abilities
were exceeded by that which his virtues
mf-riicd. After rcfiding in a country
where wealth prcfentcd allurements, which
had ftduced every perion who had hitherto
poirclTer) power there, he retired from the
trying ftation with integrity, not only un-
tainted but unfufpcLled. After diflribut-
ing among Ins countrymen polTcffions of
greater extent and value than had ever
been in the difpoial of a fubjc6l in any age
or n :tion, he himfelf remained in his
original flute of poverty; and at the very-
time, when lie brouo:ht fuch a larire recruit
to the royal treafury, he was obliged to ap-
ply by petition for a fmall fum to difcharge
Ionic petty debts, which he had contrafteJ
during the courfe of his fcrvices. Charles
was not inf-nli!)le to fuch difintcrefted
merit. Galea was received by him with
t!^e moft diftingu filed marks of eftcem,
and being promoted to the biibopric of
Palcncia, he paiicd the remainder of his

!i,

(\?\'%

1 X'

■■{■■■■

Sf-^

160

The History of

days in tlie tranquillity of retirement,
relpefted by his country, honoured by
his Ibvcrcign, and beloved by all.

A^e?n$rahU Events recorded In this ClhJpier.

1526 Pizarro difcovers Peru.
1528 He is appointed governor of the
newly -difcovercd countries.

1532 Maflacre of the Peruvians by the

Spaniards.

1533 The Inca of Caxamalca tric^, con-

demned, and executed.

1534 Pizarro arrives in Spain.

1535 Cii his return to Peru, he builds

"J »
i.ima.

Chili invaded by Almagro,

1(^36 Siege of Cuzco,

1538 Almagro tried, condemned, and

execute '.
1 541 Pizarro airaflinated in hispahce,
1546 Pedro de la "(iafca appointed Prelx-

dent of'^^Peru.
1548 He fuppi>e(rcS the rebellion in

Peru. ' ^

1550 Returns to Spain, and is made

Bilhop of Palcncia.

South America.

i6i

CONCLUSION.

AVING now taken a review of ths con-
queil of the two great empires of Mexico and
Peru, very little more I'eems worthy of notice ia
the Hillorv of South America, than to mentioa
u tew civciimftanccs relative to their political
iiillitutions and national manners.

According to the account of the Mexicans
thtmlelves, their empire was not of long con-
liiuiance. They relate, that their country was
oriL^inally polleired, rather than peopled, by
fmuil independent tribes, whole manners and
mode of lire relembled thole of the rudcfl lava*
ges in South America. About a period cor re f-
j^oiiding to the beginning of the tenth ceLtury
in the Chrillian ajra, leveral tribes moved iu
Iticccllive mis'rations from unknown reo'.ons to-
warils the north and north-vvefl, and lertled in
different provinces of Aaahuac, the ancient
name of New Spain. Thcic, more civilized
than the original inhabitants, began to torm
them to the arts of focial life. At length, to*
wards the commencement of the thirteenth cen-
tury, the Mexicans, a people more poliflied
than any of the former, advanced from the
borders of the Californian gulf, and took pof-
feffion b[ the plains adjacent ro a great lake near
the centre of the country. After reliding ther«
about fifty yeari they founded a town, fmce
diilinguiihed by tht- name of Mexico^ which
from humble beuinulnos loon p:rew to be the
molt conhderablc city in the New Vv^orld. The
Mexicans, long after they weie eUablifi\cd in
their new pofieiiions, continued, like cither mar-

lica, uuacQJaint^d vrith rc?;;l

i"if

k«^,q.

r
fe

4 .l

1 i

•?;i.*

162

The History of

dominion; and were goTcrned in peace, anJ
condiu'ted in war, by I'uch as were entitled to
pre-eminence by their wifdom or their ralour.
Among them, as in other Hates, whole power
and'^enitories become extenlive, the fuprcmc
authority centered at lail in a iinglc perlon ;
and when the Spaniards under Cortes invaded
the countrv, ]Montcziim:i was the ninth momirch
in order, who had Iwayed the Mexican Iceinrc,
not by hereditary right, but by election. Such
is the traditional talc of the Mexicans coiicein-
iniT the progrefs of their own empire, vvhleh,
according to this iiccount, mull have been but
of fliort duration.

While the jurifdic^tion of the Mexican mo-
narch s \^'as I'mited, it is probable that much
ollentat'oa was not exercifed; but as their au-
thority became more e-xtoDllve, the fplcndour
of their government crcrei'ed. It was in this
lafl Hate the Spaniards beheld it, and ftruck
with the appearance of j\Iontczuma*s court,
they dcfcribe its pomp at great length, and
with much admiration. The number of hi^
attendants, tlie order, the iilcncc, and the r .-
verencc with which they ferved him; the vafl
extent of his royal maiilion, the variety of
apartments allotted to ditterent oilicers, and tliC
cftentation with which his <nandeur was dif-
played whenever he permitted his I'ub-c.h to
behold him, {<:c\\\ to reemble tlie marnlliceiiec
of the ancient monarchic:^ in Alia, ratb.cr than
the limplicity of the infant dales in the New
World.

Tlic Mexicans, like tlie rude tribes among
tlkCm, were inceflantly eni.\aged in war, and
t1i5 motives tlut prompted thc^m to hofiih' <'rf

fe/Mi

South America.

163

feem to have been the fame. They fousfht in
orJer to gratify their vengeance, by fheJding
the blood ot their enemies. In battle, they
werc'chicfly intent on taking priibners, and it
was by the number of thcic that they cflimatcd
the glory of vidory. No captives were ever
ranfomed or fparcd : all were ihcrificed without
mercy, and their llcfli devoured with the fam«
barbarous joy as among the fierccil iavagcs.
On fon\c (Kvafions, it role to even wilder ex-
celles. Their principal warriors covered thcm-
felves with the ikins of the unhappy viclim?,
and danced about the ilrects, boailing of their
own valour, and exulting over their enemies.

Their funeral rites were no lels blood v than
thole of the moft lavage tribes. O.i the death
of any diflingulfiied perfonage, efpccialiy of
the emperor, fcveral of his attendants vrcre
chofen to accompany him to the other world,
and thefe unfortunate vi.^ims were put to death
wirhout mercy, and buried in the fame tomb.

Though the agriculture of the Mtvcicans was
more extcnfive than that of the roving tribes,
who trulled chiefly to their bovv^ for food, it
ieems not to have fupplied them with fuch
luhfirtence as men require when er.gaged in ef-
forts of active induftry. The Spaniards appear
not to have been ilruck with any iliperiority of
the Mexicans over the other people of America
in bexiily vigour. Both, according to their
obfervation, were of fuch a feebhi frame as to
be unable to endure fatigue, an '. the flreno;rh
ot one Spaniard exceeded that of fcveral Indians.
This they imputed to their fcanty diet, on poor
iare, fufficient to preserve life, but not to give
firmncfi to the conilltution.

r !■

;m r ,

TViiTi .--.h^ i*,-*"'

I '

164

The History of

In Mexico, though the dlfpolition of the houfe*
was Ibmewhat orderly, yet the itrudure of the
greater part of them was meun. Nor doci
the fabric of their temples, and other public
edifices, appear to have been fuch as entitled
them to the high prailcs befto.ved upon them
by many Spauilli authors. The gicut temple
of Mexi.:o, the moil famous in New Spain,
which has been reprefented as a magnificent
building, raifed to luch a height, that the afcent
to it was by a ftaircafe of an hundred and four-
teen fteps, was a ibiid mafs of earth of a i(]uarc
form, faced partly with llone. Its bafe on each
llde extended ninety feet, and decreaiing gradu-
ally us it advanced in height, it terminated in
a cju.idrangle or about thirty feet, where were
placed a llirine of the deity, and two altar* on
\vhich the victims were lacrificed. Greater (kill
and ingenuity were dlfplayed, if we may lelievc
the Spanlih hillorians, in the houfcs of the
emperor, and in thole of the principal nobility.
There fome elegance of dciign was vifible, and
a commodious arrangrmcnt of the apartments
was attended to; but if buildini»s corrcfponding
to fuch dcfcriptions had ever exited in the Mex-
ican cities, it is probable that fome remains of
them would ftlUbe v*fil)le. As only two centuries
and a half have clapfed iincc the concjucil of Ne\T
Spain, it feemj altogether incredll)le, that in
a period fo lliort every veftigc of this boafted
elegance and grandeur fliould have difappeared.

The Mexicans have been reprefented, per-
haps, more barbarous .than they really were;
their religious tenets, and the rites of their
woriliip, are defciihcd as wild and cruel in an
fxticir.c degree. Tht' afpe^^ of fuperftition lu

South America.

i6s

hchoufc*
arc ot the
>Jor doci
cr public
s entlilcd
pon thciu
ut temple
:w Spain,
lagnlHceut
the iifcciit
, and foLir-
)f a f(]uarc
fe on each
Lng" grada-
niinatcd m
here were

I altHr* oil
reaier (kill
nay Lclicvc
Ics ot the
al nobllltv.
nfiblc, and
apartments
rrcfponding

II the Mcx-
rcmahis of

;o centuries
ucftotNe\r
)Ie, that in
thib boafted
li( appeared,
ented, pcr-
eally were;
tes nt their
cruel in an
perdition In

Mexico was gloomy and frightful ; its divinities
weie cloathcd with tenor, and delighted in
vcnp^eance. Thev vveie exhibited to the ueo-
pie under dcte liable torms, which created hor-
ror. The hgures oi ierj ents, tyy;ers, and
ether detractive animals, decorated their tem-
ples. Feafls, moitilic.;tioni, and penances, all
rigid, and many of them txcruei icing to an ex-
treme degree, were the mcan^ emploved to ap-
pe.»fc the vvuith of their gods, and the Mexicans
never approached their altars without ipriukhng
ihcm with blood drawn irum their own bodies;
but of all otteringb, human lacrifices were
deemed the moll acceptable.

The empire of Feru boails of an higher an-
tiquity than that of Mexico. According to
the traditionary accounts collected by the
Spaniards, it had fubiilled four hundred years
under twelve fuccellive monarchs; but the
knowledge of their ancient flory, which the
Peruvians could communicate to their con-
querors, muft have been both imperfect! and
uncertain. L ke the other American nations,
they were totally unacquainted with the ait of
writing, and deftitute of the only means, by
which the memory of p ift tranfacfions can be
prefervcd with any degree of accuracy.

The authority of the Inca was unlimited
and abfolute, in the moft exteniive mcani»ig of
the words. Whenever the decrees of a prince
are conlidcred as the commands of the divinity,
it is not only an a6t of rebellion, but of im-
piety, to difputc or oppofe his will. Obedience
becomes a duty of reli<rion: and as it would
be protane to controul a monarch under the
guiduucc of heaven, and prefumptuous to advife

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i66

The History of

I' «j

•4^

him, nothing rem lins but to fubmit with im-.
plicit re^pe^^t. This muft neccifarily be the
cftedt of every government eftabliflied on pre-
tenlions of mtcrcourfc with fupcrior po\Ners.
Such accordingly wa:; the bhnJ fubmillioa
which the Peruvians yielded to their fovcrcign.'

The Incas of Peru were immcnfely rich in
gold and filver, long before they knew any^
thing of the rich filver mines of Potoii, which
were accidentally difcovcred in the year iS45»
by an Indian, as he was clambering up th«
mountains, in purfuit of a Llama which had
itraycd from his flock. Soon after the mines
of Sacotecas in New Spain, little inferior to
the other in value, were opened. From that
time fucccilive difcoveries have been made ir|
both colonies, and filver nrncs are now fo nu-
merous, that the working of them, and of
fome few mines of gold in the province of
Tierra Firme, and the new kingdom of Gra-
nada, has become the capital occupation of the
Spaniards, and is reduced into a fyilem no leiit
complicated than interelting.

To return : the wars, in which the I neat en-
gaged, were carried on with alpiritvery different
ix'oxn thofe of other American nations. They
fought not, like lavages, to dcllroy and exter-
minate, or, like the Mexicans, to glut blood-
thirfty divinities with human facriiices. They
conquered in order to reclaim and civilize the
Tanquifticd, and to infufe the knowledge of their
own inftitutions and arts. Prifoncrs fecm not
to have been expofcd to the infults and tortures,
which were their lot in every other part of the
New World. The Incas took the people whom
ihey fubdued under their protedtion, and ad-
mitted

t with iin-

ily be the

d on pre-

or powers.

fubmillioa

fovc reign.

cly rich ia

knew any

toil, which

year 1545,

ing up th«

which had

the mines

inferior to

From that

&n made in

now fo nu-

m, and of

province of

\m of Gra-

ation of the

iiem no his

le Inca! en-
ivy different
>n». They
'' and exter-
glut blood-
:es. They
civilize the
dgc of their
rs fcem not
nd tortures,
part of ths
eople whom
in, and ad-
mitted

i.-;i

mWi

UHVbil'' .^1

* >

>;tV 1

'V'

>(.' *

. ji»»

►, .1

* »

South America.

167

minted them to a participation of all the advan-
tages enjoyed by their ori^jinal fubje(^ls,

in Peru, agriculture, the art of primary nc-
cefTitv in loclal life, was more extentive, and
carried oji with greater fkill, than in any ether
part of America. The Spaniards, in their pro-
gicis through the country, were lb fully fuppHcd
with provifions of every kind, that in the relation
of their adventures we meet with few of thofc
difmal fcenes of diftrcfs, occafioned by famine,
in which the conquerors ot INIe^dco were fo often
involved. The quantity of foil under cultiva-
tion was not left to the difcrction of individuals,
but regulated by public authority, in proportion
to the exigencies of the community. F^vcn tho
calamity of an unfruitful feafon was but little
felt ; lor the produc'l: of the lands confccrated to
the Sun, as well as thofe lit apart for the Incas,
being depoiited in the public flore-houfes, it
there remained as a ftated provifion for timet
of fcarcity.

The ingenuity of the Peruvians was alfo con-
fpicuous in the conftruclion of their houfes and
public buildings. In the exteniive plains, which
llretch along the Pacific Ocean, where the Iky if
perpetually ferene, and the climate mild, their
houfes were very properly built only of flight
materials ; but in the higher regions, where
rain falls, where the vlcillitudes of feafons are
known, and their rigour felt, houfes were con-
ftru6led with greater folidity. They were gc*
nerall^ of a fquare form, the walls about eight
feet high, built with bricks hardened in the Sun,
without any windows, and the door low an4
(trait. Simple as thcfe ftriu'lurcb were, and rude
AS the maCcriaU may fcem to be, of which ihcy

]: M

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B ■**■»',

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x68

The History, &c.

were formed, thcv were fo durable, that many
of them ftill fubfift in difierent parts of l^erii,
lonsj after every monument, that might have
conveyed to us any idea of the domeftic Ibte of
the other American nations, h;is vanifhed from
the face of the earth. It was in the temples
confccrated to the Sun, and in the buildings
dcftined for the refidence of their monarchs, that
the Peruvians difplayed the utmoft extent of
their art and contrivance. The delcriptions of
them by (ome of the Spanifh writers, who had
an opportunity of contemplating them, while,
in fomc mealure entire, might have appeared
highly exaggerated, if the ruins which ftiil re-
main, did not vouch the truth of their relations.
The unwarlike Spirit of the Peruvians wag
the moft remarkable, as well as the moft fatal
defe^fl in their characfi^er. The greater part of
the rude nations of America oppofed their in-
vaders with undaunted ferocity, though with
little condu^l or fuccefs. The Mexicans main-
tained the flruggle in defence of their liberties
with fuch perfevering fortitude, that it wai
with difficulty they triumphed over them.
Peru was fubdurd at once, and almoft without
rcfiftance ; and the moft favourable opportuni-
ties of regaininc; their freedom, and of crudiing
their opprefibrs, were loft through the timidity
#f the people.

tiJA

THE END.

that many

rts ot' Peru,

might have

leftic Hate of

mlfhed from

the temples

le buildings

)narch8, that

)ft extent of

slcrlptions of

rs, who had

hem, while,

ive appeared

hich iViil re-

leir relations,

Tuvians was

he moft fatal

eater part of

)red their in-

thongh with

Jxicans main-

:heir liberties

that it was

over them.

moft without

le opportuni-

d of cruHiing

\ the timidity