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,1 f

r^^-

•v!?

-,'rt

WORKS ISSUED BY

XLbc Ibaklu^t Society.

-f)-

DANMSH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS,

1605 TO 1620.

BOOK I.— EXPEDITIONS TO OREENEAND,

1605 TO 1612.

No. XCVI.

DANISH

ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS,

1605 ^^0 1620.

IN TWO BOOKS:

BOOK I.-THK IMXISIf EXI'EDITIONS TO CKKKXF.AX !)

IN 1605, 160O, AND ,^7; TO WHICH IS AI.I.KI, CAITAin

James Ha.i.'s Vovack tc Cki.i.M.AM, in ,612.
HOOK II.-THK EXI'EDITION OK CAI'TAIX JKXS MLXK

TO H II. sons liAV IN SkaRCH OK A NoRTH-WksT

I'assac.k in 1619-20.

iBUctcD. iuitfi Hotru anlr imroDurKonB.

C. C. A. GOSCH.

BOOK I.

LONDON:
I'KINTEI) FOR THE HAKLIVT SOCIETY.

M.DtCC.XCMI.

^'^~ Si^o

LONDON ;
I'RINTI'.D M' TIIK llHDKORl) I'RKSS, .tO ANU 31, IIBDKOKUUUKV, W.t.

■

COUNCIL

THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.

SiK Cl.F-MKNTs NFakkmam, K.C.B.. F.R.S., Pres. R.G.S., \

RKSIDKVT.

TiiK ki<;nr IIuN. Till.; I

OKI) Stani.ky ok Ai.df.ri.kv, \'i( i;-l'Ki;sri)i;NT.

SlK WlI.r.lAM WllA

KTON, K.C.H., \'l( K-I'KKSIDKNT.

''. K AV.MoM) |{i;a/i,i;y, !•:

SI'.. M.A.

< iM.dNKI, (J. KAKI, ClIL'Kf 11.

I'm; Kiiiiir Hon. ciKoui

i{i;i; N. CiKzoN, .\l.p,
.\i.ni:iM Cray, K.sq.
Ai.iKi II IIak.\i>\\()1mii, i;n(.i.
I'm. kiciir lldN. LoKii II.wvkksiu kv.
I'JiUAKI) Hk.wvood, Ivsy., M.A.
AliMIRAr, .SiK .\\llloNV U. IIOSKINS, (l.C.n.

Ki;ak-.\i>mikai. .\i,hi;kt II. Makkiiam.
A. ['. Mai nsi.Av, Ksq.
1'.. Dii.MAR MoKcJAN, Ksg.

C.M'T.MN N'AIIIAN. \<.V..

AdmiKAI. SlU !•:. (J.MMANNKV, C. H. , I\R..S.

CiTiiHKKi I'",. I'i:i;k, h'.sv.
v.. (J. k.w iiN.MKiN, Esq.
Howard Salndkrs, Esq.

•llAKl.KS W'KI.CII. E.Sl.1., I'.S.A.

WlI.I.lAM FOSTKK, ICSQ., M. A. , lloiu

irary Secri'lary.

COXTKXTS ()!• HOOK I.

P:i»itors I'rkkack

• * • •

Introduction :

j! I.— On the Original Accoimts of the XOyagrs to {;icfnland
in 1605, 1606, i(>o7, nm\ 1^,12 .

.^ 1 1. -Preliminary Remarks 011 the X'oyages to (Mccnland in
1605, 16c/), 1607, anti 1612 . . . .

Postscript

KM'IDITIons to Cki.ini.ani.. iCkj,. fny,, iC^;, and 1612:

A Report to King Christian IV of Denmark on the Danisli
Expedition to (ireenland, under the (ornmand of C aptain
John Cunningham, in 1^,05. I'.y James Hall, ( iiief j'ilot

Another Account of the Danish Expedition to (ireenland,
under the command of Captain John CumiinKliam, in
1605. |{y James Hall. Chief I'ilot : as abbreviated 1)\- the
Rc\. Samuel I'urchas ....

An .\ccount of the Danish Kxpethtion to (ireenland, under the
command of Cajnain (wxlske Lindenow, in 1606. IJy
James Hall, Chief i'iiot: a> abbre\ialed by tiie Rev.
Samuel I'urchas .....

An Account f)f the Knj^lish Kxpedition to (Ireenland, under
the command of Captain James Hall, in 1612. Ily John
(latonbe, Quartermaster , »

Another Account of the latter part of tlie English Expedition
to (Ireenland, under the tommand of Ca])tain James Hall,
in 1612. liy William Haftln ; as abbreviated by the Rev.
.Samuel I'urchas .....

Appen'DICKs :

Appendix .\.— On the " Stockholm Chart". By C. C. A. Coscli
Appendix B.— On " Busse Island". By Miller Christy

VAC.E
IX

XXIV

cxiii

120

'39
164

Inkkx

:o^

i»^-

LIST OF MAPS IN HOOK I.

Map of (Greenland and Davis Strait, showing the Courses
followed on the Expeditions of 1605, 1606, and 1612

facing

I lall's Map of his " Kinge Chiistianus Forde" (Itivdiek) Facing

Halls Map of his " CiininKhani's Forde" (The Southern Kan-
Kerdkiarsuk) . .. . . Facing

Hall's Mail of his " Urade Hanson's Forde" (Serfortak) Facing

Hall's Ma|) of the portion of the West Coast of (Greenland

• » . Facing

explored by him
Reproduction of the " Stockholm Chart'"
Reproduction of Sellers Map of" iUiss Island"

In ihk Text.
Map of Itivdiek

Map of North and South Kangerdkiarsuk .
Map of part of Arfersiorfik with Serfortak

111
18

18
18

Facing
Facine

•39
164

Ixi

Ixvii

EDITOR'S PREFACE.

N several previous volumes, the
Hakluyt Society has j)ublishecl
new editions of the orijj^inal ac-
counts of all the Knj^lish voyaj^es
in search of a North- West Passaj^e
to India which were undertaken
between 1576 and 1632, when, after the return of
Foxe and James, the search was discontinued for a
considerable period. These voyaj^es form a distinct
and connected series. Between the years indicated,
only one ex[)edition was sent out with the same
object from any other country thnn E no land, e-z.:.,
the Danish Expedition to Hudson's Bay under Jens
Munk in 1619-1620; and inasmuch as that expe-
dition was piloted by Englishmen and was intend xl
to follow up the results obtained upon some of the
English voyages, it may fairly be looked upon as
closely connected with the latter. It seemed de-
sirable, therefore, to complete the Society's series of
works relating to the exi)editions in question by

X EDITOR s i'rp:fa(:e.

adding an English version of Munk's narrative of his
voyage. There appeared so much the more occasion
for doing so, as Munk's book, which was published
in Danish in 1624, had never been translated into
any other language, and its contents, which are
interesting in many respects, were kn»)wn to the
world at large only through incomplete and un-
reliable abstracts. On the initiative of Mr. Miller
Christy, the editor of the last English voyages, vi.":.,
those of Ft)\e and James, it was accordingly arranged
that an I{nt^lish version of Minik's Naz'^i^aiio Scp-
tentrionalis should be issued by the Society under
the joint editorship of Mr. Christy and Mr. K. Del-
mar Morgan, as was announced at the time." At a
very earl\' stage, however, the last-named gentle-
man offered to retire ; after which, I was invittxl by
the Council to take his place, which I had much
pleasure in doing.

Shortly after, it was decided to join to Munk's
narrative the accounts of James Hall's voyages from
Denmark and England to Creenland in 1605, 1606,
1607, and 1612. New editions of at least the first
two of these voyages were, indeed, called for by
the fact that a very consitlerable amount of fresh
material for the elucidation of Hall's discoveries
had come to light, but had, as yet, been utilised only
to a small extent.

In one respect, the arrangement adopted was not
altogether appropriate: viz., in so far that the voyages

1 See Miller Christy's Voyages of Foxe and Jniiws, p. liii, note.

KHITOU S PKEr- ACK.

in question had totally different objects from that of
Munk, and could not be reckoned amon!:^st those
undertaken in search of a North-West Passai>e ; but,
from several other points of view, there aj)j)eared,
nevertheless, to be not a Httk; connection between
at least the first three of these voyages to Greenland
and that of Munk. They were in some respects
fore-runners of Munk's expedition, and form with it
a notable chapter in the history of Danish Arctic
enterprise. Nor were these Danish voyages to
Greenland without connection with Enij^land and the
Enj^lish expeditions in search of a North-West
Passajj;"e, seeing" that the chief pilot, James Hall, to
whom the credit o( the discoveries made mainly
belongs, was an I'^n^lishman ; and that one of
the vessels of the expedition was commanded by
another I^nnlishman, John Knight, who in the
followinjj;' year commanded one of the I^nj^lish
voyages just alluded to. It may be mentioned,
too, that the expedition of 1605 was commanded
by John Cunninj^ham. a Scotchman, who afterwards
commanded one of the v(!ssels on the .second
voyage.

As regards Hall's own voyage in 161 2, its inclu-
sion in tin: present work ma\' seem less justifiable.
It was neitluM" a Danish voyage nor had it for its
object (like the three prt!ceding ones) the discovery
of the lost ccjlonies in GreeMiland. It was a |)urely
English voyage, undertaken solely for commercial
purposes. Moreover, portions of the two accounts
we have of this voyage have already appeared in

?!^^i

Nil

EDITOR S PRKFACK.

one of the works issued by the Hakluyt Society.'
Nevertheless, it was felt that a new edition of these
two narratives would not be out of place in connec-
tion with those of the Danish voyages. Not only
did Hall on this occasion supi)lement his discoveries
made on the previous voyages, but the accounts of
the voyage of 1 6 1 2 will be found to assist materially
in elucidating those of the expeditions of 1605 and
1606. In many respects, the voyage of 161 2 was a
continuation of the earlier ones, and the accounts of
the former are only in part intelligible to readers
who are not familiar with the accounts of the latter.
I'Lirthermore, by joining together the accounts of
all the voyages to Greenland in which Hall took
[)art, it has been possible to collect in one place all
that is known of the life and work of a man who
occupies a very honourable place amongst early
English Arctic explorers.

The present work consists, therefore, of two
distinct parts, or " Books", each constituting a
volume, with its own index, and so far complete in
itself

Book I contains rej)rints from PuvcJias his Pil-
grimcs ( 1 625), of Hall's own accounts of the voyages
of 1605 'iii^^^ 1606, and of Baffin's account of the
voyage of 161 2; as well as a reprint, from Churchill's
Collections of Voyages and Travels, of Gatonbe's
account of the latter voyage. To these are added

' The lovdffes of William Baffin, edited by Sir Clements
Markham (Hakluyt Society, iSSi).

r.DITOR S I'REKACE.

XIII

another account of the voyage of 1605 ^' V\d\\
himself, accompanied by maps, now printed for the
first time, from a manuscript in the British Museum ;
and translations of two Danish accounts of the
voyages of 1605 and 1606. There are also two
Appendices, treatinjr respectively of an old chart
("The Stockholm Chart"), which is of much interest
in connection with Hall's Voyai^es, and of " Buss
Island".

Book II contains a translation of Jens Munk's
Navigatio Scptcntrionalis, made from the edition of
1624, corrected by means of Munk's original manu-
script. This is followed by a Commentary, contain-
ing, partly, explanatory matter which would otherwise
have had to be given in footnotes of inconvenient
length, partly a discourse on Munk's map, which
has not hitherto received the attention it may justly
claim.

That the work, thus extended in scope, now
appears under my name alone is due to the fact
that Mr. Christy, who had initiated it, decided
to withdraw from participation in the (iditorshii)
before the completion of the work. As the
latter, however, was far advanced at the time, it
becomes my agreeable duty here to record the
part borne by Mr. Christy during the time of our
joint editorship. Partly by mutual arrangement,
partly by force of circumstances, the main part of
the literary work fell to my share, whilst Mr. Christy
was Liood enough to imdertake the more technical
business of seeing the work through tlio press,

XIV

f:ditok s pkekack.

jirrani^inf»' the execution of the illustrations, etc. But
he has not by any means confined himself to this.
Besides Ap()endix li containing an exhaustive dis-
course on the imaj^inary "Buss Island". Mr. Christy
has contributed to Book I that part of the Intro-
duction which treats of the EnLj^lish expedition of
1612 (pp. cii-cxi), as well as most of the notes to
(iatonbe's and Baffin's accounts of that voyage,
and a number of notes to other portions of the
book, mostly containing information on questions
of biogra[)hy and natural history, or referring to
obsolete words and various defects in the texts of
Hall's narratives, which were reprinted from Pur-
chas under Mr. Christy's s[)ecial suj)erintendence.
To Book II Mr. Christy has contributed the second
chapter of the Introduction, containing a Notice
of the English Voyages which preceded Munk's
(pp. Ixviii-xciv) ; furthermore, the map of Churchill
Harbour, and some notes. To Mr. Christy's active
incjuiries are due besides several interesting extracts
from English records. With these exceptions, the
editorial matter is my own work ; at the same time,
it is a matter of course that, in what each of us has
written, we have benefited by mutual assistance
in minor matters, in which resj)ect my indebted-
ness cannot but be the greater considering the
proportionate bulk of our parts.

It may be mentioned in this connection that the

,'^e chart of Hudson's Bay and Strait j)laced at the

end of Book 1 1 was originally prepared for, and

used in, Mr. Miller Christy's Voyaors of Foxe and

EDITOR S PREFACE.

fames ; but as it equcilly well serves our purpose
here, it is used au^ain, with slioht alterations, Munk's
route beino- revised.

Several English correspondents, whose names are
mentioned in the proper places, have kindly afforded
information and assistance.

It will be easily understood that a considerable
proportion of the information required for the
elucidation of the voyaj^es edited in these volumes
had to be obtained from Denmark, and that I am,
consequently, much indebted to friends and corre-
spondents there.

I have much pleasure in recordinq; my best
thanks to M. P»ruun, Princij)al Librarian of the
Royal Library at Copenhagen, for the loan to
London of a copy of the rare first edition (1624) of
IMimk's b(3ok ; to Dr. Hirket Smith. Principal
Librarian of the University Library at Copenhagen,
who kindly made arrangements for me to copy
Munk's original manuscript at a time of the year
when the Library was closed to the public ; to AL
Jiirgensen. Keeper of the National Archives in
Denmark, for special facilities of research ; and to
Count Snollsky, Princi|)al Librarian of the Royal
Library at Stockholm, for permission to have a copy
executed of the interesting old chart which I have
described as "the Stockholm Chart". I am, more-
over, beholden to all these gentlemen, as well as to
Dr. Wieselgren, Sub- Librarian at Stockholm, and
others, for information and kind assistance of various
kinds. F"inally, I am under great obligations to

XVI

EDITOR S PREFACE.

Capt. J. A. Jensen, of the Danish Royal Navy,
who. during- the years 1878, 1879, 1884 and 1885,
pardy executed, partly superintended, the mapping
of the West Coast of Greenland between lat. 64^
and 68'', and has kindly placed at my disposal a
large number of maps and map-sketches of various
localities on that coast, which were visited by Hall.
These have been of very great use, and, with Capt.
Jensen's permission, three of them have been repro-
duced in the first volume.

C. C. A. GoscH.

i'l

August, 1897.

CCAGOSCH'S "DANISH ARCTIC VOYAGES

showing

THE ROUTES OF THE VOYACffiS

fron

DENMARK AND ENGIAND

GREENLAND

Ju
ChrwlraTVu

IC VOYAGES, 1605-1620'! BOOKl [HAKLUYT S0C.1897)

grj

>■ — *

68"

65'

tr*

f r? f i f iii I f f i r r I "' flfi *^ *

,Tuh///

Jwly\fHn,.
\

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Frobisher
Bay

Resokitiaii

Hudson
Strait

'1.

4.
\

\ /

n. . — — ^ M

r, ^J

July 23 J

\
\

M —

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June / I

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AtaM

O.PhOxpJi San.JZ Flee^S'K.C

-Ui.- i -UH-

<i'p .

wmmm^^m^'m^>'^fmmim

THE

DANISH EXPEDITIONS

GREENLAND,

1605, 1606, AND 1607 ;

TO WHICH IS ADDED

CAPTAIN JAMES HALL'S VOYAGE TO
GREENLAND in 1612.

[From Purchas His Pi/grimes, Churchill's Collection of

Voyages and Travels, and a Manuscript in the

British Museum.]

INTRODUCTION.

I. — On the Oi-iginal Accounts of the J'oj'a^es to
Green/and in 1605, 1606, 1607, an(t 1612.

NTIL within the last fifty years,
very Httle was known about the
Danish Expeditions to Green-
land in 1605 "^^^^ 1606, beyond
what could be learned from the
accounts of James Hall (who
acted as pilot), which were published in Purchas his
Pilgrimcs} In several respects, however, these
narratives are defective, notably as retrards the
^geographical exploration of the coast ; and, if it is
now possible to give a fairly-complete account of
these voyages, this is due to the fact of important
fresh material having come to light within the period
named.

^ " Hakluytiis Posfhumus, or Purchas his Pi /grimes ; Contayn-
ing a History of the IVorid, in Sea Voyages and Lande Trauel/s,
h Englishmen and others" * * * By Samuel Purchas, ?>.!).
(London, 4 vols., fcp, fol., 1625), vol. iii, pp. 814-826.

vi DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-T62O.

The foremost place amongst these new sources of
knowledge must be conceded to Hall's original
Report to the King of Denmark on the voyage of
1605, of which a copy is preserved in the British
Museum.' The chief importance of this document
lies in the fact that it is accompanied by
four maps, drawn by Hall, which constitute the
earliest attempts at anything like accurate mapping
of any portion of the west coast of Greenland, and
which, as such, are extremely creditable to Hall.
These maps not only illustrate the Report, but, as
regards one portion of the voyage, they really repre-
sent nearly all the information concerning it that
we have from Hall himself After having reached
a convenient port in Greenland, where the com-
mander of the expedition might wait for him in safety,
Hall set out in a smaller vessel in order to explore
the coast northwards, as far as he could in the course
of three or four weeks ; but, in the " Report", he
gives no description at all of this portion of the
voyage, or of its result, referring merely to his
maps, from which alone, therefore, the reader is
left to gather where Hall went and what he
discovered. These maps do not accompany the
accounts published by Purchas : hence the great
importance of their having come to light. It was
Mr. Clements Markham who, in 1881, first drew
attention to the existence of this manuscript and the

1 MS. Bibl. A'et^'., 17A, xlviii, p. 261.

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND.

maps in his work on William Baffin^; but, as they
came under his notice only in connexion with the fact
that Baffin served under Hall in 1612, Mr. ]\L;rkham
did not enter further on the subject. His observa-
tions, however, led to the manuscript and the maps
being copied for the use of the Danish Commission
for the Exploration of Greenland, and the maps were
reproduced (though mostly on a reduced scale) in an
interesting paper by Mr. K. J. V. Steenstrup, on
the ancient Scandinavian settlement in Greenland,
published in 1889.^ Hall's report itself was not
then published, and is now printed for the first time
in the present volume, accompanied by full-size
reproductions of the maps.^

1 The Voyages c/' William Baffin, 1612-1622 (Hakluyt Society,
1 881), pp. xxi, 17, id 23.

- Oni OsteH>\gde/i, in Meddelcher om Gronland [Reports on
Greenland], vol. ix (1889), p. 1-5 1. These Meddeher (which will
he often quoted in the sequel) constitute the regular organ of the
Commission for the Exploration of Greenland, and contain a vast
amount of information on that country.

^ The manuscript consists of 21 leaves, small quarto, and is
bound together with others of a similar size. The watermark of
the paper, as far as visible, represents two towers. Tlie leaves
have no original numbering or pagination, but the second to the
twentieth leaf have subsequently been marked in pencil, i to 19,
by some librarian. All the pages are bordered all round by fine
red double lines, which extend beyond the corners where they
meet to the edges of the i)aper, except on the pages prepared for
maps, on which the border-lines are not so continued. The first
leaf has no writing on it, and the report commences on the front
page of the second leaf, without any title-page or heading. I'he
text is closely and very neatly written in the same hand all
through, but whether by Hall himself, or by a professional scribe

Ill

11^

viii DANISH ARCTIC EXl'EDITIONS, 1605-162O.

How this document (which, one would think,
would naturally have found a place in some Danish

— which latter seems to be the more probable — cannot be
decided in the absence of even the smallest authenticated scrap
of Hall's own handwriting. The text extends over 1 1 pages,
ending at the foot of the front page of the seventh leaf, the back
of which does not exhibit any writing. On the front page of the
eighth leaf is written in red : -" The Demonstration of the
fordes, rivers, and the coste", and on the reverse of this leaf the
first map is drawn. The description of, or key to, that map
occupies the opposite page (viz., the front page of the ninth leaf),
on the back of which the second map is drawn. The tenth,
eleventh, and front of the twelfth leaf arc similarly occupied by
maps and their descriptions, but the back of the last-named folio
contains nothing 0/ the kind, though it is prepared for a map, as
are also the back pages of the remaining leaves, excepting the
last. As, however, they have not been utilized, the manuscript
ends virtually on the twelfth leaf. On all the pages intended for
maps (13 in number), the rectangle formed by the border-lines is
divided into quarters by black lines, and a compass is drawn —
rather carelessly — in the centre. On all of tnem, the fleur-de-lys
(or "fly") of the compass has been originally drawn pointing to
the right, but subsequently erased. On the eight last map-pages,
it has been redrawn in the same position, over the erasure ; but,
on the first five of these pages, it has been replaced by another,
pointing upwards. As regards the maps themselves, we refer the
reader to our reproductions. As, however, these have had to be
done in black only, in order to save expense, it should be noticed
that the originals are coloured. They appear to have been origi-
nally drawn — the outlines at least — with a lead pencil, and
afterwards blackened with ink. The water is tinted a pale dirty
blue ; the land, light green ; the mountains, dark brown. In
addition to the border-lines, the reference-letters on the maps, as
well as the corresponding letters in the descriptions, and the
headings of the descriptions, are in red. The compasses of
all four maps are coloured red, blue, and yellow ; and the
Royal Arms of Denmark on the fourth map are roughly, but,
as far as it goes, correctly, blazoned in colours.

KXPEDITIONS TO (iRKENLAND.

Archives) came to this country and found its way to

the Royal Collection of MSS. is not known ; but

more than one way can he imajrined in which this

may have come about. The most probable ex-

j)lanation is, j)erhaps, indicated by the fact that

the MS. is pre|)ared for more maps than the four

we have. The Rej^ort announces itself as written

in the year 1605 — as, indeed, Hall's original account

must have been, because the King" would require an

immediate report on the exploration of the coast,

which formed a primary object of the voyage. But,

as it is not at all likely that Hall would have had

time then to elaborate a document like the one before

us, the probability is that he submitted a jireliminary

account, accompanied by some sketches sufficient for

the purpose, and that he afterwards, at his leisure,

prctpared a finished copy for presentation on some

future occasion. Sup[)osing (which is by no means

improbable) that the sk(!tches brought home fn^n

the first voyage were not quite sufficient for the

purpose. Hall may, on the second voyage, have sup-

plcmenti^d them, as far as the localities then visited

were concerned ; and he may have postponed the

execution of the remaining maps until he should

have; visited the other places a second time, for

which he would naturally expect to have an oppor-

ttiiiity in 1607. ■^^^' however, in that year, he was

ordered to proceed to a different part of Greenland,

and as, after that, the expeditions were discontinued,

1 1 all may never have b(;en able to finish the maps ;

and, when his enoa<>cment in Denmark ti^rminated

I' i

DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS. 1605-162O.

!l<

soon after, he may have carried the document with
him to England and even finished it here.^

Whether a similar report on the second voyage
ever existed is not known, but it is not probable,
because the geographical exploration of the country
was not, on that occasion, further extended.

A comparison between Hall's Report to the
King and his account of the first voyage, as printed
in Purchas his Pilgrims, shows that the latter, upon
the whole, is fuller, containing a number of details
which would interest a general reader, but which
would not be in their proper place in a Report to the
King, such as the names of the ships and their com-
manders, many details of navigation, etc. The
principal addition is a so-called '* Topographical
Description of Greenland", evidently written as an
entirely separate piece, a kind of appendix to the

1 This is Mr. Gosch's view. It seems to me more probable
that an official report to the King of Denmark would be made in
1 )anish, rather than in English, even though the reporter was an
Englishman, and though the King is known to have had many
other trusted English servants, who could at any moment have
translated the report for him. I cannot, therefore, regard the
interesting MS. in the British Museum as the actual original
Report to the King. It appears to me more likely that the MS.
was either Hall's first draft, from which a translation intended
for the King (and now lost) was made, or a copy of his Report
to the King which Hall retained for his own private use. It is
quite possible, as suggested by Mr. Markham ( Voyages of Baffin,
p. xxi), that, whatever this MS. is. Hall retained it, and brought
it with him to England, and presented it to King James ; or it is
just conceivable that it is a copy sent by the King of Denmark
(Christian IV), as a matter of courtesy, to his brother-in-law King
James. — M. C-

i f

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND.

account of the whole vovaoe. which the editor, in an
extremely clumsy manner, has thrust into the middle
of it — viz., in the place where Hall's account of his
excursion in the smaller vessel would have stood, if
he had given one. It seems as if Purchas had felt
that something was wanting here, and had tried to fill
up the gap by means of this piece. It has a separate
heading and commences quite abruptly, without
any connexion with the preceding ; but the conclu-
sion is worked up with the continuation of Hall's
account of the voyage. Apart from these differ-
ences, and the one other particular point alluded
to above, the agreement between the two accounts
with regard to what is told, how it is told,
and, not least, with regard to what is not told,
is so close that the account printed by Purchas may
properly be described as an amplification of the
Report, done of course by Hall himself from his
notes, and so far equally original, but with a view to
publication, and very likely intended to be entrusted
to Hakluyt, from whom Purchas most probably ob-
tained it at the death of the former in 1618, as he
(lid many other narratives.^ There is, however (as
already mentioned), one very im})()rtant difference
between the account in Purchas and the Re|)ort, viz.,
that the former is not accompanied by maps, nor is
there any mention of, or reference to, any such. If
the two narratives had not, in other respects, been
so closely alike as they are, there would have been

* See Purchas his nigrimes, vol. i, Preface to the Reader.

n \

xii DANISH ARCTIC KXl'KDITIONS, 1605-162O.

nothiiio- j)articiilarly notttworthy in this fact. But,
under the circumstcinces. it is remarkable that Hall,
in this later account, should have, as' it were, skipped
his exploring- excursion in the pinnace, exactly in
the same maniUT as h(; docs in tht: K(;port to the
Kino-, and yet not have referred his read(;rs to maps,
as h(i does in the Rej)ort. If he had not intended
the account printed in Purchas to be accompanied by
the maps, surely he would have oiven a description
of this excursion, as of course he could easily have
done. It is true that Purchas himself says that the
account which he prints is " abbreviated" from the
original, and in m.uiy places there is evidence of this
abbreviation havinj^ been done with too little care.
Hut it cannot be supposed for a moment that who-
ever executed this abbreviation would have left out
what ct)uld not but be reoarded as one of the most
important jwrtions of the narrative. It seems, there-
fore, most probable that Hall intended his account
to be accompanied by copies of the maps with which
his Repori to the; Kino' was illustrated, and that his
account originally contained references to thcMii,
similar to those contained in this last-mentioned
document, but that Purchas (or whoever arranged
th(! narrative for publication) suppressed the allusions
to the maps, as he did not intend to publish the
latter.

It is, of course, quite possible that Purchas may
n(;ver have come into possession of the maps ;
but, in that case, we believe it must be assumed that
the abbreviation of the accounts was not done by

EXI'KDITIONS To (iRKKNLAN'l >.

Xlll

him, becaust; it seems to be j)rovecl by a certain
j)assaoe in a note ap[)endecl to the account of the
second voyage that the person who brought Hall's
narratives into the shape in which we now have
them in Purchas was acquainted with the maj)s.
The note in question (see pp. 79-80) consists
of disjointed statements, evidently culled from
Hall's unabbreviated narrative by somebody who
appears to have considered that they ought not
to have been omitted from the abstract, and. there-
fore, added them at the iini\. One of these state-
ments is the followino- : " l^redaransies Ford is most
northerly." Now the locality here alluded to was
visited by Hall on his exploring excursion in the
[)innace in 1605, and was shown on his map under
the name of " Brade Ranson's Ford" ; but it is
not mentioned in his narratives, because in that
of the first voyage nothing is said about the
geographical results of the excursion, and on the
second voyage the place in question was not
visited. Whoever wrote this note must, there-
fore, have seen the niaps ; and, if any proof were
wanted that this was not Hall himself, we have
it in the corruption of the name, which can not
reasonably be attributed to Hall. If Purchas wrote
the note, he must have had this information from
the map (IV, k) ; and, as he is known to have
suppressed Baffin's map,^ he may have sujipressed

' See Purchas /lis Pii}^nines, vol. iii, p. 847, note : also Mark-
ham's I Wages of IVilliam Baffin, p. liv.

. u

M i

if:

1 '

' '

XIV DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O.

Hall's also. At the same time, in favour of the sup-
position that he received the narrative in the state in
which he printed it, we may adduce the consideration
that, if he had himself collected these additional
statements from Hall's original MS., he would
probably have inserted them in the abstract in
their proper places, instead of presenting them to
his readers in such a crude form. In any case,
whether Purchas or another wrote the note, this
much is certain : That, not only was the abbre-
viation made and the note written, but the accounts
of Hall, in their present form, and his maps
were seen by persons interested in Arctic Research
before 1612, because several of Hall's local names
mentioned in these accounts (and particularly also
" Bredrans's R.") appear, more or less corrupted,
on the map published in 161 2 by Hessel Gerritsz.
The date may even have been earlier, because
Gerritsz's map is generally (and no doubt rightly)
supposed to be, in the main, a reproduction of
Hudson's "card", which (apart from the portions
discovered by Hudson himself) may be taken
as representing his ideas of the results of arctic
explorations previous to his own setting out in
1 6 10. If those names were found on Hudson's
"card" (as is quite possible), he must have
had access to Hall's accounts, or to information
derived from them. We have, however, no means
of knowing whether those names were on the
" card" ; and it is, perhaps, more probable that
Hessel Gerritsz put them on his map from informa-

EXFKDITIONS TO (;kEKNLAND.

tion of his own, as the names mostly appear in a
corrupted form, which can scarcely have been
derived from Hudson's "card". The misspelling
' Bredrans R." of course points to the above-
mentioned note as its source ; but another of the
names (*' Romborts R." for Ramelsfjord — on Hall's
map " Romlesford") does not occur in Purchas.

In Purchas' work, Hall's accounts are accompanied
by numerous side-notes, nearly all merely intended
for reference. Of these, some seem due to Hall, be-
cause of the employment of the first person, as :
" Our departure in the pinnace" ; " We meet again
with the Lion\ etc. ; but we have reproduced
only a few of them, which convey additional in-
formation.

Next in importance to Hall's Report to the King
of Denmark on the expedition of 1605, and the maps
belonging to it, stands the manuscript Journal of
Alexander Leyell, who was one of the crew of the
pinnace in which Hall made his excursion north-
wards, Leyell's notes, short as they are, supple-
ment, in a most fortunate manner. Hall's narrative,
as will be shown more fully in the proper place.

A Journal similar to that of Leyell, but relating
to the second voyage in 1606, has also been
preserved. It was kept by Hans Bruun, who was
in command of one of the vessels employed on that
occasion.

A third contemporary manuscript, which refers
to the expedition of 1605, gives a short account of
the Greenlanders who were at that time brought

ssssm

Xvi DANISH ARCTIC KXI'EDITIONS. 1605-162O.

down to Denmark. It is anonymous, and is of
little importance for our present purpose.

Finally, we have to mention a manuscript chart
of the beginning of the seventeenth century, which
is of interest in connexion with these expeditions,
because all the principal names bestowed by Hall
on various localities in Greenland in 1605 ^""^
inserted upon it, even such as are not mentioned
either in the accounts printed by Purchas, or on
Hessel Gerritsz's map, but only appear on Hall's own
map of the coast explored by him. We shall allude
to this chart hereafter as the " Stockholm Chart" ;
but, as the observations we have to make on it
are rather lengthy, we have printed them in form of
an Appendix (A), to which we refer the reac ir.

It is curious that these four documents, like Hall's
Report to the King, are not preserved in Denmark.
They all belong to the Royal Library at Stockholm,
forming part of a volume of manuscripts which is
generally supposed to have been carried away from
Denmark, together with other literary treasures, by
King Carl X Gustaf during his war with Denmark
in 1658-59.^

^ The four MSS. above mentioned are bound, together with
several others, in a parchment cover dating from the seventeenth
century (Catalogue-mark, K. 29). This is marked on the side
"JVo. 75". On the back, near the top, is written : Karl Knuds[o]us
I Och Groniands \ histori[e\ mscr. \ II. Farther down, is written :
Antiquitets Coll. s. sign K 2g, which latter inscription is thought
to be the only portion dating from the period subsequent to the
removal of the volume to Sweden. On the first flyleaf is written :
Antrox Lymvicj Citnhrj 8j, apparently indicating that the volume

^^^fwrw^wi^ I ;■

EXPEDITIONS TO GRKENLAND.

XVli

The three first-named documents were made use
of for the first time by Dr. C. Pingel, and published
in 1845 in his valuable paper entitled Nyere Reiser
til Grimland (Modern X'^oyaf^es to Greenland).^
Complete translations of the Journals will be found
in the following pages, partly in our general account
of these two voyages, partly in our notes to
Hall's accounts; but, as they consist entirely of
'^hort disconnected entries, it has not been thought
necessary to print them separately and as a whole
amongst the texts. Nor have we seen sufficient
reason for translating the account of the Green-
landers. The Stockholm Chart was brought to

(or, at any rate, the first manuscript contained in it) once was the
[jroperty of a native of Jutland, named Anders Lemvig, which is
a Danish name. Leyell's Journal consists of six leaves (21 by
16.5 cm.), of which the first only contains the following title :
Sandjerdigh Beretningh um thetm Groenlandesz reise soiii Ktiiiiig.
May. 2, Skiff giorde Anno i6os^. Alexander Leyell. ("A truthful
.-Vccount of the Voyage to Greenland which three of H.R.M.
Ships made in the year 1605. A. L") This is repeated as a
heading to the Journal, which commences on the second leaf.
The last leaf contains only four and a half lines of text, besides a
note signed Wylhn Hendricks ij Egebeck. The handwriting is
the same all through, neat and firm, excepting the note at the
end and another in the margin of the second i)age of the fourth
loaf, which are both in the same, much inferior hand. Bruun's
Journal is written on three leaves (20.7 by 16.8 cm.), in a less
good hand than Leyell's. It has neither title-page nor heading,
iiie anonymous notice of the Greenlanders occupies three leaves.
With regard to the Stockholm Chart, we refer the reader for parti-
culars to Appendix A.

* In Gronlands historiske Mindesnuerker, vol. iii, pp. 625-794.
(.openhagen (The Royal Society of Antiquaries), 1845.

i',

Xviii DANISH ARCTIC EXI'KDITIONS, 1605-162O.

light in 1886 (though the bare fact of its existence
was known before) by Mr. K. J. V. Steenstrup, of
Copenhajren, who wrote an article on it in the
periodical Vmer,^ accompanied by a reproduction of
the Chart. As, however, this periodical will not be
accessible to the majority of our readers, we have
caused a new facsimile reproduction to be made for
the present volume.

Until the discovery of Hall's Report and the pub-
lication of his maps and the two Journals above-
mentioned, the history of the two first Danish
expeditions to Greenland was, as already stated,
chiefly known from Hall's accounts in Purchas's
work ; but it must not be inferred that no contem-
porary Danish accounts were known to exist. As a
matter of fact, two were known : one by Jens
Bielke and the other by C. C. Lyschander. both of
them well-known Danish authors, and both of them
unmistakeably supplied with information by persons
who had taken part in the expeditions. But, un-
fortunately, both of these narratives are popular
compositions in verse, aimino- rather at the enter-
tainment of the reader than at conveying; accurate
information ; and, thouoh the i>eoi>Taphical explora-
tion and mapping- of the coast are mentioned, no
details of a precise nature are given. We have, of
course, adduced whatever these treatises contain that

1 Ymer, 1886, Stockholm (6'z;^«j/'</ Siillskapet for Anthropologi
och Geografi [The Swedish Anthropological and Geographical
.Society]) p. 83-88.

EXPEDITIONS TO flREENLAND.

XIX

is serviceable for our purpose ; but. as this is only
very little in comparison with their bulk, we have
not translated them in full.

Hielke's Relation om Grihiiand, as it is called,
treats only of the Voyatre of 1605. and has never
been jHiblished.^ Lyschander's account is to be found
in his printed work. Den Granlandske Chronica,
which was published in 1608- and reprinted in

' 'I'hc original manuscript is preserved in the Royal I-ibrary
at Copenhagen (6*/. A'j,''/. Saniling^ No. gg6), and forms part of a
stately volume (30 by 20 cm.), bound in blue velvet with gill
edges. This contains 39 leaves, besides the flyleaf, of which
Bielke's Relation occupies 29.

- Den Grihilandske Chronica : Hiiorudi Kaarteligen /leskriffuis,
Huorledis Landet ifordum iid \ erforstfunddet : Bescet met Indhyg-
i;ere \ haffiier ligged til Konggernis Fadebner vdi Xorrig \ Ananimet
den Cliristelige Tro : Vceret vndder de Erchebisp'^ r aff Tri/ndhiceni
I oc/i haffd sine egnc sierdelis Bispper : ... 1 ///<"/ Stormeetige
I . . . Conning Christian den fjccrddis . . . trendde lycksalige
Togh. De tncndde forste giordde paa den Siidmcste side af Landdet.
Anno Christi 160J oc 1606. Dend Tredie stillet effler Erichsfiord
oc dendfordum Norske Seyladtz, 160J. Alle Danske oc Nordbagger
til .Ere och Aniindde. Prendtet vdi Kii>benha7vn \ Aff Benedicht
l.aurentz. 1608. 8". Title, two prel. leaves, A-Z lij ; unpaged.
The full title reads thus in English: — The Greenland Chronicle:
In which is briefly described how that land in olden time was first
discovered, was settled by inhabitants, 7t'as appropriated to the larder
of the Kings of Nonvay, received the Christian Faith, was subject to
the Archbishops of Trondhiem, and had its 07vn particular Bishops ;
together with a clear and orderly list of many Kings of Nonvay and
of all the Bishops of Greenland, and other Norioegian and Icelandic
events and such of the South Islands \Suderoerne or Syderoerne (the
South Islands) is the ancient Danish and Norwegian name for the
Hel)rides] | referred to their proper times and years, as much as
■ine may gather from the ancient antiquities and records of Denmark,
Xitrway, England, Scotland, Fri stand, Iceland, the Isle of Man,

C 2

■MlilfcJBI

Y
i'/

XX DANISH ARCTIC EXrKDITIONS, 1605-162O.

1726.^ In this work is narrated the ancient history
of Greenland to the cessation of communication with
it, as well as the voyages undertaken for its redis-
covery (amongst them Frobisher's) down to, and
including, the three Danish expeditions of 1605-6-7,
of which there is a full account.

The last-mentioned circumstance is very fortunate,
because no other account of the third expedition —
that of 1607 — is now known to exist. Purchas,
after recounting the events of the second voyage,
merely 'ays •} "I have also Master Halts Voyage
of the next yeere, 1607. ^'^ Groenland from Den-
>narke, written and with representations of Land-
sights curiously delineated by losias Hubert of
Hull \ but the Danes (envious, perha})s, that the

and of other neighbouring^ kingdoms and countries ; and further-
nior'', the three successful expeditions of the most mighty, highborn
Prince and Lord, King Christian the Fourth, King of Denmark,
Nonvay, the Gothes and Vandnls, etc., the two frst being made to
the South- JVestern part of the country in the years i^o^ and 1606,
the third directed towards Eriltsfiord and the ancient Nonvegian
route in i6oy. Printed for the honour and remembrance of all
Dams and Nortvegians at Copenhagen ly Benedict Laurentz, 160S.
The author's name ap[)ears only under the preface. This first
edition is so rare that we know of no copy existing in England.
Our references to the work will, therefore, be to the second edition.

^ This is a reprint with modernized spelling. The title has the
additional words : Og nu paa nye trykt udi Hans Kgl. Majestrirts
privil, Bogtrykkerie, J/ 26 ("and now printed anew in H. R. M.
privileged Printing-house, 1726"). The work is an octavo, and
consists of four preliminary leaves, including title, and 144 jjages.
Pages 139-144 are occupied by different matter. 'I'he account of
the expeditions of 1605-1607 occupies pp. 93-139.

- Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iii, p. 827,

'I
i

wem

EXTEDITIONS TO GRKENLAND.

XX!

irk,
to
606,

iaii
)f all
160S.

tirst

unci.

tion.

glory of the Discovery would be attributed to the
English Pilot), after the Land salutec' mutinied,
and, in fine, forced the ship to returne for Island.
For which cause, I have here omitted the whole."

That Hall should not have written this account
himself, as he wrote the others, seems rather
stranoe ; but it may very well be that he did not
think it worth while, as the voyage really was a
failure. In any case, there is no reason that we are
aware of, for thinking- otherwise than that Josias
Hubert wrote it from Hall's notes, and that the
"land-sights" (which Hall, as we know, was very
capable of drawing) were his work. There is, as
far as we are aware, no further indication that Hubert
accompanied Hall on any of his voyages.^

' Josias Hubert (otherwise Hubart and Hubbert) was, like Hall,

a Hull man. Unless the above may be taken to indicate that he

sailed with Hall in 1607, we know nothing of him till the year 1612,

wiien he sailed under JUitton, probably as ni"le or pilot of one of

the vessels. Some observations of his, made on this voyage and

printed by Luke Vosg {Nort/t-icest Fox, p. 120; see also Miller

Christy's Voyages of Foxe and James, \). 171), show that he

was both a skilled scientific observer and a very intelligent man.

He made a chart of the western coast of Hudson's I5ay (see

rior/ias /lis /'//gr//>/es, vol. iii, p. 848; North-west Fox, p. 16 r ;

and Voyages of Foxe and James, pp. 163 ;/., 178^/., and 241)

which is now lost. He seems to have been of the opinion that a

passage from Hudson's liay to the Pacific should be sought

in Churchill Hay, whence that Hay came to be known as

" Hubert's Hope " (see Voyages of Foxe and James, \). x-jS /lote,

etc.). He probably sailed with l>ylot and Haffin to Hudson's

Bay in 1615, and is known to have accompanied them on their

remarkable voyage to Baffin's liay in 16 16 {North-7vest Fox

p. 151;, and Voyages of Foxe and James p. 231)

I wiiitiigigieaB

mBmmmmmm

Xxii DANISM ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O.

Lyschander's Chronica has — as, indeed, is na-
tural — never been translated into any other language J
but the main contents of it have become widely
known through Isaac de la Peyrere's Relation dn
Grocnlande. This writer accompanied Mons. de la
Thuillerie on his embassy from France to Denmark
and Sweden in 1644-45, and utilized the opportunity for
collecting- information on the countries of the extreme
North, which he embodied in two treatises. Relation
de t Islande and Relation dit Groenlande. The latter
was published anonymously at Paris in 1647. About
one-half of it consists of an abstract of Lyschander's
Chronica, which is alluded to as the "Danish Chroni-
cle", Lyschander's name being scarcely mentioned.
It obtained extraordinary currency on the Continent
through numerous reprints and translations, and
exercised a very considerable influence on the ideas
of educated people concerning the far-away countries
in question. Unfortunately, however, La Peyrere's
accounts are far from reliable. He did not under-
stand the Scandinavian languages, and had to trust
largely, not only to translations, but to verbal
communications, which he evidently often misunder-
stood. Many and serious mistakes thus arose, and
regrettabU; errors concerning the matters treated
of in his book obtained, in consequence, wide accept-
ance. As it is more particularly in connection with
iMunk's voyage that the different translations of
this book have interest, we refer to our bibliographic
notice on that voyage for further information on the
subject, and content ourselves with mentioning those

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND.

XXIU

which have appeared in this country. The earliest of
these was published in 1704 in Churchill's Collection
of Voyages and Travels (vol. ii, pp. 447-477). Next
followed a very full abstract of those portions of
the book which treat of the early history of
Greenland proper, and of the voyages undertaken
for the rediscovery of it, mainly from Lyschander,
which appeared in 18 18 in the second Enc^lish
edition of Hans Egede's Description of Greenland}
Finally, a complete translation of the Relation du
Groenlande was published in 1850 by the Hakluyt
Society.-

Of Hall's own expedition from Enoland to
Greenland in 161 2, there are two accounts: one,
comprisino- the whole voyaoe, by John Gatonbe (or
Gatenby), which was not published till 1732^; the
other, by William Baffin, which only commences on
July 8th, 16 1 2, and was published — in an " abbre-
\iated" form as usual — in Purchas his Pilp^rimes}
The former is the fuller and more complete of the
two, and has the advantaj^e of various illustrations
and a map, but several details are g-iven only in
Baffin's narrative. The latter, as well as that of
Gatonbe down to July loth, 161 2, were reprinted

1 In Hans Egede's Description of Greenlami .... with an
Historical Introduction . Second edition, London, i8r8, 8vo,
pp. xiv-lxxxvi.

- A Collection of Documents on Spitzhergen and Greenland ....
Edited hy Adam White. (London, 1850, Svo), pp. 175-249.

•' In Churchill's Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. vi (1732),
PI). 241-251. * Op. cit. (1625), vol. ill, pp. 831-836.

f l ^ i' i I II i ' lP^^iw^^f-gB

ijllfllWiirilW lil'i

Xxiv DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, l605-Ib20.

and annotated by Mr. Clements R. Markham in his
work on Baffin.^ We have reprinted them both in
full, but we have not reproduced the map which
accompanies Gatonbe's account, for reasons which
will be found explained hereafter, in our preliminary
remarks on the voyage of 1612.

Finally, it should be mentioned that the accounts
of all four voyages published by Purchas were
abstracted in 1635 by Foxe, in his North-West Foxe.'

;'! :■

II. — Preliminary Remarks on the Voyages to
Greenland in 1605, 1606, 1607, ^'^^ 161 2.

The discovery of Greenland by Icelanders in the
tenth century and the subsequent fate of the Scan-
dinavian colony planted there have been told so
often that there is no occasion for us here to enter
at length on that subject. Suffice it, therefore, to
remind our readers that Greenland, like Iceland,
became, in the thirteenth century, subject to Norway,
and, with that Kingdom, subsequently became a part
of the dominions of the King of Denmark ; but that
the communication between Greenland and the
Scandinavian countries, after having been kept up
for five centuries, entirely ceased in the course of
the fifteenth century, owing to various causes.

1 The Voyages of IVilha/n Baffin, 1612-1622. London (Hakluyt
Society), 1881, pp. 1-37.

- Op. at., pp. 50-61. See also Miller Christy's Voyages of
Foxe and James (Hakluyt Society, 1894), pp. 86-101.

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND.

XXV

IS.

Of these, the principal one was, perhaps, the fact
that, the revenue from Greenhmd being specially
allotted to the Royal household, the trade became a
monopoly and was neglected when more pressing
affairs took up the attention of the King.

The existence of this distant dependency was,
however, not forgotten ; and, during the sixteenth
century, the question of re-opening communication
with it was mooted several times, partly on account
of the interest felt by well-informed persons in the
fate of the Scandinavian colonists there (who had so
long been left to their own resources, but who were
still supposed to exist), and partly, no doubt, on
account of the commercial and financial advantages
to be expected, the land being described in many
old accounts as fertile and well-to-do. Nothing,
however, was effected till the matter was taken up
by King Christian IV. This able and energetic
young Sovereign, who took every opportunity of
extending the trade and shipping of his subjects,
sent out three well-equipped expeditions in the
years 1605-6-7 for the purposes of ascertaining the
best route to Greenland, of exploring the land, of
searching for the old colony, and of re-establishing
the dominion of the Danish (or, rather, Norwegian)
Crown there.

No copy of the Letter of Instructions given to
the commanders of the expedition in 1605 '^C)w
exists ; but in what light the King viewed this
undertaking, and what it was intended to effect, may
be gathered from the expressions used in the Sea-

XXvi DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O,

passport, or Letter of Credence, with which the
commanders of the vessels were furnished. In this
document, which is dated April i8, 1605, ^^ i*^-^^*^^
as follows : —

" We, Christian the Fourth [etc.] Inas-
much as the sailing-route to and from our land
of Greenland has become somewhat doubtful and
uncertain, because, for a long space of time, it
has not been frequented by our people, and inas-
much as we have thought it a part of our duty
of government to ascertain the state of that our
dominion, in order that we may in future provide
for it whatever may be necessary in respect of
Religion and the administration of Law and Justice :
We have sent our Captain .... with orders to
investigate the route to this our aforesaid dominion
of Greenland and the harbours of it, in order that,
when those have been found and report has been
made to us upon them, We may take such measures
as we shall think advisable and required by the
circumstances . . . ." etc., etc.^

The expedition consisted of three vessels called
Trost, Den Rode Love (or simply Loven), and Katten.
The first of these names is a German word meaning
" Consolation", and the vessel was probably so
called from some canine favourite of the Queen,
who was a German princess. Both Bielke and
Lyschander continually refer to the vessel as Hmi-

^ Sjcellandske Register [a calendar of letters, etc., issued from
the Danish Chancery] for 1605.

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND.

XXVII

de7i (the Dog), or Skjodehunden (the Lap-dog) ; and.
as might be expected, they indulge in a good deal of
punning on the name in connection with those of the
two other vessels ; for the English equivalents of the
names of the two last-mentioned vessels would be
the Red Lion (or simply the Lion) and the Cat.^

The vessels mentioned all belontred to the I3anish
Navy, and were probably amongst the best of their
class, as they are frequently mentioned as being in
commission. In a list of vessels employed in 1610
and 1 6 1 1 , Trosi and Katten are classed amongst
the newer ships, Loven amongst the older ones.
The first had been built by David Balfour, a Scotch-
man (b. at St. Andrews, 1574), who during the
greater portion of the period from 1597- 1634 was
employed in building ships for the Danish Navy.
She was a fast vessel, as also was Katten ; but
Loven is described as rather slow iind unhandy
when sailing close to the wind. There does not

^ As we shall often have to mention these and other Danish
ships' names, we may observe in this place that, in Danish, the
names of ships do not take the article as in English. One would
not, in Danish, say, thk Sultan, thk Victoria, but simply Siittaii,
Victoria. The article is used only when the name is really an
appellative, as in the case of Liwen and Katten, and then it forms
an integral part of the name, being affixed to the last syllable and
inflected with it (unless an adjective is added). As the article,
therefore, in such cases, cannot be separated from the substantive
and translated by itself, and as it would be surplusage to say riiK
den Rikie Love, or thk Katten, we cannot, in these cases, use the
English article, unless the whole name is translated. We may say
the Trost, and we might say the Rode Lim, but we must say
Loven and Katten, or else T/ie Lion and T/ie Cat.

..i^'

XXviil DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-I62O.

appear to be any official record of their sizes, crews,
or armaments ; but Hall states in his account of
the first voyage (see p. 20) that Trost and Loven
were of the burthen of 30 or 40 Lasts, while Katten
was of 1 2 Lasts ; and, in the note at the end of his
account of the second voyage (see p. 80) it is
stated that Trost was of 60 tons, Loven of 70
tons, and Katten of 20 tons, which statements
agree fairly well, the Danish Last, formerly used
for the measurement of ships in Denmark, being
nearly equal to two English tons. Hall also
states (see p. 80) that, on the second voyage,
their respective complements were 48, 48, and
1 2 men ; and on the first voyage it was most
likely about the same. According to a list of 1648,
on which Trost is still mentioned as an old vessel
carrying 16 guns (which, if the figure be correct,
must have been of small calibre), Loven appears
to have carried only six. Katten was probably
only armed with a couple of small pieces. Vessels
of her class served only as tenders, and she was,
in this case, no doubt chiefly intended for the
exploration of bays, harbours, etc. She appears
afterwards to have gone by the name of " The
Greenland Cat'\

John Cunningham, a Scotchman of notable
family, was Captain of Trost and Chief Com-
mander of the expedition.^ He is said to have

^ In Denmark, he was generally called "Konig", hut the name
was corrupted in various ways. Lyschander, in one place, calls
him " Hans Keymand".

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND.

XXIX

travelled much and far, before he settled in Den-
mark, where he became a Captain in the Navy in
1603. He left the service in 16 19, when he was
made Lehnsman of Vardohuus, that is, Governor of
the Province of Finmarken, in the North of Nor-
way. This post he retained until 1651, and he died
soon after at an advanced age.

The name of Cunningham's lieutenant* (who
appears at the same time to have been " skipper",
or navigating officer) is stated by Hall to have
been Arnold, but nothing further is known of him.

Cunningham's first-mate, who acted as "pilot" of
the expedition, was James Hall (in Denmark called
"Jacob Hall" or " Hald"), the author of the accounts
already often referred to. He was a native of Hull,
and may have belonged to a family of that name
settled there, and of which several members are
known to have been brethren of the Trinity House
at Hull in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.^

1 The word " lieutenant" is not used here to denote a particular
class of officers so called, which did not exist in the Danish navy
previous to 1620. It is used in its general sense of a person
empowered to take another man's place in case of need. A sea-
captain's "lieutenant" might be another captain, a navigating
otificer, etc.

- We are indebted to Mr. E. S. Wilson, Secretary to the Trinity
House at Hull, for the information that, in the course of the
sixteenth century, a Hugh Hall (afterwards Sheriff of Hull), a
Walter Hall, and two men of the name of John Hall, were
members of that Corporation, as well as a Samuel and a Roger
Hall in the seventeenth century. The accounts show that, for
one of them, a pair of fur-lined breeches, very suitable for an
Arctic Expedition, were made in 16 10, but his name was John.

Ill

t'l'i

XXX DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O.

Althoujrh we have made careful enquiries in Hull
and elsewhere, we have failed to obtain a single
scrap of information as to Hall's family history,
antecedents, and personality — as to which absolutely
ncjthinj^ appears to be known.

That an Englishman should have been thus
selected for the post of Pilot of a Danish Arctic
Expedition is easily explained when it is taken
into consideration that, whilst ancient sailing-
directions for the voyage from Norway (more
esjiecially from Bergen) to Greenland existed in
various old writings and were well known (such
as those of Ivar Bardsen^), the generation of
Danish or Norwe^fian mariners who. of their own
experience, knew anything about Greenland or its
coasts, had long since died out ; and, as the most
notable recent voyages of discovery (such as those
of Frobisher, Davis, and Weymouth) to that
region had proceeded from England, it was from
thence that a competent pilot was most likely to
be had. Nor was Hall the first Englishman who
had been employed by a King of Denmark to re-
discover the lost Danish Colonies in Greenland.
Captain John Allday had commanded an Expedition
with that object in 1579"; but, on that occasion, as
on several others, though the land was sighted, it
could not be reached for ice.

^ See B. !•'. Decosta's Sailini:; Directions of Henry Hudson, . . .
from the Old Danish of Ivar Bardsen. Albany (N.Y.), 8vo,
1869.

-' See Dr. C. I'ingel, jS'yere Reiser til Gronland, \>\). 639-650.

fc.

EXPEDITIONS TO (IREKNI.AND.

XXXI

In what manner, or through what channel, Hall
came to be engaged is not known. Perhaps a hint
in this direction may be afforded by an order, dated
May 1606, to the Custom House officers at Elsi-
nore (a copy of which is still extant),^ in which the
King commanded them to stop the first F^nglish
mate, suitable for the King's service, that should
arrive there, and to send him to Copenhagen,
where the King would cause negotiations to be
opened with him. It is not at all impossible that
King Christian IV may have obtained the services
of Hall the year before in this manner. At the
same time, being brother-in-law to James I of
England, Christian I\' may have been able to hear
of a suitable man direct from England. Moreov^er,
one of his most trusted servants was a Scotch-
man, Andrew Sinclair (b. 1555; d. 1625; from
1607 a Councillor of the Realm), who conducted his
English correspondence, and was frequently sent on
business to England, where he was in high favour
with James I. His first recorded embassy was in
1 6 10, but he may, nevertheless, have been the inter-
mediary in this affair.

Howbeit, all writers agree that Hall was engaged
on account of his real or supposed knowledge of the
regions to be visited. Lyschander says- that he had
been before "to Frisland and other neighbouring
lands towards America", but nothing is known from

' Sjall. Regist, 1 606.

- Den Gronhindske Chronica, ed. 1726, p. yO.

ill

■I

XXxii DANISH ARCTIC EXI'KDITIONS, 1605-162O.

Other sources about his previous Arctic experiences.
Nowhere in his accounts does he refer distinctly to
any such, hut his lanjruaj^e throu<)^hout (especially
in the Report to the King) is that of a man
who has a practical, and not a merely theoretical
or hear-say, knowled^^e of the navigation of Davis
Strait. On several occasions, when the Danish
officers expressed doubts as to the route he was
following, he told them confidently that, if they
would follow him, he would conduct the fieet " to a
jjte of the land without pester of ice"; and, more-
over, he gave the mate on board Loven "directions,
if he should lose us, to gett [to] that pte of Groine-
land cleare without ice" (see pp. 6, 7, and 27). Later
on (see p. 8), he encountered the great ice-bank, which
is well-known to lie in the middle of Davis Strait,
" which banke [says Hall] I knewe verie well to lye
in the mid-streeme between AmeHca and Groine-
lantr\ Then, having reached the termination of the
ice-bank, and " pfectlye knowinge myselfe [says
Hall ; see p. 9] to be shott in the latitud. of the
cleare jjtes of the coast of Groineland, I directed my
course E. by N. for the lande, the whiche .... we
fell withall the next daye."

On the whole, we think that anyone reading Hall's
narratives will be inclined to believe that Hall had
accompanied some earlier Arctic explorer, though
it may have been in a subordinate capacity ; and, as
he appears to have had particular knowledge of
Davis Strait, whilst no earlier voyages to that region
in which he can have taken part are known to

Kxi'i.nrrioxs to c.rki'.m.ani).

xxxiu

have been undertaken, except those of Davis, it
seems that, it Hall had been there before, it must
have been with him. Of course Hall may not
really have known more than what he could jj^ather
from the published accounts of Davis's voyaij^es,
especially concerning' the ice alono- the coast of Cireen-
land. But, on the other hand, the conclusion that
he had been with Davis is not a little strenc^^thened
by the only reference to Davis in connection with
Hall's knowledt^e of the ^eoL^raphy of (Greenland
which can be adduced. We allude to John Gatonbe's
statement, in his account of the voyai^e of 1612
(see p. (Sg), that, on the 14th of May, they had sij^ht
of land, " and our master made it Cape Farewel, so
called by Captain Davids at the first finding- of the
country in anno 1 585, because he could not come
near the land by 6 or 7 leagues for ice." There
seems to be about these words a smack of personal
knowledge ; at the same time, they do not read
as if they were intended to convey Gatonl)e's own
information, but rather appear to be a repetition
of what he had heard from Hall on the occasion
referred to. But, if so, whence had Hall this
knowledge ? Certainly not from Davis' accounts of
his \oyaoes. The only passage in these which can
refer to this matter is the following-, in the account of
Davis' second voyage (1586)' : " And the 15th June,

^ Hal vt's F({v<ii,^es, vol. iii (1600), }). 103 ; see also Admiral
Markh: Voyages and Works of Jolin Davis (Hakluyt Society,

1880) 15.

XXxiv DANISH ARCTIC KXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O.

I discovered land in the latitude of 60 deii^rees, and
in longitude from the meridian of London westwards
47 degrees, meightily pestered with yce and snow, so
that there was no hope of landing. The yce lay in
some places tenne leagues, in some 20, and in some
50 leagues off the shore, so that we were constrained
to beare into 57 degrees to double the same and to
recover a free sea, which, through God's favourable
mercy, we at length obtayned." There is no de-
scription of the country here — no mention even of
any promontory ; indeed, the name of Cape Farewell
does not occur once in Davis' accounts of his voyages.
The earliest publication in which it occurs, and
through which it has come into general use, is
Hessel Gerritsz's map, which was published in
1612; but this Hall can scarcely have known, as
it was published (according to the explanation
on the back of it) sometime after the dispatch of
lUitton's expedition in April 161 2, and Hall sailed
before Button. Of course Hall may have had
the name from the same source (to us unknown)
from which Hessel Gerritsz had it ; but, what-
ever this may have been, it is not in the least
likely that Hall could thence have obtained (any
more than from the map, even had he known it)
such a description of Cai)e Farewell as would
('nal)le him, not only to recognize it, but to dis-
tinguish it from others. Yet that is precisely what
he did. If Hall had kncnvn no more of Cape
Farewell than what be might have gathered from
Gerritsz's map, from Davis' account, or from any

KXPEDITIONS TO GRKKXL.Wn. xxxv

tradition that mioht have survived from Davis' time.
It may be considered ahnost (:(-i-t:.in that, when he
si-hted Cape Christian, he would have taken this for
Ca|)e Farewell. But he never did so : he does not
appear for one moment to have confounded them •
and It seems difficult to see how he can haveaajuired
the necessary knowledoe for this if he had not been
with Davis when the latter saw and named Cape
F^irewell in 15S6.

That Hall was an experienced navigator maybe
inferred from a document preserved in the Danish
State Archives,! amongst papers referrin- to the
voyau-e of Jens Munk in 1 6 1 9-20. and which professes
to record the opinion of Mall re^ardino- the proba-
l3.1ity of a North-West passage to China. As we
shall have to allude further to this document in another
place. ,t may suffice to sav here that it mentions.
tnter alia, some experiences of Hall's whilst on a
voyage to India some years before he sailed in the
Danish expeditions to Creenland. The fact of his
having been consulted on the above-mentioned
subject may, perhaps, be taken as strengthenino- the
siil)position of his having been on some previous
expedition in search of a Xorth-WVst passage.

On what terms Hall served on the expcnlition of
•605 is n,>t known; but it appears ihat. on his
voyage in that year to Denmark (probably after
having been provisionally engaged before), he

' Luikomm Breve til Owcellict (Communications received In-
the Chancery), 16 19. ^

s ,;|

r^^mm

n 11

i i

\\\

XXXVI DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O.

travelled by way of Norway, because there is
amonq^ the Danish State Papers an Order to the
Treasury, dated February 26, 1606, to repay the
local authorities at Bergen the sum of 45 Rix dollars,
by them advanced to Hall for board and other
expenses, "when he had been summoned by Us to
this Realm".^

Leaving Hall's subsequent career in Denmark
and elsewhere until his death in 161 2 for notice in
the proper place, we may briefly mention the officers
of the other vessels composing the Expedition of
1605.

£)en Rode Love was commanded by Godske
Lindenow, a well-known Danish officer, who after-
wards became chief of the Dockyard, besides seeing a
good deal of actixe service before his death in
t6i2.'- His lieutenant was Karsten Mannteufel,

1 Sj(cllandsl\' Tcgiichcr (another Calendar of Chancery Letters),
XX, fol. 6c^a.

- Isaac de la Peyrere states (AW. dii Groenl., p. 160) that Linde-
now held the supreme command of the Expedition, and this error
has been repeated hy many writers, sucii as Forster ( Voyages and
Discoveries in the North 1786, p. 467) and Barrow {Chronological
History of Voyages into tlic Arctic Regions^ 1818,]). 170). Linde-
now, as a native and a nobleman, would, as such, according to
the custom of the time, no doubt, take precedence over Cunning-
ham, a foreigner ; but, as Hall, the Pilot of the Ivxpedition, was
l">nglish, and very likely knew but little Danish, it was no
doubt tliought better for Cunningham, a Scotchman, to be placed
in command. On the second voyage, however, when Lindenow
had gained experience and Hall had probably become familiar
with Danish, their respective positions were reversed, and
Lindenow held the su[)renie command.

EXrEDITIONS TO GKKKNLANI).

XXXVll

fas
ro

iar
lid

who had been page to Christian IV, and after-
wards became a captain, as was often the case
at that time, both in the army and in the navy.
He belonged to a still-llourishing German family.
In Denmark, his name seems to have been generally
translated into iMandicffitcl {^\cU\-([ii\n\). Lindenow's
mate was Peter Kieldsen, of whom Hall implies
(see p. 32) that he had served, eight years before, on
some other Arctic exploring expedition, and had, on
that occasion, shown want of pluck and enterprise.
This seems, however, to rest on some mistake. No
Arctic expedition in which he could have serxed is
known to have been made about the year 1597 ;
and, although he is known to have served as skipper
or navigating officer in 1596 on board a vessel
which was sent to the north of Norway, no
discreditable conduct is reported of him. Kieldsen
may, however, have been out on whaling exi)editions.
He became afterwards a Captain in the Nav'\^ ^

^ That he was afterwards considered a man of Arctic e\[)erience
may be inferred from the circumstance that his name ap[)ears,
together with that of another Slyninvni and a certain IJiscayan,
under a written opinion, dated May 6, 1619 (amoni^st the pa|)L'rs
referring to Munk, Iiidk. Bnvc til Caiic, l6u/), concerning tin'
best route t(» be taken on some voyage, not further specified. It
is to the effect, that it would be l)est to make for "Terhafftii
or MadeHn Hay, on the coast of Greenland". From this it may
be concluded that the voyage was probably a whaling expedition,
undertaken or contemplated by the ("ireenland Company, which
was founded in 16 ly at Copenhagen. That Maudlin IJay is
described as being situated " on the coast of (.Ireenland", is, of
course, accounted for by the fact that Spilzbergen, at that lime,
was believed to form part of Greenland.

XXXviii DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O.

f 'I i

i M

The pinnace Katten was commanded by an Eng-
lishman, John Knit^ht. With reg'ard to him also, it
is stated by some writers that he had been eng^a^ed
on account of his knowledge of the Arctic Regions ;
but of his antecedents nothing is known^ He is
not reported to have had any permanent engage-
ment in Denmark ; P'nd, whilst Hall remained there
until at least 1607, Knight returned to England after
the first voyage in 1605, and died in the following
year on an English expedition for the discovery of
a North-West passage, of which he had obtained
the command, very likely on the strength of his
having been employed on the Danish expedition of
1605. On board Katten was Alexander Leyell,
who wrote the Diary already mentioned (see p. xv).
In the first entry, after mentioning the names of
the ships, Leyell says : " and Katten carried with
her this truthful report". In what capacity he
took part in the expedition, is not known. At
the end of his journal, is a note in another hand-
writing, signed " Wyllm Hendrichs ij Egebeck",
to this effect : " The elevation on the line is not
indicated in this Rep(3rt : whether on purpose or
by neglect, I do not know ; but the mate ought to

^ Some seem to have mixed him u with Hall, ascribing to
him the position and work of the latter, as, for instance, the
author of the Historical Introduction to I\^ede's D'scriptioii of
Gtrcii/aiiti {in\. 181 S, p. Ixv). l.a Poyrcre did probai)iy the same,
because he does not mention Knight, i)Ut describes Hall (whose
name he does not give) as "Captain and I'ilot" (p. 150) or as
" the English Captain" (p. 155).

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND.

XXXIX

have noted it." From this it may, perhaps, be
inferred that the writer of the note (who, from
another annotation of his, appears to have been
a contemporary) thoucrht that Leyell had occupied
the post of mate. Nothino^ further seems to be
known of him ; but a certain Villom Leyell (perhaps
a relative), who was employed in the Danish navy in
the early part of the seventeenth century, is stated
to have been a native of Elsinore\

The expedition sailed on the 2nd of May, takin^r,
not the course recommended by the ancient Scandi-
navian Sailing- Directions, but that which had been
followed by English explorers starting- from the East
Coast, namely, between the Orkneys and Shetland,
past Fair Isle, and thence, as straight as circumstances
would allow, for Davis Strait, the entrance of which
is but little to the north of Fair Isle. The voyage
across the Atlantic was uneventful. Lyschander
says that they came within sight of America, and
thence steered into Davis Strait-; but, as neither Hall
nor Leyell mentions this, the statement is probably
founded on some confusion with the second voyage,
on which they really went so f^ir West that they
sighted America. As he passed near the sp(3t
where the imaginary Island of Buss (a few remarks
on which will be found in Appendix B.) was then
commonly supposed to be, he kept (see p. 24) a

1 According to H. D. Lind, Kong C/irisitan den Fjerde og haus
Aland pan Bnnierho/ni (Copenhagen, 1889), p. 260.
'-' Dt'n Gron/andske Chronica, 1726 Rd,, p. 98.

ROP

'J • '

DANISH ARCTIC KXl'EDITIONS, 1605-162O.

!;!

sharp look-out for it, but, of course, without success.
When not far from Greenland, the vessels became
separated in a thick foL;", and this caused the captain
o( Love' u and his mate to recjuest Hall to furnish them
with a chart by which they mii;ht proceed on the
voyage {or, at any rate, return home) if such an
eventuality should again occur. Hall says that he
thereupon gave them "a Sea Chart for those coasts",
together with necessary directions (see pp. 6 and 27).
The Chart thus given was presumably a copy of
the one by which Hall himself was sailing, and the
interesting question arises : What Chart this can
have been ? The marine charts of that time are
but little known ; but it has been suggested that it
may have been a copy of thc' "Stockholm Chart"
(see p. xvi), with regard to which we refer our
readers to Appendix xA..

Some days after this occurrence, Godske Lindenow,
with his ship Den Rode Love, separated himself from
the other vessels, and endeavoured to reach his
destination by a different course. Hall's account
of this matter leaves the impression that, already
when Lindenow and Kieldsen asked him for a chart,
he suspected that they intended to render themselves
independent of him, and that he yielded to their re-
quest only after receiving from them the most solemn
promises to the eflect that they would not do so.
When they eventually stood oft, he a[)pears to have
thought that they did so [jartly out of fear, being
alarmed at the dangers of naviuation amono- the ice,
and partly out of sheer perversity, feeling themselves

KXI'KDITIONS TU (JRKENLANI).

Xll

independent with the chart they had ootained. The
Danish chronicler, Lyschander, however, puts a
somewhat different complexion upon the affair. We
have alreatly remarked that the course taken by Hall
w.is different from that recommended in the old sail ■
inii-directions, of which the tradition had survived.
Lyschander alludes to this matter in mentioning-
Hall's engagement, adding that nobody could tell
for a certainty whether the route proposed by Hall
really was the better one. but that "the Norwegian"
{Baggeii) knew for a perfect certainty that it was
n(;t the one by which (ireenland had formerly been
approached, this old route lying further to the north. ^
Whether Lyschander, in speaking of "the Nor-
wegian", alluded to the fact that the ancient commu-
nication with Greenland was chiefly from Bergen in
Norway, or was thinking of Peter Kieldsen (who
may have been a Norwegian), is not clear ; but,
in any case, it appears that a strong difference
of opinion had shown itself at the very outset. Hall,
following his own ideas, had sailed up Davis Strait
to the north, out of sight of land, hoping (with good
reason, as it turned out) that he should be able to
get round the :iui thern end of the great icebelt,
which prevented access to the south-west coast of
Oreenland ; but, whether it be that he had not ex-
plained himself sufficiently to the Danes, or that they
did not consider his reasoning conclusi\e, they a[)pear
to have feared that, by following Hall's course, they

;

Dm Groniandske Chronica, ii2(i Ed., p. 96.

"T""

,'!

xHi DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O.

should only oet farther away from the ooal of their
voya<;e. It must be remembered that they were
not merely to find Greenland, but particularly to find
the old settlements, which were at that time univer-
sally believed to have been situated near the southern-
most point of Greenland, and on the east coast,
opposite Iceland ; in which case, of course, they
could not be reached by the route Hall was folio w-
ino-. It was, according- to Lyschander,^ for this
reason that Lindenow left the Admiral. At the
same time, his expressions seem to disclose a certain
amount of national jealousy : " The Dane," he says,
" is also able to effect something, when he is obliged
to do without the foreigner"; and it is unmistakeable
that the Danes were strongly inclined to rely upon
Kieldsen, who seems to have been an enero-etic and
self-confident man, rather than upon Hall.

That the matter was afterwards hotly discussed,
and that opinions were divided, may be concluded
from Bielke's mode of dealino; with it. Where he
mentions the separation of the ships, he merely says
that those on board Loven were tired of always
being left behind, their vessel being slower than the
others ; and, after narrating the exploits and the
return of Lindenow, he adds, diplomatically enough,
that whoever wishes to know why the ships did not
remain together may learn it by asking some one
who was present ; that it was difficult to write
about such matters so as to please all ; but that

^ Op. cit., 1726 Ed., p. 98,

KXI'EDITIONS TO (JRKKXLAND.

xliii

he did not doubt they all had wished to do the
duty.

Hovvbeit. on the nth of June, in the mornino-,
Lindenow and his companions in Den Rode Love
stood off with a partino- nun, steering S.E. before
the wind, in order, if possible, to force their way to
the coast. As Hall, of course, does not mention
the subsequent doinos of Lindenow. we may here
briefly narrate them, following Bieike and Ly-
schander. He succeeded soon in coming near the
coast, and Mannteufel went off in the ship's
boat to explore it, Lindenow awaiting his return
at anchor in some comparatively sheltered place.
Mannteufel, however, seems to have lost his way,
and to have rejoined the ship only after several
days' absence, during which he and his men had
incurred great danger and hardships. Meanwhile,
a gale had supervened, and the Lion had lost her
anchor and nearly all the cable. They were oppo-
site an inlet, which they named " King Christian's
Harbour",^ but there was so much ice that they
could not enter, and they had to sail a consider-
able distance southwards along the coast without
being able to effect a landing. At last they found
a good harbour without ice. This they called
"Godske Lindenow's Harbour", and there they
remained three days, i)urchasing from the natives

1 This harbour (which cannot now be identified) must not be
confused with the one Hall subsequently (see p. lo) named
" King Christian's Fjord".

■ 1

. \

'■ I

•

xllv DANISH ARCTIC EXI'KDITIONS, 1605- 162O.

great quantities of fur and other articles, after which
they left for Denmark. Lindenow arrived at
Copenhagen on the 28th of July, after a seventeen
days' sail, and was received with oreat enthusiasm.
We have no means of Identifyini>- the place where
he landed. In the short treatise above-mentioned,
describing the Greenlanders who were brought home
in 1605, it is stated that Tros^ and Katten came
to land 60 Uc\iier slics to the north of the place
where Lindenow landed ;' and, as these ancient
Danish sea-miles are supposed to have been equal
to Danish geographical miles, of which 1 5 make a
degree, this would imply that Lindenow landed
somewhci''^' between lat. 62^ and 63°. Bielke states
that Lindenow sailed something like 80 miles south-
ward before he found a harbour, but these state-
ments are too loose to be of any practical value.-

Before his departure from Greenland, Lindenow
secured and carried away two of the natives against
their wish. It seems as if the Home Authorities
had ordered the commanders of the vessels to brini^
home some of the inhabitants, an order which is
easily understood when it is remembered that it
was confidently expected that descendants of the old
Norwegian settlers would be met with. The com-
manders appear, however, to have thought that they

^ See C. Pint^el, Gronl. hisl. Mi/tdcsm, iii, p. 68g.

- The Ilua River (in lat. 60' 10') is called Lindenow s Fjord in
his honour, but there is no reason for thinking that he ever was
there.

EXPEDITIOXS TO GREENLAND.

xlv

■

were, in any case, to bring some of the natives, and
did it by stratagem or force, as they could not
converse with them. The captured men, when
they realized their position, were at first very
violent, but had to put up with their fate. Their
countrymen, who, to the number of 300, attacked
the ship, were easily frightened away by the dis-
charge of a cannon. The captives arrived safely
in Denmark.'

That Hall afterwards was ill-pleased with Linde-
now and Kieldsen for thus having succeeded in being
the first to return to Copenhagen with the news
that Greenland had been reached, and thus, as it
were, to skim the cream of the affair, is very
natural, and, very likely, accounts for the tone of his
narratives with reference to them. However, he
and Cunningham executed work of much more
permanent value. Whilst Lindenow had contented
himself with reaching the country and proving the
possibility of re-opening commi-nication with it, they
had exerted themselves in carrying out that further
part of their orders, which bade them examine the
coast and harbours of the country.

After the departure of Lindenow, Cunningham
and Hall, with the two remaining vessels {Trost and
Kattcn\ continued their course towards the N.W.
Lyschander says- that Hall sighted and sailed along
the American coast until he had sight of Jacl^-

^ Lyschander, op. cit., pp. 99-107.

- De/i Groiilandske Chronica, 1726 Ed., p. 107,

xK'i DANISH ARCTIC KXPEDITIONS, 1605-T62O.

man's Sound, on which he bestowed the name of
Fretilin Dania-, whereupon he turned eastwards. As
neither Hall nor Leyell mention anything^ to which
this could refer, the statement probably rests on
som(; misunderstandinc^ ; but it is of interest in
so far that, whereas Lyschander elsewhere appears
to share the common mistake that TVobisher's Strait
was on the east side of Greenland, the passai^e
ref(!rred to implies an appreciation of its true
position on the western coast of Uavis Strait,
provided that he was aware that Jackman's Sound
was on the southern coast of Frobisher's Strait.

According to both Hall and Leyell, the expedi-
tion ultimately reached the coast of Greenland on
the 1 2th of June; and, after having spent a week
in examining the bay to which they had come (and
which they named King Christian's F"ord) and its
vicinity, Hall set out in the pinnace on June 20th
in order to explore as much of the coast to the
northward as he could in the time at his disposal.
This exploring excursion, from which he returned
on July 7th, after an absence of two weeks and a
half, ajjpears to have been very successful, a con-
siderable extent of coast having been examined ;
but (as we have already had occasion to point out ;
see p. vi) Hall does not give any account of this
excursion, either in his Report to the King or in
the fuller narrative published by Purchas. In his
Report, he refers to the maps with which it is
illustrated, and we have adduced reasons for be-
lieving that copies of those maps originally accom-

EXPE[)rriONS TO GREENLAND.

Vll

paniccl the fulkT nurrativc. I^ut, even with them,
Hall's brevity is very disappoiiuiii"^". It is not only
that, without the written account, one loses the
historical interest which cannot but be felt in
following- closely the steps of a notable explorer ;
but (although the ma[)s, no doubt, express Hall's
ideas of the configuration of the coast in general,
and of the localities specially explored, faithfully
enouj^h, and better than any lengthened descrip-
tion) it would have been almost impossible to
identify many of the places visited, if we had
not been able to obtain from other sources some
of the information which Hall omits to jj^ive. At
the same time, it does not seem difficult to explain
Hall's comparative brevity with regard to this part
of the voyage, even supposing that it is not due
to accidental causes, as it well may have been.
A primary object of the voyage was to solve the
question as to the best route to Greenland ; and
materials for judging of this could be afforded only
by a circumstantial account of the voyage from
Denmark to Greenland with special regard to the
navigation. But, once arrived there, the expedition
had a different object before it — viz., to supply the
Home Authorities with as accurate information as
could be obtained concerning the harbours, road-
steads, convenient landing places, etc. ; and this
could be conveyed far more clearly and concisely by
means of maps than by means of lengthy d(,'scriptions.
An abstract of the log-book kept on Hall's excursion
northwards would have had much interest for us,

ffr

xlviii DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O.

but would have been of little use to the Authorities
in Denmark, whilst it would ha\e (extended the
Rf'.port to a much oreater length, it is not, there-
fore, very surprlsini;- that 1 lall in this, document,
should have been content to refer the K'uv^ to his
maps. At the same time, it luuj t be admittt;d that
these considerations ^^■^Hlld not api)ly to the account
published by Purchas, which is evidently written
for different readers. Here a somewhat detailed
account of that excursion would have been in
j>lac(; ; but its absence seems to be sufficiently
accounted for when it is remembered th:it most
likely ihis narrati\e was wriittm later, after Hall's
return to I'^noland, when he may hvv^e been quite
able to amplify the Report from m(;mory, l)ut may
not have preserved his notes sufficient!)' con^iplete to
be able to write out a d(.;tailed description of the:
excursion in the pinnace. In point of fact, there
would be nothin'4 unreasonable in supposini^ that
Hall's notes taken down on that excursion had been
lost soon after the event, wherebv, of course, he would
have been prevented from givinj^ a detailed account
of it, either in the Report or afterwards.

There is one item which Hall does not meniioii,
either in that document or in the fuller account of the
voyai^c;, and with regard to which a s])eci;il c:\})!ana-
tion may seem neces.sary. It is known fVo)n Hall's
account of the expedition of 1606, as \m 11 as from
other sources, that, on the excursion in 1605, some
member of tlie |)arty whetiier Hall himself or
another is not known disco\t!red what was 1 e]ie\ed

FXrFDITIONS TO CREENLAND.

CllX

to be valuable silver ore. That Hall does not
speak of this in his Report to the Kini:;^ is easily
understood, though of course he mij^ht have men-
tioned this discovery without giving a description
of the other events of the excursion in question, just
as he might have given the latter very fully without
alluding to the ore. But it was a matter of whicii
the King would be informed by other persons
whose duty it was, whilst it lay entirely outsitle 1 1 all's
department, which was the navigation and matters
connected therewith. Nor is it surprising that it
is not mentioned in the account published b\'
Purchas, inasmuch as the latter has the character of
an amplification of the Report ; but it is strange
that we read nothing abcnit it in the "Topographical
Description of Greenland", where it would have
found a very natural ))lace. Consid'jring that the
account has been abbreviated by Purchas, this may
be accidental ; l^ut. If it was intentional on the part
of Hall, an ex{>lanati()n may be found in th(; fact
that Hall (as apj^ears from Gatonbe's accoint of
the voyage of 1612 ; see p. 105) continued to believe
in the reality of the discovery ; for which reason he
may. wIkmi writin'j the account of tlic xoNam-, of
1605, li<i^'^: wished to keep to hiniself what he;
regarded as a \'aluable piece ol kn<n\!edge. If
so, he must, however. h;ive changed his minrl
about it ; because, in the account of the xoyagc
of 1606, he does allude to it and e\en indiva'i<s the
locality (see p 66) ; nor was any secret madr of
it in Denmark -at l<Nist, not for long because it

"11

DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O.

' ?!
li'l

.ii

is mentioned in Lyschancler's C/ironica, published
in 1608.^

We have already mentioned (see p. xv) that
Leyell's Diary, fortunately, in a j^reat measure, fills
the gap in Hall's narratives. He accompanied

' It seems to me (although Mr. (losch differs from me) that
so remarkal:)le an omission was, without doul)t, intentional, il
being desired — at first, at any rate — to conceal the position of
the silver mine. Probably the discovery of it was communicated
privately to the King, who, doubtless, commanded that no
account of the branch Expedition should appear in the formal
report to himself on the voyage, as a document of that nature
CO' I id hardly be ke[)t secret. Such a motive would be by no
means unusual at the time. In the earliest account of Frobishcr's
voyages the figures indicating latitude were omitted in order to
conceal the situation of the supposed gold mine which he dis-
covered; while there are many other instances in which pains were
taken to keep secret the results of an exploring expedition from
which great results were expected. Button's voyage in 1612-13
may be cited as an instance (see T/ic Foja^i^es of Foxc and James,
p. xxxii). Furthermore, we know (see )). xcvii) that explicit instruc-
tions were given to the C'ommanders of the third Danish Expedition
in 1607 that, on their return, they were to give no information
whatever to anyone, save the King ; and, if we had the formal
instructions given for the two earlier voyages, we should no <loubt
meet with a similar connnand. Thi: fact that, in Hall's account m
I'urchas, there is also no reference to the discovery of the supposed
silver mine, though, at the time it was published, all conceivable
motives for secrecy had long since disappeared, cannot l)e cited
in opposition to the suggestions made above ; for we do not know
exactly when those accounts were written, or under what circum-
stances they were " abl)' .ialed". It is very likely that Hall may
have sent the account of his first voyage to Hakluyt or I'urchas
(see p. xi) whilst secrecy was still thought desirable, and that he
was, therefor'.', as silent about the mine as in his Ri'port to the

Kinj.

M. ('

FAT-EDITIONS TO GREENLAND.

Hall on his excursion in the pinnace, and noted
down the movements of the party from day to
day. His Diary, therefore, forms a very valuable
commentary to Hall's maps, which we may, accord-
ingly, most suitably consider further in this place.

Hall's maps are four in nimiber and are accom-
panied by explanations of the letters of reference
inserted on them. The three first represent particular
localities, and are drawn on a laroe scale : the fourth
is a general map of the whole coast explored. On
each of them, a compass is inserted, but only the
general map is drawn true to this. Of the
others, the two first show a westerly, the third an
easterly, deviation of the North point. Degrees of
latitude and longitude are not indicated on the
maps ; but, in the explanation of the General Map,
the latitudes of the places m-ntioned are given.'
The figures, however, do not always agree with
those given in Hall's narratives. Hall states in the
text printed by Purchas that he explored the coast
from lat. 66° 30' to hit. 69^ but the (ieneral Map only
extends from Oueen Ann's Cape (IV. «). which in
the explanation he places in 66 , to Christen Friis'
Cape (IV, /), which he places in lat. 6S ^^'; nor is any
other place mentioned in the text to which a higher
latitude could be ascribed. As regards the southern
hmit, no ])lace is mentioned as visited by Hall that
is re.dly farther south than Trost Sound, which ex-
tends from lat. 66 27' to 66" 29'. The coast sou'h
of this, as far as lat. 66 , Hall no doubt saw from a
distanc , but, as regards the coast between lat.

e 2

■»--4- -;«

ip»r

:i: *

Hi DANISH ARCTIC KXrEDITIONS, 1605-162O.

68° 35' and lat. Gg", this is not possible, because,
beyond the first-named point, the coast-line turns
easterly into the liay of Disco, and could not be
seen by Hall unless he had entered the bay,
of which there is no evidence, although he may
have been far enough to be aware of its exist-
ence.

In endeavouring^- to identify the places visited
and named by Hall (for which j^urpose we refer
to the large track-chart accompanying this volume),
we may commence our survey with the locality
from which he set out on his special exploring
expedition, and which is also the first locality
mentioned of which there is a special map
(Map I), viz., the inlet which he calls King
Christian's P'ord, or simply King's Ford — the last
word, of course, representing the Danish Fjord.
For the identification of this, we find in Hall's
account two data— jy^'s., the latitude of 66 30' for the
entrance of the fjord, and 6(3° 25' for their anchorage
therein (see p. 2)l)^ ^^nd his statement that, on the
northern shore, not far from the entrance, a moun-
tain, shaped like a sugar-loaf, and to which he gave
the name of " Cunnipgh.un's Mount", forms a con-
spicuous landmark (see p. 10). As long as Hall's maps
had not been brought to light, ;md it was not known
what reliance could be placed on his observations of
latitude, it was tempting to identify his Mount Cun-
ningham with a mountain of similar appearance on
the Amerdlok T'jord, near Holsteinborg, well known
to all colonists and navigators ; and this has, tht^re-

EXI'KDITFONS TO (IREKNLAND.

fore, generally been done, althouirh Kja^rlinj^ehcetten,
the mountain in question, stands some 25' farther
north than the latitude oriven by Hall for King
Christian's P'jord. Some have, accordingly, identi-
fied the latter with Amerdlok Fjord : others, while
holding Kja;rlingeha;tten to be Mount Cunningham,
have considered the Ikertok Fjord to be King
Christian's Fjord — in both cases attributing to Hall
a degree of inexactitude for which there was no
occasion. With Hall's maps before us, the matter
stands differently. As soon as these became known
in Denmark, those who were best acquainted with
the localities in question at once recognized the
identity of Hall's King Christian's Fjord with the
Itivdlek F""jord, which is situated within a couple of
minutes of the latitude indicated by him, and in
which all the notable features marked by him may
readily be traced. Capt. J. A. Jensen, who has
mapped the whole of this coast, and had suspected
the truth before seeing Hall's map, di-scusses this
question at length in his paper on the results of
his explorations. Referring to Kja:;rlingehajtten, on
the Amerdlok, which had hitherto been identified
with Mount Cunningham, he say.s^ : —

" At the entrance of the Fjord of Amerdlok
there is certainly a very conspicuous mountain,
Kjijerlingehaitten (2,470 feet), but the .same is the
case at Itivdlek. Near the entrance, on the northern
shore, a very characteristic mountain, Kakatsiak,

^^i

^ A/ec/t/i/t'/si-r (>/// Gronhxnd, vol. viii (1889), pp. 44-45.

I 1

i!ii'

llv DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 605-162O.

which at once attracts attention, rises to a height
of 3,250 ft."'

Further on, he says^ :— " In comparing the map
[i.e., Hall's] of King Christian's Fjord with the
map which I have executed of the Fjord of Itivd-
lek, important points of similarity will at once
be noticed. Among them, I would particularly
draw attention to the shape of the fjord, which
terminates inland with a slight turn towards the
south ; to the large bay, directed towards the
N.F., on the north side ; to the small bays, marked
d and f, on the south side ; to the decided advance
of the coast, with a large bay on the west side,
opposite Mount Cunningham ; to the very peculiar,
long, narrow island on the south side, separated from
the mainland by a narrow sound ; and, finally, to the
small island^ — ' Trost Island' — near the entrance of
the fjord." Several other points might be adduced
if necessary, one of which may be mentioned.
Hall states that the entrance of the fjord is ii. lat.
66" 30', but that their first anchorage inside was in
hit. 66° 25'; and, although these figures are slightly
too low, and the diiTerence too great, yet they imply
an important peculiarit/ of the fjord : viz., that the
westernmost portion ol" the southern shore trends
somewhat to the S. E., which is a very rare fejature

' He adds, in a note, that mountains ir enland bearing

this name, even if not particularly high, ahvays ... very conspicu-
ous, on account of their being isolated ; for which reason he found
them very useful for the triangulation.

- L. c., [). 45.

EXPEDITIONS TO CIKEKNLAND.

In Greenland fjords south of Disko, nearly all of
them havinj^ a decided main direction towards the
N.E. In illustration of this, we subjoin an outline

Kekertarsuatsiak
o

of hivdlek, traced from an unpul>lish(!d map by
Caj)t. J. A. Jensen, made during- his survey for the
Danish (loxernment, and drawn to about the same

^K"

•^^w

HiF^P"

-JUt«L

J. ;

\-\

^';

Ivi DAMS[I ARCTIC EXl'EDITIONS, 1605-162O.

saile as Hall's map. In order to facilitate com-
parison, this outline is drawn (as, also, are those of
the two followinir maps), as nearly as may be, in the
same position as Hall's map of Itivdlek (Map I),
for comparison with which it is mainly intended.
The latter is not drawn north and south, thouj^h it
j)retends to be so. The true north is indicated on
the outline-map annexed.^

Mr. Steenstrup, who has been in Greenland,
in his paper already quoted, entirely endorses-
Capt. Jensen's view that the " Kin<^ Christian's
Fjord" of Hall is the Itivdlek Fjord, and there can
be no doubt of its bein^r correct. An important
starting-point is, therefore, gained for the identifica-
tion of the other places mentioned by Hall. The
various localities within the Fjord which are marked
with letters on Hall's special map of King Christian's
Fjord (I) will be referred to in connection with
Hall's account of his visit to each of them re-
spectively.

It was on the 20th of June, in the evening, that

1 It should be observed that only the western half of Itivdlek
Fjord is represented within the border-lines of Hall's map (I).
The inner portion, which has a more decided S.E. direction, was
never explored by Hall himself; but, on his return from his
excursion to the North, he learnt from the officers of the Trost,
who had examined it m his absence (see p. 46), that it was not, as
they had first thought, a gruat river, but a closed bay ; and this
fact he has apparently indicated by a slight addition to his draw-
ing, outside the border-line of the map, which only encloses the
portion examined by himself.

- In Mcddclclscr oin Groiiland, vol. ix (i88y), j). 46.

EXI'p:niTIONS TO GREKNLAM).

Ivii

Hall set sail from King Christian's Fjord (Itivdlck)
on his excursion northwards in the pinnace Katteu,
steering north (see p. 42). Leyell's entry for the
2 1st is as follows: "21. The wind East; their
course N. by E., and they came into a harlxnir
which they called Captain KonniniL^em's Harbour."
This is, of course, what Hall calls Cunningham's
r'ord (see Map H and pp. 66 and 80) ; and, on the
first night, they no doubt remained in the place on
the south side, not far from the entrance, which on
the special map is marked a, and described as " The
first place of ancoring in this ford,"

Leyell continues: "22. The wind S.W. ; their
course S.E. They came into a harbour which
they called Kattvigh, where they remained until the
24th of June." The course indicated shows that they
had been sailing up Cunninghams Fjord, in con-
firmation of which we find, marked b on Hall's
map, a place higher up, which he describes as
" Catt Sound or Weike."^ The name, Catt Sound,
may be derived from the name of the pinnace,^ but

(']

^ The last term is, doubtless, the Danish word Vi^, meaning
a creek or small inlet, which Hall has adopted. It is very cf)m-
monly used in combinations, and is the same which occurs so
frecjuently in the form of " wich", in the names of Danish settle-
ments in England. That Hall uses the alternative of "sound"
seems to imply that he was not quite sure whether it was a sound
or merely a bay.

''■ We may take this opportunity of alluding to another name
which may have been derived from this vessel, though not men-
tioned in any of our accounts of this voyage, viz., " The Catt's
Chance", which occurs on Hessel Ciciril/'s m.ip. True, I.e places

- I^i

Iviii DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIOXS, 1605-1620.

I'! ifli

may, perhaps, have an orifj^in similar to that of an-
other name afterwards mentioned by Leyell. namely,
Pustervig, in connection with which we shall refer to
it again. The small creek marked c, and named
"Green Sound or Weike", is not mentioned in anv
of the texts. It was near the anchoras^e marked d
on Hall's map, and named " Mussel Sound ", that
he stopped on the return journey, and discovered
what he thouu^ht to be silver ore (see p. xlix), for
the sake of which he again visited the place in
1606, and which also was a main object of th(^
Expedition of 161 2. Hall's account of this second
visit, in 1606, enables us to identify his Cunning-
ham's Fjord. He says {see p. 67) that, on th(;
morning of August 3rd, they rowed five or six
leagues up the fjord, and, " seeing it to bee but a
Bay" — an expression which implies that they at first
supposed it to be the lower reach of a river^ — they
returned to the islands at the mouth of the fjord,
which are described as being very numerous, and
after supper they rowed some three leagues up
another fjord, where they passed the night. In the
morning, they set out early to return to their ship,
but had difficulty in reaching her, on account of a
strong southerly wind. From this it follows that

\ '

it in 62 30' — that is, in a locality which Hall never visited ; hut
it would not be surprising if he had made a mistake in that
respect. It is clear from other evidence that Oerritz had in-
formation from persons who knew about the voyage of 1605 ; and
the name is so peculiar that this is the source from which he
most reasonably can be supposed to have obtained it.

EXPEDITIONS TO (IKKENLAND.

lix

Cunningham's Fjord was a river-like, inlet, sufficiently
long to allow of their rowing up it more than fifteen
miles, but not longer than that, by so doing, they
could ascertain it "to be but a bay"; moreover, that
close by, to the north of it, there was another similar
inlet more than nine miles long ; finally, that the sea
outside was studded with islands. In addition to
this, Hall gives the latitude as 67^ 25', from which
we may conclude at least this much : that it was
not far north of the present Holsteinborg ; and, as,
on this portion of the coast, there arc only two fjords
answering the above description of Cunningham's
Fjord and its northern neighbour — viz., the two
Kangerdluarsuks,^ just to the N. of Holsteinborg —
we have no hesitation in identifyingthe more southerly
of these with Cunningham's Fiord. In this respect,
we may further point out that, according to I.eyell,
they steered S.E. in sailing from their first anchor-
age near the southern shore to Catt Sound on the
northern shore ; and, even making due allowance
for the variation of the needle (which Leyell may not
have taken into consideration), it is evident that this
statement necessarily implies that the main direction
of the fjord — or that part of it — ^was decidedly S. of
E. This, as we have already observed, is a very
rare feature in the fjords in this part of Greenland ;
but it is unmistakeable in the western portion of the

^ This word really means "fjord"', and it occurs in numerous
combinations ; but many fjords in Greenland have no more par
ticular name.

■

IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

1.0

I.I

1.25

'' '^ III 2-2

1.8

U. Ill 1.6

Photographic

Sciences

Corporation

23 WEST MAIN STREET

WEBSTER, N.Y. MS80

(716) 872-4503

c.^

(/.

DVNISH ARCTrC ZXPRHITIONS, 1605-162O.

i\-

'. 1 '

Southern Kangerdluarsuk. The inner half of the
fjord turns northerly, but Hall has not drawn more
than the lower part up to this bend, which, however,
is plainly indicated in his map (II). Catt Sound and
Green Sound may, with ^••reat probability, be identi-
fied with two of the sounds between the islands
which here narrow the fjord very considerably, and
almost fill a semi-circular bay on the northern shore ;
from this bay, too, a creek turns off in a northerly
direction, which very likely may have rendered Hall
doubtful whether he ought to describe these places
as "sounds" or " weikes". These details will be
easily recoj^nized on the subjoined outline of the two
Kangerdluarsuks, traced from the same map of
Capt. Jensen's from which that of Itivdlek was
borrowed. It will be observed that, in this case.
Hall':; scale is considerably larger than in his map of
King Christian's Fjord. The similarity which wiil
be observed on comparing Hall's map with the
above is, perhaps, not quite so striking as in the case
of Itivdlek, but we think it unmistakeable. At any
rate, nothing can be pointed out in the way of
difference that could invalidate the conclusion, to
which we have come by the considerations above
detailed. It was, then, in the Northern Kangerdluar-
suk that Hall's party passed the night of the 3rd of
August 1606, after having rowed there amongst the
islands ; and a glance at the map shows at once that,
in the face of a strong southerly wind, they may very
likely have had much trouble in regaining their ship,
which was anchonid south of the entrance of the

■iV

KXI'EDITIONS TO GRHK«*LANn.

Ixi

Southern Kangerdluarsuk, particularly when they
lost for a time the protection of the numerous islands.
Our identification of Cunningham's Fjord with the
Southern Kangerdluarsuk agrees perfectly with the
various statements in the texts with regard to the
position of this fjord in relation to others ; but it

Kaagarsuk

will be more convenient to postpone the demonstra-
tion of this, and to resume (or the present the further
consideration of Hall's excursion in the pinnace.

After remaining in Cunningham's Fjord two
days— no doubt employed in exploring the inlet
and preparing his map of it- Hall continued his
excursion towards the North. Leyell's next entry
is as follows: "(June] 24. The wind W.S.W. ;

Ixii DANISH ARCTIC KXPKDITIONS, 1605-162O.

their course S.E. to E. They came into a large
fjord which they called Pustervich, and remained
there still for two days." This name does not
occur in Hall's list of fjords, harbours, etc., but
there can scarcely be any doubt of its signify-
ing the same place, which is marked on Hall's
General Map under the name of " Prince Chris-
tianus ford" (IV ^). It is as little probable that
Hall would have omitted a large fjord where he
spent two days, as it is that Leyell would have
omitted a fjord of so great importance as this one
must have been, to judge from Hall's map. The
latitude given by Hall {viz., 67° 30') corresponds
nearly to that of Nagsugtok; but we believe that
another large fjord, Isortok, is really meant, although
the entrance to the latter is in lat. 67° 10'. Hall's
General Map is not, of course, to be taken as
intended to give an accurate delineation of the
different capes, bays, and fjords, but rather as
indicating their relative positions. At the same time,
a glance at King Christian's Fjord and Cunningham's
Fjord, as thereon represented, shows that the outlines
are not by any means fanciful or carelessly drawn,
but are meant to convey a notion of some of the
principal features, such as the peculiar small island to
the right of the entrance of Itivdlek and the small
islands narrowing the passage in the Southern Kan-
gerdluarsuk. Bearing this in mind, we would point
out that Prince Christian's Fjord is drawn on the
map with a branch on the right side from the en-
trance, having a decided southerly direction, which

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND.

I ...
1X111

may very well represent the similar branch of the
Isortok, called Isortuarsuk, whilst no such feature is
^ound in Nagsugtok. The main continuation of the
fjord is not represented on Hall's map, though its
existence is indicated by the absence of an outline
closing the bay ; from which circumstance, we
may fairly infer that it was in this southern branch
that they stayed. This would also explain Leyell's
otherwise unintelligible statement that their coursti
was S.E. by E. ; because, although this cannot apply
to the day's sail as a whole (the coast trending, as it
does, from south to north), it would correctly apply to
the last portion of their sail that day, if this brought
them to an anchorage in Isortuarsuk. Moreover,
there is another instance (see p. Ixxvi) where Leyell's
statement of the course sailed unquestionably applies
only to the end of the journey. In favour of identi-
fying Prince Christian's Fjord with Isortok, we might
adduce the fact that, according to Hall's statements,
the difference of latitude between Prince Christian's
Fjord and Cunningham's Fjord, was only 5' ; but,
as the figure given by Hall for the latter place
is erroneous, if our interpretation be right, we
cannot attribute any great weight to that point. As
against our interpretation may be mentioned that
Prince Christian's Fjord, on Hall's map, is repre-
sented as having a decided south-easterly direction
for some distance from the entrance, whilst both
Isortok and Nagsugtok, in their lower portions, run
very decidedly N. to S.VV. ; but, as Ley ell expressly
describes Pustervich as a large fjord, and as Hall

Ixiv DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O.

has drawn Prince Christian's Fjord as such, it seems
that the choice must, nevertheless, remain between
those two — the only large fjords on this part of the
coast — and that, the circumstance in question must be
attributed to some incompleteness of the notes, etc.,
by means of which Hall drew his map — a defect
which would also explain why no special map of it
was given.

Finally, the names require a few moment's
attention. Hall would naturally wish to choose for
the newly-discovered localities names of Danish
origin or form. Lyschander expressly states' that
certain places in Greenland were named after locali-
ties in Denmark to which they bore some re-
semblance, though his grandiloquent words ill accord
with the few instances of such naming which we
find in our accounts of the voyage. It would seem
that Hall, on this expedition, being himself insufifi-
ciently acquainted with Danish, left the suggestion
of names to some Dane on board, whose taste in
this respect was not of the best. Pustervich, the
name given by Leyell for this fjord, is the same (only
spelled in the old-fashioned way) as Pustervig, a
name still borne by a street in Copenhagen, which
occupies the site of an ancient creek or watercourse,
formerly outside the town ; and, if some native of
Copenhagen amongst the crew was allowed to
propose a name on that occasion, that of Pustervig
may very well thus have been suggested for the

1 !

' C7ir(>//iiti, 1726 Jul., p.

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND.

Ixv

to
he

Greenland fjord. One is the more inclined to think
of this origin because the name " Catt Sound", in
Cunningham's Fjord, recalls that of another street at
Copenhagen {Katiestindet), so called from an ancient
branch of the harbour now filled up ; whilst a third
name among those mentioned by Leyell equally
reminds one, as we shall see, of another locality in the
Danish capital. In any case, nothing would be more
natural for Hall, when, after his return, he worked
up his Report, and had become acquainted with the
original Pustervig, than to change this vulgar ap-
pellation for the far more genteel one of Prince
Christian's Fjord, in honour of the infant Crown
Prince.^

After remaining in Prince Christian's Fjord
(Isortok) over the 25th of June, they continued their
voyage northwards, and arrived on the following
day at another fjord, which, Leyell says, was called
" Romsciefjord". This name is not mentioned by
Hall ; but, as the next halting-place mentioned by
Leyell, where they stopped on the return journey,
is marked on Hall's General Map as the most
northerly but one of the localities visited (not counting
Christen PViis's Cape), Romsoefjord must be identi
cal with the northernmost of the fjords indicated
on Hall's map, which, in the explanation of the
General Map (IV, k), is called " Brade Ranson's

^ Prince Christian of Denmark, son of King Christian IV, had
been born two years earlier, namely, in 1603. He never came to
the throne, dying in 1647 before his father.

Ixvi DANISH ARCTIC r.XI'KDITIONS, 1605-162O.

Ford". Hall states that this fjord was in lat.
68^ near which parallel there are two lar^e fjords,
the Atanek and the Arfersiorfik ; and, but for Hall's
special map( I H ), it would be difficult to say with much
probability which of them is meant, in spite of the
difference which they really exhibit. The Atanek—
the more southerly of the two— opens direct on the
sea with a wide mouth, and is continued a consider-
able distajice inland, gradually diminishing in width,
without exhibiting anything remarkable in its con-
figuration. Arfersiorfik, the more northerly of the
two inlets, consists of an outer portion of very
irregular shape, bounded on the northern side
hiostly by islands, and an inner portion, of the
usual Greenland type, which is entered through a
narrow sound of very peculiar shape, called Ser-
fortak, and this, we think, is easily recoi^nised in
Hall's map of Brade Ranson's F"jord (HI). The
latter is evidently intended to represent only a
fragment of the fjord, but the sharp headland
pointing northwards, the narrow sound winding
round towards the S.E., and exhibiting a deep
round bay pointing N.E., are, as it seems to us,
readily identified on a map representing Ser-
fortak on a sufficiently large scale such as the
subjoined outline copy of a sketch drawn on the
spot by Capt. Hammer, who accompanied Capt.
Jensen in his exploration of this coast in 1879.^ It

* On this sketch, we have put in the north point only approxi-
mately.

KXrKDITIONS TO (IKKKNI-ANH.

I.wii

is true that, on Hall's special map, the bay on the
west side of the heacllanJ is drawn too deep before
taking- a westerly turn, and that the northern shore
of the fjord is continued westwards directly from
the round bay (whilst in reality it trends away in a
northerly direction for some distance) ; but this dcjes
not seem sufficient to outweigh the strong points of

agreement ; and so much the less as, on the General
Map, where these features are clearly indicated, the
coast in question is drawn in this respect exactly as
it really is. On the General Map, the part repre-
sented in the special map is drawn disproportion-
ately large, and the outer channel is much shortened ;
but this need not surprise us if we remember that
Hall spent only one evening and one morning
in the locality. From Isortok to Serfortak is a
sail of some ninety miles ; but, as the wind

Ixviii DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O.

was W.S.W., it was favourable all the way; and,
as the shortness of the midsummer night in
those latitudes would permit an early start, this is by
no means more than what they may have accom-
plished in one day. The coast from Isortok north-
wards is flat and uninteresting, and would not tempt
them to stop on the way out, whatever they might
do on the return journey if they had plenty of time.

As regards the name : we may observe that it
may very well be that the place was originally
called Romsoefjord, as Leyell has it, and that Hall
afterwards changed it ; in which case, it would be
derived from Romso, a local name which occurs at
least twice in Norway ; but Romso may also be a
mistake for Ranson. This, in its turn, is very likely
a corruption. Rane is a Scandinavian name, and
there may have been a Brade Ranson on board; but
the probability is that Ranson is meant for Rantzau,
and that it was intended to name the fjord in honour
of Breide Rantzau,' a distinguished member of the
Council of the Realm, like Henrik Ramels and
Christen Friis, after whom other localities were
named. Bielke says expressly that several localities
were named after Councillors.

On his special map of Brade Ranson's Fjord (III),
Hall marks and names three places : — a, Shoulde
Vik ; b, Henrik's Pass ; and c, Cliffe Road. The
last of these names clearly means a roadstead near

. 1 '•

':!

* Breide Ranszau, of Rantzausholm, was born in 1566 and died
in 1618.

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND.

Ixix

a cliff ; of Shoulde Vik (which seems to be meant for
a Danish name), we can offer no explanation ; but the
meaning of '* Henrik's Pass" may be gathered from
Leyell's entry for the 26th, which is to this effect :
— " 26. The wind the same, with some fog. They
came into a fjord, which they called Romsiiefjord.
There they put on shore a disobedient son, by
name Hendrich Hermansen, for the chance of
his keeping himself alive as a pedlar." In the
margin is added, in the same handwriting as the
note at the end of the journal, alluded to above
(see pp. xvii «,, and xxxviii) : — " His father lives
at Elsenore and is called Herman Roos." No
doubt " Henrik's Pass" indicates the spot where this
unfortunate man — probably under sentence of death
— was given this miserable chance of life. In
ordering him and another convict (see p. 49) to be
left in Greenland, the Danish Authorities (who, of
course, were quite ignorant of the state of things
there) were no doubt inlluenced by the idea that
descendants of the old Scandinavian settlers were
still to be found, and imagined that the two outcasts
would have a better prospect than they really had.
Very likely, too, it was thought that, in the future,
they might prove useful intermediaries.^

The place where, according to Leyell, Hall's party

^ It will be remembered that Frobisher, in 1577, was similarly
taking out some "condemned men", but that he jiut them on
shore at Harwich in consequence of instructions received from
the Queen.

I :

Ixx DANISM AKCTIC KXI'KDITIONS, 1605-162O.

Stopped at the end of the following day (June 27th)
is marked as Bauhoiise Sound on Hall's General Map
(IV.y), and as it is to the south of Brade Ranson's
Fjord, it follows that it was on that day that they
turned back, after havinj^ been as far as Christen
Friis's Cape. In his report to the King of I )enmark,
Hall implies (see p. 1 4) that this Cape was in 69° ; but,
in the explanation to the General Map (IV, /), the
latitude is stated to be 68^ 35.' That the latter figure
is the more correct, is evident from the consideration
that, in order to reach a point on the coast of Green-
land in lat. 69", Hall would have had to travel a
very considerable distance round the Bay of Disko ;
but no such thing is indicated in Hall's accounts or
on his map ; nor could he possibly have reached so
far and returned to lat. 67" 56' in the course of one
day. The Cape is clearly marked on the General Map
as pointing to the W., on the same line of coast as
the places until then visited. In lat. 68" 35' there
is no particularly noticeable promontory or cape ;
but, from about that point, the coast begins to trend
eastwards, into the Bay of Disko, and this circum-
stance may well have been the cause both of Hall
singling it out amongst other capes and of his having
turned back at this point. According to Hall's
account, he turned back in deference to the wishes of
his companions, who feared to proceed further (see
p. 46), and the circumstance which we have mentioned
affords a plausible explanation of his so doing. Sup-
posing that they did advance far enough to see the
vast bay open out towards the east, this sight may

I ■< .

KXI'EDITIONS TO (JRKKNLANP.

Ixxi

I's
of

very likely have calU'tl forth Hall's eaj;erncss as an
explorer so forcibly as to render his companions
stronifly sensible of the danj^er in venturing too far.
The situation in which Hall found himself must, in
that case, have been very like that of Hudson.
Fortunately Hall was wise enonjrh not to insist,
but to content himself with lookinjj^, as it were,
round the corner and, perhaps, across to the big
Island of Disco, and thus, in a measure, extend-
ing his examination t-^f the coast as far as lat. 69^,
which, as we have seen, he claimed to have done.
Indeed we do not see how he could have expressed
himself to that effect, unless he had advanced far
enough to observe the entrance of the Hay of Disco.
Our view that he did so appears to be not a little
confirmed by the fact that on the Stockholm map,
the turn of the coastline into the Hay of Disco is
indicated, though it is not continued far, and the
name of the cape is |)laced so as to refer rather to
a point looking N,, just inside the bay. From this
we may, at any rate, conclude that the information
of the jKTson who inserted Hall's names on this
maj) was of a nature to suggest that Hall had
rounded the southern shoulder of the bay. In fact,
we believe that we may claim for Hall the discovery,
or rather the rediscovery, of the Hay of Disco.
This was doubtles: known to the ancient Scandina-
vians, and perhaps even to later navigators whose
observations were not published ; but Davis, the
only more modern explorer who is known to have
passed the locality (in I5<S6), does not mention it,

Ixxii DANISH ARCTIC FA'I'KDITIONS. 1605-162O.

nor is it marked oii the New Map (1600). That
nothing; is indicated referring;- to this either in
Hall's account or in Leyell's journal need not
surprise us, as Hall says hut very little on the
events of his expedition in the pinnace, and as
Leyell's entries are extremely laconic.

We have no further means of identifying" Christen
Friis's Cape, but the latitude (6<S 35') aj^rees very
closely with the western extremity of the island of
Sarkardlek, the identification of which with that
cape entirely falls in with the above considerations.

Leyell does not mention their having proceeded
as far as Christen Friis's Cape, on June 27th, and
then returned, as we have seen that they must have
done, but simply says: "27. I'hey came into a
harbour and called it Baahus hafn." On Hall's map
(IV, J) it is called " Havhovse sound". The name
is probably borrowed from Hohus-lehn, a district on
the shore of thi* Kattejj^at, north t)f Ciothenburtr
which at that time belonged to Denmark. As the
population is mostly seafaring, there may very likely
have been a Bohus man on board the pinnace. On
Hall's maps, the letter y", which indicates this place,
is inserted close to the const-line, which is here drawn
quite straight, from which it may be inferred that
Bauhouse Sound was a sound between an island and
the mainland, or between two islands near the coast.
The latitude given by Hall is 67" 56', but there are
so many islands in this neighbourhood (such as
Nunarsuak, Rifkol, Agto, etc.) that to fix ujion any
of them would be mere guess-work.

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND.

IXXlll

Leyell continues his journal thus : — " 28. The
wind S.S.W. They came into a harbour, which they
called Arenntsund, and remained there until the
3rd of July ; and, on the 2nd of July, five Green-
landers came to them, each of whom the steersman
presented with a fish-hook, in order that they might
come to us again ; but they and many others all
rowed northwards, and none of them returned."
Here, again, we meet with a name which does not
occur on Hall's map ; but there can be no doubt
that it applies to the same place mentioned on Hall's
map (IV, //) under the name of " Arnold's Sound",
because, as they remained there several days, the
place cannot be otherwise than be mentioned by both
Hall and Leyell. Arnold's Sound — probably so
called after the skipper, or navigating officer, of the
Irost, whose full name, for aught we know, may have
been Arnold Arents — is marked on Hall's map in the
same manner as Bauhouse Sound, and would therefore
presumably be a similar locality. The latitude being,
according to Hall's list, 67° 45', it may, with very
great probability, be identified with the sound be-
tween the mainland and the island of Kangek, which
extends from 67° 38' to 67' 48'. According to Leyell,
they remained there four clear days, but he does not
say why such a i>rolonged stay was made. As,
however, he states that the wind was S.S.W., it
would, of course, be unfavourable to their i)nj-
gress southward.

Leyell's next entry is the fi)llowing : " [July] 4. A
light northerly wind in the forenoon ; in the after-

Ixxiv DANISH ARCTIC KXl'KDITIONS, 1605-162O.

noon, a gale from the S.W,, with rain. They
came into a harbour which they called Mussel Har-
bour and stayed there two days. There they found
in a mountain precious ore, which they carried
home with them." This is, of course, the " Mussle
Sounde", already alluded to (see p. Iviii) as being
marked on Hall's special map of Cunningham's
Fjord (H, d) and situated just south of the entrance
of the latter. All accounts agree that it was here
that the supposed silver ore was found.

Leyell continues : " 6. The wind as before ; their
course N.N.W. ; and they came into a large fjord,
which they called Rommel's T^jord, and on the same
day into another fjord, which they called Skaubo-
fjord, and there they set up three beacons." Ramel's
Fjord (as it is correctly spelled in the account
printed by Purchas, whilst on Hall's list it is called
"Henrik Romle's ford") was no doubt so called
after Henrik Ramel, a wealthy and influential
Danish nobleman, who was member of the Council
of the Realm, ;ind much interested in trade and
shipping. vSkaubofjord may have been called so
from some Skaubo, that is, nativeof Skagen(theScau),
on board. At the same time, as two other localities
have had names given to them identical with those
of places in Copenhagen (see p. Ixv), we may fitly
mention that there is at Copenhagen a Skoubo Street,
which forms a corner with Kattesimdet, and the name
of which is often pronounced very nearly as Skaubo.
In Hall's explanation of his General Map, he places
Ramel's Fjord (IV, c) in lat. 66'^^ 35', from which it

KXl'EDITIONS TO GREKNLANl).

Ixxv

follows that the two names Ramelsfjord and Skaubo-
fjord must refer to two of the three broad inlets be-
tween Holsteinborgand Itivdlek. The latitude given
for Ramel's Fjord would, of course, suit the southern-
most best ; but, as Skaubo Fjord must be understood
to be south of Ramel's Fjord, the latter name cannot
mean any place south of Ikertok, the second of
these inlets; and, as a matter of fact, Ikertok itself
has, though on different grounds, been considered to
be Ramel's Fjord. But Hall's account of his return
from Cunningham's Fjord on the second voyage
(see p. 68) does not agree with this identification.
He says that, having brought Ramel's Tjord E,
by N. of them, they towed on with their boats
until they came to and entered a bay, which conse-
quently must have been to the south of Ramel's
F^jord. This bay, which he calls F^oss Bay, he de-
scribes as a river — that is, as comparatively narrow
and long. As regards this latter point, we may note
that, on the first night, they proceeded a considerable
distance up the fjord— farther than Hall thought
advisable. In the course of the night, one of the
vessels drifted several miles further up, followed on
the next day by the other vessel, and, from this
anchorage, they rowed up as much as lo leagues, or
30 Fnglish miles. The fjord in question must con-
sequently be one which penetrates far into the main-
land ; and the description, therefore, seems applic-
able to no other fjord, between Holsteinborg antl
Itivdlek, than Ikertok. If, then, T'oss Hay be
Ikertok, Ramel's Fjord, which is north of Foss

Ixxvi DANISH ARCTIC KXrEOITIONS, 1605-162O.

(

ii i'

Bpy, must be Amerdlok. Hall's map is of no
use for determining this question, because Foss
Bay was not visited on the first voyage, and is
therefore not put down on his map, which only
shows one inlet between Cunningham's Fjord
and Itivdlek. Our identification of Ramel's Fjord
with Amerdlok of course implies that the latitude
(66° 35') ascribed to the former in Hall's explanation
of the General Map is too low^ ; but, as we already
have noted several instances in which his latitudes are
undoubtedly erroneous, and in what follows shall
have to point out others, each of them must be dealt
with on its own merits, and the circumstance cannot
be held to outweigh the considerations adduced.

It remains to identify Leyell's " Skaubofjord", in
reference to which we may recall his statement (see
p. Ixxiv) that the course was N.NAV. when they
arrived at Ramel's Fjord, a statement which (as in
another case already mentioned ; see p Ixiii), can be
understood only of their final course. The only
other fjord into which they can have arrived, under
these circumstances, is Ikertok, viz., through the
narrow sound connecting it with Amerdlok. Leyell's
Skaubofjord must, therefore, be identical with Hall's
Foss Bay ; and, in this case, as in that of Pustervig,
Hall must be supposed afterwards to have changed
the name originally given.

We stated above (see p. Ixi) that our identi-

ffin, in his account of the voyage of 161 2 (see p. 126), gives
1 tvnich is as much too northerly as Hall's figure is too
southerly.

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND.

Ixxvii

fication of Cunnino^hrim's Fjord with the southern-
most of the two Kanjrerdkiarsuks, just north of
Holsteinborjr, would be found to aj^ree very well
with what mij^ht be ^rathered from the various
accounts as to the position of Cunninj^ham's Fjord
relatively to other localities; and, as these indications
refer primarily to Ramel's F^jord (Amerdlok), they
may be suitably mentioned here. In his account of
the voyage of 1606. Hall says (see p. 65) that in the
morninir he had sioht of the coast and found himself
thwart of Ramel's Fjord, when he decided to [pro-
ceed to Cunningham's Fjord, where he arrived in
the afternoon. On the 6th of August, they left the
latter and came to an anchor the same night in Foss
Bay, south of Ramel's Fjord, but we learn from
Bruun's Journal that they did not leave Cunningham's
Fjord till towards evening. Baffin states, in his
account of the voyage in 161 2 (see p. 125), that, on
the day when Hall died, they buried him and after-
wards set out rowing in the shallop for Cunningham's
Fjord, where they arrived in the morning, after
having passed the night on some island. They set
out on their return journey in the evening, and
arrived early next morning at their ships, which were
at anchor on the south side of Ramel's T'jord. He
states that the distance was about 12 leagues, which
would place the entrance to Cunningham's T'jord,
where the supposed mine was, about 15 miles N.
of Holsteinborg. All of this is in keei)ing with our
view that Cunningham's Fjord is the Southern
Kangerdluarsuk.

mtmfirwmmm

I. ''

l u

Ixxviii DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O.

There remain tor identification the two "capes",
Queen Anne's Cape and Queen Sophia's Cape.
These are shown not only on Hall's General Map
(IV, a and IV, d), but also in the sketch of the
coast which is inserted in Hall's Report to the King
of Denmark (see p. 9), and which is well worthy
of attention, especially in this connexion. We see
Mount Cunningham (Kakatsiak) in the middle,
the point of view being just opposite the entrance of
Itivdlek, so as to exhibit the mountain to its base ;
on both sides of this, the coast is seen stretching
away north and south, the mountains diminishing
in the perspective, apparently ending in a low point
towards the north as well as towards the south.
Captain Jensen says' that, from whatever position
out at sea this coast is viewed, the mountain of
Kangarsuk (1,730 ft.) to the north, and the island of
Simiutak (930 ft.) to the south, present themselves
as limiting the visible line of coast, and therefore
appear as promontories. From this, it is a fair con-
clusion thatrf;hese are the two points indicated to the
extreme left and right of Hall's sketch. But we
think it is a mistake when, on the strength of this,
Queen Sophia's Cape has been identified with
Kangarsuk, and Queen Anne's Cape with Simiu-
tak. There is no necessity to refer these two names,
as inserted over the sketch, to the two extreme
points, and Hall's references to them in his text
(which have not hitherto been taken into considera-

1 Meddekher o/ii Gronland^ vol. viii (1888), p. 46.

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND.

Ixxi.K

tion for the solution of this question) prove, we
believe, that they refer to points inside the two
extremities. On Hall's map, Queen Sophia's Cape
is placed between Cunningham's Fjord and Ramel's
Fjord, which is in keeping with all the statements
concerning it in the different accounts. Neither in
his own account of the first voyage, nor in that
of Leyell, is the passing of the cape mentioned,
either in going north from Itivdlek or in returning ;
but in his account of the second voyage. Hall states
{see p. 68) that, when they returned from exploring
Cunningham's Fjord, and the other one close by
(to the north of it), the wind being against them,
they sailed along the land amongst the islands until
they came outside the latter at a point which
he says was about three leagues to the north of
Queen Sophia's Cape, which implies that the Cape
was south of Cunningham's Fjord. Baffin, in his
account of the voyage of 1612, also states (see
p. 125) that they passed Queen Sophia's Cape in
going from Ramel's Fjord to Cunningham's T'jord.
It follows that, if the latter is the southern of the
two Kangerdluarsuks, just north of Holsteinborg (as
we consider that we have proved). Queen Sophia's
Cape cannot be Kangarsuk (which is to the north
of that fjord), but must be a point on the pro-
jecting part of the coast north of, and near to,
Holsteinborg ; and, as it must have been very con-
spicuous in the landscape as seen from the sea, it
cannot be anything else than the Pra;stefjeld, which
rises just north of Holsteinborg to a height of

:7S.:-:.'x

IxXX DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O

I ■•'

; !.l : I

, .1

I !

1,770 ft. (or, more accurately, an outrunner from it)
which, although not really forming a promontory,
would appear to do so when viewed from the south.
In this case, Hall's indication of the latitude is of
little avail, except quite indirectly, as it is manifestly
erroneous, being inconsistent with his other state-
ments of latitude. It is only in the explanation to
the General Map that the latitude of Queen Sophia's
Cape is stated ; but the figure (67° 45') cannot be
what Hall meant, because Cunningham's Fjord,
which, according to his own map, is further to the
north, is here stated to be in 67" 25'. The figure 7
is written on an erasure, and though we may
pretty safely gyess that 66" 45' is meant, no direct
arnfument can be founded on this. At the same
time, however. Knight's Islands, which are com-
monly (and, doubtless, rightly) identified with the
Kagsit Islands, are stated by a similar (no doubt
clerical) error to be in 67° 58', — that is to say,
rather to the north of Queen Sophia's Cape. This
would rightly express the relative position of these
localities, if Queen Sophia's Cape be the Praistefjeld,
but not if Kangarsuk is supposed to be that cape,
their real latitudes being : Kangarsuk, 67° 4' ;
Knight's Islands, 66° 59' ; Pr^estefjeld, 66° 55'.

For the identification of Queen Anne's Cape, we
have in Hall's accounts only two data — the latitude
(66°) and the circumstance that it is spoken of in
language which seems to imply that it was a notable
landmark, not only as seen from the west, as in Hall's
sketch, but also from the south, in coming up Davis'

EXPEDITIOXS TO GREENLAND.

XXI

)e,

ve
de
I in
j)lc
I's
lis

Strait. Thus it was the first point which Hall
"espyed" on his arrival in 1606 (see p. 65). This
could hardly apply to the island cf Simiutak, which
projects only slij^htly from the coast-line, and attains
no (greater elevation than 930 ft., but would be applic-
able to the mountain of Kinj^atsiak, just to the north
of it, which reaches a hei<^ht of 1,740 ft., and, as it
seems, must be noticeable, looming up over the lower
land to the south. There is. however, in Gatonbe's
account of the voyai^e of 161 2, a passa^^e exactly to
the point, viz., the entry for June 23rd, in which he
says (see p. 100) that, within a league of Queen
Ann's Cape, travelling" northwards, they had to cross
a j^reat river, in which the flood caused an exces-
sively strong current, by doinj^- which they came to an
island, where they rested till the flood was spent,
evidently in order to enable them without trouble to
cross the other branch of the river, north of the
island; after this, resuming thttir journey, they rowed
past the Cape. There can be no doubt that the
river was the Kangerdlugsuak (Sonder Strtimfjord in
Danish), of which the main branch, south of the island
of Simiulak, opens in 66^, whilst the mountain of
Kingatsiak is just beyond the northern branch.
For these reasons, we believe that the inscription,
" Queen Anne's Cape " on Hall's sketch refers, not
to the extremest southern point of the sketch, which
we take to be the island of Simiutak. but to the large
knoll just inside those lower rocks, which we take
to be Kino^atsiak.

If we now turn to the interpretation of H bill's

-HW!

Ixxxii DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O.

sketch (see p. 9), we cannot do better than take
Captain Jensen for our guide for the central portion.
" The mountains", he says/ " to the left of Mount
Cunninjj^hani (Kakatsiak) represent the high land
of Akugdlersuak in connection with the mountain of
Kakatokak, situated behind ; the lower knoll, to the
right of Mount Cunningham, may l)e intended for a
mountain called Nagtoralinguak, near the sea, south of
the Fjord; and the smaller knoll in front of that must
then represent the highest summit of the island

Inugsugtusok Behind these two knolls, the

high jagged mountains of Tininilik, Kingartak, and
others appear, which form a wild Alpine landscape
south of the outer portion of the Fjord of Itivdlek.
Even one of the very characteristic parabolic
valleys which occur here is clearly indicated in the
drawing." Captain Jensen does not continue his
interpretation to the: lateral parts of the sketch ;
but, following our own light, we recognise beyond
this group of mountains, to the right, the moun-
tain Kingatsiak, which we consider to be Queen
Anne's Cape, at the foot of which the lower
island of Simiutak appears. Returning to the
northern half of the landscape represented in Hall's
sketch, we observe, to the left of the mountain
district of Akugdlersuak, that the mountains, one
behind the other, fall off to some compara-
tively-straight fjord, penetrating far into the main-
land, which fjord we take to be the Ikertok. The

^ Meddelels(r om Grihi/aud, vol. viii (1888), p. 47.

EXPKniTIONS TO ORF.FNLAND.

XXXlll

The

small knoll to the left of this wc take to be the
islands of Sarfanguak and Manetorsuak ; behind
which, and beyond the intervening^ Amerdlok Fjord,
Kj:erlin(;eh:L'tten raises its cone ; behind the small
knoll further to the left, would be the entrance to
Holsteinboro- harbour; and, beyond that ai^ain, a
more distant knoll represents, in our opinion, Pneste-
fjeld. To the left of this, a break in the coast-line,
as seen from this point, is noticeable, which we con-
sider to correspond to the recedintr part of the coast,
where the two Kangerdluarsuks enter, which would
be hidden behind the Prcestefjeld ; beyond this
break, the coast appears ai^ain. and this we consider
to be the promontory formed by the lower outrunner
from the mountain of Kangarsuk, the summit of
which may be covered by the Pra;stefjeld.

Before leavint^ this question of the identification
of the places visited by Hall in 1605 and 1606, we
may observe that, if this has not been solved befon*,
it is due to the fact that Hall's maps were not
in the hands of the explorers of the country till a
few years ago. Capt. Jensen, to whom we owe the
first attempt at rational identification [viz., in respect
of King Christian's Fjord), exprcisses his regret^ that
he was not acquainted with Hall's maps before \u\
went to Greenland to map the coast, as he would
then have been able to pay far more attention to
details important in that respect. Autopsy is in
these matters of very great importance, but we cherish

^ Meddekher om Gronland, vol. viii (1888), p. 45.

if- 2

■ '■9«

■p

V, t

: 1

hi.

Ixxxiv DANISH AR(TI( EXI'KDITIONS, 1605-162O.

the hope that future explorers on the spot will ajj^rc-e
with the conclusions to which we have come in our
study.

On the loth of July, Hall returned from his
excursion to the north in the pinnace and rejoined
the Trost, lyinj^^ in the Kinjr's Fjord (Itivdlek), and
from this point he resumes his detailed account.

Directly after Hall's return, the expedition sailed
for Denmark, carrying away four natives whom
Cunningham had captured, acting, no doubt, on his
instructions. Lyschander says' that one of them
was so violent that Cunningham found it necessary
to shoot him, and that the natives in great numbers
tried to prevent the departure of the vessels, but
were frightened away by the discharge of cannon.
The homeward voyage, however, was uneventful.

On the loth of August, the expedition arrived
back at Copenhagen, where they appear to have met
with a very hearty reception. That Greenland had
been reached ; that there was no insuperable difficulty
in re establishing communication with it ; and that
certain valuable commodities could be obtained
thence was known already from Lindenow's report ;
but (not to mention that some anxiety may have
been felt about the ships which had continued
their voyage further north) it seems evident that
the fact of a large portion of the coast-line having
been carefully explored was highly appreciated.
Both Lyschander and Bielke state that, when the

^ Den Gronlandske Chrotiica, 1726 ed., pp. 11 2- 113.

KXI'KDITIONS TO (IKKF.NLANI).

Ixxxv

td.
Ihe

ships sailed into Copenhagen Harbour, a map of
(ireenland (doubtless on a very large; scale) was
exhibited in the prow of Tros/ ; and they are profuse
in their praises of Hall's skill and diligence in pre-
paring his maps. From their expressions (which,
however, contain no information beyond what is
known from other sources), it is clear that copies of
Hall's maps had been seen by them, as, no doubt,
by many others.

Within little more than a month of the return of
the Expedition of 1605, Hall was permanently
ap{)ointed, by Royal Warrant, dated September
20th,' a mate {Styruiand) in the Danish Navy, with
obligation to serve whenever and wherever he
might be called upon to do so. There is no mention
o{ expeditions to Greenland, or any other particular
service ; but that his appointment really was speci-
ally for the intended further voyages to Greenland,
on which the King intended him to act as pilot,
is evident from the wording of the above-mentioned
order to the Treasury (of Feb. 26th, 1606; see
p. xxxvi), in which he is described as "our well-
beloved Jacob Hiill, of Hull, our Greenland
mate". By his appointment, he was to have a
salary of 500 Rixdollars (about ^85) ei-year,
besides free lodging and various articles from the
Royal victualling yard (such as an ox, so much
barley, bacon, butter, etc.) annually, the [)ay, etc.,
to commence from September 6th. By way of com-

^ Sjall. Reg., XV, fol. 50'',

^p^am

m^mmam

i -I

i' r,

IxXXVi DANISH ARCTIC EXI'KDITIONS, 1605-I62O.

parison, it may be mentioned that, according to a
pay-list of 1658, the ordinary pay of mates in the
Navy, even at that time, was from 50 to 90 Rixdollars
annually, and that the pay of his captain, John
Cunningham, was only 300 Rixdollars in cash, be-
sides the usual emoluments. The officers of the
Danish Navy at the time were mostly noblemen of
private means, who did not require high pay ; but
the proportion sufficiently shows that Hall's engage-
ment was on terms highly favourable to him.

That Hall's services were again secured and
on such terms shows not only that he had given
satisfaction personally, but also that, in Denmark,
great advantages were expected from future expedi-
tions to Greenland. More particularly it appears
that very high hopes had been raised with regard
to the mineral wealth of the country. Lyschander
says' that the ore brought down by Hall was found
to contain silver, 36 Lod (18 oz.) having been ex-
tracted from a hundredweight of ore ; and, although
this statement must rest on some mistake, great
expectations were doubtless entertained at the time.

In one respect, the expedition of 1605 had not
brouii^ht the desired result : the ancient colonies had
not been found. The Greenland natives who had
been brought home were, of course, objects of great
curiosity, but they were not descendants of the
ancient colonists. On the contrary, they were evi-
dently so-called Skncllinger, which were mentioned

' Den Gr'onlandske Chrotiica, 1726 ed., pp. iio-iii.

KXI'KDITIONS TO GREENLAND.

Ixxxvii

in the old Sat^as as bitter enemies of the colonists.
However, in this respect, it was permissible to hope
for better results in the future. Meanwhile, the
Greenlanders who had been brous^ht down were
treated with kindness, in the hope that, when they
returned with a subsequent expedition to Green-
land, they would prove valuable as interpreters and
as intermediaries generally.

It was soon decided to send out a fresh expe-
dition in 1606, on a larger scale; and, as this
would entail considerable expense, the King (who
had defrayed the cost of the first expedition out of
his ordinary revenue) demanded from the Danish
Parliament, which assembled early in 1606, a
special tax, in order to raise the necessary funds.
This was granted, and in May a second expe-
dition started, under the command of Godske
Lindenow.

The expedition of 1606 consisted of no less than
five ships : viz., the three which had been to Green-
land the year before, a fourth called Oriicn (the
Eagle), and another smaller vessel, which had
been bought in Scotland, and was properly called
the Gillijloiocr, but which was generally known as
the Gillibraud, Gillbcrt, or Augclibrand. Trostww-^
on this occasion commanded by Godske Lindenow,
who also held the supreme command of the ciuin;
expedition. Hall was again first mate and acted as
pilot to the fleet. Den Rode Love was commanded
by John Cunningham, but the name of his mate is

ssn

m^mmsmmmmmmm

:. I ' :

1 .

^Vv

III

IxXXviii DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-1620.

not known. Katten was commanded by Anders
Nolk, of Bergen, in Norway, one of the regular
mates of the navy, Knight having returned to
Engkuid. Omen was under the command of Hans
Bruun, according to Hall (who translates his name
into Browne), a Norwegian by birth. He was a
captain in the navy, and saw much service. In
i6io, he commanded Enhid'niingcn, which Jens
Munk took to Hudson's Bay in 1619. On the
voyage to Greenland in 1606, he kept a journal,
which has been preserved, and which has been
mentioned above (see p. xv). Though consisting
only of short entries, it is of value as a supplement
to Hall's account, and the contents of it will be
found in our notes to Hall's account. Bruun's
lieutenant and first mate was Philip de Foss, a
native of Dunkirk. The seamen of that town
possessed a great reputation for boldness and
ability, but had at the same time a bad name, as
being inclined to piracy, smuggling, and similar
irregularities. T'oss had been arrested in Norway
on some charge t)f this kind, but, as it would
seem, not convicted ; for he not only remained
in Denmark, but obtained an a{)pointment as a
captain in the navy. That he sailed in an inferior
capacity on this occasion may, perhaps, be ac-
counted for by his own desire to take part in the
expedition. Omen is mentioned in several con-
temporary lists of Danish men-of-war, and is credited
in one list with four, in another with 12 i>uns. She
is described by Hall (see p. So) as a vessel of 100

ili

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND.

Ixxxix

tons, with a crew of 50 men. The Gillifiower
was commanded by Carsten Richardson, a native of
Holstein, who had served in the navy in the reiij^n
of Frederick II, and afterwards distinguished him-
self as an officer on foreiun service in Poland and
Hiini^ary, Accordinij;^ to Hall (see p. 80), the Gilli-
fioioer was of 40 tons and carried sixteen men.
.She was probably but lightly armed.

According to Lyschander, there was a good deal
of excitement in Copenhagen in connection with
this expedition ; but, says he, none were more eager
to start than the Greenlanders, who were permitted
to accompany the ships to the intent that they might
be useful in the intercourse of the expedition with
the natives.

Neither Hall nor Bruun report anything very re-
markable as having occurred on the outward journey.
It is, however, worth noting that Hall kept a sharp
look-out for the imaginary Island of Buss, as he had
done on the first voyage ; and, on this occasion, he
ex|)licitly declares that he sighted some land which
he took to be the island. There can hardly be
a doubt, however, that he was mistaken in this.
The i)oint is discussed hereafter in Appendix B.
Lyschander implies^ that the weather was unfavour-
able, and only two of the vessels — Trost and Omen
— seem to have reached the sh(jres of Cireenland.
There they remained from July 27th to August loih,
but seem to have been principally concerned about

Veil (JroiiiaiiJskc Chronica, 1726, cd., p. 121.

\Hi i,

I I'l :li'

XC DANISH ARCTIC KXl'EDITIONS, 1605-162O.

bringing' home as much as they could of the supposed
silver ore. The expedition first put into Cunnin*^-
ham's Fjord (the Southern Kangerdluarsuk), whence
boat-trips were made to the Northern Kangerd-
luarsuk and other places in the vicinity. On
August 6th the ships removed to Foss Bay (Iker-
tok), which they explored, setting sail for home
on the roth. Trade with the natives was very
s!'\ck, [xirtly because the latter seemed backward
in offering their goods, partly (as Lyschander
seems to imply) because the ship's crews were so
worn out by the toilsome voyage that they thought
more of resting and refreshing themselves than
of trading. On the day before the expedition left
Greenland, a young man who had been servant to
Lindenow the year before was sent on shore in
order to remain in the country. He was supplied
with various requisites, the better to enable him to
maintain himself there. This was done by way of
punishment, or, rather (as Lyschander implies), by
way of commutation of the punishment he had in-
curred for some misconduct which is not specified.
Lyschander says that he was at once torn to pieces
by the Greenlanders, thus receiving his punishment
at their hands, after which the Greenlanders tied
at once, but he adds that no pity was felt for the
man by the Danes, and that these were not inclined
to cjuarrcl with the Greenlanders on that account.
This explains the fact that, in the afternoon of the
same day, several natives came to the ships, of
whom five (Lyschander says six) were secured.

EXI'EDITIONS TO GRKKNLAND.

\CI

with their boats, and carried captive to Denmark,
probably because the most intellii^i^ent of those
which had been brought down the year before had
died.^ The homeward vovatre was commenced on
August loth, and Copenhagen was reached on
October 4th.

It may be of interest here to notice the subsequent
fate of the Greenlanders bnjught down to Denmark
by the two expeditions. According to Lyschander-
and the anonymous treatise relating to the Green-
landers, the two whom Lindenow captured in 1605,
were very different from those afterwards brought
down from the West Coast, being of a very savage
disposition, coarse in manners, inclined to bite like
dogs, and greedily eating anything they could lay
hold of. Lindenow, however, succeeded in taming
them to some extent, and taught them to run about
the ship in obedience to signs from him. When
he arrived home, and the Kino- and the Queen
came aboard Den Rdde Loz>t\ Lindenow made the
Greenlanders show their prowess in propelling their
/cayaks, on which occasion they held their own in a
race against a boat of sixteen oars. The three
brought down by Cunningham were much more
tractable ; they soon associated with the crew ;
and, when the Trosi entered the harbour of
Copenhagen, they outraced the sailors up the
stays to take in the topsail. Lyschaiuler narrates

^ Lyschander, Chronica, 1726 ed., p. 124.

'^ Den Gronlandske Chronica, 1726 ed., i)p. 114-118.

!?52=SW555S

^m«nnpiiipi

Ul I

Xcii DANISH ARCTIC KXrKDITIONS, 1603-162O.

that, just then, a Spanish Ambassador arrived
at Copenhagen, in honou** of whom various fes-
tivities took place. On one occasion, he was shown
the Greenlanders with their implements, etc., and
three of them, in their boats, performed a kind of
dance, cutting figures with their kayaks in a wonder-
ful manner. The Ambassador was so delighted
that he sent them handsome i)resents of money,
which they laid out in fashionable clothes, mantles,
hats with ostrich feathers, swords, and spurs, in
which attire they marched up to the Castle " like
Greenland Grandees". They were well taken care
of, fed with such things as they were accustomed to,
and had very much their liberty. The King, him-
self a devoted sailor, took much interest in their
performances with their boats, and had one built on
the Greenland pattern, but arranged for two men.
Thus the winter passed by no means unhai)pily ;
but, when spring of 1606 arrived, they availed them-
selves of their liberty to attempt an escape in their
boats. Whether all of them, or some only, took part
in it, Lyschander does not say ; but, in any case, the
runaways did not get far. They came on shore
somewhere in Skaane, and were detained by the
peasants. After that, they were more carefully
watched, the intention of the authorities being to
send some of them back to Greenland with the next
expedition, in the hope that, if they returned to their
friends and told them how well they had been
treated and what they had seen in Copenhagen, the
natives would meet the expedition with confidence.

EXPEniTIOXS TO GREENLAND.

XClll

unci friendly relations would he j^ermanently estab-
lished. A difficulty was the lanouai>e, which the
Danes could make nothinij of: two words were all
that they could catch — viz., Oxa and fudccha, which
were thought to be the names of two of them.
When the second expedition sailed, at least two of
them were put on board— Oxa on Omen, another
(whose name Hall oives as Omeu^, possibly the
same as Lyschander's Judecha) on board Trost.
Unfortunately, they both died on the voyage up,
and the intention of the government was thus
entirely frustrated. Whether the other vessels had
Greenlanders on board is not known with certainty ;
but, as they never reached Greenland, this is of no
consequence. As it was, the fact of none of the
captives returning" could not but be very prejudicial
to the intercourse between the expedition and the
natives. Some more, however, were secured with
the same intention, four of whom arrived safely in
Denmark ; but, as the expeditions to W'est Greenland
ceased, neither they nor those who had been brought
down before, ever had an opportunity of returning.
Nothing further is told of them in any contemporary
record ; but Isaac de la Peyrere, who came to Copen-
hagen nearly forty years later, gives, in his Relation
dn Grocnlande, some particulars, based on what was
told him, concerning them. He says, what will
readily be believed, that, in spite of all care, they did
not survive long, though a couple of them lived ten
or twelve years in Denmark. Moreover, he nar-
rates, but without giving his authority, that, when

Xciv DANISH ARCTIC KXI'EDITIONS, 1605-I62O.

only two were left, one of them was employed in
the pearl-fishery, and died from exposure, the
work havinjr been continued too late in the season.
The solitary survivor made a desperate attempt to
return to Greenland, but was overtaken and brought
back, after which he pined away and soon died.*

•I

ii'r i

As the expedition of 1606 did not visit any locali-
ties other than those which had been visited the year
before, no fresh geographical discoveries were made ;
and, as the ore brought down turned out valueless,
the result of that voyage was altogether disappointing.
It became clear that, whatever profit might be made
by private traders, expeditions like those of 1605
and 1606, sent out at the expense of the State to
the parts hitherto visited, would not pay in the long-
run. The portions of Greenland which had been
visited did not at all correspond to the descriptions
given by the ancient writers, which implied the
existence of comparatively fertile land, suitable at
least for grazing, and upon the whole much more
favourable conditions of existence than those dis-
closed by the reports of the two expeditions. At
the same time, there remained still unsolved the
question of the sites of the ancient Scandinavian
colonies, of which no vestiges had been found. This
negative result, however, was not altogether dis-
couraging, as the settlements were generally supposed
to have been in the southernmost part of Greenland,

I La Peyrere, Relation du Groenlande, pp. 182-185.

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND.

XCV

not far to the east of its southern extremity, more
particularly in the neii^^hbourhood o{ a certain large
fjord, called Eriksfjord in the ancient writings.

Moved by such considerations, King Christian
IV resolved to make one more attempt, and a third
expedition was sent out in 1607, with the special
object of finding Eriksfjord. It was on a much
smaller scale than the foregoing ones — only two
vessels, under the command of Carsten Richardson,
being employed.

Whilst the Letters of Instructions given to the
commanders of the expeditions of 1605 and 1606
have not come down to us, an official copy of the
corresponding document with reference to that of
1607 is still in existence.^ It is an elaborate and
interesting document, dated May 6th, 1 607, but too
long to be reproduced here.- After referring to
the two former voyages, and setting forth the
statement of the ancients concerninfj the Icelandic
settlement in Greenland, and especially that on
Eriksfjord, the document enjoins those entrusted
with the King's commands to sail from Cape
Lindesnajs by a W.N.W. course, so as to approach
the east coast of Greenland, between lat. 60"
and 61°, in which part Eriksfjord was thought
to be situated. Having found that locality, they
were to examine diligently the condition of the

1 SJa//. Ref^., 1607.

2 The principal portion of it has been printed in Meddclelscr
oiii Gnhiland, vol. ix, j)p. 12-14.

I <

i '

m f

xcvi DANISH ARCTU- Exrr.DiTioxs, 1605- 1620.

harbours, to ascertain the movements of the ice and
the best time for sailin<r there, and they were ordered
to erect beacons to indicate ij^ood anchorages. They
were further to inquire whether the churches,
monasteries, farms, etc., which were found enu-
merated by the old records, were still there ; also
whether there were any bishops, clergy, or civil
authority. Considering their own small number,
they were to be very careful in landing, and they
were to treat the natives with the greatest friend-
liness. " We do not doubt" — the Instructions say —
"but that they understand Icelandic or Old Norse,
and We have therefore ordered persons from Norway
and Iceland to be sent, that may be able to converse
with them, and thus learn everything so much the
better." Having acquainted themselves with every-
thing at Eriksfjord, the members of the expedi-
tion were to explore the country further north, and
they were not to commence the homeward journey
before the 3rd of August. The crews on both
vessels were to be entirely under the command of
Carsten Richardson, but "Jacob Hald" alone was to
direct the navigation, in which the commander and
his men were to assist him, unless they should per-
ceive that he did not act in good faith. It is
especially mentioned that Tros^ was not to carry
more sail than would permit the smaller vessel to
kef^o pace with her, — an order which reminds one of
Lindenow's complaint on the first voyage (see
p. xlii) that he was continually left behind. They
were specially ordered not to give any information

KXI'KDII IONS To (iUi:i;\LAM).

XCVll

to anybody on their return, but immediately to
report everything to the Kin^r.

Besides Trosl, commanded by Carsten Richardson,
a smaller vessel was sent, which was called T/ic
Grcenla.id Bark, probably on account of her beini;
destined to take part in this expedition, As it is
stated in the Instructions that the total of the crews
would only be forty-four, it is evident, both that the
second vessel must have been cjuite small, and that
the complement of the Trost had been a good deal
reduced.

Lyschander says^ that Hall especially prepared
himself for this voyai^e by studying the accounts of
previous voyages, particularly those of Frobisher.
In explanation of this, we must bear in mind that
Sir Martin Frobisher, misled by the map of the
Zeni, mistook Greenland for the imaginary island
of Frisland. That Frobisher and his company were
under no mistake as to where the localities which
they discovered and named F>obisher's Strait were
situated, is evident from Capt. Best's account and
the map which accompanies it.^ On the latter,
Frobisher's Strait is seen extending just north
of Labrador, from the eastern to the western
coast of America ; but in Frobisher's time it was
not known — at any rate, he did not know- that
Greenland was separated from the continent of

^ Den Grimlandske Chronica, 1726 ed., p. 129.
- See Best's True Discourse (1578), and Collinson's T/iree
I'ojtiges of Frobisher (Hakluyt Society, 1867).

wmitmm

■

1 !

' i

. :1;

XCviil DANISH ARCTIC KXI'KDITIONS, 1605-IO2O.

America by a u^rcat branch of the sea, afterwards
ex[)l()red by Davis ; he did not know that Greenland
was aught but the East coast of America, and thus it
came to pass that he, as he says, judged the land
which he discovered and named " Meta Incognita",
to be a part of Greenland. To us, with our geo-
graphical knowledge, it is clear enough that
Frobisher's d(;scription of his " Strait" and other
localities near it as being situated in Greenland
rested on a mere misnomer. But the geographers
of the day clung blindly to the name ; and, when
Davis had recognised Greenland as Greenland, they
transferred Frobisher's vStrait from the East coast (^f
America, where Frobisher had placed it, to the T^ast
coast of the real Greenland — first to a position near
the southern extremity of the country, and afterwards
to a higher latitude more in harmony with Frobisher's
statement. Under these circumstances, it was quite
natural that, just as Davis (who really followed close
in Frobisher's footsteps) had no idea that he was
going over the same ground, and, when he passed
Frobisher's Strait, thought that he had made a new
discovery and called it " Lumley's Inlet", so Hall,
when he was ordered to search for Eriksfjorcl on
the south-east coast of Greenland, thought that he
was going to explore the land where Frobisher had
been.

The expedition of 1607 left Copenhagen on the
13th of May, and took, according to Lyschander,^

^ Chronica, 1726 ed., p. 128-139.

KMl'EDlTlUiN.S TO GKKENLAM^

XCIX

ill,

on
he
ad

the same route as before (stoppinj^ as usual at Flek-
kero) as far as Fair Isle ; but then they stood more
northerly. On the 8th of June, in lat. 59", they
sij^hted the east coast of Greenland, thouj^di at a
considerable distance. Approach in j;' nearer, they
searched in vain f(jr anchorage. The weather was
unfavourable, and storms separated the vessels more
than once ; the bark particularly seems to have had
difficulty in clearinj^ herself. Adv^uicinu;' to lat. 6^",
they ima^rined themselves to be opposite the |)lace
where Frobisher had reached land ; but the ice
prevented approach. They sailed to and fro, ranj^ini^
as far north as lat. 64^, and at last, on the 1st of July,
made a des[)erate effort to force their way through
the ice ; but, after incurring great danger, they had
to give it up. " There stood the captain and the
steersman," says Lyschander, " and looked like
Moses into the land of Canaan, but they were forced
to remain outside." Meanwhile, the crews had
suffered greatly from fatigue and cold, and complained
that they could not stand it much longer. At the
same time, their fresh- water supply began to give out.
A terrible gale then supervened, and Hall (says
Lyschander) thought that they were in the samt:
neighbourhood whence formerly some .Spanish ships
had been driven as far as the Coast of Russia.
They at last decided to run for Iceland, in order to
refresh the crew, but the tempt st prevented them
from reaching it, and they set sail for home. Having
reached the southern extremity of Norway, they
endeavoured to put into Mandal, but were again

/i 2

ft '

ES33ffl3P

^■■■iai

«■««

« i'

! (i

wmmmmm

e DANISH ARCTIC LX I'Kl »riIONS, 1605-I620.

prevented by stormy weather, and they arrived back
at Copenha<ren on the 25th of July, without having set
foot on land since they left Flekkero on the voyat;e
out. They at once reported their failure to the
King, who was on the point of starting for Norway.
Lyschander says' that, although no success had
attended this last expedition, the King did not
mean to give up the matter, otherwise than for a
time. But, as a matter of fact, it was not till the
middle of the century that another attempt was
made to discover the site of the lost colonies.

[

Before we i)roceed to consider the English
I'^xpedition of 161 2, which was commanded by
Hall, a few words with regard to his personal life
may suitably find a place.

When the expeditions to Greenland were aban-
doned for a time, Hall's services as "Greenland
pilot" would naturally cease to be required ; but it
is not known when his engagement in Denmark
terminated. In any case, it is not likely that he con-
tinued long on such extraordinary terms as those
above detailed (see p. Ixxxv).

It appears from a dcjcument to which we have
already alluded (see p. xxxv), and which will also be
mentioned in our Introduction to Munk's Voyage,
that, at some time not specified, the Danish Govern-
ment consulted Hall as to his opinion on the possible
existence of a North-West Passage and on the best

■ (

C/iroiiiut, p. 139.

1 1

EXPKDITIONS TO GRKENLAND.

way of searchinor for it. But, as there is no date
to this paper, it affords no evidence as to how \o\v^
Hall remained in Denmark. In fact, as to how
Hall was occLijiied durinj^- the interval between
his return, in July 1607, from the latest Danish
voyai,re with which he is known to have been
connected, and his departure upon his last fatal
voyaj^e in April 161 2 — a period of nearly five
years — we have no information whatever. That
he was at sea durinj^ the whole, or the greater
part, of this period, we can hardly doubt, for such
an able and experienced seaman would not be likely
to remain lonj^- unemployed ; but, as to whether he
sailed in the Danish or in the Enolish service, or on
his own account, there seems to be no record to
show.

That a , ^turn of Hall to the Danish service
(if, indeed, he ever left it) was afterwards thouoht
of may, as it seems, be inferred from a Royal
warrant of March ist, 161 1,' concernint^ the ap-
pointment of eleven new captains " to serve by
land and by sea", with a salary of 200 Rixdolh.rs
annually and certain other emoluments. One of
the names on this list is that of "Jacob Halle",
which can scarcely refer to any other than our
James Hall. Another was that of Jens Munk,
of arctic celebrity. That so many were to be
appointed together was, doubdess, due to the im-
minent commencement of hostilities with Sweden.

1 S/a//. Rt\s;., xv, f. 327 a.

■m^

■' • !

cli DAxisii ARCTIC expf:i)Itioxs, 1605-1620.

There is, however, no evidence of Hall having
served, or, indeed, of how his name came to be on
the list ; but its appearance shows, in any case,
that he had left a good reputation behind him.

That Hall's occupation during these years, what-
ever it may have been, was more or less satisfactory
to him pecuniarily, we may, however, infer from the
fact that he was himself an "adventurer" in the
voyage of 161 2.

As regards the origin and object of the Expedi-
tion from England to Greenland commanded by
Hall in 1612,^ the information now available is ex-

^ There appears, at first sight, to be some grounds for supposing
that the year should be 1613. These appearances, however, are
certainly delusive, and probably rest upon some confusion — per-
haps merely upon clerical errors — for the reference by Gatonbe
(see p. 85) to Good Friday as falling upon April loth, together
with numerous statements in both his and Bafifin's accounts as
to the incidence of various dates on certain days of the week,
proves conclusively that the Expedition sailed, as has been
hitherto supposed, in 161 2. Neither (latonbe nor Baflfin mention
the year expressly in the body of their narratives, though 161 2 is
given in the headings of both. These headings are, however,
o|)en to doubt, as being possibly due, in one case, to the editor
of Churchill's Collection of Voyages, and in the other to Purchas.
It will be noticed (see p. 85) that Gatonbe, in his Dedication,
which is dated February 25th, 16 15- 16, speaks of having been
prevented from completing his narrative by absence from home
" these two yeares". The two years were, apparently, 16 14 and
1615, which seems to show that the expedition went out in 1613.
l-'urthermore, the label on the Kayak at Hull (which was presum-
ably brought home by Hall's last Expedition) speaks of the voyage
having been made "Anno Domini 1613" (see p. 112, //. ; also

i:\l'i;i)ITIO\S TO GREENLAND.

tremely meac^re ; though, of the voyage itself, we
have two fairly-good accounts (see pp. 82-137).

Gatonbe, the author of one of these accounts,
says (see p. 82) that it was equipped by *' the
Merchant Adventurers of London", Sir James Lan-
caster, Sir Thomas Smith, Sir Richard Hall, and
Mr. (afterwards Alderman Sir) William Cocken,
or Cockayne, whilst Hall himself (besides being in
command) had a share in the venture. By the term
"the Merchant Adventurers of London", Gatonbe
probably does not mean the members of "The Com-
pany of Merchants of London, discoverers of the
North-West Passage".^ At the same time, the four
gentlemen named as having been associated with Hall
were all, except Ball, members of that Company.
This, however, was probably a coincidence merely ;
for, as stated elsewhere (see pp. St, n. and 84 ;/.),
they were leading merchants of their time. No
doubt the Expedition was not undertaken by any
of the Chartered Trading Companies of the time,
but it was sent out jointly by the five gentlemen
named.

Markham's Voya^:;cs of Baffin, p. 28//.). It is remarkable, too,
that Foxe in 1635 (see the North- West Foxc, p. 57, and Christ) 's
Voyages of Fox e and James, p. 96), omitted to mention the year in
whieh it was undertaken, as though he was in some doubt upon
tiie point ; and this is the more remarkable because Foxe evidently
had some personal knowledge of the Expedition, inasmuch as he
states that it sailed from Kingston-upon-Hull, a fact which is not
stated by I'urchas (upon whose narrative Foxe clearly based his),
while Purchas gives the date 161 1, which Foxe omits.
^ See T/ie Voyages of Foxe and James, pp. xx and 642.

■^E"

■^P

i i

cIv DANISH ARCTIC KXF'KDITIOXS. 1605-162O.

As to the precise object of the voyage we can
only i^uess. The formal Letter of Instructions
from the " adventurers" to the Commander is
missing. Gatonbe (or his Editor) describes it as
"a voyage into the North- West Passage", but it
cannot be regarded as a voyage in search of a
North-West Passage (see p. 82, n?\ Certainly,
just at that time, immediately after Hudson's
discovery of the inland sea called after him, no
object of an expedition to the North could be more
popular. But there is nothing in the accounts
themselves to show that any other object was aimed
at, than to trade on the coast of Greenland and to
fetch home silver-ore from the mine, which Hall
imagined himself to have discovered in 1605. For
this purpose, a goldsmith was sent out with the
expedition, in order to ascertain, on the spot,
whether the substance in question was argentiferous
or not. That Hall himself still believed in the
reality of his discovery, notwithstanding the negative
results obtained at Copenhagen, is evident from
passages in both the accounts we have of the voyage
(see pp. 105 and 1 23). It is therefore not improbable
that he himself may have been the prime mover in
starting the expedition. However that may be, it
was commercially a failure, for no silver-ore was
discovered ; and, if an attempt to find a North-West
Passage was originally contemplated, it had to be
abandoned after Hall's death, which took place at
the hands of the Escjuimaux on the Greenland coast.
Nor was it at all likely that a voyage would have

KXrKDITIONS TO flREEXLAXD.

been undertaken in search of a North-West Passaj^e
in 1612; for Button's Expedition left England
within a few days of the one in question and it
was hardly likely that any further expeditions having
the same object would be sent out until Button
had returned.

Nev^ertheless, the voyage is of interest as a con-
tinuation of the voyages of 1605 '^"^^ 1606; while
the geographical results were not inconsiderable.
The expedition reached land on the west coast
of Greenland further south than on the previous
voyages, and was thus enabled to explore a fresh
line of coast ; besides which, some of the places
previously discovered were revisited. It will have
been noticed that the information ijfiven concerning-
these in the accounts of the voyage of 161 2 is of
not a little assistance in identifying them.

The Expedition consisted of two ships, the
Patience ("Admiral") and the Heart's Ease ("Vice-
Admiral").

The Patience (in which Hall himself sailed) was
a vessel of 140 tons burden, and carried a crew of
forty hands. She had come home from Bordeaux a
short time before starting for Cireenland, as appears
from the following entry among the Records of the
Trinity House at Hull : —

" The Account of Air. John W'oodniancy for his
first Quarter ending Mai'cli, 161 2.

"Item. — Of the Patience from Bordeux."

This means that the vessel had arrived at Hull
from Bordeaux a short time previous to the date

; I

el'

II,

Cvi DANrSIf ARCTIC KXPEOrTIONS, 1605 162O.

named, and was then payincr dues to the Cor-
poration. It may be further exj)lained that every
year, in the month of September, the Brethren
elect a vSenior and a Junior Warden. The "First
Quarter" of the former is from September to
December. The Junior Warden then acts from
December to March, and then the Senior again
from March to June, the Junior Warden winding
up the year of office by acting from June to
September.

Hall's master or chief mate on board the Patience
was William Gordon, who afterwards served in
the same capacity on Jens Munk's expedition to
Hudson's Bay in 16T9, under which we shall notice
his antecedents. John Gatonby (or, as he spells
it, G:itonbe), who wrote one of the accounts of the
voyage (see pp. 82-119), was one of the quarter-
masters of the same vessel, though, after Hall's death,
he became chief-mate on board the Heart's Ease. He
doubtless belonged to a family of mariners of good
standing in the town of Hull, members of which, at
various times during the sixteenth century, held
])rominent positions in connection with the Trinity
House there. Thus, according to Mr. Markham
[Voyao-es of Baffin, p. 2), a Nicholas Gatonby was
Steward in T577, and Warden in 1587, 1591, 1596,
1602, and 1609. This man was, in all probability,
the father of the John Gatonbe in question, who
incidentally mentions (see p. 84) that his father's
name was Nicholas. It is to him, too, that the
following entry, which is taken from the Register of

FXI'KDITIOXS TO C-UKKNLANn,

CVW

Admissions of Freeman in the Hull " Bench Book
No. i" (fol. 70), probably relates: —

" Nicholaius [^sic] Gatonbie decimo quarto die
Januarii anno reoni domine nostre Elizabeth' Dei
i^racice Anirlie ffraunc', et Hibernie resfine, fidei
defensoris etc. decimo sexto [1573-4] admissus &
iuratus est bur^^ensis huius ville per apprenticium
Thome Brewster, marinarii, si resident etc., aliter
non, etc., et adiudicatur solvere iijj-. iiij^. eo quod
venit post terminum elapsum."

Another entry in the same Book (fol. 201), which
relates, with very little doubt, to the John Gatonbe
in question, runs as follows :—

"[iSOct, 1 6 10]. JohannesGaytonbie, die predicto,
admissus et iuratus est burgensis ville predicte per
patrimonium Nicholai Gaytonbie, patris sui, si, etc.
Et iuratus est domino Regi, etc."

Furthermore, a John Gatonby (probably not the
man we are discussing, but perhaps his uncle)
was Steward in 1570 and Warden in 1578 and
1586; while a Nicholas Gatonbe (perhaps the one
above-mentioned, but more probably his son), who
very likely owned the Patience, made voyages in
her to Greenland and brought home cargoes of oil
in 1 616 and t6i8, the whale-fishery having at that
period been energetically jjrosecuted from Hull.

The Heart's Ease, a vessel of 60 tons l)urden,
belonging to Hull, and having on board a crew of
twenty hands, was commanded by Andrew Barker,
a man of high standing in the sea-faring community
at Hull. In Gatonbe's account (see p. 108), he is

mmmf

fi^mmFtmmmmftmmmKmi

■•

!■

■

Cviii DANISH ARCTIC EXI'KDITIONS, 1605-162O.

described as a wise, ancient, and influential man,
who had had charj^e of ships as much as twenty
years earlier, and had also held other responsible
commands in various parts of Enj^land. Barker
was admitted a younger brother of the Trinity
House at Hull in 1594, and was elected Warden in
the years 1606, 1613, and 16 18. The following-
entry concerning him appears in the above-mentioned
Register of Freeman (fo. 150) : —

"[22 Dec, 40 Eliz. (1597)]. Andrew Barker,
eodem die et anno, admissus et juratus est Buri;ensis
huius ville per apprenticium Roberti Tailor, Alder-
manni, et marin', si resident, aliter non, et quid venit
post terminum elapsum etc. solvit pro fine xxs.
quos solvit."

He placed in a compartment of the east window
of the old Chapel of the Trinity House at Hull a
stained-Lj^lass figure of St. James-the-less, which, how-
ever, has now disappeared.^ He was still living at
least as late as 1621 ; for a letter from the Trinity
House in London, dated June 4th in that year, and
having reference to Harbour Dues, was addressed to
" O' loving friend Master Andrew Barker, Collect'
of the Duetyes for the Lights and Booyes of Castor
and Stamport in the Port of Hull".^ On board the
Hearf s Ease was also William Huntriss, who, as a
boy, had been with Hall to Denmark and had

^ See Markham's Voyages of Baffin, p. 27, «.
'-' Trinity House Transactions, i6og-T62j, among tlic records
of the (London) Trinity House.

E\I'l•;DH•UJ^^ tu (.ki.LxNLanp.

CIX

accompanied him on his voyai^es thence to Green-
land. Huntriss probably held the post of master;
for, when, after Hall's death, Barker took charge of
the Expedition, he became captain of the Heart's
Ease. On board this vessel, too, was young
William Baffin, who wrote the account of the
voyage of which Purchas printed a portion. He
afterwards became famous as an Arctic P^xplorer,
but what post he held on this occasion is not known
(see p. 1 20, n.).

The incidents of the voyage require but brief
notice here. Hall, on this occasion, adopted a
plan different from that he had followed in 1606.
He had then sailed up Davis Strait, as far as lat.
66°, to the westward of the great bank of ice which
occupies its central portion, and had then struck
eastward for the west coast of Greenland. He now
made direct for Cape F"arewell (as he had done in
1605), and kept close along the belt of ice lying off
the shore, in order to avail himself of any oppor-
tunity of getting through to the land. He was, in
consequence, able to examine a portion of the coast
which he had not visited on any of the Danish Ex-
peditions. He first came to land on May 27th in the
vicinity of what is now the Settlement of Godthaab,
in lat. 64°, some two degrees south of the southern-
most point he had touched on any previous occasion.
This locality Hall called the Harbour of Hope,^and

, I..

'■^ If, as we believe (see p. xxxii), Hall had been with Davis, he
probably was '^iniiliar with this iiaibour; tor Davis (the only man

ex HAMSH ARCTIC LXl'tUiTIUNS, l605-lC)20,

he also named several other places in the vicinity.
Here the Expedition remained several days in order
to fit together a pinnace and a shallop ; but they
departed on June i6th, and the next day came into
a harbour they called " Cockenford", which appears
(see p. 99, n.) to have been the Southern Isortok
r'jord. Here Hall left his larger shii), the Patience y
and proceeded in the smaller, the Hcai't's Ease, on
an exploring trip along the coast to the northwards,
very much as he had done in 1605. ^^ ^V'^-^ accom-
panied by Gatonbe and twenty-two men ana boys.
On the 26th, he reached the King's Fjord (Itivd-
Ick), the southernmost locality he had visited on
the expeditions of 1605 and 1606. By the 26th,
he had returned to ihii Patience in " Cockenford";
and, by the 15th of July, he arrived once more
in the King's Fjord (Itivdlek) with both his
ships.

From the King's Ford, on July i8th. Hall again
started off northwards in the Heart's Ease, his
object being to reach the supposed silver mine in
Cunningham's Fjord (the Southern Kangerdluarsuk),
the Patience being meanwhile left anchored in the
King's Fjord. Halting, however, on the 22nd, in
Ramel's Fjord (Amerdlok), Hall was killed by a
Greenlander with a dart as he was in a boat by the
ship's side. He was buried on one of the islands
near the shore, and his men afterwards proceeded to

known to have visited this coast previously), in 1585, had named
the harbour Gilbert Sound, after Sir Hunifrey Gilbert.

EXl'EDITIONS TO GREENLAND.

CXI

the mine ; but, when the i^oklsmith had tried the ore
and [)ronounced it valueless, they decided to return
to the Patience in the Kind's Fjord, where they
arrived (n\ the 25th. After some quarrellini^,
Jiarker was chosen " General" of the TLxpedition,
with Gatonbe as his first mate on board the
Patience, while Huntriss took command of the
smaller ship. Then, Hall being dead, jjreparations
were at once begun for the return home, which
commenced on August the 4th.

On the voyage, the vessels became separated, the
Patience reaching London on September 19th, while
Heart's Ease arrived (contrary, apparently, to
Barker's order; see p. iio) on the 17th at Hull,
to which port she doubtless belonged. The following
entry relating to her appears amcMig the records in
the Trinity House at Hull : —

" The Account of Mr. Robert Tailor for his
First Quarter ending AIa7'ch, 161 j.

" Item. — Of the Patience from northward."

Gatonbe's account of the voyage of 1612, as printed
in the Churchill's Voyages and Travels, is accom-
l)anied by a map of Greenland, on which the names
of the places visited, and of a few other places, are
inserted ; but, in the text, there is no reference lo
such a map, nor is anything stated by the editor
as to its origin. The circumstances fairly inter-
preted imply that the editor thought that ii
belonged to the account ; but, as this was prinictl
about 120 years after it was written, we have no
means of knowing with any certainty whether or

1
I

Cxii DANISH ARi lie KX I'll H IKjN >, l6u5-l02(J.

not it did oriu^iiKiIly bclonj^r t(j it, or by whom it w;is
drawn. Two circumstances arc in favour of
ascribinn' it to Gatonbc, or to some other member
of the expecHtion of 1612— z'iz., that it exhibits some
of the pecuHar misconceptions of that time (such as
the presence'of Frisland and Busse Island); and,
secondly, that amonj^st the names there is one which
does not (jccur in any of Hall's accounts of his
voyages, nor on any map then published, but only on
Hall's unpublished General Map of his discoveries in
i6o5,Z'/.:., Prince Christian's Fjord (IV, ^), here trans-
formed into "Princeford". Nevertheless, the map is
of no use for the identification of the localities, as it
is drawn on much too small a scale to pretend to
anything;" like accuracy, beyond the most jreneral
features ; several names are misplaced (Wilkinson's
Islands beini;' far from the Harbour (jf Hope ; the
"Silver Mine Su^jposed" far north of Princeford);
while the scale of latitudes (very likely added after-
wards) is quite erroneous, not at all aoreeinu;" with
Hall's statements in the explanation to the General
Map, or even with those in his text. Of course
these circumstances deprive the map of any ^reat
interest as illustratinij^ the account of the voyage,
or as a contribution to the history of cartography ;
and this is the reason why we have not rej)roduced
it. The names appearing on the south and west
coasts of Greenland, proceeding northwards, are as
follows : Cape White, Cape Farewel, Cape Desola-
tion, Cape Comfort, Wilkinson's Islands, Mount
Hatcliff, Harbour of Hope, Cape Cheese, Cocken-

KXPEDITIONS TO fJRKKNLANn.

CXlll

ford, Queen Anne Cape, Mount Cunniii_L;hani,
KinL,^stbrd, Rombluford, Princeford, and " Silver
Mine supposed". For all of these, except Cape
White (which occurs on Hessel Gerritsz.'s mai)) and
Cajje Cheese (which we cannot explain), the text and
our precediniL;" remarks will account. For .some
further observations on this map, see Appendix A.
p. 1 6 1.

The track map facini^ the titlc-paji^e, to which we
alluded on p. i, is destined to show the routes taken
by the expeditions of 1605, 1606, and 161 2, within
Davis Strait ; but it has no reference to the ex-
pedition of 1607, which remained on the east side
of Greenland, and of which we possess too little
information to be able to lay d(jwn the track
followed. The red lines on the map arc intended
to represent the actual sailing,'- of the expeditions in
(]uestion as accurately as the scale of the maj) and
the available information permit ; the letter u after
the date indicating the places where the latitude
was observed. Some portions, however, of these
tracks must necessarily be more or less conjectural,
owing to the defects of the records. With regard
to these conjectural portions, some explanations,
which ought to have been given in foot-notes to the
corresponding passages of the text, may find place
here, together with a few other additions and cor-
rections, for which we beg the particular attention
of our readers.

^ ^

/ji< m n— *. I I

Cxiv DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O.

If:

■

If ;

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

Pp. xxix-xxx. As so little is known of Hall personally, it seems
worth while to state that, among the marriages recorded in the
registers of Holy Trinity, at Hull, are those of Anne Hall with
Thomas Haryson on June 3rd, 1594; of William Ramsden with
Mrs. Anne Hall (both of Holy Trinity Parish) at St. Mary's
Church, on February 20th, 1650; and of William Bysseele with
Eline Hall in June 1662. Among the burials recorded in the
parish of St. Mary are tho^e of Joshua Hall (ex-Mayor, etc.), on
April lyth, 1643; Mrs. Ann Hall, on Jan. 23rd; 1665; and of
William Hall (Sheriff), in Octolier 1691 ; while, among the-
marriages, that of John Hall (merchant) with Mary, daughter of
Mrs. Hoir- on Dec. nth, 1656, is recorded. For this informa-
tion we are indebted to the kind researches of Mr. J. Tindal
Wildridge, made by permission of the Town Clerk of Hull. As
Hall is known to have been a native of Hull, some of these
persons may have been relatives of his ; but as the name is far
from uncommon, it is, of course, very uncertain.

P. xliv, /. 17. The Lion's homeward course, as shown on the
track map, is quite conjectural.

P. Ixxi, /. 19. For some further remarks on the cuestion of
Hair's having noticed the Bay of Disco, and on the i'',dication of
the entrance on the Stockholm chart, we refer our readers to
Appendix A. See pp. 142-143.

P. Ixxvi, /. 19. For "visited", read "explored". The place
was visited in 1605, as stated just before, but only cursorily.

P. 7, «. I. As stated on p. 152 ;/., the name of Cape Desola-
tion occurs on Barentz's Map of 1599, from which source Hall
most likely had it.

P. 28, /. 4-5. On this passage, see Appendix A., p. 146.

P. 30, n. 2. There is no occasion to suppose the latitude
59* 50' erroneous. Sailing, as Leyell says, westwards, on the

EXPEDITIONS TO C.REENLANl).

CXV

Ice

lla-
xU

3rd, with a N.W. wind and, probably, a strong current from the
north, they would be very likely to l>e driven southward, even if
they did not actually steer S. of W. Hall's .statement that, wnen
they observed on the 4th, they had been steering N. and N. by
W. since the morning, and that they had made way \\'. by N. 24
leagues (of course since noon on the 3rd), imply that they had
been further S. on the previous day, as shown on the track mai).

P. 33, /. 12-16. It should be noted that these statenunts
al)out the currents in Davis' Strait are not in accordance with our
present knowledge. As is now well ascertained, a strong Arctic
current descends through Davis' Strait, following the American
shore, past I^abrador, far down the east coast of the United
States ; whilst a contrary current flows up the eastern side of the
Strait as far north as lat. 63° or 64°. This is the continuation of the
Polar current descending along the east coast of (Greenland, whicii
sweeps round Cape Farewell, and is very marked along the west
coast of Greenland as far as the latitude mentioned, graduallx
spreading to the west, until it is neutralised and absorbed by the
current from the north setting through the Strait. T'le current
flowing northwards round Ca[)e Farewell is of varying extent and
force, but does not a[)pear to be wider than from twenty to thirty
miles. See Capt. \Vanders hydrographical observations on Davis'
Strait {0>n de hydrographiske Forholdi Davis-Stncdet^ in Meddclclser
out Grofila/id, vol. vii, 1893).

P. 49, n. I. "The Stateholder of Dcnmarke'' was, no doubt,
the Stadholder, or (lovernor, of Copenhagen, which post at that
time was held by Ikeide Rantzau. This fact seems to corroborate
our suggestion (p. Ixviii) that "Brade Ranson", is a corru[)tion of
Preide Rantzau, as it would be natural to name from the Stat-
holder the fjord where a criminal was left behind by his order.

P, 50. n. 2. The statement that they accounted themselves to
have made way S. by W. al)Out ten leagues from noon the i ith to
noon the 12th, is not compatible with the statement that, during
that time, they had dropped from lat. 60' 10' to 62' 40'. At the
same time, it is not credible that, however favoured by wind and
current, they should have made an actual run of something like
ten miles an hour during those twenty-four hours, including a cast
N.W. for a couple of hours to avoid the ice. It is strange, too,

! ■

CXvi DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O.

that, from the 13th noon to the 15th noon, they should have not
made more progress than what is imphed by the differences in the
latitudes stated to have been observed on those days, viz., 60° 17'
and 59°. It can scarcely he doubted that' some confusion has
here crept into the text, and the most reasonable conjecture seems
to be that the figures indicating the latitudes observed have some-
how been inserted under the wrong dates. If we suppose that
the figure 60° 17' really belongs to the 14th July, that of 62^ 40'
to the 13th, and that the true figure for the 13th was between 64°
and 65' (perhaps 64° 40', which might have been confounded
with 62° 40', and thus occasioned the mistake), the distances
made on these respective days will appear much more reasonably
distributed ; and it is on this conjecture — since one had to be
adopted — that we have here laid down this part of their track on
the map. Their actual run during the first twenty-four hours
would, ^n that case, have been quite no miles, which, considering
that for some time they were impeded by ice, would be quite
enough to excite attention.

P. 60, ;/., and p. 62, /. 23. Owing to the absence of any
information concerning their sailing from the loth to the 13th of
July, it was impossible to mark their progress during these days
on the track map otherwise than by a straight line. Something
similar holds good with regard to their course between the 14th
and the morning of the iSth, during which time they appear to
have steered N.E., but really to have sailed N. by W.

P. 64, /. 12. North-east is obviously a misprint for north-west,
as appears from the entry under 24th.

P. 70, «. I. The statement that the tide in Foss Bay flowed
S.E. and N.W. would apply to the Kangerdluarsuk between
Ikertok and Itivdlek, a portion of which trends in that direction;
and it is quite probable that this really is what Hall calls Foss
Pay. The figure for the latitude, 66° 25', may in that case be a
misprint for 66° 45'. If Foss Bay be this Kangerdluarsuk, the
argument on p. Ixxv would have to be modified, but it would not
really affect the identification of Ramehford with Amerdlok, or of
Skaiibofjord with Ikertok.

P. 78, n. 4. This note should be omitted.

EXPKMTIONS TO GREENLAND.

cxvn

*vest,

)\ved
;ion;

be a
the
not

)rof

P. 78, ti. 5, For "On the 21st, in the morning", read ^^ On the
24th, in the morning", etc.

P. 82, n. I. This note should be omitted. See p. cii, ;/.

P. 90, /. 5. The word "again" seems to have been repeated
by a clerical or printer's error, as no previous sailing to the N.M
is recorded. When they stood in to land the day before, they
sailed N.N.W.

P. 90, /. 17; p. 92, /. 13, and p. ri2 ;/. Gatonbe's state-
ment (on p. 91) that, at noon on the 18th, they were in lat. 59°
53' and yet only ten leagues away from the land of Desolation, is
not in accordance with the true position of the latter. With
regard, however, to this statement, and to the statement on p. 92
that on the 20th, when in lat. 61" 33', they were some thirty leagues
northward of Desolation, it should be remembered that (latonbe,
as it appears from his entry under Aug. 15th (p. 112), believed
the (.'ape of Desolation to be in about lat. 60^ 19'. It is (juite
possible that, on this latter occasion, he may have mistaken
Sermersok for Desolation ; but his words do not imply that he
saw any land, or determined the latitude of any cape, at all on
Aug. 15th. The meaning of his words may simply be that, finding
himself in the latitude of Go" 19', and believing that Desolation
(which he had seen repeatedly on his way out) was in about that
latitude, concluded that it bore east of him, twenty leagues. In the
same way, Hall, on his return voyage in ifio6, when in lat. 59' 10',
states (p. 75), by a mere guess, that Cape Desolation then was
bearing W.N.W. \ N. about sixty-four leagues off, at which dis-
tance, of course, he could not see it.

!*• 93i ^- 7- ^^^ ^''•-' track map we have credited them with
a long run due west, on tiie 22nd, although nothing is said about
it in Hall's account, because it seemed jxissible only by such a
supposition to account for their meeting ice, on the 22nd, fifteen
leagues from land, whilst their distance from shore on the 21st
was only six to seven leagues; and also for their crossing the f)3rd
parallel on the 23rd, only 5 minutes to the north of their latitude
at noon 22nd, and sailing N.IC. at the time.

f 1

P. 123, ;/. 2. Jvr "(see p. 13.;)", rend "(sec p. 135)".

[/'

■• ;

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND,

1605, 1606. 1607, AND 1612.

A Report to King Christian IV of

. Dcwimrk on the Danish Expedition to
Greenland, binder tlie Cotmnand of Captain
John Cnnningliani, in 1605.

Hv JAMES HALL. CniEK Pilot.

[From AN Oricinai. Mamsckii'i in tmk r.KiTisii Muskum
{MSS. lUbl. Rci:;. 17A, xlviii, p. 261).]

OST MKICIITVK, HKKIII, AM) RK-
DOVHTED Princk : ffora.smucli as it
hath pleased God and yourc hcighnes
to appointc me as prititipall pilotcfor
the conductinge of joure l\L'iiestic's
shippes vnto' settingc with nic as
Captaine an honncst and faythfull Gcntlenian, Captaine
John Conningham, youre Maicstics scrvante- : Tliercforc
I can doe no Icsse but in ductye to certif}' }-our Ilcighncs
of ourc procccdinges, to whome of rcight it bclongcth.

^ Sonicthinjr appears to lia\e been omitted here, prol)ably only tlio
word " ("irccnland"'.

- For anotire of Cunninj^hani, see the IntrcHliH tion.

-^^- #1 w ^ l i • iM - tfai jrw

2 EXPEniTIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612.

Therefore maye it please youre Maiestie to under-
stande that we depted from Copemanhaven the second
daye oP in this prcsente yeare of oure redemption, 1605
wc cominpjc to an anker that neight at Elsonvre'^ where
we ankcred to take in oure water where in the meane
tyme, the Captaines and Levetennants, with the other
steercmen,^ earnistlye desired me to sett downe some
covenantes amongst us for the better keepeinge of
companie in this our viage the which thinge I did,
gettinge the same translated into the Dannish toung, as
youre Maiestie at youre best likeinge maye see more-
over they settinge to there handes, swcareinge and
protestinge to kcepe the same covenantes so longe as
possible they coulde, but how well and trewelye there
othes and covenantes were kept and pformed shalbe
further declared in place convenient

So, haveinge taken in oure water, we depted from
Elsonvre the third daye at neight we haveinge not beene
24 howers at sea when y^ Captaine of y^ Lion with his
stecrman, Peter Kelson, complayned that they weere not
suffitientlye furnished of wood and water earnistlye in-
trcateinge both the Captaine and my selfe that wee would
putt into some harbor in Norwaye where they meight
supplye there wantes thewhich at there earnist desire

* The departure took place on the 2nd of May 1605.

2 Elsinore.

' This tcMin (which occurs frequently throughout Hall's narratives)
is proliably a literal translation of the Danish Styrnurnd^ which is the
ordinary equivalent of the English "mates". The grade of both
Hall and Kieldsen in the Danish Navy was that of " Styrmand", and
is so described in all contemporary Danish documents and accounts.
Hall's position in the Danish Arctic Expeditions would, however, be
better described in English as "pilot" (in Danish '■'■ Lods" or ^^ Be-
kjendt MinuV). In any case. Hall would hardly ha\ e used the word
'"steeremen" in this place as the equivalent of the modern English
" steersmen".

DANISH KXPEDITION OF 1605. 3

we consented unto, although both the Captaine and my
sclfe had a better desire to pcecdeded^ on oure viage.
So y' upon the 6 daye at noonc we came into y« harbor
of Flocorie^ where we supplied oure wantes of wood and
water till the 8 daye in the afternoone at which tymc,
haveinge a faire gayle of winde casterlye we put to
sea agayne dublinge the Nase of norwaye-' that ncight,
at which tyme I dcrtjctcd my course n.n.w. for the
Hand of Faireile the which Hand we had seight of
the 13 daye, about 9 a'clocke in the morningc, and also
of the south head of shotland^ called siviudwrne' head,
the which Ilandes showcth, at the first seight thereof,
in maner & forme followinge : —

thefortiic of the ^ovthertiiost part of
shot land Ihayiiiif; niv h it 10 Uns,

the forme of
fay re lie hearc-
iui^ wiiw 8 leags

/^•^^^TWm^V n^

:sire

faireile u> h it 5 leagcs

the sovth head of shotland
nmo 6 legs of

The Ilandc of Fayreile lieth in the Latitude of 59 dcgr
20 minuts as I proved by exactc observation it bearcingc
at that instant west somewhat northcrlye about 4 leagcs

1 I'lobably " to have proceeded" was intended,

2 Flekkero, a small island with a good harbour on the southern
roast of Norway, close to the town of Christiansand. Danish ships
l)ound for long voyages seem to have been in the habit of completing
their stores at Flekkero, as it is almost invariably reported that they
stopped there.

^ Cape Lindesna^s. ' Shetland.

* Sumburgh Head,

A 2

4 K.XI'KDITIONS TO (;REENLANI), 1605-1612.

of so, saylcinge a little to the northvvardes of fayreile
about a english Icage from the n.tv. pointe of the same, wc
come into a meightie currcnte which did sett n.n.west of.
So, leavinge fayreile I detected my course zv. b. n. till I
knevve my sclfe shott to the vvestvvardes of y« Lewes which
licth on the backe side of Scot/and & also of the ;/. zvcst
coast of Ireland when I derectcd my course betweene y'
zvest & s.zv. b. s., vntill I brought my selfe into the Lati-
tude of 58 degres 20 minuts at which tyme I went avvayc
zv. b. n. and zv.n.zu. until ye 28 daye in the afternone
when it began to blowe a storme the sea goinge verye hie
the which storme continewed till y** 30 daye at noone, when
it cleared up, but we had lost seight both of the Lyor/ and
the Pinnis' ; ffor in the foresayd storme it grewe so haysie
and thicke that we lost one another so that it beinge
cleare and seeinge noone of them about 2 a'clocke this
same daye we had seight of lande which was pte ot
GroiHclande it bcaringe n.n.e. of vs 12 leagcs of beinge
a verie hie ragged lande lyinge in the latitude of 59 degres
43 minuts which because it was the first ^te of Groineland
that we did see the Captaine with my selfe concluded to
name it after youre Maiesties name, Cape Christiamis- ; the

' A little farther down, the Report mentions their nieetinj( the
pinnace again ; but, according to Leyell's Diary, the pinnace remained
with the leading vessel (see note to the corresponding passage in the
account reprinted from Purchas on p. 25).

- This passage has sometimes been understood as if by the name
Cape Christian, was meant for Cape Farewell. Luke Foxe, for
instance, in 1635, declared (see his North-West Fox, p. 51, or
Miller Christy's Voyafi^cs of Foxe and James, p. 86): "It can be
no other but Cape Farewell." As, however. Hall does not say
that the point in question was the southernmost extremity of Green-
land, but only that it was the first land they saw, there is no occasion
for that supposition, which would imply that Hall either failed to
recognise the promontory seen and named by Davis, or intended to
propose a new name for it. From Gatonbe's account of the voyage of
1612, we know that on that occasion Hall made out Cape Farewell ;

DANISH KXl'KDITION OF 160;.

le
of.

<cst

ati-
ayc
one

hie
,'hen

and
lysie
2inge
; this
te ot
eingc
legres
leland

ed to

'-; the

Ing the
linamed
in the

le name
t)xe, for

51, oi-
lcan be
lot say

Green-
bccasion

liled to
Indecl to

jyage of
ell;

which cape or headland, at the first scight, riscth in manner
and forme follovvinge : —

/•Sr^

ivew

Thc/o'-/)ic of Cape Christiniiiis as it risedh bcaningc n c h n,
6 Icages of

So, stadencinge^ ail this afternoonc into y^ shore to sc if
it weere possible to seasc upon- it we comeingc w'in
3 cngHsh leages of the same, founde all the cost so thicke
bcsett with yce that it was not possible for anye shippc to
come into the shore ; yctt, notwithstanding, wc ventured
so far within the same as we coulde convenientlye ; for we
weere, in a manner, compassed abowt with Ilandes of yce ;
so y' my Captaine, my selfe, with the Heigh botes man-*
and an other of the companic, went ovcrbordc upon an
Hand of yce to defende and bcare it from the shippc.
Thus being for a tyme troubled with the yce, we stood
forth of the same to seaborde againe all this ncight, west

but there is not the smallest indication of his having before
described it under another name. On Hessel Cierritsz' map, and
on the Stockholm chart, both headlands are plainly marked. On the
former, Cape Farewell is so called, whilst Cape Christian is named
" Hal's Cape", probably in honour of the discoverer. On the Stock-
holm chart the latter has the name of Cape Christian written against
it, while the number " 10" is placed against Cape Farewell, doubtless
referring to a key. Most likely Hall's Cape Christian is the same
which is still so-called, the westernmost promontory on Eggers(), in
which case Hall's latitude, as given above v59' 43), is only a feu
minutes too low ; while the latitude given in the other narrative
(59" 50'; see p. 25) is almost exactly correct.

'* Query, " standeinge."

'^ To " seize upon" a coast is to reach or make it. The term is now
obsolete.

•' This term is a translation of the Danish word Hbibaadsmand^
which signifies the same as the English " boatswain", whilst the ■
Danish Baadsmand means a common sailor.

(««r-»-"ffr

Trr

i n | > il«« |H

'hi

6 EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612.

and 2V. b. s., till the morninge, when, by the providence
of god, we wecre cleared of y^ same, at which tyme we had
seight of the Lj'on to seaborde of vs.^ They haveingc
esspied us, bore with us. The Captaine, with I'eter
Kellson, his stcereman, came aborde of vs, when they did
both veric earnestlic entreat and humblelie desire me in
youre maiesties behalfe to give them a sea charte, or
dcrections whereby they mcight know whether to goe if
they shouldc lose vs, or at least wise retorne home agine,
Pe^er Kellson both stayingc & swcarcing that yf he did
loose vs, he knewe not what waye to take ; wherefore,
consideringe that I had geven my faythfull oth and promise
to youre Maicstie to be trewe both to you and youres in
this action, I therefore bestowed a sea chart upon him,-
with derections, if he should lose us, to gett that pte of
Groiucland cleare without ycc, p'miscing also unto him
that, yf he would followe my derections, I would bringe
them, by Gods helpe, saffe and sound to good harbors,
without any pester of yce ; he ptestinge agine vnto me by
manye and severall othcs that he would never leave me
vntill by extranordinarie tcmpaste^ they wcere driven fro
vs by forse.^ So, standeinge allongst y*" land to y" south-
ward, so nye as we coulde, as y"' yce woulde pmitte ffor
all alongst this landc the yce licth verie far of; ffor,
assayeinge divers tymcs to kecpc by the yce, and so
to stande longst the lande to dubble the Cape Desola-

* According to Leyell, it was somewhat later that the Lion re-
joined the Admiral (see note to the corresponding passage in the
text reprinted from I'urcha i on p. 27).

- The other narrative (see p. 27) says it was " a Sea Chart of those
coasts", evidently meaning the coasts of Greenland. The question as
to what chart this was, and whence Hall can have had it, has been
discussed elsewhere (see the Introduction and Appendix A).
• ^ Query, "tempest."

^ Concerning the whole of this incident, see the Introduction.

DANISH EXPEDITION OF 1605.

[ion re-
in the

[)f those
Istion as
lis been

tion/ found- ourc selves often suddenlye compassed aboute

with yce ; but that, by the hclpe of Allmeightie god, who

delivered us, it was allmost impossible that we shoulde

esscape forth of the same ; and also, at that tyme, the

weather was so thicke and haysie which doth in these

ptcs coinonlie hange upon the yce that we could scarsc

se the great and hie Ilandes of yce till we weere allmost

upon them ; neyther coulde we se the shore at anye tyme

after owre comeinge from C(r/>e cliristianvs by reason of

these mistes. Therefore, I thought it conveniente to stand

of a more southerlie course to seabord to duble the Cape;

all the companie, my selfe and the Captaine onelie

excepted, being in dispaire. Peter Kelson also, with his

companie, being verie desirous to lurne home againe,

sayeingc he thought it impossible to sease upon the lande

for yce. But I, still encourageinge them to followe me,

jimissinge, as before, to bringe them to a pte of the land

without pester of yce. ffor, if my derections at the first

had bccne followed, we had dubled the cape at y*= first,

w'owt this pester of yce.'* So, standeinge to the south-

wardcs, we mett with the pinnis, who had also beene

' Davis, in 1585, named the southern portion of Greenland "the
Land of Desolation'', but there is, in his narratives, no record of
his having bestowed the name Desolation upon any particular cape.
If he had done so, it seems natural to suppose that he would have
bestowed the name on the very prominent headland forming the
southernmost point of his " Land of Desolation" ; but it is generally
held (and we believe with reason) that Davis himself bestowed upon
that headland its present name of Cape Farewell (see p. 90, ;/.). Tlie
name " Cape Desolation'', therefore, seems to be due to Hall, and it
applies, as the text shows (see also p. 28), and as indicated on Hessel
Gcrritsz's Map of 1 61 2, to another headland further to the north-west,
probably the same which is still so-called, namely, the one on the
Island of Nunarsuit, in the Julianehaab district.

- Apparently " we" has been omitted.

^ This probably refers to his disagreements with Arnold, the
navigating officer of the Trost, to which allusion is made in the
account in Purchas (see p. 29;.

I >

S KXI'EDITIONS TO (IkKKM-AXD. 1605-1612.

;imf)ngst the ycc to scckc vs. Thus, by the pvidcncc of
(lod, bcin^c at this instant both the shippcs and the />in it is
toi^ether, I still encouraged them to jjceed, [)romissin<re
them as before : so, standeinge to the southwardes, about
the latitud of 59 degres h, I then directed againc an
northerlye course, betweene the //.re. and the ti. b. t\, we
mectinge with some driftc Ilandcs of ycc, which was of
no greats daunger ; yett, notwithstandinge, they in the
Lion beinge so timorous that they would soddenlye cast
about and stand awayc, without any cause of daunger at
all, till they had .scene vs past the same, they cr}'einge
me still to alter my course and to give over the viage.
Mut I, kcepinge my course, and also respcctcinge the
good and ^iff)rmeinge of the viage, encoraged them still
to pcccde, promisscingc them still as before. They
contineweinge with vs unto the 1 1 da}'e, in the morninge,
at which tyme the Captaine and my selfe,' the neight
before gone into the Pinnis, costinge longst a great
banke of yce (which banke I knewe veric well to lye in
the mid strecme betweene America and Groincland),
willinge both them in the Trost and the Lyon to beare
after vs, so neere as they coulde, and, yf they did .se vs in
anyc apparrante dannger, to beare of againe to sea. Butt,
the next daye, in the morneinge, not knoweingc an}c
cavse why, they (contraric to there othes and pmisse) in
the Lion shott of a pcece of ordenaunce and so depted
awaye fro vs. liutt, before they depted awaye, the)' spoke
manye reprochfull wordes to them in the Trost, both of
the Captaine & my selfe, willinge Arnald, the Levetenna
to leeve vs in the pinnis; the which he would not con
vnto, but sayd that he would followe vs accordinge to his
oth and pmisse ;-' so, they in the Lion beinge dented fro

' The word " having" seems to have been omitted.
-' This incident is referred to in the Introduction.

DANISH EXrKDITION oF iCtOS-

rcat
;c in

nd),

care
s in

Ikitt,
.n>c
) in
iited
loke
Ih of

|) hirt
fi-O

vs, \vc stood all this fforcnoonc lon^^st the ycc till noone ;
at which tyme, the yce fallintje awaye, and also pfcctclyc
Unoucinfjje my selfe to be shott in the latud. of the clcare
ptcs of the coast of Gtoiuclaiid, I derected my course e. /'.
n. for the lande ; the which, b\' ^a)ds helpe and assistance,
we fell withall the next daye, in the morncinf^e Hcinfje a
verye hie ragged land, haveingc the toppes of the hilles
all covered with snowc, the forme and ffashon of which
is hcarc sette downc to j-oure Maicsties vewc, betwccne
two Cape or hadlandes ; betwccne which 2 capes, we
first fell withall, they lyingc one of the other s. b. zc.
and f/. b. <•., about iS english Icages. The southcrmost
of which capes or Hcadlandes we named Quiriic
nuns Cape, after the name of yourc Maiesties Ouecnc' ;

ipyeitc Sophias
(npc

moil II tc iTiiiiiiif^haiii

iirt-CII<

Anns cape

The shape ami fashion of the land as it rise lo rv, QT^eeiie Amis Cape
/•eareiiii;- sovth \ point easterlye 9- leage<, and Q-reenc Sophias Cape
11. u. 1). n. J a poiiite nortluilye S leg'.

and the northermost of the said Hcadclandes we called
Ovcene Sophias Cape, after the name of youre Maiesties
mother.-' This daye, at noone, we came into a verye great

' Probably the headland rendered prominent by havinj,' upon it
Mount Kingatsiak (1740 ft.), in lat. 66 10' (see tlie Introduilion and
also Hall's General Map, Wa). Queen Anna, wife of King Christian
1\' of Denmark, was a daughter of Joachim Frederick, Elector of
IJrandenburg. .She died in 1639.

'■^ This figure appears in the M.S. to have been corrected from 6 to 9,
which is undoubtedly the more correct, as more nearly corres])onding
to Ha estimate of the direct distance between the two " capes", viz.,
18 le; s.

^ 'ably the westernmost of the headlands at the foot of the

I'ra leld (the Mount Prieste of the English .-\dmiralty Charts) in

III

II rti 'iwiiiir iljril^i»il»«*i<

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612.

/il

Baye, which we did suppose to be a great rever, and there-
fore named it yourc Maiesties ford.^ At the mouth or
cntrye in of this Baye, on the north side, standeth a great
mountc or hill, riseinge in forme of a suger loafe, the which
mounte is the best markc for this place that mayc be ; the
which I called Ci^nningehams mounte,- after the name of
my Captaine. So, sayle^ this afternoone vp into the
forde, about 10 cnglish leages* from the sea, we alhvayes
soundeingc afifore the shippe in the Pinnis, about 2 a'clocke,
we came to an anker,-"' when the Captaine and my sclfe went
a land, we ffalleinge downe on oure knees and thanked
God for his goodnes ; the which donne, the Captaine tooke
possession of the same in youre Maiesties behalfe, takeinge
with him both earth and stones^ ; y« which doone, we wcntc
aliongst the Rcver, upon y^ topps of hie mountaynes, have-
inge the Bote still to rowe longst the shore with vs,
the space of 3 english miles ; when, lookeinge towardcs the
Bote from the hillcs, we sawc 4 of them'' with there

■!''

i'\

hit. 66^ 57' (see the Introduction and Hall's General Map, Wd).
Queen Sophia, Consort of King Frederick II of Denmark, and mother
of King Christian IV, was a daughter of Ulrick, Uuke of Mecklen-
burg. .She died in 1612.

' .See Hall's general map (IVY;) and the special map of King Chris-
tian's Kjord (I). The Greenlandish name of this fjord is Itivcilek (see
the Introduction).

- I'rolmbly Mount Kakatsiak (3,250 ft.), in lat. 65' 38' (see the
Introduction and Hall's Maps, I a). The name is not given on the Eng-
lish Admiralty Chart, but it is found on those of the Danish Admiralty
(1866) and of Captain Jensen {Mcddclclscr oiii Gronland^ vol. \iii,
, plate ix).

' Query, " sayleing."

' In Hall's other account (see p. 34), the distance is stated to have
been 6 or 7 leagues, which is more correct.

'•' The anchorage is marked b on map I.

" This ceremony was quite superfluous, as the Kings of Denmark
claimed the land as an ancient possession.

"' The word " them" of course refers to the natives and indicates
that, in the original draught, there was a .jrence to them just before.

K-
ly
iii,

ivc

DANISH EXPEDITION OF 1605.

I I

housses. We soddcnlye comingc dovvnc from the hilles
tovvardes them, they prcsentlie fed from vs, one of them
takeingc of his Bote. Oure people also in the bote haveinge
esspied him, called to him ; but he woulde not come ncere
them till the Captaine and I came to them ; and, rovvcing
towardes him, shewed him a knife and clappinge oure
hand on oure brestes & holdeinge them vp to the Sonne,
we called Yitovt. He, doing the same to vs againe, came
at length to oure Bote and tooke the knife at the handcs
of the Captaine ; and, haveinge gotten the same, rowed
prescntlye awayc from vs. The Captaine and my sclfc,
goinge a lande into the hovsses or rather tcntes, which
stood hardc by the waters . ide, we foundc them a kindc of
tentes covered with scale skinnes ; and we foundc within
them ccrtaine scale fish boylinge over a little lampc in a
kinde of pann, the bottom whereof was of stoone and the
sides of whale finncs. The people beinge fled awaye, wee
also found ccrtaine of there cotes lined w'in with ffcath^
which we doe suppose to be for the winter, and also vcric
large fox skinnes. We, scarchinge further, foundc, in a
vessell or panne, the head of a dogge, newlyc boyled ; also
we found, lyinge a' dryinge round aboute the tentes, great
aboundance of scale fish, with divers other fish, with 2 great
botes made of scale skinnes, which had ccrtaine thoustcs-
or seates in them for 16 or 20 men, with ccrtaine of there
weapons ; all which thinges, ncythcr the Captaine nor
my selfe tooke anye thingc, but lefte in there icntes some
trifles, and so came abord againe ; when, aboute an howcr
after, there came divers of them to oure shippc in there
botes, bartering some of there apparrill and weapons for
old jTon nayles ; which haveinge donnc, they debited away

1 Query, " feathers."

- "Thoiistes" is doubtless the same as "ihouglits", an old word for
"thwarts"', the seats in a boat. It is found in Anglo-Saxon, and is still
in use in Danish {Tojtc).

^Hl

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612.

for that neight, holdcing vp there handes to the Sonne and
cryingc Yliovt. They still cofninge vnto vs ccrtainc tymes
before I de^}ted awaye with the Pinnis ; in which tymc, the
Captaine, haveinge gotten some of there seale fish, cavsd
some of the botsmen to make oyle of the same ; and,
haveinge gotten a barrill full, leavinge the same that neight
ashore some of the people upon pollicy the daye before,
helpcinge oure folke not to be susspecteinge came this
neight and lett the same out of the Barrill ; yett, notwith-
standeinge, the captaine vsed them kindenes,^ shewe-
inge no manner of discontente vnto them. But, the 1 5'^
daye of Jvne, I beinge readye to depte in the Pinnis for
the discoverie of the coast and harbors, my captaine
promiseinge me not to depte awaye homewardes till the
end of 3 vveekes or a month, he beinge vcryc desirous to
have passed himselfe in the Pinnis with me, but for feare of
the mvtenye amongst the botesmen,'' which he did fcare ;
which, indeed, woulde have lefte me in the Pinnis and
retorned home yf he had not, as an honnest gentleman,
^■■vented there determineations. Nowe, beinge readye to
depte, y* \viiide at that tyme beinge not good for vs to goe
downe y« ford, but for the Trost to goe further vp to
scarche y^ forde, they dcpted fro vs, Icaveinge vs in the
Pinnis to pforme ourediscoverye ; when, beinge gone from
vs, the Barbarvs people, seinge vs left alone, began, the
same neight, for to slingc stones at us from the mountaynes,*

* Query, " with kindness."

2 From the other accounts (see p. 38), this appears to be a clerical
error for i6th.

•'" This is a Hteral translation of the Danish word Biutdsiiuend^
nicaninj^ ordinary seamen (sec p. 5, iiotc)^ and is not the equivalent of
the modern English " boatsmen".

♦ From the other accounts, it appears that this attack was made on
the 1 8th, two days after the departure of the larger vessel, the natives
having already on the 17th shown a hostile attitude, and it was not till
then that the explorers used their lircarms.

DANISH EXPKOTTrOX OF 1605.

it of

|i\es
till

we shotcingc ourc ordenancc at them, but it p'vaylcd
nothingc ; for, when they sawe fier geven, they would ducke
downe vndcr the ch'ppes^ till the pecces weere of, and then
begin to sling stones againe. The next daye, also,- y* wind
beinge contrarie, we rod still. The people in the after-
noone came to vs to the nvmber of 40 or 50 psons ; who,
all this aftcrnoone, did so fcarselye assayle vs with stones
from the hilles that there was no man able to stand on the
hatches vntill such tyme as I cofnavnded to lase sayles and
bonnittes"* a great height rounde about y^ shippe, which did
defende vs from there stones, that they coulde in no wise
doe vs herte, which they pcciveing haveinge continvcd
with vs 6 howers, depted awaye.' The next daye, beinge
still weather, I cavsed the companie to lose and to rowe
downe the ford with the tyd of ebb. The tyd of flood
beinge comd, we came to an anker in a verie"" haven on
the south sid of the entrye into the forde ; the which
place, for the coiriodiousncs thereof, I called Denmark,,^
Haveff ; the which haven, with other harbors which I have
discovered, is heareafter sett downe to your Maiesties
vewe, as I did exactci^ c discribc y^ same. The 20 daye,
in the morninge, the weather beinge verie fayrc and still,
I cavs.sed to weye anker and to rowe forth to sea warde.
when, beinge forth of the forde, amongst the Ilandes, there
came 100 and od of the people in there botes to vs. I, sccinge

• "Clippes" is, no doubt, the Danish word Klippe, meaning a rock,
which Hall has here adopted.

- The words " the next daye also" refer to the i8th of June.

^ Bonnets were supplementary sails attached to the courses or lower
sails. r>y lacing these together, a close screen could easily be arranged.

^ This jirobably occurred in what Hall called, in consequence,
" .Slinge Road". Although the name does not appear in cither of his
narratives of the voyage, it is found on his Map of King Christian's
Fjord (I c).

'•' Quer)', " good" or " convenient" is omitted.

" Marked //on Hall's special map of King Christian's Fjord (I).

EXTEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612.

; I

!:;'^

them, thought it best at that instantc to offer no inivrye to
them ; yett, notvvithstandeinge, I cavssed cveric man to be
in readines, if occassion shoulde be ofifcicd. In the meane-
tyme, I bartered with them for such coiiiodities as I could
gett, they bcingc vcrie desirous to have vs to anker againc
in some of the Ilandes, the^ sendcinge certainc men with
dartes, and bowcs and arrowcs, and also to gather stonnes,
to some of the Ilandes to which they did suppose we would
come. But I, pceiveinge there pollisie, kept me of fro
the shore without davngcr of ther stones, darts, and
arrowes, and so stood to seawardcs. They, pcciveingc
that I was not determined to anker, threwe certaine shelles
into ourc cok bote, makeinge sines for some of ourc men to
fetch the same. The most of them bcinge gon from vs,
my bo)'C,- goinge into the l^ote at the intrcatie of the shipp,^
was shott throwc both the Buttockes with a darte ; at
which tyme, they rowed all awayc, standeingc vpon the
Ilandes, where they did suppose we wouldc have comde,
aboue 200 psones. But, god sendeingc vs a gayle forth of
the ford at sovthcast, we gott this evcninge to sea, we
standeinge to the norwardes, discoveringe the coste and
harbors allongst vnto y*" latitud of 69 degres, which Cape
we called Christin friesscs Cape, after the name of the
Chanceler.* I allso gave name to certainc other fordes.

* Query, a clerical error for "they".

"^ William Huntriss by name (see Introduction).

^ Query, a clerical error for "shipper' (see p. 29, ;/.). See Leyell's
account of the occurrence (p. 43, //.).

■• Hall did not really proceed as far 1 th as lat. 69", though he may
have been able to see that far. The cape he named "Christin
Friesse's Cape" was probalily tlie western extremity of the Island of
Sarkandlek, in 68" 35' (see Map IV a). Christian Friis of Horreby
was born in 1556. He was a man of considerable .ibility, and is
stated to have visited England several times, first as a young man for
purposes of educational travel, and afterwards on public business.
He became Chancellor of Denmark in 1596, and died in 1616,

DANISH EXPEDITION OF 1605.

Ics,

nay
slin
1 of
el)y
I is
for

soundes, and Ilandes all allongst this coast, so far as we
went, it beinge one of the best coastcs for harboringe of
shippes in the whole worlde ; beinge, so far as 1 did dis-
cover, voide of all yce ; all which cost & harbors, with
other matters, I have demonstrated to youre Maiesties
vewe.^ When I, havcinge discovered the same, I retorned
backe againe to the Trost, coiiiinge to them vpon the 10
of Jvlye, where I found both the Captaine &the rest of the
companie in pfitt health, thankcs be to god. But, after
oure depting from them, the companie would ncedes have
been gone home, and left us in the Pinnis, yf the captaine
as an honest and faythfull Gentleman, both to youre
Maiestie and also to me had not withstood them and
stayed for me. When beinge com to them, I founde the
Captaine to have taken these 3 psons which nowe is
brought to youre Heighnes.^ So, the next daye, beinge y
1 1 of Jvlye, we tooke oure waye homewardes, thinkeinge
to keepe the cost alongst to the southwardes ; but, coiTiinge
to the southwardes of Qveeue Arines Cape, we founde great
bankes of yce, whcby^ we weere forssed to stand to sea-
bord ; where divers tymes we mett with invmerable skvlles
of whales. Beinge cleare of the yce, we derected oure
course homewardes loseinge oure Pinnis in a thicke, home-
wardes, not seeinge her again vnto oure coiiiinge home,
haveinge all the waye from Groineland to the lies of
Orkeney such continval fogges or mistes that it is wonder-
full to reporte ; in which fogges, vpon the 23 of Jvlye,
we left the pinis ; and, vpon the first of Avgust, we had

* Kor an account of this part of the voyage, based on Leyell's Diary,
and for a notice of the maps illustrating it, see the Introduction ;
where, also, suggestions have been made which may explain why
Hall, in both his narratives, describes his excursion northwards with
such remarkable brevity.

'^ A fourth was killed in taking them (sec ]). 48),

' A clerical error for " whereby".

KXPKDITIONS TO CRKKNLAXI), 1605-1612.

t i

scij^ht of the Ilandcs of Orkney ; and, upon the 5 daye
we had seight of the Nase of norxvaye ; when, coniinge
into y^ sounde, we arived, by godcs mertifuU pvidencc, at
Ehonvrc upon the 10, in the morninge ; and, ankeringe, we
went on land. And, hcarcingc of youre hcighnes beinge at
Copcmanhaven, we streight weycd and sett saylc for Copc-
manhaven, whether we came the same daye, in the after
noone. ffor whicli good and pperous viagc, all gloric be
to god, both nowe and evermore.

Yovre inniesties servant,
to /lis po'iOcr James Hall
pilot e.

\ I

aye
inge
c, at
, wc
e at
jpe-
ifter
: be

THE

t>EMONSTRATlON

OF Till-:

KORDES, R,VKRS, AND THE COASTE.

■ I

[I.]

THE KINGE CHRISTIANUS

HIS fordp:.

NAMES OF RODESTES, HAVENS, AND
SOVNDES WITHIN THIS FORD.

c
£

d
f

Cvuinghams movnte.

The place of ovre first ancoring.

Slinge Road.

Denmark s havefi.

Trost Hand.

Trost haven.

^-■'^

^t;

'<:

■

• •I

llf I

I 4

I i

Vi:

[11.]

CVNINGHAMS FORDE.

THE T.-AMES OF SVCH PLACES AS
WE FOVND IN THIS FORD.

cu The first place of ancoring in this ford.

^ Catt sovnd^ or weilie.

c Greene sovnd^ or iveike.

^ Mvsle sounde.

'fiiS-HlllV

Lm^B^wmm l

■ amiLMii

.. t

li^

h I u

)■'

^^^^

BRADE RANSONS FORDE

THE NAMES OF PLACES
WITHIN THIS FORDE.

OL Shovlde wike,
6 Henriks pas.
C Cliffe road.

T3P

i'l

I'l

U I

[IV.]

THE COAST OF GROINELAND.

WITH THE LATITUDES OF THE

HAVENS AND HARHOKS

AS I FOVNDE THEM.

Cb Qv^ene anns: Cape^ in the latitvde of 66 deg.

£ King Christianvs forde, in 66 deg. 25 minits.

C Henririk Ramies ford^ in 66 degres 35 min,

jS Qveene Sophias Cape, in 67 deg. 45 min.

d Knights Ilandes., in 67 deg. 58 minits.

f Cvninghams ford, in 67 degr. 25 minits

^J Prince Chrtstianvs Forde, in 67 deg. 30 min.

Jv Arnolds Sound, in 67 degres 45 minits.

3^ Bavhovse sound, 67 degres 56 minits.

A. Brade Ransons ford, in 68 degres.

C Chris tin Fries ses cape, in 68 deg. 35.

i i

w \

i'»

13 2

iilii

IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

1.0

I.I

1.25

i 1^

1.4

2.0

'^^

A>.

e-'m. ' 0%

^ <# ^'*'
<^lk .">'-

^>/

Photographic

Sciences
Corporation

33 WEST MAIN STREET

WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580

(716) 873-4503

^^^%^.>>
<^^<

)

i/..

hmmt^^

Another Account of the Danish Expedition

to Greenland, iindcy the Command of
Captain John Cunningham, in 1605.

By JAMES HALL, Ciiikf Pilot;

as abbreviated by the Rev. Samuel
Purchas.

From Purchas his PiLGRiMES(Z,0«</t?//, 1625), vol. iii, pp. 814-821. •]

N the name of God, Amen. We set
saylc from Copcman-haueu, in Dcn-
marke, the second day of May, in
the yeare of our redemption 1605,
with two Shippes and a Pinnace :
The Admirall,- called the Frost? a
shippe of the burthen of thirty or fortie lasts,* wherein
was Captaine and chiefe commander of the whole
Fleet, Captaine lohn Cunningham, a Scottish Gentleman,
seruant vnto the Kings Maiestie of Denmarke;' myselfe
being principall Pilot : The Lyon, Vicc-admirall, being

1 Those foot- and side-notes in Purchas which are only intended
or reference have been omitted.

■^ When reading the following narratives, it should be borne in mind
that, at the time in question, the individual in command of a fleet was
known as the " General", while the particular ship in which he sailed
was known as the " Admiral".

^ Misprint for Trost.

' A Danish "last' ecjualled two tons.
See p. I.

DANISM EXPEDITION OF 1605.

about the foresaid burthen,^ wherein was Captainc, one
Godscaio Lindetiose, a Danish .Gentleman,- and Steere-
man of the same, one Peter Kilson, of Copcnian-hauen :^
The Pinnace, a Barke of the burthen of twclue Lasts, or
thereabouts,* wherein was Steereman, or Commander, one
lolin Knight, my Countrieman.'' So, setting sayle from
Copeman-hauert, with a faire gale of winde Kasterly, wee
came vnto Elsonure, where we anchored, to take in our
water.

The third day, we tooke in our water; at which time, the
Captaines, my selfe, with the Lieutenants and the other
Steeremen, did thinke it conuenient to set downc ccrtaine
Articles for the better keeping of company one with
another; to which Articles or coucnants wee were all
seuerally sworne, setting thereunto our hands.

The sixt, we c? «,<' io F/ecorie, into which harbour, by
Gods helpc, we came * wo a clocke in the aftcrnoone.
The seuenth day, we supplied our wantcs of wood and
water. The eight day, about two a clocke in the aftcr-
noone, we set sayle forth of the harbo-jr of Flecorie.
About six a clock, it fell calme till about eight ; about
which time, the Nase of Nonvay (by the Danish men
called Lyndis-nose) bare next hand North-west of vs, sixe

led

nd
Las
lied

' That is, about the burden of the Tr0.1t.

^ (iodske Lindenow (see the Introduction). Mis vessel was called
Lbven (or den Rikic lAh'c) in Danish.

'His name is properly spelled Kieldson (see the IntroductionX

* The name of this vessel was Kulicn, but she is often icffned to
under the appellation of " Piuken"' : that is, " the pinnace", in English.

■' Purchas here adds, in a note, the words: "Of whom after',
meaning that he has inserted Liter on in his work an account of
Knight's voyage in search of a North-west Passage made in the fol-
lowing year (1606). Upon this voyage. Knight lost his life, and in
consec|uence no fresh discoveries were made. 'I'he best account of it
is in Mr. Clements R. Maikham's work on the I'oj'di^es of /.tunuxfi-r
and Kni^tit (\\AV\\i)\. .Society, 1876;.

wmmmmmm

■>->

EXPEDITIONS TO (IREENLAND, 1605-1612.

Icaffucs off; at which time, I directed my course West
North-west, finding the compasse varied 7 degrees 10
minutes to the Eastwards of the true North.^

The thirteenth, we had sight of the Hand of Faire //e,
and also of the South-head of Shoiland, called Sxvimborne
head, which are high Lands. At noone, the Hand of
Faire lie bearing West halfe a point Northerly, foure
leagues off, I made obseruation, and found vs in the
latitude of 59 degrees 20 minutes. This night, about
seuen a clocke, wee came about an English league to the
Northwards of the North-west end of Faire lie. Wee
met with a great race of a tyde, as though it had beene the
race of Portland, it setting North North-west. Being out
of the said race, I directed my course West and by North,
hauing the winde North-east and by North. This euening

' For the sake of completeness, we may here insert the entries in
Leyeil's Diary which fill up the gaps in Hall's account :—

"On the 2nd of May, in the year 1605, sailed three of H.M. Ships
from Copenhagen to search for (Greenland. Of these Troust was Ad-
miral, and him followed thcnn Rode Ldffue and Kattcn ; and Katten
carried with her this true report.

" On the same day, they came to Kromborg and sailed from there
in the evening, at 10 o'clock, with a S.W. wind ; and their course was
N.VV. until the 4th.

" 4. In the evening the wind became westerly ; then they tacked in
the night between the Scaw and Marstrand.

"5. In the morning, at 4 o'clock, the wind became southerly, their
course W. to .S.

"6. The wind E.N.E., their course S., with much fog and rain;
and they came that day to Flekkerci and remained there still until
the 8th.

"8. In the afternoon, at 4 o'clock, they set sail with an E.N.E. wind
and came under the Ness in the evening.

" 9. The wind was a light N.E. breeze and their course N.W. to W.

" 10. The wind E. by N., their course W. by N.

"11. The wind northerly, their course \V. by N.

"12. Light wind in the forenoon, and they came under Shetland,
but in the afternoon the wind was W., their course N. by W,"

DANISH EXPEDITION OF 1605.

{Faire He bearing East South-east, fourc leagues ; Sivim-
borue head. North-east and by North, eight leagues ; the
Hand of Foole} North-east and by East, seuen leagues'-),
I found, by exact obseruation, the compassc to be varied
to the East-ward of the true North 60 degrees 10 minutes/'

The fourteenth, in the morning, the winde came to the
East South-east, wee steering West and by North away.
This morning, the Island of Faire He did shew in my sight
to bee about ten leagues off; at which time, we did descric
two of the Westermost Islands of Orkney, which did bearc
South-west and by South.*

The eighteenth; the winde at North-west and by West,
wee laid it away South-west and by West, and sometimes
South-west. This day at noone, wee were in the Latitude
of 58 degrees 40 minutes. The nineteenth day, the winde
at South-west and South-west and by West, wee lying as
the night before, being at noone in the Latitude of 59
degrees and a halfe. The foure and twentieth day, the
winde at North-east and by East, we steering still with a
fresh gale West South-west.^* This euening, wc looked to

.'ir

' Foiila.

'•* This combination of beaiinj,'^s bein^f impossible, il seems that
those of Koulaand .Sumbiiryh Head liave been inten hanged. I.eyells
entry for the 13th is as follows : —

" 13. The wind N.W., their course N.N.K. four glasses ; after th;»t
their course W. by S., and they passed Kero in the cveningat 6o'clo( k :
afterwards the wind became N.K., their course \V. by S."

•' This is probably a misprint. 'Ihe variation in the vicinity at the
time would have been much nearer 6 10' K.

* Leyell's entry is :— " 14. As before until the evening ; at four
o'clock they came under Orkney, 3 miles from land. ' The miles are
no doubt ancient Danish sea-miles, nearly equal to four nautical miles.

'■' The preceding part of Hall's account from the i8th, as here ren-
dered, is unintelligible. The words referring to the 19th, "wee lying
as the night before", can be understood only as meaning the last-
mentioned course— .S.W. by W. and S.W. ; and the expression
referring to the 24th, "we steering still . . , \V..S.\V.", taken to-

m^mm^/mmm

it
Hi

24 EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612.

haue scene Busse Hand, but I doe verily suppose the
same to be placed in a wrong Latitude in the Marine
Charts.' The sixe and twentieth at noone, wee were in the
latitude of 57 degrees 45 minutes.'' The thirtieth day, in

j^cther with the preceeding statements, clearly imply that a south-
westerly course had been steered with little variation from the 18th to
the 24lh. Hut it is evident that, in that case, they would have jfot
much too far South ; nor could they, in that case, have been in lat.
58" 48 on the 18th and in 59" 30' on the 19th. The fact is no doubt
that I'urchas, in his process of abbreviation, has left out as uninterest-
ing some of Hall's statements about the course, not observinjf that, in
so doing, he rendered the remaining indications meaningless. Leyell's
Diary fills up the gap and explains the apparent contradictions. His
entries are : —

" 15. The wind N.W. before noon, their course W. by N., but after
noon the wind was W.S.W., their course W.N.W.

" 16. The wind VV. by N., and they tacked before noon, and in the
afternoon, with a N.W. wind, their course was W. by S.

" 17. Likewise in the forenoon ; after noon a gale of \V., their
course S.

" r8. The wind VV.S.W., their course N. by E.

" 19. Whitsunday, the wind S.W., their course N.W. by W.

" 20-21. The same.

" 22-24. A stiff N.K. wind, their course W.S.W."

From this it appears that on the 18th they laid away to the North,
and that was the course of " the night before", which was continued a
part of the 19th, and by which they came back from 58" 40' to 59" 30'.
This was continued the two following days ; and, though on the 24th
they were "still" steering W.S.W., it was only since the 22nd that
they had done so.

' Ikisse Island, it will be remembered, was supposed to have been
discjvercd on Frobishcr's third voyage in 1578 in 57 30' ; from which
it may be concluded that the expedition on this day was not far from
that latitude. Hielke says that they went — that is, of course,
imagined that they went- south of Husse and Frisland. On the
Island of IJussc, see Appendix H.

■* This does not quite agree with Hall's statement in the Report to
the King (see p. 4) that he steered between W. and S.W. by S.
unt'I he found himself in latitude 58' 20', when he went away W. by
N. and W.N.W., implying that he did not come farther S. than
58° 20'. Hut it must be reniembered that, in the Report, Hall would
naturally pay less attention to that kind of detail. Hall does not

DANISH EXrEniTION OF 1605.

In
111

the morning, betvveenc seuen and eight, the weather began
to clcere, and the Sea and winde to vvaxe Icsse. W^ee,
looking for the Lion and the Pinnasse, could haue no sight
of them, \vc supposing them to bee asterne off vs, we
standing still vnder our courses.^ This day, the winde
came to the North-east and by East, being very cold
weather, we lying North North-west away. Making my
obseruation at noone, I found vs in the latitude of 56
degrees 15 minutes,^ our way North North-west fortie
leagues. This afternoon, between one and two a clock,
we descried Land, it bearing North North-east off vs
about ten leagues off North-east and by North off vs
about ten leagues^ ; it being a very high ragged land, lying
in the latitude of 59 degrees 50 minutes, lying alongst
South-east and by South, and North-west and by North.
This Head-land wee named after the Kings Maiestics

state when he chanj^ed his course for a more northerly one, but
Leyell's Diary supplies the defect. His entries for these days are : —

"25. The wind N.K., their course W.S.W. until noon, but after
noon the course was W.

"26-27. A stiff N.E. and E.N.E. wind ; their course VV."

* Here, too, it is evident that something has been omitted, as there
is no mention in the preceeding paragraph of any tempestuous weather.
Tlie Report to the King, however, states (see p. 4) that they were
assailed by a violent gale on the afternoon of the 28th. This is also
mentioned by Leyell, and all three authorities state that the ships were
separated ; but, whilst Hall, both here and in his " Report", says that
both the other vessels were separated from the Admiral, Leyell im-
plies that only Lbvcn got away from the others. His entries for
these days are as foi.v,.,s : —

"28. The wind N.E., their course \V. X.W. ; towards evening a
storm came upon them.

"29-31. As before, so that they could not carry any sail, and to-
wards evening their course was N.W. ; at that time then Kikic
Loffuc was separated from the Admiral and Knttitt^ in a great fog."

■^ A misprint for "59 degrees 15 minutes', as the matter following
shows.

■' These words are repeated in Purchas, apparently through a
printer's error.

lit

EXrKDITIONS TO (IRKENLANP, 1605-1612.

of Dcnmarke, because it was the first part of Groeulami
which we did see.' This aftcrnoone, about one a clock,
bearing in for the shoarc, we saw an Hand of Ice, which
bore West South-west of vs, three leagues off ; so, hauing
the wind at East South-cast, we bore in for the shoarc,
where we found so much Ice that it was impossible either
for vs or any other ship to come into the shoarc without
great danger. Yet wee put our se'ues into the Ice as wee
thought conucnicnt, being incumbrcd and compassed about
with the same in such sort as the Captaine, my selfe, the
Hoatswaine, with another of our companie, were forced to
goe oucrboard vpon an Hand of Ice, to defend it from the
ship ; at which time, I thought it conucnicnt to stand off
into the Sea againe, and so, being clecre of the Ice, to
double Cape Desolation^- to the North-westwards of which
I doubted not but to find a cleer coast ; so, standing away
all this night West South-west, to clecre vs of the Ice,
which lay farre from the shoarc, being very thicke towards
the Land with great Hands of Ice that it is wonderful!.
This euening, the Cape Christian bearing North-eas\ and
by East, fiue leagues [off], I found the Compasse varied 12
degices 15 minutes to the North-westwards. Moreouer.
standing to Seaward from the foresaid Cape, we came in
blacke water, as thicke as though it had bcene puddle water,
we sayling in the same for the space of three houres.''

The one and thirtieth, in the morning, faire weather,
with the winde somewhat variable, wee steering away
North-west and by West, betweene foure and fiue in the

• With reg.nrd to this landfall, sec the ** Report" (p. 4, /to/t') and
our Introduction. Purchas, in a side-note, adds : ''Cape C/in's/i,vt'\
probably finding that the abbreviator had omitted the name and
thinking that, without the explanatory note, confusion might arise, as
the Cape is mentioned by name later on. - See p. 7, note.

■' This incident seems to have impressed them very much. Hieike
also mentions it. It is frequently noted by the early arctic explorers.

DANISH EXPKDITION OF 1605.

Ind

K '

Ind
Ins

Ike

Irs,

morning, vvc had sight of the Lion againc, but not of the
Pinnasse.' They being a sca-boorcl off and hauing espied vs,
they stood with vs, at which time the Captaine, Lieutenant,
and Stceremaii came aboord vs, earnestly intrcating mee
to bestow a Sea Chart of the Stcerman, and to giue him
directions if by tempestuous weather they should lose vs,
they protesting and swearing that they would ncuer leaue
vs as long as winde and weather would permit them to
keepe companie with vs. Hy whose speeches 1 being
perswaded, did giue them a Sea Chart for those Coasts,
telling them that, if they would follow me, that by (iod's
assistance, I would bring them to a part of the Land void
without pester of Ice, and also harbour the ships in good
Harbour, by God's helpe ; they swearing and protesting
that they would follow mee so long as possibly they could :
with which oathes and faire speeches I rested satisfied,
thinking they had thought as they had sworne, but it fell
out otherwise.- So, hauing made an end with vs, about noone,

' In the present account, Hall does not mention the return of the
pinnace, but he does so in the " Report" (see p. 7), though without indi-
cation of date. In the face of Hall's explicit statement, it is remarkable
that Leyell, as already mentioned, expressly says that only Lovcn was
separated from the others, which implies that the pinnace was with the
Admiral when Lovcn returned. This c\ cnt, according to his Diary,
cannot have been earlier than the ist of June ; his entry for the first
days of June being simply: "1-2. A light S.W., their course N. by
W. ; then they got sight of two large icebergs, and came into nuu h
ice ; at that time l.offucn came again to them.' Considering that
Leyell does not mention the sight of land, nor the conference on board
the Trost, the difficulty may perhaps be sohed l)y supposing that the
small vessel was so far separated from the .Admiral as not to have been
visible from the latter, while those on board the i)innace never quite
lost sight of the Trostj and, as it appears that Lovcn got scparatcil
again on the 31st, through fog, the pinnace may have come near
enough for Leyell to see her rejoining the Admiral, and he may have
thought that she had been away all the time. In itself, of course, this
is of no consequence, except as bearing on the respective accuracies
of the two accounts.

- For observations on this incident, sec the Introduction.

I ; ^1

i('

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLANP, 1605-1612.

I '

they went aboord againe, wcc being this day in the latitude
of 59 degrees 45 minutes, hauing stood all the night before,
and this forenoone also, so nigh the shoare as wee could for
Ice, the Cape Christian South South-east and North
North-west ; and from the Cape to Cape Desolation the
Land lyeth East and by South, and West and by North,
about fiftie leagues. This day, betweene one and two
a clocke, the Vice-admiral's Boat being newly gone aboord,
it fell very hasie and thicke, so that wee could not see one
another by reason of the fog ; therefore our Captaine
caused to shoote off certaine Muskets, with a great pcece
of Ordnance, to the intent the /,/>?« might heare vs; which'
heard of them, they presently stood with vs ; at which time
the foggc began somewhat to cleere, we hauing sight one
of another, and so stood alongst the shoare, as nigh as we
could for Ice.

The first of June, wee had a fresh gale of winde at South-
west, wee steering North-east and by North into the shoare ;
about three in the morning, there fell a mightie foggc, so
that wc were forced to lye by the lee for the Lion^ playing
vpon our Drum, to the intent for them to heare vs and to
kccpe companie with vs, they answering vs againe with the
shooting of a Musket ; wee, trimming our sailes, did the
like to them, and so stood away North-east and by East,
larboord tackt aboord- halfe a glassc, when we were hard
incumbred amongit mightie Hands of Ice, being very high
like huge Mountaines ; so I caused to cast about and stand
to the Westwards North-west and by West. About twelue
of the clocke this night, it being still calme, wee found

* Query, " being" omitted.

- Probably "aboord" is a misprint, and the passage really means
(as on p. 51) that they sailed on "larboard tacked" about half a glass.
At the same time, according to Smyth {Sailor's If^ord-Book, p. 13),
"to haul the tacks aboard" means "setting the courses", in which
sense we find it on pp. 33 and 58.

DANISM F.XI'EDITION OK 1605.

ourselucs suddenly compast round about with ^rcat
Hands of Ice, which made such a hideous noyse as was
most vvondcrfull, so that by no meanes wee could double
the same to the Westward ; wherefore wcc were forced to
stand it away to the Southwards, South South-west,
stemming the Current ; for, by the same Current, wee were
violently brought into this Ice ; so, being incumbred and
much to doe to kcepe clcere of the mightic Hands of Ice,
there being (as both I and others did plainly see) vpon one
of them a huge rocke stone, of the weight of three hundred
pounds or thereabouts, as wee did suppose. Thus, being
troubled in the Ice for the space of two or three houres, it
pleased God that we got thorow the same.

The second day, in the morning, about three a clocke,
I came forth of my Cabin, where I found that the Shipper,^
whose name was Arnold, had altered my course which I
had set, going, contrarie to my directions. North North-west
away ; whereupon hec and I grew to some speeches, both
for at this time and other times hee had done the like.
The Captaine, likewise, seeing his bad dealing with we"^
did likewise roundly speake his minde to him ; for at this
instant wee were nigh vnto a great bankc of Ice, which wee
might haue doubled if my corrse had not beene altered ;
so that we were forced to cast about to the Southwards,
South and by East, and South South-east, with the winde
at South-west and by South or South-west, till ten a
clocke, when we stood againe to the Westwards, lying
West North-west and North-west and by West, being at
noone in the latitude of 60 degrees 18 minutes, Cape

' The word " Shipper" (which occurs several times hereafter) seems
to have been in use in Enghsh at the time as a name for the "master"
of a ship, as distinguished from the captain. The particular person
here alluded to (Arnold by name) was the navigating officer of the
'frost. He was, in Danish, according to the usage of the time, styled
Skipper. '^ A misprint for " me".

ill:

KXI'KDITIONS Tl) (IRKKNLAND, 1605-1612.

Dt'SfllntioH is, I did suppose,' bearing North and by West
three or fourc leagues off, the weather being so thicke and
hasie that wee could neuer see the Land.

The fourth day, betweene one and two a clocke in the
morning, it began to blow a fresh gale Easterly, we steering
away North and North and by West, we being at noone in
the latitude of 59 degrees 50 minutes,- hauing made a West
and by North way foure and twentie leagues. This eucn-
ing, about seuen a clocke, we had very thicke water, and
continued so about halfe an hourc. About nine a clocke,
we did see a very high Hand of Ice to the windward of vs ;
and, about halfe an houre after, with some drift Ice,
they in the Lion, thorow the fearefulnes.se of their Com-
manders, presently cast about, standing away larboord
tackt, till they did perceiue that I .stood still away as I did
before, without impediment of the Ice, they cast about
againe and followed vs.

The fift, in the morning, being very faire weather, with
the winde at East South-east, our course North North-
west, some of our people supposed they had scene the Land.
Our Captaine and I went aboord the Pinnasse, when, after
an houre of our being there, we did see the supposed Land
to be an hasie fogge, which came on vs so fast that wee
could scarce see one another. But, the Lion being very
nigh vnto vs, and it being very calme, wee laid the Pinnasse
aboord of her, and so the Captaine and I went aboord of
them.

The ninth day, about foure a clocke, it began to blow an
casie gale at South-east and by South, I directing my

' Probably this should read : " Cape Desolation^ as I did suppose,
bearing north," etc.

- This is probably an error. If correct, they must have been sail-
ing south, of which, however, nothing is said, but Purchas has omitted
the events of June 3rd. According to Leyell (see p. 31, «.), their course
on that day was West.

■U" 'xr

hAMSn KM'KDITION ol- \(>0^.

course still North North-west, when some of our people
would not be perswaded but they did see Liiiul ; and
therefore I stood in North and by East and North-North-
east, till about three a clocke ir the afternoone, when wee
met with a huge and hi}^h Hand of Ice. wee steering hard
to board the same, and being shot a little to Northwards
of it, there fell from the top thereof some quantitie of Ice,
which, in the fall, did make such a noyse as though it had
beenethc report of fiue Cannons. This euening wee came
amongst much drift Ice, being both' windwards and to lee-
wards of vs ; yet, by God's helpe, we got very well through
the same ; when, being cleere, I directed my course againe
North- North-west.-

The tenth day, the winde at South-west and by West, I
steering still North-west and by North. This forenoone
also wee met with great Hands of Ice, it being very hasie
and thicke weather, the which did driue them in the Lion
into great feare ; and, calling to vs very fearfully, per-
swaded me to alter my course and to rcturnc homeward,
saying that it was impossible for vs by any working and
course keeping to sease upon the Land ; which did driue

' Query, "to" omitted.

- Leyell's Diary has the following in continuation of the last-cited
entry (see p. 27, //.) :—

"3. A light N.W. wind, their course W.

" 4. A stiff E.S.E. wind, their course N. by W. ; and that night they
came into much ice.

" 5 The wind easterly, their course N. by W. ; a large dark bank
appears, which they thought to be the land, and at once the C"a|)tain
of the Admiral and his first mate wanted to be landed in the pinnace.

"6. A stiff W.S.W. wind, their course N. by \V.

"7. The wind N.W. in the forenoon, their course N. by E., and
afternoon the wind came northerly ; their course was W.N.W., and
they were in much ice.

"8. A light northerly wind, their course W.N.W., and they saw
much ice.

"9. The wind S.S.W., their course N.by W.,and they saw much ice.

■*BS!

EXPKDITIONS TO CRKKNLAND, 1605-1612.

: li

: !

all our companic into such a fcarc that they were deter-
mined, whether I would or not, to haue returned home,
had not the Captaine, as an honest and resolute Gentleman,
slcod by mee, protesting to stand by mc so long as his
blood was warme, for the good of the King's Maies-tie, who
had set vs forth, and also to the performing of the Voyage.
Which resolution of his did mitigate the stubborncnesse of
the people ; yet nothing would perswadc those fearful 1
persons in the Liofi, especially the Steerman, who had
rather, long before this time, haue returned home then to
haue proceeded on the action, as before the said Steerman
had done when he was imployed, eight yeercs before, in the
said action or discoverie.^ Therefore our Captaine and
my selfe, seeing their backwardnesse, now, as before wc
had done, went our selucs the same eucning into the
Pinnasse, hauing a mightie bankc of Ice of our larboord
side, and spake to them very friendly, giuing order, both
to our owne ship and to them, that they should keep a
Sea-boord of vs (for I did suppose this banke of Ice to lye
in the narrowest of the Strcight, betwecnc America and
Groenland, as, indeed, by experience, I found the same to
be). Therefore I determined to coast the Ice alongst till
I found it to bee driuen and fall away by reason of the
swift current that setteth very forcibly through the said
Strait, and then, by the grace of God, to set ouer for a
cleerc part of the coast of Groenhmd ; so, all this night, wc
coasted the Ice, as close aboord as we could, East-North-
east and North-east and by East, till about midnight, when
we found the said banke to fall away.

The cleuenth day, being cleere of the Ice, I stood away
North-North-east till sixe a clocke, when we met with
another great banke of Ice ; at which time, the Commanders
of the Lion (being now againe very fearfull, as before) came

' For remarks on this passage, see the Introduction.

DANISH EXPEDITION OK 1605,

lye
and
c to
ttill
the
said
or a

rth-
hcn

iway

I with

^ders

came

vp to our ship, perswading the Shipper and Companic to
leave vs, aud to stand to Seaboord with them. But the
Shipper, who was also Licftenant of the ship, being more
honestly minded, said that he would follow vs so long as
he could ;^ with which answere they departed, vsing many
spitcfull wordcs both of the Captaine and mee, saying we
were determined to betray the King's ships ; at which time
they shot off a peece of Ordnance and so stood away from
vs.- I, seeing their peruerse dealing, let them goe, wee
coasting alongst the Ice North- North-east, with a fresh
gale, it being extreme cold, with snow and hayse, the Sea
also going very high by reason of a mightie current, the
which I found to set very forceably through this Strait,
which, being nigh vnto America side, setteth to the North-
wards, and on the other side to the contrarie, as by proofe
I found. So, coasting alongst this mayne banke of Ice,
which seemed as it had beene a firme Continent, till about
elcuen a clocke, when we espyed the Ice to stretch to
windward on our weather bow, wee, setting our starboord
takes aboord,-' stood away East and by South, with the
winde at South and by East, till wee had doubled a Sea-
boord the Ice ; at which time, I directed my course directly
ouer for thecleere coast of Groineland, East and by North,
which course I directed all the Frost to goe,^ wee standing
away our course all this night, it being very much snow
and sleete.''

* The "Shipper" was Arnold, with whom Hail had formerly quar-
relled (see p. 29).

- For observations on this incident, and for a brief account of the
subsequent homeward voyage of /.otv//, wc refer to our Introduction.
•' See p. ;8, note. ^ Thus in I'urchas.

* Leyell's entries for these days are quite short :—

*' 10. The wind S., their course as before, amongst much ice.

"11. The wind S., their course E. with much ice and fog ; at six
o'clock in the morning then Rode Loff'ite changed her course, left the
others, and tired off a piece." »

KXI'KIUTIONS TO f.KEENLAND, 1605-1612.

ihil

The twelfth clay, in the morning, about foure a clocke,
wc espyedthe Land of Groettfattd,hc\ng a very high ragged
Land, the tops of the Mountaincs being all couercd with
snow ; yet wee found all this coast vtterly without Ice.
Wee, standing into the Land, espyed a certaine Mount
aboue all the rest, which Mount is the best marke on all this
Coast, the which I named Mount Cunninghaui} after the
name of my Captaine. We comming into the shoare
betwecne two Capes or Head-lands, the Land lying
betweene them North and by East and South and by
West, the Southmost of which Forelands I named
Oueene Anne's Cape, after the name of the Queenes
Maiestie of Denuiarke, and the Northermost of the two
I called Queene Sophia's Cape, after the name of the
Queene Mother.-

So, standing into the Land, we came amongst certaine
Hands, where, sayling in still amongst the same, vnto the
Southcrmost foot of the foresaid Mount, wee came into a
goodly Bay, which we did suppose to be a Riuer, being on
both sides of the same very high and steepe Mountaines.
Wee named the same King Christianus Foord, after the
name of the King's Maiestie of Denniarke'-' So, .sayling vp
this liay, which wee supposed to bee a Riuer, the space of
sixe or scuen Englisit leagues, finding in all that space no
anchoring, being maruellous decpe water, till at the length
we had sayled vp the l^ay the foresaid distance, at length
I brought the Ship and Pinnasse to an anchor in sixteenc
fathom, shelly ground ; at which time, our Captaine and I
went aland, giuing thankes vnto God for his vnspeakable
benefits, who had thus dealt with vs as to bring vs to this

' Probably Mount Kakatsiak (sec ]). 10, note).

'■' Sec llic sketch of these Capes in the Report to tlic King (p. y) ;
also see Hall's j^eneial niaj) (I\')-

•' Itivdlek i'joid isce p. 10, note) ; sec also Hall's general map ^i\'),
and his special niai) (1), on which their anchorage is marked /'.

DANISH FXPEDITION OF 1605.

desired Land, into so fjood an Harbour ;' which done, the
Captaine and I walked vp the Hills to see if we could see
any of the people, hauing our Hoat to row alongst with us.
Hauinff gone alongst the Riuer side vpon the tops of the
Hills the space of three or foure Eni^lish miles, at length,
looking towards our Boat, wee saw vpon the Riucr-side
foure of the people standing by their I louses, or rather
Tents, couered ouer with Seale-skins.- Wee comming
downe the Hills towards them (they hauing cspycd us),
three of them ranne away vpon the Land, and the other
tooke his Boat and rowed away, leaning their Tents. Wee,
being come downe the Hills, called to our men in the
Boat, and, entering into her, rowed towards the Sauage,
who was in his lioat made of Seale-skins. I lee, holding
vp his hands towards the Sunne, cryed )'oia ;^ wee doing
the like and shewing to him a knife, hec ])rcscntly came
vnto vs and tooke the same of the Captaine. When lice
had presently rowed away from vs, wee rowed a little after
him; and, seeing it was but in vaine, we rowed aland again
and went into their Tents, which we found couered (as is
aforesaid) with Seale-skins ; wee finding by the houses
two Dogs, being very rough and fat, like in shape to a
l^'oxc, with very great abundance of Scale fish,* lying round
about their Tents a drying, with innumerable ([uantities of
a little fish like vnto a Smelt (which fish are commonly
called Sdn/trncs), of which fish in all the Riucrs are
wonderfuU skuls." These fishes also lay a drj-ing round
about their Tents in the Sunne in great hcapcs, with other

' HciT.in l'iirclias,\\c lind this side-note : "( )mtirsl landinj,' inCirniii-
land." Tills, from the use of the first person, may l)c rej^arded as Hall's.

- Here also, in i'uirhas, is a side-note: "Our tirst si^;!ii of ihc
pcojjle. " The (ireenlanders are drawn on liall s map (1).

•' The same as lV/'<w/, the ( ireenlanders' j^reetin},' (see pp. 11, i::).

' Seals were, of course, recanted as fish in ifxjj, as they still are by
the ijjnornnt.

■' .Now usually spelled " schools" and useil only of Ceta< eaus.

i: 2

. — ' *••■--►«-- • — ••^:^ ' ^-i^JCJH

«■

"i I

t\>iPKI)lTtONS TO CJkKENLAND, 1605 l6l2.

sundric kindcs.^ Then.entring into their Tents, wee found
certaine Scale skins and Foxe skins, very well drest ; also
certaine Coates of Seale skins and Fowle skins, with the
feather side inward ; also certaine Vessels boyling vpon a
little Lampe, the Vessell being made after the manner of
a little Pan, the bottome whereof is made of stone, and the
sides of Whales finnes ; in which Vessell was some little
quantitie of Seale fish boyling in Seale oyle ; and, searching
further, wee did finde in another of their Vessels a Dogs
head boy led, so that I perswaded my selfe that they eate
Dogs flesh. Moreouer, by their houses, there did lye two
great Boates, being couered vnder with Scale skins, but
aloft open, after the forme of our Boates, being about
twcntie footie in length, hauing in each of them eight or
ten tosts-^ or seates for men to sit on ; which Boates, as after-
wards I did pcrceiue, is for the transporting of their Tents
and baggage from place to place ; and, for a saile, they
haue the guts of some beast, which they drcssc very fine
and thin, which they sow together. Also the other sorts
of their Boats are such as Captaine Frobisher and Master
John Dauis brought into England'^ which is but for one
man, being cleene couered over with Seale skins artificially

1 This fish was no doubt the Angmaksel of the Greenianders
{Mallotus antkus, Cuv.), which is as important as an article of food
in Greenhmd as the herring is with us ; but, though it is often called
the Greenland Herring, it has no affinity to the Sardine, as it does not
belong to the Herring family (Clupcidic). It is closely allied to the
smelt, both being of the Salmon family.

- " Tosts'' are the same as " thousts" (see p. 11, note),
" In I'urchas' Pilgniiics, a note is here inserted in which it is stated :
"There is one of these boats in Sir T. Smith's Hall." Frobisher, in
1576, obtained from the natives at least one of their boats (Hest's
True Discourse, p. 50, and Three Voyages of Frobisher, Haklujt
Socie^' \ pp. 74 and 86), while Davis tells that, on one occasion,

he pu • v.d from them no less than five (Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 100, and
Markham's Voyages and Work of John Davis, Hakluyt Society,
18S0, p. 8).

DANISH EXPEDITION OF 1605.

stated :
her, in
(Best's

akluyt
xasion,
00, and

ociety,

dressed, except one place to sit in. being within set out
with certainc h'ttlc ribs of Timber, wherein they vse to row
with one Oarc more swiftly than our men can doc with
ten ; in which Hoates they fish, being disguised in their
Coates of Scale skinncs, whereby they decciue the Scales,
who take them rather for Scales then men ; which Scales
or other fish they kill in this manner : — They shoot at the
Scales or other great fish with their Darts, vnto which they
vse to tyc a bladder, which doth boy vp the fish in such
manner that, by the said means, they catch them. So,
comming aboord our ships, hauing left certainc trifles
behind vs in their Tents, and taking nothing away with vs,
within halfe an houre after our comming aboord, the
Sauage to whom wc had giucn the knife, with three others
(which we did suppose to be them which we saw first),
came rowing to our ships in their Boats, holding vp their
hands to the Sunne, and striking of their brests, crying
Vofa. We doing the like, they came to our shippe, or^
Captaine giuing them bread and Wine, which, as it did
sceme, they made little account of; yet they gaue vs some
of their dryed fishes ; at which time, there came foure
more, who, with the other, bartered their Coats and some
Scale skinncs with our folke for old Iron Nailes and other
trifles, as Pinnes and Needles, with which they seemed to
be wonderfully pleased ; and, hauing so done, holding their
hands towards the Sunne, they dcpartcil.

The thirteenth, there came fourtcenc of them to our
ship, bringing with them Scale skinncs. Whale I'^innes,
with certayne of their Darts and Weapons, which they
bartered with our people, as before. This day, I made
obseruation of the latitude, and found this Roadsted in the
latitude of 66 degrees 25 minutes ; and the mouth of this
Bay or Sound lyeth in the latitude of 66 degrees 30

* A misprint for " our."

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612.

minutes. Also, here I made obseruation of the tydes, and
found an East and West Moone to make a full Sea ; vpon
the Full and Change more/ it floweth three fathome and
an halfe water, rij^ht vp and downe.

The fourteenth and fifteenth dayes, we rode still, the
people comming to vs and bartcrinj,^ with vs, for pieces of
old Iron or Nailes, Whale Finncs, Seales Skinncs, Morse
Teeth, and a kind of Home which we doe suppose to be
Vnicornes Home ; at which time, the Captaine went with
our Hoat, to the place where we had scene their Tents, but
found them rcmr..ed; and the other fish and the Scale
fish lying still a drying. The Captaine, taking a quantitie
of the Sea-fish- into the Hoat, caused some of the Mariners
to boyle it ashoare, the Sauages helping our men to doe
the same, the Captaine vsing them very friendly ; they,
hauing made about a barrell and an halfe of Oyle, leauing
it aland all night, thinking to bring the same aboord in
the morning. But the Sauages, the same night, let the
same forth. Yet, notwithstanding, the Captaine shewed no
manner of discontent towards them.

The sixte':n^h day, I went into the Pinnasse, to discouer
ccrtaine Harbours to the Northwards. The wind being at
East South-east, I loosed and set saile ; but instantly it fell
calme, and so continued about an houre, when the wind
came opposite at the West North-west, a stiffc gale, we
spending the tide till the floud being come, I put roome
againc,^ and came to an Anchor a little from the Frost in
twelue fathomes, sandie ground. About one in the after-
noone, the Frost departed from vs further vp the Bay,

' Query, a misprint for " moone."

- l'robal)ly a misprint for " Seal-fish''.

^ According to Frof. Laughton {Stdte Papers relating to the Defeat
of the Spanish Armada^ vol. 1, p. 7,«.), " To room" = to leeward. It is
only used adverl)ially, as "to bear room", "to go room", "room wards",
and seems to conceal the same idcaasthestill-lamiliar "to sail large".

i;^ -^^

DANISH liXl'EDITION OK \6o-

which we did suppose to be a Riuer, promising to abide
our returne two and twentic days.^

The seuentcenth day, the wind continuin<j at the West
North-west, blowing very hard ; wee rode still, the people
comming and bartering with vs.'-

The eighteenth day, the windc and weather as before,
wee riding still. This forenoonc, there came to the
number of thirtie of them, and bartered with vs as they
had done before ; which done, they went ashoare at a
certaine point about a flight-shot' off vs ; and there, vpon a
sudden, began to throw stones with certaine Slings which
they had, without any injury offered at all ; yea, they did
sling so fiercely that we could scarce stand on the hatches.*

' Leyell's entries from the nth to the i6th are the following : —

" 12. The wind .S.W. by S. ; their course S.E. ; and the Admiral and
Katten came to Ciieenland that same day about noon, and sailed u|) a
river into the land ; on the same evening, six boats with (ireenlanders
came and bought and sold with them."

" 13-16. They lay still there, except that they advanced further up
into the land and called that river Danmaik's Haffn ; and in the same
river the Admiral came aground, so that they had to work diligently
before they got him ofif without hurt."

It will be observed that here he calls the whole fjord " Danmark's
Haffn", and a little further on gives the name of " Kongen's Haffn" to
the place which Hall describes by the former name ; but, where he
mentions them a second time, his names agree with Hall's. Whether,
however, the names really at first were bestowed as Leyell says, and
afterwards changed, or whether Leyell confused them, there is
nothing to show.

- That the natives already on this day were preparing for hostilities
appears from Leyell's entry : —

" 17. Fifty skinboats came with (ireenlanders, armed with bows
and slings, and intended to light them, but they [/.£•., the (Ireen-
landers] kept behind high rocks, so that no one could hurt them."

The rocks were no doubt rocky islets, such as abound on this
coast.

^ A " flight-shot" was anciently used as a measure of distance. It
is said to have been about equal to the width of the Thames above
London Hridgc.

^ This happened in .Sling Road (see p. 13, //.), •

l-'^

ii i| r» «» »<»i

j^r . ^ tWH

40 KXI'EDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612.

I, seeing their brutish dealing, caused the Gunner to shoot
a Falcon* at them, which lighted a little ouer them ; at
which time they went to their Boates, and rowed away.
About one a clocke in the aftcrnoone, they came againc to
vs, crying in their accustomed manner, YlioHt'^ they being
sixtic-threc in number. The shipper^ inquired of me
whether they should come to vs or not. I willed him to
haue all things in a readincsse. They comming in the
meanc time nigh to the Pinnasse, I did perceiue certaine
of them to haue great bagges full of stones. They,
whispering one with another, began to sling stones vnto us.
I presently shot off a little Pistol, which I had for the
Gunner and the rest of the folke to discharge ; which
indeed they did, but whether they did hurt or kill any of
them or not, I cannot certainly tell ; but they rowed all
away, making a howling and hideous noise, going to the
same point whereas* in the forcnoonc they had beene.
Being no sooner come on Land, but from the Hils they
did so assailc vs with stones, with their slings, that it is
incredible to report, in such sort that no man could stand
vpon the Hatches till such time as I commanded for to
lo.se'^' sailes and bonnets two mens height, to shield vs from
the force of the stones, and also did hide vs from their
sight ; so that we did ply our Muskets, and other pecces
such as wee had, at them ; but their subtiltie was such that,
as soon as they did see fire giuen to the Pceces," they would
suddenly ducke downc behind the Cliffes,^ and, when they

• An old-fashioned kind of small gun, about the size of a 3-pounder.

•^ A misprint for " Vliout".

^ See p. 29, ;/.

■• A misprint for "whereat".

" Query, misprint for "lace" (see p. 13).

" Their " pieces" were, of course, match-locks, fired by the applica-
tion of a piece of slow-burning rope, called " match".

" The word "clififes" scarcely conveys any clear meaning; and, as
the " Report" has ch'ppi'x, which is a Danish word meaning rocks,

DANISH EXPEDITION OF 1605.

were discharged, then sling their stones fiercely at vs
againe. Thus, hauing continued there till fourc a clockc,
they departed away.^

The nineteenth day, in the morning, about foure a clockc,
it bccing calmc, I departed from this Roadstcd, so causing
our men to row alongst the shoare till the tide of the cbbe
was bent ; at which time, it began to blow a fresh gale at
North-west and by West, we turning downe till about two
a clocke, when, the tide of floud being come, when I came
to an Anchor in an excellent Haucn, on the South side of
Ciiuuinglimiis Jlfount, which, for the goodnesse thereof, I
named Dcnviarkes Haueur

this is probably the expression used by Hall, which I'urchas did not
understand and transformed into "clififes" (see p. 13, note).

' Leyell s<iys that one of the Greenlanders was killed, or at any rate
hurt, his entry being to this effect : —

" 18. They were reinforced, and, being twice as numerous as be-
fore, they attacked forcibly ; then one of them was shot ; after which
the others hid themselves behind rocks as before."

- Hall's expressions here seem to imply that the harbour was on the
same side of the fjord as Mt. Cunningham, inz., the northern,
where a place amongst the islands, though not exactly S. of the
mountain, is marked with the letter h. Of this //, however, no
explanation is given. The d which marks Denmark's Haven, is
found (but, on the original map, difficult to distinguish) near the eastern
extremity of the island of Tinungasak, close to the southern shore.
The harbour must, therefore, have been either the eastern entrance of
the sound between that island and the mainland, or some little creek
branching off from it. Leyell says : " 19. They ran into another
harbour which they called Kongen's ilaffn, and the Admiral remained
there until the 5th of July, but Kattcn meanwhile went to sea in search
of other harbours." As it appears, both from Halls and from Leyell's
own other statements, that Trosi was not with him when he left for the
N., the meaning of this passage (which must have been inserted when
Leyell, after his return, made a fair copy of liis Journal; seems to be that
Cunningham afterwards went there to await Halls return, but on the
5th of July removed to the other harbour, where Hall found him. From
Leyell's account of their return to King Christian's Fjord, it would
seem as if Hall looked for Trost'wv or about Denmark's Haven. At
the same time, the statement may merely rest on some little confusion

EXPEDITIONS TO (JREENLANI), 1605-1612.

■n

/I
it

The twentieth day, in the morning, the weather beeing
very rainic, with a little aire of wind, I loosed and caused
to row forth of the foresaid Harbour ; and, coniming forth
betweene the Hands and the maine, the people being, as it
seemed, looking for vs, espied vs, making a hideous noise;
at which time, in an instant, were gathered together about
seuentie-threc Boates, with men rowing to vs. I, seeing
them, thought it best to preuent the worst, because we
were to come hither againe ; therefore, to dissemble the
matter, I thought it best to enter into barter with them for
some of their Darts, Bowes, and Arrowcs, we finding eucry
one of them to bee extraordinarily furnished therewith ; so
rowing forth to Sea amongst the Ilandes, there stil came
more Boats to the number of one hundred and thirtie
persons ; they still rowing by us, made signes to vs to goc
to anchor amongst some of the Hands ; but I, preuenting
their dcuiceSj made ccrtaine Skonces^ with our sailes, to
defend vs from their Stones, Arrowes, and Darts. They,
seeing this, went certaine of them from vs, rowing to
certaine Hands, to which they did thinke wee would come,
Icauing no more but about ten men and Boates about vs,
who rowed alongst the space of an houre with us, making
signes of friendship to vs. At length, perceiuing that wee
were not minded to goc forth amongst these Hands vpon
which the rest of their folke were, they threw ccrtaine
shcls and trifles into the Boat, making signes and tokens
to fetch them, the which my Boy, called Wiiliam Huntries,
did. He being in the Boat, they presently shot him

arisinff out of the circumstance that Leyell, as we have aheady
mentioned, where he first speaks of the King's Fjord, calls it Denmark's
Haven, and in this place gives the name of King's Fjord to the har-
bour which really had been named Denmark's Haven.

' A "sconce" is a small fort ; but, in this case, the word seems to
be used more in the sense of a " screen" or " shelter", a meaning which
according to Nares, it still retains in Cumberland.

DANISH KXPF.DITION OF \f)0$.

through both the buttockes with a Dart ; at which time,
they rowed from vs, they mustering vpon the Hands to the
number of three hundred persons, keeping themselves farre
enough from our danger. About sixe a clocke this
Euening, it began to blow a faire gale I'^asterly. We, getting
off to Sea, stood all this night North and by East alongst
the Land.^

A Topographicall Description of the Land as I did

discouer the same}

Now, hauing proceeded for the discouerie of the Coast
and Harbours so farre, and so long time as the time limited
to me, therefore I thinke it conucnient to make a briefe
description of the same, according as by my short ex-
perience I found the same to be.

The Land of Groenland is a very high, ragged, and
mountainous Country, being, all alongst the Coast, broken
Hands, making very goodly Sounds and Harbours, hauing
also in the Land very many good Rtuers and Bayes, into
some of which I entred, sayling vp the same the space of

• Leyell relates these incidents as follows :— " On the 20th, Kattcn
set out thence, and 130 leather boats with Greenlanders came to him
and gave to understand — out of pure roguery- that they wished to
trade with him in a friendly way. They rowed with him two sea miles
[vgescies], but they durst not attack, till one of them had cast two red
shells into the boat. They asked the pilot to bid his boy fetch
them. As he climbed down for them, they shot him through both the
buttocks with a da. t and at once they all rowed away." On Hall's
special map of King Christian's Fjord, a letter //, of which no ex|)lana-
tion is given, is placed amongst some islands on the north side of the
entrance. Very likely it indicates the place where this encounter
took place.

- Similar descriptions of the country and its inhabitants are found
in the accounts of Lyschaiider and liielke, but they contain nothing of
particular mtcrest with regard to these voyages as such.

KXI'F.ItlTIONS TO f.REKNLAND, 1605-KI12.

I( I

Fi '

ten or twcluc Euij^/is/i leagues, finding the same very naui-
gablc, with great abundance of fish of sundric sorts. The
Land also, in all places whcres(»euer I came, seemed to be
very fertile, according to the Climate wherein it lyeth ; for
betwecne the Mounta)nes was most pleasant IMaincs and
Valleyes, in such sort as, if 1 had not scene the same, I
could not hauc beleeued that such a fertile Land in shew'
could bee in these Xortherne Regions. There is also in
the same great store of lujwic, as Rauens, Crowes, Part-
ridges, IMieasants,'- Sea-mcwes, Guiles, with other sundry
sc^rts. Of Heasts, I haue not scene any, except blackc
I''oxcs, of which there are very many. Also, as I doe
suppose, there are many Deere, because that, comming to
certaine places where the people had had their Tents, we
found very many Harts Homes, with the bones of other
beasts round about the same. Also, going vp into the
Land, wee saw the footing and dunging of diuers beasts,
which we did suppose to be decre, and other beasts also,
the footing of one which wee found to be eight inches ouer ;•'
yet, notwithstanding, we did see none of them ; for, going
some two or three miles from the Pinnasse, wc returned
againe to goe aboord. Moreouer, in the Riuers, \<c found
sundry sorts of Fishes, as Scales, Whales, Salmons, with
other .sorts of Fishes, in great abundance. As concerning
the Coast : all alongst it is a very good and faire Land,
hauing very faire shoalding of the same ; for, being three
English leagues off the .same, I found very faire shoalding

1 That is, " in appearance".

- There are neither I'artridgcs nor I'hcasants in Cirecnland. By
the former appellation, Hall refers, no doubt, to the Greenland
I'tarniigan {Lui^opus riipcstris, (iniel., = /.. reinhardtiiy Hrehm.) ; but
it is difficult to guess what he ran have meant by the reference to
Pheasants, unless he refers to the I'intail Duck {Dtijilti acuta), which
is sometimes called the " Sea Pheasant".

•' These were probably the tracks of Reindeer in half-frozen snow ,
not of Musk Oxen (sec pos/).

DANISH EXI'KDITlON OF 1605.

in fiftccnc fathoincs ; and, comniin^ nccrcr the same,
fourtccnc, twcluc, and tcnnc fathomcs, vcr)- fairc satulic
ground. As conccrniiij^ the i)c<)|)lc : ihcy arc (as I doc
suppose) a kindcof Sainoitcs,^ or waiulrin^ Nation, traiicll-
inj^ in the Summer time in Companies toj^ether, first to one
place, and, hauin^ stayed in that place a certayne time in
hunting,' and fishing for Deere and Scales with other fish,
streight they remoue theinselues with their Tents and
ba;4<^age to another. They arc men of a reasonable
stature, bcinjf brownc of colour, very like to the pccjpie of
the East and West Indies. They be very actiuc and war-
like, as we did perceiuc in their Skirmishes with vs, in vsinj;
their Slinj^s and Darts very nimbly. They eat their meate
raw, or a little perboyled, either with bhjud, Oyle, or a little
water, which they doe drinke. They apparell themsclues
in the skinnes of such beasts as they kill, but especially
with Scales skins and fowle skins, dressinj^f the skins very
soft and smooth, with the haire and feathers on, wearing in
Winter the haire and feather sides inwards, and in Summer
outwards. Their Weapons are Slings, Darts, Arrowcs,
hauing their liowcs fast tied together with sinewes ; their
Arrowcs hauc but two feathers, the head of the same being
for the most part of bone, made in manner and forme of a
Harping Iron. As concerning their Darts : they are of
sundry sorts and fashions. What knowledge they hauc of
G(kI, I cannot certainly say ; but I suppo.se them to bee
Idolaters, worshipping the Sunne. The Country (as is
aforesaid) secmcth to be very fertile ; yet could I perceiue

* No doubt Samoycdes ;ire meant. This people, which is still
Hviiig scattered over large tracts in the extreme N.E. of Europe and
the N. of Siberia, had become known to the nations of western Europe
through the expeditions for the discovery of a North-East Passage.
An account of them forms a principal portion of that collection of
tracts, published in 1612 by Hessel (Jerritsz., which also contains the
earliest account of Hudson's discovery of Hudson's Bay.

i;XI'i:i)lTU)NS TO CKKKNI.AN'I), 1605-1612.

or sc(; no wood to ^row ihcrcoii. Wcc met all alontjst tin's
Coast much Drift-wood, but whence it commeth I know
not. I'or, coasting all this Coast alonjjfst, from the latitude
f)f 66 dejjjrees and an halfcvntiil the latitude of 69 dej^rees,
1 found many j^oodly Sounds, Hajes, and Riuers, ^iuini^
names vnto diners of them' ; and, purposin^j; to proceed
further, the folke in the I'innasse with me did earnestly
intreate me to rcturnc to the ship ai^aine, allea^in^ this :
that, if we came not in conuenient time, the people in the
ship would mutinie, antl so returne home before we came ;
the which, indeed, hatl fallen forth, if the Captaine, as an
honest Gentleman, had not, b)' seuerc mcanes, withstood
their attempts ; who would needes, contrarie to their
promises, have beene ^onc home within cij^ht da\es after
my departure from them, liut the Captaine, respectini^ his
j)romise to mec, would In* no meanes con.sent, but with-
stood them, l)otli by faire meanes and other wa\'es.'- .So
that, \pon the seuenth da\' of luly, 1 returned a^ain into
the Kinj^s l"'oord, which they in the shij) had found to be a
Hay ; anil, commin^ to the place where wee had left the
.ship, hoping- to haue found them there, I saw, vpon a
ccrtaine point, a Warlocke'' of stones, wherebj' I did perceiuc

' For an acioiint of this rxpoilition, from Jiinr 2otli to July 7tli,
l)asc(l on l,C)('irs Diary, sec tlu- Introduction.

* 'i'lie Danish accounts <lo not alhiile to any nuitinous disposition of
the crew ; hut, considerinj.; how often similar trouhlcs o(( iirred on
Knj,disli arctic cxpechtions, Hall's statements are by no means im-
probable.

•'' 'i'liis expression is, i)erha|)s, derived from, or akin to, the Danish
word I'lin/r, si^nifyinj; an erection (sometimes of wood, but ^^eneraily
of stones) which serves as a mark of sonn'thin;^, as .1 memorial, as an
indication of the rij^ht way, or suclilike. 'i'his is the term used by
Leycll in speakinj^ of tiiose particular ones, and both l.\srlian<ler and
liieike mention tliat I'ttriti'r were set up in suitable places to serve as
guides to fulme \isitors. The termination " lo( k" is, of course, a
diminiuive. The word " warlorke'' was very likely in us<- in Mnf^lish
at the time ; for (iatonbe hereafter uses it (see pt>.ft\ while Koxe in

DANISH KXl'FDITION OK 1605.

that they were j^dnc downc" the l'on\. So, the tide of cbbc
bcin^ come, it bein^ caline, we rowed downe the l^'oord,
findinLj, ii\ the mouth of the same, amonj^st the Ihuicls,
many ^ood Sounds and llarbours.

'i'lie tenth day of luly, the wind beinj^ at North North-
west, I beeinj^ in a ccrtaine Sound' amon^^st the Ilamls, it
bein^ hi^h water, 1 weighed, [and| stootl West, forth of the
lM)ord, ^^oin^ to Se.i on the South side, l)etweene a little
llantl and the Maine ; which Hand, at our first coinminj,',
we called F/vs/ Hand,- after the name of the ship. \Vc
espied, on tlie South sides, certaine W^u'lockes set vp ;''

1631 ( / 'rM'''.i,'i'.V ''/ /■''!'' (I)l(f Jdllirs, |). 90) SCCMllS to ll.lVC U!l(lfl>.t<>(1(l

its meaning, 'ind omits the words " of stones". ^7." also, llic dcrixatioii
of the word " luimlo( k", whicli is also used by Koxc {of>. c//., p. 330).

' 'IMiis is not indicated on tlic map. Actordinf^ to l.cycll, it was
named Kocksimd. Most hkely it was the Soimd l)eliin<l the isl.iiid
of TinunKasak, at iIk- entraiKc of whieli Denmark's Haven was,
and thronj^li wliirli llallwtmld he sure to sail in scan li of the .\<imiral.

-' (,'apl. Jensen identities this island with one (ailed Kekerlarsnal
siak, whii h is con spondin^^ly situated near the <Mitiance of the fjord
of Itivdiek. That it attracted the notice of I lall and his companions,
he explains by the cir( umstnnce that, allhoii^ii only .attaining a height
of a few iumdred feel, it is visible far and wide, on account of its
isolated position {MfM. mii o'/v///., \ ii, p. 46). Notiiinj^ is said.eithci
in this narrative or in tin- Report to the Kin^^, about the island havinj^
lu'eu previously n.nued Trost Island, notwithstanding^ I lall's statement
abo\e; but it is miirked (• and duly named on Hall's map 1 I) of the
Kinj^'s l''jord. Cmionsly enough, too, in the followint; year, he
liestowed the name on another island nuich further south (see p. jt^K

•" According to I.eyell, three beacons. It seems that (apt. (unninj;-
ham and I lall had arranj^ed a (ode of sij^us by means ol beacons. The
one beacon which Hall saw in Kin^ Chnstian's I'jord told him thai the
Admiral had souj^lu another anchoiaj.;e ; the three beacons on 'I'rosi
Island, that he was to be found somewhere in that neij^hbomhood a
useful prec-aulion, as even a i arefui scare h amongst the islands nnj^lit
f.cd to discover hin\. .Similarly, I.eyell states, as already cpioted, thai,
before enlerm^ ihe Kind's I'jord aj^am, Hall had three beacons erected
on one of the- outer islands, no doubl to mform the Adunral, if
by chance he should be explorinj.; ihe nei^^hboiuhond, lli.it li;dl had
returned and would be found in ihr Kin^^'s |'"ioicl.

"»T"

KXI'EDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612.

whcrevpon I suspected^ that the Frost might be there,
commanded the Gunner to shoot off a Peece of Ordnance,
they presently answered vs againc with two other. We,
seeing the smoake (but heard no report), bore in to them,
comming to an Anchor in a very good Sound by them, and
found them all in health, the Captaine being very glad of
our comming, forasmuch as hee had very much trouble
with the company for the cause aforesaid. Also, in the
time of our absence, the people did very much villanie to
them in the snip, so that the Captaine tooke three of them ;
other of them also he slew ; but the three which he tooke,
he vscd with all kindnessc, giuing them Mandillions- and
Breeches of very good cloth, also Hose, Shoes, and Shirts
off his own backe.^ This afternoone, I, with my Boy, came
againe aboord the ship, taking in this Euening all our
prouision of water.^

The eleucnth day, the wind being at North North-cast,
we set saile forth of the Sound, which we named Frosl
Sound ;■' but, before our comming forth of the same,

ri<

1 Probably " suspcctinj^" is meant.

- The Mandillion or Mandeville was a kind of loose garment with-
out sleeves, or, if with sleeves, having them hanging at the back.

^ For a reference to the subsequent history of the three (Ircen-
landers (who were taken alive to Denmark), see the Introduction.

* Leyell's entries for these last days are as follows : —

"7. A slight S.E. wind until 9 o'clock, afterwards N.W. ; then they
came back into Kongen's HafTn.

"S. With a N.W. wind, they searched for the Admiral.

"9. A light northerly wind. They passed by Denmark's Haffn, and
came into a sound which they called Kocksund.

' 10. The wind W. by N., their course W.S.W. ; they found three
beacons on a rock, and there was the Admiral lying in a harbour
which they called Troust Haffn."

'' This is no doubt the sound between the mainland and the island
f Inugsuglusok, a little S. of the entrance of Ilivdlek. The sound is
called in Danish Anders Olsen's Sund, from a well-known Danish mer-
chant of that name, who afterwards erected a great I'urdc on the island,
which, says Capt. Jensen, is still standing. Near the northern entrance

sPWBmrss

DANISH EXPEDITION OF 1605.

Id
IS

our Captaine commanded a young man whose name was
Simon, by the cxpresse commandemcnt of the State-
holder of Dcnmarke, to be set aland ; wee also in the
Pinnasse set another aland, they both being Malefactors ;
the which was done before our comming away, we giuing
to them things necessarie, as victuall and other things also.^
Thus, hauing committed both the one and the other to
God, wee set sailc homewardes, we standing forth to Sea,
South-west and South-west and by West till noone, when,
making obseruation, Oucene Annes Cape bearing South
and by East halfe Easterly some ten leagues, I found my
selfe in the latitude of 66 degrees 10 minutes,- when I
directed my course South South-west till sixe a clocke,
when wee were amongst much Drift Ice, being to leeward
two points vpon our Ice-bow, so that I was forst to lie off
West North-west till wee were cleere of the same, at which

of the sound is a creek on the coast of the mainland, which, on the
special map of King Christian's Fjord, is marked / and named Trost
Haven. The sound itself is not named, and the island is only partly
included in the map, but may be indicated by one of the small islands
sketched— rather at random — along the coast, on the general map
(IV).

' Leyell's words are : "'ii. A stiff Northeaster ; their course S.S.W.
untill the evening. The Admiral then caused a disobedient son to be
landed on an island on which no people lived, and that person was
called Simon Raffn." Hall mentions here the setting ashore of
another convict from the pinnace, in expressions from which one would
gather that it was done at the same time ; but, as we ha\ e staled in
the Introduction, it was done on June 26th, while Hall was explornig
the country to the North in the pinnace. We have been unable to
learn anything as to the nature of the crimes of these unfortunate men.
It is difficult to say what official Hall intended to indicate by the term
" Stateholder", as no Danish official bore that title.

- This combination of course, bearing, distance, and latitude, is im-
possible. In 66^ 10', Queen Ann's (Jape could not possibly bear
.S. by E. half easterly at a distance of 10 leagues. Perhaps, in this
place, as in another mentioned above, the bearing has been incorrectly
copied. E. by S. half easterly is far more likely to have been
correct.

,^ -

•h v\

I: A

i:\i'tljrrioNs to (;i<eknlani', 1605-1612.

time I directed my course South-west and by South, wee
sayling so all the night following.

The twelfth day, the wind at North North-east, wee
went away South-west and by South till ten a clocke,
when we were amongst more Drift Ice, wee being'
againe to lie West North-west, to get cleere of the same,
which we did about noone, we hauing this day and the
Eucning before a mightie hollow sea, which I thought to
be a current, the which setteth thorow Fretuin Dauis to
Southvardes, as by experience I proued ; for, making
obseruation this day at noone, we found our selues in the
latitude of 62 degrees 40 minutes, whereas the day before
we were but in the latitude of 66 degrees 10 minutes,
hauing made by account a South and by West way about
ten leagues.- This aftcrnoone I directed my course South
South-west.

The thirteenth day, the wind as before, we steered still
South and by West, being at noone in the latitude of 60
degrees 17 minutes, going at the same time away South
and by East. This foresaid current I did find to set
alongst the Coast of Gronlaud South and by East.

The fourteenth day, close weather, being an easic gale,
we steering South-east and by East.

The fifteenth day, still close weather til noone, we
steering as before, being in the latitude of 59 degrees.
This day, at noone, I went away East South-east. This
afternoone, it was hasie and still weather, when we had
sight of some Drift Ice.

The 16 day, close weather with the wind at North-west
and by West, our course East South-cast til about ten a
clock, when we met with a mightie bank of Ice to windward
of vs, being by supposition seuen or eight leagues long, wee

' Query " forced" omitted.

^ It seems that there must be some mistake in these figures.

! "

DANISH EXPEDITION OK 1605.

steering South South-cast to get cleerc of the same. We
met, all alongst this Ice, a mightie scull of Whales. More-
ouer, wee light with a great current, which, as nigh as we
could suppose, set West North-west ouer for Amcr/m
This day, at noone, the weather being very thicke, I coukl
haue no obseruation. This Kuening, by reason of the Ice,
wee were forced to lye South and by West, and South
South-west, to get cleere of the same, amongst which we
came by diucrs huge Hands of Ice.

The scuenteenth day, being cleere of the Ice, about fourc
in the morning, I directed my course South-east by South
till noone, at which time I went away East and by South,
the weather being very haysie and thicke. About mid-
night it fell calme, the wind comming up Ivisterly.

The eighteenth day, the wind still Easterly, we lying
East South-cast, away vndcr a couple of courses larboonl
tackt.^ This day, in the forenoone, we saw certaync Hands
of Ice.

The nineteenth day, the wind still Easterly, with the
weather very hasie.-

' See p. 28, ;/.

'^ For comparison and supplement we add the entries in Lcyell's
diaiy : —

" 12. A stiff North wind, their course S.S.W., and they were in much
ice.

" 13. As before until noon ; afterwards their course E.S.E.

" 14-15. As before until noon ; afterwards a light S.E. wind.

" 16. A stiff N.W. wind ; their course E.S.E., and they were
amongst many large icebergs night and day.

" 17. The windW. to North. Their course as before in muk h i( c.

" 18. An easterly gale, with much rain, their course .S..S.\V. with
much ice.

" 19. The wind easterly, with rain and fog ; their course as before ;
in the afternoon the wind N.E., their course E.S.E.

" 20. As before in the forenoon.

"21. The wind southerly, their course E.

"21 [no doubt intended for 22]. The wind S.E. by E., their course
E.N.E."

D 2

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612.

The first day of August, also, it was very thicke weather,
with a faire gale at South-west and by West. This fore-
noone, wee met with a scull of Herrings, so that I knew
wee were not farre from the lies o( Or A' fiejy ; so, hauing a
shrinked at noone, I found vs in the latitude of 58 degrees
40 minutes, at which time I sounded with the deepest
Lead, finding 42 fathomes, redde sandie ground, with some
blacke dents.^ This euening, bctweene fiue and sixe a
clocke. wee sounded againe, when we had no more but
twcntie fathomes, dent ground, whereby I knew that we
were faire by the shoarc, when some of our men looking
forth presently espied one of the Hands of Orkeney. It
being very thicke, wee cast about, and stood with a small
sayle to Seaboord againe, we lying West North-west off
all this night.

The tenth day, about fiue in the morning, we came
thwart of the Castle of Elsomierc, where we discharged
certaine of our Ordnance ; and, comming to an Anchor in
the Road, the Captaine, with my selfc, went ashoare ; and,
hcarhig of his Majesties being at Copeman-Hauen, wee
presently went aboord againe, and set sayle, comming
thither about two a clocke. The Pinnasse, also, which he'
had lost at Sea, in which my Countreyman lohn Knight

I r

\\ . I

* That is, a falling off of the wind, which would render the deck
steadier, and thus enable Hall to obtain the elevation. The use of
the word "shrink" in speaking of the wind may still survive in
dialects, but is otherwise obsolete ; it is curious that a corresponding
term in Danish, Krympe^ was likewise used of the wind in olden time,
but has also become obsolete.

- The word "dent" really means the mark of a tooth, or a mark
such as might be produced with a tooth, and is still so used in some
parts. Such a mark may of course be a mere impression, which, if
deep, would appear dark, and thus the word has come to be used, as
here, of simply a dark spot. A little farther down we have "dent" in
the meaning of dark-spotted.

•' Probably a misprint for " we'.

mmT\

DANISH EXI'KDITION OF 1605. 53

was Commander, came also the same night about fcure a
clocke ; both they and we being all in good health, praised
bee Almightic God.^ A wen.

Accorcmg to the Report (see ,. ,5) an.l l.eyell's Diary, it was on
the 23rc of July that the pinnace was left l,ehind. Otherwise the sail
of the latter across the Atlantic was uneventful, because l.eyell has
no entry between the 23rd of July and their arrival at CopcnlLa-n -
or, perhaps, has not included any such in the fair copy of this journal
His journal concludes thus :~

"23. The wind S.K., with much rain and foK^ their course northerlv
by E and then AW/.v/ was separated from the Admiral, and did no't
find her agam until the loth of August in the evening at 9 oVlo.k at
Copenhagen, and then /./#;,,v; had long been home. Ccd be
praised."

An Account of the Danish Expeditioft

to Gyccnland, under the Command of
Captain Godskc Lindenoiv, in 1606.

Hv JAMKS HALL, Ciiikk Pilot;
as abbreviated by the Rev. Samuel Piirclias.

\From PURCHAS HIS I'lr.GRiMKS {London, 1625), vol. iii, pp. 821-827.]

V. departed from Copeman-Haiien the
-seucn and twentieth of May, in
the yeere of our Redemption 1606,
with fourc ships and a I'innasse.
The Frost, beeing Admirall, wherein
went for principall Captaine of the
Fleet Captaine Godskc Lindeuo, a Danish Gentleman,
with my .sclfc, being, vndcr God, Pilot Maior of the
Fleet. In the Lyon, which was Vice- Admirall, went,
for Captaine and Commander, Captaine lohn Cunning-
ham, a Scottish Gentleman, who was with me the yeere
before.^ In the Vezaren," went f/aus Bro^vne,^ a Gentleman
of iVorivay. In the smal ship, called The Gilleflon'rc, went
one Castine Rickerson,^ a Dane. In the Pinnasse, called the

' It should be noted that, whereas, on the first voyaj^c, Cunningham
had held sui)ienie command and Lindenow the second place, their
jxisitions were now reversed.

-' Omen: Commonly called "the Urin", or "the Vrin\ in the
following narrative.

3 Hans Hruun, author of the Journal which we shall have to cjuote,

* Carsten Richardson (see Introduction).

'il

DANISH KXTKIdllOX OF'" 1606.

the

cere
:tnan
went
the

the
uote,

Ca went one shipper Andres Noll} of Bergen ^ in Noi'^iVay.
So, by the prouidcnce of God, wee weighed and set saile
about sixe a clocke in the Kucning, with a faire gale at
South South-west, comming to an Anchor in Elsonoiire
Road to take in our water.

The nine and twentieth, in the morning, we shot off a
Peece of Ordnance for all the Captaines and Commanders
to come aboord of vs ; who, being come, our Captaine
commanded the Kings Orders to bee read ; which done,
they returned aboord ; at which time, wee weighed with a
faire gale at East North-east standing away North and by
West till 1 had brought the Cole- North-east and by East
off, when I steered away North North-west, and North-
west and by North. This Euening, about flue a clocke,
I set the Annold'^ it bearing West halfe Northerly, three
leagues and an halfe. All this Euening, wee stood away
North-west and by North.

The thirtieth day, the wind at East South-east, wee
steering as before, this morning, about sixe a clocke, the
Lesold* bore West and by North of vs, sixe leagues off. At
fnie this ICuening, the Scaw bearing West South-west, fiue
leagues, I directed my course West North-west, with the
wind at North-east and by East.

The one and thirtieth, in the morning, very hasie
weather, with a stiffe gale at East North- east, we
steering West North-west away, till about nine a clocke,
when we had a shrinke of the Land,'' which was the wester

' Nolk (see Introduction).

- Kiillcn, a long n;irro\v ridge, 615 feet high, forming a conspicuous
promontory on the Swedish coast at the nortliern entrance of the
Sound.

^ The island of .-\nhoh, in the Kattegat.

' The island of La'sso, in the Kattegat.

" A " shrinke of the land" would mean a gap in a coastline, just visible
over the hori/on, such as would indicate the mouth of a river or inlet.
Elsewhere (see p. 52), Hall speaks of a "shrinke of the wind".

:%'

ai !

1 I

I I

}

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612.

gate of Mardo} We steering alongst the Land, we came
to an anchor in Flecorie^ where we were to make and take
in wood and water.

The second of lune, we weighed and came forth of the
Harbour of Flecorie about sixc in the morning, hauing a
fresh gale at East North-east. About eleuen at noone,
I set the Nasc of Norivay, it bearing North North-west,
foure leagues off. The fourth day, in the morning, about
two a clock, we were faire by the high Land of the
Yeddoe?" I, causing to cast about, stood to the Southwards,
West and by South and sometimes West. This day, at
noone, I found my selfe in the latitude of 57 degrees
45 minutes, the Nase of Norivay bearing East North-east,
two and twentie leagues off. This day, at noone, also,
I cast about and stood to the Northwards, lying North
with the stemme, hauing the winde at North North-west.
This afternoone dyed one of our Groinlanders called Oxo.^
All this eucning and the night following, the winde as
before, we lying also North with little winde.^

The seventh day, the winde at South-west and by South
and South South-west, we steering West and West and by
North. This day, at noone, we were in the latitude of
58 degrees 40 minutes. The tenth day, about foure in the

' Mardii or M:rrdo is a small island at the entrance to Arendal.

- Flekkerij (see p. 3, note).

' The only place in the neighbourhood in question which now bears
a similar name appears to be Ja-deren, a comparatively low and flat
district along the sea-shore, north of Ekernsund. Hall may here
refer to some high land adjoining Ja:deren.

* This Greenlander was on board Ornen. Bruun says in his Jour-
nal : — " On the 4th died my Greenlander." We may take this oppor-
tunity of statini( that Hruun's first entries, down to the fourth of June
only record their departures from and arrivals at Copenhagen
Elsinorc, and Klekkerii.

' Here Purchas adds, in a side-note : " The fift and sixt mostwhat
calme" — information no doubt derived from Hall's original MS. which
he was abbreviating.

■il

■-»CV il f »»|<

DANISH EXPEDITION OF 1606.

lis
lat

|at

morning, it began to blow a fresh gale at East and by
South ; at which time, wc stood alongst the Land' to the
Southward till I had brou^^iit the South Head oi S/tot/(7ndy
called Sxvinborue Head,'- North-west and by North, about
three leagues f)ff ; and Fcxirc He next hand. South-west and
by South, eight leagues off; at which time, I directed my
course away West, with a fresh gale at East South-east,
about halfe an houre to three. I set the South head of
S/iotiand, it bearing North-east, eight leagues off; Fai're
He, next hand. South-east, seuen leagues off; foule,^ next
hand, North, foure leagues ; wee still steering away West
with a fresh gale at East South-east. All this afternoone
and the night following, it was very thicke and raynie
weather, the winde continuing as before. This night, at
midnight, dyed the Groenlander which wc had aboord us
named Omeg.*

The fourteenth day, the winde as the night before, a
faire gale, we steering as we did before, with haysie
weather, hauing a shrinke,** at noone, I found vs in the
latitude of 58 degrees 40 minutes, hauing made a West
and by South way Southerly, two and thirtie leagues,
differing to the Westward from the Meridian of the Nase
19 degrees 45 minutes." This afternoone, we had a faire

• That is, no doubt, the land of Shetland, the falling in with which
was probably mentioned before in the unabbreviated M.S.

- Sumburgh head (see p. 3, tiole).

3 Foula, originally Fugley : that is, "Bird-island"'.

* Bruun has only two entries for June, after the 4th, 77r. .• " On the
loth, we sailed between Hetlandand F"a;ro", and "on the 13th [maybe
23rd], in the course of the night, Loffite/i was separated from 'frost,
Gillcbrandt, and the pinnace. Next day, they came together again."

^' See p. 52, )i.

" This is the only computation of longitude given hs Hall in his
narratives. It was probably from dead reckoning ; and there arc, of
course, no means of ascertaining whether or not it was correct, it
seems, however, from a passage in Luke Foxe's North- II 'est Fox ( 1635,
p. 180; see also Miller Christy's Voyages of Foxe and James, ^. 280)

1' 'i

II .

1,, i

■ 1

EXPEDITIONS TO (;KEKNLANI), 1605-1612.

gale at South-cast, with thickc weather, we steering away
West.

The fifteenth day, the winde as before, we steering away
West, being, by my imagination, in the latitude of 5S
degrees 40 minutes. The three and twentieth day, the
winde at the North-east, a faire gale, we steering betvvecnc
the West North-west and the West and by North, being
at noone in the latitude of 56 degrees 10 minutes, hauing,
by reason of a Northerly current, contrarie to my expecta-
tion, made a West way Southerly two and twentie leagues.
The Compas.se, also, as I doe suppose, being varied more
then a Point to the Westwards.

The first of luly, wee saw Land, being eight leagues off,
with a great banke of Ice lying off South-west ; wee,
setting our tacks aboord,^ laid off East and by South and
East South-cast, to double the same. About two a
clocke, hauing doubled the same, wee went away West
and by South all this evening and night following. This
Land I did suppose to be Busse Hand ; it lying more to
the Westwards then it is placed in the Marine charts.'-

that Hall, at some time or other, calculated the longitude of Cape
Farewell, which he computed to lie 18" west of the "first Principal
Meridian" (that of Ferro, in the Canaries). It really lies, however,
about 26° west of that meridian. Of this, we read nothing in Hall's
narratives as we have them in I'urchas, who very likely cut out, in the
course of his abbreviation, some passage referring to the matter. It
may be, however, that Foxe had the information by hearsay from
Baffin, with whom we know that he was acquainted (see Miller
Christy's Voyai:;cs of Foxe and James, p. 370). > .See p. 28, 11.

* Hruun does not note anything between the 13th (? 23rd) of June and
July 1st, when he merely remarks : " On the ist, we saw the first ice" ;
but he says nothing about any land having been observed. Probably
ne considered what Hall took for land to be only a fog-bank, and
rightly so. Hall's mistake is easily explained when it is remembered
that he was on the lookout for Busse Island, the existence of which
was generally believed in at the time (see p. 24, note). Luke Foxe,
for instance, in 1635 {North- West Fox, p. 55), appended to this passage
the note : " Ihtsse He again discovered".

DANISH EXPKDITION OK 1606.

The second day, thicke weather, with the winde at
North North-west, we steering West and by North. This
afternoone, we were in a great Current setting South
South-west ; the which I did suppose to set betwcene
Biisse Hand and Frcsiland ovtv with America •} wee steering
West North-west with a fairc gale at North. This night,
about nine a clockc, the Pinnasse came foule of the Vice-
admirall,'"^ where, with her anchor, shce tore out about a
foot of a plankc a little above water and broke downe the
beakes head."'

The sixth, making obseruation, I found vs in the latitude
of 58 degrees 50 minutes, contraric to my expectation ;
whereby I did see the Southerly Current to bee the
principall cause. The seucnth day, the winde at North
and by East, we lying West North-west, being at noone in
the latitude of 59 degrees 40 minutes, our way North-west
two and twentie leagues. This euening, I found the North
Point of the Compasse to be varied 12 degrees 5 minutes
to the Westward of the true North.

The eight day, the winde came vp more Southerly,
betweene the South-west and the South-west and by West,
with an easie gale, we steering away North-west and by
West ; being at noone in the latitude of 59 degrees 30
minutes, hauing, by reason of the Current and Variation,
made a West way Southerly about ten leagues.

' It was, no doubt, the East Greenland Current.

- This accident Foxe regardcil as " A Ca\ cat for Commanders in
Fleets" (see North- West Fo-i; p. 55, and Miller Christy's Voyai^cs of
Foxe and James, p. 92).

^ Bruun's next entries after July ist are the following: "On the
4th, in the night, in a great gale, the pinnace sti. ed from us", and
" On the 8th, died my cooper". After this, he has nothing till the 13th
of July. As there is no further mention of the pinnace in any of the
accounts, it would seem that she returned home. Very likely her
commander, Nolk, was not provided with means for independent
navigation.

;<■

!l ;!

' I i

■i i

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612.

The ninth day, close weather ; it being calme all the
forenoone, wee percciuing by our ships, which lay becalmed,
a violent current setting South-west. This day, at noonc,
we were in the latitude of 59 degrees 40 minutes.

The tenth, about fourc in the morning, the winde came
vp to the North North-west. 1, casting about, stood to the
Westwards, lying West with the stcmme, being in the
latitude of 60 degrees 16 minutes. We saw the coast of
Atiiiica about nine leagues off; at which time, I made
obscruation of the variation, and found the Needle varie
24 degrees to the Westwards of the true North.

The Hill tops were couered with snow, and the shoare
to the Northwards full with Ice ; but, to the Southwards,
it seemed clcere. Mere I found a great current to set
West into the shoare ; which, about midnight, did bring vs
to be incumbred with very many Hands of Ice, hauing
much to doe to get clecre off the same without danger ;
but, by God's helpe, it being faire weather, with a fresh
gale at South-west, wee got cleere of the same, standing
East South-east and South-east and by ICast.^

The fourteenth, in the morning, being clcere of the Ice,
I went away luist North-east and North-east and by East
till eight a clocke, when I directed my course North-east
and by North, being at noone in the latitude of 59 degrees,
the Cape or Head land which wee saw that night bearing

• Hall's account, as here rendered, must naturally be understood
as if it had been on the loth that they saw America ; but, in Bruun's
Journal, we find the following : " On the 13th, we had sight of America."
This date is probably the right one, because Hall's statement as to
what happened on the I4lh seems to be an immediate continuation of
the next foregoing. As not a little has evidently been left out here by the
abbreviator, it is easy to understand how, by careless contraction, the
events of the 13th may have been connected with those of the loth, so
as to cause a misunderstanding. Purchas here adds in a side-note :
"Sight of America in 5S ilrgrccs anil 30 minutes" infornialion no
doubt contained in Hall's origmal MS,

DANISH KXPEDrnON OF \6o6.

West South-west, sixtccne leagues ofif.^ All this afternoone
and night following, it was for the most part still weather.
Thiseuening, I found the variation 23 degrees 55 minutes.

The sixteenth, faire weather, with a fresh gale at East
South-east ; our course as before, being in the latitude of
60 degrees 20 minutes ; the ships way North and by East
northerly, twentie leagues. This afternoone and the night
following, the wind as before, we steering still North-cast
and by North.-

The eighteenth, also^ thicke weather, being forced to
stand away North North-west to double a great banke with
great Mountaines of Ice almost incredible to be reported ;
yet, by the helpe of God, wee passed the same, sayling all
this day by great and huge mountainous Hands of Ice,
with the winde at South-west and by South, being at
noone in the latitude of 63 degrees 45 minutes. Wee did
see our selues beset round about with mightie bankcs of
Ice, being forced to make more saile and to lye to and
againe all this night » kcepc vs clccre of great and small
Hands of Ice, where many times we were in such danger,
that we did looke for no other thing then present death, if
God had not beene mercifuU vnto vs and sent vs cleere
weather, where by his assistance we kept our selues very
hardly and with great difficultie cleere of the Ice.

The nineteenth day, in the morning, cleere weather,
with a fresh gale at South-west, wee plying amongst the
Ice to see if wee could get a gut to get cleere of the same ;

1 Probably either Na^rsarektok (Cape (lulch) or Mount Razorbaik
(3000 ft.), forming respectively the southern and northern shouKlers of
the entrance to Nachvak liay, on the coast of Labnulor.

- liruun's ne.xt entry refers to this date. He says : — "On tiie 16th,
we saw many wonderful rainbows on the sky."

' This word "also" bears further witness of the carelessness with
which Hall's account has been abbreviated, as no thick weather has
been recorded before. Probably it happened on the 17th.

::i

EXPEDITIONS TO CIREENLaND, 1605-1612.

at which time, wee saw the Land o{ America, about the
latitude of 64 degrees, it lying next hand South and
North, being high ragged Land couered with snow, the
shoare being all beset with Ice.^ So. lying off and on
amongst the Ice, in great perill till about noone, when God
of his goodnesse sent vs to espie a little gut, where we
went through, and stood South South-east away, comming
still by many Hands of Ice. Heere I did finde, both by
my course and reckoning (the variation also of the
Compasse respected), that wee were carried withamightie
Current to the Westwards ; as, both now and afterwards,
wee did probably prooue and see the same. For I, setting
my course from the coast of Ain erica, in the latitude of
58 degrees and a halfe for the coast of Grocnland, North
North-east, with a compasse whose wyers were placed,
more then two third parts of a Point to the Eastwards of
the North (the variation being 23 degrees 30 minutes
Northwesting and 24 degrees, as by obseruation I found
betweene the latitude of 58 and a halfe, and 54 degrees),^
yet I did finde my selfe (contrarie either to mine owne
or to any of their expectations which was in the Fleet with
me) carried almost foure Points with the Current to the
westwards ouer our iudgements.^

• If the latitude named (64° N.) be correct, they must have fallen in
with the coast midway between the entrances to Frobisher s Bay and
Cumberland Sound.

'^ This passage is evidently to some extent corrupted. They had
nowhere been near 54° of latitude. There can be no doubt that 64°
(the latitude mentioned above) is meant. Purchas appears not to
have been able quite to understand the matter, as he adds in the
margin the word " Note".

■' In Purchas his Pilf^riines, we find the following note is added
here : " Here I did give direction to the other steerman to direct
their course to GroeJtland." This sentence (the connection of
which with the preceding sentence only appears from the following)
is most likely to be understood as conveying a fact which had been

DANISH KXI'KDITION OF 1606.

The twentieth, wee still sayled to the Eastwards, by
many great Bankes and Hands of Ice, being still com-
passed in, wee being forced to stand to the Southwards to
get cleere ; where, being sometimes becalmed, wee did
plainly see and perceiue our selues carried into the Ice to
the westward very violently. This Current sctteth West
North-west. The twentieth, in the eucning, I found the
Compasse varied 23 degrees.

The one and twentieth day, in the morning, faire
weather, wee espyed a gut through the Ice, it seeming
cleere to the southwards of the same ; where, bearing into
the same, about noone, wee were cleere of all the Ice by
the mercifull prouidence of God. Here I obscrued the
latitude, it being 6t, degrees 33 minutes. Now, hauing,
the one and twentieth day, at afternoone, caused the
Admirall to call the other Captaines and Stcermen aboord,
with whom wee might conferre, and hauing shewed briefly
my reckoning, with the other events which (contrarie to
my expectation) had happened, the cause whereof at that
instant they did plainly see and perceive, they confessing
the Current (as they did now plainly see) to bee the cause
of the same. So hauing done, I gaue to the other Steer-
men directions that, being cleere of the Ice, they should
goe betweene the East and the East and by North ouer
for the coast of Groenlaud, and not to the Northwards of
the East and by North, because of the former euents.
And now, at this instant, by God's hclpe, being cleere,
I called to them, giuing the same directions.' This

left out in the process of abbreviation, but which I'urchas (finding, ;i
little farther on, what probably is a reference to it) wished to pre-
serve. The printer, however, did not insert it in its proper place
in the text, but left it in the margin.

' There seems to be a want of clearness in the preceding statement.
The fact seems to be that, on the 19th, finding himself out of the

ftmmtim

titimmmmmmm

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612.

afternoone and the night following, it was calme. This
euening, I found the Compasse varied 23 degrees 25
minutes.

The two and twentieth day, at noone, I found vs in the
latitude of 63 degrees 20 minutes. The three and twentieth,
faire weather, the ayre very cold, as with vs in the moneth
of lanuarie, the windc variable betweene the East North-
east and the South-east and by East, being at noone in
the latitude of 63 degrees, hauing made a South-east and
by South way eleuen leagues. This day, at noone, I cast
about to the Westwards, the other ships doing the like,
lying North-east and by North with the stemme, finding
this euening the Needle varied to the Westwards 23 degrees
30 minutes.

The foure and twentieth, the winde variable betweene
the South South-east and the South-east and by South,
with raine and fogge. This day, about eleuen a clocke,
wee did see much Ice to leeward ; wherefore I cast about
to the Southwards, the winde comming to the East North-
east, wee lying South-east with the stemme, supposing the
ship to haue made a North and by West way halfe
Northerly, two and twentie leagues. This afternoone, by
reason of the fogge, we lost sight of the Lion and the
Gilliflowre, wee looking earnestly forth for them and
shooting (both we and the Uriti) diuers pieces of Ordnance,

calculated position, Hall explained the fact to his colleagues as a conse-
quence of unforeseen circumstances beyond his control, and then
ordered them to keep or continue a N.N.E. course for Greenland.
Hut, a couple of days after, still finding himself carried out of his
right course, he directed them, in order to make necessary provision for
the action of the current, to adopt a more directly easterly course,
explaining to them, as he had done before, the reasons of his change.
We see now why Purchas — or whoever looked over the abbreviated
account — found it necessary to make the addition which appears
as a side-note to the narrative of the 19th, which records the giving
of the order countermanded on the 21st.

DANISH EXPEDITION OF l6o6.

ice,

his
for
irse,
ige.
ited
sars
zing

but wee could neither see nor hcare them ;' at which time,
the winde came vp Southerly, wee standing away our
course betweene the East and East and by North.

The fine and twentieth, wee had sight of Groenland^
being about ten leagues to the Southward of Qucene
Annes Cape.^ Wee standing away East South-cast, in with
the Land, with the winde at South. All this night, it did
blow very much, wee steering North by West and North
North-west.

The seuen and twentieth day, in the morning, was
reasonable cleere weather, with a fresh gale at South South-
west. This morning, between foure and fine of the clocke,
I cspyed Queene Annes Cape to bear East by South next
hand of mee, and King Christians Foord South South-cast
of me,^ being thwart of Rumels Foord, Quecnc Sophias

1 This incident is mentioned by Bruun, from whose Journal it ap-
pears that during these days they were much troubled by fog and ice,
the vessels being on that account several times separated. The
entries, since the one last quoted, are as follows : —

" On the 2oth, Omen and Gillebrandt were separated from Trost
and Loffiicn on account of a great fog and much dreadful ice ; but by
(iod's help they came together again the same evening.

" On the 2 1 St, Ornen was separated from Trost, Lojffuen and Gille-
brandt, in a great dark fog.

" On the 22nd they came together again.

" On the 24th, in a great fog, Ldffuen and Gillebrandt were separated
from Trost and Ornen."

- Bruun, who has no entry on the 25th, says :- " On the 26th, we
had sight of Greenland" ; and this would appear to be the right date,
considering that on the 27th they were opposite Rammcl's Fjord, after
having been, when they sighted Circenland, only ten leagues S. of
Queen Anne's Cape. Sailing, as Hall says they did, all night in a
northwesterly directic:- they would nnturally be opposite Rammers
Fjord, as he says they were, early in the morning of the 27th, after
having sighted Queen Anne's Cape the night before ; but it would be
strange if they had consumed two days over so small a distance.

' This combination of bearings is impossible. Queen Anne's Cape
being S. of King Christian's P'jord (Itivdlek). Apparently the bearing
of the cape should have been given as S. by E., instead of E. by S.

TW-SBS

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612.

Cape bearing North halfe westerly, about fiue leagues off.
Therefore I thought it conuenient to put into Cunniughains
Foord, where the siluer was, both in regard that I had
sworne to his Maiestie as concerning the same, and also
because wee were expressly commanded to bring home of
the same.i So, hauing a fairc gale at West South-west,
wee came into the aforesaid Riuer, anchoring in a very
good Sound, hard by the Vre^- in sixteenc fathoms, at the
mouth of Cuuuinghams Foord, about fiue of the clocke.
There came presently foure of the Countrie people vnto
vs, after their old accustomed manner. This euening,
about sixc of the clocke, the Vrin anchored by vs. This
night, the Admirall, my selfe, and Captaine Bro^vnc went
on Land to see the Myne of silucr, where it was decreed
that we should take in as much thereof as we could.''

* Hall here refers to " the silver" as something which his readers
might be expected to know all about, although there is no reference to
it in the earlier portion of this account, as printed in I'urchas. Pro-
bably something was said concerning it in the unabbreviated narrative.
The sujjposed silver mine had been discovered on the voyage of iCioj,
though there is no m-ntion of it in Halls account of that voyage a
somewhat remarkable fact which we have discussed in the Introduction.

- This word, though printed with a capital and in italics (probably
through confusion with the name of the vessel which I'urchas calls
" the l''riii'\ i.e., Onnii), should doubtless have been " vre", that being
an old form of " ore" fas used by Gatonbe hereafter), in allusion to
the supposed silver ore.

•' The gap which here occurs in Hall's account may be filled up by
means of Hruun's Journal, from the contents of which we may infer that
some of these days were spent mainly in quarrying the supposed silver
ore, after which they commenced to explore the neighbourhood on
short excursions by boat, several times spending the night away from
the ships. He says : -

" On the 27th, we came into a good harbour, both 7>v).v/and Oriioi;
and, before we had got our anchors in the ground, the (Mccnlandcrs
came alongside us ; on the same day, we went on shore to view them.

"On the 31st, died one of my sailors.

"■ Aiigtisti: On the ist, he was buried in (Greenland soil ; on the
s.uiie day we took the last [lot probably of the ore] on board.

DANISH EXrEDITION OF l6o6.

itive.
605,
c a
liction.
lably
calls
icing
on to

up by
-r that
silver
o<l on
from

Inwn;
mders
them.

the

On Sunday, the third of August, the Sauagcs, seeing our
curtesie toward them, bartered Scales skinnes and Whales
finnes with vs ; which being done, wee* went to our Boat
and, rowing away, three of them, taking their Boats, rowed
with vs vp the Koord,"^ calling to other of the people, telling
them and making signes to vs of our dealing towards them.
Then they also came to vs and bartered with vs for old
Iron and Kniues, for Seales skinnes and coates made of
Scales skinnes, and Whales finnes, and rowed still all with
vs. In the end, hauing rowed fiuc or sixe leagues vp the
Foord, and seeing it to bee but a liay, wee returned alongst
many greene and pleasant Hands, where wee found good
anchorings. The people still followed vs, to the number of
fiue and twentie persons, till about sixe of the clocke, when
it fell thicke, with some raine, and,, the winde being
Southerly, wee rowed in among the Sounds, at which time
they went from vs. Wee, rowing our Boat to one of the
Hands, went to supper. And, hauing supped, wee rowed
some three leagues vp an other Foord, where we found
very shallow water, in which place we stayed with our
Boat all that night.=*

" On the second, the Admiral and some of our men went into
another harbour to explore tiie country.

"On the 3rd, we came back [etc. ; see p. 68, //.]."

' As appears from Hruun's Journal, "we" means Hall and Hruun's
lieutenant.

-' "The Foord" means, of course, Cunninj^ham Fjord, which we
have shown in the Introduction to be the Soutiu-rn Kan},'erdluarsuk,
N. of Holsteinborg. It should be borne in mind that the ships were
not anchored in the fjord itself, but amongst the islands outside, to the
.S. of the entrance. From Hruun's Journal, just cpiotcd, we learn that
they only that morninjf (on the 3rd) returned from an excursion, which
is not mentioned in the account as it stands in I'urchas. Tiiere is
nothing to show where they had been to. Perhaps Hall failed to
record the point, or perhaps the abbreviator cut out his record ; but
the trip was probably to the .S. of their anchorage, as they now went N.

•' This must have been the northernmost of the two Kangordluarsuk

E 2

EXPKDITIONS TO GRKENLANI), 1605-1612.

^;i

The fourth day, in the morning, about three of the
clockc, wee returned to our ship againc,^ with a gale of
winde Southerly, being somewhat thicke and raynie
weather, sayling by the Land among the Hands, till we
came three leagues to the Northwards of Queenc Sophias
Cape ; when, going without the Hands, wee met with
a very high Sea, so that wee had much to doe ; but,
by the prouidence of Aimightie God, the Boat was
preserued from being swallowed vp of the Sea. In the
end, wee got againe among the Hands ; and so, about
noone, wee came to our ships.^

The fift day, some of our men went on Land among
the Mountaincs, where they did see reine Deere.

The sixt day, I, casting about, stood into the shoare
South-east, till wee had brought Ramels Foord East
and by North off vs, bearing roome^ for the .same Foord.
There goeth a very hollow Sea betweene the Hands
of the Kings Foord and Ramels Foord. The winde

Fjords.- Outside these two inlets, the islands cluster very thickly,
forming a regular " Skjccrgaard"^ as it is called in Norway.

' That is to say, they set out at 3 o'clock in order to return.

'^ The wind was southerly, right in their teeth, and it appears that
they sailed westwards, along the coast, which projects considerably, as
far as the promontory formed by the Kangarsuk mountain, in the hope
of being able to tack home in the open sea ; but, when they came
outside the islands, three leagues to the N. of Queen .Sophia's Cape,
they found it so rough that they were fain to seek the shelter of the
islands again and had to row back to their ships. Another excursion,
in which Hall does not seem to have taken part, was made after their
return, as recorded by Bruun, whose entries for these days are the
following : —

" On the 3rd, we came back. On the same day. Master Hall and
Phillip, the lieutenant, went into another harbour to explore.

" On the 4th they returned ; on the same day, the Admiral and I went
into another harbour to explore the country, and saw on that occasion
a boat so large that 20 men might sit in it, and with it other imple-
ments such as are used in those parts, and we found two tents there."

3 See p. 38, n.

DANISH i:\PKniTION OF 1606.

[all and

h I went

Occasion

|r imple-

there."

being somewhat still, wee towed on head with our
Hoats till wee came thwart of a Bay, in which I was in
the Fn'ns Boat, which I named Fos Hay, after the name
of Philip de Fos, Pilot of the Urin. But the Admirals
wilfulncsse was such that I could by no meanes counsaile
him therein, though night were at hand, but hee would
goc vp the Foord till wee came on the starboord side
of the Foord, to sixe and twentie fathomes, sandie ground.
The Vrin let fall anchor by vs ; but, the winde comming
off the Land (our Captaine and Companie being so
obstinate and willfuU that I could by no meanes get them
to worke after my will), the ship draue into the mid-foord,
where wee could haue no ground at an hundred fathoms,
till the Tyde of flood ca»"ne, when the flood set the ship to
the shoare ; but I, laying out a Cage-anchor,' got the ship
off and, setting our forcsaile, stood for another roade vp the
Riuer.'^

The eight day, about foure in the morning, wee came to
an anchor in twentie fathomes, sandie ground, hauing very
fairc shoalding within vs. About noone, the Urin came
and anchored by vs.-' It floweth in this Riuer South-east

* A " kcdgc-anchor' was a small anclior, capable of bcinj,' carried in
a boat for such purposes as that here mentioned.

■^ Kos I5ay we identify with Ikertok. Hruun (who has no entry for
the 5th) relates the incident of the sixth in the following manner : —

"On the 6th, towards e\eninj(, we left that harbour with 7>ym7 and
Orncii and came the same evening in another harbour ; in the same
night, Trost drifted away from us about a mile further u|) the harbour,
dragging both cable and anchor ''

■' According to l?ruun, this ha|)pencd on the 7th. In his Journal it
is stated, in continuation of the above : " On the 7th, we weighed
anchor and sailed up the river to where Trost was lying." As Hruun
was Captain of Omen, he cannot l)e supposed to have made a mistake
in this respect ; nor is it likely that he would have waited more than a
whole day before joining the Admiral. As there is no mention of the
7th in Hall's account, as it stands in Purchas, "eight" may very well
be supposed to have been substituted by the abbreviator for 7th, as
it probably was in Hall's own MS.

I I

EXI^EDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612.

and North-west, and it standcth in the latitude of 66
degrees and 25 minutes.*

The ninth, in the morning, our Captaine, with the
Captaine of the [/rm, went with their Boates vp the
Riuer, where they did come to see their winter houses,'-^
which were builded with Whales bones, the balkcs being
of Whale's ribbes, and the tops were couered \\ ith earth,
and they had certaine Vaults or Sellers vnder the earth
foure square, about two yards deepe in the ground. These
houses were in number about some fortie.^ They found
also certaine Graues made vp of stones ouer the dead
bodies of their people, the carkasses being wrappet in
Seales skins, and the stones laid in manner of a Coffin
ouer them.

This day, in this place, we set a man on Land, which
had serued our Captaine the yeere before ; which, for
a certaine fault committed by him, our Captaine left
behinde in the Countrie. About noone, our men came
aboord againe ; and, after Dinner, some of the people came
vnto vs, of whom we caught fine,* with their Boates, and
stowed them in our ships, to bring them into Denmarke^

* This figure for the latitude of Fos Kay can scarcely be the one
given by Hall, as he always places King Christian's Fjord, which is
farther south, in 66" 30'. As this bay was not explored on the first
voyage, it is not put down on Hall's map. Where so many in-
accuracies seem to occur, one becomes suspicious ; and, even
apart from that, it seems strange that the tide in the Ikertok
should flow S.E. and N.W., seeing that its main direction is S.W.
and N.E.

^ The houses of the natives are, of course, meant.

^ Purchas here inserts in a side-note : "A town found ten leagues
up the river", the distance being no doubt obtained from Hall's un-
abridged M.S.

* See the Introduction for a notice of the subsequent history of these
Greenlanders in Denmark.

'' Mr. Markham states {Voyages of Baffin, p. 28, note) that: " In the
curious old Schiffer-Gesellschu/i at Lubeck, there is an old Kayak,

DANISM EXPEDITION OK 1606.

to cnforme our selucs better, by their meenes, of the
state of their Countrie of Groinclaud, which, in their owne
lan^uaj^e, they call Sccauunga, and say that, vp within the
Land, they hauc a great King, which is carried vpon mens
shoulders.^

The tenth of August, in the morning, the winde being
at East South-east, we weighed and came forth of Rotiibcs
Foord ;'' but, being come forth to Sea amongst the Hands,
the winde came vp to the South-west and by South, the
Sea going maruellous high, we lying West and West and
\jy North to Sea, doubling certaine Hands and Rocks;
where the Sea going so wonderfull high had set vs vpon
the Rocks, where we had all dyed, if God, of his mercy, at
that instant when wee saw nothing before our eyes but
present death, had not sent vs a great gale of winde at

hanginj^ from the beams, which appears, from the inscription, to have
been l>r()Ught to Europe l)y the Danish Expedition of 1607." As, how-
ever, that Expedition never landed at all (see Introduction), the Kayak
in question is probably one of those here alluded to.

' Hruun has no entry for the 8th. " On the 9th", says he, " the
Admiral and I, with some of our men, proceeded further up the
harbour, in order to explore the country, which we did ; and
we saw their houses and how they bury each other, and returned
on the same day to the ship. On the same day, we took five Green-
landers by force into Orncn." Lyschander mentions the setting on
shore of the young man, who (he says) was at once torn to pieces by
thenatives.

- From the preceding, it is clear that they were not anchored in
Rammel's (Amerdlok) Fjord, but in another close by, which can scarcely
have been any other than Ikertok. When, nevertheless, Hall says that
on setting out on their return journey they came out of Rammels Fjoril
this may be explained in more than one way. The two fjords being
connected by a sound, they may have sailed through this into Amerdlok
Fjord ; or they may have kept inside the small islands on issuing
from Ikertok so far as to enter Rammers Fjord, from which they may
then have sailed out into the open sea ; or, finally, Hall may have used
" Rammel's Fjord" of the whole group of fjords between Holsteinborg
and Itivdlek, which are all connected and may be considered as
one bay partly filled up by islands.

'jenanMBaM

KXPF.niTIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612.

South South-west,' whereby wee lay West North-west
away, with a flawne shcat ;- wee, doubling of the Hands
and Rocks, were forced to goe betweene certaine little
Hands which lye off Queene Sop/itas Cape, fourc leagues
into the Sea ; the which Hands, I named the yecre before
Knights I lands, after the name of lolin Knight?' So, hauing
passed these Hands, not without great danger, wee found
betweene them many blindc Rocks, and being clccre in
the Sea.*

The thirteenth, at noone, we were in the latitude of

* That they may have been in great danger of being cast on the
lee shore in issuing from Anicrdlok Fjord with a strong wind from
S.W. by S. is easily understood, but not how they could have been
saved by a g.ilc of S.S.W. wind, unless it be that at the critical moment
they had almost reached the corner where the coast turns northerly
towards Queen Sophia's Cape, so that a change of only a point in the
direction of the wind sufficed for them to shoot clear of it.

- The term "a flowing sheet" is used when the sheets or clues of
the principal sails are eased off so that the sails receive the wind more
perpendicularly than when they are close-hauled, as when the wind
is nearly at right-angles with the ship's course.

^ The name of Knight's Islands is often used of the whole
" Skjcrri^iKinr of small rocky islands to the \V. of Holsteinborg, wliich
is also called in Danish Holsteinborg Rev ; but it applies properly only
to the Kagsit Islands, which lie farthest to sea, very nearly at the
distance here indicated by Hall. Knight's Islands are marked on
Hall's general map (IVV).

^ Here the full stop is placed in the middle of an unfinished sentence,
another instance of the rough manner in which Hall's text has been
cut to pieces. In the portion cut out, referring to the loth, i ith, and
1 2th of August, Hall most likely mentioned the circumstances that
only lYost succeeded in getting to sea, in consequence of which she had
to wait for her consort until the 12th or 13th. Lyschander mentions
the fact, and appears to attribute it to Lindenow's superior seamanship.
Bruun's entries are as follows : " On the loth we weighed anchor and
set sail, but when we came to the outermost rocks, the wind came up
straight in our eyes, so that we were compelled to turn back into the
harbour, but Trost came out to sea that same day." For the i ith, he
has no entry, but he must have been lying in the fjord windbound.
" On the 1 2th", he continues, " God helped us with a good wind, and

DANISH r.XPKDITION OF 1606.

Up.
nd
up

Ihe

|he
id.
Ind

66 degrees 50 minutes, being off Cape Sop/iia, West and
by North halfe westerly, about sixteene leagues.'

The eighteenth, about foure in the morning, \vc got
cleere off the Ice,- steering South and by West away, it
being very thicke weather till noonc, when it cleercd vp ;
at which tijne, wee saw the shoare rising like Hands, being
very high and stretching South and by East and North
and by West, about foure and twentic leagues, the shoare
being beset all full with Ice, so that, in that place, it is
impossible for any ship to come into the shoare. Also, of
the Southermost of these two Capes,'* lay such a great
banke of Ice, stretching into the Sea, that wee were forced
to lye West and by North to double the same.

All this afternoonc, wee were almost compast with Ice,
we bearing to the same, the winde comming vp to the
East South-cast ; we, standing South to the Ice, were forced
to loose for one Hand, and to bcare roomr for another till
about foure a clocke, when, by Gods hclpe, wcc got cleere
off the same ; the winde comming vp to the luth-east and

as soon as it was day we weiglicd anchor and came out of the hailjour
and afterwards stood to sea. On tlie same day, we saw the first
ice."

' Hruun's entry for this day is only the following : " On the 13th, we
sailed out of sight of Greenland." Probably on that day the two
vessels, having met, started off together on a westerly course, in the
hope of finding clear water in the middle of Davis .Strait.

- As nothing has been said before in Hall's account, as it stands in
Purchas, about troubles by ice (though Bruun mentions that ice
was seen already on the 12th), it may be inferred that something
has been left out referring to the intervening five days. liruun's
Journal also fails here, because his only entry between the 13th
and the 26th is this : " On the 16th, one of my (ireenlanders jumped
overboard."

^ This expression also proves the abbreviator's carelessness, no " two
capes" having been mentioned before in what we read in Purchas.
Probably the capes of Queen Sophia and Queen Anne are meant, as
they had evidently as yet made very little progress.

;

i\ i

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612.

by South, wee lay South-west and by South of all this
night.

The two and twentieth, thicke weather, the winde as
before. This morning, about .seucn a clocke, wee saw a
saile West and by South of vs, we standing to him, for it
was our Vice admirall the Liofi, who had beene greatly
troubled with the Ice, wee being glad to rneetc one another
againe.^

The eight and twentieth, about foure in the morning,
the storme ceased,- the winde comming vp to the West
South-west. About three a clocke, wee set our sailes,
standing South-east away. But, being vnder saile, we
epyed great bankes and Hands of Ice to leeward of vs,
lying off East '"id by South ; which Ice I did iudge to lye

' It will have been observed that no mention has been made, eitiicr
by Hall or by Hniun, of Lbvcn or Gillibrattdt since the 24th of June ;
and, as there is no account of their having reached land at all, it seems
that they never succeeded in doing so, but spent the time in vain
attempts to get through the ice in a more southerly latitude. Uruun
does not mention their meeting again with Lihieii, but he records their
meeting with Gilliliraiidt, \w\i\ch is not mentioned in Hall's account as
we have it in Purchas. " On the 26th," says Bruun, " Gillibrandt a.x\A
Ornen cam': together. On the same day, we saw Greenland ag.iin."'
As he expre.isly says that Omen fell in with Gillibrandt^ it seems that
the squadron had been rather scattered. Very likely, however, that
may have been on purpose, as they would naturally look for the
missing vessel, anci this latter circumstance may — though it is not
mentioned — in some measure account for their having spent 16 days
(is it appears they did) in coming down from the neighbourhood of
Holiteinborg to the southern extremity of (ireenland.

- No storm having been mentioned before, this passage proves that
the gap here observable between the 22nd and the 28th is caused by
the abbreviation of Hall's narrative. liruun docs not mention it
either, but says in his next entry after the 26th : " On the .30th, dui ing
tlie night, in a great storm, we were separated from GillibrandtP
There is no mention of her joining them again, but she probably did
so, as she is known to have come home, and there is no mention of
her returning alone.

DANISH EXPEDITION OF 1606.

that
by

off Cape Desolation} about eight leagues off; the which, by
reason of the fogge, we could not see.

The nine and twentieth, about sixe in the morning,
the winde came vp to the North-cast and by North ; we
making saile, went South South-cast away till noonc with
a stiffe gale, wcc seeing in the morning pieces of drift Ice
to windward of vs ; hauing at noonc a shrinke-of the same,
I found vs in the latitude of 59 degrees 46 minutes, hauing
from noone to noone made a South-cast and by South way
eight leagues.

The one and thirtieth, the winde continuing, wee holding
still cur course, with the winde still at North North-west,
with faire and cleere weather, it blowing very much, so
that wee stood away vnder a couple of courses low set, the
Sea very much growne, being in the latitude of 59 degrees
10 minutes, hauing made an East South-east way some-
what Easterly foure and thirtie leagues. This aftcrnoone,
after my obseruation, wee saw some Hands of Ice, with
some drift Ice, I something maruelling of the same, know-
ing, both by my account and my noones obseruation, that
wee were shot too farre from any part of Groinland that
was described in the Marine Chart ; for the southermost
part described therein is not in the latitude of 60 degrees,"'
and we being now in the latitude of 59 degrees ten minutes,
Cape Desolation bearing West North-west halfe Northerly,
about sixtie foure leagues, and Cape Christian (which was
the next known part of Groenhmd) North-west and by
West westerly, eight and thirtie leagues ; so, holding our
course East South-east away, about foure a clocke, we had
sight of Land, being very high Land, it lying alongst East

,';

' 1 I

Id id
of

1 See p. 7, note. ^ See p. 55, note.

3 The meaning of this would seem to be that no part of Greenland
reaches so far south as 60° ; but he himself placed Cape Christian in
59° 50', so there is clearly some confusion.

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612.

< 'i

South-east, about sixteene leagues ; the westermost part
seemed cither to fall away East North-east, and the
southermost point bearing East northerly fell away East
and by North. This Land is very high, hauing the Hills
couercd with snow, the shoare being very thicke with Ice.
This place, because I knew not whether it was of the Mayne
or an Hand, I named Frost Handy after the name of the
ship.^

The first of September, at noone, I made obseruation
and found vs in the latitude of 58 degrees, hauing made a
South-cast and by South way southerly sixe and twentie
leagues. This day, at noone, I directed my course East
and by South. This afternoone, about sixe a clocke, it fell
calme, and so continued all the night following. This
cucning, I found the variation 10 degrees 50 minutes
Northwcsting.

The fourth day, the winde at East and by South, we
lying South and by East, having a shrinke of the sunnc- at
about noone, I did suppose vs in the latitude of 57 degrees
20 minutes, hauing made a South-east and by South way
southerly about ten leagues. All this day and the night
following, we lay as before.

The eight day, faire weather, the winde as before, it

1 This passage is curious. No land lies in the direction indicated.
What Hall saw must have been a cluster of icebergs and fog-banks.
Luke Foxc, in 1635, expressed his belief that the land Hall saw (or
thought he saw) nuist have been that he had pre\ iously named Cape
Christian (see North-Wcst Fox,"^. 57, and Miller Christy's Voyages
of Foxc and Jaiiu's, p. 95). It is strange, too, that Hall should ha\e
called it Trost Island, as he had previously bestowed that name on
a locality in Greenland, and alluded to it under that name in the
preceding account (see p. 47).

- Hall elsewhere has spoken of a "shrinke of the wind" (see
pp. 52 and 75), and of a "shrinke of the land" (see p. 55). The mean-
ing here evidently is that the sun became clouded over about noon, so
that he could not get his usual midday observation, but had to be
content with making a guess, as may be inferred from what follows.

dajsish expedition of 1606.

\ay

Jht

b. it

ape

ages

lave

the

being almost calme, wee going away as before, being at
noone in the latitude of 58 degrees 36 minutes, hauing
made an East North-east way northerly t wen tie leagues,
by reason of the great southerly Sea. All this aftcrnoone
and the night following, it was for the most part calme.
This euening, I found the Compasse varied about two
degrees 45 minutes northwesting.

The ninth day, also, fairc weather, the windc southerlye,
a fresh gale, our course .still East, being at noone in the
latitude of 58 degrees 40 minutes, our way East and by
North-easterly twelue leagues. This afternoonc, the winde
came vp to the South, or South and by East, with raine.
This night, about midnight, thickc weather, with raine,
the winde comming to the South-east, we lying East
North-east and North-east and by East with the
stemme.

The tenth day, about two in the morning, the windc
came vp to the South South-west, wee steering our course
East, being at noone in the latitude of 59 degrees 10
minutes, hauing made an East and by North way easterly
foure and fortie leagues, wee hauing a fresh gale westerly.
This day wee saw one of the Fowlc the which are, on
the Hand of Bas in Scotland, called Bas Geese} This
euening, I found the variation i degree 4 minutes north-
easting.

The eighteenth, this forcnoonc, about nine a clockc, wee
espyed land, rising somewhat ragged, the Eastcrmost
point of the same bearing South-east and by South, and
the Wcstermo.st part South and by West, about eight
leagues. These Hands, by my account and obscruation.

(see

::aii-

, so

1 The Gannet or Solan Goose {Stiln bassa/ia) is still sometimes
called the Bass (ioose, from the fact that a very large colony breeds
on the Bass Rock, in the Firth of Forth, whence also its scientific
name.

[ :

■

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612.

I found to be the Hands of Fern's,^ being at noone in the
obseruation of 62 degrees 5 minutes.

The nineteenth, I set a little Rocke, called the Monke^
which lyeth off to the South-east end (it being about
fiuc a clocke), East South-east of vs, three leagues off.
This night, about ten a clocke, it fell calme.

The twentieth, wee did see the streame had set vs to the
Northwards. This streame sctteth vndcr the Hands of
Farre'^ next hand. East and West. So, casting about, wee
stood to the westwards, lying West South-west, and some-
times West and by South, and sometimes South-west, it
being very raynie weather.* About midnight, it fell calme
and so continued all night vnto the morning.''

• The F;i:io group. IJy analogy with the Fioni near the coast of
.Scotland, which is called in English Fair Isle, the group in question
ought to be called Fair Isles.

-' The Monk is the southernmost islet of the F;cro group.
' The F;ero grou]) again.

•• Apparently "west" has been five times substituted for "cast" in
this sentence, through a printer's error.

■' For the filling up of this gap, we have the following entries in
Bruun's Journal, the only ones for the month of September : —

" On the i6th, died my cook, by name Niels.

"On the 21st, in the morning, we saw two or three islands sur-
rounded by the sea, called Rona.

"On the 26th we saw in the morning early Fule, and immediately
afterwards the S. end of Hetland ; the same day wc sailed in the
midst between Hetland and ?";vro, and towards night we sailed out of
sight of them.

" On the 27th, died one of my sailors, called .\nders Jonsson.

" On the 29th, we had sight of Norway, and were outside Ingrtn, six
miles N. of Lindesnaes.

"On the 30th, we first saw Jutland."

The islands called Rona are two small islets, Rcna and Harra, N. of
the Hebrides ; Fule is Foula ; "Ingren"is probably meant for Ekerii,
outside the town of Ekersund, though that is rather farther from
Lindisness than stated, even if Norwegian miles are meant. There
is now in the district no place named Ingren.

DANISH EXPEDITION OF 1606.

The first of October, in the afternoone, about foure
of the clockc, we had sight of The Holmes} The second
day, wee steered away South-east and by South and South
South-east for TJie Col ;^ and, about eight of the clocke
this night, wee came into Tiirco;^ where wee rode all the
day following. The third day, at night, the winde came
to the North-east ; so wee weighed and came into Elsi:uor
Road. The fourth day, by the prouidence of God, we
arrived in our desired Port of Copen Hauen, \6o6}

iur-

blX

|I(),

nil

* The Holmes may be Erteholmene, at the entrance of the
Kattej^at, a short distance inside the Scaw. IJiuun says : "October.
On the 1st, we first had sij,dit of Norway again", which would imply
that they were tacking, as they would otherwise not have coine near
Norway again ; and, if they did so very early, they might, going south-
wards, have sighted Erteholmene in the afternoon. At the same time,
the vessels may ha\c become separated during the last few da)s of
the voyage.

2 The Col means Kullen, which (being about 615 ft. high and
isolated) is a landmark widely seen (see p. 55).

^ Turco is probably Torckow, a place on the N . side of the entrance
of Skeldeiviken, a bay just N. of Kullen, where they might find an
anchorage.

^ Uruun's Journal here differs somewhat from Hall's account, being
to this effect : "On the second, we had sight of Skaane : the same
night we anchored at Elsenore." Skaane is the province in which
Kullen is situated ; but Torckow is some 30 miles from Elsenore,
which is not even visible from there. As neither Hall nor Hruun can
be supposed to have made a mistake on this point, the explanation is
no doubt this : that Bruun managed to reach the roadstead of Else-
nore that night, but that the other vessels were embayed behind
Kullen and obliged or preferred to stop and wait for a ( liangc of wind
at Torckow, whither they would not otherwise have gone. Bruun
then waited at Elsenore for the others to come up. " On the fourth",
" we sailed from Elsenore, and the same day we anchored

he says, we sailed
before Copenhagen.

I i

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612

The sciierall burthens and numbers of men employed in the
ships of the Fleet aforesaid were as followctli} : —

The Trust, being Admirall, was of sixtie tunnes, had
eight and fortie men. The Lion, Vice-admirall, was of
seuentie tunnes, had eight and fortie men. The Vrin,
or Eagle, Reare-admirall, of one hundred tunnes, had
fiftie men. The Gillifloiure was of fortie tunnes, had
sixteene men. The Pinnasse called the Cat, was of
twcntie tunnes, had twelue men. Brcdaransics Foord is
most northerly.- Cunninghams Foord is next, in si.xtie
seuen degrees and odde minutes. The Foord wherein
they saw the Towne ten leagues up the same, is two
leagues^ to the South of Cunninghams Foord. The Kings
Foord is in sixtie sixe degrees and an halfe.

William Htintris, of Stowborow, in Yorke-'^xxo., is Master

' As we have already explained in the Introduction, this note was
probably not penned by Hall, but by I'urchas. At the same time, the
facts mentioned have no doubt been culled from Hall's unabbreviated
narrative, though, as it appears, without much care.

- This reference to Hrade Hanson's Fjord is very remarkable, because
it is mentioned nowhere in Hall's accounts of his voyages, though it is
shown on his maps, it having been visited by him on his expedition in
the pinnace in 1605 (see pp. 12 and 38). One of two things must be the
case : either Hall's unabbreviated narrative must ha\e contained some
reference to this fjord, or else Purchas (or whoever made the ab-
breviation and penned this note) must have had the maps before
him. The first is most improbable, considering the close agreement
between the " Report to the King" and Hall's account of the first
voyage, especially with regard to the omission of all information re-
lating to that expedition. It seems, therefore, to follow that the
writer of this note must have had the maps (see Introduction).

' This is of course erroneous. Most likely the statement here re-
produced was to the effect that the distance was 12 leagues, which is
the distance given by Haflfin (see post) between Cunningham Fjord
and Ramels Fjord, which is close to Fos Bay.

DANISH EXPEDITION OK 1606.

luse
; is
in
the
)nie
ab-
Ifore
licnt
Ifirst
re-
Ithe

Hall his man, and is allowed thirtic pound by the yccrc of
the King oi Dcnmarke for his skill in Nauigation.'

' According to Mr. Clements R. '\\-i\.x\^\a\\\ {Voyai^cs of Willi, vii
lhiffi)u p. 27//), Stowbnrow is most likely an error for Scarborouj^h.
The present tense " is\ is rather remarkable, and seems to ha\ e been
carried bodily over from the document from which the statement is
quoted. Nothing is known from any other source about this grant to
Huntriss. The matter is in itself unlikely, and the sum is so lar>je for
that time (being the average pay of a captain) that there must be
some mistake. Perhaps on some occasion when Huntriss exhibited
his dexterity in handling a boat, or something similar, the King may
have given him a gratuity of 30 Kix dollars.

I Tlir brief reference to the third Danish Expedition lo ihwnland
ill 1607, which is found follounn:^ the account of the Second l'oyo\;e
in i6oh in '' J'urchas his Pif^rinies" {vol. iii.^ />. .S27), has heen
reproduced and discussed in the Introduction. \

VI'

re-

|h is
ird

An Accoti7it of the Rnglish Expedition

to Grccnlmui. miik'r tlic Connnand of

Captain James Hall, in 1612.^

Jiv JOHN GATONlilC, Ouartkk.mastkr.'

[Froin ChunhilPs CoM.iXTiON ok Vovac.kh and Travels, vol. vi
{London, 1732), pp. 241-251.]

A Voyage into the North- West Passage, undertaken

in tlie year i6i2,'*

By the Mcrchant.s Adventurers of London,

Sir Geor<^e Lancaster,* Sir Thomas Smith, '

Mr. l^all,'- Mr. Cockcn,^ and Mr James I lull,

being Venturer until them, and General

of both the ships.

To the Right Worship/nil 6ir CllRlSTOriiEk
HiLYEARU.S, Knt.^

John Gatonbe ivishethe in this life the contynvance 01
health and prosper itie, loith great increase of worship,
and everlasting felicitic in Christ our Saviour:^

PURi'DsiNC icith inyselfe to present this jovrnall, or trains-
book, to yon, whieh ts vssally kept of seafiyringc men and
mariners, in their navigation of long voyagies and unknoivne

' We have allowed this (the usually accepted) date to stand
throu,L;li()ut. although we have, in the Introduction, given reasons for
believing that the \()yage really was made in the year 1613.

-' ("latonhe (of whom a notice will be found in the Introduction)
held the post of '^Quartermaster on board the Patience ; but, after

ENGLISH KXI'KDITION OF l6l2.

covntrycs ; and having been lett^^ thes tzvo jrares, being
travelling vpon the sea to niayntayne my poore estat of ivije

tand
for

lion)
lifter

Hall's death, he became master's m;ite of the Hcarfs Ease. As
stated in the Introduction, we have omitted the map accompanying
Gatonbe's narrative.

•' This is the heading in Churchill's I'oyagcs. it may be attributed
either to (iatonbc (1615), or to the Editor (1732). The voyage had no
connection with the search for a North-west Passage, as we now under-
stand the term. Its object was to make search in Greenland for mineral
ores and other native wealth (see Introduction). It may be the heading
is Gatonbe's, and that he considered Davis Strait (to which the voyage
was made) to be a North-west Passage — or, rather, the commence-
ment of one : otherwise the heading is meaningless and incorrect.

■• Sir James (w^/Sir (ieorge) Lancaster commanded the first voyage
of the East India Company, and was knighted on his return in 1603.
He died unmarried in 1618. For further information concerning him,
see Mr. Clements R. Markham's Voyages of Sir Jaiiies Lancaster
(Hakluyt Society, 1877), and his Voyages of William Baffin (Hakluyt
Society, 1881).

'■ Sir Thomas Smith, the leading merchant prince of his day, was
the first Governor of the East India Company, and an active member
of most of the great foreign chartered trading com|)anics of the time.
He died in 1625. A good account of him is to be found in Mr. Mark-
ham's Voyage of William Baffin^ pp. i-ix.

" Richard liall, an eminent London merchant, who did much to
extend both commerce and geographical knowledge, died about 1620.
A notice of him is given in Mr. Markham's Voyages of William
Baffin, p. 3.

" Alderman William Cockayne (or Cocken), of London, another
eminent and wealthy merchant, was Lord Mayor in 1619-20. He
was one of the first "Committees" (or Directors) of the East
India Company, and "Richard Cockain and Co." contributed the
largest single amount sul^scribed on behalf of the first voyage of that
Company. Kundall says (l)ul on what authority we know not) that
Alderman Cockayne had been the prime mover in the sending out of
Hall (Voyages towards tlie North-West, p. 91). He died in 1626. A
sketch of his life is also given by Mr. Markham.

** Sir Christopher Hildyard(()r Hilyeards), of Wmesteatl, near Hull,
was a member of an ancient and well-known East Riding family, long
seated in Holderness. He became a Member of Parliament, and died
in 1634. A notice of him will be found in Mr. Markham's work above-
mentioned. He does not appear to have been an "adventurer" in the
voyage.

!-• 2

\\\

«4

KXI'F.DnrON'S TO (iUKi;M.AM>. iTxDj l6l2.

^/;/^ children ; and, this i^'intcr, beiiti^ at home, and reiiiein-
In-iu}:; the nianyfold cvrtesies shelved by you to my amiente
father, Nicholas (iatonbc, I thou}:;ht good this simple labour,
such as it is, to offer vuto you, right ivorshipful, desiring
yon to accept it, as a gift that procedcth from such a one
who hartily wishcth you xcell, and ivould, if ability sensed,
present you ivith a better, seeing and knowing your 'worship
and your ancesters have been alzcayes 7vell- wishers to this
to'wne and the inhabitants of the same ; wherefor I intreat
your worship to pen'se it over.

And, First, you shall see the setting out of our voyage,
ivhat adventures we had with our generall.

Secondly. J'he tyin of our saylling.

Thirdly. Our travis upon the sea, with the windes and
iveythcr we had.

Fourthly. The height of the poll observed.

Fifthly. J he ice ice say lied by, with the coldnes of the
aire.

Sixthl}'. The barrenness of the country, with huge mouii-
tayns lying full of snoiu.

Seventhly. The nature and conditions of the inhabitants
and salvages of the same.

Eighthly. 'The (hinges we bought of them for old iron,
with that lohich happened vnto vs in the countryc.

Lastly. Of our returne homexvard and our safe arrivall.

I hvs, craving both pardon for my boldnes, and also re-

■' {/•'roin p. 82.; To this dedication, tlie editor of the sixth volume of
Chiiichiil's Voyagcsd/ui 7>^?7v/.vappends tlie following note: — "We have
preserved the spelling of this dedication as a specimen of the ortho-
graphy of the time ; but we thought it proper, for the sake of the
generality of our readers, to accommodate the spelling of the piece
itself to the modern way, especially as there was no method observed
by the writer."

'" {From p. 83.) This old term (meaning, of course, "hindered" or
" jjrevented") is now seldom used except in legal phra^.eology.

|;N(.I,IMI l-.XI'KDITION Ul- |6|2.

(jiu'stiHi^ your favorable acceptiu}:; of uiy siiii/^/e travel/, /
cease from further troiibliiii:; your worship i^'ith my ruiUies.
prayiuo; (iode to inriche you 'u'ifh the plenty full increase of
the gifts of his spirt te.

From the poore house of

John Gatonbe, this 25///

day of Februarie, 1615.

re-

e of
lave
;h()-

the
iece

ved

III"", loth of .///v/, bcino; (iood Fridaw
\\c haled both our ships into //////
road, the one being of the burden of
140 tons, called the Patience, wii beinii
40 men and boys in her ; the other of
60 tons, called the Hearfs-F.ase, con-
tainint; 20 men and boys. This day, we cross'd both our
yards and entred into pay, makinfr fit to take the first wind
to sail withal.

Monday, April 20, we set sail in Hull road, the wind at
E.S.E., and bore clown to Cleeness^ and .anchor'd ; and,
towards nij^ht, the wind came to the X.E., and so wc
return'd into Pan f^ road a<j[ain this night, beini,^ much wind.

21. This day, the wind came to S.S.W., and so at night
we went over and rode at the Ness, our pinnace being
about business at the town.

22. This day, being Wednesday, we weigh'd and .set
sail, the wind at S.S.W., and came out of /lumber at
12 o'clock at noon, going our course X. and by VV.

23. This day, the wind southerly, we going the same

' Cleeness is on the Lincolnshire coast, near (ireat ("irini'il)y, and
in tlie parish of Clee.

- I'aul Koad was no doubt that part of the Hinnber opposite ilie
Parish of Paiill, or I'aghill, five miles S.F'. from Hull, and on the
Northern, or Yorkshire, shore,

*' ■:

! '

KXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1^)05-1612.

course, being seven leapfues off W/iithy at noon ; md, at
six o'clock at nifjht, we were 9 leagues of HuncHfe} it
bearing from us S.S.VV., we sailing N.N.W.

24. This day, the wind at E.S.E. and very fair woather,
we being some 12 leagues off Stabs-Jicad} it bearing
W.S.W. from us. At noon we observ'd the sun, and found
the altitude of the pole to be 56" 1 2'.

25. This day, the wind at S.E., we sailing N.N.W. ; and,
at 9 o'clock in the morning, we .spake with nortli-sea
fishermen, and had fresh fish of them, they belonging
to Yarjitouth, being from Bohomuess-^ W.S.W., 9 leagues
off, the pole being rais'd 58 30'.

26. This day, being Sunday, the wind southerly, we
sail'd betwixt Orkney and Fair lie and Fonllay, leaving
the islands and Shetland o^ owx starboard side, at 3 o'clock
in the morning ; and at 6 o'clock we sail'd W. and by N.
to the sea, Fouilay bearing from us N.E., 5 leagues off;
and at noon the wind came .southerly, we sailing then W^
This day, at night, the wind came contrary, to the S.W.,
we sailing to the northward N.W.

F.iir-Isli! flu-.K'cth thus 2 /rai^ucs off'.

P'oullay shcweth thus j Icagtica off.

After wc parted from these two Islands, we had sight of no other land till we
fame to sight of (ireenl.ind.

27. This day, wc had much wind at N.W., being forc'd
to take in our topsails for our vice-admiral, she being
a-stern of us, we sailing W.N.W. ; and, at four o'clock at
night, we tack'd about to the southward, we sailing S.W.
and by S., the wind coming to the W. and by S.

28. This da)' the wind came to the N.W. with cloudy

» Huntcliff, near Redcar. 2 St. Abb's Head.

3 Bucban Ness, the most easterly point of Aberdeenshire.

KNCMSII KXI'I'DFTION OK 1612.

weather. This clay, at C> o'clock in the morning, \vc tack'd
about to the southward, sailing VV.S.VV. ; and at noon we
did observe the sun, and found the altitude of the pole
to be 59 47'.

29. This day, the wind at N.W., we standing to the
southward W.S.VV., being thick haz)- weather.

30. This da)', calm and misty from 12 o'clock to C) f)'cIock
in the morning ; then the wind came to the S.W., we sail-
ing all the da\' after W. and by N.

Afajf I, being Iniday, the wind at W.S.VV'., we sailing to
the northward, N.W. and by N., being misty and much
wind ; and at noon it cleared up, and we did observe the
sun, and found the pole rais'd 61 31', we tacking about to
the .southward, wending S. and bj- W., having fair w ealher ;
and at 8 o'clock at night we tackVl about and stood to the
northward, wending N.N.W.

2. This day, stormy weather, with the wind at S.W. and
by W., being misty and rain, we standing to the northward
N.W. and by W. ; and at 10 o'clock it fell little wind and
calm ; and the wind ran to the N.E., we sailing our course
W., having a fresh gale of wind at noon.

3. This day we had fair weather, the wind at E S.l*^.,
we sailing W. This day we did observe the .sun, and found
the pole to be rais'd 61 46'; and at 4 o'clock at night the
wind came contrary, being westerly, we standing to the
northward N.N.W. ; and at 6 o'clock we stood to the
southward again.

4. This day, the u ind at N.W., wc sailing W.S.W. ; and

it 5 o'clock our vice-admiral sprung her fore-mast, whereby

-he was forc'd to take in her top-sails and fore-sails ; and

so did wc in the admiral, till such time as they had fish'd

it and made it strong.^ This day, at noon, wc tlid ob.serve

! 1
I

V <

1 To "

applyin

: .1 spar which has been sprung is to strengthen it by
it " fishes", or flat pieces of wood, which are placed on

' ' ;;

■ !'

t i; ;

KXI'KDITIONS TO (iRKKN LAN D, 1^05- iTw 2.

the sun, and found the pole rais'd 6\ 8', the wind bein^
come to N.N.I''., we sailing our course \V.

5. This day, the wintl came to W. and b\- S., and bej^an
to blow, we statiding to the northward NAV. and by N.

6. This day, the wind at VV. ; and at 6 o'clock in the
morning the wind came to N. and by W. ; and so we steer
hence W., the altitude of the pole being 61 36'.

7. This day, the wind at N.W. and by N., we sailing W.
and by S. ; and at 2 o'clock in the afternoon it came up to
the N.K., being cloudy and thick, which turn'd to much
rain, we sailing our course west.

S. This day, much wind and rain iu 1\.N.E., we sailing
W. : and at noon we hatl fair weather, the wind being come
to the N. This day we hoped to .see Friesland} yet did not.

9. This day,the wind at N.N.E., stormy weather, we sailing
our course W. ; and at noon it grew fair, and we observ'd the
sun and found the altitude of the pole to "oe 59 51'. This
da\' our master found by his instrument the compass varied
I 5 . to the westward of the north, the occasion we had no
sight of /•>/V.v/(^/w/,^sailing to the southward .some 1 2 leagues ;
so that for our west course we ke|)t, we had made but a W.
and b\- S. way ; yet I supptKse it to be the cin*rcnt which
doth set to the southwestward, and .so doth set from the
westermost part of Fn'fs/fru,/ mto the N.W. Passage.-

each side of it ami sfcmi'd 1)\ Ix-iiij; " wH/uldcd", or wound round and
round with piett-s of ropt>.

' The existence of Krisland (an inia-^inarx- island taken from the
Zeno Chart and sliown on most of the .\tlantie Charts of the periods
was, of course, fully believed in by Hail and his contemporaries.

- As regards this current, those who are acquainted with the
accounts of voyages to the North of .America in the early part of the
sixteenth century are well aware that, in estimating the probability of
the existence of a North-west passage, or the neighl)ourhood in which
it woukl be found, the navigators and g( ographers of that time were
mainly intluenceil by consideration of the currents of the sea and the
set of the tiilis. in i6r2, many believed tliat the pa>sagc ])racticall\

FN(;l,ISII IXPF'DITIOX OF \6\2.

i)f

10. This day, the wind northcil}-, uc sailing W. and by
N. ; and at noon we obscrv'd the sun and found tlic altitude
(if the pole to be 60 4', beini^ very fair wealher.

11. The wind N., aiul at noon we sounded, and liad no
l^round of 150 fathom, it being little wind aiul calm, some-
times southerly, and sometimes at S.VV., sometimes easterly ;
thus it did continue variable all the da)-, being fair weather
and smooth sea, we sailing for the most part \V. and by S.

12. This day, calm ; and at 4 o'clock in the morning the
wind came to K.N.E., we sailing VV. and by N. This da\-
the water ch.mged of a blackish colour ; also we saw man\-
whales and grampus's.

13. The wind at Iv, we sailing V\'. and In- X. This (la\-,
being hazy, we met with ice, '.he wind being come to
N.N.lv Much wind and snow at 9 o'clock at night, so that
we were forc'd to take in our sails and stand with our fore-
sail to the eastward, wending K. Also, .some of our men
spied land, yet we could not well discern it, it snowing so
fast.

14. We stood in with the land iigain at 2 o'clock in the
morning, wending N.N.W., and had sight of land betwixt
5 and 6 o'clock in the morning ; and our master made it
Oifir Fari":cr/,so called b\- Captain Pai'ids at the first find-

■/'//(■ /.uni iiiii risr /////■.■ fidl iif sno

rill I iipr 7 /fi!i;//i:f of/, X. \. (I '

'litis liDtd /.( ///(■ MiittluriniiosI [^oiiit in ( IrciMilaiul, ///<• hcii^litli of llic poli llieiT

ing of the countr\- in <iiiiio 1 v'^^i. because he coulil not come

liail beiMi found l)y Hudson, and spoke of it accordinj^ly, as ( "latonlM'
line docs, ineaninj^ probal)ly Hudson's Strait, or i)ossit)ly Daxis Stiait.
' 'i'liis is prol)ahly a misprint for " 5f; 5'' , \vlii<l> is uuk h more
ncaiK rnricct.

;■

W :

; '■ V 1

.^1

1 ■•

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612.

near the land by 6 or 7 leagues for ice ;^ it bearing from
us N.N.W.,and we sailing along by the ice W.X.W. all the
day.

15. The wind at N.N.W., sailing W. ; and at 4 o'clock in
the morning wc tack'd about again to the ice, again sailing
N.N.E, ; and at ic o'clock in the morning we tack'd
about again, being hard aboard the ice, having sight of the
land, it stretching more to the northward. The ice lieth
all along it, being as it were a great bay betwixt two head
lands.

16. This day, a cold hazy wind, it being at X.X.W., wc
sailing W. ; and at 7 o'clock in the morning wc tack'd about,
lying N.E. and by N., and at 2 o'clock we met with ice
again ; we, lying to and fro, hoisted our shallop out, and,
espying seals lying upon the ice, our shallop rowed to them
and killed one of them ; the rest tumbled into the water,
being 20 in a company. This day, we observ'd the sun
and found the altitude of the pole to be 59 30', we being
some 70 leagues within the streights, it being 1 1 5 leagues

' As far as we are aware, this passage is the earhest written state-
ment to the effect tuai Cape Farewell was so named by Davis. The
name is not mentioned in any account of Davis's voyages, nor docs it
occur on any map of earlier date than that of Hessel (icrritsz,
published in 1612. If this map is, as is generally supposed, in
the main, a reproduction of Hudson's, it is most probably to him
that the delineation of the coast of Cireenland, and the insertion
of Cape Farewell, is due ; but, in any case, the latter must
rest on some, till then, unwritten tradition. If Davis did so name
this promontory, it is strange that the name does not occur on the
Molyneux globe or on the Molyncux map in Ilakluyts work ; but
this may be owing to the circumstance that on these F'robisher's
.Strait and the localities about it are placed in the southern
extremity of (ireenland. When the original author of (lerritsz's
map had moved them up to the latitudes assigned to them by
Frobisher, the .Southern extremity of Ci'eenland could be drawn
properly, and Cape Farewell put in its proper place (see the Intro-
duction and page 7, ;/.).

ENr.LISII FATEDITION OF l6l2.

It
sz,
in
iin
on
1st

rn
z's
by
rn
o-

between the coast of America and Greenland in the
entrance of this passage.^

17. The wind at S. in the morning, we sailing N.W.
This day we run among the ice, and were inclosed with the
ice, so that we could get no passage to the northward ; and
so we were forc'd to stand out again, and were glad that
God had deliver'd us from amongst it ; it being 4 o'clock
in the afternoon before we were clear of the ice, sailing
S.W. to the sea. This day, being Sunday, we had sight
of the land called Desolation^' it being from us 1 5 leagues
N. and by E.

18. This day, at one o'clock in the morning, we had
much wind and snow, the wind being westerly ; and at six
o'clock in the morning it prov'd fair weather. We, tacking
about into the shore, did wend N. and by W., which did*
near the land of Desolation ; and at noon we tack'd about
and stood back again, being ten leagues from the land, it
bearing N.N.E. of us. The ice hindering of us this day,
we did observe the sun, and found the pole 59" 53'.

19. The wind southerly, we sailing for the most part
N.W. by N. and N.N.W. Then the land of Desolation

Cape Desolation rises thus,
15 It'll i^iies of, X.I-:. I'v X.

The land c/" Desolation rises thus, 12 leagues
of, X.E. fiy/i.

This lami so raHed by Captain Diniil';, // beini; sa dtsalal, ttiid eonifarlliss,
7.'//// hiii^e inauntaiin of :)hnK< lyim; upon it.siuhas he ha.t never seen, nor
any of his men lej'ore him.

' Hy "this passage" Catonhc refers, of course, to Davis Strait ; hut
there must be some mistake in the figures Iierc given, as they
cannot be made to agree. datonbc's leagues are very uncertain
quantl/.es, as appears from not a few other passages in his narrative.

- Davis, in 1585, named the south-western part of (Ireenland "the
Land of Desolation" (see page 7, ;/.).

3 Query, " bring us" omitted.

jri

■'\

' \

'■i

; 1

'{I

KXPKDITION'S TO ( ; KKKN'I^A \ D, 1605-161

(lid bear off us N'.E. and by K. This da\- uc did meet with
t,acat islands of ice. This day \vc did observe the sun, and
found the altitude of the pole to be 60 35' : also we had a
forceable current, which we went alon^ the coast with till
we came to bring Desolation point E. of us. This current
set from Desolation into America side, and into Hudson s
streights,' being so called by his men, they leaving him
behind them in that country, which was his death, in the
year 1 6 1 1 .

20. This day, the wind at N. and by E., we sailing E.
and by N. to the land, which we had no sight of as this
da)'. This day we did observe the sun, and found the
altitude of the pole to be 61 33', being to the northward of
Desolation some 30 leagues. This day we stood to the
westx'ard ; and at lO o'clock at night we stood to the east-
ward, again meeting ice.

21. The wind at N.E. and by E. This day we had sight
of land at 2 o'clock in the morning ; and our master mate,

E. N. E. E.

Cape ('omfort risei /hits, Ihr /itii;/i//i iij //it />ii/r /iri)/^' 6:?" jj , ///<■ siihiol/h's/ i,iiuf
iiiiif hi'st to look III of alt till' loinitry o) (iu'cnlaiul ; \et 7Vi loiild not loim-
iii'iir it for ill'.

Join. Hcinslay, ;\\\(\ I called \\. tlic land of Comfort.' And
we call'd up our men, and tack'il about our ships, the ice

' Tliis is, of couise, ;i mere surmise. It sliovvs how mucli meivs
minds were at the lime impressed by Hudson's discoveries.

- The indications here [riven are scarcely si '!':ient to identify the
locality with any certainty, unless tlic sketch is so true to nature as to
be recognised on the spot— a matter as to which we have no means of
judging. It is described as the best land to look at of all the coantry
of Cireeniand ; but, in the latitude indicated (62 33'j, the inland ice
approaches nearer to the coast than almost anywhere in South Cireen-
iand, and presents a wider front to the west than anywhere else.

kn(;lisii kxi'Kdition of 1613.

IiinJcring us from coming near the land, we sailing; alont;-
the land N., and N. and by VV'., being distant from it 7
leagues. And, at noon, we being near the ice, ovn- men
went with the shallop to it, and killed four seals, and
brought other two aboard quick, we having good sport
betwixt them and our mastiff dogs.

22. The wind at N. and b}- K. This da\- we turn'd
amongst the ice, meeting with man}' islands of ice, which
were very high, like great mountains : some of them, we
judg'd to be 30 yards from the water, fleeting upon the
seas, being 15 leagues off the land.^ This day we had
sight of the land, yet could not come near it for ice.
This day we did observe the sun, and found the pole
rais'd 62 55'.

23. The wind at N.N.W. This [day], being calm, at lujon,
we sounded with our lead, and had no ground of 1 80 fathom,
being some I 10 leagues within the passage. This day we
found the altitude of the pole to be 63 ,'- sailing N.E. and
by E. in with the land.

24. This da)' the wind at N. and by E., we sailing N.VV.
and by \V., being thick cloudy weather ; and at 8 o'clock
in the morning we tack'd about to the eastward, it being
little wind and .sometimes calm.

25. This day, calm, with little wind and variable ; some-
times at N., .sometimes at N.VV., we sailing for the most
part N.l^. and b)- E. Thi.' day we .sounded by an island
of ice with our shallop, and found no ground of i 50 fathom,
being off the land 21 leagues; and at lo o'clock at night
it was thick and misty weather, so that one ship could not
see the other.

' ISy " islaiuis'' or •' iiiounliiiiis" of ice, lie of course inciins iccherj^s,
uliidi aboiiiul in Davis Strait.

- If they were really i lo ieaj^iies within Davis .Strait, it would seem
as if they must have been much further north than, a( corclinj^ to
this statement, tlu's appear to have been.

. 4

■'

1 1

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612.

26. This day, the wind at N., we sailing E.N.E., sailing
in with land, being very thick and misty weather ; and at
2 o'clock in the afternoon it clear'd up, and we saw the
land, being some three leagues from it, it seeming as tho'
we were hard by it, being a very high land, having much
snow lying upon it. Also, two of the savages came rowing
to our ships in their boats, we sailing in still with the land,

'JftMitVCTU If/H'TU/J

sounding, and having with our lead and line 25 fathom,
sometimes 20, 18, 15, 12 fathom, it being rocky ground,
coming amongst many dry rocks and islands. This day
we look'd for a harbour with our shallops, for the ships to
ride in safety, and found one which our general call'd
the harbour of Hope ; for here we came to land with our
ships ; the which we could not come near [during] the time
we sail'd along the land, from the sight of Cape Farexvel
until we came to this place.

ENGLISH EXPKniTION OK l6l2.

27. The 27th day, wo harboured in the harbour of Hope
(the islands we call'd Wilhinson islands : t!ic mountain
we call'd Mount Hatcii/ey at 2 o'clock in the morning,
praising our God for our safe arrival in this unknown
country, having been from home $ weeks and 2 days.

28. The 28th day, our general found a convenient place
to land the quarters of our pinnace for our carpenters to
set together, it being an island hard by our ships. This
day, also, our general caused our ship's boat to be mann'd,
and our shallop, and went himself to discover the country

The fashion of the salvages rowiii!^ in their fioats, the Iwals being made oj
seal skins, and elos'd in, all hut the ptaee 7eheie he raws in her, and that is
elos'd about hint when he sits in her, from his icuiste dinemiuird. //is oiir
hath two icebs, and lie useth both hands to roio with.

and what rivers he could find in the main ; the savages

' Hall's Harbour of Hope (which is stated on pp. 99 and 1 1 1 to have
been in 64" lat.) was no doubt amongst the islands oft' the Fjords of
Godthaab (Ciood Hope), so called from the trading station of that name
which is situated there. Davis, in 1585, had named the same locality
Ciilbcrt .Sound. The small islands cluster here \ery thickly, the name
ap|)arently applying princijjally to the northern portion of them.
The ba>' from which (lodthaab Fjords enter is surrounded by lofty
mountains, one of which must be Mount Hatcliffe,\ ery likely theKingig-
torsuak (Hjortctakkcn, 3,760 ft.). Mr. .Markham suggests {Voytt^cs
of II '. Juif/hi, p. 12, //. 2) that Hatcliff may be a misprint for Huntcliffe,
a point on the Yorkshire coast (see pp. 86 and 1 18;, and that it was so
named from some fancied resemblance. Wilkinson's Islands were,
doubtless, named after a Mr. Wilkinson who was with the expedition
as merchant or "doer" for liie " adventurers" who had sent it out (see
pp. 98, 107, 109, and 126;. One of the islands in the vicinity (hnerigsok)
is still called the Island of Hope ; but whether or not this name was
derived from the Harbour of Hope, we cannot say.

; (

KXI'KDITIONS TO (IKKKNLAN i), 1605-1612.

rowing to and fro to our ships, holding up their hands to
the sun, and clapping them on their breasts, and crying,
Elyot, which is as much to say, in English, Are we friends?
thus saluting us in this manner every time they came to us,
and we offering the same courtesy to them, making them
the more bold to come to our ships, they bringing with
them sealskins, and pieces of unicorn horn, with other
trifles, which they did barter with us for old iron.

-9> 30. 31- These days our carpenters made haste with
our great pinnace to get her down,^ the weather being fair,
and the wind for the most part easterly ; for our general
was minded to make what speed he could for to sail along
the coast further to the northward, being as }et not come
to the place where he was at afore by 70 leagues.-

June I. Our general return'd aboard again,=Miaving found
two rivers in the main ; the one he call'd Lancaster river :
the other, Ball river ;^ for (ireenland is like Norway, having
many islands and rocks along the main.

2. Our master and Mr. Barker;' master of the Vice

' I'mlxihly a misprint for "done", meaning "fniished".

'^ The southcMnniost locality visited in tlie previous voyages was the
Itivdlek Fjord (King Christian's Fjord), about 54 leagues north of
(jodthaab, where they now were lying.

•' Hall had been absent in the ships boat sine*; the 2iSth (see p. 95).

* Lancaster River is probably the southernmost of the fjords, called
in C.reenlandish "Anienilik". It was to the head of this fjord that
Nansen and his party descnuled in September 1889, after their
memorable journey across (ireenland from the east coast. The
northern fjord is generally called "C.odthaab Fjord'', but a part of it
at any r.ite has retained Mall's name, Bali's River, with the difference
that in Danish it is generally written Haal's River, or Rivier, the s])el!ing
Haal e.xpressing in Danish the Knglish pronunciation of 15all. In
Cireenlandish,it is called " Kangersunek '. L.iiicnster Riverand Hall's
River were, of course, named aftertwo of 1 1 all's "Ad\enturers"(seep. 82).

■'' Andrew Barker was a seaman of good repute in Hull, where (as
mentioned elsewhere) he had held the office of Warden of the Trinity
House. After Hall's death, on July 23rd. l>arker succeeded him as
Admiral, as will be found related further on (see also Introduction 1.

KNGLISH EXPEDITION OF l6l2.

hat

Icir

[he

fee

jIn

lirb

2).

lity

Admiral, went in the shallop and rowed amongst the
islands, and to one of the rivers where they were afore,
having their fowling-pieces with them to shoot fowl with,
vyhich that country affordeth small store.

3. This day, we employ 'd ourselves in searching the
country, which affordeth nothing as yet for the profit of
our voyage.

4. At night, one of the savages stole a musket from our
men which kept the island where our great pinnace was
set up ; they keeping a bad watch, and leaving their musket
where they kept ccntry, being at the fire in the coy,' the
weather being cold, it was taken away by one of the wild
men, they could not tell when. The cause of our watching
was for that the savages will steal all things they can come
by, but chiefly iron.

5. This day we launch'd our great pinnace, which our
general call'd the Better Hope. This day, also, James
Pullay catching hold of one of the salvages, another did
cast a dart at him, and struck him into the body with it,
on the left side, which gave him his death's wound. Also
the salvage he took, we haul'd into the ship ; and by him
we had our musket again ; for two of the salvages, being
aged men and rulers of the rest, came, with great reverence,
to know the occasion we had taken one of their men.
We, with signs and other tokens, did shew them the
occasion, being the best language we all had amongst us,
delivering their man, his boat, oar, and darts. Our
general gave unto him a coat, a knife, and a seeing-glass

' Tliis word does not appear to Ijc now in use in English, nor can
we even trac:e it as an obsolete ))rovincialisin. It is, doubtless, the
same as llie Dutch Kooi, which siL;ni(ies a confined jjlace, such as a
Ijcchive, a shed, a shelter foi cattle, or a bunk or sleeping-place on
board ship. In the latter sense, it is used in Danish, in the form of
Koie. " Coy"' may, therefore, be taken as indicating some sort of
shelter which they had constructed on the island.

i I

ijH

KXI'HDITIONS To (WiKliNLAN D, 1605-1612.

I ■'

also, to rccjuitc the injury vvc had done ; yet he, with a
frownint,^ look, desiring; to be ^one from us, vvc let him ^o
out of the ship, and, hclpint; him into the chains, he leapt
over-board, and the other two did help him ashore ; and,
when he was ashore, the salvages cut off the coat our
master gave him from his back, so little did they regard
it. It was made of yellow cotton, with red gards^ of other
cotton about it.

6. James PulUy departed this life, to the mercy of God,
iit three o'clock in the morning, and wc bury'd him at
noon upon one of the islands wc rode by. This day, also,
we carry 'd the cjuarters of Mr. Barkers small shallop to
be set together by the carpenters ashore, that we might
have our shallops ready to go with us along to the north-
wards.

7, 8, 9. Rainy weather : otherwise our shallop had
been done -.nd we gone from hence to the northwards.

10. The shallop was done and launched this day. Mr.
Hall, being general of both the ships, did hold a parley
with all the company of both ships, strictly commanding
that none of us should barter for anything, but Mr. Wil-
kiuson (who was merchant for the venturers) and them
that were appointed by the merchant, in pain of forfeiting
their wages ; which articles were wisely answer'd by the
officers of the ships.

11. Wc cross'd our yards and got an anchor home, but
the wind came contrary, spending our time in rowing from
island to island ; and the salvages came to and fro to our
ships, bringing us fresh fish, which we bought for iron naiLs.

13. One of the salvages brought two young seals, which
he had kill'd at sea, and our master bought them, and we
haul'd them into the ship, vvc wondering he could kill them
at sea, it blowing so much wind at S.VV.

' Faciiij^s or irimmingb (Narcs).

i:m;m.sii kxi-kditidn or 1612.

14. Tliis clii)', bcin<; Smniay, wc came out' with the wind
N.N.l^., and the salva^fcs rowed to us, beini,^ C leagues off
the hiiid, into the sea; and for that our captain j^Mve one
(jf them a kin'fc. This day we observed the sun, and
found the pole's altitude to be 64 , being the height of
the place we came out of, being the harbour /Io/ie. U'l'/-
khisons islaiuls and mount Hatcliff we rowed- under, the>'
bearing off us K.

15. The wind at K.S.1'2., we sailing along the land to the
northward, N. by E., being fair weather.

16. The wind at N. by W., vvc sailing into the shore
N.E. by \\. This day, Mr. Hall and Mr. Barker tooU their
shallops, being well mann'd, and rowed into the land to
discover the country and to see what traffick they coukl
have with salvages. This da)', lying off and on with our
ships, they being ashore with the shallops, the wind came
out of the sea, and we stood of, sailing N.N.W. The wind
being come to west, and the vice-admiral following of us,
struck on a blind rock, and took no harm, praised be G(xl !
our shallops not coming to us till we were 5 or 6 leagues
off the land.

17. The wind at S.K., we sailing along the land t(j the
northward N. by M This day, bei'^.g Wednesday^ we
rovv'd with both our shallops into the land, and sounded
the harbour we anchor'd in, being the .second harbour we

I' i:

came m.

' That is, out of the llarljour of Hope (probal)ly the roadbteud otf
the entrance tt) (iodtliaalj and Ameralik Fjords).

- Query, " rode'.

3 As ai)[)cars from dalonlje's entry for August Qtli, when they re-
turned to his place, this locaHty was called by Hall " C'ockenford'', in
honour of Mr. Cockayne, one of the .\dventurers. liaffin, who calls it
Cockin's Ford or Sound, states (see p. 123) that the latitude was 65 20',
which is tliat of tin- .Southern Isortok, a large fjord a little to the S. of
the present colony of Sukkerloppen, but we have no means of more
certain identification.

G 2

\\\

lOO lArKDlTIOXS TO GREKNLANI), I605-1612.

liS. At S o'clock at ni^ht we had a sore storm off the
land at S.lv, with such mighty whirl-winds, which came
from the mountains that all our cables we had being new
ones we bent to our great anchor, and let it fall to keep us
from the rocks.

Kj. In the morning, we broke one of our cables, and
vvc rode by our great anchor, having much wind and
rain.

20. The weather faired, and our general caused our great
pinnace to be made ready, and to row along the C(jast, he
going with us himself, we being in her 22 men and boys.'
This day we rowed some 4 leagues, and came to a great
island,- and anchor'd there 3 hours ; and from thence we
went into a river' lying E. by N. up the river.

21. We rowed up the river still, and we found nothing
in it for any [)rofit, rowing some 3 leagues into it, the ice
stojjping that we could get no further.

22. We, being lett by ice, return'd and rowed out again ;
and the salvages follow 'd and row'd after us, and so along
with us, intending to do us some harm ; for, when we came
near any island, they did throw stones at us with their
slings.

23. The wind at N.N.W., and \vc row'd amongst the
islands to the northward, and so came t(j a great river,
which troubled us to row over, there went such a forceable
tide of flood, it being within a league of Queen Anne Cape,

' It shdiild be noted th;it what follows, up to the 29th (a period of
nine days), recoimts the incidents of the trip northwards, along the
coast, which Hall (accompanied, apjjarently, by (]atonbe, among
others) undertook in the newly-built pinnace Better Hopc^ in order to .
make further discoveries.

- This island was ])robal3ly that of Sermersut, which is the largest
island on this part of the coast, and is situated 65' 30' and 65" 35'.
In Danish, the island is called "Hamborgerland", because it used to
be a rciidcz-vous of whalers from Hamburg.

^ The river was, doubtless, the Kangerdlugssuatsiak.

ENCMSH KXIM'.DITION OF 1612.

lOI

of
the
on-
to

;obt

and came to an island, and rested us there till the flood
was done ; and then wc rowed about the cape and came to
an island, whereon was a warlock,' and rowed into it and
found it a good harbour for ships. This day wc rowed into
a river, as we supposed, but found it to be a bay, we being
3 leagues to the northward of the cape.- This day our men
went ashore and kill'd partridges, and spy'd in a valley
7 wild deer ; yet, as soon as they did see us, they did rim
away as fast as their feet could carry them.

24. VVe row'd out again, and so along the land. This
day we came to a mountain, where we rowed to it amongst
the islands, taking it for a river our master had been at
afore, yet it was not. The mount we call'd Gabriel mount.-'

• See p. 46, )t.

- The groat river which they had so imuh trouI)le in crossinj,' on
account of the stronj^ current caused by the llood tide, cannot have
been any other than the j^reat Kangcrdluj;suak (in Danish called
" .S(indre Slnini Fjord"), wliich at tlie outfall divides into two brandies,
cnch)sing the island of Siniiuiak. Ila\ingwith nuicii laljour crossed
the southern branch, which is much the larj^er, they rested on Siniiu-
tak till the flood was spent, when they crossed the northern arm and
rounded Queen Ann"s Cape, formed by the mountain of Kingalsiak.
The southern arm of S. Strom Fjord is in 66 , and the cajjo in 66 7'
The supposed river up which they rowed 3 leaj^ues was the Kani^erd-
luarsuksuak, which opens into Davis's Strait in about ()(•>' 12'. (]aton-
be's estimates of distances rowed are rather liberal all throuLfh. .At
the entrance of the last-named fjord are several islands, but on which
of them they saw the warlock we have no means of guessing. IJoth
Lyschandcr, and IJielke, slate that on the voyages of 1605-1606
Vtirdcr were set up for the information of future visitors wherever
good anchorage was found ; but, in ilall's accounts, there is no mention
of any beacon having been set up here for that pur|)ose, nor of Hall
himself having explored the coast so far .S. Probably the ])lace
had been examined and the warlock set up by a ])arty from the
Trost during Hall's absence to the North from June 20th to July 7th,
1605.

^ Of course it was Ml. Cunningham they sujjposed that they had de-
scried. The land between Kaugerdluarsuksuak and the Itivdlek Fjord
is described by Capt. Jensen as a high alpine tract, and several peaks

ji:

• i^W^fcif

■ ^ ■M^^» M».^i-^Jri«

I02 EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612.

25. Wc row'cl from thence to an island which h'cth two
Ic.afTucs off the land, with many broken rocks about it, that
str- cch from the main, and so to the sea-board ; and there
wc •csted all chat day, the wind blowinp^ very much at N.,
it beinj; ac^ainst us. This island our master call'd by the
name of ThroKghgood island^ Here wc c^ot great store of
mussels, being of a great bign' ss. Here one of our men
killed a fox with a fowling-piece, [there] being man}- in this
island that run from the main and feed upon fish they
get off the island.

26. It being very fair weather, we row'd from thence
amongst man\' broken rocks, and so along the land ; and
ai noon wc came to the river our master had been at afore,
he naming '. ihc Kiiig's-fordr There is amount he named
Cinniv/g-/ (VII mount. We had traffick wih the salvages :
anii at night wc anchor'd in a haven on the south -side of
the ri\er, call'd Dciniiark lia\cn,' there being in the en-
trance 40 fathon; deep, and had traffick w ith the salvages
for seal skins and some salmon trout.

exceed 3,000 ft. in lu'ij^ht. One of tlicse, flail seems to lia\e taken for
Mt. C"iinnin^liani,lnil there are no means of <^iiessin;.; with any certainty
which it may have l)een. Of the origin of the name Tialiiiel Mount
we can offer no exjjlanation.

' 'rhrou;.^h,u(io(l Island is, doiil)tless, the rmanaisiinsiiak of the
local drcenlanders, though the distance from the shore is ne.uer two
miles than two leagues. It was ])robably called so by Hall, not as
.^onu- might think on account of being so very good, liut i>)m some
person lieann;.'. this nam(\ wliii h (like sivme other similar ones) is not
uncommon in the S( anilinax ian Settlements in f.nglanil. 'J'lie mean-
ing (/ it is '* 'fhor's priest. '

- King's Ford is, as we have stated bcfor(; (see ]i. 10, /,■.), the
Itivdlek Fjord. The sketch of the coast is taken from a |ioip( fur-
ther to the south than Hall's in the Re])ort to the King of Denmark
(see p. 9\ in consequence of which Mt. Cunningham .lot's not here
p. csent that appearance like a sugar loaf which is so striking in Hall's
drawing.

•' So named by Hall on June igth, if«5 (see pp. 13 and 41 ; ilso
Map \<l).

:n for
ainty
lomU

thc>
two
nl as
^onu'
is not
iican-

\ ihc

fiir-

narlc

here

lalVs

also

ENGLISH F.XrEinTION OF r6l2.

lo-

27. \Vc rowed over to the north-side of the river and
soui^ht for a roadstead for our ships, and found one, having
12 fathom deep, meanint^ to brin<^ our ships thither, with
God's help.

28. We rowed to onr ships ac^ain.^ having but two
days victuals. Xonc could we get, being from our ships.
The salvages eating raw meat, do kill with ihcir darts, both
fowl, fish, and (Icsh, so that there was little to get but that
they brought us.

29. We came to our ships again, being from them nine
da}-s, having had much tedious weather, with thicks and
snow, as we rowed along the coast, it being some 25

Uin*un.tfAtiin ^/iount.l^f //ei^/i( i'/e/ie P,)^ ^i>'//i^/r<'./.

7fuii&i/ti 'raj C^ /mf
HAr^ar Ac iln.Ajrtd in-

-a
n--/iefi At ntu /'(Aft ly/ tAe ti, »>

leagues betwi.vt the shi])s and the Kings-ford. The vice-
admiral welcomed us to our ships with a volley of small
shot, being all in health, (lod be thanked.

30. We made ready to sail to the ri\cr we h;id been at
witli our pinnace, fetching home an anchor and getting
our yards across.

I. This day, being the ist nf J'ih\ the wind northerly,
yet at night it came southerly, and \\v set --ail, hoping to
have got to the sea, knit the wind canie wc4erl\ , w ith rain,
and so we cani(.' in again.

I Tliat is : thry rowan! l)ark f(>u-nn/i thciv ships, wliiili ihcy had left
lyiiij; in ihc Soulhern Isortok (Cockin's) Fjord (see jv i/j).

;. J,

i \

4 -,■

1 '

f. '

'{ .■

ii :

I I

-WT^

104 EXPEDITIONS TO CREENT-AND, 1605-1612.

2. The wind northerly, and rain, we riding in this
harbour still.

3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8. The wind northerly, we rode still, being
wind-bound, and much rainy weather ; we bu}-ing f)f the
salvages such things as they brought us, being frc^h fish,
namely, salmon-trout, nuskfish, codfish, and butfish, a little
quantity serving for our victuals.

9. Being calm, we towed with our boats and shallops
the vice-admiral to sea, our great pinnace going with
them, our general and 12 of our men being also with them,
they towing her astern of them, he leaving his two mates and
the quarter-masters in the admiral, and they to come
after him in her to the Kiiiifs-ford.

10, IT, 12. W'c were wind-bound ; the which time, we
salted 2 barrels of salmon trout, the salvages brought us,
we giving them old iron for the same.

13. At night, we turned to the sea, seeing in the offing
the other ship, ^^\.\x Vice- Admiral^ which had been put
to the leeward of the place with contrarj- winds. That
night, wc had much rain.

14. Much wind southerly, so that wc were forc'd to lie
to and fro, short of our place, being hazcj- weather and
rain. This day, one of our small shallopps broke locjse from
our stern, anil we had much ado to get her again. Also
at afternoon, it became fair weather, so that it clear'd up
and we got sight of land and of the Kittifs-ford^ and went
in that night and anchor'd in the roadstead, where \\(>
sounded afore with our pinnace, there being 12 fathom and
oozy ground ; and we called the roadstead Griivipus-road}
f(

Toun
many times grampus's came into it.

' It appears from the <lia\v,..<; 011 tlio opposite paj^e that tlic road-
stead was at llie entrance of an inlet ; Init of siu h there is only onr
on llie north side of Itivdlck Fjord, namely, lo the west of Kakatsiak,
opi)osilc the island of Tiniin^asak.

KNGLisii F,xpr-:niTioN OF 1612.

105

lllp

Xfi}

iHt-

1 5. The Hcarfs-case, our vice-admiral, came to us into the
river ; and, coming in to us, orr small shallop being
mann'd, our chief master-mate, Williaui Gordon^ so-called,
rowed to her and met them ; and, speeches growing be-
twixt our general and him, he caus'd Mr. Barker to anchor
in a little sound on the south side of the river, being from
us some 3 leagues. Our general, being angry, would not
come aboard of us, but was in the vice-admiral. At night
our pinnace came from the Heart' s-easc, with commission
for 4 men more and for bread and beer, and so returned
aboard the vice-admiral ; our general minding presently

to row with the pinnace to the silver mine, the which he
promis'd to bring us to, which put us in hopes that we
should be rich men b}- it ; yet it provetl otherwise.

16. The wind northerly. This d.iy, we had traffick with
the salvages for trifling things, as darts and Seals skins, and
for some unicorns horns.

17, iS. The wind still northerly, yet the vice-atlmira!
turn'd out to the sea, going to a river which he called

' This William Ciordon seems aflenvards to liavc betii in llio
cnipli)y of the Muscovy ("om])any. He also accompanied Jens MiinU as
pilot on his voyaj^ic to Hudson's liay in i6r9, and we have noli(ed
him in irciUin;; of that voyage.

\ \-

I06 KXPEDITTONS TO GRKKNI.AND, 1605-1612.

Roviblacsford, distant from us 18 leagues to the north-
wards.i

19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24. We rowed to and fro in this great
river, seeking if we could find any whales, to have kill'd
one or two, that we might have got something for the
profit of the voyage ; for Mr. Hall, our general, told us
that, the times he had been there afore, he had seen great
abundance in this river of whales ;"' and now we could sec
none. Also, we walk'd up the mountains to sec if we
could kill any wild beasts, as bears, or decrs, or wolves,
but wc saw none. The cause is, the people of the country
kill them for meat, as I wrote afore, so that it is rare to
sec any wild beast in Greenland^ more strange to catch
them of us ; yet avc see many times their footing.

?5. We wondered that the salvages came not to us, but
now one, and then one, thinking they had follow'd our
vice-admiral, which was too true ; for, this day, at night,
came our vice-admiral, with our great pinnace at her stern,
her flag hanging down, and her ancient-'hanging down over
her poop, which was a sign of death ; we, being most of us
asleep but the watch, were soon awake, for f)ur pinnace
came aboard of us and told us of the death of our master
and general, James Hall, and how with a dart he was

! I tS

ftif II

' I lerc, rijiain, tilt distance is imirh overstated From their anclior-
aije in Itixdlelv to the outer part of KarnnicTs (Ainerdlok) l'"joi(l
would be under 30 miles. It should liere be noted tliat IJaffin, who
wrote l!ie otln r a<count of the voyaj^c, acromi)anied Mail on tliis
ex|)C(Htion northwards in ihe pinnace (see p. 122), while datonbe, who
wrote tlie picsent account, icniained Ix'lnnd with tlie shi|) in tlie
Kinj;'s (Itivdlek) i'"jord.

- Hall does not mention this fact in his narrati'.c, but on his niap of
\\s Kind's Fjord the heads of four marine animals (which maybe those
of whales, though they look more I'ke those of seals) are shovvn.
Whales (two species), Walruses, Narwhals, and Fish, .are sliown (>n iiis
other maps.

■' An old and obsolete name for a ships (lay or "colours'.

EXr.T.TSTT FATEDITION OF l6l2.

107

l.f

he
|1.
lis

slain of one of the salvages, and died the 23d o^ July ; for,
being in the ship's boat, and his man Williaut Hiintyiff}
and two more, one of the salvages offer'd to sell him a dart,
he taking up a piece of iron, in the mean time he threw
his dart at him, and struck him through his cloaths into
his body, 4 inches upon his right side, which gave his
death's wound. Mr. Barker and 20 men more were in the
great pinnace, on the other side of the ship ; the which, if
the salvages would, they might have killed most of them
in the pinnace, there being about them more than 150
boats of them, our men having no muskets ready, nor any
other provision to prevent them from hurting them ; for
our men did think they had come in a friendly manner to
bargain with them ; yet it proved otherwise, to the danger
of them all and the loss of our general. This ncwscgming,
contrary to our expectation, made us not a little sorrowful.
26. Mr. Barker, master of the vice-admiral, being,
by our general, Mr. Hall, lying on his death-bed, authorized
to be master and general of the ships, and to dispose
of all things, according to his liking, for the good of tiie
voyage and safety of the men, yet by these controversies
growing amongst the men, in that Mr. rFz7/7//.s-fl//,doer-forthe
venturers, and William Gordon, :\.x\(\ Joliu Hemslay, master-
mates, being vex'd, and stomaching that he should be
master of the admiral and general of both the shi^is, would
not consent nor agree to it, they thinking to place one of
themselves, but they falling to hard words, Mr. barker
leaving them, came afore the mast, and, calling the rest of
the company together, discoursed from point to point the
will and command of our general, late dcceas'd, shewing

' .Misprint for " Huntriss". [''or ;i iiotiic of Iiiin, sec ilic Intro-
duction. Ilall (ifscril)es Huntriss as "my liny" in 1605 (see p. 42).
lie also a(:coin|)aniccl Hall in 1606, and had now risen to bo Master.

-That is "factor", "merchant", or "trader": the commercial
representative of the " Adventurers".

ill

]

ill

m\\ i

I08 KXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612.

1:'

US withall the writings and full consents which he gave,
with the consent of all the company in the vice-admiral,
and some of the chief officers wlio were there in the
admiral, as the goldsmith, the surgeon, two quarter-
masters, the cockswain, and master of the pinnace, and 10
men more of the admiral's company, who set their hands
to it, being his last will and command, they belonging all
to the admiral ; yet many of our compan}', respecting
neither writing, counsel, nor the consent of our late general
deccas'd, cry'd out ''Jo/in IJeuislay shall be our master";
which voice being heard in the ship amongst all, we
quartermasters, with the gunner, boatswain, surgeon, trum-
peter, and cooper, and other officers of the admiral and
vice-admiral, ended the uproar of the rest of the company
with this conclusion : that Mr. Barker was better, wiser,
more ancient, and more worth}' of the place than the}-,
having taken charge 20 years before, knowing by ex-
perience many inconveniences which might befall us,
besides having been ruler and overseer of many good men
in great ships in this town of Hull, besides other places of
this realm, and having been one of the chief masters and
wardens of the Tri)nty-Jioitsi\ one that was wise, and one
that would speak for us amongst our merchants, and other
great men, if need did require. Thus, we coming amongst
the compan}', persuading them that none had more right
than he, the}' presently consented, giving their licart}'
good-will.

27, 28, 29, 30. Having put in Williain llioitrissc master
of the vice-admiral, in his own place, hc^ went himself
master in the admiral and head commander of both the
ships, causing them to be made ready for ning home-

ward with as much haste as we could mr. hem, taking
in ballast into both the ships for to make them bear sail,

1 That is, Andrew Harker.

\\f*

ENGLISH EXPEDITION OF l6l2.

109

fiiifliiiLj in the ships two months victuals, which well con-
sider'd was little enough to supply our want homeward ;
so that, by the last of this month of J/(/j', we were fit to
set sail with both (jur ships homeward.

31. Jo/m Gatonbc, one of the ([uarter-mastcrs of the
admiral, by intreaty (if Mr. luirkcr and the rest of the
company of the vice-admiral, went for master-mate of
her ;' also, two of our men more went aboard of the
Hcarfs-casc, with our cloaths, in the room of Mr. Barker
and two men more that went home in the admiral.

2.- This day, the rst (jf Aui^usf, our general, Mr.
Barker, Mr. Wilkinson, John Hcinslay, and Mr. Warindcr,
bein^ one of the merchants dci)uti(js for them, came
aboard, thinkin^t; to have taken 17 pountl of unicorn horn
which was in the vice-admiral, and t(j have carry'd it
aboard the admiral ; which the company of us answered
that it should not go out of the ship, for we were, to
carry it home in our ship, as able as the}" ; which, when no
persuasion would serve, they did .sew it up in canvass, and
deliver'd it to our master, William HniUrisse, before us
all, to be deliver'd by him to our merchants, when (j(jd
sent us to London, with tlieir letters, if we sh(;uld be
[jarted.''

2. Our master and I was sent for aboard the admiral to
dinner ; where, after dinner, Mr. Barker ijave us articles

' The Editor of Cliun liill's Voydi^cs li.is i)roIj;ibly snniowlKil ullcicd
tills passaj^e, for (latonljc would hardly speak thus of himself.

- A niispriiil for " i" .

'' The horn of the " .Se.i Uniioriv' oi' Narwhal Moiioiloit inmioccros)
was, at tlie period in i|uestion, < omnionl)' believed t(j i)e that of the
Unicorn of fable, and most extraordinary |)ro|)erties were attributed
to it. An enormous value was, therefore, set upon it : hence the care
taken of this piece. There has lon^^ been in the Royal Castle of
Rosenborg at Copenhagen a ihrono largely constructed of these tusks,
which w.is formerly regarded as of prodigious value.

V-

HO KXi'KDrnoNs To t;REr-:NLANi), 1605-1612.

which should be kept betwixt us till God sent us to
London, in our way homeward ; also, if we were parted by
any storm, then we should not come into any harbour till
we arrived at London, except on some ^^eat occasion.

3. Ridin^t; with our yards still across, beint^ ready to take
the first wind, for the salvaL,fe people would not come near
us, bein^ afraid we should kill some of them for the death
of our master Hall; for we rowed up this river, the Kings-
ford, and found it but 20 miles up, no salvages coming
near us.

4. We came out of the Kvig's-ford, the wind being at
E.S.E., and so came to the sea, we turning homeward,
committing ourselves, our ships, and voyage to God all-
sufficient, who having been our guider hitherto, so he would
continue his loving mercy to us still. This day, we had
much rain and calm weather, with a great sea that came
from the southern-board.^

5. The Wind at E.N.E., we being 8 leagues off the land,
and Mount Ciinning/iaiii, the place we came out of bearing
cast of us ; it falling calm, and little wind, and came
southerly ; yet, at 2 o'clock in the afternoon, we had much
wind and rain.

6. The wind at SS.IC, thick and rainy weather ; we
sailing S.W. from the land ; and at noon we stood into the
shore, being fair weather.

7. The wind at E., we sailing S. by \V., and rt .; o'clock
it came to north in the afternoon. This day, we observed
the sun and found the pole's altitude 66 degrees, being
quart off- Queen Anne Cape, it bearing off us E. by N.

' Tills is :i rare, obsolete, and interesting word, nieanin;^, of course,
the southern side or i|uarler. Tlie corresponding word, " wester-
board'', occurs in the account of 1 lawkridge's X'oyage ii 1617 (see
Miller Christy's Voyages of Iukw ,1/1 1/ /diius^ p. 253).

- Perhaps a i)ro\in(:ia!isin for "thwart."

ENGLISH EXPEDITION 0¥ l6l2.

Ill

Ivj.

8. The wiiul at S.S.lv, \vc standiiiL^ in with the hmd,
bciiif^ much rain ; and, at 8 o'clock in the inornin!^^ we
tack'd about and stood to the sea again. This da}-, we
met with two ishmds of ice.

9. The wind most part southerly, being quart the
harbour we rode in the second time we harboured, which
we called Cockotford} it being E.S.E. oft' us 5 leagues,
tacking about to the sea at 8 o'clock in the morning.

10. The wind at south-west, wc sailing S.S.E. into the
land, being much rainy thick weather ; and, at 10 o'clock
in the morning, we tack'd about to sea again.

11. The wind southerly, with thick misty weather, we
standing off to the sea, and sometimes to shore again.

12. The wind southerly, and rainy weather. This da}-,
wc sail'd in to the land, lying at E.S.E. At 8 o'clock in
the morning, we stood to the sea again, and at noon it
became fair weather, and the wind came to the north-cast,
we sailing S.S.W. along the land.

13. The wind northerly, we sailing S.S.W., and at
8 o'clock in the morning we sail'd south ; and at noon we
went quart of WilkitisoiCs islands, so called by us, the first
place we came to harbour in, when wc came into the
country, amongst these islands.- Here was our great i)in-
nacc set together. Here was James Pidlay slain with a
dart of the salvages.'' The height of the pole is 64 degrees
here. This day, at 4 o'clock, the salvages rowed to us into
the sea, and kept us company 2 or 3 hours, our ship
sailing 6 mile an hour, and then took their farewcl.' This
day, also, afore night, we sailed by many islands of ice.

' Probably Ibortok Fjord (sec p. 99, n.).
• .Sec |). 95.

■' On June 5lh ; see p. 9;^.

' As iheiu is no mention of ("iiecnlanders havnij^ been Uiken,
it was probalily one of these whom Barker canlured and carried home ;

;

']>

I I

mmmmmm

1 1:

EXI'EDITIONS TO r,KE?:NLANI), 1605-1612.

14. The wind continuing still northerly, wc sailing along
the land south. This day, wc pass'd by much ice. This
day, we observed the sun, the pole's altitude being 62 deg.
1 1 minutes.

15. The wind still northerly, we sailing south. This
day, we observed the sun and found the height of the pole
60 degrees 19 minutes, being the height of the cape of
Desolation} it bearing off us east, being 20 leagues off,
sailing by much ice ; and sailing at noon S.K. brought us
into more ice, so that at night wc were forc'd to hale to
sea, S.VV. before we got clear of them.

16. The wind came to the north-west, with misty
weather, we sailing S.K. This day, it clear'd up at noon,
and we did observe the sun and found the altitude to be
59 degrees 20 minutes.

17. The wind came to the south-east, we sailing S.S.W.
This day, our admiral took our shallop from us, which we
had towed 150 leagues at our stern. This day, wc were
clear of the ice, seeing none.

18. The wind at east, we sailing S.S.E., and at noon it
was fell misty weather, and little wind. This day, at
night, it was so thick that we lost sight one of the other,
so that they could not hear us, nor we them, although we

for Mr. Markliam says {Voya<^cs of Bafm^ p. 28, //.) that, in the hall
of the Trinity House at Hull, there still hangs a A'irydk, with a model
of a (ireenlantlcr in it, and bearing this inscription: '"'' Andrew
Barker^ one of tlic Masters of this House, on /its 7'oya<^e from Green-
land, anno doniini i('ii3, ioolc up this boat and a man in it, of loliieh
this is the efii^y." The expenses connected with the carving and
painting of the effigy are found entered among the accounts of the
Corporation in the years 1619 and 1620.

1 This latitude is wrong. On the Admiralty Charts, Cape Desola-
tion lies in 60" 47', and on Gerritsz's Chart (which (iatonbe |)robably
knew) it is about the same. Perhaps Gatonbe mistook for Cape
Desolation the southern headland of the Island of .Sermcrsok, which
lies about the latitude named by him.

'.i^

k\c;lish expedition of 1612.

113

n-
ch
Jul
|ie

shot muskets, did drum, and hallow to them, and ihcy to
us, being all night one from the other parted.

19. The wind at E.N.E., and misty weather, we sailing
south-cast. This da}-, we saw our admiral again at
10 o'clock in the morning, wc being 3 leagues to the wind-
ward of her, so that we did bear up, lashing with her,
having sometimes sight of her, sometimes none ; so that
it was 4 o'clock at night before we spoke with her.

20. The wind at N.E. by K. and fair weather. This
day, our admiral took the shallop asunder that they had
from us, and stow'd her in their ship's hold. This day, the
wind came to N.N.E. toward night, being thick 2 or 3
hours, that one ship could not sec the other.

21. The wind at north-east, we sailing E.S.E. This
day, being fair, we did observe the sun and found the
altitude of the pole to be 56 degrees 36 minutes, being to
the southward of Cape Farrwc/l some 75 leagues, it bearing
from us N.

22. The wind at N.N.E., we sailing east. This da)-, the
pole was rai.sed 56 degrees 42 minutes, being a fair daj-,
and the wind came to the north, we sailing E.N.E.

23. The wind at W., we sailing E.N.E. This day, wc
observed the sun and found the height of the pole to be
57 degrees, being in. a very temperate air, and hot weather,
the like we had not felt the time we were in Grceuhxtid.

24. The wind westerly, also wc sailing E.N.E., being
little wind, and at evening calm and rainy weather.

25. The wind variable, sometimes at N., and sometimes
at W., being fair weather. This day, we found by observa-
tion the pole's altitude to be 58 14'.

26. A fair day. the wind at W.N.W., wc sailing N.E. and
by E. and E.N.E.. being little wind ; and at afternoon wc
had a better gale.

27. The wind at N.VV., .sometimes at N., sometimes at
N.NAV. being variable, with showers, sailing N.E. and bj-

' 1'

1-. ;

IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

i^ /,^

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1.0

1.25

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12.2

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140 mil 2.0

1.8

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Photographic

Sciences

Corporation

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23 WEST MAIN STREET

WEBSTER, N.Y. MS80

(716) 872-4503

Ci^

<^'

114 EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612.

E. This day, we did observe the sun, the altitude of the
pole being 59" 49'. Hoping to have seen a sight of Fries-
landy in our going homeward made us hale the more
northerly course than we would have done ; yet we could
not see it.

28. The wind southerly, we sailing E.N.E. This day,
we found by the sun the pole raised 61^ 5', the height of
the northernmost part in Shetland and the southermost
part of Friesland, being betwixt them 260 leagues, and
Shetland bearing off us E., being from it 220 leagues by my
reckoning This day, the wind came to the S.E. in the
afternoon, with much wind and rain, so that it increased to
a great storm, so that we were forc'd to hand in our sails
and lie in try with our main course, and stood to the west-
ward ; and, at 10 o'clock at night, it came in a showc of
rain to the W.S.W. ; then we stood to the eastward agu'i-;
lying S.E.

29. The wind at W.S.W. ; we, making more sail, went
our course, E.S.E., having much wind ; and at noon did
observe, finding the altitude of the pole to be 61" 13'.

30. The wind southerly and so came to S.E., being
much wind and rain, we sailing E.N.E. ; and at noon we
had a forceable storm, it being come to the E., we lying in
holling^ without sail ; at night, it came to N.W. and so to
the W., with extreme much wind and rain, God being our
only refuge,

31. The wind at W. ; and, at 4 o'clock in the morning,
we set our sails, we going our course E. and by S. and
E.S.E., being much wind, with showers of rain, and con-
tinued so with us all day.

September i. Much wind at S.W., we sailing E. and by
S. ; and at noon we made observation of the sun, finding

• See p. 88, ;/.

- Lying to hull, or lying to.

ENGLISH EXPEDITION OF l6l2.

115

the heighth of the pole to be 60° 25'. At afternoon,
we had little wind, with showers of rain, being come to
theS.

2. The wind variable, being for most part southerly, we
sailing E.S.E.; and towards night fair and little wind.
This day, we observed the sun, and found the pole's height
to be 60" 9'.

[3.] The wind at N.N.E, we sailing E.; and at 8 o'clock
in the morning it came to N., with much wind, and made
us shorten sail ; at afternoon, it growing to a vehement
storm, so that we laid in with our main-sail; and at
7 o'clock at night we took it in, and our admiral took in
her main-sail also, and laid both in holling, having no
sight the one of the other all night, being a vehement
storm.

4. The storm continued, we lying in holling, the wind
being at N.N.W.,we having lost the sight of our admiral; and,
being parted from us by this storm, we were a little sorry ;
but (seeing we could not help it, seeing it was God's doing)
rest content, doing our endeavour to get to our country so
soon as we could, God willing ; reckoning Shetland E. of
us 65 leagues. The wind lessened at 9 o'clock at night :
we set main-sail and fore-sail, sailing N.E. and E., the wind
being come to N.W.

5. The wind at N.N.W., we sailing E.N.E., being showers
of rain and a fair gale of wind. This day, no sight we had of
our admiral, perswading our selves not to see her till such
time we came in England, and then hoping in God of a
merry meeting.' This day, at afternoon, little wind, and
sometimes calm. This day, we sounded with our lead

* They do not appear to have met again, as the Patience (the
"Admiral") proceeded to London, while \\ic Hear fs Ease (contrary,
apparently, to the order of the "General" (see p. 1 10) made for Hiill.
Probably she belonged to that port, as Andrew Barker (who was a
Hull man) was Master of her before Hall's death.

II 2

Il6 EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612.

and line, and had an hundred fathom of line out before
we had ground.

6. Also, we observ'd the sun and found the altitude of
the pole to be 59" 30'.

7. The wind at S.E., we sailing E.N.E., sometimes N.E.
and by E., having fair weather : and, at noon, we had sight
of a sail, which came right with us and would have spoke
with us, but we bore up from her, thinking him to be a
false knave, and we not provided with our ordnance nor
our small pieces for him ; and, seeing that we did shun
him, he left us and went his course for St. George's Channel,
or for the Lewes, or for some part in Ireland. This day, by
our observation we found the pole's heighth to be 60 7'.
The wind being come to E.S.E., sometimes E., we sailing
N.E. and by N., this day, we tacked about at 4 o'clock at
afternoon, wending to the sourthward, S. and by E., being
some 12 leagues off the land.

8. The wind at E.N.E., we saii'ng S.E. This day, we
had sight of Foullay at 6 o'clock m the morning, it bearing
from us E. and by N., 5 leagues off, we sailing still S.E.
At 2 o'clock in the afternoon, we had sight of Fair-Isle, it

Fair-Island.

Foul lav.

These two islands, the slight of them mode us joyful, };iving praise to Cod

tor our i;ood land-fall.

bearing off us E. These 2 islands were them we parted
from when wc sail'd to Greenland} This day, at night, it
became calm, and rain withal, sailing our course S.S.E.

9. This day, thick weather and calm ; and, at 4 o'clock
in the morning, the wind came up to S.S.VV., we sailing for

' .See p. 86.

ENGLISH EXPEDITION OF l6l2.

117

the most part W. S. W., being fair weather ; at afternoon ,
the wind southerly.

10. The wind southerly, we sailing E.S.E. to the east-
ward, being little wind, and sometimes calm, with showers
of rain; yet, at noon it came up to N.N.VV., we sailing our
course S. and by E.

11. The wind at N.N.W. we sailing S. At 4 o'clock in
the morning, we spied a sail that stood in with the land.
This day, fair weather and little wind. This day, we did
observe the sun and found the altitude of the pole to be

sr 13'.

12. This day, the wind southerly, we sailing W.S.W. in
with the land, and had sight of the coast of Scotland, being
some 5 leagues off, at 4 o'clock in the morning. This day,
we sail'd close aboard the shore, being a league from
St. Andreiv's Bay;^ and, at 2 o'clock in the afternoon, we
tack'd about to the sea. This day, we spoke with a Scots-
man, which told us the harbour we went in withal, was
St. Andreiv's. This day, we had sight of many small
.sails, some sailing to the northward, some turning to the
southward, we being some nine leagues to the N. of Scots
Forth'}

13. This day, being Sunday, the wind at S.S.E., we
sailing to the land S.W., being small rainy weather ; and,
at 5 o'clock in the morning, we had sight of the land,
being open of the Scots Forth, seeing the Bass and the
May, two islands that lie in the mouth of the river of the
Forth ; and, at noon, we had sight of Stag's Head,-' being
in the S. side of the Forth. This day, the wind came
to the S.W. at 4 o'clock in the afternoon, blowing very
hard, so that we took in our top-sails and sprit-sail; and, at

' St. Andrew's liay, at the mouth of the Firth of Tay.

•^ The Firth of Forth.

3 St. Abb's Head (see also p. 86).

Il8 EXPEUITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612.

night, we diJ lie in try with our main-sail, it being increas'd
to a forceable storm.

14. This day, the wind came to the W., being much
wind all night ; yet, at 4 o'clock in the morning, wc set
our fore-sail, having sight of Cheviot hills, over Berwick, it
bearing W. of us ; and at noon we had sight of Tinmouth
castle. Also, this day, at 6 o'clock at night, we were quart
of Hunclife, 2 leagues off, we sailing along the land S.E.,
the wind being come to N.VV.

15. The wind at N.W., r»nd much wind, we sailing S.E. ;
and, at 10 o'clock at noon, we met with a shoal, so that we
went S. in with the land ; and, at three o'clock at after-
noon, we had sight of the land called the Shield, or Crovier^
sailing along the land S.S.E. This day, at 8 o'clock, we
came into Yarmouth roads and anchored.

16. This day, the wind at W., we weigh'd and set sail,
ajid went through Stanforth'^ and so to Orford-Ness, the
tide being done.

17. The wind at W. and by S. This day, wc turn about
the Ness. This day, we spoke with our neighbours, William
Robinson, master of the Frances, and William Nallaj', master
of a bark called the Christopher.

18. This day, being Friday, the wind at W., we turn
over the Spits'^ being in company with Carveils and Hol-
landers come out of the eastland. This day, the tide
being done we anchor'd, having sight of the buoy of the
Red-sand.^

' Cromer (or, perhaps, one of the hills in its vicinity) seems to have
been commonly known as "the Shield" at this period (see Miller
Christy's Voyages of Foxe and James, p. 268, ttotc 6).

- The Stanforth, or Stanford, seems to be a passage between the
Corton Sand and Lowestoft, on the Norfolk coast.

' The Spits seems to have been the name of the narrow passage
between the Uuxey and the (junfleet Sands.

♦ The Red-sand is near the Nore and oflfthe Island of Sheppey.

liL.

ENGLISH EXl'KniTION OF l6l2. I I9

19- This day, being Saturday, we sail'd up the river of
Thames, the wind being easterly ; and so, before London,
in St. Katharine's pool, we anchor'd, having our flag and
ancient hanging down, in token and sign of the death of
Mr. Hali, our general ; giving thanks to our good God for
our safe arrival in our own country, who had deiivcr'd us
from the cruelty of the salvages, the dangers of the blind
rocks in this unknown country, and the noisome cold
weather in this waste wilderness, where there are huge
mountains without wood, valleys without corn or grass,
and the sea with small store of fish : yet snow and ice
there are good store in the sea and in the land.

'I i

mmmm

Another Account of the latter part of

the English Expedition to Greenland,

under the Command of Captain James Hall,

in 1612.

By WILLIAM BAFFIN.'

As abbreviated by the Rev. Samuel Purchas.

[From Purchas his rii.ckiMKs (Lo/uto/i, 1625), vol, iii, pp. 831-836.]

'EDNESDAY, the eighth of July, 161 2,
in the morning, I percciucd the sunne
and the moone both very faire aboue
the horizon, as I had done diuers
times before.^ At which time, I pur-
posed to finde out the longitude of
that place, by the moones coming to the meridian. Most
part of this day I spent about finding of the meridian line ;

' It has been assumed that Haffin accompanied Hall in the capacity
of I'ilot (>n board the Hearfs Ease, but this is no where stated. It
is not easy to see why he should have been selected for this post
unless he had previously visited (Irecnland; but, of his having done
so, we have no record. Indeed, we know nothing of Haffin before
this time; but Koxe says (see North- IVest Fox, 1635, p. 59, and
Voyages of Foxe and James, p. 99) : " This was the first Sea- Voyage
of this young Art's-man." An admirable account of his voyages is
given in Mr. Markham's Voyages of William Jia^/i, /6/2-2^{Ha.kluyt
Society, 1881).

'■* This abrupt commencement clearly shows that I'urchas abbre-
viated this narrative, as he did most of his others. At the time the
narrative commences, the ships were lying in Cockin's Sound (the S.
Isortok Fjord ; see p. 99, //.).

ENGLISH EXPEDITION OF l6l2.

121

which I did vpon an Hand neere the sea, hanging at the
extreames of my meridian line two threeds with plummets
at them, instead o<" an index and sights.

Thursday, the ninth day, very early in the morning, I
went on shoare the iland, being a faire morning, and
obserued till the Moone came iust vpon the Meridian. At
which very instant I obserued the sunne's height and
found it 8 51' north : in the clcuation of the pole 65 20'.'
By the which, working by the doctrine of sphericall
triangles, having the three sides giuen (to wit, the comple-
ment of the poles elcuation ; the complement of the
Almecanter ; and the complement of the Sunne's decli-
nation) to find out the quantitie of the angle at the
Pole. I say, by this working, I found it to be foure
of the clocke, 17 minutes, and 24 seconds. Which
when I had done, I found by mine Ephcmeridcs
that the Moone came to the Meridian at London that
morning at foure of the clocke, 25 minutes, 34 seconds :
which 17 minutes 24 seconds, substracted from 25.34,
leaveth 8.10 of time for the difference of longitude betwixt
the meridian of London (for which the Ephemerides was
made) and the Meridian passing by this place in Groen-
land. Now the moone's motion that day was 12 7';
which, conuerted into minutes of time, were 48 minutes
29 .seconds ; which, working by the rule of proportion, the
worke is thu.s : if 48 minutes 29 .seconds (the time that
the Moone commeth to the Meridian .sooner that day then
she did the day before) giuc 360 (the whole circumference
of the earth), what shall 8 minutes 10 seconds giuc [?] To
wit, 60 degrees 30 minutes, or neere there about, which is the
difference of longitude betweene the Meridian of London

* In the following narrative, degrees and minutes are expressed in
most places by the modern signs, instead of being printed in words,
as in all cases in the original. This anachronism is due to an over-
sight for which the editors are not to blame.

123

KXI'EDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612.

and this place in Groenland, called Cockins Sound, lying to
the Westward of London.

This finding of the longitude, I confesse, is somewhat
difficult and troublesome, and there may be some small
errour. But, if it be carefully looked vnto and exactly
wrought, there will be no great errour, if your Ephemerides
be true.' But some will say that this kindc of working is
not for marriners, because they are not acquainted to work
propositions by the table of signes,- and an instrument is
not precise enough to find out the houre, minute, and
second. For the losse of one minute of time is the losse
of 7 degrees of longitude. I answere that, although the
most part are not vsed to this worke, yet I know some of
the better sort which are able to worke this and the like
propositions exactly. And those which yet cannot, and
are desirous to learne, may in short space attaine to such
knowledge as shall be sufficient for such things. And how
necessary it is that the longitude of places should be
knowne, I leaue to the iudgement of all skilfull Marriners
and others that are learned in the Mathematicks.

This afternoone it was agreed by the chiefe of our
company that our master, James Hall^ should goe in the
smaller Ship'' farther to the Northward.

The foresaid Thursday, in the evening, he departed out
of the Patience into the Harts-ease, to get forth of the
harbor which our Master called Cockins-ford, in remem-
brance of Alderman Cockin, one of the Aduenturers ;

• As a matter of fact, the longitude found by Hafifin in this place is
more than 8' too westerly. Still the result was very correct as com-
putations of longitude at the time went. On his voyage in 161 5, Baffin
made a similar, and much more successful, observation (see Voyages
0/ Baffin, \i^. 124-126).

2 Sines.

' That is, the Hearts Ease, Vice-Admiral. As already stated (see
p. 106), Baffin accompanied him on the trip northwards.

ENCILISH EXPEDITION OF l6l2.

123

which place is in the latitude of 65" 20'. And the variation
of the compassc 23 28' to the westward. That cucning
was very calmc, and we towed our shippe forth with the
shallops and ship's boat. But, within an hourc or two
after we were got into the ofFin, the windc being at North,
it blew a great storme, which continued all that night.

The fourteenth, our Master turned the ship vp to the
river againe, toward the riuer where the supposed mine
should be. But the tyde was so farre spent that wc could
not get to sea, but were constrained to anker in a roade at
the south side of the riuer, some three leagues from the
Patience^ in which place arc many good rode-steeds to be
found.^

Thirsday, the sixteenth day, the winde was at North-
west, and blew so stiffe a gale that we could not get to sea
that day. That night, eighteene of vs went into the ilands
to looke for some deere, but found none. But we perceiued
the foote-steps of some great beast, which we supposed to
be of some great Elke ; the foote was as biggc as any Oxe
foote.2

Tuesday, the twentie-one, the weather still continued in

' This passage is by no means clear, probably on account of the
entries for the next foregoing days having been left out. Gatonbe's
narrative is fuller.

'■' Notwithstanding Purchas's opinion (see p. 134), one would na-
turally conclude that the tracks could only be those of the Musk
Ox (Ovibos moschatits). It appears, however (see Zoologist^ '895,
p. 43), that there is no record of this animal having ever been met
with alive on the west coast of Greenland, south of the glaciers of
Melville Bay, which appear to have formed a barrier to its advance
southwards, as those of Cape Farewell have to its advance round
the southern extremity of the country from the east coast, where the
Musk Ox is abundant. There is no mention of the animal in the
Sagas which describe the old Norse Colonies on the south-east
coast. Probably, therefore, the footmarks seen were merely those
of the Reindeer, which (as Colonel H. W. Feilden has been good
enough to inform us) appear very large in soft wet soil or snow.

124 EXPEDITIONS TO C.KKKNLAND, 1605-1612.

such sort that wee could not by any means get to the riucr
where the supposed Mync should bee. Wherefore our
Master bare roome for Ramels-ford^ beinj^ a river south-
ward of another, called Ciotninghains-ford'^ some twelve
leagues. And we came to an anchor at the entrance on
the south side of the ford, about seucn of the clocke.

Wednesday, the two and twentieth day, about nine or
ten of the clocke, the Sauages came to barter with vs, being
about fortie of them, and continued about an houre and an
halfe ; at which time, our master, lames Hall, being in the
boatc, a sauage with his dart strookc him a deadly wound
vpon the right side, which our surgcan did thinkc did
pierce his liuer.^ We all mused that he should strike him
and offer no harme to any of the rest, vnlcsse it were that
they knew him since he was there with the Danes ; for, out
of that riuer, they carried away fiuc of the people, whereof
neucr any returned againe ;* and, in the next riuer, they
killed a great number. And it should seeme that he which
killed him was either brother, or some neere kinsman, to
some of them that were carried away ; for he did it very
resolutely, and came within foure yards of him. And, for
ought we could see, the people are very kinde one to
another, and ready to rcuenge any wrong ofifred to them.
All that day, he lay very sore pained, looking for death
euery houre, and resigned all his charge to Master Amlretv
Barker, Master of the Harts-ease, willing him to place
another in his room Master of the small ship.

Thursday, the three and twentieth, about eight of the
clocke in the morning, he dyed, being very penitent for all
his former offences. And, after wee had shrowded him,

' Amerdlok Fjord (see Introduction).

^ The Southern Kangerdkiarsuk Fjord (see Introduction).

•' Baffin, wlio seems to have witnessed the assauh upon Hall, gives
a less detailed account of it than Gatonbe (see p. 107), who only heard
of it by word of mouth. * .See p. 48, //.

KNdLISM F.XI'KDITION OK l6l2.

125

wee carried him in the shallop, to buric him in some out
Hand, according to his owne request while he was liuing.*
After we hid buried him, wc went in the shallop to scckc
for the mine, which we had expected so long. All that
day, we rowed along towards the North, passing by a Cape
called Queen Sophias Cape? That night wc staiccl at an
iland, some three leagues short of the river.

Friday, the four and twentieth, in the morning, wee
rowed along and came to the place, which is on the south
side of the entrance of Cunningham' s river, and we found
diucrs places where the Danes had digged ; it was a kindc
of shining stone, which, when our goldsmith, y^/w<'.v Carlisle,
had tried it, was found of no value, and had no mcttall at
all in it, but was like vnto Moscouie sluddcv' and of a glitter-
ing colour. That day, after we had dyncd, wc rowed vp
that riuer some foure leagues, where diuers of our company
went vp into the mountaines, and found a valley more
pleasant than they had scene in the countrcy. That euen-
ing, wc returned and came to the place where the Danes
had digged their supposed mine, and tooke .some of it in
our boate to carry with vs, and returned toward our ship.
That night, we rowed and sailed, and the next morning,
about nine of the clocke, wc came to our .ship.

Saturday, the fiue and twentieth, being Saint lames his
day, in the fornoone, we came to our shippc, lying on tho
south side of the riuer called Ranie/s Riuer.^ And as .soonc

' On the U.inish Chart of 1832, Hall's grave is marked, Init only by
guess, the spot being really not known. Capt. Jensen and his survey-
ing party endeavoured to <)l)tain some chie froui the natives, but in
vain (Ati'ddi'lelser out Cironlaini, vol. \iii, p. 48).

-' That is, the Pnestefjeld (see p. 9, //.).

■' Mica. Several arctic explorers, in their anxiety to find something
to give their geographical discoveries commercial value, have been
similarly mistaken.

* That is, to the Hearfs Ease, not to the Patience, which \essel had
remained in the King's Fjord.

126 EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612.

as our master found that the people came no more to trade
with vs, he determined to depart with the shippe into the
Kings Ford, to the Patience; and, rowing about the harbour
where we lay to finde some necrer way out to the sea, we
found among the Hands where many of their winter houses
had bin, and some of their Tents were but lately carried
away. In which place, wee also found one of their long
boates, made of wood, and bound together for the most
part with shiuers of whales fins, and covered with scales
skinnes, being some two and thirtie foote in length, and
some fiue foote broad, having tenne thoughts or seats^ in it.
That day, about twelue of the clocke, we weighed anchor,
and departed out of Ramels Ford, which lieth in the
latitude of 67",' and the variation of the compasse is 24"
16', being a very faire riuer, and one of the most principall
which we saw in that countrey, stretching in East and East
and by South. This night, about one of the clocke, we
came to the Patience^ lying in the Kings Ford.

Sunday, the sixc and twentieth, Master Andrew Barker,
and our Merchant, Master Wilkinson, with other of the
company, were in conference about returning home, be-
cause that, since our Master was slaine, none of the
Sauages would trade with vs as they were wont.

Wednesday, the nine and twentieth, we were likewise
occupied about taking in of ballast, for our shippe was
very light ; and that evening it was agreed that Andrexv
Barker, Master of the Harts-ease, should goe Master of the
Patience, which was sore against the minde of William
(lonrdon ; and William Huntrice was appointed Master of
the Harts-ease ; and John Gartcnby^ one of the quarter-

• See p. II, ;/.

- This fiyiiie is too hijjh. The northern shore of Ramniel's
(Amerdlok) Fjord is in 66" 55'.

•' The same as John Gatonbe, author of the preceding account of
the voyage.

ENGLISH EXPEDITION OF l6l2.

127

masters of the Patience, was masters-mate of the Harts-
ease}

Tuesday, the fourth of August, in the morning, the
winde being northerly, a very small gale, we got to sea,
where the winde came to the southward, and we tacked
sometime on the one boord, and sometime on the other,
making small way on our course.

Munday \sic\ the tenth,'- was raine and foule weather, as
it had continued euery day since wee came from harbour,
sauing the seuenth day, which was somewhat faire ; for
commonly, while the winde is south, it is very thick and
foule weather. We tacked sometimes on one boord, and
sometimes on the other, making a South by West way, at
noone six leagues.

Wednesday, the twelfth, it waxed calme, we being some-
what Southward of a cape, called Burnils Cape;'' and, about

1 Gatonljc's narrative shows (see p. 107) that these arrangements
were only made after a good deal of quarrelling.

^ The events from the 5th to the 9th (which Purchas seems to have
cut out of Haffin's narrative) arc given by (latonbe (see pp. i lo-m).

'^ Ciatonbe does not mention Burnil's Cape ; but, as he states
(p. 1 1 i),that they passed Cockin's (Isortok) Fjord on the 9th and arrived
on the 13th at Hope Harbour ((iodthaab Fjord), whilst IJaffin states
that they passed Ikirnil's Cape on or before the 12th, it must have
been some Headland on the coast which especially attracted their
notice between the two places named. The one most likely to have
done so is, perhaps, the mountain of Tookusak, which rises to a height
of 1770 ft. on a peninsula, in 64 52', forming, it is said, a very con-
spicuous object from the sea. It seems to have l)een named so by
Hall (m his voyage up. There is no other clue that we are aware to
the origin of the name (supposing it is correctly spelled) than that
the cape was named after one or other of two persons of the name
of IJurnel amongst the members of the North-West Passage Com-
pany (see Miller Christy's Voyages of Foxc and James, p. 646).
Mr. .Markham, however, suggests {Voyages of Ihiffin^ p. 29, //.) that
it may have been named after Oliver Brunei (known in England as
Brownel), a well-known Dutch explorer, who is believed to have been
in the Danish service about this time. On some English and Danish
Charts, a " Cajjc Hurnitt" appears in lat. 66' 27' or 28', on the Island

■MSIM*

128 F.XPKDITIONS TO (IKKKNLAND, 1605-1612.

three or foure of the clocke in the afternoone, the vvinde
came to the North and by West, an easie gale, with faire
weather.

The eighteenth,' at noon, we were in 58" 50'. The seuen-
teenth day, I tooke the variation of the compasse, finding
it to be 1 3 22', contrary to the obseruations of others in
this place. And, if any doe doubt of the truth thereof,
they may with a little paines prove it. The eighteenth of
August, the declination of the Sunne was 9' 58', for the
Meridian of London. But, we being almost foure houres
of time to the westward thereof, there arc three minutes
to be abated from the rest : and so the declination was
9" 55'; and his height aboue the horizon was 24 40' in
the latitude of 59 o' ; and his distance from the south
to the westward, by the compasse, was ST. And, for
truth of the first obseruation, I tooke another shortly after,
finding them not differ above 4 minutes.

Wednesday, the nineteenth, the winde still continued
with thick and hasie weather,- we being at noone in the
latitude of 58 degrees 30 minutes, or thereabout, making a
South South-east way, about ten leagues.

Thursday, the twentieth, was faire weather, the wind at
East North-east, wee steered away South-east and South-
cast and by cast, making at noone a south-cast and by
south way, about thirtie leagues, being at noone in the
latitude of 57 degrees 20 minutes. This day, in the after-
noone, I tooke the variation of the compasse, and found it
about H degrees 10 minutes.

of Inugsugtusok, just south of the entrance to Itivdlek Fjord. If
this is intended for H.iU's "Cape lUirnil", it is l)oth wrongly spelled
and wrongly placed.

' datonbe's narrati\e relates the occurrences from the I3tli to the
17th (see pp. 1 1 1 and 1 12).

- Gatonbe's account (see p. 112) mentions bad weather on the i8th.
Purchas probably cut out of Baffin's narrative the passage relating
to it.

ENGLISH EXPEDITION OF l6l2.

129

Friday, the one and twentieth day, faire weather, with
the winde at North and North by East ; and we made an
East South east way, half southerly, some twentie foure
leagues, being at noone, by obseruation, in the latitude of

56 degrees 50 minutes.'

Saturday, the two and twentieth, faire weather, the wind
at North and North by East ; wee made an east way half
southerly, some twentie two leagues, being at noone in the
latitude of 56 degrees 47 minutes.'-

Sunday, the three and twentieth, faire weather, the
wind at West North-west, we making an East and East
by North way, about twentie four leagues. This day I
tooke the variation of the compasse, and found it to be
7 degrees 23 minutes, being at noone in the latitude of

57 degrees 26 minutes.^

Munday, the foure and twentieth, being i)'. Bartliolomexves
day, faire weather with a North North-west [wind], wee
making an East North-east way, halfe northerly, about
twentie seven leagues, and were at noon, by observation,
in the latitude of 58 degrees 4 minutes. This day, I
obserucd and found the compasse to be varied 7 degrees
20 minutes.

Tuesday, the fiue and twentieth, faire weather and
calme, the winde at North ; wee made a North-east and
by East way, seuentecne leagues, being at noone in the
latitude of 58 degrees 30 minutes."* This day, I found the

' From this date, until the 2ncl of September, both (iatonbe and
Baffin, as they sailed home togetlier on their respective ships, made
and recorded ahnost daily observations of the latitude, ami it is
interesting to compare the difference between the two as a test of the
reliability of such observations taken at the time. It is impossible to
say which was the more correct in each particular case. Of course,
if the ships were some way apart, both ini^^ht be correct. For tln'
21st, Clatonbe (p. 113) gives 56' 36', Maffm 56 50'.

- (Iatonbe (p. 113) says 56 42'.

» Ibid. (p. 113) says 57 o'. ^ Ibid. (p. 1 13J says 58 14'.

\ ^

130 EXPEOITIONS TO (iKKKXLAXI). 1605- 1612.

common compassc to be varied one point, and the true
variation to be 6 degrees 4 minutes.

Wednesday, the sixe and twentieth, faire weather also,
with the wind North North-west, wee made a North-east
and by East way halfe [? northerly], about tv/entie two
leagues, being in the height of 59 degrees 10 minutes.

Thursday, the seven and twentieth, indifferent faire
weather, with a stiffe gale of wind at the North North-
west, we making a North-east way about thirtie one
leagues, being at noone in the latitude of 60 degrees
10 minutes.'

Friday, the eight and twentieth, the wind at South-east,
with a stiffe gale, wee made good about noone a North-east
and by East way about twentie nine leagues. This day,
in the afternoon, it blew so greate a storme that we were in
great distresse, the winde at East South-east. But, about
eleucn of the clocke, it came to the North-west and North-
west by North. And we ranne some twentie leagues.

Saturday, the nine and twentieth, it blew so stiffe that
wee could beare none but our foresaile, making an East ami
by South way, halfe southerly, about thirtie leagues.

Sunda)-. the thirtieth, all the forenoone, it blew a ver)'
stiffe gale, and about noone the winde came Southerl)' ;
and it blew a very great storme, which continued all that
day and that night, in such sort that we could not saile
at all, but all that night lay at hull.

Monday, the one and thirtieth, in the morning, about
foure of the clocke, the winde came to the South-west, a
very stiffe gale ; at which time, we set our fore-saile. The
wind continued all this day and night ; we steered awaj-
East and by South, making at noon an East North-ea.st
way, about thirtie foure leagues.

Tuesday, the first of September, the wind still continued

' Ciatonbc (p. 1 14) says 59" 49',

^■i

kn(;lish kxpkdition ok [612.

13'

at South-vyest, blowing a very stifife gale ; we steered away-
East and by South, making an East way about fiftie
leagues. This day, at noon, we were in the latitude of
60 degrees 45 minutes.*

Wednesday, the second, fair weather, with the wind at
South-west ; wee made an East and by South way, half a
point southerly, about fortic-two leagues, being at noonc
in the latitude of 60 degrees 10 minutes.- This day, 1
obserued and found the compasse to be varied three
degrees to the Westward.

Thursday, the third day, faire weather, the wind at
South-west ; wee made an East by North way at noonc,
about twentie leagues. This day, in the after-noone, the
winde being at North North-west, it blew a very stiffc gale
for two watches ; and, toward scucn or eight of the clocke,
the storme so increased that our shippe was not able to
beare any saile. And all that night wee lay at hull.

Friday, the fourth, the storme still continued, and we
could beare no saile all that day till about foure of the
clocke in the afternoone, at which time we set our fore
course and our maine course. The night before, in the
storme, we lost the Harts-ease. This day, wee made some
twelue leagues East and by North, and wee fell to lee-ward
l\'ing at hull some flue leagues South by West.

Saturday, the fift, calme weather, but very thicke and
close all the fore-noone : the wind continued still at North
North-west, we making, from the time wee set our courses
the day before, about twentie leagues East half Southerly,
beeing at noone in the latitude of 59 degrees 53 minutes.

Sunday, the sixt, faire weather, the wind at North North-
west, we steering away I'Last North-east, and East and bj-
North, made an East by North way, half northcrl)', some

' (latonbc (p. 115) says 60 25'
- Ibid. Cp. 1 15) says 60' 9'.

I 2

132 EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612.

29 leagues, being at noone in 60° 10'. This day, the com-
passe was varied to the East sixe degrees. This afternoone,
it was almost calme, and wee sounded and found ground
at sixtie eight fathomcs. This evening, about ten of the
clock, the wind came to the South-east.

Munday, the seuenth, very faire weather, the wind South-
east and South-east by East ; wee tacked in the morning to
the Northward, and ranne East North-east and East by
North vntill seuen or eight in the afternoone, at which
time we tacked vp to the Southward, and went away South-
west till toward twelve a clocke that night, twentie leagues.

Tuesday, the eight, in our morning watch, I found our
selues to be in 59^ 20' ; and, about fiue of the clock, I espied
land, which wee supposed to bee the Isles of Orkney, as
afterward we found them to be the same ; and, toward three
of the clocke, we came to an anchor in a channel! running
betweene the Hands, where the people came to vs, and
brought vs hennes, geese, and sheepe, and sold them to vs
for old clothes and shoes, desiring rather them than money.
There are about eighteene of these Hands which are called
by the name of the Orkneis.

Wednesday, the ninth, it was thicke weather, and the
wind so easterly that wee could not weigh anchor.

Thursday, the tenth, faire weather, and the wind came to
the North-west, and about noone we weighed anchor ; and,
towarde fiue of the clocke, we were cleere off the lies. The
channel, for the most part, lycth North-west and South-east.
All that night we stood away South-east.

Friday, the eleuenth, faire weather, with the wind at
North North-west ; and, about nine of the clocke in the
morning, we steered away South South-east, at which time
wee had sight of Buquhaui-nesse} and about two of the
clocke we were thwart of it.

' Buchan Ness (see p. 86).

ENGLISH EXPEDITION OF l6l2.

133

The seucntccnth, we came to an anchor in Hull Road,
for which the Lord bee praysed.

Here I thinke it not amisse briefly to relate the state
and manner of the people of Grocniamf, forasmuch as I
could learne ; as also what likelihood there is of a passe
into the Sea which lyeth vpon Tartarie and China.^

The north-west part of Gronland is an exceedingly high
land to the sea-ward, and almost nothing but mountaynes,
which are wonderfull high all within the land, as farrc as
wee could perceive ; and they are all of stone, some of one
colour, and some of another, and all glistering, as though
they were of rich value ; but, indeed, they are not worth
anything ; for our Gold-smith, James Carlile, tryed very
much of the Vre, and found it to bee nothing worth. If
there bee any Mettall, it lyeth so low in the mountaynes
that it cannot bee well come by. There are some rocks in
these mountaynes which are exceeding pure stone, finer
and whiter then alabaster. The sides of these mountaynes
continually are couered with snow for the most part, and
especially the north sides, and the No[r]th sides of the
valleyes, hauing a kind of mossc, and in some places grasse,
with a little branch running all along the ground, bearing
a little black bcrric ; it runneth along the ground like
Three-leaued Grasse heere in Englandr There are few or
no trees growing, as farre as we could perceiue ; but, in
one place, some fortie miles within the land, in a river
which wee called Balls River. There I saw, on the south

' Baffin's views on this subject would have had much interest ; but
as the following remarks relate solely to Greenland, Purrhas probably
omitted Baffin's observations on the likelihood of a North-west
Passage, in order to save space, overlooking this passage.

- The plant here alluded to is probably the Crowberry {Empclrtim
nigrum\ the only plant in Greenland which has a black berry, but it
can hardly be described as a grass.

134 KXF'KDITIONS TO (IRKKNLAND, 1605-1612.

side of an hi^h mountayne which wc went vp, and found
(as it were) a yong Grouc of small Wood, some of it sixe or
seucn foot hij^h, like a Coppice in Etigland that had beene
some two or three yeers cut ; and this was the most wood
that wee saw growing in this country, being some of it a
kind of willow, iuniper, and such like.^

We found in many places much Angelica:- We suppose
the people eate the roots thereof, for some causes ; for we
haue seene them have many of them in their boats.

There are a great store of Foxes in the Hands and in the
Mayne, of sundry colours ; and there are a kind of Hares,
as white as snow, with their furre or haire very long.

Also there be Deere, but they are most commonly vp
within the Maync very farrc, because the people doe so
much hunt them that come neerc the sea. I saw at one
time seuen of them together, which were all that wee did
see in the country. But our men have bought diuers coates
of the people, made of deeres skinnes, and have bought of
their homes also. Besides, we have diuers times seene the
footsteps of some beast whose foote was bigger than the

' Extensive tracts of woodland of this description occur commonly
in South Greenland, chiefly in sheltered positions among the inner
fiords, to which the sea- winds do not penetrate. I^rofessor Lange
"Conspectus P'lora; (Iroenlandica'", in Meddelelscr oi/i Gronland,
\ol. iii) enumerates five species of Bctula^ six of Salix\ one of
Almis, one of Sor/>us, and one oijunipcrus as occurring. The tallest
trees (specimens of lictula odorata) only reach a height of eighteen
feet. Much interesting information concerning these woods is also
given in Professor Warming's paper on the "Vegetation of Greenland"
{Mcdii. oin Gronl.^ vol. xii).

- Archatigelica officinalis was formerly much grown in England
as a garden herb. Like other members of the genus, it has sweet,
succulent roots, like celery, and is valuable as an anti-scorbutic.
Lange says ("Conspectus Florae Groenlandicic", pp. xxxivand68) that,
in Greenland, where it occurs in grassy spots near the coast as far
north as lat. 69°, it is called Kuiinck. The natives consider it a great
delicacy.

kn(;lisii expedition of 1612.

foot of a great Oxe.' Furthermore, the inhabitants haiie a
kinde of Dogges which they keepe at their houses and
tents ; which Dogges are almost like vnto Wolues, huing
by fish, as the Foxes doc. But one thing is very strange,
as I thought ; for the pizzles of both dogges and foxes arc
bone.'-

The people, all the summer time, vse nothing but fishing,
drying their fish and scales flesh vpon the rockes, for their
winter prouision. Euery one, both man and woman, haue
each of them a boate, made with long small pieces of firre-
wood, couered with scales skinnes very well drest, and
sewed so well with sinewes or guts that no water can
pierce them through, being some of them aboue twentie
foot long, aiid not past two foot, or two foot and a halfe
broad, in forme of a weauers shittle [sic], and so light that
a man may carrie many of them at once for the weight.
In these boates, they will row .so swiftly that it is almost
incredible ; for no ship in the world is able to keepe way
with them, although shec haue neuer .so good a gale of
wind ; and yet they vse but one oare ; who sitting in the
midle [sic] of their boate, and holding their oare in the
middle, being broad at each end like our oares, will at an
instant goe backward and forward as they please.

In these boates, they catch the most part of their food,
being scales and salmons, morses, and other kinds of fishes.
Some they kill with their darts, and other some with
angles, hauing aline made of .small shiuers of whales finnes
and an hooke of some fishes bones, with which lines and
hookes we also have caught very much fish.

Also, they haue another kinde of boate, which is very

' I'urchas here adds the note : — " These seem to be Elkes, of
Losshes". See, however, the note on p. 123.

- Here Purchas also adds a note : — " The pizzles of Uogges and
foxes arc bone: so, albo, ib the Morses pizzle, of which I haue by me
one of stone."

'! !

136 EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612.

long ; for wee haue scene one of thern thirty-two foot in
length, open in the toppc like our boates, hauing tenne
seats in it ; in which, when they rcmoouc their dwellings,
they Carrie their goods or house-hold stuffe ; for they re-
mooue their dwellings very often, as their fishing doth
serve, liuing in the summer-time in tents made of scales
skinnes, and in winter in houses somewhat in the ground.

Wee could not particularly learn their rites or cere-
monies ; but generally they worship the Sunne, as chiefe
authour of their felicitie. At their first approach vnto vs,
they vsed with their hands to point vp to the Sunne, and
to strike their hands vpon ther brests, crying Ilyont ; as
who would say : I meane no harmc ; which they will doe
very often, and will not come neer you vntil you do the
like, and then they will come without any feare at all.

They burie their dead in the Out- 1 lands neere the sea-
side. Their manner of buriall is this : — Vpon the tops of
the hils, they gather a company of stones together, and
make therof an hollow caue or graue, of the length and
breadth of the bodie which they intend to buric, laying the
stones somewhat close, like a wall, that neyther foxes nor
other such beasts may dcuourc the bodies, coucring them
with broad stones, shewing afar off like a pile of .stones.
And neere vnto this graue, where the bodie lyeth, is an-
other, wherein they burie his bow and arrowes, with his
darts and all his other prouision which hee vsed while hee
was liuing. Hee is buried in all his apparell ; and the
coldnesse of the climate doth keepe the bodie from smelling
and stinking, although it lye aboue ground.

They eat all their food raw, and vse no fire to dress their
victuals, as farre as wee could perceiue. Also, wee haue
scene them drinke the salt-water at our shippes side ; but
whether it be vsuall or no, I cannot tell. Although they
dresse not their meate with fire, yet thcj' vse fire for other
things, as to warme them, etc.

KNdLlSIl KXI'KDITIOX OF l6l2.

137

Diners of our men were of opinion that they were man-
eaters, and would haue deuoured vs, if they could haue
cauffht vs. But I do not thinkc they would ; for, if they
had bin so minded, they mi^ht at one time haue caught
our cooke, and two other with him, as they were filling of
water at an Hand a great way from our shi[). These three,
I say, were in the ships boate, without cyther musket or
any other weapon ; when, as a great company of the
sauagcs came rowing vnto them with their darts and other
furniture, which they ncucr goe without, and stood looking
into the boate for nayles, or any old iron, which they so
greatly desire, while our men were in such a fcare that
they knew not what to doc. At length, our cooke remem-
bered that hee had some old iron in his pocket, and gaue
each of them some, as farre as it would goe, with his key
of his chest. And presently they all departed, without
offering any harme at all : but this I spcake not that I
would haue men to trust them, or to goe among them
vnj)rouided of weapons.

V-^..^'

" Danish Arctic Voyages, 1605 -162 O" (Haktuyt Society, 1896")

mvoto^raphedj by iyenMraZeitcdbnisLijtograuMk<t>Anstriit/, Sntvidu*im

KS. WeJler. fttit, -12, DenmnrkEll, Lttrvdaro,S.£.

Hii

J^voti'ffrap/i eil by OaVfralKtubais liitrtgraii/i/uiiAnett'ntt/, •'*'="\.R'P .

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A.

On the Stockholm Ch\rt.'

Bv C. C. A. GOSCH.

Thk very interesting manuscript Chart, to which we have several
times alluded under the name of " the Stockholm Chart",- is, as
already stated, now preserved in the Royal Library at Stockholm,
to which place it has, no doubt, been taken from Denmark.
The earliest mention of it, as far as we are aware, occurs in a list
of Danish historical manuscripts preserved in the Library just
mentioned, written by the late Professor C. Molbech, of Copen-
hagen;''' but it was another Danish writer, Dr. J. K. V. Steenstrup,
who first drew attention to it, and pointed out the interest attaching
to it, in an article in the Swedish periodical Vwer,^ which is
accompanied by a good, though somewhat reduced, reproduction.
We have had no opportunity of personally inspecting it, but by
the courtesy of Count Snollsky, the Principal Librarian of the
Royal Library at Stockholm, and the kind assistance of Dr.
VVieselgren, Sub Librarian, we are enabled to lay before our
reader^ a full-size photo-lithographic reproduction, which we have
every reason to consider satisfactory. To this, therefore, we may
refer instead of a detailed description. There are, however, a few-
points which cannot be ascertained from our copy, and with
regard to which we are indebted for information to the article of
Dr. Steenstrup, supplemented by communications from Dr.
Wieselgren. The Chart is drawn on paper, the watermark of

1 Mr. Christy, who is unable tu agree with the conclusions arrived at in tlie
following remarks, will probably state iiis views regarchng the Stockholm Chart
elsewhere.

- See Introduction, pp. xvi, xvii, xl, Ixxi, cxiii.

•' Daiiike Haaiidikrijtcr . , . i d:i Kongelhjc liibtiotluk i Stockholm in Jiistorhk
lidsskrifty tS^j, p. 147 (Copenhagen).

* Bcmirrkiiitiger til cl giunmelt yfaninkript Kuarl over Croiilniirl, in Vi/ur,
/SSO, pp. 83-88 (Stockholm, Swedish .\nthropological and (jeographical Society).

I40 EXPEDITIONS TO GKEENLANU, 1605-1612.

which represents a bunch of grapes. The outlines appear to
have been drawn first in pencil and afterwards blackened with
ink, which is still beautifully black, excepting as regards a few
small islands on the west coast of Greenland, which are drawn in
an inferior ink. This latter has also been employed for writing
the names; but the four numbers placed against certain points
of the coast are written in the same black ink in which the out-
lines are drawn. I'he two wavy dotted lines in the left-hand
upper corner of our reproduction (evidently representing a portion
of the coast of (ireenland, in different positions from the line
which has been blackened) are, on the original, drawn in pencil
and continuous ; but the compass-lines present the same irregular
appearance on the original as on the copy. The map is quite
uncoloured.

It should be observed that the rather uneven marginal
divisions indicating longitude are intended to count each for two
degrees ; Cape Farewell being very nearly in the right longitude as
coni[)ared with Shetland, which ap[)ears farthest to the east on the
map. It may be noticed as a curiosity that the letters E. and W.,
belont^ing to the central compass, have been interchanged.

As regards the origin and date of the Stockholm Chart, we do
not possess direct information of any kind, and we are left to
inference from the contents of the Chart and from other data.
Before entering on these questions, we may, however, notice that
the expression " the Stockholm Chart" may be taken in a double
sense. We may speak of the Stockholm Chart as a cartographic
work or composition, of which there may exist or have existed
several reproductions, differing, perhaps, in date, and even in
cartographic detail ; or we may mean only the particular copy now
preserved at Stockholm. If, to begin with, we limit ourselves to
this latter point of view, and attempt to determine the origin and
date of the chart at Stockholm, we cannot but be struck by the
fact that, out of eleven names, which are all that occur on it, ten
are names bestowed by Hall on various localities in Greenland on
the Danish expedition to that country in 1605. The obvious
inference is that this Chart, as it lies before us, is intended to
illustrate Hall's discoveries on that occasion ; and it follows that,
in its present state at least, it cannot be of older date than 1605.
How much later it may be is not so easily determined. Some of
these names occur in Hall's accounts of his voyages to Greenland,
which were not published till 1625 ; others are not mentioned in
these accounts, but are found on his maps, which have only quite
lately come to light. As, however, some of these names appear
on Hessel Gerritsz.'s map of 161 2, it follows that Hall's accounts
and maps must have been accessible in England, where they
were preserved after Hall's return from Denmark, and the infor-
mation by which the names were put on the Stockholm Chart
may, therefore, have been obtained from England at any time

APPENDICES,

141

before 1625. It is not, however, probable that, after Hall's
return, anybod) in Denmark should have secured from England
either the information required for putting on the names, or the
map with the names on. The most probable theory, therefore, is
that the names were put on the Stockholm Chart in Denmark,
while Hall himself was there : that is to say, not later, or not much
later, than 1607. It would seem natural to suppose that Hall
inserted them himself; but this opinion is open to various objec-
tions. It may be observed, in the first instance, that the hand-
writing on the Stockholm Chart is very inferior to that on Hall's
own maps ; but this argument is not of much force, because there
is no reason why Hall may not in either case, or even in both,
have employed some other person to put the names on. We do
not possess any authentic specimen of Hall's handwriting. A
strong argument, however, is afforded by the fact that the names
are not all correctly put on. The mis-spellings Cuningatn for
Cunningham and Romblesfo. for Romlesford (as Ramelsfiord is
called on Hall's map) are easily explicable on the supposition that
they were written from verbal communication. But the trans-
formation of Queen Ann's Cape into C. St. Ann, as on the Stock-
holm Chart, can scarcely be thus explained, and must be due to
a person unacquainted with the origin of that name.^ Still
more important are the facts that the name of Cunningham's
Fjord is inserted North of that of Prince Christian's Fjord, instead
of vice versa, and that the name of Cape Christianus is very likely
misplaced, as will be shown presently. We may add, though it
is of lesser weight, that, if Hall himself had superintended the
insertion of the names, that of Queen Sophia's Cape would
scarcely have been omitted. The most probable view, therefore,
seems to be that, though the information concerning the names
must have been derived from Hall, they were actually put on the
chart by some person not directed by him, nor well acquainted
with the subject.

The date of the insertion of the names on the Stockholm Chart
may thus be considered settled as nearly as it can he done now, and
the outline can, of course, not be of later date than the names ; but
the question remains whether the Chart itself, apart from the names,
was drawn on purpose, at the same time, or whether the names
were inserted on an older map of independent origin. That the
latter was the case is plausibly suggested by the fact that the
names — as stated above — are written in an ink different from that
which was used for drawing the outline. No safe conclusion,
however, can be drawn from this fact alone, which, for aught we

1 The names of saints were so much used in forming geographical names that
a person hearing of (Jueen Ann's and (jueen Sophia's Capes, but knowing
nothing about the royal personages after whom tliey were named, might very
naturally fall into such a mistake. Accordingly, we fmd on Messel Gerritsz.'s
Maj) the names given as Aiiii's Cape and St. Sofflii's Cape.

142 KXl'EDITIOXS TO C.KKENI.AXI), 1605-1612.

know, may be clue to the merest accident. Thf circumstance
that some of the small islands on the west coast are drawn in the
same inferior ink as the names, rather points to the inference that
the draughtsman, having not quite finished the blackening of his
pencil-lines, either by accident or compelled by some necessity,
used some different ink for finishing the outline and putting on
the names. The difference in the colour of the ink does not in
the least disclose whether the names were put on a few hours or a
couple of years after the drawing of the outline ; and it does not,
therefore, assist us at all in determining the date of the map,
apart from the names. In order to form a fairly well-founded
opinion on this c[uestion, we must, therefore, turn our attention to
another set of facts, from which materials for a solid argument
can really be drawn, viz., the representation on the Stockholm
Chart of the countries concerned. If this does not exhibit any
detail but such as we may consider to have been known before
1605, there would be no objection to place the date of the
Stockholm Chart, apart from the names, earlier than that year ;
but, if in the outline of the coast we find features which are not
mentioned in any record earlier than 1605, and which may have
been, or even are expressly stated to have been, discovered by
Hall in that year, then we are justified in concluding, or even
forced to conclude, that the Stockholm Chart was drawn after
1605.

In this respect, we may notice, first, that, whilst on the Nt'v
Map (1600) the coast of (jreenland, from lat. 66' (the southern-
most point touched or observed by Hall in 1605) to lat. 72°, is
represented as uninterrupted, a wide opening is indicated on the
Stockholm Chart, between lat. 68' 30' and 69° 50'. In lat. 68°,
the west coast of (Ireenland, as shown on this map, turns N.E.,
and in 68" 30' it turns (juite easterly, but is continued only for a
short distance in this direction. In lat. 69° 50', another shoulder
of land is shown, from which the coast trends northwards as far as
lat. 72', and north-westwards for a short space. There can be no
reasonable doubt of this oj)ening being meant for the entrance to
the Bay of Disco. It is the earliest known representation of it ;
and, under the circumstances, we are justified in assuming that
this feature was introduced on the Stockholm Chart as a discovery
of Hall's. It is true that in the accounts of his voyages there is
no mention of the Bay of Disco, nor does he profess to have
advanced further than lat. 68 30 or 69'. But it should be
remembered that, of Hall's expedition in the pinnace, on which
he reached so far north, we possess no account except Leyell's
very laconic notes ; and, though he cannot have explored the Bay,
he may very well have seen the opening of it from his northern-
most point.' In fact, his apparent inconsistency in stating in one

' Sfc p. lx.\-lx.\ii.

APPENDICES.

143

place' that he had explored the coast as far as lat. 69°, whilst in
another place- he mentions 68° 30' as the latitude of the point
where he turned hack, may be reconciled hy supposing that in the
former place he reckoned the extent of coast explored by him as
far as he had been able to see it (as he did with regard to Queen
Ann's Cape), and that, when he put down the figure of 69 , he
had in his mind the southern extremity of the island of Disco,
which he may then have guessed to be in that latitude, though
he may afterwards have corrected that estimate. The view that
Hall actually observed the entrance of the Bay of Disco is not a
little strengthened by the occurrence of the word "■freet" after the
name of Christian l-'riis Cape, on the Stockholm ('hart. It is an
abbreviation of the Latin //-<>///;//, and was used at that time both
in Danish and in English to signify a strait. In this place, it seems
to indicate that something in the nature of a strait had been
observed here, and nothing would be more likely than that the
bay appeared to them as a strait trending eastwards. In fact, it
may really quite properly be described as die wide southern por-
tion of the strait separating Disco Island from the mainland.
Whether this bay or strait had been seen before by Davis we cannot
decide with certainty. It is not mentioned in his narrative, though
he must have passed it ; and it should be remembered that the
absence of any allusion to it in Davis' account is of more weight
than the like omission in Hall's narrative, because we have the
former in an authentic and complete form, but we possess Hall's
account only as abbreviated by I'urchas ; nor does it appear ever
to have contained any detailed record of that part of the voyage,
on which the Bay of Disco must have been discovered, if so it was.
Moreover, Davis, sailing night and day at some distance from the
shore, is more likely to have been prevented by darkness, fog, or
other accidental causes, from seeing it than Hall, who sailed close to
the shore and lay still at night. We have, therefore, little hesitation
in adopting the view already suggested by Dr. Steer.strup that
Hall really was the first discoverer of the Hay of I )isco,'' and that
the opening in the coastline was introduced on the Stockholm
Chart as representing one of Hall's discoveries in 1605. If so,
this part of the coastline must have been drawn subseijuently to
that year.

On the western coast of (Ireenland, between latitude 68 '30
and 66", where most of the names are found, no [)articular

1 See p. 14.

- In the explanation of Hall's Cjencnil Ma|) (i'l. iv).

•' That is to say, in modfin times ; for the aneii-nt Scandinavian navigators were
probably acciuainted with it. The surprisini;l\' true representation of Oreenland
on numerous maps of the 15th and i6tii centuries must be founded on informal' >n
obtained from the North of luiroju- ; and it is iiuite possible that the eastward
turn of the coast, wiiich on many of these maps forms the north-west corner of
Greenland, may be the southern shoulder of the hay of Disco, though in a wrong
latitude.

144 EXI'KDITIONS TO OREEXLANO, l6o$-l6l2.

feature can be pointed out which has a bearing on the (juestion
before us. The scale of the map is not so small that the leading
features might not have been represented with sufficient accuracy
to be recognised ; and, if any such thing had been attempted, it
would, of course, at once have removed all doubts ; but that has
not been done, probably because the necessary detailed know-
ledge was wanting, except as regards a very few localities of
small extent. It is merely a schematic or conventional repre-
sentation of a deeply indented coast, girt with many islands.

The west coast of (Ireenland, south of latitude 66', was not ex-
plored by Hall in 1605, and does not, therefore, come into con-
sideration in this connection ; but the southern extremity of
(Ireenland, as represented on the Stockholm Chart, offers a feature
of great importance for settling our problem. A small portion of
the east coast, as much as may have been jen by Davis in 1585,
or by Moi^an in 1586, is shown, and south of that, a very promi-
nent headlaiid appears pointing south, against which one of the
numbers before mentioned (10) is placed. As this latter must
have been intended to refer to a key, it implies that the locality
was well known, and had a name at the time when the map was
drawn. The east coast being, at that time, altogether unexplored,
and the representation of it on the maps of that period quite
fictitious (which we believe is the reason why it is omitted from
the Stockholm Chart), the promontory in question cannot be
meant for any point on that coast, as might perhaps be imagined,
on account of its not being the southernmost point of Greenland
shown on the Chart. There can, therefore, in our opinion be no
doubt that this promontory, which forms the south-east corner
of Greenland, and plainly occupies the position of Cape Fare-
well, really is meant for it, as indeed most persons would assume
at first sight. West of this promontory, about half way towards
Cape Desolation, another still more prominent headland is shown,
against which the name of Cape Christianus is written. Whether
or not this name is rightly applied is of no consequence for our
present argument, which is not concerned with the names at
all. The question we have to decide is whether this very pro-
minent promontory on the Stockholm Chart is merely an
accidental feature of a conventional coastline, or whether it was
meant by the author of the map to represent some notable head-
land discovered or particularly noticed by Hall in 1605. We
have no hesitation in deciding for this latter view, not only be-
cause of its marked appearance, but also bectiuse, whilst Cape
Farewell is marked (10), Cape Desolation is marked (12); from
which we may fairly infer that the author of the map did intend
to mark out some point which had been noticed by navigators
between those two promontories. No such point between Cape
Farewell and Cape Desolation is, however, mentioned in any
record earlier than Hall's accounts of the expedition of 1605, and

APPENDICES.

«45

the only one he names is Cape Christianus. Against the suppo-
sition that this promontory really was meant to represent (!ape
(.'iiristianus, two olijections may be adduced. In the first place,
it may be urged that on the Stockholm Chart this promontory
is represented as the soutliernmost point of (ireenland by ai)Out
30 minutes, whereas Cape I'arewell really reaches ai)out two
nunutes farther south than any other headland on that coast,
including that which is generally supposed to be Hall's Cape Chris-
tianus. 'I'his, however, is of little force, because nobody is
known to have determined the latitude of Cape I'arewell till ilall
or (lutonbe did so in 161 2. If, therefore, this map is not mui h
later than 1607, the author cannot be credited with any know-
ledge of the comparative latitude of the two headlands, and, though
Hall does not say that Cape Christianus was the southernmost
point of ( Ireenland, he may have thought so (without confound-
ing it with ('ape I'arewell) previously to 161 2. In the second
place, it may be urged that the promontory in question cannot
have been originally intended for Cape Christianus, because it
is placed at a considerable distance west of Cape l''arewell,
whereas the promontory generally -and, for aught that can be
said, rightly — supposed to be Cape Christianus lies only a few
miles west of Cape Farewell. This objection would be serious
if it could be assumed with any certainty that the author of the map
possessed any knowledge of the distance between the two pvn-
montories. But that is not the case. Davis saw, or may have seen,
Cape l'"arewell twice, but left no descri|)tion or indication of its
position. Hall was most likely with him on one of these occasions,
and probably saw Cape Farewell, when in 1605 '^*-' named Cape
Christianus ; but it does not at all follow that he recognised it on
the latter occasion. In 1605, he came up with ICggerso, on which
both headlands lie, to the S.\V. of the island ; on the former
occasion, he may have approached it from a different quarter ; and
if we compare Hall's sketch of Cape Christianus as he saw it in
1605 from the S.W'., Cape Farewell coming out behind it, with
the sketch of Cape Farewell in (latonbe's account of the voyage
in 1612, when Hall did recognise it, seeing it from S.S.IC, no point
of resemblance could be pointed out. Uoth Hall himself and
the author of the .Stockholm Chart (if they were diflerent persons)
may, therefore, perfectly well have imagined that the coast, after re-
ceding behind Fggersi), was continued eastwards for a considerable
distance to Cape l''arewell.^ It follows that, if there had been no
other point on the coast with which the promontory marked Cape
Christianus on the Stockholm Chart could be identified, it would

' It may be oliMMvcd in thi> conncctinn that, on a nunilHr of later ninjis, C'apL-
C'lirisliaii appears consiilfrably west of Cape Farewell, very much as on the Stoek-
hf)lni Chart; proving that the misplaccnient of the name, if so it was, naturally
suggested itself.

146 i:xrEniTio\s to (JKFknlanh, 1605- 161 2.

l)e difficult to resist the view that it really was meant for that head-
land. There is, however, another [)()int which that [)rojccting
headland may be intended to represent.

In Hall's account of the ex|jedition of 1605, as we have it in
Purchas' work, the following passage occurs : '" Wee being this
day in the latitude of 59 degrees 45 minutes, hauing stood all the
night before, and this forenoone p'^^o. so nigh the shoare as we could
for Ice, the Cape Christian So outh-east and North North-

west ; and from the Cape to Cap Jesolation^ the Land lyeth East
and by South and West and by North, about fiftie leagues.'"' This
|)assage, or rather as much of it as follows the words " for Ice,"
is evidently corrupted, as there is no sense in the wonls "the
Cape Christian South, South-east," etc. In our opinion, there can
be little doubt that in the original account there was here a state-
ment as to the direction of the whole coast from (!ape Christian
to Cape Desolation, the coast being described as consisting of
two sections, one from Cape Christian to some Cape of which
the description has been cut out or accidentally omitted from
the printed text, and a second section from that Cape to Cape
Desolation. A glance at the map shows that this coast really
does exhibit such a division, into two portions, from the southern-
most point of Eggerso to the southern extremity of the island
of Sermcrsok, and from the n^ Miern extremity of Sermersok
(which from the sea would ar as the base of a hugt;

promontory) to Cajie Desol and, moreover, that the

directions of these two portions really are very much as
indicated in the text. We consider it very probable that the
promontory named Cape Christianus on the Stockholm Chart,
dividing the coast from the cape marked (10) to Desolation in
two parts, is really meant for the island of Sermersok, the
southern point of which forms the western extremity of the
straight coastline trending N.N.W. from Cape Farewell, and at
the same time forms the eastern headland of the wide bay,
terminated to the west by Cape Desolation, which is noticed
in Gatonbe's account of the voyage in 161 2.- If so, the pro-
montory marked (10) must represent Cape Christian, or, rather,
the whole island of Kggerso.

In either case, whether the promontory in cjuestion was meant
for Cape Christian or for the southern extremity of Sermersok, it
represents a feature of the coa:.t discovered or first particularly
noticed by Hall in 1605, and ccnsetpiently proves that the Chart
now at Stockholm was drawn subse(|uently to that year.

We have already pointed out tiiat, if the names were put on the
Chart between 1605 and 1607, the outline must have been drawn
within the same period. If, howev-^r, we attempt, independently
of that consideration, to determine, by comparison with other

Sec p. 2I

- See p. 90.

Ari'ENDICKS.

'4;

dated maps, how much hxtcr than 1605 tlic St(Kkhi)hn Chart may
be, we find that only one such comes into consideration. 7'/;., the
one pulthshod by Hcssil ( lerrits/. in 1612. With rci^ard to some
features (amoiiyst which we may mention the iiromoiitory just
treated of, wliich probably is identical with that called JIalls
CiXpe on Clerrits/.'s map), the two ma|)s show so remarkable a
resemblance as to suggest that the author of one had the oilier
before him; no third map that could be looked w\iox\ as a common
source being known to exist. As. however, the Stockholm Chart
is so much the more comprehensive, correct, and (e\cei>ting
Hudson's Strait and Cumberland Sound) complete of tlu' two, it
is mure likely that (lerrits/. has borrowed from the author ot the
Stockliolm Chart than vice versA.

Ha\ing. as we believe, shown by tin- preciding observations
that the Chart of which we have a reproduction before us was
drawn and the names inserteil on it after 1605. and probablv not
later than 1607, we have to consider the (jueslion wliether it is
an original or a copy. A clue to the solution of this (juestion is
afforded by the numbers, which are place>d against four different
})oints in the outline, and which we have already alluded to.
There is no reason for thinking otherwise than that they were put
on the Chart together with the outline, and refer to a now lost key,
but they are evidently only fragments of a long series. These
facts seem to admit of but two explanations : — either the person
who drew the oiuline intended at first to give the names uf the
localities by means of numbers and a key, but abandoned this in
t<Mition after having placed a few of the former, after which the
names themselves of some of the localities, referring to Hall's
voyage in 1605, were inserted; or else the Chart before us is a
copy of another similar one, on which the names were given by
means of mmibcrs, which latter were not intended to be put on the
copy, where those four appear only by accident or mistake on the
part of the copyist. As the numbers are neither consecutive nor
confmed to (Ireenland, we have no doubt that the latter is the
true explanation. 'I'he view that the Chart now preserved at
Stockholm is a copy of another which is now lost is, moreover,
almost forced upon us by the fact that features which, it seems,
must have been borrowed from a map like that in Stockholm,
occur on some other maps, the authors of which cannot be sup-
posed to have consulted our Chart in Denmark, where it must
have remained from the first until it was taken to Sweden.
^Ve have no means of guessing who executetl the copy, nor is the
point of any material interest.

In passing, we may mention that if, as we consider estab-
lished, not only were the names put on the Stockholm Chart
but the outline was drawn subsequently to 1605, it cannot
be the one which Hall gave to the captain and mate of the
Lion^ before they reached Greenland in that year, nor any copy

K 2

•\

1 4S KXIM'.ltlTloXS TO CRKF-XLANT), (605-1612.

of it.i We have no means of guessing what map that may have
been.

We have hitherto, in speaking of the Stockhohii (Jhart, confined
our attention to the particular chart ])reserved at the Royal
Library at Stockholm ; but, if this is only a copy of another,
differing only in minor respects, it follows that what we have saitl
about the representation on it of different countries, and the con-
clusions to be drawn from this, applies with ecpial force to the
supposed original, as well as to other copies which may have
existed. Accordingly, what we still have to say on the Stock-
holm Chart must, if the contra'-y is not expressly stated, be
understood as said of the Stockholm ("hart as a cartographic com-
position, of which, for aught we know, the.e may have existed
several copies.

The next step in our in(piiry will tlien bf to determine, if pos-
sible, the authorshi[) of the .Stockholm ("hart taking this name in
the more extended sense — and the materials made use of by the
author. In these res[)ects, we may first notice that the letters
1"^. and W., which are attached to the central com|)ass, and must
be taken to belong originally to the Chart, prove its Knglish origin ;
and, as it embodies Hall's discoveries in Creenland, it seems im-
possible to mention any one who had either the necessary (jualifica-
tions or the occasion for drawing it, except James Hall, who must
have executed it during his stay at Copenhagen in 1 605-1 607.
The style of the Stockholm copy is different from that of Hall's
maps accompanying his report to King Christian 1\' ; but, as we
do not know who executed this co[)y, the circumstaiu-e is of
no conseciuence. Although, as we have shown, this map was
drawn with the particular object of showing Hall's discoveries, it
was evidently a work of wider sco[)e. This is proved by the facts
that Cai)e I'arewell is marked not(i) but (10), and that one of the
numbers (^27) is [)laced against a locality on the .\merican coast.
It must have been intended to be a complete chart of the North
Atlantic, based, as far as the Arctic Regions are concerned, on
the discoveries of l'"robisher, Davis, and Hall, and on which the
names of the various localities were given by means of a series of
numbers, starting from luirope and following the coast all round,
as indeed would be natural. It is not jMoljable that Hall would
have constructed an entirely new map for this pur[)ose ; most
likely he made use of an older map, showing the discoveries of
Davis and earlier navigators, which he so modilietl as to show his
own discoveries in connection with them: a view which has already
been suggested by Dr. Steenstrup. 'I'he maj) which he thus utilised
he must iiave l)rought with him from luigland ; most likely it was
the one by which he had .sailed. .\s, however, no published mai)
is known earlier than r6o5, which bears such resemblance to the

• Sec [). k\.

ttmmmmm

APri'.N DICES.

149

StDrkholm Chart that it can be looked upon as having formed the
gruundwork of tiie latter, we must conclude that the map in
(luestion, which we believe Hall to have used, first for his own
guidance and afterward as the groundwork of the Stockholm
("hart, was a manuscript map. ^Iarine charts had at that time
commenced to be published, but not for such rarely visited
regions. For voyages of discovery to them, charts had to be
s])ecially drawn, sometimes by the navigators themselves ; some-
times by professional [)ersons mostly, no doubt, practical |)il()ts
like the Carfsr/irvwer, Carolus Joris, or the Englishman, William
IJurrough, who d.ew a chart for the use of Frobisher. I'ew of
these manuscrii)t charts have survived to our time, and the
Stockholm C'hart is of s|)ecial interest as belonging to that class.

If, then, our view is correct, we may look upon the Stockholiu
("hart -apart from the |)arts of (Greenland explored by Hall as
being a reproduction of an older English manuscript map. It
would have been of great interest if we could have traced this
further, but this we are unable to do with any certainty. That
Hall, on setting out for Denmark in order to act as pilot for the
rxijcdition to dreenland in 1605, sujjplied himself with the best
information obtainable, .'^nd notably with a sailing chart embodying
the luost recent discoveiies, particularly those of Davis, is a matter
of course. That these latter are shown on the Stockholiu map is
in no way sur|)rising, and needs no conmient. Hut, to the questions
for whom or by whom it was drawn, whether for or even bv
Hall, we cannot with our jiresent information give an answer. 'i"he
fact that on the American side only the coastline with the opeti-
ings of the various inlets is laid down - although Davis had e\-
l)loreil, at any rate, ('umi)erland inlet to a considerable distance
might be cpioted as indicating that the map was especially drawn
for use on an expedition to (Ireenland ; as, however, the absence
of these particulars from the Stockholm copy does not ])rove that
they were al)sent from the oiiginal, no conclusion can be founded
on it. Dr. Steenstruj) has suggested that the Stockholm (!hart,
apart from modificat'jns in the rei)resentation of (Ireenland,
may be founded on, or even be a copy of, Davis's own map, which
is supposed to have existed down to this century : and this view is
very plausible, in so far that Davis's discoveries arc shown on the
Stockholm (hart more accurately and completely (except ni
regard to Cumberland Inlet) than on any other known map.
Moreover, if Hall had .sailed with Davis, he may have had special
o[)portunily f(jr obtaining a co[)y of it. But we have at present no
means of fm-ther substantiating this idea. .\n objection to it
might perhaps be founded on the great difference in the re|)re
sentation of the southern extremity of Circenlaiul on the Stockholm
Chart and on the Molyneiix Clobe, because Davis is su|»posed by
some to !iave exercised great influence on the drawing of the
("ilobe. .\s, in f)ur opinion, th.e southern extremity of (Ireenland

ii'

■)

150 KXPKDITIONS TO (IREENLAXD, l6o5-l6r2.

is precisely one of the i)arls of the Stockhohii Chart which are
drawn according to Hall's observations and views, an argument of
that kind would, from our point of view, have no force. At the
same time it must be admitted that, in the absence of any infor-
mation as to the contents and details of Davis' chart, Dr. Steen-
slru[)'s suggestion cannot be brought to any serious test, but
must remain a mere matter of opinion, which is indeed all that its
author claims for it.

If, as \vc Ijelicve, the original of the Stockholm Chart was exe-
cuted by Hall at Copenhagen, the probability is that he took it
home with him when he returned to JMigland. As Hessel Gerrits/..,
or whoever drew the map published by him in 16 12, as also
( latoniie, must have had access to Hall's accounts, or obtained
information from him, nothing is more likely than that they saw
this map ; and this fully explains how not only some of HalFs
names, but also important cartographic features of the Stockholm
Chart, such as the representation of l""robisher's Strait and of the
south end of Creenland, have come to be inserted in their maps.
We may now turn our attention to some ])o'nts connected with
the Stockholm Chart, which, though of inlcrest, have no bearing
on its origin or date. It is a marine Chart intended for practical
use, and it is therefore natural that only such coastlines are
laid down as at that time had been, or were believed to have been,
actually observed. The only voyages of discovery resulting in an
extension of accurate geo^raijliical knowledtre which had been
undertaken to the Western Atlantic and the Arctic Sea, north of
latitude 60', before the Danish expedition to (Ireenlaiul in 1605,
were those of l-'robisher and Davis, '{"heir discoveries, with those
of Hall, are therefore the only ones which we could expect to see
uulicated on that portion of the Stockholm Chart, and this is
precisely what is the case.

On the western side of Davis Strait, the coastline commences
in about lat. 6S 30'. In Davis's accounts of his voyages, no higher
latitude is mentioned on this side than that of Mount Raleigh,
vi/., 66 40 ; but on the Molyni'ux (llobe and the Xew Map two
names occur io the north of this, vi/., Or/'r />'ri//o/-d and Sd/n/i/rr-
si>//\\- Toiccr. We may therefore fairly assume that this coastline
(in the Stockholm Chart is intended to start from the northern
most f)oint seen by Davis. On the copy preserved at Stockholm
no names apjiear along this coast, but on the original there were
doubtless many, of which only one (27) is found on the copy. It
may be intended for Mount Raleigh, being in the latitude
indicated fcjr this place in Davis's account, or it may be meant
for 'Totnes Rode, as Dr. Steenstruj) suggests, 'i'hc entrances to
Cuml)erland Sound, Lumley's Inlet, and Hudson's Strait arc
unmistakeably marked, though about 30' too northerly ; and
some few others might be identified. At the same time, it
should be borne in mind that, as no actual survey or anything

AriM-,\l)I(KS.

'5'

approaching to it had been made, the detail ot the coast, as
shown on the map, is to a very great extent conjectural ; and that,
where such an abundance of inlets and headlands is shown, as
in this case, it is almost an accident if one does not find some-
thing near the proper latitude that may be regarded as intended
to represent any given feature of that kind. Of l''robisher's dis-
coveries, there are no indications on this coast, except in so far as
Davis went over the same ground : the author of the maj) sharing,
as will be seen, the misconception which prevailed at the time to
the effect that Frobisher's Strait, etc., were situated in (Ireenland.
The west const of (Ireenland commences on this chart in about
lat. 72°, which corresponds to the highest latitude reached by
Davis. The coast is represented at this point as turning east-
wards, very much as on the Molyneux Globe and the New Map
at Hope Saunderson. We have mentioned already the interru|)-
tion in the coastline corresponding to the P>ay of Disco, and also
that two wavy i)encil-lines appear on the Stockholm copy, repre-
senting the coast of (ireenland between about lat. 6y° and 72", to
the west of the black coastline. It will be seen, on comparing
these lines, that the one nearest the black line is more like it, while
the most westerly line reaches further south, so that the entrance
to the Kay of Disco, of which the southern shoulder is marked in its
proper latitude, ap|)ears narrower than in the black line. There
can be little doubt that these lines rei)resent false starts of the
draughtsman, who at first had not allowed sufficient space on
that side of the paper for the American coast to be put on ; they
ought douljtless to have been deleted. In spite of a certain
general resemblance, these lines differ much in detail, as indeed
is natural, considering that the coast had not really been surveyed,
Davis having but once sailed along it, so that material for an
accurate rei>resentation was entirely wanting.

It is along the coast of (Ireenland between lat. 68° 30' and
66 that we find nearly all the names which occur on the map.
W'c have already alluded to them in another comiection, and
full information on them has been given in the Introduction. If
we are right in our view, that the chart preserved at Stockholm is
a cojjy of another similar one, in which the names were indicated
by means of inmibers and a key, we must suppose that, in the
jjlaces where names arc inserted on the copy, there were
numbers on the original : and this agrees very well witli the fact
that there must have Ijclu ten numbers between No. 16 in lat. 65''
on the ("ireenland coasl and 27, which is the northernmost on the
American coast. There is no record of Davis iiaving bestowed
names on any points on the coast of (Ireenlard north of lat. 66",
except Hope Saunderson and London Coast. T'lis latter name
api)lied to the very portion of the coast which Hall explored, and
was therefore most likely not used by him. North of i\Iount
Raleigh (lat. ()6 40), the Molyneux (llobe places two names,

i:\pi:i)iT[()Ns To r.RKENi.Axn, 1605-161:

presumably given by Davis. I-^vcn if these had numbers as well
as Hope Saunderson, there would be seven numbers, the sig-
nificance of which it would be difficult to suggest if they were not
employed for Hall's names. Of these, there are nine on the
cojjy, and two -^(^)ueen Sophia's Cape and Knight's Islands -
have not been put on ; but it may well be that on the original
only the more important places were indicated by numbers. On
the second voyage, Davis touched on this portion of the coast in
lat. 66" 3_^', but gave no name to the locality, which he describes
as all islands, perha|)s the islands south of Holsteinborg. On the
Molyneux Cilobe the name Lord Darcic's Islands occurs, but it
seems to be misplaced, because in the accounts of his voyages he
mentions only one place to which he gave a similar name, vi/.,
on the American coast in lat. 54" 32 '.

lietween lat. 66° and 64°, the coast had not been really explored
before 1605, though Davis had sailed along it in 1587 : but there
is no record of his having named any place there. It is, therefore,
difficult to guess what can have been indicated by No. 16, which
is placed about lat. 65°. On his last voyage, in 1612, Hall gave
the name of Cockenford to a locality in this latitude (pro-
bably the southern Isorlok) : Init we do not think that the maji
to which the numbers originally belonged was of so late date as
161 2, in which case Hall, of course, could not have drawn il.
The neighl)ourho(xl of (lodthaab (Oilbert Sound) in lat. 64^ was
visited i)y Davis on all three voyages, and also by the Si///s/ii/ic
in 15S6. 'i'he numbers 13, 14, and 15, therefore, most likely
referred to [)laces there.

'The coast between lat. 64° and ('a[)e Desolation was not
explored either by Hall or by Davis. It api)ears from Morgan's
report of the voyage of the Siins/iinc that this vessel sailed along
this coast at no great distance from land, but no details concern-
ing it are given. It is therefore difficult to account for the
indication of a consitlerabk; inlet which ajjpears in about lat. 62 ,
except by supposing that the aulhor of the maji had some private
inform.uion lo the effect that the i)arty in the S/nis/ii/n' thought
lluinsclves to have obser\cd such an opening. Like some other
notable features of the Stockholm Chart, this opening reappears
on llessel (ierrits/.'s map of 161 2, as well as on Catonbcs. It
should be noted, however, that the opening, as shown on the
.Stockholm Chart, is much wider than an\' inlet really existing
on this coast.

The delineation of the southern part of (irccnlaiid on the
Stockholm Chart is of particular interest with reference to the
representation of Krobisher's discoveries ; but, in order fully to
explain this, we imist trace the history of the manner in which
these were shown on maps of that time a subject which, in spite
of all that has been written on it, does not ap|)ear to us to ha\e
been fully eliieiilaled.

APri'.N' DICES.

153

On the ma|)s acconij>anying ("aptain ISest's accounts of
l'"robi.shL'r"s voyages, the representation of tlie roimtry which
I'rohislier mistook tor I'risland does not . indicate that his
exjiloralion b.ad led to any new views concerning it. Best's state-
ninit that, "torso niuch of this land as we have sayled alongst
coni|)aring their carde, [tliat is, the Zeno map] with y^' coast,
we tind it very agreeahlL- "^. I'lohisher's discoveries in .America
are shown on I>est"s maps in tlieir |)roper geographical position.
It is true that latitudes and longitudes are not inelicated on the
niai)s, antl that in the text the latitudes are mostly left blank. .\s,
however, liest gives the latitude (6j 50') of Hall's island at the
entrance of i-'rohisher's strait,- this sutHices to indicate the position
of the latter. The map^, however, are very rudely drawn, and the
various parts are rather indicated as to their general position than
delineated with any attempt at accuracy. It is net milikely that
this circumstance mav have conlributeil to lessen the C(Mifidence
with whi( h i'robisher's statements were received. In any case, it is
clear, from I )r. Dee's ma|) of r^cSo, that misunderstandings concern-
ing i'robisher's Strait existed from the very first, owing ijerhajis to
contlicling reports (;f his coni|)any. .As regards the North
.\tlantic, this ma|) is, in the main, a mere imitation of that of
Zeno, but a \ery curious representation of JMobisher's .Strait is
introduced. C!lose to the east coast of .America, between lat.
62' and 64' 30', two narrow slips of land are shown in the
.Atlantic, treinliiig S.!'!. and N'.W.. both ending pointedly towards
the S. IC, but without any del'mite termination towards the N.W..
or any connection with the mainland uf .America. South of
the westermiiosl of ihrm. an island is jilaced. No names are
atlached, but there (-aniu)t be the slightest doubt that the
cluiniiel between the two strips of land is intended lor I'robisher's
Strait. It is not (|uile clear whether this map is not, in spite of
the statement on the front, earlier than liest's account, because
the inscription on the back of it is so worded that it must
have lu'en wiitteii in the spring of 157S, whilst frobisher's third
expetlition was bi'ing prejiarcd, ;ind it would seem strange that
the inscription should \m\\c been written two years beibn' the map
was finished, hr. I )ce is known t) have taken the liveliest
interest in I'robislu'r's expeditions, and it would be very natut.il
for him to have received early information o\' their results.
/\s Irobisher's Strait was discovered in 157O, there would be
nothing surprising in I )r. Dee ha\ing been able to give a
representation of it on a map drawn in the spring of 157S : and (as
his early intbrmation may not have been ipiile perfect) the fact
that his representation dift'ers so much irom ilest's would in that
lase be less surprising than it would be if the map had bem

' ik'bt, />■//!■ />iuiiiirst-, ntc, Second iiook, pp. ^-6 (Ilaliluyt Soc, ctl., p. I2^|
-■ //vi/ , p R ni:il<liivt Soc <-<l., p. I28>.

154 EXPEDITIONS TO GREEXLAM), 1605-1612.

drawn after the publication of Best's Discourse^ which according;
to the colophon appeared late in December 1578. In any case,
Dr. Dee's map is the earliest on which I'robisher's Strait a|)pears
elsewhere than in its proper jilace.

On the map which Michael Lock, who was closely connected
with Frobisher's e\i)editions, contributed to Hakluyt's Divert
Voyages (i5<S2), I'Vobisher's discoveries arc represented more
perfectly than on any other map of that time, or inileed of any
time for two centuries after. I'Yobisher's Strait is shown in its
|)roi)er position, antl to the east of it a piece of land is drawn
which is inscribed FHs/aiid, and represents the country which
i'Vobisher called so. It is placed directly south of (Ireenland, of
which the southernmost jjoint is placed in lat. 66 " 30'. Though
it bears the name of Frisland, it differs in shape entirely from the
l"'risland of the Zeno map. It is of elongated form, much longer
from North to South than from I'^ast to West. The short southern
coast is in about lat. 59", the west coast is continued as far as
63° 30', where it ends abruptly; an eastern coast is shown as far
as lat. 64°. The two coasts diverge strongly towards the north,
but no northern coast is shown, the termination or connection of
the country in this direction being left blank. That Lock so
completely rejected the re[)resentation of I-'risland on the majis of
Zeno, Dr. Dee, etc., and substituted another <iuite different, was
evidently caused by his having obtained what he considered
more reliable information from persons who had accompanied
I'robisher. As we are in the fortunate position of possessing two
accounts of each of the three voyages, we are able to follow
I'robisher's movements about his i-'risland pretty closely. On
the first voyage, in 1576, they came up with that country on
the I ith July at 9 a.m. in lat. 61°, attempted in vain to land, and
had great difficulty in getting clear of the ice ; but, on the follow-
ing evening, at 8 o'clock, they were free and under sail, leaving the
country. On the second voyage, 1577, they saw l''risland on the
4th July, in lat. 60° 30', and sjient four days sailing round
the southern extremity and along the west coast, standing awav
on the Sth. On the thinl \oyage, in 1578, they had sight of
I'risland on June 20th, but left on the next day. It follows that
in 1577 l'"r()bisher's [larty had a good opportunity of observing
the southern and western coast, but that there was no opportunity
of observing the east coast on any of the voyages, nor is there
any indication in the accounts of such an e.xi)loration. Whilst,
therefore, the south and west coasts of p'risland on Lock's
map represent actual observation, the east coast must be con-
jectural, grounded probably on what could be seen at a distance.
It hai)iiens, however, to be fairly right, and the consetjuence is
that l,ock's l''risland looks exactly like a repetition of the southern
portion of (Greenland which it really represents, though the author,
of course, did not know it. That no northern coast is laid down

AI'I'I.NDH KS.

t55

by conjecture, although the east coast is continued far beyond
wiiat could have i)een seen from lat. 61° the highest recorded
may he founded in the fact that, as Best says,' the west
coast seemed to them to extend very far in latitude, or it
may be connected with the speculations in which some on
board indulged, and to which IJesl, in his account, alludes
thus: "Some are of opinion that West luigianil [I'risland] is
firm lanil with the northern part of Meta Incognita or else
with drcenland '■.-'

Indeed, in looking back now, with Lock's maps before us, it
seems almost incomprehensible that the truth concerning
l''robisher"s discoveries was not generally recognised at that lime.
Jiut the fact is that there happened then, what does not rarely
occur in the history of science : that men are within an ace of
grasping tlie truth, but are turned on to a false scent by some
misunderstanding or trifling circumstance, and in conseijuencc
grope in the dark for a long time. Unfortunately, frobisher had
describetl the country rt)und the strait as a part of (Ireenlaiul,
taking this name in a extended sense. 'I'o this appellation
geographers and |)ersons interested in arctic discovery, as it
seems, stui'k blindly : and they persisted in imagining that the
localities discovered by frobisher were situated in (Ireenland
proijcrly so called (which in i'"r(;bisher"s time nobody else had
visited for a very long time), 'liiey did so in spite of Best's and
Lock's majjs, the last-named of which luul particular claim
lo attention, as Lock was both a capable cartographer, and had the
very best tjpportunity for ol)taining reliable inlormation. That
Davis failed to see that he was going over the same ground as
I'robisher seems very difficult to understand, imless we suppose
that he either did not know or unreasonably distrusted Lock's
map. After the publication of the latter, the matter in reality
stood thus ; that, for the truth to be realised, nothing more was
wanting but that it shouUl be recognised that the land which
on Lock's map looked so exactly like the southernmost part of
(Ireenland really was nothing else, antl that (Ireenland had
hitherto been misplaced too far north. Nothing more was
recpiired, in order to obtain as faithful a rLprisentalioii of
(Ireenland as could \)r tluii produced, than to bring down
/eno's (Ireenland to llu: proper latitude and amalgamate it with
Lock's I'risland. llail that been done, I'robisher's Strait could
never have been moved away from the west shore of Davis
Strait. Hut nothing of the kind was done, ft was indeed
recognised, in consetiuence of Davis's voyages, that (ireenland
reached much farther south than had been thought before ; but
it did not occur lo anybody that i'"robisher had made a

' 1

' 7'//ir Discourse, Si'i'ond liooU, p. 5 (ll.ikhiyl Soc. I'd., p. 125).
■-' Op. ri/., 'I'liird Bodk. p. 5 (IlnUluyt Sor. ('(f, , p. 233I.

♦5

15^) KXI'IIDITFONS TO (iKKKXi.ANI), 1605-1612.

mistake in applyinj^ the name of I'Yisland to the country which
he |)asse(l on his way to the straits ; nor did any cartographer think
of identifying I,ock's I'risland with (Ireenkmd. On the contrary,
firmly persuaded that hrohisher's IViskind was Zeno's r'riskind,
cartographers seem to have reasoned to this effect: that, as (ireen-
land was now shown to reach as far south as hat. 60", it must
liavc been the east coast of (Greenland that I'Vohisher came to,
steering west from I'Viskind ; and they were thus strengthened in
their erroneous ideas. In spite of the evidence of Best's and
Lock's maps, they left the right track and laboured henceforth to
localise I'Yobisher's discoveries in Greenland i)roper, which they
could never have thought of, if they had understood that
Lock's that is, l''rol)isher"s — I'risland was (Ireenland, seeing
that by all accounts l''robisher's Strait was far west of his Fris-
land.

The localisation of lYobisher's Strait in Greenland was
attempted in three different ways.

The earliest cartographic work in which I-'robisher's Strait is
localised in Greenland is the Molyneux Globe (1592). The
south coast of (Greenland is here brought down to about lat. 61"
and in about lat. 63 a strait is shown traversing Greenland from
the east coast to l)avis Strait, and opening into the latter just
south of a projecting piece of land called Desolation. Several of
the names bestowed by Krobisher c)n places in the vicinity of
l''robisher"s Strait are placed here, and the striji of land which is
cut off from Greenland in the manner described is thus repre-
sented as identical with the land described by Frobisher as
enclosed between l-'robisher's Strait, the ocean, his "mistaken
strait'', and the supposed connection between the last and the first-
named. The coastline, which really re[)resents the northern shore
of Frobisher's " mistaken strait" (Hudson's Strait) is thus made
identical with the southern shore of Greenland, facing the open
Sea ; and the place of Cape Farewell (which does not occur on the
map) is occupied by tiie southernmost jwint of Queen Elizabeth's
Foreland. It seems difficult to understand how a combination
which is so entirely at variance with liest's accounts and maps
can have recommended itself to the designers of the Globe : and,
perhaps still more, how 1 )avis can be made res|)onsible for it, as
is done by not a few writers. The whole arrangement seems to
us so much more like the work of geographical bookworms
than that of a practical navigator who had been at the place
himself, that the proper prima facie inference rather seems
to be to the effect that he had nothing at all to do with it. As
this (juestion is of interest in the history of cartography, as well
as with regard to Davis himself, we may enter further into it,
though it does not necessarily belong to our subject.

We have Davis's own words for it that it was through his
influence, and that alone, that Molyncux came to be employed by

that

was

APIM^NDirES.

157

Saunderson to make the Glol)e' ; and from this fart wc may fairly
infer that Davis had, or at any rate may have iiad, op]X)rtunity for
innuencing the work. Nor is there any doiil)t of his having siip-
pHed information, particularly as regards the Arctic Regions ; in
fact, Davis, in the same place, refers to the (Uobe as showing the
position of the north-west passage he believed himself to have
discovered and how far he proceeded. But it does not follow
from this alone, that his views were carried out in all respects, or
that nothing was done in respect of those i)arts that he did not
approve of. On the contrary, notwithstanding the propriety of
that general inference, any ([uestion as to how far Davis was
responsible for any particular representation on the (ilobe, must
be decided on its own merits alone.

Neither in the accounts of Davis's voyages nor in Morgan's
report on the voyage of the Si/iis/iiiu' is there anything that indi-
cates that the opening of a wide strait had been noticed near the
southern extremity of Greenlantl. If Davis ever consented to, or
even initiated, the representation of the south of (Greenland on the
^folyneux (Ilobe, he must somehow have persuaded himself that
the strait had been overlooked. .As regards the eastern coast, he
may have considered that neither he nox the master of the Siiii-
s/iiiic had been sutiticiently far north to see the entrance. .\s
regards the western coast, it may be that the inlet shown on the
Stockholm Chart in lat. 62° was i)laced there on the strength of
some unwritten rejiort which had originated with the party in the
Su/is/iiiie, and by which Davis may have been iniluenced ; though
that inlet appears on the Stockholm Chart norih of Cape Desola-
tion, whilst, on the Molyneux (Uobe, l'"robisher's Strait is south
of Desolation. But, as to whether or not these things have
hap|)ened, we possess not the smallest scrap of evidence. In
Davis's work, 77ic ]V(>r/dcs IJydr<>\:;rapliical Description, which was
publislied three years after the Molyneux Clobe, there is not the
smallest direct reference to the subject ; and Davis's language in
resjiect of one matter which has an indirect bearing on it is
distinctly incom[)atible with the view that Davis is responsible
for the drawing of South Creenland on the (Uobe. We allude to
his use of the name Desolation. As is well known, Davis bestowed
this name on that part of (ireenland which he first saw in 1585.-'
Why he did so is not c^uite clear. It is (iiiite possible that,
when he first saw (ireenland in iS'^s, he thought it to be a
new and hitherto unknown country, which he did not in any
way identify with (Ireenland, because this was shown on the

' Till' W'or/d's /Mtiigrafiliicdl l>i\uripfiiiii,U)\. H5.I). (I lakhiyt Sue. edilidii of
Unvis's works, p. 211).

- The statement, by ;it least one notable author that Davis ,i,'.vve the nanieijf the
Island of IlesolatJon to the island cut off from ('ireenland by the imaginary Fro-
hisher's Strait, is, to say the least of it, exceedingly misleading. 'I'iie name occurs
on some maps, but neither Davis nor the authors of the .Molyneux Cjlobe or the
New .Map arc responsible for it.

15S Kxi'KuriioNs lo (;ki:i;m.anii, 1605-1612.

Zeno map much further to the north ; hut it is ciiually possible
that he gave that name to the countrv liefore him sim|)ly because
it seemed to him api)ropriate (as ini, ed he says himself), and
without wishing to imply that it was not a part of (Ireenland.
This latter name was at that time used in a very vacillating
manner for want of real knowledge of the country, the communi-
cation between (Ireenland and I'airope having then l)cen inler-
ru[)ted tor a long time. Although tlie /eno map rightly showed
'ireenland to be bounded towards the west by a great sea, there
were those (for instance, Frobisher) who still thought that it
was connected with America. Davis may, therefore, have wisiicd
not to commit himst'lf. Ilowbeit, if in 15.S5 Davis really thought
that the land he had found and called Desolation was different
from (Ireenland, he cannot be supposed to have entertained that
view for long. In 15.S6, lu' despatched the .S///'/.s7////(' to tlu' sea
between Iceland and (ireenlaiul, there "" to si'ek a passage".
Henry .Morgan, the purser, who of course hail his information
on these regions from Davis, wrote a report on this voyage to
.\lr. Saunderson, who.se servant he was, in which he says that
on the 7th of July they reached (ireenland, and, coasting
along it within a distance of three leagues, they came on the
17th to Desolation' — -expressions which plainly imply that
" Desolation "' was a part of or contiguous with ( 'ireenland.-' In
the same year, Davis himself, after having left the west coast of
(Ireenland in about lat. 64", returned to it in lat. 66' 30', which is a
degree farther north than the southern extremity of (Ireeiilantl,
according to the /.eno Chart; but he does not at all intiniati'
that he thought it to be a different country from that which he had
just visited. In 1587, linally, Davis followed the coast of

1 " And the seventli (l;iy of July we did see Grecni.niid, ;uul it was very lii^li, and
it looked very blew; we could not come to liaiborougli into the land, hiinj;
hindered by a lirnie land, as it were, of iee, which was aionj; the shores side ;
but we were u ithin three leagues of the land, coastnii:; the same for divers davrs
toijether. The seventei'iuh of Kily we saw the jilaee whicii our Captaine .Mi', jdhn
iJavis the yeere Ijefore had called the lanil of Desolation, where we could not .i,'o on
shore for ice. After we iiad cleeicd ourselves ihtMcor we rani^ed along the coast
of Desolation untill the end of the aforesai<l month. The thiril day of .\ugust we
had sight of tiilberts So\uid," etc. (Sec Haklu\t's I'riiiii/'r,/ Xiiiii;,!tioii>, i ;8(),
1). 787. Hakluyt Soc. ed. of Davis's works, p. 135.)

- hi his letter to W. Saunderson, of the 14th of October 1 ;86, Davis writes:
" tile Si/ns/iiiii came into Dartmouth the foiu'th of this month. She has ' been to
Island and from thence to ( iroenland, and so to f.stotiland, from thence toDi^scila-
tion'," etc. (see H ikhiyt, /'ri>iii/>al .Wrri^^'alions, 1581), p. 78(1. Hakluyt Soc. ed.
of Davis's works, p. ^21. Hut thisdoes not iiiipl)- that I )esolation was not .1 part
of ( ireenl.md One might perfectly well say lliat a vessel had been to .\orwa\,
thence to I'".ngland, hunher to i'landi'rs, and linally to the Isle of Wight,
without implying that the Isle of Wight was not a jiait of faigland. At the
time, Davis had evidently very imiJerfect information on the voyage. It appears
from Morgan's report that the Suirs/tiiu- had entered the Channel on the fw.^t of
October, had sighted the Isle of Wight on the second, coasted eastwards the
following three days, and arrived in the Thames on the 6th. She had probably
just called at Dartmouth, as sailing ships used to do at one of the western harbours,
to report their arrival in the Channel.

ArPFN'DirKS.

159

Desolation (which name he extended to the whole of Greenland),
as far as lat. 72 10', and recognised it to be (Ircenland : as
indeed he could not help doing now, whatever doubts he may
have had before. Accordingly we find in his Traverse Book, under
June 30th, when he was in the latitude just mentioned, the follow-
ing entry: "Since the 21st of this month [that is, since he left
(lilbert Sf)un(.l in lat. 64"), I have continually coasted the shore of
(ireenland, having the sea all open to the West." The accounts
of Davis's voyages were published in 1589.' Nevertheless, we find
that, on the Molyneux (ilobe (151)2) and the New Ma|)(i6oo)
the name of Desolation is restrictctl to a j)rojecting piece of land
fi)rming the south-west corner of ( Ireenland, and placed just north
(jf the supposed western outlet of Frobisber's Strait. It is not
improbable that the part of the coast to which Davis first applied
the name of Dcsulatioit was in this neighbourhood,-' but in
i)a\is's account no headland or promontory is s|)oken of ;^ and
in liis JIydro:^nif>hical DesLfiptioii, which was published after the
Molyneux (Ilobe, in 1595, Davis uses the name exclusively as
synonymous with ("ireenland altogether, and expressly says that
it was another name for that country.^

This fact is certainly not in accordance with the view that the
representation of South (Ireenland on the Molyneux (Ilobe was
due to Davis or expressed his ideas. The argument dt.'rived from
this consideration may perhaps appear to some as of no very
great weight : but it is the only scrap of evidence, direct or
indirect, l)earing on tiiis i)articular ([uestion which we possess,
and we consider ourselves bound to go by it. In the com|)Iete
absence (jf evidence to the contrary, we are entirely of o[)inion
that, whatever infiuence Davis may have exercised on the
Molyneux Globe, he is not responsible for the representation on
it of I'"robisher"s Strait and the South of Greenland.

The representation of I'lobisher's Strait on the Molyneux
Globe was repeated on the New Map, but did not find niany

1 In H.nkluyl's I'liniipal Xavii^iilion^, p|). 779-792. 'I'lk- 'I'liuor^r i'.doU jlid
not, however, appear till 159Q, in the secoiKl edition, vol. iii, p. 1 1.5

- The expressions iist'i! in the aecounts of 1 )avis's first voyage both that of Janit's
ami ills own in \.\\k: llydrot^iapliiiiil lh\<i ri/'/ii'ii imply that he histoweil this name
on the \ery lirsl part of (irceiilanil that he saw; vi/. , some point on the east coast
not nuicli north of Cape I'anwell ; but llemy Morgan's statement that they
n.'ached the plaee which Davis had called so, only after coasting for ten days, seems
to imply that the ]ilace was much farther west. .\t the same lime, his statements
are too vague to admit of an exact interpretation, particul.ul) because he does not
state the latitude of his landfall on the east i <'.i>l.

•' 'I'lic name '■ Cape Desol.ition " is not due to Davis ; but it is no doubt founded
on a misunderstanding occTsioned by the fact that the name " Desolation " on the
(ilobe and the New Map was applied to a |)iece of land terminating in a marked
promontory. " < '. Desolation" ()ccur>, we beli<'ve, for the lirst time on l',irriit/s
Map of the arctic regions of, 1599 (reproduced in llakluvt Soc. edition of
/l.in ///:'. \- ri>v<ii;ys, second edition, 1576).

^ 77/r l\or/,'/'s //u/m^ni/i/iini/ D,ur//>/i,'H. U)\. R 4, H. 5, 1!. 8, (.2. (ilakluM
Soc. edition of Davis's works, pp. 209, 210, 217, 219. j

1 1 I

\CiO EXPF-niTloN'S TO C.KKKNI, \\ I ), l6o5-f6l2.

imitators, douhtlcss l)y reason of its trlnriii!:; incnnsistoncy with
coiitcinporary accoiinis. (larlo^rapluTs ccilaiiily contimicd, with
few exceptions, down to tlie second lialf of the eii,dUeenlh century
to place I'Vohisher's Strait in the Soutii of (Ireenland, hiit mostly
in a manner more consistent with IJest'sstatemcnts. On these maps,
to whicli we may refer as the second series the soiitlu'rn part of
(ireenland is seen traversed hy two straits, of wliich the nortlurn
is intended for, and j^enerally descrihed as, i'Vcjliisher's Strait,
whilst the southern represents I'Vohisher's "mistaken strait", 'i'lu-
south coast of (Ireenland, witii ("ape l''arewell, is shown more
or less in its proper place. 'i"he maps of this series, which are
very numerous, exhihit a great variety of modilications in detail,
l)ut these are not worth discussing, as they are purely hypothetical,
the land itself remaining une\[)lored all the time.

I'inaliy, in the third plact-, a certain number of early cartographers,
while sharing the error of removing l''rol»isher's Strait froiu its
|)roper place on the American coast to the east coast of (Ireenland,
sto[)ped shdrt of the further error of representing this waterway as
opening westwards into Davis's Strait. On their maps, therefore,
the south of ( 'ireenland is drawn solid, not cut up into islands ; and
I'rohisher's Strait is indicated farther north, as entering from the
cast coast, but ending blind in the interior of (Ireenland. The
earliest dated map on which this arrangement is shown is that
published by Hessel (lerrits/. in 1612, to illustrate Hudson's last
voyage. Hut it occurs also on the Stockholm Chart, and, as we
consider the latter to be the older of the two, this must be pro-
nounced the earliest known map showing I'robisher's Strait in
this manner. .As a glance at the ma|) will show, it, is very peculiar.
A wavy coastline is laid down trending W. N.\\'., but terminating
abru])tly, representing evidently the northern shore of l'"rol)isher"s
Strait ; south of that, two other similar parallel lines are shown,
connected by a third short line at tlieir eastern extremities,
representing together a long narrow jieninsula, and standing
clearly enough for I'robisher's " Mcta Incognita": no southern
shore of the ''mistaken strait" is indicated, and the whole
stamls (juite without connection with the outline of (Ireenland.
It is (juite evidently an adajjtation of the 'presentation on Dr.
Dee's map ; and it is not diltici''
author ot the Stockholm C
tioned already that tlv- m-.'" i

unwilling to place a uj*.' m;i

necessity ; and we be, ■ that i > for
omitted both the hy|)olh( lii al western outlet of Krobisher's Strait,
and the whole of the long east rn, or rather eastwards trending,
coast of (Ireenland, which then and for a long [jeriod Tter figured
on almost all maps. As for Frobisher's Strait and localities

thereabout described in the a("counts of Frobishcr' 'yages, he
could not but look upon them as having really ' observed ;

tile reason why the
11. We have men-
ppea's to have been
on his map without
I hat reason that he has

AIM'KNDK i:S.

l6l

l)iit the (luestion was how to place tlicm without roiiimitting
himself to any doubtful hypothesis about the east coast of (Ireen-
land. 'I'he representation on the Stockholm Chart is, we believe,
simply a ccjntrivance to ovccome that tlifticulty. 'I'he entrance
to I'robisher's Strait is so placed that it woukl be on the east coasl
of Cireenland if this were laid down according to the prevailing
fashion, but the connection is not made.

On the next map of this series, that of Ilessel (lerrits/., the
arrangement is very similar. 'The cast c;oast is here laid down in
the traditional manner, but I'robisher's Strait and the "mistaken
strait" are not actually fitted into it. On the southern side, space
is left open for the southern shoulder of the "mistaken strait', and
on the northern side, the entrance of another inlet is indicated,
datonbe's map, which is not dated, but must be a year or two
later in date, is of little geographical value, but interesting in
this connection, because on it we see the two straits fully incor-
porated with the outline of (Ireenland. 15oth straits are marked
on the IManiglol)e accompanying the i.alin etlilion of Ilessel
(lerritsz.'s Dctcctio Fnti (1613), and the same mode of represen-
tation is seen on several later ma[)s: for instance, Hexham's
edition of .Mercator's .\tlas (1636). IJolh James's and I'oxe's
maps (1633 and 1^)35) are of this tyi)e. It should be noted thai,
on the maps which we have described as of the second series, the
C(jnnection which I'robisher suspected between the western extremi-
ties of his two straits (probably through what we call the North
Bay), is supplied by Davis's Strait, but on : ost maps of this last
series there is no western connection between them.

It is evident that this last series of maps (on which I'robisher's
Strait is placed on the east coast of (ireenland, in the proper
latitude, whilst the south of (Ireenland is drawn solid), represents
an independent current of opinion, upholding in this latter respect,
against the error of the Molyneux (llobe, the delmeation of the
Zeno map, which had been rather confirmed than otherwise by
Davis's and Hall's voyages.

As we have shown before, the authorship of the Stockholm
("hart can scarcely be ascribed to anybody else than James Hall.
AVhether he may have found the remarkable rei)resentation of
Frobisher's Strait on some older nia[), of which he made use,
we cannot, of course, tell ; but that it would be agreeai)le tcj his
own views we may fairly conclude from the following considera-
tions : — In 1605, he had opi)orlunity of seeing so much of the
shore between Cai)e ( 'hristian and Desolation that he may have
satisfied himself that no strait o})ened in that part of the west
coast of (Ireenland ; at the same time Lyschander expressly states
that when Hall, on the third voyage in 1607, found himsell off the
east coast in lat. 63", he thought himself opposite the place which
had been visited by Frobisher.^ We have shown to what great

I See Introduction, p. xcix.

162

KXI'KDITIONS TO ( ikI.KN i.AM ). \6o:,-\C)\ 2.

extent the authors of Hessel (Icrrits/.'s and (iatonhe's maps drew
their information from Hail's narratives and maps, and tlio same
und()ul)tedly liolds good with regard to this item of Frobisher's
Strait. It was, of course, tiirough Hessel Gerritsz.'s map that it
came to he adopted l)y some other cartographers. As far, there-
fore, as we are led by the facts before us, we believe ourselves
justified ui ascribing this peculiar maimer of representing Fro-
bisher's Strait to Hall as its autiior. .\l the same time, it is (juite
possible that in this matter he only carried out Davis's ideas.
That the latter, at any rate in i5S(), entertained the view that
Frobisher's Strait was to be sought for considerably to the north
of the southern extremity of Greenland may be inferred with no
small probability from his instructions to the officers of the S////-
shine when she was despatched on a separate expedition.
According to Henry Morgan, their orders were " to seeke a pas-
sage northward !)etween Cireenland and Iceland, to the latitude
of 80 degrees if land did not let us."' 'I'he meaning of this can
only have been that the Sinis/iiiic was to [jroceed northwards in
order to seek a passage from the sea between Iceland and (Ireen-
land, through or round the north of Greenland. After this, or if
they failed, they were to sail round the south of Greenland to the
meeting-phu:e in hit. 64 on the west coast. Next year, I )avis
himself ex[)lor»d the west coast from 64" up to 72. It is ex-
tremely probable that in planning this complete exploration of
both coasts of Greenland, Davis had Frobisher's Strait in mind.
Unfortuiiately, the Suiis/iinc does not appear to have made much
way northwards ; but she did follow the coast round the south of
Greenland, and it is by no means imjjrobable that Davis con-
cluded, from the observations made, that the |)arts discovered
by i''rol)isher were situated in some such wa)' as indicated on the
Stockholm Ghart.

It remains to consider the manner in which l''risland is repre-
sented on the Stockholm Chart, and which, as will be at once
recf)gniscd, is the same as the one seen on the New Map.
'I'he island is drawn very much as on the Zeno map, but with a
wavy line attached to it, indicating, by way of an alternative
coastline, the southern and western coast, as seen by [''robisher.
Owing to the larger scale of the Stockholm Chart, the drawing is
somewhat more elaborate. Whether the author of the Stockholm
Chart borrowed this peculiar representation from the New i\Iap,
or from some manuscri[)t map, now lost, wc have no means of
saying. There is, however, one feature which may indicate that it
rests to some extent on independent information, viz., that a portion
of the line along the west coast is drawn cjuite straight, which may
mean that while the shi|) was proceeding on that part of her way the
coast was not really seen, whilst the two pieces lonnected by the

' lliikluyl, /'/V'/.v/// .\\r,i^,i/ii.in>, 1589, p. 787; ll.il.
WHiks, |). J).

^uc.

ol Davib's

Al'I'KN DICKS,

ir.^

straight luu' wore actually observed. The line in quesiion on l.utli
inaps IS different from tlie coastline of Frisland on Lock's niai) •
• Hit the idea of adding such a Hne to the tratUtional ihawing of thJ
island was probably suggested by tiie fact of his liavin- given an
entirely new outhne of the island. It may be noted that the fart
c)t all early cartographers who placed iM-obisher's Strait on the
east coast of Greenland having placed a representation of Frisland
opposite It, proves conclusively that they had no notion of Lock's
(that IS I'lobisher's) I'Yisland being Greenland : and that their
dehneation of (Ireenland was not the result of a combination
between /eno's Ivngroneland and Lock's l-'risland.

In conclusion, the main results of the preceding inquiry, some
of which must neces.sarily be of a hypothetical nature, may be
summed up as follows :

I. The chart of the North .\llantic, which is now preserved in the
Koyal Library at Stockholm, in the same volume with the Danish
reports on the expeditions to Creenland in 1605 and 1606, is a codv
of another chart, now lost, which we believe to have been executld
by James Hall during his stay in Denmark from 1605 to t6o7 (.r
perhaps a little later. The names on the copy were not found' on
the original, but were inserted by a person not thorou-hly
acquainted with the subject.

2 i'or the execution of the original of this chart we believe that
Hall made use of an older iMiglish chart, which may not unlikely
iiavebeenacopy of Davis's chart, but which Hall niodilied, in
regard to (.reenland, in accordance with his own discoxeries
and views.

3. The original ciiart, we believe, was brought back to Lngland
and was there consulted by Hessel Gerritsz. or an English 'infor-
mant ot his- perhaps l)y Hudson, of who.se "card" Hessel
Cerrits/ 's map is thought to be, in the main, a rei)roducMon— and
also by datonbe.

.[. 'i'he representation of l-robisher's Strait on the Stockholm
( hart IS probably due to Hall, but may represent the ideas of
Davis, who 111 any case cannot be considered responsible for the
reprcsentaton ol Lrobisher's Strait on the Molyneux Globe.

-^^■*.^0tmim

164 EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-16T2.

APPENDIX H.
On "Bussk Island".

r.Y MILLER ( HKLSTVJ

[See Introduction^ pp. .v.wv/.x, l.\\\\\i\\ ami cxii: also /»/«. 24aii(/ s^-]

On our very earliest charts upon which the northern portion of
the Atlantic is depicted, there were shown several islands which
certainly do not now exist (if they ever did so), and which are,
therefore, commonly regarded as wholly mythical. The four
principal of these islands were those which bore the names of
Antillia, Seven Cities, Brazil, and St. Brandan.

It is manifestly difficult to prove a negative, and several
centuries elapsed before geographical knowledge had advanced
sufficiently for geographers to be able definitely to estab-
lish the non-existence of these islands. As was the case
with many similar errors, cartographers in early days often
found themselves face to face with the alternative, either to
omit altogether features which were represented on earlier charts
or referred to in old books, or to insert them on very insufficient
evidence. The former they generally hesitated to do, lest their
charts might be thought imperfect. Once inserted, therefore,
mythical islands or other misconceptions often, in early days,
remained long on the maps, for voyages of discovery were very
few and far between, and opportunities for really trustworthy
verification were corresjjondingly rare.

So far as the Atlantic is concerned, the islands in question
remained long upon the charts because, until America had become
more or less settled with Euro[)eans, that ocean remained only
very partially explored. Indeed, before the time arrived when
geographers were able to declare without hesitation that these
islands certainly did not exist, .several other islands of more or
less doubtful existence had appeared upon the charts ; and these,
like those which had a[)peared i)reviously, maintained their posi-
tions thereon for a long [)eriod.

I'he other so-called islands here alluded to are chieilytho.se which
owed their appearance on the charts to misconceptions arising out
of the very i)erplexing /eno Chart, which was published in
1558, and which (even if not altogether spurious, as it seems
to be) undoubtedly exhibits errors wl.'.ch have confused all

' 1 desire to .ncknowlerlgr tlir vahuiblo help ami .ulvicc as to liu' arranpeinont of
the matter in the followinf; treatise wIiIlIi li.is Iteen given me liy Mr. ('. \. (iosch,
niv co-editor in the res. if the work.

o
CO

•a:
-x:

IV'';

L4!*'

r=3

Danish Apxtic Expeditions !60S to 1620. 'Hakluyt Socifty 1836.

S stand , BY SS

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THE CHART OF

From John Sellers

(E D 1675

/ /

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(e d 1673. ?)

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N..

/ OUveryFk

APPENDICES.

165

who have studied it. Among the more or less mythical islands
which owe their origin to it, are those which hear the names of
Frislanda, Icaria, Drogeo, Podanda, and Neome.

The history — real or legendary— of the " Phantom Islands of
the Atlantic" (as they have been called) has been studied with
more or less diligence by many writers, among the chief of
whom are Terrarossa', Huache^, Eggers"', (lossellin^, Washington
Irving^ Humboldt", 'Fhos. Wright", d'Avezac■^ (iaffarel", l-'leurioi
de Langle^", Sebillot", and Winsor'-. Mr. F. W. l.ucas is about
to publish an exhaustive work on the Zeno Narrative and Chart,
and I have in preparation a treatise on the Island of Brazil.

In the following remarks, however, I am not concerned with
any of the foregoing, but with another etjually-mythical island
in the Atlantic, which first appeared upon the charts at a later
period than any of the foregoing, and which there maintained its
position for close upon three centuries — that is, to a later period
than any of its predecessors — even, in fact, to our own time.

I allude, of course, to the so-called " Island of Buss", the
history of which seems never to have been systematically studied
by any previous writer on the Lost Islands of the .Atlantic ;
and as, out of the many navigators who sought for it shortly after
the first announcement of its discovery. Hall alone, in the narra-
tive of one of his voyages printed in the present volume, declares
that he saw it, I think that some investigation into its history
will not be out of place here.

The history of the alleged discovery of this island is as fol-
lows : — When Frobisher, in 1578, made his third and last voyage
north-westward, he had, among the fifteen vessels of his large fleet.

' Rifflfsione (]ei'.;rii/i,/ie tin a li' trrre inrngnitr ( f'adua, 41(1, 1686).

- Mimoire sur /' lie tie Fris/ain/f. In the //istoiiy dr l' Acadcmii- Koyiite di's
Siic/im. //I?/ (P.nris, 410, 1787), jip. 430-453.

^ Ueber dii uuihir La^e </i"i alti-ii Ost (Iroii/iiiids (Kiel, 8vo, 17^4), 116 pp. miuI
two maps.

■• Rfchfrrlies siir Ur Ot'ogrnphlc . . . drf Aiidrns (I'nris, 4 vols., 4to, 1798-1813),
vol. i, pp. 135-164.

•■■' Life and Voyagf^ ly ('hhslophef Columbus (London. 4 vols,, demy 8vo, 1828),
vol. iv, pp. 313-336.

" Rxiimi'n Crifiijiic dc I' Histoirc dc In G^ogmfi/iie dii Nouvcau Cuiitiiicvt (Paris,
5 «ols. , 8vo, 1 836-37 1, vol. ii, sec. i.

" St. Rravdan a MidinTiil Legend of the Sen, e<lited by 'I'hom.ns Wright,
London (J'ercy Society), crown 8vo, 1844.

" Les Isles l<\intitsti(/ues del'Oeean Oceidental aii Moveii Age {\'av\^, 8vo, 1845I,

i' " L'Ati.intide" in A'evi/e de Cn'ographie, vols, vi .and vii (1880), .ind his Hi'.toire
de III Di'eoiiverte de I' Amerique, etc. (2 vols., Paris, Svo, 1892), vol. i, pp 202-237.

I" Rapport iiir les Hauts-Fonds et les I'igies de I'Oeenn . ltla//t/(/ne. etc., par le
Contre- \mirnl Vicomte de Langle (P.iris, 8vo, 18651.

" Legendes, Cmyanees, de la .l/iv (Paris, 2 vols., 8vo, 1886).

'-' A'iirrati~'e and Criliea/ History of America (Boston, 8 vols. imp. Hvo,
1886-89), vol. i, pp. 40-52,

\C>G KXI'F.DITIONS TO CRKENLAXn, 1605-1612.

one, named the Emmniniel, which was a "buss". A "buss" is a
kind of small, strongly-built, two- or three-masted vessel, which
was [generally of from 50 to 70 tons burden, and was formerly
much used by English and Dutch fishermen in the herring-fishery,
but is now almost obsolete. The vessel in cjuestion (which was
commanded by a Captain Newton') belonged to Bridgewater,
in Somersetshire, and is described as the " busse of Bridgewater",
which description most later writers have erroneously taken for
her name.-'

just before I-'robisher's return home in the month of September,
a storm of great severity scattered the ves.sels of his fleet ; and,
although the other vessels started safely upon their homeward
voyage, the little " buss" Emninmicl was left behind in a very
perilous position at the mouth of a rocky sound, within the
entrance to what is now known as Frobisher's May. She made
her way, however, through this sound and returned safely to
I'^ngland, discovering on her way— or, at any rate, claiming to
have discovered — the island which has ever since been known as
" Busse Island."

Tile first published account of the discovery of the island was
contained in Best's narrative of I'Vobisher's three voyages, which
appeared in 1578, and reads as follows'' :-•

The lUisii , of nn'<(>;Y';iia/i'r, ,is .she came liomeward, to
)' South Eastwarde ol l-'rculauii, discoured a great Ilande
in the laliiude of — Dej^ree-,'' which was neuer yet (ounde
before, and sayled three dayes alongst the coast, the land
seeming to be fruiteful, full of wood.s, and a champion countrie."

"A fruiteful "j

new Hand /

discouered. J

This record, however, probably remained comparatively un-
known or little noticed until the year 15S9, wher there was pub-
lished, in one volume, the first edition (so-called) of Hakluyt's
famous work. In this volume, we find the following more
circumstantial account of the di.scovery of Buss Island, written
from the report of one who claims to have been on board the
" buss" Eiiimaiiue/, of Bridgewater, at the time^ :—

1 T'lT is, according to Host's Triir /'>is<iiiir<,\ W'iiirs (ns mentionod li(M(>aftcr)
j;ives the Cnptain's ii.tiuc as I.crchi'.

'-' One authority (inislfd, ap])an'inly, by the contraction of the nanio in Best's
iiarrativ(>) has n-ccntly written of her as the Emititi ; wliilo, in the account of
r-'iohishcr's three voyajjes .appearint,' in I. 1'". Bernard s Riciicil dc ]'oiai;i's an Nord
(Uinii- V, .Amsterdam, 1724, p|). 435-4g4), she is spoken of throiigiiout as " le
/iriili^i'^uifiT."

•' .7 7'n'r /)is(-07'nr of the I. alt- Wtya'^i's of Diuoiurir for Fiiidim; of n /'iiss(!!;y
to Cil/idVii I'v t/ir Xoii/i-Widst, ','iid('r tii, ('o),dii(t of Mtiriiii Frobislin-, (niirro/l
\ By George Best. ', (London, 4to, 1578), 'I'hird Voyage, ji. 59- See also Collinson's
/'/!>•(<• l'o\'<i!fi-i of .\fiirtiii Frol'is/icr (Hakluyt Society, 1867), p. 280.

■* \\\ IV.vsts work, most of the figures indicating latitude were omitted, p.-obahiy
in order to conceal the position of the supposed gold-mine discovered by I'robislier,
though this particular omission did not in an\ way liirtln r that object.

■'' The J'riitripdll NiivigiTtioiis, l^tia^rs, and /)isro:'eri\f of the English Ntition,
iii<ide l>y S(ii or o-,rr l.tind i\ ,nni\iin, fo. , 1580), p. ''135,

AI'I'KNIJICKS.

ir.;

"The Report of Thomas Wiars, passenger in the Emanuel

(otherwise called the Husse of Hridgewater, wherein lames Leeche

was Master, one of the Shippes in the last voyage of Master

Martin Frobisher, 1578), concerning the discouerie

of a great Island in their way homeward,

the 12 of September.

"The Busse of Bridge water was left in Bear's sounde, at Mita incognita,'^
the second day of September, behinde the Fleete, in some disiresse through
much winde, ryding neere the Lee shoare, and forced there to ride it out upon
the hazard of her cables and ankers, which were all aground but two. The
!hirde of September, being fayre weather, and the wind North-north-west, she
set sayle and departed thence, and fell with Frisltvid"^ on the S day of Septem-
ber, at 6 of the clocke at night ; and then they set off from the Southwest
poynt of l-'iidaiid, the winde being at ICast and l^ast-sou'h-east; but, that night
the winde veared Southerly, and shifted oftentimes that night; but, on ilie
tenth day, in the morning, the wind at west-north west, fayre weather, they
steered south-east by south, and continued that course until the 12 day of
September : when about 1 1 a clocke before noon they descryed a lande, which
was from them about fiue leagues ; and the Southermost part of it was South-
east by Kast from them, and the Northermost next North-north-east or North-
east. The Master accompted that Frislaiid (the South-east point of it) was
from him, at that instant when hee first descryed this newe Island, North-
west by north 50 leagues. They account this Island to be 25 leagues long,
and the lonfjest way of it South-east and North-west. The Southerne part of it
is in the latitude of 57 degrees and i second part, or thereabout. They con-
tinued in sight of it from the 12 day, at 11 of the clocke, till the 13 day [at]
three of the clocke in the after noone, when they left it ; and the last part they
saw of it bare from them North-west by north. There appeared two har-
boroughs vpon that coast, the greatest of them seven leagues to the North-
wardes of the Southermost poynt, the other but foure leagues. There was
verie much yce neere the same lande, and also twcntie or thirtie leagues from
it ; for they were not cleare of yce till the 1 5 day of September, after noone.
They plied their voyage homewards, and fell with the west part of Ireland,
about Gahvay, and had first sight of it on the 25 day of September."

This narrative is appended to Thos. Ellis's account of Fro-
hishcr's third voyage. It was republished in the better-known
three-volume edition of Hakluyt's Voyages, which appeared in
1599-1600 (vol. iii, p. 44), wherein was also reproduced (vol. iii,
p. 93) Best's brief notice of the discovery of the island, already
quoted, but with the latitude ("57 degrees and a half") inserted.

It should be noted that, of the two foregoing narratives, that of
Wiars (which is much the fuller) is a jjcrsonal narrative of events
which he himself witnessed ; whilst that of l^est (although the
first published) is merely a brief, hearsay, second-hand account.

' On the north side of l-'robisher's liay.

- Thai is, in this case, Creenland. i'^iisland was the name (as will he rememhcredl
of a largi" island which was supposed to lie in the middle of the .\tlantie,
l)et\veen latitudes (j I ' and 63'. It was first represented on the well-known, but
very misleading, /eno (liari of 1558, and was cojiied on to most of the ehaits of
the end of the i6th century. Thns it was that I'rohisher, when he encountered a
coast lying in aViout lat. Oo . did not identify it with (ireenland (which, on thi-
Zeno (hart by which he was sailing, was erroneously shown much luitlier north 1
but with the non-e.\i>lent l-Yisland.

mmmmmm

1 68

EXPEDITIONS TO OREENLAN'I >, l<')05-l6l2.

and differs from the foregoing in more than one respect. Thus,
while Wiars says that they were in sight of liuss Island for only a
part of two days, Best says they "sayled three dayes alongst the
coast", adding that it seemed "to he fruiteful, full of woods, and
a champion countrie*', of which Wiars says nothing whatever.
Nor is it at all likely that an island surrounded by such ice-fields
as Wiars mentions would appear a fruitful country, full of woods.
In short, this part of Best's account is evidently the outcome of
his imagination, or of that of his informant, and may therefore
be disregarded.

The next piece of apparently-original information concerning
Buss Island which we meet with is a statement by Luke Koxe in his
Nortli-West Fox (published in 1635), in which he reproduces,' in
a condensed form, the statements of both Best and Wiars as given
above, adding in a side-note the following: — "If this Hand were
found againe, there is great store of I'ish about it." This addi-
tional i)iece of information was very likely obtained personally by
F'oxe from someone who was on board the " buss'" Emmanuel on
her homeward voyage — perhaps from Captain Newton liimself ;
for we know'' that, for many years before sailing on his own voy-
age in iC)3i, Foxe had very industriously sought the ac([uaintance
of those who had sailed previously in search of a North-West
I'assagc, and had obtained from them all the charts and informa-
tion he could which bore upon the search.

As regards early mai)s and charts on which Buss Island is
shown, it is a somewhat remarkable fact that, although Best refers
to the discovery of the Island in his True Discourse (as already
mentioned), he does not show it, as he woll might have done, on
either of the maps which accompany thai work.

The earliest map of any kind on which (so far as I have been
able to discover) Buss Island is shown, is that on the celebrated
Molyneux (Hobe of 1592, which was published only fourteen
years after the reported discovery of the Island." " Buss Ins." is
shown thereon as a fair-sized island with a complete coast-line,
somewhat elongated to the east and west, and lying in lat.
58" 30' — 59°, long. 356" — 359" IC. from St. Michael in the Azores
( = 30°- -27" W. from Cireenwich), some way to the south-east
of Krisland, as described in Wiars' narrative, from which, no
doubt, it was laid down by Molyneux.

Buss Island was next shown (so far as I can find), two years
later, on the chart of 1594 by Peter Blancius, entitled " Orbis Ter-
rarum 'J'ypus de Integro Multis in Locis emendatus",-* whereon

1 Of), lit., p. 33. See also Miller Christy's I'lmii^i's of Foxr <in</ .faiiKs, p. 59.

- See MiUi-r thristy's I'oyai^is of Fox,- and Jatms, pp. Iviii ami 262.

■' The only known coiiy of this very interesting globe is preserveil in the Library
of the Middle Teniplo.

■• This map (which is in two hemispheres) forms the general map of the world in
Ihe Latin edition ( Magae e'oniitis, 1 599) of Linschoten's Voyage to India. The map,

AI'l'KNDICKS.

169

it is shown as " lUis. !ns.", with a complete coastline, in lat.
57 3° 5^ 3°> •^"*^' ''>"K- -3 ^^ • froi" (ircenwich (355^ E. from
I'crro), lyin^ to the south-east of I'Vislaiul.

In the followinj; year (1595). "I- Uus" was shown on the chart
entitled " ICuropa ost Kcrstenrijck", in the Caart T/iresor (\). 21),
published at Amsterdam. The island has a complete coast-line,
and lies in lat. 58" — 59°, long. 31 — 32° \\. from Greenwich.

It is somewhat remarkable that no trace of lUiss Island should
ajjpear on the very up-to-date " New Map" published in 1600, nor
on any later published map (so far as I have been able to dis-
cover) before that of Hessel (lerrits/oon, whicli tirst appeared
in 161 2.

On this Cliart', the representation of Huss Island (or " I5us"
as it is thereon called) assumes an entirely new type, and one (as
must be admitted) more strictly in accord with the descri[)tion
given by W'iars. The |)()sition remains the same as before, the
Island being shown in lat. 57' 40'- -58' 30', long. 26' 30'— 28'
20' W. of (ireenwich, some distance south-east from Krisland.
The representation oi the Island itself is, however, (|uite different,
the northern coast not being defined. The southern coast
(which alone is indicated) trends S. 1-2. and N.W., and shows
the entrances to a couple of inlets or harbours. There can
be no doubt that this different rei)resentation of the Island
was due to a new and more careful study on Cerrits/.'s part
of \\'iars"s narrative, which shows (as will be remembered) that
the southern coast alone was seen or su[)posed to have been
seen, that it trended about as shown, and that a couple of
harbours were observed — or supposed to have been observed
— in it. derritsz., however, also represents a small nameless
islet a little to the N.W. of the main island, and for this 1 do
not know how to account.

There can be no doubt that, from this Chart, — which went
through several editions, and became very widely known, — the
particular representation of the island shown thereon was trans-
ferred to nearly all the later charts on which it appeared during
the seventeenth century.

The island is shown as " I. Bus" on Abraham (ioos's (llobe,
published by Joh. Jansonnius at Amsterdam in 1621,- whereon
it is laid down in lat. 57 , long. 3" E. from the meridian of Mores
( = 28' \\. from (Ireenwich).

In 1633, it api)ears in lat. 57 -— 58 , long, about 30 W. from

(•

|ary

in
|ip.

.ns the title implies, is an :iiiierule(l edition of some foiiiicr map |)ioli,-il)K the Peter
I'lancms Ma|) of 15^2, of which no copy is now known to exist (sec Mr. ('. H.
Cootc's Introduction to I'art I of .Miiller's Rntidrkdl'l,- Maps of the Xl'lli, .With,
ami W'llth ('c)ifiiriis, Amsterdam, 1894I.

' The " Tabula Xantica" in Dc.uriptio ac l)iliiii\iliu 1 ii'('\'>;if>hi<<i / >iit;tioiii^
I'nti III' //. Uiidsiiiio liiviiili (Amsterdam, 4to, i()i2).

- kepioiluced in MiiUer s h'ciiuirkii/i/c Md/'s. (.Xmsterdaui, 1894), No. 9

IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

1.0

I.I

ii^ 121

III 2.2

11 1.8

1.25 1.4

— -Hill

« 6" —

Hiotographic

Sciences

Corporation

33 WEST MAIN STREET

WEBSTER, NY. M58Q

(716) 873-4503

»v

mmr

170 FA'I'F.DITIONS TO CRFCKM.ANH, I^05-l6l2.

Clreenwich, on Capt. Thomas James's " Piatt",' whereon, though
nameless, it is shown very much as on (lenitsz.'s Chart,

Two years later, in 1635, it appeared as "buss" on the chart in
Capt. Luke Foxe's work* ; but thereon, though similarly placed
(in lat. 57"— 58°, long. 29" — 30° W from (Ireenwich), it is shown
as three small islands lying due south from Frisland.

After this time, the Island continued to be marked, for many
years, on most maps and charts ; but, as the representation of it
was copied from one to the other with little variation, it seems
unnecessary to cite further instances.

Nevertheless, even at this early period, there appear to have
been cartographers who rejected the story of the di.scovery of
the Island, and disbelieved in its existence. It has been already
mentioned that the Island is not shown on the maps in Best's
True Discourse : but this cannot have been because Best
disbelieved in its existence, as he gives the account of its
discovery a place in his work. The fact that the Island is not
marked on the "New Map" of 1600 (as also already stated),
nor on the Map of the World in Speed's Pr(}s/>ec/{l.on(i., fo., 1631 ),
nor on any of the maps in Hexham's (Mercator's) A//ns of 1636,
may, however, probably be taken as evidence that their authors
did not believe in the existence of the Island, as was most likely
also the case with many other early cartographers nf lesser conse-
(juence, on whose maps the Island is "'^t shown.

There can be little doubt, lioweve ih r ^r> tUo Marine Charts'
drawn for the special use of navigatoi.-., ii-ss I'.land was very
generally inserted from at least the commenccnieni of the seven-
teenth century onwards. We may infer as much from Hall's words
in his accounts of his expeditions to (Ireenland in 1605 and 1606
(see pp. 24 and 58), wherein he says that, having looked out for
it, he believed it to be misplaced " in the marine charts". Very
few of these charts are now in existence, and we can only men-
tion one exhibiting Buss Island, namely the "Stockholm Chart"
treated of in Appendix A. The Island is shown thereon in lat.
57° 35' N. and (as near as one can reckon, for the degrees of
longitude are not numbered) in long. 26" — 27° W. of (Ireenwich.
It has very much the same appearance as on (lerritsz.'s Chart —
merely a southern coast-line exhibiting three small inlets.

The size of Buss Island, as it ap|)eared on most of the charts
of the seventeenth century, was considerable. l">om north to
south, it extended over a degree of latitude, whilst its width from
east to west was about ecpial. In shape, the Island showed little
variation, its northern coast being shown as unknown, and its
.southern coast exhibiting one or more small inlets. Its position,

' In '/'//(' Sfnnix'i' iiii(/ />iin!,'iri<r/\ Vova^i- of ('nf't. '/'Acwim- .A; w/t (London, 410,
1633); sec nlso Miller Cliristy's l'ovtii;rt of lunr iinii fiiiiics, vol. ii, facing p. ^47.

- yV/r Xortli-Wi-^l I-'ox.or Fox from thi' Xorth-Wesl H<i\!!ai;c{\.owVyn, 4'. 1^)35);
sec ulsd Miller (hiistys \'o\,ii^i'^ of l'o\,- iiful hii)i,s.\vi\. i, f;ninij p. 1.

APPENDirES.

171

Its

too, was fairly constant, the centre lying nearly always in about
lat. 58° N., and in long. 27° — 31° W., according to our present
method of reckoning. In all these respects, the Island agreed
tolerably well with the particulars given by ^^'iars, from whose
account it was, without doubt, laid down on these charts.

Naturally enough, after Buss Island thus came to be shown on
many, if not on most, of even the better charts, without any
question as to its real existence, all navigators who passed near
the position it was supposed to occupy kept a sharp outlook, in
the hope of seeing it ; and, as that position lay in the direct route
to the entrances of both Davis's Strait and Hudson's Strait (the
explorations of which, in the beginning of the seventeenth century,
attracted much attention), those who thus looked for it in passing
were probably not a few. Nevertheless, we have now no record
of any one having done so before our author, James Hall, as
related in the foregoing pages. On the 24th of May 1605, failing
to find Huss Island in the position commonly assigned to it, he
says :' — " I doe verily suppose the same to be placed in a wrong
latitude in the marine charts", implying (as has been already
pointed out) that it was then already commonly marked on those
charts. On his voyage in the following year (1606), however, he
gives a different report, for he says- that, on the ist of July, he
encountered "land, being eight leagues c'if, with a great bank of
ice lying off south-west"; which land, he says, " I did suppose to be
Huss Island, it lying more to the westwards than it is placed in
the marine charts". This .so-called "land" (which appears to
have lain between lat. 56° 10' and lat. 58° 30', though the exact
position is not stated) Hall was obliged to double; and,
having accomplished this, he found himself in "a great current
setting south-south-west ; the which [he says] I did su|)pose to
set between Busse Hand and Freselatid, over with America."
I will leave until later the consideration of the question as to
what it can have been that Hall thus saw, or imagined he saw,
and took to be Buss Island.

The next navigator to search for Buss Island was (so far as I
know) Hudson, when on his third voyage in 1609. On June and,
he says'' : —

" At nnone, wu steered :i\v;iy west -south-west to lind finssi' Island, . . .,
to see if it lay in her true latitude in the Chart or no. Wee rontinued our
course, as before, all ni^jht. . . ."

" The third we steered on our course, south-west hy west, with a

stifle gale of wind. At noone, we oliserved and found our hei^jth to i)e 5S
dejjrees 4S minutes. And 1 was iiefore the ship ifi leagues, hy reason of the
current that held us so stronjj out of the south-uest. I'or it is eijjht leagues in

1 Sec ante, p. 24 ; also I'lirchaa hi% Pili^rimrs, vol. iii, p. 815.

- See luite, p. 58 ; also I'liirhds his J'i/s;rimcs. vol. iii, p. 822.

■' PinrhiK his /'iliiriiiici, vol. iii, p. 582 ; see also Asher's Ihnrv Hudson, p. .(O.
.Ash-'v also states [,>p. <il., p. el.\i\), that Knitjht. in ifiofj, souijlu for Huss Isl.ind ;
but of this we can lind no record.

172 EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612.

fmirc and twentie hourcs. We accountt-d ourselves neere fiiissr Hand. By
midnight, we looked out for it, Imt could not see .'t."

Of the events of Button's voyage in 161 2-13, we have only such
a meagre account' that, even if he sought for the Island, it is not
likely that we should have been told the fact ; while Purchas has
so abbreviated Haffin's narratives of his north-west voyages in
16 1 5 and 1 616 that we might expect nothing upon the point to
appear therein.

Munk, in the narrative of his voyage to Hudson's Bay in 1619,-'
makes no mention of having sought for Buss Island. Neither do
Foxe and James, who sailed to Hudson's Bay in 1631 ; and both
of them seem to have passed wide of its supposed position. That
Foxe, at least, however, believed in the existence of the Island
is certain, for he marks it on his chart, and, in repeating Hall's
statement (see ante, p. 171) that he believed the Island was
wrongly placed on the marine charts, he adds in a side-note the
comment, " A great mistake"''; whilst he appends to his account
of Hall's supposed subsequent sighting of the Island, already
mentioned (see ante, p. 171), another side-note, as follows, "Busse
Isle again discovered."''

After the date of Foxe's voyage, there is (as far as I have
been able to discover) no record of anyone having either sought
for or sighted Busse Island for nearly half a century. The
absence of any records of search for the Island is largely accounted
for by the fact that, after Foxe's time, voyages in search of a
North-West ''assage (which had been frecpient in the beginning of
the century) vere suspended for nearly a hundred years ; and,
although liie Island may have been sought by captains bound for
(ireenland, we cannot adduce actual records. Moreover, by no
means all, even of those who passed near the suj)posed position
of the Island (the real existence of which seems hardly to have
been questioned at the time), would take the trouble to look for
it ; while, even of those who did so, few probably would think it
worth while to note a fruitless look-out, — unless, indeed, they
passed very near to, or actually over, its supposed position.

The next accoimt we have of any one having looked for Buss
Island is contained in the Fourth Book of Seller's English Pilot.'''

' See Foxe's Xoiih-Wrsf ^li.i (1635), p. 117; also Miller Christy's J'iiyiii,v\ of
/•\i\f mid Jitniis, p. 162. '-' Sec/('v/, Hook ll.

•' Koxe's .\'«/-///- 11 V.v/ /-'la-, p. 51.

■• Foxe's Xrrf/i- IIV'/ Fiix. p. 55 ; see also Christy's l'i>,,i!;i< of /•'inr mid .himcs,
p. 92.

•'' llii- J\iii;/isli Pi /of /ly John Sillir. HyJrogrtipiur to lite A'iiij;, Fourth

Jiooi- (Loiulon, fo. , ? 1673), )). 5. The only i'o|)y we have seen of what we believe
to he the first edition is that in the Mritisli Museum (Press-mark, 1804, b. 7),
which aopears to l>e an incomplete proof. It is undated, havinj; no title-page ;
hut the*, atalot^ue assigns it to 1071 , probably because the Koyal (irant of Kxclusive
Copyright for thirty years contained in it bears date " March 22nd, 1670-71 ". We
believe, however (for a reason to l)e stated hereafter), that it cannot well be earlier
than 1673. The maps mentioned hereafter appeared, we believe, only in this lirst

,"■''> cf

AIM'ENniCKS.

t;.;

According to this, the Island was not only seen but partially
explored, and a map of it made, in the year 167 1, in the course of
a voyage from Dunkirk, apparently undertaken for fishing pur-
poses, under the command of a certain Captain Thomas Shep-
herd. The astonishing record in (juestion reads as follows : -

^^A Description of the Island Buss.

"This Island lieth in the Latitude of 58 det;. 39 inin. Ii bears \V. Iiy \.,
half a point Notherly, from the Mizen-heaJ, in Ireland, distant about 296
leagues.

" This Island was first discovered in Sir Martin Frobisker's third and last
Voyage to the North- West, in the V'ear 1578, by one of his Vessels that strai'd
from his Fleet in their Home-wardbound Passage, who accidentally discovered
it, and called it after the name of the vessel, which was the A'/m.v of l^rid^;-
water, and therefore they called it Hms Island ' They judged it to be about
25 Leagues long, lying the longest way S. \\. and N. W. They found two
Ilarbours in it; and, according to the account they give of it, that the greatest
of them is about seven Leagues to the northward of the Southermost Point of
the Island, [and that it is] called l\upcil\ llarhonr : and [that] the other
[Harbour isj four Leagues to the N. W. of that, [and isj called Shaftslmry's
Harbour. There are two small Islands that lie oft' the l^ast Point of the
Island.

" This Island was further Discovered by Captain Thomas Shepherd, in the
Golden Lion, of Dunkirk, in the year 1671, at the charge of MounsierlsJ Kiel,
Spaivlding, and Kiequerts, Lords of that Town. The said Captain Shepherd
brought home the Map of the Island that is here annexed ; and [he] reports
that the Island aflfords store of Whales, easie to be struck. Sea-horse, Seal, and
Codd in abundance ; and [he] supposes that two Voyages may be made in a
year. The sea is clear from Ice, unless in Sef'tember. The I ,a.id [is] low and
level to the Southward, and [there are] some hills and mountain; on the N. W.
end. The Variation was here, in the Near 167 1, 9 degrees west. There lieth
a ISank about 12 Leagues to the southward of the Island that hath good store
of lish upon it, aiid is about 15 Leagues in length, lying chiefly N.N. \V. and
S.S.K., having 40 fathom and 36 fathom Water upon ii.

"This Island hath several times been seen by Captain Gillain in his Pass-
ages to and from the North- West. "-

The narrative is accompanied by a large full-page map showing
Buss Island and the Duke of N (jrk's Sand, which niai) is herein
reproduced in facsimile:'' Huss Island is also shown, though on
a small scale, on the (leneral Chart of the North Atlantic, which

edition, tliougl) there are many later editions. I hat of i08(), however, eontains the
" I )cseri|Hion " of lUiss Island, the prnited sheets of tile edition f)ein>,', .ipparently.
merely a re-issue of the sin plus stoek left over from the lirsl eiliticm, Iml wilh.i
new title-page. The tlition ol 1728 and later editions eoalain millier llie
" Deseription" nor the map-, in (|iii'slion.

' The .statement iliat it was nan)e<l Puss Island by the members of the crew of
the " buss ' is incorreet.

- In 1071, L'apt. /aeli.iriali (iilUmi was in llie Service of tlie Hudson's li.Ty
Company. In 1O68, he had made (see /.'v/) the first trading voyage to Hudson's
Hay ever untlertaken, which h.id led to the eslablishnu-nt of the Hudson s Hay
< -ompany. hi his accouni of this voyage, there is a niord of his having sighted an
island not far from the position assignrd to Huss Island, which fact is alluded to
hereafter.

■' The Society is indebted to one of its iueml)crs, Mi-, 1-'. U'. I,ue;i!>, for permission
to have copies of this maji printed oh, for use herein, from the stone which had
hern prepared for use in his forthcoming work on the /eno tjuestion.

174 i:\l'i:i)ITU>NS T(J (IKEENLAM), 1605-1612.

AI'l'ENDiCES.

'75

is found in the English Pilot (a portion of which chart is also
here reproduced in facsimile), but the names hereon differ some-
what from those on the larger map. As this narrative, and the
maps accompanying it, will have hereafter to be fully considered
in connection with the other records of the reported sighting of
the Island, it is only necessary here to point out the significance
of the names appearing on the maps.

Taking first the larger and more detailed chart, we find thereon
twelve names, of which eleven are on Buss Island itself and the
two small islands shown to the east of it, while one relates to a
sandbank further south. These names, together with the persons
from whom they have evidently been derived, are as follows, com-
mencing from the south-west and taking them in order : —

•••Viner's Point
•Rupert's Harbour
*Shaftsbury's Harbour
•Craven Point
•Cape Hayes
Kick's Ba y
•Robinson Bay
•Albermarle's Point
•Arlington's Harbour
Munden's Island
Shepherd's Island
Duke of Vorke's Sand

Sir Robert Vyner, Kt. and Bart.

Prince Rupert

Anthony, ICarl of Shaftesbury'

William, Earl of Craven

James Hayes, Ks(|uire

? Mons. Kicquerts, of Dunkirk

Sir John Robinson, Kt. and Bt.

Christopher, Duke of Albemarle

Henry, Lord Arlington

. ■>

Capt. Thos. Shepherd
James, Duke of York."*

On the smaller chart (which does not show the Duke of York's
Sand), there are fifteen names of localities. Of these, eight are
identical with those already given (namely Arlington's Harbour,
Albemarle's Point, Shepherd's Island, Munden's Island, Cape
Hayes, Cravon Point, Shaftesbury's Harbour, and Rupert's Har-
bour, though the last two are transposed, probably in error); while
two of them are new names substituted for those indicating the
same features on the other chart ; and five are new names for
localities not named at all on the other chart. The only locality
which is named on the larger chart, but has no name on the
smaller, is Kick's Bay.

The changed names appearing on the smaller chart are as
follow : —

" Warren Bay ( - Robinson Bay)
Pt. Carew ( = \yner's Point)

The new names are : —

" •Griffith's Mount
•Kirke Point
•Point Carteret

Bence Point
•Hungerford Bay

?
?"

Sir John Griffith, Kt.
John Kirke, Esquire
Sir Philip Carteret, K».

. ?

Sir Edward Hungerford, Kt.

' As, in 1671, this nobicniiin bore the title of Lord Ashley, .ind was only created
Earl of Shaftesbury in April 1072, the appearance of the latter title here proves that
this edition of Seller's Pilot eannot be mueh earlier than 1673.

- Afterwards KiiiR James II.

■

176 KXrKDITloNS TO GUKENLAND. 1605-1612.

It will be noticed that, of the nineteen names of special local-
ities on Buss Island, given above, those marked with an asterisk
(no less than twelve in number) are obviously derived from per-
sons who were named as I )irectors in the Charter of Incorporation
granted to the Hudson's Hay Company on May 2;id, 1670. Of
the remaining seven names of localities, one was named after the
then Duke of N'ork, as might very naturally be done : one was
named after Captain Shepherd himself; and another (Kick's
Bay) probably after the Mons. Kicquerts, of Dunkirk, who is
mentioned in the narrative^ ; while I am ((uitc unable to account
for the origin of the remaining four names (Munden's Island,'-
AVarren Bay, Point Carew, and Bence Point), though some at
least of these may have been named after (,'aptain Shei)herd's
subordinate officers on board the Golden Lion.

Although the narrative clearly slates that Captain Shepherd, at
the time when he made the map in cpiestion, was sailing in the
service of some French owners residing at Dunkirk, it can scarcely
be doul)ted that he was the same Captain Shepherd mentioned
by Oldmixon'' as being in the service of the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany, and in command of the Sha/tesi>ury, a vessel belonging to
the Company and spoken of as having made a voyage to Hudson's
Bay in or about the year 1673. On that occasion, she sailed in
company with another vessel belonging to the Company and
commanded by the Cajjtain (lillam who is mentioned by Seller
(see above) as having previously sighted the Island. To this
statement, I will next direct attention.

In the first edition of Seller's Enj^/is/i Pilot, immediately
following the " 1 )escription of Buss Island", appears "A Breviate
of Captain Zechariah (jillam's Journal [of his Voyage] to the
North-West, in \}c\q. Nonsuch Catch, in the year 1668." The voyage
in question was the first trading voyage (as distinguished from an
exploring voyage) ever made to Hudson's Bay, and it resulted in
the establishment of the Hudson's Bay Company. The account
of it (which also appeared in many later editions of the English
Pilot) commences as follows : —

"On the third day oijunc^ he weighed from Gravcs-enJ, and on the thir-
teenth following, he saw fair Isle bearing N.E. by E., two Leagues olV. . . .

" The fourteenth day, Orkmy: boie south, 18 Leagues off, and fair Isle, S. E.
by E., eight Leagues from them ; and [he] steered away from Orkneys N.W.
somewhat westerly.

1 Oldmixon, however, nientiuns {The British Empire in Ameriea, London,
2 vols., 8vo, 1708, vol. i, p. 409) 11 " Sanuiol Keck, lisq. , ;i nia.stcr in Chancery",
who may possibly have been the man after wliom the bay was named.

* .\s Mr. I'osler has kindly pointed out, there was a Captain (afterwards Sir
Richard) Munden, who, in 1673, when cruising with a scjuadron of the Royal Navy
in the seas around St. Helena, recaptured that island from the Dutch (see Mr.
I'". C'. Danvers' Report 011 t/ie liidiit Ojjicr h'eeords, vol. i, 1887, p. 130). I am not,
however, aware that he had any connection with the Hudson's Hay C'onipany.

* lirit. limp, ill Amer., i, p. 400.

AIM'ENDKES.

1/7

English

,onclon,
inceiy",

irds Sir

\\ Navy

I see Mr.

lini not,
Iny.

" ( )n the I'lrst day of . lui^ust following, he saw Land bearing west from them,
two miles of)°, and juH^ed it to be an island, being dark and foggv weather, hav-
ing sailed due we«t 524 leagues and a half, seeing many great Mocks of small
lUrds; and, in sounding, [he] fouid 120 fathom Water, the Land or Island
(which he rather supposed it to be) bearing west 2 miles from them,
iieinii in I. it. 59 dep. 35 min.

" Tlie second ui Aui^usl, having still steered away west 528 leagues and a
half, he saw a small Island, being then in the L^atitude of 59 deg. 4J min

"The third day, he saw the Land bearing from the W.N.SV. to the S.W. by
W., with one Island lying about four Leagues from the Main, beine then in the
Latitude of 59 deg. 34 mm. . . . After six of the Clixk, he ran \.\V by W.
3 leagues, and then \V. by S. II Leagues, and then found his whole Westing
539 Leagues and a half."

Tlicrc can. I think, be very little doubt that the foregoing
records one of the " several '' occasions upon which, according
to Seller, Captain (lillam sighted (or thought he sighted) Buss
Island. Seller himself evidently believed that what (lillam saw
on the occasion above described was Buss Island ; for, alluding
to the voyage in question, he elsewhere says^ that the ketch,
" in her way, made the Land of Buss, lying betwixt Iseland and
droenland." Speaking of the island itself, Seller says {loc. cit.) :-

" Southwcstward from Isclaud, alxjul 140 leagues, lycth an /j/rt.7</ called
/>'««, in the latitude of 57 degrees 35 minutes, not yet fully discovered, t ml
only as il hath been accidentally seen l»y some, who upon other disr-overieN
have occasionally passed those seas, as Captain (iiliam in his first voyage to
tile North-West Passage had Soundings near unto it."

1 will defer until later any expression of opinion as to what it
was that (jillam really saw.

After the appearance of Shepherd's narrative and maps in
Seller's English Pilot, the curiosity of geographers and the desire
of navigators to find the mysterious Island were no doubt con-
siderably increased; and, though actual records are not numerous,
one cannot doubt that many a ca|)tain, both linglish and foreign,
when passing the supposed situation of Buss Island, kept a shar()
look-out for it. But no one was fortunate enough to catch a sight
of it ; and, before the middle of the eighteenth century (by which
time voyages across the Atlantic, to America or Greenland,
for [)ur[)oses of exploration, colonisation, commerce, or fishing,
had become tolerably and increasingly fre<iuent), it had gradually
come to be recogniso<l that the Island then certainly had no real
existence, whatever might have been the case previously. N el it
had been so long, so persistently, and so precisely marked as an
island on the charts, that the fact of its former existence seems
hardly to have been called in (juestion; and it seems to have been
generally concluded that the Island had become, in the course of
time, submerged, from which it came to be commonly spoken of,
and marked on the charts, as "The Sunken Land of Buss."

' Uliis Mlll■ilillllt^, ,'!■ Ihe Seii .iflas, etc., etc. My John Seller. (London, fo,
1075), p. II.

178 KXI'KDITIONS TO (JkKKNLAM), 1605-1612.

This name appears to have originatctl in the inscription appear-
ing on John Van Keulen's well-known chart of the Atlantic,'
which appeared in 1745.

With the commencement of the eighteenth century, lUiss
Island, as shown generally upon the charts, underwent a remark-
able change. Uj) to this time, such charts as showed Buss
Island at all showed it with little variation and in the manner
already described. Kven as late as the year 1693, "I. Bus"
appeared in Lc iVeptune rFranfois (Paris) as an island of elongated
shape, extending over about half-a-degree of longitude, and lying
in lat. sS^io', long. 553" K. from Ferro ( = 25 \V. from (Ireenwich);
while, in or about the year 1700, " Bus"' appeared as a piece of
indeterminate coastline, with a small island lying close adjacent
to it, on a map entitled " Poli Arctici et circumjacentium terrarum
descriptio novi.ssima."-' The change in the conventional method
of representing Buss Island seems to have been introduced by
I)e risle in his At/as, which first appeared about the year 1720.'
On the map showing "I'Hemisphere Septentrional" therein,
*' PVislande " is shown as a nearly straight piece of northern coast-
line in lat. 61' and extending from long. 344" to long. 350' K.
from Ferro ( =long. 34° to 28' \V. from (Ireenwich). There can
be no doubt that this may be held to represent Buss Island, in
spite of the erroneous latitude and the fact that a northern, instead
of a southern, coast-line is shown ; for it appears that De lisle
regarded them as identical. Thus, on his " Hemis[)here Occi-
dental," ^ " Isle de Bus, ci devant Frislande" is shown as an
almost straight southern coast-line in lat. 58°, and extending from
long. 348" 30' to long. 354 30' M. from Ferro ( '= 29 30' — 23" 30'
W. from (ireenwich).

It is not very easy to tell what it was which induced De ITsle
to introduce these new features, though a suggestion on the i)oint
will be found hereafter; but, once introduced, they remained and
were even extended by later cartographers.

On Van Keulen's (Jhart of 1 745, Buss Island appears as a land
with no northern extension, but with a long, irregular southern
coast-line, extending over two degrees of longitude and a half
(from 347 i" to 350" E. from I'crro, which corresponds to from

' ,N7iv/7i'(' W'lis.si'iiile /,ii' (lUir/ van de \iiiinl-l)ir:iiH, iiiid ceii f^edii/li itiii de
Atliintiuhr, flc, etc. (Amsti-rdum, 1745;).

'-' III Fri'duric <k' Wit's /.(///</ .7/A/.> (Aiiislcrdiun, (. 1700.)

•' AtUii Soii-.wui, con ten, III/ loiites /e.\ J'tirlies dii Monde, par (iuillauiiie dr I'/iU
(AnuitLTdaiii, iinj). lb.,(. 1720). I'lii'ir arc numy later editions.

■» "Hemisphere OccidentMl. I)ress(? en 1720, pour I'usage particuller du Roy,
sur les ohserxatioDs nstrc>nuniii|ues et {jeograpliiiiiies re|iort(^es la nu^nie anixV dans
I'liistoire et dans les nienuiires de l'.\cadeniic Kle. des .Sciences; I'ar (Juillaunie
de I'lsle, premier (jeofjiajtlier deSa Majeste de la meme .Academic. ,\ Amslerdatii;
I. Covens et ( '. Morlier, n.d. ." In a later impression ot lliesame map, " c()rrif;('
suivant les dcrnieres ilcconvertcs par (ovens et Mortier," both the island and the
inscription are entirely omitted.

ion appear-
i Atlantic,'

itury, Buss
U a remark-
owed Buss
the manner

3, "I- •*"«"
:)f elongated

:, and lying
[Ireenwich);
,s a piece of
jse adjacent
um terrarum
>nal method
itroduced by
; year i72o.''
id" therein,
rthern coast-
long. 350^ K.
There can
iss Island, in
hern, instead
lat De lisle
sphere Occi-
shown as an
tending froni
30-23" 30'

d Del' Isle
on the point
emained and

lars as a land
ar southern
and a half
jnds to from

ifi-ifir/fc vtin lie

I ilia 11 til !■ lie Nile

liculicr (lu kov,

i(';me anniV dans

Par t juillaiimc

A Amsti'iilam;

icinap, " c(inij,'r

islatitl ami tlir

AI'I'KNDICKS.

«;y

30' 30' 28' \V. from Ocenwich), and hearing this inscription
in i)ut«h,'—

"The submer^'ed Land of Buss is now-a-days nothing but sun, a (juarter o.
a mile lonj;. with a roii^'h sea. Most likely it was originally the great island
of Krisland."

On Johan Anderson's Chart (published in the following year-'),
the Island is similarly shown in lat. 58 30', but with a much greater
east and west extension. In this direction, the land indicated
extends over no less than five degrees of longitude and a half (from
long. 34^)' to 351A' \\. from Kerro. which corresponds to from t,!"
to 2(y\ W. from (Ireenwich). There is also this inscription in
I )utch, which is evidently abbreviated from that of \'an Keulcn ■ :—

"The submerged Island of Muss is now-a-days nothing but surf, a quarter
of a mile, with a rough sea."

After this time, the representation of liuss Island on the charts
became very uncertain. On some, it was .still shown nnich as
Hessel (lerritsz, had shown it in 1612 ; and of this type are the line
I'rench charts of J.N. Hellinof 1751 and 1765. Others exhibited the
Island much as it was shown on \'an Keulen's Chart. Very many
other charts of the period in question (among which we may men-
tion those of Sanson, Jeffreys, and I'alairet) did not show it at all,
probably either because, as the Island was supposed to have been
submerged, it was not thought worth while to show it, or because
the greatly-exaggerated representation of \an Keulen had made
later cartographers doubtful whether any such island could ever
have existed at all.

Naturally enough, however, after the impression that the Island
had become submerged became prevalent, many navigators pass-
ing the spot where it was supposed to have been made observa-
tions, by means of soundings or otherwise, to endeavour to obtain
some corroboration of the general belief in its submergence, just
as earlier navigators had looked out for the Island itself soon after
its existence was reported.

Among the very earliest to do so was, I believe, the Captain
nif^ntioned by Anderson in 1746, of whom he says in German,' —

' "7 virsiiiikcniii I. and ran tlm i.\ /iiifciit/a.i,:,'s al braiidinj; \ iiiijl lam; mil hoi
'Ciitcr. Is wel—efr het tiioate , ijlaiid I-'rrisl,iiid ^n^'''!"'/-

- In his Xdiiiriihtiii lan Island, C,ri>iiland. inid d<r Strasst- l>avi-i (Haniliur^',
1746, 8v(i|. 'Ilii'ic arc aliti i-diliotis puldisliod in ('<j|H'nliagen (1748), Amsterdam
(1730I, and I'aris (? date).

•' " //^/ versoiikiii /■viand laii I'-ik /' lit-diiidaai^i al htii>idi^i;i' \ Myl ni,t hal
loater."

^ X.iitiriilili-n van Idand. iiroiil.ind. und d<r Stras'.,- Daiii (Hamburg, 1746,
8\(j), p. 138; "... l),r I'li-ii^ti' Si hiffir Iml tuy di'r (iilei^i'iiheil , da^s ,r atlhiir
diinlniif(lilii/<ffn i;eiiu'hii'l. abtr nit lit gikaiint , sich viil Mii/ir j^i^'ififn, die aiif der
Charte angedeuttU Reste des vt-rsunkentn Landcs von Mus '.n findin, indiin rr
iihi-r I'in faar Afunale daM-lhl zngcbradit, und nach allin siitrn in die yr) Miilcn
gi'kreiizet : h'.r hat abcr kiine S/<ur van I.andf, sondrrn iiherall tine groszi- Tii'ff
gefundrn. und nur hlasz aiif fim- Jtlrinr l.dngi , dir Tifff von 100 Fadrn ohner-

M 2

rr-

l80 KXI'F.IHTIONS ro CKKKM.ANI), 1605-1612.

"The said skipper, on one occasion when he intended to slip throu(;h here,
Init could not, took much trouble to find the vestiges of the Sunken I .ind of
Muss, which are clearly indicated on the charts, and spent above a cnuple of
months in the vicinity, cruising arouad in all directions within 50 [(iermanj
miles, lie found, however, no vesti^^e of land, but everywhere a great depth.
But he observed an inexplicable surf extending over a short distance, notwitli-
standing a depth of 100 fathoms ; in consecjuence of which, the water in that
place was higher than in the sea round about. He also saw water of a
greenish colour, and a drifting mass of all sorts of green marine plants. Is it
not the most prol>able hypothesis that there are in the sea-bottom hot springs
which cause this elevation and disturbance of the water ?''

Nfessrs. Verdun cle la Crcnne, de Horda, and I'ingro, in (heir
account of a voyage made in 1771-72, by order of the King of
hVanre, for the purpose of corre<;ting the marine charts of the
.\tlanlic, crossed the place where Buss Island (which they helieved
identical with Krisland) was |)laced in the charts, but without
seeing the slightest vestige of it. Of its existence, they express
themselves very doubtfully, as follows :' —

" Ndus en doutons, parce (|ue nous ne voyons pas ijue I'exisience de ce^te
ile de Muss soit sutlinament constatce ; nous Tavons, cependant, mise sur notre
carte.et pour sa position nous nous sommes conformeiis u la carte de 1751 [i.r ,
Hellin's], position que nous regarderions, nuanmois, comme trcsdouteusc,
nid-me en admettant I'existence de Tile."

'i'hey do not actually state that they sounded upon the spot,
but they may have done so.

Lieutenant R. I'icicersgill, who accompanied C'aptain Cook
upon one of his voyages, writing (as may be inferred) between
I 776 and his death in or about 1780, declared his belief that both
Krisland and Buss Island (which he evidently did not regard as
identical) still existed; for, says he,' they could hardly Have
become submerged "without so violent a concussion as must
have affected the north of Europe". He goes on to say that
if the latter Island could be again discovered, it would pro-
bably prove " preferable to Newfoundland for its fishery. . .
Besides, [he adds] our ships bound to the north might winter
there, and it might prove a nursery for hardy seainen." Next
he declares his belief that one reason why Buss Island had
never been sighted by recent navigators was that, having been
marked on V'^an Keulen's Chart (by which, he says, the Green-
land voyages were then regulated), " the seamen, in consequence,
instead of endeavouring to discover, use all the means in their

iulitti, line uiihi-j^riijliclie lUiiiidiiHi^, -wJiin/i das IWissfr thisi'll'st holier, ah
auf der .Sir rings uinht'r gcs/undcn, mid eiii griiiiliclies \\\nser iicbst viiicr tn-ibfii-
di'ii Affngc von allfrhy grumii Sirkrautf biiiitrki't. 1st nit lit die UHihrschtin-liihstf
Vermutliiing das in Griindi- hiisze Spring-Qiiellcn styn tvcrdfn die divsf Erln-hnng
and dieses Ciekrdusel des Wassers venirsiuhen f"

' Voyage fait par Ordre dii Noi en ijji tt ijjj (Paris, 3 vols., 4I0, 1778),
vol. ii, p. 360.

- ./ Coneise Aeeounl of I 'oy ages for the Discinrry of a .Worth- West I'ossiige, . . .
Jiy (I .Seo O^eer i\.<>m\(m, pott 8vo, 1782), pp. 32-38. 'I'his nnonyinoiis work wns
publisheil posthumously.

lly

Have
as must
.ly that
d pro
hery. . .
winter
Next
md had
iig been
(Ireen-

hofier, ol>
■r tn-ihtii-
tin-lichstf
l-'.rhchiiiii^

U), 1778),

(.11 /;'(■, . . .

work w:is

AIM'KN'DKKS.

181

power to avoid, it." Finally, in su|)port of his belief in the con-
tinued existen<x' of both Frisland and lUiss Island, he makes two
<|uotations. I'he first (which relates to Krisland) does not here
concern us, but the second (which relates to Huss Island) is as
follows :- -

"A master of a (irecniand-man (called the /hiii\h A"///;') once told me that,
bein^ by his reckonint; near that place, he wah alarmed by breakers, and,
sounding, found at /;g fathoms deNh, a rotky bottom. Me pIso says that
many vessels had seen breakers ilieieaboat. and that a Dutch ship had her
quarters almost beaten in by them, and returned home, being in great danger
of sinking."

On the 2c>th of June, i77'», I-ieutenant l'ickers^;ill himself,
when commanding H.M. I5rig Liott on a voyage to I )avis Strait,
.sounded (as he thought) on the site of the submerged Island,
and obtained depths of from 290 to 320 fathoms. His account
of the matter the only authoritative one ever |)ul)lished, so far as
I have been able to discover is as follows •}

"June 2Sth, noon. — I, it. 56° 38'. Long, by last obseiv,ttion, 17° 44'; by
ship !t reckoiiiiig 22° 20'.

" lune 29fti, 3 I'. M — Calm. Tried soundings, and got ground at 230
fathoms ; drifted to the N K. about 2 miles, and sounded again in 290 fathoms;
fine, white sand. .\t the same time, saw a shag, gulls, and other signs of
land not far hence. Hy running about 19 miles N.I-'., by N., lost soundings ;
so bore away, calling it the ' I, ion's Kank'."

It will be noticed at once that, in the foregoing, nothing is either
stated or imj>lied as to the exact position in which these sound-
ings were taken. That I'ickersgill did not make any actual
observations as to the position may be inferred from the fact that
in his work already mentioned, speaking of Huss Island, he says :'-'
" I have sounded when near it by computation, and make no
doubt but that, if I had had time (as 1 had evident tokens of
land), I might have discovered it."

Sir John Harrow (who, as Secretary to the Admiralty, had access
to Pickersgill's own manuscript journal, from which he prints
extracts) says'' that the position was lat. 57" N., long 24" 24' \N'.,
which cannot be made to agree with I'ickersgill's own published
statement, and is rather to the southward, and five or six degrees
to the eastward, of what may be called the mean position of Huss
Island on the old charts.

Shortly afterwards, Dr. Alexander l-isher gave^ (probably on
the authority of Harrow, as he mentions no other source of inform-
ation) the same figures for the position where I'ickersgill sounded,
though he suggests that I'ickersgill was in error as to his longitude,

' P/iiliiso/>/iir(t/ Tninuii /iiiHi. voj, Kviii. pt. 2 (177111, p. 1057.

- A ('(iiiiisf Aifi'iiiil, ftf. , (1782), p. 37.

•' A ('/in>noliii;ii<il /tistorv n/' /'<»i'(/j,'(v in/n Ih,- An/ii AVi,'''"" ('•"'" '"ii, ilem
8\o, 1818). p. 321.

• JiHiniitl of a ^-'fici/j.v (/ riisiovi-ry into llic Antiv A'i!,'ioi/s-, ^tli i-il. (I.uiulon,
rlomy 8\<), 1821), p. 15.

L I

1
i

■^■'^^K

1 8:

KXl'KDITIONS TO CKKENLAND, 1605-1612.

being evidently inclined to think that Tiekersgill had really
sounded on the site of the submerged Huss Island, which he knew
was supposed to lie further west.

Vet another statement (I know not whence derived) as to
Fickersgill's position when he sounded on July 2Qth, 177^), is
given in Admiral \'icomte d<! Langle's report to the French Geo-
graphical Society,' in which it is stated to have been in lat.
56' 42', long. ly' 50' -20" 05' W. from Paris (=17 30' — 17" 45 ^V.
from (Ireenwich).

On the whole, it seems very doubtful whether Pickersgill did
really sound either on or near to the supposed site of lluss Island.
All the three different positions assigned above lie to the east of
that site ; and, although all three also lie to the west of any part
of Rockall Hank, it seems most probable that what I'ickersgill
sounded upon was really a portion of that iiank, as has been
already suggested by Captain Vidal.

Purdy, speaking of the " I -ion's Bank" of I'ickersgill (whatever
it was) says :-' — "This bank is said to have been sounded on, a few
years since, by Captain Richmond of Creenock." On this, how-
ever, I have no further information.

It is stated in the Report on the Shallows and the \'igies of
the Atlantic,'' drawn up in 1865 for the French Ceographical
Society, that Buss Island (which is therein regarded as identical
with Frisland) was "vainement recherchee par les officiers fran-
cais {Aiind/es Maritimcs, t. xii, p. 23)"; but I have been unabU-
to follow up the reference here given, which seems to contain
some error. These " I'Vench officers" may have been Messrs. 1 )e
la Crenne, De Borda, and Bingre, already alluded to.

•After the commencement of the present century, when a more
siientific spirit of inquiry concerning all matters of the kind had
begun to appear, several well-equipped exploring e\i)editions,
when passing the supposed site of IJuss Island, took the trouble
to sound, in order to ascertain the depth to which the Island had
been submerged, if such had been its fate. The narratives of
several of these must be noticed.

Captain Sir John Ross, when on his voyage to Baffin's Bay, in
1818, writes as follows under the date of May 17th :^

" At noon, we found ourselves exactly in the latitude of the sunken land of
liuss, as it is laid down in some charts, 57 2S' N. ; and, being desirous of
(ieu'i mininjj whether such a hank really existed in long. 2<)" 45', we altered
our course, being then in 28° 20', to N.W., for the purpose of ascertaining the

' Kiippiirl sur /<•< //iiuts-l-'iindi it les I'it^ics Ji' r()ieiin .Ulii>i/i,/ni' ; .... par
If CoiUrf-.Xmiral N'icuniti' <le I.ani;lc. I'aris (HuUi-tin ck'la SociOtO do GiVij^aphic),

1865, p. 2().

- Miiiiiiir I'll ,1 (hiirt of thf .\orthirn ^'ki;//, yth cd. {Loiuluii, Kvo, 1845),
p. 444, and lolli eil. (1853), p. 448.

•* kiipporl sur ti's lliuits-l'onds, t'lc. , p. 26.

■• i'liyagi- of DisiiKvrv . . . for tlw Purpose of J-'xploriiii; /lii/pri' :i iiiiy \\.<^n\i\on,
4lo, i8iq), pp. 35-20.

6\2.

APPKNDICKS.

183

I liad really
lich he knew

lived) as to
)th, 1776, is
French ( ;l'()-
been in lat.
-'7"45 W.

kersgill did
lUiss Island.
' the cast of
of any part
I'ickersgill
i has been

I (whatever

d on, a few

this, how-

e \'igies of
ographical
s identical
fiers fran-
pn unable
o contain
lessrs. De

'11 a more
kind had
>editions,
e trouble
ind had
atives of

Hay,

en land of
esirous of
'e altered
ininjr the

fact. We made all sail ahead, kept a gooil look-out, witli thi' K-ad constantly
^'oiny;; and, at sunset, being near ihe spot, shortened sail und hove to in order
to sound, but found no bottom in iSo fathoms. I'his was repeated every lour
miles, but with no better success ; and, when the .//. \/;«i/(7 came up with us
(bein^r then thirty miles past the spot marked out for this sunken bank), we
made sail, but kept the lead constantly K'0'"ii-

"The existence of this bank has long l)een doubted by tiie masters of
dreenland-men, and certainly it is not io be fouml where laid down in the
charts. X'arious stories respecting it were related by j)cople on hoard ; but it
appeared, on comparing their testimonies, that no soundinj;s had ever been
actually found. I am more inclined to imai;ine that, when ships have been
siruck in this ipiarter with heavy seas, the shocks have erroneously been attri-
buted to the Sunken Land of Huss.

" Early next mornin«^, the wtather was fair.. ..We continued our soundinL;s,
but wi'hou' finding ground, and heKl on constantly in the same parallel of
latitude."

In the year following (1819), Sir William E. Parry, when out-
ward bound upon his voyage in search of a North-West I'assage,
wrote as follows :'-

" (.)n the 27th [of May] we cast off the Griper^ and hauled a little to tiie
northward, in order to pass near the spot where Lieutenant I'ickersgill obtained
soundings, from 320 to 330 fathoms, on the 2()th of June, I77()"; and, at (> p.m.,
being in lat. S'j'^Sy' 39', and longitude, by chronometers, 24"" 33' 40", the deep-
sea clams were ^>elu down with one thousand and tweiuy fithoms of line,
without tmdii'g bottom

" ....\t half-past I p.m. [on the 30th], we began to cross the space in which
the ■ Sunken Land of Hubs' is laid down in Steel's Chart from Kiii^Lind .'i>
Urtinhiiid : and, in the course of this and the following day, we tried for
soundings several times without success, the ship's position being as follows :

Lat.

/.:

",;,'■•

/■\lt//,iHIS

5f 4<>'

2C/

21)

I'X)

57° 4'/

29"

22'

58" 02'

29"

.^2'

58^ 07'

21)"

34'

>8' 14'

21,-

.,6'

100

S8-' i.V

30"

52'

170."

Alexander l-isher, M.D., who also published an account of the
same voyage, gives some further information upon thi- subject.
He says :'^

"[May 27th, 1819]. "This afternoon, the weather luing almost perfectly
calm, we availed ourselves of the opportunity of trying for soundings on the
supposed ' Sunken Land of buss', according to its situation by Lieutenant
Pickersgill, who, in his passage to Davis' Straits, in the year 177O, struck
soundings with a line of 320 fathoms in the very place where we happened to
get becalmed this afternoon''; but, strange to s.iy, although we had 1,120
fathoms of line out, we found no \<o torn. It ouglit not to t)e inferred from

• . par
>.M:raphic),

■845).
London,

1 Journal of a I 'oyoiii' for t/i,- /'iunirrv of a Xort/i- U'l^t /'a\saxr . . . in tiie
Wars /iV/v-.'!) (Loiulou, 410, 1821), pp. 4-5.

- Soe anti'. p. i8i.

•' Journal of a rovai^r of /)isi<n'iry to tlic .Irilic /\'<[t;ion.'., cti'., 4tli imI. (London,
8vo, 1821), !>. 15.

■• lit' asst'its ilia foot-noti" that the position in wliuli Piokcrsi;!!! soiimlcd was
lat. _S7, l"Ug' 2.1" 24' W. ; but, as already stated, «e do not kiiou (Icllnitrl) (jii uliat
aiuhoritv he savs so.

li I

1S4 KXF'KDITIONS TO CKKKNLAND, I«^05-l6l2.

this, however, that the bank on which that olTicer sounded does not exist ; for
it is more reasonable to suppose that he might be mistaken in his longitude n(
the place than that the existence of the bank itself should be (questioned, more
especially as some of our latest charts (by .Steel) lay the Sunken Land of Huss
down several degrees to the westward of where we sounded to-day."

letter on he says^ that on the 30th and 31st (on the latter date,
apparently in lat. 58' 13', long. 30° 20' W.) they sounded again

"with 160 fathoms of line, but found no bottom. Tlie object for sounding
on this occasion was [he adds] to ascertain whether a bank exists in the place
wliere the 'Sunken {.and of liuss' is laid down on Steel's Chart; but our
researches here, as on Pickersgill's bank,- have been in vain. So that 1 think
the existence of any remains of [the] Huss's [.and (if ever there was such an
isle) may now be justly (juestioned. At all events, liydroKraphers may with
perfect safety henceforth expunge from their charts all traces of it in either of
the places hitherto assigned."

In 1828, Captain W. A. draah, when on his voyage from Den-
mark to (ireenland in search of the Lost Colonies, passed the
reputed site of the Island. He says :"-

"On the 25lh [of April, 1828] we passed what is laid down in the charts
under the name of the 'Sunken-Land-vanliuss', — a danger made mention of
even in the latest Knglish sailing directions, but which mariners may now be
assured is altogether an imaginary one."

Although Ciraah does not say that he sounded, one may infer
that he did so.

Finally, Sir John Ross, in his account of his second voyage
in search of a North-West Passage, says^ that on the 22nd of
June, 1829,

*' at an early hour in the morning, we passed the spot marked in the chart
as that where I'ickersgill sounded in 3cxd fathoms. The state of the weather
did not, however, permit us to repeat this trial at to great a depth."

This IS the last occasion, as far as I know, on which anyone
made an attempt to discover traces of the lost Island.

It is necessary to add, however, that, even after the theory that
liuss Island had become l)y some means submerged had obtained
general acceptance, it did not at once disappear from the charts,
for it lingered thereon (as has been said) right down to our own
time. The latest on which I have been able to find any trace
of it is that of Europe in the 1856 edition of Keith Johnston's
Physical Aflas, whereon it appears, without query of any kind, as
a minute speck, in about lat. 57° N., long. 25^ W. It inay, how-
ever, be observed that, although the last lingering belief in the
existence of any such island as Buss Island has long since disap-

I op. rif., pp. 17 1 8.

* Which he clearly regards ;is not lying in the position assigned to Huss Iskind.

■' Xarrati-if of on I-l\ptdilion to the A'as/ Coast of dririiloiid. sent hy Order of
till' Kiiii^ of Ih'iniark in M'iir,/i of llu lost l\'^o>iie^, iindir t/ir I'oDinntiid of Copt.
11 '. A. Cruii/i, tmnslolid front ///< Ihriiisli (l.ondiiii, Ueniy 8\o, 1837), p. au.

•• Aarralivc of o Stwond I 'iMi/v in Searc/i of </ A'orlh- M Viy /'iiuii^e diiri'ii; the
Vt'iirs /yjQ-jf (I.ondiin, 410, 1H35), p. 36,

'12.

not exist ; for
is longitude of
sstioned, more
Land of Huss
ay."

: latter date,
ded again

for sounding
s in the place
hart ; but our

that 1 think
^^ as such an

ers may with
it in either of

! from Den-
pa.ssed the

in the charts
le mention of

1 may now be

may infer

)nd voyage
le 22nd of

in the chart
the weather

h anyone

heory that
obtained
|he charts,
our own
trace
»hnston's
kind, as
.', how-
;f in the
disap-

hiss Island,
f I' Order of
!</ 11/ Cti;>i.

\. 21).

\/i<rini; tin-

.XPPEN DICES.

1S5

pearcd, many pieces of evidence might he adduced to sliow
that, among scientific men and others who have occasion to
consider the (juestion of the possible former existence of land in
the middle of the Atlantic, few seem to entertain any doubt as to
the former existence of Huss Island. Even so lately as the year
before last, no less high an authority than I'rof. Hull seemed to
accept without hesitation the fact of its former existence, if one
may judge from the manner of his allusion t;) it.'

T have now traced the history of Huss Island, as it appears on
our majjs and charts, from its reputed discovery in the year 157S
to the present day. That no such Island now exists is certain,
and I may therefore proceed to consider the various hypotheses
upon which it is possible to account for the reports of the disco-
very and sighting of the Island if it never existed, or for its disap-
pearance if it ever did exist. These hypotheses appear to be
limited to four in number, and are as follows :

(I.) — That the statements of any such land having been sighted
have not been made in good faith, and are, in fact, fraudulent
inventions.

(II.) — That the statements of land having been sighted rest on
a mistake, either a fog-bank or a gigantic ice-field having been
sighted and mistaken for an island.

(III.) — That an island really was discovered in the position
indicated, but that it has since become submerged.

(IV.)— That some real and still-existing land was seen, but not
recognised as land previously known, and was, therefore, thought
to be a new discovery.

(I.) — In the first place, therefore, we have to consider whether
it is not possible that the whole account of the discovery in 15 78
of an island in the middle of the Atlantic, since called '* liuss
Island", may have been a fraudulent invention — whether the
«Tew of the little "buss", having been deserted (as they thought)
by the rest of the fleet without due reason, may not have invented
a wonderful tale of their having discovered a large island, merely
out o{ pique, and in order to "get the better of" those they
thought had deserted them.

Although there are reasons which go some way to support
this view, I do not myself think it probable. Wiars's narrative
seems to me altogether too detailed and too circumstantial to
admit rA any doubt that he and his companions really did sight
sonic; land. Had iie been concociing a story, it seeins probable
that he would have thought it wiser, instead of stating the lati
tude with [irecision, to leave it more or less vague and uncertain,

' ( \»it> iluiliims til lilt' riiv\inil His/tirv ol the lUi'hh islis, etc, 2ii(l rd. ^l.^)|ld(m,
Bvo, iHi):;). .. '

1 .1

I iH

186

KXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612."

so that those who he might have been sure would look for the
Island afterwards might have the greater difficulty in proving his
deceit. Another argument of the same nature may be mentioned
in favour of this view. Wiars does not, in his narrative, projxjse
any name for the new island which he says he and his compa-
nions discovered ; for the name *' Muss Island" the Island the
" buss" discovered was a name by which it was spoken of by
others afterwards. If the crew of the little vessel had conspired
together to spread a false report of the discovery of an island, it
seems hardly likely that they would have resisted the tempta-
tion of giving that island a name- unless, indeed, we credit them
with greater subtlety than they probably possessed ; yet, as we
have seen, they proposed no name.

Nevertheless, it may be worth while to mention that those on
board the " buss", when on their homeward voyage, may have
sighted a real island which, though not then marked upon the
charts, lies in the Atlantic in almost exactly the latitude ascribed
by Wiars to Buss Island. I allude to Rockall, which lies in
lat. 57' 36' N. Though now nothing more than an isolated
|)yramidal granite rock, rising straight out of the water, with
neither soil nor sand around it, there is reason to believe (from
the evidence of old charts) that not only was the rock itself con-
siderably larger in the seventeenth century, but that it was also
surrounded by a sand-bank of greater or less extent. It is not an
altogether unreasonable suggestion, therefore, that the sight of
this very remarkable islet may have put into the heads of Wiars
and his companions the idea of claiming to have discovered an
island, and that, in reporting it, they enormously and fraudulently
exaggerated its si/e and very erroneously stated its longitude. I
do not, however, attach the least importance to this view; for,
although I have declared my belief that real land of some kind
was sighted, it is quite certain, from the information given, that
that land could not have been Rockall. The size, the off-lying
ice, and the position assigned to Buss Island, are more than suffi-
cient to prove that it can have had no coniiection whatever with
Rockall.

'I'here seems no reason, therefore, to doubt the perfectly hoiui
fide nature of Wiars's narrative; nor does there seem to be any
greater reason to doubt that Hall, on his outward voyage in 1 606,
really saw something and that he believed it to be Buss Island ;
and I shall hereafter suggest what I believe that something to
have been. But, as regards the very remarkable account in
Seller's English Pilot, I believe the matter stands differently.
This I am inclined to regard as a pure invention, concocted by
a rascally cai)tain who hoped to secure either a i)ccuniary reward
or meretricious renown by claiming to have actually discovered
and explored an island which had long been represented on the
(Charts (but of which nothing was otherwise known), and to have

APl'EX DICES.

187

3k for the
•roving his
TJentioiied
e, propose
is conipa-
sland the
:en of by
conspired
island, it
t teni|)ta-
-'dit them
L't, as We

those on
nay have
ipon the
ascribed
1 hes in
isolated
er, with
ve (from
iclf con-
was also
s not an
sight of
)f W'iars
red an
ulenth
e. i
\v; for,
kind
that
-lying
suffi- '
with

any
1 606,
ind ;
ng to
nt in
L-ntly.
by
ivard
ered

the
lave

named after the chief of his employers a number of non-existi-nt
headlands, bays, and harbours thereon. It will be noticed that,
although no less than nineteen localities were named and depicted
on the Chart, nothing is .said as to the rejjorted island having been
landed upon ; while the narrative (though in some respects
apparently genuine) i.s, on the wholt-, suspiciously bald and uncon-
vincing, in which resj)ect it differs widely from that of Wiars. We
are not told the precise date on which Shepherd .sighted the
reputed island ; nor are we told, from his own observation, its
exact position ; while we are left et|ually in the dark as to the
circumstances under which Shejjherd came to encounter the
island and how long he remained in its vicinity. Ihat, shortly
after the first appearance of his narrative, it was suspected to be
spurious seems to be proved by the fact already stated that, in
succeeding editions of the English Pilots the maps did not appear,
though the " Description" continued to form part of the letterpress
through several editions, for which the same printed sheets were
apparently made to serve, without alteration. Nor did the maps
appear in the first edition of Seller's Atlas Maritimiis {\(^^]z^)^
On the whole, therefore, 1 think that Shepherd's account may
be dismissed at once from further consideration, as being mainly,
if not wholly, spurious. It is just possible that Rockall may
have in some way suggested the fraud to Shepherd : a surmise
which is to some extent supported by the mention of a bank to
the southward with many fish upon it ; but into this it is useless
to iiKjuire very clo.sely.

(II.) — The su|)position that what was sighted by those on
board the little "buss" on September 12th, 159S, was in reality
nothing more than an inuiiense ice field, which they mistook for
an island, has already been advanced by several writers who
have considered the (juestion. Nor is this solution of the difficulty
in it.self by any means impossible, for it is certain that such ice-
fields are at times met with in the part of the Atlantic with which
I am concerned.

])r. Asher, in discussing the subject, says-: —

"An immense iceii:ld seems to have tloated out of Davis Strait, down to
Ja». 57". The excited fancy of a passenger on board the vessel [that is, the
" buis'' Eiinnaiiuel] mistook it for an island, and the island soon found its
l)lace on maps and charts under tlie name of /iuss,' /s/ant/.''

Mr. E. J. I'ayne also ap|)ears to regard this hy[)othesis as that

' III sdiui' later editions, lioucvi-r, we tiud "a .\Inpp nl' ilie keijions and
C'ountreyes uiuler imd about the .Vortli Pole", on wliieli Muss Isl.md is shown with
nine names thereon, much .is it is siiown on the (Jener.il ( hart in thi- /•.«i,Y/>A
/V/i'/. This map is undated, hut the date 1670 appears ineidentally thereon. I
lielieve, however, that the map was engraved earlier than this, at a lime when
Seller believed the story which Shepherd had told him about Muss Isl.md, and
we think that the le)j[eiul containing the date above mentioned is a later addition,
liiirv HuitsiDi, thr Nir^ii;ii/iir, p. eix (see also p. elix).

ISS

■■'!/

■■^■^^■^".T.o.vs ro .,.„:„,,,,„, ,,^^_^^___^

d't(ia,?t"^ "lUwfl "'■''^°'^' on the whole »», k

C™ ,r"*'"^''''fi'-'C^ ■" •■" """ '"■••"" "'■■'y have
;- ''•e"o;e';„,Stf,:l;^:..>«V- oeea.o„.., „e. „,„

%'arge sconce ohSJ'v-P"'''' ''^^^''^^ 'he supposed !an/°"^. ?*'«'' f™™ '^^
of which would weSh^'f ' '^r*''"*''' "'''h gravel 2 n^ ^"^' ,""«^ '^°""d it to be
attached to the laTd^d TrTn^ °^'-^°" ^S o?l^«^ '^'°"^-^' ««•"'
(or. as ,t may be termed ' flo^.?'''^"'^.""'" '='*'"'"• • ThU ? ™"'' •'"'^'^ f>^«^"

and .wenty.four feetTh^K^^•''"''^' '^'-^) -as about one m , i^^i ^Tr ""' '"
Then tl circumference

''-^"^1 thTt he h^'""" '" ''"^^■^^'■^". '^as been s ' "••'''^■'■'''">' ^^h^'"

■"""•'/ fo .Iwrnr,,, .„,!

I ■ .?o. .lis,, /'inrlinshi, /V/, .',•■■''• ''''• «22-'2?.
"■^///V'/;//,.>, v„|. iii. p. f^,f^

r-:-!. (Oxfor.l, n-, gvo,

,u.

AI'I'ENDICKS.

189

sec

imit
thi-
iiss

Ca|)tain William Barron, whom we have already cited, in liis
account of his whaling voyage to Davis Strait in 1861, says' :

" Durinfj our passive towards Cape Karewell, we fell in with many icebergs
in lat. 58° N., long. 44° 10' VV. The day was beautiful and clear, and the
clouds near the horizon to the northward appeared so much like the land, with
its snow-capped mountains, that any experienced person miyht easily be
deceived, although we knew the land to be about one hundred and ten miles
distant. When such clouds appear, they are called ' Cape Fly-away' by the
sailors."

" The Clerk of the California'', in his account of a voyage
across the Atlantic, writes as follows- :—

"The twenty-ninth [of June 1746] was a clear beautiful day, with sunshine
and little wind. In the morning, wehadaFog Hank, I",. N.K,., much resembling
land. Several of them arose m other parts ot the horizon in the afternoon.
These Banks will stagger a good judgment to discern, in places where Land
may be expected, whether ihcy be Fog Banks or the real land, especially as
.such Banks will often, from the sun's retlection, appear white in spots,
resembling snow on the mountains so usual in these parts. To distinguish
whether it be a log Hank or Land, you carefully observe whether there is any
alteration of the form or shifting of the outlines ; which, if there is, as it is nut
the property ut Land to change the form, you know it to be one of these
Banks."

The third account to be cited is as follows: Mons. de la
IJoullaye le (iouz relates-' that, when approaching the coast of
Ireland, between Wicklow and Dublin, on the 14th of May,
1644, "certain vapours" arose from the sea, which appeared like
land two or three leagues off, with trees and cattle thereon. He
then states that he sought inforntation about this land from a
Dutch pilot residing in Dublin, who replied: —

" You are not the tirst who has erred in the supposition of these things.
The most expert navigators are often deceived by them. That which to us
appears land is only a dense vapour, which cannot be raised higher in con-
se<iuence of the season and the absence of the sun. Those apparent trees and
animals are a part of that miasma, which collects in some places more than in
others. When very young, I was on board a Dutch vessel otT the coast of
Greenland, in 61" of latitude, when we perceived an island 01 this sort. We
hounded, without touching the bottom. Finding sutt'icient water, our Captain
wished to approach nearer ; but we were astonished that, all at once, it
disappeared. Having a different direction, we met the same appearance again.
The Captain, desiring to know wliat it was, ordered them to turn half-a-mile
backwards and forwards to observe it ; and, after having traversed many times
without linding any real land, there arose so furious a tempest that wc expected
to perish ; and, a calm afterwards coming on, we asked the Captain why he
had surveyed this island. He told us that he had heard say that, near the
I'ole, there are many islands, some floating, some not, that are seen from a
distance and arc hard to be approached ; which, they say, is owing to the
witches who inhabit the in. and destroy by storms the vessels of those who

' 0/1/ Whaling Dijys, p. 128.

- Aidiiinf of ii I'oyage for the /huinvrv of ii \\ir/lt- II 'tst Fosuige, elcperfornti'd
ill till' \'i(irs /y/0 iinil ij/j in t/uSliip CalifDinia, t'lipt. Francis ."^mit/i, Coin-
mainiir [\ .oniXow, two vols., demy 8vo, 1748), vol. i, ]). 13.

•■' '/'//(■ /'our of till- /•'rtiicli rraviller. At. de lit lloiilliiy, I,- (',oii:. in hrlond, in
A. I). lOfi, III i till by /'. I'rofton I'rokrr 1 London, ileniy lanio, 1837), pp. 3-.).

lyO KX1'KD1TU)NS To CRKKM.ANl), 1605-161:1.

/ (

I t

obstinately seek to land upon them ; that all he had heard reported and [had]
read were hut fables ; that he now knew that these l1oatin{; islands proceeded
from the vapours raised and afterwards attracted by the planets, which
vapours the wind dispersed on approaching nearer ; and that tempests usually
followed these phenomena."'

Fourthly, Dr. 'I'homas M'Kecvor thus desrrihes- an expcrienrc
he and his companions underwent in that very portion of the
Atlantic in which Muss Island was formerly helieved to lie : —

"Sunday, July 12th [1S12].- -Weather very thick and hazy, accompanied
with constant drizzlinj; rain. Wind continues fair. The air feels very cold,
owing (as the Captaui suspects) to our being near ice. About half-past one,
the man at the helm said he saw land. Owing to the very unfavourable stale
of the weather, we remained for a considerable time m suspense. The
Captain did not think that this could possibly be the case. At length, how-
ever, from its very striking appearance, he was induced to send for his
telescope. It is still rather doubtful. If land, he thinks it must be Cape
Karewell, in which case we are 200 miles behind where we supposed ourselves
to be. In the end, it turned out to be merely what the seamen call a Ca^e
J'ly-away."

Hoth of the foregoing hypothetical solutions of the (luestion as
to what the so-called " Huss Island" can have l)een (namely, that
it was either an ice-floe or a fog-hank), are far from l)eing in
themselves unreasonable ; hut W'iars's account is so circum-
stantial that I jjrefer to l)elieve that real land of some kind

' In the oriKin;il odition {/.rs IWiii^rs r/ Oh^en'ntions dv Siiiir </<■ /a /iiiT//inr-
ir llnvz, (Iriitit-hoimnr Aiigivin, I'aiis, fcp. 410, 1653, ]ip. 434 435) this jiassa.tjc
reads as follows: -" I.c soir, ccrtaincs vapjioiirs {|ui sesit'iioii'iit do la nu-r me
faisoiiMil cruirc (|uc c'csloit de la torri- huiuellc ic voyois a 1, 2, & 3 milles, ot
ni'imaginois disliiiKuer ii\s arbres en grand noiubR-, ct nu'siiu' dcs hd'ufs,
ni'arii'stant a voir cette terra, et a en demander le nom et <|u'elles villes il y auoil,
ie m'addresso a vn pilote Iloll.indois, marie a Doublin, lt(|uel me desahusa <S: nic
rint ce discours ; Voiis n'estes |>as le |)remier (|iii a erre dans la s|)eculalion de ees
choses. l.es plus experts dans la Naui.i,^ation s'y trompenl soiuient (e (|ui nous
semble terre n'est (|u'vne vapeiir ijrossiere <|ui n<' pent estre esleiu'e dauantage a
cause de la saison \ de lesloignement du Soleil ; ees arbres i-t eesanimaux ajiparens
soiit partie de eette vapeur, laquelle s'amasse plus en vn lieu <iuen I'autre. je
vous dirav qu'estant extremenient ieune sur vn vaisseau de I lollande vers la coste
dc droenland i\ 61 degrcz de latitude, nous apper(,'eunies vne Isle de eette sorle, et
iettasnies la sonde sans trouuer de fond. Nostre C'apitaine voulut en approelier
de jilus prez, et irouuans assez d'eaii nous fusmesestonnez (|ue tout d'vn coup elle
disparut et nous estans esloigncz de I'.iutre coste nous la descouurismes derecliet.
Le C'apitame vouhit si^auoir ce ijue c'estoit eonmianda (|ue Ton tournast vn demy
mille tout au tour pour I'obseruer ; et, apres I'auoir touinee diuerses fois sans
trouuer aucune veritable terre, 11 s'esleua vne tempeste si orageusc cpie nous
psnsasnics perir ; et, le ealme estant venu ensuite, nous demandasmes a nostre
Capitaine ])our(|Uoy il auoit fait niesurer cette Isle, 11 nous respon<Iit (|u'il auoit
ouy dire (|ue, vers le Pole, il y auoit plusieurs Isles, Ics vnes tlottantes, les autres
non, i|ue Ton voyoit de loing, et descjuelles Ion auoit peine d'a|)roclK'r. Ce (|ue
Ton disoit aduenir par des femmes magiciennes qui les liahitent et foiu perir par la
temp'ste les vaisseaux c|ui s'o|)piniastrent a les vouloir aborder ; que tout ce i|u'il
auoit leu el ouy dire nestoit ijue fables, et c|u'il eonnoissoit a present (|ue cos Isles
tlottantes promenoienl des vapeurs leu(?es et attirees )iar les jilanettes, {|ue la
veuc dissijioit lors (|u'on en apiiroehoit de pres, et (|ue la tempeste suiuoit
ordinairement ees melheores. Je le renieiciay de niauoit doiuie la raison de cette
tcrrc imagini.ire," ete.

'•I ./ /Vri'.C'' 'e llitdsiiii's luiy diirhisi the Siiiiiiiur i>f' /.'"'/.•(London, demy 8vo,
1819), p. 4.

AIM'KNDICKS.

Ujt

lies, ot

Ixrufs,

luoit,

iV II ic

nous
■■'Kc a
a If lis

costc

rto, ft

•oduT

p ('lie

•clii't.

Ifiiiy

sans

nous

I OS tic

aiioii

titles

(|UC

;ir la

la
unit
ftto

was seen hy ihosi' on hoard the littlt- "l)uss". It is not prol)al)lc
that the crew would have continued for the greater part of two
days within sight of either an ice-field or a fog-hank which they
had mistaken for land, without discovering their error. I see
reason, therefore, to entirely reject this hypothesis or, rather,
these hypotheses — as wholly untenahle.

With Hall's supposed sighting of the island in 1606, however,
I think the case may he different. Hall's statement that he saw
the island is very cursorily made, proving that, whatever he saw,
he saw it imperfectly from a distance ; and I think there can he
very little douht that what he saw on this occasion was either an
ice-field or a fog-hank, prohahly the latter. 'I'his is the more
likely to have heen the case from the fact that Hans Rruun, who
was with Hall, says nothing at all ahout the matter in his diary
kept on the voyage, except that, on this day, they saw the first
ice.^ I'rohahly, therefore, they recognised that whatever they saw
was not real land. We know, moreover (as just mentioned"'*), that
Hall, on his voyage in the jjrevious year, had actually heen thus
deceived, and had mistaken a fog-hank for an island in the very
region in which lUiss Island was sujiposed to he.

I'his, too, I helieve to he the hyi)othesis upon which it is most
easy to account for Ciillam's supposed lighting of lUiss Island.
It will he seen from his narrative that, leaving the Orkneys on
July 14th, 1668, he ".sailed due west 524 leagues and a half",
aiui, on August 1st, in "dark and foggy weather", and in
lat. 59' 35', he saw land to the west, two miles off, which he took
to he an island. The latitude given is somewhat more northerly
than that commonly assigned to Jiuss Island at the time ; hut it
was no douht thought near enough. If, however, his statement
that he was 524^ leagues west from Orkney was correct, he
cannot have heen anywhere near the re])uted sitt' of Buss Island ;
for that would hring him into ahout long. 50 W. This, together
with his souiulings, may, however, he dismissed from furthiT con-
sideration here ; for, whatever he saw, it certainly had no connec-
tion whatever with Buss Island.

(III.) It is (|uite certain that, if lUiss Island ever did exist in
the position assigned to it, it does not exist there now ; hut it
does not necessarily follow therefrom that such an island never did
exist.

In the laci- of such statements concerning the island as those
which have heen cited, none hut a very indolent historical student
would, at once and off-hand, dismiss as ])ure fahrications the
rejKjrts of its di.scovery in 157S, and of its having heen sighted on
sevi-ral later occasions. The only safe and proper course in all
such cases is to follow the text of any old narrative, and to accept

(vo,

' Sec |(. 58, //. 2.

Sec p. 188.

192 KXI'KDITIONS TU (IRKtNLAM), 1605-1612.

•I I

the statements contained therein, however apparently impr(>lial)le,
until more or less clear and direct evidence is obtained eitiier of
unintentional error or deliberate deception. I, el us incpiire,
therefore, whether any such evidence is obtainable in the present
instance.

It has been already shown that, when many navi{,Mtors had sought
for Buss Island in the place indicated by Wiars and Shepherd,
and when all of them had failed to fmd it there, the conclusion
generally drawn was, not that the island had never existed, but
that it really had formerly existed, and had, in some manner (most
|)r(ibably, it was thought, by means of volcanic action), become
submerged ; from which it came to be ([uite generally spoken ot
as "The Sunken Land of Buss". I have also shown the means
by which some of the more intelligent captains sought to put
this theory to the test, and the |)resent is the pro|)er |)lace for
us to consider the result obtained by their soundings.

It should be noticed, in the first place, that, out of the six
records of actual soundings already cpioted, no less than four
state that soundings were really obtained namely, those of
(lillam (1668) 1 20 fothoms ; the skipper nuntioned by .Vnderson
(before 1746) 100 fiithoms ; the Knglish captain mentioned by
Pickersgill (before 1776) 59 fathoms ; and i'ickersgill (1776) 290-
320 fathoms. Of these four, however, I may at once dismiss two
from furMier consideration ; for I ha\"e already adduceil evidence
which seems clearly to prove that, whatever (lillam and Pickersgill
thought when they made their soundings, those soundings were
not really made either on or near the rejjuted site of Buss Island.
Of the remaining two, it may be observed that they both give
second-hand information. In neither case are we told either the
name of the cajjtain conc-erned or the date when he made the
sounding in ipiestion ; while we are given no precise information
by means of which we may satisfy ourselves that the soundings
really were made on or near the reputed site of Buss Island.
Both the so-called soundings were, moreover, made in the earlier
part of last century, when the means of obtaining accurate
•soundings and of ascertaining position at sea were very imperfect.
I think, therefore, that one is fully justified in rejecting l)oth of
them, and in concluding that some mistake was nuule, either in
the sounding itself or in the position in which it was made. It is
significant that the careful soundings made in the beginning of
the i)resent century by the well-etiuipped expeditions under Ross
and Barry could not corroborate the earlier soundings, although
the means of taking soundings had been then greatly improved.
The evidence of soundings seems to me, therefore, rather against
than in favour of the theory of submergence.

In addition to these older navigators and geographers, many
recent (or comparatively recent) writers of excellent repute have
given credence to the reports of the former existence of Buss

■ :\

APPENDICES.

'93

Island, and have accepted the theory of submergence to account
for its disappearance.

Among the chief of these, I may mention the following : —

The nniarks of MM. Verdun de la (.'rennc, de Horda, and
Pingre seem to imply that they held this view.'

Korster observes- that, " if the IJuss of IJridgcwater really and
hoiu) fide found an island ... in 57 deg. ;^o min. N. lat., it nuist have
sunk afterwards into the sea, as it has never been seen again in
the voyages made since to Hudson's IJay, ( Greenland, and
Labrador.'"'

Crantz also seems to accept the theory of submergence ; for in
speai ing of Krisland, he alludes' to the theory held by some that
it "has been swallowed up by an earlhcjuake, and is the same with
the Sunken Land of Buss marked on the charts, which is dreaded
by seamen from the shallowness of the incumbent water and the
furious dashing of the waves."

The same may also be said of (Iraah, who says' that, although
the danger of the "Sunken Land of Ikiss" is mentioned, even
in the latest English sailing directions, "mariners may now be
assured [that it] is altogether an imaginary one".

I'urdy speaks" of the Island of Ikiss as "sunken near 58' deg. N.
and 33' U'.", and includes it among " imaginary shoals, . . .
formerly described, but now omitted from a conviction of their
non-existence".

Wallich, in his important though incomplete memoir on the
Atlantic, argues strongly and at considerable length in favour of
the former existence of land in the position where lUiss Island
used to be marked on the charts. He holds" that the existence
of a ridge or elevated plateau in the bed of the Atlantic in the
place indicated (then recently discovered, but now well known,
and to be noticed hereafter) strongly confirms the old records of
the former existence of land (Krisland, as well as Ikiss Island) at
the same place. To account for the disappearance of this land,
he urges that the subsidence of the tract under notice may have
resulted from volcanic action in the region of which Iceland is

lough
bved.
tainsl

rany

Ihave

lUiss

' / 'oyai^e flit piir (h\i>r dii Koi in 1--1 it ijj2, . . . par MM. I '. dr lit C. , ili- /I. ,
(■//-". fi'aris, two vols., 410, 1778), vol. ii, p. 360.

- /'('I'l'^'CA' and Diiiinrriis niadi- in t/ir Aort/i (London, 410, 1789), p. 287.

■'• I'orstfi' was ovidcnlly unacquainted \\ ith tlif reports, cited above, of the alleged
sightint; of the island hy Ilall, (lillam, and Shepherd.

■• //istarv of I'lfn-nland (l.onilon, 2 vols., 8vo, 1820), vol. i, p. 251. A similar
(but differently worded) passage occurs in the first edition (London, 1767), vol. i,

' i\arrativi' of an /-.xpidi/ion to tlu l:a.<t (oast oj (tirenland, sent hy order of
the Kihi; of Denmark in seareli of t lie Lost ( 'olonie^, under the ( 'ontma'td of ( 'aptain
II'. A. liraah. Translated from the Danish (London, demy 8v(j, 1837), p. 20.

" Memoir . . . of the Xorthern Atlantie Oeean , loth ed. (London, 8vo, 1853),
p. 508.

' The Aorth Atlantie Sea-/ied : ( om/rismt; a Diary of the I'oyage on Hoard
/I. M.S. " Jiull-Dii,if' in /S60 (London, tleniy 4to, 1862), pp. 63-67.

194

KXrKDITIONS TO (IKF.EM.AND.

the centre. Hu adduces a numher of fa<ts wliicli lie holds to he
ill favour of this view, which he sums up as follows : —

"[ think, . . ., thill thiTc is <|iiiti' suflicicnt I'vidi'iKc- in ihi- fiistiiirt
ilfclaralinns of liic Nciu'liim and Norwi'^jian navi^aiiirs, (■(iu|)it'il wilii those
of later voyaj,'iTs, who s|)i'ai< of a shoal or siiid- land, and thi' ri-niarkalilo
conlirnialion ali'ordcil liy thi' rrconl sounding's, to i'slal)lish thf prohaliilit y that
a trad of land or an island clid once exist hetween the 27th and 2i;lh de^'rees
of N. latitude, and the 5()th and 60th dej^rees of VV. lonfjilude,' ami that it was
I'ilher sulmier^eil sudilenly by some tremendous volcanic action, or sulisicled
slowly, leaving; liehind only the shoal which is now completely hidden lieluw
the surface.""

Mr. (!. H. (.'oote has also expressed- his belief that the
island said to have been discovered hy the crew of the buss
Emmaiuii'l "was, doubtless, an island now submerged", and that
we have in this fact a parallel instance to that recorded hy
Ruysch, and shc^rtly to be mentioned.

I'inally, I may refer to the remarks of Hernard O'Reilly, who,
however, cannot be regarded as an authority, as his work is
known to be wholly si)urious. Speaking of Frisland (the former
existence of which he thinks uiviiiestionable, and which he
believes to have become submerged), he says : — ''

"'rhiss|)ot is now marked on the charts as occu])yinj; an extensive and
danf^erous tract of ocean, and is name<l the Sunken I.anil of Muss. Mariners
are studiously careful to avoi.l it. It is, in tem|)estuous weather, covered liy a
hii^h and terrible sea. . . . 'I'he darkness in w liich nortlurn history involves
the fate of this island is |ieculiarl\ uninviting to accurate research. . . . The
mind, however rude, in viewing the waves that still tower over its waste,
nuist sicken at the contemplation. 'I'he site can oidy coine w itiiin the casual
glance of the wary mariner; and, in liie latitude of the Sunken I.aml, such
a man is j^'uided iiy hi.s fears to avoid the dan^'erous spot. \'alleys of dreadful
soundinj^s and peaks of tremendous and destructive contact, l)uried in the
ocean water, forhid an exact enipiiry re^ardin^ its actual position. That the
island in ipiestion has heen there, . . . facts forbid us to disbelieve ; wliilst its
fearful disapjiearance very naturally prevents the rarely-passinj; stranger from
t'xplorin^ the actual depths thi'reabouts, .... (>««v.'; May not this Land
of Huss, so sunken, bear some probable r'.'fereni'v to the ( )ld or Lost (Ireen-
land or [to| the Atlantis of the (Ireek writers? It would not be easy to
disprove this? ""

There are, as it hai)pens, several fixcts which, at first sight, seem
to support the theory of submergence.

In the first platx-, it is well known that a large portion of the
Atlantic Hasin (including the part in which Huss Island has been
supposed to lie) forms an area f)f gradual subsidence. The
western coasts of Ireland and the coasts of (Ireenland both alike
affijrd evidence of steady, though slow, subsidence.

In the second place, it is well known that, in a by-no-means-
distant part of the Atlantic — namely, that between Iceland and

' It will l)e noticed that, l)y an oversisjht, W'allich lias transpose'! the liijures
inilicatini,' latitude and longitude.

- J^ii'lii'tuiry iif X.ilioiitil /'.i.i^r.ipliy (Art. " I^'robisher"), vol. xx (1889), p. 283.

•• (iruiiiliuhi, t/ic .tJjiiirnl :iiiii,iiinl l/if \i.'r/h-\\\ii J'asitii^f, . . . (Lonilon, 410,
1818), pp, 1 1-12.

tlu

1(1, siuli

ri'iulhil

ill ilif

"luit tlio

lilst its
^ir Ik nil

s Lain!

Circcii-

casv lo

of the
as been
The
Lh ahke

means-
id and

p. '-iSj.
llun, 4tu,

Al'l'r,\l>[( T.S.

195

(Ireenland islands which arc known to haw formerly existed liave
now disappearrd, prolialdy as a result of volcanie action. Thus,
on the chart of Jolian Kuysch, in the Ploleiiiy of 1508, there is an
inscription to the effect that, in the year 1456, a certain island
was totally (K'stroyed ; while <'ertam other rocky islets in tlie same
vicinity, s|K)ken of in the ancient Scandinavian records under the
name of Ciunnhjiirns Skerries, have also disappeared. Moreover,
it is well known that volcanic disturbances of great severity are
not infre(iuent in the vicinity of the former site of these skerries.
'I'he Icelatuhc records spenk of more or less seiious eruptions in
the years 1210, 1219, 1222-26, 12.^7, 1240, 1422, 158,^, 1783,
1830, and 1884. On several of thest- occasions, islands formerly
existing off the coast of Iceland have been submerged ; whilst, on
other occasions, new islands which had |)reviously no existenct-
have appeared. On the last occasion but one named (in '830),
the "Oeirfugla Skjer", off Reykjanes, on the south-west coast of
Iceland the rocks which formed the last im.portant breeding-
place of the (Ireat Auk or dare Fowl ( Alca iiiipeiiuis) were
entirely submerged, and the birds were com|)elled to remove
elsewhere.'

Furthermore, if we turn lo any good chart showing the de|)ths
of the '^'orth Atlantic, we shall see that the ocean, in the vicinity
of the reputed site of Buss Island, is, as a matter of fact, compara-
tively shallow, this being caused by the existence of a very
remarkable ridge in, or local elevation of, the :ea bottom, extemling
from Iceland, in a south-westerly directi;.':i, ([uite half way to
Newfoundland that is, half way across the Atlantic at this part ;
but even the summit of this ridge gives, in the reputed vicinity ot
Buss Island, soundings of between 690 and 750 fathoms ; while,
a little way to the north-west and south-ea; of the ridge, the
soundings range up to between 11 70 and 1400 fathoms.

Taking this latter fact in conjunction with the undoubted
evidences of subsidence and of the former disa])pearance of other
islands, and also with the records of the old navigators whose
statements we have (pioted, it is very tempting to regard the ridge
in the ocean bottom as tlie only remaining evidence of the former
existence of Buss Island, if not of Frisland, which (as we have
already stated) is just what \\'allich has done. I am, however,
quite satisfied that this cannot be done with safety. The
records of the disappearance of known islands which we have
quoted relate to the submergence of mere islets, of much
smaller extent than that ascribed lo Muss Island, to say
nothing of FVisland ; while the undoubted evidences of subsi-
dence in the region in question to which I have referred do
not show an alteration in elevation of more than a few feet in
a century. For my part, I think it (juite outside the range of

See Symington firii'vc's (hvi,f .lid- (Loixidn, 410, 1885), jip. 14-20.

N 2

196

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND.

■J

I) i I

I, A!

possibility that any gradual subsidence in the bed of the Atlantic
Ocean, could, in two hundred (or, even, in three hundred) years,
submerge the mountain-tops of a large and mountainous island
to a depth of nearly 700 fathoms, which is the least of the
soundings which have been recorded over the ridge in (question ;
while the days in which men gave credence to sudden geological
" cataclysms" have long since passed away. That, within com-
paratively recent times, as the geologist reckons time, the ridge in
(juestion may have formed dry land is by no means improbable ;
but that probability has no bearing whatever upon the present
question.

Taking, therefore, all the facts into consideration, I think we
are justified in rejecting, as either fraudulent or erroneous, the
two records stating that, on the reputed site of Buss Island, the
sea-V)ottom was sounded upon at a depth of 100 fathoms some
time before 1746, and of 59 fathoms some time before 1776. As
these records form the only real evidence upon which the hypo-
thesis of subsidence can be based, that hypothesis must, I hold,
be considered quite untenable, and I have therefore no hesitation
in rejecting it. The hypothesis apjiears to me to be not only a
grossly improbable one in itself, but there seems to be no real
evidence in support of it, while I believe the reputed discovery
of the non-existent Buss Island may be much more satisfactorily
explained in another way.

(IV.) — -There remains the possibility that that which was seen
by the party on board the Kmmanuel on September 12th, 1578,
was really land, but that they were in error in imagining it to be a
previously unknown island. In other words : Can those on board
have lost their reckoning, have sighted (without recognising) some
portion of some adjacent coast, and have therefore regarded it as
a previously undiscovered island ?

This possibility is by no means an improbability, and, in con-
sidering it, it is not necessary to go very far afield ; for, as regards
what land (if any) it can have been that was sighted by Wiars and
his companions, the choice lies between Iceland and (Ireenland
alone. As a matter of fact, no other lands than these can have
lain to the north antl west of them (as the land they reported is
said to have done), while on their homeward voyage.

As regards the former of these countries, Forster suggests,^ as
an alternative to the idea already put forward,- that the crew of
the Enunama'l may "have been pretty much out in their reckoning,
and must have mistaken Iceland for quite a new country".' This

' I'oyagci till ^ I)ls(\i:'( rics iiuit/r in f/ir .Wir/Zi (I.oikIoh, di'iiiy ^to, i78''iK p. 287.

- Naiudy, that ;i real island was siKlilfd, l)Ut lliat it has since l)een subniLTfjed
(see p. 193)

■' I'orsier adds (loc. cit.) that they must have "formed the woods in their own
imagination" ; hut (as the followinij will show) they did nothing of the kintl, as no
woods were in reality either observed or reported liy them.

the Atlantic
dred) years,
linous island
least of the
n question ;
n geological
within com-
the ridge in
improbable ;
the present

I think we
oneous, the

Island, the
thorns some
i 1776. As
!i the hypo-
lust, I hold,
10 hesitation
: not only a

be no real
;d discovery
satisfactorily

:h was seen

1 2th, 1578,

ig it to be a

on board

sing) some

irded it as

id, in con-
as regards
Wiars and
Greenland
can have
reported is

ggests,! as
le crew of
reckoning,
' This

7ar.), p. 287.

n suhmorj^ed

n their own
kind, ns no

APPENDICES.

197

suggestion, however, does not seem to nie an acceptable one.
Although Iceland may, by a bare possibility, have been the real
Buss Island, I do not think there is any probability whatever
that it was so. Iceland lies so far to the north-east — some six or
seven degrees — of any part of the route the Emmanuel can have
sailed over with the course indicated by ^Viars when on her
homeward voyage, that it may be at once dismissed from further
consideration.

It only remains, therefore , to consider whether some part of the
southern coast of (ireenland may not have been sighted, without
being recognised, and thereui)on named liuss Island.

This hypothesis has been already raised by several previous
writers — among others, by Sir John Richardson, who, alluding to
Buss Island, says : — ^

"This land was, no dmibl, the soulhern cxlrcniity of (irccnland."'

Nevertheless, in spite of this tolerably dellnite conclusion, Sir
John goes on to add (as already stated ; see p. 188) that it " may
have been a congeries of icebergs".

The Rev. F. Jones thinks it probable- that : —

"after crussinj;; Davis's Straits and si^hlinj^ the cnast of ( 'irecnland, they
[j.t'., Wiars and his companions] supposed themselves olT C^ape I'arewell,
when in reality they had seen some point on the western coast far norlli of
that Cajie, ancl that, therefore, the sui)posed island was only a jiarl of Green-
land. It is [he adds] the least of the ditVicuIties to sujipose an error in their
observations."

Mr. E. J. Payne (who, however, rejects the hypothesis after
considering it) says-' : —

" It [».('., Buss Island] was either an immense jiack of Hoatinfj ice^ or merely
the southern extremity of Cireenland, some jiromonlory on the western coasi
further northward having been mistaken for Cape I'arewell. The latter
hy|)othesis, however, does not satisfactorily harmoni/e with the accomit of
Wiars, and re()uires us to suppose thai the seamen of the Huss made a mistake
in observinjj the latitude, lo the extent of [over] two degrees. This is not
imiHissible, but scarcely probable."

Nevertheless, I am of opinion that, if the party on board the
Emmanuel on their return voyage to England really did see some
land on their port side on the 12th of September, 1578 (as we
believe they did), that land was a portion of the south-west coast
of (Ireenland, probably just north of C'ape Farewell. There does
not exist any other land whicli lliey can possibly have seen on
that part of their voyage and in the position destribed ; and I
believe that this view will be found to accord very well with
those items in the account of Wiars as to which there is little or

1 The Polar A\xion.< (1861 ), p. 87.

- Life of Sir Martin FroHslur, AV/i,'/// (London, c^own 8vo, 1878
^ l'o\'iii;es of the lUizalhthan Seamen to .1 merit ii ; 2nd ed
1893K p. ig2.
* This suggestion by Mr. Fayiie has already been discussed (see p. 187)

I'- "M.
Oxford, crown 8vo.

198

EXFF.DITIONS TO (niKKNLAM).

1/ I

no room for doubt. Wiars states that, on the 3rcl of Scptt-mbcr,
having escaped from their dangerous position near the entrance
of Frobisher's Bay, they set sail, and that, on the evening of the
8th, they encountered " Frisland'" that is (Greenland, which we
know that they mistoolv for the Frisland of the Zeno ('hart. That
is to say, they spent five days in crossing Davis Strait, having
been delayed, no doubt, by ice and by adverse winds, though it is
stated that, when they set sail, the wind was favourable namely,
west-north-west. The narrative next states that (presumably on
the same or the following day the 9th) they "set off from the
south-west jHjynt of Frisland". Hy this is no doubt meant the
pronounced south-west promontory of Frisland shown on the Zeno
Chart of 1558, and on the maps of the pc'ricxl copied from it,
on which charts the prt)montory bears the name of " Venas".
I think it mcst probable that the point thus described from
which they set off was, in reality, that we now know as ("ape
Desolation. The narrative states that, when they set off from
this point, the wind was " at east and east-south-east ", which was
of course the wind which of all others would be most unfavour-
able for their progress homeward. \\'e are also told that "that
night the winde veered southerly and shifted oftentimes." Nothing,
therefore, is more probable than that tiiey, to some extent, lost their
reckoning during the night, and that they were driven back again
by these variable and contrary winds some distance up 1 )avis Strait
without knowing it, to the west and north of Ca[)e Desolation.
Not improbably they were to some extent set back by the I'olar
current which runs down the east coast of (Ireenland, and, sweejjing
round (Jape I'arewell, runs strongly northward uj) the west coast
for some distance. On the morning of the loth, however, with
fair weather and a favourable west-north west wind, they again
"steered south-east and by south", as the most direct course for
I'jigland. Had they, at this time, been in lat. 60° or lower (as they
probably thought they were), they woukl, with this course, have
sighted no land until they reached ICuropean waters ; but, being
(as I believe, and as is very probable) some distance uj) Davis
Strait, they would not clear Cape Farewell by the course they are
stated to have sailed. As a matter of fact, I am inclined to
believe that, sailing slowly, they came up with the coast of (Ireen-
land again, .somewhere ii the vicinity of that Cape, at 1 1 a.m.
on the 1 2th two days, that is, after starting on their south-
easiterly course ; and that, believing themselves to be muc:h further
to the south-east than they really were, and either not knowing or
not recognising the coast, they never for one moment imagined it
to be a i)art of " Frisland" (as they called (Ireenland), but thought
they had discovered a new island. Whatever land it really was,
we are told that thoy saw it from a distance of "about five
leagues", and that they continued in sight of it from 11 a.m. on
the 1 2th until 3 p.m. on the 13th, or twenty-eight hours ; after

APPENDICES.

199

ScpUmljcr,
le entrance
ling of the
, which we
hart. That
•ait, having
though it is
e — namely,
uniiably on
T from the

meant the
)n the /eno
,'d from it,
f "Venas".
ribed from
kv a.s ("ape
et off from

which was
it unfavour-

that " that
" Nothing,
It, lost tiicir
hack again
I )avis Strait
I )es()lation.
y the I'olar

sweeping

est coast

ever, witii

ley again

course for

r (as they

urse, have

ut, being

u\) Davis

e they are

chned to

of dreen-

I I A..M.

ir south-
h further
owing or
nagined it
It thought
i-all)' was,
bout five
I A.M. on
Mrs ; after

which they left it and, continuing their journey, reached the west
coast of Ireland twelve days later, namely, on the 25th.

One fact mentioned in VViars' narrative gives strong support
to the supposition that the so-called new "island" was in reality
nothing more than the southern part of (Ireenland : namely, that
there was off it an immense (juantity of ice, extending from it for
twenty or thirty leagues — a description which applies exactly to
the land in the vicinity of Ca{)e Farewell.

Furthermore, the statements that the " island" was accounted to
be "twenty-five leagues long, and that the longest way of it [lay]
south-east and north-west", agree tolerably well with what is
known of the coast from the Island of Sermersok eastward to ti
little beyond Caj)e Farewell (wiiich is that along which we
suppose the buss to have sailed), although the distance is slightly
less than that stated, and the trend of the coast in ([uestion is in
reality slightly more east and west than it is described by W'iars.
The "two harboroughs" Wiars mentions were, no doubt, two of
the numerous deep fiords which exist between the two [)oints
named.

There is, however, one point mentioned by Wiars which is, at
first sight, (juite incompatible with this view. Wiars states
explicitly that the southernmost point of the supiiosed new island
lay in lat. 57V, while Cape Farewell (with which we suppose it to
be really identical) lies in 59" 47'. This would, of course, con-
stitute a fatal objection to my theory, if it can be shown that the
statement in (juestion was beyond susjjicion and made as the
result of an actual observation ; for, if an observation for latitude
really was taken, it is hardly possible to suppose that an error of
as much as, or more than, two degrees can have been made. I
believe, however, that it is, for several reasons, possible to raise
serious doubts as to the correctness of the figures given by Wiars.

In the first place, it should be remembered that the Buss
Emmanuel was one of the smallest vessels of Frobisher's large
fleet of fifteen sail ; and it is, therefore, probable that she was
very ill-provided if provided at all -with means (such as instru-
ments and charts) for independent navigation, i'urther (as has
been stated), she was left beiiind in Hear Sound unintentionally^
and was therefore probably even less well provided in this respect
than she otherwise might have been.

In the second place, it is (juite jiossible (and, consitlering the
foregoing, even probable) that no actual observation was made at
all, and that the figure given was merely calculated on the basis
of the master's computation of their distance and direction from
the imaginary I'risland, as shown upon the chart by which they
were sailing, or uj)on one which they (or Wiars) afterwards con-
sulted. In this case, the indication of the latitude would have no
value whatever in deciding tlie ([uestion before us. It is, in this
connection, a significant fact that " The Master accompted that

200

EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND.

Frisland ^the south-east point of it) was from him, at that instant
when hec first descryed this ncwe Island, north-west by north
fifty leagues" ; l)Ut we are not told that he had sighted any south-
east point of what he called " Frisland" (namely, Greenland) ;
nor have we heard before of any such point. If, however, we
turn to the Zeno Chart itself (or to any of the charts of the period
which were made from it), we shall find that Frisland, as there
shown, has (as well as the south-western point already alluded to)
a very decided south-eastern point, which bears the name "Spirige",
and is represented as lying in lat. 6i" 35'. Now, fifty leagues
south-east by south from this point would bring us not very far
from lat. 57" 30' ; and, as a matter of fact, it seems probable that
this is how the latitude given in the narrative was arrived at.

Finally, however, there is the possibility that 57.j° is merely a
clerical error or a misprint for 59^". It is by no means improbable
that the person who filled in the figures indicating latitude (which,
it will be remembered, were at first sujjjjressed) made an error of
the kind ; in which case, the mistake in the observation (if an
observation really was made) was very small.

Taking all these facts into consideration, and seeing that the
choice seems to lie only between the southern part of Greenland
and no land at all, I have no hesitation in endiirsing the opinion
that the supposed "Island of P)uss" reported to have been
discovered by the crew of the buss Einiiianiicl m September
1578 was in reality nothing more than the southern part of
(Greenland, just west of (]ape Farewell, which was not recognised
as such by those on board in conseciucnce of their having lost
their reckoning.^ At all events, this hypothesis is more in
accordance than any other with the many conflicting statements
concerning the matter.

But (it may be urged) (ireenland does not answer in any way
to Best's description of Buss Island as a "fruiteful", well-wooded,
"champion" country. In reply to this objection, it is only
necessary to point out that (as already staled : see p. 167) Best's
statement is based on second-hand information, and that this |)art
of it seems to be due solely to his or his informant's imagination.
No reference to anything of the kind ai)[)ears in Wiars's more
reliable narrative.

For the reported later sightings of the non-existent island by

1 I say tli;it I " endorse" this opinion because it has been pifvioiisly put for-
ward (as already slated ; see ]>. 197) by tlie Kev. F. Jones and Mr. E. |. Payne,
tliough tlie latter rejected the hy|3othesis aftei considering it. Nevertheless, we
may point out that tiie hypothesis, as ])ut forward by these writers, is not
tenable, because Wiars and the rest of those on board the " buss" kne\\ ncjthing
of the existence of (ireenland in the position it really occu|)ies, but when thev
sighted Greenlanil, uuagi'.ed themselves to be off ilie coast of the imaginary island
of Frisland. This u\z\ ;ivhich the two writers named overlooked), entirely vitiates
their argument.

APPENDICES.

201

Hall, Shepherd, and Gillani, I have (as I believe) already satis-
factorily accounted.

There is one other supposition upon which many writers have
sought to account for the supposed former existence and subse-
(juent disajjpearance of Uuss Island, and which must therefore
be noticed here, although (as we now know) it was from the first
wholly based on misconception ; for which reason, I have, of
course, not included it among those hypotheses which may be
regarded as tenable.

This supposition was that Ikiss Island was a portion of the
large (and, as we now know, imaginary) jslanil of l'"risland,
which for a long period was shown on charts of the North Atlantic,
the representation of it having been derived from the very well-
known — but very misleading- -Zeno Chart of 1558. No one
had really been able to find this island, though (as we have said)
Frobisher thought he had visited it ; and, in the course of time,
a belief that it had been submergeil grew up in consequence : t)Ut,
when a smaller island lying in api)roximately the same i)osition c:ame
to be reported, it was natural to conc:lude that the smaller island
represented a portion of the larger which still remained unsub-
merged. That those on board the " buss" did not, when they
discovered 15uss Island (or thought they had done so), imagine
it to be identical with l'"risland is certain, and is easily explained.
They had, as we know, taken the southern part of Greenland(which,
relying on the Zeno Chart, they thought to be situated far to the
north of its real i)osition) for Krisland ; and they sailed some fifty
leagues south-eastward from what they thus took to be Krisland
before discovering (or imagining they had discovered) the Island
long called Buss Island. Therefore it was impossible lor them to
suppose the two islands to be identical in any way whatever.
The voyages of Davis showed, however, that the land which
Frobisher had taken to be the Island of Frisland was really the
.southern part of ( ireenland, and it was then necessary onc-e more
to find something to account for Frisland ; and it was (as has
been said) only natural that when a smaller island was reported
to lie in about the position assigned to the lost Frisland,
geographers should have concluded at once that it was a slill-
unsubmerged portion of the larger frisland which had till then
been overlooked.

As a matter of fact, this idea became prevalent within a com-
paratively short period of the reported discovery of Buss Island,
and not only obtained, at a later date, very wide acceptance, but
survived for nearly 200 years — almost, in fact, until geograi)hers
had come to recognise that no such island as Frisland had ever
existed in the position assigned to it.

The earliest writer who imagined Buss Island and Frisland to
be identical was (so far as 1 have been able to discover) Purchas,

■'?W1S?1!?-'?F'

202

EXl'EUITIONS TO GREENLAND.

\ ' i

who, in a side-note to the first edition (1613) of his Fii^^ri/uage,
writes thus of Frisland^ : — " Frisland is in length 25 leagues.
The southern part of it is in the latitude of 57 degrees and one
second \Min~-T/ioniiis il'iars." Here we see Purchas applying
Wiars's description of the size and position of Buss Island to
Frisland, which proves that he regarded them as identical.

After this time, a very large number of writers, in discussing the
subject, either expressed or implied their belief that Frisland and
Buss Island were identical, the latter being merely the remains of
the former, which was undergoing submergence. It may have
been this belief which led De I'lsle to so enormously extend the
coast-line of Buss Island as shown on his chart of 1 720 (see p. i 78).
Extracts which have already been quoted show incidentally that
Messrs. \'erdun de la Crenne, de Borda, and I'ingre, in 1778,
and Admiral Vicomte de Langle in 1S65, both regarded Frisland
and Buss Island as identical. A great number of similar extracts
might be cjuoted, but it is not necessary to pursue the subject
further. The supposition in ([uestion, having been from the
outset based on a misconception, not only throws no light what-
ever upon the subject under discussion, but c^n scarcely be said
to have even a secondary interest in connection with it. Buss
Island, which (as I have shown) never existed, cannot have
been identical with the Island of Frisland, which also (as has
been shown by others) never had any existence either.

It should, perhaps, be remarked that several foreign writers (for
instance, Zurla- and Maltebrun'') have spoken of "the Island of
Buss or of Bry"; but this, I believe, has been due to nothing
more than a misreading of the name.

In conclusion, the writer has only to express a hope that what
has been here written may be deemed to account adecjuately
for the appearance on our charts of one of the most perplexing
of the many " Phantom Islands of the Atlantic"'.

I I'lirc/hrs his Pili^riiinn^c, ist cd. (1613), p. 622. See .ilbo the 2nil ed. (16141,
p. 740, and the yd ed. (1617), p. 917.

- Disurtazitwr iiitonio di l'iiii;gi c Sioperle St/tcitlrioiialc Ji Xicolu cd Aii/onio
Friitilli /'.//i) (Venice, 8vo, 1808), pp. 81-83.

^ Prt'cisde la Ceogr. L'niv., tome i (1810), p. 598.

INDEX.

(1614), ''

■■illtoilio

AkufjdlcrMi.ik, Ixxxii
Allday, John, xxx
Anicralik, 96

Amcrdlok. liii, Ixxvi, Ixxxiii
Aiiflcrs Olscns Sund, 4S
Arcmitsiind, Ixxiii
Arfersiorfik, Ixvi
Arnold, xxix, Ixxiii, S, 29
Arnold, Sund, Ixxiii
Alanck, Ixvi

Haaluis hafii, Ixxii, Ixxxviii

Haal's River, 96

Haffin, William, xxiii, cix

Halfour, David, xxvii

Hall. Richard, 8j«., 133

Hall's River, 96

Harker, Andrew, rvii, 96//

Mauhouse Sound, Ixx, Ixxii

Hiclke, Jens, xviii, xix

Hrade Ranson's Ford, 1>

So//.

Hredaransie's Ford, 80
Hrowne, see Hruuii
Hruun, Hans, Ixxxviii, 54; liis/i;//;-

Mrt/, XV, xvi «, xvii, Ixxxviii; trans

latiun, s6«., yj n., 58;/., 59;/.

60;/., 61 //., 65 //., 66 «.

68;/., 69//., 71 //., 73//.

78«., 79 w.
Hui nil's Cape, 127
Hussc, Island of, xxxix, Ixxxix

58, 59, 164; maps of, 174

107, 126

Ixviii,

67;/.,
74;/.,

24.

Cape, Hurnil's, 127

Ca|)e, Christen Friis's. Ixx, Ixxii, 14

C'ape Christianus, 4, 144

Cape Comfort, 92

Cajje Desolation, ciii, 5, 91, 159

Cape Farewell, xxxiii

Cape, Hall's, 147

Cape, (^hieen .Ann's, Ixxviii, Ixxx, 9

Cape, (Jueen Sophia's, Ixxviii, 9

Cat, the, stc Katteii

Calt Sound, Ivii. Ix, Ixv

Call's Chance, Ivii //.

Chart, Stockholm, .v,r Stockholm,

Christian IV of Denmark, .\xv, xxvi

Cliffe Roa.l, Ixviii
Cockayne, William, 83//., 99//.
Cockenford, 99 M. , 11 1
Cockin Sound, 122
Comfort, Cape, 92
I Comfort, land of, 92
Convicts, Danish, left in Crcenland,

Ixix, xc, cxiii, 49, 70
Cunninf,rham, John, xxviii, l,\xxiv,

Ixxxvii
Cunninjjham's Ford, Ivii, Ixxvi, xc,

66, 80
Cunnmgham's Mount, sec .Mount C.

Darcie's I.slands, Lonl, 152

Davis, John, his chart, 149 ; views on

(geography of Creenland, 156
Dee, I)r., his map, 153
Denmark's Haven, 13, 39 «.. 41, 48//.
Desolation, T n., 91, 157; Cape, .kv

Ca|)e ; point, 92
Disco, Hay of, Ixxi, 142

Eith iorit iiigcii , 1 x x .x \ 1 i i
Kriksfjord, xcv

Foss, I'hilip de, Ixxxviii
Foss Hay, Ixxv, xc, cxvi, 69
Foxe, Luke, his map, 161
Friis, Christen, 14 ;/.
Friis, Ca])e, see Cajie
Frisland, 59, 153, 162
I" rohisher's Strait, xcvii, 152
Frost, see Trost

Catonhe, or < latonhy, John, xxiii, cvi,

109, 126 ; his map, cxi, 161
(lerrits/oon, Ikssel, derived informa-
tion from Hall's map, xiv; from
Stockholm char! 147, 161
(lillilirand, or ( iillillower. the, Ixxxvii,

Ixxxix, 54. So
(iodthaal), cix, 96 u.
Gordon, William, cvi, 105
dreen .Sound, or Weike, Iviii, Ix
tjreenland. South, majjs of, 150
Creenlanders hrought to Denmark,
XV, xliv, xci, 15, 48, 56, 57, 70, 124

'^1^^^^'^^^

204

INDEX.

Ilall, James, orijjin and family, xxix ;
siipposcil voyajjc with Davis, xxxii ;
))c)sitiun in iJanisii service, xxx.
XXXV, Ixxxv, c, ci ; ojiinion on
North-West Passage, xxxv; expe-
rience in India, xxxv ; <ieath,
lo6, 107, 125 ; maps of ( Ireenland,
vi, vii, ix. Ii; prohaMy author of tiie
Stockliohn chart, 148

Hall's Cape, 147

ilamlior^erlanil, lOO;/.

Hammer, ("apt., Ixvi

llarhour of Hope, cix, 94

Heart's Easi-, the, cvii, 131

Hemsley, John, 107

1 ienriU's I'ass, Ixviii

Hermansen, Heii<lrik, Ixix

Hildyard, Sir C'hrislopher, 83 11.

I Ijortetakken, 95

Holsteinhorg I-'jord, Ixxxiii

I luhert, Josias, xx, xxi

Huntriss, William, cviii, 80, 107, 126

Ikertok, liii, Ixxv, Ixxxii
Imerij^sok, 95 n
Iniijj;sugtus()k, 48 //.
Island of Hojie, 95 ^.
Isortok (Northern), Ixii
Isortok (Southern), 99 «.
Isortuarsuk, Ixiii
Itivdlik, liii, Ixxxii

Jackman's Sound, xlv
Jensen, J. A., Capt., liii, Ixxxii,
Ixxxiii, 161

Kagsit Islands, Ixxx

Kakatokak, Ixxxii

Kakatsiak, liii, Ixxviii, Ixxxii

Kangarsuk, Ixxviii, Ixxxiii

Kan^ek, Ixxiii

Kangerdluarsuk (North & South), lix,
Ixxxvii, 67 «.

Kangerdluarsuk, the, between Iker-
tok and Itivdlek, cxvi

Kanj^erdluarsuksuak, loi ;/.

Kan^erdlu{^suak, Ixxxi, loi ti,

Kaufjjersunek, 96 ;/.

A'alti-n, xxvi, xxviii, Ixii, Ixxxviii

Kattvi^h, Ivii

Kekertarsuatsiak, 47 «.

Kelson, sec Kieklsen

Kj;.erlinjich;elten, liii, Ixxxiii

Kieldsen, I'eter, xxxvii, xl, 21

Kiny; Chrislianus Ford, lii, 34

Kinj^artak, Ixxxii

Kinjjatsiak, Ixxxi-lxxxii

Kingigtorsuak, 95 ti.

Knight, John, xxxviii

Knight's Islands, Ixxx, 72
K(jcksund, 47 it., 48 //.

I^mcasler, Sir James, 83 n.

I«incaster River, 96

La I'eyrere, Isaac ile, xxii

Leyell, Alexaniler, xxxviii ; his jour-
nal, xv.,xviw.; translation, 22 /«.,
23M. , 24 w., 25/1., 27//., 3i«.,
ii»., 39«., 41 «., 43//., Ivii, Ixi,
Ixiii, Ixix, Ixxii, Ixxiii, Ixxiv, 48;/.,
49 //., 51 ;/., 53 ;/.

Lindenow, (joiiske, xxxvi, xl, xliii,
Ixxxvii

Lindenow's Fjord, xliv

Lion, the, xxvii, xxviii, xxxvi, Ixxxvii

Lock, Michael, 154

/.('7'(', Den >■(></(■, see the /,ion

Lyschander, C. C. , xviii, xix

Manelorsuak, Ixxxiii
Mannteufel, Karsten, xxxvi, xlviii
Maps, Hall's, of (Greenland, vi, vii,

ix, Ii
Molyneux (llohe, 156
Morgan, Henry, 152, 15S, 162
.Mount Cunningham, lii, Ixxviii,

Ixxxii, 9, 10, 34, 103
Mount (lahriel, loi
Mount Hatcliffe, 95
.Mount I'raeste, see I'riestefjeld
Mount Raleigh, 150
.Mussel Harhour, Ixxiv
.Mussel Sound, Iviii

Nagtoralinguak, Ixxxii
Nagsugtok, Ixii
Nolk .\nders, Ixxxviii

c3rnen, Ixxxvii, Ixxxviii

Patience, the, cv
I'r.estefjeld, Ixxix, Ixxxiii
Prince Christianus Ford, Ixii
Pustervich, or Puslervig, Ixii, Ixiv

<^)ueen .Ann's Cape, .\(VCa])e
(^Hieen Sophia's Ca[)e, see Cape

Raffn, Simon, 49
Kamel, Henrik, Ixxiv
Kamel's Fjord, Ixxiv, Ixxvii
Rantzau, Hreide, Ixviii, cxv
Richardson, Carsten, Ixxxix, xcv
Ronde's Ford, Rommel's ford, see

Ramel's Fjord
Romsoford, Ixv, Ixviii

Sarfanguak, Ixxxiii
Sarkardlek, Ixxii

3«.

i"' ; his jour-

'i'ti'in, 22«.,

"•' ivii, ixi,

IXMV, 48//.,

'i. xl, xliii,

•''vi, Ixx.wii
;ix

i, xlviii
'^'. vi, vii,

162
> Ixxviii,

1(1

INDEX.

205

Seller, John, 172

Serfortak, Ixvii

Sertnersok, 100;/., 146

Shoulde Vlk, ixviii

Silver mine, .supiiosed, xlviii, Iviii,

Ixxiv, Ixxxvi, 66
Siniiulak, Ixxviii, Ixxxi, loi
Sinclair, Andrew, xxxi
SkaulK)fj()rd, Ixxiv, ixxvi
Slin^je Road, 13//., y) it.
Smith, Sir Thomas, 83 n.
Sondre Slrumfjord, Ixxxi, loi
Steenslrup, K.J. V., Dr., vii, xviii,

Ivi, 139. 148, 149, 150

Stockholm Chart, xvi, xvii, xl, Ixxi, 1 39
Sunshine, the, 152, 158, 162

Thoroughgood Island, 102, 103
Tininilik, Ixxxii
Tinungasak, 41 «., 47//.
Tookusak, 127 //.
Trust, the, xxvii, Ixxxvii, xcvii
Trost Haven, 49 n
Trosl Island, 47, 76
Trost Sound, 48

Vrht, the, 54, 80; see also Omen.

Ixiv

see

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