SPEECH HY Tin: 
 
 RT. HON. SIR JOHN MACDONALl). 
 
 [DEL 1 VKUEl* APU I L 1 1 Til. 1 H78 .] 
 
 From Tlie (la:cttr, Montival. 
 
 Sir John A. Macbonald — Mr. Speaker, I 
 rise tor the purpose of bringing beforv tiiu 
 attention of this House the late political 
 events which occurred in the Province of 
 Quebec, and I may as well now read the mo- 
 tion which I propose to place in your hand. 
 I move, sir, neconded by the hon. member 
 for Cumberland, 
 
 That Mr. Speaker do not now leave the 
 chiUr, but that It tie resolved ♦ hat tJiu recent 
 UiHralHMal by tiie Ijtentenant-Uovernor of Ciue- 
 bee of his Ministers wan, under the olrcuni- 
 stances, unwise, and subversive of the posi- 
 tion accorded to the advisers of tlie Crown 
 since the concession of the prlnclpieof respon- 
 sible govern ineut of tlie British North Ameri- 
 can Colonies. 
 
 It was eui^fj'ested the other day that th" mo- 
 tion to be made on tbis suiiji-ct ^'honlii b« an 
 Independent motion, standine on its own 
 merits, and in an amendable form, and ray 
 hon. fiiend from ChateauKuay alluae<l as an 
 example to the course taken with renpfj t to 
 the celel rated resolutions relative to respon- 
 sible government which weie pHS^ed in 
 SeptembiT, 1841. There is this dillVrence 
 betwet-n that cnse and this : those were a se- 
 ries of propositions for the tuture gorernment 
 of the country Before that, Caua<ia, wbi( h 
 had long been fighting for renpoDsible <iOV. 
 orument, had not succeeded in obtaining th"t 
 vreat boon, and those resolutions coutained 
 In '/act a measure not ctrtainly in the form of 
 a bill, but still a measure for the future gov- 
 ernment and administration ot this country. 
 This, on the other hand, is an expression of 
 « grievance. It Is not a resolution for the 
 purpose of laying down a new i^ile fi>r amend- 
 ing any rule ftT the adminipirttiori' »>f thf 
 affairs of this country, l)ut it W av^tAti-iKWit' 
 from the poitUt ofvi'iw to whi<^h \ Vf(ifu/o .to 
 rail the altenti<>h of thisHoimrjof AgVft^^n^e 
 of a breach of the constiYutiooalJ Jsy^tem 
 which now exis's in (!anada. It is a well 
 understood principle that the demand for 
 supply and the assertion of grievaucfs go 
 band in hand. It is the proper mode and the 
 expedient time for asserting crievances, when 
 supply is demanufd by the Crown, and if that 
 Ve so, the grievances must be stated in the 
 languaf'^e of the party who claims and states 
 it is 8 grlevpsco. It is no satibfcction of tbe 
 
 right of the party wishing to make his com- 
 plaint that he should b«« told by amendmcHta 
 that his grievance is not as alleged, but 
 that it is another kir.d of grievdnce, and 
 must be dealt with in another way. There- 
 fore, I have thought it expedient to adopt the 
 constitutional mode of making this motion at 
 tbis lime. This question, as I have alreadv 
 stated, I hope and believe should be ap- 
 proached without anv partv feeling one way 
 or the other. It is a constitutional qaestiou, 
 rising far above and b:-yond the temporary 
 party struggles of the day. The hon. gentle- 
 men opposite are as interested as we are on 
 tbis BidH in the good ffovernmentof the coun- 
 trv, in laying down cwrrect j)rini:iplfH for its 
 government. I have bad sonx'thing to do, 
 and I am proud of having had something to 
 do with the c<>ti federation of these proviucCK, 
 with the fstablisbraent of the present system 
 and the inauguration of the Dominion. The 
 hon. gentleman at the head of the G<ivern- 
 mcnt is one of those, to their credit l*e it 
 said, who forgot party feelings and party an- 
 tecedents, fiTgot for the time all the old 
 struggles, in a common effort to lift, if it 
 Were possible, the hcattered provinces from 
 the slough into which they h'' some de- 
 gree* fallen, at least the lal rovince of 
 Canada, and to form one great Dominion 
 under Her Majt sty's Crown and tiovernment. 
 The hon. gentleiuan at tbe head of 
 tbe Government, as well as myself, 
 and all the leading men of that dav who were 
 concetned in laying tbe touudaiion of the 
 Dominion, must desire to see that a fair 
 supfrst'ijctiire shuil t»e raised on that founda- 
 tion, HiJd that ij, ^•baJI not be undermineri, 
 shalKnitibeV'V^e.ftiJ'lpr destroyed or prijii- 
 diced, by any mistake bo early in our history. 
 It js ijf ^Iji) very gr'ate'sk consequence that 
 wt; ;<ht>ul^,rpjiKe,no 'l«d precedent. A bad 
 precedent is a dangerous thing, especially 
 when we arH in the commencement ot our 
 history. A flaw, a disease at tht; roots of tbe 
 youug trees, is sure to lead to car'y decay, 
 and therefore it is especially our duty to see 
 that the tree planted by us — to change the 
 metaphor from the building to the tree — 
 shall be t>heltered from evt- ry posf iblo disease 
 or infirmity which might destroy its value. 
 
 59177 
 
\H0 fC 
 
 A bad precedent iH an exceediDglf bad thing 
 If there irt H iiiJHtaki) ia admiiiUtratiuu, that 
 •can bo ciired by a (.'haiige of Oovtirurmfrit or 
 of puli(.y ; if tliere iB bad leKitiltttion, thatcHii 
 be cured t>v repealioi; or aruoDdinx the ob- 
 juctionabiu ActH, but a precedent once e^tab. 
 lish^d alwayn ban its iutluente. Il 
 you tiikii lip cuuHtitutional authoritit-B 
 you will find precedents quoted from 
 very early tiracH, It iH amuninK 
 to see how, when any conxtitutional (|U0Ktiou 
 arises, geDtlenien luti'reHted in such sultjucts 
 follow out the line of precedentH, and you 
 -will see Kometiines quoted piecedeuts in the 
 ^ime of Ueurge III., it nut earlier, us ut equal 
 value and weight with the precedents that 
 have been sot in our own day and iu our own 
 tine. 
 
 Hon Mr. Mackanzik— Thut is go«d Tory 
 doctrine. 
 
 8ir John A Macron ald — The Tory doc- 
 triae is a doctrine which utyn that tlierMUiust 
 be a conservation of Ihe C'ouHtitution. It is 
 good Tory doctrine to say that the treatment 
 bestowtdon the tree should vary witli its 
 growing wants and development. A bad pre- 
 cedent b.iug abadthiug. It is of the v^ry 
 greateht coHHequenee on this, the first occa- 
 sion when a grt-at constitutional quubtion has 
 arisen, that we shou il d(;al with it iu a man- 
 1 er worthy of it. 1 had thou;{ht, Kwlting at 
 public uliaiis tiom luy point ot view, thai ai 
 Ibis time, in tlie niutjteenth ceutiuy, and 
 with all the advantages we have Irom Eug- 
 liuh iireeciKnts and our own system, a ques- 
 tion of this kind could not liave aiisen iu 
 C/anadi again, but it only thows that eternal 
 vigilance is the price of libftly, wlieu, 
 at this time, lnr<;, in Cuinda, aiiLr havidg 
 gained responsilile guverum^iit iit the jioiul 
 of the bayonet, the first principles of respou- I 
 sible government should rKjuire to be dis- 
 cuss :d and defended in this House. The 
 resolution 1 have submitted to the House 
 states that the act of t>iH Licnti'mint-CJovcr- 
 uor of the i'roviuce of (Jucb^c " was uuwi.^i;, 
 and subversive of constitutional government, 
 and unconstitutional in every way." The 
 lirst question that arises upon that nsolution 
 is whether we have any concern with that iu 
 this House. I need scarcely discuss the 
 <luestion, I suppose, and I hope, and bo- 1 
 lieve that the Lieutenant-Governors of the I 
 ilift'erent I'rovinces stand now preuisidy in | 
 the same position with respect to the Govtr- 1 
 nor-Ueneral and his Cabinet as tile U*o\Muoi.'|\ 
 <Jeneral stands with t^'iipij.rk.^o tlii -jiA^eii i 
 and her Cabin^ t, andMf •th^'f b.v 'a'lrA t'ted'i 
 then it must be heWlhat Mi» I'arjipn|eut of j' 
 Ike Dominion of Canada Has'a tiup^f viji^lj. jf * 
 the acts of the Lif«le1«fut-(}ft»t«rfuMS. 'He- 
 fore Confederation, us we all know, each of 
 the Provinces had a Lic-utenaut-Governor. 
 We had a Uovernor-Ueueral of British North 
 America, who had, by his conimis.siou, a 
 nominal supervisiou over the I'rovinLes of 
 Nova Scotia, Now Brunswick and I'rince 
 Edward Island, but that was a merely nomi- 
 nal «upei vision. Then those Governors stood 
 
 in exactiv the same fdation to their reopec- 
 tive provinces as the Governor-General of 
 British North Ani'rrica did to to the old Pro- 
 vince of Canada. They reported direct to 
 Her Miij sty's Government, or rathttr to the 
 (Jolonial Minister, who representi^d Her 
 MiiJDsty in that n'sneet. It is well known 
 that brfore confederation all thos</ governora 
 were liahle to hive their conduct diseussed IU 
 the Briti.ih Parliament. Kvt-ry governor of 
 (Very colony in the British Kmpire was liable 
 to have bis I'ondiiet discusNt-d, to have a 
 motion made for his recall or for hip censure, 
 or to censure Her Maj sty's (iovernmeut if 
 they did not lecall them. 1 need starcely 
 quote the numerous canes whii'h o .'curn'd in 
 days of old, but iu modern times we all re- 
 member the case of (lovernor Kyre, whose 
 conduit was disc ussed iu the British House 
 of Commons ngtin and ai;ain, who was dig- 
 missed l>y Her Maj. sty's Government in con- 
 sequence of the action ibat was takeii in the 
 HoHseof ConiiHons We all kn«w the caae 
 «if 8ir Cliiis. Darlimi, who was recalled by 
 Hfr Maj'hty's Government, and whose con- 
 duct and deponnient end mode of gorern- 
 m<ut were frtquently discussid in the 
 Briti-h Parliament. If honorable members 
 Would like to have reference to the discus- 
 sions I will give tluni. The discussion rn 
 (iovernor Darliiia't* case will bo lound iu the 
 EiiKlioh Jluu^u.J, volume I'Jl, piige l,yC4 ; 
 tliat on Governor Eyre's case in volume 184, 
 pagt-B IjOiiUand I.TOj. . There was a remark- 
 able case, slui wing till! freedom with which 
 the Brili.-.h 1'atli.iment discussed the conduct 
 of I'olonial Guvi-rnois, on a motion made by 
 the late Joseph Hume, against successive 
 Governors of British Guianii, where heat- 
 tacked moril stroiigly the condu 't of the 
 Government, chaigiug them with a breach of 
 honor and of duty iu respect to these Gover- 
 nors, who Were two rather distinguished meu, 
 Sir Hi'ury Lighte and Governor Bartljtt. In 
 this cotiiitry, wiihiii my nxperience and that 
 of the h (II. iii'iiiinr tt>r Cl;at .aiimi ly (Mr. 
 Holton), Luid C.ilteart aunotiiieed lu a very 
 uuusu.il way, lailier as a soldier ihau aii a 
 politician — 
 
 Hon. Mr. Holton — My your advice. 
 
 Kir J. UN — It was long before my time. 
 
 Hon. Mr. Holto.n— It was after Lord Met- 
 calf.'. came, (ind before Lord Elgin arrived. 
 
 Sir John — It was before my time. The first 
 
 Governor under whom I served was Lord 
 • • • • "^ • 
 
 .^'Wi-i-. 
 
 • \ li^ti* Mi*.' Hoi.ton — Itwas your party. 
 
 fiir .Joii.N — 1 never set v;,i.% '"'u'ruuderLord 
 
 '?3eft'>!tJ iit ho'pl CaihcurirV Only a jear or 
 
 tivctiigiJ v'e'^ldii.the ease of Pope H liliessy, 
 
 v^h<*se ('o*ndu.:t 'in B.irbidoos was dis'ussed. 
 
 Althotigh he was not reealb-d, thu tlcb.ile in 
 
 tlie lliiiise of Commons went so far as to 
 
 show ihiit iu his supeiabiiudaul z-al, because 
 
 I believe it was such, he liad perhaps outrun 
 
 disireti.m, and he was a very short jxriod 
 
 afterwards removed to another colony. Theso 
 
 cases, however, are not leipiired in order t ♦ 
 
 establish the tact that the Imperial Parlia* 
 
 lih' 
 
8 
 
 mt;nt havo (i<:iU with tho nctH, thu incritRnixt 
 dtcmeritH iif colouiul Ui'V-riiorii wirh ptrftat 
 freedom itud )ii'rti;( t rii^lit, and tho liupcriul 
 <lovi'rniU' III nT<! held r'SpunHJItli;, as th>-j 
 w ni iu (iiiveriinr Evnt's case, wheu they ro' 
 biHU'd ^evt!r;ll of the luotioriH luud'-, to t'oiloM 
 up hJH di^iiiiH^al by | uuiHhiutMit, atid reiiHure 
 was eudcavoied to Iw cast on thoiu by «tvi.* 
 
 c(iloi)4a) aPHcmUly, have nlwayH contended 
 that ttiu SpeakeiH in tho liir r> nt colouii'H had 
 tilt, sanin power within tliuir liuiitKd (:uh>nial 
 jiiriNdi' tioa bh thn Speaio r oC the Houhu of 
 OoninionH, un<i that it iH abHoliitdy nfcuHHary 
 for Hi that tlii! Spt aker sliould havu that 
 powiT. But wi' know that it wuh di!( ided' Id 
 an ai'tioQ hroiiuht agaiuiit th'* Htieaker of 
 
 ral remiliitii ns In fact, it iH naid hy the pre- , Newfoundland, in the catie of Kdly and the 
 Hent L.rd Grey, in hia book on lieprenentative Speaker, that the Speaker had no hui h riKht ; 
 
 Ooverutneut, that iu Home rer<pociH tho <;o o. 
 uieH havu an a<1vant;t^o over the mother 
 
 that t)io riffht of tliu Spuaker of ths 
 Koii-ieot' OoFumons retited upon preticriptioQ ; 
 
 founfry. The SovT.'inu ean do no wronjf, thai the Speikers, under the colonial couati- 
 but if 4ho reprertoutativo of the Sovereign tulion. wero creatures of the 8t:.tute, and 
 does wroiifj, the people of the < olony have timt they had no corumou law, parliamentary 
 the T'mht to appeal to the fo<»t of the throne, ' rights, aa the Sp(!aker of the Htmse ot <;om. 
 and hold Imperial MiniHters reHpoui-ii^le it mouH had. 8 ill, all the ColouitN aaid it wan 
 they do not do justice to the cnlony. I will < absolutely necessary that that power shoald 
 quote a bhort pasta^e. Earl Urey Hay«, at ' be given them. It wan ac(U)nlud to us, but 
 
 page 346 : — 
 
 "There was tlil.s,ninst '.in|>i)rtant diHeri'iice 
 between Hv'olonliil (io^'eiiiur and a H iti.sb 
 iSovureign of tlie House of > laulaKenet or 
 ' udor. Tho toniier w.ta re>p nsil)le to the 
 Iiap^rial auUioi-ities, to wfi eli ilio troloay 
 <Miuld always ujipeal fur pro.eullwii from a 
 lioveriioi- who hiid alxiscit his power. Th<' 
 Crown will recall any (iovernor who liad f.iil- 
 eil to ili>( haijitt lil.s ilul^ , and II he re lined to 
 <lo NO on a weil-(;roun(i. (I cDinplaiiil Iroui tl>.< 
 iuhabllanl.-> of the eoloiiy, they wereeniillea 
 to iay iheir t{neviiucc.s before I'arll.iini'ut." 
 
 My conteutiuu is, and I do not Ruppo^e it 
 will not bt; <li.-^pute , tint the Haiue power 
 that rented in ttie Imperial Parliament with 
 
 a< a bimplu b>gal quentiou it waa decided iu 
 that cane and in ueveral others. In the case 
 (d McMab agaiuHk Bi4well, when Sir Allan 
 McNali brought an action against the 
 Speakei' of the old Province of U[iper Canada 
 tor faUo impriMnmeut, becanso he had, 
 under ord.-r of tho House* of Assembly, 
 aud as Spea'ter, it^sui'd a warrint for his 
 arrest, the question was rais>'d, though I am 
 not sure that in that case it was formally 
 decidid. For the purpose of th's diacu8.<ion 
 1 will assume that the Lieuteiiani-Oovernor 
 held precisely tile samt) position in ri fereijce 
 to til'* Province of (ju bee, its Lcgibluture aud 
 
 respect to Colonial Governors appointed by ' its lliuistry as the Goi'eiiior-G^ iie;ul does iu 
 direct command of Her Msjet-ty, exists with 
 respet:t to the Dominion Parliament as fiiras 
 regards Lieuteiiaut-tiovernors appointid l>y 
 commission of tht; Govimor-Ceneral. 
 In the rtuiaiks which I shall address to 
 the House I Hi-suiiie that the Li ur.-Oovernfr 
 of ea' ii pioviiK.; ban the sumu power, re- 
 presents llie thrown to the same degri:e as the 
 <jOVeruor-Geiieral represents the Crowu with 
 respect to the Dumiiiiou Parliament, within 
 the jurisdiction of his own provinces. 1 do 
 not mean to say, it is not necessary for the 
 purpose ut my argiiiueut, that that is legally 
 tto. A very strong argument has been used 
 lately by a distinguished lawyer in Montreal 
 (Mr. Ken) upon that point. Ht- lias gone to 
 show aud to argue that, by law, the Lieut.- 
 <ioveru(jr being a creatuie of the statute, a 
 creature of our Constii'utioual Act, ai>pioved 
 by commission from the Governor-General, sustain 
 and not from the Sovereigu diiectly, has not 
 the same power or the same attributes or th.; 
 vame position as tho Goveruor-Giueral. 
 Well, there is much to bo said from a merely 
 lawyer's point of vijw in that n^spect, aiid I 
 ■would not be at all surprised, if a case were 
 brought up before the CoUi'ts whirh would be 
 obliged to set aside thj constitutiimal ipies- 
 lion and look at the strictly legal queiuiou, 
 whether that might not be main;aiu< d. We 
 know, with respe.t to the powers of the 
 Bpeakets of thedilTerent provinces, that that 
 question has been decided twice, if not thrice, 
 perhaps oftener. The different legislatures, 
 the different representatives of the people, the 
 
 regard to this Legislature, and the Ministry 
 that advisi's him. In this ilistiissi^'ii, us far 
 as i am conct«ned, 1 assume that 
 he has the same power and re- 
 sponsibilities, the same right of exor- 
 ei-iug the prerogative, within the limits 
 pri .-icribel by tin: Couledriaiion Act, and the 
 s:im<! responsibilities, aad that he must he 
 subject to the same checks. 1 hive been 
 speaking about tho legal right of Speakers 
 and 1 would now also epeak of the legal 
 rights of Liv'uteiiaiit Governiprs,i.f the Gover- 
 nor and of the Ciowu. A great deal of con- 
 fusion ariset', as is evidera from ttie arga- 
 meuls we read in the press, from the iuter- 
 uiu^liug of the (|uestiou of jirerogative 
 pow. r aud constiiutioiial right. The Crown 
 lias great poW' rs, gri at legal powers, and if 
 they are exerci.sed, every CuUit must 
 the exer ise ( f thit prcnj- 
 gativo power, that hgal power, be- 
 eaus ■ it is a i.ower euiif rrt d upon 
 the Ofown by law. At the .same time, every 
 one of these acts, w-iich ttr>! sustained aud 
 may be Hustained iu the Courts as perfectly 
 legil, may be as thoroughly uueousiiiutional 
 as the Court doelareil them to t'C legal. For- 
 merly it was otherwise, but now the disiine- 
 tiou is drawn iu practi'.e aud in theory. All 
 the constiiutioiial writers l.iy down that 
 principle beyond cavil, and to say that the 
 Crown has tho ri^ht to dismiss a person or 
 appoint a person, the liiiht to veto an Act of 
 Parliament, the right to make i> in-aty, that 
 the Ciowu Las an iufiuity of pierugative 
 
rightfi, JM no HiiHwiT til •iny i IxirK** whivh mny 
 b« hroiiK>il Ukruiiixt Ihii (Jikwii or th»* ndviHerH 
 of tiie CriiwD, that the lefj^ul preroK>itive of 
 the Crown wuh unconHtitutionally (xirciHcd. 
 The Hovcreinn, for instanct', ctin <k'clarc war, 
 SB we ail know. The HovoreiKn can mako 
 treatieg without reference to I'arliiini<'nt. 
 The HoverciKQ eouUt, by a treaty, ^{ive away 
 the Inleof Man, or the Channel IxlandR, or 
 the Duchy of CornwalLand that treaty would 
 be legal, and the country would be (fonu ; 
 but, at the pamo time, there Im the rii^ht of 
 impeachment, and no Mininter in hix HenHi's 
 would even recommend RUihnu exi-rcise of 
 the royal prerogative. It is vrry important, 
 Mr. Speaker, that we flhould ke>-p thitt difli>r- 
 nncndiBtiuctly and nteadily before U8. We 
 nee it mentioned in some of the new^paperfl 
 which are UKUtlly calle<l Liberal, but in 
 this ca8e are the rt'verHe of liberal, that the 
 Constitutional Act gives the Lieutennrat- 
 Qovernorthe power to difimisH his Ministers ; 
 that they only hold ottice dur- 
 ing pleasun?, and that that pliiasure cnn 
 be exircised whent^Ter the Crown 
 thinks proper so to exercise 
 
 it. That is not the Censtitution, and I will 
 call attention to the diff-rence shortly, be- 
 cause it is well to lay dowa this principle, 
 and to understand the difference between the 
 legal power and thu constitutional exercise 
 of it. Lord Brougham, who is, I mnst sav, 
 however, net, i>-rl)aps, the stroiii;cst uuthor- 
 ity on cKiirttiintionHl <]'icKti(iris, who w.is a 
 little cr'Hii'-, though his g< iicnil iiicH, bk my 
 hou. frifOitrt (>ppo>ite who hnv.- sfii<li' (1 th'Me 
 questions nuist know, wa.( tliiit cf a nian 
 whose stHtcniHuts fhould If receiynd wito 
 rrspert, said : — 
 
 " In (llscoiirsinst upon the franfie of our f4oT- 
 ernnifiit, I hHVn IreiiUfiili.v usi-d ilu« ln'iii 
 
 constltntioiiHl,' nolwiirlislnnilinx tticdisfavor 
 In which It Is held l)y political rt'iiMiiicrs o| 
 the Heiithain s(;h<>ol. Tlic.v r tfiird It as 
 u, gross Hhsiirdlt.y, and us curl laugiiiigc 
 of the frtctioii.s whoru ihcy lialo. 
 They tiny Mint the word Ims (.Itlier no 
 uieanlnn at all, or It nieais eV'Tyihliis; and 
 auythlnf;. A thIiiK Is unconstlliti'onal, say 
 thfy, wlileh anyone for >«ny rfusoii chooses to 
 dislika. WlthJid delerciice l-o these reasoti- 
 ers, the word Ii;im a pence l.v tnelll!; title 
 raeanliis, and s milllcs th'>i, which It is >i - 
 ways most ImporiHUi to ic<;iir(l ^llh due at- 
 tention. Many things ihiil .re not prohil)ll'd 
 hy the law, nay, that cantint oe proh l)lted 
 without tiiho P'Ohihiting thio>!S whii-h ou^ht 
 to hn pHrmlt'lid, are neverthe ess reprflieiisl- 
 1)1,' btii.MUse contrary to the npii it oi the t'i>n- 
 hMtutlon Thus, the .Suveicli;ii of England Is 
 allowed hy law, like any other p rson, to 
 a in ass as iniii h nioiiHy jn he plens •" by his 
 Havliijrs. or hy entt)rin!{ Into spi-ealatloiis at 
 home or ahioad. He mlKht aecu nulaie a 
 treasure of tllty rtillHoiis a^ easily as tiis bro- 
 tlier of Holland lately uld<nie of five, and he 
 wo-ild tliu", hesKit M, have h'S parliamentary 
 Income, and wUtiiiut eomioif u» Parllainunl 
 for a revenue, have an income of his own equal 
 to two or llirHc nil liniiH a year, i his would 
 bean operation peifeetly la^vful and pctVctly 
 Ui'ConHl tiitional. and the vHnister whostioiiid 
 Nanetloii It W'>uld bo Justly llal)le to soveie 
 f-ensure rtccordliig y. .-'omo speak with por- 
 ftct eorrtciiiess of n I tw wh eh Is proposed 
 tteine uiicoiisiilut onal If k sins igiiliist th>^ 
 genius nnd spirit c)f oar free gover- nieiit; as 
 lor example, ag lust the separuiion of the 
 executive from the bgislultve and Judicial 
 
 ftiiicMons A l> I iniiiKd Into a > i.tnte which 
 sii. old ecru iriittt v i>'oliit.tt iMinic inc.ltnifM 
 wliiioui the consent of the (Jovcriiment w •uld 
 be lis valliland tiliid nit a law us thcOroal 
 (Miartor "r the .Vet nf ^«etllcmcnt, but a mure 
 uiiconnMliitlonal law con d not tie well de- 
 vised. M) a law (jlvltll? the soldiers ir the 
 mllltla the p'lwer ofihooslnu their «(ltlcHr», 
 or a law wlthdrawlnif the military wholly 
 from the jurisdiction of the eonrts ol law, 
 would be as binding and valid as ho Yearly 
 Meeting Act. Hut It would violate most 
 grievously the whole fplrlt of our Constitu- 
 tion. In like manner, letting the pe<»ple 
 (!hooKe their .indues, whether of the Courts of 
 VVestmlnster or .Iiistlcesof the I'eai-e, would 
 be as uneontltntlonal a law as letting the 
 CTown name the Juries In all civil awl crimi- 
 nal cases." 
 
 But, sir, I will quote the langUHge of a man 
 of the present day, the mention of whose 
 name will bo suflicient to ensure respect for 
 his opinion, one who is extremely liberal in 
 his views, and who, as an historian, has as- 
 sumed in England the first place. I refer to 
 Mr. Freetnm This passage is so instruc- 
 tive that, ait the risk of being tedious, I shall 
 rend it, especially as the point T am now dis- 
 cussing is ptit far more aptly and with greater 
 ability than I can pretend to put it :— 
 
 "HInce the 17th century things have In 
 this respect greatly altered The work of le- 
 gls'atlon.of strictly coiistltntoiiiil legl-liitlon, 
 has never ceasetl. A long sm-ccslon ■ f legis- 
 lative enactments stand out as landmarks of 
 political progress, no less in more recent than 
 in earlier times, but, alongside of It, tliere 
 uuh bee. I a scries of p Utical cliaiii'e-, chand'e.i 
 of no less i.i.im lit than these wlilcli are re- 
 cor.iea ill the statute llooU, which have been 
 made without any lc>;i>,ative rnacttm-nt 
 wlia.ev.-r. .-V whole code of polittciil mii.\lms, 
 uiiivcr.siilly ac^ nowledijed In tln-'iry, univer- 
 sally cairie<l out in piaetice, has grown uj), 
 witncait lei.vilii; amoiiirtlie loriiial .Vets of our 
 Legisliitiire anv slei.s by which It grew. Cp to 
 the end <d the Llh century we in-iy fairly 
 say that, no distinction ccaild be d scerned 
 latweeiithri constitution and ill- law. The 
 prerogative of the Cro • n. the pi 1 vile e of I'ar- 
 
 lia nt, the liberty < f the snb|e -i might not 
 
 always be c early dcniicd on every point. Il 
 has, indeed, been sit . tint those three thlngt 
 were all of them lllii gs t(» whicli.lii their own 
 nature, no limit eoula be set. Hut ad three 
 were sii|iposed to r^ , If not on thi direct 
 wordsoi ibo.-. tiilule law, ye., at least on that 
 son>ewhitt slu d'lwy yei ver.y pr-ctic>ii crea- 
 tion, that mixture of g-iiuin° an lent tradi- 
 tions >ind of ie(;ei;t devices of lawyt-rs whleU 
 is known to hnglihhmeu as coin a on l^w. 
 Any bri ach, oltlier o, the tights of the Sove- 
 reiun or of the rights of the subject, was a 
 legal olfence. capable of legal detlultlou, and 
 siilijectlori the otlcnder to le^ai penaltlfK 
 An act which could not hebr ught wltliln the 
 letter <dih-r of the statute or *if the commou 
 law would not then have been looked upon as 
 an oitence at all. If Lower Courtt were too 
 weak to do Justice, the High Court of Harlla- 
 nunt stMxl ready to do Justice, even against 
 Uie mightiest oii'eiid«rs. It was armed with 
 weapons fearful and rarely nsed, but none the 
 less regu ar and legal. ILcould snilto by Im- 
 peachment, hy Hitolnrter, by the e.xerclse of 
 the greatest power of all -the deposition of the 
 reigning Kins;. But men had not yet r< acheu 
 the more subtle doctrine thii'. there ni*. bo 
 otleiiees against the (;on8tilutlon which are no 
 ollVnet s against the law ; they had not learned 
 that men In high office may have a responsl- 
 t llity, pr-ictlcrfl y felt and aet«d on but 
 which no legal enantinent has detlned, 
 ana which no legal tribunal will enforce; 
 It had not been found out that i^arlla- 
 ment itself has a power, now practically 
 the highest of Us powers, in which it 
 acts neither as a Legislature uor asuCouri 
 
■i>f JuNtlcP, tiiit III whicli It, iiroiioiiiiros Ken- 
 
 tOIKH^M Wlllcll llHVII IIOIIH t lut !•■ H pPliCl ICK I 
 
 fiirco lircuuso tlicy I'firry Willi llimii uoiic ol 
 (li«let(itl f(>ii>ie(|ii*-iicfM of (luittli, Ixiii'In, Iiiiii- 
 Nlinioiit (ir roiitlHcHlioii. W(- now liuvt* h 
 who!)) N.VNlfiii ol politlciil niorulliy, a wholi> 
 rode of |ir<»r<'pt« for llif Kiiid'iiici- of puMIc 
 iiifti, wlili-li will not liH I'ouiiil III any pai{f of 
 cltliiT ilii; siHiitlf or ihu I'oiiiiiioii luw, liut 
 whicli Hie, III pniollcc, lii'Ul hiiic'ly Iuns suit«mI 
 lliaii any iiilncljilu ciiilioill il In lliu (irciil 
 ('liiirtci' or In III!' FiMliion of lUu'lit. In short 
 liy till! nI'Ii' of our wr.llrn law, llnTf liasi{iown 
 lip all iiMwi Itii'ii orciiiivi-nnoiial conhtitiitlon. 
 When an l\iiKll-'liniiiii Kpi-akN of tlio conduct 
 'ifit piihllc man ki(MnK<'oiistl(iitlonal or iincon- 
 slltiillouul. Ill- intans noiik-UiIuk wIi ily dltl'i-r- 
 •■nt lioiil'Wnat III' iiiuuiiH liy coiidui'; Ik ini; let,-iil 
 or lIU'^'iil. A tuinoiiN voto of iiu; lioiisu of 
 *'oiniiions, piisst'il on t lie niollon of h trreitl 
 siHloMiiian, once dciliireii thai, tlie Mien NIiiiih- 
 ttiTHof Uie Crovvii cild n'.t po.s.M-.ss Uih conii- 
 :|i!«<)e of till! Hi'ii'-f of <?ouiiiioiiN, mill tnal 
 tliflr < mil iiiiiancc In oJIIch wan tin'ieiorH at 
 ; varliiiiM Willi till] »|>l It of tliH (oiistiiniloii. 
 1 lit) tnitii of Micii u po^ltlo^, a'-t'oriilin4 lu tlie 
 Irartltio hI prlnc pits on wlucli piilil c; ineii 
 have ai'leil for some K<'ti('>'ai ions, imiiiioI lie 
 disputed, lint It woiiUl III! In v-ln to s,-U. for 
 any tract; of such doi'ti UK'S ill an ptt;.eof our 
 ^vriltun law. I he piopK.MM oftnal ii.oiioti did 
 ;iot nitiaii to chartfo th»M'.\i-llin,' Mlnlslr.witli 
 tiiy lilctfa) lurl, Willi any i.cl wiiii li could ii» 
 iiiudc tiif suiijocl. either ot a proheculion in 
 H Lowi'r Court or of I in peach men t In 
 ilie Hifli Court f>r P riiHnn-nt liself 
 lie dill not mean tli.it thi .Vlnlhieis of the 
 
 < I own <-oiiiniit itil any tni ach of the law of 
 which tie law could take connlziincH hy re 
 OtIlililK possi'-sion of tliclr oltiecs till su.-ll 
 I line HN llie Crowu shiuiid think Kood to ilU- 
 Jiilss them from tliesH odices : wlml he meant 
 •was thiit (lie general eouise id their policy 
 •■was one wl ;i' . to a mii.joi ity of i he fluuse of 
 
 < oinnioiis, (lid not s>-c-iii lo lie wise or beiiell- 
 •liul tot e iialion.and that llierefore, accoid- 
 .itj lo a coiivc.iilon il cndc as well ii'ideislood 
 
 and as etleeiiial usilie wii t. ii law llself, lliey 
 "Were humid to resi.,'ii ollin's of which the 
 
 House of (^>:llmons i.o loii-cr held them KJ hi! 
 ■V'orthy. Tlie H <iise made noci.tim lodisiiiNs 
 
 ♦ hoise Alliiislurs from their olllces hy 'iny act 
 •OfitNOwii, It did not even petition the Crown 
 
 to remove I Ill-Ill from their olllces: it simply 
 ■8|)oke its mind on tlulr^eiier d eonduel, and il 
 Was held tli.it when the lloiise had sospokeii, IL 
 y>n,H their ilnty to ^ive way without an.v lor- 
 Siiul petllloii, wltlioill any f» iiial ciiniinaiid 
 •On tl:.f part ofelther the House or of the 8ov- 
 '•leiKii The i> ssiiiK hy ihe House of i;oin- 
 niuiis of such a resolution as this may perhaps 
 be set diwii as the formal dcelitiil> Ion of 
 
 • conslltutlonal prlnclpio, hut ihouifh a for- 
 Xial declaration, it was not ii leiral d clara- 
 tiou ; it eiealed a point for the practical 
 
 fuidunce of future Ministers and fuliire ear- 
 iameuts, hut It iieliher ch;tiii;eil tne law nor 
 <leelttreil It It asserti^d a jirinciple wlilcn 
 might In) appeal d to in future dehates in the 
 Hou-e of Coi'iiiions, but ll asserted no pri;>- 
 «lple wlilcii could In taken any notice of hy 
 « .Uidije In any t^'ourt of law. It staaus, 
 therefore, on a wholly dlll'ereiit ifround I'om 
 those enacimeiils which, wlietli r they 
 ■Ohan^ed the law or simply deeUired the 
 law, hii'l a lei^al fortte, ea aide of 
 beiii^ I'll force I hj- a lemai trlhiinal Jf 
 any officer of the Crown should levy a 
 tax without the authority of FarlUiment, 
 U he shiulii enforc ' martial law without tlie 
 ••uihorlty of i'.iillameut, lie would he guilty ol 
 Alegal crime, hut li he merely eoiilinues to 
 holu an oilice conferred by the Crown, and 
 from whieii that^iown has uot removed him, 
 ttiouKh he bold It in the teeili of any number 
 Oif votes of censure pa.ssed by both Houses of 
 parliament, lit) is in no w ly a breaker of the 
 Wrltteu law, but the man who would so act 
 Vould be universally held to hive trampled 
 sinder fi 'Ot one of the nioHt undouoied priiicl- 
 lAes of the unwritten but uuiversully accupled 
 •teuuliiutiuii." 
 
 Now, sir, what is the cuHe of the I^ii iiUiiant- 
 IJovt riior, ami what were his rehttiomt to hia 
 'ulvi8eri4, coiiHtitiitioiiaily H'tiiD^ asiile tb« 
 U-ffixl qiietitioii altdk'ithcr whii h I have at- 
 tempted to thrtcusH? tjctiitiK a^iide hiH It-^al 
 riKlit to diniuin8 every othcer hoi lin^ ottice 
 under him during |ileasiire, what in the puHi- 
 tioit of tliu Liciitt uaiit-Uoveruor and 
 hiH advidcrrt? Tliey hohl prerJHoly 
 the BituH posithm, art I contend, witli renpect^ 
 tt) the Lieiit.-Uoveruor as Lord IJ arouslicld 
 and hin (Joverumcht hold with respect to 
 Her Maji sty. and the lion, niemocr fur Lanili- 
 tou and bis .Ministry told with respcutu thu 
 representative of the SuVerei«n, the(ioveruor- 
 CJeneral. Under the touidiHiiion "« it now 
 stanilH, I contend that the Ministry of the 
 day, so loun na they have the t ititiiieiico of 
 Pirliameut, lio louic art tliey are rtustaincd in 
 Pdrliuiiieut, niurtt and will have tlie riKht to 
 cluim the confidence of the Sovereijjn or the 
 representative of the Sovereifju. 1 contend 
 that, althouijii it was otherwise formerly, and 
 although the doctrimt hi« ktowu up hy slow 
 decreet., and although we read of dismissals 
 of MinisiiieH by the Crown in iheearlierday«, 
 when the coustittitiou of England was still 
 uijdevelopud to the state of perfection in 
 viliili I think it exists at this moment 
 yet, in this day, so Ion;; art the advisers of the 
 Crown have the coutideuce of r'.irliament, 
 they have a rij^ht to claim the contidence of 
 the Sovereign. That is the gnat principle. 
 If we do not hold to that, then we are ail at 
 sea, and in great dang r of being wrecked ; 
 till n, indeed, our institutions are uot ouly on 
 their trial, but we have greut reason to dreaa 
 that they will f.iil, and that this |>romising 
 c immeuoeuieiit ot our new i <>iniui(m will, 
 by au abandonment of that ^reat Ian 'mark, 
 fail to carry out its future as a iJi minion, 
 founded on Untish i onstitiitional principles, 
 and carrying them out under more favorable 
 terms and under les« fettered coiiditions tQan 
 even our fellow-countrymen in Great Britain 
 and Ireland. As 1 have said btfori.-, this is 
 aqu'jstion which appeals to all of us, to every 
 man, to every lover of his couutry, every 
 lover ot free institutions, everyone 
 who wishes to embalm, as it 
 were, British iustitucions in this 
 areat olfshoot of the British monarchy. 
 It is so necessary that we should consider 
 this (luestiun as it exists now in Kngland, 
 and not according to old precedents, that I 
 will tjike the liberty, before I sit down, of 
 calliug the attention of the House to the 
 gradual growth, the very gradiiiil growth in 
 the face of tuch inimi nse discouragements 
 and immense pressure from the Crown, and 
 occasionally from immense weaknesses on 
 the pai t of the advisers of the Crown, that it is 
 ouly by slow decrees that we have evolved 
 the now present system that exists in Eng- 
 land, and which, I hope, by the vote of this 
 House, atid by the advice of this House, and 
 by the general concurrence of this House, 
 will be carried out in this i-oiintry. When I 
 speak about the failure of Ministers iu Eug 
 
 ■•«! 
 
6 
 
 Iftud, w. kiH'W i||<i »'•' li>v' t'tili-il, ntid thiit 
 th)i <!• ^ !• 1,1 I <Miiii'iii>iK III I'lli' )) hiiM iittiiiii 
 und UK'^i" nuKlti th< in m .kf tiiiwitrthy coiu- 
 
 pliaiKU-H to till) SoVt'l'l^ll, Ullt lUdWIIIinlMlld- 
 
 ing ih(! ohhtinacv, tin- wr<)iu;-hfiitln<lr«'Kii, If 
 I may iih<i tlm txpriHrloii, Irmii the tjii»*t ii or 
 KiiiK wi-nrivfi (lir ('rowii iit thu tinic, un'l thu 
 unworthj ciniipli mci'M an>l wi^HkiivHHt^H of thu 
 adviHerH of till) Crown, yut, by hIow dtgr<»*B, 
 the coDBtitiitioii liHH bi-t^a c-voivi^d, until wi- 
 dow hiivr ihitt piim iplii tixrd in Kii^liknil, 
 nnd I ho|ii> tluit th<t m lion of tl.iR Hoihu will 
 Hx it ill Ciiniidti, itiiil iliiir,, ho lont^HH thu 
 MioiHtry of th>' duy Imvi- tljn confiit'-uci- ot 
 the (M-opJi, thi y will ii>'v<' ilm coulldbui,*- of 
 th<3 Crown, will hn itdviB>:d Ity tliosi' inuii who 
 will havH the couiidiMici! of thu Crown, und 
 that ttiu Oowii will lit) advised by ttioHo 
 men who havo the tuutidi-ncit ot the repn koii- 
 totives of the people. There Ik only one <:(ibi-, 
 sir, in which it seemH to inti that thiH doc- 
 trine can be inapugned, and that Ir when tht^ 
 8overeit;n baH a reuHon to believe that the re. 
 presentatives of the people, who, I raaintuiu, 
 Hhould (tnpport the advinerd of the (.'rowii. 
 have forf- ited the coufldeuce of the people 
 themselveH. In siuh ti <:hh , Mr. Speaker, 
 if the Crown haH that opinion, the Crown has 
 a fair riijlit to Hiy to Its adviwiTH : — 
 "ThouKh [admit that yon have the conlidenee 
 of the repreHentativeH of the people, though 
 I admit that you are Hustained in I'^rliamjut, 
 yet my idea iu thin : that thoHe 
 who do BO RiiHtain you have from one < ause 
 or another forfeited the conii lence of the 
 people thtniHelveK, and I denire that there 
 Hhall be an appeal under your guidnneo. I 
 hold you, my adviaerH, to hiivi the contidence 
 of the people until the contrary is shown, 
 but I call upon you, and I inmiHt upon it, that 
 there be an appeal lo the people, and if you 
 come buck from the people HUhtained in the 
 future, an i'arlianient Iihh Ku^iained you in 
 the present Parliament, tin n you will have 
 HgAiu the coiilidence which him been to 8ome 
 digree weakeQid by late events" For in- 
 Btance, Mr. (iladstone himstlf tlid not wait 
 for any such intimutiou fiom the tVown ; he 
 did not WiJit to be^told timt tli-re wus iiiiiuiH- 
 takable eviiknce that a readiou had sei in in 
 England : he did not weiit to have the Crown 
 Bend for h.ni and sty to liini : — "Von si e 
 single after sin(;le eleetion >;oiu>f agaius-t you ; 
 you Hee thut tinre if a v- ry strong reaction 
 in the country, and 1 think that >(>u oiii^ht 
 to appeal to the coui'ry ns a whole ; I think 
 that you out;ht to Bee wliother tin- country nas 
 such contidence still in you th;it you have a 
 title to the renewal of your lease of oflioe.' 
 No; Mr. Gladstone lilt that it was due to 
 bimHelf and his position to go to the country ; 
 he believed, and it may or may not have been 
 so, that these elections which had gone 
 against him were indications that he had, to 
 a certain extent, lost the contidence of the 
 people, and of his own accord advised the 
 SoTereigu to dissolve, so that there might be 
 an appeal to the people. In the first place, I 
 would call your attention ubortly U> the act 
 
 oMIk- J.ivuten'tnt Uovernor in the I'roviuce 
 
 ol ijii II lie had fiiiiid liM Miidtterrt In 
 when h» citiue into p 'Wor, and tound then* 
 BUHttined by the representativeHof the people 
 In the House ot Ai-Bembiy. He loiind them 
 in the l'|iper I1ouh<', which wuh a judicial 
 House, nouiluateil by the Crown, and thejr 
 were Uuve mIbo Htrong. 
 
 lion. niemhetB — Hear, hi'ar. 
 
 Sir John — It is ho ; I slate so as a matter 
 of fi-ct. As a matter uf fact, the Lieiitenant- 
 tJovernor found them in ottii e. They bad 
 thou the contidence of tlie representatives of 
 I he people, und they hud the Hiippurt — if that 
 «uitM bitter — 
 
 Hon. Mr. Hlakk — To the term a "judicial 
 HiiUKe " we were ohj« <;ting, because every 
 man in it was nominated by themselves. 
 
 Sir John — Kvery man on the Bunch is 
 nominated the adviser of the Crow;i, and yet 
 they are not judi'.ial otti.erB. (Hear, hear ) 
 
 Hon. Mr. Cabtwiiiout — Thiy have judiciat 
 functions. 
 
 Sir .loH.N — I know, Mr. Speaker, that it i» 
 the fasbion in some places and in some ways 
 to attack the Senate or the Legislative Coun- 
 cil, as nominated bodies ; th -t Is a point by 
 itself which perhaps we had better not im- 
 port into this discussion even by a cheer. 
 When I 8«y "judicial," I mean to say that 
 their functions are supposed to be somewhat 
 analagous to those of the HoUr«e of Lords. 
 The House of Lords iti supposed to have 
 judicial functions ; that is to say, they are not 
 to resist the well as'.'ertained wili of t>>e 
 people, and that they are to sit judicially upon 
 the niei^urcs of the represemalives of the 
 people, the HouBo of Commons, so that 
 they may give the people them- 
 selves the opportunity, if they think right. 
 In considering that question, the questiotk 
 they are dealing with, tht y are a check on 
 the House of Couiuious, the representativeB 
 of tue people, and in Hub respect they hold 
 an advisory and i/ua.^i jii lieial position, that 
 is all 1 m. an in tuat respect. Hut the Lt.- 
 Uoveruor found a MiuiBtry, liaving tlie con- 
 tidence of both branches of the local Legis- 
 lature, in (>tli 'e, and they were very strung, 
 I believe, in the H )Use of Assembly, but I 
 do not know wnatthi pioporlions were in the 
 Legislative Council— I believe that they 
 wi re two to one. 
 
 Mr. ItKVi.iv — More than that. 
 
 bir Joii.i — I'wo to one in the Lower House 
 they hau a maj nily of 2 ) in (iS. The 
 Lieutenant- (} )Venior had th-ir assurance 
 tint bis advisers had the coiitijence ot the 
 representatives of the people, and of the other 
 liraiK h of the Legislature, whii h wisely or 
 unwisely w;ik a c onstituteil authority in thif 
 case, 'i'he whole, or nearly the whole of the 
 aeesion, dragged on, the Ministry of the day 
 introduced th^ir several meahures ; they car- 
 ried them almost to completion ; they 
 brought down, for instance, a systeUQ of tax- 
 ation, which is not a veiy iwpular thing for 
 any Government to do, as perhaps every 
 Finance Minister in his lifetime has found 
 
out ; thin WHN MllriWfd to ko nii nnlil It HhiI I 
 •Iniotit c«ime t<> complotlou ; tti« prim Ipiil 
 
 iue«Hiiri H of the (iovi-rnnii'Ut wt-m Mhout to i 
 bccomif Ihw iu a day or two, and all tliiiiu 
 nieaniirfH had liccti ntipporti-d \>y MtroiiK v<>t«-R 
 iu lM)th UuiiHCR. They Iih(1 bitii Hiipportiui, 
 ttn<i thcrt! wax n vote of want of cotitidetice 
 HKHintit tbfiii on ouu of thi'Hu imtaHiirdH, but 
 it wax out-voted by a Dutu*truuH tnnjority, 
 ( (lUHldcriii^' the sniall body of which that 
 Housv 18 coUMtitutt-d, aud ytttut tliu luBtmu- 
 luunt, juHt btifoni tho prorogation, whun they 
 had tho proof that both HtiUitcH had duter- 
 niinud on thiH, and tho proof tliat the ru- 
 prt-HentativeH of tliu people — and until there 
 IH an appeal to tlio people it \« to be held 
 that they had the coulideuce of the people — 
 approved of it ; then the Lieut -Uoveruor 
 tooli tliu opporttinity to dirtmiHH thehe men on 
 the ground that thene nicuHUren were uncon- 
 Htitutional. Not one of Iht^Hu KrcoQ^*) waH 
 Hulticient, not one of these KcoundH can hold 
 water for a moment. I am ({Uttv. HatiHtied 
 that if the illustriouK perHonaKu of whom we 
 fepokc to-day had been iu the poHitiou of 
 the Lieut.-Oovernor of tlio I'rovinre of 
 Quebec, he would rather have rut oti hiH 
 . right hand than permit wliat he would <;on- 
 Hider an outrage on the liritiHh conKtitntion 
 ^ 1 Maid that by alow degreeH Knglaud waH 
 ' educated up to the present poHition of oou- 
 Htitutional law. Thecouotitution is develop. 
 Ing every moment. Here, an iSriHtow Hiiyn, 
 the conHtitution Ih not now what it was in 
 1800. The constitution is not certniuly 
 now what it was in IH:i8, at the 
 time of the lled-chamber plot. 
 The constitution of Kni^lund at this 
 moment is Ix-ing developed to a perfect sys- 
 tem, and whttt we <ontend is the riKht of tlie 
 people of the Dominion and the right oi 
 every province of the Dominion, is timt w<- 
 have a right to claim tliat we Imve precisely, 
 in our several licislatures ami in respect to 
 the several legislatures and this i'arliament, 
 the same right as the Eiit:iish people nave 
 with lespect to their farlMiuent. Now, sir. 
 look at the casi of dismissuls even in the 
 time of George the Tlunl, aud he, as we all 
 know, said, it we drawonr antliority froiu tht 
 Lil)errti writers — and the Ijit)< rat writers nt 
 that day are the Liberai-CouBervatives of to- 
 day 
 
 Hon Mr. Hoi, ton — Do not slnnd.r them. 
 Sir .John — Kdmuiid Hurl^e macie his appeal 
 from the new Whigs to tiio old Whigs, and 
 he would l)e in this country wliat we call a 
 Baldwin Keformer, or. in oilier words, a 
 Liberal-Conservative. Now, sir, in 1771, it 
 has bee.i laid down by all the vviters tlwit 
 the present Hritish constituiion only com- 
 menced to get fair piny, and that the Hot k- 
 - ingham Uovcrnmeut, was estaiilislied over 
 .the rtiins of George the Third's old Gov- 
 ernment. Lord Bute and the rot <»f thi'Ui, 
 by the injliiencu and by the ifiuius and 
 by the tUorts and by the writings of 
 hdmund Burke. In 1774, Mr. Fox, or rather 
 tkte Duke of Portland, who formed the 
 
 famnusCoallt on GovernnHnt, was diHmiai*»-«t 
 by George the Third. Well, Hir, even then, 
 although it is admitted by all writers, as well 
 by those who may be <-onsidered to Ih* writing 
 on the (Conservative side, or the Tory side, if 
 you like, as by all Litieral writers, tliat, look- 
 ing at the transactijns of tliat day by the 
 light of the present constitution as at present 
 administered, George the Third was wrong, 
 and that Geoige the Third, if he did now 
 what he did then, would be considered to 
 have committed a great breach of the consti- 
 tution. What WHH that case? It is (|Uoted, 
 and it is one of the examples of how far a bad 
 precedent reaches, and how it may, to the 
 latest instant, he (]uoted, when it sjiould be 
 looked upon as a rock to be avoided rather 
 than as a precedent to be followed. The 
 Indian bill was introduced into the House of 
 Commons; it was carried in the House of 
 Commons, and it was defeated iu the House 
 of Lords. George the Third was known to 
 be opposed to that measure ; George the 
 Third knew that it was taking away all the 
 Crown patronage whiih he was eagerly hold-- 
 ingiuhistena ions grasp; it was known that 
 it transferred the patronage of the Crown toth<' 
 Ministry of tlie ( rown of the day. Althougl> 
 he was aware of that, and he felt too, in hi» 
 heart's core, that this was a blow at what he 
 considered tlie monarchical principle and the 
 monarchical power, yet he allowed it to pass 
 throuKh tlie House of Commons, although he 
 was opposed to it, and the Ministry knew 
 that he was opposi-d to it; altliough they 
 knew that every feeling and every principle 
 and every emo'ion ot George tlie Third wag- 
 opposed to that measure, yet he allowed his 
 Ministers to introduce that bill. It was car- 
 ried through the House ot Commons. It 
 came to the House of Lords, and only when 
 it was il< f'l-Hted by the otluT liranrhofthe 
 Legislature, And thrown out, <lid ho say •' Vou 
 have lost tlie cfintidcnre of one bran< li of the 
 LcKislature ; " and mind yo'i, Mr. S[ieaker, 
 that then the HoMse of Loids was of as much 
 const (jueiice, if not of more r«m8< (jiieuce, than 
 tlie iJoiise of Commons. If tins was long 
 Iwfore the lit form liill, it was a time when 
 the Housi^ of Lortlri hml not only its own 
 powiT and poMJtion Hriil prestigt;^ as a grtmt 
 brHn<:h of the Legislature, but it was a time 
 when it controlled more timn one-third, aye, 
 and api)roachiiig to nearly one-half of the 
 House of t/'ommotiH, so that a 
 great peer in the House of Lords was 
 HU iiitinitely irreater political man 
 than a ptilitical ni'in in the Hous<^ of Com- 
 iu(ms, and it was mort- necessary at that 
 time, if possible, ami certainly as necessary 
 to have the confitiente of the House of Lords 
 as it was to have the confidence of the House 
 (>f Commons, and it was not until there was 
 a vote of want of contiilence, by throwing out 
 this measure, on wliith the Administration 
 had staked their whole exi^tence, that he 
 ventured to dismiss them. And yet, not- 
 withstanding that case, it is now held by all 
 constitutional writers, held by all statesmen. 
 
8 
 
 and hull! by «iviry man who liaH (.arttt-d thu 
 conMtUiiiioiiHl priuciplf into nttion, Itint tliu 
 coudiicl ot (i.M)rKu till) Third cuuuul be du- 
 fendt'd HH III iiiK (oiiHtitiiii'irml. 
 
 Hud. Mr. IIlaku — llu biuiigiit itbout tbu 
 
 VOtM. 
 
 HIr .loii.v — 'i'liat Ih only another iiiMtiincti of 
 tbu KiiiK luti rli-riiJK iuipiopvily. I Hm not 
 <iofc'udiii)i Ocor^'u tbo ibird, who cuitaiiily 
 brought aliuut lliu voti;. 
 
 Hon. Mr. IJi.AKK— 1 (»m Kim|ily pointing 
 out tbut tbiii WHO tiu iugrcdieut iu bid cou- 
 <liict. 
 
 Mir .loH.N— Still, (ieor^o the Third ( or'aiiily 
 had no li^lit to write tiiiit Iclti-r lo Lord 
 Teruplo. CVitaiuly thJH at would not b<- 
 liurijH with for u tuoiut-nt now. AltiioUK'b 
 wu bad, iindi.-i ii ^ruat tStatu cxlf^i'ncy, undiT 
 the datii^ur of tbcru bidu>< u Kreat revolution 
 la i'.n^lanil, U'illtuii) tbo Kouitli doin^ very 
 nearly tlir ^auio tbin^ with rexptxt to thtt 
 lieform bill, it is adniitted that tliiri was a 
 bruacb oi tliu Constitution, iiut it waH like tliu 
 MUiipenHion of tiio J/alnui Vor/nn Act iu tiin« 
 uf war oi* iuHurnction. Iu Irjol Mr. I'itt wax 
 not disiiiiHHt'd, but bo rcHiftuod bt.-cau-iH the 
 King iuHiHtL'd upon tiis al)audouiup: bii* pro- 
 jtict for (y'atbolic iinuu ipition. it was a 
 rtitfiKnatiun. It was a dinmiHrnil in tt^niH, but 
 it was approarhiu)^ very much to a forr«d 
 resignation. Hu rusignt'd on tb(3 Catholic 
 question. 'J'hu next ili.sniiiiHal was tliat of 
 Lord UrcnvilKi 1817. Ic took placi; on ouu 
 form of tht! Catholic quchtion, nanuly. in re- 
 gard to allowing oriict-rh pr(dtK.sing the Cath- 
 olic religion to bold high rank in the Army. 
 The King at tirst cunscuted, but utterwaniri 
 stated that a uii^ap^iruiicuMion had occurred 
 as to the ixtcnt of his assent, and therefore 
 requested tiie Ministry to withdraw the bill. 
 That the Uovernnieut consented to do. but 
 the King rei]uired still furtbur a pledge 
 from them in writing that they would iiever 
 introduce a similar measure. They at once 
 said it would be unconstitutional, and deroga- 
 tory to their position, and they were disinissMl. 
 There were two cases in the time of (Jeorge 
 the Third, that of Lord Greoville and of the 
 Portland Administration, the coalition Ad- 
 ministration of Fox and i'ortlano. During 
 the whole reign of (Jeorge the Fourth there 
 vraa no dismissal ; although he was opposed 
 to Catholiu emancipation, althouKh be had 
 .an hysterical abhorrence to that measure, yet 
 he linally yielded to his Mi isters. There 
 was uo dismissal by George the Fourth. 
 There was one dismissal by William the 
 Fourth in 1831, and that we have all seen 
 quoted us a precedent tor the dismissal in 
 <iuebeo in 1878. Now, iu the first place, 
 there was a great ex''use, which was not so 
 well known at the time as it is now, for the 
 conduct of William the Fourtu in dismissing 
 the tiovernmeut of Lord Melbourne, in eon- 
 sequence of ttie death of Lord Spencer and 
 the elevation of Lord Althorpe, who led the 
 Lower House, to the House of Peers. That 
 you will find described in Uieville's Me- 
 juoirs, and iu order to show there was uu 
 
 fxcuae fur WlllUrn the Fourth iu that OMe, 
 which doe:, not txo-t now, I will (juoto 
 shoitiy Ihe hiati nienl tbo King niad<-, which 
 ir> givi n tiy (.ireville, and whicli bus bueu 
 coniirmed iu the Memoirs ol lUrou Stuck- 
 tnar : — 
 
 " When I<ord M«<lhournA went down t'l 
 VVIikIn r lo xeH Ihe Ivliiw, nil tint oi'iith ol l.«ird 
 Allliiirpe,i|i>- lollowiiiK Is Niiil' i| to hiivtf oeeiir- 
 re<l : -Lord .Milliourne lo.il lihn. tliiit Is, tlia 
 KluK, thill lie liaJ only iiikIc i:ikimi 40 curry 
 on llii^ (foveriiiiieiii In cnn-.i intilon of hav- 
 [\')i tlieiiM>lNl nee oi' Allhiirpn In tiie M 011 no of 
 t'oiiiiiiOiiF. ; lilO'eiiioviil niHile II. nei'0>Hiir,v lo 
 ailopl, n new orgaiil/.idlon hlloKetlier, llial 
 •oiiie eniiMlderiili e eoiieeN.slons (o Ilia princi- 
 ple ol reioi III were jii'l^fd lo i><- u< ee.^Mary, and 
 
 til" appoint iiieiil 01 It Nlleee.-tMir lo vltliorpo, 
 v.lio Niioiiid e irry tln'in liiio eileel ; ilutl ho 
 Was iildp.iil'iii in.fl wllliiiui I lii'.se ine t iovMrii- 
 tiieiil could 110: Ko on, Slid at I lie same tune It 
 wiin iie(!eNhiir,v tosiale mat llieie were mem- 
 ller^ ol the Culiinei who did iiol eoim ide wllh 
 tliesi viewr-, ai>d wll'i would retire wlieli Par- 
 llaineiil met, II' I liey Were adupied These 
 were Lord L'iii.->d iwiie aii'i hpriiiK Uleu Lord 
 .lolin KiisiieU was lo lextt In liie llou.se of i'oni- 
 iiioiis, liul the Iosf. ol Itlert would he a severe 
 hlow 10 them. The eoueeNsloii re aled prill- 
 el pa ly t.> Church rei'orin. The dis- 
 union of the L'uliliiet lieiiik; thus exhlh- 
 lied, It WMf» clear I lie uov.'rninent cMUild 
 not uoon withoui s'line inaierial iilterHtlon In 
 lis c >iiipOKliiiin. The Kiiit; iirxed ihl.-«, and 
 asked Mcluoiiriic Iroiii wh.il <|Uiu'ter the ne- 
 cessary ueeession of slreinjlli was !■) he pro- 
 eiireil, and wliellier he could hope for II from 
 the Coii.servatlve liileiesl. lie owned thai 
 iiolhiiiK was lo he e.\pe<'leil from thai <|uarler 
 11 reiudlned, then, that ii wits only Iromthe 
 iiiort? extreme iiari.v thai their ranks could bo 
 reenilled. To this Ihe Kin;; would not eon- 
 i Mill, and he I leielore imparled lo liini hU re- 
 Isulwiioii of piaciut; t lie uoN erniucni in olher 
 
 I liilluls." 
 
 I in a note made by Mr. l{e vc, who was Clerk 
 I of the Privy Council at that time, and who 
 edited Uren\ille's Memoirs, it was stated that 
 this account of the transaction was contirmed 
 in uliuost every paiticuUr by the statenient 
 drawn up by King William himself, or by his 
 directions, for tiie information of Sir Robert 
 Peel, and tirst piiulishid in Hiiron Stiickmar'ti 
 Memoirs iu 1872 ; that when Lord Melbourne 
 foriiitdhis Government, he told the King that 
 it could not continue unless Lord Althorpe 
 remained in the iiouse of Commons, and 
 unless it hecuiuj a more lUdicul and less old 
 Whig G iverumeut ; that Lord Lausdowne 
 and Spring liice, who were known as the 
 leading Whigs <if that day, were going to 
 retire, because they would not go with the 
 more extreme party, and that unless the 
 Government was rooiganized, he could not 
 carry on the Government Su;h was the ex- 
 cuse given by the King, aud it bore consid- 
 erable force ; yet, by the entire conaenms of 
 practical statesmen and theoretical writers, it 
 had been admitted that VV'iUiam the Fourth 
 wrts wiong. Let it be remembered,, more- 
 over, that there is this marked distinction 
 betweeu that case and that in Cjiebec : at the 
 time when Lord Melbourne told the King he 
 could not go on without a radical change in 
 his administrati n, and iu fact have it recast, 
 he was in a minority iu the House of Lords, 
 whereas, iu (Quebec, a vote of confidence in 
 the Government whs adopted both by the 
 Commcus and the Upper House. 
 
It bc'iutt <i o'clock tliu M(>< ftk< r luft tbu 
 ilMlr. 
 
 Sir Juiis A. M AOim.NAi.ii— At tim timn 
 ^lii'U ilxt iluiiHu touk rt'ii'Mri 1 
 
 <^itri HprHkili(f of tliti Innt illntMtU'c 
 
 III lh)i hiMtiiry of KiiKlti"!. wlnn thit powtT 
 ^1 iIIhiiijhi«mI (if MiiiiHtrrM tiy tli«i (''rowii wmm 
 #X'-r(iri)'(l. S<i>'h II ( HHi- liiiM iiiit oi'( iirri-il 
 
 ^MlCtl tlll'll it WHH IIIIHIK dHnflll ttlt'tl, HH It 
 
 ^iMTVitl to 1)1'. It n rtiviil th" rtpiillHtion 
 -«t I'lirliikiiii lit Hiirl III' the |i<'0|ilit l*y tht^ 
 ^iiiiniji! Hilt icliiiii of liiinl M<'|l>oiiiiui niid 
 |tih Hii|ipiirt('rri Ht llir Ki'd'Tikl I'lfctiiui, which 
 %iii* fori'i'il oil niicoiiHliMitioiMllv. It liitH 
 't>> en piiiiiti-il to wi(h Hi;i>i'ii liy hII writ'Tri on 
 thf Niihj.'ct rvtr HiiK ('. hihI it \x th<'r< torx nn 
 ilii|)<irtiiiit iHiidinurk in the hii^toiy ot coiihti- 
 tiitiotial law in KiikIhikI, of hii it< t wliich chii 
 a*'V*r hii|>|ii-ii HK'kia in Ihit MuthtM' (juiiittry, 
 •lul 1 would f> i>;n hitvo hopnl, if it liml not 
 b«'<!n for rt'ci;ut oicuirencen in (Jnetwo, it 
 Would ni'vur have hiippt'iiid In nny rountry 
 bitvin^ KiiKlihh iiiritiiniioiis I kiiuII Imvo to 
 qiiotu Hevi'ral (lUtlxiriti.ri with ruHput.'t to thiH 
 l«ht ontru^«< and otlfncc RKuiuNt riHponHihItt 
 gt>veriiui>'Ut in Ku^land and nifitinrit the Itri- 
 tit<li C'unntitiition. Sino- ri'ccHri 1 hHv<- 
 opunt'd thu HiTond Vidunio of tlm 
 M«nioir»i <if Lord Mclhourof, written l)y Mr. 
 MtCullaKb 'lornns, an old {'arlianxntaiian, 
 »nd a niHii of hiuh staudiiiK' m I'urliami-nt, 
 than wIkiiu no oiut was ni<*r« conipi^tent to 
 deal with thotulij.'ct. 'I'hu wiitor, who trtratt* 
 thi! M 'inoir HH a narritivo, took tliH ground 
 that ifii iliai..:^ of U(>v«;rtinit'iii wtT<! to ln^ 
 liade, it Hhoiild iiu curiicd out in a cuutititu- 
 tional manner : — 
 
 "• I. ird MullMJiirne f.lt It to Im his duly to 
 rtniind his Sowuiuii Hial tlio Miiilsii-y li <l ii 
 l^krt;*; iiiajoi Ity in l'Hi'li!iiiii-iii >in ii (juestioii ol' 
 Imp'ii'hii < I'. TIk' Ki y: I'fpi led 11)111 I lit-y *^»'i'e 
 lA H niliiii. jty III till* I'ci-rs, und he linrl r aMnii 
 to iiulifve 111' y Would speed lly he In llio k 'in » 
 OOnilition III till! ('oiniiKiiis, uiid la- tiddc I 
 ptri'iuptoi'ily Uicy h.id li.tti-r, trxTflore, 
 r»KJ),'n witliiiut loss of si'lf respect. W'llll.iin 
 ttlei''ouitj waH (|iille i Ik it, aeoodiutc lo > lie 
 
 filill(dples Ol the eonstiiutioil. II' liOid Me!- 
 6u'nH Ihouulr Ins Adiii iiislral Ion li id not 
 tbe ('onndHnci> of Ihe peoDle, ihov had lli>' r t;hl 
 to H^ eiil to Ihe count y If they desired lo ■>(> 
 «0, and it was when lie had declined to do so, 
 aOd no. heTore, thiit tlie KiliK slmuld hitve 
 dlBliiissed hini, and hiouirlit In another Ad- 
 mlulsira'lon, to try 111 »-\peilin-nl whether 
 the people siippjrted the nevv oi- the old Ad- 
 mlui.it ration." 
 
 The writer further said : — 
 
 "It appoare I as thoUL^h his niaiesty " 
 (obane<' miijesty lo Mis Honor "had l>.;en 
 mloled into the iincontititiitional oonise ol' 
 takiiiK couuM'l ironi others wlllioiit the 
 kQOwledge ol' his legitimate ii Ivlsers, and he 
 ■wa-1 ah ml lo follow some kccret or Irrespon- 
 •Ible couiisol In nnpoKition to their advice. 
 IjOrd Altli ..-pe, whowaM of such linporlance 
 la the kind's npluion as to w-irr;iut his re- 
 nRtval fioiii the leadership of the Mou^e of 
 Oniimons to the House ol Lords, mh Karl Hpen 
 c#,on the duaihol'hls lather, niii;ht he snp- 
 DQtcd to feel lliitlered by the deciarailon of 
 liti HoverelKii : th>it his with>irawal fioin 
 tbo Hou.se of Coniinons whn KUtlicieiil to b oak 
 ftnaiiniliilslratioii He had niuue up his nmul 
 nitVer inoie to enter ixdilles. and he never did 
 9(f,' Hut wliat did Lord Althorpe tay ? He 
 lalued for huine Weeks at Allhu pe, In ke- 
 
 cluiloii. Mild III. .illy made up hlx mind to iitkH 
 nil iiiriher pal I In puhlio iiilitliH. Ilul In tbo 
 cal/ii I f Ills M'llreiiient hu wa» |M'CiillMr- 
 ly i|Ualilled to wel'h iIih inoiUuH whim 
 hiid led In the dismissal of Ins IhIc 
 col HMuiies, nnd the lonseiiuftiicoM 
 
 Ml Ihiii tliMiiiissal, and his JuilKinint was nil- 
 waveilni; nnd slern Hu siiuKcsle^ lo Mr. 
 Iluiiie, Willi whom he had never anye>nl1< 
 deuce, itlid very liileriiiltli nl puhlio uvmmk 
 iiienl. Iliat an curly opporlunliy hIiouIiI Im 
 taken 111 aseerlain whai the opinion of thn 
 hew lloiikc iiM 'iiniiiions WHS III Ol Hie iiiimIh 
 in which l.ord .Melli >liriie hud heeii dlsinl^Hed. 
 In his view Ihe eoiidiici of William thH 
 h'ouilh wits mil only reiireheiisllilc hul far lixt 
 daiiuenius UK an exanple lo t'e suHered lu piuM 
 unrepreiiei.dLd hy I'arli.tinciil." 
 
 'I'liat would he found in a letter d ded Janu> 
 ary :Unl, iH.I.'i, t<oin Liad Althoipe. It U 
 said that in thit* hkh the people do not know 
 the history of their tiimi. In lookinK at tbu 
 imperfect hlstoricH wtitten of rec, nt dayH, vou 
 liml little alluniou to the philosophie and 
 L'onHtitutional rcasoiiH aDcctiii); the course of 
 the adininirtiraliou uf tlie nation. I will 
 i)Uoii) from a well known llistoiy of Kii^land, 
 written hy (Jharles Knight, who, as everyone 
 knows, isa|4reat liierary man and ^rcat poli- 
 tician, and a ^reat Libeial. The HcUtenceit 
 are f<;w, hut tho worda are ]>re||$naut with 
 uieaninkf. The author wrote ; — 
 
 "The seiisiitioii produced In London hy llie 
 reporleil disinissai of the .Minlsiry was a 
 iiainral couseijueiice of the suddelines.mif thu 
 act as it presented its -if l<i the •odyoflhw 
 people, in lis rially unconstltutl<nial (diarae- 
 ter, as it iippeared to Iho ,<jii lul and well-in- 
 formed men. 'I'he •overei«ii has ii ronsl.itu- 
 lionai rli;lil t'> dIsmisN ,\t 'iiisle s, hut It must 
 he on i; rounds more capahle ol Ju-I itieallon to 
 I'Mi'liameiit than tlu- simple e.\er(;ise of his 
 jiers Hill will. Ihe sudeiinu.is of the resolve 
 rendered an arrangement neeei-sar.v whieli 
 could not he justilled hy any precedent, e.\ • 
 cent on one iieca-.|oii ot I'ril leal » iiierK.-ucy In 
 t le last da\ s of (.iuecii Anne. I liiil was when 
 it hecaiiie 11 ijuesiloii whether a pri-tmidcr (a 
 Stuart) should he raised to the throne or that 
 tlie II iiioveriaii sucetssion should he maln- 
 lainud." 
 
 Lo me qnoto from a periodical then of 
 •■onsiderahle more wei^'ht than it has now, 
 viz., the K>ii,iiiryh litii w, on tliia HUhject, 
 and I think the liouHe will a^rt^e with me 
 (hat the sentenccH are prckiuant and tbe lau- 
 guaf{e fortihl<\ The Edinburgh Knvuiv lutid : 
 
 " Tne powerof the Crown to choose its Min- 
 isters is eleiirl.v a necessary atiriluile of Ihe 
 monarchy. l«Ui is it now exercl-ed under ade- 
 i)Uate checks? Some liilri;;uinu courtier, 
 .soiiiiM-lanioroiis friend who h.ts access to the 
 royal ear, some politiidan whohaa a purpose 
 lo" seive, and cares li lie if a new Ministr.v 
 lasts no loiiL;er llian his own Ki°atiticalion re- 
 i|uires, may ahus'j the loyal conlldencc, and 
 lillndly hriiiK on an e.xperlinent all hiitdes- 
 p-ral lorliolh kiiiK ainl countr.v. ofcliaiiK- 
 in>{ till' .Minlsiry. k.v the sirlel lelter of ihe 
 law. Ihe Minister who iicce|>iN oilice is res- 
 ponslhle lor the chaniri.- which re'novcd his 
 jiredecessoi's. liui suppose one Ml islry dis- 
 placed, and that no one atiiees to take hi.s 
 place; suppose this suspension ot viinislerlal 
 funel ions colli iiiue for weeks, mIio is answer - 
 utile lor that '.' Inded, if IIm Km.; has once 
 dismissed I'ls ■> liil.-lers or he Is Icll wi hout a 
 • .overiinieni, h iiciiy an.\ praclie;il r. sponsi- 
 liilii.v could ever hj Incurred hy the men wlio 
 oid.V tutered into places madj vacant long 
 before they were cousulled." 
 
 The liu^UHgu U8 d in tbin article is 8) strong 
 
 tbat 1 do uoi care lu read it all, teat ilHbuuld 
 
10 
 
 be BuppdHirt »hat 1 did U for party pnrpou^H, 
 ur Willi the iiiteutinu of applyiDKitexpn-SHly 
 to the circumHtttiJceg in (Jiitbec : — 
 
 " If anyone tliliikM that the vlow here taki'n 
 of the late crhaniro of Minislry Ih tooslroii);. 
 let them retlfct on llie wholly unpreeeilentetl 
 clrouniHtaiiceH whli-h disllnKulNhi:)! thHt 
 NlraiiKe event. Between }lis Mj.jcstyanil hlN 
 eonflilentlHl ser''antH theie existed nochlFer- 
 «'nce of oplnioii upon any nubjuct <.f policy, 
 foreUn or iloineMtle. This Ih now ex))ll('IHy 
 adinltt<'U by the Tories theniHelveH. Among 
 the MlnlKieiH reigned the muni perfect har- 
 mony on all (lueKtloDN, anil personally the 
 members of no C'al>l>iet ever were on more 
 eordlul ti^rmsone with another. This, too, Is 
 admitted, and the K i ng's speeeh describes thel • 
 whoie policy as perfectly nnetceptional and 
 uniform :y hueceshful. Lord iMiorjHi heciiine 
 11 l»eer, t'arilament was not sitting, and there- 
 fore, and for no other reason whatever, as is 
 now allowed by nil, the Kl-ig chiinged his 
 Oovernmmt, called to his councils the monI 
 opposite class of statesmen he could find, ';ave 
 lilts confidence to tne men whom tho cou. 'ry 
 most distrusted and disliked, and wouid not 
 even Walt a few d^ys before he cleared out his 
 House. That he had been wishing to chaiiiie 
 the Ministry for some time Is very possible, 
 but when his ro.vui father, said to be one of 
 the ablest proiessional men of his day, want 
 ed to make such chang.s, he always waited 
 his opportunliy and seized ou some measure 
 or ou some pretext, in some momeut when 
 there was a cry ai{ninst i.ls servants, to de- 
 liver them over into the people's hands, and 
 appoint more popniar successors, men whom 
 he liked, not certain y because of their popu- 
 larity, but In spltoof It. It was this that, when 
 Mr. Fox died. His .Majesty waited till 
 a 'Xol'tipery' cry could be raised, and only 
 turned out, the Wliig.'i six months after they 
 had lost their iniKlity chief. The secret ad 
 viisers of the present King have done much 
 ••eiiainly to dispirit, and t'» alienate by ilieir 
 late proceedings, but nothing to show that 
 tdey are giittil with his royal parent's king- 
 »-raft. They seem to think that a kii g should 
 tuinoll'his .Mini-tters much as a geulleinan 
 iloes ills livery servants." 
 
 That IS the opinion of the Edinhiirtfk Review. 
 I have said that no dismissal has taken place 
 since that time. George the Tliini dismissed 
 his Ministers in two instances; William the 
 Fourth in oik^ instauee ; Ucoige the Fourth, 
 with all his f.iults, never thougiit of such a 
 thing. He fainted on one occasion ; he 
 wept, he deplored his had fate in In iiig 
 oliliged to submit to liis Administration on 
 tlie Catliolic (picstion, but he yit;lded ; and 
 Queen Victoiia lias in ih cise committed sulIi 
 an ouinige on the constitution as to dismiss a 
 Ministiy wliirii had the conlideiice of the 
 representatives of the people. 'I'lie nearest 
 approach to tliat in tin! (jueen's history is 
 called the Hedchainlel I'li.t. In 18:^8, not 
 two years alter slie ascerichd the throne, on 
 the lesiguation of the Whig Adininistratrou, 
 Sir Robert i'eel was sent foi, and he insisted 
 thiit the Ladies id the Bedchainber, who were 
 the wives of tlie defeated Ministers, should 
 also retire. He did not interfere with the 
 Maids of Honor and ottiers, but lie said it was 
 unseemly ti at tin' great ladies of the (Joiirt 
 should l>e the wives of the members of th 
 tiefeated Administration; that the wife of the 
 defeated Prime Minister, for iustancM*, should 
 be at the ear of the Queen, coTiveying her 
 busbanit's sentiments and the opinions of the 
 Opposition. 'I'he tjueeu, then a young wo- 
 
 I 
 
 msn, naturally flung to the friends of her 
 yoiitii, and she declined to have them re- 
 moved. Sir Robert Peel declined to form an 
 Administration unless they were removed. 
 There was at the time great sympHthy with 
 the Queen ; I remember it quite well. I re- 
 member how it rang through the preBs in 
 England about the attempt to forco upon 
 Her Majesty, this you.ig lady, strange women^ 
 instead of those slie respected and esteemed 
 and had been brought up with. Bnt in 1R42, 
 when the Qmeu had become a little more 
 acqiiintcd with kingcraft, and knew her 
 position, and when 8ir Robert Peel was 
 called in again, she admitted that she was 
 wrong, and allowed the Ladies of tlie Bed- 
 chamber to be removed, and in the Life of 
 the Prince Consort, in the previous book, you 
 will find some leaves written by the Queen,, 
 where she gracefully and frankly acknow- 
 ledges Iha* she made a mistake. This is the 
 only instance that has a remote resemblance 
 tothiscise. It was the cause of the refusal 
 to take cilice of Si.- Robert Peel, because the 
 Queen insisted on her personal predelictions 
 in opposition to the principle that even the 
 entouiiige of the Sovereign should be selected 
 under the advice of the responsible Ministers 
 of the day. The only case that t.t all appears 
 to give a justifKiation for the course taken in 
 Queliec is that which happened the other day 
 in South Africa: the action of Sir Bartle 
 Frere, wiio dismissed a Ministry and sent for 
 a new one. This is defended — faintly de- 
 fended, perhaps, and if it proves to be on 
 true ground, it will be upheld. The 
 result will show whether he wilp 
 be upheld or not. But his ju'titication is 
 sdlux po/Dili Kii/ircma lex. It was a case where 
 all coustitutional i>ractices must be set aside 
 in the presence of a great danger. There 
 were a few white men in the South African 
 Colonies ; there were '200,000 Zulus threaten- 
 ing them on one Hank, and the great body of 
 the aborigines threatening the whole fron- 
 tier, and Sir B-irtle Frere said : " I must 
 take this course, or I may have upon my 
 consiicuce the blood of ev'ry white man in 
 South Africa " VVe know how fractious the 
 Molteno tiovernnieuT has always shown itself 
 That iioveriimeiit declined to give the con- 
 trol fif tlie militia forie in South Africa to 
 the commander-in-t bief. England had her 
 mililMry for:.'cs there, and was responsible fjr 
 the safety of these great and growing colo- 
 nies. England saio : — " If we are lo tight 
 your biitties. we must have the control ot 
 your martial force. We cannot have a di- 
 vided command ; we cannot have our Sir 
 (» (irady Haly < ontrolh^d by (.'olonel I'owell, 
 your Ai'jiitant-denerHl, we cannot have two 
 separate and^ndependent forces acting under 
 ditferent commanders, and without a com- 
 mon responeibilify." This was defended, \ 
 think, in tlie i>'n'iirl<ii/ h'tri-ir^ and certainly 
 in the Pn/l Mull (juzett", upon the samt 
 ground on wliich the llnbi'n.t Corpu: 
 Act and the Charter of British Li'jert> 
 might be suspended in the presence- 
 
I 
 
 11 
 
 of Ihniitemd n-lu^llioa or ttrtain war 
 On that (fniiiiKl, and on thnt pntiini) only, in 
 It 'defended, and on thcHe only is it deten- 
 ■ible. There can be no application of that 
 0»8e to the prewent, when) there is no war or 
 expectation of war ; where there is no tear of 
 external attack or internal commotion. 
 Peace, thank 0<xi, dwellH in our hor- 
 dcrH, and wo can carry out the Bri- 
 tl.vh syctcm in its entin ty without 
 ainy Huch infriD);ement an we have 
 ieen on this oceaHion. Look at the different 
 Course of Sir George Bowen, wh'^re the cir- 
 enmstances were more than suspicious, when 
 •he apparent action of the Government, so far 
 M we can understand it, was such as to pro- 
 pose to disarrange the whole machinery of 
 «he Government. The Judges, the ofH iais 
 were all paid off. and the threat was 
 ■lade that unless the Upper House 
 yielded to the Lower, and pussed 
 • bill to j);iy the latter their wages as mera- 
 b«^rs, the lunatic asylums, prisons and peni- 
 tentiaries should be opened, and all the idiocy 
 •nd madness and crime should he poured out 
 Upon the colony, and yet the British Govcrn- 
 ittent sustained Sir George Bowen in saying 
 •»I must sufitiiin my Administration, who 
 have the confidt nee of the ppoplu. ITuless 
 Imperial interests are threatened, it 
 !• not for me to judge. I musi take 
 my advice from my Administration.' 
 And th" Liberil press in England sustains 
 him in that. No more able article has been 
 written than that in the London Daily New.i 
 ^ this subject, showing that if the colonies 
 were to be really a Jnc-Hiniln of th(! British 
 oonstituiion, it must be carried out to its 
 Utmost extremity short of war or 
 bloodshed, and the natural conse(]uent;e 
 bad proved to be that a compromise, 
 from the necessity of the case, had arisen 
 between the two Houses, simply because Sir 
 Qtorge Bowen, tliougb the cdiv-e of his 
 Ministers w,is opposed by every n>'w.spaper in 
 England, supported them l)ec!»Mse they hiid a 
 majority in Ir'ailiament. 1 suid a little while 
 ago that we must jiulge of the Britihh consti- 
 tulion as it is now, at? it bus hfendevel >ped, 
 and not ns it was 50 years ago, 75 years or 30 
 years iigo. 
 
 Sir John Macdonai.o — I shall cull the at. 
 tentiou (It the liouse to what I believe to hi- 
 the true prititiples of th^^ liritish c'ms'itu- 
 tlon on the point which lam j)iessiiig upon 
 consideration of the House at this moment 
 in 1878. I sbull tirst <iuote an author who 
 has been quoted a<jain and iig'iin ; Mr. B liie. 
 hot, whose bimeuted decease struck England 
 With sorrow ; especially all political consti- 
 tutionalists, for he was considere.l the au- 
 tiiority of the day on constitutional law. 
 if I am perniitte.i in this argument to relate 
 ■'little anecdote,! would do so with reference 
 to this gentlemsin. This liook from wbii h I 
 
 Siote was, in the first place, published in the 
 brtnighlly Reri'w. I had read some of the 
 iinrabers before I went to England in 1865, 
 ■bd I was dining with the Political Eionomy 
 
 Club of Jiondon, of which the hon. the pre- 
 mi>-r is a membir,when in the course of a con- 
 versation on politico-economical matters 
 with a gentleman who sat near me I said "I 
 hav«» been ' very much struck with lome 
 articles in the Fortnighili/ Kevitu- on the 
 English constitution. It seems to me that 
 they give the only true picture of the British 
 constitution as it now exists. They are writ- 
 ten by one Mr, B:gthot." He said, "1 am 
 very glad you like them, because 
 I am Bagehut." From that time 
 an acquaintance grew up between us, which 
 only ceased with his lamented death. Let 
 mo now read from him : — 
 
 " Tlio principle shows that the power of dis- 
 missing a Uovernnietit with whieli I'arlia- 
 nieut Is satlstied, and of dissolving; that f ar- 
 Manient upon au appeal to Ilie people, i,s not »■ 
 power wlileh a common hereditary monarch; 
 will, In the lonsjt run, be able lieneflcially to 
 exereihfi. Aecroidlntjly tliis power Iihs h1- 
 nioHt, ir not <|Uit(!, diopped out of the reality 
 ot our constitution. >oiliini;, perhaps, wouM 
 more surprise tlie Knjjlish (.eopU' tliHii if tlm 
 (iuoen, by ncouji d'eiai, and on e. sudden, de- 
 strr).ved a Miuistry llrni in tlieir ull'-gianee- 
 I iind .secure of a inajoiity in P»rliameiit. Tliat 
 I i)c)wer indisputalil.v In Iheor.v belonss to her, 
 I but it has passed so far !»w^y from tiie mluds 
 I of men tliaf it would teriify liiem 1! she useU 
 lit, like a voleanic eiuplion from Prlmro-e 
 Hill. The last analo<;y to it is not one to be 
 I eov(ded as a precedent In is:t5 V\'iiliam I\'. 
 I disiTiissed an administration which thouKl.^ 
 ; disorj{aiii/,ed liy tiie loss of lis leafier in the 
 j (.'oininons, was an existiiia; (Joverninent, had 
 a I'reniier in the li irds ready to go on, and u 
 I lender In the Commons willins; to beijin. The 
 I Kinij fanelfd tliat pulilie opinion was leaving 
 I tiie Wliitjs and xoiinj overtotlie Tori-s, and 
 lie thought «■ should ace<'lerate the transition 
 by cjeetinfi the foriner. Hut tbe event snowect 
 I that he niisjuiljied. His perception indeed 
 i Wis ri^'ht ; llie ^!,ns;lisll people were wavering 
 I in their allealanoe to the Wliis^s, wlio hud no 
 ! leader lliat toM<!hed the popular Iwa t, none iu 
 I wlioiM liberalism couul personify itself and 
 I become a passiun, who, besid'^-i, weri' a body 
 I' (UK used I't iipposltion, and Ihe el oi-e making 
 binndii-s in olliei-, wiio weii' l)orne to power 
 by popular iin|inlse, wliieh the.v only 
 liulf eoniprelieiuled, and pHi'liat)S 'ess 
 I hail half slian-d. Hut the Kinjf's 
 , pohey was wrontr: lie impeded i he reaction 
 instead of aldi ,>r it ; he fori ed on a premature 
 Tory (Jovti luneiii. whii'h w^is as niisueeessiliil 
 I as all wi^e pi'oplc pereei veil that It must be 
 i Tlie popular distaste to IIh' Whi'zs was hs yet 
 ! but incipient. ineif1<'lent, .iiid the intfivtuliou 
 I of I be (."rown w I-. advantage lis toiheni, be- 
 cause it look d iijeoii>isieiii willi tlu- liberties 
 I of I he pt'opif. iuiil in so fa I- as Willi>im IV. 
 was riiilil in delectin«; an Ine pient el)aii(?e ol 
 I opinion, lie did bii! detect au erioneous 
 I cliaiiize. Wliit was dcsii able was t he prolon- 
 'tratioiiof libciiil iiile J'lie eomiiieiielnif dis- 
 ! salistaci ioii did but relate to the perscuial de- 
 I merits ol the >v hisr lea 'er^ and other teiin-o- 
 ; r.-iry adiuiicts of free iniiuiples, and a- t to 
 ' those pniici|>les iiiti iiisieail> , so that the last 
 precid'-nt lor a lovni oiisitinilr on a .Ministr.v 
 eiidi d lliiis : in ojipusiii^ tlie li^lit in iiiclples, 
 111 rtidi sr tlie wroii:i pi iiiciplcs, in bnrii ^ the 
 pa l.v it was meant to lieij". ifter such a 
 wariiiiii;, it IS lllii-ly i lial our nionarelis will 
 puisui- tne noli y whU-h a long cours" of quiet 
 preeedentat pn's. nt ilirecis. Thi'y will leave 
 a M iiii try t riisied l)y Pailiament to tlie judg- 
 ment of rarllamciu. " 
 
 And so ho winds up the whole of his dis- 
 cussion on this subject by this pregnant 
 phrase :— 
 
 "The liueen ciiu hardl.v now refuse a de- 
 feated Minister the chance ot a uiisolutlou.. 
 
12 
 
 any niorfl tlian slie can dls^olvo in the lime of 
 an uncli'fo'ilod one, and wutioiit his »roiintnl." 
 
 Thirt quotatiou run been already nsicl in a 
 •ipeech tnndu by Mr. C'haplcaii, wlio hid niudo 
 R lou« quotation from BaK-liot, wbich I did 
 not ro(;<igmz<^ and wliidi i diil m-t tiud. I 
 thoiiglit tlittt I knew tliJK work liy hi art. It 
 has lieen luy f^iiide ucs rcKards tii.; prineipluH 
 of the Biitihli ConHtitution. 1 H«archid thi' 
 diilcrent wlitiou^, but J could not liud it. 1 
 ti;K'f?raphed to Mr. Ch ipleau to liuU out 
 where he got tiiat (|not'itii>u, and In- g>ive 
 jae the r< tVrence. Jt i.s a r.iilur Hinguliir 
 Ihiug that it has never yet, until it was traus- 
 lat(d by ilr. Chapb-au, or for Mr. Chap- 
 lean in his 8pte( li, appeared in Eng- 
 Jish. Biigehoi'H book at once took pub- 
 lic aiitntion, and a French edi- 
 tion waH piiblihhed ot it. It was published 
 in 1872, 1 thiiik, iuiiut(iiately afo r a t)ook 
 i»n the Biitish Constitution waa written by 
 ^he late M. Prevost I'ar.idai, and m the 
 French introduction to his liook, which oth* r- 
 wiHe is a translati<in of this, ho discusses 
 .'iome of the points taken by M. Paradal in 
 liis book on the liritish L'onstitutiou. I have 
 the orig nal edition here in French, but as 1 
 ^hall trouble you with my iujpertect French, 
 I will re<id you Mr. Chapleau's translation of 
 it, which 1 have veritiid as being a coriect 
 translation. I have alr-adv lead you the 
 first passiig'! he (juotes, and I shall read ir, oii 
 account of its inij)ortance, again ; 
 
 " Tlie Queen c-tn hardly now relu ea dcl'ejit- 
 ed Mliil.sier llie elianee ol dUsohilion, mij- 
 more than she can Ui.s>c)lvc in the Uiiic ol'aii 
 iiiidel'eated one, and wuliont his eonsenl." 
 (Tills is the (|nolation wineli only appeareil in 
 Freneh, l)ut 1 shall read y>f\ the" translation.) 
 " And no nionareli should <1 .s>olvi- I'ai liainenl 
 against the will and ilnMiiieresi, of the viinis- 
 fry which is in power Is'o doiiut the Kiim 
 can dismiss siicii a .Ministry and repine • il hy 
 another .Adniinistraiiun. wi ose advice todi.s 
 ««oivo I'ariijinieiit he siiould take, bnl even 
 with tliis prccaiieilon, to net ilius lo.vai tl.s a 
 Ministry wlilch had a stri'ng niajorily in Par- 
 liament, woiildln' lo strike a blow wiiieh il is 
 ■ilmost Impossible to Svippose. We do not be- 
 lieve til. it liueen Victoria hersell, In spiti' of 
 trie popularity and respecl by which she is 
 surroumled to, a greater extent perhaps ihan 
 any of her i>redeeessors, would ever have re- 
 eourse to such a nieHsure. What would he 
 ihought If sliesliould venture torea.son thus?'' 
 (Apply the ri!ason to liuebee, and you will at 
 oncH see the pres^nancy of tlil.s passage )— ' 'I he 
 Whigs are ill a ni;i,j(.rity in thee.xNling Par- 
 liament, hut I think tlie country wouiu favor 
 a Tory Adminlsirailon ; let ustherefoie dis- 
 solve Parilamenl, and see whether theeouniry 
 will not elect a I'arliament of opposite 
 'i>pinions to those which prevail in 
 the i're.seni, Parliament.' What wuuld be 
 thought of I Ills ? No Kngllsliinaii can dream 
 even of a catastropiie of this nature, hut to 
 tlieni It appears to heloig lo the phenomena 
 of a world altonetlier dillereut from that 
 which lie inhahiis. In practice in Kngland 
 the Kiver. ign considers himself obliged to 
 follow the advice of the Ministr.v which the 
 House of rommor.K d<'sires to iiiainialn in 
 power. All prerogatives at variance with 
 tills principle have faben Into disuse, but, the 
 Sovereign may accord to tie .Ministry the 
 opportuiiiiy of seeuriiij;, ''.v an appi'al lOtiie 
 jieople, a ni>i,t'>rity which is denied it In the 
 tloii-.e of romuioiis, l)ut to strike from tie- 
 Jiind. HO losptak, and stran^l'- b> means, of an 
 appeal to the coiinlry h Ministry Mist.-ined hy 
 J'arliamtut, v^ouid he an even, which no 
 
 longer enters Into the caleu'atlou. althougli 
 in former times instances of tUls occurred lu 
 our annals " 
 
 No stronger passage could be written, and it 
 ( (iiild be written hy no stronger authority 
 than by Mr. Bagehot. I read you, sir, a long 
 passage as to the dillcrcncx' between the legal 
 prerogative an<l the constitutional exercise of 
 it, from Freeman, in his " Growth of the 
 Knglish Consiitution," whii'h hasjustcome 
 out, as you know, and I shall only r< ad you 
 one short sintence, whir h shows that he 
 agrees in every respect with the laugu.ige oi 
 Mr. Bag, hot; — 
 
 "Ilie wrliten law leaves to the Crown Ui" 
 ehoU-eof all v Inisters and agents, great and 
 small. Kver.v appoinlmeul to ollicre and dis- 
 missal fiiini oiliee, HS long as Ihey have eom- 
 niitled no I'rinie which the 1 -w can puiil.sU. is 
 a matter left to the p ;rsonal discretion of tlii' 
 Soverelijn, bill tlKMinwrilten law, or the un- 
 written Constliuilon, m.ikes it practically 
 lmi>os>ll)le lor the Soverejiii lo keep a vilnls- 
 li-r in olllee when llie House of Comoions does 
 not approve, and it makes 11 I'lmosl etiually 
 imixosihie to remove from olliee a Minister 
 when the Hou.se of Commons does approve." 
 
 But, sir, we cannot do better ihan 
 iiuote what has been quoted again and 
 awain, an J I fi el that my remarks 
 on this occasion would be imperfect 
 unlt's.s I quoted an authority which we havo 
 to-day adiuitttd to be an autlioiity, the au- 
 thority of our respeetfil Governor General. 
 Wh.itsdd the E.irl of Dulbrin, our Governor- 
 General, at the time (in 1873) when he was 
 at Halifax 7 — 
 
 '• My only giiiilini; star in the conduct and 
 niainic'iiaiice of my oflii'ial iilatious will; 
 youi- 1)11 1) lie mi- 11 is llie I'a, liainenl of ranada. 
 I belh'vc iij I'arliameiit, no matter which way 
 it voles, and lo those men alone whom the de- 
 liberate will OI the ( onfederate I'arltamenl of 
 Canada may as.Niai) to ir.e as my respon^llile 
 advisers call I give my confidence. Whether 
 til y are heads of I lii.> party or of that party 
 must lie a nialter of indiU'ereiice lo the Gover- 
 nor-tieneral; »-o long a.s they are nialiit>iined is 
 he liouiul toglvellieiii his unreserved confi- 
 dence, to defer to thel.' advl e and lo loyally 
 assist them with his eounsils .\s a reason- 
 alile heiiiy; he cannot help having an opinion 
 on file merits of dilferent policies, hut the.se 
 eonsideiations are abstract and speculative, 
 and devoid of practical ellect in his ollieial re- 
 lations. As ttie head of a coiistitutlou-il State, 
 as eiiKaned in the adiiiinlstratioo of parlia- 
 mentary governmeiii, he (the tiovernor Gen- 
 eral) has no political trieuds; still less can he 
 have political enemies. The po.-session or the 
 beliisi suspe(Med of such pos.sesslon would de- 
 stroy his usofulufcss." 
 
 But, sir, we have more than that in our own 
 history : we have got the practical instruc 
 tions given hy Her Majesty to Lord Elgin, at 
 the time when Lord Elgin had before him 
 tne dilHi ult question of the position of his 
 Government in 1817. When hecanieoutto 
 this country, what did he tiud ? He foiiud 
 the two Canadas almost at a deadlock ; he 
 found the Government of that day, of which 
 I was a member — my first tintry into politics 
 — supported by a majirity from Upper Cana- 
 da, when all Lower Cauada was handed 
 against it; he found that that Government 
 was formed on what 1 must say was the 
 unwholesome principle of one race against 
 the other. He w is very anxious, for he was 
 
13 
 
 Jot mixed up with qivsHonH o<.niu'ct' d with 
 ILe foriiution of tlu! Guverumerit, and nil the 
 ^iieHtionable prortuidinjrn of Lord Sydenham 
 Ifiih it in carrying the ehictionw of 1841 — 
 i Hon. Mr. Holtom — Thire wan Lord Met- 
 Oalfe later. 
 
 ' Sir JOHN — I am coming to Lord Metcalfe. 
 |jord Elgin wa8 not mixed up in any way 
 irith the pemnnnrl of the Government whi( h 
 lord Mt tcalfe tried to keep up in Canada. 
 Be •«me out here for the purpoce of carrvi»K 
 ♦ut the principleH which they adopted in ISep- 
 iember, 1841, but which had never, in fact, 
 been worked thoroughly, either hy Lord 
 Sydenham or by Lord Metcalfe, and he con- 
 iulted Lis chief in the Colonial Department 
 •H to his pohition at that time. You will titid 
 i»hat the preHunt Lord Grey, an able Colonial 
 Minister, did then, and sometime before, and 
 lonR afterwards. Theae were the isHtrnctionR 
 •hich Lord Grey then gave to Lord Klgin, 
 •nd which Lord Elgin carried out : — 
 
 " The object with which I recommerd to you 
 |l>iK course is t ha of niiiklng it api)>ireiii thnl 
 \x\y transfer wlileli iiiiiy lalte piaceof poli- 
 Icul power from tlie liaiuls of one party in 
 _tje Provinces to tliose of Hiiotlier, In tiie re.xalt 
 >otofnnyuct of yours, bin liy ttie wl.siies oi 
 tt>e peop e tlieniHelves, as isnown l)y ilie dltll- 
 Culiy experienced by ilie retiring pany to 
 4Hrry on the novernment of tlie provinces 
 tecoVdiug t> the form of the Constlluliou. 
 To tliis I attaeli ureal Iniporlance. 1 litive 
 $ieref"re to instruct, you to al)stiilit from 
 <lhan!?i"!? your Kxi'cntivc Council until It 
 ahail I'eeonie lerlccily (^iciir Unit. liiey arc un- 
 Ab e, Willi such lair Hii|)|)Ofi, fruiii yonrs<lf — 
 (jniiid .V'U, that even llicti, altUininU Lord 
 JClKUi was o!' i>piiu<»n tliul for liic<;ood ol 
 Canada a new ,\dinliilstrallon slioii.d be lorm- 
 •d, in wliicli llic l''r ncli ■ Ifuieiii ami llie Kiifr- 
 nsli elenit-nt sliouid (-(iumI y, or ntarly imiiki' y 
 predoinlim e, yet evt-n Iticii the iii-.iriiciions 
 to Lord rlKin weiei ■' 1 have, Iln-ri'fore, lu 
 Insinict. you lo abstain from cban-iliii; your 
 Kxe(!iltivc IJoiiinil lliilil It sliuli become per- 
 #Bcliy (riear llial tbey are unable, witu sncii 
 Ifcir support Irom yoiir.se f asliicy have a riKlil. 
 to expect, U)<-arry on the goveinmeiit. of ilie 
 
 Srovinces satisfactorily, and to command tlie 
 antiilence of Ilie l.e^lsialiire." 
 
 These authorities arc, i think, sufH -ieni to 
 prove the rase that in Hngland the power of 
 diHmiasal of a Govi^rniucnt having tlie conti- 
 (Jencu of Piirliam' tit is gone forever, and 
 that if it is gone there, it ought never to be 
 Introduced iu a colony under the Hritish 
 Crown. But, sir, it you will look at the 
 WinseB— if causes they can he called — why 
 the AdmiuiKtration wns changed at Quehto, 
 you will find that all the objec:tions are taken 
 by the Chief of tlie Executive to the legisla- 
 tion of his Ministers, and not to the adminis- 
 trative acts of his Ministers, w^t to any tiling 
 that they had (tone. It is true that he quotes 
 to net of ad'iiinistrattou respecting the ap- 
 j^intment of a coum illor in MoutuMgny. 
 That does ni t appear, however, in the case 
 Ihid before Parliiimeut, and we h>ive no right, 
 fa one sense, to look at it or quote it at all, be- 
 4»UHU the case of, the Goverumeiit and his 
 •dvisers must he governed by the paper laid 
 before the Legislature of Quebec before its 
 
 trorogation ; but for the purpose of illustra- 
 iou I will take the only act he complains of 
 ftt admiuiHtrutloii, and this was that this 
 
 counc'llor was appointed by the Crown in- 
 stead of being cIccikI by tlie p"()ple. The 
 circumstances were that there was a real or 
 supposed irregularity in the appointment. 
 The Attorney. General report<'d that the ap- 
 pointment was null and void, that the 
 Crown by law had the power to fill up the 
 vacancy. Filled it was, on the report of the 
 Attoruey-General, and the Lieutenant-Oover- 
 nor sanctioned it, but afterwards he thought 
 that he was wrong, and he pressed that opin- 
 ion. The AltotQcy-General still held to his 
 opinion, but the First Minister yielded to 
 the pressure brought upou them by tho 
 Lieut>jnant-Governor, and they took hia 
 opinion npon it, and the appointment was 
 cancelled, and yet it was actually made » 
 charge, apparently made u charge against the 
 Administration, that they to»k a step on ad- 
 vice of the Attorney-General., but afterwarils, 
 on the head of the Executive remonstrating 
 with them, in defereice to his opinion they 
 took his advice. With that single exception, 
 it 0( curs to me, from my recollection of the 
 paper, that all the objections made to the 
 course and action of the UeBoucherville Gov- 
 ernment were that there was a diflerence of 
 opinion as to the legislation which was car- 
 ried in the Quebec Legislature. Now, sir, 
 there is a distinct difference been acts of ad- 
 ministration and acts of legislation, and that 
 I think, will be obvious from the nature of 
 the case, 'i'lie Soven igu is tlie chief ot the 
 Kxerutive ; the t)rowri, with its advisers, is 
 appointed to <arry on the adtuiiiistrHtion of 
 allairs, public or txeciuive, and to adminis- 
 ter matters 'J'be Crown, it is true, iioruinal- 
 ly is a bi-at'ch of the legislative power, but it 
 has really ceased to be a branch of the ligit* 
 liitive power. There is a mighty distinction, 
 then, between the legislation and the ndmiu- 
 istration of Ministers, ami y< ii can well see 
 the reason of the dilli-rence. With the single 
 exception of matters involving a (barge upon 
 the people, any member of this House, 
 whether he is a luembr of thy Min- 
 istry or not, can introduce a measure, 
 any memberi<f the Qu-tiCi; L-isfislattirr coubt 
 have introdtued an Ait stating that i*^ thes.r 
 municipalitii's did not pi-y 'ip, there would 
 be no necessity of going to the Courts, and 
 the (Jovernor-in-Council fihoiild take sum- 
 mary proceedintr-i to enfori-e their obligations ; 
 any memt)er could have done it, and if the 
 Hotis^ (hose to carry it, thi^u the Ministry 
 would be oliliged to yield, and not only that, 
 Mr. 8pt;uker, but if that legislation, no matter 
 how im[)ort'iut it may be, is brought before 
 Parliament, it is a contempt of the privileges 
 of this House for any man even to quote or 
 to suggest what the opinion of tlie Crown is 
 respecting any poliical question. But it so 
 happens that all the changes that have taken 
 place in Eiii;land, except two, have liMcn on 
 (juestions of adminititrution, or questionn of 
 witit of cotilideni e in the capaeity of the 
 Government to administtr aflaira. Only two 
 instances are known since the time of G;orge 
 IH. until up to this moment, when there was 
 
14 
 
 a (liKtnisKal or rf'nii.'iiHti< i» of the MiriUtry in 
 oonsK^iuencf of tbe diir-ifULc l)i twt^«'n tlic 
 Crowu and thi' tiivixers of tbe Orown on mat- 
 ttTH of Ii'g'iriltitiuii, liiid tljt.-SM wt-re on a Hiniilur 
 qnt'htioii, tliat is, on tlsc (jiiiHtiiju of ('HtUolic 
 diHaliility. The (Ii<-ujin8ul of Lorl IMi Iboiirnt! 
 wan foun«Jt'<l on the oiiiiiiou of the King tlmt 
 he cuuM not HHti8fHL'torily HilminiHti^r 
 atfairn, but, no ditt'. -n ncc of opinion, tbul Ih, 
 tio (jut'Htion an to leuitilution, ari ho utall. 
 The only two instanct-K, a« 1 eaid bcfor*', in 
 which MinititiMs were diHuii(*Htd on uccouut 
 ofiidjfl itnte of ojinion bctwten thi- King 
 and bih iidviHeiH, ou luattiTs of l< git-i^itiou, 
 wt-re in — no, tin re wire tliree caseH. In tli^- 
 liist f'iipe there whk the Mora bill ; it was ob- 
 jected to by the Kin^ becanne it deprived 
 him, Hn the chiel of the Executive, of bi« 
 j)rttionago aH chief of tho Exeuuiive 
 Wliea he objected to tho (Catholic 
 ••mancipation bill in laoi. Tht^n Mr. Pitt 
 liad proutihed, and be forced Pift to reuign 
 tecause Pitt would adhere to the promise 
 "whicli be hud made to the Iriwh people at 
 tke time of union in IsoO. The next dis- 
 inifsal on account of hpislatiou was when 
 Lorcl Grenvlllo was di>njiF^Ked, in the manner 
 which 1 have aln-ady Uientioiied, bfcausi/ he 
 would not hit;n the ple<lge never afterwards 
 to brinj; up a qucHtion of allowing Catholii' 
 geulhineri to hold big)) comni.tudri in tlir 
 British Aiiuy Tlicie were only three in- 
 t<tauces, and they wef inntanocs only to be 
 mentioned, to bo conHklered, to be cited, to 
 be poHitid at as outrages on the Biitisli 
 Constiiuiion. There was this dilb-renie, as 
 it had been tonveyeil to poor old <teorge III 
 by the Chancellor, the head of the English 
 Church, tiie Archbishop uf Canterbury : that 
 ho would be committirg a liriuch of bis 
 Coroaation Outh if he allowed such b gisla- 
 tiou. Lord Melbourne, then Mr. Duudas, de- 
 clared that such an alb-gation was absurd. 
 When ho swore, as Kin^', that, he would pre- 
 tierve the rights of the Protestant Cbiiixh us 
 by law established, it meant that be would 
 defend those rights as liy law established, but 
 if the law changed, then he mu«t defend th^m 
 as altered. The answer of the King, which 
 was well known, was that he did not want 
 Hny Scotch metaphysics ; that be had taken 
 the oath, and was bound by his conscientious 
 acruples. We may regret that he had that 
 conscientious scruple, because it has been tbe 
 cause of niut h misery and misfortune to tbe 
 United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ire- 
 land; it has been one of the principal causes 
 why England and Irelend are not now one in 
 heart and feebug, as Scotland and England 
 have been ever since 1700. iStill, we must 
 have respect for the conscience of tbe King. 
 But 1 point out to tbi; House that, with the 
 exception of the cases I have qu >tcd, cases 
 not to lie repeated, liut lases to be held up as 
 warnings, that Biitisii Legislatures and p<:o- 
 jjle should never fall into committing the 
 tiame inistakt! again. All tbe causes of 
 (iisniit.sal and of fori ed rt signatiou were on 
 matters ut admiuiotratiuu. Some geutluman 
 
 has handul me (bin pupir: — " What of ^ 
 Hdmund Mend's refus'«l of a dissolution| 
 the lirown-Dorion (ioveinment?'' I am ti, 
 bound to deft nd Sir Edmund Head, but Hj 
 answer is this: — Sir I'.'iinuud Head, at t^ 
 time he sent for Mr Biown, told Mr. Krei| 
 be was going to charge bim with the foin. 
 tion C'f a Government, but Mr. Brown nii 
 understand that he must not suppose that, 
 be did form a Government he would ha 
 the right of dissolution as a matter , 
 coursi: ; that after tbe (jovernment «, 
 formed be would have reasons given for, 
 and then he wi,uld jui!g>' tor himself. T 
 Sovereign of tho day < an send for any pers, 
 1)0 like- and can charge that person with I 
 formation of a Government, stating ou wt 
 conditions lie could form it. 
 
 lion. Mr. Mills — That is not consistti 
 witn Uagebot. 
 
 Sir JoH.v — I say it is. The Sovereign cj 
 attach certain conditions to the power givj 
 to a member to form a new Ministi^. T: 
 only power the Crown can extfrcisi- personaj 
 is that of attU' bing conditions to the po» 
 to form a Government. Sovereigns h« 
 again and again in English history given \f 
 mission to form an Administration on certa 
 teims. If the person did not choose to aci> 
 tlie terms, tbe Sovereign must form an A, 
 ministration and get the confidence of 1' 
 liHinent. Mr Edmund Head in tliis caset. 
 Mr. Brown that be mu>t not undeistand, 
 lie accepted ottiee, that he was to get a dir 
 lutiou as a matter of course, and that mi 
 would lie grant <1 only after sullieieut rea.-^i 
 to convince him as to its necessity were ;; 
 en. 
 
 Hon. Mr. Mackb.szik — He was workiuf,' 
 accord with Parliament. 
 
 Sir John — You say he was working iin 
 cordanco with the majority of Parliamen 
 I was arguing that mntiers of legislaii 
 stood on (juite a diti'erent basis from ma-ti 
 of alministration. As a general rule t 
 Crown did not interfere in matters of adu, 
 istration, Imt left these to Parliament, » 
 the only instances in which tho contrary i 
 been tbe case are those I have quoted, wl 
 are precedents not to be followed, but wl 
 are held up by all constitutional writei 
 infringements on tbe true principles of 
 British Constitution. Not only was ' 
 held to b«! the case when Pitt took ell 
 but a resolution was moved, in consequf 
 of its havintc been rtjported through tbe co 
 try that the King was against the Portl: 
 and Fox coalition Government, and agiii 
 the India bill, tiy Mr. Baker, on Decern 
 tho nth, 1783, which, alter denounr 
 seeret advice to tbe down agii 
 responsi'olo Ministers, an<l the us,: 
 tho King's name, set forth that '■ i 
 now necessary to declare that to r -port 
 opinion as a pretended opinion of His M^ 
 ty upon a bill or other proceeding, wi; 
 view to influ'^nce tho vote of tbe memb 
 is a hign crime and mi.sdemeanor, dangei 
 to tho huuoc of tbe Crovrn, a breach uf 
 
*% 
 
 1') 
 
 danii^ntal pritKipltH of Piirliamfnt, and 
 bveiHiveot thn (^mHtilution." Tho motion 
 8 carried hy l.'Ji to 8il, notwithstiiudiiiK 
 opuoHition of I'it.t, who wan iiiti- 
 tcly hii •(VHhfal ii. tlu! Ktrufrulo, althouuli, 
 ordiiif? <) our prosent vi"W8 of (onHtitti- 
 nnl i)rini'iplt!8 iiud laws, hi' wan altoj!;t;tln!r 
 ■one; in the ('ourKf he pnrnie<l on that oo- 
 ion. Why, it iH impowsihln that tho Hame 
 ncipif can apply to actri of administration 
 ' M|d a<'t8 of It'gihIatJou. I tritd it thu otlier 
 *'<l|fy in tliiH Housf. Tiie hon. Minister of 
 "■JUHtice introduced a bill rfspec^tinif p( niten- 
 'tlfiieti, Hiid I roHc and asked liiiii if tlie Gov- 
 ""Brtior-lJeniTai had aHBented to the measure. 
 Htiid uo. lie looked at tli') I' re. 
 er, and the Premier loi>kedat him and said 
 ui'', " I don't think it is ueeessary." 
 id, " Neither do 1, but the Lieutenant- 
 vernor of the Province of Qiielieo thought 
 as necessary that ho should be conBUltud 
 Ht all MeasureH." 
 
 on. Mr. Mackenzik — The ri^dit hon. gen- 
 man is not now ijuotiug me quite correctly, 
 ir John — 1 think ho 
 
 Ion. Mr. Mackkszik — I thought the right 
 IE. gentleman referred ti.i sonio tinaueial 
 t of the scheme when 1 said it was not 
 essary. I referred wholly to the uiiual 
 otion for bills. 
 
 ir .John — He thought of no financial 
 use in It rii)uiiiug the previous uiiscut of 
 oCthe Crown. 
 
 iion. Mr. MACKKNZiK — Kvt ry bill the Min- 
 
 irtry introduced Ims the assent of the Crown. 
 
 tiirJoir.N — 1 liiive bc^eu a menilter of live 
 
 ■<h)iini.'«liations ; I have sat under hve Gov- 
 
 ■eiaaor-Ueutrals — Loid KIgin, Sir Edmund 
 
 B^ad, Lord Mon. k, Lord Lisgar and Loni 
 
 Djjllteiin, ami I never heJiid that doctrine pro- 
 
 olfimed before. We know perfi;ctly well tiiat 
 
 ' tl^ Governor-General, as the Qut-en can if 
 
 ' aB^ chooses, can send for the Ministers and 
 
 '«lf, " 1 do not like that bill, and 1 would 
 
 ■ li^e to- discuss it with you ; 1 think you 
 
 3 St modity It or hold it ovt r ' The Sover- 
 II can tlius iuti rfere if h" choose,'*, k'Ut 
 ctiiMlly he haves all legislation to tlie 
 cqjintry. The proof of that is fiiund in the 
 fo^ that any member of the Opposition, in 
 matters excepting those conuecttd with 
 mce, which must bo pr ceded by a mes- 
 '. fr. ,u the Crown, were just as competent 
 ntroduce every Ministerial measure as 
 ,. gentlemen on the Treasury benches, and 
 atftompetent to amend any int azures. The 
 H^U^'C saw the other d.iy a bill introdui;ed by 
 tbl bon. Postmaster-General, to which the 
 hep. memler for South 15 uce moved an 
 «8|eudmeut which ( ntirely dehttoy- 
 wtt and changed the whole aim 
 tktm end (f the bill. The h<in. gen- 
 t)j|jbien accepted it. lie did not pnpose 
 tl^t it siMuhl lie ikferrcd nntil luf, .wtiit; to; 
 Bineuu Hall to cdlisult the (igtMrtdftr't^n-" 
 uM. So it is with all other VjovVrfmivu't* 
 UwH. I venture to say that v/k^n tWe «xcej)- , 
 tl^ of the general statement jvfiiul*,*. juf; 
 flwiirstt, is made by the hou. the tMibt- Jklints-; 
 
 ti>r at the beginning of the session, as to 
 what is contained in the Speech from thu 
 Thron(r, all di-partmeutal bills were intro- 
 duced without the sanction in any shape of 
 His Excellency, lion, gentlemen opposite 
 v.ill not deny that statement. Vet tho wholii 
 cause of obj cfion to tho course taken by the 
 Quebec Administration was becauso the 
 LiiMit.-Governor did not agree with tho policy 
 of the legislation, although that policy was 
 passed and approved liy tho represenmtivoB 
 of tho people by a large nytjority. The 
 Lieut -Governor allowed liis Aliui.'itry to in- 
 troduce their bills ; ho saw day after 
 day the discussions in the House ; 
 every diy received the Votes and 
 Proceedings, imd in fact laid in wait for big 
 Ministers. He allowed them to bring down 
 the supply bill, and almost allowed them to 
 carry tho Appropriation Act; he allowed 
 them to carry throogh their bill respecting 
 railways, and that respecting the doubling up 
 of tho subsidies, and strange to say, the 
 same bill for doubling up tho subsidies, which 
 was one of the first causes given why they 
 were dismissed, received tho royal assent of 
 tho Lieutenant-Governor on tho advice of 
 the su;;cessorsof the late Goveiumeut. That 
 bill in no way increased tho burthens of tho 
 people, tho subsidy having been voted years 
 before Mr.Letellier was Li<.uteuant-(.ioveruor, 
 and there being a provision that if a portion ot 
 tiie huiisidy was not t:ikcn a'lvaniage of, it 
 could bo applied to the beiielit of other 
 railways. That was tho law before 
 Mr. Letellier was Lieu'en:ini-Goveruor 
 The act was merely carrying the law into 
 force. Tho Lieutenant-Guveruorgavc as ono 
 of his first reasons lor dismissing his Minis- 
 ters that they had ptssi d the law without 
 contultiiig him ; yet ii was by the advice of 
 Ml. Joly that it was now the law. As aa 
 hon. member utar me says, Mr. Joly was 
 President of one of the roads, and voted for 
 tho measure regarding which he advised tho 
 Licuteuant-Govi rnor to dismiss Mr. De- 
 Boucherville. Actually ho wi'o voted to 
 support the measure, and was in ono sense 
 interested in it, and was now responsible for 
 the measure becoming law, was a party to 
 tho dismissal of Mr. UcRuu.herville, because 
 he had introduci d the bill and carried it 
 through the Legislature, tie approves of the 
 Act, but procures the dismissal of 
 the man who obtained its adoption. 
 The Stamp Act which was intro- 
 duced last session was a very impor- 
 tant one. Before the hon. Minister of lulanci 
 Uevenue got his aniendmc-ut bill through 
 the committee, he must not have known his 
 own progeny. It wa.s like the gun which 
 had a new lock, stock and barrel. Was the 
 as.-;ent of the Governor-Gi^ieral obtained to 
 •Ue J»iy,or to any ameUiinif-nts made on it? 
 nwlj'ej, to»s(*oUi, th ; •l/i.utenaut-Govcriior 
 ftf Ql'ie^eft jva^ .p);dvcj(^e and govern what 
 the legislative polity (ft'tho people is to be ! 
 lie, JlkolJilBiter.vhalitftj ki-k ambrosial locks, 
 Sivee^UiJ ifo'd, i{ml rtft; legislatots have merely 
 
16 
 
 
 bappun in England. The Queen known too 
 Well what her duty is ; die k(.'epH a nliarp 
 and wBtchlul rytt upon tho foreign polifv. 
 No one can rca 1 the MimoirR of the I'rince 
 UoDHort without feeling what a griat wo- 
 man — great KtateHwomun, if there is flutb a 
 word — Hho in, ami with how watf:hful aud 
 patriotic a care Hi>e guard< d and ntudied and 
 coDbidered the aHminiHtration of the nation 
 But, as regardH tlie le^l^^ltiou of the nation, 
 Hhe left th»t an it miuht to be left, to thtt 
 people, through their reproBentatives. 8he 
 was satiHtied with the old Rlldiog8< ale of the 
 corn duties in the old corn law timcR ; she 
 wag 8atiHfied with the fixed duty of 49 a 
 «|uarter declared by Lord John KusRell, and 
 with the free trade in corn dtclared by Sir 
 Robert Peel ; Bht> was Ratistied with the ruh- 
 taining of the KutahliHhed Church in Ireland, 
 so lontf as her Ministers adviHed her ro to 
 maintain it ; hhe whr satisfied with the dises- 
 tablishment of her own Church, of which she 
 was the head, as soon as the representatives 
 of the people in I'arliament decreed it ; she 
 received with like i(|!:!iriiniity a r«;forra bill 
 from one (Juv n.nieiit or a nttroactive meas- 
 ure from atiotber. She knows it has ceased 
 to be a poiiiiMi ot the attriliutes of the Crown 
 to possess any pi'w< r in legislation, and tne 
 strongest jiroof of tli»t is that tho power of 
 veto isgoiie, nn<l that wiiilo the Sovereign is 
 still the h-Hd of the Kxer'iitivc, she is only 
 nouiioHliy tin: liend ot tlie Le^iKlatuie ; hhe 
 (•annot vito a bill. It has net been done 
 Hint e <4<'et n Anne. Jt is as » ;'iete us tlie 
 Dodo. It is no part of the eoristitution of 
 KuKland ; this is laid down by nil fht; writers. 
 
 I hhall quote iigtiiit troiu Mr. liagelior, page 
 
 143:— 
 
 " To stnte the mat ter sliort ly, t he Sovereign 
 has, under a conslituil'iiial mouarcliy sueli hs 
 uurs, three ritjhts : Ihe ri^ht t.o be eon^uUecl, 
 tho right oeiwronrage, the i lj;lit to warn, (ind 
 
 II King of ^real. sense an'l NUgnelty would 
 no others. Jlo would tlrid thai, his liaving no 
 other* would eniilde liiiii to use tliese wiih 
 Biniir'arelfi et. He would say to his Minis er: 
 — ■ 1 he reNponsthilily of tliese mensures Is 
 upon you; wMiltvir you tlilnk het-t shall 
 liuve my fuU and eli'eeiunl Miiijjort, hul you 
 will ohserve tliut. lor t,hi.s reMnoii and that 
 reason, what you projiose tod») Is bad ; lor tiiis 
 leason aud that reas n, m hat you do not pro- 
 pose is better. I do not oppose, 1 1 isniyuuty 
 not to oppose, but observe lUat 1 warn.' " 
 
 And that is the duty <>f a Sovereign. If any 
 legislation carried on by a Ministry having a 
 majority in Parliament — and, of course, they 
 cannot carry it on without that — was opp<i8ed 
 to the view of the Novereign, he had the 
 right to send to his First Minister and siy, 
 " I will continue to support you, but 1 have 
 had experit n< e for years, and 1 warn you ;" 
 and that is substanti, lly the only power h^ 
 hn8 in matters of legi^lution. On page 125 
 Mr. Bagehot gays : — 
 
 " The popular theory of the Fnirll-h Consti 
 tution Involves t.wo errors as to the woverelnti 
 llrst, In lis oldt St. r>rm, at, least, It consldei- 
 hliM as an estate cillhe real m, a separate. oo or 
 illnale authority with ttie House of liOrds aui 
 the House of Common 4. Toisand niucli ol.vr 
 the Sovereign once was, hut this he Is no lo'i 
 ger, 'J bat anthoiUy could only be exercisi. 
 Jiy a monarch with a legislative veto. H. 
 should be able to relet t bills, it not ari thi: 
 House of Comiiious reJetMs tbem at least le 
 the House tit' I'aers rt-Jeets tnern.. Hut tin. 
 Queen has no such veto ; slie must ni^i h»- 
 own tieath Whrrani It' the two Uoui-es unani- 
 mously send it up to iier. Jt Is a llction oftbi- 
 past t'> ascrilie to lier legislative power; sUi 
 has lorg ceased to Intve any. " 
 
 Npr ran the House of Lorda interfere effec. 
 tutlly if tho Home of Commons declares iu 
 favoi of the policy of the Government of the 
 day. May says : — 
 
 "Tiio responsibility of Ministers has been 
 still further sin.plilled by the dominant power 
 •t the (Jtunmiins. 'tlie Ltirils tiuiy sometime' 
 thwart tlie Ministry, but they are powerie» 
 to overthrow a Mi nisi ry supported by the 
 L'tjminoMs, or to upholil a Ministry tho Com- 
 mons have coiideinned. Insteati of maii.\ 
 masters, tlie GoTermnent has tmly one, thu! 
 Is the people, nor can it be saltl that master 
 has been severe, exacting or capricious." 
 
 Every Ministry is liable to make mistaken in 
 appointments ; every Ministry is liable some, 
 what from the mistakt s or errors, or the 
 worse than errors, of their subordinates ; 
 though they may not be responsible tor 
 them, still they may be, to a certain degree, 
 resptinsible in public opinion for having 
 made a wrong choice, but uuiil they condouc 
 the oilenee.until tht<y approve of tne oflVnc.-, 
 until they say that we approve tif the oti'enee, 
 until they say that we approve of that policy 
 aud will support thtm m that policy, thev 
 are not justly amenable to attack. God for. 
 bid thai I should oo, for as yet I know not 
 that tho present Ministry, at tlie head ci 
 which is the hon. member for Lambton, is 
 liable to the charge, lial^le to attack or liable 
 to censure for anything that has taken pliic>' 
 As yet 1 do not know this, and therelore 1 
 will not say it. But it depends upon hon 
 gentlemen — whether it he the head of » 
 Librral Govirnmt nt upon whom the mantle 
 of Kobert Baldwin ami others has fallen, or 
 be the distiigiiished leatler of the Liberal 
 party of the country, but I do not believe 
 that that hon. gentleman will sacritice those 
 great principles for the sake — it may be h 
 warm hearted, it may be, a kindly, and perhaps, 
 iu some respects, a politic act to do, lookioi; 
 at the mere temporary advantage of an elec. 
 tion, bm I do not lielieve that that hon. gen- 
 tleman will turn his back upon those prin- 
 ciples whii h he has so long professed, and 
 winch have been the chief credit, the chief 
 honor of his party. Mr. Speak( r, I move 
 that resolution. (Immense cheering ) 
 
 i, , • • 
 
 I * »