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Mr. MORRILL, of Vermont, said: Mr. Pkksidrnt : I am quite aware that any one who undertakes to discuss tliis grave matter of the reciprocity treaty witli the Ciiuadas unght to feel some cuutidence tliat he can shed some little lii^ht upon the subject; but I am ready to confess that I expect the chief inter- est in the subject will be in the change made from the topic that has 80 lonK been under discussion in the Senate. I ask the Secretary to road the two first resolutions of the Legislature of the State of Ver- mont. The Chief Clerk read as follows : SMolved by the intate ani Koutt of reprttentaHtet, That, biiTing an inteUisont re- gard for the best interests of Vennont, as well as the whole country, it is the dnty of onr Senators and Representatives in Congress to use their inflnenoo against the onnHiimmation of any treaty relating to reciprocity in trade with the Doininion of Canada, and to iuHist that the subject ot trade and commercial iutercourae with Canwla. as well as with all other foreign conntrieg, is not a proper matter of treaty stipulation, bnt belongs to Congress, and should be wisely regulated by Judicious lefaslation. Kemlved, That in common with the Canadian people wo earnestly desire and hope for the early completion of the 8hip.«anal connecting the waters of the Saint Lawrence and Iludson Bivers with Lake Ghamplain, as forming au important line of communication between the great cities on the Atlantic sea-board and the grain imd lumber regions of Canada and the Northwest, and in this work we invito the oo-operation respectively of the govemments of the Dominion of Canada and the United States. Mr. MORRILL, of Vermont. These resolutions bein^ public reso Intious, and the proposal for the treaty with the Canadian Dominion having been made public, or the imunction of secrecy removed from it and from all the papers in relation thereto, I fcul that I shall not transcend the propneties of the occasion in discussing the proposal for a reciprocity treaty with Canada. I shall in the &e,t part of my remarks refer to the effects that such a treaty would have upon the ciuestion of annexation, then to the fact that we have no revenue to spare, to the effect that it will have upon onr national power if we snould agree to a treaty that would bind us to keep the peace for twenty-four years. Then I shall endeavor to discuss the constitu- tional question, so far as it relates to the right of Congress "to reg- ulate commerce with foreign nations and among the several States and with the Indian tribes," and the power of the President and Senate to interfere with the prerogative of the House of Representa- tives to originate revenue bills. 1 shall then refer to the effect it will have upon the agricultural interests of this country, the fisheries, manufactures, and itmuggliug ; and from all of these points I hope to be able to show uhat the treaty would be a very bad bargain. The ahmgnted reciprocity treaty with Grout Britain, relating to her Caniulian dominions, having proved ]>rolitable to our northern neighbors itnd unprotitable to uit, it is not wonderful that they sliould seek in some form an early renewal of its advantageouH conditions, nor is it wonderful that we should scan fresh proposals from that quarter with distrust. The Doniinitm government maintained dnrins the last session of Congress a confidential embassy at Washington to manufacture or to create a public opinion at onr Capitol, through diligent diplomacy and diligent use of the pnblic press, in favor of a new reciprocity treaty; and with so muoh success that the project, with all the foo- tttres of its Canadian parentage and British baptism, was at length sub- mitted by the President, as the public have been informed, to the Senate for its advice^ It was sent, like the first treaty of Washing- ton, not for our consent, but only for onr advice, whether favorable or unfavoral)le. It was a high gratification to observe, while examining the details of the proposed treaty and its exclusively foreign origin, that the Secretary of State only formally delivered it to the President and left it without a word of official commendation, as though he was glad to be rid of an unprofitable ceremony. The Presiclent of the United States, bound as he is by national and diplomatic comity to treat communications from foreign nations with dignified respect, transmitted the proposal to the Senate, manifesting no marked par- tiality for the measure, but, while earnestly asking for the opinion of the Senate, frankly declared that he was not himself prepared to say anything respecting its merits. For myself, not being able to find merits, I shall say something npon its demerits, and attempt to show that for what we are to grant there is no adequate com]>ensation in any of the provisions tendered, and that their charact«r, though much confused, cannot be hidden by being huddled together in the form of a treaty. While considering any new reciprocity i)ropo8als the effect of the old treaty should be constantly borne in mind. Our exports to Can- ada in 1855 were $20,&i8,S76, but in twelve years under the operation of "reciprocity," or in 1866, they had fallen to 915,243,834— sho>r- ing a positive decrease of over 15,000,000. Yet the exports of Can- ada to the United States during the same time, wliich were in 1865 only $12,182,314, had increased in 1B66 to $46, 199,470. The ^ross ine- qiwlity therefore was enormous. We furnished to them in twelve years under the treaty a free mu'ket for Canadian prodncts to the amount of $239,000,000, but in return the Canadas only gave a free market to American products to the extent of |124,000,w)0. When the treaty began the balance of trade was eight millions annually in onr favor, and at the end the balance to be paid in specie was thirty millions in one year against us. That was a reciprocity which can- not be dwelt npon with composure, or that we can afford to have repeated. AKKKXATIOM. One of the collateral qnestiooa that will at the outset obtrnde itself in the discussion of this treaty is that of the fnture annexation of the entire country on our northern border. That it would be in many of its aspects— civil, military, and flnancial^onvenient, is not to he doubted. The large sums now mutually expended for deiense against future possible border collisions and for paraltel lines of revenue offices would be wholly saved and serve to augment the amount which each and every man of the respective countries could retain wmmmtmm rolatinff to ir northern boy should coiiditionH, from that t session of actnro or to diplomacy reciprocity all the fea- length sub- meet, to the f Washins- Br favorabl© X the details ;in, that the esident and tush he was iclent of the io comity to tied respect, marked par- te opinion of ipared to say ; able to find irapt to show ipenHation in lUter, thoueh gether in the effect of the ports to Can- fche operation 13,834— abo:w- ports of Can- were in 1855 Che gross ine- em m twelve )dnct8 to the y gave a free 0,000. When IS annually in ;io was thirty ty which cau- hfford to have ;obtrnde itself annexation of tld be in many it, is not to ho etense against es of revenue t the amount s could retain from the prodnots of his own labor. Rogties wonid find no unnrtnary by fleeiiig acrossa boundary lino. There wonld belittitt riMl< in trust- ing a people, whore branuhosof our own race and langutij;<> iirc dom- inant, to mingle and co-operate in our systomof self-govurnnifnt, and we are by no means " so near of kin that we can never be imitod." Local liberty and local organization wonld be proHorvod. Hut the advantages to them would be infinitely superior to all that would ever accrue to us. The constable would take the place of thoir Htandiug army. The fear of bocondng the American cock-pit in caHo of a war with Groat Britain would bo disjiellod, and the CanadnH would not only enjoy romplote reciprocity, but would bo our latest and voungost puts, to wimm tlio most liberal national appropriations for all needful improvements would not be refused. Their forests and unoccnjiied fields, their mines and vacant mill privileges, would attract the cai>- tains of industry and tempt the capital of our whole peoplo. Even the smallest of our States would furnish ctioutive ro-ontor(;emonts. The deposits in the savings-banks of Rhode Island alone arc nearly equal to the entire banking capital of the whole Canadian dominion. Our own territory, however, is sufHciently large to hold all the population of a tirst-rate power among nations, including tlio accro- tions of future centuries, and we have a soil and climate .so broad and various as to furnish all the chief products reqnired by the most ad- vanced civilization. Any future territorial additions would add little to our felicity and nothing to our prosperity or security; and yet no one can be entirely deaf to the voice of political prophets or tf with calling » solitary honor «en on the bill ad tho cool and mial inflnen d t strength an iBcth all nnder- enco exhibited splayed by the g thorns inonr 1 and the North led our growth Not that they ind would love iaresses of our tuory of former ly by the favoi-s I discover that at this bait is The ass, we are I the end of the and toiled for d of deceitfnl ni -which leaves r have betrayed Eible iteration." miiiiii Tin? THP.ATY TO nlNB us TWBNTT-FOL'B VKAIM. The proposed treaty, if made, is to endure for twenty-one yean, and then can (mly be terminated after three years' notiee. It is therefore to endure solidly, happen what may. peace or war, twenty- four years as the very shortest time of irrepealable validity. Sudden and wholly unforeseen events have more than once within the last decade bnuiglit us to the very brink of war With nations of formhla- ble power, and who can guarantee twcaty-four years of unintermpt(Ml peace f In the dullest and most quiet ((iiarter of the globe such n guarantee would be reckoned a haxanlous risk, and cannot Ih) other- wise in our own fast-going and many-sided country. Our neighbors, the governments of Mexico and of South America, seem to be basetl Xn volcanic foundations, and are subject to the explosions and peri- sal disturbances of war and revolutions. China and Japan, ns the first step in a higher civili/.ation, seek scientiflc inBtruction in the most destructive art of war. Russia, with oriental ambition, is push- ing, ever pushing eastward across the plains of Asia, and also impa- tiently waiting fur a golden opportunity to seize the Golden Horn of the liosphorus; and the Sultan, that sick man of the East, is watch- ing his alert and suspiciously independent Khedive of Egypt. In France the empire, the monanthy, and the n'piiblic by turns tJirottle each other, au(l the army, as in the davs of the Ciesarn, may ultimately fling the swonl into the balance. Bismarck is dcHlging the bulls of the Pope and the balls of assassins, but ready at a moment's notice to snatch any tempting provinces left out overnight in the cold, and equally ready to Humin(ni Germany to play the rubber game with France. The new repnblic of Spain, after bravely fighting for free- dom, readily accepts a monarchy, if it bo Alfonso with an ''f," while Cuba wages a cruel war under any flag that covers slavery. The Pope is trying to extend his spiritual dictatorship as some compen- sation for the loss of temporal power. Denmark, Belgium, Holland, and Luxembourg, stand trembling as they behold their natural ene- mies hovering above them and only waiting a fit occasion to swoop them up as hawks clutch their frightened proy. Surely the outlook is one of dis(iuietude, and it is highly improbable that an era of perpetnal pence has yet dawned. All ot our experience , early and late, shows that in time of war an increased revenue is a vital measure of success. The embarassments of 18<{1, in consequence of the then existing reciprocity treaty of 1854, were of an aggravated character. Large sources of revenue were placed beyond our reach, the hands of legislators were partially palsied, and no American 'statesman should again consent to impose such an evil-engendering treaty upon Congress and the American people. Tho recent upheav- als and the present unsatisfactory coudition of affairs in Europe indicate, as some of their most astute 8tat«smen have announced, further national straggles of a grave character, and if they come, we shall not want to l>e shackled and bound by any such entangling alliances as are most absurdly called reciprocity treaties. Intending nothing but peace, we should yet scorn to give bonds that under no provocations shall there be war. .- Our position should be strong enough to maintain i>eace and neutrality, and so strong as to defy aggression. We cannot afford to be accounted as a usetess friend or a contemptible enemy. Hampered by the proposed treaty, should any great emergency sud- denly confront us, we could only escape from impotoncy bj- its vio- lent abrogation, even at the hazard of a war with whomsoever it might concern, and thus force at groat cost by conquest a possible doMtiny. wtiicli, if it Ih to conic, had Itottcr come HpontniioniiHly with g4MHl-\vtll uiiil witlumt pricti. Iixlvpc'iiilciit, tl>o Cniiuiliau Uominioii Would uot Im! uiiy i-niiHe of dintriut; it would have no furuiKU quur- rclH toeH|Miumt; liut un n depeudoucy of Oreat Dritaiu it lieuoiuuit the ■oat of n vonh)n of military «Mit|ioHtM, a liriHtliiiK itorpetual uuinaco. Hhouhl wo accept of thin reciprocity treaty, wliile it ntight iimure tlio aK^nuidizenieut of othen, wer oh a natiou, whether for |M>aco or war, for defense or offenHo, would become lew efl'ective, loMH formidable. Our itinewH of war would bo cut in atlvance. The treaty, like the fintt approach of dinease. may not eoHily be fully- compndiondod, although the remedy Ih |ilainly in our own handH; but at the next Htagu evorylMHly will piiMtticully comprehend the evil, while the remedy will be out of our reach for twenty-four yearH. I frankly own that I could not willingly coiiHcnt to Hnu my country emliarraNMcd by hucIi engagemeutH for twenty-four houra, and niuoli IcKM for twenty-four yearH. CompactH l>etween nationit, like bargaimt l>etween individuals, are made upon no other prinoiides than that of idiarii-HiKhted and fully- enlightened Helf-intercHt. When they are suppoHcd to be ndvantageoiw they are made, or, if otherwitie, they are avoided. CiruuniHtanceH jduL'c it out *rf the power of the Canodas to offer oquivalentH for the privilogCM they Heek. They can offer nothing better and will accejtt of nothing worse. Keciprocal privilegen in the markets of the rcHpeot- ive countries would bo as uneiMturu){t) that Cou- gu nations, nnd among tho ncvrrnl Htatcs, and with the Indian tribes." This I'iM'tikiiily titkt-n the Hiibjitut of rogiilntiiig fotunit^i'i'o itwiiy from thu trmity-iiiakiiig power and lodgiis R uxrhiNivoly with ConttrcNM, where it in to bu I'ontrolled without let or bliideraiic-e forevitr. TbiH power of Coiigi'i'MH ciiniiot l>e HiiN)M!iided for one day, and certainly not for twenty-four yeai'H. Kven if this provJMbm of the (.'oimtitution had been omitted, It woulil Ite an inexjMtdient, if not diiiiKeroim, exeruise of power, under a republican form of governiiieiit, for the I'residiMit and the Henate alone to undertake to regulate the collection or uou- eollection of revenue by treaty. The consent for the time of a placa- ble Hf Justice, or of the man in tiie moon. To such treaties as are lawful thu advice and consent of the House is iinnoces- Miry, and to such as are unlawful its consent lends nothing but im- poteney. It might be as fairly oontondod that thu States may par- ticipate in the power of Congress to regulate commerce as to claim tliat the treaty-making power may participate. The power is exclu- sive. Story, in his great work on the Constitutiim, declares : Full power to roKiiliit4' n pnrtioiilur Hiilijnot Impllcn tbo wholu |iowi*r, nnvomment, but must remain forever as potential ofl any other vital part of the Constitution. True, the reciprocity treaty of 1854, pitilessly terminated as it was by congressional direction at the earliest practicable day, is still pre- served, in spite of its repulsive memories, as a precedent ; but a bad precedent, solitary and alone, does not expunge a single line of the Constitution, and the precedent stands only as a scarecrow in the field to prevent, one of the gravest blunders in our diplomacy from being repeated. An unlawful act cannot be legalized by an old pre- cedent nor by a new repetition. There are much better precedents against such treaties, and notably that made by the Senate from its own enlightened self-prompted action in 1844 and 1845, against the ZoU-Verem treaty negotiated by Mr. Wheaton, which, upon the report made by Mr. Choate, of Massachusetts, whose high authority no one in this body will bo likely to dispute, and reiterated by Mr. Archer, of Virginia, (who after fifteen years of distinguished service in the House was made chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate upon his first entrance here,) was rejected by a very- large majority of the Senate, and not by a party vote, but for such cogent reasons as the following, and I quote from this report : That the committee, then, are not prepaied to sanction ho largo an innovntion on the ancient and nniform practice in respect of the department of Government uy which duties on imports sliaU be imposed; that the Cfonstitution in express terms delegates the power to Congress to regiliate commerce and impose duties, and to no ouers ; and that the control of trade and the fonotiong of tiudng belong without abridgment or participation to Congress. If these were sound doctrines of the ablest of American statesmen thirty years ago in a fertile era of illustrious men, they have not be- come obsolete, out are equally sound and worthy of all acceptation to-day. There has been no change in any portion of the Coustitn- tion affecting this question, and any change of the oldest and best 11 me law of arles I, be- er of Ckm- de by any J referred Date in the sople older nstitution, ndamentnl sur history -except in by n treaty made nn- sr, and the practically fe free, the sarest prin- of liberty, igs not to irpetnity — ing power . :tb8<)rption. a treaty, it DHse. The ly suicidal bverted by forever as d as it was is still nre- but a bad line of the row in the niacy from an old pre- precedents be from its igainst the the report ity no one Ir. Archer, ^ice in the Kelations by a very it for such rt: inoTKtion on emmcnt uy press terms ities, and to Qng without statesmen ve not be- soeptation Conatitn- aud best interpretation of the Constitution cannot, as it seems to me, be logi- cally attempted, or if attempted, cannot fail to be fraught with mis- chief to the spirit as well as to the machinery of our form of govern- ment. The paramount object aimed at in the Zoll-Verien treaty was to obtain the admission into Germany of American tobacco at a duty of not over two and a half cents per pound ; and it is a significant commentary upon so-called reciprocity treaties that the laboriously obtained stipulations of Mr. Wheaton, at the price of numberless concessions to be made by us, wt-j'e secured through our minister, Mr. Mann, in less than two years, or in 1846, without any equivalent whatever on the part of the United States. If reciprocity with a nation of Europe was wholly inadmissable, it must be equally inad- missable with tue Canadaa. There is a further inextricable com|>lication involved in a treaty of reciprocity. " The most favored nation clause," so called, has been inserted in nearly all of our treaties, aud this clause is siugolarly enough repeated in article 4 of the present proposals, as follows : For the term mentioned in article 13 no other or higher dnty shall be imposed In the United States upon other articles not enamerated in said schedules the KTOTrth, pfodnoe, or mannfectnre of Canada, or in Canada upon such other articles the growth, produce, or manufacture of the IJnited States, than are respoctively im- post upon Uke articles the growth, produce, or manufacture of Great Britain or of any other country. This certainly wonld interdict any more reciprocity treaties ; but the same provision, in & form to include everything, exists in our trea- ties with other nations, and forbida the grant of any favors to one that are not at once freely granted to every other nation. It is not merely what the soundest American policy requires us to do, bnt our honor is pledged not to treat one nation m time of peace with more favor than any other. This provision having long existed in onr trea- ties with Oreat Britain, Lora Aberdeen, at the nrst rumor of Whea- ton's negotiation of the ZoU-Verein treaty in 1844, notified our min- ister in London, Mr. Everett, that Great Britain would claim an equal relaxation of duties in their favor, aud Mr. Everett admitted the pro- priety of the claim, provided it was accompanied by the same equiv- alents. To this Lord Aberdeen responded that he conceived that, by the convention of July 3, 1815, we should be bound to admit Britisn fabrics, on paying the same duties as the German, without any such conditions on their part. An examination will show that Lord Aberdeen was not wrong in his construction of the terms referred to, which are nothing less than a positive negation of the right to impose higher or other duties upon British fabrics than upon any other, without any reservations as to conditions or equivalents. We have pledged the good faith of the nation in numerous treaties with foreign nations not to grant any exclusive favors of this character. Great Britain, having herself objected to such a German treaty, should be the last to propose one. and is it likely that Bismarck wonld be less exacting than Lord Aberdeen, or that other nations wonld quietly slumber over what they might fairly regard as an infraonou of treaty stipulations T Surely onr State and Treasuiy Departments, if the proposed treaty should be coosnmmated, would have a lively time in shielding themselves from the reclamations of Russia for all duties paid on iron and hemp, and of Buenos Ayres for any duties paid on wool, as well as similar recla- mations of mtoy other governments. In the interpretation of the Constitution and of treaties I regret IfT 12 that I bring no technical skiU, and have only that confidence in my argnment which is derived from an honest pnrpoHe to give to our language its plain and obvious meaning and which appears to me moat in harmony with free institutions. But there are other considerations involved, such as the fisheries, canals, and reciprocal free-trade, which merely raise the questions of fsqnivalents or of trade ; and when it comes to these, any one of us may be presumed to be enough of a Yankee to know whether he is offered a good or bad bargain. THE 4nBH«BIB8. There is an ancient and fish-like smell about the new propositions which play an important part, and if accepted they are to -iiipersede those agreed upon in 1871, wUch are to run ten years and then only to terminate after two years' notice. The question oL tlie fisheries has long been a useful factor to Qreat Britain in many of their nego- tiations with us. By the 17^ treaty of peace we were to have all the fishing privileges wo had enjoyed as colonies. In the treaty of peace in 1815 nothins was said to change the old compact; but as an after thought, in 1818 it was claimed that the treaty of 1783 was extin- guished by the war of 1812, and we then appeared to have yielded car right to the fisheries within three miles of the provincial shores. This line has been the fruitful cause of irritation as well as of many petty collisions, sometimes threatening collisions of greater magni- tude, and has been the spouting fountain of annoyances aud prepos- terous pretensions. By the treaty of 1871 we not onljr save a consideration of much greater value for the right to fish within this magical lino, but we agreed to pay any additional difterence in money which a board of fish commissioners should decide, as referees, to be equitable. It was not enouffh that we save them our inshore fishing-grounds for theirs, although the quantity of fish caught on our shores might be equal and the value double; it was not enough that they might catch their mackerel with our bait— not elsewhere to be had ; it was not enough that we opened our markets free to their fish and tlius surrendered duties upon $2,503,934, (upon which they paid duties in 1871.) amounting to a haU million dollars ; but we are to be fright- ened out of our wits and concede reciprocity lest the fish commis- sioners should make an extravagant award agaiust us. The case has been from time to time adroitly mani^i^ and greatly magnified. The menace of the naval squadron was tried prior to the treaty of 1854— the armed police of the seas was tried in 1866- and now softer diplomacy is resorted to as more politic ; but we should not forget that whenever appealed to in all the issues of the post, the God of bat- tles and the goddess of justice have most often shown favor to the American contestants. The value of our fish markets alone, includ- ing the markets for fresh fish, being worth five times more than all the profit we receive in return, the foot cannot be concealed from the referees, and I would not damage our side of the case by an tin- warranted doubt as to its merits or as to the tribunal. The admission of American fishiiw vessels to all the pri\nleges ac- corded to British vessels was beneMud to the people of the Provinces, who largely profited by furnishing supplies, ana was not injurious to their fisheries, which steadUy increased in value. When the former treaty was terminated, the Canadian government resorted to a system of licenses charging fifty cents per ton upon our vessels engaged in the inshore fisheries. The small value of the privilege was soon dis- cloMd when only 354 of our 1,400 fishing vessels were found to take ont a license on these terms. The next year the license was raised to one dollar per ton, and the number licensed fell off to 281. The license was again doubled, when at two dollars in 1868 only 56 were taken ont, and but ii5 in 1869. No more than one-fourth of onr ves- sels wanted the privilege at any price, and at two dollars per ton it was hardly accepted by any. This sliows that the actual valae of the inshore fisheries, when estimated by onr fishenuen in dollars and . cents, was the merest trifle, and its great importance appears to be almost wholly in its being ever present as the old sore of former treaties for which some new plaster is always demanded. As a nursery for bold and hardy beamen the fisheries were long ap- Sreciated by us, and they have lost nothing yet in the estimation of iritish or French statesmen. At the time we repealed our bounty system the French were paying and still pay lonr dollars per ton bounty for all the tonnage engaged in their fisheries, and the Cana- das at once put on the armor we threw off by offeriu^ a bounty to all the provincial tonnage so employed. They are ambitious to increase their commercial marine and they oonld do much in that direction — so cheap is their labor and ship-timber— if we should only consent to furnish employment orpurcnasers for their shipping when built. According to the Canadian Mercantile Annual, as a maritime nation Canada already holds the fourth rank among the nations of the world, having a tonnage almost equal to France, and onlv rank- ing decidedly below Great Britain and the United States. They are not only ready to invade onr canals, rivers, and lakes, but they would extend and clinch the compact for a reciprocity in the fisheries for the longest possible term, as that will diminish the number of our vessels employed and increase those of Canada. Under the former reciprocity treaty their exports to the United States of fish very largely increased, or nearly doubled, while our tonnage engaged in the cod-fisheries in 1854, amounting to 102,194 tons, dwindled at the close of 1866 down to 43,796 tons, or a loss of over one-half, uncom- pensated for by any considerable improvement in the distant mack- erel fisheries. From this low state, in consequence of harassing and perpetual annoyances, equal in olden time to provocations of actual war, our fishermen havie not even yet been able to recover. I am very clearly of the opinion that strict equity would require the payment tu us of a large Dalance by the Dominion government on the question of the fisheries ; and so long as they have our markets free, so long will the vocation of our fishermen be imperiled and their munbers year by year be diminished. CAXAIS. It might be expected that some one of the inducements offered by the Dominion government in their proposals for a i^iprocity treaty would at least include privileges of equal value with those they de- mand in retnro, but it will foe difficult to find any of this character; and among the enormously one-sfded stipulations which challenges notice is that of the navifpttion of lakes, rivers, and canals. They <^er to us the navigation of the Saint Lawrence Biver, the Welland and other Saint Lawrence oanaIs.^d also to build the Canghnawaga Canal, twenty-nine and a half milBi long, in the course of six years; all of which we are to have the use of— for that portion of the year of course when they are not ice-bound— by paying such tolls as they choose to impose. But in return, and always as a mere equivalent, they demand the unrestricted use of Lake Champlain ana of the much larger Lake Michigan, together with the right to navigate the Bed Biver. That u 8uch privileges on the lakes, especially on Lake Michigan, wonld prove unfortunate conoessions an«l detrimental to our shipping inter- ests is quite apparent. Beyond all this they expect the States of Michigan and New York to accord to them, in like manner, the use of the Sault Saint Marie, Saint Clair Flats. Whitehall, and the Erie Canals, over five hundred miles in length, in exchange for less than one hundred miles. Again, unless the Whitehall Canal shall be enlarged and deep- ened, and its use granted to the lower waters of the Hudson — a most important concession of itself — Canada reserves the riffht to sus- pend the use of the Canghuawaga Canal. Whether the State of New York would assome this burden, and build up a formidable rival to their own canals and railroads, at an expense ]M>88ibly of more than the whole cost of all the Canadian canals, is at least problematical. To us the Canghnawaga Canal would be convenient, but to the Canadas it is almost indispensable as a means of getting their timber and agrioaltural products to our markets. The trans- parent cheapness of the offer appears when it is remembered that the oonstruction of the Caushnawaga was a settled question of their domestic policy at the time of the union of the provinces. Their canals are now kept in repair mainly by tolls received from us. The transportation of American property through the Wolland Canal in 1869 was nearly three times greater than of Canadian property, as follows: Ton*. From American to American porta 668,700 From American to Cunadian porta 315,837 V 904,557 From Canadian to Canadian porta 195,407 From Canadian to American ports 134,935 390,359 It would be wonderfnl indeed were they to reject the income thus derived from us upon their canals, and it is probable they will be open forever to all who will pay as they go. " The law is open to everyone;" "so," said Home Tooke, "is the London tavern." In the absence of any treaty, why should the Canadas exclude from their canals the through business from American to American ports, touch- ing no interests which it does not promote, and the business from whence has come and always mnst come the balk of the tolls rt;qnired for their sapport T The London tavern is not supported in that way'. It is possible at the end of six years that the Dominion may iind it inconvenient or impracticable to deepen the Saint Lawrence Canals or to build the Canghnawaga, or that they may require twice six years for their comptetion. The treaty meanwhile is operative ; and Will they not all the time have eivjoyed its f mits 1 True, we may then exclude tUcm from the Erie and Whitehall Canals and the Hud-, son Biver, bat would not that be a lame conclusion T They now levy an export duty on logs, and there in nothing in the new proposals which prevents its continuance or even an increase on logs or any otiier articles. Export duties ma^ be resorted to by the Canadas at any time, but to us they are forbidden. They run no risk of export duties, but we do. Are we not likely to be checkmated T It is not, however, discreditable to us as a nation of forty-two mil- lions of people, with railroads nearly eqaal in extent to those of all the rest of the world, that we shonld look to dependencies of Great Britaia for such improvementa in the artificial cotirses of water trans- an, would ping inter- Sttttes of er, the use il the Erie leas than and deop- ni— a most ht to sua- State of 'oruiidable wsBlbly of » at least >nveniont, >f getting The trons- Bd that the n of their les. Their a ns. The 1 Canal in •operty, as Totu. 6ee,70o 915, 8S7 9M.S57 195, 407 134,935 330,353 come thus ey will be is open to vern." In from their rts, touch- iness from 8 required that wayl lay find it ce Canals twice six fcive; and , we may the Hud- now levy proposals jsor any tnadas at of ejiport -twomil- >se of all of Oreut :er trans- 15 portatioDS as the obvious necessities of our country i-equire t Our safest policy is to build, not to boiTow, nor to pay rentals or tolls to foi-eigners, subject to be turned adrift at anv moment. The revenue that wo must surrender in a single year by the ndmlHsion of Canadian products OS proposed free of duties, or the profits wc sliould transfer from our own people to the pockets of our neighbors, would enlarge or build adequate canals, and make ns, as to inland water communi- oations, independent forever. Able as we are to stand alone, let us decline to loan upon weaker neighbors, who lean themselves upon somebody else. We willingly allow them to use our railroads and cars for the transit of their foreign exports and imports to and from Jfevr York, Boston, Portland, and other places, and the business is not unprofitable to our thoroughfares. We might refuse this, but have no such intention unless the suspicion proves true that it is the great thoroughfare of ilUoit trade. We envy the prosperity of no other country, and are content with our own. LOSS OF UKVSNVB. If we waive the all-controlling constitutional, as well as other manifoldobjections, tothis embryotic reciprocity treaty, it is of some- conseqnence to consider whether or not we have a surplus revenue of twenty million dollars which we can annually forego for the next twenty-four years, or whether we can attbrd to supply its place by an increase of other taxes, dintct or indirect, or by a re-enactment of the income tax, or by a renewal of the duties on tea and coffee. It is unlikely that we hanker after either alternative, and either would be a melancholy equivalent for what seems to be a reciprocity with the tracks all pointuiK one way. Instead of a surplus to be carelessly extinguished, we nave in 1H74 a deficiency in the sinking fund of 926,8^,217.16, not to be provided for except by a further sweeping reduction of national expenditures. It is altogether improbable that Congress or the people will forget what is due to a solemn pledge of the public faith which requires the absolute annual payment of 1 per cent, of the public debt. Of oonrse the amount of imports from the Canadas at present being largely subject to duties, affords no basis for an estimate of the amount which would come in if wholly free, and the statement scattered last year broadcast over the country by the British negotia- tors of the trade between the respective countries was based upon very nnreliable public documents. By our account the exports of lard in 1873 were 4,057,280 pounds, but by the Canadian count only 1,357,230 pounds had been received. By our account our exports of tea were 454,579 pounds, but by the Canadian account they had received 5,163,499 pounds. Thevalue of anpiments based nponsnch data is not g^at. If the proposed treaty could be regarded in any of its various aspects as benefioial to our whole country, it is too spparentthat now* we are not in any condition to abandon annually the millions of rev- enue which would be lost by its adoption ; but I shall attempt to show that it deserves to be rejected, not only for the reason that it cannot be beneficial, but because' it would be an insufferably bad bar- gain as a whole or in any of its complicated parts. The Canadian Dominion, under ttjair reciprocity proposals, will be: called upon to surrender very little revenue, or, according to their own estimate, not more than $4,000,000. Is it possible that this can be considered an equal bargain for the surrender on our part, when the treaty gets into full working order, of twenty millions f Curi- ously enough most of the articles in schedule A of the new proposi-^ tiou, embiaoing the great bulk of agricultural productions, are now 16 free nnder the Canadian tariff. Bnt if they weie not free the Can- adas would loae no more revenue by making them free than the maritime provincoH lose by making flan free, aa they do not bny these groductions, but always nave a surplas to sell. The Canadas might are some diflSculty even in makins up their small loss of revenue, but our deficiency can only be supplied in the inconvenient way al- ready indicated, or by the severe imposition of heavier taxation. Canada may well alFord to give up four millions of revenue on im- ports if her people are to gain many times that amount in the in- creased price of their exports. For What they gain they could afford to bear additional taxiition, but ira could not, as our Govenuaent would not only lose much revenue, bnt our people would suffer still greater losses. The proposed reciproci^ treaty offers nothing new or no attractions to our Southern States. The staple products of the South which are to be admitted into the Canadian dominion free of duty, if the treaty should be ratified, are already free under their present tariff laws, and will from their natnre so remain. The products referred to are hemp, cotton, tobacco unmanufactured, rosin, tar, turpentine. The direct interests of the Southern States therefore will remain practically in the same relative condition, treaty or no treaty, and these products have been nominally included in the proposition as so much paddine costing nothing. This cheap stuflBng obtained from the existing free list of the dominion, and used with the profuseness of French milliners, forms no inconsiderable portion of the offer ten- dered to us, and might be very well oflEset by a kindred tender of a selection from our own existing free list with equal generosity and Just as little sacrifice. The manufactures enumerated, however, are chiefly of the same class with those Rpringiuff up all through the Southern States and would seriously interfere there with new and profitable branches of industry of the highest merit which ought not to encounter any such discouragements. Moreover, the Southern States have more interest in the general prosperity ai the oouutry than any other section. When the nation moves onward with health and vigor, it never fails to em- brace all its members in it<8 arms. But the proposed treaty is not only remarkable for what it includes but for what it excludes. It may not be difficult to discover why some articles were left out. Un- doubtedly some Canadian products require protection, and these are of course shielded from reciprocity. The proposed treaty contains all the articles inoludi^ in the treaty of 1864, and also many articles of manufactures. They are described aa "of the growth, produce, or manufacture of the respective coun- tries," and among them will be found agricultural implements, boots and shoes of leather, cotton grain-bags, denims, jeans, drillings, 51aids, and cottonades. cabinet furniture, oarriaseM, coal, iron, (bar, oopj pig, puddled, rod, aheet, or scrap,) nails, spikee, leatner, rags of all kind, salt, tweeds of wool, manufaictures of wood. ' Aouc(n.TUBAL coxparrnoii. Then we have a long list of the jproducts of the farm, among which are the following: Animals of All kinds, breadstnffs of all kinds, Inoom-com, butter, cheese, flour, flax, (unmanufactured,) fruits, (green or dried, ) grain of all kinds, hay. hemp, hides, horns, lard, lime, malt, meats, (fresh, smoked, or salted,) pelts, pease, plants, petro- leum, poulti^, rice, shrubs, seeds, straw, tidlow, tobacco, vegetables, WO(^ . The interesting question to fanafira is what they would have to !:F te theCnn- ee thau the ot bay these nadas might of reyenne, ient way al- er taxation, enae on im- it in the in- oould afford GoTenuaent suffer still > attractions ;h which are if the treaty i tariff laws, ferred toare tine. will remain I treaty, and osition as so tained from profoseness ilio offer ten- . tender of a aerosity and of the same 1 States and branches of ter any such lore interest bion. When r fails to em- ;reaty is not ixcludes. It ft out. Un- id these are n the treaty ire described ective oonn- ments, boots 8, drillings, 1, iron, (bar, ther, rags ox none which P all kinds, red,) fmits, B, lard, lime, ants, petro- ▼egetobles, lid have to 't7 meet and how much. I have only nntlieiitiu data us to tlio prodiictH of the Canadian dominion as late lut 18tiO, and tboHO I den ve' from Mr. Derby's report, made in 18()7, Of course in ton or fifteen years their population and products have iucrcaacd. I give the following table : Fopnlation Honm Csttie Sheep Swine Com, bnshels — Wheat, btub.ela.. Oato, baaheU Barley, boshela.. Potatoea, buahela Batter, pounds... rotted SUteR. Canada.' SI, 738, 831 7,857,000 88,731,31.% 83,898,807 35,fl60,a»l 887,684,388 170,176,087 179,08»,095 A 889, 898 157,6!W,000 430,678,038 3, ,101, 888 783, 744 3,375,937 a, 317, 781 1, 878,609 8,684,100 88,813,760 43,634,806 3,698,031 39,306,330 33,703,834 Xova Scotia. 330,699 38,789 136,357 888,180 51,333 3T,47S 897,15? 1,384,437 196,097 1,986,780 3,613,880 From this table it wiP be seen that the Canadas, representing 8 per cent, of the po; alation of the United States, produce more than their proportion of horses, cattle, and sheep: twice its proportion of wheat; three times its proportion of oats and barley ; an average of batter, but less of swine and com. It is plain that agriculture has engaged the m%|or part of their activities, and, if they cannot be saiuto be our rivals, their products are so large as to offer considerable and constantly increasing competition. When the former treaty of 1854 was made, our whole country was comparatively free of debt ; we were doing business on a sonnd cnr- renoy, and were ready for any race with equals ; bnt now, although the national debt is so a^Jnsted as to be carried with but little incon- venience, the States, counties, cities, and towns are still heavily bur- dened by indebtedness incurred daring the late war as well as by the oontinnance of the war made paper le^al-tender ; and therefore for some years to come the cost of production will be, as it has been, so exceptionally increased as to place ns at an obvious disadvantage with neighbors who have yet had no snch untoward incidents in thei^ history. We cannot at present afford to produce horsei*, cattle, and sheep, wheat, peas, oats, butter, and potatoes at the bottom prices of Canadian markets; nor can we at present venture to accept of the nnrestricted competition to which wo are invited, even in the man- nfHOtnres of iron, wood, wool, cotton, and leather, with neishbors where all the labor and most of the raw materials ai^ to be had at far less cost than in the United States, and with neighbors, too, aa exempt from taxation as tiiey are from many of the costly Improve- ments and institutions demand*^ by the people of a large republio and by an enterprising and enlightened age. Our markets are sustained by forty-two millions of people, beyond all question the largest consumen( »«r capita In the world, and the Canadian markets are sustained by fess than foor millions of people, loosely stamng across a broad continent in an elongated and disjointed belt scarcely more than fifty miles wide, and like our own frontiers- men of early times having limited wants and no luxnrions habits. Their markets are few and relatively inferior— offering no advan- tages to ns, while our markets are s* many, extensive, and accessible, that they may be always reckoned for nearly all commodities at least 2 18 ail ^1 (icr iTiit. liutt'^r tliiin tlioHO uitohh tlio IxinliM'. Accortling to thn I'oiiurt of J. N. Lurneil in 1871, innde in ctinipliance with a reHOlution of CoDsrcBH, tliu (littt^ronco is nuich grcutt^r. From nunientHS detailH ua to the privcH of proviuions, gi-occrieH, &c., ho given the following resulta : Mmii rai in of pricon iii OutArio to pricvn in Now York, 1 to 1.S8. Mean riitio of privea in Now Bninswivii to pricmi in Maine, 1 to 1,43. Mean ratio of prlooa in the city of Quebec to prices in Xew Yorli, 1 to 1.43, The ronio authority gives the results as to wages of niochniiics and farm-laborers, as follows : Mean ratio of wages in Ontario to waftes In New York, I to l.tu. Mean ratio of wosea in New Brunswick to wntfea in Maine, 1 to 1.7^. Mean ratio of wages in the city of (juebeo to wages in New York, 1 to 3.38. These indisputable facts disclose the reason why onr markets aro so eagerly souglit after. Few droves or car-loads of American hoiiMW, cattle, sheep, nogs, or poultry seoli purchasers at Kingston, Toronto, Montreal or Quebec, or at an,v other of their military posts ; but though subject to moderate duties, tliey come^not standing upon the order of their coming — from every quarter of the Canatlas, by land and by water, to the United States, all clamorous for higher prices. The diflferonce in wages is the widest diftereuce of all. The magnitude of the stake they are striving for may be under- stood from the fact that the year after the termination of the former reoiprocity treaty the assessed values of the property of the province of Ontario alone fell off 128,000,000. That (Icficicucy they want i-estored. The territory of British American possessions, encircling almost one-fourth of the globe, and extending from the latitude of forty-five degrees north to tne open polar sea, is snperticially greater than even that of the United States. Much of it, however, must remain terra incognita, or only frequent«d by the hunter and trapper, and here and there by that bturdy class known as frontiersmen, but it nevertheless offers immense facilities for expansion in grain-growing and stock- raising, for which it greatly needs an outlet less remote than tho markets ot the Old World. Oeogrophical barrierft must forever compel the people of British Colnmbia, Manitoba, Saskatchewan, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Newfonnaland, and even Labrador, to seek and to prefer commer- cial relations with the United States, with or without reciprooity, and it is plain that an unrestricted access to our markets b,T the peo- ple of thesis provinces, as well as by those within the fertile Canadian basin drained by the great lakes, would rapidly augment their agri- cultural productions for export, stimulat« their labor, and immensely increase the value of their landed estates, which, with all their per- sonal property included, is now less than the aggregate wealth of Maflsaohnsetts. They would, however, all grow fat ana " lard the lean earth " at onr expense. Foir this result the equivalents offered to us, instead of being very large and very solid, are very thin, disputable, and wholly unsatisfactory. The effect of all this upon our own land and its products would be reversed, as may be readily foreseen, and would be equal in the ag- gregate, but. being more widely distributed than their gain, the per- centage of mdlvianal loss would be less than their iomvidnal gain. The price of beef or of wheat might rise in Montreal 10, 15, or 20 per cent., but the fall would be somewhat less in Chicago or Mil- waukee or New York. The surplus products of the Canadian do- minion flung npou our markets by shorter and cheaper transportA nling to tho a romlutioii eroiis detnilH lie following ,4a. 1 to 1.43. oohniiics and I.7H. , t to 9.38. oiarketH nro arican hontuo, ton, Toronto, r poHt«; but Ung npon tho uluH, by land ligher prices. ay be under- of the former tho province y they want -cling almost >of forty-flvo tcr than oven remain terra and here and i nevertheless g and stock- ote than tho le of British Nova Scotia, )fer commer- i reciprocity, s by the peo- ile Canadian It their ogri- d immensely all their per- to wealth of lard the lean )ffered to us, , disputable, 3tH would be al in the ag- ain, the per- vidnal gain. 10, 15, or 20 oogo or Mil- anadian do- transporta 19 tioutliiin from tho WcHtuiii States coiiUl not fail to Hi-imibly diniinJHli tlie values antl nrodacts of agricultural industries throughout the IJnited States. When no more than ten thousand beeves are wanted, thrust an additional tliousand uimui tho market and the whole will sell for no more than would tho ton thousand, leaving but nine jtarts of the sum received to the owners of the ten thousand. Of course it could not bo supposed that any intlux here of Canadian nro- dnots would bring down prices sijuarely to the present Canaaiun level, because equal freedom of markets would tend to raise prices there, to create an equilibrium, and that is what Canadians are for : they know when our markets are united with theirs and all are open and fi-ee, that prices, like liquids, will rise to the same height in the noziile as in the pot itself ; but consumers hero would be only bene- flted by just the amount of injury inflicted upon our agricultural ]»rortB to Canada would be ]>ractically liudtod to mannfuctures. Of theso our iui|Mirt«i front Ureat Britain, though neccwarily charged with heavy duties, are larger than those Mbe HtMids to any other country, and It is not likely that she much dreatis to meet any rival, or that she would be in much danger of being supplanted by ns in the markets of her own colonies. British Ntatcsmen, s|M!aking through a late Hi>e«-(;h of the Queen, it is vcr}' cortaiu fcul no npprohcusion on that point. MANUrArTUUKM. C'anndn.Iins only recently a4loptod the policy of ]>rotcctioii, aad her raannfactures, though growing rapidly, are in their infancy. It is reasonable to suppose tliat some of the articles enumerated in the proposed treaty might bo profitably exported from the United IStates to too dominion, if it were not for tha back-door to bo left open for the entrance of the same articles on the same terms from Great Britain. If we can manufacture cheaper than the country with which they claim to be so happily connected, then the treaty might l>e of some otlvantage to ns, but not otherwise. It is sutUciently apparent that with a removal of all duties we could not now com- ])ete with Great Britain hero at home, and, if not, how could wo drive her out of the Canada* t The lower priced labor. cheai>er raw materials, and lighter taxation might soon even force tne removal of the capital and industry of many American establishments to the other side of Canada line, if they should not be deterred by the f-heaper capital and still poorer paid labor of Groat Britain herself. The chance with Canada alone would not be very inviting, but with Great Britain in reserve it would be the baldest mockery. The manu- facturers of Great Britain have the discipline of a regnlar army, while those of America are but militia, superb in material and only delioient in the driU which mnst be aoquirad by long experience. But while the Canadas would in the end bo ground between the upper and nether millstone, or between American and British manu- factures, they might easily increase their exports in manv directions. Slate they send to ns in considerable quantities, though we require 35 {ler cent, duty to be paid. Remove this duty, as proiMMed by the new treaty, and few of our slate ouarries could be worked with- out a heavy reduction of the price of labor. The admission of tim- ber and lumber wrought and unwrought means that by the cheaper labor of Canada, and their system of export duties, no more would come in unwrought; and how broad the definition would be aa to what might be included, who shall tell T Granite, marble, and build- ing-stone form another group to come in wrought or unwrought. Iti building the practice is to send orders to quarries for dimeusiou HI no 111 mind iiiiicli with 'aiiUKinent lie ft open for fn»m Great •nntry with roaty might snfUciently t now com- nr could wo cheaper raw removal of 9nt8 to the red by the tin herself. S, bat with The maun- :nlar army, U and only irienoe. Btween the tish manu- directions. we require roiMMod by irked with- ion of tim- he cheaper lore would d be as to and build- nwrought. dimension block)) iiowu anil littuil, ri'iidy to 1>e pliiciod at oiicm into any Htrncturc. Iri it not likely that all the dillontiit i|uarri(vt of the dominion would at once be net ut work f Reil nundHtone, grindHtoiioH, marble, and even granite could not here ba cut and wniught, except liy convict labor, HS cheaply as it is now done by common Canadian and Nova Scotia Htone-unttera. Coarse cotton i{ooefl. In Can- ada what wo term fancy cossimeros are quite as often known and deserllMMl as tweeds. The phrase " t^voeils of wool" iucludes a wide class of goods, hitherto yielding little protit to further and iinoertaiu <;ompetiuon. Uuots and shoes are now almost wholly inmle by inu- i'hinery which, marvellous in all its jmrts as it is, can be cheaply trans- ferred to Cuniwlu and soon worked even by unskilled and alien hands. Machinery knows no allegiance, and works as cheerfully in one place lis another. Is it not manifest that the proposeil treaty shonld not re- ceive any favor f Is it not in fa«t a liimk baited witli a red rag f There will be a lurking ambiguity in the practical interpretation of such a treaty, and our experience teaches us to beware oil ambigu- ities in any treaties, especially with Ureat Britain or with tlio Can- ndus. The articles proposed in the schedules to be admitted free are to bo the growth, produce, or inuniifacture of the Dominion of Can- ada. Tho question will arise, to what anil how far does this apply 1 Kaw materials, if siMit to us. uiitst Im of Caiimlian growth or produce ; but may not manufactures be wholly or in part of foreign materials f If so, boots and shoes iimy bo mode of foreign leather, and yet be called nmnufactui'es of Canuila. English yarns might lie woven into cloth, either of cotton or wool, and tiius become Canadian manufac- tures. They might iirst send all of their wool here to market, and then send whatever they choose to cull tweeds, wholly mode of foreign low-priced wools, and would they not pass for Canadian manufac- tures T Would ready-made clothing need to bo mode of oiiy other than British oloth T English, Russia, or Swedes iron and steel could hudly be distinguished from Canadian iron ; and if it could be, when made into rails, nails, spikes, axes, scythes, plows, hoes, shovels, or spades, they would all lie called Canadian manufactures. Screws made of English wire, and nails of English nail-plate, would claim i-eciprocity privileges. Marble, in blocks or slabs, from Italy as well as from CaDaua, when wrought into monnmenta, mantels, or anything else, could not be denied tne claim as Canadian manufactures. Cast- ings made of Sootoh pig-iron, or any other, in the form of stoves, range«L hollow-ware, or machinery, would be held to be thoroughly Canadian. Manafactures advanced a single stage, receiving the last flnishing touch, might thereby obtain the guild of Canada. Suppose any of these articles to have the proper Canadian stamp and label upon them, how would any fraud be detected or punished f The frauds will be perpetrated, if perpetrated at all, as they are very likely to be, by Canadians. Can we send there to detect or puuiui themt Onr revenne laws, sitting too lightly upon the consciences of onr own people, have never bound the consciences of Canadians, and their reverence would not be much intensified by a reciprocity treaty. Thin partitions would divide free from dutiable merchandise. Cus- tom-house oaths are elastic the world over; and who could tell, except the men who swear, whether agricaltnral tools, grain-bags, tweeds, and locomotives were manufactured wholly or in part in the Cana- dian dominion or cl»cwlicro ? The Cauadinn field of smugglers, » nlwayN |>rolitl<- anfltii. The (liitrtbotlng iMiintN of illicit trndu in thaCanmlM would no lonaor be (ronflnod to tnnir preient loKally-eHtahliHiiod porta of f reo tmdo, Uaai»<6 und Sanlt Haintn Mario, nor to pincua on tiic Imundary line wbero Nnoh practiccH havo lon^ Itoon winkml at ; but tho iiinuirKlAr'i) art vronld b« Htudiod by uvorybody and evorywhoro ({ratefnlly patron- iiod. In all the di veraiflod oomplioations of thin propoMMl treaty, a careful Hcmtluy will ithow that not one of tho proviiiionH Htaniling Htark ulone conld be ai'cented on itii merits. Home would prove dlaaatnma to our intereata, and the l>eiit are palpably unequal ; but it in oertaiii that the character of the whole In not improved by the multiplicity of Its narta, and equally certain that if any one of its parts would prove uisaatrouR, that fact ihonld turn the itcale agaiuHi the treaty. Treaties are merely bargains between sovereignties, where the peo- ple for the most part are unrepresented, and the onlv legitimate mode of changing tariff laws is for the legislative authority to decide from time to time what articles of commerce shall or shall not be subject to duties, without the restraint of any side bargains with foreign powers. After a full examination of the proposed treaty, the conclusion wonld seem to l>e unavoidable that, so long as the Canadas are bound to oonsnlt the interests and supremacy of the imperial government, it is and will be impossible for them to otTer any terms of reciprocity which can be to the advantage of the United States to accept. Doing the best that can be done, yet the reciprocity with the Canadaa which snitfl great Britain would not suit us, or, if it suited us, could not suit Qreat Britain. It is an unequal commercial triangle which cannot bo squared. We can do nothing for the Canadas that we are not ready to do for the world at large. The proposals now oftere«l, whether relating to our future oommer- eial timft or to the problems of higher concern to statesmen, are delnaive and wholly inadmissible. We have no revenue to part with, and If we had, could not afford to squander gifts of vastly greater magnitude than all we are to receive in return. Our farmem feel a profound interest in the Oovomment they support, and they expect the Oovemment to reciprocate that interest by more regard than is to 1)6 extended to the farmers of any other country, who have noth- ing at stake but the profits and loss of trade ; and onr manufaoturera do not wish to meet Great Britain when they are nominally invited to meet the Canadas, or to lire with Leah for twenty-four years when they only love Rachel. Onr national patrimony should not be shared with the Canadas so long as they cling to sreater expecta- tions from other foreign relations. The sternest dictates of pm- denoe require ns to stand by the ancient usage of the Senate— deny- ing all authority to make reciprocity treaties, whether favorable or unflivorable, and especially to decline all diplomatic arrangements by which our own people are to be despoile