lAlJIIl.Mt.S AM) rK(l ^l^f;|l l.\ KI'ViI, W i.VCl-.WKs. I.v iJiil. 
 
THE 
 
 DISCOVERY AND CONQUESTS 
 
 -OP- 
 
 THE NORTHWEST 
 
 INCLUDING Tlli: 
 
 EARLY HISTORY OF CHICAGO, DETROIT, VIN- 
 
 CENXES, ST. LOUIS, FT. WAYNE, PRAIRIE 
 
 DlCHIEN, marietta, CINCINNATI 
 
 CLEVELAND, ETC., ETC. 
 
 AND INCIDENTS OF PIONEER LII- IN THE REGION OF THE 
 GREAT LAKES AND THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. 
 
 By EUFUl? CLANCHARD. 
 
 CHIOAGO: 
 GUSHING, THOMAS & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS, 
 
 1880. 
 
Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year iSSi, 
 
 By Rufus Blanchard, 
 in the office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Spain took the lead in settling the New "World. The 
 West India Islands, Peru, Mexico and Florida were Spanish 
 provinces before any other nation had obtained even a foothold 
 in the great Western inheritance of Nature. But these first 
 Spanish adventurers were too riclily rewarded with gold not to 
 intoxicate the brains of the nation. Despising the slow process 
 of agriculture as a means of wealth, they wasted' their strength 
 in searching for gold wherever they went, and left the fairest 
 portions of America to be colonized by France and England. 
 France pushed her settlements up the St. Lawrence river, and 
 ultimately into the country of the great chain of lakes and the 
 entire valley of the Mississippi, with a view of holding the great 
 channels of American commerce, while the English, at random, 
 set their foot upcni the Atlantic coast, without any plans for the 
 future. It is seldom that great national expectations are fulfilled, 
 and the ultimate destiny of America is no exception to this 
 almost universal rule. Year after year the English colonists 
 toiled in contentment along the eastern fringe of the continent, 
 hardly beyond the hearing of the waters that beat against their 
 narrow foothold in the New World. What was beyond these 
 confines they knew not, nor liad they time to incpiire, for other 
 work was oefore them. Across the ocean they had unconsci< )usly 
 borne the elements of a great nation. These had to be phiiitcd 
 on a new soil and cultivated into a vigorous growth. While this 
 planting season \*as in progress, the French, with far-reaching 
 ainbition, were strengthening their positions in the interior by 
 buildhig forts and establishing friendlv relations with the Indians. 
 
 No rivalship between th" two nations was manifested at 
 
4 Introduction. 
 
 first, but ultimately the religion and State policy of France was 
 destined to come into conipetitioji with these same elements in 
 the workings of the English mind. The latter prevailed after 
 a long and apparently even-matched warfare, and the hopes of 
 France were dashed to the ground. Tlie English Hag now 
 waved over lake, river, and coast, wherever beginnings had been 
 made, bnt their triumph had but a transient tenure. A new 
 idea seizes upon the minds of men. and a new flag springs into 
 existence. The English in turn are driven fi'oiu our soil, and 
 only the Indians, its natural inheritors, left to contend against the 
 Americans. A prolonged struggle ensned on their part for 
 existence, and on ours for advancement. Many complex con- 
 ditions were brought into the issue. The early French relations 
 to the Indians ; their inter-nuirriages and consequent sympathy 
 for them ■, the fur trade and its medley of associations, evil and 
 good ; the partially successful missionary efforts both of the 
 French Koman Catholic Fathers^ and of the United Bretliren, or 
 Moravi'^ns. A^l these brought a charm of romance into the 
 ever open chasm between the pioneer soldiers and the tenacious 
 Indians, Slowly and sadly the latter retreated forever fi-oni the 
 blood-stained soil, and few of their offspring are left among the 
 living of to-day. Neither their courage, nor their murderous 
 revenge could save them, and what has been a loss to them (but 
 a few in number), has been a gain to the millions who now own 
 the soil. 
 
 Never before in the history of the world has the ambition 
 of man been stimulated to such an extent as here. The 
 jurists, the schoolmasters, and the ministers of New England and 
 Virginia followed the host of pioneers to the new field where all 
 the appliances of civilization were to be built and the timber 
 taken from the stump. During this process the stream of wealth 
 has more than kept pace with expectation, till we now find our 
 selves equal in rank and inliuence with the older States of the 
 Union. For this position we are partly indebted to recruits from 
 all the enlightened nations of Europe. It is not too much to 
 say that we are made up of the activity and enterprise of the 
 world as it brinnned over its confines at home and found a 
 broader field here for its action. 
 
 "The West," "Western," "Western characteristics," 
 
Introduction. 5 
 
 are significant expressions. They mean dash, spirit, elasticity, 
 
 resolution, and hope. Nor is it strange that these are the prom- 
 inent traits of a people whose star of destiny has so suddenly 
 risen to the zenith ; of a people nurtured into confidence in 
 themselves by an almost unremitting tide of advancement in 
 every tiling which constitutes national grandeur, except the fin- 
 ishing touches of art and science, which are yet to be perfected. 
 
 While these conditions have grown upon us in our progress 
 down the highways of time, we have laid upon ourselves heavy 
 burdens by premature legislation, not unlike those of tlie erratic 
 sallies of childhood. Wiser counsels must come to our rescue 
 to make amends for these, just as the well-digested thoughts of 
 maturity i-ecast the images of youth. 
 
 Breathing time has now come to view the ground over which 
 we have traveled, doubly endeared to us, because we ourselves 
 were the first to take possession of it, and because we fashioned 
 its institutions after our own model. That our history rises in 
 importance as we assume larger proportions in the body politic, 
 is manifested by the eagerness with which every thing pertain- 
 ing to the early records of the West is sought after, and by the 
 increasing number of Historical Societies springing up through- 
 out the country, for the preservation of these precious relics. 
 
 Tiie rival interests of nations, complicated with religious and 
 social conditions, produce war, and the province of the historian 
 is not circumscribed to the details of the battle-field. These are 
 but the means by which the passions and sympathies of nations 
 achieve their ends. Hence, history, without reference to issues 
 and contingencies, is only a bundle of facts, packed into the 
 leaves of a book too tightly for the wedge of inquiry to let liglit 
 shine between them. If the historian has failed to introduce to 
 his readers the motive power that lets loose the dogs of war, his 
 book will be like the play of "Hamlet with Hamlet left out." 
 That history has taken the first place in literature, is due to the 
 exhaustless character of its subjects, among which ma;/ be found 
 truths which foreshadow the future from the past, and leave a 
 more abiding impression than the teachings of fiction. 
 
 Th£ Authoo. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Jacques Cartier exjplores the tit. Lcnorence River — Settlement of 
 Quebec — Discovery of Lake Charivplain — Expedition against 
 the Iroquois — Dutch settlement at Jlbamj — Discovery of Lake 
 Huron — The Falls of St. Mary reached — The French take 
 formal possessiott of the country — Discovery of the Mississip- 
 pi Biver — TheFictured Hocks — Disrovery of the Chicago Fort- 
 age — Marquette winters at Chicago — IVif Indians' ajf'ection 
 for him — Feliyious services on the praines — Death of Mar- 
 quette — The removal of his remains to St. Ignace — IDs Jour- 
 nal — Late discovery of his bones. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Ft. Catarauqui built at the Outlet of Lake Ontario — La Salle 
 arricts in Canada — His Ambitiotis Flans — He builds a Ves- 
 sel for JV^avigating the Lakes — He sails for Green Fay, and 
 is sent back Laden with Furs — La Scdle anives at the mouth 
 of the St. Joseph and builds a Fort — Goes to the Illinois 
 Fiver and commences Building a Vessel to Explore the Mis- 
 sissippi to its Mouth — Hennepin starts to E^rplore the Upper 
 Mississippi — His Captivity— Du Lhut among the Sioux — La 
 Salle returns to Canada to raise Becruits — Bad j^eics from 
 Ft. Creve-Goeur — Betrilnition — Iroquois Invasion of the Illi- 
 nois Country — Indian Trading Policy — Desperate Exploit of 
 Tonty — Council with the Western Tribes — La Salle's Flans 
 Besumed — Success. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 La Salle Betums to the Illinois Country — Ft. St. Louis Built 
 - L:i Salle leasves Tonty in Command of Ft. St. Louis, and 
 Starts for France — Tonty Urijustly Sup)erseded in. Command 
 by La Barre, the New Governor of Canada — La Salle at 
 theCourtfor Lotiis XLV. — La Barre Becalled — Tonty Be- 
 stored to Command — La Salle furnished with a Fleet to Sail 
 for the Mouth of the Mississip>p)i and Establish a Colony— 
 The Fleet passes it.<i Destination, and Lands on the Coast of 
 Texas — Treachery of Beaujeu — La Salle Builds a Fort — His 
 
"Vessels Lost — Desperate Condition of the Colony — La Salle 
 starts Across the Wilds for the Illinois Covmtry — Lie is As- 
 sassinated on the Way — Tlte Murderers fall upon each other 
 — Return of Cavelier and His Party — Tonifs Fort on the 
 ArJcccnsas — Mendacious Concealment of La Salle's Death — 
 Iherville and Bienville nuike a Settlement at the Mouth of 
 Mississippi — Analysis of the Enylish Colonies, 
 
 CHAPTER lY. 
 
 F'i*'st passage through the Detroit River — A Stone Statue found 
 there— English, on the Upptr Lakes — Settlement of Detroit — 
 The Foxes Attack the Place — Mission of FatJier Mar<iuette 
 at AliGhilimachinac — Cahokia and Kaskashia Settled — Ft. 
 Chartres — Yincennes Settled — Comparison, of the \English 
 with the French Colonies — The Paris Convention to Establish 
 the Line between the English and E^rench in America — 
 Convention at Albany — The Ohio Company — The L^rench 
 Build F'orts on French Creek — Gov. Dinwiddie sends Wash- 
 ington to Warn them out of the Country — The Ohio Company 
 send Trent to Build a Fort where Pittsburgh now stands — 
 Lie is driven avjay by the French— Washington sent to the 
 Frontier — Lie Attack^ the French — Retreats — Builds Ft. 
 Necessity — The Fort taken by the French. 
 
 CIIAPT!-:]! \. 
 
 General Braddock aiTimes in America — Plan of the First Cam- 
 oaign — Baron Dieskau reaches Canada — Braddock marches 
 against Ft. Duqiiesne — His Defeat — ■Ecpedition to Acadia 
 — Shirley starts to take E^t. Niagara— J ohnson^ s Campaign 
 on the shores of Lake George — Defeat of Dieskati — L.ord 
 LAnidon appointed Commander-in-Chief of the English for- 
 ces — Gen. Montcalm appointed to cornmand the French forces 
 — English and French Policy and Diphnnacy — 3lontcahn 
 takes Oswego — Ljmdon^s Expedition starts to attack Louis- 
 hurg — L'^t. William Henry taken by Montcalm — Loudon, re- 
 called and Gen. Abererombie put in his pliice — Louisburq 
 taken by Admiral Boscawen — Gen. Abercromhie attacks Ti- 
 conderoga — Gen. Bradstreet takes Ft. L^rontenac — Gen. 
 Forbes' Expeclition against Ft. Duquesne — Mission of Chris- 
 tian Frederic P<j.d — 7'7. Duquesne LJvacniated and taken pos- 
 session <fby L\>rbes — Gen. Aberc7'ombie recalled and Gen. 
 Amherst put in his place — Ft. Niagara taken by Gen. John- 
 son — Ticonderogo and Crown Point Evacuated — Quebec 
 taken hy Gen. Wolfe — Canada and the West given up to tlie 
 English. 
 
Co.NTKNT.S. 
 
 CHAPTER YI. 
 
 lioqers sent hy Gen. Antherst to take Possession of Detroit — 
 lie meets Pontiac on the way — Holds a Colloquy with him — 
 Detroit GaTrisoned hy the Eri^lish, under Capt. Camphell 
 — Discontent of the Indians — Alexander Henry ho'^rives at 
 MichilimacJdna<; — Conspiracy to drive the English out of the 
 Cotintry — Detroit saved from. Massacre hy an Ojihway Girl 
 — Is Besieged — 3Iassacre at Middlimaclcinac — Narrow Es- 
 <mpe of Alexander Henry — St. Joseph, Ouatanon, Iliami, 
 <xnd Sandusky taken hy the Indians — Capture of the Batieau 
 Fleet sent to Succor Detroit — Horiihle Massacre of the Sol- 
 diers — Detroit Believed — Arrival of Caj)t. Dalzell — His 
 Dimstroas Sortie — Desperate Defense of a Vessel loaded 
 with Supplies — Pontiac retires to the Maumee Bapids. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Ft. Pitt Besieged hy the IridAans — Fate of Fts. Presque Isle^ 
 le Ikeuf. and Yenango — Col. Bouquet marclies to the Belief 
 of Ft. Pitt — Battle (f Bushy Bun — Ge7i. Amherst re-signs 
 his position as Commander-in-Chief and Gen. Gage is ap- 
 point ed his successerr — Sir^Ym. Johnson calls an Indian Con- 
 'ventiun at Niagara — Gen. Bradstreet marches to the Belief 
 of Detroit— Col. Bouquet invades the Indian Country on tlie 
 Jiud'ingum Birer- — llolds a Council with the Indians — De- 
 irmnd-^ the Bendition ef Captives — Passionate emotions of 
 f>r<'d life — Preliminaries (f Peace — The Army returns to 
 iJbt frontier settlements in Pennsylvania with 206 returned 
 <'aptives. 
 
 CHAPTER Till. 
 
 The Illinois Country — Slavery — The Lead Trade — LaClede^a 
 Grant — Ft. (Jhartres — Settlement of St. Louis — Louisians 
 ceded to Spai)i — The English, under Major Loftvs, att< mnt 
 to p:netrate to the Illinois Country hy way of the Mi-'<-s>s- 
 sippi — xire repulsed — Geo. Croghan — He advances to the 
 Illinois Country — Is tcdicn prisoner — Is released — IIoid!< a 
 Council icithhiK Indian captors, and h'ings them to terms 
 favorahle to the English— -Items from his Journal — The 
 Illinois Cenintry taken possession of hy Captain Stcrlijuj 
 —Proclamntion of Gen. Gage — Earli/ Governors of the 
 Illinois Country — Pontiac in CouncU with Sir M''illiam 
 •Johnson — He resigntt hi-s andjiti^mx designs — His death and 
 its consequences — Chicago, tlie Ind'ua Chief. 
 
C02<TKNTS, 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 The English attempt to wevent Settlements heyond' the Ohio 
 Iliver — Early Commercial Policy — The JS'ortmcest annexed 
 to Canada — Battle of Point Pleasant — Logan — lievolu- 
 tionanj Sentiments on, the Frontier — Girty, Elliot and 
 McKee — The Continental Congress — The Issve among the 
 Indians — Expeditions against St. Joseph — George Rogers 
 Clark — His Expedition against the Illinois Country and 
 Yincennes — Indian Council at Cahokia — Father Gihault — 
 Francis Yigo — War Declared Between England and Sjyain 
 — Its effect on the Illinois Country. 
 
 CHAPTEK X. 
 
 Moravian Settlements on the MusMngum — Premonitions of 
 the American Pevohition — British Eniissanes Among the 
 Indians^Forts Jlclntosh and Laurens Built — Desperate 
 Attack on the Latter — The Siege Raised hy Hunger — The 
 Moravians Removed — Mary Ileckv^elder s Account — Horri- 
 ble Slaughter of the Eddies — Crawford's Exj)edition Against 
 Sandusky — The Enemy Encountered — Cravford Taken 
 Pris'oner — His Awful Death by Fire — Peace — Complex Di- 
 plomacy at the Treaty of Paris — Firmness of Jay Tri- 
 umphant. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Characteristics and Costume of the Virainia Border Men and 
 the Neio England Pioneers — The Ohio Company Formed — 
 Marietta Settled — Cession of the Northwest to the United 
 States — Symes^ Purchase — Columbia^ JS^orth Btnd and Cin- 
 ciniuiti Settled — Emigration in Arks — The British on the 
 Lakes — Their Relations with the Indians — St. Clair Arrives 
 at Marietta as Governor of the Northviest Territory — Courts 
 Established — Harrner Invades the Indian Country — The 
 French and Indian, Villages on the Wabash Destroyed. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Little Turtle — His Masterly Abilities— Privations of the Early 
 Settlers — St. Clmr''s Expedition against the Indians — His 
 Defeat — Its Cames — He Resigns — Gen. Anthony Wayne 
 Succeeds him — Peace Commimioners on the Canada Border — 
 The Indians claim the Ohio River as a Boundary Line 
 between Themselves and the Whites — The Terms Inadmissible 
 and the Council a Failure. 
 
Contents. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Genet, the Minister of the New French BepuWic^ Sent to the- 
 United States — Ahiise of his Poicer Danget'ous to America — 
 He is Recalled at the iierj^uest of Jef'ev son— General Wayne 
 marches against the Indians — Builds Fort Jtecovery — The 
 Indians Attack the Place — Are Pepulscd — Evidence <f En- 
 glish Complicity loithtJie Indian Cause — General Wayne Ad- 
 vances to the St. Mary's River — Sends Peace Pr-posals to 
 Little Turtle — He wishes to accept them. Ijut is Overruled in 
 the Council — A Decisive Battle Ensues— General Wayne un- 
 der the Guns of the English Fort — The English Commander- 
 Takes Offense — An angry Correspondence Ensues — English 
 Vieio of the Case — Fort Wayne BuiU — Treaty of Greenville — • 
 Little Turtle's Honorahle Record — His death — Piddic Honors 
 to his Memory — The Free Navigation of the Mississij)pi 
 conceded hy Spain — The English give up the American 
 Posts on the Lakes — CleveUmd Settled. 
 
 CHAPTEK Xiy. 
 
 William Henry Harrison; His Ancestry and Birth — Is ap- 
 pointed Governor of the Indian Territory — Sjpanish posses- 
 sion of Louisiana — jVa2)ole07i's Amhitious Designs Shown- 
 hy the Conquest of St. Poniingo^ and hy the Purchase of Lou- 
 isiana from Spain— French Designs Frustrated hy t)o' En- 
 glish — Purchase of Louisiana hy the United^ States — Conse- 
 quent Necessity of a Fort on tJie Upp>er Lakes — St. Josephs 
 Chorea for its Locality — The Indians Ohject to its Erectwrb 
 — Chicago Next Selected — The Fort Built Here — Margaret 
 and Elizaheth, the Captives — Their Adventures, and what 
 grew out of Them — Jimn Kiiizie — His Youthful Life — He-. 
 Settles in Chicago — The Fur Trade and the I^ngagee. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Governor Har)*ison''s Efforts to Eiftinguish Indian Titles to- 
 Lands — Indian Discontents — Temimseh — The Prophet — 
 Tecumseh^s Interview, with Harrison — Its Threatening As- 
 pect — Tecumseh^s Attempt to Form a Conftderacy — HaiTi- 
 son Marches into the Indian Country — Encamps at Tippe- 
 canoe — The Prophet Attacks Him — Is Defeated — Tevumseh^s-- 
 Plans Fritstrated hy the Battle — The Territory ef lUinovn 
 Organised — Ninian Edwards Appointed Governor. 
 
CONTKNTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Jfays Tv<iaty of 179^ — Its Bencfiekd Effects — Decrees of Berlin 
 toiil Milan — Betaliatory English Orders— The Continental 
 S>/st-em — Ame'rica Victimizi-d hy it — The Emlargo and non- 
 Jiif.ereoiirse Acts — Fruitless Najotiation hetween England 
 Kind the United States — Complications with France — Tlte 
 French Decrees Revol'cd — Tke United States Declare ^Yar 
 Against England — The British: on the Tales — General II idl 
 limches Detroit v)ith an Army — Crosses into Canada — lie- 
 
 . connoisance of Colonel Cass— :'irst Hostile Shot in. the War 
 of 1812 — General Ilidl Betnrns to Detroit— jSIAchiUmacinac 
 Talxcn hy the English — Tecum:^'hi in the British Service — 
 Indian Raid on Ted's Place — Panic cd Chicago — General 
 Hull at Detroit — He Crosses the River into Canada — His 
 Perjplexities — His Sunxndcr. 
 
 CHAPTEE XYII. 
 
 I^orf Dearlorn in Danger — Its Evacuation ordered hy General 
 Hull- — Winnemac, the Friendly Jlessenger — Vacillating 
 I'olicy (f Captain Heald. the Commander — InflexibHity of 
 Ensign Ronan — J<din Kin:ue^ his Wise Co^insd— Council 
 trdh the Pottatcattomi.es — Bad Faith, of Captai}) Ileedd in 
 tin' Destruction of Arms, etc. — llonorahh: Coifession (f 
 Blacl' Partridge — Arrival of a Heroic Friend — The Fort 
 Evacuated — Indian Tratchery — J//'v. Ilelni's GrajMc Ac- 
 count of the Massacre which fdhnced. 
 
 CHAPTER XYIII. 
 
 The British tal'e the Offensive— -Fort Wayne Beseiged hy their 
 Indian Allies— Timely Wa/'ning to its Defenders — General 
 
 _- _ ^aptait. , _, „ 
 
 son at Fort Wayne— Its B(Keigers fy— Expedition Against 
 the Indian Towns on the Illinois River — Its Bootless Ter- 
 inination^Governoi' Reynolds in the Ranhs — His Statement 
 — Relentless Attacl' on Peoria — The English on the Upper 
 J^ississippi — Black HawVs Historical JVarration. 
 
Contents. 
 
 CHAPTEK XIX. 
 
 General Harrison Appointed to the Command of the N'ortli- 
 western Ar?ny — 2en Thousaiul Men Raised to Reclaim. De- 
 troit and Invade Canada — A Wilderness of Mud Interposes 
 between the Combatants — General Winchester Reach:s the 
 Rapids of the Maumee — Advances to French Town, on the 
 River Raisin — Battle of the River Raisin. Ending in De- 
 feat, Capitulation and Treacherous Sla/aqhtcr of War Pris- 
 oners — Fort Meigs Built at th' luipids — General Proctor 
 Advances Against the Place — Desperate Attach and Sioccess- 
 ful Defense of the Post — Tht Britiidi Ri treat and Attack 
 Ft. Stephenson — The Masked Six-pounder and its Fatal 
 Effects—Ronte of the British — The War Transferred to Can- 
 ada — Jhe Am encanWar Fleet Sails from Ene — The jVaral 
 Battle — The Amoncan Army in Cahada — Battle of the 
 TJiames — Tecumseh Slain- -Michigan Reclaimed — Peace. 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 The Great West as a New Arena for Progress — Religions Free- 
 dom — Its Effects — Distnhutive Versns Concentrated learn- 
 ing — Out a oilman Pedigree and Its Effects — The lakes a 
 llighiray to the West — Fort Dearborn Rebuilt — PnHminary 
 Survey for the Illinois and Michigan Caned — Jnhn Kinsie 
 Returns to Chicago — Indian Treaty Relinquishing Lands 
 from Chicago to the Illinois River — Illinois Admitted Into 
 the Union as a Sovereign State — Its Northern Bovndary 
 E'dendtd — Reasons for it — Chicago the Central Key of 
 the Nation. 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 The Fur Trade of Canada Under a French Charter — The 
 Huguenot Sailors — Dutch Rivalry — The Iludson Bay Com- 
 pany—The Northwest Company Its Rival — The Two Co7n- 
 panies Merged into One — The Amencan Fur Company 
 under John Jacob Astor — Astoria. Founded, and Taken by 
 the Iludson Bay Company — Mr. Astor Begins Anew at 
 Mackinaw — Hardihood of the Engagees—The American 
 Fur Company Establish a Branch at Chicago — Gurdon S. 
 Hubbard as Clerk for the Amencan Fur Company— Arrives 
 at Chicago — His Report of the Place — De>*cends the Des- 
 plaines — His Report of the Indians and their Wigwams — 
 Hostile Repartee ivith an Indian — The Factory System — 
 First Wedding in Chicago — Great Indian Treaty at Chi- 
 cago — Governor Cass Opens the Council — Three Thousand 
 Indians Eat Rations at Government Expense — Speech of 
 Metea — Colonel E. Childs'' Description cf the Country. 
 
CHAPTER XXIL 
 
 The Name Chicago First A2>l>ears on School Atlases — The 
 MysteHes Beyond — Adveiitures of James Galloway and 
 What Grew ont of" Them — Antral of the i'lyhourns at 
 Chicago — Chicago Surveyed, and Laid Out in Village Lots 
 — The Winnebago Scare — The Lllinois and Michigan Ca- 
 nal Located — Civil Jiistory of Early Chicago — County 
 Organization — Adjacent Settlements — David McKee's 
 Narration. 
 
 CHAPTEE XXIII. 
 
 The Wimiehagoes, the Pottawatomies, and the Sacs and FoTes 
 in 1S32 — Black Haivk^s Village and Coriifield Purchased 
 hy tJie Whites^T^orhearance of the Indians — A Transient 
 Compromise — Governor Reynolds Calls for Volunteers to 
 Drive Away the Indians — They lletire Across the Missis- 
 sippi — Bad Advice of White Cloud, the Proj^het — Black 
 Ilaick Jxeturns to Illinois, and Camj)s at Sycamore Creek — 
 The Dog Feast — The I\i.rsu'it — The Alarm — Stillman^s De- 
 feat — Indian Creeh Massacre — Flight of the Frontierers — 
 General Scott Arrives at Detroit — The Cholera Among his 
 Men — He An'ives at Chicago — Fearful Parages of the 
 Pestilence — Black Hav:k\^ Fugitive Skirmisher in Northern 
 Illinois — His Retreat— Battle of Bad Axe — General Scott 
 Arrives at Fort Armstro')ig — Black Hawk Brought in as a 
 Prisoner — The War Ended. 
 
 CHAPTER XXiy. 
 
 ■Chicago as Seen hy Philo Carpenter in 1832 — Eli B. Wil- 
 Ivirns' Report of Chicago in 1833 — Cook County Organised 
 — The Town of Cliicago Organized under a Board of Trus- 
 tees — The Mouth of the River Opened — The First Puhlic 
 Loan— Indian Treaty of 1830— Ditto if 1833 at Chicago- 
 Graphic Description <f Chicago and the Treaty hy an En- 
 glim Traveler — The Indian Titles Extinguished — The In- 
 dians Removed. 
 
 CHAPTER XXY. 
 
 The Beauhiens — Pioneer Hotel — Ingenious Device for Lodg- 
 ings—The Pioneer Newspaper — Its Suhscrij)tion lAst — 
 Wolfs Point — Lts lnhd)itants — Alexander Rohinson — His 
 Character — His Wonderfid Age — Shahonee — His Character 
 — Chicago in 183 Ji. — Chicago in 183o — Turning the First 
 Sod for the Canal — -Celehratiort of the Event — fts Conse- 
 quences — TJie Last Records of Chicago as a Town 
 
Contents. 15 
 
 Chicago Chartered as a City. 
 
 First Mayor Elected — ^YJ^{g and Democratic Issue — Enlarge- 
 ment of the City in Wards, and Extension of City Limits. 
 
 Officiai- Record of Fort Dearborn. 
 Its Locality — Last Lielicts Destroyed in the Great Eire. 
 
 The Chicago Post Office: 
 
 Its various Localities — List and Ter;:'s of its Post Masters — 
 Its Revenue. 
 
 The Chicago Harbor: 
 Ajyprojyriations to Imjyrove it — Lts Present Capacit/y. 
 
 Convention of i86o: 
 
 Its Xatlonal Charafter—Adai^tation of Chicago to its Pe- 
 i£uirenients — Abraham .Lincoln its Choice — Lts Results. 
 
 The Great Chicago Fire: 
 
 i#<v Origin — Area hurnt over — Amount of Property Destroyed 
 — A jS^ight of Horrors — Victims in the Open Air — Elas- 
 tic Force of the City Government — Generosity of American 
 Towns and Cities — Europe Resjtonds — The Rebound — I'he 
 Building Mania. 
 
 Grammar of American Names, 
 
 Analysis of Names on American 3faps — Indian Names — 
 Their Meaning and Derivation. 
 
 Diary of George Washington ox his Tour to the 
 
 Ohio in 1753; 
 
 Shea''s Lntroduotion and Notes to it — Young Washington meets 
 th^ French in Cotmcil — Waims them out of the Country — 
 Returtn- to Virginia — His Narrow Etcape from Death, and 
 his Sufferings on the Route. 
 
LIST OF I LLV ST RATIONS, 
 
 '~.f 
 
 :,rAPS, 
 
 Fac Simile of tlie Autogra])!! M-.x]) of tlit; Missist^ippi. or <!^oncep- 
 tioii Jtiver, drawn l>y Fatlu-r Marquette at tlie time ..f hh 
 yovai^e. Frt^iii the oriii-inal, preserved in St. ^Mary's C'ol- 
 leice. ^Montreal. 
 
 Maj) illustratinir tlie Discovery <»f the ^N'orthwest, and the 
 French and Tndian AV'ai', 
 
 Map ilhistratinir Pontiac's "War, and tlie Caiupaiijns of (len. 
 Clarke. Gov. St. (Mair. Gen. "Wayne, and (Jen. Harrison. 
 
 Map of Ghicajijo in is 12. 
 
 Map illustratin<r tlie Black Hawk AVai-, i!i 1^32. 
 
 Maj) of Northern and Central Illinois, in 1S35. 
 
 Map of Chieai^o Harbor, in ISSO. 
 
 vji:wh;. 
 
 Frontispiece — Gen. Harrison and Teciimseli in Council at Yin- 
 cenues. in 1810. 
 
 St. Louis in 18:53. From an Oi-ii^-inal I'ainting by Geo. Catliii, 
 in jjoseession of the Mercantile Library Association. 
 
 Fort Washin<irton in ITOO^Site of Cineiiniati. 
 
 The Old Kinzie House. The iirst house in Chicago, partly built 
 in 1796; tiuished and occupied by John Kinzie, in 1804. 
 
 Cinciimati in 1810. 
 
 Costumes, Arms and Habitations of Early Inhabitants. 
 
 Cleveland in 1833. 
 
 Fort "Wayne in 1795. 
 
 Marietta in 1792. 
 
 Battle of JJad Axe. 1S32. 
 
 Fort Dearborn, Chicago, as it appeared in 1853. ' 
 
 17 
 
CllAFTEli I. 
 
 Jdques Cartier explores the St- Lmm'ence River — Settlement 
 •of Quebec — Discover)/ of Lake Champlain — Expedition 
 against the Iroquois — Dutch settlement at Albany — Discov- 
 ery of Lake Huron — The Falls of St. Mary reached — The 
 French take formal possession of the country — Discovery of 
 the Mis-^issijypi Rivvr — The Pictured Rocks — Discovery of 
 the ChlcAKjo Portaye — Marquette vnnters at Chicago— The 
 Indians'' affection for him — RellgionB servicer on the prat- 
 Ties— Death of Marquette. The removal of his remains tc 
 St. Ljnace — Ills dournal — Late discovery of his bones. 
 
 Far in the depths of a new {"ontinent, a flat lieatli of •waving 
 grasses is ])iereed l)y a small tranquil stream, from whose unrip- 
 pled face tlie moonbeams had glittered for ages in silence. 
 
 This is all that can be said of the historj- of Chicago, till the 
 white man visited it, and learned from the Indians that it was a 
 convenient portage from the interior to the lakes. 
 
 When Alexander was weeping that there were no more worlds 
 to conquer, with no overstrain of the imagination, we can see 
 the Indian securely gliding his canoe over the Chicago river into 
 Lake Michigan, with an omni])otent reliance upon his own skill 
 and courage, to protect himself from the greatest conqueror on 
 earth, and it is diffi:!ult to tell which would have been the most 
 surprised, Alexander or the Indians, could both have been in- 
 formed of each other. 
 
 History begiiib with mythology, in the old world, — in the 
 new, on an immaculate tablet, simple and positive. Here the 
 white man has raised his altars and commenced making his 
 record, and the traditions of the red man have vanished before 
 him, but still some enduring monuments of his ncmienclature 
 
 re mam. 
 
 These unlettered lexicogra{)hers gave symbolic names to their 
 rivers, lakes, islands and to themselves, and in their vocabulary 
 they had the name Chicago, wnich, in the language of the 
 Illinois tribes meant an onion. And in the language of the Pot- 
 tawattomies, who dwelt at Chioago, it meant ajjule-cat. These 
 
20 Settlement of Quehec. 
 
 we e its liteiiil mcaninijs in a positive sense, and Ly tliis naiue- 
 the place where our city stanck, has been knowu from a period 
 ante-datiui^ its history.* It is hi^-hly prohible tliat it was tlnis 
 named because wild onions grew in ij^reat profusion there. That 
 the name w'as a synonyni of honoi-, is demonstrated from the lact 
 the Illinois tribes named one of their chiefs Chicaijo, and thus ele- 
 vated above his peers, he was sent to France in 1725, and had the 
 distiniruished honor of being introduced to the Company of The 
 Indies.f 
 
 The discovery and exploration of the winkle interior of the 
 country, was the work of French zeal and enthusiasm. To 
 propagate the faith was the lirst object, at least in theory, but not 
 far behind it was ambition to annex new realms to the cri>wn of 
 France. In ])ursuit of these two (jbjects, the ex])loits (;f tlR-ii" 
 advetiturers, sohiiers and missionaries. Iiave justly challenged the 
 admiration of ihe world, ijorne along by the tidal wavi' of 
 glory, these men gathered force and strength as they penetrated 
 into tlie country, and breathed the air of freedom which pervade 
 ed the liuiitless creation of i)rairie and forest under the regime, 
 of the red man. 
 
 Even before the Spaniards under De Soto, had ])enetrated 
 from Florida to the Mississi])])i river, which was from l.'iSl* to 
 15-io, the French under Ji^^ues C'artier, liad sailed u}) the St. 
 Lawrence as far as Quebec. This was in 15oft The deligliti.'d 
 adventurers r(!turned to France with the news of their discov- 
 eries of the wedge-shaped river ninety miles wide at its mouib, 
 graduating to the dimensions of a common river at (^uolx'c. 
 What was beyond was left to conjecture for the present. I'l r 
 France was then too nuich distracted with religious dissensions^ 
 at home, to utilize her discoveries on the St. Lawrence, and it 
 was not till 1(508 that she made the attempt. At that time, Sam- 
 uel de Cham plain, who was justly called tlie father of Ki-w 
 France, made a permanent settlement at Quebec. He was the 
 man for the place: austere in religion, sapient in politics, and 
 courageous in war. 
 
 The deeds of the first settlers of all new countries are germ- 
 
 fa^ 
 
 cells of future destiny. Even the early Indian ])olicy has had 
 its influence, and it is not too much to say, may have had much 
 to do with casting the lot of the Northwest ultimately, with the 
 English colonies, instead of with the F'rench, who were its flrst 
 discoverers and owners. The tribes along the St. Lawrence, or 
 Ht»chelega, as it was sometimes called, were friendly with the 
 French, whom they called Ononthio (our older brother.) In 
 
 * Happily there is now (1878) a living witness (Gurdon S. Hubbard, Esq.,) well 
 known for candor, who was versed in the Illinois language, whose testimony is 
 the authority here given for the meaning of the word, and may be looked upor. 
 as conclusive. Schoolcraft and other authorities might also be cited, if more werf* 
 required. 
 
 + ;ihe ' • Cl'.arlcvoix. Vol. VI, page 76. 
 
Settlement at Albany. 21 
 
 Champlain they beheld their champion who could lead them to 
 victory against their ancient enemie*, the Iroquois, or Five 
 Natiolis, who inhabited the present Stnte of New York. Their 
 central seat of power was located on the banks of Onondaga 
 hike, among the cluster of lakes which was then, and is now, 
 the paradise of the region thereal)outs. 
 
 Without discussing the merits of the dispute between these 
 traditionary enemies, Champlain consented to lead a war party 
 of his allies, of the St. Lawrence, against tiie Iro(pi<>is. It was 
 in Hi09, the next year after the settlement of (Quebec, that he, 
 with a canoe lieet of noisy Indians, i)addled his way up the 
 river, then witliout a name, wiiich connects the waters of Lake 
 Champlain""' with the St. Lawrence river. Following the West- 
 ern Bank of the Lake nearly to the present site of Ticonderoga, 
 at midnight they saw the enemy, who, like themselves, were on 
 s<nue adventure. The two parties held a parley and agreed to 
 laud and wait till daylight before commencing the fight. In ac- 
 cordance with this truce, each band chose their positions like 
 duelists on a Meld of honor. Champlain opened the battle by 
 piercing two Iroquois chiefs tiirough tJie body at a single shot of 
 his ritic, and the brave but astonished Iroquois tied before the 
 eticctive weapons of warfare, which had been so unexpectedly 
 introduced among them. But the end was not yet. The same 
 year Henry Hudson sailed up the river, which bears his name, 
 to the present site of All)any, and built Ft. Orange. Around 
 this nucleus of German powder (ultimately English power,) tiie 
 Iroquois gathered with amicable intentions, all tliemore abiding 
 from the fact that the French )iad assaulted them at iirst sight, 
 and thus made them their enemies. 
 
 This good fellowship was reciprocated. The Indians wanted 
 guns, kettles and knives, and the Dutch wanted furs in exchange 
 for them. In a few years they wanted more. As the aggres- 
 sive spirit of the French on the8t. Lawrence began to make itself 
 maiiifest,the Dutch found their Iroquois allies a convenient bul- 
 wark, behind which to take shelter from their Canadian foes, both 
 French and Indian, who at an early day often threatened the 
 Northern border with destructive forays; meantime Champlain's 
 colony soon I)egan to feel the weight of Iroquois v^engeance, re- 
 lieved only by treacherous intervals of peace. In 1615 Champlain 
 pushed his explorations to the banks of Lake Huron, and tiour- 
 ishino- niissi<uiary stations were established in the country of 
 the llurons on the Eastern shore of the lake, which still perpet- 
 uate *heir memory. In 1041 two zealous missionaries, Jogues 
 and Rambault reached the falls of St. Mary, and in 1658, two 
 venturesome fur traders, one of whose names was De Groseilles, 
 reached the Western extremity of Lake Superior and wintered 
 
 * The lake took its name from him. 
 
22 Jf'irst News of the Mississippi' 
 
 among the Sioux, tlie same people whose descendants over- 
 wliehned the aniij of Gen. Custer in tlie Black Hills, during 
 the summer of 1876. At that time these tribes numbered 
 40,000" and held tiie country tar to tlie West — even beyond the 
 Mississippi river. They told the French traders about the 
 great river which flowed southwardly through the interior, which 
 were the lirst direct tidings which came to them of this stream 
 The next spring the two traders returned to Canada with an 
 escort of 250 Indians and a vahiable cargo ot furs. A great 
 sensation was produced by this imposing delegation. Tlie 
 news they brought of the great river was particularly inspirin.- 
 to the French, whose passion for water channels of communi- 
 cation into the interior was overweening. An expedition to 
 return with the Sioux to their distant lodges beyond the great 
 lakes, was immediately set on foot ; all classes were eager to 
 join it, the fur traders for peltries and the missionaries to open 
 new fields for gospel cultivation. The former provided them- 
 selves with trinkets for barter with the Indians, and the latter 
 with baptismal basins wherewith to put the seal of Christianity 
 upon their disciples, who were to be converted from heathenish 
 darkness into the light of Christianity. Armed with these and 
 other appliances, the hosts of the devil were to be attacked in 
 the very heart of his dominion, to use the language of the 
 Jesuit relations during those days of chivalric piet,y. And in 
 truth, when these hardy old Soldiers of the Cross appropriated 
 the watchwords of the battle Held, as fitting expressions to sym- 
 bolize the work before t' ", it cannot be denied that the meta- 
 phor was not far-fetched, especially after Jogues, Lallemant, 
 i3rebeuf,Garreau, and Gamier, had fallen victims of Iroquois ven- 
 geance. The expedition started from Montreal the next spring, 
 numbering thirty young Frenchmen, to whom were added 
 Fathers Leonard Garreau and Gabi-iel Dreuilletes,t and the 
 Sioux delegation who had accompanied the traders. The eyes 
 of the ever watchful and jealous Iroquois were upon them, and 
 they had but little more than lost sight of their starting place, 
 when they were waylaiil by these ubiquitous foes. Father Gar- 
 rau and several others were killed on the spot, the other French- 
 
 *Charlevoix, Carver, Pike. 
 
 f This emenent missionary hnd been stationed for several years among the 
 Al)enaquis of Sagadehoc, (Maine). Returning from thence to Canada, by order 
 of his superiors, he was soon commis.sioned to po to Hosionon an embassy, to 
 bring about a comity of interest, Ixitli religious and secular. Canada at tlial time, 
 was oppressed by tlie burdens of impolitic legislation, such as the banishmeni ot 
 Huguenots and onerous restrictions on the lur trade, and her Statesmen beheld 
 with amazement the rising power of the Massachusetts coLniy, and felt a .strong 
 desire to negotiate a treaty with the IJostoiiians, for tlie jMirpose of working in 
 harmony together for tiie c mver-ion of the Indians, and also to keep tiiem under 
 a wholesome restraint by a concert of action between ihe I",ngli>h and French. 
 In response to this overture, the prudential Bostonian>, under the counsels of such 
 uien as Winblow, Dudley, Bradford, and Eliot, declined the proposaL Eveiy 
 
French Take Possession of the North- West. 23 
 
 men saved themselves by flight, leaving their canoes and mer- 
 chandise in the hands of the victors. No cause for a quarrel 
 had yet had place between the Iroquois and Sioux, and tlie lat- 
 ter were allowed to depart in peace tor their homes. It was not 
 till 10G5 that any further progress was made in Western explor- 
 ation. At this time, Father Alouez reaching the Falls of St. 
 Mary in September, coasted ak)ng the southern shore of Lake 
 Superior to the great village of the Chippcwas. Here he sum- 
 moned a council of Indian nations, composed of delegations 
 frojn all the tribes of the adjacent countries, among whom were 
 representatives from the Illinois tribe, which is the first mention 
 made of them. In Father Alouez, they beiield a champion of 
 human rights, and :o him they unbosomed their griefs by tirst 
 informing him cf their ancient grandeur, and then of their 
 diminished mnnbers from hostile visitations of the Sioux on the 
 West and the Iroqr.ois from the East, who had extended their 
 conquests over the prairies, even before the white niuu had co?ne 
 among them. Alouez addressed them with words of paternal 
 care, offering them the Christian religion and promising them 
 protection against the Iroquois. 
 
 Soon after this, missit)ns were established ut Green Bay, St. 
 Marys and LaPoint, but the next notable event which took place 
 was the grand gathering at St. Marys. Nicholas Perrot was the 
 moving spirit of this convention. Thither he summoned Chiefs 
 from no less than fourteen tribes to help celebrate the ceremo- 
 nials, for a great deed was to be executed. Possession was to 
 be taken of the country. Fifteen Frenchmen were present, 
 among whom were Alouez and Joliet. A large wooden cross 
 was consecrated, and elevated like a liberty pole of modem 
 days. This d(»ne, around it knelt the ]>riests. who sang, chant- 
 ed, and prayed with suitable impressment, and went through the 
 forms of taking possession of the country along the upper lakes 
 and "Southward to the sea," a description of an unknown 
 quantity, for up to tliat time no explorer had ventured very far 
 into the interior. It was well known, liowevei', that a great river 
 coursed Southwardly through the country, but whither did it 
 lead ? The hopeful theory was, that it o|)ened into waters lead- 
 possible token of respect was shown their distinguished Ruest. But the>c consid- 
 erate representatives of t)ie New American Idea, based on religious toleration, 
 deterniined not to dilute the force of it by complicity with the elements in Can- 
 ada, which were cairying weights in the exciting race for National grandeur be- 
 tween ihe two contestants. Moreover, the Iroquois had never raised the haichet 
 against Massachusetts, and if they had swept Canada with the fire brand and 
 scalping knife, even as the sickel reaps the wheat field and the fire consumes the 
 stubble, might it not be in the providence of God to punish them for their perse- 
 cutions of the Huguenots? Therefore the disappointed I'ricst was dismissed with 
 a refusal to 1,'rant his request, softened with courtly blnndishnients, but withal, 
 an air of independance, as much as to say : we are willing to trust to the provi- 
 dence of God for our future destiny, and you must also do the same. 
 
24 Discovery 9 f th6 Mississippi River. 
 
 iDg to Chini*., "or th:*-- t:!G'-'*n» 'Illusion, which had been the in- 
 centive to Columbus wLcn ue penetrated tlie secrets of the 
 ocean, was still the golden dream of the Canadian adventurers. 
 Pending the so speculations. Father Mai-quette and Joliet ob- 
 tained leave from 'i alon, the Intendant of Canada, to start oh 
 an expedition for the piu-pose of bringing to light the mysteries 
 of this river, the country it drained and whither it went. 
 
 Joliet was born in Canada and was educated for a priest, but 
 was evidently better fitted by nature for an explorer than for a 
 father confessor. But Marquette had not mistaken his calling. 
 With peculiar fitness and grace his sacerdotal robes dspended 
 from his shoulders, belted around his waist by the me /e'zlQ 
 chord of his priestly order. The love of God and man, and the 
 deep adoration of tlio blessed Virgin who was his patron Saint, 
 were ever visible in his face, which was cast in a mould of benev- 
 olence. The tender passions of liis youth found vent in the 
 pious devotions, which were his every-day routine, and which 
 for nearly twenty years, had made him conspicuous among his 
 Jesuit brethren in the vanguard of that army of pioneers. 
 The two distinguished men started from St. Ignace, a small 
 missionary station on the north shore of the Straits of Mack- 
 anaw. Two birch bark canoes, live men, a bag of corn meal, 
 a string of dried beef and a blanket apiece, constituted their 
 outfit, except the all-important appliances for relisrious devotions, 
 such as beads and crosses, so necessary to the success of the 
 enterprise. Their route lay along the north shore of Lake 
 Michigan and the west bank of Green Bay. Father Alouez 
 and Dablon had established the mission of St. Francis Xavier 
 here, four years previously, and welcomed the adventurers on 
 their laudable enteritrise, with that hearty unction which can 
 only be appreciated by men who have missions to perform, big 
 with future destiny. Resuming their journey, they ]>assed 
 through the waters of Lake Winnebago, and thence accompan- 
 ied by Indian guides, contimiedup tln' Fox river to the carrying 
 ])hiee across to the WiscoJisin rixer. Into this stream they 
 launched their canoes, and for the lirst time dipped their paddles 
 into the tributary waters of the Mississippi. Down its current 
 they passed untler (?l'dar-crested precipices of solid rock, 
 through forest glooms and across long stretches of sandy ])rairie. 
 No marks of human life were apparent along these then silent 
 grandeurs Inch are now the admiration of tourists in the ])ic- 
 tinvsque State of Wisconsin. On the 17th of June they emerged 
 from the prairie copse which fringed the banks ot the Wiscon- 
 sin, entered the forest shades wliich stud the Mississippi, and 
 soon found themselves on its broad surface ot moving waters, 
 "with a joy 1 cannot express" says the devout Marquette.* 
 
 'Marquette uaiued it Coaceiition Kiver, in lioDor of tlie day on whicli it was diacovernL 
 
Frst Interview ivith the Indians, 25 
 
 As they passed down its waters the scenery was changed. The 
 banks were less precipitous than the bold headlands of the Wis- 
 consin, and the countrv looked more promising, as they obtained 
 occasional views of it through the openings along its wooded 
 margin. Herds of buffalo were seen grazing on the ample pas- 
 turage of the prairies, which must have struck the beholders 
 as a waste of nature's gifts. In the neighborhood of the Des 
 ]\r<)iiies river, they discovered human footprints and hesitated 
 not to follow them. Leaving their canoes in charge of live men, 
 JVliir(]Uette and Joliet took the Indian path, and after two leagues 
 travel, came in sight of their villages. The two adventurers 
 shouted to attract attention and four chiefs advanced to meet 
 them witli friendly tokens. They were of the Illir.ois tribe and 
 haik'd the advent of the two Frenchmen with delight. They 
 feasted tht'm with r<xast buffalo, tish and sagamite (hominy), 
 and even honored them with the proffer of roast dog. The dis- 
 tinguislied guests, however, declined this dainty repast, although 
 they did not call in question the spirit of liospitality with which 
 it was offered. After suital)le prayers, benedictions and com- 
 pliments, the Frenchmen took their leave, continuing their course 
 dowa the river. Just above Alton is a high bluff* of solid rock. 
 On its time-worn surface, some artistic Indian, had in time past, 
 exhibited his accomplishme.its by painting a monstrosity in hu- 
 man form.* Marquette was startled at the sight. But the de- 
 parted spirit of the savage artist whose genius inspired it and im- 
 mortalized his own memory did not come to his rescue. There- 
 fore the pious Marquette was indignant at the sight of the 
 impious device, and doubted not that the devil was its author. 
 Fain would he have effaced the sacriligious picture, but it was 
 bey(»nil his reach. Painfully he ruminated on this evidence of 
 deia'>no]()>ry iutheland, as the two bark canoes were borne along 
 as if propelled by the forces of nature, till suddeidy they found 
 themselves in the breakers of the Missouri river, whoso eddies 
 whirled their lii^ht water craft like chaff' in a miniature hurri- 
 cane. This momentary danger diverted his thoughts from the 
 unpleasant subject, and they proceeded along with extra cau- 
 tion. They )»assed the site of the ))resent city of St. Louis, slum- 
 bering beneath the shades *f a full-grown forest, with no pre- 
 monition of her future destiny. The giddy heights of Grand 
 Tower and the Ohio river were jiassed without meeting any 
 tnore signs of life, but on the left bank below this river they 
 again saw Indians. A friendly interview was secured by mean's 
 ot the calumet, and to their astonishment they found them 
 
 *Vo historic authority can be quoted for this assumption, hut the theory is 
 plausible enough to warrant its belief in absence of conir.ivailing testimony. Por- 
 tions of this picture were visible as Lite as 1850, and might have l.een till ihis day 
 fcad not the stone on which it was painted been quarried out for Imilding purposes. 
 
26 The Arkansas Beached. 
 
 dressed in broad-cloth and armed with guns. ■•■ No tidings of the 
 sea coast could be obtained from them, and the two bands of 
 voyagers parted company with an interchange of courtesies. 
 Below the Ohio tiie monotony of scenery is chilling. Here the 
 massed floods from the Western slopes ot the Alleghenies and 
 the Eastern slopes of the Rocky Mountains roll along through a 
 low, spongy soil, and with a power mighty and unreniitting con- 
 tinue to wear away on one bank and replenish on the other. — 
 on one side a primeval forest being undermined and falling by 
 piecen;ieal into the river, while on the other a young nursery of 
 Cottonwood trees sprouting up, to occupy ground that but a few 
 decades past was the bos )m of the rolling deep, and a few cen- 
 turies past a mature forest of giant trees. Through these glooms 
 the adventurers passed down the river till the mouth of the 
 Arkansas was reached. Here again they met Indians, savage as 
 nature could make them. The hot-headed young men of the 
 tribe hurled their war clubs at the new-comers, one of which 
 flew over Manpietto's head. The pious missionary prayed to 
 the holy Virgin and presented the potent calumet. The old 
 men, seeing the situation, call bark and restrain the young at- 
 tackers, and a friendly meeting is the result, f tr which Mar- 
 quette, with his a;;t:ustomed loyaty to the blessed Virgii., gives 
 all the credit to her without reserving any for the calumet. From 
 their new hosts they learned tliat the month of the Mississippi 
 was but ten days' travel distant, but it was not deemetl prudent 
 to advance farther with the intense heat of .Tul\' upon them, and 
 the danger of being picked up by Spanish adventurers imminent. 
 They had passed below the point where De Soto had discovered 
 and crossed the Mississippi in lo-tl, which was one hundred and 
 thirty-two years previous, but no trace of his work had remained, 
 not even in tradition. f The object of their expedition had been 
 fulfilled, which was to discover the great river and determine 
 whether it em])tied into the Gulf of Mexico or the Pacific Ocean. 
 In the latter case the hopes of the past century would be real- 
 ized, which was a Western passage to the land of the Grand 
 Kahn. That the great river emptied into the Gulf of Mexico no 
 doubt could now exist, but that the waters of the Missouri led to 
 lakes or straits which opened into the Pacific, was still a pleas- 
 ing illusion. 
 
 The voyagers, vl'-h thankful liearts. now determined to return, 
 and on the 17th of July, after an affectionate leave-taking of tlieir 
 coneiUated but rather doul)tfid friends, turned their canoes up- 
 stream, when came the tug of tugging, for 'twas no easy task to 
 
 *They probably were a roving band from the far distant borders of civilization 
 on the Atlantic coast. 
 
 fSome late historians have stated that Spanish coats of mail, captured from De- 
 Soto, were found here by the French, but iheir authority is is not c^uoted. 
 
Passage Up the Illinois Miver. 27 
 
 stein the current of the Mississippi. Patient toiling at tlie oar 
 iinally brought them to the nioutli of the Illinois river, where 
 the Ivaskaskias volunteered to conduct the voyagers to Lake Mich- 
 igan by a more convenient route than the one by which they had 
 come, which was by the Illinois, the Desplaines and the Chicago 
 rivers.* Marquette gladly availed himself of their services, 
 especially as it would bring him to the acquaintance of new 
 tribes to whom the blessed words of the Gospel had never been 
 spoken. On the Illinois river, especially along the shores of 
 Peoria lake, and in the vicinity of Starved Rock, near the present 
 site of Utica, were the principal villages of the Illinois tribes. 
 The squaws dug uj) the rich ]M-airie soil with sharpened sticks, 
 planted their corn and cultivated it with the same rude instru- 
 ments. The yellow harvest was carefully stored in cacliesf for 
 the common use of the tribe, none of wliicli was wasted in 
 the manufacture of whisky or assigned to tax gatherers. Their 
 government, or rather their absence of government, was simple. 
 If one person committe<lan oifence against another, prompt ven- 
 geance was taken on the spot. All shared alike in creature 
 comforts, but yet an aristocracy existed among them quite as 
 marked as can b'" found at the same place now. It was not 
 based on wealth, for they had nothing which could represent it 
 beyon.d a few glittering ornaments which were within tlie means 
 of the humblest pt)rciij>ine hunter; but it was base<l on some act 
 of daring or wise or heroic counsel which had promoted the pub- 
 lic weal. These qualhications gave their possessors the right to 
 speak in their councils and challenged due homage trom the 
 whole tribe. By tiiese qualifications in gradations ot political 
 power and influence nice distinctions were made by connnou 
 consent, and he who wouhi transcend tliese distinctions would be 
 ostracised unsparingly, with no asylum wherewith to hide his 
 ilisgrace. 
 
 To these high minded chiefs, Marquette offered the christian 
 religion, and no opposition was made to it ; indeed they set 
 their subordinates an example of patronage to it by manafesting 
 a commendable interest in it, nor did they by implication or 
 otherwise, show any signs of preference for their own (iod, 
 the Great Spirit. Marquette was delighted at the prospect that 
 a nation might be born in a day, especially when they listened 
 to his religious tenets and eleinentary explanaticms of the phm 
 of salvation, and politely invited him to return and set up the 
 
 ♦This is conceded to 1-e the first record made of any allusion ti the Chicago 
 portage, although Alouez, Nicbolet and Perrot have each l>een credited hy some 
 writers as ihe first to visit Chicago But it is possible, and even probable, that the 
 Illinois chiefs informed Alouez oi the place at his great council at the Chippewa 
 village on L.ike Superior in 1665 ; yet no record is made of such information by 
 eitiier Shea or Parkman. 
 
 tThcse were excavations in the ground, not unlike cellars, covered with earth. 
 
"28 Discovery of Chicago. 
 
 •standard of the cross among them. Thus jjassed the hours of 
 his sojourn among the flexible Illinois, and when the pious mis- 
 sionary resumed his journey with Joliet and his company of five, 
 ii large delegation of his late Indian friends accompanied them 
 to Chicago. Few people ever came to this place for the first 
 time without an excited curiosity to see it, and it is only a rea- 
 sonable presumption that these French adventurers were eager 
 to behold the face of the dear old lake, in whose sparkling 
 waters they had for many years glided their light barks in its 
 northern extremity, and especially to see the little inlet stream 
 called Chicago, to which the Indians attached so mucli impor- 
 tance. 
 
 "Twas in September. The emerald hues of the i)rairie had 
 already been mottled with the mature tints of antunin. The 
 summer haze had vanished and the stimulating breath of tiie 
 familiar old lake greeted them cheerfully, as the party crossed 
 the carrying place from the Dcs])Uiincs to the South branch 
 of the Chicago river. Into the little stream they launched their 
 boats, and their wake sent tiny waves among the tall grasses 
 which batlied their roots in the water's edge on each side. Here 
 the two bands parted with a hearty good-bye, the Indians re- 
 turned to their lodges and the Frenchmen took their course down 
 the western shore of the lake. It is in the economy of Provi- 
 dence to hide the book of fate from all, else who could move in 
 their accustomed spheres. Where is the fruitage of those seeds 
 which Marquette planted during his life-labors in the wilds of 
 America, and where the haughty tribes whom the French hoped 
 to elevate to their own standard by infusing their own spirit into 
 their facile but keen senses i 
 
 The enthusiasm and dash of the French and their tawny al- 
 lies have melted away before the silent jjower which began with- 
 out high expectations on the stubborn coast of the Atlantic, and 
 the Chicago of to-day is no inconsiderable monument of the force 
 of this power. Its destiny, liowever, was yet a sealed book, and 
 so it remained for a century from this time. 
 
 Marquette and his party soon arrived at the Mission at Green 
 Bay. 1 lis strength was exhausted, and he was obliged to remain 
 here for the winter to rest, while Joliet should return to Canada 
 and report their discoveries to Frontenac, the governor. Am|>le 
 notes of travel had been carefully prepared and also an autograph 
 map of the country through which they had passed, on which rjvers 
 and Indian villages had been laid down with a fair approximate to 
 accuracy.* Marquette rested at the comfortable quarters of the 
 
 "This map is siui preserved in the college of St. Mary in Montreal A fac 
 simile of it has been published by Mr. Shea, of New York, and inserted in his 
 book entitled, «• Discovery of the Mississippi." It has also been inserted in the 
 margin of Blanchard's Historical Map of the United States, published at Chicago 
 in 1876, and a copy reduced in scale is herewith presented. 
 
Marquette Winters at Chicago. 20 
 
 niissi"n lion!?e at (Ti-een Bay the ensuing winter, and when spring 
 came he was still too weak to return to ])reach the gospel to the 
 Illhiois trilies, according to his prouiise when he left theuj. He- 
 therefore deferred his de])arture till the heats of summer were over. 
 On the 25th of October, feeling revived bvthe bracing influences 
 of autumn, he, with two companions, Ferre and Jacques, and a 
 band of Indians, started on his mission to the Illinois. It took 
 them a month to reach Chicago. Here again the strength of the 
 missionarv gave out and his companions l)uilt a log cabin for him 
 on the South branch of the ('hicago river, and nursed him with 
 tender solicitude through the winter, and the Indians often 
 brought him such luxuries as their limited means could supply 
 to reliev'e his wants." There were also some fur traders '"at the 
 portage," which meant Chicago, who had just established them- 
 selves at this important point so lately nuide known t^) the Cana- 
 dians. They often visited Marqui^te's humble cabin and di- 
 vided their scanty supplies of eatables with the invalid mission- 
 ary. f From items of his journal it ap]^ears that his Indian 
 friends, who visited him with all their willingness to receive las 
 religious instruction, had the bad taste to ask him for powder, to 
 which re(piest the dying missionary replied : " Powder I have 
 not. \Ve came to spread ])eace throngh the land, and I do not 
 wish to see you nt war with the MiaTuis.":}: 
 
 The si>ring floods, which broke up the ice on the 29th of March, 
 were so high as to cover the ground where his cabin stood, and 
 make the wretched hut untenable. They wei-e therefore forced 
 to seek their canoe as an asylum from the swollen waters, ami in 
 it they passed over to the Desplaines and down its current to the 
 IlHnois river. The last item on his journal l)ears date of April 
 <ith. On the .sth he arrived at the great village of the Illinois, 
 which was situated near the ])resent site of Utica. He was re- 
 ceived as "an angel from Heaven," says the relation. Five 
 hundred chiefs and ohi men seatetl themselves in a circle around 
 the Father, and t)utside of these were hfreen hundred of the com- 
 moner classes, and ])i;yond these were the women and children. 
 In short, the whole village had assembled on the green, leaving 
 their empty houses behind without fear of burglars or faithless 
 servants' misdemeanors during their absence. With deep pathos. 
 the words ol the Father, m pure Indian dialect, penetrated the 
 hearts of his hearers aiul inspired them with a transient venera- 
 tion for the Christian's God. These were his last services. His 
 
 *Shea's Discovery of the Mississippi Valley, page 54. Packman's Discovery of 
 the Great West, page 68. 
 fShea, page 54. 
 
 jThe Illinois and Miamies to the east of them had been enemies for many years, 
 and remained so till La Salle, in 1682, with sitillful diplomacy, negotiated a per- 
 mr-r-n- ^zz.zz bet'.v:nn them. See Tonty's Life of La Salle. 
 
30 Death of Marqxiette- 
 
 sands of life had almost run our, and feeling a desire to roach 
 Canada before he died, he made hasle to take his leave. He had 
 endeared himself to his Indian ll(K'k, proofs of which they gave 
 by accompanying him in large numbers on bis return as far as 
 Chicago, and contending with each other for the honor of con- 
 veying his baggage. From Chicago he had determined his route 
 to Canada by tlie Eastern shore of Luke Illinois, as Lake Michi- 
 gan was then called. The same two companions were with him 
 who had c )ndiicte:l him from Green Bay to the Illinois villages. 
 The love between these young men and their spiritual father was 
 tender and sincere on boch sides, and as they plied their oars 
 along the still shores of the lake with unremitting strokes, the 
 father instructed them how to bury him when death came, for ho 
 now felt certain that he could not live to reach Canada. Arriving 
 at a place a iittle below Sleeping Bear Point, the father 
 felt a strong desire to land, but his companions, wishing to make 
 all possible haste on the way, tried to persuade him to keep on 
 their course. At that moment a storm began to make a com- 
 motion in the waters, and they landed and built a hut of bark for 
 their dying master and carried him in their arms from the boat to 
 it. Willie his strength yet held out he took the precaution to write 
 down his own sins, or what he called such, since his last con- 
 fession to his superior, for propitiation. Next he promised to re- 
 member his two attendants in heaven ; and then, after asking 
 their pardon for the trouble he had caused them, he begged them 
 to lay down to rest by his side, ])romising to awaken them when 
 the last agony came. In about two hours he called them to his 
 side and soon died in transports of joy. 
 
 Perre and Jacques buried him on the bank of the lake and 
 erected a large wooden cross over his grave, and with deep de- 
 jection left the s})ot where their beloved father had laid down to 
 take his last rest, where twenty years of toiling through the 
 wilderness liad brought him. 
 
 It was late in the Spring, on the I'Jth of May, that his death 
 took place, and the news of the sad event came to the different 
 tribes of the country not long after they had returned to their 
 various homes from the usual winters hunt. A universal tribute 
 of respect was shown to his memory. The Ottawas, of Canada, 
 did more than to express this in words. The next spring, 1(J76, 
 as one of their hunting parties were returning from the vicinity 
 of the grave, they dug up the reuuiins and separated the bones 
 from the decayed flesh, according to the Indian custom, and en- 
 veloped them in a casket of birch bark. This done, they care- 
 fully conveyed the precious relics to the near(>st missionary sta- 
 tion, which was at St. Ignace, opposite Michilimakinac. Asthey 
 approached the place they were met hy the priests at the head 
 of a procession of the resident traders and Indians. With im- 
 
Maaquette's Journal. " 31 
 
 pressive funeral services the bones were interred beneath the 
 floor in the chapel. 
 
 " Rev. Father : the Peace of Christ: Having been compelled to remain all 
 summer at St, Francis on account of my ill-health, and having recovered in the 
 month or September, I waited for the arrival of our people returning from below 
 (i e., Quebec), to know what I should do for my wintering. They brought me 
 orders for my voyage to the Mission of the Conception among the Illinois. Hav 
 ino- met Your Reverence's wishes touching copies of my journal on the Mississippi 
 
 river, I set out wiih Pierre Porteret and Jacque , Oct. 25, 1674. In the afier- 
 
 noon tlie wind forced u~ to lay up for the night at the mouth of the river, where 
 the Poitawatamies were nssembled ; the head men not wishing any to go off to- 
 wards the Illinois, for fear the young men would lay up furs with the goods they 
 had brought from below, and after hunting beaver would resolve to go down in 
 the spring, when they expect to have reason to fear the Sioux. 
 
 " Oct. 26. — Passing to the village, wc found only two cabins there, and they 
 were starting to winter at La Gasparde : we learned that five canoes of Poitawat- 
 amies and four of Illinois had set out to go to the Kaskaskia. 
 
 "27. We were detained in the morning by rain ; in the afternoon we had fair 
 weather and calm, and overtook at Sturgeon Bay, the Indians who preceded us. 
 
 " 28. We reached the portage ; a canoe which was ahead prevented our killing 
 any game ; we began our portage, and cabined for the night on the other side, 
 where the bad weather gave us much trouble. Pieire did not come in till one 
 o'clock at night, having got lost on a road on which he had never before been. 
 After rain and thunder, snow began to fall. 
 
 "29. Having been compelled to change our cabinagc, we continued to carry 
 the bundles. The portage is about a league long, and very inconvenient in some 
 parts. The Illinois, assembling in Our cabin in the evening, ask us not to leave 
 them ; as we might need them, and they know the lake better than we do, we 
 promised. 
 
 "30. The Illinois women finished our portage in the morning; we are de- 
 tained by the wind. No game. 
 
 "31. We start with pretty fair weather, and stopped for the night at a little 
 river. The road from Sturgeon Bay, by land, is a very difficult one ; we did not 
 travel far on it, last fall, before we got into the woods. 
 
 " Nov. I. Having said holy mass, we halted at night at a river, from which a 
 fine road leads to the Pottawatamies. Chachagwessiou, an Illinois, much es- 
 teemed in his nation, partly because he concerns himself with trade, came in at 
 night With a deer on his shoulder, of which he gave us part. 
 
 '*2. Holy mass said, we travelled all day with fair weather. W^e killed two 
 cats, which were almost clear fat. 
 
 •'3. As I was on land walking on the beautiful sand, the whole edge of the 
 water was of herbs similar to those caught in nets at St. Ignace ; but coming to a 
 river which I could not cross. Our people put in to take me on board, but .ve 
 could not get out again on account of the sv/ell. All the other canoes went on 
 except the one that came with us. 
 
 "4. We are detained. There is apparently an island offshore, as the birds 
 fly there in the evening. 
 
 " 5. We had hard work to get out of the river. At noon M-e found the Indians 
 in a river, where I undertook to instruct the Illinois, on occasion of a feast, which 
 No-wasking we had just given to a %volfskin, 
 
 "6. We made a good day's travel. As the Indians weie out hunting, they 
 came on some footprints of men, which obliged us to stop next day, 
 
 " 9. We landed at two o'clock, on account of the fine cabinage. We were de- 
 tained here five days on account of the great agitation of the lake, though there 
 was no wind ; then by the snow, which the sun and a wind from the lake melted 
 next day. 
 
 ''15. After travelling sufficiently, we cabined in a beautiful spot, where we 
 were detaiaed three davs. Pierre mends an Indian's j;un. Snow falls at night 
 una mens cy \x-mj 
 
32 Marquette^ s Journal. _ 
 
 ••20. We slept at the Bluffs, cabined poorly enough The Indians remain be- 
 hind, while we are detained by the wind two clays and a half. Pierre, going into 
 the woods, finds tlie prairie twenty leagues from the portage. He also passed hy 
 a beautiful canal, vaulted as it were, about as high as a man ; there was a foot of 
 water in it. 
 
 " 21. Having started about noon, we had hard enough work to make a rivci. 
 The cold began from the east, and the ground was covered with a fool of snow, 
 which remaine I constantly from thai time. We were detained there three days, 
 during wIi^l".! Pierre killed a deer, three wild geese and three turkeys, which were 
 very good. The others passed on to the prairies. An Indian having discovered 
 some cal)ins came to tell us. Jacques went wiili him there the next day. Two 
 hunters also came to see me. They were Maskoulens to the numl)ers of eight or 
 iiine cabins, who had separated from each other to be able to live. They travel 
 all winter with hardships almost impossible for Frenchmen, by very difiicult 
 riads ; the land being full of streams, small lakes and marshes. They are very 
 badly cabined and eat or fast according to the spot where they happen to be. 
 Having been detained by the wind, we remarked that there were large sand- 
 banks off the shore, on which die waves broke continually. There 1 felt some 
 symptoms of a dysentery. 
 
 " 27. We had hard enough work to get out of the river ; and having made 
 about three leagues, we founil the Indians, who had killed some buffalo, and also 
 three Indians, who had eome from the village. We w^...- detained there by a wind 
 from the shore, immense waves that came from the lake, and the cold. 
 
 " December I. We went ahead of the Indians, so as to be able to say mass. 
 
 " 3. Having said mass and emliarked, we were compelled to make a point and 
 land, on account of the fog. 
 
 "4. We started well to reach Portage River, which was frozen half a foot 
 thick. There was more snow there than anywhere else; and also more tracks of 
 animals and turkeys. The navigation of the lake from one portage to the other, 
 is quite fine, there being no traverse to make, and landing being quite feasible all 
 along, provided you do not obstinately persist in travelling in the breakers and 
 high winds. The land along the shore is good for nothing, except on the prair- 
 ies. You meet eight or ten pretty fine rivers. Deer hunting is pretty good as 
 you get away from the Pottawatamies. 
 
 "12. As they began to draw to get to the portage, the Illinois having left, 
 the Pftttawalamies arrived with much difficulty. We could not say mass on the 
 feast of the Conception, on account of the bad weather and the cold. During 
 our stay at the mouth of the river, Pierre and Jacques killed three buffalo and 
 four deer; one of which ran quite a distance with his heart cut in two. They con- 
 tented themselves with killing three or four turkeys of the many which were 
 around uur cabin, because they were almosl dying of hunger. Jacques brought 
 in a partridge he had killed, every way resembling those of France, except that 
 it had like two little wings of three or four feathers, a finger long, near the head, 
 with which they cover the two sides of the neck, where there are no feathers. 
 
 " 14. Being cabined near the portage, two leagues up the river, we resolved to 
 winter there, on my inability to go further, being too much embarrassed, and my 
 malady not permitting me to stand much fatigue. Several Illinois passed yester- 
 day, going to carry their furs to Nawaskingwe. We gave them a buffalo and a 
 deerthat Jacques had killed the day before. I think I never saw Indians more 
 greedy for French tobacco than these. They came and threw beaver skins at our 
 feet to get a small piece ; but we returned them, giving them some pipes, be- 
 cause we had not yet concluded whether we should go on. 
 
 "15. Chachagwcssiou and the other Illinois left ustogoandfind their peo- 
 ple and give them the merchandise v/hich they had brought, in order to get their 
 furs, in which they act like traders and hardly give more than the French ; I in- 
 structed them before their departure, deferring the holding a council till spring, 
 whea I should be at their village ; they gave us for a fathom of tobacco three fine 
 buffalo robes, which have done us good service this winter. Being thus relieved, 
 we said the mass of the Conception. Since the I4lh, my disease has turned into 
 a dysentery, 
 
 ••30. Jacques arrived from the Illinois village, whick was only eix leagues 
 

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Marquette s Journal. 33 
 
 from here, where they are starving. The cold and snow p'cvent their hunting. 
 Some having informed la Toupine and the surgeon that we were here, and unable 
 to leave their cabin, had so alarmed the Indians, believing that we would starve 
 remaining here, that Jacques had great trouble in preventing fifteen young men 
 from coming to carry all our affairs. 
 
 "ya«. i6, 1675. As soon as the two Frenchmen knew that my illness prevented 
 my going to them, the surgeon came here.with an Indian, to bring us some whortle- 
 berries and bread ; they are only eighteen leagues from here, in a beautiful hunting 
 ground for buffalo and deer, and turkeys, which are excellent there. They had, too, 
 laid up provisions while awaiting us, and had given the Indians to understand that 
 the cabin belonged to the blackgown. And I may say that they said and did all 
 that could be expected of them ; the surgeon having stopped hereto attend to his 
 duties, I sent Jacque with him to tell the Illinois, who were near there, that my 
 illness prevented my going to see them, and that if it continued I should scarce- 
 ly be able to go there in the spring. 
 
 " 24. Jacque returned with a bag of corn and other refreshments that the 
 French had given him for me ; he also brought the tongues and meat of two buf- 
 falo that he and an Indian had killed near by ; but all the animals show the bad- 
 ness of the season. 
 
 " 26. Three Illinois brought us from the head men, two bags of corn, some 
 dried meat, squashes, and twelve beavers ; 1st, to make me a mat; 2d, to ask me 
 for powder; 3d, to prevent our being hungry ; 4th., to have some few goods. I 
 answered them : firstly, that I had come to instruct them, by speaking to them of 
 the prayer, &c ; secondly, that I would not give them powder, as we were en- 
 deavoring to diffuse peace on all sides, and I did not wish them to begin a war 
 with the Miamis ; thirdly, that we were in no fear of starving; fourthly, that I 
 would encourage the French to carry them goods, ana that they must satisfy those 
 among them for the wampum taken from them, as soon as the surgeon started to 
 come here. As they had come twenty leagues, to pay them for their trouble and 
 what they brought me, I gave them an axe, two knives, three clasp knives, ten 
 fathoms of wampum, and two double mirrors ; telling them I should endeavor to 
 go to the village merely for a few days, if my illness continued. They told me 
 to take courage, to stay and die in their country, and said that they had been 
 told that I would remain long with them. 
 
 '■'■ Feb. (). Since we addressed ourselves to the Blessd Virgin Immaculate, to 
 whom we began a novena by a mass, at which Pierre and Jacque, who do all they 
 can to relieve me, received, to ask my recovery of the Almighty, my dysentery has 
 ceased ; there is only a weakness of the stomach left. I begin to feel much bet- 
 ter, and to recovet rny strength. None of the Illinois who had ranged them- 
 selves near us have been cal)ined for a month ; some took the road to the Potta- 
 watamies, and some are still on the lake, waiting for the navigation to open. 
 They carry letters to uur Fathers at St. Francis. 
 
 " ao. We had time to observe the tide which comes from the lake, rising 
 and falling, although there appears no shelter on the lake. We saw the ice go 
 against the wind. These tides made the water good or bad, because what comes 
 from above flows from the prairies and small streams The deer, which are 
 plentiful on the lake shore, are so lean that we had to leave some that we killed. 
 
 " Mxirck 23. — We killed several partridges : only the male has the little wings 
 at the neck, the female not having any. These partridgrs are pretty good, but do 
 not come up to the French. 
 
 " 30. The north wind having prevented the thaw till the 25th of March, it be- 
 gan with a southerly wind. The next day game began to appear ; we killed 
 thirty wild pigeons, which I found better than those below (Quebec), but smaller, 
 both young and old. On the 28th, the ice broke and choked above us. On the 
 29th the water was so high that we had barely time to uncabin in haste, put our 
 things on trees, and try to find a place to sleep on some hillock, the water gain- 
 ing (m us all night ; but having frozen a little, .and having fallen as we were near 
 our luggage, the dyke burst and the ice went down, and as the waters are again 
 ascending already, we are going to embark to co'Ulnue our route 
 
 " The Blessed Virgin Immaculate has taken such care of us during our winter- 
 tering, that we have wanted nothing in the way of provisions, having a large bag 
 
3i 
 
 Discovery of His Bones. 
 
 of com still left, meat and grease ; we have too, lived most peacefully, my sick- 
 ness not preventing me from saying mass every day. We were able to keep Lent 
 only Fridays and Saturdays. 
 
 •• 31. Having started yesterday, we made three leagues on the river, going up, 
 without finding any portage. We dragged for half an arpent. Besides this out- 
 let, the river has another, by which we must descend. Only the very high 
 grounds escape inundation. That where we are has increased more than twelve 
 feet. Here we began our poria^e more than eighteen months ago. Geese and 
 duck pass constantly. We contented ourselves with seven. The ice still brought 
 down, detain us here, as we do not know in what state the river is lower down. 
 
 ^^ April I. As I do not yet know whether I shall remain this summer at the 
 village or not, on account of my dysentery, we left there what we could dispense 
 with, especially a bag of corn, while detained by a strong south wind. We hope 
 to morrow to reach the spot where the French are, fifteen leagues from here. 
 
 •'6. The high winds and cold prevent us from proceeding. The two lakes iiy 
 which we have passed, are full of bustards, geese, ducks, cranes, and other birds 
 that we do not know. The rapids are pretty dangerous in some places. We have 
 just met the surgeon, with an Indian, going up with a canoe-load of furs ; but the 
 cold being too severe for men who have 10 drag their canoes through the water, 
 he has just made a cache of his beaver, and goes back to the village with us to- 
 morrow. If the French get robes from the country, they do not rob them, so 
 great is the hardship they experience in getting them." 
 
 (Copied frorri The Historical Magazine, contributed by Shea, who trans- 
 lated it from the French.) 
 
 The old chapel ai St. Ignace stood guard over the remains of Marquette till 
 1706, when it was burned by Ihe Jesuits on their departure from this historic 
 spot, and until the autumn of 1877 no steps were taken either to memo,rize the 
 grave of the missionary explorer or to recover his bones, at which time in the 
 m(»nth of May, Pierre Grondau discovered the foundation waH'r -f a small build- 
 ing, the stones bearing the marks of fire. The loc accordt.d with the des- 
 cription of the spot marked in La Hontan's map, originally published in France 
 in 1703, and republished in London in 1772, as the site of the house of the 
 Jesuits. 
 
 By direction of Father Jacker, village priest, further excavations were made the 
 same year, and conclusive proofs of the identity of the spot as the grave of Mar- 
 quette were obtained. The spot where the altar of the Virgin had stood was 
 found, and buried in front of it were wrought iron nails, a hinge, and charred- 
 wood. These relics, and a large piece of birch bark, in a good state of preserva 
 tion, were within the walls of a vault, which walls were of cedar still partially 
 preserved. The bones were nearly all turned to dust, two only being found. 
 
 The foregoing facts were obtained from a paper read before the Chicago His- 
 torical Society, Oct. i6th, 1877, by Mr. Cecil Barnes, a resident of Chicago, who 
 was an eye-witness, having assisted in the excavation. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 Ft. Catarauqid huilt at the Outlet of Ldke Ontario — La Salle 
 arrives in Canada — His Ambitious Plans — He builds a Ves- 
 sel for Navigating the Lakes — It sails for Green Bay., and 
 is sent back Laden vdth Furs — La Salle arrives at the mouth 
 of the St. Joseph and builds a Fort — Goes to the Illinois 
 River and commences Building a Vessel to Explore the Mis- 
 sissippi to its Mouth — Hennepin starts to Frplora the Uj)per 
 Mississippi — His Captivity — Hu Lhut among the Sioux — Lo 
 Salle returns to Canada to raise Recruits — Bad Neivs from 
 Ft. Creve-CcBur — Retribution — Irotjuois Invasion of the Illi- 
 nois Country — Indian Trading Policy — Desperate Exploit of 
 Tonty — Council with the Western Iribes — La Salle'' s Platis 
 Res umed — Success. 
 
 The journey of Marquette and Joliet had outHned a work far 
 beyond the conipre]iensi<)n of any one at that time, and to utih'ze 
 it was too heavy an undertaking even.for all the French forces in 
 Oanada, till ample preparations could be made, in the way of 
 building forts to connect Quel)ec to the Illinois country. The 
 French liad nothing to fear from the Western tribes, but their 
 communication with them was impossible unless the Iroquois 
 could be propitiated ; for these tribes held the whole present 
 State of New York, and not only did their canoes sweep Lake 
 Ontario, but their war parties often scoured the country north of 
 it* Frontenac, a man of distinguished ability, was then Gover- 
 
 * In 1649, an unusually fearful Iroquois invasion was visited upon the 'luron 
 tribes, who were allies of the French, and amonp whom successful missions had 
 been established. These were destroyed, and two heroic missionaries, Rrebeuf 
 and Lalemant, refusing to leave their charge in the hour of danger, fell before the 
 merciless invaders. Tiie following account of their death is copied from Park- 
 man's Je-^uits in America : 
 
 "On the afternoon uf the sixteenth — the day when the two priests were captured 
 — Rrebeuf was led apiirt, and bound to a stake. He seemed more concerne<l for 
 his captive converts than for himself, and addressed them in a loud voice, exhort- 
 ing them to suffer patiently, and promising Heaven as their reward. The Iio- 
 quois, incensed, scorched him from head to foot, to silence him ; whereupon, in 
 tlie tone of a master, he threatened them with everlasting flames, for persecutinjj 
 the worshipers of God. As he continued to speak, with voice and countenance 
 unchanged, they cut away his lower lip and thrust a red hot iron down his throa'.. 
 
36 La Salle Arrives in Canada. 
 
 nor of Canada, and, with a view to Western progress, in 1073,.. 
 had convened a council with the Iroquois, at the outlet of Lake- 
 Ontario, to obtain permission of them to build a fort. In this- 
 he was successful, and the fort was constructed at once, and 
 named Ft. Catarauqui. This was a great point gained by the 
 French, for it not only served as a barrier against the recurrence 
 of an Iroquois invasion of Canada, but it brought French goods 
 into a more direct competition with the Dutch trade at Albany, 
 by the facilities which the fort offered as a trading post. 
 
 Conspicuous among the adventurous explorers of Canada at that 
 time, was Robert Cavelier, known in history by the name of La- 
 Salle. He was the son of a wealthy merchant living at llouen, 
 France, from which place he came to Canada in the spring ot 
 1666. His seven years' life in American wilds previous to Mar- 
 quette's discovery of the Mississippi river, was largely spent in 
 exploring the interior. One of his expeditions was made across the 
 Iroquois country to the Ohio river, and down its channel us far as 
 the falls at Louisville. As might be supposed, the actual discov- 
 ery of the Mississippi stimulated La Salle's ambition to higher 
 aims than ever. That it emptied into the Gulf of Mexico and 
 not into the Pacific Ocean, was now his settled belief, and, peer- 
 ing into the future, he foresaw with a penetrating eye the yet 
 unmeasured volume of trade which would one day pour througii 
 the deltas of the Mississippi to the sea. There was enchantment 
 in the thought that he should be the instrument by which this 
 would be thrown into the lap of France, and to accomplish this 
 
 He still held his tall form erect and defiant, with no sign or sound of pain ; and 
 they tried another means to overcome him. They led out Lalemant, that BrebeuT 
 might see him tortured. They had lied strips of bark, smeared with pitch, aboui 
 his naked body. When he saw the condition of his Superior, he could not liidc 
 his agitation, and called out to him, with a broken voice, in the words of Saint 
 Paul, ' We are made a spectacle to the world, to angels, and to men.' Then he 
 threw himself at Brebeuf's feet; upon which the Iroquois seized him, made him 
 fast to a slake, and set tire to the bark that enveloped him. As the flame rose, In- 
 threw his arms upward, svilh a shriek of supplication to Heaven. Next they hung 
 around Brebeuf's neck a collar made of hatchets heated red hot ; but the indom 
 itable priest stood like a rock. A Huron in the crowd, who had been a convert of 
 the mission, but was now an Iroquois by adoption, called out, with the malice of 
 a renegade, to pour hot water on their heads, since they had poured so much cold 
 water on those of others. The kettle was accordingly slung, and the water boileil 
 and poured slowly on the heads of the two missionaries. ' We baptize you,' they 
 cried, • that you may be happy in Heaven ; for nobody can be saved without a 
 good baptism.' Brebeuf would not flinch ; and, in a rage, they cut strips of fle.sli 
 from his limbs, and devoured them before his eyes. Other renegade Hurons call 
 ed out to him, 'You told us that the more one suffers on earth, the happier he is 
 in Heaven. We wish to make you happy ; we torment you because we love you ; 
 and you ought to thank us for it.' After a succession of other revolting tortures, 
 tiiey scalped him ; when, seeing him nearly dead, they laid open his breast, and 
 came in a crowd to drink the blood of so valiant an enemy, thinking to imbih< 
 with it some portion of his courage. A chief then tore out his hearty and devov< 
 ed it." 
 
First Vessel on the Lakes. 37 
 
 ■end became the idol of his imagination till death. Intent upon 
 the fulfillment of those designs, he sailed for France in the autumn 
 of 1674, the next year iuter the discovery of the Mississippi. 
 
 Frontenac and La Saiie were on the most friendly terms, for 
 they were no rivals. La Salle did not envy him as governor, 
 because he aimed at higher fame than could come from the vice- 
 roy's chair of a province. Nor did Frontenac envy La Salle as 
 -an explorer, especially as he felt an assurance that he should be 
 a sharer in any honors growing out of his discoveries. He there- 
 fore gave La Salle letters of the highest commendation to the 
 court of France, which insured him a favorable hearing. Louis 
 XIV., the king, gave him the order of knighthood and granted 
 him a seigniory of land adjacent 1o Ft. Catarauqui. Keturning 
 to Canada, he rebuilt the f >rt with substantial walls of stcme, 
 within two years, and cliangod its name to Frontenac. The next 
 step was to build a tort at the mouth of the Niagara river. By 
 dint of great exertions and profuse presents to the Seneca tribe 
 of the Iroquois Nation, he obtained reluctant ])ermission to do 
 this, and also to build a vessel above the falls of Niagara, with 
 which to navigate the lakes. The fort having been finished, the 
 vessel was nex completed, and launched early in the sju-iiig ol 
 1G79. It was 'jamed the Griffin, in honor of the family arms oi 
 Frontenac. The immediate design of this vessel was to convey 
 materials wherewith to build another vessel on the IlLinois river, 
 with which to navigate the Mississi))pi to its mouth. This mis- 
 sion executed, the ex])loiing party were to set sail for France, 
 .after taking formal possession of the Mississip[>i valley in the 
 name of the French king. 
 
 Beyond these designs was another less practical one, which 
 contemplated a raid on the Spanish province of Mexico, at the 
 head often thousand Indians, for the puri)()se of reducing it to a 
 French province. This latter madcap scheme of I^a Salle's must 
 have had its origin in the inspirations of a forest life, which have 
 often turned the brain of otherwise able-minded men into utoj)i- 
 . an channels. 
 
 Soon as the vessel was finished it was launched, and anchored 
 in the stream as a measure of safety lest the Senecas might, in a 
 , tit of jealousy, set tire to it. On the 7th of August, everything 
 was made ready. The sailors were at their })osts, some at the 
 capstan drawing her anchor, and others hoisting her canvas to the 
 first breezes that ever wafted a vessel over Lake Erie. A can- 
 non was fired on the occasion, and the Grifiin gracefully moved 
 away from the shore, tacking to the larboard and starboard alter- 
 nately, in order to make headway up the Niagara river, to the 
 sistonishment of the Indians, who beheld the strange spectacle 
 tor the first time. Her crew numtiered about thirty, all told, 
 
38 Arrival at the St. Joseph. 
 
 among whom were Fathers Gabriel Membre and Hennepin, 
 Tonty having been sent in arlv;iiic<' to AricliiliuinfldTiac. 
 Tlie Griffin sailed up Lake Erie, up the Detroit river, and across 
 Lale Huron to Mic]iiliinaf;kinac. Stopping here a short tinie^ 
 she became the marvel of the Indians, who called her the mon- 
 ster canoe. Next she proceeded to Green Bay, landing at are 
 island there, where her cargo M^as unloaded. This consisted of 
 trinkets for Indian traffic in part, but its most valuable portion 
 was the materials wherewith to build another vessel on the Illi- 
 nois river, such as chains, bolts, cables, and a blacksmith^s forge.. 
 The Griffin was loaded with furs and sent back from whence she 
 came, and her unloaded freight packed into small boats, to be- 
 transported from thence to the Illinois river. For some cause,, 
 not now known. La Salle had determined to make the trip by the 
 way of the St, Joseph river, crossing the portage from its elbow 
 near the present site of South Bend, to the head-waters of the- 
 Kankakee river, thence down stream till deep water on the Illi- 
 nois was reached. With this intent, he started with seventeen, 
 men, with his small boats, along the western shore of Lake 
 Michigan. The southern extremity of the lake had to be doub- 
 led, and its eastern shore followed to the point of destination, 
 the mouth of the St. Joseph. Tonty had been ordered to meet 
 him at this place, with twenty men, from Michilimackinac. 
 While waiting for him, La Salle set his men at work to build a 
 palisaded fort, and, for the tirst time, the sound of the axe and 
 saw rung along those cone-shaped sand-hills which now teem 
 with an annual burden of peaches for the Chicago market. Is il 
 to be wondered that La Salle should be more favombly impress 
 ed with the large and beautiful river of St. Joseph than the in 
 signiilcant stream at Chicago, whose mouth was almost closed 
 with a sand-bar? 
 
 Tonty arrived at the appointed spot at the end of twenty days 
 when the order was given to advance. Two men were left in 
 the lonesome fort, and the flotilla paddled up the tranquil waters^ 
 of the St. Joseph to the carrying place, where the freight was 
 unloaded, and with the boats, carried across the dividing ridge, 
 by a devious path, to the head-waters of the Kankakee. Into- 
 this stream the boats were launched, and loaded again, for tinat 
 transportation. 'Twas a strange sight, to behold a miniature 
 army of resolute Frenchmen threading their course along the 
 sluggish little stream, almost overlapped with water bushes. 
 This sea of mud is seldom entered, even now, except on wild 
 duck excursions ; and many an effeminate sportsnjan, who has 
 been tempted from his luxurious parlors in the present Chicago, 
 to invade these bottomless swami)S on such errands, has returned 
 with the ague. As La Salle passed along, the stream widened 
 
Arrival in the Illinois Country. 39 
 
 and the surroundings improved, till he reached the great village 
 of the Illinois, on the river which still bears their name. It was 
 on New Year's day in 1680. All was silent, for the inhabitants 
 — braves, squaws, pappooses, and dogs — had gone on their tvin- 
 ter's hunt. La Salle was in need of provisions, and, impelled 
 by necessity, took from their storehouses corn enough to feed 
 his men, and kept on his course down the river. Arriving at the 
 present site of Peoria, he met the returning Indians. A council 
 was convened at once, in which La Salle made known the nature 
 of his mission. First, he made satisfactoi-y apologies for having 
 taken their corn, and paid them its value in goods. His next 
 business was to get leave to build a fort and also a vessel for the 
 navigation of the Mississippi. This liberty was easil}' obtained 
 from the flexible Illinois tribes, whose jealousy had never been 
 aroused against the French. Work on both was commenced. 
 The palisaded fort was soon iiuished. The keel of the vessel 
 was laid, and its ribs placed in position, when murmirrs of discon- 
 tent arose among the ship-carpenters, and a few of them desert- 
 ed, in consequence of not being paid promptly. 
 
 It is no marvel that these men should prefer the ease and im- 
 munity from care, which the amenities of savage life oflered them, 
 rather than the service of the austere and exacting La Salle, with, 
 to them, but a barren hope of pay, especially as they did not 
 share his hopeful ambition. That La Salle did not make proper 
 allowance for such contingencies, was one of the weak points 
 that undermined his best-laid plans, and robbed him of that suc- 
 cess, which his broad-gauge intellect and zeal deserved. These 
 first desertions were but a foretaste of that bitter cup, which his 
 overweening dash at the impracticable was preparing for him. We 
 have such men among us now, and perhaps one in a thousand of 
 them, by some eccentric turn of the wheel of fortune, achieves 
 success, which example, like a contauion, seizes upon a thousand 
 more, to lastly be victimized.* La Salle, whose nature forbade 
 
 *Tonty, who was an eye witness to the whole, in his Life of La Salle, page 35, 
 uses the following language on the desertion of the men : 
 
 "Most of our men Lieing discouraged by a long and tedious voyage, the end 
 whereof t\iey could not see, and weary of a wandering life in forests and deserts, 
 where they had no other company but brutes and savages, without any guide, car- 
 riage, and provisions, could not forbear murmuring against the au;hor of so tire- 
 some and perilous an enterprise.- M. La Salle, whose penetration was extraordin- 
 ary, discovered immediately their dissatisfaction, and tried all possible means to 
 prevent the consequences thereof. The glory of the enterprise, the example of 
 the Spaniards, the hopes of a great booty, ami everything else that may engage 
 men, we made use of to encourn'ge them and inspire them with better seniimenis ; 
 but these exhortations, like oil ])i)ured upon fire, served only to increase their dis- 
 satisfaction. What said they ? ' Must we always be slaves to his caprices, and be 
 continually bubbled by his visions and foolish expectations ? and must the fatigues 
 we have hitheito undergone be used as an a'gument to oblige us to go through 
 more perils, to gratify the ambition or folly of a merciless man ?' " 
 
40 Hennepin Sent to Explore the Upper Mivsissippi. 
 
 him to look on but one side of a question, and that the front 
 side, supphed the places of the deserters, by his wonderful faculty 
 of bringing an extra stock of energy into service, and by these 
 means continued work on the vessel. 
 
 Of the four priests who comprised the party of adven- 
 turers, Hennepin was the least in favor. Ever prone to 
 intrude his advice unasked, or to attribute unlucky incidents 
 to a neglect of his counsel, he became a bore, all the less 
 endurable, because his sacred robes protected him from cen- 
 sure.* He was ever pluming himself, on his self-sacrificing 
 spirit and willingness to undertake any enterprise, however 
 dangerous, providing it would advance the Christian cause among 
 the heathen, and that his highest ambition was to die in such a 
 service. Tiiere was no lack of priests in the fort, and La Salle 
 conceived the thouglit of taking Hennepin at his word, by send- 
 ing him on an ex])edition to explore the head-waters of the Mis- 
 sissippi. The astonished priest accepted the mission, but with a 
 bad grace, and started in an open canoe with two attendants, on 
 the last day of February, his brother priests uniting with La 
 Salle in lavishing upon him words of c()iisolation,as he left the fort 
 to push his way among new and unheard-of tribes of savages, 
 in an equally unknown land. And here we will leave La Salle, 
 to follow the fortunes of Hennepin and his two companions, 
 Aceau and Du Gay. They were provided with an ample store 
 of goods, to be used as presents to the different tribes they might 
 encounter on their way ; besides wliich, were provisions, guns 
 and ammunition. They glided down the Illinois river to its con- 
 fluence with the Mississippi, and plied their oars- up the stream, 
 in oijedience to orders. Game was abundant, and they fared 
 well till the 12th of April, when, stopi)ing on shore to roast a 
 \Vild turkey for dinner, they beheld with consternation a war- 
 jmrty of 120 naked savages, breaking the solemn silerice of the 
 uninhabited [ilace, with the noisy whooping of Indians on the 
 war ])ath. The little i)arty were immediately taken captive, de- 
 spite the ceremonials of the calumet, or the inevitable tobacco 
 accompanying it. 
 
 Thev were a band of Sioux, intending to make war on the 
 Miamis, in revenge for some old scores ; but the raiders were 
 turned from their i)urpose, when Hennepin informed them, by 
 signs, that the Miamis were away from home on a hunting ex- 
 cursion. The next business to be settled was the fate of the 
 three French captives. As to the question whether they should 
 be killed, or treated with hospitality, there was at first, a division 
 of opinion. Had the chivalrous La Salle been among the French 
 
 * This analysis of his character is drawn from Parkman, who has exposed the 
 frailties of Hennepin unsparingly. 
 
Captivity of Hennepin. 41 
 
 party, his impressive dignity would have insured the utmost cour- 
 tesy toward themselves ; bnt Hennepin was overcome with ter- 
 ror, and the haughty Sioux could have but little respect for him. 
 After a hasty council, however, thej' concluded to spare the lives 
 of the captives, in order to encourage more Frenchmen to come 
 among them, with the much-coveted trinkets, of which it was 
 known they had an abundance. But this decision was not made 
 known to the captives. On the contrary, Hennepin was inform- 
 ed by signs, amid a din of wailings, that his head was to be split 
 with a war-club. This unwelcome news drew forth from him 
 some presents, which at least had the eftect to postpone the exe- 
 cution of sucli a cruel purpose. 
 
 The Indians now concluded to return to their home among the 
 little lakes at the upper Mississippi, and take the captives with 
 them ; but thsy kept up the practice of their villainous tricks to 
 extort goods from Hennepin, till nearly his whole store was ex- 
 hausted. Pending these griefs, Heiniepin sought consolation in 
 reading his morning devotion from his breviary ; but this solace 
 was a fresh source of danger, for the devotional murraurings of 
 his voice were interpreted by the Indians, as a piece of sorcery, 
 wliich might bring retribution upon themselves. Hennepin, ob- 
 serving this, chanted the words in a clear, musical voice, which 
 amused instead of terrified his hearers, and satisfied his own 
 conscience. The i)arty ari'iving at the vicinity of St. Paul, the 
 boats were concealed in a thicket, and they started on foot across 
 the country to their respective lodges. 
 
 *Twas early in May, but remnants of ice still clung around the 
 shaded margins of river, lake and marsh, imparting an icy chill 
 to the waters through wliich the travelers passed, sometimes 
 shallow, and sometimes deep enough to swim them. Between 
 these low savannas, long stretches of high prairie had to be tra- 
 versed, over which the naked-limbed Indian skunmed along with 
 nimble stop, but the poor priest, shackled by his long robes, 
 lagged behind in sjjite of his utmost exertion. Seeing this, the 
 Indians, always fertile in expedients, took hold of his hands, one 
 on each side, and pulled him along at a rapid pace, while they 
 set fire to the dry prairie grass behind him, to act as an extra 
 incentive to sj^eed. 
 
 Five davs of this exluiustive travel brouc;ht them to the Indian 
 town in the region of Mille Lac. Here the captives were adopt- 
 ed, each by a different chief, and consequently separated from 
 each other. Hennepi-i was taken by Aquipaguetin, the head 
 «hief of the party and his most persistent persecuter on the way. 
 His home was on an island in Lake Mille Lac, where five wives 
 and a due proportion of children paid savage courtesies to their 
 lord and master. Hennepin was well received. A sweating 
 
42 Life Among the Sioux. 
 
 "bath was given him, and his mutilated feet rubbed with wildcat's 
 oil, under an impression that, by this process, the agility of that 
 animal might be measurably imparted to the patient. He was 
 fed on a short allowance of wild rice and dried whortleberries, 
 of which the Indians had laid in no over-stock for winter's use ; 
 but all shared alike, except sometimes a little preference shown 
 by the squaws for their own children. 
 
 Ouasicoudie was the highest in rank, as chief of the Sioux of 
 this region, and he had no sooner learned of the arrival of the 
 three French captives, and the dastardly tricks by which Henne- 
 pin had been robbed, than he berated Aquipaguetin severely, for 
 he had been the instigator of those villainous devices, which the 
 high-minded Sioux discarded as a nation. 
 
 As the weary days wore along, the supply of food diminished 
 and hunger began to warn these improvident children of nature, 
 that something must be done to appease it. For this purpose, a 
 buffalo hunt was determined on in early summer, and Hennepin 
 was promised that he might accompan}' them. This was good 
 news to him, as it gave promise of a plentiful supply of food ; 
 but inasmuch as he was to accompany the grim father of his 
 adoption, Aquipaguetin, he feared that fresh abuses were in store 
 for him, when away from the influences of Ouasicoudie. To 
 avert this new danger, the reverend father told the Indians, that 
 a party of Frenchmen were to meet him, at the mouth of the Wis- 
 consin river, in the summer, with a stock of goods. "^ 
 
 The time came for starting on the proposed buffalo hunt, and 
 the 250 braves, with their squaws and children, and boats enough 
 to carry them were promptly on the spot. Accau and Du Gay 
 had a boat of their own, a present from the Indians, into whose 
 
 food graces they had grown since their captivity. But poor 
 [ennepin was no favorite. Boat after boat passed the forsaken 
 priest, as he stood on the riv^r bank begging a passage. Even 
 the two Frenchmen refused to take him in ; and but for the con- 
 descension of one of the crew in the rear, the missionary would 
 have been left alone, in those distant and savage realms of the 
 wilderness. Arriving at the mouth of Rum river, they all en- 
 camped C!i the bank of the Mississippi. Very short rations of 
 dried buffalo meat was their fare, except what unripe berries 
 could be gleaned from the uncultivated face of nature, which was 
 
 * Hennepin affirms that La Salle had promised this to him when he left Ft. 
 Creve-Coeur ; but tie truth of this assertion may well be quesiioned, especially 
 since Hennepin's veracity has been tarnished by the mendacious book of travels 
 which he published on his return to France. In this book he claimed to have 
 explored the Mississippi to its mouth. It had a large sale, and won for him a rep- 
 «i»iion which was as short-lived as his motive in writing it was contemptible, inas- 
 siach as his aim was to rob the true explorers of the lower Mississippi of the hon- 
 «r<« due to them alone. 
 
 f 
 
Arrival of Du Lhut. 4$ 
 
 spread out in appalling amplitude around them. Hennepin, as- 
 might be supposed, was disgusted with Indian life, and so wa* 
 Du Gay. The two, therefore, obtained permission of Ouasi- 
 coudie, who had always been their friend, to leave the encamp- 
 ment, and go and meet the expected Frenchmen at the mouth of 
 the Wisconsin river. Meantime, Accau's highest ambition wa» 
 to remain with his savage associates.* 
 
 Equipped with a birchen canoe, a knife, a gun, and an earthen 
 
 Eot of Sioux manufacture, in which to boil meat, the Fatlier and 
 ►u Gay, his companion, started down the river. Tliey arrived 
 at the falls on St. Anthony's day, and Hennepin, in honor of the 
 Saint, gave them his name, which they still retain. Thence they 
 made their way down the river by slow stages, for they were- 
 obliged to resort, in part, to turtles and fish for subsistence, inas- 
 much as their stock of ammunition was getting short ; and to- 
 capture these in sufficient quantities to appease hunger caused 
 aauch detention. While the travelers were urging their way 
 toward the Wisconsin — of course, with the intention of ultimately 
 reaching Canada — they were disagreeably surprised to see Aqui- 
 paguetin, with ten warriors, coming down the river. Hennepiii) 
 feared the worst, but no harm was offered him. Tlie chief was- 
 on his way to meet the French at the mouth of the Wisconsin, 
 for purposes of traffic, and, after a brief salutation, swept past 
 the Frenchmen. In three days he returned, having found nc 
 French traders there. Approaching Hennepin, he gave him a. 
 severe scolding, and passed along up the river, to the great relief 
 of the terrified Father. The travelers had now but ten charges 
 of powd(ir left, which was too small a supply to last them on so 
 long a trip as the route to Canada. In this emergency, they 
 determined to again join the Sioux hunters, who were now en- 
 camped on the Chippewa river, an affluent of Lake Pepin, not 
 far distant. They soon found them, and, happily for- the wan- 
 derers, in a good humor, for they had been unusually successful 
 in killing buffalo. 
 
 Exciting news was soon brought to their encampment by two- 
 old squaws. A war party of Sioux had met five white men 
 coming into their country from Lake Superior, by the way of the 
 St. Croix river. Much curiosity was manifested by Hennepin, to- 
 know who the white explorers were. The hunt was over, and 
 as the Indians were to return at once, their curiosity was soon to- 
 be gratified, for Hennepin and his compi.nion were to return with, 
 them. On arriving at the present site of St. Paul, the expected 
 visitors were met, and they proved to be no other than the^ 
 
 * Since Accau had declared his resolution to remain with the Sioux, Du Gay haA 
 made ample apologies to Hennepin for having refused him a place in his boat o» 
 itaiting from Mille Lac, and they were now restored to good fellowship again^.^ 
 
44 La Salle Starts for Canada. 
 
 famous explorer, Daniel Greysolon Du Lhut, with four compan- 
 ions. This master-spirit of the forest had been two years among 
 the far-off lodges of the Sioux, and other tribes to the north, ex- 
 ploring, like La Salle, under the patronage of Frontenac. 
 
 Having learned that three white men were in the country, he 
 •came to meet them, with a determination to drive them away, if 
 they were of any other nationality but French. The comiuand- 
 dng presence of Du Lhut, not surpassed even by La Salle, won 
 the utmost respect from the Sioux at once. Tlie whole party 
 ireturned north to the region of Mille Lac, and a grand feast of 
 ■honor was spread for the distinguished guests. 
 
 As autumn approached, the Frenchmen made preparations to 
 Teturn to Canada, to which the Sioux interposed no objections, 
 assured, as they were, by Du Lhut, that they would soon return 
 -with goods for traffic. 
 
 Accau, by this time sated with the society of his late associates, 
 ■was willing to join Du Lhut, and the whole party, eight in all, 
 ■started for Canada, by the way of the Wisconsin river. 
 
 The travels of Du Lhut and the captivity of Hennepin had made 
 iknown to the French the general features of the upper Missis- 
 sippi, but the outlet of this stream was still a mystery. It had 
 been one hundred and thirty-seven years since the miserable 
 •remnant of De Soto's Spanish adventurers had fled down its cur- 
 rent in hot haste, closely pursued by the exasperated natives of 
 •the country, whom they had phuidered, and little or nothing had 
 been given to the world respecting its physical aspect. La Salle 
 was the destined one to bring to light this majestic chasm, which 
 opened through the heart of a continent. 
 
 Let us now return to Ft. Creve-CoRur, and follow the invincf- 
 ble explorer through the thorny path which still intervened be- 
 tween him and his destination. Even before Hennepin had 
 started from Ft. Creve-Coeur, he had felt the positive necessity of a 
 fresh supply of men to fill the places of the deserters; for his 
 force was now too small to even continue work on the vessel. 
 The fort was now finished, and its name, Creve-Coeur ("broken 
 heart"), sufficiently symbolized the failnre of all his plans thus 
 far, but was no index to his unconquerable resolution. Spring 
 was now opening, with its discomfortnre of mud and swollen 
 streams; but, regardless of these obstacles, he formed the reso- 
 lution to start for Canada, to obtain the necessary recruits. Hen- 
 nepin had no sooiier left the fort than La Salle made preparations 
 for his departure. On the 2d of March everything: was in readi- 
 ness. Five companions were selected to accompany him, one of 
 whom was Nika, a faithful Indian servant, whose skill as a hunter 
 and knowledge of woodcraft was indispensable to the safety of 
 ihe partv 
 
The Wilderness 21 arch. 4& 
 
 They cotninenced their journey in a canoe, and packing into it 
 a slender outfit ofbhinkets. guns, and the iiievital)lo bag of iioin- . 
 iny, they tugged up the IlHnois river till the mouth ot the Kan- 
 kakee was reached. Up this stream they plied their oars till 
 they came about to the present site of Joliet. Here the ice of 
 winter was still unbroken, and the canoe had to be abandoned. 
 Blankets, guns UTid other luggjige, were now packed on their 
 shoulders, and they took up their march through the oozy savan- 
 nas, which intervened between them and Ft. Miamis, at the 
 mouth of the St. Joseph river, which was the lirst point to be- 
 reached. Taking their course to the northeast, according to 
 their best knowledge of locality, after a few days of toilsome 
 travel, and as mjmy nights of cold comfort on the damp gr<nu)d, 
 they were gladdened by the sight ot Lake Michigan. The point 
 at which they struck it was but a few miles south of Chicago, 
 near the mouth of the Calumet.* Following the shore of the 
 lake, around its southern extremity, on the 24th they arrived at 
 the fort, where its lonesome garrison of two men still stood sen- 
 tinels of the forest, like hermits, cut oif from all communicatioa 
 with the world. 
 
 When La Salle had sent his vessel back down the lakes from. 
 Green Bay, loaded with furs, he gave orders to have her return 
 to Ft. Miamis for a second trip; and, notwithstanding no tidings 
 had reached him of the vessel since her departure, he had not 
 entirely relinquished all hopes that she had arrived at this place, 
 in obedience to his orders, and that he might yet recruit his ex- 
 hausted finances from the sale of her cargo ; but these nopes 
 were not realized — neither the vessel nor any news of her was 
 here.f The Grifiin never had been heard from since she left 
 Green Bay ; no doubt could now be entertained, that she had 
 been lost during the heavy gales that prevailed soon after she 
 set sail on the great wilderness of waves that the lakes then were, 
 without a lighthouse or a chart, to guide the pioneer bark along^ 
 the unknown shore. Without taking time to rest, La Salle, with 
 his party, again plunged into the leafless forests, striking their 
 course toward the western extremity of Lake Erie. It was an 
 unknown country. With no other guide but a pocket compass, 
 the travelers pushed through thickets and swamps, weighted 
 down with camping equipments and guns. After a few days' 
 travel, they found themselves pursued by a band of Indians sup- 
 posed to be Iroquois. For several days their footsteps were 
 dogged, and ail attempts to 'elude their pursuit were unavailing. 
 
 * Parkman's Discovery of the Great West, p. 178. 
 
 f In obedience to orders from La Salle, the two men at the fort had made a tour 
 around the northern shore of the lake, to get news from the Griffin, but nothing: 
 could be learned of her fate. 
 
46 Arrival in Canada. 
 
 The leaf-strewn ground was set on fire, but the wily enemy fol- 
 lowed their tracks like bloodhounds. Lest they might come up- 
 on them in the night, no camp-fires were made. The cold supper 
 of dried meat was eaten in silence, each wrapped himself in 
 his blankets, and laid down to sleep, knowing that an enemy was 
 near, thirsting for their blood. Thus they proceeded on their way 
 till the second of April, on which night the cold was too severe 
 to bear, and a fire was kindled to thaw their clothes, which were 
 fitiflfened with ice. No sooner than the light was descried, their 
 
 Eursuers came upon them with terrific yells ; but, happily for 
 a Salle's party, a deep stream intervened between his camp 
 and the hostile party. La Salle bold!}' advanced to its banks to 
 get a sight at the enemy, when a parley ensued, which resulted 
 in ascertaining them to be a band of Mascoutins, and not L'O- 
 quois, as at first supposed. The mistake was mutual, as the 
 Mascoutins also supposed La Salle's party to be a band of Iro- 
 quois, to meet whom was the signal for a fight. This danger 
 averted, they continued their journey till the Detroit river was 
 reached. Two of his men were sent from this place to Miohili- 
 mackinac; and with the remaining two, among whom was Nika, 
 he crossed the Detroit river on a raft, and bent his course toward 
 the north shore of Lake Erie; reaching which place, a canoe 
 was made, and the travelers started for Ft. Niagara, coasting the 
 northern shore of the lake. 
 
 It was past the middle of April when they arrived. The hard- 
 ships of the journey had told fearfully upon his men. Two of 
 them had become unfit for active duty before the Detroit was 
 reached ; and now the other two, one of whom was the hardy 
 Nika, were unable to proceed farther, while La Salle himself 
 was in the flush of strength and vigor — a striking proof of the 
 power of a great mind over the body. Here news of fresh dis- 
 asters greeted him again. A vessel laden with stoi cs for him, 
 from France, was wrecked on entering the St. Lawrence river ; 
 but this was not all. His envious enemies in Canada had circu- 
 lated various evil reports about him, and not oi-ly estranged 
 some of his friends, but had induced a new recruit of men from 
 France, destined for his service, to desert him. Never before had 
 such a combination ot disasters overtaken him. The very ele- 
 ments seemed to have consfHred to destroy what the treachery 
 of his supposed friends could not. In this extremity, he select- 
 ed three fresh men from Ft. Niagara, and started for Montreal. 
 On the 6th of May, he arrived at !t't. Frontenac, on his way, 
 which was the spot where his knighthood had been endowed 
 with a seigniory of land. Here he might have become the 
 wealthiest man in Canada, could he have contented himself to 
 parcel out these lands to the peasantry of Canada, and receive 
 rents from them, like other noolemen. But these honors would 
 
The Deserters. 47 
 
 have been stale and insipid to the liieh-minded explorer, whose 
 mind ran on the destinies of New France. When he reached 
 Montreal, his diirnitied bearing was a matter of astonishment to 
 his enemies, and was not long in restoring the coniidence of his 
 friends. The grandeur of his still unshaken resolution was con- 
 sistent with the even grander schemes in which he had enlisted 
 for life ; and, in less than a week after his arrival, both men and 
 money were placed at his disposal, to renew his plans. Active 
 preparations were now made for his departure to the Illinois 
 country with his new recruits ; but before these were completed, 
 he received bad news from Ft. Creve-Coeur, by messengers sent 
 from Tonty. The fort had been ])Iini<lered and entirely destroy- 
 ed by its own garrison, all having joined in the infamous work 
 except Tonty and four or live others of his companions, who 
 were still true to La Salle's interest 
 
 The renegades took the advantage of a brief absence of Tontv 
 to accomplish the work ; and, ere his return, they liad robbed 
 the place of everything of value which could be carried away, 
 and threw into the river what they could not steal. Next, they 
 went to Ft. Mianiis and committed similar depredations, and 
 closed their career of robbery at Michiliinackinac, by stealing a 
 quantitv of furs at that place, which belonged to La Salle. 
 Soon after this unwelcome news came, two other messengers 
 arrived, and informed La Salle that tlie robbers, numbering 
 twelve men, in three gangs, were now on their way to Ft. Fron- 
 tenac, with the intention of killing him at sight. Selecting nine 
 of his bravest men, he now resolved to waylay them ere their 
 arrival. In this he was successful, and soon returned to Ft. Fron- 
 tenac with the whole party as prisoners, except two who had 
 been killed in the encounter. 
 
 It was now of the utmost importance that he should make all 
 haste to the Illinois country, to relieve Tonty of the perils which 
 environed hitn. On the Idth of August everything was made 
 ready, and he embarked from Ft. Frontenac with his new coni- 
 raana, numbering twenty-five men. He chose his route by the 
 way of Lake Simcoe and along the shores of Georgian Bay to 
 Michilimackinac. From this place he started in advance, with 
 twel''e men, and left the rest to transport the heavy materials, 
 under command of La F<»rest. Coasting along the east shore of 
 Lake Michigan, he soon came to the St. Joseph, and, as he ex- 
 pected, found Ft. Miami* in ruins. Leaving five of his men 
 here to rebuild the fort and await the approach of La Forest, he 
 pushed on by the same route he had traveled before, through the 
 perplexing mazes of the Kankakee, in its mud bound circlinga. 
 No signs of human life were seen ; but when the Illinois 
 river was reached, herds of bufialo made their appearance, 
 •and the scene was changed. Hurrying along in painfal 
 
48 Iroquois Invasion of tlie Illinois Country. 
 
 suspense, the site of the once familiar Indian town was 
 reached ; but instead of a wild, tuniultuuiis scene of Indians 
 dancing grotes(pe tigures or grouped ;u-ound in lazy dalliance, a 
 ghastly spectacle cf human skulls projecting from the ramparts 
 of the ruined fort greeted his eyes. The Iroquois had been 
 there and swept away every sign of life, not even respecting the 
 tombs of the dead ; for these had been desecrated, and masses 
 of fetid flesh and disjointed bones lay scattered over the green. 
 
 This crushing disaster had iailen upon La Salle when hope 
 was reviving of a speedy accomplishment of his plans. Search- 
 ing among the slain, all the while feariiig he should lind Tonty 
 and his three or tour faithful comrades, a painful sense of his for- 
 lorn situation came over him ; but he w^as calm, and betrayed no 
 signs of despair. xV night of horrors succeeded, in which sleep 
 was impossible. Gangs of wolves, quarreling over the spoils of 
 battle-field, fell upon their ears, as they listened in silence f(»r 
 the war-wli(^op of the triumphant foe. The next morning, La 
 Salle, with four of his men, followed the path of the fugitives 
 and their pursuers down the river, to see if any tidings could be 
 heard of Tonty. He kept on till he arrived at the mouth of the 
 river, and here for the first time beheld the majestic Father of 
 Waters, whose accumulated floods were gathered from the far- 
 oft' realms of Nature's unoccupied domain, still slumbering in 
 secret recluses. M either Tonty nor any signs of life could be 
 found, and he returned to the spot where lie had left his three 
 companions. From here, the whole party, after loading them- 
 selves with half-burnt corn, which the destroyers had set tire to, 
 started for Ft. Miamis on the St. Joseph river, arriving at the 
 place in January, 1681. Here he found his command, who, 
 according to his orders, had followed on with the baggage, after 
 he had left Michilinuickinac, a few weeks before, in such haste, 
 to relieve Tonty. 
 
 All his plans had miscarried ; here were his men huddled to- 
 gether witliin the scanty limits of Ft. Miamis, but his base of 
 operations on the Illinois river had been swept away like chaff 
 before a whirlwind, and not a solitary representative of his allies 
 the Illinois remained in their native land, and his work was to 
 begin anew. His resolution was taken at once. A strong league 
 of all the western tribes nmst be formed, for defensive purposes, 
 against the Iroquois, before he dared to push his explorations 
 down the Mississippi ; and, indeed, it was all-important that the 
 French should show themselves able to defend those western 
 tribes, as a preliminary step toward getting possession of their 
 country, or, rathei-, gaining a foothold in it. 
 
 The late Iroquois invasion of the Illinois country, of which La 
 Salle had just witnessed the ravages, was not a mere ebullition of 
 savage frenzy, but the result of a public policy quite as excusa- 
 
Meeting of La iSalle and Tonty. 4!f 
 
 ble as the ordinary wars of civilized nations. The fur trade was 
 the largest interet-t, at that time, throughout the entire country, 
 and sharp rivalry in this branch of coniniorco liad always exi;;ted 
 between the Dutch settlements on the Hudson river, and the 
 Canadian French. Acting in harinonv with the Dutch, the Iro- 
 quois themselves had become factors of this branch of industry, 
 and reaped quite a revenue by buying furs of the western tribes, 
 and selling them to the Dutch. It was therefore, adverse to their 
 interest to have tlie French among the Illinois, inasmuch as it gave 
 not oidy the entire Illinois' trade to them, but threatened to turn 
 the trade with the tribes to the east away from themselves into 
 French hands. A similar rivalry exists this day l)etween Chica- 
 go and Canadian cities as to who shall command the nu>st ti-ade. 
 But the matter is settled by national comity, in the shape of 
 reciprocity treaties, instead of a resort to the sword. 
 
 La Salle with his men remained at Ft. J\r:amis till JNIarch, when 
 the severity of winter had abated, and he could again venture 
 into the forest haunts of the Indians to execute iiis plans. The 
 Illinois trilies had returned to their ancient villages, smarting 
 under their late humiliation, and the occasion was favora!)le for 
 La Salle's plan, to unite them with the ]\Iiamis and other wrsteru 
 tribes, for the purpose of repellinir Iroquois invasion. He there- 
 fore convened a (oum-il of the different tribes, and soon persuad- 
 ed them to forget tlieii- former causes for resentment, and unite 
 under his standard and jiuike common cause against the common 
 enemy of both the French and rhe western tribes. Wy this pol- 
 itic tliplomacy, La Salle had turned the late Iroquois victory 
 over the Illinois to his own account, and opened the way for re- 
 suming his grand adventure; but before anything farther could 
 be done, it was necessary to return to Canada, and actjuaint his 
 friends with the new situaticui. 
 
 The genial influences of May had made the canoe navigation 
 ot the lake secun;, and he started at once along the east shore to 
 reach Canada by the same route he had last come. Arriv- 
 ing at Michilimackinae. his cup of joy was brimming over, for 
 Tonty had also just arrived there from Green Bay, at which place 
 he had been ice-bound f >r the winter, as La Salle himself had 
 been at Ft. Miamison the St. .Joseph. The two distinguished 
 exj>lorers were necessary toeachother, and their joy was mutual. 
 
 When the Iroquois army came ujxm the Illinois village, Tonty 
 was auiong them with Father Membre ; and, rightly judging that 
 his allies would be defeated by their haughty invaders, he deter- 
 mined to try the arts of diplomacy to ward off, if possible, the 
 inqtpnding blow. Both armies were (h'awn up in order of battle 
 on the open prairie in front of the villa^'e. and the usual prelude 
 to an Indian light, such as horrible yellings and defiant wur- 
 who(.](.i. were in full tide, when Tonty, with a heroism seldom 
 
ii Rendezvoris at Ft. Miamis. 
 
 witnessed, .idvanced from the ranks of his IlHnois friends toward 
 the Iroquois, bearing a flag of truce. The astonished invaders 
 received iiini into their councils, and, for a time, their skirmish- 
 ing, which had already begun, ceased. The Iroquois were unde- 
 cided in opinion whether he should be instantly toiiiahuwked or 
 )et go. and one chief thrust his spear into liis side, intiicting *. 
 painful wound — perhaps to experiment <»n his mettle. Tonty 
 bore it Avith the inimol)ility of a subject for the dissecting-room, 
 which liad tiie effect to elevate him vastly in the estimation or 
 the Ir iquois, and they let liim go, but were not to be turned 
 from tilt' ir jiurpose; and they attacked the Illinois and drove 
 them from their homes — seized a large nundjer of their squaws, 
 whom they led to their far-.>fi" lodges in the present State of 
 New York, there to become their supernumerary wives. 
 
 After Tontv's efforts to bring about a reconciliation between 
 the two contending armies had failed, he withdrew, and, with 
 Membre, made the best of his way to the mission of St. Francis 
 Xavier at Green Bay. 
 
 The following summer was employed by La Salle in his trip 
 to Canada and return to his place of rendezvous at Ft. Miamis. 
 All that he had hojK'd for in the Avay of j)re])aration for his third 
 attempt had been aec;;mpHshed to his satisfaction, and notliing 
 remained but to start on the enterprise. Besides the twenty- 
 three Frenchmen in Ids command, eighteen Indians were taken 
 into his service, ten of whom chose to take their squaws with 
 them, to do camp duty." Father Membre acconq>anied the ex- 
 pedition, and has given its history, which begins as follows : 
 
 "On the 21st of December I embaiked, with the Sieur de 
 Tonty and a part of our people, on Lake Dauphin (Michigan), to 
 go toward the divine river called by the Indians Checaugou, in 
 order to make necessary arrangements for our voyage. The 
 Sieur de La Salle joined us there with the rest of his troop, on 
 the 4th of January, 1082, and found that Tonty had had slieghs 
 made, to put aU on and carry it, when the Checaugou was fnjzen 
 over." 
 
 The exact words of Father Membre have been quoted to show 
 the antiquity of the luime Chicago, which the father spelled Che- 
 caugou. 
 
 Tlie whole party began their journey, it appears, with sleighs 
 drawn by the men, on tiie, icy faces of the Chicago, Desplaine!-, 
 and Illinois rivers, till open water was reached at Peoria lake. 
 Here the canoes were unloaded from the sleighs and launched in 
 the Illinois river. The camping utensils were stowed away, tlie 
 
 • These Indians were fugitives from New England, who, having been conquered 
 i t king {'hilip's war, had found an asylum in the far West. 
 
La Salle at the 2I"i!!i <\f the Mis&hsipin. 51 
 
 four Indian babies who accouij)aiii('(l tliem slung away in some 
 nook where they would be least in the way, and the Hotilla moved 
 along on its way, pro])elled by strong arms assisted by tiie cur- 
 rent. 
 
 Tlie old site of Ft. Creve-Coeur and the amateur ship-yard 
 near by it. was soon passed, as they skimmed down the whirling 
 current, and the view was quickly lost to sight, it" not the pain- 
 ful remembrances which must have been recalled to La Salle and 
 Tonty.* When night came, the whole party moored their boats 
 on the bank of the river, pitched their tents, slung their kettles 
 on tripods, and built their tires. After a supi)er of boiled hom- 
 iny and dried beef, they ])rostrated their weary forms on the 
 grojind for the night. This was the daily routine till the mouth 
 of the JVlississijij)i was reached, although it was varied with in- 
 tercourse with dilferent tribes of Indians on their way, among 
 whom such improvements as adobe houses, earthen plates, and 
 ■domestic fowls were found. f 
 
 It was on the 9th of April that they arrived at the low and 
 grassy inargin of the Gulf of JMexico, upon those attenuated 
 points of spongy soil scarcely deserving tiie name of banks. 
 Far in the rear, upon the treeless banks of the river, the dry 
 grasses of April rasped their dry blades together with a din of 
 buz/.ing before the wind. The gulf rolled in her heavy swells 
 against the unceasing torrent of the river, which met like two 
 opposing forces of nature; and liere, amid these desolations, the 
 party landed and erected the inevitable cross. Beside it, the 
 arms of France, engraved on a leaden plate, was buried. A 
 solemn service of prayer aT)d singing was then performed, and, 
 with impressive forms, possession was taken of the whole valley 
 of the Mississippi and named Louisiana, in honor of Louis XIV., 
 kin*!; of France. 
 
 Tlie whole party now started on the return, tugging against 
 the scalloping currents of the river, which tossed their light boats 
 like vessels in a storm. Far away to the right and left, the dis- 
 tant forests pushed their hoary tops into the horizon, walling in 
 the lonely passage to tlie sea of the gathered waters of lialf a couti 
 nent. This immense valley was now a French province, by vir- 
 tue of the wooden cross just erected, around which the amphib- 
 ious uu>nsters of the gulf were to gambol in security as soon as 
 the adventurers were out of sight. 
 
 •The original plan of building a vessel to navigate the Misiissippi had been 
 abandoned for the more practical canoe ot that early age, 
 
 I These were seen below the Arkansas. 
 
CHAPTEE III. 
 
 La Salle Returns to the Illinois Coimtry — Ft. St. Louis £vilt 
 — La Salle leaves Tonty in Command of Ft. St. Louis-, and 
 Starts for France — Tonty Unjustly Superseded in Command 
 hy La Barre, the A'ew Govcr}ior of Canada — La Salle at 
 the Court of Louis XIV. — La Bar re Recalled — Tonty Re- 
 stored to Command — La Salle furnished with a Fleet to Sail 
 for the Mouth of the Mississij^pi and Fstahlish a Colony ~ 
 The Fleet Passes its Destination., and Lands on the Coast <f 
 Texas — Treachery <f Beavjeu — La Salle Builds a Fort — ///v 
 Vessels Lost — Desperate Condition of the Colony — La Salic 
 sta7'ts Across the Wilds for the Illinois Country — He is As- 
 sassinated on the ^yay — The Murdittrs fall uj)on each other 
 — Return of Cavelier and I J is Tarty — T(mty\s Fort on 1 he- 
 Arkansas — Mendacious Concealment of La Salle'' s Death — 
 Iberville and Bienville make a Settlement at the Mouth of 
 Missis>^ippi — A?ialysis of the Fnylish Colonies. 
 
 La i?alle's explonition of the Misf;issippi was the work of a 
 master mind ; hut, tVir the present, it was an nnwiehly acquisi- 
 tion to t!io coutphcated as well as overhurdened executive capa- 
 bilities of the Canadian government. 
 
 Had La tSalle's means been sutHcient, he would have immcill- 
 ately establislied a fort at the mouth of the river, as a depot ior 
 reoeivini;: and shi})i>ing bulfalo hides and furs, from the inex- 
 haustible sources of sup})ly for these vahiable goods, in the lini 
 itless wilds drained by the JNIississippi ajid its tril)utaries. But 
 his labors thus far luul not only cxhaustiMl his own means in ex- 
 ploration, buthad drawn largely upon tlie res(nirces of his friends, 
 as well as leaving him in debt even to the men who had perforui- 
 ed the drudgery of the camp. 
 
 On his ])assage up the Mississippi, he had been seized with a 
 violent attack of fever, and Mas unable to pursue his journc y, 
 with the comfortless accommodations afforded by their canoes; 
 but, fortunately for him, a fort had been built at the Chickasaw 
 bluffs, on their passage down,* and his strength barely lield out 
 
 * Fort rrudhomnie. On their jjassnge clown the river, a landing was made here 
 for the purpose of hunting. While thus engaged, Father rrudhomme was lost i\\ 
 the woods, and, while searching for him, a fort was built and named lor him. ilc 
 was found after two days' search, in a state of great exhaustion. 
 
Ft. St. Louis Built in the Illinois Country. 53 
 
 till tlieir arrival at this place. Here he reinained till he was 
 able to resume his journey, attended by Father Meinbre. Mean- 
 time, Touty hastened forward to the Illinois country with the 
 men, for it was all-important that a nucleus of French power 
 should be established here, in order to utilize the late discove- 
 ries. 
 
 This was no easy task to accomplish, especially from the nn- 
 tenipered materials out of which it was to be improvised ; but 
 Lti Salle, who ni'ver looked upon any obstacle in his way as in- 
 surmountable, went to work with his accustomed resolution, as 
 soon as he was able again to take the field. The yellow tints ol 
 autumn had begun to imprint their stam}>upon the forests wIkmi 
 he and Tonty had commenced building Ft. St. Louis at Starvetl 
 Jiockj where the western tribes miglit gather around the lilies of 
 France, with an assurance of protection.* 
 
 This work com)>leted. La Salle intended to sail for France, as 
 soon as he could arrive at Quebec, the starting point. 
 
 At this juncture, rumors of an Iroquois . invasion of the Illi- 
 nois country came to hand, and postponed his anticipated visit 
 to the French court; for to desert his Illinois allies in this hour 
 ■of danger, would be a forfeiture of French interests on the prai- 
 ries, as well as a relinquishment of his plans for a French colony 
 .ar the mouth of the Mississippi, 
 
 A large number of Indians, composed of several western 
 tribes besides the Illinois, were now tenanted along the Illinois 
 river adjacent to the fort, who, with the aid of a small number 
 of Frenchmen, would be able to repel any Iroquois invasion 
 likely to be sent against them. But to hold these capricious 
 wanderers to the French interest, a stock of goods for barter 
 with them, and a few Frenchmen to do military dut}-, were ne- 
 cessarv. These must c<nne from Canada. Had Frontenac still 
 been Governor, all would hav-e been well; but this able man 
 had been removed through the machinations of some of the jar- 
 ring interests of the province, and La Barre put in his place. 
 He was no friend to La Salle, and instead of reinforcing him 
 with the necessary men for service in the Illinois country, he 
 detained those in Canada designed for that ]>ost. and withheld 
 all supplies from him. La Salle had now no other recourse left, 
 but to remain at his post in the Illinois country during the win- 
 ter, rumijuiting in his feilile brain ((U future plans, whereby he 
 c(»uld bring to the knowledge of the French king an appreciative 
 sense of the magnitude of his discoveries. The next summer 
 was nearly spent in the same painful uncertainty amidst the ser- 
 vile tribes of the prairies, whose lack of courage to protect them- 
 
 • This spot was chosen as a place of great natural strength, where a few Freach- 
 kHien could liold a nation of savaj^es at t.ay. 
 
54 La Salle Arrives in Paris. 
 
 selves contrasted unfavorably with the prowess of the conquer- 
 ing Iroquois. 
 
 Autumn was approaching — the expected invasion of these 
 champions t)f the forest had not come — and La Salle determined 
 to start for France. On his way to Quebec, he met an otRcer 
 going to the Illinois country, with a commission from La Barre, 
 the governor of Canada, to take possession of Ft. St. Louis, tlm 
 citadel of the rock tower, which was then the key to the inte- 
 rior. Tonty had first built this f .it, and, by virtue of La Salle's 
 authority, now held comnumd of it; and though he alone was 
 better qualified to command it than any other one except, 
 La Sail;;, yet he peaceably conformed to the authority of La 
 Barre, and took a subordinate position under Baugis, the late 
 appointee of La Barre. 
 
 The following March, the expected Iroquois came and besiei^- 
 ed the place for six days. The fort held out, and the discomlit- 
 ted invaders, for once balked of their expected victory, retreated. 
 
 La Salle was now in Paris. La Barre' s villainous aspersions 
 had preceded him, in the vain attempt to undervalue his discov- 
 eries and wrest from him what little authority yet remained in 
 his hands as commander of Ft. Frontenac and almoner of seign- 
 iorial rights of the lands of the Illinois country.* This was 
 more than calumny could accomplish. Sixteen years of toil and 
 disappointment, of hope deferred, crowned at last with a success 
 only waiting recognition, had moulded lines of irresistible advo- 
 cacy into the weather-beaten face of La Salle. He no sooner 
 gained a hearing at the court of Versailles than the reports of 
 his enemies recoiled upon themselves. La Barre was recalled^ 
 Denonville was made governor of Canada, and the command 
 of Ft. St. Louis restored to Tonty, the incarnation of courage 
 and fidelity, and the only one now worthy of holding it. 
 
 La Salle, now fullv restored to the confidence of the French 
 court, was furnished with a fleet of four vessels to fulfill the cher-^ 
 ished project of his ambition — the establishment of a French col- 
 ony at the mouth of the Mississippi. The fleet sailed from Ro- 
 chelle on the 24th of July, 1684, with 280 adventurers who en- 
 listed in the service as emigrants, to form a colony in the wilds 
 of America. Among them were artisans of various trades and 
 a few young women. Several priests also accompanied the ex- 
 pedition, among whom was Cavelier, the brother of La Salle, 
 
 ♦ La Salle's patent of nobility had invested him with anthority to parcel out iha 
 lands around Ft. St. Louis to French settlers, who would ni;irry natives and settle 
 on the land. This was done to encourage permanent colonization, hut the recipi- 
 ents of these emoluments abused their privileges by marrying new wives as ofter 
 as their whimsical propensities or their interests demanded, greatly to the disjjusi 
 of La Salle. 
 
His Fleet Sails for ike Mouth of the Mississippi. 55 
 
 and Joutel, whose history of the progress and traiijical termina 
 tion of the scheme is now esteemed as tlie host autlioi-ity. 
 
 The general command was given to La Salle, hut urifoitunatcly 
 another person, by the name of Beaiijeu, had cliarge of thelieet, 
 whose authority did not go beyond the manageinent of the ves- 
 sels. He was by birth from a family of note, and had been for 
 many years in the king's service — at least long enough to spoil 
 liim for the position he was now to occupy as a subordinate to 
 La Salle, whose experience in the wilds of America was sneered 
 at by the officious captain. 
 
 On their way to the mouth of the Mississippi, much dissension 
 arose between Beaujeu and La Salle. Tlie former was envi- 
 ous and the latter tenacious. One vessel, containing valuable 
 stores, was captured by Spanish cruisers in consequence of Beau- 
 jeu's disobedience of La Salle's orders to land at Port de Paix, 
 a harbor of La Tortue. 
 
 After much detention at the West India Islands, in conse- 
 quence of the sickness of La Salle, the fleet Anally entered the 
 (julf of Mexico, and made sail for their destination, as near as 
 they could calculate their course from the latitude and longitude 
 taken by La Salle when he with his canoe fleet, two years be- 
 fore, had discovered the mouth of the river to which the}^ were 
 now tending. 
 
 Coasting along the northern shore of the gulf, they made sev- 
 eral landings, but finally passed by the place, either through 
 ignorance or design of the faithless Beaujeu. Continuing along 
 the shore, which trended southwardly, La Salle soon became 
 convinced that they had missed their destination, and urged up- 
 on Beaujeu to retrace the mysterious path which iiud now brought 
 them to the treeless and sandy shores of Texas. This he refus- 
 ed to do, on the ground that his provisions were getting short, 
 and he must return immediately to France. La Salle, convinced 
 of the mistake they had made, oflered him fifteen days' extra 
 provisions, which wotdd have been more than suflicient to feed 
 the crew while engaged in continuing the search. Even this 
 proposition Beaujeu had the efl'rontery to discard. 
 
 In attempting to land, one of the three remaining vessels was 
 stranued, and became a. total wreck ; but, notwithstanding this 
 calamity, Beaujeu set sail for France, leaving La Salh; and his 
 men to their fate on the savage and unknown shore whither they 
 had been drilted like lost travelers. 
 
 In this extremity La Salle landed his men and built a fort on 
 the shores of Matagorda Bay, for this was the spot where the 
 winds and waves had cast them. He was not without hopes 
 that t)ne of the rivers which emptied into it was one of the devi- 
 ous mouths of the Mississipj)i ; which, perhaps, may account for 
 
50 French Colony in Texas. 
 
 his not continuing his search for this illusive object with the re- 
 maining vessel.* 
 
 The note in the margin is Joutal's account of the build- 
 ing of the fort. The same faithful historian has recorded 
 in his journal the wanderings of La Salle in his search for the 
 fatal river, as he (Joutal) always called it. This search was per- 
 sisted in for two years, during which time disease and death 
 were wasting away the unhappy colony, till but a feeble remnant 
 was left, while, to make their situation still more desperate, their 
 last remaining vessel was wrecked in crossing the bay on some 
 local service. To save them, La Salle formed the desperate res- 
 olution to make his way on foot across the country to Canada, 
 and obtain relief for these victims of his iinlucky enterprise. 
 
 Joutel, in giving an account of his starting, says : 
 
 " We set out on the 12th of January, in the year 1687, being 
 seventeen in number, viz : Monsieur de La Salle, Monsieur Cav- 
 elier the priest, his brother, Father Anastasius the recollet, Mes- 
 sieurs Moranget and Cavelier, nephews to Monsieur de La Salle, 
 
 • " When Mons. de Beaujeu was gone, we fell to work to make a fort, of the 
 wreck of the ship that had been cast away and many pieces of timber the sea 
 threw up ; and during that time several men deserted, which added to Monsieur 
 de La Salle's affliction. A Spaniard and a Frenchman stole away and fled, and 
 were never more heard of. Four or five others followed their example, but Mon- 
 sieur de La Salle, having timely notice, sent after them, and they were brought 
 back. One of them was condemned to death, and the others to serve the king 
 ten years in that country, 
 
 " When our fort was well advanced, Monsieur de La Salle resolved to clear his 
 doubts, and to go up the river where we were, to know whether it was not an arm 
 of the Mississippi, and accordingly ordered fifty men to attend him, of which 
 number were Monsieur Cavelier, his brother, and Monsieur Chedeville, both 
 priests, two recollet friars, and several volunteers, who set out in five canoes we 
 had, with the necessary provisions. There remained in the fort about an hundred 
 and thirty persons, and Monsieur de La Salle gave me the command of it, with 
 orders not to have any commerce with the natives, but to fire at them if they ap- 
 peared. 
 
 "■ Whilst Monsieur de La Salle was absent, I caused an oven to be built, which 
 was a great help to us, and employed myself in finishing the fort and ])Utting it in 
 a posture to withstand the Indians, who came frequ-^ntly in the night to range 
 about us, hcwling like wolves and dogs ; but two cr three musket shots put them 
 to flight. It happened one niglit that, having fired six or seven shots. Monsieur 
 de La Salle, who was not far from us, heard them, and being in pain about it, he 
 returned with six or seven men, and found all things in a good posture. 
 
 " He told us he had found a good country, fit to sow and plant all sorts of 
 grain, abounding in beeves and wildfowl ; that he designed to erect a fort farther 
 up the river, and accordingly he left me orders to square out as much timber as I 
 could get, the sea castini; up much upon the shore. He had given the same or- 
 ders to the men he had left on the spot, seven or eight of whom, detached from 
 the rest, being busy at that work, and seeing a number of the natives, fled, and 
 unadvisably left their tools behind them. Monsieur de La Salle returning thither, 
 found a paper made fast to a reed, which gave'him notice of that accident, which 
 he was concerned at, because of the tools, not so much for the value of the loss, 
 as because it was furnishing the natives with such things as they might afterward 
 make use oi against us." 
 
La ISalU Starts for the lUlnols Country. 57 
 
 the Sieurs Duliant the elder, I'Arclieveque, Hiens, Liotot, sur- 
 geon, youiijo- Talon, an Indian,* and a footman belonging to 
 Monsieur de La Salle, &c. We carried along with us part of 
 the best things every man had, and what was thought would be 
 of use. wherewith the live horses were loaded, and we took our 
 leaves with as much tenderness and sorrow, as if we had all pre- 
 saged that we should never see each other more. Father Zeno- 
 bius was the person who expressed it to me most significantly, 
 saying he had never been so sensibly touched at i)arting with 
 anybody." 
 
 Many a parting adieu was waved to the travelers as they slowly 
 made their way across the extended plain in front of the fort, till 
 the last gHmj)se of their receding forms was lost in the ex|)anse 
 •of wilderness which intervened between them and New France. 
 
 La Salle with his men urged their way over the vast plains of 
 Texas, swimming the rivers that crossed their jiath, subsisting 
 on buffalo meat, and camping niglitly on the gnjund, till they 
 reached the Trinity river. The route thus far had been traveled 
 a few months before by La Salle, in his erratic wanderings in 
 •quest of the "fatal river," and having an overstock of provisions 
 at that time, he concealed some beans in a hollow tree for possi- 
 ble future use. Being now encamped hard by, he despatched 
 Liotot, Hiens, Teissier. L'Archeveque, Nika, and Saget, to se- 
 cure them. To their disappointment, they found them spoiled ; 
 but, on their return, Nika shot two buffalo. Saget was now des- 
 patched to the camp of La Salle for horses to bring in the meat, 
 to be cured for use on the way. 
 
 The request was gladly complied with by sending two messen- 
 gers, Moranget and De Marie, to return with Saget with the 
 necessary horses. The meat had already been cut into thin sli- 
 ces and hung out to dry by the usual process ; all except some 
 choice bits which Duhaut and his pals had reserved for them- 
 selves. This was an acknowledged prerogative of the hunter 
 who killed game, and to Nika only belonged this right ; but 
 Moranget, in no mood to respect these distinctions, abusing the 
 whole party in a storm of indignation, seized all the meat by 
 force. 
 
 The tragedy that followed is related by Joutel as follows : 
 
 "The 16th. in their return, they met with two bullocks, which 
 Monsieur de La Salle's Indian killed, whereupon they sent back 
 his footman, to give him notice of what they had killed, that it 
 he would have the flesh dried, he might send horses for it. The 
 
 * The Indian mentioned by Joutel was Nika. This faithful servant had accom- 
 panied La Salle in all his forest marches ever since he first pushed his way into 
 the lake country, and had mere than once furnished subsistence to his famishing 
 tnen by his superior skill in hunting, and had piloted Ihem safely through myste- 
 rious portages known only to Indians. 
 
58 Revolt and Murder Begin. 
 
 17th, Monsieur de La Salle had the horses taken up, and ordered 
 the Sieurs Aloranget and de Marle^ his footman, to go for that 
 meat, and send back a horse load immediately, till the rest was 
 dried. 
 
 " Monsieur Moranget, when he came thither, found they had 
 smoked both the beeves, though they were not dry enough ; and 
 tha said Sieurs Liotot, Hiens, Duhaut, and the rest, had hiid 
 aside the niarn)\v-b(mes and others to roast them, as was usual 
 to do. The Sieur Moranget found fault with it ; he in a passion 
 seized not only the flesh that was smoketl and dried, but also the 
 bones, without giving them anything ; but on the contrarj', 
 threatening they should not eat so much of it as they had imag- 
 ined, and that he would manage that flesh after another matiner. 
 
 "This passionate behavior, so nmch out of season, and con- 
 trary to reason and custom, touched the surgeon Liotot, Hiens, 
 and Duhaut to the quick, they having other causes of complaint 
 against Moranget. They withdrew, and resolved together upon 
 a bloody revenge ; they agreed upon the manner of it, and con- 
 cluded they would murder the 8ieur Moranget, Monsieur de La 
 Salle's footman, and liis Indian, because he was very faithful to 
 him. 
 
 "They waited till night, when those unfortunate creatures liad 
 supped and were asleep. Liotot the surgeon was the inhuman 
 executioner. He took an axe, began by the Sieur Moranget, 
 giving him many strokes on the head; the same he did by the 
 footman and the Indian, killing them on the spot, whilst his fel- 
 low-villains, viz.: Duhaut, Hiens, Teissier, and L'Archeveque, 
 stood upon their guard, with their arras, to lire upon such as 
 should make any resistance. The Indian and the footman never 
 stirred, but the Sieur Moranget had so much vigor as to sit up, 
 but without being able to speak one word, and the assassins 
 obliged the Sieur de Marie to make an end of him, though he 
 was not in the conspiracy. 
 
 "Tills slaugliter had yet satisfied but oiie part of the revenge 
 of those murderers. To flnish it and secure themselves it was 
 requisite to destroy the couim;imier-in-chief. They cousulted 
 about the safest method to ettect it, and resolved to go together 
 to Monsieur de La Salle, to knock out the brains of the most 
 resolute immediately, and then it would be easier to overcome 
 the rest. But the river, which was between them and us, being 
 much swollen, the difficulty of passing it made them put it oif 
 the 18th and 19th. On the other hand, LVlonsieur de La Salle 
 was very uneasy on account of their long stay. His impatience 
 made him rescjlve to go himself to And out his people, and to- 
 know the cause of it. 
 
 "This was not done without many previous tokens of concern 
 and apprehension. He seemed to have some presage ot his mis- 
 
La Salle Falls a Victim. 5^ 
 
 fortune, inquiring of some whether the Sier.r Liotot, llions, and 
 Dnhaut liad not expressed some discontent; and not hearino; 
 anvthini? of it, lie could not forltear setting out the I'Orli. with 
 Father Anastasius and an ^iidian, leaving me the coimnand in 
 his absence, and charging me from time to time to g«> the rounds 
 about our camp, to prevent being surprised, and to make a smoke- 
 for him to direct his way in case of need. When he came near 
 the dwelling of the murderers, looking out sharp to discover 
 something, he observed eagles fluttering about a spot not far 
 from them, which made him believe they had found some carri- 
 on about the mansion, and he tired a shot, which was the signal' 
 of his death and forwarded it. 
 
 *'The conspirators hearing the shot, concluded it was Mon- 
 sieur de La Salle, who was come to seek them. They made- 
 ready their arms and provided to surprise him. Duhaut passed 
 the river. L'Archeveque, the tirst of them, spying Monsieur de 
 La Salle at a distance, as he was coming toward them, advanced 
 and hid himself among the high weeds, to wait his passing by, 
 so that Monsieur de La Salle, suspecting nothing, and having 
 not so much as charged his piece again, saw the aforesaid L'Ar- 
 cheveque at a good distance from him, and immediately asked 
 for his nephew Moranget, to which L'Archeveque answered that 
 he was along the river. At the same time the traitor Duhaut 
 tired his piece and shot Monsieur de La Salle through the head, 
 so that he dropped down dead on the spot, without speaking one- 
 word. 
 
 " Father Anastasius, who was then by his side, stood stock, 
 still in a fright, expecting the same fate, and not knowing wheth- 
 er he should go forward or backward ; but the murderer Duhaut 
 put him out of that dread, bidding him not to fear, for no hu»-t 
 was intended him ; that it was despair that had prevailed with 
 him to do what he saw ; that he had long desired to be revenged 
 on Moranget, because he had designed to ruin him, and that he 
 was partly the occasion of his uncle's death. This is the exact 
 relation of that murder, as it was presently after told me by F. 
 Anastasius. 
 
 " Such was the unfortunate end of Monsieur de La Salle's life, 
 at a time when he might entertain the greatest hopes as the re- 
 ward of his labors. He had a capacity and talent to make his 
 enterprise successful ; his constancy and courage and his extraor- 
 dinary knowledge of the arts and sciences, which rendered huii 
 lit for anything, together with an indefatigable body, which made 
 him surmount all difiiculties, would have procured a glorious 
 issue to his undertaking, had not all those excellent qualities been 
 counterbalanced by too haughty a behavior, which sometimes- 
 made him insupportable, and by a rigid ness toward those tha 
 
^ The Guilty and Innocent in Council. 
 
 were under his command, which at last drew on hhn an irapla- 
 <;able hatred, and was the occasion oi his deatli. 
 
 ''The shot which had killed Monsieur de La Salle was also a 
 signal of the murder to the assassins for them to draw near. 
 They all repaired to the place where the wretched dead corpse 
 lay, which they barbarously strip])ed to the shirt, and vented 
 their malice in vile and ojjprobrious language. The surgeoa Lio- 
 tot said several times, in scorn and derision, There thou liest, 
 great Basha j there thou liest. In conclusion, they dragged it 
 naked among the bushes, and left it exposed to the ravenous 
 wild beasts. So far was it from what a certain author writes, of 
 their having buried him and set up a cross on his grave. 
 
 "When those murderers had satiated their rage, they set out 
 to come to us at our camp with the dried flesh, whicii they had 
 caused to be brought over the river by the Indians, who had 
 been spectators of the murder and of all the inhuman acts that 
 had been committed, with amazement and contempt of us. 
 When the}' were come U) the camp, they found Messieurs Cave- 
 lier the one brother, the other nephew to the murdered com- 
 mander, whom Father Anastasius acquainted with the dismal 
 ■end of our chief, and enjoined them silence, which it is easy to 
 imagine was very hard upon them ; but it was absolutely neces- 
 
 "However, Monsieur Cavelier the priest could not forbear 
 telling them that if they would do the same by liim, he woulu 
 forgive them his murder, and only desired of them to give hirn 
 a quarter of an hour to prepare himself. They answered, they 
 Jiad notliing to say to him ; that what they had done was the 
 ■effect of despair, to be reveuged for the ili-usage they had re- 
 ceived. 
 
 "I was absent at that time; they called L'Archeveque, %vho, 
 as I have said, was one of tlie conspirators, had some kindness 
 for me, and knowing they designed to make me away too, if I 
 stood upon my defence, he parted from them, to give mo notice 
 of their mischievous rosolutioii. He found me on a little rising 
 ground, where I was l(»okini; upon our horses as they grazed in 
 a little adjacent bottom. His intelligence struck me to the heart, 
 not kiK)wing whether I should fly or stay ; but at length, having 
 jKMther ])owder wov shot nor arms, and the said L'Archeveqiie 
 giving me assurances of my life, provided I was quiet and .said 
 nothing, I committed myself to God's protection, and went to 
 tlieni. without tiiking any notice of what had been done. 
 
 "Duhaut, ])uffed up with his new-gotten authority, i)rocured 
 iiim by his villainy, as soon as he saw me, cried out, Every num 
 ought to command in his turn ; to which I nuvde no answer ; and 
 we were all of us obliged to stifle our resentment, that it might 
 tiot appear, for our lives depen ied on it. Jlow*»^'^r, it was easy 
 
Eulogy of La >Salle. 61 
 
 to jiulire with what eyes Fatlier Anastasiiis, Messieurs Cavelier, 
 and I beheld these iniirdorers, to whom we expected evei-y mo- 
 uient to fall sacrifices. It is true, we dissembled so well that 
 they were not very siisj)icious of us, and tliat the temptation we 
 were under of makini:^ them away in revenge for those tliey had 
 murdered, would have easily prevailed and been put in execu- 
 tion, had not j\[onsieur Oavelier the priest always positively op- 
 posed it, alleainir that we ouiilit to leave veng'eance to God. 
 
 " However, tlie murderers seized upon all the effects, without 
 any opposition, and then we began to talk of ])roceeding on our 
 journey." 
 
 Thus, at the age of only forty-three years, fell the hero of a 
 thousatid conflicts against the cahnnnies of Jesuits." the envy 
 of rivals, and tlie untamed forces of Nature herself, against 
 which he had contended for twenty years, in the heart of a sav- 
 age wilderness. Much of this time the earth had been his eoucli 
 at night, and his companions the savages whose realms he had 
 entered. 
 
 With these he was an unusual favorite, not because he took 
 the least interest in their every-day routine or catered to the luir- 
 row-gauge ideas with which the average mind in a state of na- 
 ture was occupied, but because in him was perst)nitied a true 
 nobility of character which perforce subordinates common grades 
 of intellect, whether savages or civilians, to its will. 
 
 He was one of those men whose stamp of genius, in his pecu- 
 liar sphere, has been left upon his age, where it w-ill remain an 
 indelible record, not only among the forests nf America, but 
 among the splendors of \'^ersailles, where his sunliurnt face once 
 stood among the effeminate graces of the Fi'ench court like a. 
 giant among pigmies. 
 
 !Strange that one so gifted should have had his Weak points; 
 but this was the case, and many of his niisfortinies and his death 
 were traceable to them. His weakness was found in his haufjhtv, 
 cold inmtobility, which ie]telle(l c<>nsiilerate counsels and left 
 liim alone in the hcrmitaireof his thoughts when ho needed advice. 
 
 Berett of their champion, the situatiDU of the party not in the 
 conspiracy was ])erilous in the extreme. The least irritating 
 worcl from them Avould have l)een tlie signal of death. 
 
 Duhaut and Liotot seized upon all the etlects of J^a Salle, even 
 the clothing on his person. leaving his naked body on the spot 
 where he was killed, the flesh to be eaten and the bones tossed 
 about by the wolves, and finally to moulder beneath the grasses 
 of the ]irairie. 
 
 * La Salle never felt friendly to the Jesuits, and always chose priests not belong- 
 ing to that order to accompany him. The Jesuits in turn opposed hira. Hence 
 1^,,, ir-fp 1-mMv imnn'T in v'Mch Charlevnix «.r>eaks of him. 
 
■^ Death of the Assassins. 
 
 The excuse for this was, that it was but a just remuneration 
 for the losses thev had sustained in followini? his fortunes to the 
 desperate pass to which they were now brought. The appropri- 
 ation of La Salle's effects aroused the indignation of the other 
 conspirators, but the outbreak destined to tinisli up the closing 
 scene was postponed. 
 
 Fathers of tlie faith and assassins besmeared with blood com- 
 posed the company now loft on their way to the roabns of civil- 
 ization. These incongi-uoiis extremes, after being several days 
 together, however, are relieved from each others' presence by a 
 stroke ot retribution as sudden as the death of La Salle himself. 
 Joutal's relation of it is as follows : 
 
 "After we had been some days longer in the same place, 
 Hiens arrived with the two half-savage Frenchmen* and about 
 twenty natives. He went immediately to Duhaut, and, after 
 some discourse, told him he was not for going toward the Mis- 
 sissippi, because it would be of dangerous consequence for them, 
 and therefore demanded his share of the effects he had seized 
 upon. Duhaut refusing to comply, and affirming that all the 
 axes were his own. Hiens, who it is likely had laid the design 
 before to kill him, immediately drew his pistol and tired it upon 
 Duhaut, who staggered about four paces from the })lace and fell 
 •<3own dead. At the same time, Ruter, who had been with Hiens, 
 fired his piece upon Liotot the surgeon, and shot him througli 
 with three balls. 
 
 "These murders committed before us put me into a terrible 
 consternation ; for believing the same was designed for me, I 
 laid hold of my firelock to defend myself; but Hiens cried out 
 to me to fear nothing, to lay down my arms, and assured me he 
 had no design against me, but that he had revenged his master's 
 death. He also satisfied Monsieur Cavelier and Father Anasta- 
 sius. who were as much frightened as myself, declaring he meant 
 them no harm, and that, though he had been in the conspiracy, 
 yet had he been present at the time when Monsieur de La Salle 
 was killed, he would not have consented, but rather have ob- 
 structed it. 
 
 "• Liotot lived some hours after, and had the good fortune to 
 make his confession ; after which, the same Euter put him out 
 of his pain with a pistol-shot. We dug a hole in the earth and 
 t>nried him in it with Duhaut, doing them more honor than they 
 tiad done to Monsieur de La Salle and his nephew Moranget, 
 wli m they left to be devoured by wild beasts. Thus those 
 
 * The two savage Frenchmen referred to by Joutcl were deserters from La Salle's 
 ifort on Matagorda Bay the year beforL-. They had cast their lot with the Indians, 
 *nd here met their old comrades by chi .ice. 
 
Division of La Salle's Effects. ^-^ 
 
 murderers met with what they had deserved, dying the same 
 death they had put others to." 
 
 It had been apparent to tlie innocent party, ever since the 
 <leath of La Salle, that tlie murderers (hirst not return to Cana- 
 da, and it had been a question not only liow to obtain a share of 
 the outfit so necessary for the wilderness tour, but how to part 
 company amicaldy with these odious associates. 
 
 The late death of Duhaut and Liotot settled this question very 
 readily, Iliens, the leader of the outlaws, declarini; that he would 
 not risk his neck in Canada, and made an equitable division of 
 the S])oils. The travelers then cut loose froiu the late scenes of 
 bhK)dshed. biddini; adieu to the malcontents, whose lot was now 
 cast with tht^se Indians, less savaire than themselves. 
 
 The division of the goods and the final parting is best told by 
 Joutel, as follows : 
 
 '* Accordingly, he laid aside, for Father Anastasius, Messieurs 
 < 'avelier. the uncle and the nephew, thirty axes, four or five doz- 
 en of krnves, about thirty ])ounds of powder and the like quan- 
 \\\.j of ball. He gave each of the others two axes, two knives, 
 two or three pounds of powder, with as much ball, and kept the 
 rest. As for the horses, he took the best and left us the three 
 least. Monsieur Cavelier asked him for some strings of beads, 
 which he granted, and seized upon all the late Monsieur de La 
 Salle's clothes, baggage, and otlier efiects, besides above a thou- 
 sand livres in money, which belonged to the late Monsieur Le 
 (iros, who died at our dwelling of St Louis. Before our de- 
 parture, it was a sensible allliction to us to see that villain walk 
 iibout, in a scarlet coat and gold galloons, which had belonged 
 to the late Monsieur de La Salle, and which, as I have said, he 
 had seized. 
 
 " After that, Hiens and his companions withdrew to their own 
 cottage, and we resolved not to put off our departure any longer. 
 Accordingly, we made ready our horses, which much alarme<l 
 the natives, and especially the chief of them, who said and did 
 all he could to obstruct our journey, promising us wives, plenty 
 of provisions, representing to u- the immense dangers, as well 
 from (uii'mies who surroun^led them as from tlie bad and im])as- 
 sable ways and the many woods and rivers we were to pass. 
 However, we were not to be moved, and only asked one Kind- 
 ness of him, in obtaining of which there were many difficulties, 
 and it was that he would give us guides to conduct us to Cappa; 
 but at length, after much trouble and numy promises of a good 
 reward, one was granted, and two others went along with him. 
 
 *'A11 things being thus ordered for our departure, we took 
 leave of our hosts, jiassed by Hien's cottage, and embraced him 
 «nd hib companions. We asked him for another horse, which 
 
64 The Journey Resumed. 
 
 lie granted. He desired an att<;station, in Latin, of Monsieur 
 Cavelier, tiiat he had not been concerned in the murder of Mon- 
 sieur do La Salle, M'hich was given him, because there was no 
 refusing of it; and we set forward with L'Archever|ue and Meu- 
 nier, wiio did not keep their word with us, hut remained among 
 those barbarians, being infatuated with that course (.)f libertinism 
 they had run themselves into. Thus there were oidv seven of 
 us that stuck together to return to Canada, viz : Fatlier Anasta- 
 tasius. Messieurs Cavelier, the uncle and the nei>hew, the Sieur 
 de Marie, one Teissier, a y«»ung man born at Paris, whose name 
 was Bartholonievw and L with six horses and the three Indians 
 who were to be our guides ; a very small number for si> great an 
 enter])rise, but we put ourselves entirely into the hands of Di- 
 vine Providence, contiding in God's mercy, which did not for- 
 sake us."' 
 
 While they are lab )ring tlirough the solitudes of the dreary 
 country, we will folhiw the adventures of Tonty in his noble at- 
 tempt to rescue La Salle's colony. 
 
 After the news of La Salle's departure from France to colonizio 
 the J\L'ssissi])pi country had reached Canada and the Illinois set- 
 tlements, Tonty, wlio was stationed at the latter place, was tire<l 
 with zeal to serve the new colony by every means in his power. 
 Accordingly, he assembled a band of twenty Frenchmen and 
 thirty Lidians, and with ttiis force, on the i-'Uh of February, 
 lt)80, went down the .Mississippi river to its mouth, where he 
 ex[)ected to find his old friend La Salle at the head of a tlourish- 
 ing colony ; but what was his surprise and disa))pointment when, 
 after searching through tiie whole region, no trace of it could be 
 found. 
 
 After leaving marks of his presence in vari >us places, he wrote 
 a letter to La Salle, and left it with the chief of the Bayagoulas, 
 who promised to send it to him should he ever learn his where- 
 abi'Uts. 
 
 Tonty then started up the river witli his men ; but when he 
 arrived at the mouth of the Arkansas, ho deemed it prudent to 
 build a fort, and leave a force of six men, among whom were 
 Couture and De Launay, here to succor the colony if possible.* 
 
 This done, he returned to his post in tlie Illinois country. 
 
 For more than a year these sentinels of the forest renuiined at 
 then' post, holding themselves in readiness for any emergency. 
 
 Hani bv was a large village of the Arkansas tribe, who enliv- 
 eued the hermitage of the Frenchmen with the rudo amusements 
 of Indian life. 
 
 One summer day, while the tedious hours were being measur- 
 
 * Tonty's Memoir, in French's Hist. Coll., vol. I, p. 68. 
 
Arrival at the Arkansas. 65 
 
 ed out with their dull routine, the Frenchmen were startled from 
 their reveries by a French voice across the river, which flowed 
 by their palisaded retreat, and they immediately lired two j^uns 
 as a signal, which the part}' across the river answered. 
 
 Two canoes were immediately sent across the river, and the 
 tired travelers were soon taken over ami conducted into tiie fort. 
 
 The reader scarcely need be told that they were the fugitives 
 from La Salle's unha])|)y colony in Texas. Gavelier, his brother, 
 was the ]>rincipal spokesman, and as he I'elated the long train of 
 overwhelming disasters which had bet'alien the colony, and at 
 last came to the cruel assassination of La Salle, their listeners 
 gave vent to their feelings in tears and sobs. 
 
 After a brief rest, the travelers resumed their journey for the 
 Illinois country, leavitig the lonesouje garrison at their post, 
 whose duties were now to establish a representation of French 
 interests in the coutitry. 
 
 On the l-ith of September, they arrived at the old familiar 
 grounds of Ft. St. Louis, on the Illinois river, opjiosite the pres- 
 ent town of Utica ; and now comes the strange part of the history. 
 
 Tonty, the commander, was absent iigliting the Iroquois, and 
 Bellefoiitaine, his lieutenant, stood in his place. All were eager 
 to get tidings from La Salle, and, in response to their inquiries, 
 they were told tliat he was \vell when they left, Init omitted to 
 state that he had been assassinated on the way — a very question- 
 able way of telling the truth by establishing a falsehood, the in- 
 centive for which, it is but fair to presume, must have been from 
 sinister motives, which suj>|)osition is strengthened by the fact 
 that Gavelier borrowed, in La Salle's name, 4000 livres froui 
 Tonty. 
 
 It was tlie intention of Gavelier and his party to repair imme- 
 diately to France, nnd to this end they made haste to take their 
 departure. Arriving at Ghieago, whicli by this time had become 
 famous as a portage, they waited a week for the storm to al)ate, 
 before daring to venture on the hd<e with their canoe, when thoy 
 started, but were soon diiven back by the heavy surf. 
 
 They now returned to Ft. St. Louis, and quartered under the 
 hospitalities of Tonty, whose frieiKNliij) for La Salle made him 
 receive the sutitle de-civers with welcome. 
 
 The next S])ring, the party took advantage of the first mild 
 weatjier to enili;irk tor Gaiuida by the (yliieago route, and from 
 thetice siiled foi- France, where they at list unbosomed them- 
 selves ol their terril)le secret at the French court. l)ut, long be. 
 fore fliit', the withered germ of French power in.Texas had fall 
 en under the war-club of the Indians.* 
 
 • Tlie lii'<tiiry of its (lestruclinn was furnished by tlie Indians, lor which see 
 Sheu's Discovery of the Missi^sipii Valley, p. 208. 
 
€6 Iberville and Bienville. 
 
 The bones of La Salle lay mouldering beneath the luxuriant 
 grasses of a Texas prairie, but his plans for the aggrandizement 
 of New France survived his untimely death, and and were soon 
 destined to be renewed by Iberville and Bienville. 
 
 In 1691>, these intrepid Frenchmen, who were born and nur- 
 tured among the excitements of life in Canada, obtained com- 
 mand of a small iieet, and made a French settlement on Dau- 
 phin Island, off the Bay of Mobile. 
 
 The same year they entered the mouth of tiie Mississippi riv- 
 er, and sailing up its scroll-sliajjed turnings, landed in the domin- 
 ions of Tonty's old friend the chief of the Buyagoulas. It will 
 be remembered that he had left a letter for La Salle with him, 
 when hf went down the river fourteen years previously. This 
 letter had been preserved by him during these years with pious 
 care, and with commendable discretion he now relieved himself 
 of his responsibility by giving it to Iberville. 
 
 A permanent French colony was now established at the mouth 
 of the river, out of which, a few years later, grew the city of 
 New Orleans and the settlements of the famous sugar plantations 
 along the river. 
 
 This was the southern extremity of the French settlements in 
 America. Canada was the northern extremity, and Chicago the 
 most frequented portage between them. 
 
 There were, howevei-, other i)ortages of intercommunication ; 
 one by the Fox and Wisconsin rivers, another by the St. Joseph 
 and Kiinkakee rivers, both of which had been traveled, the one 
 by Marquette and the other by La Salle, as already related. 
 
 The next year ai'rei- Iberville and Bienville's successful settle- 
 ment at the mouth of the Mississippi, the settlements of Kas- 
 kaskia and Cahokia were made, and other thriving French vil- 
 lages sprung up neai' by them a few years later. 
 
 Vincennes. on the Wabash, was settled in 1710, and Ft. Char- 
 ters, on the Mississippi, not far from Cahokia, in 1720. It was 
 the strongest iidand fortress in America, costing over $50,000. 
 
 A cordon of French forts extended fi-om Canada to New Or- 
 leans, at this time, with which to cement the vast extent of New 
 France together by an utibroken chain. 
 
 That one of these forts M'as built at Chicago there is sufficient 
 evidence, from the fact that mention is made of its existence, 
 by Tonty, while on his way from Canada to the Illinois country 
 in 1085, who uses the following language : "I embarked for the 
 Illinois Oct. 30th, 1085. but, being stopped by the ice, I was 
 obliged to leave my canoe and proceed by land. After going 120 
 leagues, I arrived at Ft. Chicagon^ where M. de la Durantaye com- 
 manded.* No record remains as to the time of its construction. 
 
 ♦ Tonty's ^temoir, published in Hist. Coll. of Lou., vol. i, p. 67. 
 
The Engliah Colonies. ''' 
 
 There was a iiiissionai-y station here in 1699, wliere the gospel 
 was dispensed to the Miamis.* There appears also to have been 
 a French village here at that time, as St. Cosme speaks of a lost 
 hoy at the time of his passing through the place, and several 
 Frenclmieii turning out to hnnt for him among the tall grasses. 
 After thirteen days, the boy returned to the village, spent with 
 hunger and fatigue, and almost insensible. -f- 
 
 While these events, so auspicious to the French in the interim, 
 were passing, the Phiglish colonists were at work within a very 
 circumscribed compass, along the eastern fringe of the continent. 
 
 The Massachusetts cok)Dy was composed of Puritans after the 
 Cotton Mather pattern. 
 
 The Connecticut and the New Hampshire colonies were also 
 fashioned after the same model. 
 
 The Ehode 1-land colony was modified somewhat by the libe- 
 ralism of lioger Williams, Wheelright, Yane, and Atme Hutch- 
 inson, 
 
 The Germans along the Hudson river were not unlike this 
 same thrifty peo|)le of our day. 
 
 On the Delaware were the Swedes and Fins, models of frugal- 
 ity and piety. 
 
 In Pennsylvania were the English Quakers, under the leader- 
 ship of the broad-gauge brain of William Penn. 
 
 In Virginia was tlie true type of English chivalry. 
 
 The Puritans may justly be called the conscience of the nation, 
 and the Virginians, with equal propriety, the sword of the nation. 
 
 In the Carolinas were Huguenots and Quakers, and in Geor- 
 gia respectable Englishmen, not conspicuous for any tangent 
 points of character, except the ambitious aims indispensable to 
 American emigrants. 
 
 No confederation or bond of union existed between these dif- 
 ferent colonies, but the exploits of the French in the West were 
 rapidly hastening an issue bound to unite them together in a 
 bond of union which was the outgrowth of the French and In- 
 dian war. 
 
 AVhile this issue is maturing, Chicago must slumber in obscu- 
 rity. 
 
 * Early Voyages, p. 50, published by Joel Munsel, Albany, 
 t Early Voyages, pp. 56-8. 
 
CHAPTER lY. 
 
 First Passage through the Detroit River — A Stone Stattie found 
 there — English on the Upper Lakes — Settlement of Detroit — 
 The Foxes Attack the Place — Mission, of Fathr Marquette 
 at MicJiiliraaekinac — Cahokia and Kaskaskia Settled — Ft. 
 Chartres — Vmcennes Settled — Comparison of the English 
 with the French Colonies — The Paris Convention to Establish 
 the Tine hetiveen the English and French in Aineriea — 
 Convention at Albany — The Ohio Company — Ihe French 
 Build Forts on French Creek — Gov. Dinwiddie sends Wash- 
 ington to Warn them out of the Country — The Ohio Company 
 Bend Trent to Build a Fort -where Pittsburgh now stands — 
 Pe is di'iven away by the French — Washi7igt07i sent to the 
 F'rontier — lie Attacks the French — Retreats — Builds Ft. Ne- 
 cessity — The Fort taken by the French. 
 
 Detroit stands foremost among the cities of the Northwest in 
 local historic interest, although the place was unknown to the 
 French even for some years after Lake Superior had been ex- 
 plored to its western extremity and missions established along 
 Its soutliern waters. 
 
 The Ottawa river of Canada, Lake Nipr>ising, and the north- 
 ern waters of Lake Huron, were the 'J^iiniels by which the 
 gieat West was lirst reached by the Frcicl), and nearly theunly 
 ones used till La Salle had secured Lakes Ontario and Erie as a 
 highway from Canada to the West, as told in the previous chap>- 
 ter. 
 
 In the autumn of 16G9, at the Indian village of Ganastogue, 
 at the western extremity of Lake Ontario, two distinguished ex- 
 plorers, La Salle and Jttliet, met by chance. Joliet was on his 
 return from atrip to the Upper Lake, as Lake Sujnrior was then 
 calkd, for the- purj)ose of discovering the copier mines. In 
 reaching this place from Lake Su])erior, he nmst have ])asHed 
 down the river, then without a name, ?i:»w called Detroit river, 
 and first called by the French "The Detroit" (The btraits). 
 It is a matter of record that an old Indian village, c;illed Teuch- 
 sa Grondie, stood originally there, but no mention is made of it 
 by Joiiec 
 
Discovery of DUroit. ^^ 
 
 Tlie next spring, 1670, two priests, Galinee and Dablon, on 
 their way from Canada to the mission of Sainte Marie, wliich 
 had been established at the Sault the previous year, landed at or 
 near the present site of Detroit. The first object of interest they 
 beheld was a barbarous ])iece of stone sculpture in the human 
 form. This was quite sutHcient to unbalance the equilibiium of 
 the two fathers, whose zeal had been whetted into an extrava- 
 pmt ])itch by the liardships they had encountered on their way. 
 With ])ious indiiynation they fell upon the '• impious device " with 
 their hatchets, broke it in pieces, and hurled the fragments into 
 the river.* 
 
 The place would have been brought to light long before but 
 for the Iroquois, who guarded the passage of the lower lakes 
 with bull-dog tenacity, to preserve their own nation and protect 
 their fur trade. f 
 
 That a fort was built at Detroit between this time and 1687 is 
 infei'red from Tonty's Memoir,;}; in which, while on the way down 
 the lakes, he says : ''The Sieur de la Forest was already gone 
 with a canoe and thirty Frenchmen, and he was to wait for me 
 at Detroit till the end of ]\Iay." Farther along he continues: 
 "We came, on the l!)th of 'May (1687), to Ft. Detroit. We 
 made some canoes of elm, and I sent one of them to Ft. !St. Jo- 
 seph." 
 
 During the few years which succeeded Frontenac's recall from 
 the governor's chair of Canada, La Barn; and next Dcnonville 
 supjilied his place. Both ot their administrations were ushered 
 in with promises of great results, but terminated in utter failures. 
 They had measured their strength against the Iroquois, who 
 proved too much f(>r them, both in the tbrum and in the Held. 
 
 Thos. Dongan was then colonial governor of IS'ew York, whose 
 vigorous and ambitious policy, assisted by the Iroquois, contem- 
 plated the estiiblishment of a trading ])ost at Michilimackinac, 
 for the mutual interests ot both, and. in 1687, English agents 
 started up the lakes for that purpose,! under protection of the 
 Iroquois and Foxes. 
 
 The latter held supreme sway on those waters at that time, 
 and were more Iriendly to the Engli^h than the Fn-nch, as the 
 
 • Jesuit Relations, 1670. 
 
 t Father Paul Kaguneau, in the Jesuit Relations of 1650, uses the following 
 laiii;ua;;e : 
 
 [ /'/■.ii/s/.tiii'ii ] " All the Alijonquiii iinlinns who dwell to the west of the an- 
 cient country ot the lluron>, ami wlu-ic (he f.iiih has not yet been alilc to find its 
 ■way, are people for whom we cannot havcenuiii^h compassion. If it \'C necessary 
 that the name of God be admired, and the cross be planted there, it shall be done 
 in spite of all the rai;e of hell and the cuielty of the Iroquois, who are worse thaa 
 *he demons of hell." — I'ages 3o and 31. 
 
 J See Hist. Coll. of Lou., vol. I. p. 69. 
 
 II Paris Doc. III., published in Doc. Mist, N. Y., vol. I, p. 229. 
 
~<* The Knglish on the Upper Lakes Captured. 
 
 French had, by some misdirection, made enemies of them at 
 their first interview. 
 
 After Tonty with his men had left Detroit, as just told in his 
 Memoir, as he was continuing his course along tlie lake si'ore 
 toward Canada, he fell in company with Durantaye and Du Lhut, 
 with their commands. 
 
 They had in their custody thirty English prisoners, whom 
 they had just captured on the shore of Lake Huron, 
 
 Farther along in the Memoir, Tonty states that he took thirty 
 more English prisoners, who were on their way to Michilimack- 
 inac, under command of Major Gregory — that they had with 
 them several Huron and Ottawa captives, wiio had been taken 
 by the Iroquois and consigned to their charge — that they also 
 had a "great quantity of brandy" with them, which Tonty con- 
 gratulated himself for having taken, inasmuch as it would have 
 (in his own words) "gained over our allies, and thus we should 
 have all the savages and the English upon us at once." 
 
 A war was going on at this time between the Iroquois and the 
 French, of which the English probably took advantage to at- 
 tempt to gain a foothold on the upper lakes. 
 
 Before the war was ended, all Canada was overrun by the Iro- 
 quois, Montreal burned, and two hundred persons captured and 
 taken into the wilderness lodges of their conquerors in the pres- 
 ent State of IS'ew Yurk. 
 
 They were treated so kindly, however, that more than half of 
 them refused to return to their linme in Montreal after peace had 
 been made, even though the French king conmianded them to 
 return. 
 
 The following September, 16S9, commissioners from the New 
 York and New England colonies met the Iroquois deputies at 
 Albany in convention, when one of the chiefs congratulated the 
 English colonists that their chain of friendship was strengthened 
 by their burning of Montreal. 
 
 Frontenac was now restored to power in Canada, and undei 
 his vigorous administration the Iroquois were obliged to evacu- 
 ate the French provinces, and the war was transferred to the 
 territory of the English colonists, by the burning of Schenectady 
 and the slaughter of its inhabitants. The original plan of this 
 expedition was to capture Albany, the headquarters from which 
 the English had iitted out their expedition to Michilimackinac,* 
 but on tiieir way they were informed that there was too large a 
 force there for them to encounter, and they attacked Schenectady 
 instead. 
 
 Had the English scheme to establish a post at Michilimacki- 
 nac proved a success, the limits of New France would have been 
 
 • Paris Doc. IV. 
 
Settlement of Detroit. • 1 
 
 confined to the present limits of Canada, and the whole western 
 country have been opened immediately to English colonization, 
 which must have hastened its settlement at least a generation. 
 But the whole plan miscarried, if not on account of Tonty's 
 seizure of the brandy, at least owing to the great distance of 
 the post from the English settlements and to the allied action of 
 the French and western tribes against the Foxes, whose imme- 
 diate protection was necessary to the English cause on the upper 
 lakes. 
 
 This English attempt to gain a foothold in the West doubtless 
 stimulated the French to hasten to completion their own designs 
 to accomplish the same purpose.* To this end a council was 
 called at Montreal a few years later, to which the Canadian and 
 western tribes were invited, nor were their ancient enemies the 
 Iroquois forgotten. 
 
 The latter now disclaimed any intention to allow either the 
 French or English to erect forts on the . upper waters, but the 
 western tribes favored the plan, of course. Meantime the French 
 had already made preparations to establish a post on the Detroit. 
 
 Antoine de la jMotte Cadillac, Lord of Bouaget and Mnuntde- 
 sert, was on the spot, with a commission from Louis XIV., as 
 commandant of Detroit. He started from Montreal in June, 
 1701, with one hundred men and all the necessary appliances, 
 both religious and secular, to form a colony, and the next month 
 safely landed,' tented upon the spot, built Ft. Pontchartrain, and 
 and commenced the settlement of the place. 
 
 The settlement was a ])ermanent one, although for many years 
 it was often reduced to the verge ot ruin. The aimless charac- 
 ter of the settlers was the chief cause of this, but there were 
 other hindrances in the way of progress. The Iroquois looked 
 with jealous eyes upon them, but not more so than did the Eng- 
 lish settlements almig the Hudson ; and three years after the 
 settlement of Detroit, an Indian convention of the tribes bor- 
 dering (H» the lakes was summoned to meet at Albany. f 
 
 Here the brains of those vacillating French allies, particularly 
 the Ottawas, were tempcjrarily turned over to the English inter- 
 est, and on their return they set lire to the town, but the flames 
 were soon extinguished. 
 
 A second attempt to burn the place, while it was under com- 
 mand of Tonty, met with no better success. Meantime Cadillac 
 succeeded in getting some Indians from Michilinuickinac and 
 other places, whose friendship was of a more abiding character, 
 to form a settlement near by, who acted as a sort of picket guard 
 about the place. 
 
 These consisted of Ottawas, whose village was on the river, 
 
 *Lanman's Mich., p. 40. f Cass' Discourse. 
 
70 
 
 72 Mental of Lands around Detroit. 
 
 above the town, and *he Ilurons and Pottawattomies, whose 
 villaijes were below. "^Jomparative safety thus secured, in 1707 
 Cadillac pureoled oi le adjacent lands to his unambitious sub- 
 jects on the following terms : 
 
 "By the conditions of a f^rant, made by Cadillac, at Detroit, 
 March 10th, 17u7, the grantee, Francois Fafard Delorme was 
 bound to pay a reserved rent of fifteen francs a year to the 
 crown, for ever, in peltries, and to begin to clear and improve 
 the land within three months from the date of the grant. All 
 the timber was reserved to the crown, whenever it might be 
 wanted for fortifications, or for the construction of boats or other 
 vessels. The property of all mines and minerals was reserved 
 to the crown. The privilege of hunting rabbits, hares, part- 
 ridges, and pheasants, was reserved to the grantor. The gran- 
 tee was bound to plant, or help to plant, a long May-pole before 
 the door of the principal njunor-house, on the first day of May 
 in every year. All the grain raised by the grantee was to be 
 carried to the mill of the njanor to be ground, paying the tolls 
 sanctioned by the custom of Paris. On every sale of the land 
 a tax was levied ; and, before a sale, the grantee was bound to 
 give information to the govei'nment, and if the government was 
 willing to take the land at the price oft'ered to the grantee, it 
 was to have precedence as r. parchaser. The grantee could not 
 mortgage the land without the consent of the government. For 
 a term of ten years, the gi autee was not permitted to work, or 
 cause any person to work, directly or indirectly, at the profession 
 and trade of a blacksmith, locksmitii, armorer, or brewer, \yith- 
 out a permit. All cflffcts and articles of merchandise, sent to or 
 brought from Montreal, were to be sold by the grantee himself, 
 or other person who, with his family, was a French reside:. fc; 
 and not by servants or clerks or foreigners or strangers. The 
 grantee was forbidden to sell or trade spirituous liquors to In- 
 dians. He was bound to sufifer on his lands such roads as might 
 be thought necessary for public use. lie was bound to make 
 his fences in a certain manner, and, when called upon, to assist 
 in making his neighbors' fences."* 
 
 As might bo supposed, little progress could be made by the 
 inhabitants, shackled as they were by such oppressive restric- 
 tions, and environed by the warlike Foxes, liable at the slightest 
 provocation to attack them. In May, 1712, incited by a blood- 
 thirsty spirit or possibly by a promise of a reward from the Iro- 
 quois or their patrons, the En<;lish colonists, they laid, as they 
 supposed, secret plans to attack the place. 
 
 The occupants of the three friendly Indian villages adjoining 
 were absent, and but for the disclosures of a converted Indian 
 
 •Am. State Papers, Public Lands, v. I, 261. 
 
Settlencent of Michilimackinac, 73 
 
 of the Fox nation, the place must have been taken, for there 
 was but a slender iranisou to defend it. The savage disciple to 
 the Catholic faith, whose newly-bred conscience impelled him to 
 act the apostate to his own people, obtained an interview with 
 M. Du Buison, the commandant, and revealed the secret to him 
 in time to make preparation for the impending blow. 
 
 Cadillac was now Intendant of Louisiana and busy with Cro- 
 zat in a butterfly chase after supposed gold mines, and the entire 
 responsibilities rested upon I)u Buison. He immediately sent 
 deputies to the various tribes to the south and west, whose jeal- 
 ous}' of the ferocious Foxes made them his ready allies. "Yes, 
 we will come and defend you, and all we ask is, that you cover 
 the bodies of such of us as are slain, with a little earth, to keep 
 the flies away," was their reply.* 
 
 The zealous allies came, and were received within the gates 
 of the fort, and on the 13th of May the attack was commenced 
 from an intrenchment hastily thrown up by the determined Fox- 
 es, commanding the outworks of the French defences. To drive 
 them from their position, the besieged erected a block-house 
 commanding it.f 
 
 The strife soon became desperate. For nineteen days the bat- 
 tle raged, the victory alternating from one side to the other, till 
 the Foxes withdrew under cover of night. They were followed, 
 and the fiercest battle of the war ensued, in which the Foxes 
 were routed and driven from the country to Green Bay.:}: 
 
 This danger passed, the inhabitants of Detroit basked in the 
 sunshine of peace and security from further alarms, till the 
 French and Indian war had spent its force along the far-off east- 
 ern frontier, and an English garrison had taken quiet possession 
 of the town. Then again the desoUitions of Fontiac's war rolled 
 over their heads fiercer than ever; but till then the peasant liab- 
 itant of the place paid his annual rental, cultivated his garden 
 patch, and lived a thoughtless life, like the population of other 
 French towns in the wilderness solitudes of New France. 
 
 ^lichilimackinac was settled more than a quarter of a century 
 belore Detroit. Its name is of Indian origin, thp language of 
 which is, The Place of the Dancing Spirits.| It had a history 
 before the white man ever visited it, of which a volume might 
 be written, from the traditions of the red man. Its first settle- 
 ment by the French was made about the year 1G71, at which 
 
 * Monette's Miss. Val. 
 
 t Cass' Discourse. 
 
 j From Green Bay they next emigrated to Rock river, in Illinois, and remained 
 till 1832, the time of the Black Hawk war. 
 
 y This is Schoolcraft's version. Others equally authoritative, say it meant a tur- 
 tle. The discrepancy probably comes irom the word having different significa- 
 tions in different Indian dialects. 
 
T4 Settlement of Cahokia, Ka8kaskia, and Vincennes. 
 
 time some converted Hurons fled to tLe plac ' as a refuge of safe- 
 ty from their demon-like persecutors, the Iroquois, and here the 
 good Father Marquette followed them, impelled not by any 
 worldly motive, but by the love of God and man, and obedience 
 to the will of his patron saint, "the Blessed Virgin." 
 
 For many years the place had no permanent settlers, but serv- 
 ed as a transient stopping' place for itinerating priests and erratic 
 fur-traders. 
 
 Of the little cluster of early French towns in the southern part 
 of the Illinois, Cahokia was settled lirst, bv Father Finet and 
 St. Cosme, in 1700.'^ Kaskaskiawas settled a few months later. 
 These and other smaller places close by soon became thriving 
 French villages ; all the more so as they were in no danger of 
 hostile invasion from any quarter. 
 
 Ft. Charters was a substantial fortress, built of stone, with 
 bastions and towers. It was finished in 1720, and would have 
 stood for centuries but for the wearing away of the Mississippi 
 river's east bank, on which it stood, half way between Cahokia 
 and Kaskaski.a. The portions of it not thus undci-ininod are still 
 left in a good state of preservation, as a jn(juument of French 
 occupation of the Mississippi Vnlley. 
 
 Vincennes was settled by Father Mermet in 1710. f This was 
 an isolated French post, buried in the depths of the gigantic for- 
 ests of tlie lower Wabash. Here the French lived and grew in 
 an atmosphere of Indian social life, till the tires of the American 
 Revolution, kindled afar off, soon came to their doors, as will 
 appear in a succeeding chaj)ter. 
 
 Sharp lines of contrast in religion and government, between 
 the English and French colonies of America, were everywhere 
 visible. The tairest portions of the country were in the hands 
 of the French, and almost the entire Indian ])opulation of the 
 vallies of the Mississippi and the St. Lawrence were their allies. 
 Throughout this immense territory, including also the entire- 
 lake country, the flag cf France waved in security among the 
 confiding mitives, witli(>ut the least apprehension of future dan- 
 ger from its patronage. They cultivated their scanty patches of 
 corn, just enough to keep them in houiin\\ and in the winter 
 gathered in a rich harvest of furs, wherewith to spread their 
 tents with mats and to barter with the French traders for guns, 
 kettles, knives, hatchets, vermilion with which to paint their 
 faces, and the inevitable whisky. 
 
 • A tract, reprinted by Shea in 1859, entitled " Relation ou Journal du voyage 
 du R. P. Gravier, de la Conipngnic de Jesus en 1700 do pujs le pays des Illinoi* 
 jusq'a rembouchcre du Mississippi, Etrit ou Tcre de L.Tmliecvilie et envoye du 
 fort de Mississiippi a 17 lieues de s.i decharge dans le Gn fe ou Mer Mexique le 16 
 Fevrier, 1701," is the authority from which the above is takea. 
 
 f Law's History of Vincennes, p. la. 
 
Contrast between the English and French Colonies. 75 
 
 The fur trade was the great interest of the country, and those 
 engaged in it were men of no ordinary capacity for accom- 
 plishing large results with slender means. Their every-da}' rou- 
 tine was a heavy strain upon their physical as well as mental 
 powers, as far as sharp bargain and sale was concerned. Yet 
 they were hut servile instruments in the hands of their superiors. 
 The same might with equal propriety have been said of the en- 
 tire French po})ulation of the country, who lived by indur^try, 
 if the average of a day's labor in a week could be called such. 
 
 Farming was of but secondary interest, and but few of those 
 engaged in it owned the land they tilled, nor had they the least 
 desire to own it. 
 
 The French villages in the Illinois country, as well as at most 
 other places, were each under the government of a priest, who, 
 besides attending to their spiritual wants, dispensed justice to 
 them, and from his decisions there was no ai)i)eal. Though this 
 authority was absolute, the records of the times show no abuse 
 of it, but, on the contrary, prove that it was always used with 
 paternal care. It could hardly be otherwise in their wilderness 
 isolation, uniting, as it did, the interests of all on one common 
 level. Nevertheless, it was a modified form of feudalism, sub- 
 ordinating everything to the will of the Church and State com- 
 bined, and could not have been perpetuated into tiie maturity of 
 the State with the same happy results that followed its begin- 
 ning. 
 
 The juble power, thus gathering force and keeping pace 
 with ti.e growth of the State, was too transcendant for the varied 
 and multiplied wants of individual enterprise. But the French 
 peasant did not look ahead so fur as this. He was contented, 
 because his mind was dwarfed within the narrow compass of 
 present necessities, and his old-fashioned but gaudy attire, as wed 
 as his d.dly bread, came with asmtiil effort. Without ambition, 
 and almost without temptation to offend against his fellows, he 
 had little to trouble Ids conscience, or, if he had anything, the 
 burden was readily lifted by his father confessor.* 
 
 Turning from this jiicture to that of the English colonies, is 
 like leaping over an unb'idged chasm. Here two positive ele- 
 ments rose into prominence, like indigenous trees in a forest. 
 The most potent of these was the Puritan element. When the 
 Protestant religion was first introduced into England in 1528, its 
 proselytes, though not men of deeper thought* than those of 
 Bavaria, Wirtemburg, and Moravia, yet were more demonstra- 
 tive and aggressive than tiieir German brethren, and, in 1550, 
 the new faitli had grown into formidnble })roportions. In 1563, 
 
 ^^— ■■ -- ■ . ■ .— .-- ...ll ■» < <- ■MB 
 
 * R»vnal'8 Hist. East and Wei>t Indies ; Moiiette's Miss. Valley ; Mr tin's Loo- 
 Waiift. 
 
76 The Limits of New France. 
 
 an open issue was taken with the established church, and U ni 
 that day till the Puritans planted their feet on the rock of Ply- 
 mouth, there was no truce to religious agitation in England. 
 This rock proved a safety-valve for the preservation of the old 
 Er.glish Church and State, united as they were into one marvel- 
 ous tower of strength, in defi mico of the Puritan element. 
 
 Happy was it for the world that Plymouth Rock became the 
 retort wliich concentrated the elastic force of Puritanism and 
 economised it for the use of America, there to grow up with the 
 new State, modiiied by the public ])()licy of government better 
 suited to the wants of the master spirits of that age, because it 
 was one of their own making. 
 
 When these fugitives crossed the Atlantic, the}' brought with 
 them the true philosopher's stone. They represented the ele- 
 ments of national progress on a grander scale than had ever en- 
 tered into the imagination of a knight of a baronial castle. Sci- 
 ence, literature, and exalted it'eas of liberty, were everywhere 
 diffused and written upon the immaculate tablet which was open- 
 ed before them beyond the Atlantic. 
 
 The other element of American power was planted at James- 
 town. Here the acknowledged representative of the English- 
 man, supreme in his convictions of propriety, planted his stand- 
 ards, and became the chivalric representative of liberty in its 
 broadest sense. 
 
 Poth the Jamestown and Plymouth elements rapidly grew into 
 power, and, forgetting the old religious issues that had made 
 enemies of their fathers, united together and subordinated the 
 German and the Swedish colonies to their rule. Along the 
 Atlantic coast the various colonies, extending from the New 
 Hampshire colony to the Georgia colony, were under English 
 protection, and held their lands by virtue of English charters, 
 but between each no confederation had eve been thought of. 
 
 Up to this time the colonists had manif<'> 1 but little concern 
 about the interior, except the Virginia co.'-; j*, who had pushed 
 across the Alleghenies, and founded some trading stations on 
 the head-waters oi the Ohio river. 
 
 The great question to be settled was. Where should the lino 
 be run between New France and the lands of the En:.'liHh colo- 
 nists in America? From its magnitude, it had already attracted 
 the attention of the powers of Europe, who were on the watch 
 lest their balance of ])ower "should be thrown out of cquililirium 
 by too great a share of the \nierican continent falHng into the 
 hands of either France or i.ngland. Accordingly, by the treaty 
 of Aix la (-haj)elle, in 1748, which hu-^hed l'iuroi)eto peace after 
 thirty years of war, it was ])rovided that the line should be estab- 
 lished by commissioners ap|)ointed by the soven-igns of the two 
 res2)ective nations. In 1752, these commissioners met in Paris, 
 
The Convention at Albany. 
 
 1 1 
 
 but out of the tangle of old English charters, French forms of 
 possession, etc., no result could be reached which satisfied the 
 ambitious designs of botli countries, and the question was left to 
 be settled by future destiny. To control this destiny, prepara- 
 tions fi)r war were now made on both sides. 
 
 The French strengthened their forts, particularly Louisburg 
 on the coast of Cape Breton, Quebec, and Crown Point on the 
 west bank of Lake Champlain.* 
 
 The English, on their part, called a convention of their thir- 
 teen colonies in America, to meet at Albany in June, 1753, for 
 the purpose of concerting measures of defense. Here were as- 
 sembled the representatives of the crown, sapient and cautious, 
 but not more so than the deputies of her trans-Atlantic chihiren. 
 The crown representatives refused to acknowledge any united 
 action of the colonies, lest this union might at some future day 
 become too powerful for the public welfare, while the colonies 
 refused to sign a compact giving the mother country the right to 
 tax them even for detetisive purposes. No logic on either side 
 could break through this dead-lock, and the convention adjourn- 
 ed without accomplishing any result. 
 
 Meantime, the issue was hastening to a crisis on the western 
 frontier. As early as 1748, Conrad Weiser (a noted intcr]n-eter 
 at Indian treaties^ had been on the head-waters of the Ohio river 
 as agent for the Ohio Company, then forming. A tradiiii; sta- 
 tion at Logstown. eighteen miles below the fork of the Ohio, 
 was then established by this company, which was co)n])osed of 
 Virginians, among whom were Lawrence and Augustine, broth- 
 ers of George Washington. Half a million acres of land ware 
 granted them by the crown of England, for ])urj)oses of coloni- 
 zation. Two other companies were also chartered, for similar 
 pur])oses, the same year. 
 
 8oon as the French learned of this, Gallisoniere, Governor of 
 Catuula, deti'rniined also to assrrt the Fn-iich claim to the coun- 
 try along the Ohio, and the next year, 17-H', sent Caj)t. Louis 
 Celoron to the present site of Erie, Pa., with orders to ])roceed 
 thence to the head of a small creek eighteen miles distant, and 
 follow down its banks to the Alleglu'ny river, and down this 
 Stream to the Ohio river, burying k-aden ])lates along the route, 
 as monuments of French possession west of this line. This done, 
 he sent a letter to (iov. Hamilton, of Pennsylvania, to warn tlio 
 English not to trespass beyond it. 
 
 The same year, two more English trading ])ost3 were estab- 
 lished in tlie \\\st — one on the Gi-at Miami river, culled Lora- 
 iniu's store, and the other on the Maumeu. 
 
 •This fort hul hccn built by tlic Krench in 1731. It Wi's within llie ncknowl- 
 edgcii bmiis ol En|;li>h territory, but had been hcM ever since by tlie French, as 
 • standing menace lo the liudkoa river settlements, aggrc&bivc and dcliauU 
 
fS The French Capture the English Trading Posts. 
 
 The succeeding year, 1750, Christopher Gist, an intrepid fron- 
 tiersman and surveyor, started on a tour of exploration from the 
 head-waters of the Potomac, hite in October. Pushing boldly 
 into the savage glooms of the forest west of the fork of the Ohio, 
 he crossed the Scioto and visited tlie Indian towns on the Miami ; 
 but he was not the first Englishman on the disputed ground. 
 George Crogan and Andrew Montour, both celebrated for fron- 
 tier accomplishments, were then among the vai'ious Indian tribes, 
 to intluenee them in favor of the English and secure their trade. 
 Mr. Gist conferred with both these men, w^ho warned him against 
 visiting certain localities where the French interest prevailed. 
 But there was among the Indians a division of sentiment as to 
 whose cause they should espouse in the coming issue,* and never 
 were a people more perplexed to know on which side their inter- 
 est laid. 
 
 While Mr. Gist was making this tour, news came to him of 
 the capture of several Englishmen by the French along the north- 
 ern waters of the Ohio. 
 
 On the Muskingum he made the acquaintance of a-white wo- 
 man \vXio had been captured from the New Enghmd States at the 
 age of ten years. She was now over tifty, the wife of an Indian 
 and mother of several children. She had a vivid recollection of 
 her childhood home, of the religious turn of the Puritan mind, 
 and was much astonished at the wickedness slie had seen prac- 
 ticed by the white people when they came among the Indians. f 
 
 Mr. Gist crossed the Oliio river and returned home, in May, 
 1751, l)y the way of the Kentucky river settlements, which were 
 then in tlieir infanc}'. 
 
 Early the next year the French visited the country in sufficient 
 force to capture the Englisli trading post on the Miami. A des- 
 
 Eerate defence, however, was made, fourteen of the assailants 
 aving bcjn killed. The traders were taken to Canada. Seve- 
 ral English families lived at this post, which made it the begin- 
 ning: of a &ettlement as well as a trading j)ost. The Twightwees 
 or Miamis helped to defend the place, while the Ottawas and 
 Chippewas assisted the French in taking it. 
 
 While these acts of hostility were transpiring on the Miami, 
 the Ohio Company were convening a council at Logstown with 
 the Indians, for the purjiose of conlirming the old treaty of Lan- 
 caster, by virtue of which large tracts of laiul on the Ohio had 
 been ceded to this company by the Six Nations.:}: Through the 
 influence of Montour, the treaty was reluctantly, on the part of 
 
 * The Miamis or Twightwees were friendly to the English, and portions of the 
 Six Nations and Delaware-^, who had emigrated to the Ohio country from the East. 
 
 t Journal of Gist, published in Pownall's Topography, London, 1776. 
 
 X The treaty of Lancaster was a cession of Ohio lands to the English by the Sii 
 Nations, by virtue of their conquest of the tribes occupying said lands. 
 
Washington'' s Mission. ^*^ 
 
 the Indians, confirmed ; but tlie war which soon followed swept 
 away all these distinctions as to land titles. 
 
 The French, meantime, according to their usual practice, early 
 in 1753 commenced building forts in the disputed territory. 
 The first one. named Presque Isle, was built where Erie, Pa., 
 now stands. From this place they cut a wagon road eighteen 
 miles southwardh', througli the forest, to a small lalvC near the 
 present site of Waterford. Here they built another fort, whicli they 
 named Le Bceuf ; thence, following down the stream of which 
 this was the fountain-head, to where it empties into the Alle- 
 gheny river, they built a third fort, which they named Venango, 
 after an old Indian town on the same spot. These forts were on 
 the same line along which Capt. Ccloran had buried leaden 
 plates tour j-ears ])reviously. 
 
 Governor Dinwiddle, of the Virginia colony, always tenacious 
 in the defence of English rights, beheld these French ap])roache8 
 to the Ohio with deej) concern. Here was the pivot on which 
 hung the fate of the West and the then limitless interior. To 
 secure at least a foothold in it. he determined to send a messen- 
 ger to the French, to warn them that the English claimed the 
 country on the head- waters of the Ohio, and request them to 
 leave it. 
 
 George Washington, then twenty-one years old. was selected 
 for this mission. He had eight attendants, the two principal of 
 whom were (Christopher Gist, the surveyor already mentioned, 
 and Jacob Van Eraum, an intelligent German, who afterwards 
 acted as interpreter at the surrender of Ft. Tsecessity. He left 
 Wills Creek, the present site of Cumberland, on the 'l5th of No- 
 vember, 1753. Al Logstown dwelt a famous Six Nation chief, 
 named Half-King, who was a fiiend to Washington, and whose 
 jealousy of the French made him an ally of the English. Deem- 
 ing his counsel, and especially his influence, indispensable to the 
 success of the enterprise, Washington proceeded immediatelv to 
 his headquarters and obtained an interview with him. Whatever 
 else may be tlie frailties of Indian character, hasty diplomacy is 
 not one of them, as Washington learned. Three days of his 
 precious time were consumed in attendance on his majesty. The 
 ceremonials of the council over. Half King entered heartily into 
 Washington's ])lans, and, with tliree other chiefs, accompanied 
 him to Ft. Le Ikeuf, the headquarters of M. Le Guarduer St. 
 Pierre, the commander of the French forces. 
 
 Their route lay nortiiward. through the forests, to the mouth 
 of Le Boeuf Creek, now called French Creek, thence up its banks 
 to Ft. Le Eceuf On arriving at the j)lace they met the com- 
 mander. Ho was an accomplished and scholarly old knight, and 
 notwithstanding- the rustic appearance of the beardless youth be- 
 fore him, who came with a message warning him to leave, he 
 
80 The Perilous Return. 
 
 received him with deserved attention ; for nobility of character 
 cannot he disguised by a rough exterior in the estimation of one 
 who possesses it himself. During the two days Washington 
 spent at the place, the hospitalities of the fort were extended to 
 liim with that hearty good-fellowship for which a Frenchman is 
 conspicuous. 
 
 As miglit be supposed, the mission was fruitless of results, for 
 the French commander did not allow himself to lose sight of the 
 interests of Fi-ance, and, to that end, plied his arts of pleasing 
 to Ilalf-Kiijg also. 
 
 Tiiis was a matter of no small annoyance to Washimrton. 
 whose apprehensions being aroused thiit he might win him over 
 to the friendship of the French by the influence of his free wines, 
 he openly accused him of snch an intention ; but the complacent 
 diplomat silenced these charges with fresh sallies of politeness, 
 and thus the matter ended. 
 
 When W'ashington was about taking leave, the generous 
 Frenchman presented him a canoe well filled with provisions, 
 among which the wine was not forgotten. 
 
 AVasliington with Gist started down French Creek with the 
 canoe, giving orders to Van Braum to meet him at Venango, its 
 mouth, with the men and horses accompanying the expedition. 
 Tiie canoe was now abandoned, Ilalf-Kii'g and the other chiefs 
 wishing to i-emain here. Washington and his party took leave of 
 them and started down the west bank of the Allegheny river. 
 
 The poor horses were so spent with hunger and fatigue, that 
 tlieir progress through the trackless forests was slow, and Wash- 
 ington determined to set out on foot in advance witli Gist, and 
 leave the emaciated beasts in charge of Van Ihaum and the rest 
 of the party, to follow as fast as they could travel. 
 
 It was now December, and the ground was covered with a 
 sprinkling of snow, but both of the travelers wore accustomed 
 to "life in the bush," and, making light of their forest march, 
 sle))t away each day's fatigue enveloped in their blankets, each 
 night, in tiie open air of winter. 
 
 On their way, at two different times, they encountered a faith- 
 less Indian, Mhose pretended friendships were abruptly broken 
 off by attempts to shoot them, liapjiily, each time, the ball 
 missed its aim, though at one of these troaclurous attacks only 
 lit'tcen paces intervened between the savage; and Gist, his intend- 
 ed victim. This danger passed, they soon arrived at the ]>laco 
 where they wished to cross the Alle::hcny river. Here tiiey 
 worked all day to make a raft, having only "a very poor hatch- 
 et," savs Washington, in his journal, to make it with. Just be- 
 fore dark, they launched it and starte<l for the opposite shore; 
 but when the current was reached, heavy masses of ice eamo 
 floaliiiij down stream with such forco as to threaten to sink their 
 
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Both French and English Forts Built. SI 
 
 frail bark. To prevent this, Wasliington thrust out a setting- 
 pole apiinst the moving masses of ice, when, by some misdirect- 
 ed strain, he was hurled into the water. He soon regained the 
 raft, half-paralvzed by his wintry bath ; and now the jirobleni 
 was, how to gain the opposite shore. Tiiis was impossible, and 
 they floated down with the current, till an island, desolate liut 
 merciful, caught them from the dangcnms toils of the Allegheny. 
 Here they spent the night. The cold was so intense that Gist's 
 feet were frozen in the morning, and he could hardly walk. A 
 solid bridge of ice had formed, over which they passed to the 
 eastern shore, and the river was crossed. 
 
 Washington now assisted his disabled companion along the 
 rugged way, till the trading establishment of a Mr. Frazier was 
 reached, a few miles below, and here they rested three days. 
 Thence Washington proceeded to the settlements, reaching Wills 
 Creek January Oth, 1754. 
 
 The message he brought from the French commander, refus- 
 ing to leave the country unless ordered to do so by the Marquis 
 Du Quesne, Governor of Canada, was handed to Governor Din- 
 widdle. 
 
 The latter had not been idle during the interval of suspense. 
 He had appealed to Governor Hamilton, of the Pennsylvania 
 colon}', who in turn used his utmost exertions to awaken his con- 
 stituents to the importance of the subject, and to this end sum- 
 moned an extra session of the Assembly at Philadelphia; but 
 this body were divided in opinion as to whether the French were 
 invading the country belonging to the English crown, and, un- 
 der the inspiration of the teachings of William Penn and the 
 Quaker doctrines of ]ieace,'Suggested that the country in ques- 
 tion belonged to neither the English nor the French, but to the 
 Indians. This was the underlying sentiment by which supplies 
 were withheld. 
 
 The New York colony, though more remote fro in tho scene, 
 voted five thousand pounds. 
 
 With the advice of the British Secretary of State, Governor 
 Dinwiddle now determined to take decisive steps to secure a 
 foothold on the Ohio by building a fort at the fork where Pitts- 
 burgh now stands. 
 
 It was proposed to raise two • companies for this purpose, as 
 volunteers, one of which was to be raised by Washington, and 
 the other by a Mr. Trent, a noted frontier ranger. 
 
 In the spring of 1754, the French line from Presque Isle to the 
 mouth of Le PcBuf Creek (French Creek) became a bustling thor- 
 oughfare, along which French scouts with their tawny allies were 
 constantly passing. Ft. Venango was finished at the confluence 
 of this creek with the Allegheny river earl}' in Aju-il ; but while 
 these forest wilds gleamed with the glitter of French bayonets 
 
^2 The English Driven Away from the Ohio. 
 
 and echoed with war-whoops, a quieter and more enduring force 
 •was gathering to the rescue, from the Virginia frontier. 
 
 Already the Ohio Company had sent a number of men to 
 make a fort and settlement at the fork, among whom were a few 
 families. 
 
 This advance, consisting of a caravan of forty-one men and 
 seventeen horses, loaded to their utmost capacity, had been met by 
 Washington on his return. Meanwhile, the military spii it gath- 
 ered force as the issue appeared to approach a crisis, and it was 
 determined to raise six companies instead of two, and to give 
 the chief command to Joshua Fry, an able officer, while Wash- 
 ington was to liold the second. 
 
 Thirty cannon and eighty ban els of gunpowder had been re- 
 ceived from the king of England, for the defense of western 
 forts. All haste was now made to send forward the forces in 
 time to succor the little band who had gone before them, under 
 Trent; but the heavy roads of spring and the Allegheny moun- 
 tains, were barriers which bade dehaiice to speed ; and, while 
 these preparations were on foot, a heavy French force, under 
 Contrecoeur, glided down French Creek and the Allegheny riv- 
 er, arriving at the strategic spot on the 17th of April. 
 
 He.o he found the Virginians scarring the leaf clad soil with 
 the foundations for a fort. Trent had returned east to hurry 
 forward reinforcements, and ensign Ward stood in his place. 
 The little band obeyed Contrecoeur's summons to leave, backed 
 up as it was by nearly a thousand bayonets. The men gathered 
 up their camp equipage, during which preparation for their re- 
 treat Ward took sup])er with the French commander, by special 
 invitation. This over, the Virginians soon buried them- 
 selves in the forest depths, taking their course up the banks of 
 the Monongahela, an '< left the French masters of the situation. 
 The latter immediately commenced the erectiuu of a fort, which 
 they named Duquesne, in honor of the Governor of Canada. 
 
 Washington was now at the head of a small band of back- 
 woodsmen, armed with axes, about to hew a path through the 
 forest for the artillery to follow. The news of the surrender of 
 Ward's company reached him at Wills Creek. Continuing to 
 press forward, he reached Great Meadows, a place about lifty 
 miles oast of the new French fort at the fork, on the 'iTt^" of 
 May. 
 
 A few miles west of this place, Mr. Gist had settled, the ^ .ar 
 before, with the intention of making it a permanent liome, and 
 still maintained his position amidst the clamors of impendinj? 
 war. Hearing of the arrival of Washington, he visited his cauij. 
 and gave him information of a body of French under Jumon- 
 ville, stationed on the waters of Ked Sajulstone Creek, hard by- 
 
 Half-King, the still faithful old Iroquois chief, at tbw head of 
 
Surrender of Ft. Necessity. S3 
 
 a few braves, also came and offered tlieir services to "Washing- 
 ton. He was now far advanced into the wilds, with the Alle- 
 gheny mountains between him and any hope of reinforcements 
 or subsistence, with an enemy four times outnumbering his force 
 ready to attack liim ; but lie hesitated not to commence tiie at- 
 tack. Half-King led the way, and he surprised Jumonville. un- 
 der cover of night, and took twenty-one prisoners after killing 
 ten men, among whom was Jumonville hims ilf. Washington 
 lost one man killed. 
 
 Aj might be supposed, this opening of hostilities inflamed the 
 resentment of the French to the last degree, as the first acts of 
 positive hostilities always are made the most of to tone up the 
 vindictive spirit of the soldiery on both sides, in any impending 
 war. The French called the killing of Jumonville assassination. 
 
 Washington now held his advanced position, contenting him- 
 self with watching the movementii of the French, till the 28tli 
 of Jut)e. At this time, he was in Gist's house, and learning that 
 a heavy French force were advancing against him, he commenc- 
 ed a retreat. Having reached Great Meadows, July 1st, in con- 
 sequence of the scarcity- of provisions, he concluded to intrench 
 himself and await an attack. On the 3d, the advance of the 
 French were seen at 11 o'clock a. m., nine hundred strong. 
 
 The positions of the assailants were quickly taken, and a de- 
 structive tire was opened upon Ft. Necessity (the name Washing- 
 ton had given his hastily-built stockade). The lire was returned 
 with all the obstinate courage of backwoodsmen, but their be- 
 siegers were beyond its reacli, and the only efl^ect it produced 
 was to win the admiration of the foe. 
 
 At 8 o'clock in the evening, while a heavy rain was pouring 
 down, the tiring ceased, and a signal for a parley was sent to 
 the beleaguered camp from De Villiers, the Irench commander. 
 Many of Washington's men were wounded and he was out of 
 j)rovi8ions. Surrender was therefore his only recourse left, 
 Tiie terms were generous and svorthy the gallantry of a French 
 captain.* AVashington was allowed to depart with drums beat- 
 ing, with the honors of war, taking everything with them exce))! 
 the artillery. He was to give up the pnsoners taken May 28th, 
 and no more fortifications were to be erected west of the moun- 
 tains. Captain Jacob Van J3raum and Kobert Stobo were to be 
 given up to the French, as hostages to secure the fulfillment of 
 the conditions. The can>paign had miscarried and the French 
 were now in Iieavy force on the head waters of the Ohio. 
 
 On the 4th of July succeeding, 1754, another convention was 
 
 • De Villiers, who was brot; -r of the slain Jumonville, said that, on beholding 
 the wretched condition of W'ah.. 'oa's men, after so desperate a defence, pity 
 ri>««Tm»d his feelincs of resfiitment. 
 
84 Peace Proposals fiom France. 
 
 called at Albany, and commissioners from each of the thirteeu 
 colonies agreed among themselves on a general plan of defence, 
 the Connecticut colony alone dissenting. Eenjamin Franklin 
 was the moving spirit of this convention, and propo>ed to curry 
 the war into tlie interior with a vig(in)ns hand. But notliing 
 could be done to rescue the country occupied by the French till 
 the mother country hud declared her policy, by substantial aid 
 to help l)eat back the French. 
 
 Conscious that this would be done hi season for the next year's 
 campaign, Gov. Dinwiddle took no immediate steps to recover 
 tbe lost ground on the Ohio, and, as a prudential measure to 
 prevent rivcilry as to rank among the officers already commis- 
 sioned, when new volunteers should enlist, he reorganized the 
 companies in service, so as to leave no officer in command of a 
 higher rank than captain. Washington now sent in his resigna- 
 tion and returned to his home at Mount Yernon. 
 
 The Ohio frontier was now quiet. The Assembly of Pennsyl- 
 vania were still firm in their policy of peace, but in the New 
 England and Xew York colonies, a plan was proposed to seize 
 upon Crown P(jint, but not attempted ; but the line of Kenne- 
 bec, east of which was the French settlement of Acadia, was 
 fortified. 
 
 No declaration of war had yet been made. On the contrary, 
 the English and French courts were, to all outward appearances, 
 on the most iriendl}' terms; but both countries were preparing 
 for war. 
 
 January, 1755, opened with peace proposals from France, by 
 which she offered, as an ultimatum, that the French should re- 
 tire west of the Ohio and the English east of the AlK-ghenies. 
 
 This ofler was considered by England till the 7th of March, 
 when she agreed to accept it on condition that the French 
 would destroy all their forts on the Ohio and its branches. The 
 French, after twenty days, refused to do tliis.* But while the 
 fruitless negotiations were pendijig, both sides were sending sol- 
 diers to America. 
 
 • Plain Facts, p. 52. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 General Braddock arrives in America — Plan of the I'lrst Cam- 
 paign — Baron Dieskau reaches Canada — Braddoch marches 
 against Ft. Duquesne — His Defeat — Expedition to Acadia 
 — Shirley starts to take Ft. Niagara — Johnson!'s Campaign 
 on the shores of Lake George — Defeat of Dieskau — Lord 
 Loudon appointed Commander-in-Chief of the English for- 
 ces — Gen. Montcalm appointed to command the F'r en ch forces 
 — English and French Folicij and Diplomacy — Montcalm 
 takes Oswego — London'' s Expedition starts to attack Louis- 
 burg — Ft. William Henry taken by Montcalm — London re- 
 called and Gen. Abercromhie put in his place — Loui^burg 
 taken by Admiral Boscaxo en — Gen. Abercromhie attacks Ti- 
 conderoga — Gen. Bradstreet takes Ft. Frontenac — Gen, 
 Forbes' Expedition against Ft. Duquesne — Mission of Chr'is- 
 iian Frederic Dost — Ft. Duquesne Evacuated and. taken pos- 
 sessio7i of by Forbes — Gen. Abercrouibie recalled and Gen. 
 Amherst put in his p)lace — Ft. Niagara taken by Gen. John- 
 s<rn — Ticonderoga and Crow^^ Point Evacuated — Quebec ta- 
 ken by Gen. ^\\)lfe — Canada and the West given up to the 
 English. 
 
 The spring of 1755 opened willi warlike preparations on a 
 grand scale. Cieii. Bradddck had landed in Viri^jinia on the 20th 
 of February M'ith two regiments, numbering 5()(i cac-li. Alex- 
 andria was his headquarters, and here gathered the leading mil- 
 itary spirits of tlie various colnnjcs, prominent ampni; whom 
 wer(! Dinwiddle ot Virginia. Shirley of Massuchu>etts. Johnson 
 of New York (aiterward Sir William J(^hn!^on), and Ijenjamin 
 Fraidciin of Pennsyivania. The approaching cam])aigu was soon 
 pliumed out. 
 
 The tirst and most important thing to be dune was t<> take Ft. 
 Du(]ue.sne, Tiiis work Braddock assigned to himself. Gen. 
 Johnson was to attack the French po^ts on Lake ('liam plain, and 
 to (ion. Shirley was charged the reduction of Ft. Ningara. at thb 
 outlet ot Niagara river, on Lake Ontario, while Gen. Monckton 
 was to invade French Acadia, in Nova Scotia. The three latter 
 expeditions were to be composed of piovincial troops, except a 
 
86 _ Braddock Crosses the Xllegkeniea. 
 
 few British marines destined to co-operate with the land forces 
 in the invasion of Acadia. 
 
 The French had not been tardy in preparations for the war. 
 Early in the spring, their forces, under command of Baron Dies- 
 kau, reached Canada, and began to lay plans to defend the far- 
 off wilderness posts which guarded the portals to New France. 
 
 Braddock had distinguished himself as a tactician in English 
 warfare, but his machine-like way of manoeuvring armies, in Eu- 
 rope proved ineffectual in the scouting style of warfare which 
 the savages of America had long since taught both the French 
 and the Anglo frontierers. 
 
 At the first onset his captiousness was aroused by the difficul- 
 ties in the way of getting transportation for the army, and, had 
 not Benjamin Franklin come to the rescue, he might not have 
 been able to begin his march till midsummer. The place of ren- 
 dezvous was the present site of Cumberland, where his army 
 was gathered about the middle of May. Besides his own regi- 
 ments, he was reinforced by two independent companies from 
 New York, under command of Capt. Gates — the destined hero 
 of Saratega — and ihe Virginia regiments originally under com- 
 mand of Joshua Fry (now deceased). Washington, who had 
 retired to private life at the close of the campaign of the previous 
 year, was invited to take a position on his staff", and accepted it, 
 under the title of c< lone].* 
 
 They crossed tlie Alleghenies by the road which the Ohio 
 Company had made two years before, and on the Sth of July 
 reached the Monongahela, at a point but fifteen miles from Ft. 
 Duquesne. This was the advance of the main body, consisting 
 of the two English regiments and a part of the Virginia forces, 
 the lesser part of the army following after, by slow marciies, 
 with the heavy baggage, under command of Col. Dunbar. 
 
 Contreeoeur, the commander of Ft. Duquesne, had been ap- 
 prised of his approach, by means of his Indian scouts, and, 
 alarmed at the formidable appearance and number of the inva- 
 ders, thought only of flight, and for tliat purpose ordered out 
 the boats, in readiness to descend the Ohio river. But, during 
 this trepidation, a bold counselor came to his relief, named Beau- 
 jeu,f asking consent to waylay the English while yet in the 
 thickets of the Monongahela. It was granted ; but to induce 
 the Indians to enlist in the desperate enteiprise required con- 
 
 ♦ Said Beniamin Franklin to Braddock, on the eve of his march, ''The only 
 danger I apprehend, of obstruction to your march, is from the ambuscades of the 
 Indians." "He smiled at my ignorance," continued Franklin, '* and replied: 
 ' These savages may indeed be a formidable enemy to your raw militia, but upon 
 the king's regular troops, sir, it is impossible ihey should make an impressioti.* " 
 — Antobiography of Franklin. 
 
 * Vephew to him who, in 1685, had deserted La Salie on the const of Texas. 
 
His Defeat. 87 
 
 summate skill in savage war practice. At first they flatly refus- 
 ed, but appealing to their chivalry by saying he would go alone, 
 they all followed him with a yell of admiration that toned up 
 their confidence to the required pitch. 
 
 Taking their course up the Monongahela, they soon drew near 
 the locaUty of the destined ambuscade, when, with noiseless 
 footstep, each proceeded to his separate place of concealment 
 beside the road over which Braddock was soon to pass. At one 
 o'clock, his advance, led by Col. Gage, (afterward Gen. Gage, 
 of Boston memory), came within close range, when the silence 
 of the forest was broken \>y a murderous tire into his ranks. It 
 vas returned with the usual courage of British soldiers, and not 
 vithout efi\3ct, for Beaujeu was killed on the spot. Dumas, the 
 .econd in command, now took his place. A tempest of bullets 
 aiet the English in front and flank. Gage fell back, and although 
 Sraddock, with the courage of a lion, dashed to the front, com- 
 riianding order, confusion was inevitable. Three horses were 
 ishot under him in this fruitless labor. No attempt was made by 
 him to charge into the thicket which concealed the foe, but 
 Washington, at the head of a few of his backwoods comrades, 
 left their ranks and fought from covert positions, till a panic had 
 siezed upon the English soldiers, and they fled in confusion. 
 
 Here young Washington won his first laurels. Ever in the 
 front, he had two horses shot under him and some shots through 
 his clothes, and at last covered the retreat of the British with 
 admirable skill. Braddock was mortally wounded ; 36 British 
 oflicers were killed and 37 wounded, among whom was Col. 
 Gage; 715 privates were killed or wounded. The French and 
 Indian loss, all told, was less than 50. The fugitives made all 
 haste to Punbar's camp, where a day of turmoil was spent in 
 arranging fvMiieir long retreat. The bag^rage was set fire to, 
 after reserving provisions enough to lasst them on their way back, 
 and the dit^comtitted f^oldiers resumed their retreat to Virginia, 
 there to tell the tale of their humiliation. 
 
 While this disastrous attempt to wrest the portals to the West 
 from the French was in progress, far in the East, on the bleak 
 coast of Nova Scotia, the New England plow-boj'S were striking 
 a fatal blow against the French possessions of Acadia. This 
 settlement had been nuide in 1304, three years before that of 
 .laniestovvn. In 1GI3, it had been invaded by Argall, of the 
 Jamestown colony, and, from that day forward, an almost un- 
 ceasing border warfare had existed between the En'Wish colonists 
 and the Acadians, to detail which would fill a volume. The 
 fleet entrusted with this expedi.ion sailed from Boston on the 
 20th of May, under the general command of Monckton, as pro- 
 posed ; but the proviiu ials, L^OOO in number, designed as land 
 tbrcea. had been raised by John Winslow, of Massachusetts, and 
 
88 The Acadians Transjported. 
 
 insisted on being led by him, which request was grantedby Gov. 
 Shirley. 
 
 Tlie whole country belonged to the English by treaty stipula- 
 tions, except Cape Jireton island, but the Acadians had erected 
 several forts within its boundaries, under the impression that it 
 would ultimately fall into the lap of France. These forts were 
 easily taken by the invaders, and Acadia became a conquered 
 province. Now came the perplexing question, what to do with 
 the inliabitants. Says Haliburton, "They were not British sub- 
 jects, inasmuch as they had refused to take the oath of alle- 
 giance, and therefore could scarcely be considered rebels. 
 They were not prisoners of war, because they had bien suflferod 
 for nearly half a cenutry to retain their possessions, and their 
 oeutrality hud been accepted in lieu of their allegiance." With 
 all, however, they were an oflense to the New Ensrlanders. 
 Their civilization had been made of more elastic materials than 
 the tight-twisted woof of Puritanism. Indeed, no great chasm 
 need be bridged over between them and their red allies the In- 
 dians, whom they had armed to light the English colonists, to 
 bring them together on a plane of equality. The colonists were 
 full of bitterness against them on account of old scores, and now 
 their day of vengeance had come. A proclamation was issued 
 for them to assemble in their churches — men, women, and child- 
 ren. The mandate was obeyed. A solid phalanx of soldiers 
 environed them, and thence they were marched between two 
 rows of fixed bayonets on board the English transports. The 
 sails were spread, and the last sight of their evergreen shores 
 soon vanished forjver from their view, amid the smoke of their 
 burning houses. The number thus taken was 7000. They were 
 distributed among the English colonists, where most of them 
 died from disease, but the last remnant of them, assisted by the 
 Quakers, crossed i- .a Alleghenies after the war was over, and 
 floated down the Ohio and Mississi|)pi rivers on barges, to the 
 French settlen.ents of New Orleans. Never were pilgrims 
 treated with more compassion than they were by the generous 
 inhabitants of the place. A tract of land was given them on 
 the river bank, on which they settled, and some of their descend- 
 ants still live there.* Whatever may be the apology for this 
 harsh decree, the maxim follows that — it is dangerous to be neu- 
 tral. 
 
 As might be supposed, the laurels earned by this invasion, 
 tarnished as they were by its closing scenes, Imd no weight in 
 the question at issue. The French held the West and every av- 
 enue to it v,'ith a firm grip. 
 
 After the Acadian expedition had got under way. Gen, Shir- 
 
 * Charlevoix, Kaynal, and Haliburton, are the authorities from which this ar- 
 count is taken. 
 
Dleskau Marches against Johnson. 89 
 
 ley, in accordance vith the original design of Braddoek, set 
 himself about raising new troops to operate against Ft. Niagara. 
 It was late in the season before his army was ready to start, and 
 by tlie time tiiey had made their way up the Mohawk valley and 
 across the wilds to the mouth of the Oswego river, it was late in 
 the autumn. His route from this point was to be taken along 
 the southern shore of Lake Ontario, by whale boats, but the 
 lake was too boisterous for this. Here he waited thirteen days for 
 the storm to abate, during which time his Indian allies, on whom 
 he had'placed great dependence for success, deserted, and the 
 lake was yet too rough for safe navigation. The season was now 
 so far advanced that he wisely deemed "it imprudent to advance 
 farther on a mission so dangerous, especially as the French and 
 Indians were so elated with their victory over Braddoek, that a 
 countless host of savages v. ould rail v around their standard at 
 ^Niagara. 
 
 Before returning, he planned the construction of two forts to 
 be erected at the mouth of the river, and left a part of his com- 
 mand, under Gen. Mercer, to build and garrison them. 
 
 "We come now to the last of tl.\e four expeditions planned for 
 the first year's campaign in the war, of which Gen. Johnson 
 ]iad the charge. 
 
 At the southern extremity of Lake Champlain, a narrow but 
 deep and almost currentless strait invites the boatman along its 
 rugged curves, till he finds himself, after a few miles rowing, on 
 the shining waters of Lake George. Its fern-clad headlands, 
 now the study of landscape sketchers and the inspiration of po- 
 ets, have in times past been slippery with human blood, and 
 €very cove indenting its shore has been the hiding-place of war 
 parties crouching for their prey. For a century, the war-whoop, 
 the crack of the rifle, and the groan of the victim, were the oft- 
 repeated sounds that rung from shore to shore over its placid 
 waters. At the head ot this lake Gen. Johnson's army lay en- 
 camped, leisurely nuiking preparations to attack Crown Point, 
 on the west bunk of Lake Champlain. 
 
 Earon Dieskau had already f .med a plan to mn':e a descent 
 on Oswego, but. learning of Johnson's intentions, he clian<i:ed 
 this plan and made a hasty march from the waters of Lake Cham- 
 plain, through the forests which environ its south-eastern banks, 
 with a view of surprising him. On the 7tl of September, news 
 came to Johnson that the French were approachiriir the fort 
 wliere Col. Blanchard lay encamped with his New Hampshire 
 niilitii, on the banks of the Hudson, about thirty miles distant. 
 The anxious hours wore on till midnight, when a message came " 
 in breathless haste, and informed Johnson that Dieskau was ad- 
 vancing upon his camp instead of Blanchard's. A council of 
 war was immediately held, and it was determined to send a forco 
 
90 His Defeat. 
 
 of 1200 men, among whom were 200 Iroquois Indians, to meet 
 him in the forests and cheek his advance, till fortifications could 
 be erected. Early the next morning they took up their march, 
 under Col. Williams, leader of the provincials, and Hendricks, 
 chief of the Mohawks, leader of the Indians. An hour passed, 
 and the sound of fire-arms, mufiled through the forest foliage, 
 came to the ears of Johnson and his men. It suddenly grew 
 louder, which showed that the French were driving this advance 
 before them. Another force, of 300 men, were sent to cover 
 their retreat. At 11 o'clock, the defeated provincir'is began to 
 return and gather within the frail defenses of Johnson's camp. 
 Unfortunately, they had been waylaid, and many of their num- 
 ber killed at the first fire of the ambushed enemy. But, not 
 losing their discretion, they sent back many a fatal siiot into the 
 ranks of their pursuers, as they fell back. The Indians, in par- 
 ticular, had distinguished themselves. Forty of their number 
 had been slain, among whom was Hendricks, their distinguished 
 chief. Col. Williams was also among the killed. 
 
 Except about 300 Indians, the whole of Johnson's army was 
 made up of troops from the New England States and the State 
 of New York, quite unaccustomed to the dexterous art of fight- 
 ing, while Dieskau's command was composed of French regulars, 
 disciplined into UiCasured evolutions by service (m the Continent. 
 Added to these, also, was the usual complement of Canadian 
 Indians, whose war-whoop had often echoed through the forests 
 of Canada to repel Iroquois invasion, or startled the lonesome 
 borderers of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, and New York, 
 on scalping excursions. Before 12 o'clock, the gleam of French 
 bayonets threw its hostile glare into the open spot in the forest 
 where Ft. Henry stood, bo little time hud been given for its 
 construction, that its walls, which were made of logs, were 
 scarce three feet high; and, to accommodate themselves to these 
 incomplete defenses, the whole army prostrated themselves on 
 the ground, none of them daring to stand erect lest he should 
 be a target for French bullets. 
 
 Dieskau approached the place with a caution unusual to the 
 dash of Frenchmen, and opened fire on it at a respectful dis- 
 tance. This style of attack was well suited to the undisciplined 
 soldiers of Johnson, inasmuch as it gave them time to tone up 
 their courage. The attack was kept up till 4 o'cIock, with severe 
 loss to the French and but trifling to the besieged. Diesisau's 
 Indians had been startled from their lurking places behind such 
 trees as still remained within range of the fort, by some " ell- 
 directed cannon shots, and the fire of the French was weaken- 
 ing. At this juncture, Johnson's men rose to their feet, and 
 dashed against the French with an impetuosity which would do 
 honor to veterans. The enemv fled in broken ranks, and Dies- 
 
Loudon Appointed Commander-in-Chief. 91 
 
 kan was severely wounded in the vain attempt to rally them. 
 Unable to follow his defeated soldiers, he was taken a pris- 
 oner into the American camp. Johnson had also been wounded 
 painfully, but not dangerously, and, while his wound was being 
 dressed, Dieskau was brought into his presence. The shadows- 
 of evening were lengthening as the French fled into the forest 
 by the way they had come. Johnson's men did not follow them, 
 and the retreaters traveled along the well-known way toward the 
 banks of Wood Creek, where they were to embark for Lake 
 Chainplain and return to (Canada. 
 
 While the battle at Ft. Henry was going on, a small band of 
 scouts, consisting of 80 men from Col. Blanchard's New Hamp- 
 shire regiment and 40 men from the !N^e\v York regiment,, left 
 Ft. Edwards and followed the track of the French army, as it 
 had advanced in the morning toward Ft. Henrv. At 4 o'clock 
 the scouts came upon a camp in the forest, where the stores of 
 the French army had been left under a small guard. These were 
 easily dispersed, and the camp stores taken. Flushed with this 
 success, the scouts now determined to meet the entire French 
 army on their retreat, and accordingly ambushed themselves in 
 their path. In the gray of the evening, the retreating French- 
 men came up, but they were in no condition to renew a battle. 
 They had been under lire since morning, while their new enemy 
 was fresh, although but a handful, and they sent from their cov- 
 ert a storm of bullets into tlie ranks of the already defeated fu- 
 gitives, as they painfully toiled along the treacherous forest path, 
 over which they had passed in the morning in confident zeal. 
 A large number of the jaded Frenchmen were killed in the noc- 
 turnal light, and their whole army fled in the utmost confusion. 
 The Americans lost but six men.* The number engaged in the 
 three battles were about 2000 on each side. The loss of the 
 Americans was about 300, and that of the French double that 
 number.f This brilliant feat of arms, closed the campaign of 
 1755, which had opened with the appalling defeat of Eraddock 
 on the Monongahela. 
 
 While the provincial troops were winning the first laurels of the 
 war, the shattered remnant of Braddock's army, iiistead of re- 
 maining near the frontier to hold the Indians in check, had gone 
 into winter quarters in Philadelphia, greatly to the disgust of the 
 border settlers of Virginia and Pennsylvania, who were now ex- 
 posed to the savage raiders, whose council-fires blazed under the 
 French flag in the Ohio country. 
 
 Early in the spring of 1756, Lord Loudon was appointed Gov- 
 ernor of Virginia and commander-in-chief of all the English and 
 
 ♦Belknap's History of New Hampshire. 
 
 t Johnson was baroneted and further rewarded with a gift of £5000 by the Eng- 
 ish court. He was now Sir William Johnson. 
 
"92 Contingent Dljplomacy. 
 
 provincial forces in America. Gen. Abercrombie was appointed 
 second in command. He arrived in America on the 25th of 
 •Time, bringing two regiments with him, and made his headquar- 
 ters at Albany, where a respectable force of provincials from 
 New York and the New England States were ready for his ser- 
 vice. Loudon did not arrive till the 29tli of the succeeding 
 month. 
 
 Gen. Montcalm had been appointed to take the chief command 
 of the French forces, and had already arrived in the St. Lawrence 
 with fresh recruits for the approaching campaign. 
 
 Incredible as it may seem, no declaration of war had yet been 
 made by either England or France, but both nations had been 
 plying their seductive arts of diplomacy, never so sweetly, to 
 secure alliance. France had positive purposes at which she aim- 
 ed, the chief one of v/hich was to preserve her American pos- 
 sessions, and the means to be used in the achievement of this 
 end were delinitely settled upon, which, in brief, were to attack 
 the allies of England on the Continent, by which diversion New 
 France in America was to be made invulnerable against her 
 rival, whose strength must be largely occupied on the detensive 
 at home. 
 
 The ultimatum of England was not less clearly defined than 
 that of France, but the means by which it was to be brought 
 about were more complicated. The tenacity with which the 
 American colonists had clung to their political rights at the Al- 
 bany convention of 1754, as well as the able statesmanship of 
 the Connecticut, Massachusetts, and Pennsylvania Assemblies, 
 not always in harmony with the crown, had awakened a sense 
 of caution in the English court, in their dealings with their 
 trans- Atlantic children, and the question came to the surface 
 whether it was better to drive France entirely out of America, 
 or allow her to retain enough there to become a rival to the Eng- 
 lish colonists, and thereby insure tlieir loyalty through their ob- 
 ligations for assistance in defending themselves from the French. 
 King George II. shared these apprehensions, while William Pitt 
 had always been in favor of pushing the war in America without 
 fear of adverse consequences. 
 
 England and Russia had long been friends, and, as soon as 
 war with France appeared inevitable, she made a treaty with the 
 empress of Russia, by the conditions of which Hanover (Eng- 
 land's ally) was to be protected by Russian troops in the event 
 of a European war, for which service England was to pay her. 
 This treaty bore date of September 13th, 1755. A few months 
 later, both France and Prussia manifested dispositions to invade 
 portions of Germany, the French incentive to which was to keep 
 England busy at home, while she (France) made her Anurican 
 possessions secure, as already stated. The Prussian incentive, 
 
Oswego Taken. '^^ 
 
 one liistorian was uncharitable enough to say, was Frederic's^ 
 ambition to see his name lieralded in the gazettes.* Russia was 
 now alarmed lest she might be attacked by Prursia, and. con- 
 scious of her inability to fulfill her treaty stipulations with Eng- 
 land as to the protection of Hanover, she applied to France for 
 the preservation of the neutrality of that electorate. These ac- 
 cumulating evidences of the rising power of Frederic stimulated 
 England to mal<e an alliance with him, wliich was done January 
 16th, 1756, although by this treaty the interests of Eu.-.sia._ as 
 well as those of Hanover, were left unprotected. f The ei^-'Ct 
 was to unite the interests of Russia with France, and also those 
 of Austria with the same power, although the two had long been 
 euemies. 
 
 All tliis plotting and counter-])lotting, which, by a paradoxi- 
 cal combination, transposed the friendships and enmities of the 
 great powers of Europe, grew out of the issue between England 
 and France as to which should take possession of the Upper 
 Ohio country, although the fortunes of war ultimately brought 
 into question the patent to the title of Canada itself. It began 
 in a land speculation of the Ohio Company, whose regal title to 
 lands on the Ohio river was not honored by the French court. 
 
 England was the first to throw oil the plastic but already 
 blood-stained shield of diplomacy and make an open declaration 
 of war, which she did on the iSth of May, 1756. France re- 
 torted in kind the succeeding month. 
 
 While Gen. Abercrombie was wasting his time at Albany, in 
 the summer of 1756, Montcalm gathered a force of 3000 French 
 soidiers. with a band of Indians, and made a descent on Oswego 
 in August. His heavy artillery soon made the place untenable, 
 and Col. Mercer, its commander, secured a retreat from it across 
 the river, into another fort. Here he was again attacked, but he 
 defended the place with exemplary courage till a fatal shot killed 
 him. His garrison attempted a retreat to another fort four miles 
 up the river, under command of Gen. Schuyler; but the wary 
 Montcalm flanked this movement with too formidable a force to 
 make it possible, and the whole command of 1400 men were 
 obliged to give themselves up as prisoners, together with a large 
 quantity of military stores, among which, however, there was 
 no powder, for the garrison had spent it in their defense. It had 
 not been burnt in vain, as tlie loss of the ^rench was a proof. 
 Among the killed were 20 Indians, and, to placate their surviv- 
 ing friends, as many American prisoners were given them to be 
 killed, by the unscrupulous, not to say inhuman, leader of the 
 French. The sick and wounded, among whom was Lieut, de 
 
 •Secret History of the Court of Berlin. 
 
 ♦ SmoUet's Hist, of England, vol. 4, p. 178. 
 
^4r Pitt made Premier. 
 
 La Court, were scalped by the Indians, notwithstanding the 
 terms of the surrender guaranteed their protection. 
 
 This closed the campaign of 1756, with a decided advantage 
 to the French and a prodigal waste of military force on the part 
 of the English, which was attributable to the suspense which 
 then hung over the political affairs of the English court By 
 this time, the popular feeling in England was in favor of pushing 
 the war in America with vigor, and, against his hitherto declar- 
 ed C(>nvictions, the king now saw the necessity of adopting the 
 policy of Pitt. Accordingly, this eminent statesman was ap- 
 pointed premier. Even at this early period, one of the founda- 
 tion stones of American liberty was laid. The landed proprie- 
 taries under the original Penn grant objected to have their estates 
 taxed for the support of the war, and their influence was so great 
 in the Assembly that Denny, the governor, dared not oppose 
 them. On this account, oenjamin Frankhn refused any politi- 
 cal favors from him, but, on the contrary, wrote caustic articles 
 against the sordid injustice of the proprietors. The policy of 
 Franklin prevailed. The estates in question had to bear theii 
 share of the taxation. Denny was recalled by Pitt, and Frank 
 lin began to be looked upon, even in England, as a statesman of 
 no ordinary capacity. In America, a universal applause greeted 
 him. The Assemblies of Georgia, Maryland, Pennsylvania, and 
 Massachusetts, appointed him as their agent at the English court, 
 and presented him five thousand pounds. Arriving in London, 
 he sought an interview with x^itt, but that tenacious statesman 
 forebore to let down the dignity of the British nation by holding 
 a colloquy with an American postmaster. Through his secreta- 
 ry, however, he counseled with him in terms of high respect. 
 
 Lord Loudon was at this time making himself conspicuous in 
 America for his caustic criticisms of the provincial soldiers, 
 while he was exhausting his resources, not in fighting the ene- 
 my, lut in planning expeditions never destined to be executed.* 
 
 IJnder his direction, the campaign of 1757 was opened bj 
 embarking from New York with a lieavy force, to take Louis 
 burg, which place he did not even attack, although his flee* 
 came in sight of it, and contented themselves by giving its gai 
 rison a scare. 
 
 While this untimely scheme was in progress, the vigilant 
 Montcalm appeared before Ft. William Henry, an important de- 
 fense which had been built at the southern extremity of Lake 
 George, near the spot where Dieskau had been deteated two 
 years before. He had 10,000 men, consisting of regulars, Ca- 
 
 * A Philadelphian said of him, " He reminds me of St. George on a sign-board, 
 always on horseback and never advancing." In a speech he made at Boston, he 
 attributed all the ill success of the English in America to the inefficiency of thu 
 provincial troops. — Graham's Ccl, Hist., vol. IV., p. a. 
 
Ft. William Hewry Taken. 9.") 
 
 nadians, and Indians. About 2300 troops were all that could be 
 opposed to this overwhelming; force, 1500 of whom had just 
 been sent by Col. Webb from Ft. Edwards on tlie Hudson river. 
 While this reinforcement was inarching into the fort, Montcalm's 
 advance was seen approaching along the sunlit coast of Lake 
 George, their burnished arms sending its flickering streaks of 
 light before them, while the welkin resounded with a din of yells 
 from his Indians, gaudy with feathers and darkened with war- 
 paint. Col. Monroe held command of the fort, to whom Mont- 
 calm sent a summons to surrender, offering him honorable terms, 
 but Monroe, aware of the importance of the position, determin- 
 ed to defend it. The attack commenced on the 3d of August 
 and lasted till the 9th. The guns of the fort had nearly all been 
 burst in their desperate efforts to repel their numerous assailants. 
 Hemmed in on every side, his messengers, sent to seek relief 
 from Ft. Edwards, had been captured, and his weakness thereby 
 made known to Montcalm. To hold the place longer was impos- 
 sible, and he surrendered. The garrison marched out with the 
 honors of war, and were not to appear again in arms against 
 France under eighteen months unless exchanged. They were to 
 be protected against violence from Montcalm's Indians by a suit- 
 able escort of French soldiers, on their way to Ft. Edward, the 
 place to which they had been permitted to retire by the terms 
 of the surrender. 
 
 No sooner had they left the fort than the Indians began to 
 gather around them with no good intent. First they commenced 
 robbing the sick and wounded, and next the shining coats of the 
 British regulars attracted their attention. These were pulled 
 from their backs, and whatever of value could be found about 
 their persons was taken. A carnival of blood followed, and sev- 
 eral hundred of the unprotected captives fell victims. Jonathan 
 Carver was among the prisoners, but escaped as if by a miracle, 
 with the loss of his coat and covered with wounds. He says 
 that, during the maddening carter of butchery, the French sol- 
 diers and officers walked about outside of the bloody arena in 
 careless unconcern, without attempting to stay the hands of the 
 destroyers.* 
 
 Not long after this atrocity, says the same author, the small- 
 pox broke out atnong these Indians, who, tormented into deliri- 
 um, threw themselves into the water to assuage the burning irri- 
 tation. Death followed in almost every case, and a few mottled- 
 faced savages were the only survivors of this tra";edy which sent 
 a pang of grief throughout New England and New York. In 
 justice to the Canadians, it should not be omitted that some of 
 them refused to celebrate the unhallowed victory. 
 
 • See Carver'* Traveli, pp. 295 to 308. 
 
96 Expedition to take Louisburg. 
 
 The fus:itives who escaped the slaughter gathered within the 
 walls of Ft. Edwards and thence made their way to tlieir homes, 
 there to tell the tale of treachery and murder that had stained 
 the French faith, and a recoil of righteous "indignation arose 
 throusrhout the country. 
 
 The statesmanship of Pitt had already infused its vigor into 
 the heart of Eiighmd, and now its vitalizing influence was about 
 to cross the xVtlantic. lie recalled Loudon, and to Gen. Aber- 
 crombie was given the chief command.* Next in rank was Ma- 
 jor Gen. Amherst, and an additional force of 5000 men was put 
 in the field, with which to open the campaign of 1758. 
 
 Gen. Amherst, assisted by Admiral Boscawen, was to attack 
 Louisburg; Gen. Forbes was to inarch against Ft. Duquesne; 
 while Gen. Abercrombie took upon himself the task of driving 
 the French out of Lake Champhiin by an attack on Ticonderoga. 
 
 On the 28th of May, the expedition against Louisburg, con- 
 sisting of 12,000 British regulars and 157 vessels, direct from 
 England, embarked from Halifax, the place of rendezvous, on 
 the coast of Nova Scotia. The fleet soon arrived at the tangent 
 point of land on the Island of Cape Breton, where the fort stood, 
 amidst the noisy desolation of the winds and waves, like a polar 
 bear disputing possession of an iceberg.f The entrance to 
 its harbor was obstructed by sunken vessels, while, far 
 along the wave-beaten shore, the tri-colored flag of France waved 
 in defiance from bastion and tower. In the face of these the 
 troops must make a landing and tight their way to the rear of 
 the town, over uneven ground affording shelter to its defenders. 
 The charge of this difficult task was given to Gen. Wolfe, the 
 same who, the next year, led the British troops up the Heights 
 of Abraham. The soldiers threw themselves into their yawls, 
 and labored at the oar through the surf to gain the shore, amidst 
 a tempest of shot from its defenders. Many were thrown into 
 the sea by the breakers, but the hardihood of the sailors finally 
 prevailed, and a landing in force was made at the niouth of Cor- 
 moran Creek, a few miles north of the place. Louisburg was 
 now soon environed with heavy artillery, which poured hot shot 
 into the town, and even set fire to ihe French war vessels in the 
 harbor, burning all except two. To destroy these, Admiral 
 Boscawen set on foot an adventure, which for daring has few 
 equals in the annals of heroic warfare. Capt. Cook, the same 
 whose wonderful voyages, subsequently made, excited universal 
 attention, was the one to whose charge the enterprise was confi- 
 
 • The reason assigned by Pitt for this step was that he could never ascertain 
 what Loudon was doing. — Graham. 
 
 f This fortress was the great French depot for supplies, from whi'-h to reinforce 
 the inland ports of New France, and its harbor was a convenient refnge for French 
 war vessels. 
 
English Defeated Before Ticonderoga. 07 
 
 d^d. Tinder cover of niglit, at the head of 600 men, he silently 
 rowed into the harbor, set fire to one of the vessels, and towed 
 the other away. The English fleet now entered the harbor, and 
 the town being at their mercy, Drucciurt, its commander, capitu- 
 lated on the 27th of July, and once more the key to St. Law- 
 rence was given up to the English.* 5637 prisoners, 221 can- 
 non, 18 mortars, and large quantities of ammunition, were the 
 results of this victory. The war prisoners were sent to England, 
 and the inhabitants of the town, 4000 in number, were, by the 
 inexorable laws of war in those days, torn from their homes and 
 sent to France on English transports. The defenses of the town 
 were then demolished, and the place was left without a solitary 
 inhabitant to mourn over its destruction. The Island of St. 
 John shared the fate of Cape Breton Island, both of which fell 
 under the flag ef England "♦^ the reduction of Louisburg. This 
 was a grievous blow to the French of the St. Lawrence/ as it 
 was from here that they largely drew their supplies to feed their 
 soldiers, both beef and corn being exported from the fertile fields 
 of St. John's Island, even in that early day. 
 
 While the siege of Louisburg was in full tide. Gen. Abercrom- 
 bie was marshaling his forces to attack Montcalm, who had 
 strongly intrenched himself within the walls of Ticonderoga, 
 Early in July, he embar-ked his troops on Lake George, consist- 
 ing of 7000 British regulars, a part of whom were Highlanders, 
 10,000 provincials, and a few companies of Indians. No less 
 than '900 batteaux and 135 whale-boats were required for their 
 transportation. Arriving within a few miles of the fort, the ar- 
 my disembarked on the wooded shore and commenced their cir- 
 cuitous route over hills and valleys shaded by a dense canopy of 
 evergreen foliage. They soon arrived at an outpost of Ticon- 
 deroga, which .the French evacuated in hot haste and disappear- 
 ed among th|e trees. The English kept on their course, but soon 
 their guides became bewildered within the toils of the thicket, 
 when suddenly they came in contact with the company of French 
 soldiers who had just before abandoned their post at the approach 
 of the English. They, too, were lost in the woody mazes, and, 
 after a sharp skirmish, surrendered themselves as prisoners. 
 From them Gen. Abercrombie learned that Montcalm had but 
 6000 troops at the fort, he having lately sent away a detachment 
 of 3000 men to invade the country on the Mohawk river, but 
 that th's force had just been ordered back to assist in his defense. 
 Abercrombie now resolved to assault the fort before their return, 
 Accordingly, the regulars were ordered to charge against the 
 
 • An expedition had been planned a'jainst the place by Gov. Shirley ten years 
 before the war, when it was taken by New England troops, but restored again to 
 France at the peace of Aix la Chapelle ; since which time the French had l&id 
 ont thirty million livres in strengthening it. 
 
i*S Ft. Frontenac Taken. 
 
 works, which they did with an exalted courage seldom witnessed. 
 The place stood on a spit of land extending into the lake, the 
 approach to which was over a neck of springy soil covered with 
 trees. These liad been felled with the tops pointing away from 
 tbe fort, and covered the ground over which the assailants had 
 to pass with a tangle of brush. 1800 of these brave soldiers 
 were shot in the attempt to force their way through T. s abattis. 
 when the retreat was sounded by the rash commander, and he 
 returned to his camp on Lake George. 
 
 Before marching on this disastrous expedition, Col. Bradstreet 
 had been sent with a force of 3000 provincials, on a heroic ad- 
 venture far within the enemy's territory, on their main line. It 
 will not be forgotten with how much zeal Ft. Frontenac had been 
 pushed to completion, in the early and ambitious days of La 
 Salle. Located at the point where the St. Lawrence outlets the 
 watefs of Lake Ontario, it commanded the communication along 
 the great thorouglifare between Canada and the French posts of 
 Ft. Niagara, Ft. Duquesiia, and the Illinois country. If this 
 place could be taken. Ft. Duquesne, toward which an expedition 
 was now renewed by the English, could not be reinforced from 
 Canada. Crossing the eastern extremity of Lake Ontario, Brad- 
 street came upon the unsuspecting tenants of the fort, where a 
 feeble garrison was reveling in a treacherous security behind its 
 walls of stone. They surrendered without attempting a defense, 
 and 60 cannon, 16 mortars, a bountiful store of merchandise and 
 ammunition, to supply the necessities of the forts to the west, 
 were the direct spoils of tlie victors, but 18 French war vessels 
 on the lake were soon added to the list. Bradstreet destroyed the 
 fort and returned with his force to Oswego, which place Mont- 
 calm had evacuated soon after his victory over Mercer. 
 
 During the whole season, while the movements against Louis- 
 burg, Ticonderoga, and Ft. Frontenac, had been going on, pre- 
 parations for the attack on Ft. Duquesne had been in progress, 
 but, ere it could be brought about, prodigious barriers of nature 
 had to be overcome in crossing the mountains. 
 
 The Pennsylvanians, more intent on their interests than the 
 public weal, availed themselves of the opportunity to get a road 
 cut from their frontiers to the west at the expense of the military 
 exchequer. While Washington and the Virginians urged the 
 advantages of the old road made by the Ohio Company six years 
 before, and greatly improved by Braddock's engineers two years 
 later, Gen. Forbes, who was the commander of the expedition, 
 was prostrate on a bed of sickness, and to Col. Boquet, second 
 in command, was given authority to decide on the choice of 
 routes. His decision was in favor of the Pennsylvania route, 
 and oii this line the army took up its march late in July. Wash- 
 
Mission of Post, *^^ 
 
 ington, who held a colonel's commission, now entered cordially 
 into the work, and, as usual, took the front. 
 
 While the axe is chopping a new path to the Ohio country for 
 the bayonet to follow, we will take a glance at its tenants. 
 
 The Delawares, whose home was originally on the Susque- 
 hanna, had ever been at poace with the whites, till the outbreak 
 of the war. William Penn, their loving tather, had long been 
 in his grave, and his mantle of charity not having fallen upon 
 his successors, the Delawares had been compelled to give up the 
 fairest portion of their lands.* But in the autumn of 1756, after 
 more than a year of warfare between the whites and the Dela- 
 wares, who still remained on the Susquehanna, some Quakers, 
 whose broad-brims secured them a safe interview, succeeded in 
 restoring the old chain of friendship. This renewed league, 
 however, did not bind the Delawares who had been driven to 
 the Ohio. These, with the Shawanese, Mingoes, and many oth- 
 er tribes, had been on the best of terms with the French ever 
 since the war had begun. But since the late English successes, 
 the possibility of winning their friendship was considered by the 
 English, and friendly messages were sent to them by the eastern 
 Delawares. The Fi'ench, meantime, began to send emissaries 
 to the eastern Delawares, inviting them to join their brothers in 
 the Ohio country, under prutection of the lilies of France. Au- 
 tumn was now at hand, and the army of Forbes was still toiling 
 among the mountains tov/ard the fatal fort, liable at any time to 
 be attacked by a host of Indians, and the success of his expedi- 
 tion seemed doubtful. In this emergency, it was deemed all- 
 imptjrtant to send an able messenger to the hostile tribes of the 
 Ohio, to induce them, if possible, to forsake the waning fortunes 
 of the French. 
 
 Prominent among the Moravian (United Brethren) missiona- 
 ries was a heroic apostle of their ancient faith, named Christian 
 Frederic Post. This remarkable people dated their order back 
 to John Huss, who preceded Luther a century. In 1732, they 
 established a missionary station in the Island of St. Thomas. 
 The next year they are tound among the icebergs of Greenland, 
 and the next in Georgia, teaching the savages the elements of 
 Christianity. In 1730, they came to Pennsylvania and set up a 
 tabernacle among the Delawares. So successful had they been 
 here in converting the Indians, that the jealousy of the borderers 
 was aroused lest the Bible and hymn-book should rival the whis- 
 ky-jug. Post was one of the foremost workers in the missionary 
 cause, and consequently became an object of great aversion to 
 the border ruffians. He was thrown into prison on false charges, 
 and, when liberated for want of evidence, was set upon by a 
 
 • Doc. Hist, nf N. Y., vol. II., p. 740. 
 
1(M> Ft. Daquesne Taken. 
 
 mob, and narrowly escaped with his life.* He it was who vol- 
 unteered to be the bearer of an English message to the hostile 
 Indians on the Ohio. 
 
 lie started from Piiiladelphia on the loth of July. A liroad 
 belt of debatable tf rritory had to be crossed, wliich had been 
 traveled only by scalping parties since Braddock's defeat. On 
 the 7th of August, he passed the French post of Venango un- 
 harmed, as if a spell had been put upon its tenants. Arriving 
 at the Indian town of Kushkushkee, he met 200 warriors, to 
 ■whom he made propt)sals of peace. Their reply was as follows: 
 
 ''Why do you not light yonr battles at home or on the high 
 seas ? Your heart is jiood — you speak sincerely — but there is a 
 large number among you who wish to be rich. We do not wish 
 to be rich and take away what others have. The "white people 
 think we have no brains. But remember, when you hunt a rat- 
 tle-snake, perhaps it will bite you before you see it."t 
 
 Passing on to Sunkonk, the Indians at first surrounded him 
 with drawn knives, and the French offered a reward tor his 
 scalp ; but, fortunately, there were some Delawares present who 
 had listened to his preaching, and, through their influence, a re- 
 action soon began to be manifest, insomuch that they asked him 
 to read his message. While reading it, a French messenger 
 came in from Ft. iJuquesne with a belt. The English message 
 had ah'eady won over the vacillating Indians, and they refused 
 to receive the French token, but kicked it about as if it had been 
 a snake, says Post's journal, A council was now proposed to 
 be held. Accordingly, on the 24th, it met, and the place chosen 
 for it was across the river from Ft. Duqnesne, within the reach 
 of its guns. Eight different tribes attended and made peaceful 
 promises to the English, the French not daring to disturb the 
 grave deliberations, though they dissolved their alliance with all 
 the Indian tribes except the Shawanese and a few others. Post 
 remained till the 9th of September, when he started on his re- 
 turn. 
 
 He reached Philadelphia in safety, and his journal was print- 
 ed. All the whi.e, Forbes' army was slowlj advancing on the 
 fort. On the 21st of September, a strong rcconiioitering force 
 was sent forward under Major Grant. Arriving near the fort, 
 they were defeated with a loss of 200 men. 
 
 While Forbes' army lay encamped at midnight, but a few 
 miles from the place, a deep sound came quivering along the 
 ground. " Ft. Duqnesne is blown up !" exclaimed the sentinels, 
 as the distant explosion broke the wild silence around them. 
 The army pressed forward with the first peep of day, when three 
 deserters from the French soon met them and confirmed the sua- 
 
 • Heckewelder. t Post's Journal. 
 
iSc&ne at Braddock'' s Field. 101 
 
 picion , and without further opposition the smouldering ruins 
 of the fort vere taken possession of on the 25th of November, 
 1758. Its garrison, deserted by the Indians, had fled, thanks to 
 the hardihood of Post, A new fort was imraedia'iely built and 
 named Ft, Pitt, in honor of the great premier, and 200 Virgini- 
 ans were left here to stand guard over the English flag, which 
 now waved in triumph for the first time in the West. 
 
 Among both the "English and provincial troops composing 
 Forbes' army were surviving relatives of distinguished persons 
 slain in Braddock's defeat, and a desire to visit his battie-tield 
 and pay the last honors to their mouldering relics was manifest. 
 Gen. Forbes, though an invalid and carried on a litter, entered 
 heartily into this pious research, and gave the necessary orders 
 for its execution under the charge of Capt, West, brother to the 
 celebrated painter, Benjamin West. Besides his own company, 
 a band of Indians, lately won over to the English interests by 
 Post, were assigned to his command. Among these were seve- 
 ral who had assisted in the slaughter. 
 
 Major Sir Peter Halket, a member of Forbes' stafi", had lost a 
 father and a brother there, and from his description of their ap- 
 pearance to the Indians, one of them assured him that he could 
 point to the spot where they fell, near a remarkable tree. The 
 expedition took up its march along the path through the forest 
 that led to the fatal field, and the Indians, who were deeply im- 
 pressed with the Sdlenmity of the occasion, led the way with 
 reverential footstep. When the field was reached, the search 
 began around its environs. Skeletons were found lying across 
 the trunks of fallen trees, a proof, in their imaginations, that 
 they had died here in the lingering torments of mortal wounds 
 and starvation conibined. In other places, disjointed bones 
 were scattered around, giving evidence that the wolves of the 
 forest had claimed them as their share of the spoils. Following 
 tlie Indians to the spot where Halket's father and brother weie 
 supposed to have fallen, the Indian who saw them fall pointed 
 out the crouching-place he had occupied during the battle and 
 the tree under which they had fallen. Large masses of leaves 
 covered the ground, which the wind had drifted over their bones. 
 These were removed, and two skeletons lay together, one across 
 the other. Tenderly the Indians raised them from the ground, 
 when Sir Peter Halket said, "My father had an artificial tooth ; 
 examine his jaw." This was done, and there was the tooth. 
 Sir Peter then exclaimed, "This is my father!" and fell insen- 
 sible into the arms of his companions. A grave was dug on the 
 spot ; the bones of father and son were placed in it ; a High- 
 land plaid was spread over them ; they were covered with earth, 
 and a salute'was fired over their wilderness sepulcher. The la- 
 
102 Ge)i. Amherst appointed to the Chief Oomviand. 
 
 dian who pointed them out was not asked who was their execa- 
 tioner.* 
 
 We come now to the most interesting part of the Wu,r. Even 
 as the whirlwind gathers force as it travels, so did the magni- 
 tude of the issue in America enlarge as well as the national am- 
 bition to circumvent the French. Wiiatever raisi:;iviiigs had 
 ever existed in the English court as to tha policy of driving the 
 French out of Canada, now vanished in the broad path of nation- 
 al grandeur, and it was determined to attack Quebec itself, t<> 
 bring about what both England and America demanded, the 
 complete expulsion of the French. 
 
 In consequence of the reverse of Gen. Abercrorabie before the 
 walls of Ticonderoga, it was deemed expedient to supply his 
 place with another general whose hold upon the public confidence 
 had not been impaired by defeat. Gen. Amherst possessed these 
 qualifications, and was promptly appointed by Pitt to succeed 
 him. Under his guidance, the colonial States put forth renewed 
 exertions to end the war by one moro decisive campaign. Con- 
 necticut raised 5000 men, among whom was Israel Putnam, des- 
 tined to a lasting fame. Massachusetts raised 6500, and New 
 Hampshire 1000. The numbers raised bv other States were 
 smaller ; but all the English forces in the lield numbered fully 
 50,000, about half of whom were British regulars and the bal- 
 ance provincials, any and all of whom had mettle and endurance 
 not to be questioned. 
 
 Ere the campaign of 1759 could be opened, a wintry truce 
 must intervene, chaining the hostile arms of both nations with 
 icy fetters, while their respective armies shivered in their bar- 
 racks, at safe distances from each other, by fitful turns killing 
 the tedious hours with boisterous hilarity or thoughts of home, 
 of which none can think more tenderly than the volunteer sol- 
 dier fresh from the cornfield. 
 
 The English held the inside of the circle, or rather its segment 
 commencing at Ft. Pitt, where a litle band of Virginians stood 
 sentinels at the outer edge of the immense plains of the Missis- 
 sippi valley. At Oswego, the army of Gen. Bradstreet were re- 
 posing on their laurels, after their brilliant feat of taking Ft. 
 Frontenac. At the head of Lake George rested the main body 
 of the English and provincial soldiers. North of them were 
 formidable bodies of French and Canadians entrenched, in con- 
 fident security, within the walls of Ticonderoga and Crown Point. 
 
 Ft. Niagara was a post of great importance, and a respectable 
 contingent^ of French soldiers now garrisoned its walls. The 
 small stockades along French Creek had never been anything 
 more than resting places for the French on their way to Ft. Du- 
 
 • Gait's Life of West. 
 
Johnson'' s Victory at Niagara. ^"'^ 
 
 quesne; and, as this place was now in the hands of the English, 
 the French only held them with the hope of retaking this strat- 
 egic point. 
 
 While at these various places the armies of the two nations 
 confronted each other during the winter, the salons of Quebec 
 and Montreal were gay with Parisian elegance. The Frenchnieu 
 who could crowd the "theaters of Paris during the throes of the 
 French Revolution subsequent to this, were of the same spirit as 
 these volatile Canadians, undisturbed as they were by the shad- 
 ows of an English invasion hovering around their southern bor- 
 der. All the while, visions of future grandeur rose before the 
 eyes of the English, and a rare combination of fortuitous events 
 was destined to verify them. 
 
 Gen. Amherst was to attack the posts of Ticonderoga and 
 Crown Point. Gen. James Wolfe was to lay siege to Quebec, 
 and Gen. Prideaux, with Gen. Johnson as second in command, 
 was to march against Niagara. This expedition started from Os- 
 wego early in July, 1759, making its way in boats along the 
 southern shore of Lake Ontario, where they landed without op- 
 positum at the mouth of Niagara on the 6th. The fort origin- 
 ally built here by La Salle, in 1678, had been abandoned by the 
 French in 1688, and again rebuilt by them in 1726, since which 
 time it had been a menace to the L'oquois ; but to the western 
 tribes it was a haven of promise, on which rested an assurance 
 of protection from their traditional enemies. To the French it 
 was second in importance only to Quebec, commanding as it did 
 the channel of commerce, which was then carried on by canoes 
 only, along the entire chain of lakes. No sooner had Gen. Pou- 
 chot, the commander of the fort, learned of the approach of tlie 
 invaders, than he summoned to his aid all the spare French 
 troops from Detroit, Presque Isle, Le Boeuf, and Venango, and 
 as man}' Indian allies as could be induced to take up arms for 
 the declining fortunes of the French. The number of French 
 thus raised from the distant forts and the Indians combined was 
 1500; but, ere they could gather within the walls of the fort, 
 Johnson intercepted their path, and they were obliged to fight 
 his army on an equal footing. TJiis battle took place not far 
 from Niagara Falls, on the east bank. D' Aubrey, the leader of 
 the French, dashed against Johnson's well-trained army of pro- 
 vincials and Indians, with desperate resolution ; but the fire they 
 met was so tierce that it was like the surprise of an ambuscade. 
 D' Aubrey himself, with 17 officers, were taken prisoners, and 
 many of the French soldiers, while their red allies Hed into their 
 native forests to brood over their misfortunes. Gen. Prideaux 
 was pushing the siege all the while, but was killed in the trench- 
 es by the bursting of a gun, when the command fell upon John 
 8on, who, afler his victory, summoned Gen. Pouchot to surrcn- 
 
J<'4 Gen. Wolfe before (Quebec. 
 
 der. The summons was obeyed, and 607 officers and privates 
 became prisoners. A large quantity of scalping-knives were 
 amon^ the military stores taken. The prisoners were sent to 
 New York, leaving behind them many a romantic reminiscence 
 of a spot in which nature was so prodigal with her gifts, among 
 which the dusky beauty of the forest was not the soonest to be 
 forgotten by the gay French lieutenants. 
 
 This blow effectually severed the line of communication be- 
 tween Canada and the Mississippi valley ; but since the French 
 had been driven from Ft. Duquesne, little remained then which 
 could offer any serious resistance to the English, scattered as the 
 forts were from Detroit to the far-distant post of New Orleans. 
 
 While Johnson had been dictating terms to the French at Ni- 
 agara, Amherst massed his forces at Albany, crossed Lake George 
 with 12,000 men, and appeared before Ticonderoga on the 22d 
 of July. He immediately began to plant his bat'^^sries; but, be- 
 fore the place was environed, the French evacuated, blowing up 
 their magazine behind them, and took refuge within the walls of 
 Crown Point on the 27th. Gen. Amherst promptly followed 
 them to their new retreat ; but, at his approach, they again fled 
 down the lake, and entrenched themselves on the island of Aux 
 Noix. The season was" now too far advanced to continue opera- 
 tions, and after some skirmishing, in which two French vessels 
 were captured, Gen. Amherst went into winter quarters at Crown 
 Point. 
 
 Gen. Wolfe was now before the walls of Quebec. Early in 
 June, he sailed up the St. Lawrence with 8000 men, and made 
 a landing on the island of Orleans, just below the city. He 
 found it planted on the summit of a headland of rock, at the 
 base of which the St. Lawrence, a mile wide, rolled along the 
 surplus waters of the great lakes. Below, the St. Charles and 
 Montmorenci, tributaries from the north, cleft to its base the ad- 
 amantine bank on which the city stood. Entrenched behind 
 earthworks, on the bluffs of these streams, rested the left wing of 
 its defenders, the right extending to the city. Heavy forests 
 extended far to the north in the rear, affording additional pro- 
 tection. Above the city, the same bank held its undiminished 
 height for miles along the river. Montcalti> himself stood be- 
 hind these defenses with 14, (00 soldiers. Before going on with 
 the progress of Wolfe, let us turn back to the days of Ft. Ne 
 cesbity. 
 
 When Col. Washington gave up this fort, five years before, it 
 will not be forgotten that Major Kobert Stobo was one of the 
 hostages delivered into the hands of the French. He was taken 
 to Ft. Duquesne, where his ready adaption to his situation as 
 prisoner soon won favor among the French soldiers, who have 
 « ver been conspicuous in history for their magnanimity toward 
 
Stohd's Captivity. 1<>'> 
 
 a fallen foe. Among the Indians who came and went to the 
 fort without ceremony, was one named Delaware George, who 
 bad been a disciple of Post* on the Delaware river. Something 
 in his companionship won the contidence oi Stobo, and he 
 sent the converted Delaware through the forests with a letter to 
 Virginia, containing important information. Delaware George 
 quietly left the place without exciting suspicion, and delivered 
 tlie message. At Braddock's defeat, the document, with all oth- 
 er papers of Braddock's, fell into the hands of the French ; but 
 as no one at the fort could translate English, it was sent to Paris. 
 Meantime, Stobo had been sent to Canada, and here the evidence 
 of his spying message overtook him, on the 28th of November, 
 1756. He was tried and sentenced to be hung, but the numer- 
 ous friends he had made in Canada, particularly among the fas- 
 cinating women of Quebec, came to his rescue, and his pardon 
 was applied for at the French court. The king gave it, and 
 once more Stobo was an honored hostage, though a prisoner. 
 He soon afterward made his escape, but a reward of 6000 livres 
 >)rought about his capture, which was effected on the banks of 
 the Montmorenci, while he was looking for a boat in which to 
 cross the St. Lawrence. This river crossed, he intended to pierce 
 the hostile forests which intervened between Canada and the 
 English frontier. After his unsuccessful attempt to escape, his 
 confinement became more strict and his health gave way. This 
 misfortune redoubled the tenderness of his fair patron who had 
 lo:ig befriended him. This true-hearted heroine now used her 
 influence with Vaudreuil, the governor, to mitigate the severity 
 of Stobo's confinement. Her plea was successful, ani he was 
 allowed to exercise on the ramparts, anywhere within the lines 
 of the sentinels. Here he soon made the acquaintance of a Mr. 
 Stephenson, a native of NewHatnpshire, who had been captured 
 from the daring band of Rogers' Rangers. He was a ship carpen- 
 ter, and being at work for the French in the shipyard, knew all the 
 possible avenues of escape by boat. A plan was soon made up 
 by the two to effect this, and, the first favorable opportunity, it 
 was put in execution, b}' seizing a yawl and going down the St. 
 Lawrence. Soon as his flight had been discovered, a reward 
 was again offered for him ; but the rapid current of the river 
 had left behind all danger of capture. 
 
 One stricken heart was also left behind, to whom his empty 
 cell was a painful memorial of unrequited love. 
 
 The adventurers, after great privations, reached Louisburg 
 while Gen. Wolfe was there, joined his army, and were with 
 hlni at the siege of Quebec. While this was in progress, Wolfe 
 wished to communicate with Gen. Amherst, and Stobo volun- 
 
 * See Heckewelder. 
 
106 'Wolfe Defeated on the Montmorenci. 
 
 teered to to take the message to hitn, across the country, which 
 he succeeded in delivering at liis winter quarters at Crown Point. 
 Tills done, the hero proceeded to his old home in Virginia, 
 where, on November 19th, 1759, the House of Burgesses voted 
 liim a bonus of £1000, besides full pay for lijs services during 
 his eventful captivity.* 
 
 The first place attacked by Wolfe, after landing, was the 
 Heights of Point Levi, across the river from Quebec. This he 
 carried with ease, and erected a buttery on the spot, from which 
 he opened tire upon the town, reducing the lower portions of it 
 to ashes. Montcalm, trying in vain to dislodge the English 
 from this point, conceived the idea of burning their fleet as it 
 lay anchored below the city. A number of lire-ships were set 
 afloat from above, to accomplish this design ; but the English 
 sailors, by great exertion, managed to turn them aside, and they 
 harmlessly consumed below. Wolfe in turn made a direct attack 
 on the left wing of Montcalm's army, as it lay intrenched on the 
 banks of the Montmorenci. A strong detachment of Highland- 
 ers and provincials crossed the river in small boats, under cover 
 of a fire from the ships, and, clambering up the steep bank of 
 the river, made an impetuous attack on the French lines, but 
 they were defeated, with a loss of 500 men. 
 
 Up to this time, no tidings had come from either Johnson or 
 Amherst, although the French were well informed of what had 
 transpired in the various theaters of the war, and an event soon 
 took place which brought this information to Wolfe. At Chum- 
 baud, a short distance up the river, the French had a magazine, 
 defended by a small body of soldiers. Gen. Murray was sent 
 to capture it, which being effected, the prisoners taken gave the 
 first news to Wolfe of the success of the English arms at Niag- 
 ara and Lake Champlain. The season, however, was so far ad- 
 vanced that no hopes could be entertained of assistance from 
 either Amherst or Johnson, and, smarting under the sting of 
 defeat on the banks of the Montmorenci, he wrote to the Secre- 
 tary of State, informing him of his defeat and of the difliculties 
 in the way of taking Quebec. A council of war was called on 
 the 3d of September, and by its deliberations it was resolved to 
 transfer the operations against Quebec from the Montmorenci to 
 the banks of the river above the town. The ill success which 
 had thus far attended the enterprise had wrought upon tlie mind 
 of- Woife till he was prostrate on a bed of sickness; and, while 
 in this situation. Generals Murray, Monckton, and Townsend, 
 whom he had asked to propose some new plan of operations^ 
 
 • Until 1854, the British Museum was the custodian of Stobo's letters and man- 
 uscript memoirs, and it was from Hume's letter to Smollet that the editor who first 
 published the substance of them, became aware of their importance. The narra 
 tive was at that time published in Pittsburgh, from which this account is taken. 
 
The English gain the Heights of Abraham. lOT 
 
 suggested an attack from the Heights of Abraham,* in the rear 
 of the city, possession of which was to be gained under cover 
 of night* V/olfe consented, though difficulties apparently insur- 
 mountable, stood in the way. The ascent up the rugged bluffs 
 was almost perpendicular and their sunuuits guarded by French 
 sentinels; yet the desperate character of the enterprise, by dis- 
 pelling suspicion from the French, might assure success, and or- 
 ders were given for its execution. On the 12th of September, 
 the English fleet moved up the river, several miles above the 
 spot where the river bank was to be ascended. At midnight the 
 small boats were lowered, 5000 soldiers stepped into them from 
 the vessels, and silently floated down the current, lying close to 
 the north bank. Several French sentinels had to be passed, but 
 fortunately a Scotch officer among them understood the French 
 language, and, when challenged, disarmed their suspicions by 
 appropriate replies in good French. To the last challenge thua- 
 made, the Scotch officer's ingenuity in his reply was fully up to 
 the demands of the critical occasion, he having cut oft' further 
 inquiry by enjoining silence lest the English should overhear 
 them. By the last packet which came from England, a cop}^ of 
 Gray's Elegy, which had recently been published, was sent to 
 Wolfe. Deeply impressed with its poetic beauty, while silently 
 floating down stream to the covef from which the army were to 
 scale the bank, he repeated to his companions one of its lines — 
 
 ••The path of glory leads but to the grave." 
 
 "Now, gentlemen, I would rather be the author of that poem 
 than take Quebec," said he. " Perhaps the noblest tribute ever 
 paid by arras to letters, since that heroic era when hostile fury 
 and havoc were remedied or intercepted by respect for the gen- 
 ius of Aristotle, and for the poetry of Pindar and Euripides.":}: 
 About an hour before daybreak, Wolfe was among the first to 
 leap ashore, when, turning his eyes upward to the shelving bank, 
 he observed to an officer near him : *' I doubt if you can get up, 
 but you must do what you can." Col. Howe, brother to him 
 killed si Ticonderoga, led the u ay at tiie head of the Highland- 
 ers, and the whole army followed by a narrow path up the cliff, 
 sometimes laying hold of the young shrubbery to facilitate the 
 steep ascent. When the entire army had reached the summit, 
 it was broad daylight. 
 
 The astonished French sentinels quickly conveyed the inform- 
 ation to Montcalm. At first, he would not believe it, but sup- 
 posed the movement to be only a feint to distract his attention 
 from the banks of the Montmorenci, where the real attack wa* 
 
 * Graham's Colonial History, vol. IV., p. 49. 
 t This has ever since been called Wolfe's Cove. 
 j Grahai» 
 
108 Wolfe^s Victory and Death. 
 
 to be made. Farther observation, however, soon dispelled this 
 illusion, and he quit his camp, crossed the St. Charles, and bold- 
 ly advanced to meet Wolfe and decide the fate of New France 
 on the battle-field. 
 
 At nine o'clock, on the 13th of September, 1759, 13,000 
 French soldiers stood on an elevated plateau, facing 5000 Eng- 
 lish soldiers. Not a ditch — not a ravine — not a hill, valley, or 
 tree was there between them, to intercept the mortal tornado 
 about to roll into the unprotected ranks of both armies. 
 
 No human vision could pierce the future and bring to light the 
 issue depending on the result of the battle. If the French arms 
 had triumphed, the English must have fallen into their hands as 
 prisoners, and Quebec have been reinforced long before the ar- 
 mies of Amherst and Johnson could have reached the place, and 
 the French would have retained the valley of the Mississippi. 
 
 On the other hand, the triumph of the English arms was des- 
 tined to lead to events which, if then foreseen, would have dis- 
 tracted the English army between contenciijjg emotions of loyalty 
 and self-protection ; for on the result of this battle hung the des- 
 tiny of a nation yet in her germ-cell — America. 
 
 Montcalm advanced to the conflict and commenced the fire. 
 The Engl.'sh waited till but forty rods intervened between them- 
 selves and the advancing French ; the order to fire was then giv- 
 €n, and Irom their whole front a tempest of shot flew into the 
 ranks of the French, directed by the aim of veterans. The 
 French never recovered from the shock. It was impossible to 
 fill up the gaps made in their front ranks. They attempted to 
 rally, but their lines wavered before the deadly aim of the Eng- 
 lish, till they fled from the field, pursued by the Highlanders 
 with broadswords. 
 
 Early in tlie action, Wolfe had been wounded in the arm, but 
 bandaged it with his handkerchief. Soon afterward he received 
 a shot in his groin, but, concealing the wound, still pushed on 
 his men, when a third shot brought him down. The command 
 now fell on Monckton, who soon fell wounded, when Gen. 
 Townsend took his place. 
 
 Montcalm was mortally wounded, and nearly a thousand of 
 his men had fallen, either killed or wounded. Death spared 
 Wolfe till the shouts of victory ran through his lines — "They 
 run! they run!" "Who run?" cried the dying man. "The 
 French!" replied the officer on whose breast he was leaning. 
 "Then I die happy !" said Wolfe, and ceased to breathe. 
 
 Montcalm died the next day. The two commanders were 
 buried beside each other, on the field where they had fought one 
 of the decisive battles of the world. 
 
 A third of Quebec had been burned by the fire of the English 
 fleet. Gaiety and wretchedness were indiscriminately huddled 
 
Canada and the West given up to the English. lOD 
 
 together in squalid tenements; but still they must pack closer 
 yet. The 50U0 English soldiers, less the lit'ty killed in the bat- 
 tle, must have room, and the 500 wounded soldiers must have 
 lint and gruel prepared for them. These knotty problems were 
 soon solved by the stern decrees of war, by which the city had 
 been given up to the English. A recoil from the harshness 
 of these decrees, however, now spread a luster over the scene. 
 A mutual spirit of conciliation was moulded in every face. Eng 
 lish and French vied with each other to assuage the calamities 
 of tv^ar. The priests no longer prayed fur the success of the 
 French, or, if they did, the English cared little as long as the 
 ensign of St. George waved from the watch towers, and the ut 
 most freedom in religious matters was granted — mere trifles in 
 the estimation of the conquerors compared to the great ques- 
 tion at issue. 
 
 The fugitives of Montcalm's army had fled to Montreal, where 
 a force fully ten thousand strong represented the forlorn hope of 
 New France. 
 
 Spring came. The snowdrifts of the St. Lawrence had melted 
 into its turbulent current, bearing alongits swollen waters releas- 
 ed gorges of ice. While gazing at these, one day, the English 
 sailors espied a man lying prostrate on one of them. The yawl 
 was lowered, and the victim rescued from his perilous position, 
 almost insensible from exhaustion and cold. When restored, he 
 informed his new friends that he had fallen overboard from the 
 French fleet, and, when questioned as to their movements, he 
 gave such information as gave Gen. Murray no room to doubt 
 that the French were about to make a descent on Quebec* 
 Preparations were immediately made to meet the unexpected 
 blow. One thousand of Murray's men had died with the scurvy, 
 as many more were in the hospital, and he had but 3000 left. 
 The attack soon came, 10,000 strong. A battle ensued, in which 
 the English were partially defeated, but managed to retain their 
 position till news came that an English fleet was sailing up the 
 St. Lawrence, when the French retreated, ^y a chance, this 
 Euglish fleet gained the mouth of the river ahead of a French 
 fleet destined for the same theater. A few months later, the 
 English armies, under Gen. Amherst and Gen. Haviland, ap- 
 peared before Montreal. The place surrendered, and Vaudreuil, 
 the governor, gave up Canada and the West to the English, 
 September 8th. 1760. The war still raged on the Continent, and 
 it was not till February 10th, 1763, that the definitive treaty was 
 signed at Paris. By its stipulations, everything east of the Mis- 
 sissippi river, as far south as the southern limits of Georgia, was 
 ceded to the Euglish. 
 
 •Raynal, vol. VII., p. 124. 
 
CHAPTER YI. 
 
 jRogera sent hy Gen. Amherst to take Possession of Detroit — 
 He meets Pontiac on the way — Holds a Colloquy with him — 
 Detroit garr'isoned hy the English^ imder Capt. Campbell 
 — Discontent of the Indians — Alexander Henry arrives at 
 Michilim.ackinac — Conspiracy to drive the English out of the 
 Country — Detroit saved from Massacre hy an Ojihway Girl 
 — Is Besieged — Massacre at Michilimackinac — Narroio Es- 
 cape of Alexander Henry — St. Joseph., Ouatanon, Miami, 
 and Sandtcsky taken hy the Indians — Capture of the Batteau 
 Fleet sent to Succor Detroit — Horrible Massacre of the Sol- 
 diers — Detroit Pelieved — Arrival of Capt. Dalzell — His 
 Disastrous Sortie — Desperate Defense of a Vessel loaded 
 with Supplies — Pontiac retires to the Maumee Bapids. 
 
 The French and Indian war began on the question as to who 
 should own a bit of wild land drained by the tributary sources 
 of the Ohio. 
 
 The English went into it with tardiness, and the Americans, 
 with the exception of the Virginia colony, with apathy ; not 
 from any indisposition to sustain the national honor, for there 
 was no such issue in the question. Each colony held its own 
 respective territory, and could hardly be expected to light for 
 more, not knowing who might possess the prize if won. 
 
 What had given the Virginia colony so deep an interest in the 
 question, was the munificent donations of the lands on the Ohio 
 to her subjects from the king. The recipients of these favors 
 were the Ohio Company, prominent among whom were the 
 Washington brothers, and this company had taken the first steps 
 in the war by commencing the little fort at the fork of the Ohio, 
 under Trent. 
 
 George Washington struck the first hostile blow when he at- 
 tacked .fumonville. Never in the records of nations did a great- 
 er result grow out of an issue so apparently small. The raai^ni- 
 tude of the prize was an elephant on the hands of th'^ victors. 
 
 To the west were the forests north of the Oliio river, enriched 
 by a thousand autumnal dressings of leaf-mould, through which 
 unnumbered rivers and streamlets took their courses along val- 
 
Rogers' Expedition to Detroit. 1 1 1 
 
 leys of alluvium. Beyond these were oceans of prairie, luxuri- 
 ant in grasses harvested each year only by the annual tires that 
 swept over thera. 
 
 With the exception of the few French settlements mentioned 
 in previous chapters, this immense country was a majestic waste, 
 tenanted by perhaps one hundred thousand Indians. Most of 
 these had always been the allies of the French, but such as were 
 not had been forced into their friendship by the war. Now ev- 
 erything was changed. To the English they must look for a 
 supply of such goods as the elements of civilization had taught 
 them the use of, and without which it was difficult to subsist. 
 The trade in these articles, with furs in exchange, was now to go 
 into the hands of the English ; but the first thing to be done 
 was to take possession of such French forts as had not been 
 taken by force during the war. 
 
 These were Detnnt, Sandusky, Michilimackinac, St. Joseph, 
 Green Bay. the cluster of French villages in the Southern Illi- 
 nois country, Yincennes and Ouatanon on the Wabash, and Ft. 
 Miami on the Maumee, close by the spot where Ft. Wayne was 
 subsequently built ; the whole containing a population not ex- 
 ceeding 6000 French inhabitants. 
 
 On the 13th of September, 1760, three days after the surren- 
 der of Montreal, Major Robert Rogers was despatched by Gen. 
 Amherst on this mission,* with a force of 200 chosen men, in 
 fifteen whale-boats. His orders were to proceed to Ft. Niagara, 
 where Maj. Walters, the connnunder, was to deliver into his cus- 
 tody a Mr. Gainelin,t a French prisoner taken at the surrender 
 of that post. He was then to proceed to Presque Isle, and from 
 thence, with a small force, across the country to Ft. Pitt, then 
 under the command of Gen. Monckton. 
 
 From him he was to receive such assistance as was necessary 
 in the execution of the work before him, which was to take pos- 
 session of the posts of Detroit and Michilimackinac, and admin- 
 ister the oath of allegiance to the inhabitants. This done, he 
 was to return with his force to Albany, or wher:ver the head- 
 quarters of the commanding general might be at that time. Ar- 
 riving at Presque Isle on the 8tli of October, in accordance with 
 these instructions, he left his command, and, with only three 
 companions, pursued the well-known French trail to Ft. Pitt, 
 where he was reinforced by a detachment of Royal Americans. 
 
 • Rogers had served during the war in the capacity of a Ranger. His field had 
 been on the frontier between Albany and the French forts on Lake Champlain, 
 where his daring exploits at the head of his chosen band of New Hampshire pro- 
 vincials, were the admiration of both friend and foe. He kept a journal of his 
 adventures and wrote a book entitled " Concise Account of North America," 
 published in London in 1765, which forms the basis of this account. 
 
 t Mr. Gamelin subsequently became a resident of Vincennes, and acted as me- 
 diatoi between the Americans and Indians. 
 
1 1 2 Pontiac Interviews Him. 
 
 under Capt. Campbell. Returning to Fresque Isle, lie received 
 forty oxen from Col. Bryant, under charge of Capt, Monter, 
 who, with the assistance of twenty Indians, was to drive them 
 to Detroit, for the subsistence of the soldiers. About tlie tirst 
 of November, the whole command embarked in their boats from 
 Presque Isle, It was an English delegation, composed of Amer- 
 icans, whose superior qualifications for such a dangerous adven- 
 ture were apparent to Gen. Amherst. 
 
 The western Indians had never before seen any other than 
 Frenchmen, unless perchance some of them had been in battle- 
 array against them on the bloody fields of the late war. As yet, 
 the English flag had been saluted with yells of approbation by 
 all the Indians they had met ; but these first ebullitions of ap- 
 plause from the red frontierers might prove but a snare to lull 
 them into a fatal security when the interior was reached. But 
 Rogers, bred among the wiles of frontier warfare, had measured 
 its depths of dissimulation, and he was ready for any emergency. 
 
 "While he is penetrating the country along the southern shore 
 of Lake Erie in his little fleet of whale-boats, in his advanced 
 
 £ath a savage hero lay, ruminating in his mind how to receive 
 im. This was Fontiac, chief of ^he Ottawas. He was yet in 
 the heyday of youth and strength, but a veteran in bush-fighting 
 warfare. He had made himself conspicuous among the subtle 
 spirits who had overwhelmed Braddock on the Monongahela. 
 He had ever since been in the van of the war-path against the 
 English, and his achievements had won for him a singular dis- 
 tinction, which, by common consent, made him the acknowledg- 
 ed chief, not only of his own tribe, but of all the surrounding 
 tribes, who looked up to him as their Moses. His summer res- 
 idence was on Fechu Island, eight miles above Detroit, and in 
 the winter he lodged in the Ottawa village opposite, on the Cana- 
 dian shore.* As soon as he heard of the advance of the Eng- 
 lish into the country, he hastened, with a few of his attendants, 
 to meet them. The first interview was held November 7th, on 
 the southern shore of Lake Erie, at its western extremity. Here 
 Rogers, having entered the mouth of a small stream, moored 
 his boats and encamped. An Indian deputation; b^on waited on 
 him, requesting him to proceed no farther till Fontiac, the king 
 of the country, came up. Shortly afterward he came, and, at 
 the first salutation, demanded how he dared to enter the country 
 without his permission. In reply, Rogers informed him (^with 
 naive respect and dignity combined) that he had come, not to 
 injure the Indians, but to remove the French soldiers of the 
 country, who had hitherto been an obstacle to peace between 
 the Indians and the English. This answer disarmed the chief 
 
 *Laninan's Hist, of Mich., p. 91. 
 
Pontiac Conciliated. H3 
 
 and modified his demeanor at once. Rogers next proceeded^ to 
 inform him of the surrender of Canada to the English, which 
 was news to Pontiac, though perliaps not unexpected from the 
 ill success of the French since the lall of Niagara and Quebec 
 several months before. 
 
 On leaving, he told Rogers that if he needed anything liis 
 country could supply, he would send his warriors fir it. He 
 then took his leave, requesting Rogers not to advance farther 
 till a council should be held the next morning. This opened as 
 proposed — the peace-pipe was smoked, and Pontiac p/oinised to 
 protect Rogers on his way to Detroit. This promise he kept in 
 good jfaith. Had he not done this, Rogers could not have reach- 
 ed the place without a battle with the Indians, who, in heavy 
 force, stood guard at the mouth of the river, to prevent his pas- 
 sage. To these Pontiac gave orders to let the English pass un- 
 molested, and, at the same time, ordered some of his men to 
 assist Capt. Brewer along with the oxen driven from Prescjuo 
 Isle, oesides this act ot courtesy, he manifested a disposition 
 to learn the elements of civilization, asking Rogers about the 
 English method of disciplining their forces, and even inquired 
 how cloth and iron were made, and oflfered to give him a part of 
 the country if he would take him to England on a visit. This 
 ofier was accompanied with the conciliatory proposal of paying 
 an annual tribute to the king of England and calling him his un- 
 cle. These were the terms on which the English might be per- 
 mitted to settle in the ccnmtry and remain as long as they treated 
 the Indians with respect. If they failed to do this, he should 
 drive them out and "shut up the door."* 
 
 Rogers now resiyiied his march toward Detroit, taking care to 
 send Lieut. Brheme, a French war prisoner, in advance, with 
 the following letter to Capt. Bellestre, the French commander: 
 
 *' To Capt. Bellestre^ or the Officer Commanding at Detroit. 
 
 "Sir: — That j'ou may not be alarmed at the a])proach of the 
 English troops under my command when I come to Detroit, I 
 send forward this by Lieut. Brheme, to acquaint you that I have 
 Gen. Amherst's orders to take possession of Detroit and such 
 other posts as are in that district ; which, by capitulation, agreed 
 to and signed by Marquis de Vaudieuil and Gen. Amherst, the 
 8tli of September last, now belong to Great Britain. I have 
 with me the Marquis do Vaudreuil's letters to you, directed for 
 your guidance on tiiis occasion ; which letters 1 shall deliver to 
 you when I am at or near your post, and sliall encamp the troops 
 I have with me at some distance from the fort, till you have rea- 
 sonable time to be made acquainted with the Marquis de Vau- 
 
 • Concise Account 
 
114 Device of the Crow. 
 
 dreuil's instructions and the capitulation, a copy of which I have 
 with me likewise. I am, Sir, 
 
 " Yonr humble servant, 
 
 " KOBEET EOGESS.''* 
 
 Continuing to advance, Kogers met a squad of Hurons, from 
 whom he learned that Bellestre had detained the messenger sent 
 with his letter, and intended to oppose his entrance into the 
 town. 
 
 In order to arouse a spirit of resistance among the Indians, he 
 had erected on a pole an effigy of Rogers, with a crow pecking 
 pis eyes out, as an emblem of the fate in store for him if he at- 
 tempted to enter Detroit ; but tlie Indians were skeptical as to 
 such a result, and, notwithstanding the shallow device, accepted 
 the wampum belt from Rogers, who represented, in their estim- 
 ation, and correctly, too, the rising star of power, to whom they 
 must now look for favors. 
 
 The impossibility of holding the town against the English soon 
 became evident to the French commander, and he began to con- 
 ciliate. First, he despatched a messenger to Rogers with a let- 
 ter, to inform him that he had put the inhabitants, and particu- 
 larly the Indians, on their guard to prevent being plundered by 
 the Indians who had joined the standard of the English, and 
 also to presei've the English themselves from a like disaster 
 when government of the town should change from French to 
 English hands. Rogers replied as follows : 
 
 "Sir: — I acknowledge the receipt of your two letters, both 
 of which were delivered to me on yesterday. Mr. Brhenie has 
 not 3'et returned. The inclosed letter from the Marquis de Vau- 
 drenil will inform you of the surrender of all Canada to the king 
 of Great Britain, and of the great indulgence granted to the in- 
 habitants ; as also of the terms granted to the troops of his Most 
 Christian Majesty. Capt. Campbell, whom I have sent forward 
 with this letter, will show you the capitulation. I desire you 
 will not detain him, as I am determined, agreeable to my in- 
 structions from Gen. Amherst, speedily to relieve your post. I 
 shall stop the troops I have with me at the hither end of the 
 town till four o'clock, by which time I expect your answer. 
 Tour inhabitants will not surprise me ; as yet 1 have seen no 
 other in that position, but savages waiting for my orders. I can 
 assure you, Sir, the inhabitants of Detroit shall not be molested 
 — they and you complying with the capitulation, but be protect- 
 ed in the quiet and peaceable possession of their estates; neither 
 shall they be pillaged by my Indians, nor by yours that have 
 joined me. I am, (&c., 
 
 "R. RoasBS. 
 
 *'To Capt. Bellestre, commanding at Detroit." 
 
Detroit under the English Flag. 1 15 
 
 Having despatched this letter, without waiting a reply, Rogers 
 pnshed his boats up the river, and landed within half a mile of 
 the place. Here a messenger soon came to him from Bellestre, 
 with his compliments, signifying that he awaited his orders. 
 Lieuts. Lefflie and M'Cormick were now sent with 36 American 
 iroops to take possession of Detroit. 
 
 The first item in the formula was to lower the French flag and 
 devate the English flag in its place. This was done, and a burst 
 of riotous applause rent the air from the gutteral voices of 700 
 Indians, while the French beheld the humiliation with silent and 
 painful emotions, such as have never yet been felt in the breast 
 of an American citizen. 
 
 It was now the 29th of November, and Rogers, with his accus- 
 tomed promptness, set about the execution of his still unfinished 
 work. The French militia were disarmed and the oath of alle- 
 giance administered to them. The regular soldiers, with their 
 commander, Bellestre, were sent as prif^oners of war to Phila- 
 delphia, under the escort of Lieut. Holmes and thirty men. 
 
 A party of 20 men were sent to take possession of the posts 
 of Ouatanon,* on t^io head-waters of the Wabash and Miami, at 
 the bend of the Mauraee. These had been the extremes of ca- 
 noe navigation on the two rivers — a portage connecting them by 
 a well-frequented Indian trail, which had been in existence from 
 time immemorial. After the French had settled at Vincennes, 
 this thoroughfare to the lakes became an important one to them ; 
 hence the erectioTi of the post of Ouatanon, at the head of canoe 
 navigation on this stream. Ft. JMiami was also designed to fa- 
 cilitate the same end.f and its early possession by the English 
 was necessary, in order to command the respect of the Indians 
 and establish the fur trade among them along their highway to 
 the lakes. 
 
 Capt. Campbell was now left in command of Detroit, while 
 Rogers, with a small force, started toward Michilimackinac to 
 establish the English standard at that important post. After a 
 vain attempt to force his way along the icy and boisterous shore 
 of Lake Huron, he was obliged to return to Detroit, and, on the 
 'ilst of December, started with a few attendants across the coun- 
 try to Ft. Pitt, arriving there on the 23d of January, 1761. He 
 passed through Sandusky on his way, says Perkins' Western 
 Annals (p. Ill), but does not inform us whether he left a garri- 
 
 • Rogers called this Gatanois in his Journal, p. 229. 
 
 t According to Brice's History of Fort Wayne, p. 12, Ft. Miami was built in 
 '733 Volney, in his Researches, dates the building of Vincennes in 1735 ; but 
 Law's date of 1710 is more consistent with 1733 as the date of Miami. Ft. Oua- 
 tanon prn1)ably bears a similar date. Late researches by H. W. IBeckwHh, of Dan- 
 ville, 111., show that it was built on the west side of the'Wabash, instead of ;he east, 
 ji-. indicated by the current histories. " It is pronounced We-au ta-non. 
 
11 (i MichiLhnackinac^ etc., taken Possession of. 
 
 * son there or not. The next summer, Michilimackinac, Ste. Ma- 
 
 rie, at the outlet of Lake Superior, Green Bay, and St. Joseph, 
 were taken peaceable possession of by a detachment sent frona 
 Detroit by Capt. Campbell. The French towns of Southern 
 Illinois and Vincenneson the Wabash, had hitherto been disturb- 
 ed only by war's alarms from afar. Their country hud changed 
 from French to Ei)glish rule, but distance had yet and was still 
 destined to give them a few more years under the lilies of France, 
 though severed from the parent stem by the tornado of war, like 
 a limb of a tree broken from the trunk. 
 
 The Indians had always loved the French, because they met 
 them on terms of social equality. Their ideas of chivalry 
 were well suited to the savage imagination. Both were dashing 
 and impetuous. A liberal sprinkling of blanched cheeks, whose 
 mothers were the honored wives of Frenchmen, were so many 
 pledges of that friendship which forest-life had charmed into be- 
 ing. Before the Anglo-Americans and English had set foot into 
 the great West, the French had been there a century, and, in- 
 stead of attempting to deprive them of their lands, had (^ften 
 held out inducements to them to amalgamate the two races and 
 inherit the country together. This course made any especial 
 promise of friendship unnecessary, or, if made, gave it consist- 
 ency. 
 
 During the French and Indian war, both sides had vied with 
 each other in their excess of zeal to preserve the rights of the In- 
 dians. Unhappily for them, the side tliey had taken had been 
 beaten, and now their first care was to set themselves right be- 
 fore the conquerors, which accounts for Pontiac's assistance to 
 Rogers in conducting him safely to Detroit. But beneath this 
 friendly exterior there lurked, at least, doubt and misgiving, if 
 not feelings of deadly hate. 
 
 The English, on their part, had formed too low an estimate 
 of the ability of the Indians to oppose them, in the event of hos- 
 tilities. They had conquered them and the French combined, 
 and the savage, single-handed, was but a pigmy in their estima- 
 tion. 
 
 Under this impression, the English fur-traders hastened for- 
 ward among the lodges of the wilderness, to renew the trade 
 begun before the war, and appropriate that which the French 
 had hitherto held exclusively along the lakes. With this intent, 
 Alexander Henry started for Michilimackinac early in the spring 
 succeeding the English possession of Detroit. Ere he had reach- 
 ed Detroit, ho witnessed abundant signs of discontent among the 
 Indians. 
 
 No pains had been taken by the English or Americans to win 
 their favor by means of presents or those fulsome professions of 
 good fellowship so essential to fill the measure of savage eti- 
 
Warning to tlie English. 117 
 
 quette. But these omissions were not the greatest cause of com- 
 plaint. Blows had been inflicted on some of the Ottawas at a 
 trading station, by some indiscreet traders,* for which indignity 
 retaliation was only deferred. In consequence of these causes 
 of disaffection, Henry was obliged to make his way from Detroit 
 to Michi'imacVinac in the disguise of French costume. Having 
 reached his destination, he was soon waited upon by a tenacious 
 advocate of Indian riglits, supposed to be Pontiac himself, who 
 addressed him the following terse word§ : 
 
 " Englishmen, you know that the French king is our father. 
 He promised to be such, and we in return promised to be his 
 children. This promise we have kept. 
 
 " Englishmen, it is you that have made war with this our fath- 
 er. You are his enemy ; and how then could you have the bold- 
 ness to venture among us, his children ? You know that his 
 enemies are ours. 
 
 "Englishmen, we are informed that our father, the king of 
 France, is old and infirm ; and that, being fatigued with making 
 war upon your nation, he has fallen asleep. During this sleep, 
 you have taken advantage of him, and possessed yourselves of 
 Oanada. But his nap is almost at an end. I think I hear him 
 already stirring and inquiring for his children the Indians ; and 
 when he does awake, what must become of you? He will de- 
 stroy you utterly. 
 
 " Englishmen, although you have conquered the French, you 
 iiavo not yet conquered us. We are not your slaves. These 
 lakes, these woods and mountains, are left to us by our ances- 
 tors. They are our inheritance, and we will part with them to 
 none. Your nation supposes that we, like the white people, 
 cannot live without bread, and pork, and beef; but you oughf 
 to know that He, the Great Spirit and Master of Life, has pro- 
 vided food for us in these spacious lakes and on these woody 
 mountains. 
 
 "Englishmen, our father, the king of France, employed oa 
 young men to make war upon your nation. In this warfare ma- 
 ny of them have been killed, atid it is our custom to retaliate 
 until such time as the spirits of the slain are satisfied. But tho 
 spirits of tlie slain are to be satisfied in either of two ways : the 
 first is, by the spilling the blood of the nation by which they 
 fell ; the other, by covering the bodies of the dead, and thus 
 allaying the resentment of their relations. This is done by mak- 
 ing ])resents. 
 
 "Englishmen, your king has never sent us any presents, nor 
 entered into any treaty with us ; wherefore he and we are still at 
 war; and until he does these tilings, we must consider that we 
 
 * Cass' Discourse ; Rogers' Account. 
 
1 18 Indian Conspiracy. 
 
 have no o\\\tc father or friend among the white men than the 
 king of France. But for you, we have taken into consideration 
 that you have ventured among us in the expectation tliat we 
 should not molest you. You do not come armed, with an inten- 
 tion to make war. You come in peace to trade with us, and 
 supply us with necessaries of which we are in much want. We 
 shall regard you, therefore, as a brother ; and you may sleep 
 tranquilly, without fear of the Chippewas. As a token of our 
 friendship, we present you with this pipe to smoke."* 
 
 Matters went on during the next two years with increased dis- 
 satisfaction. Frequent ominous rumors of Indian uprising had 
 been current; but little importance had been attached to them, 
 especially by Sir Jeffrey Amherst, who still held military com- 
 mand of the whole cr">r >y. 
 
 During all this time, oo definitive treaty of peace had been 
 negotiated between England and France, and, through some 
 dreamy illusion of the Indians, a pleasing theory had obtained 
 currency that the king of France had been asleep, and the 
 English had taken the advantage of his slumbers to con- 
 quer the country — that he would soon awaken and utterly de- 
 stroy the English. Fortified by their faith in this visionary hope, 
 the Indians throughout the country north of the Ohio river and 
 and east of the Mississippi, conspired with Fontiac to bring 
 about this desired result. f 
 
 After these alliances had been secured, he plied his 8eductiv.> 
 arts of diplomacy to the different tribes of the Iroquois, ami 
 won over the Senecas to his cause ; but the other five tribes, 
 owing to the influence of Sir WilUam Johnson, remained true to 
 the English. 
 
 Some of the French residents, either through national pique 
 to the English or personal attachment to the Indians, were fast 
 friends to the latter, although the better portion preserved a neu- 
 trality at least by mental reservation, as they would not have 
 
 * Henry, p. 43. 
 
 f Carver relates a phenomenon which, among the timorous-minded habitant* 
 of Detroit, foretold the Indian outbreak. It is worth recording (or its meteorolog- 
 ical merits, if not its supernatural. It runs as follows : *• In the year 1762, in the 
 month of July, it rained on this town and the parts adjacent, a sulphureous water 
 of the color and consistence of ink ; some of which being collected into bottles 
 and wrote with, appeared perfectly intelligible on the paper, and answered every 
 purpose of that useful liquid. Soon atier, the Indian wars, already spoken of, 
 brolce out in these parts. I mean not to say that this incident was ominous of 
 them, notwithstanding it is well known that innumerable well attested instances 
 of extraordinary phenomena happening before extraordinary events, have been 
 recorded in almost every age by historians of veracity ; I only relate the circum- 
 stance as a fact of which I was informed by many persons of undoubted probity, 
 and leave my readers, as I have hitherto done, to draw their own conclusiooa 
 from it " 
 
French Population of Detroit. 11^ 
 
 dared to oppose the schemes of Pontiac, had they been informed 
 of them. 
 
 The Frencli population of Detroit at that time occupied about 
 100 houses in the town and 50 farm-houses along the river, above 
 or below it.* The walls of these were built with logs and the 
 roof covered with bark or thatched straw. Their fences were 
 constructed with pickets. Wheat was sowed in drills and culti- 
 vated by hand. They had no potatoes till the English brought 
 the seed. Their horses had been obtained from Ft. Duquesne, 
 descended from the English stock captured from Braddock's de- 
 feated army.f The Ottawas, Wyandots, and Fottowattoniies, 
 had villages close by, which, with the French population, gave 
 to the place a metropolitan character, to which no other spot in 
 the whole country could be compared ; consequently, its conquest 
 was undertaken by Pontiac himself. But, before the first blow 
 was to be struck, a council was convened. This was summoned 
 to meet early in the spring, on the banks of a small stream near 
 Detroit. Here were assembled chiefs from all the principal 
 tribes of the countr}',:]: each supposing himself to be sapient in 
 the savage policy of the times ; but at that moment,' could they 
 have known the real power of the English colonists, they would 
 have kicked the war-belt from their midst and flung them- 
 selves at the feet of the English, claiming their friendship with 
 the eloquence of savage metaphor. Of this, however, they had 
 no conception, and entertained no doubt that they could kill off 
 the English garrisons in the entire country and bar the door 
 against the entrance of any more. This was the aim of Pontiac, 
 and it met the approval of his red brethren, without a dissenting 
 voice in the council. Plans were laid to attack each English fort 
 in the country at a coming change of the moon in the month of 
 May.l 
 
 True to the time-honored custom of Indian warfare, treachery 
 was the chief instrument to be used in taking them. In the at- 
 tack of Detroit, Poutiac's plan was to gain admittance to the 
 fort with a chosen band of his warriors, under the semblance of 
 friendship, and, at a given signal, fall upon the unsuspecting 
 garrison with their weapons, which were to be concealed under 
 their blankets, and kill them before they had time to seize their 
 
 * Lanman's Mich., p. 98. 
 
 t Manuscript Doc. of J. R. Williams; see Lanman's Mich., p. 99. 
 
 JThe Ottawas, Miamis, Chippewas, Wyandots, Pottowattomies, Shawanese, 
 Outagamies, and Winnebagoes, composed the council ; but there were other tribes 
 from remote places, as well as smaller tribes near by, who were friendly to Pon- 
 liac's cause, while it is evident that a few deliberate thinkers had not full faith in 
 his schemes. 
 
 II These consisted of Detroit, Michilimackinac, Ste. Marie, Green Bay, St. Jo- 
 seph, Ouatanon, Miami, Ft. Pitt, Venango, Le Boeuf, Presque Isle, and Sandus- 
 ky. Ft. Niagara was not to be attacked, its great strength and remoteness being 
 looked upon as insurmountable obstacle to be overcome. 
 
V2(i Tfie Ojibway Girl. 
 
 arms. The success of this undertaking required preparation. 
 Their guns had to be shortened bj several inches being taken 
 from the muzzles, in order to reduce them in length sufficiently 
 for concealment under their blankets.* This was done with files 
 and saws borrowed from the French inhabitants, who lent them 
 these tools in igriorance of the purpose for which they were to 
 be used. While this was going on, the Indians kept up their 
 friendly visits to the fort as usual ; but one afternoon there came 
 in a young Ojibway girl who had previously been employed to 
 make a pair of Indian shoes for Major Gladwin, the commander. 
 She delivered them to him. and the major was so pleased with 
 the neatness with which they were made, that he proposed to 
 her to make more of the same kind, and for that purpose gave 
 her the remainder of the elk skin from which the first pair had 
 been made. This done, he paid her for making the pair deliv- 
 ered, and dismissed her. Instead of directly leaving, the girl 
 lingered about in a dreamy air of sadness, till she attracted the 
 attention of the sentinels, who asked her the cause; but she was 
 silent. Meantime, her pensive mood did not escape the observ- 
 ation of Gladwin. She was recalled to his presence, and reveal- 
 ed to him the plans of Pontiac, under a promise of secrecy.f 
 
 The next morning was the appointed time for the culnjination 
 of the treachery, and Gladwin set himself about the work of 
 preparation to meet it. The strength of the garrison was about 
 300, while double that number of Indians hovered around them, 
 hungry for their blood. Every man was immediately placed un- 
 der arms, in readiness for the expected visit ; and, in addition 
 to these precautions, says Carver, "he sent round to all the tra- 
 ders to inform them that, as it was expected a great number of 
 Indians would enter the town that day, who might be inclined 
 to plunder, he desired they would have their arms ready, and 
 repel every attempt of that kind." 
 
 At an early hour the next morning, an unusual stir was appa- 
 rent among the Indians, and, at ten o'clock, Pontiac himself, at 
 the head of sixty chiefs, with wooden-clad immobility stamped 
 upon their faces, approached the fort. The gates were thrown 
 open and they entered ; but what was Pontiac's astonishment to 
 see the entire garrison armed with swords and pistols? He saw 
 at once that his plot had been discovered, but, with complete 
 composure, concealed the emotions that were inwardly cousum- 
 
 * A French citizen named M. Beaufait had been shown a shortened gun and in- 
 formed of the plot, in advance. He afterward assisted Pontiac by his counsel. 
 
 t Carver, who visited Detroit in 1766, only three years after the siege, is the 
 authority for this tradition of the Ojibway girl. Parkman quotes other traditions, 
 attributing the disclosure of Pontiac's treacherous designs to others, but certainly 
 with less plausibility; for who would be so likely to turn apostate to their owa 
 j-c .pie as a young girl whose eyes might be dazzled with the glitter of epaulets? 
 
1< allure of the Short Gun Conspiracy. l:il 
 
 ing hin , and made a speech. The scene tliat followed is best 
 described by Carver, whose words are here quoted: 
 
 "The governor in his turn made a speecli ; but, instead of 
 thanking the grent warrior for tlip professions of friendship he 
 liad just uttered, he accused him of being a traitor. He told 
 him that the English, wlio knew everj'tliing, were convi;^ced of 
 his treachery and villainous designs ; and, as a ])roof that they 
 were well acquainted with his most secrei thoughts and inten- 
 tions, he stepped toward the Indian chief that sat nearest to him, 
 and drawing aside his blanket discovered the shortened firelock. 
 This entirely disconcerted the Indians, and frustrated their de- 
 sign. 
 
 " He then continued to tell them that, as he had given his 
 word at the time they desired an audience, that their persons 
 should be safe, he would hold his promise inviolable, though 
 they so little deserved it. However, he advised them to maJce 
 the best of their way out of the fort lest his young men, on be- 
 ing . '.equal !ited with their treacherous purposes, should cut every 
 one of them to pieces. Pontiac endeavored to contradict the 
 accusation, and to make excuses for his suspicious conduct ; but 
 the governor, satisfied of the falsity of his protestations, would 
 not listen to him." 
 
 Thus baffled in their attempt, Pontiac and his band left, and 
 with a full appreciation of the courage of Gladwin, as well as a 
 conviction that treachery could play no part in taking the fort. 
 The next day, the first attack was made with great fury, but was 
 repulsed by the well-directed fire of the garrison. The post was 
 soon completely environed, and while the besieged are economis- 
 ing their stinted resources to hold it against the audacious foe, 
 the fate of the other English forts in the western wilderntss will 
 be told. 
 
 The style of warfare practiced by the Indians, though sp.ngnin- 
 ary, was defective, inasmuch as they were ignorant of any meth- 
 od by which to abridge private rights, even for the public good. 
 Every one was his own master, amenable to no tribunal except 
 }>ublic opinion. Against the French they cherished n6 resent- 
 ments, and at first, with considerate charity, allowed them to 
 take a neutral position ; nor did they object to their visiting the 
 English forts, for the rights of neutrals, about which England 
 and America have lately drawn hair-splitting theories, was a 
 sealed book to their barbarous subtleties. This slipshod miUta- 
 rv practice gave the French who w^ere favorably disposed toward 
 the English an opportunity to do much to assist them. 
 
 After the siege of Detroit had progressed a month, there came 
 to the place a reverend Father from Michilimackinac, named 
 Jonois, who presided over a mission among the Otta^nas at that 
 
122 Massacre at Michilimackinac. 
 
 place. On his arrival, he first paid his respects to Pontiac, and 
 the next day rapped at the gate of the fort. He was admitted ; 
 l>iit he bore unwelcome news. Major Etherington, the comman- 
 der of Michilimackinac, had intrusted him with a letter to Glad- 
 win, which he delivered. From it as well as from the worthy 
 Father himself, who had been an eye-witness, Gladwin learned 
 of the sad fate of Michilimackinac. The Indians had taken the 
 post by stratagem, a game of ball being the instrumental means. 
 First they obtained permission for a number of their squaws to 
 enter the fort. These had weapons concealed under their blan- 
 kets. The ball was then batted over the palisades of the fort, 
 as if by chance, and permission being granted to go inside after 
 it, a pack of savages rushed in at the opening of the gate. The 
 squaws quickly acted their part in the bloody work, by passing 
 their concealed weapons over to the warriors, and the butchery 
 inside the fort began. At the same moment, the attack on the 
 soldiers outside was made, where about half the garrison were 
 watching the treacherous game. 
 
 The whole number of the garrison was ninety-three, all told. 
 About seventy were killed, and, vengeance being sated, the re- 
 mainder became subjects of savage mercy. Major Etherington, 
 the commander, some months before had been admonished of 
 danger by a French resident of the place, named Laurent Du- 
 charm; but, instead of heeding the timely warning, he snubbed 
 the informant tartly, and threatened to send the next officious 
 bearer of such a message to Detroit as prisoner.* The self-reli- 
 ant major was among the few spared, but his soldiers paid dear- 
 ly for his impervious resolution. 
 
 Alexander Henry, the trader already mentioned, then a resi- 
 dent of the place, had been warned the year before '^f the upris- 
 ing, by Wawatara, a Chippewa chief, who had conceived a strong 
 friendship for him as the result of some favor. This "spiritual 
 aeer" had received a message from the happy land, urging him 
 to protect Henry and adopt him as a brother. He informed him 
 of the revelation, and made him a generous present. Henry ac- 
 cepted the fraternal tie, gave him a present in return, and' the 
 chief departed for his winter hunt. On the 2d of June, two 
 days before the massacre, he returned and urged Henry to go 
 with biia and his family to the Sault. Henry graciously declin- 
 ed the invitation, when Wawatam left with his family, a few tears 
 dropping from his eyes as he took his leave.f On the 4th of 
 June, two days afterward, Henry beheld from the window of his 
 trading station, his comrades shrieking under the strokes of the 
 Bcalping-knife, at the revelry of blood of wliich Wawatam had 
 warned him, when he fled from the place and took refuge in the 
 
 * Smith'» Wis., vol. I., p. 134. f Smith's Wis. 
 
Alexander Henry and Wawatam. 12? 
 
 house of a Frenchman named Langlade. An inoffensive Paw- 
 nee slave, unbeknown to the owner, secreted him in a garret. 
 The infuriated Indians soon entered the very room he was in, 
 but ill their delirious excitement failed to discover him, packed 
 away as he was among a pile of bark vessels; but the mistress- 
 of the household, on learning of his presence, feared the conse- 
 quences of concealing him, and when she thought of her child- 
 ren she no longer hesitated, but led the savages to the place of 
 Henry's concealment. The wretched man was draggea out bj 
 a painted demon, who raised his weapen to kill him, but liesita- 
 ted, and finally sent him away with a portion of the other cap- 
 tives. 
 
 The ultimate fate of all of them was yet subject to many ca- 
 pricious conditions, all of which are related in Henry's Travels.* 
 Through the influence of Wawatam, Henry was saved with the 
 rest, partly through the instrumentality of Indian eloquence and 
 partly by means of presents ; but grave counsels were held a* 
 to the fate of the whole, and at last it was determined to send 
 them to the French at Montreal, where they arrived in the suc- 
 ceeding August, together with 17 captives from Green Bay, with 
 Lieut. Gori'ell, their commander, f 
 
 Ere this, St. Joseph, Ouatanon, Miami, and Sandusky, had all 
 been taken by the Indians, but, to the credit of the captors be it 
 said, with less atrocity than had been practiced at Michilimacki- 
 nac. From Sandiiskv, the commander. Ensign Pauly, was taken 
 to Detroit, where his manly form attracted the attention of a^ 
 squaw whose husband had been slain in battle. In him the be- 
 reavsd widow beheld her consolation, and saved his life by mar- 
 rying him — but he proved a faithless lover. Through the me- 
 dium of a Frenchman, he soon sent a letter to Gladwin, and a 
 few weeks later found means to desert his bride and take refuge 
 in the fort. 
 
 After the fall of Michilimackinac and Sandusky, Pontiac re- 
 ceived reinforcements, and the situation of the garrison at De- 
 troit became daily more critical, and the place must have fallen 
 into the hands of the infuriated bands of Pontiac if some of the 
 French inhabitants had not secretly, under cover of night, sent 
 supplies to the fort to prevent starvation, which was now more 
 to be feared than the attacks of the enemy. The fort was oidy 
 a wooden stockade, made of piles driven into the ground, and lest 
 it might be set fire to by the besiegers. Gladwin had, by means 
 
 ■* This interesting pamphlet has been reprintea in several of the early histories 
 of the country. 
 
 t Owing to the good offices of the Indians around the place, the whole garrisoa 
 had been spared, they merely evacuating the post and joining Etherington in his 
 captivity. The fort at Ste. iMarie had been evacuated previous to the massacre 
 at Michilimackinac, whither the fugitives had taken refuge, and perished at th» 
 mMUcre. 
 
124 Treacherous Peace Proposals. 
 
 of hot shot, burned every hut near it which might conceal an 
 Indian. Ponaac, destitute of anything but small arms with 
 which to breach its walls, again had recourse to treachery to 
 gain it. 
 
 When Rogers left Detroit in 1760, Major Campbell assumed 
 the command, and retained it most of the time till Gladwin had 
 been appointed to the chief command, while lie held fl)e second. 
 During Campbell's administration, he had vvon the esteem of 
 both the French and the Indians, and Pontiac sent him a mes- 
 sage requesting him to come to his camp, and terminate tlie war 
 by a friendly council. The message was brought by two estim- 
 able French citizens, who, deceived by the fair exterior of Pon- 
 tiac, advised the granting of the interview. Gladwin's consent 
 was reluctantly obtained by the too confiding Campbell, who 
 was willing to go ; and, not without misgiving on the part of 
 Gladwin, he went, accompanied by Lieut. McDougalL He was 
 received with courtesy by Pontiac, but, contrary to his pledges, 
 was not allowed to return except on condition that the fort should 
 be given up.* McDougall made his escape, but the unfortunate 
 Major Campbell, more closely guarded, was reserved for a cruel 
 test of warring emotions, against which the world has put the 
 fieal of abhorrence. 
 
 The time was now near at hand when the annual supplies for 
 the western forts were due from Ft. Niagara, and Gladwin, in 
 order to hurry them along, on the 21st of May sent the smallest 
 of the two vessels which lay in the river beside the fort to meet 
 them. Ere she had reached the mouth of the river, while b'ing 
 becalmed, a fleet of canoes rapidly approached the vessel, filled 
 with Indians intending to board her and kill the crew. Lashed 
 to the bow of the foremost was the unhappy captive. Major 
 •Campbell, who had been put there under an impression that the 
 English would not tire on them, for fear of killing their own 
 -countryman. " Do your duty!'''* commanded the bmve old offi- 
 cer, f whose whitened locks lent pathos to the last o.der he ever 
 4^jive to his soldiers. At that moment, a breeze filled the sails 
 of the vessel, and she sped away, lifting a heavy burden from 
 the hearts of the gunners, but reserving the noble captive for a 
 cruder fate. Balked of their prey, the savages returned with 
 their prisoner; but he was soon afterward tomahawked by ;.n 
 Ottawa savage, in revenge for the death of an uncle killed at 
 Michilimackinac. Pontiac was enraged at this base act, and the 
 miscreant who did it fled to Saginaw to escape his vengeance. :{: 
 
 Unreuiitting watchfulness on the ramparts, on the part of 
 the inmates of the fort, and eccentric spasms of vengefulness 
 
 • Lanman's Mich., p. no 
 
 t I'arkman's Conspiracy of Pontiac, vol. I., p. 261. 
 
 X Lanman, p. iii. 
 
Capture of the Supply Fleet. 125 
 
 on the part of the Indians, cctinued till the 30tli of May, when 
 a sentinel shouted forth tidin that the expected supplies were 
 in sight coming up the river. All eyes were turned in that direc- 
 tionrwhere the batteaux were visible in the distance, and a burst 
 of exultation rent the air. As the batteau fleet drew nearer, the 
 forms of the men became more visible. Tiie rowers toiled along 
 in silence, till a closer view revealed the painful situation. Lord- 
 ly Indians stood erect in the boats while the English soldiers 
 were rowing. In the foremost were tiiree savages armed with 
 tomahawks and four captives. Nearing the vessels beside the 
 fort, they called out to the sailors for aid, and the three Indians 
 who guarded them leaped into the water, one of them dragging 
 a soldier with him, both of whom were drowned in their grap- 
 ples with each other. The three remaining soldiers in the bat- 
 teau escaped to the shore under a hot lire from the Indians, both 
 from the Canada shore and the batteaux, wounding one of them.* 
 All the while, the vessel discharged her cannon at the savages 
 in the batteau fleet, and drove them back ; but they landed on 
 the east side of the river, and took their captives, over sixty in 
 number, to their camp above. The escaped captives, now with- 
 in the walls of the fort, told the tale of disaster which had be- 
 fallen them. 
 
 Early in May, Lieut. Cuyler, with a detachment of Green'a 
 Rangers, numbering 97 men, with twenty batteaux, embarked 
 from Ft. Schlosserf with the annual supplies for Detroit Tak- 
 ing his course along the northern shore of Lake Erie, they arriv- 
 ed at Point Pelee, just east of the mouth of the Detroit river. 
 Unconscious of danger, they landed to gather fuel, when a band 
 of W^'andots in the service of Pontiac attacked them so sudden- 
 ly that all but thirty, who escaped in their boats, were taken 
 prisoners. To the inmates of the fort at Detroit the fate of the 
 thirty soldiers was uncertain, but a well-grounded hope consoled 
 them that they would reach Niagara, the place from whence 
 they had started, and give information of the catastrophe by 
 which their attempt to bring relief had miscarried. Fortunately 
 this was the case. They arrived safely at Ft. Schlosser, tho 
 place whcKe the vessel lay at anchor which had been sent to meet 
 them, but, ])assing them unobserved, had kept on her course. 
 All haste was now made by Major Wilkins, tlie commander of 
 Ft. >Jiagara, to send succor to tho beleaguered garrison. Thirty 
 soldiers were added to tho thirty fugitives, and tho whole em- 
 
 • Of the v.Trious versions of this encounter, the one hearing the siroiigest niarks. 
 of consistency iias been chusen. Cass is the authority fur it. bee Lanman't 
 Mithi^nn, p. 1 1 1. 
 
 t Ft. Schlosser was only a sub-post of Ft. Niagara — a kind of starting-place 
 above the Falls, for supplies taken from Ft. Niagara by a porterage around th» 
 Falls. 
 
1 26 Torture of the Captives. 
 
 barked under command of Cuyler, who was one of those who 
 had escaped. While they are pressing sail for Detroit, let us 
 take a view of the situation there. 
 
 The appalling spectacle of over sixty English soldiers being 
 dragged by the fort by tiie hands of the savages, was the dark- 
 est hour of the siege. Yells of delight burst from their throats 
 as they gathered them into their camp, determined to make the 
 most of them in the way of revenge. First, they were stripped 
 naked and set up for turget practice with their arrows, in which 
 the warriors indulged to their hearts' content. Eut the women 
 and children must have a chance at them before the vital spark 
 became extinct, and their flesh was punctured with the ends of 
 burning sticks by these ingenious tormentors. The tomahawk 
 and seal ping-knife finished up the unhallowed work. Their 
 blood was drank as it ran in warm streams from their lacerated 
 veins. Parts of their flesh were made into soup and eaten, and 
 their bodies thrown into the river. 
 
 The summer twilight had died away and the sentinels were 
 pacing their nightly vigils, when two French inhabitants came 
 to the fort and brought tidinirs of this massacre. The silence of 
 death pervaded the place at its recital, till the silence was broken 
 by speculations as to the time when relief could come. The 
 next day the bodies of their tortured fellow-soldiers came float- 
 ing down the river. 
 
 Eighteen days of suspense now hung over the garrison, when 
 a rumor came that a sail had been descried. This was June 
 19th. On the 23d the news was coniirmed by M. i>aby, a 
 French inhabitant of Detroit, whose discreet friendship had al- 
 ready rendered essential service to the garrison, without com- 
 promising his influence with Pontiac. The vessel did not arrive 
 till the 30th, so great was the caution of Cuyler, the commander, 
 to avoid the toils and ambuscades of the Indians along the chan- 
 nel of the river, as it curled among the cluster of islands just 
 above its mouth. Notwithstanding his caution, however, an at- 
 teiript was made by them to board his vessel as she lay at anchor 
 in the night, but an unexpected discharge of cannon and mus- 
 ketry made them pay dearly for their temerity. • 
 
 The fort, now recruited with an ample store of provisions and 
 sixty men, tliey could breathe freer. 
 
 On the 23d of the previous month, Pontiac summoned a con- 
 vention for the purpose of enlisting the French in his cause. 
 According to the usual custom, mats were spread on the green 
 for tlie accommodation of the notables, who had been invited to 
 take places of honor at the grave sitting. Said Pontiac, in his 
 fipeecb : 
 
 ''Until now, I have avoided urging yon this subject, in the 
 
Arrival of DrXzelL 127 
 
 feope that, if jou cjuld not aid, you would not injure us. I did 
 not wish to ask you to tight with us against the English, arid I 
 did not believe you would take part with them. You will say 
 you are not with them. I know it ; but yonr conduct amounts 
 to the same thing. You will tell them all we do and say. You 
 carry our coutisels and plans to them. Now take your choice. 
 You must be entirely Frei.ch like ourselves, or entirely English. 
 If you are French, take this belt for yourselves and your younuj 
 men, and join os. If you are English, we declare war against 
 yon." 
 
 To this argument the French replied that their king had tied 
 their hands against injuring the English, when he made peace 
 with them, and, as a proof, produced a copy of the capitulation. 
 *' Untie this knot and we will join y^u.'' The perplexed orator 
 was silent, V)ut his unconquerable will won a few private recruits 
 from the savage transcendentalism that always exists in border 
 life, and constitutes a class defiant and aggre. sive, as it is regard- 
 less of consequences. Tliese neophytes in savage warfare were 
 received with appropriate honors by I'ontiaj, who patronizingly 
 extended his hand to them and presented the pipe with gravity, 
 and tiie council was dismissed. 
 
 Fontiac next conceived the design of burning the two English 
 vessels that lay beside the fort, by means of tire-rafts, and to 
 this end tore down some stables belonging to the French, for 
 materials out of which to make them. The rafts were freighted 
 with a plentiful supply of tar and pitch, tired, and started afloat 
 above the vessels, under cover of a dark night. When the bla- 
 zing crafts came toward the vessels they turned aside and passed 
 harmlessly down the river, thanks to the preparations Gladwin 
 had made for their not unexpected visit. 
 
 On the 29th of July, a fresh arrival came to the fort. It con- 
 sisted of 22 barges and 280 men, commanded by Capt. Dalzell, 
 an able ofiicer who had been a companion of Israel Putnam.* 
 Major Rogers was also one of the officers of the reinforcement, 
 who commanded a few veteran Rangers, for which service he 
 liad attained a high reputation. Capt. Dalzell was for immedi- 
 ately taking the offensive, and an expedition was planned to 
 march against Pontiac's camp and strike a decisive and unex- 
 pected blow. 
 
 The following account of the unlucky sortie is copied from 
 Laimiaii's Michigan: 
 
 "On the morning of the Slst of July, about two o'clock, Capt. 
 Dalzell, with a force of 247 men, marched up the Detroit river, 
 toward Pontiac's camp ; while two gunboats in the river were 
 
 * Fukman'i Conspiracy of Pontiac, toI. I., p. 308. 
 
128 Defeat at Bloody Run. 
 
 pushed against the stream to cover the retreat and take oif the 
 wounded and dead. Information of this contemplated attack 
 had been in some mode communicated to the Indians, and they 
 removed their women and children, and prepared for the recep- 
 tion of the British troops. A party of warriors was stationed 
 behind the pickets upon a neighboring farm,* and another at 
 l'li)ody Run, which is about a mile and a half from Detroit on 
 I lie main road. Here they were concealed in the liigh grass be- 
 hind pickets and heaps of cord-wood, f The British party had 
 reached the bridge, when a sudden and destructive lire was poured 
 upon them from the cord-wood and the grass. This threw them 
 into the utmost confusion. At the lirst fire Dalzell fell. The 
 British fought with desperation, but were attacked on all sides, 
 and a vigorous charge was made by the bayonet upon the posi- 
 tions of the Indians; but a scattering fire was kept up by the 
 savages from every place that could furnish them a cover. At 
 length, finding that their situation was perilous, the British were 
 ordered to retire, which was effected without serious loss, under 
 the direction of Capt. Grant, aided by Major Rogers, if This re- 
 treat was covered on the shore of the Detroit river by the armed 
 gun-boats, and the whole party arrived at the fo;t about 8 o'clock. 
 It was effected by driving the Indians from house to house and 
 field to field, until a line of defense could be made toward the 
 fort. In this action, according to the official returns, there were 
 19 killed and 42 wounded. The place of its occurrence is called 
 Bloody Run." 
 
 Pontiac lost no time in sending the news of this victory to hia 
 allies far and near, to rekindle the war-spirit afresh, and new re- 
 cruits soon came in, suflicient to supply tlie places of such as had 
 deserted. Gladwin was therefore still forced to maintain a he- 
 roic defense, without the least relaxation of discipline. They 
 were ever on the watch, for but a brief cessation of their vigils 
 might bring destruction to the entire garrison. 
 
 As autumn drew near, Gladwin sent one of his vessels to Ni- 
 agara for supplies for the winter; and on her return, while lying 
 one night in the river, only nine miles bel»)w the fort, a largo 
 body of Indians approached her in their canoes, and so dark was 
 the night that they were close by before they were seen, although 
 a vigilant watch was kept up. The order to fire was immediate- 
 ly given, which was obeyed ; but the next moment the Indians 
 were in the act of boarding tho vessel. The crew, only ten in 
 
 • That of Mr. Dequindre. 
 
 f Consult Cass, Drake, and Thatcher. 
 
 \ A bottle of brandy was at one time lent to Pontiac by Col, Rogers, and hi> 
 warriors cautioned him not to taste it, lest it might be poisoned. I'ontiac, how- 
 ever, rejected their advice. •' He cannot take my life," said the Ottawa chief; 
 •• I have saved his." 
 
&EN1 ClARii 
 GWSI GLAIRJINlWAYNI^ 
 
 AXD 
 
 
 f-/, ..''/. 
 
 '■;))lil 
 
 r«irie du Thifii 
 
 
 inn«»e 
 
 ,/Il 
 
 F*.cIo»Miain^ 
 
 Battlf of 
 Tippe Canoe); 
 
 Y\ . Oiifitiinou 'A 
 
 Sf 
 
 aCuilipKllSMPll 
 
 Et.Harrisoii-pi 
 
 foVINCCNNES 
 
 
 r^ 
 
 Clnrksvillt'o,.,/^^ 
 
 ()!,,<, Kiv 
 
 K VS^^ 
 
Peace ProposaU. 12^ 
 
 number, aspailed them with hatchets and spears, killing them as 
 fast as their heads appeared above the railing. Still, the In- 
 dians, with desperate resolution, pressed against the deck of the 
 little schooner with increased force, apparently determined to 
 capture her at any sacrifice. Some of them had now clambered 
 over the railing and already gained the deck, when the captain, 
 wisely choosing death from explosion, to Indian torture, called 
 out— "Blow up the vessel!" Startled at this desperate resort, 
 the Indians leaped into the river, diving under the water as a 
 screen from the expected flying missiles of the exploded vessel, 
 while those in the canoes by her side pulled away in hot haste. 
 The Indians, not caring to be blown to pieces, made no farther 
 attempts to capture the vessel, and she reached the fort the next 
 morning. The captain and one of the crew were killed and four 
 others wounded. The six uninjured survivors, among whom 
 was Jacobs, the mate, as they appeared before Gladwin to relate 
 the circumstances of the encounter, bore the marks of its fierce- 
 ness on their garments, sprinkled as they were with the blood 
 of their foes, while their spears and hatchets were stained like 
 butchers' tools.* 
 
 The season was now so far advanced that that no farther sup- 
 plies or reinforcements could be expected till the next summer, 
 and the garrison must make the most of the provisions just 
 brought them by the heroic crew, though barely sufficient to sus- 
 tain them through the winter. Meantime, the Indians began to 
 run short of provisions as well as ammunition, and of the new 
 recruits who had recently swelled the ranks of Pontiac none re- 
 mained through the winter, while most of those who had borno 
 the brunt in besieging the place from the first, were compelled 
 by necessity to take to the distant forests for subsistence. Some 
 of these sent in treacherous peace proposals to Gladwin, who 
 accepted them for what they were worth, but placed no confi- 
 dence in their stability. Even Pontiac broke through the line 
 of his incarnate hatred to the English, sent a peace message to 
 Gladwin, and retired to the Maumee rapids to apend the winter. 
 Cuii.parative quiet thus restored, the garrison rested while they 
 watched through the succeeding winter. 
 
 *Faikmaa's Conspiracy of Pontiac, toI. I., pp. 320, 321. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 tt. Pitt Besieged hy the Indians — Fate of Fts. Presque Isle^ 
 Le Bmif, and Venango — Col. Bouquet marches to the Relief 
 of Ft. Pitt — Battle of Bushy Run — Gen. Amherst resigns 
 his position as Commander-in- Chief, and Gen. Gage is ap- 
 pointed his successor — Sir Wm. Johnson calls an Indian Con- 
 vention at Niagara — Gen. Bradstreet marches to the Relief 
 of Detroit — Col. Bouquet invades the Indian Country on the 
 Muskingum River — Holds a Council with the Indians — De- 
 mands the Rendition of Captives — Passionate emotions of 
 forest life — Preliminaries of Peace — Tue army returns to 
 the frontier settlements in Pennsylvania with 206 returned 
 captives. 
 
 On the head-waters of the Ohio the French and Indian war 
 began. It terminated in Canada, as far as the French issue was 
 concerned ; but the overthrow of the French armies brought the 
 Anglo-Americans into close relations with the Indians of the in- 
 terior, and on the head-watefs of the Ohio the two rival elements 
 met each other. Here stood Ft. Pitt, amid the desolations of 
 savage warfare. To the west, a continent spread out its vast 
 extent, yet unknown ; and even to the east, for one hundred and 
 fifty miles, the suvage foe had ranged the country in triumph, 
 and killed or led into captivity the hapless settlers along the bor- 
 ders of Pennsylvania and Virginia. More than a thousand fam- 
 ilies had fled before these merciless invaders, to save themselves 
 from the fate of the first victims of their vengeance. 
 
 Capt. Simeon Ecuyer, an able officer, of Swiss nationality, 
 held command of Ft. Pitt. Its garrison numbered 300 men. 
 During the interval between the close of the French and Indian 
 war and Pontiac's renewal of war on savage account, twenty or 
 thirty families had settled around the fort, under protection of 
 its guns ; but as soon as the war-whoop again rang through the 
 forests, the few Indian traders of the Ohio country who had es- 
 caped the tomahawk, took refuge within its walls, and with them 
 the families adjacent.* 
 
 • Loskiel, the Moravian historian, a co-worker of Heckewelder and Post, on 
 page 99, relates a plot of the Indians to capture the traders in the vicinity of San- 
 dusky, which challenges a parallel for audacity. The traders were told that the 
 
Ft. Pitt Attacked. 131 
 
 On the 22d of June, the first attack was made, bnt was evi- 
 dently premature in its conception. The fire was kept up througli- 
 ont the day and the succeeding night, killing two men in the 
 fort. The next morning, a parley ensued, in which a Delaware 
 chiaf, under the guise "of friendship, told Ecuyer that all the 
 western forts had been taken, and if he wished to save the lives 
 of his soldiers, af well as his women and children, he must leave 
 the fort at once and retreat to the English settlements ; other- 
 wise they would all be killed by the great army of Indians who 
 were marching against the place. Ecuyer thanked the chief for 
 his good intentions, to which he also retorted that as a friend he 
 would advise him to instantly retreat into the forests, as a large 
 English army were on their way to the place. This informa- 
 tion, gravely told as it was, nonplussed the chief, and the Indi- 
 ans betook themselves to the forest, thinking it might be true. 
 
 Four days after this riddance, there came to the fort a fugitive 
 from Presque Isle, bringing the first positive tidings of the pro- 
 gress of the war. The place had been taken, and all but him- 
 self killed, was the news he brought.* The same day, eight sol- 
 diers, almost dead with hunger, came in from Ft. Le Boeuf. The 
 whole number of their garrison was but thirteen, under charge 
 of Capt. Price. They had defended the place with heroic valor 
 till its walls were half consumed by the flames, when, by a se- 
 cret exit, they made their escape under cover of night, unbe- 
 known to the savages. Pushing their way down French Creek 
 to Venango, with the intention of helping to defend it, they 
 found the place already burnt to ashes, while the bones and half- 
 consumed flesh of its garrison, which lay scattered around, ad- 
 monished them of the fate they had escaped. Thence they con- 
 tinued their course down the Allegheny river, and finally reached 
 Ft. Pitt. 
 
 The next day, two more fugitives came in, who had lagged 
 behind for want of strength to travel, having been accidentally 
 separated from their companions. The fate of the three remain- 
 ing soldiers never became known. 
 
 Ft. Pitt, now severed from all communication with the outer 
 world, kept a vigilant watch for the foe, who was daily expected, 
 
 (ribes to the west were about to make war on the English, with the determination 
 to kill every one of them. ' This fate could be averted if the traders would be- 
 come their prisoner?, by which condition they could claim protection. Of course, 
 their arms must be given up ; and, to make the deception complete, they had bet- 
 ter be bound. The credulous traders consented, submitted their muscular limbs 
 to the thongs of the savages, when they were killed with little ceremony, and 
 their goods taken. 
 
 * This informer had fled before the fate of the garrison was known. Christie, 
 the commander, was taken a captive to Detroit, and soon escaped from custody 
 and joined Gladwin. The fate of the soldiers has never been brought to light, 
 leaving little doubt the* they were killed. 
 
1S2 Second Attempt to take the Fort. 
 
 but did not come till the 26th of July, when tlie adjacent woods 
 again became animated with warriors, tented outside of the 
 range of its guns, hungry for revenge. Before commencing hos- 
 tilities, tliey wished to hold a council. Shingis, the famous old 
 Delaware chief, was the orator, and the following is a part of 
 his speech: 
 
 "Brothers, we wish to hold fast the chair of friendship — that 
 ancient chain which our forefathers held with their brethren the 
 English. You have let your end of the chain fall to the ground, 
 but ours is still fast in our hands. Why do you complain that 
 ourycung men have fired at your soldiers, and killed your cattle 
 and your horses? You yourselves are the cause of this. You 
 marched your armies into our country and built forts here, though 
 we told you again and again that we wished you to remove. 
 
 "My brothers, this laud is ours and not yours. If you leave 
 this place immediately and go home to your wives and children, 
 no harm will come of it ; but if you stay, you must blame your- 
 selves alone for what may happen." 
 
 Ten years before, he had conferred with Washington on this 
 very spot, and had rendered him essential service when he came 
 to warn the French out of the country. Since that time, how- 
 ever, Shingis had been forced into an alliance with the French 
 by the war-cry of his tribe ; but since the peace with France, he 
 had again been an advocate for peace with the English, but, 
 withal, a tenacious defender of Indian rights. For this he chal- 
 lenges our respectful memory. 
 
 Ecuyer's reply to his inadmissible but not unreasonable re- 
 quest (if the savages had not forfeited their natural rights), was 
 unnecessarily harsh. He told him the forts were built for the 
 benefit of the Indians, to supply them with clothing and ammu- 
 nition, and threatened to blow him to pieces if he ever appeared 
 again before him. The chief, with accumulated feelings of re- 
 sentment, left the council with Turtle's-Heart and his other asso- 
 ciates, and immediately set about environing the fort. It occu- 
 pied a sharp tongue of land at the confluence of the two rivers, 
 which unite here. Its walls had been built by Gen. Stanwix in 
 1769, at so great an expense that it was regarded as a monument 
 of British power in the wilds of America, worth commemorating 
 in the archives of the British Museum, where drawings of it are 
 still preserved. Of course, any attempt of the Indians to take 
 it was rash ; but, nevertheless, they crept under its walls, along 
 the river, in the night, buried themselves in holes in the eartli, 
 like ground-hogs, and kept up a brisk but ineffectual fire on the 
 place for three days. Twenty of their number being killed, they 
 withdrew in the night, and the serenity of the fort was again re- 
 stored, as the Inst eclio of savage bedlam rang from the high 
 
Jiattle of Bv^hy Bun. 133 
 
 tank across the river. Only one man was killed lu the fort and 
 six wounded, among whom was Ecuyer slightly. 
 
 To send an army to the relief of the place, but more especially 
 to the relief of the border settlements, was the first pressing ne- 
 cessity, and Sir Jeffrey Amherst, whose headquarters were still 
 at New York, had already set about doing this in June, the pre- 
 vious month. He had formed too low an estimate of the power 
 of the Indians for mischief, and had been slow in his prepara- 
 tions to meet the emergency, but, fortunately for the country, . 
 the men employed in the service had made up in efiectivenesa 
 for the tardiness of the commanding general. 
 
 To Col. Boufjuet was given the command of the expedition for 
 the relief of Ft. Pitt. He was mi able Swiss officer, wiio had 
 served during the French and Indian war. In accordance with 
 his instructions, after leaving Carlisle, he took up his march for 
 Ft. Pitt, at the head of 600 men. Tiiis place reinforced, the 
 ■whole Pennsylvania border would be rescued trom the merciless 
 forays of the Indians. 
 
 On the 5th of August he arrived at a place called Bushy Run, 
 twenty-live miles from Ft. Fitt, and a less distance from the fa- 
 tal field of Braddock. Here he was attacked by an army of sav- 
 ages, about equal to his own in numbers, and it is not too much 
 to say that the annals of Indian warfare furnish no record of a 
 more sanguinary battle. For two days the contest raged. 
 ■Charge after charge was made by the Indians and repelled, till at 
 last the victory was decided by a retreat on the part of Bouquet, 
 by which timely piece of strategy the Indians, in their headlong 
 pursuit after what they supposed to be a defeated army, were 
 brought within a fiaidiing lire of Bouquet's veterans. A decisive 
 victory followed, and Bouquet reached Ft. Pitt on the 10th, with- 
 out further molestation. 
 
 Never did the red cross of St. George shine with more resplen- 
 dent luster than when, borne aloft by the triuin'diant victors, it 
 suddenly emerged from the forest path into the open glade that 
 environed the tort. The wounded soldiers were tenderly nursed, 
 and the garrison felt an assurance that no farther trouble need 
 be feared from the enemy. 
 
 The ne.xt spring Andierst resigned his position as commander- 
 in chief and Oen. Gage, a more practical man, was his succes 
 8or. However well he was qualified to command large bodies 
 of men, he had failed in the minor details of the late Indian cam- 
 paign. 
 
 While Gladwin had enough to do to keep his savage besiegers 
 from breaking over his frail defenses at Detroit, Amherst liad 
 ordered him to garrison the forts that had been taken at Michil- 
 mackinac and other places. lie further showed his mistake!i 
 notions of the situation by ofl;*ering a reward of one hundred 
 
134 Indian Council at Niagara. 
 
 pounds to any one who would kill Pontiac. Instructions to this 
 effect v/ere sent to Gladwin August 10th, 1763, * but there is no 
 evidence that he ever fulfilled the indiscreet measure ; had he 
 done which, the resentment of the Indians would have been 
 stimulated to a higher pitch than ever. 
 
 The borders of Virginia and Pennsylvania were still in the 
 breach, and it was determined to send an expedition into the in- 
 terior beyond the Ohio, to set at rest any future apprehension 
 of invasion. The command of it was to be given to Col. Bou- 
 quet. It was equally important to relieve Detroit, and an expe- 
 dition was to be sent for that purpose, under Gen. Bradstreet. 
 
 The mistaken policy of Gen. Amherst, by which he had re- 
 fused the offer of provincial troops for the service, had been suf- 
 ficiently demonstrated by the tardy progress of the war for the 
 past year, and it was now determined by Gen. Gage to raise a 
 sufficient force of colonial troops to make the two expedition* 
 planned for the campaign of 1764 a success. 
 
 On the 30th of May, the Pennsylvania Assembly passed a 
 resolution to raise 1000 men ; New York was called upon for 
 1400; New Jersey for 600; and New England for her propor- 
 tionate number. Virginia was only required to defend her own 
 borders ; but, besides doing this, she generously raised 300 men 
 to fill the deficiency of Pennsylvania deserters from the rank.'^ 
 after her quota had been filled for Bouquet's expedition. The 
 Quakers were the cause of this delinquency. They were in favor 
 of conciliation with the Indians, rather than war; but at the 
 same time there was a ruffian element in that State, whose per- 
 sistent practice in the other extreme went beyond the bounds of 
 humanity. Many peaceful Indians, against whom no evidence 
 of disloyalty could be brought, had been murdered by these 
 men.f 
 
 Of the two expeditions planned for the campaign of 1764, 
 Bradstreet's was ready first. Late in June, at the head of 1200 
 men, he started from Albany; thence up the Mohawk river he 
 took his course, crossed Oneida lake, and weat down the river 
 connecting it with Lake Ontario at Oswego. From this place 
 Ft. Niagara was soon reached. Here his boats were drawn up 
 the bank, and the whole army tented under the friendly guns of 
 Ft. Niagara. 
 
 Sir William Johnson had summoned a grand Indian council to 
 meet here, and the red delegations had already begun to assem- 
 ble. Even to the far distant tribes along the upper waters of the 
 Mississippi and on the Ottawa river of Canada, the trusty Indian 
 messengers of Johnson had carried invitations to meet the Eng- 
 lish Father at Ft. Niagara and listen to liis speech. Had thi» 
 
 •Bancroft, vol. V., p. 13a. f Loskiel ; Heel. o welder 
 
Bradstreet starts to Relieve Detroit. 1'>.5 
 
 convention been called the year before, no notice would have 
 been taken of it, and the messengers who carried the invitation 
 would have been lucky to have escaped alive from the Ottawas 
 or the Shawanese, and would have been received in no friendly 
 manner by any of the western tribes ; but now the situation was 
 changed. The war had been persisted in for over a year and the 
 Indians were nearly destitute of ammunition, as well as such 
 other elements of civilization as their fur trade for the past cen- 
 tury had rendered indispensable to their existence. Under this 
 duress, all the tribes of the country responded to the call, though 
 the Ottawas, Shewanese, Ohio Delawares, and Senecas, came 
 with reluctance. 
 
 The object of the council was to secure the friendship and con- 
 fidence of such as were wavering in their loyalty to Pontiae, and 
 these now constituted the majority of the entire Indian popula- 
 tion. Over two thousand warriors were present, all told. To 
 each tribe, Sir William, with consummate skill, addressed a few 
 words, calculated to turn their wills in favor of the English. A 
 judicious distribution of presents and a moderate dispensation 
 of tobacco and whisky did the rest. All that was expected now 
 being accomplished, the diiferent delegations separately with- 
 drew, and the tumult that had reigned around Niagara for weeks 
 finally died away, as the last savage band took up their march 
 for their distant lodges in the wilderness, each with an increased 
 respect for the English. 
 
 The way was now clear for the advance of Gen. Bradstreet's 
 army, and, reinforced by 200 friendly Indians and a few con)pa- 
 nies of Canadian French, he embarked from Ft. Schlosser, above 
 the Falls, on the 8th of August.* Coasting along the southern 
 shore of Lake Erie, in accordance with his instructions from 
 Gen. Gage to act against the Ohio Indians, he first landed at 
 Presque Isle. Here a delegation of Shawanese and Del iwarea 
 came to his camp with peace ))roposals. The occasion was un- 
 timely for a treaty, and the little band who proposed it by no 
 means represented the policy of their tribes. Bradstreet, how- 
 ever, waived the ordinary conventionalities of savage diplomacy 
 and made a treaty with them, based on the conditions that tiiey 
 should deliver up their captives. No harm could have come 
 from this, had the conditions been fulfilled ; but on the arrival 
 of Bradstreet at Sandusky, the place assigned for the delivery 
 of the captives, instead of doing this, the wily redskins amused 
 him further by promising to conclude a d^efinite treaty on his ar- 
 rival at Detroit. By this clever ruse, the Ohio tribes had avert- 
 ed the vengeance of the English for a time ; but ere long they 
 
 •Alexander Henry had been redeemed with other captives, after being taken 
 to Montreal, joined Bradstreet's army at Niagara, and returned as far as Detroit 
 with him. 
 
]8() • Peace Council at Detroit. 
 
 were destined to answer to another officer, and be forced to ful- 
 fill the conditions which as yet thev had evaded. 
 
 The summer was now well uigh spent, and Bradstreet took his 
 departure from Sandusky, and, continuing his ceurse along the 
 lake shore, arrived at Detroit, his final destination, on the 26th 
 of August. His force was too formidable for even the most hos- 
 tile Indians to think of attacking, and his passag^e up the river 
 was greeted with cheers from the Wyandots, who, the year be- 
 fore, had taken sixty captives from Cuyler's detachment, and 
 had doubtless eaten tlieir full share of the soup made of their 
 flesh ; but now they were ready to make peace, not because they 
 were at lieart better reconciled to the English, but because they 
 were unable to protract the war for want of means. 
 
 The garrison were in transports as boat after boat pulled up 
 to the landing opposite the fort, to supply their places with fresh 
 men. The tedium of fifteen months isolation from the freedom 
 of the surrounding country was now relieved. Confinement, 
 even in a palace filled with luxuries, soon becomes irksome. 
 The glitter of its garnished walls palls upon the senses — the 
 bounties of the loard cloy the appetite — elastic cushions lose 
 their comfort — and downy beds refuse rest. How, then, must 
 the heart of the soldier rebound when released from his pent-up 
 and comfortless barracks, and he is again allowed to go forth 
 without the fear of being shot by the first one he meets ? 
 
 After the first eflfusion of military courtesies was over, Brad- 
 street set about the business of the campaign ; but, in truth, 
 there was little to be accomplished. Pontiac, the moving sj)irit 
 of the war, was at the Maumee Kapids, surrounded by a sort of 
 forlorn hope of unrelenting spirits like himself, who were not 
 yet cultured into a submissive frame of mind. The year be- 
 fore, Pontiac's confidence in the ability of the Indians to drive 
 the English out of the country was unshaken ; now he was a fu- 
 gitive, and time was required to make a bridge of reconciliation 
 over the intervening chasm — or, in other words, to come down 
 to the practicable, and make the best of the situation. As ho 
 could not 3'et do this, he refused to attend a council to which he 
 had been invited by Bradstreet, to be held at Detroit on the 10th 
 , of September. The Ottawas were, however, represented by 
 Wasson, the chief who, in a fit of revenge, had slain the estim- 
 able Col. Can)pbell the previous year. The other belligerent 
 tribes, except the Delawares and Shawanese, were represented 
 by their respective chiefs ; but the convention, lacking the true 
 Indian spirit of reciprocity, was a tame affair. 
 
 Bradstreet demanded that they should become subjects of the 
 king of England and call him father, to which the Indians a»- 
 «onted, without comprehenaing the nature of the obligation. 
 \V ssnn made a speech that, but for its brevity, might have been 
 
Bouquef 8 Advance into the Indian Country. 137 
 
 uttered bj tlie Bishop of London: "Last year, God forsook us. 
 God has now opened our eyes. It is God's will our hearts are 
 altered ; it is God's will there should be peace and tranquility 
 t)ver the face of the earth and of the waters." Such were the 
 words of the sentimental savage, who appeals to have been the 
 orator of the day on the part of the Indians. 
 
 Wlien the council was over, Bradstreet sent a suitable force, un- 
 der Cupt. Howard, to take possession of and garrison the posts of 
 Michiliinackinac, Green Bay, and Ste. Marie — all of which was 
 accomplished without opposition. 
 
 He now started on his return, stopping at Sandusky on his 
 way, to enforce the fulfillment of the slip-shod treaty he had 
 made with the Shawanese and Delawares on his outward pas- 
 sage. These tribes, however, were too cunning to be easily 
 brought to terms. After wasting his time in procrastination till 
 the season was too far advanced for warlike measures. Brad- 
 street hastily departed, without securing the rendition of a single 
 captive or any other substantial marks of submission. For this 
 ineflScient conduct he was justly censured by Gen. Gage. 
 
 Let us now return to Ft. Pitt, from which the expedition un- 
 der Bouquet was to penetrate the savage realms of the Indians, 
 in places hitherto held sacred to barbarism, if the expression is 
 admissible. It had been the intention of Gen. Gage to have 
 Bradstreet at Sandusky, fighting tiie Wyandots and Delawares, 
 while Bouquet was attacking the Indian towns on the Musking- 
 um ; but this strategic co-operation miscarried, owing to the hin- 
 drances in getting the forces into the field, destined tor the inte- 
 rior service under Bouquet. It was not till the 5th of August 
 that Bouquet's army were ready. Carlisle was its place of ren- 
 dezvous. It consisted of the Pennsylvania provincials, 200 
 friendly Indians, and tlie 4'2d and 60th regiments of British reg 
 ulars. On the 13th the army reached Ft. Loudon. Here Gen. 
 Boquet received a despatch from Gen. Bradstreet, dated Presquo 
 Isle, August 14th, informing him of the treaty he had made at 
 that place with the Delawares and Shawanese ; but his quick 
 penetration readily saw that Bradstreet had exceeded his instruc- 
 tions in making the treaty, and that it had no binding force with 
 the Indians, and he pressed on with the campaign. 
 
 On his arrival at Ft. Pitt, ten Indians appeared on the oppo- 
 ^iite bank of the river, wishinir to have a talk with him; bnt 
 when boats were sent to ferry them over, only three ventured to 
 go. These not giving a consistent account of their good inten- 
 tions were detained as spies. On the 20th of September he 
 tested the fidelity of one of them, by sending him to the Dela- 
 wares and Shawanese, reminding them of certain hostile acts 
 they had committed since they had signed the treaty with Brad- 
 street. This message delivered, he was to proceed to Detroit 
 
138 Demands the Rendition of Captives. 
 
 and deliver another at that place ; in default of the faithful per- 
 formance of which, the two remaining comrades of the messen- 
 ger still in the custody of Bouquet, were to be put to death. 
 
 On the 3d of October all were ready, and the first white array 
 of Americans that ever penetrated the interior of the West took 
 up its march toward the heart of the Indian country. It num- 
 bered 1500 men, besides teamsters and a goodly number of 
 mothers whose children had been taken captive by the Indians, 
 while among the soldiers were not a few whose wives had been 
 abducted into savage captivity. On the 5th, the army reached 
 Logstown, the place rendered memorable as the spot where 
 Washington had held council with Half King eleven years be- 
 fore. On the 6th, continuing its course westwardly, it passed a 
 village built by the French and deserted by them when Forbes 
 took Ft. Duquesne. On the 14th, while encamped in the val- 
 ley of the Muskingum, the Indian messenger despatched 
 from Ft. Pitt with letters to Bradstreet, came in. He had 
 been detained by the Delawares till Bouquet's army had penetra- 
 ted the country, and, not desiring to keep him any longer, they 
 had despatched him back to Bouquet, to inform him that they 
 would soon send in peace proposals. 
 
 Bouquet wa3 now in the heart of the Inaian country, and could 
 easily descend upon the various Indian towns and destroy their 
 crops,, in case they should not comply with his demands. Of 
 this the Indians were well aware, and, on tne 17th, a large del- 
 egation of Seneca, Delaware, and Shawanese chiefs came iii 
 with peace proposals. The Delawares had violated their treaty 
 made with Bradstreet at Presque Isle, and were at their wits' 
 ends to know how to frame a plausible apology • but they made 
 the best of the situation, smothered tneir pride, and asked for 
 peace. To these overtures Bouquet, in stern language, reminded 
 t».e Indians of their treachery and of the feeling of just resent- 
 ment which filled the hearts of mothers, brothers, sisters, and 
 husbands of captives now in their possession. These aggrieved 
 relatives were on the spot to receive them; and he closed by 
 saying, "I give you twelve days to deliver into my hands, at 
 Wakiitamake, all the prisoners in your possession, without ex- 
 ception — Englishmen, Frenchmen, women and children, wheth- 
 er adopted in your tribes, married or living among you under 
 any pretense whatever, together with all negroes. And you are 
 to furnish the said prisoners with clothing, provisions, and horse* 
 to carry them to Ft. Pitt. When you have full" complied with 
 these conditions, you shall know on what terms you may obtaiu 
 the peace you sue for." 
 
 The day of humiliation for the Indians had now come, from 
 which there was no escape, and they made haste to do the bid- 
 ding of Bouquet. Eighteen captives were :.nmediately brought 
 
Rendition of the Captives. f8{> 
 
 in by the Delawares, and the other tribes made preparations to 
 falfil the required conditions, though tlie Sliawanese, in tlieir 
 despair, were tormented between hope and fear, and at one time 
 formed *he cruel resolution to kill all the captives in their hands, 
 under an impression that the English had come to destroy their 
 whole tribe. Happily, however, this mistaken idea was correct- 
 ed, and, on the 12th of the succeeding month, nearly all the 
 captives had been brought in, and the tinal conference was held, 
 a few miles distant from the place lirst appointed. 
 
 The number of captives brought in was 206, of whom 32 
 males and 58 females were from Virginia, and 49 males and 67 
 females from Pennsylvania. Many of them were children who 
 had never known any other but Indian mothers, and were in na 
 wise different from other children of the forest, except a slight 
 distinction in the color of the skin, and even this had been darkly 
 shaded by the sun and wind. They were now brought into the 
 presence of their own mothers, from whose breasts they had 
 been savagely torn during the French and Indian war ; and ma- 
 ny a mother's heart was filled with joy at the restoration of a 
 long-lost child, whose uncertain fate had, ever since its capture, 
 been a painful image of despair, relieved only by dreams of 
 hope. Other mothers, who looked in vain among the captives^ 
 for their lost cliildren, were doomed to a redoubled sense of grief, 
 as conviction was forced upon them that they bad fallen victims to 
 the tomahawk. No small amount of tender persuasion was re- 
 quired to reconcile the redeemed waifs to their natural mothers, 
 and, when the parting scene came, their adopted mothers gave 
 vent to tears and lamentations, which measured the depths of 
 their affection for these objects of their care. Among the youth 
 who still retained recollections of their native homes, many were 
 unwilling subjects of rendition. Some of them had to be bound 
 and brought in by force, and after they had been returned to 
 civilized society, took the first favorable opportunity to escape 
 from their kindred into savage life. 
 
 Among the adult captives, some of the young women had mar- 
 ried Indian braves, and were living in harmonious marital rela- 
 tions with their lords, contented to do the drudgery of the lodge 
 like good squaws. An example of fidelity on the part of a Min- 
 ^o chief to a young female captive from Pennsylvania, whom he 
 intended to make his wife, is recorded, which, in constancy and 
 devotion, ought to satisfy the most exacting coquetry of courtly 
 etiquette. With melting tenderness, he parted from the object 
 of his affections at the camp where the captives were received, 
 on the banks of the Muskingum, and, impelled by those emo- 
 tions that lovers can understand better than the pen of History 
 can describe, he hung about the camp, with no reasonable hope 
 of ever seeing her again, and every day brought some choice bit 
 
140 Return of the Army. 
 
 of food for her. Wlien the army of Bouquet withdrew, he fol- 
 lowed it all the way to the frontiers, continuing his daily supply 
 of choice game for the benefit of the mistress of his affections. 
 Had he entered the settlements, he would have been shot at 
 sight. Of this he was amply warned by the soldiers, and, just 
 before reaching them, he reluctantly lingered behind, while the 
 receding columns of the army that bore away his mistress van- 
 ished forever from his sight, when he retraced his long and lone- 
 some path to the wilderness lodges of his people. 
 
 Bouquet left his camp on the 18th of November, and arrived 
 at Ft. Fitt on the 2Sth. Here he left a garrison of regulars aad 
 withdrew with the volunteers and captives to the settlements. 
 The succeeding January, 1765, the Assembly of Pennsylvania 
 voted him a resolution of thanks for his efficient services. Vir- 
 
 finia did the same soon afterward. The next year he went to 
 'ensacola, where he died. 
 
 In vain may the records of progress in civilization be searched 
 for a parallel to the episode presented at the rendition of these 
 captives. Here two extremes came into rivalship with eacli oth- 
 er, unsiiackled by the influences which stimulate lazy intellects 
 and feeble purposes by emulation in the world of culture and 
 education. Savage life imposes no restraint upon the individual 
 except what might come from a loose estimate of social stand- 
 ing. A number of scalps taken from an enemy are essential to 
 the reputation of a warrior, and a bountiful supply of game se- 
 cures fame as a hunter. These honors are hedged in by no mo- 
 nopoly or intricate theories based on precedent, and it is no mar- 
 vel that the simple child of the forest, whether a renegade from 
 white settlements or an Indian, should stand appalled before the 
 labyrinthian mazes through which a high niche may be attained 
 in the great temple of civilization, and shrink from entering the 
 lists for rivalship for a place in this temple, which appears like a 
 sealed mystery to him. Under this forlorn duress, he buries 
 himself in the forest and studies the physical features of nature, 
 with no possible clue to its grander beauties revealed by science. 
 His wants are measured by nature's demands only — blind to 
 the imfathomable depths of educated longings for more. Eccen- 
 tric philosophy peculiar "o fnmtier life sometimes prefers the 
 savage state, rather than brook the ills of what, with no in.pro- 
 priety, may be called the loose screws in our civilization, which 
 time may tighten up and perfect the beneficent fabric held to- 
 gether by them, into a great leveler of all distinctions not based 
 on merit. 
 
 [Note. — Immediately after the return of Bouquet to Philadelphia, a book was 
 published, giving an historical account of his expedition, which had excited uni- 
 versal emotions of gratitude. It was reprinted in London by T. Jefferies, shortly 
 afterward, bearing date ol 1766. It forms the basis of the foregoing account.] 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 The Illinois Countrij — Slavery — The Lead Trade — LaClede^s 
 Grant — Ft. Charires — Settlement of St. Louis — Louisiana 
 ceded to Spain — The English under Major I^oftus., attempt 
 to penetrate to the Illinois Country hy icay of the Missis- 
 sippi — Are repulsed — Geo. Croghan — He advances to the 
 Illinois Country — Is taken prisoner — Is released — Holds a 
 Council with his Indian captors, and hrings them to terms 
 favorable to the English — Items from his Journal — The 
 Illinois Country taken possession, of by Captain Sterling 
 — Proclamation of Gen. Gage — Early Governors of the 
 Illinois Country — Pontiac in Council with Sir William 
 Johnson — He resigns his ambitious designs — His death 
 and its consequences — Chicago, the Indian Chief 
 
 At the extreme verge of settlements in the gx'eat Interior the 
 French villages of the Illinois country still nestled in quietude 
 among the vine-clad bluffs of the Mississippi. Ever since 1720 
 the lead mines of Galena had been worked by individual enter- 
 prise, in which branch of industry the Indians had been sharers 
 with the French. Philip Francis Reynault had been the |)rinie 
 mover in this trade; the same who in 1720 had introduced slavery 
 among the French inhabitants of Kaskaskia and the adjacent 
 villages, to work the mines under the impression that the coun- 
 try abounded in mineral wealth. The lead trade, besides the 
 trades in peltries and furs, had been turned toward Kew Orleans 
 since Fort Frontenac had been taken in 1758, during tlie height 
 of the late war, and now that it had terminated in despoiling 
 the French of all their American possessions east of the Missis- 
 bippi, except New Orleans, it was in the natural course of events 
 that they should by every means in their power exert themselves 
 to secure the trade of the Upper Mississippi to themselves, by 
 making New Orleans, which was still a French port, a com- 
 mercial outlet to the sea, for the still immense possessions of 
 France west of the Mississippi river. 
 
142 iSt. Louis /Settled. 
 
 "With this end in view, Pierre Ligueste La Clede, in 1763, 
 obtained a grant for trading in the upjier country, from M. D. 
 Abbadie, the French Governor of Louisiana, -which territory 
 embraced tlie entire country on the immediate west bank of tlie 
 Mississippi, of wiiich New Orleans, on the east bank, was the 
 metropolis. He immediately organized a company under the 
 style of La Clede, Maxon & Co., purchased a stock of goods, 
 and starting up the river, reached a small, missionary station 
 named St. Genevieve, on the third of November. Here he would 
 have fixed his headquarters, but as he could find no ])lace to store 
 liis goods, lie crossed the Mississippi and established himself at 
 Ft. Chartres. Though the place was still in French possession, 
 it M'as liable at any time to be shadowed by an English flag, ac- 
 cording to the treaty of peace, and to establish himself perma- 
 nently under French rule, he determined to lay out a town 
 on the west bank of the river, as a grand commercial center to 
 which the trade of the Upper Mississippi should tend. Every- 
 thing was made ready on t^jc fifteentli of February, 1764, and 
 this was tlie date Avhen the ground was first scarred for his trad- 
 ing post, where the city of St. Louis now stands. Shortly after- 
 wards, he laid <5ut streets from which began the great city whose 
 marvelous growth has found no rival in the whole interior, except 
 Oliicago; nor did its rivalship begin imtil a late period, even 
 witliin the memory of many of her present citizens. 
 
 Its name, after Louis XIV., is a monument grand as it is 
 enduring, of early French power in America. That the site was 
 well cliosen, her future greatness has proved. Here the hydraulic 
 furces of nature, if rivers may be called such, gather their tribu- 
 tary waters from the AUeghanies to the Itocky Mountains to a 
 common center, not distant from the site of the city, while below 
 the mouth of the Ohio, not a spot could be found above New 
 Orleans which could command extensive connections by naviga- 
 ble waters, with any large amount of territory. 
 
 Many of the inhabitants of the Illinois country crossed the 
 river and joined La Clede's settlement, in order to remain under 
 the rule of their native land, but, alas for their loyalty to the 
 Lilies! The French King had already, on November second, 
 1762, by the secret treaty of St. Ildetonso, ceded Louisiana to 
 Spain, and ere a year's residence, they were astonished by the 
 publication of the treaty which made them subjects of Spain — 
 a country which they despised. 
 
 When the news came, it was received in New Orleans with a 
 storm of indignation — tasking the utmost efforts of the officers 
 ■ of the French crown to suppress a rebellion on the spot, rather 
 than come under Spanish rule. Abbadie, the governor, was in 
 feeble health, and the universal discontent weighed lieavily upon 
 
English Repulse on the Mississippi. 143 
 
 him, when, as if to add to the ireneral turmoil, an importunate 
 dek'i^atiun of Indians came to him from Pontiac, begging assist- 
 anetT wlierewith to renew tlie war against tlie English. These 
 could not be tr.rned away without a respectful hearing which 
 was granted, and a softened rej^lv made by the amiable official 
 who survived tlie accunnilatcd agitation but two or three days, 
 passing away with his mind distracted by the vanishing fortunes 
 of French power in America. 
 
 The destinies of the immense interior, with its forests and 
 prairies, its rivers and its lakes, spread out in a mysterious ex- 
 panse on the face of nature, were now. by the fortunes of war, se- 
 <.-ured to the English; but how to take i)ussession of them was yet 
 a problem not fully solved. In 17(54 the English took possession 
 rif Florida by virtue of a treaty with Spain of the preceding 
 vear,* and from thence an English post was established on 
 Bayou Manchie, on the ]V[ississippi river. From the latter place 
 Major Loftus was ordered to push his way up the Mississippi 
 with a force of three hundred men, to take possession of the Illi- 
 nois country. 
 
 While laboring against the current on his way. with his lum- 
 bersome barges, he was suddenly attacked by the Tunica Indians, 
 who poured a volley of shot among his men, first from one side 
 of the river and next from the other, when he immediately 
 retreated to Pensacola; and the scheme of reaching the Illinois 
 coTnitry by the Avay of the Mississippi was indefinitely post- 
 ])oned, or rather substituted by a more direct apjjroach to it by 
 the way of the Ohio,f and up the Mississippi when it was leached. 
 This route would bring the English direct to Ft. Chartres, the 
 strongliold of the French, withi.ut a wilderness inarch among a 
 ]>eople whose love for them had become a passion. 
 
 *Diirinir the Amprican Revolution in 1781, the Spaniards wrested Florida 
 fnnn the Kii<jlish, and at the Peace of Paris in 1783, it was guaranteed to tliat 
 ]i(>wer, and retained till it was ceded to the United States by Spain, in 1818. 
 
 tin a letter from James Rivington, of New ^ ork. to Sir Wm. Johnson, dated 
 FeliniaiT 20. 1764, the tollowing passage occur^^. which is inserted to show the 
 furlorn eharacter with wliieli any att^nnpt to penetrate the Interior at tliattime 
 was regarded: " 'J'he 22nd Regiment, consisting of oflO Men under Majr. An. 
 Loftus, is gone up the !Mis,-<is?ipi to tiikv post lif they can I at Fort Chartres, in 
 I he Illinois Coun^- , Query, how viiany wdl return to give accounts of the 
 tho rest?" At th. ,^lose of the letter, speaking of Gen. Amherst, he says; 
 "The ship New Hope arrived from EngUiml on Saturday morning; in her came 
 an otticer who atKrms that there is an extreme gnat outcry against General 
 Amherst, wcl» is supported by all the army that served in America now in Eng- 
 land & that Col. Lee ot y^ 44th is now emploj'ing liimselt in writing upon the 
 conduct of that otKcer during his command in this country." 
 
 Mss. papers of Sir William Johnson: see Doc. Hist. N. Y., Vol. II., p. 809. 
 
 It evident that the glorious termination of the war was due more to the sol- 
 diers than to the leadership of Amhei-st, whose Procrustean rules were ill adapt- 
 od to bush ftghting. — [Author 
 
144 CrogharCs Expedition. 
 
 The situation was complicatetl by a triple combination of ad- 
 verse influences, and reqnired the utmost dit^cretion <jn the part 
 of those enti'usted with the service of overcominoj the obstacles 
 in tlie way of establishing^ En_i;lish authority in this remote 
 frontier, where a unanimous feeling went aprainst it. The year 
 before Pontiac had been th; re and exhausted his j>owers of sav- 
 age rhetoric to enlst the French in his desperate cause, and re- 
 new the attack on the English. The discreet St. Ange, who held 
 military command of the country, was at his wits' end to know 
 how to answer the importunate hero whose schemes were as im- 
 practicable as his popularity was universal, but by dint of much 
 circumspection managed to preserve his good fellowship with 
 the Indians by a very respectful demeanor towards Pontiac, 
 while he declined any aid to his cause. The irresponsible traders, 
 however, did not share this wise policy which would bring no 
 grists to their mill, whatever it might do for the public good; 
 for when the English came, they would have to either take a 
 subordinate interest under them, or quit their calling. Under 
 this contingency they did their utmost to inflame the minds of 
 the Indians against the English. 
 
 Even in those priniitive times commercial rivalship between 
 the northern route to the sea, by the way of the Ohio, in compe- 
 tition to the already established thoroughfare of the Mississippi, 
 was not without its influence, and a double precaution became 
 necessary in the next attempt to penetrate these outermost 
 bounds of French settlements, which had as yet enjoyed an unin- 
 terrupted peace during the past ten years of sanguinary war. 
 Sir William Johnson, who wf\3 Superintendent of Indian afiairs, 
 had in his emploj-^ an able ofiicer named George Croghan, who 
 acted as his deputy at distant points beyond his reach, and he 
 was selected by Gen. Gage as the fittest person known to advance 
 into the country still held by the French and influence both 
 them and the Indians in favor of the English, as a preparatory 
 ste]) to pave the way for the force which was soon to follow. 
 Fort Pitt was the place from which he was to embark on his 
 dangerous mission, but he was detained here a month to receive 
 the last installment of captives from the Shawaneese, which had 
 been promised to Bouquet the year before, and who could not be 
 delivered to him at that time on account of their absence on a 
 hunt. Meantime, inauspicious news came to hand frotn the in- 
 terior, which admonished Croghan that the sooner he arrived 
 among the conquered but vacillating subjects of the King in the 
 Illinois country, the less difiicult would be the task of reconcili- 
 ation. In his command was a celebrated frontierer named Era- 
 ser — the same who had pushed across the mountains in 1753, and 
 established a trading station on the Alleghany river. He vol- 
 
-'■"^ Ij& 
 
 
; 
 
 
 
 
 
Croghau Attacked and taken Prisoner. 145 
 
 tinteered to start in advance of Croo^han, as an emissary of Enn^lish 
 power at the place in question, and with a hardiliood seldom 
 equaled, pushed his canoe, with a few attenda*^ ts, down the Ohio 
 liver to Ft. Massac; tlience he made his way across the country 
 to the French villages of the Illinois country. He was well re- 
 ceived at first, but he had not remained long till the French 
 traders conspired to take his life by means of exciting the In- 
 dians against him, and would certainly have accomplished their 
 purpose, but for the interposition of Pontiac, who was there, and 
 W'hose potent influence was barely sufficient to save liim from 
 being tomahawked. 
 
 Early in May, true to their agreement, the faithful Shaw- 
 aneese brought in the promised captives, and delivered them to 
 Croghan at Ft. Pitt; and all things now being ready, he em- 
 barked on the 15th. 1765, with a few white com.panions and a 
 " number of friendly Indians," says his journal. 
 
 On the 19th, while on his way down the river, he sent a mes- 
 sage to the Shawaneese vi liases to order them to brins: tlie 
 French traders who were among them to the mouth of the 
 Scioto river, as they could no longer be suflered to trade there 
 without a permit from " His Excellency," Gen. Gage. On his 
 arrival at the place, which was on the 26th, -the Indians were 
 promptly on the spot with the traders, seven in number, for the 
 lesson Bouquet had taught them the year before was too in)pre8- 
 sive to be soon forgotten, and they dare not disobey. After de- 
 livering die Frenchmen into the custody of Croghan, they de- 
 clared that 1101 hing should be left undone on their part to con- 
 vince the English of their sincerity in the interests of peace. 
 Having satisfactorily arranged his official business with the sub- 
 missive Shawaneese, he proceeded on his way and arrived at the 
 mouth of the Wabash river on the 6th of June, where he made 
 a halt for some prudential ])urpose. 
 
 No English delegation had ever before penetrated so far down 
 the river, excej)t Eraser's ]>arty, and he soon found that the In- 
 dians in these deep recesses of the forest, had not yet been tem- 
 pered into that submissive frame of mind that had but recently 
 manifested itself among the Shawaneese. Here he remained 
 encamped till the Sth, when he was attacked at daybreak in tho 
 morning, by eighty Kicka{K)o and Muscjuatamie warriors. 
 
 Five of his men were killed, three of whom were his Shawa- 
 neese allies, and he liimself was slightly wounded. He had with 
 him an amount of gold scud silver, which, with hi? gctods, was 
 taken by his captors. The Indians were released, but Croghan 
 with his men were taken to VincxMuies. Thev arrived there on 
 the 15th. where was a French village of eigjity houses, and an 
 Indian village of the Pyankeshas close by. Here, for half a ccn- 
 
H6 Croghan Released. 
 
 tury, the two races had been living in loving relations with each 
 other in this wilderness, recluse under the dense shades of the 
 beech, sugar, oak and elm, forest trees that attain unusnal heights 
 in the rich bottoms of the Wabash, shutting out the rays of the 
 sun from the black alluvial soil. Here he found old acquaint- 
 ances among the Indians, who, aware of his official position, 
 Beverely reprimanded his captors,- though his journal does not 
 inform us that either the goods or money of which he had been 
 robbed were restored; but thou*;!! a captive, he was treated with 
 respect. Wishing to write to St. Any , who held command of 
 the Illinois towns, he applied to the French inhabitants of the 
 place for paper, which the}- gave him, but not till the consent of 
 the Indians had been ol)tained. After writing the letter and 
 dispatching it by an Indian messenger, his Indian friends, in 
 •whose custody he now was, conducted liim up the Wabash river 
 to Onatanon. arriving there on the 23d. Here he found more 
 Indian acniiaintances, who were very civil with the distinguished 
 captive. But on the tirst of July a Frenchman arrived from the 
 Illinois villages witli a belt and speech from an unrelenting 
 Shawaneese savage, who, instead of submitting to the peace his 
 tribe had made with Bouquet, had fled to tiiis distant post in the 
 vain hope that he was out of the roach of the English. The 
 substance of the speech was that the ])rir^oner should be burnt. 
 But instead of listening to such counsels they immediately set 
 him at liberty, with assurances that tl>ey despised the message. 
 Tiie liberated captive now held counsels with the various Indian 
 tribes of the countrv, including those who had ca^jtured him, 
 and obtained their consent for the English to take possession of 
 any posts in the country held by the I'rench. On the 18th he 
 get out for the Illinois villages, but on the way met an important 
 delegation of Six Nation and Shawaneese chiefs, among whom 
 was the distinguished Pontiac. The whole party now returned 
 to Cuatanon, and Croghan succeeded in explaining everything to 
 the entire satisfaction of all the chiefs, Pontiac himself not dis- 
 senting from the all-prevailing sentiment In lavor of submission 
 to the English. 
 
 It appears from various items in his journal tiiat some of the 
 inconsolable Frencli of the country had told the Indians that 
 the English intended to take their country from them and give 
 it to the Cherokees, but Croghan happily succeeded in dispelling 
 this mistaken apjirehension; and notwithstanding the unpropi- 
 tious beginning of his mission, it proved a decided success, and 
 owing to his able method of influencing the savage mind, lie 
 managed to turn his defeat to a good account, as the result of 
 that natural recoil which is shown alike in the savage and the 
 cultured mind, when inconsiderate and liasty action has gone be- 
 
Croghan'8 Journal. 1^7 
 
 yond the niediutn line of a jnst or a practicable policy. 1 
 now wrote to Gen. Gajye, Sir William Johnson, and Major Mi 
 
 Ho 
 
 [ur- 
 ray, who then held c<)nimand of Fort Pitt, informinsf them of 
 the pacitic temper of the Indian mind, and on the 25th set out 
 for Detroit, arriving there on the 17th of August. Here he met 
 two Frenchmen named Deqnanu and Waobicomica, with a depu- 
 tation of Indians from Sir William Johnson, as the hearers of 
 messages to Pontiac and the western tribes. Col. Campbell, who 
 now held command of Detroit, convened a council of various 
 tribes, whose representatives were already on the spot in obedi- 
 ence to council belts which had been sent to each tribe in the 
 country by Bradstreet the year before, while on his mission to 
 relieve the place from siege. 
 
 Complete submission to the English was the universal policy 
 now. The Miami Pyankeshas and Kickapoos begged t<> be 
 forgiven for the inconsiderate action of their young men, and 
 hoped their English Fathers would have pity on their necessities 
 and give them a little clothing and a little rum to drink on the 
 road, as they had con:e a great way. The "VVyandots asked for 
 no rum or any other favors, but with a commendable spirit of 
 etatestnanship, exhorted the western tribes to behave well 
 towards their "English Fathers, who had taken them under their 
 protection," and by so doing, become " a happy people; " that 
 "all nations towards the rising sun had taken tlieui by the hand, 
 and would never let slip the chain of friendship so happily 
 renewed." 
 
 The tbllowing items in the journal of Croghan are inserted 
 verbatim^ as no other words could be chosen of equal historic 
 value, to show the situation at that time: 
 
 "24th. AV^e had another meeting with the several nations, 
 when the Waweotonans; Tawightwis, Pyankeshas, Kickapoos, 
 and Musquatamies, made several speeches to Colonel Camj^bell 
 and me, in presence of all the other nations, when they acknowl- 
 edged themselves to be the children of the king of (ireat 
 Britain; and further acknowledged that they had, at Weotonan, 
 
 former fathers, to the English, now their present fathers; all 
 which they coniinned witli a belt. 
 
 " 2ijtli. AVe had another meeting with the same Indians, 
 when Colonel Canij)bell and I made them several speeches in 
 answer to theirs of the 23d and 24th. Then delivered them a 
 road belt, in the name of Sir William Johnson, 1 aronet, to open 
 a road from the rising to the setting of the sun; which we 
 charged them to keep open through their country, and cautioned 
 
148 Pontiac for Peace. 
 
 them to stop their ears against the stories or idle reports of evil 
 minded people, and continue to promote tlie good works of 
 peace; all which they promised to do in a most sincere manner. 
 
 " 2f)th. Colonel (;am])bell and I made those nations some 
 preschts, when, after taking leave of us, they set oft' for their 
 own country, well satistied. 
 
 "27th. AVe had a meetinij with Pondiac and all the Ottawa 
 tribes, Chippewas and Pottewaemies, with the llurons of this 
 place, and the chiefs of those settled at Sandusky and the Miami 
 river, when we made them the following speeches — " 
 
 The speeches are brief, an(' relate chiefly to their keepinij^ the 
 peace in sincerity and good faith. On the following day, or the 
 28th August, they had another meeting with the Indians, 
 when Pondiac made the following speech, which is worth pre- 
 serving, as coming from so celebrated a man: 
 
 " Father — We liave all smoked out of this pipe of peace. It 
 is your children's pipe, and as the war is all over, and the Great 
 Spirit and Giver of Light, who has made the earth, and every 
 thing therein, has brought us all together this day for our mutual 
 good, to promote the good works of peace, I declare to all na- 
 tions that I have settled my peace with you before I came here, 
 and now deliver my pipe to be sent to Sir William Johnson, that 
 he may know 1 have made peace, and taken the king of England 
 for my father, in presence of all the nations now assembled, and 
 whenever any of those nations go to visit him, they may smoke 
 out of it with him in peace. Fathers, we are obliged to you for 
 lighting up our old council fire for us, and desiring us to return 
 to it; but we are now settled on tlie Miami river, not far from 
 hence; whenever you want us, you will find us there ready to 
 wait on you. The reaso i why I choose to stay where we are now 
 settled is, that we love liquor, and to be so near this as we for- 
 merly lived, our people would be always drunk, which might oc- 
 casion some quarrels between the soldiers and our people. This, 
 father, is all the reason I have for our not returning to our old 
 settlements; and where we live is so nigh this ])lace, that when 
 v»-e want to drink, we can easily come for it. [(iave a large pipe 
 with a belt of wampum tied to it.] 
 
 "Father — Be strong and take ]nty on us, your child'-en, as our 
 former father did. It is just the hunting season of your chil- 
 dren. Onr fathers, the French, former!}' used to credit his chil- 
 dren, for powder and lead to hunt with. I request, in behalf of 
 all the nations present, that you will speak to the traders now 
 here, to do the same. My father, once more, I request that you 
 Tell your traders, to give your children credit for a little powder 
 and lead, as the support of our families depends upon it. We 
 have told you where we live, not far from here, that whenever 
 
Indian Proposals to Open Trade. 149 
 
 you want us, and let us know, we will come directly to you. 
 [A belt.] 
 
 " Father — Yon have stopped up the rum barrel, when we came 
 here, until the business of this meetini,' was over. As it is now 
 finished, we request you may open the barrel, that your children 
 may drink and be merry." 
 
 There were present at this treaty about thirty chiefs and five 
 hundred warriors. A list of the tribes is given, and the names 
 ■of the chiefs. Tiiis was the last ]mblic transaction, in which 
 Pondiac was eni^aged with the English.* 
 
 " 29th. A dej)iitation of several nations set out from Detroit 
 for the Illinois country, with several messages from me to the 
 Wyandots, Six Nation's, Delawares, Shawanees, and other na- 
 tions, in answer to theirs, delivered to me at AVeotonan. 
 
 " 80th. The chiefs of the several nations who are settled on 
 <)ual)acSe, returned to the Detroit, from the river Koche, where 
 they had been encamped, and informed Colonel Campbell and 
 me they were now going for their own country; and that nothing 
 gave them greater pleasure than to see, that all the western na- 
 tions and tribes had agreed to a general peace, and that they 
 »^hould be glad how soon their fathers, the English, would take 
 possession of the ])osts in their country, which had formerly been 
 in possession of their late fathers, the French, to open a trade 
 lor them; and if this could not be done this fall, they desired 
 tliat some traders might be st-nt to their villages, to supply them 
 for the winter, or else they wcjiild be obliged to go the Illinois, 
 to apply to their old fathers, the French, for such necessaries as 
 they might want. 
 
 " They then spoke on a belt, and said: Fathers, evervthing is 
 now settled, and we have agreed to your taking })osssession in 
 our country. We have been informed that the English, wherever 
 they settle, make the country their own; and you tell us that 
 when you conquered the French, they <;ave you this country. 
 That no difference may hap]>en hereafter, we tell you the French 
 never purchased a foot of our country, nor have they a right to 
 iiive it to you. AV^e gave them liberty to settle, and they 
 were always very civil to us, when they had it in their power; 
 but as they now are become your peojtle, if you expect to keep 
 those posts as your own property, we will expect to have equiva- 
 lent made us, for such parts of our country as you may want to 
 possess. [A belt.] 
 
 " September 2nd. The chiefs of the AVyandots, or Hurons, 
 <'.ame to me and said they had spoke last summer, to SirAVilliam 
 
 •An historical eiror of Hildroth. tlio ediUirof Crof^han's Journal. Pontiac at- 
 tttndetl a convention ;it ( tswcfio, tho next year, called by Sir William Johnson. 
 — [Arncorv 
 
150 The Ottawas and Chi/ppewas from Chicago Apologize. 
 
 Johnson, at Niao;ara, about the lands on which the French had 
 settled near Detroit, belonging to them, and desired I would 
 mention it again to him; that thev never had sold it to the 
 French, and expected their new fathers, the English, would do 
 them justice, as the French was become one people with us. [A 
 belt] 
 
 "4th. Pondiac, with several chiefs of the Plurons, Chippe- 
 was and Pottewatemies, likewise complained that the French had 
 settled part of their country, which they never had sold to them, 
 and hoped their fathers, the English, would take it into consid- 
 eration, and see that a proper satisfaction was made to them; 
 that their country was very large, and they were willing to give 
 up any part of it that was necessary for their fathers, the Eng- 
 lish, to carry on trade — provided they were paid for it, and a. 
 sufficient part of the country left for them to hunt on. [A belt.] 
 
 " 6th. The Saginaw Indians came here and made a speech on 
 a belt of wampum, expressing their satisfaction on hearing that 
 a general peace was made with all the western nations and with 
 Pondiac. They desired a little powder and lead, to enable them 
 to hui't on their way home, and a little rum, to drink their new 
 father Uiealth." [A belt.] 
 
 IS^. B. The transactions of the 9th and 11th are written with 
 such poor ink, and so faded, that they cannot be deciphered. 
 
 " 12th. Tlie grand sauton, and a party of Ottawas and Chip- 
 pewas, from Chicago, sent me word they would come in the 
 morning and see me. 
 
 " 13th. The grand sauton came, with his band, and spoke a* 
 follows: 
 
 " Father — You sent me a belt from the Miami, and as soon a.^. 
 I received it I set off to meet you here. On my way, I hea i 
 what has passed between you and the several tribes that met yo;: 
 here. You have had pity on them; and I beg, in behalf jf my- 
 self and the people of Chicago, that you will have ]uty on ua 
 also. It is true we, liave been foolish, and listened to evil re- 
 ports and the whistling of bad birds. We hmI jH'opie are a very 
 jealous people; and, father, among you whitt* )>e«iple there are 
 bad people also, that tell tis lies and de<*<'ive us, whicii has been 
 the occasion of what is past. I neeil not say much on this head. 
 I am now convince<l I have In'en wn»ng led for S4»me years past. 
 But there are ]>eople that have U'havttl worst* than I and my 
 people, and you have pardontii then . I hoj>e yon to do the 
 same to us, that our women and cli .ireii may enjoy the bless- 
 ings of peace, as the rest of our brethren, tlie red people; and 
 you shall be convince*!, by our future conduct, that we will he- 
 bave as well as any tribe of your children in this country. [A 
 belt] 
 
The Chicago Delegation Make Revelations. 151 
 
 "He then said, the St. Joseph Indians would have come along 
 with me, hut the English prisoner, which their fathers \vant from 
 them, was some distance off a-huntin*^. As soon as they could 
 get him, they would deliver him up, and beg forgiveness of their 
 fathers, as they did at present. 
 
 " 14th. I had a private meeting with the grand sauton, when 
 he told me he was well disposed for peace last fall, but was then 
 Bent for to the Illinois, wliere he met with Pondiae; and that 
 then their fathers, the French, told them, if they would be 
 strong, and keej) the English out of the possession of that coun- 
 try by this summer, that the king of France would send over 
 an army next spring to assist his children, the Indians; and that 
 the king of Spain would likewise send troops, to help them to 
 keep the English out of the country; that the English were a 
 bad people, and had a design to cut off all the Indian nations in 
 this country, and to bring the southern Indians to live and settle 
 there. This account made all the Indians very uneasy in their 
 minds; and, after holding a council among themselves, they all 
 determined to oppose the English, and not suffer them to take 
 possession of the Illinois; that, for his part, he behaved as ill as 
 the rest to the British otiicers that went there this spring; but 
 since, he has been better informed of the goodness of tiie Eng- 
 lish, and convinced the French told tliem lies for tiie love of 
 their beavers. He was nov/ determined, with ali his people, to 
 become faithful and dutiful children to their new fathers, the 
 English, and pay no regard to any stories the French should tell 
 him in future. 
 
 " loth. Colonel Campell and I had a meeting with the grand 
 sauton, at which we informed him of everything that has passed 
 with the several nations and tribes; and told him we accepted 
 him and his people in friendship, and would forgive them as we 
 had the rest of the tribes, and forget what was past, provided 
 their future conduct should convince us of their sincerity. After 
 which we gave them some presents for which he returned thanks, 
 and departed very well satisfied. 
 
 " 19tii. I received a letter from Colonel Reed, by express, ac- 
 quainting me of Captain Sterling setting out froiii Fort Pitt, 
 with a hundred men of the forty-second regiment, to take pos- 
 session of Fort Chartres, in the Illinois country. 
 
 " 20th. I sent off Aaron Andrew, express to Captain Sterling 
 at the Illinois, and with messages to the several nations in that 
 country, and those on the Ouabache, to acquaint them of Cap- 
 tain Sterling's departure from Fort Pitt for the Illinois country. 
 
 " 25th. The chiefs of the St. Joseph Indians arrived, and ad- 
 dressed themselves to Colonel Campbell and me, as follows: 
 
152 The St. Joseph Delegation Apologize. 
 
 " Fatliers — We are come here to see yon, althougli we are not 
 acquainted with you. We had a father, formerly, with whom we 
 were very well acquainted, and never differed with him. You 
 have conquered him some time aw; and when you came here 
 first, though your hands were all bloody, you took hold of us by 
 the hands, and used us well, and we thought we should be happy 
 with our brethren. But soon an unlucky difference happened, 
 which threw us all into confusion. Wliere this arose we do not 
 know, but we assure you we were the last that entered into 
 the quarrel. The Indians of this place solicited us often to join 
 them, but we would not listen to them. At last they got the 
 better of our foolish young warriors, but we never agreed to it; 
 we knew it would answer no end, and told them often, they were 
 fools, and if they succeeded in killing the few Engii'=^h in this 
 country, they would not kill them all, because we knew you to 
 be a great people. 
 
 Fathers — You have, after all that has happened, received all 
 the several tribes in this country for your children. We from 
 St. Joseph seem to be the last of your children that came to you 
 to beg mercy. We are no more than wild creatures to you, 
 fathers, in understanding; therefore we request you to forgive 
 the past follies of our young people, and receive us for your 
 children. Since you have thrown down our former father on his 
 back, we have been wandering in the dark, like blind people. 
 Now you have dispersed all this darkness, which hung over the 
 heads of the several tribes, and have accepted them for your 
 children; we hope you will let us partake with them the light, 
 that our women and children may enjoy peace. We beg you to 
 forget all that is past. By this belt we remove all evil thoughts 
 from your hearts. [A belt.] 
 
 "Tliey added further: Fathers — When we formerly came to 
 visit our fathers, the French, they always sent us home joyful, 
 and we hope you, fathers, will have pity on our women and 
 young men who ai-e in great want of necessaries, and not let us 
 go home to our towns ashamed. 
 
 " Colonels Campbell and Croghan made them a favorable an- 
 swer, and added presents of powder, lead, vermillion, clothing, 
 and two kegs of rum, ending the interview with these remarks: 
 
 "Children — I take this opportunity to tell you that your fath- 
 ers, the English, are gone down the Ohio from Fort Pitt, to take 
 possession of the Illinois, and desire you may acquaint all your 
 people of it on your return home; and likewise desire you to 
 stop your ears against the whistling of bad birds (meaning the 
 French), and mind nothing but your hunting to support your 
 fMuiilies, that your women and cliildreu may enjoy the blessings 
 V :' peace. 
 
Croghaii's Beports to Sir Wm. Johnson. 153 
 
 " 26th. I left Detroit and arrived, October 3d, at Niagara, 
 Here I met some Senecas with whom I had a meeting, and in- 
 formed them of mj transactions with the several nations, and 
 desired them to inform tlieir people of it on their return home, 
 which they promised me they would. 
 
 "October 11th. Set off from Niagara, and arrived the 17th 
 at Ontario, wiiere I met the Bunt and several sacliems of the 
 Onondagas, with wliom I had a meeting, and informed them what 
 had passed between me and the western nations. 
 
 " 19th. I set off from Ontario, and arrived at Fort Stanwix 
 the 21st." 
 
 Col. Croghan's Keport to Sir William Johnson, Supt. of In- 
 dian Affairs: 
 
 " Sir — Having now returned from the services I was sent upon 
 by his Excellency General Gage, namely, the obtaining the In- 
 dians' consent to our possessing the important posts at tlie Illi- 
 nois, I present your honor with a journal of my transactions 
 with the several nations and tribes in that country, for your pe- 
 rusal. 
 
 " In the situation I was placed at "Weotonan* with great num- 
 bers of Indians about me, and no necessaries, such as paper and 
 ink, I had it irot in my power to take down all the speeches 
 made by the Indian nations, nor what I said t^ them, in so par- 
 ticular a manner as I could wish; but hope the heads of them, 
 as I have taken them down, will meet your approbation. 
 
 " In the course of this tour through the Indian country, I 
 made it my study to converse in private with Pondiac and sev- 
 (iral of the chiefs of the several nations, as often as opportunity 
 served, in order to find out their sentiments of the French and 
 English. Pondiac is a shrewd, sensible Indian, of few words, 
 and commands more respect among his own nation than any In- 
 dian I ever saw could do among his own tribe. He and all 
 the principal men of those nations seem at present to be con- 
 vinced that the French had a view of interest in stirring up the 
 late difference between his majesty's subjects and them, and call 
 it a beaver war; for neither Pondiac, nor any of the Indians I 
 met with, ever pretended to deny that the French were at the 
 bottom of the whole, and constantly supplied them with every 
 necessary they w-anted as far as in their power. And notwith- 
 standing they are at present convinced that it was for their own 
 interest, yet it has not changed the Indians' affection for them. 
 They have been bred up together like children in that country, 
 
 *This name should be spelled Ouatanon. It is pronounced We-au-ta-non, 
 which doubtless was the cause ot Croghan's incorrect way of spelling it; he 
 probably never having seen it written. — Author. 
 
154 Croghan'a Report ContinuciA,. 
 
 and the French have always adopted the Indian customs and 
 manners, treated them civilly, and supplied their necessities fijeu- 
 erally, by which means they gained tlie hearts of the Indians^ 
 and commanded their services, and enjoyed tlie benefits of a 
 very advantageous fur trade. They well know if they had not 
 taken these measures they could not enjoy these advantages. 
 
 " The French have in a manner taught the Indians in that 
 country to hate the English, by representing them in the worst 
 light they could, on all occasions; in particular they have made 
 the Indians there believe, lately, that the English would take 
 tlieir country from them, and bring the Cherokees there to settle 
 and enslave them; which report they easily gave credit to, as the 
 southern Indians had lately commenced a war against them. I 
 had great difficulty in removing this suspicion, and convincing 
 them of the falsity of the report, which I flatter myself I have 
 done in a great measure. 
 
 " It will require some time, and a very even conduct in those 
 that are to reside in their coimtry, before we can expect to rival 
 the French in their affections. All Indians are jealous, and from 
 their high notions of liberty, hate power. I'hose nations are 
 jealous and prejudiced against us, so that the greatest care will 
 be necessary to convince them of our honest intentions by our 
 actions. 
 
 " The French sold them goods much dearer than the English 
 traders do at present. In that point we have the advantage 
 over the French, but they made that up in large presents to 
 them, for their services, whicli they wanted to support their in- 
 terest in the country; and although we want none of their ser- 
 vices, yet they will expect favors, and if refused, take it in 
 a bad light, and very likely think it done to distress them, for 
 some particular advantage we want to gain over them. They 
 are by no means so sensible a ■people an the Six Nations, or 
 other tribes this way; and the French, for their own advantage, 
 have learned them a bad custom; for, by all I could learn, they 
 seldom made them any general present, but as it were, fed them 
 with necessaries just as they wanted, tribe by tribe, and never 
 sent them away empty, which will make it difficult and trouble- 
 some to the gentlemen that are to command in their country, for 
 some time, to please them and preserve peace, as they are a rash, 
 inconsiderate people, and do not look on themselves as under any 
 obligation to us, but rather think we are obliged to them for 
 letting us reside in their country. 
 
 "As far as lean judge of their sentiments, by the several 
 conversations I have had with them, they will expect some sat- 
 isfaction made them by us, for any posts that may be established 
 in their country for trade. But you will be informed better by 
 
Tthe Illinois Gountnj Under the English. 155 
 
 themselves next spring, as Pondiac and some chiefs of every 
 nation in that country, intend to pny you a visit. 
 
 " The sevenil nations on the Ouabache and towards the Illi- 
 nois, St. Josephs, Chicago, La Baye, Saginaw, and other places, 
 have ajiplied for traders to be sent to their settlements. As it 
 was not in the power of any officer to permit traders to ^o from 
 Detroit, or Michillimackinac, either English or French, I am of 
 the opinion the Indians will be supplied chietly this year from 
 the Illinois, which is all French property; and if trading posts 
 are not established at proper places in that country soon, the 
 French must carry the best part of the trade over the Missis- 
 sippi. This they are determined to do, if they can; for I have 
 been informed that they are preparing to build a strong trading 
 fort on the other side of the Mississippi, about sixty miles above 
 Fort Clartres, and have this summer, in a private manner, trans- 
 ported twenty-six pieces of small cannon up the river for that 
 purpose. 
 
 "1 am with great esteem and regard, your honor's most obe- 
 dient and most humble servant, 
 
 "GEO. CROGIIAK 
 " To the Honorable Sir William Johnson, General, his Majesty's 
 
 soki agent for Indian aftairs." 
 
 '?>; - ,j|;p>. ijas no date, but was probably written soon after 
 Co ..ghan's arrival at Fort Stanwix, which was October 
 
 2a' ct asj it is attached to his journal of transactions. 
 
 in ice \vith the original plan, as soon as the success of 
 
 Crogh. fcsion became knovMi, the military commission 
 
 which Was to follow it, embarked from Ft. Pitt in the autumn 
 of the ?^nio year — 1765. It consisted of about 120 men from 
 the 42d Regiment of Iliglilanders, under Capt. Sterling. They 
 arrived at Ft. Chartres, by the way of the Ohio and the Missis- 
 sippi rivers, late in the autumn, and for the first time, the Lilies 
 of France fell from the flairstaff, and the Cross of Saint Georjre 
 rose in its place on the banks of the Mississippi. This was the 
 last official act in the great drama which had despoiled France 
 of her transcendent aspirations on the American continent. 
 
 Note. — Col. Crojrhan's journal has besn published in the last edition of 
 Butler's History of Kentucky, but is not as correctly rendered as in Hiidredth's 
 Pioneer History, from which the foregoingr is taken. He took it from the orig- 
 inal raanuscript preserved among Col. Morgan's papers, who was subsequenUy 
 appointed Indian Agent. 
 
156 Gen. Gage^s Proclamation. 
 
 The following proclamation from Gen. Gage was issued by 
 Capt. Sterling, on his arrival: 
 
 " Whereas, by the peace concluded at Paris, on the 10th of 
 February, 1763, the country of the Illinois has been ceded to 
 his Brittanic majesty, and the taking possession of the said 
 country of the Illinois by the troops of his majesty, though de- 
 layed, has been determined fipon, we have found it good to 
 make known to the inhabitants — 
 
 " That his majesty grants to the inhabitants of the Illinois 
 the libert}"- of the Catholic religion, as it has already been 
 granted to his subjects in Canada; he has consequently given 
 the most precise and eft'ective orders, to the end that his new 
 Roman Catholic subjects of the Illinois may exercise the worship 
 of their religion, according to the rites of the lioman church, 
 in the same manner as in Canada; 
 
 " That his majesty, moreover, agrees that the French inhabi- 
 tants, or others, who have been subjects of the most christian 
 king, may retire, in full safety and freedom, wherever they 
 please, even to jS^ew Orleans, or any other part of Louisiana, 
 although it should happen that the Spaniards take possession of 
 it in the name of his Catholic majesty; and tliey may sell their 
 estates, provided it be to subjects of his majesty, and transport 
 their effects, as well as their perr^ons, without restraint upon 
 their emigration, under any pretense whatever, except in conse- 
 quence of debts or of crimiiuiJ process; 
 
 "That those who choose to retain their land? and become sub- 
 jects of his majesty, shall enjoy the same rights and privileges, 
 the same security for their persons and effects, and liberty of 
 trade, as the old subjects of the King; 
 
 "That they are commanded, by these presents, to take the 
 oath of fidelity and obedience to his" majesty, in presence of 
 Sieur Sterling, captain of the Highland regiment, the bearer 
 Iiere(>f. and furnished with our full ])owers fortius purpose; 
 
 ''That we recommend forcibly to the inhabitants, to conduct 
 tliemselves like good and faithful subjects, avoiding by a wise 
 and prudent demeanor all cause of comjtlaiiit against them; 
 
 "That they act in concert with his majesty's officers, so that 
 his troops may take peaceable possession of all the posts, and 
 order be kept in the country; by this means alone they will spare 
 his majesty the necessity of recurring to foice of arms, and will 
 find themselves saved from the scourge of a bloody war, and of 
 ail the evils which the march of an army into their country 
 would draw after it. 
 
 " We direct that these presents be read, published, and posted 
 up in t)je usual places. 
 
Early Governors of the Illinois Country. 157 
 
 • " Done and i^nvcn at Head-Quarters, New York. Signed with 
 our lian i. sealed with our seal at arms, and countersigned by 
 our Secretary, tliis BOtli December, 1704. 
 
 "THOMAS GAGE, [l. 8.] 
 *' By His Excellency, 
 
 G. Maturin." 
 
 Tliis proclamation quieted the apprehensions of the French, 
 Bonie of whom had fled to St. Louis on the arrival of the Eng- 
 lish. Capt. Sterling died three months after his arrival, and 
 earlv the next spring the English troops went down the Missis- 
 sippi, and took a vessel from Pensacola for Philadelphia, arriv- 
 ing there on the 15th of June, leaving the place without a gar- 
 rison.* 
 
 Major Frascrf succeeded Captain Sterling as military governor, 
 who, after a short term, was succeeded by Col. Heed. The latter 
 made himself odious to the French inliai)itants by an oppressive 
 system of legislation, ill-suited to the former subjects of the 
 benevolent St. Ange. The next in command was Col. Wilkins, 
 who arrived at Kaskaskia Se]>tember 5th, 1768. On the 21st of 
 November following, he recived orders from Gen. Gage to 
 establish a court of justice Seven judges were immediately 
 appointed and the first English court ever convened in Illinois, 
 held its sessions at Fort Chartres, December 0th, 1708. It is 
 not known how long "Wilkins remained in office, or what Eng- 
 lish governor succeeded him. It is known, however, that St. 
 Ange returned from St. Louis, and again acted as Governor of 
 Illinois, after having acted in a similar ca])acity over the Spanish 
 town across the river.ij: 
 
 Pontiac attended the great Indian Peace Council, convened at 
 Oswego in 1700, by Sir William Johnson, agreeable to his 
 promise made to Croghan at Detroit. 
 
 Here with eloquence he resigned his mighty ambitions to the 
 "will of the Great Spirit, who had decreed that his race should 
 be friends to the English," and i>ut the seal of sincerity upon his 
 words, with a large belt of wampum. Leaving the council he 
 started in his canoe for his home on the Maumee, loaded with 
 presents from Johnson to take to his wives. Three years later 
 he appeared in St. Louis, clad in the full uniform of a French 
 officer, which had been presented him by the celebrated Montcalm 
 ten years before. Thus accoutered, he crossed over to the Illinois 
 
 •Col. Records of Pa.,Vol. IX., p. 818. 
 
 |-l?otli Peck and Rrown crronoo 
 should bu Frasor, the hiuuu wh 
 
 ^Reynold's Hist, of HI., p. 60. 
 
 tHotli Peck and Rrown crronoously pive this commandant's nameaa Farmer. 
 It should bu Frasor, the hiuuu who first advanced to the plivce Irom Ft. Pitt. 
 
158 Death of Pontiac. 
 
 shore to attend asocial gathering at Cahokia. Here he joined in 
 the tumultuous gaiety of frontier life, to which the whisky bottle 
 contributed its full measure of influence. He soon became intox- 
 icated, when a miscreant of the Illinois tribe stealthily crept up 
 behind and despatched him with a hatchet, St. Ange, at this 
 time Governor of St. Louis, conveyed his body over the river and 
 buried it with the honors of war, beside the fort. 
 
 A barrel of whisky was the reward which the assassin received 
 for the bloody deed, and an English fur trader, named William 
 son, was the infamous giver and instigator of the disgraceful work, 
 probably under an impression that he had lionized himself in the 
 estimation of the English, whose rule had but recently begun 
 here. The Illinois tribes approved the act under a similar mis- 
 apprehension, but they soon paid dearly for it. The northern 
 tribes, to whom the name of Pontiac was still dear, were stung to 
 madness and nearly exterminated them in the fearful vengeance 
 which was soon visited upon their heads. The horrors of Starved 
 Rock grew out of this vengeful war; where, as tradition has it, 
 a large band of Illinois took refuge for safety, but were hemmed 
 in on all sides till the whole band died with the lingering torments 
 of starvation. 
 
 The Illinois tribes never recovered from this blow, especially as 
 their potent allies, the French, could no longer ]^rotect them as 
 they had done ever since 1685, in thedaysof LaSalle andTonty,a 
 
 feriod running through three generations. In 1730, when the 
 llinois tribes Mere in their glory under their alliances with the 
 French. I). Artagutte, the dashing Canadian, applied to them for 
 assistance in their war a-j-ai nst the Chickasaws, in the far-off rev mis 
 of the present State of Mississippi, between whom and the I" h 
 of New Orleans a sanguinary war was raging. 
 
 Chicago, the sapient chief, who was named long after the Chi- 
 cago portage, was known by the same honorable appellation, en- 
 tered heartily into D. Artugette's plans, and at the head of 500 
 braves followed him to the country of the Chickasaws, where they 
 were to join their force to that of Bienville, to act in conjunction 
 against the formidable enemy. Bienville failed to resvch the des- 
 tined place ap]>o in ted foi- tlie junction, but th ) undaunted Illinois, 
 with the fifty French soldiers who accitinj)! 't'd them, led on by 
 Artagutte, succeeded in taking two Cliicka.-.aw forts, but on at- 
 tacking tlie third and last, Antaguttc fell wounded, and was taken 
 prisoner. Thus repulsod, Chicago led his men hack to the Illinois,* 
 and the victorious Chickasaws l)ore in triumph savage trojdiies of 
 their victory to Oglethorpe, the Governor of Georgia, witli whom 
 tliey were in alliance. 
 
 ♦Monettos Miss. Val. Vol. I., P. 286, 287. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 The English attemjpt to prevent Settlements beyond the Ohio 
 Jiiver — Early Gomvievclal Policy — The Northwest An- 
 nexed to Canada— Battle of Point Pleasant — Logan — Rev- 
 ohitlonary Sentiments on the Frontier — Girty, Elliot and 
 McKee — The Continetital Congress — The Issue among the 
 Indians — Expeditions against St. Joseph^— George liogers 
 Clark' — His Expedition against the Illinois Country and 
 Vincennes — Indian Council at Cahohia — Father Gibatdt— 
 Francis Vigo — War Declared Bet\ceen England and. Spain 
 — Its effect on the Illinois Country. 
 
 With nations as with individuals, a sudden accumulation of 
 power or wealth bewilders the senses at first, till time can reduce 
 the accelerated force applied to the driving wheels, or, in other 
 words, restore tranquility to the overstimulated brain. Thou»h 
 England has never been conspicuous for such infirmities, yet she 
 was not proof against them, and when her crown became enriched 
 by the acquisition of the Valley of the Mississippi, her first de- 
 termination was to prevent any settlers from ap])roj>riating any 
 part of the acquired territory, and to this end King George III 
 issued the following instructions : 
 "Gkokgi:, K 
 
 [l. s.] Instructions to our well beloved John Penn, Esquire, 
 Lieutenant Governor of our Province of Pennsylvania, in Amer- 
 ica, given at our Court of St. James, the 21th day of October, 
 1765, in the Fifth year of our Reign, 
 
 Whereas, it hath been represented unto us that several persons 
 from Pennsylvania and the back settlements of Virginia have 
 iiii^jrated to the Avestward of the Alleghany mountains, and these 
 have seated themselves on lands contiguous to the river Ohio, in 
 express disobedience to our Royal Proclamation of October, 1703, 
 it 13 therefore our Will and Pleasure, and you are hereby slrictly 
 enjoined aiul required to use your best endeavours to suppress 
 such unwarrantable proceedings, and to put a stop to these and 
 
160 The Northwest Annexed to Canada. 
 
 other the like encroachments for the future, by causinf]^ all per- 
 sons beloiiginj? to the province under your i^overnnient wlio have 
 thus irreijularly seated themselves on Lands to the westward of 
 the Alleghany mountains immediately to evacuate those settle- 
 ments, and that you do enforce, as far as you are able, a more 
 strict obedience to our commands signitied in Our Said Royal 
 Proclaination, and provide against any future Violence thereof." 
 
 What ambitious end Encrjand had in view throu^rh tJiis im- 
 practicable scheme has never been brouglit to light, but it is no 
 f'ar-fetclied deduction, that in her overweening care to provide for 
 her nobility by i)irth, as well as those knighted for services to the 
 State, she intended to parcel out the tairest portions of the 
 acquired territory for their benefit. But if such a dream had 
 ever entered the brail of any loyal representative of English 
 power, the illusion was soon dispelled by the wide-spread and 
 irre]>ressible pioneei spirit of her Colonial subjects along the 
 Atlantic coast. Had these been tempered after the pattern of 
 the Canadian French, such a scheme could have been made a 
 success, but destiny never decreed them to become the willing 
 instruments of their own subordination to any power above that 
 of their own creation, and the allurements of the forest soon be- 
 came irresistible to the ambitious spirits of young Anglo-Saxon 
 blood, chafing to distinguish themselves by a bold push into the 
 wilderness. 
 
 Spain now held Louisiana, wiiich consisted of New Orleana 
 and the west bank of the Mississippi, and an effort to bring the 
 trade of the Illinois country into northern channels was now 
 contemplated by General Gfige and Sir William Johnson, who 
 together represented the head-centre of political power.f But 
 the extra expense of transportation by the northern routes pre- 
 sented insurmountable obstacles in the way, and was destined still 
 to do so for the next halt-century. 
 
 ^Meantime, the American Revolution was beginning lo cast its 
 shadow before its coming, even on the extreme bortlers of Vir- 
 ginia and Pennsylvania, and clearly manifested itself in the 
 English ]H)licy with the Indians. Wliile these issues were com- 
 ing to the surface, the French towns of the Illinois again reposed 
 in (jiiietiide. 
 
 On the 2nd of June. 1774, the British Parliament pacsed an 
 act which extended the limits of Caiuuia, so as to include all the 
 
 •Note. — Besides Hie Royal Proclamation rof-'rrc 1 to above in ITS'), aPrnrla- 
 mation w^is issnpil by (iov. Cinge as late as 177J. of similar import, which may 
 be found i* Dillon's Ind. p. ^<('). The proclamation to Gov. Penn here quoted is 
 taken from Tlie Colonial Records of Penn. Vol. IX, p. 331. 
 
 fDoc. Hist. N. Y., Vol. II, pp. 340-342. 
 
Battle cf Point Pleasant. 161 
 
 territory north of the Ohio Eiver to the lakes. This extraor- 
 dinary measure was regarded by the English Colonies as a bid 
 for Canadian loyalty, in the event of an open rupture. But it 
 was soon followed by other British measures, which gave con- • 
 vincing proofs that in such an event the British intended to 
 make the most out of an alliance with the Indians that their 
 services could bring to the cause. 
 
 Early in 1773, Lord Dunmore, the last Colonial Governor of 
 Virginia, withdrew the troops from Fort Pitt. The next year, 
 owing to some cold-blooded and unprovoked murders, committed 
 by Cresap, Greathouse and otliers against peaceable Indians, 
 the war-whoop again rung along the border, and a large army was 
 raised to protect the frontier against the exasperated savages. 
 A large detachment of it were ordered to advance down the Oliio 
 river, under command of Col. Lewis. Beaching Point Pleas- 
 ant, at the mouth of tlie Kanhaway, wliile the army lay en- 
 camped, October 10th, 1774, it was attacked by a heavy force of 
 Indians, under the celebrated Chiefs Cornstalk, Bed Hawk and 
 Logan. The battle raged from sunrise to one o'clock with un- 
 Hinching courage on both sides. The loss of tlie Avhites was 
 double that of the Indians, but the desperate resolution of the 
 former finally prevailed, and the Indians, mostly Shawanese, 
 withdrew during the succeeding night. 
 
 The family of Lo^an were among the murdered victims of 
 Cresap, which fired the resentment of the hitherto peacable hero 
 to desperation, and drew from him the speech that gave him im- 
 perishable fame. 
 
 The following extract from the American Pioneer^ gives the 
 speech verbatim, together with the circumstances coimected with 
 its immediate rece})tion: 
 
 "In the spring of the year 1774, a robbery was committed by 
 Bome Indians on certain land adventurers on tlie rivei Oliio. 
 The whites in that quarter, according to their custom, undertook 
 to punish this outrage in a suinmary wa}-. Captain Michael 
 Cresap, and a certain Daniel Greathouse, leading on tliese par- 
 ties, surprised, at different times, traveling and hunting parties 
 of the Indians, having their women and children with them, and 
 iijurdered many. Among these Avere unfortunately the family 
 of Logan, a chief celebrated in peace and war, and long distin- 
 guished as the friend of the whites. This unworthy return pro- 
 vo'ked his vengeance. He accordingly signalized himself in the 
 war which ensued. In the autumn of the same year a decisive 
 battle was fought at the mouth of tiie Great Kanhaway, between 
 tlie collected forces of the Shawanese, Alingoes, and Delawares, and 
 a detachment of the Virginia militia. The Indians were de- 
 feated and sued for peace. Logan, however, disdained to be seen 
 
162 Logan 8 Speech. 
 
 among the suppliants. But lest the sincerity of a treaty should 
 be disturbed, from which so distiuijuished a chief absented him- 
 self, he sent, by a messenger, the following speech to be delivered 
 to Lord Duninore. 
 
 " ' I appeal to any white man to say, if ever he entered Lo- 
 gan's cabin hungry-, and he gave him not meat; if ever he came 
 cold and naked, and he clothed him not. During the course of 
 the last long and bloody war, Logan remained idle in his cabin, 
 an advocate for peace. Such was my love for the whites, that 
 my countrymen pointed as they passed, and said, ' Logan is the 
 friend of white men.' I had even thought to have lived with 
 you, but for the injuries of one man. Colonel Cresap, the last 
 spring, in cold blood, and unprovoked, murdered all the relations 
 of Logan, not even sparing my women and children. There 
 mns not a drop of my blood in the veins of any living creature. 
 This called on me for revenge. I have sought it; I have killed 
 many; I have fully glutted my vengeance: for my country I re- 
 joice at the beams of peace. But do not harbor a thought that 
 mine is the joy of fear. Logan never felt fear. He will not 
 turn on his heel to save his life. Who is there to mourn for Lo- 
 gan ? Not one.' " 
 
 Mr. Jefferson wrote his Notes on Virginia, as he states, in 
 1781-2. They were first published in Paris, and afterwards in the 
 United States. In 1797, great excitement was raised against 
 him by the Cresap interest, in which it was, among other tilings, 
 insinuated that he wrote the speech himself. Mr. Jefterson de- 
 fended himself in an appendix to his Notes. 
 
 The Indian towns were now at the mercy of the victors, espe- 
 cially when the main body advanced across the Ohio, under 
 Duninore himself. But instead of pushing the defeated Indians 
 to extremities, he convened a council and made peace with them 
 on generous terms. 
 
 At Fort Gower, near the mouth of the river Hockhocking, 
 on the 5th of November, 1774, the officers of Dunmore's army 
 held a meeting, at which one of them spoke as follows: — "Gen- 
 tlemen: Having now concluded the campaign, by the assistance 
 of Providence, with honor and advantage to the colony and our- 
 selves, it only remains that we should give our country the 
 strongest assurance that we are ready at all times, to the utmost 
 of our power, to maintain and defend her just rights and privi- 
 leges. We have lived about three months in the woods, without 
 any intelligence from Boston, or from the delegates from Phila- 
 delpliia.* It is possible, from the groundless reports of design- 
 ing men, that our country may be jealous of the use such a 
 
 * The Continental Conf^'^ss, which convened on the 5th September, 1774. 
 
I'he American devolution Begins. 163 
 
 body would make of anus in their hands at this critical junc- 
 ture. That we are a respectable body is certain, when it is con- 
 sidered that we can live weeks without bread or salt; that we 
 can sleep in the open air, without any covering but that of the can- 
 opy of heaven; and that our men can march and shoot with any in 
 the known world. Blessed with these talents, let us solemnly en- 
 gage to one another, and our country in particular, that we will 
 use them to no purpose but for the honor and advantage of 
 America in general, and of Virginia in particular. It behooves, 
 ns, then, for the satisfaction of our country, that we should give 
 them our real sentiments, by way of resolves, at this very alarm- 
 ing crisis." The following resohitions were then adopted by the 
 meeting, without a dissenting voice, and ordered to be published 
 in the Virginia Gazette. 
 
 ^^Jiesolved, That we will bear the most faithful allegiance to 
 his majesty. King George the Third, while his majjesty delights 
 to reign over a brave and free people; that we will, at the ex- 
 pense of life and everything dear and valuable, exert ourselves 
 in support of the honor of his crown, and the dignity of the 
 British Empire. But as the love of liberty, and attachments 
 to the real interests and just riglits of America, outweigh every 
 other consideration, we resolve that we will exert every power 
 within us for the defense of American liberty, and for the sup- 
 porting of her just rights and privileges; not in any precipitate, 
 riotous, and tumultuous manner, but when regularly called forth 
 by the unanimous voice of our countrymen." 
 
 These words may be taken as a representative type of the back- 
 woods feeling which two years later declared itself in an open 
 declaration of Independence, but yet there were among these 
 headstrong borderers a few men, intensiiied in their hatred to 
 civilized society, who cast their lot among the Indians as a choice, 
 and allied thenir^elves to the English cause, not from principle, 
 but as a means wherewith to ventilate their spite against any- 
 thing that stood in the way of their low-bred ambition. Simon 
 ^ji*ty; George Elliot and Alexander McKee were noted examples 
 of this kind of nondescript waywardness, destined to e.xert a po- 
 tent influence in the coming strugirle. 
 
 In 177-i the lir.st Continental Congress asscml)led in Philadel- 
 phia. The next year, 1775, Gen. Gage, awakening one morning 
 in his nnarters in Boston, beheld with astonishment the heights 
 of Bunker Hill fortitied. A herce battle followed. Canada was 
 invaded the same year by Arnold and Montgomery. 
 
 The same year, while the (Continental Congress was holdinj' 
 its second session in l*hiladelphia. Commissioners were appointed 
 to occupy Fort Bit^ for the purpose of making treaties with the 
 
164 Indian Ideas of the llevolxitlon. 
 
 Indians in favor of the forthcominj? cjoverninent. To offset this 
 policy, the British inauifurated a siiriilar one for their own ben- 
 efit from Detroit. As a result, two prominent Delaware Chiefs, 
 Buckongahelas and AVhite Eyes, took the stump amonij the 
 denizens of the forest as exponents of the rival claims of the 
 belliiiferants to savage sup])Ort. Buckongahelas, the friend of 
 the Englisii, spoke first, as follows : 
 
 "Friends! listen to what I say to you! You see a great and 
 powerful nation divided! You see the father fighting against the 
 son, and the son against the father! The father has called on his 
 Indian children to assist him in punishing his children, the 
 Americans, who have become refractory. 1 took time to con- 
 sider what I should do — whether or not I should receive the 
 hatchet of my father to assist him. At first I looked upon it as- 
 a family quarrel, in wliich I was not int-^vested. However, at 
 length, it appeared to me that the father was in the right, and 
 his children deserved to be punished a little. That tliis must be 
 the case, I concluded from tlie many cruel acts his offspring had 
 committed, from time to time, on his Indian children, in en- 
 croaching on their land, stealing their property, shooting at and 
 murdering, without cause, men, women, aiid children. Yes, 
 even murdering those who, at all times, had been friendly to 
 them, and were placed for protection under the roof of their 
 fathers' house — the father himself standing sentry at thedcor at 
 the time.* Friends! often lias the father been obliged to settle 
 and make amends for the wrongs and mischiefs done us by his 
 refractory children, yet' these do not grow better. No! they re- 
 main the same and will continue to be so as long as we have any 
 land left us. Look back at the murders committed by the Long- 
 knives on many of our relations, who lived peaceable neighbors 
 to them on the Ohio. Did they not kill them without the least 
 provocation ? Are they, do you think, better now than they were 
 then?" 
 
 To this speech White Eyes, the friend of the new government, 
 then without a name, replied: 
 
 "Suppose a father had a little son whom he loved and in- 
 dulged while young but, growing up to be a youth, began to 
 think of hav ag some help from him, and, making up a small 
 pack, bade him carry it for him. The boy cheerfully takes the 
 pack, following his father with it The father, finding the boy 
 willing and obedient, continues in his way; and, as the boy 
 grows stronger, so the father makes the pack in proportion larger 
 — ^yet as long as the boy is able to carry the pack, he does so 
 
 *Alluding to the murder of the Conestoga Indians. — See Gordon's Histouy 
 OF Peknstlvania, 406. 
 
White Eyes' Speech Printed hy Congress. 165 
 
 Avithout grumbling. At len<]fth, however, the boy, having arrived 
 at manhood, wliile tlie father is making np the pack for him, in 
 comes a person uf an evil disposition, and, learning who was the 
 carrier of the pack, advises the lather to make it heavier, for 
 surely the son is able to carry a large pack. The father, listen- 
 ing rather to the bad adviser than consulting his own judgment 
 and the feelings of tenderness, follows the advice of the hard- 
 hearted adviser, and makes up a heavy load for liis son to carry. 
 Ilie son, now grown up, examining the weight of the load he is 
 to carrj', addresses the ])arent in these words: ' Dear fjither, this 
 ]>ack is too heavy for me to carry — do, pray, lighten it. 1 am 
 willing to do what I can, but I am unable to carry this load.' 
 The father's heart having, by this time, become hardened, and 
 the bad adviser calling to liim, 'whip him, if he disobeys and 
 refuses to carry the pack,' now in a peremptory tone orders his 
 son to take up the pack and carry it otf, or he will whip him, and 
 already takes up a stick to beat him. ' So! ' says the son, ' am I 
 to be served thus for not doing w^hat I am unable to do? "Well, 
 if entreaties avail nothing with you, father — and it is to be de- 
 cided by blows whether or not I am able to carry a pack so 
 heavy — then I have no other choice left me but that of resisting 
 your unreasonable demand by my strength; and so, striking each 
 other, we may see who is the stronges\' " 
 
 This absurd meta])hor was considered worth preserving by 
 botli governments, as models of that gushing style of logic 
 wherewith to influence the Indian mind. Buckongahelas' speech 
 was printed by officers in the British Indian Department, and 
 AVhite Eyes' speech was printed by a committee appointed by 
 the Continental Congress on the 13th of July, 1775.* 
 
 The British had strono; garrisons at Detroit and Michilimac- 
 mac at this time, and a small garrison at St. Joseph, to preserve 
 their interests at the Southern extremity of Lake Michigan, for 
 even in that early day this locality was regarded with favor. But 
 St. Joseph was looked upon as a place of more promise than 
 Chicago, on account of the superiority of her 'uver as a harbor. 
 
 AVhile the brains and the muscle inherited from the ancient 
 Briton's were laying the dimension stone on the Atlantic coast 
 for a new nation, the French inhabitants of Yincennes and the 
 Illinois country, in blissful iguon.ice of the ruling policy of the 
 conntry, were cultiv%ating their lields in common, and sharing the 
 harvest of a summer's toil with the harmony of bees. By the 
 year 1777, however, one year after the Declaration of Indepen- 
 dence, an erratic emigrant from Pennsylvania, named Tom 
 
 •American Archives, 4th S. Vol. II, p. 1880. 
 
166 iSt. JosipJi Taken from the British, 
 
 Brady, who had settled at Caliokia, planned an expedition a<;ainst 
 the British post of St. Joseph. Tlie place was i^arrisoned bj 21 
 soldiers, but Bardy's party, relying ujjoii the prestiiije of a sur- 
 sprise, felt conlidence in their ability to take it, althouii^h their 
 own force numbered but 36 men. Accordingly they took ad- 
 vantage of niglit to couie upon the place, when the astonished 
 garrison gave themselves up as i)risoiiers. On returning, the in- 
 vaders had proceeded no further than the Calumet river, when 
 the}' were attacked by a party of British and Indians, number- 
 ing 300. Two of Brady's party were killed, and Brady, with tho 
 remainder of his party, taken prisoners. IS'ot long after- 
 wards, he managed to make his escape, and threaded tiie forest 
 back to his native place in Pennsylvania. Subsequently he re- 
 turned to Cahokia, where he became Sheriff of St. Clair county 
 in 1790.* 
 
 Early the next spring a daring Frenchman named Pauletta 
 Maize, enlisted a force of 65 men from the French towns of the 
 Illinois, and from St. Louis, and marched against the same place, 
 to re-take it. The expedition was successful, and all the fura 
 and peltries in the fort were taken from the British as the spoil 
 of war. Many of the most prominent citizens of Cahokia were 
 in this expedition.f 
 
 Returning to the frontier of English settlements, we find sucb 
 dauntless spirits as Dr. Walker, Boone, Kenton, Zane, Harrod, 
 McAffee, and others, pushing into the wilderness realms of Ken- 
 tucky, building stockades and making settlements, while th& 
 forest was infested with British emissaries, urging the Indiana, 
 to take up the tomahawk against the Americans. 
 
 Prominent among these pioneer spirits was Col. Geo. Roger* 
 Clark, a native of Albemarle county, Va. All these backwoods- 
 men were conspicuous for their loyalty to the cause of American 
 Independence, and the field they had chosen wherewith to bring 
 aid to that cause, was adapted to their frontier accomplishments,, 
 and proved effectual, both as a diversion and a palliation, to di- 
 minish the force of Indian invasion on the frontier. This waa 
 the immediate incentive of Clark, in a plan of which he was the 
 first projector, to take possession of Vincennes and the Illinoia 
 villages, and set up the authority of the new government in those 
 distant posts, as a nucleus of power round which the Indiana 
 could gather. The infant settlements of Kentucky were then 
 begun, and Clark was among them, but left for Virginia on the 
 first of October, 1777, for the purpose of laying his plan before 
 
 •Western Annals, p. 696. Reynold's Hist. 111. p. 68. 
 fWestem Annals, p. 697. 
 
Clarke Takes Kaskaskia. 167 
 
 Patrick Henry, the Governor. On the 10th of December he 
 liad an interview with him, and laid his plans before him. 
 
 After several interviews, Governor Henry gave his consent, 
 and immediate preparations were made to j)iit them into execu- 
 tion. The utmost secresj was necessary to its success, for had it 
 been known in advance, the English could have sent a suflBcient 
 force from Detroit to take the whole party prisoners ere they 
 arrived on the ground. As a blind to the real destination of the 
 expedition. Governor Henry first gave Clark instructions to pro- 
 ceed to the Kentucky settlements with his force, for the purpose 
 of defending them against Indian attack. These were published, 
 and gave rise to some murmurs among the revolutionary spirits 
 of the border that soldiers should be sent on such an errand 
 when they were needed in the front to fight the British. 
 
 The ex})edition embarked from 'Pittsburgh, "shot the falls," 
 as Clark expressed it, at Lowisburg, on the 24th of June, kept 
 on down the river to a little above Fort Massac, fifty miles above 
 the mouth of the Ohio, and from thence they marched across the 
 counti'y to Kaskaskia. 
 
 On the 4th of July, 1778, when night had shed its gloom over 
 river, grove and prairie, the people of Kai^kaskia were startled 
 by the cry, "//*««,?/ one enters the streets,, he shall be shot!^^ 
 The terrified inhabitants remained In their liouses during the 
 fearful night, and when morning cauie a few of the principal 
 citizens were seized and put in irons. Every avenue of escape 
 •was cut off", and the wretched inhabitants, who had been told by 
 their British Governor Pochblave, that the Longknives (Ameri- 
 cans) were barbarous and cruel to the last degree, began to think 
 their barbarity had not been overrated, nor were their fears 
 quieted on beholding the uncouth motions of their conquerors, 
 60 different from the graceful manners of the French, who had 
 brought with them the blandishments of Paris to be reproduced 
 in the American wilderness. 
 
 Under these painful forebodings, Gibault, the Priest, and 
 others, with deep humility, approached the General who com- 
 manded the rough band, at whose feet the town lay prostrate. 
 The very first attempt to parley with him was embai'rassing, for 
 on entering his quarters, among the muscular backwoods officers 
 who were around him, there was no distinction in etiquette or 
 dress, and the perplexed Prie^t w^as obliged to ask who the com- 
 mander was. On being informed, a painful pause ensued for the 
 want of words wheniwith to frame the requests he was about to 
 inake. The suspense over, Gibault, in an attitude of supplica- 
 tion, begged the privilege that his people might depart in peace, 
 without being separated from their families, and hoped a small 
 allowance of provisions might be retained by them for their \m- 
 
168 Tlie Grand Door. 
 
 mediate wants; which mild request was accompanied with an 
 assurance that many of the inhabitants had frequently expressed 
 themselves in favor of the Americans in their contest with the 
 mother country. 
 
 Up to this moment Clark had wrought upon their fears only. 
 Now came the sunny side to the front, and never did the nobility 
 masked beneath a rough exterior, in the bosom of the forest 
 ranirer, show to better advantacre. In brief words he informed 
 them that the Americans came not to deprive them of their lib- 
 erty, or to interfere with their religion, or to plundd them of 
 tlieir property. The shackles were now taken from the captives 
 and freedom proclaimed to all. The people were now in trans- 
 ports. The bells were rung and the streets were vocal with song, 
 and gayety reigned throughout the town. 
 
 On the 6th of February France had acknowledged the Inde- 
 pendence of the United States. The news came to Gen. Clark 
 while on his way down the river, iu a letter from Col. Campbell, 
 at Fort Pitt. Nothing could have been more timely for Clark, 
 as he depended on an accession to his number from the French 
 in order to complete his plans for the conquest of the country, 
 and this news would help his cause. He therefore lost no time 
 in proceeding to business, and opened recruiting quarters at once. 
 The ranks for a company were soon filled witli newly enlisted 
 Frenchmen, eager to serve in a cause that had already been es- 
 poused by their country. Cahokia and all the other French 
 towns acquiesced in the new order, and contributed their quota 
 to fill the ranks of Clark's little army. 
 
 The success which had thus far attended Clark was but the first 
 steps in the wo-k before him. The whole country was full of 
 Indian^ who had been conquered by the Kiiglisli in the recent 
 war. ana were now reconciled to them, all the more as they were 
 dependent on them for supplies. 
 
 During the ])rogress of the American Revolution thus far, the 
 English traders and agents had been busy in the forests, inflam- 
 ing the minds of the Indians against the Americans by the most 
 absurd falsehoods, im])ressed upon their savage sensii)i!itie8 by 
 forest eloquence. To overcojjie this influence was all important, 
 and Clark set about the l)usiness with masteHv skill. The most 
 influential Indian chief in the whole coui' was The Grand 
 Door, so called be ause his influence was _ potent over tlie 
 tribes along the Wabash river that no one would presume to en- 
 ter its valley on an important mission, without ti onsulting 
 him. To Capt. Helm, one of Gen. Clark's otfirerir, ..s entrusted 
 this delicate business. Tiie fir-.t thing to do was to explain to 
 The Grand Door the nature of the contest Ijttween the Anieri- 
 iMiis and the Enirli-h in such a manner as to leave no doubt iu 
 
Indian Councils. ^^^ 
 
 his majesty's savage instincts as to the justice, and, especially, 
 the ultimate success of the American cause— the latter point be- 
 inc no less important in Indian diplomacy than in civilized. 
 
 'With these instructions Capt. Helm started for the headquar- 
 ters of the Grand Door, located in a Piankeshaw village close by 
 Vinoennes. Arriving safely at the latter place, he was well re- 
 ceived bv the French inhabitants, there being no English gar- 
 rison there at the time. The Door vvas then sent for, and on his 
 ^arrival a letter was given him from Gen. Clark. Re received it 
 with becoming dignity, and pro.nised to lay its contents before 
 his people. For several days the/ held council over the matter, 
 when the chief returned to" Vincennes and announced to Capt. 
 Helm that he was now a Big Knife, meaning that he had es- 
 poused the cause of the Americans. The evening was spent in 
 merriment suited to the occasion. 
 
 No sooner was it known that The Grand Door had become a 
 ''Big Knife," than all the other tribes of the country visited 
 Capt. Helm's quarters at Vincennes, and gave in their adhesion 
 to the Americans. The news of this accession of strength was 
 ]ivomj)tl3' sent by an Indian messenger to Gen. Clark, at Kaskas- 
 kia. Meantime, it was soon spread among the tribes throughout 
 the entire Illinois country. A council was convened at Cahokia, 
 with their representative chieJfs, to whom Gen. Clark, after ex- 
 plainiiig to tliem the nature of the contest between the Ameri- 
 icans and the English, made the following speech to them : 
 
 '* You can now judge who is in the riglit. I have already told 
 you who I am. Here is a bloody belt and a white one; take 
 which you please. Behave like men : and don't let your being 
 surrounded by the Big Knives cause you to take up the one belt 
 with your hands, while your Iiearts take up the other. If you 
 take the bloody path you shall leave the town in safety, and may 
 go and join your friends, the Englisli. We will then try, like 
 warriors, who can put the most stumblingblocks in each otlier's 
 way, and keep ou; clothes longest stained with blood. If, on tho 
 other luiud, you should take the patli of peace, and be received as 
 brothers to tlie Big Knives, with their friends, the French, shoidd 
 vou then listen to bad birds that mav be Hying through the hind, 
 you will no longer deserve to be counted as nien, but as creatures 
 Avith two touiriu's, tiiat ought to be destroyed without listening 
 to anything thpt you might say. As I am convinced you never 
 lirard tlie irtith before, 1 do not wish you to answer before you 
 liave taken time to counsel. We will, therefore, part this even- 
 ing: and when the Great Spirit shall bring us together again, 
 let us speak and think like men with but one heart and one 
 tongue.'' 
 
170 Vincennes Oceujyied hy the British. 
 
 Tlie next day the chiefs returned, and before the Council 
 fires, which weie still burning, presented Clark the saci'ed Pipe, 
 after waving it toward the heavens and the earth, an impressive 
 way of calling heaven and earth to witness their bond of peace 
 and alliance with the Big Knives. News of these successes 
 were now sent to Gov. Henry, of Virginia, when, at a session of 
 the General Assembly, an act was passed laying out a county 
 called Illinois county, which embraced Vincennes, as well as the 
 French villages of the Illinois. Eut before suitable officers 
 could arrive on the ground to carry the act into effect, Henry 
 Ilaujilton, the British Lieut. Governor of Detroit, came down 
 upon Vincennes with 30 British regulars, 50 French soldiers en- 
 listed at Detroit, and 400 Indian \Varrior=. 
 
 He arrived at the place on the 15th of December. Soon as he 
 was within hailing distance Capt. Helm, who was still tiiere, 
 cried out "Halt! " This stopped the advance of Hamilton, who 
 in turn demanded a surrender of the garrison. " On wtat 
 terms?" demanded the tenacious defender. "The honors of 
 war," was the reply. The fort was surrendered, with its garrison 
 of one soldier, named Henry, and one officer. Helm himself! * 
 
 Capt. Helm was held as prisoner, and the French inhabitants 
 having already taken the oath of allegiance to the United States, 
 were disarmed. The news of this untoward event soon came to 
 Clark at Kaskaskia, who saw at once his peril. A British army 
 lay in the path of his retreat, backed by a confederacy of Indi- 
 ans who would doubtless turn agiiinst him at the tirst check he 
 might receive. 
 
 While his fertile genius was on the rack for expedients where- 
 with to sustain himself, a Spanish trader, named Francis Vigo, 
 came to his quarters with news from Vincennes. He informed 
 Clark that Hamilton, being under no apprehension of an attack, 
 had sent away the largest portion of his force to blockade the 
 Ohio, and cut off his retreat, and with the first opening of spring 
 an attack was to be made on the Illinois villages. His resolution 
 was immediately taken. Vinceinies, the head-center of these 
 machimitions, must be cajitured. "If I don't take Hamilton, 
 Hamilton will take me," said Clark. 
 
 It was now the 20th of January, and so prompt were the 
 French inhabitants of Kaskaskia to assist the Americans, that by 
 the 4th of February everything was ready. The artillery and 
 stores for the expedition were ])iaced on a light draught vessel, 
 under command of one of his officers named John Hogers, to 
 be transported down the Mississ^ipjii, and up the Ohio and Wa- 
 bash rivers, to the destined field of operation against the post. 
 
 •Butler's Kentucky, p. 80. 
 
Clarke Marches Against Vincennes. 171 
 
 The next day Clark himself, with 175 men, a part of whom 
 were French recruits, took up their march across tlie country for 
 the same destination. On the 17th they reached the banks of 
 the Wabash, but haw to gain the opposite bank of the river, 
 where the fort stood, was a problem more difficult of solution in 
 the mind of Clark, than how to take the fort after he had crossed, 
 for the late rains had flooded the broad intervals along the river, 
 and far above and below a forest rose up through the swollen 
 waters, mirroring its leafless branches, invertec" mto a picturesque 
 
 mirage. 
 
 The morning gun of the fort was heard a? the perplexed in- 
 vaders took up their tents, after a night's res . Rafts were now 
 made, and a few trusty Frenchmen dispatched across the mys- 
 terious waste, to steal boats from their moorings, outside of 
 the unsuspecting town. This hazardous adventure proved a 
 success after three days, during which time the army of Clark 
 had been toiling through the flooded intervals of the AVabash, 
 along the shallowest portions, endeavoring to gain its immediate 
 bank. 
 
 On the 21st the army crossed the turbulent stream in the 
 boats stolen by the scouts, and now its labors were redoubled. 
 The ground in advance was now reconnoitred in a canoe, and the 
 deptii of the flood sounded, by Clark himself. This done, he 
 blackened his face with powder, and gave the war-whoop, as if he 
 liad been an Indian, and marched into the water without saying 
 a word. His comrades followed, under the inspiration of a war 
 Bong, wliich was joined in along the whole line. Far along to 
 the left a ridge rose above the waste of waters, where some open 
 sheds had been built for a sugar camp. Here they spent the 
 night, and the next day resumed their wateiy march towards the 
 fort. For three days they had fasted, but on arriving at Vin- 
 cennes the Fi-ench stealthily brought provisions to the camp, 
 and the siege began. 
 
 The resistance was determined for awhile, but the courage and 
 audacity of the beseigers knew no bounds, and atler a s])irited 
 parley, Hamilton surrendered the fort, with its garrison, num- 
 bering 79 men, on the 24th of February, 1779, and with this- 
 surrender the Northwest passed out of English hands into the 
 immediate possession of the Americans, except the posts which 
 the former still held along the lakes.* 
 
 • NoTK. — Tlie followinfr from Law's History of Vincennes is copied as but &. 
 just tribute to the patriotism of Gibault and Vipro: Pierre Gibault, Parish Priest 
 at VincenneN, and occasionally performinsf his apotolic duties on the Missis- 
 rippi. was at Kaxkaskia in 1778-9, when (Jen. Clark captured that place. The 
 eervicps he rendered Clark in that cnmpaiKn, which were acknowMjred by a 
 fMolution of the lit^pislature of Virjirinia, in 1780 — his patriotism, his sacrifices. 
 
172 Stores Amve at Vincennes. 
 
 Here the Britisli power still lingered. On the 27th the vessel 
 arrived with the stores, its hero-Commander mortified and incon- 
 solable that he had not been able to reach the scene of operations 
 in time to ferry Clark's army across the river, and bring- to his 
 gallant soldiers tiie provisions they so much needed during their 
 three days of fasting. Among the prisoners taken at Vincennes 
 were some young Frenchmen, enlisted by Hamilton at Detroit. 
 These were released, on their taking an oath that they would not 
 fiffht again ajjainst the ximericans durinfy the war, and were sent 
 home, with abundant supplies to serve their wants ':*ii the way. 
 
 his courage and love of liberty, require of me a fuller notice of this good man 
 and pure patriot, than I have been enabled to give in the published address. 
 Father Gibault was a Jesuit missionary to the Illinois at an early period, and 
 had the curacy of the parish at Kaskaskia when Clark took possession of that 
 post; and no man has paid a more sincere tribute to the services rendered by 
 Father Gibault to tlie American cause, than Clark himself. It was a matter of 
 deep importance, especially after the arrest of Rochblave, the commandant at 
 Kaskaskia, for Clark to conciliate, if possible, the ancient inhabitants residing 
 at Kaskaskia. This he etfectually did through the agency of Father Gibault. 
 Through his influence, not only were the French population of Kaskaskia in- 
 duced to supply the troops with provisions and other necessaries, but to receive 
 the depreciated continental paper curiency of Virginia at par, for all supplies 
 thus furnished, Vigo adding his guarantee for its redemption, and receiving it 
 dollar for dollar, not only from the soldiers, but from the inhabitants, until it 
 became entirely worthless. Father Gibault, but especially Vigo, had on hand 
 at the close of the campaign, more than twenty thousand dollars of this 
 worthless trash (the only funds, however, which Clark had in his military chest.) 
 and not one dollar of which was ever redeemed, either for Vigo or Father Gi- 
 bault, who, for this worthless trash, disposed " of all his cattle, and the tithes of 
 his parishoners, " in order to sustain Clark and his troops, without which aid 
 they must have surrendered, surrounded as they were, by the Indian allies of 
 the British, and deprived of all resources but those furnished by the French 
 inhabitants, through the persuasion of Vigo and Father Gibault. But more 
 than this. Through the influence of these men, when Clark left Kaskaskia for 
 the purpose of capturing Hamilton and his men at post Vincennes, a company 
 of fifty young Frenchmen was at Kaskaskia, who joined Clark's troops, under 
 the command of Captain Charlevoix, who shared in all the perils aiul honors of 
 that glorious campaign, which ended in the capture of the Post, and the sur- 
 render of Hamilton, an event more important in its consequences than any 
 other occurring during our revolutionary struggle. 
 
 It was entirely through the means of Father Gibault that Hamilton released 
 Col. Vigo, when sent by Clark to ascertain the true situation of att'airs at Vin- 
 cennes. lie was captured by the J Jians and taken to " Fort Sackville," where 
 he was kept a prisoner on parole for many weeks, and released, entirely by the 
 int^rlerence of Father Gibault, and th<^ declaration of the French inhabitants 
 at Vincennes, who, with their priest at their head, after service on the Sabbath, 
 marched to the fort and informed Hamilton "they would refuse all supplies to 
 the garrison unless Vigo was released." Ot that release, and the important 
 eti'ect of Vigo's information to Clark on his return to Kaskaskia, in reference 
 to the capture of the post by Hamilton, 1 have already !:,poken. Next to Clark 
 and \igt, the United otat«s are indebt'?d more to Father (iil>ault for the acces- 
 sion of the States, comprised in what was the original North-Westem Terii- 
 torv. than to any other man." 
 
 The records of this benevolent man are still presei-ved in the church at Kas- 
 kaskia. — [Author. 
 
iSt. Joseph Taken hy the Sjpanish. 173 
 
 On their arrival at Detroit, they did good service to the Ameri- 
 can cause by congratulatinof themselves that their oath did not 
 bind them not to light for the Americans, if a chance offered. 
 
 A large convoy of stores and provisions were on their way 
 from Detroit to Yincennes when the Americans took it, which 
 was intercepted on the way by a detachment under command of 
 Q?x>t. Helm, who by the late capitulation of the place was now 
 released from the bonds of a war prisoner, and again an oflScer 
 in Clark's little army. The amount of clothing, provisions, etc., 
 was more than sufficient to supply all tlie wants of the garrison, 
 and stinted rations and rags were now substituted with plen- 
 teousness and comfortable garments. On the Tth 'of March 
 Clark sent Colonel Hamilton, with eighteen of his principal sol- 
 diers, to Yirginia, as war prisoners, under an escort of 25 men. 
 Soon after their arrival, Hamilton was put in irons, and confined 
 in a dungeon, debarred the use of pen, ink and paper, and ex- 
 cluded from all communication with any one except his keeper. 
 This was done to punish him for having offered premiums to the 
 Indians for white scalps. For this offense he was ever afterwards 
 called " The hair buyer." * The severity of his sentence was 
 soon afterwards mitigated by order of continental court-martial. 
 
 Early in 1779 a war broke out between England and Spain, 
 which was subsequently followed by an acknowledgment of the 
 Independence of the United States by that power, though with 
 a bad grace, as if dragged into the reluctant admission by the 
 force of circinnstances. Withal, however, the hostile attitude of 
 the two nations, England and Spain, was not without its influence 
 in preserving the conquests achieved by Clark, inasmuch as it 
 seoure'1 Vae alliance of the then Spanish town of St. Louis to the 
 American cause, and interposed a weighty obstacle in the way of 
 any - tempt on the part of the English to retake the Illinois 
 country or Vincennes, while St. Louis was their ally. 
 
 Instead of this being attempted, St. Louis took the offensive 
 herself as an ally of America. On the 2nd of June, 1781, Don 
 Eugenie Pierre,, a Spanish officer, marched from St. Louis with 
 65 men against the British post of St. Joseph. The place Avas 
 taken, and with overreaching ambition the commander went 
 through the forms of taking posses'5ion of the country in the 
 name of Spain, but retired shortly afterwards to St. Louis. 
 
 By virtue of fhis insignificant conquest, Spain subsequently 
 attempted to establish a claim to the country intervening between 
 Lake Michigan and her own territory west of the Mississippi. 
 
 •Jefferson's Correspondence, Voi. I, p. 455. 
 
174 St. Louis Attacked. 
 
 While these events were transpiring in the "West, the armies 
 of England and America were brandishing their battle-blades in 
 each other's faces, with Btnbborn courage on both sides, and when 
 fighting ceased, among other issues settled, the conquests of the 
 West and its consequent destiny, were not forgotten. 
 
 At this time the population of St. Louis, according to Hutchins, was 800 
 white and l')0 colored people, and beinsr a Spanish town, it was legal plunder 
 for the English. Accordingly, an exp dition wa* set on foot against it from the 
 British post of Michilimackinac, estimated at 1,50U men, most of whom were 
 Indians. 
 
 While Clark was waiting at Easkaskia, says Stoddard in his sketches, 
 "The commandant of Michilimackinac in 1780 assembled about 1.500 Indians 
 and 140 English, and attempted the reduction of St. Louis. During the short time 
 they were before that town 60 of the inhabitants were killed, and 30 taken 
 prisoners. Fortunately, Gen. Clark was on the opposite side of the Micsissippi 
 with a considerable force. On his appearance at 8t. Louis with a strong detach- 
 ment, the Indians weie amazed. They had no disposition to quarrel with any 
 other than the Lonisianians, and charged the British with deception. In fine, 
 as the jealousy of the Indians was excited, the English trembled for their safety, 
 and ?=ecretly abandoned their auxilaries and made the best of their way into 
 Canada. The Indians then retired to their homes in peace. This expedition, 
 as appears, was not sanctioned by the English court, and the private pro^jert^ 
 of the commandant was seized to pay the expenses of ifci most likely because ifc 
 proved unfortunate." 
 
 This account has been quoted by able historians, and is doubtless correct, ex- 
 Cf'pt as to the assistance credited to Gen. Clark as offering to help defend the 
 town. This was impossible, as he had left the country previous to that time, 
 but, without doubt, the respect with which his gallant conduct had inspired the 
 Indians of the immediate country around had its effect on the Indian force from 
 Michilimackinac, and, besides saving St. Louis, prevented them from attacking 
 the towns of Southern Illinois, which then were in a hostile attitude to British 
 rule, either as French or American towns, both of which countries were at war 
 with England. • 
 
 Auguste Chouteau says that Clark rendered the town no assistance. This 
 eettles the point as to the question, for he was one of the original settlers un- 
 der Laclede's grant, and must have been an eyo-witness. The shameful con- 
 duct of liPyba, the Lieutenant-Governor at the time, was an excess of treachery 
 teldom equalled. Previous to the attack he sent all the powder away, but for- 
 tunately a trader had eight barrels of this precious specific, which the defenders 
 rppropriated for the occasion. Not content with this dereliction, he spiked 
 kome of the c mnon of the defenders; but despite these obstacle-*, the courageous 
 soldiers stood to their places.' and beat back their numerous assailants with a 
 courage seldom equalled. The storm of iiuligna^'on which the traitor Leyba 
 mot after the battle, was too much for him to live under, and he sickened and 
 died shortly afterwards, tradition says from poison administered by his own 
 ■hand. This account is taken from Stoddard, HiUl, Martin, and the Western 
 Annals, neither of which appear to have details as fall as could be desired, e«- 
 j^ecially as it ia the only siege or battle that ever occurred at SSt. Louis. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 Moravian Settlements on the Jfuskingnm — Premonitions of 
 the American Revolution — British Emissaries Among the 
 Indians — Forls Mcintosh and Laurens Built — Dcsjperate 
 Attach on the Latter — The Siege Raised by Hunger — The 
 Moravians Remooed — Mary Heckwelder' s Account — Horri- 
 hle Slaughter of the Exiles — Crawford's Expedition Against 
 Sandusky — The Enemy Encountered — Crawford Taken 
 Prisoner — His Awful Death hy Fire — Peace — Complex Di- 
 plomacy at the Treaty of Paris — Firmness of Jay Tri- 
 umphant. 
 
 The few sparse settlements in Kentucky already made, still 
 maintained their ground, although constantly menaced by Indians 
 on the war- path, while the Alleghanies interposed serious bar- 
 riers between them and any succor from the parent State in case 
 of an attack. 
 
 No attempt had yet been made at settlement on w^hat might 
 with propriety then have been called the Indian side of the 
 Oliio, except the Moravian settlements. These had been in pro- 
 
 fress on the Muskingum river since 1762. Christian Frederic 
 'est (the same who in 1758 executed the heroic mission to Fort 
 Pitt,) and his co-worker, John Heckwelder, at that time set up a 
 tabernacle there for worship. The missionary spirit was the in- 
 centive to their enterprise, but to facilitate their work in this di- 
 rection, they purchased small parcels of land of the Indians, made 
 an opening in the forest, planted lields of corn, and soon they 
 were surrounded with ~»lenty. The celebrated David Ziesburger 
 joined them in a few years, and the towno of Shoenbrun, Gnad- 
 enhutten and Salem, were built within an area of ten miles, near 
 the present site of New Philadelphia, in Tuscarawas county, 
 Ohio. 
 
 This could not be called a vfhito settlement, yet it repre- 
 sented Christian civilization, as developed by the teachings of tlie 
 Moravian missionaries, whose heroic faith had been inherited 
 from the martyr IIuss. Pince that remote period this remarka- 
 ble people had been uibcipiined by a Bchool of three centuries of 
 
176 Fort Mcintosh Built. 
 
 persecution, durins: which time their courage had becojne the 
 admiration of the Protestant world. Thej had ever been in its 
 van breaking up the fallen ground, ready to be tilled by more 
 effeminate Christians. 
 
 Their attempts on the Muskingum had thus far been a success, 
 but unhappily for them they still held to the doctrines of non- 
 resistance, with unshaken faith, that God's Providence would 
 safely lead them through the dangers that surrounded them. 
 
 However plausible or practicable such a theory might be in 
 times of peace, it became a fatal illusion when the fires of revo- 
 lution kindled along the Atlantic should shake the border into 
 fury, as was soon to be the case. When the centre is disturbed, 
 how much more is the circumference agitated. 
 
 The borders of Pennsylvania and Virginia were now daily be- 
 coming more exposed to dangers, as the British emissaries among 
 the Indians excited them to take the war-path, and the Conti- 
 nental Congress passed a resolution to send a force into the inte- 
 rior, with a view of taking Detroit, the western supply depot, 
 where the Indians obtained the means wherewith to keep up the 
 war. 
 
 In May, 1778, while the expedition of Clark was about starting 
 on its mission, Brigadier General Lachlin Mcintosh, of the Con- 
 tinental Army, was placed in command of the Western Depart- 
 ment, with his head quarters at Ft. Pitt. The following October, 
 at the head of a small force of regulars and militia, he descended 
 the Ohio and built a fort thirty miles below Fort Pitt, which 
 was named Fort Molntosh. This was the first stockade ever built 
 by Americans on the Northern side of the Ohio. 
 
 For prudential reasons, probably for the want of means, the 
 Continental Congress now instructed him to abandon the original 
 design against Detroit, but in lieu thereof, to make an incursion 
 into the interior for the purpose of overawing the Indians, With 
 this intent he took up his march at the head of 1,000 men, intend- 
 ing to attack Sandusky, but on reaching the Muskingum he 
 encamped, and concluded to defer the attack against the objec- 
 tive point till the coming spring. Here he built Fort Laurens, 
 so named in honor of the President of the Continental Con- 
 gress. He left Colonel John Gibson in command of the post 
 with 150 men, and returned with the main body to Fort Pitt. 
 
 All these movements were reported to the English commander 
 at Detroit, who, as might be expected, at once laid his plans to 
 capture the audacious Americans, who had dared to make a 
 stand in the heart of the country. 
 
 It will be remembered that Francis Yigo, the Spanish trader 
 of St. Louis, who arrived at Kaskaskia in January, brought 
 information to Clark that Hamilton had weakened his forces bv 
 
Siege of Fort Laurent. 1 77 
 
 Bending away large detachments against the frontiers, and that 
 Clark, taking advantage oftliis incautious movement, had marched 
 against Vincennes and taken it. It may therefore be inferred that 
 Fort Laurens was the decoy duck which gave Vincennes to the 
 Americans. 
 
 Late in January, 1779, tlie threatened attack was made on the 
 fort, and kept up till March with desperate resolution. The 
 garrison successfully resisted every assault of tlieir besiegers, 
 though they environed the post by means of their numbers, and 
 gave them no resjjite either by night or day. 
 
 Starvation soon began to threaten them, but, happily for the 
 besieged, the besiegers were in a similar predicament, and the 
 sanguinary contest now became a rivalship, not of courage and 
 muscle only, but a trial of endurance under the pangs of hunger. 
 While the enemy were thns beset with perplexity, how to obtain 
 provisions till they could press the siege to a successful issue by 
 starving out the garrison, while they themselves were gaunt with 
 hunger, they proposed to Gibson, the commandei, to raise the 
 siege if he would give them a barrel of flour. The offer was 
 promptly accepted, as a device to conceal the desperate straits to 
 which the garrison was reduced. The flour was sent outside the 
 palisade, and some meat with it, which the hungry Indians and 
 their companions devoured like a pack of wolves, and vanished 
 in the forest, taking their course for Detroit. 
 
 The last savage yelp soon died away with the retreating foe, 
 and silence took the place of the bedlam of war-whoops that had 
 echoed about the place for two months. A runner skilled in 
 woodcraft was now selected to hasten to Fort Mcintosh with all 
 possible dispatch, and obtain supplies. With the shyness of a 
 lox venturing from his lair, the bold ranger left the fort and 
 safely reached his destination, a distance of fifty miles, through 
 an unbroken wilderness, when a band of scouts were immedi- 
 ately sent with provisions for the relief of the hungry garrison, 
 in their frontier hermitage. Here they remained till the fol- 
 lowing August, when the fort was evacuated. 
 
 Fort Mcintosh was evacuated soon afterwards, which left no 
 representation of American interests between Vincennes and 
 Fort Pitt. With the exception of a part of the Delawares, all 
 the Indians of the country now became active allies of the Eng- 
 lish. Tlie Moravians, or praying Indians, as they were some- 
 times called, were, in accordance with their faith, neutral. 
 
 Their villages laid in the war-path of their savage brothers, 
 and when a hostile war party were returning from a successful 
 incursion into the white, settlements, dragging tlieir wretched 
 captives into their distant lodges in the wilderness, they often 
 quartered on these apostate savages, who durst not refuse them 
 
1T8 The Moravian Converts. 
 
 shelter. On these occasions tlie griefs of the captives were al- 
 ways mitigated as far as possible by acts of kindness from their 
 hosts, if such a name mav be apj)lied to the dispenser of an en- 
 forced hospitality. 
 
 Colonel Depnyster tlicn commanded in Detroit as the 
 guccessor of Hamilton, and seeing the danger of these people, he 
 mercifully interj^osed between them and the subtile liostility by 
 which they were victimized by their neutrality from both sides, 
 and ordei-ed their removal to the neighborhood of Sandusky. 
 This decree was enforced upon the unwilling Moravians by two 
 hundred Wyandottes under the command of British officers. 
 Their crops Acre left standing in the field, ready for the harvest, 
 when they were forced away from their homes, to find new sheU 
 ter and a precarious subsistence for the coming winter among 
 their unfriendly brethren, who were only restrained from open 
 hostility against them by the British officers. 
 
 Among the evil 'geniuses of the forest at that time, was Simon 
 Girty, a native of Western Pennsylvania. When a boy he had been 
 taken captive by the Indians, and adopted into the Seneca tribe. 
 Among tliem he had won distinction as a forest ranger, and 
 would gladly have spent his life with them, but when Bouquet 
 made his successful expedition to the Muskingum, Girty, with 
 other captives, was returned to civilization. The next year he 
 rose to the rank of a commissioned officer in the Pennsylvania 
 militia, but two years later deserted to the British, and joined the 
 hostile Indians of the forest with Elliot,* a tory of equal notorie- 
 ty. Both of these became prominent leaders among the savages, 
 Girty rivaling them in i'erocity. His spite against the Moravian 
 converts was unmeasured. While these unhappy exiles were be- 
 ing conducted from their homes on the Muskingum to Sandusky, 
 some care had been taken to mitigate their woes, which so en- 
 raged Girty that it was with difficulty he could be restrained 
 from assaulting them with a tomahawk after their arrival.-)* 
 
 'Commodore Elliot of the U. S. Navy was his nephew. 
 
 fTlie following account of the affair is copied from the American Pioneer, 
 "Vol. II, pp. 224 and 225, as a contribution to that valuable work by Mary Heck- 
 wclder, daughter of the celebrated Moravian missionary and historian. She 
 ■was the first white chiU born in Ohio. 
 
 ''Bethlehem, Pa., Fehrtiary 24<7t, 1843. 
 "J. S. Williams, Esq. 
 
 ''Dear Sir: — Yours of the 31st ult., to Mr. Kumnien, post master at this 
 place, has been handed to me. I have not been in the habit of making much 
 use of my pen for a number of yeai-s ; I will, however, at your request, endeavor 
 to give you a short account of the first four years of my life, which were all I 
 spent among the Indians, having since lived m Bethlehem nearly all the time. 
 My acquaintance or knowledge of them and their history, is chiefly from books, 
 and what 1 heard from my father and other m.issioriaries. 
 
 " I was bom April 16th, 1781, in Salem, one of the Moravian Indian towns, 
 on the Muskingum river, State of Ohio. Soon after my birth, times becomtug 
 
The Victims Entrapped, ITD 
 
 Here tliey remained till February, when permission was given 
 to a part' of them to return to their homes on the Muskingum, to 
 harvest their corn, wliich was still standing. 
 
 While engaged in this labor on the 6th of March, a company 
 of borderers came to tlieni in an apparently friendly spirit, and 
 proposed to tliem to remove to Pittsburg for s:rfety, and with oily 
 words enticed them to give up their arms aiiu go into two houses 
 to remain for tlie night. This done, Williaiiison, the leader of 
 the band, to(»k counsel with his comrades as to the fate of the en- 
 trapped victims. 
 
 AH in favor of sparing their lives were ordered to step forward. 
 
 ■very troublesome, the settlements were often in danger from war parties, and 
 from an encampment of warriors near GnaHenhutten; and finally, in the begin- 
 ning of September of the same year, we were all made prisoners. First, four 
 of the raisfiionaries were seized by a party of Huron warriors, and declared 
 prisoners of war; they were then led into the camp of the Delawares, where 
 the death-song was sung over them. Soon after they had secured them, a num- 
 ber of warriors marched off for Salem and Shoenbrun. About thirty savagr« 
 arrived at the former place in the dusk of the evening, and broke open the mis- 
 Bion house. Here they took my mother and myself prisoners, and having led 
 her into the street and placed guards over her, they plundered the house of every- 
 thing they could take with them and destroyed what was left. Then going to 
 take my mother along with them, the savages were prevailed upon, through 
 the intercession of the Indian females, to let her remain at Salem till the next 
 morning — the night being dark and rainy and almost impossible for her t;o travel 
 FO far — they at last consented on condition that she should be brought into the 
 camp the next morning, which was accordingly done, and she was safely con- 
 ductiul by our Indians to Gnadenhutten. 
 
 " After experiencing the cruel treatment of the savages for sometime, they 
 were set at liberty again ; but were obliged to leave their flourishing settlements, 
 and forced to march through a dreary wilderness to Upper Sandusky. We 
 went liy land through Goshachguenk to the Walholding, and then partly by 
 water and partly along the banks of the river, to Sandusky creek. All the way 
 1 was carried by an Indian woman, carefully wrapped in a blanket, on her back. 
 Our journey was exceedingly tedious and dangerous; some of the canoes sunk, 
 and those that were in them lost all their provisions and everything they had 
 saved . Those that went by land drove the cattle, a pretty large herd. The 
 savages now drove us along, the missionaries with thei' tamilies usually in the 
 midst, surrounded by their Indian converts. The road.i were exceedingly bad, 
 leading through a continuation of swamps. 
 
 "Having arrived at Upper Sandusky, they built small hut'^ of logs and bark 
 to screen them from the cold, having neither beds nor blankets, and being 
 reduced to the greatest poverty and want; for the savages had by degrees stolen 
 everything both from missionaries and Indians, on the journey. We lived here 
 extremely poor, oftentimes very little or nothing to satisfy the cravings of hun- 
 ger; and the poorest of the Indians were obliged to live upon their dead cattle, 
 which died for want of pasture. 
 
 " After livins in this dreary wilderness, in danger, poverty, and distress of all 
 sorts, a written order arrived in March, 1782, sent by the governor to the half 
 king of the Hurons and to an English officer in his company, to bring all the 
 missionaries and their families to Detroit, but with a strict order not to plunder 
 nor abuse them in the least." 
 
 " Respectfully yours, 
 
 "Mary Heckevteldku." 
 
180 Massacre of The Morrvians. 
 
 Of the 90 men who composed the party, only 18 stepped for- 
 ward, leaving 72 in favor of killing them. 
 
 This decision was immediately made known to the nnhappj 
 victims, when the nnexpected decree was replied to witli earnest 
 entreaties tliat their lives might be spared, but lamentations and 
 supplications were unavailing to the iron-liearted scouts. They 
 however, postponed tlie execution of the sentence till morni!ig, to 
 give them time to prepare for death in their accustomed spirit of 
 devotion. The night was spent by the victims in prayer and 
 singing, while their executioners stood guard outside to prevent 
 escape. In the morning all was ready on both side;'. The Mora- 
 vians were tranquil, and their executioners unrelenting, and the 
 work began. 
 
 Tlirough apertures in the walls of the building the muzzles 
 of the guns were pointed, and the shooting was continued till 
 the last faint groans of the victims had died away in silence, and 
 all were prostrated, as was supposed, into a pile of lifeless corpses. 
 But beneath the poiiderous weight of dead bodies a youth of six- 
 teen managed to tind his way through an aperture in the floor, 
 and escaped thence into the woods. Another boy also escaped 
 after being scalped, and both lived to tell tlie tale of woe which 
 had whelmed 9i of their countrymen in death. 
 
 To the credit of our government be it said, that Williamson's 
 band were not in the continental service, and that their bloody 
 =rork was er ocrated throughout tlie country. 
 
 Border life, in those days, furnishes inexhaustible material for 
 romancers and poets, as well as historians, for extremes in the 
 bent of the human mind were brought into contact there, untram- 
 meled by the restraints of law, or even of society, and if exam- 
 ples of man's noblest nature were nurtured into being by the 
 severe discipline of frontier privations, it is not strange that cor- 
 responding extremes of evil purposes should also be brought to 
 the surface by the extremities resorted to to accomplish required 
 results. 
 
 The war was contested with a stubborn courage on the part of 
 the English, more for what the country was destined to be than 
 for what it then was, and no means were left untried to secure the 
 inheritance of nature which opened before their pro])hetic vision 
 to the West. This disposition was contagious, and the rougi)est 
 side of border life gathered force like a tornado when the inno- 
 cent Moravians were murdered. 
 
 Here were untneasured forests bespangled by a thousand 
 streams, and further beyond them oceans of wild prairie, all wait- 
 ii'g the magic touch of civilization to re-produce the wonders of 
 Europe on an improved plan. To accomplish this, was worthy 
 the ambition of the English, who with characteristic confidence 
 
Expeditions to Take Sandtisky. 181 
 
 in themselves thought they could do it better than their rebel- 
 lious children. The ultimate fate of the Indians was not consid- 
 ered. That would take care of itself. Meantime, if their irre- 
 pressible dash, or even their ferocity could be extemporized into 
 use in order to bring about the desired result, the end justified 
 the means in their estimation, thougli it brought desolation and 
 cruel death to the borders of American settlements. 
 
 During the revolution the bordei'ei's had been wrought up to 
 fiuch a pitch of excitement, that long after the army of Cornwal- 
 liri had surrendered, and fighting had ceased between tlie Ameri- 
 can and British armies, the war was continued with unremitting 
 severity on the frontiers. 
 
 Throughout the Western portions of Pennsylvania and Vir- 
 ginia, every man, and even every bo}^ could handle a rifle with a 
 <lexterity seldom equaled by the trained soldiers of regular armies. 
 Mdst of the British having been driven from the field after the 
 t^urrender of Cornwallis, the success of the revolution was no 
 longer doubted, and the fertile fields across the Ohio, as future 
 liomes, now began to attract attention. 
 
 Under such auspices an expedition was planned in May, 1782, 
 to march against Sandusky, take the place and seize upon the 
 country. The enterprise was a private one, though it was ap- 
 proved by General Irvine, who then lieJd command of Fort Pitt. 
 Each soldier furnished his own horse and equipments at his own 
 expense, with no expectations of any other pay than what might 
 result from the success of the adventure. The partly numbered 
 480, among whom were most of the men who had partaken in 
 the massacre of the Moravians a few weeks before. 
 
 They elected their ofticers by ballot, and their choice fell upon 
 William Crawford, a man who had been a companion of the 
 youthful A'Tashington, when he was only a backwoods surveyor, 
 unmindful of his future destiny. 
 
 Col. David Williamson was second in command, the same who 
 had led the murderous expedition against the Moravians, from 
 which it would appear that tiie consciences of the raiders was not 
 sensitive as to the means to be used whereby the Indians should 
 be conquered into submission. 
 
 Everything being in readiness, on the 25tii of May the com- 
 pany dashed into the wilderness, etch man well mounted and 
 laden with twenty days' provisions. On the fourth day they 
 reached Gnadenhutten, the scene of the late Moravian massacre. 
 Here the bodies of the victims, men, women and children, laid 
 without burial, in a horrible pile of decav, mingled with the ashes 
 ot the building which was burnt over their lifeless remains. The 
 fields of corn were standing, with no one left to harvest them, 
 and att()rded ample provender for their horses. 
 
182 The Retreat. 
 
 Passing on in a westerly course, they soon came to the San- 
 dusky plains, where Wyandotte Co. now is. Here they expected 
 to find the Wyandottes in force, but in this they were mistaken. 
 A voiceless solitude of prairie hazel brush and oak openings ex-' 
 tended far and wide.* Not an Indian or Britisher was seen, but 
 slyly as the Thugs of India, the stealtliy foe had dogged their 
 trail, crawling around their camp at night, and fleet-footed mes- 
 sengers had reported their numbers, and the course they were 
 taking ever since they had crossed the Muskingum. 
 
 Near the present site of Upper Sandusky the enemy was en - 
 countered, among whom was the notorious Simon Girty and El- 
 liot. Crawford immediately took a sheltered position in a grove, 
 and succeeded in maintaining the supremacy during the action. 
 The next day the fight was renewed, but Crawford still kept the 
 savages at a respectful distance by means of his sharp-shooters. 
 The third day the Indians were reinforced by a company of Brit- 
 ish cavalry from Detroit. All hope of final victory was now 
 abandoned, and the retreat was commenced at nine o'clock the 
 succeeding evening. By skillful skirmishing the Americans suc- 
 ceeded in getting outside the enemy's lines, and making a brief 
 halt, to their dismay their commander was missing. 
 
 But there was no time to look for him, for the victorious 
 enemy were pressing upon their rear in overwhelming numbers, 
 and now while the defeated raiders are flying homewai*d with tlu" 
 exultant foj in hot pt.rsuit, the fate of Crawford will be told. 
 
 During the bewilderment of the night retreat Crawford had 
 been cut ott" from the main body and captured, together witli 
 several others, among wu >m was Dr. Knight. Most of the cap- 
 tives were tomahawked with little ceremony, but Crawford, the 
 big Captain, as the Indians called him in derision, was reservci 
 for an especial object on Avhom to satiate their vengeance. When 
 brought to the place of execution, among the red demons who 
 were assembled to take part in the revelry, was Simon Girty. 
 
 Nine years before, during his residence near Pittsburg, he had 
 lived in the same neighborhood with Crawford, and the unhappy 
 victim seeing him, a faint ray of hope flashed into his frozen 
 heart as he was stripped naked and tied to the fatal stake. 
 
 TJiere were the faggots, and vengeful hands to apply them, 
 and there was Girty, his former neighbor, who had otten sat at 
 his table in the free and easy companionship peculiar to frontier 
 men and hunters, but the face of the white savage was cold and 
 forbidding. " Do they intend to burn me?" inquired Crawford 
 of Girty. "Yes," was the reply. "I will take it all ])atiently," 
 Baid the stoical Colonel, and the work began. 
 
 *ThiB wa.s the condition of W\ andott<^ county as lato as IX'.i), at which time 
 the writer passed through it soon after the removal of the Indians. 
 
Crawford Dies hy Fire. 183 
 
 His tormenters, with a keen discrimination, economized the 
 vital spark in their victim to the longest span, in order to make 
 the most of him. For three hours he continued to breathe, while 
 the whole surface of his body had been punctured with the burn- 
 ing ends of hickory sticks. 
 
 At last tli<3 voice of jjrayer was heard in low but audible words. 
 A hideous squaw now, in the vain attempt to bring fresh tor- 
 tures to the dying man, emptied a shovel of coals on his back as 
 he laid prostrate, face downwards, but insensibility had come to 
 his relief, and he manifested no sign of pain. Soon afterwards 
 he arose to his feet, and walked ? round the post to which he had 
 been tied, and again laid down for the last time. Dr. Ivniglit 
 was now taken away, and nothing more was known of his last 
 moments, except what was gathered from those who took part in 
 the fiendish work. 
 
 Dr. Knight was treated only as a prisoner of war, and ulti- 
 mately was returned to his home. 
 
 According to Heckwelder, the Moravian historian of those 
 times, Crawford was tortured in revenge for the barbarous work 
 of Williamson's men a few weeks before, on which occasion for- 
 ty-two women and children had shared the fate of the men in the 
 indiscriminate butchery. 
 
 Perkins, author of the "Western Annals, says that Crawford's 
 command started into the forests with the avowed j>urpose of 
 killing every red man, woman or child, who came within the 
 reach of their rifles. As much may be inferred from some of the 
 cotemporary relations. ]3ut C, W. Butterfield, who has lately 
 ;publislied a complete history of the wliole expedition, taken from 
 documents, manuscripts and tradition, has discredited the defamers 
 of the expeditionists, and exonerates Crawford, at least, from any 
 complicity in the slaughter of Gnadenhutten. Here it is proper 
 to say, however, that the horrors of Gnadenhutten served to 
 soften the hearts of the hostile Indians towards the Christian In- 
 dians, and even the impervious Girty was no longer their enemy. 
 These conditions would go to strengthen the theory, that Craw- 
 ford's awful fate was the result of the Moravian massacn, al- 
 though he was innocent of anv marderuus design against the Indi- 
 ans, as Mr. Butterfield, nis charitable biographer, has indicated, 
 
 " My country, right or wrong," is the best apology the histori- 
 an can make for the style of warfare which had been waged 
 against the Indians ever since 177-i, when Cornstock and Logan 
 raised the tomaliawk in revenge for the unprovoked slaughters of 
 Cresap, Greathouse, and others. And thus it was, that the fron- 
 tiers of the colonies had been lashed into fury by the war, and 
 could only be lulled into quiet by a permanent peace with Eng- 
 land. 
 
184 ■ Peace Ifegotiatiov^. 
 
 After fighting had ceased, and negotiations were opened for 
 peace, the first point to be settled was, on what terms the Amer- 
 icans should treat, which, in fact, in ;olved the chief point at 
 if sue. Nobody saw this in a clearer light than the Americ.in 
 Commissioners themselves. Jay, Adams, Franklin and Laurens, 
 with a tenacity worthy tlisir high calling, refused to treat in any 
 capacity, except as a sovereign and ii ''■^pendent nation. This 
 was reluctantl}' conceded by England, ana three other points only 
 remained to be settled: The American rigiits to the fisheries of 
 Newfoundland; their liability to indemnify tories for losses 
 during the war; and the last and most important of the three, the 
 Western limits of the United States, 
 
 The fishery question was disposed of by granting the Ameri- 
 cans the right to fish where they })leased. Next, as to indemni- 
 fying tories for the loss of their property, either by the ravages 
 of war, or the confiscation of their estates, the American Com- 
 missioners suggested that it would be equally reasonable for the 
 English to make good the private damage their armies did to 
 American patriots during their various invasions. This unan- 
 swerable argument settled that point in favor of the Americans. 
 
 Lastly came the boundary question, which was a far more cir- 
 cumstantial afiair, and presents one of the most complex condi- 
 tions of diplomacy ever recorded in history. 
 
 Spain was then a powerful nation, and was allied to France by 
 the closest relations of mutual interest, as each were under the 
 rule of a Bourbon. The English were determined to retain all 
 the territory described in the Quebec bill of 1774, which made 
 the Ohio river the Southern line of Canada. 
 
 Meantime the Count de Aranda, the Spanish Minister, asserted 
 the claim of Spain to all the territory between the Mississippi 
 and Alleghany Mountains. 
 
 At this juticture Mr. Jay, with his usual penetration, made the 
 discovery that France was secretly using her influence in favor of 
 the Spanish claim. The case was now daily becoming more com- 
 plicated, and the American Commissioners, after some weeks of 
 delay, availed themselves of England's willingness to concede the 
 boundary of the Mississippi, and signed the definitive treaty 
 With her to this effect, without consulting either the French or 
 Spanish Ministers. Had the signing of the treaty hung on the 
 pleasure of Spai II till her consent was obtained to making the 
 Mississippi the Western boundary of the United States, it would 
 never have been signed, and it is highly probable that England 
 would not liave conceded this point, if the Spanish claim had not 
 presented obstacles in the way of her retaining the territory in 
 question, even if the Americans relinquished it. This considera- 
 t;<>n, in addition to the American rights by virtue of Clark's con- 
 
Contingent Diplomacy. 185 
 
 quest, settled the destiny )f the Northwest, by placing it under 
 the new flag of the Unitec States. It will thus be seen that this 
 result grew out of a rare combination of contingent conditions, 
 the miscarriage of any one of which would have defeated its ac- 
 complishment. 
 
 John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay and Henry Laurens were the 
 Commissioners on the part of the United States to negotiate the peace — all able 
 men, perhaps the best fitted tor the work of any the country afforded. Mr. Jay, 
 in particular, distinguished himself by his penetration into the mazes of Euro- 
 pean diplomacy, and proved himself more than a match for the Commissioners 
 of England, Spain and France, though they had grown grey (to use a metaphor) 
 in such service, while he had no other qualifications but his master-mind, and 
 his unshaken purpose. The King of England empowered Richard Oswald to 
 act with the Commissioners on the part of •' The Colonies or Plantations, or any 
 body or bodies, corporate or politic, assembly or assemblies, or description of men, 
 or person or persons whatsoever, ' ' and to ' ' negotiate a peace or truce with the said 
 Colonies or Plantations, or any of them, or any part or parts thereof." Count 
 Vergennes, the French Commissioner, advised that these powers and forms were 
 sufficient to meet the exigency, and Franklin, in his loyalty to French honor, at 
 first coincided with him. But Jay positively refused to negotiate on any basis 
 that did not establish the equality of the Commissioners of both countries as a 
 titarting point. " That the treaty must be the consequence of independence, 
 and not independence the consequence of treaty." Fntnklin and his other con- 
 stituents soon saw the importance of this position, and they all united with him 
 in the tenacity with which he insisted on it. Whereupon Mr. Oswald, not with- 
 out some embarrassment, reluctantly exhibited his secret instructions, author- 
 izing him in case "The American Commissicners are not at liberty to treat in 
 any terms short ot independence, you are to declare to them that you have 
 authority to make that concession." The oommissioners then proceeded to 
 business, which had not progressed far till Mr. Jay learned with surprise and 
 indignation, that Count de Aranda, the Spanish Commissioner, demanded the 
 abandonment of the Mississippi on the part of the United States as a Western 
 boundary. Nor was this policy confined t » the ^anish Court, as there was con- 
 -vincing evidence to Mr. Jay that France secretly encouraged Spain in this de- 
 mand. Franklin at first would not believe it. but Adams, after canvas.siug the 
 matter, coincided with Jay, and Franklin and Laurens were soon forced into the 
 same conviction by the accumulating evidence in its favor. Lender these cir- 
 cumstances, the American Commissioners signed the tieaty of peace with the 
 English, without the knowledge of the French Court, as soon as the required 
 U'tmi were agreed to. This gave rise to some censure on tl.e part of France 
 and Spain, but no serious rupture from any quarter, for the following reasons: 
 England saw the impossibility of retaining the Valley of the Mississippi herself, 
 when both Spain and France opposed it. France had then just begun to feel 
 the premonitory symptoms of the fearful revolution, which soon followed, and 
 Spain had neither I'riendship nor honor in the issue sufficient to make a serioua 
 jTotest after the treaty was signed by the two principal part'.es. 
 
CHAPTER XL 
 
 Characteristics and Costume of the Virginia Border Men and 
 the New England Pioneers — The Ohio Company Formed — 
 Marietta Settled — Cession of the Northwest to the United 
 States — Symes' Purchase — Columbia^ North Bend and Cin- 
 cinnati Settled — JEmigration in Arks — The British on the 
 Lakes — Their Relations with the Indians — St. Clair Arrives 
 at Marietta as Governor of the Northwest Territory — Courts 
 Established — Uarmer Invades the Indian Country — The 
 French and Indian Villages on the Wabash Destroyed. 
 
 Hitherto the Virginia ranger, among whom were a few back- 
 woods Penn sylvian ians, were the only Anglo-Americans who had 
 crossed the Ohio river. 
 
 These men had been trained amidst the toils and excitements 
 of camp-life from infancy. The crack of the rifle was a famil- 
 iar sound to them, and the Indian war-whoop not an unfrequent 
 one. 
 
 Their character was moulded from two extremes. The first 
 and fundamental one was tlie high-bred civilization of their 
 fathers, and the other, was the influence which their collision 
 with the savages had exerted over them. This had stimulated 
 their heroic virtues, and also whetted their revenge to a wiry- 
 edge. 
 
 Into the wilderness they had marched — their feet clad witii 
 moccasins, after the Indian pattern — their hunting-shirts faced 
 with a fringe, and sometimes ornamented with wild-cats' paws 
 for epaulettes. The inevitable leathern belt which they wore was 
 as heavy as a horse's surcingle of modern days, and from it de- 
 pended sockets for a tomahawk, a large knife, and a pistol. A 
 heavy rifle, bullet-pouch and powder horn, com])leted their outfit. 
 
 Such were the men, whose vaulting ambition in making the 
 conquest of the country beyond the Ohio, had wrenched away the 
 jewel which the heroic Wolfe in his dying moments, on the 
 neights of Abraham, had bequeathed to the English crown. 
 
 Another element now comes to the scene. The NewEnglander 
 has heard of these fertile valleys, and comes to see them. He is 
 
Settlement of Marietta. 18'^ 
 
 dressed in a blue-black broadcloth coat, -with a velvet collar stif- 
 fened with buckram, and projectinc? its inflexible form above the 
 nape of his neck, often con)ing in collision with the rim of his bell- 
 crowned hat as he throws his head back with an air of conscious 
 dignity, neither constrained nor ostentations. His vest reaches 
 the entire length of his body, but is cut back, leaving angular 
 flaps at the extremities. His feet are shod with ponderous boots, 
 imparting steadfastness rather than elasticity to his gait. 
 
 By these men were formed in June, 1786, a corporation called 
 The Ohio Company. It was composed of officers and soldiers 
 from New England, who had served with honor in the war of the 
 Kevolution. On the 23d of November, 1787, the stockholders in 
 this Company met at Bracket's Tavern, in Boston, and voted ta 
 send a corps of forty-eight men to the mouth of the Muskingum 
 river, make a survey of public lands for a settlement, cut away 
 the forests for a field, and make other preparations for the colony. 
 
 The wood choppers were to receive $4.00, and the surveyors 
 $27.00 per month while in actual service, and General Rufus Put- 
 nam, the venerable Superintendent, was to receive $40.00 per 
 month.* 
 
 The party landed in flat-boats at the mouth of the Muskingum, 
 the 7th of April, 1788, and began to lay out a town which they 
 first named Adelphi, but subsequently changed the name to 
 Marietta, in honor of Marie Antoinette, the fair Queen of France, 
 whose supreme influence in the French Court had been used in 
 behalf of Franklin's mission there in 1778, to secure the acknowl- 
 edgment of American independence. 
 
 The New England element was here planted for the first time 
 beyond the Ohio, and here it ever retained its foothold. But ere 
 its destined influence was to make itself widely known and felt, 
 the third and last conquest of the country was to be made. 
 
 The first conquest had been made from the French, in the 
 French and Indian war, wdiich gave the country to the English. 
 The second by the Virginians under Clark, which had given the 
 country to the United States. But in both of these conquests the 
 natives of the soil saw no infringements of their rights, nor 
 were there any in theory. They had been invited to take part 
 in both of them, and had done so under an impression that the 
 nation to whom they had allied themselves, would protect them 
 in their natural rights to the soil. But as ill-fortune would 
 have it, for them, they had fought on the losing side, first for the 
 French against the English, and next, chiefly against the Ameri- 
 cans during the Revolutionary War, and had drawn upon them- 
 selves the resentment of the Virginians and Pennsylvanians, 
 
 ♦Hildreth's Pioneer Hist. p. 202. 
 
188 Cession of The North West to the United States. 
 
 and the Kentucky pioneers, who were now beginning to settle 
 that infant state. At no distant day a collision was inevitable 
 between them and tlie Anglo Americans, which was not to be 
 confined to the border, but to be carried into the forest recesses, 
 where the ownership of the soil was to be decided by tlie rifle, 
 tomahawk and scalping knife, in a series of campaigns, on a 
 far grander scale thau any which had yet been witnessed in tiie 
 American forest. 
 
 In 1784, on the 1st of March, the state of Virginia had ceded 
 all her rights in the Northwest to the United States. 
 
 The deed of cession contained the following conditions, viz: 
 " That tlie territorv so ceded shall be laid out and formed into 
 States, containing a suitable extent of territory, not less than one 
 hundred, nor more than one hundred and fifty miles square; or 
 as near thereto as circumstances will admit; and that the States 
 so formed shall be distinct Republican States, and admitted mem- 
 bers of the Federal Union ; having the same rights of sovereignty, 
 freedom, and independence as the other States. That the neces- 
 sary and reasonable expense: incurred by Virginia, in subduing 
 any British posts, or in maintaining forts and garrisons within, 
 and for the defense, or in acquiring any part of, the territory so 
 ceded or relinquished, shall be fulTy reimbursed by the United 
 States. That the French and Canadian inhabitants, and other 
 settlers of the Kaskaskias, Post Vincennes, and the neighboring 
 villages, who have professed themselves citizens of Virginia, shall 
 have their possessions and titles confirmed to them, and be pro- 
 tected in the enjoyment of their rights and liberties. That a 
 quantity not exceeding one hundred and fifty thousand acres of 
 land, promised by Virginia, shall be allowed and granted to the 
 then Colonel, now General George Rogers Clark, and to the offi- 
 cers and soldiers of his regiment, who marched with him when 
 the posts of Kaskaskia and Vincennes were reduced, and to the 
 officers and soldiers that have been since incorporated into the 
 said regiment, to be laid off in one tract, the length of which not 
 to exceed double the breadth, in such place bn the northwest side 
 of the Ohio, as a maiority of the officers shall choose.* 
 
 The 20th day of May, 1785, Congress passed an ordinance for 
 the survey and disposition of that portion of the territory which 
 had been purchased by treaty from the Indian inhabitants. For 
 carrying tliis ordinance into effect one surveyor was appointed 
 from each of the States, and placed under the direction of Thomas 
 Hutchins, the geographer of the United States. The territory 
 was to be surveyed into townships of six miles square, by lines 
 
 * This reservation was laid off on the borders of the Ohio river, adjacent to 
 the falls; and the tract was called the "Illinois Grant, " or " Clark's Grant." 
 
Publio Surveys. 189 
 
 running due north and south, and others crossing these at right 
 angles. " The first line running north and south as aforesaid, 
 shall begin on tlie river Ohio, at a point that shall be found to be 
 north from the western termination of a line which has been run 
 as the soxitliern boundary of the State of Pennsylvania, and the 
 first line running east and west shall begin at the same point and 
 shall extend throughout the whole territory." The townships 
 were to be numbered from south to north, beginning with No. 1, 
 and the ranges to be distinguished by their progressive numbers 
 to the westward; tlie first range extending from the Ohio to Lake 
 Erie, being marked ]S"o. 1. The geographer was to attend per- 
 sonally to running the first east and west line, and to take the 
 latitude of the extremes of the first north and south line, and of 
 the mouths of the principal rivers. Seven ranges of townships, 
 in the direction from south to north, were ordered to be first sur- 
 veyed, and plats thereof transmitted to the board of treasury, and 
 so of every succeeding seven ranges that should be surveyed. 
 
 After these lands had been advertised for sale, they were to be 
 sold at a rate of not less than one dollar per acre, with an addi- 
 tion of the expenses of survey, estimated at thirty-six dollars a 
 township. Four lots, numbered 8, 11, 26 and 29, were reserved, 
 for the United States, out of every township. These lots were 
 mile squares of six hundred and forty acres. Lot Ko. 16 was 
 reserved for the benefit of schools within the township. 
 
 _ The States of New York, Massachusetts and Connecticut, by 
 virtue of ancient royal charters, respectively claimed large terri- 
 tories lying north of the river Ohio and west and northwest of 
 the western boundary of Pennsylvania. The claim of New York 
 was, however transfecred to the United States, by a deed of ces-- 
 sion, executed in Congress on the first day of March, 1781. The 
 claim of the State of Massachusetts was assigned to the United 
 States on the 19th day of April, 1785; and on the 13th day of 
 September, 1786, the State of Connecticut transferred to the 
 United States her claim to lands in the West, reserving a tract of 
 about three millions of acres, bounded on the north by lake Erie, 
 on the south by the forty-first degree of north latitiide, and ex- 
 tending westwardly one hundred and twenty miles from the 
 western boundary of Pennsylvania. This tract was called the 
 Western Eeserve of Connecticut. In the month of October, 
 1786, the legislature of that State ordered a part of the tract, 
 '^"g east of the river Cuyahoga, to be surveved, and opened au 
 ofiice for the sale of the lands. In 1792, a tract containing about 
 five hundred thousand acres of land, lying in the western part of 
 the reservation, was granted by Connecticut to certain citizens of 
 that State as a compensation for property burned and destroyed 
 m the towns of New London, New Haven, Fairfield, and llor- 
 
190 St. Clair Appointed Governor. 
 
 walk by the British troops in the course of the Revolutionary 
 war. The tract thus granted was called the Fire Lands. On the 
 30th of May, 1800, the jurisdictional claims of the State of Con- 
 necticut to all the territory called the Western Iteserve of Con- 
 necticut was surrendered to the United States. These •''arious 
 cessions included all the claims held by old collonial charters to 
 any western lands, all of which being transferred to the United 
 States, it only remained to extinguish the Indian title, in order, 
 to possess the country. 
 
 On the oth of October, 1787, Major-Gen. Arthur St. Clair was 
 appointed Governor of the Northwest Territorv, who was in- 
 structed to do this as rapidly as consistent with the peace. 
 
 The new Territorial Government was to go into operation on 
 the first of the succeeding February, 1788. Emigration was rap- 
 idly coming into the country, in flat-boats down the Ohio river, 
 and settling on lands already surveyed at Marietta, and j^further 
 down on lands known by the name of Symes' Purchase. 
 
 Soon after the settlement had been made at Marietta, Major 
 Benjamin Sites, with about twenty men, landed in November, 
 1788, at the mouth of the Little Miami river, within the limits 
 of a tract of ten thousand acres, purchased by Major Sites from 
 Judge Symes. Here they constructed a log fort, and laid out 
 the town of Columbia. 
 
 The next month, on the 24th, Mathias Denman and Robert 
 Patterson, with twelve or fifteen men, landed at the mouth of 
 the Licking river, just below, and projected the town of Cincin- 
 nati. Losanteville was the first name given to the place, which 
 had been manufactured (says Judge Burnet in his notes, page 47) 
 " by a pedantic foreigner, whose name fortunately has been for- 
 gotten." 
 
 It was formed, he said, from the words Le-os-ante-ville, which 
 he rendered " The Village opposite the Mouth." The name was 
 not long retained, but by wliose authai-ity it was changed, is not 
 known. Late in the ensuing auturo", which was in 1789, the 
 town was surveyed by Colonel Ludlow. In February of the same 
 year a third town was commenced on the same tract of land, at 
 North Bend, just below Cincinnati. This was done by Judge 
 Symes himself, the original purchaser of the tract. A few 
 months later, a town was laid out and named Symes, but the 
 place soon became known only by North Bend, and was destined 
 to gain more notoriety as the residence of "William Henry Harri- 
 son, than by its success as a city. As might be supposed, a feel- 
 ing of rivalry existed between the three towns started, each of 
 which pnt forth its best efforts to attract the emigration that was 
 rapidly coming into the country, and for a time neither seemed 
 
Fort Washington Built. 191 
 
 to eclipse the others in any substantial advantages over the other 
 
 two. 
 
 At tliis juncture a celebrated charmer came to Cincinnati, and 
 her influence turned the scales in its favor. The story runs as 
 follows: 
 
 Major Doughty, a man no more invulnerable to the tender 
 passion than other majors, was ordered by General Harmar to go 
 down the Ohio, and erect a fort for the protection of the rapidly 
 increasing populr.cion of the three villages. With this intent, he 
 landed at the Eend, and soon formed the acquaintance of a fas- 
 cinating woman, who was the wife of one of the settlers at the 
 place. To avoid his clandestine attentions to his wife, the hus- 
 band changed his residence to Cincinnati; but this only served 
 to convince the Major that Cincinnati instead of North Bend was 
 the most propitious place for the fort, and he promptly went 
 thither and built a block-house, despite the remonstrances of 
 Symes himself.* 
 
 The settlers at the Bend soon deserted the place in favor of 
 Cincinnati, partly to put themselves under the protection of the 
 the block-house, in case of an Indian outbreak, and partly 
 through a conviction that it gavp better promise of future pro- 
 gress. 
 
 Fort Washington, a more subsluiitiai work of defense, was soon 
 afterwards bnilt at the place. 
 
 During the early years of Western settlement, the Ohio river 
 wtis the only highway by which the country was reached. Flat- 
 boats, known by the special name of arks, with all the appurte- 
 nances of cooking and sleeping, were built on the upper tributa- 
 ries of the Ohio river, and from ten to twenty families would em- 
 bark in a single one for the West. Down the Ohio they floated, 
 whither fortune and the current would carry them, landing at 
 last in some propitious cove in the river that looked inviting. 
 Here the ark is moored, and in it they still make their home, 
 till log cabins can be erected on shore. Tliis done, the tempora- 
 ry community breaks up, each family setting up for themselves, 
 and the new settlement is begun. 
 
 New Design, four miles sotith of Bellefontaine, in Monroe 
 county, Illinois, was settled in this way by some Virginians in 
 1781. From the germ planted liere, grew to maturity, by con- 
 stant accessions from Virginia, and later from Kentucky, the set- 
 tlements of Southern Illinois, with their habits and sentiments 
 firmly ingrained into their minds, which they inherited from 
 Virginia. 
 
 While the bo rders of the Ohio river were first being settled, 
 
 • Burnet's Notes, pp. 53-54. 
 
192 St. Clair Arrives at Marietta. 
 
 the posts of Detroit, ]\[ichiliinackinae, Green Bay, St. Joseph, 
 Sandusky, Niai^^ara and 06\vei;<j, were scarcely thought of by the 
 Americans. The Britisli still held garrisons in them, all the 
 same as they had done during the American Eevolution. 
 
 On the 12th of July, in 17S3, soon after the definitive treaty 
 of peace had been signed at Paris, Gen. AVashington sent Baron 
 Steuben to Canada to cjufer with tlie Governor, for the purpose 
 of transferring these posts to the United States, but to his sur- 
 prise, he refused to deliver tlicni up to the Americans, and the 
 Englishcontinued to hold these ])0sts for the present, although 
 the act was in violation of the treaty of Paris. 
 
 From their ramparts waved the red cross of St. George, and 
 even in these savage reah.is the loyalty to the English Govern- 
 ment perhaps exceeded that of the Islanders themselves. 
 
 As might be sujiposed, the English had little confidence in tin; 
 permanency of American institutions, and looked forward to a 
 time when the attempt of the Americans to set up a government 
 on the plan of universal suffrage woidd result in a failure. Un- 
 der this expectation the prudential British, with an eye to the 
 beautiful as well as their pecuniary interests, lingered on the 
 great waters of the interior, waiting to see what the future might 
 bring forward; and from these various forts they annually dis- 
 tributed large amounts of goods as presents to the Indians, per- 
 haps on the same principle that a client, in anticipation of a law- 
 suit gives retaining fees to lawyers. 
 
 These acts stirred up bad blood in the hearts of the Americans, 
 but there was no remedy. Washington himself counseled sub- 
 mission to the situation for the present, and with that clear vis- 
 ion into the future, for which he was reniarkable, looked forward 
 to a time when "manifest destiny" would drive the English 
 awa}' from the lakes. 
 
 On the 9th of July, 1788, St. Clair arrived at Marietta, and a3 
 Governor of the Northwest Territory, set the necessary machin- 
 ery in motion to form a government agreeable to his appoint- 
 ment by Washington, the President of the United States. 
 
 Tlie first county was laid out with dimensions large enough to 
 inchide all the settlements around Marietta, and was named 
 Washington county. About tlie first of June, 1790, the (;ov- 
 ernor, with the Judges of the Superior Court, descended the Ohio 
 to Cincinnati, and laid out Hamilton county. A few weeks later 
 he, with Winthrop Sargent, Secretary of the Territory, proceeded 
 to Kaskaskia, iu the Illinois country, and organized St. Clair 
 county. 
 
 Knox county, around Vincennes, was soon afterwards laid out. 
 At each of these four counties, courts were established ou a model 
 which has not beca materially^ changed since. 
 
r fa 
 , 1-4 
 
 5 ea 
 
 ^ 
 
Courts Established in the North West. 193 
 
 The Indians beheld these innovations into their country with 
 meful thoughts. Tlie United States had neither surveyed nor sold 
 any of these lands that had not been bought and paid for through 
 treaties with certain chiefs, but it was claimed by the great mass 
 of Indians that these chiefs had no authority to sell the lands. 
 
 To enumerate the various treaties by which the first purchases 
 were made along the Ohio river, would fill a volume with monot- 
 onous formula. ' They are preserved in government archives, but 
 are seidoin referred to now. 
 
 They were the instruments by which the Indian was driven 
 from his native soil, and having executed their mission, are filed 
 away like writs of ejectment after liaving been served. In al- 
 most all cases they were signed by the Indians under a pressure 
 from which tliey could not extricate themselves. 
 
 If they signed them they would get pay for their lands, which 
 the borders of advancing civilization had rendered useless to 
 them, while if they refused, ihey would nevertheless be forced 
 back without any remuneration. The chiefs could plainly see 
 this, but the great masses of red men could not. Keither could 
 they understand how, by virtue of these instruments, the white 
 man should come among them, cut away the forests, and whelnx 
 the fabric of savage society in ruin. 
 
 In vain the poetry, the romance, and the conscience of the na- 
 tion might lift up its voice in behalf of the poor Indian. There 
 was but one way in which he could be saved, which was to beat 
 his scalping knife into a plowshare, and till the soil, but he was 
 as incapable of doing this as the drones in the hive of industry in 
 our day are to contribute to the public weal their share of its 
 burdens. 
 
 liaving established courts at Kaskaslcia and Vincennes, St. 
 Clair returned to his headquarters at Cincinnati early in the snin- 
 mer of the same year, 1790. During his absence the outcrop- 
 ping discontents of the Indians had been made manifest by theif 
 wuylaving tlie emigrants as tiiey came down the Ohio in arks, 
 and unless some means were taken to stop these attacks, this 
 great and oidy highway to the West would soon be closed. 
 
 This was what the Indians aimed at in their attacks, nor had 
 they yet learned the impossibility of the undertaking. 
 
 St. Chiir now determined to invade the Indian country to pun- 
 isi> the disturbers of the peace, and by virtue of authority vested 
 in him by the President, lie called for 1,000 militia from Vir- 
 ginia,* and 500 from Pennsylvania. 
 
 So careful was President Washington at this time not to pro- 
 
 •Tlio State of Virginia then indiided Kentucky, in which settk'nentii had 
 been made bclore the Northwest Territory was organized. 
 
19i Apology to the English for Fighting the Indians. 
 
 vote a quarrel with the British, that he deemed it imprudent to 
 invade the Indian country, without sending an apology to the 
 English commander at Detroit, lest he might take oftense that 
 the Americans had dared to make war on his allies. The follow- 
 ing is the letter which St. Clair i»ent him : 
 
 " Makiktta, 19th September, 1790. 
 " Sir: — As it is not improbable that an account of the military 
 preparations going forward in this quarter of the country may 
 reach \-ou, and give you some uneasiness, while the object to 
 which they are to be directed is not perfectly known to you, I 
 am commanded by the President of the United States to give you 
 the fullest assurances of the pacific disposition entertained toward 
 Oreat Britain and all her possessions ; and to inform you ex- 
 plicitly that the expedition about to be undertaken is not in- 
 tended against the post you have the honor to command, nor any 
 other place at present in the possession of the troops of his Bri- 
 tannic majesty, but is on foot with the sole design of humbling 
 and chastising some of the savage tribes, whose depredations are 
 become intolerable, and whose cruelties have of late become an 
 outrage, not on the people of America only, but on humanity ; 
 which I now do in the most unequivocal manner. After this 
 candid explanation, sir, there is every reason to expect, both from 
 your own personal character, and from the regard you have for 
 that of your nation, that those tribes will meet with neither coun- 
 tenance nor assistance from any under your command, and that 
 you will do what in your power lies, to restrain the trading peo- 
 ple, from whose instigations there is too good reason to believe, 
 much of the injuries of the savages has proceeded. I have for- 
 warded this letter by a private gentleman, in preference to that 
 of an officer, by whom you might have expected a communica- 
 tion of this kind, that every suspicion of the purity of the views 
 of the United States might be obviated." 
 
 Harmar's whole force amounted to 1,453 men all told. On 
 the 26th of September Col. Hardin led the advance to cut a road, 
 but the main body did not leave Fort Washington till the 3d of 
 October, 1790. 
 
 The objective point was the Miami village at the bend of the 
 Maumee, where Fort Wayne now stands. 
 
 After a march of sixteen days, Col. Hardin reached the place 
 with the advance, intending to surprise the Indians, but on en- 
 tering the village he found it deserted. Their store of corn was 
 then rated at twenty thousand bushels in the ear,* which was 
 consigned to the flames by the invaders. 
 
 ' •Brice'8 History of Fort Wayno, p. 125. ' 
 
Little Turtle Defeats Hardin. 195 
 
 The troops were very disorderly, and despite the efforts of Gen. 
 Harmar, who soon arrived with the main body, everything like 
 reasonable discipline was impossible. 
 
 After a few days the celebrated chief, Little Turtle, fell sud- 
 denly upon Col. "Hardin's detachment, while some miles away 
 from the main body, and put them to flight with heavy loss. Af- 
 ter visiting destruction on another Indian village two miles far- 
 ther south, Gen. Harmar took up his march for Fort Washing- 
 ton. 
 
 But ere they left the scene of operations, Little Turtle man- 
 aged to bring on anotlier battle with a strong detachment under 
 Col. Hardin, and severely defeated them. 
 
 The main body were not brought into action with the Indians 
 at all. but continued their retreat to Fort "Washington, where it, 
 with Hardin's detachment, arrived on the 4th of November, hav- 
 ing lost 183 men killed, besides many wlio were wounded. 
 
 While this expedition had been in progress, Gen. Hamtramck 
 led a force from Vincennes up the Wabash, and destroyed the 
 Piankeshaw villages, with their stores. The loss of their corn was 
 severely felt by the Indiana, but the prestige of victory was with 
 them, and they were much elated with the success that had at- 
 tended their arms. 
 
 The Indians were emboldened, and the apprehensions of the 
 settlements were aroused, particularly those of the Marietta col- 
 ony, who were more distant from succor in case of an Indian raid 
 than Cincinnati, as the latter was within ready reach of the Ken- 
 tucky settlements, where aid could be obtained at short notice. 
 
 After Harmar's expedition, the Indians, firm in the belief that 
 the British would make common cause with them in their war 
 with the United States, sent a deputation to Lord Dorchester, 
 who then held command at Detroit, to learn from him the amount 
 of support they could expect in the coming war. 
 
 Up to this time such inquiries had been answered with meta- 
 phor, uttered from the tongues of such villainous apostates of 
 civilization as Girty, Elliot and McGee. 
 
 This notorious trio had used every means in their power to 
 deceive the Indians into the belief that the English were ready 
 to take up the hatchet in their behalf. Nor can it be denied that 
 the English officers themselves had given the Indians grounds 
 for such expectations. Indeed, they had, according to savage 
 rites, pledged themselves to sucli a policy by making tlic Indians 
 presents of hatchets, painted red as blood, by which emblem the 
 Indian is bound as solemnly as by vows, and he had no reason 
 to look upon such a symbol as not equally binding on the part of 
 the whites, till he learned to the contrary by experience. 
 
196 .6'cotfs Expedition. 
 
 The issue soon came before Lord Dorcliester in unequivocal 
 form, and lie declined the warlike proposals, ajreatlj to the disap- 
 pointment of his swarthy friends. No pretext offered for war 
 with the United States, thanks to the ])rudence of Washington 
 and Jay, by whose flexible but transcendent policy any expecta- 
 tions which the English might entertain, of winning jurisdiction 
 over the Northwest, had vanished into a forlorn hope. 
 
 Harmar's expedition liaving made no impression on the In- 
 dians, another was planned, to be undertaken the next year, 1791, 
 by General Charles Scott. It consisted of eight hundred monnted 
 men, the flower of Kentucky biish-flgliters, and its destination 
 was the Indian towns on the Wabash above Vincennes. "^riie 
 place was soon reached by the mounted scouts, the Indian towns 
 destroyed and about fifty prisoners taken, bat no decisive action 
 was fought. 
 
 This expedition, like Harmar's, which preceded it, only served 
 to inflame the resentment of the Indians and widen the breach 
 between them and the whites into an impassable gulf. 
 
 Scott's raid was succeeded by another similar one under Gen- 
 eral Wilkinson, the succeeding summer. He went up the Wa- 
 bash as far as Ouiatanon, laying waste towns and fields as he 
 went. Ouiatanon was then a thriving village of about seventy 
 comfortable dwellings, beside many Indian huts. It was com- 
 posed of French, half-breeds and Indians, and many signs of 
 progress, such as books and pictures, were manifest in this 
 wilderness post. Their fields of corn were cultivated with 
 plows, like the English, and their horses and cows were well 
 taken care of. * 
 
 The town was burnt and everything destroyed that the invad- 
 ers could seize, whether the property of French or Indians. 
 They all belonged to a less ambitious race than the Americans. 
 The French and Indians had lived together here since 1733, 
 and the hybrid offspring that rose up in the forest in conse- 
 quence was essentially Indian in social matters, while the French 
 themselves manifested no disposition to break through tlie toils 
 of savage manners, customs and superstitions. Whatever may 
 have been their standard of honor, or their comnmnistic propen- 
 sities, of equality and indisposition to eclipse each other in 
 wealth or grandeur, these were the last qualifications that 
 wouhl recommend them to the favor oi Americans, whose motto 
 is "Excelsior." 
 
 ♦ Am. State Papers, Vol. v., p. 121. 
 
CHAPTER XIL 
 
 Little Turtle — Bis Masterly Ahilities — Privations of the Early 
 Scitlers — St. Claires Expedition against the Indians — His 
 Defeat — Its Causes — lie Resigns — Gen. Anthony Wayne 
 Succeeds him — Peace Commissioners on the Canada Border — 
 The Indians claim the Ohio River as a Boundary Line 
 between Themselves and the Whites — The Terms Inadmissible 
 and the Council a Failure. 
 
 Among the forest lieroes whose exploits have made their his- 
 tory ilhistrious in tlieir downfall, was a chief named Little Turtle, 
 ^lifted with the essential qualities which make up the model 
 jffeat man in civilized. communities, and nearly exempt from the 
 cweiitricities peculiar to his race, his many virtues shone with 
 untarnished lustre aniidst the turmoil of tliecamp and the venge- 
 ful spirit of the times. He was not a chief by birth, but rose to 
 tliat distinction per force of his merit, both as counselor and 
 warrior, and at maturity he became principal chief of the Miamis, 
 jiiui the acknowledged leader of the neighboring tribes who had 
 confederated themselves together to beat back the white invaders 
 of their soil. Immediately after the raids of Harmar, Scott and 
 Wilkinson, the forest echoed with the war-whoop from the 
 Muskingum to the "Wabash. The Miamis, Chippewas, Dela- 
 wares, Pottawattomies. Hurons and Shawanese, gathered under 
 the banner of Little Turtle, who, with the assistance of Girty, 
 McGee and Elliot, and his subordinate chiefs, constituted the best 
 <lrilled army of Indian warriors that ever lought the white man. 
 J5t. Clair had foreseen all this vengeful animosity that rankled in 
 the hearts of the Indians, and had made preparations to meet it. 
 The country over wliich he had been appointed governor v/as a 
 wiMerness of forest and prairie, tenanted by its native in'iab:- 
 taiits; some of whom, under the tutelage of the French, had 
 ^ji-ected log cabins to live in instead of bark huts. The American 
 settlers did not number two thousand in the entire territory. 
 Tliey were settled within the limits of "Washington county, at the 
 mouth of the Muskingum and Svins' Purchase, on tne Ohio, 
 
198 Intrigues of Spain. 
 
 embracing Cincinnati and its vicinity. To these may be added a 
 few Americans settled amongst tlie French villages of the Illinois 
 country, and also among the settlers at Vincennes. Thriving set- 
 tlements liad started in Kentucky from the parent State of Vir- 
 ginia, and these were the main dependence of the inhabitants 
 north of the Ohio river, in case of a sudden Indian outbreak. 
 
 The situation of the inhabitants in the entire valley of the Mis- 
 sissippi was complicated with untried conditions. England still 
 held the entire lake country, Spain hold the west bank of the Mis- 
 sissippi and the port of Isew Orleans, and was putting forth her 
 utmost exertions to induce the people of Kentucky to cecede from 
 the United States, and to this end closed the navigation of the 
 Mississippi, refusing to make it free to the "Western people, except 
 ('1 c ■■ tdli'ons that they would cut loose from the parent stem and 
 Eet up a government undc the protection of Spain. To bring 
 about this she sent intriguing emissaries to Kentuckj-; nor did 
 they fail to get some encouragement. Under this double pres- 
 sure, the settlers of the Northwest maintained an unshaken con- 
 fidence in their ability to struggle through all the writhings of 
 their crooked path. 
 
 They labored incessantly at their daily toil, and were contented 
 with the coarsest fare, Corn meal mixed with water, baked on a 
 board turned up to the lire, was almost the only bread they had, and 
 all they wanted. Their meat, besides w^hat game they shot, was 
 pork, fattened on the nuts of the forest, which they called mast. 
 Within the territory at this time were four American forts: Fort 
 Knox, at Vincennes, garrisoned with 80 men ; Ft, Washington, at 
 Cincinnati, with 75 men; Ft. Steuben, tv,'enty-two miles above 
 Wheeling, on the Ohio River, with 61 men ; and Campus Martins, 
 at Marietta, with 45 men. 
 
 The latter place represented the blandishments of BosPon, the 
 classical learning of Yale, and the patriotism of Bunker Hill 
 Here the first laws to govern the new territory were published; 
 and here its first courts were established, and thougli Gen. St. 
 Clair's headquarters were at Cincinnati, Marietta was by far the 
 most congenial place for his family to reside in. Accordingly suit- 
 able appartments were fitted up for their accomniodation in Cam- 
 pus Martins, In Louisa, his oldest daughter, were united the 
 Western heroine with the refinements of Philadelphia, where she 
 was educated. In the winter of 1790, she was often seen skating 
 on the Muskingum river, in which exercise few of the young 
 officers could equal her in act'vity. During successive years she 
 often rode through the adjacent forests on horseback, armed with 
 her rifle, undaunted by the dangers of Indian ambuscades. Her 
 Bkill in the use of this weapon was sometimes turned to a good 
 
St. Clair Invades the Indian Country. 199 
 
 account in the wild j;ame with which she furnished her father's 
 table, shot by the bullet under the fatal aiim of her blue eye. 
 
 Hildreth, the pioneer historian, in his rapturous praises of 
 her surpassing beauty and grace, in his imagination substitutes 
 a bow and arrow for her rifle, and sees her flying through the 
 wooded heather, mounted on her high mettled steed, like Diana, 
 the daughter of Jupiter, and goddess of hunting. 
 
 In this gifted lady was represented the type of American 
 genius, the transcendent images of civilization, before which 
 all bow with loyalty and devotion. Should this power supplant 
 the barbarism of the forest, and make it teem with joy and 
 beauty multiplied with years? or should the inherent rights of 
 the Indians be respected, and the country which he owned be 
 held sacred to the chase and occupied only by the tenants of the 
 wigwam ? This was the question before the American people, 
 especially the pioneer who had crossed the Ohio, which was then 
 looked upon by the Indians as a partition line between the 
 whites and themselves. 
 
 On the 15th of May, 1791, Gen. St. Clair arrived at Ft. "Wash- 
 ington, which was to be the rallying point for the troops destined 
 to invade the Indian country. By a special act of Congress, 
 3,000 men were to be raised for this service from New Jersey, 
 Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia; but owing to the poverty 
 of the country, as well as the long continued draft upon its 
 sinews of war, the quota had not been filled. The rising State 
 of Kentucky, however, came to the rescue, and sent 418 men to 
 partially supply the deficiency. On the 17th of September the 
 whole force was gathered at Ludlow's Station, five miles north of 
 Ft. Washington, and the march began. 
 
 The first day brought the army to the banks of the Big 
 Miami where Fort Hamilton was built, which is the site of the 
 present beautiful town of Hamilton, twenty four miles north of 
 Cincinnati. 
 
 Continuing northwardly forty-two miles. Fort Jefferson was 
 built on the 24th, six miles south of the present town of Green- 
 ville, in Dark county. Delays in the arrival of provisions for 
 the troops, caused murmuring among the militia, and three 
 hundred of them deserted. On the 30th, the army made another 
 advance of seven miles. 
 
 On the 3d of November it had arrived at the head waters of 
 the Wabash, where it encamped in order of battle, as the enemy 
 were supposed to be near. 
 
 The next day, before sunrise, just after the early morning 
 drill, an advance corps of the army were attacked and driven in 
 with great precipitancy upon the main body. Little Turtle, who 
 
200 Defeat of Ths Americana. 
 
 commanded the Indians, with lus natural penetration, made the 
 most 01 tliis success by following it up with such promptness 
 that the disorder in St. Clair's army, occasioned by his dashing 
 charge, was never luliy recovered from, although the action soon 
 became general, and several successful bayonet charges nnder 
 Col. Darke, caused the Ijidians to retreat for a short time, but 
 only to renew tlie battle liercer than ever. 
 
 At nine o'clock it became evident to St. Clair that thn day waa 
 lost. One-third of his men laid dead or wounded on the ground, 
 which they could no longer defend. Tlie artillery was silent for 
 the want of men to serve it. General Butler, the second in com- 
 mand, laid mortally wounded, while his own clothes were pierced 
 with bullets; for he, with his accustomed courage, had shared 
 the dangers of the soldiers. Under these distressing circum- 
 stances, he executed a skillful manonver in the face of the tri- 
 umphant enemy, and secured a retreat with less loss than was 
 feared might result from a headlong flight before a fleet-footed 
 and victorious foe. His camp equipage and most of the wounded 
 were left in the hands of the victors. His losses were 39 oflicers 
 and 593 men killed, and 22 officers and 242 men wounded. 
 Little Turtle reported his loss at 150 killed, and from his un- 
 challenged record for integrity, his report may be taken as 
 correct. 
 
 The most rigid scrutiny failed to cast any blame on the con- 
 duct of St. Clair in this disastrous battle, but attributed the 
 defeat t^" the want of discipline in the raw recruits of which his 
 army was composed, not forgetting, with all, to state that the 
 Indians fought with exemplary courage, directed by the master 
 ]mind of Little Turtle. 
 
 More than a century ago there was a school of naturalists, 
 composed largely of French savants, who promulgated a theory 
 based on scientific principles, as they averred that America did 
 not produce the higher grades of animals; that even man would 
 become dwarfed in body and mind in that unfriendly climate, 
 unless fresh European blood was constantly infused into his veins 
 by emigration and intermarriage. 
 
 This theory must fall to the ground when the soil of America 
 produces such men as Little Turtle, whose great mind, not trace- 
 able to European origin, shone forth even more conspicuously in 
 Jiis statesrfian-like counsels after the battle than ever before, as 
 will appear in the history of the next campaign. This theory, 
 however, had already been put to the blush by Dr. Benjamin 
 Franklin, when he was in Paris in 1783, as minister to settle 
 terms of peace with England after the Revolution. On a certain 
 dav he invited a number of the literati of France to dine with 
 
Peace Council. 201 
 
 him. Some casualty turning the subject ot' the natural history 
 of America, one of the guests asked JPranklin's opinion on the 
 tlien acknowledged inferiority of animal growth there. The 
 attention of the whole company was now arrested to listen totlio 
 profound words of tht American philosopher, and when he arose 
 from \u6 seat, and requested his American friends to do the same, 
 the interest was redoubled. The six Americans present arose — 
 all muscular, overgrown men, with a fall measure of brains and 
 thorough bass voices. " Now let six Frenchmen arise," said the 
 sage of the New World. Up started the required number of 
 Pariians, whose slender frames and pale faces contrasted unfavor- 
 ably with the Americans. This settled the jaoint. 
 
 When the terrible defeat of St. Clair is read, let it not be for- 
 gotten that the soil of the Northwest nurtured into being the 
 men to accomplish it in defense of their homes; and if this brave 
 and eloquent people had enjoyed the advantages of civilization, 
 we could not have conquered them, nor should we have wished 
 to. Even under all their disadvantages they made a valiant de- 
 fense, and in the grandeur of their fall left ample proofs that 
 muscle and mind are indigenous to our soil. 
 
 After this disastrous campaign emigration ceased, but the 
 American forts were all held, including Fort Hamilton and Fort 
 JefttTson, which had been built by St. Clair on his way into the 
 Indian country. From prudential as well as patriv»tic motives, 
 he now resigned his position as commander-in-chief of the army, 
 and treneral Anthony Wayne was substituted in his place. Five 
 thousand men were to be raised for the expedition, which he was 
 to lead against Little Turtle. While these prepiu-ations were 
 making for the new campaign, Benjamin Lincoln, Beverly Ran- 
 dolph and Timothy Pickering, were appo'nted as commissioners 
 in behalf of the United States, to meet the Indians in council 
 near the mouth of Detroit river, not distant from the Indian 
 camp at the rapids of the Manmee, and if possible negotiate a 
 peace. Among the secret instructions which were given them 
 by Washington, the President of the United States, they were 
 required to make the treaty of Fort Harmar the basis of a peace. 
 By this treaty, the eastern and southern portions of the present 
 State of Ohio had been ceded to the United States, although the 
 Indians disputed the validity of the treaty, on the ground that 
 the tribes most interested liad taken no part in it. Other instruc- 
 tions authorized the commissioners to make some concessions to 
 the Indians, by giving up some lands already occupied out- 
 «i(le of the limits established by the treaty of Fort Harmar. 
 
 They were also authoi'ized to give to the Indians fifty thousand 
 dollars worth of goods immediately, and ten thousand dollars 
 
202 President Washington's Speech. 
 
 "iporth annually forever. Twenty thousand dollars in coin was to 
 be given to the head chiefs besides the above. The commission- 
 ers arrived on the ground in July, 1793, by way of the lakes, 
 courteously assisted by tlie Eiiglish in their methods of travel at 
 that time. While the council was in session, Oen. Wayne's 
 army remained near Cincinnati, waiting its result, and the In- 
 dians, on their part, faithfully preserved a peaceful attitude, 
 according to a previous agreement on botli sides. The great 
 point for which the Indians contended was that the Ohio river 
 should forever be the boundary line between themselves and the 
 whites; and the arguments they used to sustain this "^ lim, can 
 be best understood by quoting extracts from their speeches, and 
 the replies to them by the commissioners. 
 
 Previous to the meeting of these commissioners with the In- 
 dians, as proposed. Major Trueman and Col. Hardin left Fort 
 Washington, with copies of a speech from President Washington 
 to the hostile Indians, of which the following is an extract: 
 
 Brothers: The President of the United States entertains the 
 opinion that the war which exists is founded in error and mistake 
 on your parts: that you believe the United States wants to de- 
 prive you of your lands, and drive j'ou out of the country. Be 
 assured this is not so: on the contrary, that we should be greatly 
 gratified with the opportunity of imparting to you all the bless- 
 ings of civilized life, of teaching you to cultivate the earth, and 
 raise corn; to raise oxen, nriieep, and other domestic animals; to 
 build comfortable Infuse*, and to educate your children, so as ever 
 to dwell upon the land. War, at all times, is a dreadful evil to 
 those who are engaged therein, and more particularly so where a 
 few people engaged to act against so great numbers as the people 
 of the U nited States. Brothers : Ijo not suffer the advantages you 
 have gained to mislead ^our judgment, and influence you to con- 
 tinue the war: but reflect upon the destructive consequences 
 which must attend such a measure. The President of the United 
 States is highl}'^ desirous of seeing a number of your principle 
 chiefs, and convincing you, in person, how much he wishes to 
 avoid the evils of war for your sake, and the sake of humanity. 
 Consult, therefore, upon the great object of peace; call in your 
 parties, and enjoin a cessation ot all further depredations; and 
 as many of the principal chiefs as shall choose, repair to Phila- 
 delphia, the seat of the general government, and there make a 
 peace, founded on the principles of justice and humanity. Re- 
 member that no additional lands will be required of you, or any 
 other tribe, to those that h;ive been ceded by former treatie», par- 
 ticularly by the tribes who liad a right to make the treaty of 
 Muskingum, [Fort Ilarmar,] in the year I78y. But, if any of 
 
The Indvim Demand the Ohio as a Boundary. 20a 
 
 your tribes can prove that you have a fair right to any lands 
 compreliended by the said treaty, and have not been compensated 
 therefor, you shall receive a full satisfaction upon that head. The 
 chiefs you send shall be safely escorted to this city; and shall be 
 well fed and provided with all things for their journey, * * 
 Come, then, and be convinced for yourselves, of the beneficence 
 of General Washington, the great chief of the United States, and 
 afterward return and spread the glad tidings of peace and pros- 
 perity of the Indians to the setting sun." 
 
 The council was opened on the 30th of July, by Simon Girty, 
 interpreter, who presented, in behalf of the Indians, the following 
 paper to the commissioners: 
 
 " To the Commissioners of the United States. Bkotheks: 
 The deputies we sent to you did not fully explain our meaning; 
 we have therefore sent others, to meet you once more, that you 
 may fully understand the great question we have to ask of you^ 
 and to which we expect an explicit answer in writing. Brothers: 
 You are sent here by the United States, in order to make peace 
 with us, the confederate Indians. Brothers: You know very 
 well that the boundary line, which was run between the white 
 people and us, at the treaty of Fort Stanwix, was the river Ohio. 
 Brothers' If you seriously design to make a firm and lasting 
 peace, you will immediately remove all your people from our 
 Bide of that river. Brothers: We therefore ask you, are you fully 
 authorized by the United States to continue, and firmly fix on the 
 Ohio river as the boundary line between your people and ours? 
 Done in general council at the foot of the Maumee Rapids, 27th 
 July, 1793, in behalf of ourselves, and the whole confederacy^ 
 and agreed to in a full council." 
 
 To this opening of the case the commissioners replied: 
 
 " Brothers: We do know very well, that at the treaty of Fort 
 Stanwix, twenty-jive years ago, the river Ohio was agreed on as 
 the boundary line between you and the white people of the Brit- 
 ish colonies; and we all know that, about seven years after that 
 boundary was fixed, a quarrel broke out between your father, the 
 King of Great Britain, and the people of those colonies, wliich 
 are now the United States. This quarrel was ended by the treaty 
 of peace, made with the King, about ten years ago, by wliich the 
 Great lakes, and the waters which unite them were, by him, 
 declared to be the boundaries of the United States. 
 
 "Brothers: Peace having been thus made between the King 
 of Great Britain and the United States, it remained to make 
 peace between them and the Indian nations who had ia'.en part 
 with the King; fortius purpose, commissioners were appointed, 
 who sent messages to all those Indian nations, inviting them ta 
 
Indian Tenna Not Entertained. 
 
 %e and make peace, Tlie first treaty was held about nine 
 ,r8 ago, at Fort Stanwix, with the Six Nations, which has stood 
 n and nnviolated to this day. The next treaty was made about 
 ety days after, at Fort Mcintosh, with the half king of the 
 ,'andots. Captain Pipe, and other chiefs, in behalf of the 
 i^andot, Delaware, Ottawa, and Chippewa nations. Afterward 
 ities were made with divers Indian nations south of the Ohio 
 sr; and the next treaty was made with Ka-kia-pilathy, here 
 sent, and other Shawnee chiefs, in behalf of the Shawnee 
 ion, at the mouth of the Great Miami, which runs into the 
 io. 
 
 ' Erothers: The commissioners who conducted the treaties in 
 lalf of the United States, sent the papers containing them to 
 
 great council of the States, who, supposing them satisfactory 
 he nations treated with, proceeded to dispose of large tracts 
 land thereby ceded, and a great number of people removed 
 ru other parts of the United States, and settled upon them; 
 ) many families of your ancient fathers, the French, came over 
 
 great waters, and settled upon a part of the same l^nds.* 
 'Brothers: After some time, it appeared that a n^ .ber of 
 iple in your nations were dissatisfied with the treaties of Fort 
 Intosli and Miami; therefore the great council of the United 
 tes appointed Governor St. Clair their commissioner, with full 
 vers, for the purpose of removing all causes of controversy, regu- 
 ng trade, and settling boundaries, between the Indian nations 
 :he northern department and the United States. He accordingly 
 t messages, inviting all the nations concerned to meet him at 
 ouncil fire which he kindled at the falls of the Muskingum. 
 lile he was waiting for them, some mischief happened at that 
 ce, and the fire was put out; so he kindled a council fire at 
 rt liarmar, where near six hundred Indians, of difi'erent 
 ions, attended. The Six Nations then renewed and confirmed 
 
 treaty of Fort Stanwix; and tl.3 Wyandots and Delawares 
 ewed and confirmed the treaty of Fort Mcintosh: some Otta- 
 s, Chippewas, Pottawattomies, and Sacs, were also parties to 
 ! treaty of Fort Harmar. 
 
 ' Brothers: All these treaties we have here with us. We have 
 3 the speeches of many chiefs who attended them, and who 
 untarily declared their satisfaction with the ternr.s of the 
 aties. 
 
 'Brothers: After making all these treaties, and after hearing 
 : chiefs express freely their satisfaction with them, the United 
 ites expected to enjoy peace, and quietly to hold the lands 
 k'd by them. Accordingly, largo tracts have been sold and set- 
 
 The French settlement at Gallipolis. 
 
Claims Under Old Treaties Pressed. 205 
 
 tied, as before mer^ioned. And now, brothers, we answer explic- 
 itly, that, for tlie ' isons here stated to you, it -is impossible to 
 make the river Ohio the boundary hetxoecn your ;peoj>le and the 
 people of the United States. 
 
 "Brothers: You are men of understanding, and if you con- 
 sider the customs of white people, the great expenses which 
 attend their settling in a new country, the nature oftheir improve- 
 ments, in building houses and barns, and clearing and leneing 
 their lands, how valuable the lands are thus rendered, and 
 thence how dear they are to them, you will see that it is 
 now impracticable to remove our people from the northern side 
 of the Oiiio. Your brothers, the English, know the nature of 
 white people, and they know that, under the circumstances wliich 
 we have mentioned, the United States can not make the Ohio the 
 boundary between you and us. 
 
 "Brothers: You seem to consider all the lands in dispute on 
 your eide of the Ohio, as claimed by the United States; but 
 suffer us to remind you that a large tract was sold by the 
 Wyandot and Delaware nations to the State of Pennsylva- 
 nia. This tract lies east of a line drawn from the month 
 of Beaver creek, at the Ohio, due north to lake Erie. This 
 line is the western boundary of Pennsylvania, as claimed under 
 the charter given by the king of England to your ancient friend, 
 William Penn; of this sale, made by the Wj^andot and Dela- 
 ware nations to the State of Pennsylvania, we have never heard 
 any complaint. 
 
 " Brothers: The concessions which we think necessary on your 
 part are, that you yield up, and finally relinquish to the United 
 States, some of the lands on your side of the river Ohio. The 
 United States wish to have confirmed all the lands ceded to them 
 hythe treaty of Fort llarmar; and^ also, a small tract of land 
 at the rapids of the Ohio, claimed hy General Clark, for the use 
 of himself and warriors; and, in consideration tlicrcof, the 
 United States would give sttch a large sum, in money or goods, 
 as was never given at one time, for any quantity of Indian 
 lairds, since the white "people first set their foot on this inland. 
 And, because those lands did, every year, furnish yon with skins 
 and furs, with which you bought clothing and other necessaries, 
 tlie United States will now furnish the like constant supplies; 
 and, therefore, besides the great sum to be delivered at once, 
 they will, every year, deliver yon a large (|uantity of such goods 
 as are best suited to the wants of yourselves, your women, and 
 children." 
 
 To these overtures of the commissioners tlie Indians replied: 
 
 Brotliers: It is now three years since you desired to speak 
 
Tenacious Logic of the Indiana. 
 
 i ns. We heard you yesterday, and understood you well— 
 iectly well. We have a few words to say to you. Brothers: 
 [ mentioned the treaties of Fort Stanwix, Beaver Creek,* and 
 ir places. Those treaties were not complete. There were but 
 iv chiefs who treated with you. You have not bought our 
 is. They belong to us. You tried to draw off some of ua. 
 thers: Many years ago, we all know that the Ohio was made 
 boujidary. It was settled by Sir William Johnston. This 
 is ours. We look upon it as our property. Brothers: You 
 tioned General Washington. He and j'ou know you have 
 r houses and your people on our land. You say you can not 
 e them off: and we can not give up our land. Brothers: We 
 sorry we can not come to an agreement. The line has been 
 1 long ago. Brothers: We don't sav much. There has beeu 
 h mischief on both sides. We came here upon peace, and 
 ight you did the same. We shall talk to our head warriori*. 
 
 may return whence you came, and tell Washington." 
 The council here breaking up, Captain Elliot went to the 
 fvnee chief Ka-kia-pilathy, and told him that the last part of 
 speech was wrong. That chief came back, and said it was 
 ig. Girty said that he had interpreted truly what the Wyau- 
 chief spoke. An explanation took place; and Girty added 
 illows: 'Brothers: Instead of going home, we v/ish you lo 
 ain here for an answer from us. We have your speech in 
 breasts, and shall consult our head warriors.' The depnta- 
 of Indians were then told that the commissioners would 
 . to hear again from the council at the Rapids of the Maumee." 
 On the 16th of August, 1793, Messrs. Lincoln, Randolph, 
 
 Pickering, received the following answer (in writing), to 
 r speech of the 31st of July: 
 
 To the Commissioners of the United States. Brothers: We 
 J received your speech, dated tlie 3l8t of last month, and 
 as been interpreted to all the different nations. We have 
 I long in sending you an answer, because of the great impop- 
 e of the subject. But we now answer it fully; having given 
 1 the consideration in our power. 
 
 Brothers: You tell us that, after you had made peace with the 
 g, our lather, about ten years ago, ' it remained to make peace 
 vQcn the United States and the Indian nations who had taken 
 . with the King. For this purpose, commissioners were 
 )inted, who sent messages to all those Indian nations, invit- 
 thein to come and make peace; ' and, after reciting the peri- 
 at which yon say treaties were held, at Fort Stanwix, Fort 
 jitosh and Miami, all which treaties, according to your own 
 
 ort Mcintosh. 
 
' Deeisive Indian Logic. 207 
 
 acknowledgment, were for the sole purpose of making peace, you 
 then say: 'Brothers, the commissioners who conducted these 
 treaties, in behalf of the United States, sent the papers contain- 
 ing them to the general council of the States, who, supposing 
 them satisfactory to the nations treated with, proceeded to dispose 
 of tho lands thereby ceded.' 
 
 " Brothers: " This is telling us plainly, what we always under- 
 etood to be the case, and it agrees with the declarations of tliose 
 few who attended those treaties, viz: That they went to meet 
 your commissioners to make peace,' but, through fear, were 
 oUiged to sign any paper that was laid before them; and it has 
 since appeared that deeds of cession were signed by them, instead 
 "of treaties of peace. 
 
 "Brothers: Money, tons, is of no value; and to most of us 
 unknown: and, as no consideration whatever can induce us to 
 sell the lands on which we get sustenance for our women and 
 children, we hope we may be allowed to point out a mode by 
 which your settlers m.ay be eanly removed, and peace thereby 
 obtained. 
 
 Brothers: "We know that these settlers are poor, or they 
 would never have ventured to live in a country which has been 
 in continual trouble ever since they crossed the Ohio. Divide, 
 therefore, this large sum of money, which you have offered to 
 us, among these people. Give to each, also, a proportion of 
 what you say you would give to us, annually, over and above 
 this very large sum, of money; and tve are persuaded they would 
 'most readily accept of it, in lieu of the lands you sold them. 
 If you add, also, the great sums you must expend in raising and 
 paying armies, with a view to force us to yield you our country, 
 you will certainly have more than sutHcient for the purposes of 
 repaying these settlers for all their labor and their improvements. 
 
 "Brothers: You have talked to us about concessions. It 
 appears strange that you should expect any from us, who have 
 only been defending our just rights against your invasions. We 
 want peace. Restore to us our country, and we shall be enemies 
 no longer. 
 
 " Brothers: You roake one concession to us by offering us your 
 money; and another, by having agreed to do us justice after 
 having long and injuriously withheld it. We mean, in the 
 acknowledgment you have now made, that the king of England 
 never did, nor ever had a right, to give yon our country, by the 
 treaty of peace. And you want to make this act of common 
 justice a great part of your concessions; and seem to expect 
 that, because you have at last acknowledged our inde^M^ndence, 
 we should, for Buch a favor, surrender to you our countrjr. 
 
208 The Ultimatum. 
 
 "Brothers: You have talked also a great deal about preemp- 
 tion, and your exclusive right to purchase Indian lands, as ceded 
 to you by the king at the treaty ot peace. 
 
 "Brothers: We never made any agreement with the king, nor 
 with any other nation, that we would give to either the exclusive 
 right of purchasing our lands. And we declare to you, that we 
 consider ourselves free to make any bargain or cession of lands 
 whenever and to whomsoever we please. If the white people, as 
 you say, made a treaty that none of them but the king should 
 purchase of us, and that he has given that right to the United 
 States, it is an affair which concerns you and him, and not us. 
 We have never parted with such a power. 
 
 " Brothers: At our general council held at the Glaize last fail, 
 we agreed to meet commissioners from the United States, for the 
 purpose of restoring peace, provided they consented to acknowl- 
 edge and confirm our boundary line to be the Ohio; and we 
 determined not to meet you until you gave us satisfaction on 
 that point. That is the reason we have never met. We desire 
 you to consider, brothers, that our only demand is the peaceable 
 possession of a small part of onr once great country. Look 
 oack, and review the lands from whence we have been driven to 
 this spot. We can retreat no farther, because the country behind 
 hardly affords food for its present inhabitants ; and we have, there- 
 fore, resolved to leave our bones in this small space to which we 
 are now confined. 
 
 "Brothers: We shall be persuaded that you mean to do us 
 justice, if you agree that the Ohio shall remain the boundary line 
 between us. If you will not consent thereto, our meeting will be 
 altogether unnecessary. This is the great point which we hoped 
 would have been explained before you left your homes, as our 
 message, last fall, was principally directed to obtain that inform- 
 ation. 
 
 " Done in general council, at Jie foot of the Maumee Rapids, 
 the 13th day of August, 1793." 
 
 It was now evident that the council would prove a failure, as 
 the terms of the Indians were inadmissible. The commissioners 
 tlierefore made the following declaration, and the session ad- 
 journed without effecting its purpose, each party departing, not 
 wirliout painful regrets, to renew a conflict desperate on the part 
 of tlie lnfli;in-, and doubtful on ihe pstrt of the whites: 
 
 " To the Chiefs and Warrioi's of the Indian Nations assein- 
 hled at the foot of the Maxnaee Rapids: Brothers: We iiave 
 just received your answer, dated the 13th instant, to our speech 
 of the 31st of last month, which we deliverd to your deputies at 
 this place. You say it was interpreted to all your nations, and 
 
The Council Ends. 209 
 
 wo presume it was fullj understood. We therein explicitly de- 
 clared to you, that it was now impossible to make the river Ohio 
 the hounfJary between your lands and the lands of the United 
 States. Your answer amounts to a declaration that you will 
 agree to no other boundary than the Ohio. The negotiation is» 
 tlierefore, at an end. AVe sincerely regret that peace is not the 
 result; but, knowing the upright and liberal views of the United 
 States — which, as far as you gave us an opportunity, we have 
 explained to you — we trust that impartial judges will not attri- 
 bute the continuance of the war to them. 
 
 "Done at Captain Elliott's, at the mouth of Detroit river, tho 
 IGth day of Au<rust, 1793. 
 
 BENJAMIN" LINCOLN, ) Commissioners 
 BEVERLEY RANDOLPH, \ of the 
 
 TIMOTHY PICKERING, ) United States." 
 
 Tlie council, which had heen in session seventeen days, ending 
 in failure, the commissioners made all haste to Ft. Erie in Pemi- 
 Bylvania, which was then the outermost post of the Americans 
 on the lakes. From there they sent the news of their unsuccess- 
 ful mission to General Wayne, then waiting the issue at Ft. Wash- 
 ington. In justice to the English, it should not be omitted that 
 they extended exemplary courtesy to the American commission- 
 ers in providing the means of transportation to and from tho 
 place where the council was held, at the mouth of the Maumee, 
 as well as by other marks of respect from Governor Simcoc 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Genet, the Minister of the New French Bepiiblic, Sent to the 
 United States — Abuse of his Power Dangerous to America — 
 He is Recalled at the Request of Jefferson — General Wayne 
 marches against the Indians — Builds Fort Recovery — The 
 Indians Attach the Place — Are Repulsed — Evidence of En- 
 glish Complicity with the Indian Cause — General Wayne Ad- 
 vances to the Saint Mary's River — Sends Peace Proposals to 
 Little Turtle — He ^dishes to accept them, hut is Overruled iji 
 the Cotmcil — A Decisive Battle Ensues — General Wayne un- 
 
 . der the Guns of the English Fort — The English Commander 
 TaTces Offense — An angry C on^espondence "Ensues — English 
 View of the Case — Fort Wayne Built — Treaty of Greenville — 
 Little Turtle's Honorable Record — His deathr—Public Honors 
 to his Memory — The Free Navigation of the Mississijppi 
 conceded hy Spain — The English give up the American 
 Posts on theLakes — Cleveland Settled. 
 
 A little before midniglit, August 1st, 1793, two officers of the 
 French Revolutionary government, entered the apartments of 
 Marie Antoinette and aroused her from a disquiet sleep. From 
 there she was conducted to a still closer confinement in a prison 
 cell, eight feet long, furnished only with a bed of straw. On the 
 16th ot October she was executed, and her head severed from 
 her body, was held up to the view c f the thousands assembled 
 there to "see the blood of their queen (whose graces had charmed 
 the courts of Europe,) dripping over the bare arms of her execu- 
 tioner. These and other excesses of the Revolutionary govern- 
 ment, caused an immediate declaration of war by England, 
 Holland, Spain, Portugal, Austria, Prussia, Sardinia, Peidmont, 
 the Two Sicilies and the Roman States, against France. On the 
 8th of April, 1793, Genet, the Minister of the new French 
 Republic, which had accomplished these political tragedies, 
 arrived in the United States. He was received with enthusiasm 
 as a fitting memorial of gratitude for the timely services of 
 France, bo recently rendered to the United States in its struggle 
 
French Minister Readied. 211 
 
 for liberty, for the people, in their blind zeal in the cause of Ee- 
 pnblicaiiisni, did not stop to call in question the means by which 
 it was obtained. It was confidently expected by Genet, that the 
 United States would make common cause witli Frauce, in her 
 headlonoj career of revolution, which at one time threatened to 
 sweep through Europe, and the tempting prize which lie held 
 forth to the American people, to secure their co-operation, was 
 well calculated to make them set their feet into the treacherous 
 snare, and would have succeeded but for the discernment of the 
 Fathers of our Republic, particularly Washington, Adams and 
 Jay. Entering w^ith masterly zeal upon his labors, with ar» 
 overstrain perhaps not inconsistent with the genius of his 
 
 fovernment, Genet abused his prerogatives by fitting out 
 'rench vessels on American waters, by establishing recruiting 
 quarters in South Carolina, to raise troops for the invasion of the 
 Spanish possessions of Florida, and also recruiting quarters in 
 Kentucky to raise troops for the invasion of Spanish territoiy 
 west of the Mississippi, with a view to open that stream for the 
 free navigation of Western Commerce. The latter was a very 
 popular measure among the Kentuckians, and it required the 
 utmost exertions of the American cabinet to circumvent the 
 designs of Genet, which if allowed to go on, would have involved 
 us in a war with Spain. It is equally certain also, that England 
 would have declared war against us if Genet had succeeded in his 
 designs of invading Spanish territory with American troops, for 
 Spain was then the active ally of England against France, in which 
 case the English forces in Canada would have made common 
 cause with Little Turtle, who with the Spanish soldiers from New 
 Orleans added to them, could have driven everj' American settler 
 out of the country Avest of the Ohio. To guard against these 
 calamities, Washington determined to issue a proclamation, warn- 
 ing the Western people against enlisting in the service against 
 the Spaniards, and Jefferson. Secretary of State, wrote a letter to 
 Gouveraeur Morris, our Minister to France, requesting the 
 removal of Genet. This prompt action was taken while Genet 
 was very popular among the masses in America, having secured 
 their favour by promising not only to open the free nav.gation 
 of the Mississippi, but also proposing to pay off the American 
 debt by purchasing provisions for ths French soldiers while they 
 were engaged in dethroning the monarchs of Europe. But ere all 
 this was accomplished he was re-called from his post, and Mr. 
 Fauchet substituted in his place. The new minister soon made 
 amends for the high-handed manner by which his predecessor had 
 assumed responsibilities too grave even for the Father of hia 
 country. That the timely removal of Genet saved America from 
 a war with England and Spain is evident, from the fact that dur 
 
212 Gen. Wayne Marches Against the Indians. 
 
 ing the height of his career in the West, Governor Sinicoe, of 
 Canada, was ordered by tlie English Parh'anient to bnild a fort at 
 the Maninee Rapids, about twenty miles above the mouth of that 
 stream, in the heart of the Indian countr}^, and far within the 
 limits of American territory, as settled by the treaty of 1783, a 
 measure doubtless taken under conviction tiiat war with the 
 United States would soon be declared. A special messenger from 
 the Spanish provinces visited the hostile tribes at the same time, 
 oftering them assistance. 
 
 While this indecision marked the councils of the English and 
 Spanish, a respectable force had gathered at Fort Washington, 
 and were encamped below on the banks of the Ohio river. Con- 
 gress had passed an act to raise 5,000 men for the expedition, but 
 owing to reluctance in enlisting, sickness and desertion, Wayne's 
 army numbered no more than 3,600 men. Meantime it was all 
 important that the offensive should be taken as soon as it was 
 known that the late negotiations for peace had resulted in 
 failure. Accordingly Wayne took up his march by the way of 
 Forts Hamilton and Jefferson, an(i reached the vicinity of the 
 U])per tributaries of the Wabash and also the Big Miami on the 
 24th of December, 1793. Here he built Fort Greenville, which 
 he made his winter quarters. 
 
 Soon after his arrival here, he sent a strong detachment to the 
 battle ground of the unfortunate St. Clair, which was but a short 
 distance from Fort Greenville, where he built Fort Kecovery. 
 Here the bones of the slain which had been mouldering in the 
 forest shades for two years, were gathered together and buried. 
 
 The wi \ter was spent in the necessary work of drilling and 
 discipliniiig the troops, no enemy making their appearance till 
 the 30th of June, 1794, when a heavy force of Indians, assisted by 
 50 Canadian British subjects, made a furious attack on Fort Re- 
 covery. The action was very obstinate and resulted in severe 
 losses on both sides, but the fort was not taken, and the Indians 
 fell back to the main bodj'. 
 
 Just before this action, two Pottowattomies had been taken 
 prisoners by Captain Gibson, and in reply to questions as to ex- 
 pectations of assistance, answered as follows: 
 
 Q. When did your nation receive the invitation from the 
 British to join them, and go to war with the Americans? 
 
 A. On the first of the last moon ; the message was sent by 
 tlu'ee chiefs — a Delaware, a Shawanee, and a Miami. 
 
 Q. What was the message brought by those Indian chiefs, 
 and what number of British troops were at Roch.e de Bout (foot 
 of rapids of the Maumee) on the first day of May? 
 
 A. That the British sent them to invite the Fottawatomies tx> 
 go to war against the United States; that they, the British, were 
 
Indian Testimony, 213 
 
 then at Roche de Bout, on their way to war against the Ameri- 
 •cans; that the number of British troops then tliere were about 
 four hundred, with two pieces of artillery, exclusive of the De- 
 troit militia, atid had made a fortification round Col. McKee's 
 house and stores at that place, in which they had deposited all 
 their stores of ammunition, arms, clothing and provision, with 
 which they promised to su])ply all the hostile Indians in abun- 
 •dance, provided they would join and go with them to war. 
 
 Q. What tribes of Indians, and what were their numbers, at 
 .at Koche de Bout on the first of May? 
 
 A. The Chippewas, Wyandot?, Shawanese, Tawas, Delawares 
 :and Miamis. There were then collected about one thousand war- 
 riors, and were daily coming in and collecting from all those na- 
 tions. 
 
 Q. What number of warriors do you suppose actually col- 
 lected at that place at this time, and what number of British 
 troops and militia have promised to join the Indians to fight this 
 army ? 
 
 A. By the latest and best information, and from our ovm 
 knowledge of the number of warriors belonging to those nations, 
 there cannot be less than two thousand warriors now assembled; 
 4ind were the Pottawattomies to join, agreeably to invitation, the 
 whole would amount to upwards of three thousand hostile Indians. 
 But we do not think that more than fifty of the Pottawatoraiea 
 >vill go to war. 
 
 The British troops and militia that will join the Indians to go 
 to war against the Americans, will amount to fifteen hundred, 
 agreeably to the promise of Gov. Simcoe. 
 
 Q. At what time and at what place do the British and Indians 
 mean to advance aarainst this armv? 
 
 A. About the last of this moon, or the beginning of the next, 
 tliey intend to attack the legion of this place. Gov. Simcoe, the 
 great man who lives at or near Niagara, sent for the Pottawat- 
 oinies, and promised them arms, ammunition, provisions and 
 •clothing, and everything they wanted, on condition that they 
 would join him, and go to war against the Americans, and that 
 he would command the whole. He sent us the same message 
 last wintei', and again on the first of the last moon, from Roche 
 "deBout; he also said he was much obliged to us for our past ser- 
 vices, and that he would now help us to fight and render us all 
 the services in his power against the Americans. All the speeches 
 that we have received from him, were as red as blood; all the 
 Avampum and feathers were painted red; the war pi[ies and liatch- 
 •«ts were red, and even the tobacco was painted red. We received 
 four difi^erent invitations from Gov. Simcoe, inviting the Pot- 
 *.r.-'.-at«)mi(\^ to join in the war; the las^t was on the first of last 
 
214 Wayne's Victory. 
 
 moon, when he promised to join ns witli 1,500 of liis warriors, as 
 before meutioned. But we wished for peace, except a lew of our 
 foolish young men. 
 
 Examined and carefully reduced to writing, at Greenville, this 
 7th of June, 1794* 
 
 On the 28th of July following. General "Wayne commenced a 
 forward movement, reaching the St. Mary's river on the 1st of 
 August. On the 8th he arrived at the south branch of the Mau- 
 mee, and continuing his course down its banks, he came to the 
 vicinity of the Kapids on the 20th, where the British fort was 
 visible, around which the Indian army under Little Turtle were 
 hovering, not without hopes of assistance. Ilis entire army were 
 concealed among the prostrated trees of the forest, which a tor- 
 nado had leveled to the ground a few years before, where this dis- 
 tinguished chief was deoating in his own mind what was the 
 best course to pursue. * * Gen. Wayne had just sent peace- 
 proposals to Little Turtle. 
 
 " We have beaten the enemy twic« under separate command- 
 ers, and we cannot expect the same good fortune always to attend 
 Tis," said the cautious veteran to his chiefs. Continuing, he says: 
 "The Americans are now led by a chief who ne\-er sleeps; the 
 night and day arealike to him; and during all the time that he 
 has been marching upon our villages, notwithstanding the watch- 
 fulness of our young men, we have never been able to surprise- 
 him. Think well of it. There is bumething whispers me it 
 would be prudent to listen to his offers of peace." 
 
 This wise counsel was disregarded iy the other chiefs, and Lit- 
 tle Turtle was forced to battle, lest he m^ght rest under the im- 
 putation of cowardice. 
 
 On the 20th of August, General Wayne came upon the army 
 of Little Turtle, who were concealed among the fallen trees a few 
 miles from the British fort. The Indians were routed, although 
 they fought with masterly courage; but they could not stand 
 against the furious bayonet charge made against them hy Wayne's 
 soldiers. In their flight they pressed towards the British fort, 
 hoping, doubtless, to lind protection within its walls, but the 
 
 fates were shut in the faces of the wretched fugitives, and they 
 ed thence to the covert of the forest. 
 
 After the battle, Gen. Wayne destroyed their fields of corn on 
 the Maumee. Says he, in his report: 
 
 "The very extensive and highly cultivated fields and gardens 
 show the work of many hands. The margin of these beautiful 
 rivers. The Miamis of the lake (or Maumee) and Au Glaize 
 appear like a continued village for a number of miles, both above 
 
 •American State Paper? , V. 489. 
 
English View of the Situation. 215 
 
 and below this place. Nor have I ever before beheld such 
 immense fields of corn in any part of America from Canada to 
 Florida." 
 
 After the battle, Col. Campbell, the commander of the British 
 fort, addressed General Wayne a note, protesting against the 
 near approach of the Americans, who were then within the 
 reach of his guns. A spicy correspondence ensued, more noted 
 for keen repartee than courtesy, but happily no act of hostility 
 took place. 
 
 To show the spirit which the English evinced in building the fort, 
 and the light in which they viewed the position of its commander, 
 the following is inserted from that able representative of British 
 policy, Isaac "Weld, whose notes were made during liis travels in 
 America the next year, while the excitements were at their 
 height: 
 
 "The Miami Fort, situated on the river of the same name, was 
 built by the English, in the year 1793, at which time there was 
 some reason to imagine that the disputes existing between Great 
 Britain and the United States would not have been quite so ami- 
 cably settled, perhaps, as they have been ; at least that doubtless 
 must have been the opinion of government, otherwise they would 
 not have given orders for the construction of a fort within the 
 boundary line of the United States, a circumstance which could 
 not fail to excite the indignation of the people thereof. General 
 Wayne, it would appear, had received no positive orders from his 
 government to make himself master of it; could he have gained 
 possession of it, however, by a coup-de-main, without incurring 
 any loss, he thought that it could not but have been deemed an 
 acceptable piece of service by the public, from whom he should 
 have received unbounded applause. Yanity was his ruling pas- 
 sion, and actuated by it on this occasion, he resolved to try what 
 he could do to obtain possession of the fort. Colonel Campbell, 
 however, by his spirited and manly answer to the summons tliat 
 was sent, to surrender the fort on account of its being situated 
 within the boundary line of the States, soon convinced the Amer- 
 ican general that he was not to be shaken by his remonstrances 
 or intimidated by his menaces, and that his two hundred men, 
 who composed the garrison, had sufficient resolution to resist the 
 attacks of his army of three thousand, whenever he thought 
 proper to march against the fort. The main division of the 
 American army, at this time, lay at the distance of about four 
 miles from the fort; a small detachment from it, however, was 
 concealed in the woods At a very little distance from the fort, to 
 be ready at the call of General Wayne, who, strange to tell, when 
 he found he was not likely to get possession of it in consequence 
 of the summons he sent, was so imprudent,' and depai'ted so much 
 
216 The Indians Resolve on Peace. 
 
 from the dii^nity of the general and the character of the soldier, 
 as to ride up to the fort, and to use the most gross and illiberal 
 langnage to the British soldiers on duty in it. Ilis object in do- 
 ing 60 was, I should suppose, to provoke the garrison to iire upon 
 hirn, in which case he would have had a pretext for storming the 
 fort. 
 
 " Owing to the great prudence, however, of Colonel Campbell, 
 who issued the strictest orders to his men and officers to remain 
 silent, notwithstanding any insults that wereotfered to them, and 
 not to attempt to lire, unless indeed an actual attack were made 
 on tlie place, Wayne's plan was frustrated, much bloodshed cer- 
 tainly saved, and a second war betweeu Great Britain and Amer- 
 ica perhaps averted. 
 
 "General Wayne gained no great personal honour by his con- 
 duct on this occasion; but the circumstance of his having ap- 
 peai'ed before the British fort in the manner he did, operated 
 strongly in his favour in respect to his proceedings against the 
 Indians. These people had been taught to believe, by the young 
 Canadians that were amongst them, that if any part of the Amer- 
 ican army appeared before the fort it would certainly be fired 
 upon ; for they had no idea that the Americans would have come 
 in sight of it without taking offensive measures, in v/hich case 
 resistance would certainly have been made. When, therefore, it 
 was heard that General Wayne had not been fired upon, the In- 
 dians complained grievously of their having been deceived, and , 
 were greatly disheartened on finding that they were to receive no 
 assistance from the British. Their native courage, however, did 
 not altogether forsake them; thev resolved speedil}'' to make a 
 stand, and accordingly having chosen their ground, awaited the 
 arrival of General Wayne, who followed them closely." 
 
 The Indians now defeated and left without hope from their 
 British friends were at the mercy of the Americans, and the 
 alterriative was peace or starvation, and indeed the latter seemed 
 imminent, even with peace, since the destruction of their 
 crops. But even under the fatal duress of defeat and the havoc 
 of war, the time-honored custom of delil)erate councils v/as not 
 departed from, for hasty diplomacy is not one of the weaknesses 
 of the Inditn, and before they could hold a peace council with the 
 Americans, they held a council among themselves at the mouth 
 
 In .justification of General Wayne's reputation, it maybe proper to state that, 
 under ordinary circumstances h s conduct before the Briti>n fort inipht have 
 bfen an excess of mi itary authority, and have justly merited Mr. Welds' cen- 
 sure; but the P]ngli>li. by buildinjr the fort on American soil, had bubjected 
 themselves tottieRport of fortune, by making: it necessary for the Ajnericans to 
 transcend the ordinary rules of natioual etiquette, in order to make thb mosi 
 c'f tlieif victory over the Indians. — Author. 
 
Jay's Mission as Minister to England. 217 
 
 of the Detroit river, and dnrini2: their deliberations here, Gov. 
 Simcoe and other Enirh'sli agents endeavored to dissuade the In- 
 dians from makini^ peace with the Americans. Tlieir efforts in 
 this direction, liowever, were in vain, unaccompanied as they were 
 by any positive promise of alliance. 
 
 Happily for America, AVashington had taken timely steps to 
 avert war, having on the 16th of April sent the following mes- 
 sage to the Senate: 
 
 "The communications which I have made to yon during your 
 present session, from the dis])atche3 of our minister in London, 
 contain a serious aspect of our affairs with Great Britain. But, 
 as peace ought to be jjursued wilh unremitted zeal, before the last 
 resource, which has so often been the scourge of nations, and can- 
 not fail to check the advanced prosperity of the United States, I 
 have thought proper to nominate, and do hereby nominate, John 
 Jay, envoy extraordinary of the United States to his Britannic 
 Majesty. 
 
 " My confidence in our minister plenipotentiary in London con- 
 tinues undiminished. But a mission like this, while it corres- 
 epotids with the solemnity of the occasion, w^ill announce to the 
 world a solicitude for the friendly adjustment of our complaints, 
 and a reluctance co hostility. Going immediately from the Uni- 
 ted States, such an envoy will carry with him a full knowledge 
 of the existing temper and sensibility of our country; and will 
 thus be taught to vindicate our rights with firmness, and to cul- 
 tivate peace with sincerity." 
 
 Tlie definitive treaty of ])eace between England and the United 
 States in 1873, had left many important points of national com- 
 ity unprovided for, as to those rights which may be called com- 
 mon in the family of nations. Our independence had been 
 acknowledged, but any influence we might exert abroad made not 
 even a ripjile in the great sea of European diplomacy, which then 
 in the plenitude of its grasp from two rival powers (England and 
 France), aimed each to subject the whole world to its influence. 
 
 Under these circumstances, any di])lomatic favors from Eng- 
 land must necessarily result more from the statesmanship of our 
 minister, than from any power behind him, and Washington saw 
 and made provision for this contingency when he ajipointed our 
 «nvoy to England. 
 
 Mr. Jay arrived in London in June, and, says Lyman, the Dip- 
 lomatic hi-toriiui, "There can be no ouestion but a war would 
 have taken place if he had not suceeeded in making a treaty." 
 The instrument was not signed till the 'ollowinj; November, but 
 ms presence at the Court of Saint James, even before the treaty 
 was signed, ha<l inspired that luMly with due re-^i>ec.t for the gov- 
 «rnment which he so ably rej>resen ted, and prevented any hasty 
 
218 Fort Watjne Built. 
 
 declaration of war. The treaty was a very lengthy document, 
 and only the second article will be quoted, as it only liad a direct 
 influence on the Northwest: 
 
 "Art. 2. Great Britain to withdraw her troops from certain 
 posts within the boundary line of the United States, on or before 
 the 1st of June, 1796, &c. Settlers and traders residing in the 
 precincts of the posts to be surrendered, to enjoy their property 
 unmolested, &c. These settlers not to be compelled to become 
 citizens of the United States, or to take the oath of allegiance, 
 ifec." * 
 
 General "Wayne remained near the battle ground till the 14:th 
 of the succeeding month, September, when he took up his march 
 westwardly to a deserted Miami village, at the confluence of the 
 St. Joseph and Saint Mary's rivers. He reached the place on the 
 17th, and set his men at work building a fort. It wasiinishedon 
 the 22nd and named Ft. Wayne, in honor of the commanding 
 general. The christening was solemnized by the firing of fifteen 
 rounds of artillery by Col. Hamtramck. This was the nucleus 
 around which the city of Ft. Wayne grew into its present pro- 
 portions. 
 
 The place had been noted as a portage from the head waters 
 of the Wabash to the Miami river, ever since the founding of 
 Yincennes, and without doubt as long before that period as the 
 time when the country first became inhabited by the Indians, 
 during whose occupation of the county, the spot laid in the track 
 of their communication between the Wabash Valley and Lake 
 Erie. Here General Wayne remained the succeeding winter, 
 and was visited by delegations from tlie Wyandots, Ottawas, 
 Cliippewas, Pottawattainies, Sacs, Miamis, Delawares and Shaw- 
 anese, all anxious for peace. Arrangements were now made foi 
 the most important Indian treaty ever held in the west, to be 
 convened at Fort Greenville the following June, 1795. 
 
 After the usual preliminaries which always go before tlie 
 business of an Indian council. Little Turtle made the following 
 able speech: 
 
 " I wish to ask of you and my brothers present, one question 
 I would be glad to know what lands liave been ceded to you, as 
 I am uninformed in this ])articular. I expect that the lands on the 
 Wabash, and in this country, belong to me and my people. I 
 now take the opportunity to inform my brothers of tlie United 
 States, and others present, that there are men of sense and under- 
 standing among my people, as well as among theirs, and that 
 
 * Note. — The reason which the British gave for holdins? the posts, was to 
 secure the payment ot private debts contractt'd before the revohition. due her 
 subjects from private individuals in America, alleprin^, and perhaps with truth, 
 that legal obstructions had bt-en thrown in the way of their collection. If this 
 was so, such obatruetions were removed, as provided in Article 7 in the treaty. 
 
Little Turtle's Speech in the Peace Council. 211^ 
 
 tliese lands were disposed of without our knowledge or consent. 
 I was, yesterday, surprised, when I heard from our grandfathers, 
 the Delawares, that these lands had heen ceded by tlie British to 
 the Americans, when the former were beaten by, and made ])eace 
 with, the latter; because you had before told us that it was the 
 Wyandots, Delawares, Ottawas, Cliippewas, Pottawattamies, and 
 Sauckeys, [Sacs,] who had made this cession* 
 
 " I hope you will pay attention to what I now say to you. I 
 wish to inform yon where your younger brothers, the Miamis, 
 live, and, also, the Pottawattamies of St. Joseph's, together with 
 the Wabash Indians. You have pointed out to us the boundary 
 line between the Indians and the United States, but now I take 
 the liberty to inform you that that line cuts off from the Indians 
 a large portion of country which has been enjoyed by my fore- 
 fathers, time immemoral without molestation or dispute. The 
 print of my ancestors' houses are every where to be seen in this 
 portion. I was a little astonished at hearing you, and my broth- 
 ers who are now present, telling each other what business you had 
 transacted together heretofore at Muskingum, concerning this 
 country. It is well known by all my brothers present, that my 
 forefather kindled tlie iirst fire at Detroit; from thence he ex- 
 tended his lines to the headwaters of Scioto; from thence to it& 
 mouth; from thence, down the Ohio, to the mouth of the Wabash; 
 and from thence to Chicago, on lake Michigan ; at this place, I 
 first saw my elder brothers, the Shawanees. I have now informed 
 you of the boundaries of the Miami nation, where the Great 
 Spirit placed my forefather a long time ago, and charged him not 
 to sell or part with his lands, but to preserve them for his poster- 
 ity. This charge has been handed down to me. I was much 
 surprised to find that my other brothers diftered so much from 
 me on this subject: for their conduct would lead one to suppose, 
 that the Great Spirit, and their forefathers, had not given them 
 the same charge that was given to me, but, on the contrary, had 
 directed them to sell their lands to any white man who wore a 
 hat, as soon as he should ask it of them. I^ow, elder brother, 
 your younger brothers, the Miamis, have pointed out to you their 
 country, and also to our brothers present. When I hear your 
 remarks and proposals on this subject, I will be ready to give 
 you an answer, i came with an expectation of hearing you say 
 good things, but I have not yet heard wliat I expected."* 
 To this speech General Wayne himself replied, as follows: 
 "Brothers, the Miamis: I have paid attention to what tlie Lit- 
 tle Turtle said two days since, concerning the lands which he 
 claims. He said iiis fathers first kindled the fire at Detroit, and 
 
 •Minutes and procedings of the Treaty of Greenville. 
 
220 General Wayne's Rejply. 
 
 stretched his line from thence to the headwaters of Scioto; thence, 
 down the same, to tlie Ohio; tlience, down that river, to tlie 
 mouth of the Wabash; and from thence to Chicago, on the south- 
 west end of lake Michigan, and ohserved tliat his forefathers had 
 enjoyed that country undisturbed from time immemorial. Broth- 
 ers: These boundaries inclose a very large space of country, 
 indeed: they embrace, if I mistake not, all the lands on whicli all 
 the nations now present live, as well as those which have been 
 ceded to the United States. The lands which have been ceded, 
 have, within these three days, been acknowledged by the Ottawas. 
 Cliii>[)ewas, Pottawattamies, Wyandots, Delawares, and Shaw- 
 anees. The Little Turtle SJi3'S, theprints of his forefathers' houses 
 are everywhere to be seen within these boundaries. Younger 
 brother, it is true, these prints are to be observed; but, at the 
 same time, we discover the marks of French possessions through- 
 out this country, which were established long before we were 
 born. These have since been in the occupancy of the British, 
 who must, in their turn, relinquish them to the United States, 
 when they, the French and Indians, Avill be all as one people. 
 [A white string.] 
 
 " I will point out to yon a few places where I discover strong 
 traces of these establishments; and, first of all, I find at Detroit 
 a very strong print, where the fire was first kindled by your fore- 
 fathers: next, at Vincennes, on the Wabash; again at Musqui ton, 
 on the same river; a little higher up that stream, they are to be 
 seen at Ouiatanon. I discover another strong trace at Chicago; 
 another on the St. Joseph's of lake Michigan. I have seen dis- 
 tinctly the j)rints of a French and a British post at the Miami 
 villages, and of a British post at the foot of the rapids, now in 
 their possession; ])rints, very conspicuous, are on the Great 
 Miami, which were possessed by the French forty-five vcars ago; 
 and another trace is very distinctly to be seen at Sandusky. It 
 appears to me, that, if tlie Great Spirit, as you say, charged .your 
 forefathers to preserve their lands entire for their posterity, they 
 have ])aid very littie regard to the sacred injunction: fori see 
 they have parted with those laiulsto your fathers, the French, and 
 the English are now, or have been, in possession of them all; 
 therefore, t thitdc the charge urged against the Ottawas, Chippe- 
 was, and the other Indians, comes with a bud grace, indeed, from 
 the very ])eople who perha])s set them the example. The Eng- 
 lish and French both wore hats; and yet your forefathers sold 
 them, at various times, ])ortions of your lands.* However, as I 
 have already observed, you shall now receive from the United 
 States further valuable compensation for the lands you have ceded 
 to them by former treaties. 
 
 " Younger l)rotliers: I will now inform you wlio it was who 
 
Si 
 
Terms of Peace. 221 
 
 gave ns these lands, in the first instance. It was yonr fathers, 
 the British, who did not discover that care for your interest which 
 you ouffht to have experienced. This is the treaty of peace, 
 made 1 etween the United States of America and Great Britain, 
 twelve _)ears ago, at the end of a long and bloody war, when the 
 French and Americans proved too powerful for the Britisli. On 
 these terms they detained peace. [Here part of the treaty of 
 1783 was read.] Here you perceive that all the country south of 
 the great lakes has been given up to America; but the United 
 States never intended to take that advantage of you which the 
 British placed in their hands; they wish you to enjoy your just 
 rights, without interruption, and to promote 3'our happiness. The 
 Britisli stipulated to surrender to us all the posts on their side of 
 the boundary agreed on. I told you, some days ago, that treaties 
 should ever be sacredly fulfilled by those who make tliein; but 
 the Biitish, on their part, did not find it convenient to relinquish 
 those posts as soon as they should have done; however, they now 
 find it so, and a precise period is accordingly fixed for their deliv- 
 ery. I have now in my hand the copy of a treaty, made eight 
 months since, between them and us, of which 1 will read you a 
 little. [First and second articles of Mr. Jay's treat,y read.] By 
 this solemn agreement, they promise to retire from Michilimaci- 
 nac, Fort St. Clair, Detroit, Niagara, and all other places on this 
 side of the lakes, in ten moons from this period, and leave the 
 same to full and quiet possession of the United States. 
 
 After much deliberation the treaty was concluded on the fol- 
 lowing basis as to giving up Indianlands: 
 
 Art. 3. The general boundary line between the land of the 
 United States, and the lands of the said Indian tribes, shall begin 
 at the mouth of Cuyahoga river, and run thence up the same to 
 the portage between that and the Tuscarawas branch of the Mus- 
 kingum; thence down that branch to the crossing place above 
 Fort Lawrence; thence westwardly, to a fork of tliat branch 
 of the Great Miami river running into the Ohio, at or near 
 which fork stood Laramie's store, and where commences the 
 portage between the Miami of the Ohio and St. Mary's river, 
 which is a branch of the Miami which runs iiito Lake Erie; 
 thence a westerly course to Fort Recovery, which stands 
 on a branch of the Wabash; thence soutlnvesterly, in a direct 
 line to the Ohio, so as to intersect that river o])posite the mouth 
 of Kentucky or Outtawa river. The said Induin tribes do also 
 cede to the United States the following pieces of land, to wit: 
 
 1. One piece of land six miles square, at or near Laramie's 
 store, before mentioned. 2. One ])iece, two miles square, at 
 the head of the navigable water or landing, on the St. Mary's 
 river, near Girty's town. 3. Ore piece, six miles square, at tlie 
 
222 Terms of Peace. 
 
 head of the navigable waters of the Auglaize river. 4. One 
 piece, six miles square, at the . confluence of the Auglaize and 
 Miami river, where Fort Defiance now stands. 5. One piece, 
 six miles square, at or near the confluence of the rivers St. Mary 
 and St. Joseph, where Fort Wayne now stands, or near ^ 6. 
 One piece, two miles square, on the Wabash river, at the eud of 
 the portage from the Miami of the lake, and about eight miles 
 westward from Fort Wayne. 7. One piece, six miles square, 
 at the Ouatanon, or Old Weatowns, on the Wabash river. 8. 
 One piece, twelve miles square, at the British Fort, on the 
 Miami of the lake, at the foot of the rapids. 9. One piece, 
 six miles square, at the mouth of the said river, where it 
 empties into the lake. 10. One piece, six miles square, 
 upon Sandusky lake where a fort formerly stood. 11. One 
 piece two miles square, at the lower rapids of Sandus- 
 ky river. 12. The post of Detroit, and all the lands 
 to the north, the west, and the south of it, of which the 
 Indian title has been extinguished by gifts or grants to the 
 French or English governments; and so much more land to be 
 annexed to the District of Detroit as shall be comprehended be- 
 tween the Raisin on the souta and Lake St. Clair on the north, 
 and a line, the general course whereof shall be six miles distant 
 from the west end of lake Erie and Detroit river. 13. The post 
 of Michilimackinac, and all the land adjacent of which the In- 
 dian title has been extinguished by gifts or grants to the French 
 or English governments; and a piece of land on the Main to the 
 north of the Island, to measure six miles on lake Huron, or the 
 straits between lakes Huron and Michigan, and to extend three 
 miles back from the water on the lake or strait; and also the 
 Island de Bois Blanc, being an extra and voluntary gift of the 
 Chippewa nation. 14. One piece of land, six miles square, at 
 the mouth of Chicago river, emptying into the southwest end of 
 lake Michigan, where a fort formerly stood. 15. One piece, 
 twelve miles square, at or near the mouth of the Illinois river, 
 emptying into the Mississippi. 16. One piece, six miles pquare, 
 at the old Peorias, fort and village, near the south end of the 
 Illinois lake on said Illinois river. And for the same considera- 
 tions, and with the same views as above mentioned, the United 
 States now deliver to the said Indian tribes a quantity of goods 
 to the value of twenty thousand dollars, the receipt whereof they 
 do hereby acknowledge; and henceforward every year forever, the 
 United States will deliver, at some convenient place northward of 
 the river Ohio, like useful goods, suited to the circumstances of the 
 Indians of the value of nine thousand five hundred dollars, reck- 
 oning that value at the first cost of the goods in the citj or place 
 in the United States where they shall be procured. 
 
Little-Turtle Visits Philadelphia. 223 
 
 The treaty was signed, Aug. 3(1, 1795, and Imslied the wilder- 
 ness to peace, till the great events in which the Continental wars 
 of Europe had developed issues which were felt even on the fron- 
 tiers of America, and had much to do in again entangling the 
 Indians in an issue between themselves and the Americans, as 
 will be told in future chapters. 
 
 After the treaty, Little Turtle did all in his power to induce 
 his people to adopt the modes of the white man, and with this 
 end in view, visited Philadelphia to solicit Congress aiid the 
 benevolent Society of Friends to assist him in this laudable 
 undertaking. Here lie had an introduction to the celebrated 
 French travellers, Yolney and Koskiuosko, which is described as 
 follows by Drake: 
 
 " At the time of Mr. Yolney' s interview with him for infor- 
 mation, he took no notice of the conversation while the inter- 
 preter was communicating with Mr. Yolney^ for he did not 
 understand English, but walked about, plucking out his beard 
 and eye-brows. He was dressed now in English clothes. His 
 skin, where not exposed, Mr. Yolney says, was as white as his ; 
 and on speaking upon tlie subject, Little-turtle said, " I have 
 seen Spaniards in Louisiana, and found no difference of color 
 between them and me. And why should there be any? In 
 them, as in us, it is the work of the Father of colors, the Su7i, 
 that burns us. You white people compare the color of your 
 face with that of your bodies." Mr. Yolney explained to him 
 the notion of many, that his race was descended from the Tar- 
 tars, and by a map showed him the supposed communication 
 between Asia and America. To this Little-turtle replied, '■^Why 
 should not these Tartars, who resemble us, have come from 
 America? Are there any reasons to the contrary? Or why 
 should we not both have been born in our own country? " It is 
 a fact that the Indians give themselves a name which is equiva- 
 lent to our word indigene, that is, 07ie sprung from the soil, or 
 natural to it." 
 
 "When Mr. Yolney ^&\&^ Little-turtle yvha,t prevented him 
 from living rniong the whites, and if he were not more comfort- 
 able in Philadelphia than upon the banks of the Wabash, he said, 
 " Taking all things together, you have the advantage over 
 us/ hut here I am deaf and dumh. I do not talk younlan- 
 gxuige; I can neither hear, nor make myself heard. When 
 I walk through the streets, I see every person in his shop 
 employed about something: one makes shoes, another hats, a 
 third sells cloth, and every one lives by his labor. I say to 
 myself. Which of these thiiigs can you do? Not one. I can 
 make a bow or an arrow, catch fish, kill gani^, and go to 
 
 *See Volney's Travels, ut supra. 
 
224 TJie English Evacuate the Western Porta. 
 
 war: hit none of these is of any use here. To learn what is 
 done here wo^dd reqidre a long time.'''' ''''Old age comes on." 
 "7 shoidd he a piece of furniture useless to my nation, useless 
 to the whites, and tiseless to myself^ " / must return to my 
 own country.'' " 
 
 "At the same time (1797), among other eminent personages to 
 whom this cliief became attached in Phihidelphia, was tlie re- 
 nouned Koshiuslio. This old Polish chief Mas so well pleased 
 witli Little-turtle, that when the latter went to take his final 
 leave of him, the old ' war-worn soldier ' and patriot presented 
 liim with a beautifnl pair of pistols, and an elegant robe made of 
 sea-otter's skin, of the value of ' several' hundred dollars.* 
 
 After this successful issue of General Wayne's campaign, Spain 
 made a treaty with the United States, dated March 3d, I79t), in 
 which the free navigation of the Mississippi was guaranteed ta 
 the Americans, but she was very tardy in the fulfillment of its 
 stipulations. 
 
 At that time there were strong Spanish forts at Natchez and 
 Vicksburg, then called Walnut Hills, and although the treaty 
 bouud her to give them up, she still held possession of them,, 
 greatly to the perplexity of the Americans. Meantime this faith- 
 less government continued her intriguing with the Western peo- 
 ple to iuduce them to set up a government for themselves inde- 
 pendent of the union; and as an incentive, sent a Mr. Powers as 
 a secret agent among tiiem, with instructions to ofter them the 
 free navigation of the Mississippi, besides a hundred thousand 
 dollars in cash.f 
 
 No substantial encouragement was given to this scheme, and 
 on the 5th of October, 1798, Spain reluctantly retired from the 
 posts she had ujijustly held on the east bank of the Mississippi, 
 and American vessels could now pass to the sea unmolested.' In 
 July, 179G, the British evacuated all the posts which they held on 
 American soil in the West. Detroit, the most important of 
 them ail, was immediately taken possession of by a detachment 
 UMilcr Captain Porter. On retiring from the post, the Britisii, 
 
 • •• Litlie-tinile died in the spring of 1812, at his residence, but a short time 
 bofbre the dclaiaiion ot war asrainst England by the U. States. His portrait, 
 by Stcwa t. irraces the walls of the war-ottice of our nation. The following 
 notice appeared in the public prints at the time of his death: 'Fort Wayne 21 
 July. 181.:?. 0;i the 14 inst. the celebr.it^d Miami chief, the Llttle-tttitle, died 
 al this |il;ic". at the ajre of G5 years. Perhaps there is notlett on this conti- 
 ni-n! one ot liis color so distingui hed in council and in war. His disorder wiis 
 the gout. He died in acaui '. because he chose to be in the open air He met 
 deaMi with fircat lirmncas. The agent <or Indian aft'airs had him bnried willi 
 the Innors of war, and other marks of distinction suited to his character.' " 
 
 t State Papers, Vol. ll,:p. 103. 
 
The Connecticut Land Company. 1^25 
 
 regardless of the courtesies for which they are generally exem- 
 plary, acted the part of a malicious tenant on leaving a house. 
 
 The wells of the fort were filled with stones, the windows of 
 the fort broken, the gates locked, and the keys left in the custody 
 of an aged Negro,* who, with fidelity to his trust, promptly gave 
 them to the Americans, and the old fort passed out of the liands 
 of its tenacious occupants, with its glorious memories giving 
 place to painful regrets, as they took their departure down the 
 clear waters of the Straits, bidding good-bye to their dusky 
 friends, who had so many years hung around the place in hope 
 of alliance against the aggressive Americans. 
 
 The State of Connecticut, in 1795, disposed of a portion of 
 the Western Keserve to a company known by the title of the 
 Connecticut Land Company, of which Moses Cleavelandf was 
 one of the directors. The next year, he with a party of survey- 
 ors started for the new country in April. Their route was chosen 
 through Albany, thence to Oswego. Here they arrived the 3d 
 of June, a month before the British had evacuated the Western 
 popts, and these punctilious sentinels still guarded Oswego with 
 the watchfulness of picket-men o i the eve of a battle, "f he par- 
 ty, therefore, durst not pass the British fort at the mouth of the 
 Oswego river without permission, lest the commander should 
 give their batteaux a cannon-shot as they paddled past its frown- 
 ing battlements. On being asked permission to do this, with 
 dogged resolution the British commander refused it, and the 
 American party were obliged to carry their batteaux circuitously 
 around the fort by land, and launch them below tlie British fort, 
 beyond the reach of their guns. Thence, coasting along the 
 southern shore of Lake Ontario, they arrived at Buffalo, where 
 they remained several days, to hold a council with the ;Senecaand 
 Mohawk chiefs, for the purpose of purchasing any interest they 
 might claim in the lands composing such portions of the West- 
 ern Reserve as* the Connecticut Land Company had purchased.;}: 
 
 The celebrated Brant and Red Jacket were tlie principal depu- 
 ties on the part of the Indians. These able men saw with regrets 
 the inevitable downfall of their power, and all they could do was 
 to make provision for the creature comforts of their tribes, while 
 they yet had a being. After several days spent in parleying, 
 
 *Lanman'8 Mich., p. 167. • 
 
 t^ is name was spelled with an "a" in, the first syllable. 
 
 J Note. — The origina hotnt^of the Mohawks and Senecas was in Eastern New 
 Ifork, but they had extended their doin nions into Ohio by rijfbt of conque>t. 
 Hut at the treaty of Greenville, when these lands were ceded to the United 
 Sates by the Western tribes, the Mohawks and Sene. as were not present; 
 hen ;<' th" necessity to confer with them to prevent any future trouble as to the 
 validity to these titles. 
 
226 Red Jacket's Caustic Speech. 
 
 twenty -five hundred dollars worth of goods were accepted as pay 
 for their interest in the lands, tlie land on which the present city 
 of Cleveland now stands being included in the tract. This oflFer 
 was accepted, not without some bitter reproaclies on the part of 
 Red Jacket, who said: 
 
 "You white people make a great parade about religion; you 
 say you have a book of laws and rules which was given you by 
 the Great Spirit, but is this true? Was it written by his own 
 hand and given to you ? No, it was written by your own people. 
 They do it to deceive 3'ou. Their whole wishes center here 
 (pointing to his pocket); all they want is the money. (It hap- 
 pened there was a priest in the room at the same time who heard 
 him.) He says wliite people tell them, tliey wish to come and live 
 among them as brothers, and learn them agriculture. So they 
 bring on implements of husbandry and presents, tell them good 
 stories, and all appears honest, but when they are gone all 
 appears as a dream. Our land is taken from us, and still we 
 don't know how to farm it." 
 
 Having successfully executed this important business, the 
 party em i)arked on lake Erie for their destination. This was the 
 first introduction of the New-Englanders to the waters of the lakes 
 for the purposes of permanent settlement. For more than a cen- 
 tury the French had been here, and for the past thirty years the 
 English had held the shores of these waters exclusively to them- 
 selves. Now the rising star of a new power, in the twentieth 
 year of its existence, nad penetrated across the wilderness of 
 New York, and was about to lay the dimension-stone for the city 
 of Cleveland, on a model destined soon to be repeated with suc- 
 cess at other places along the margin of these shining waters. 
 On the 2nd of July the party arrived at Erie, which still retained 
 the old Frencli name of Presque Isle. Here the ruins of the old 
 French fort still remained, as a frail memorial of French ambi- 
 tion crushed by the strong arrn of England, who in turn had held 
 but a transient lease of power. Passing on. to the west, they 
 arrived at Conneaut on the 4th of July. Here they celebrated 
 the day with suitable toasts, and, says the Journal of Cleaveland, 
 " drank several pails of grog, supped, and retired in remarkable 
 good order." 
 
 The party now began to lay out the country in townships, 
 according to the admirable system of government surveys begun 
 on the Ohio river in 1785. 
 
 On the 10th of August, having run a line around a large tract, 
 they came back to lake Erie again. Their provisions were 
 exhausted, and from the following item in Cleaveland's journal, 
 their rum had come to its last gill. Says the record : " Just as 
 we were starting for Conneaut, we saw a large party coming along 
 
CUoeland Settled. 227 
 
 the beach, and supposing them to be Indians, and having only a 
 gill left in our bottle, we were hurrying to a spring to drink it 
 before they could come up and tease us for it, but to our astonish- 
 ment, we found them to be two of the parties of surveyors com- 
 ing in togetlier." 
 
 While the surveyors were at work, Mr. Cleaveland made an 
 excursion to the site destined to become the city which was to 
 bear his name, arriving there on the 22nd of August. Says 
 Whittlesey, in his History of Cleveland: 
 
 " As they coasted close along the shore, overhimg by a dense 
 green forest, mirrored in the waters over which they were pass- 
 ing, the mouth of the river disclosed itself, as a small opening, 
 between low banks of sand. The man who controls the party is 
 seated in the stern, steering liis own craft, which is gra.-efully 
 headed into the stream. 
 
 " His complexion was so swarthy, his figure so square and 
 stout, and his dress so rude, that the Indians supposed some of 
 the blood of their race had crept into his veins." 
 
 " A young growth of oaks, with low bushy tops, covered the 
 ground. Beneath them were thrifty bushes, rooted in a lean, but 
 dry and pleasent soil, highly favorable to the object in view. A 
 Bmooth and even field sloped gently towards the lake, whose blue 
 waters conld be seen extending to the horizon. His imagination 
 doubtless took a pardonable flight into the future, when a great 
 commerciiil town should take the place of the stinted forest 
 growth, wiiich the northern tempests had nearly destroyed." 
 
 " Enough men were left to put up a storehouse for the sup- 
 plies, and a cabin for the acconunodation of the surveyors." 
 
 " Houses had before this been l)uilt by white people, near the 
 mouth of the river; but not ft>r tlie purpose of permanent settle- 
 ment. Col. James llillman avers that he put up a small cabin 
 on the east, side of the river, in 178G, near the foot of Superior 
 street, of which, however, nothing further is known. Sometime 
 previous to 17S7, a party who were wrecke<i upon a British ves- 
 sel, between one and two miles east of the river, built an hut, 
 large enough to shelter themselves throngh one winter. On the 
 west side of the river a log store house was erected, prior to 1786, 
 to protect the flour which was brought here from Pittsburg, on 
 the way to Detroit. This building, in a dilapidated state, wag 
 standing in 17it7, wh«n it was occupied awhile by James Kings- 
 bury and his family." 
 
 Surveys for the streets of the new city were made in a few 
 weeks, the flrst plat bearing date of October 1st, 1796. It was 
 the flrst town laid out exclusivelv by New En^iland citizens on 
 tlie entire chain of laucs, and at this day is second in commercial 
 iin})ortauce only to (/hicago. 
 
228 Hut Built at Chicago. 
 
 The same summer, a colored man from St. Domingo, named 
 Jean Baptiste Pont Au Sable, in his forest wanderings, was 
 attracted to the old portage of Chicago. Here he built a hut on 
 the north bank of the main branch of the Chicago river, and set- 
 tled among tlie Pottowattomies, who then dwelt at the place. 
 Without doubt he was well received by them, as he soon aspired 
 to the dignity of a chief, but like many others before and since, 
 his ambitious aims were never to b6 realized. Thus baulked, he 
 relinquished the improvements he had made and removed to 
 Peoria. 
 
 * 
 
 The small beginning he liad made, however, was soon appro- 
 priated by a Frenchman named La Mai, who sippears to have 
 been only a transient occupant, like many others of his country- 
 men before him, and the only mark which gives significance to 
 his brief residence here, is the fact that he sold out his establish- 
 ment to one who became the true pioneer of Chicago as an Amer- 
 ican city. This was John Kinzie, whose romantic adventures 
 incarnate with the spirit of forest liiie as it then was in its fasci- 
 nations will be told in future pages. 
 
 And now the old century fades away in a peaceful twilight, 
 burying in oblivion the crushed hopes of France and England, 
 wh.le the American star is rising above the dip of th.e horizon. 
 
 • Wabum, P. 490. 
 
CHAPTER XrV. 
 
 William Henry Hamson,' His Ancestry and Birth — Is Ap 
 pointed Governor of the Indian Territory — Spanish Posses 
 sion of louisiana — Napoleon's Ambitious iJesigns Shov i 
 hy the Conquest of St. Domingo^ and hy the Purchase of L< a- 
 islana from Spain — French Designs Frustrated hy the iCn- 
 glish — Purchase of Louisiana hy the United States — Conse- 
 quent Necessity of a Fort on the Upper LaTces — St. Joseph 
 Chosen for its Locality — I'he Indians Ohject to its Erection 
 — Chicago Next Selected — The Fort Btiilt Here — Margaret 
 <ind Elizabeth, the Captives— Their Adventures^ and what 
 grew out of Them — J(mn Kinzie — His Youthful Life — He 
 Settles in Chicago — The Fur Trade and the L ngage. 
 
 Trivate ownership to the soil is a condition peculiar to new 
 vouiitries. It may almost be called one of the modern inventions 
 of civilization, tirst brought to perfection in America. The effect 
 of this distribution of nature's most valuable gift, has been mani- 
 It'st in school houses, libraries, newspapers, magazines, pictures 
 iind well furnished habitations, universally brought into being 
 where men own the soil they cultivate. The nineteenth century 
 opened upon the people of the United States with a new field, on 
 which these good things were to be multiplied in extent beyond 
 limit, as far as could then be seen. The unmeasured fields 
 beyond the Ohio — enriched by a thousand autumnal dressings of 
 leaf-mould, or the decay of prairie growth — looked inviting to the 
 husbandmen ot New England and Old Virginia, and emigra- 
 tion from these places began again after assurance of peace with 
 the Indiam. 
 
 A character is now introduced into history — ona of those tnaster- 
 tjpirits who can only live and grow in a new (;ountry. Not that 
 men thus reared are consequently superior to the cultured men 
 ■of old communities in all things, but that they exceed them in 
 economizing effective force from apparently humble sources; in 
 bringing about large results from small beginnings, and in the 
 aduptation of ways and means to ends, cannot be denied. Such 
 A man was "William Henry Harrison, whose name deserves a 
 
230 Hat'H'ison Appointed Governor of Indiana Territory. 
 
 place with a long list of illustrious Americans, who, like himself, 
 grew into distinction from the toils of camp life in the forest. 
 
 He was born in Berklej', Virginia, in 1773. His ancestors 
 had made themselves couspicuous in the Cromwell ian wars 
 in England, and his fatlier was one of the signers of the 
 Declaration of American Jndiependence, and after it was achieved 
 became governor of Virginia. William Henry M'as the young- 
 est son. When Governor St. Clair was gathering his forces 
 to invade the Indian country, he had an earnest desire to partici- 
 pate in the campaign, and for that purpose applied to General 
 Washington, then President. He received an ensign's coTinnis- 
 sion and started for Fort Washington. He arrived too late to 
 take part in tiie ill-fated expedition of St. Clair, but joined Gen. 
 Wayne in his successful campaign which succeeded it. After 
 the treaty of Greenville, which restored peace to the forest, he was 
 placed in command of Fort Washington, and shortly afterward 
 married the daughter of Judge Symes, the same who was the 
 proprietor of Symes Purchase, spoken of in a preceeding chapter. 
 His ambition soon took a higher range than to command a small 
 squad of dissolute soldiers in a peaceful fort, and he resigned his 
 commission as captain, and was soon appointed secretary of the 
 Northwest Territory, and in 1792 was elected delegate to Congress 
 — he being the first to represent the interests of the northwest at 
 Washington. On the 13th of May, 1800, he was appointed gov- 
 ernor of the Territory of Indiana, which had been set olf from 
 the Northwest Territory. Its area included the present states of 
 Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin and Minnesota. The 
 seat of government was fixed at Viucennes, on the Wabash river 
 
 The number of inhabitants of the Indiana Territory was 5,641 
 whites, while that of the Ohio division of the Northwest Terri- 
 tory was 45,365.* The number of Indians inhabiting the Indi 
 ana Territory was more than three times that of the whites. They 
 liad all tasted the fruits of war with their white neighbors, but 
 being still in quiet possession of their hunting-grounds, felt a 
 liappy assurance that they and their otispring should forever con 
 tinue to occupy the limitless forests of the country, which then, 
 from their vast extent, seemed to bid perpetual defiance to white 
 settlements. 
 
 The Northwest was now organized into two territories, possess- 
 ing only the germs of her ultimate grandeur, and these were not 
 within the reach of human vision to forecast. Spain held the 
 whole west side of the Mississippi, and such portions of the 
 eastern side as came witliin the limits of the present State of 
 Louisiana, which included the port of New Orleans. Besides 
 
 *Ctu-ey'a Atlas, pubiisbed in Fbiladelpbia, 1801. 
 
The Purchase of Louisiana. 231 
 
 this menacing power at the back door of the United States, which 
 must shackle the prosperity of the Northwest as long as it lasted, 
 onr relations with England were )f a slipshod character, from the 
 fiict that her colonial ports were not open to our commerce, which 
 iorced us to trade with an important part of the world through 
 English merchants. But as good fortune for the United States 
 would have it, Spain was showing evident signs of decrepitude, 
 soon to be made manifest by her relinquishment to France of her 
 entire possessions of Louisiana. 
 
 This she had already done at the treaty of St. Ildefonso, on the 
 first of October, ISOO. Through some subtle diplomacy this 
 cession was kept a secret till at the treaty of Amiens, which 
 hushed Europe to a treacherous peace, it was published. The 
 rising star of Napoleon was then mounting the horizon of France, 
 and she looked forward to the day when her former greatness in 
 America might be restored. On the part of the United States 
 grave apprehensions arose that the new owners of the soil would 
 close the navigation of the Mississippi against them, and bnild 
 up a nation on its western bank, which might prove a dangerous 
 rival by securing the entire commerce of the gulf. At this time 
 . Napoleon sent an army to invade St. Domingo, wliich strength- 
 ened this theory in the minds of the Americans. Success at first 
 attended the expedition, but soon afterwards the slaves arose and 
 drove the invaders from the island. Meantime England was 
 forming fresli combinations against him, and war broke out a^in 
 between that power and France in the following May. The 
 defeat of his army in St. Domingo, and the supremacy of the 
 English marine, now made Louisiana an uncertain possession, 
 and French hopes of aggrandizement on the soil of America 
 were suddenly dashed to clie ground. Up to this time no thoughts 
 had ever been entertained in the United States of purchasing 
 Louisiana. On the contrary, this immense country had ever 
 been a mountain in the path of western progress, commanding 
 as it did their only avenue wherewith to ship their exports to 
 foreign countries. Now the commotion which prevailed in 
 Europe by the chance direction affairs had taken, had ripened 
 this fruit for an American sickle, and America purchased it for a 
 little over fifteen million dollars. The- treaty of cession was rati- 
 fied by Congress on the 21st of October, 1803.* 
 
 While tho negotiations were in progress, the British minister, 
 in his heated zeal to inflict a wound on France, made a proposi- 
 
 *The purchase had l)een niiideon the ;}Oth of April pn'vious by Robert R. Lir- 
 inpston, then our resident Minister in Paijs. and Mr. Moore, who hail just been 
 sent there by the Executive on a special mission. The few months that France 
 bad held the country, showed the impossibility of any Euroiean power's at- 
 tempt to acquire any American soil that laid in the path of Auiericon progress. 
 
232 Commission to Locate a Fort on Lake Michigan. 
 
 tion to Knfus King, our envoy to London, to conquer tlie said 
 country from France and cede it to the United States after peace 
 had been made witli that power. Tliis proposition was not seri- 
 ously entertained by American statesmen, wlio had too much pen- 
 etration to submit so important a matter to tlie fortune of war or 
 the caprices of a foreign cabinet, * When the sale was made, said 
 Napoleon, in the bitterness of thwarted ambition: "I have given 
 to England a maritime rival that will sooner or later humble her 
 pride." Spain made a feeble and unavailing protest against the 
 transfer, lest she should ultimately lose Florida and Mexico by 
 its contagious example, botli of which events have since been ver- 
 ified. This augmentation to the territory of the United States 
 brought increased responsibilities, and demanded preparations 
 wherewith to utilize it. The British influence among the count- 
 less Indian warriors along the upper lakes had been gathering 
 strength by means of half-civilized courtesies, adapted to their 
 tastes, ever since the days of the Kevolution; and a demonstra- 
 tion of American power to offset this influence, was necessary to 
 guarantee safety to the frontier settlements already made, as well 
 as to bring the northern portions of Louisiana at least within 
 hailing distance of its new owners. Already the project of build- 
 ing a fort at the southern extremity of lake Miciiigan had been 
 entertained by Congress, while negotiations for the purchase of 
 Louisiana was pending, but now its immediate necessity was 
 apparent, and commissioners were promptly sent Irom Washing- 
 ton to select a suitable place for it. 
 
 The mouth of the St. Joseph river, on the east bank of lake 
 Michigan, was first selected, and preparations made to build the 
 fort, when the Indians of the country withheld their consent for 
 its construction, and the commissioners were obliged to select 
 another place, as they hal no power to enforce their demands — 
 the Indian title here never having been extinguished. Across 
 the lake was the portage of Chicago, where six miles square had 
 been ceded to the United States by the Indians in the treaty ot 
 Greenville, in 1795. It was a bold push into the interior to es- 
 talilish a fort here, but there was no other available spot, and 
 orders for its construction were issued fromthe War Department 
 early in the sunjmerof 1803. Detroit and Michilimacinac were 
 
 *That some fortuitious contirifrency might possibly yet give Louisiana to the 
 English, wasprobably the intention ot the British Minister in making this pro- 
 position to Mr. King This theory is strengthenpfl by a letter that a British 
 officer high in rank had previously written to the Board of Trade, from which 
 the following is an extract : " Should the Amt-ricans thus once fairly possess 
 themselves of that colony, it will be very difficult to dislodge them, and Irom 
 the time they establish a footing in any port in the Gulf of Florida the inter- 
 co' rse between the Knropean nations and the West Indies will be very insecure 
 indeed." 
 
Fort Bxdlt at Chicago. 233 
 
 then tlie extreme western outposts of the Americans along the 
 lakes. A company of United States soldiers was stationd at the 
 former place, under command of Capt. John Whistler, an officer 
 of the Kevolution, and to him was entrusted this service. Under 
 his command were two young lieutenants — William Whistler, 
 his oldest son, and James S. Swearington, from Chillicothe, Ohio. 
 To the latter lie gave orders to conduct the soldiers across the 
 forests of Michigan to Chicago, while he and his wife, his son 
 William and his wife — a young bride — took passage on the U. S. 
 schooner Tracy for the same destination, there to set up the Amer- 
 ican standard at a spot venerable with the memories of one hun- 
 dred and thirty years of transient French occupation, though 
 now inhabited by only three rude huts of French fur-traders, each 
 with their usual adjuncts — the Indian wife and the inevitable 
 brood of half-breed sprites. 
 
 The schooner arrived on the Fourth of July and anchored out- 
 side the bar, for the mouth of the river was choked with a sand 
 drift. Here she discharajed her freiijht of ammunition, arms 
 and provisions into small boats, in which they were rowed into 
 the river and landed on the spot where the fort was to be built. 
 Two thousand Indians were assembled, who, with many a grunt 
 of surprise and approbation, beheld these preparations so fatal to 
 their security. 
 
 The schooner was the especial object of their admiration. 
 They called it the big canoe with wings. After the freight and 
 passengers were landed, Capt. Tracy, the commander, gave or- 
 ders to set sail for Detroit, and the ship soon vanished into the 
 distant dip of the sky and left the new-comers among their swar- 
 thy associates, cut otf from the outside world. Their first busi- 
 ness was to build the block house — an easy task but for the 
 hauling of the logs to the ground selected for its site. They had 
 neither oxen or horses with which to do this, but the soldiers 
 geared themselves with ropes, and performed the onerous toil. 
 
 The summer and autumn of 1803 were spent before the fort 
 was iinished, but comfortable quarters wi re secured for the gar- 
 ison before cold weather had commenced. The defenses con- 
 sisted of two block liouses, one on the southeast and the other on 
 the northwest corner of the grounds enclosed. These were large 
 enough for a parade ground, and were surrounded by a substan- 
 tial palisade. A sallyport connected the enclosure with the river 
 by means of a subterranean passage. Immediately north of the 
 fort, the main branch of the Chicago river rolled its quiet waters 
 to the lake, and on the west, half a mile of wet prairie intervened 
 between tlie fort and the south branch of the Chicago river. On 
 the east were the shifting sand-drifts through which the river 
 found its way to the lake by a detour southwardly along the shore 
 
234 Armament and Gamson of the Fort. 
 
 half a mile south of its present outlet. Three pieces of light 
 artillery and small arms constituted the armament. Attached to 
 the fort was a two-storj log building, sided with clap-boards, riven 
 from lo<rs like barrel staves. This was called the United States 
 factory, which meant a place to store goods belonging to the gov- 
 ernment designed for gratuitous distribution among the Indians. 
 It stood outside of the palisade to the west, and was under the 
 charge of an agent who was sutler to the fort, and was subject to 
 the orders of its commander. The garrison of the fort consisted 
 of 1 captain, 1 second lieutenant, 1 ensign, 4 sergeants, 1 surgeon 
 and 54 privates.* 
 
 Says lion. Zebina Eastman, in his history of Chicago: "Thift 
 fort then occupied one of the most beautitul sites on the lake 
 shore. It was as high as any other point, everlooking the sur- 
 face of the lake; commanding as well as any other view on this 
 flat surface could; the prairie extending to the south to the belt 
 of timber along the south branch and on the north side, and the 
 white sand hills both to the north and south, which had for 
 ages past been the sport of the lake winds." 
 
 This lonesome hermitage soon became a nucleus around which 
 the restive spirits which forest life had brought into being, gath- 
 ered, not to enrich themselves and live in luxurious ease, but to 
 follow the bent of an ambition that led their way into an 
 untroden path. 
 
 What matter if dangers lurked beside it ? These were so 
 many stimulants to variegate the path of life and give point to 
 its smoother surface by contrast with its rougher. Daring and 
 muscle then held a high place in frontier acomplisiimenta. 
 They were necessary in order to push the Anuiioau '"idea" far 
 into the forest in advance, to pave the wav for other graces 
 which were some day to follow. 
 
 Demand begets supply in every essential want of humanity; 
 and when pioneers are wanted to face danger, plenty are willing 
 to enlist under an assurance that they will be fully renuraerated 
 on the spot by that immunity from restraint which the forest 
 secures to its tenants, and by that dashing style of good fellow- 
 ship which is ever present between themselves and their com- 
 rades. Whatever may be the rough exterior of sucli men, they 
 are heroes in the estimation of even the most cultured leaders of 
 society, and even the prude regards them with charity, and ac- 
 cepts even their eccentricies without censure. Chicago was un- 
 like Boston, which was settled by Winthrr^anl tlie Puritans. 
 She (Chicago) began under the naive el anents of trontier life, 
 and after many years graduated under the influence of the seed 
 
 •American State Papers, Vol. I, p. 175, 176. • 
 
Margaret and Elizabeth. 235 
 
 they (the Puritans) planted on the eastern fringe of the conti- 
 nent, somewhat modified however in its march across the inter- 
 vening country). 
 
 Among the ventnresome pioneers of Virginia, was a back- 
 woodsman named McKenzie. He, with a number of his com- 
 rades settled at the mouth of Wolf's creek, where it empties into 
 the Kanawha, in Giles county. 
 
 During Dunmore's war on the frontier, the Shawanese, then 
 the great foVmidable power of the forest, in one of thc'r b(jrder 
 foraj's came suddenly upon the liome of McKenzie, killed his 
 wife, and led two of his children into captivit}'. The names of 
 the young captives were Margaret, ten years old, and Elizabeth, 
 eiglit years old. They were taken to old Chiliicothe, the 
 great Indian town of the Shawanese, where they were adopted 
 into the family of a higli-bred Indian chief, and raised under the 
 tender care of his obedient squaw, according to custom. Ten 
 years later, when the girls were in the full oloom of maidenly 
 beauty, Margaret was allowed to accompany her foster father on 
 a hunting excursion to the Saint Mary's river, in the present 
 State of Indiana, near Ft. Wayne, under the especial care of a 
 matronly squaw who was one of the party. Arriving at the 
 place, a young chief of the same tribe became enamored by the 
 graces and accomplishments of the young cu'itive. But Marga- 
 ret, who retained vivid memories of her youth, with all the 
 tender associations that clustered around the hearthstone of civ- 
 ilization, recoiled from the savage attentions of her swarthy 
 lover, and determined not to yield her heart to one who had no- 
 higher destiny for her than to ornament his leggins with porcu- 
 pine quills, as one of the highest accomplishments of which a 
 squaw was capable. Whatever else may be t!:e gifts of an 
 Indian, he knows not how to play the rejected lover with the 
 manly graces by which the impassioned young civilian gently 
 tones up the aifections of his hesitating fair, and he (the Indian) 
 attempts by force what he cannot win by grace. Margaret's 
 audacious lover was no exception to this rule, and at midnight 
 approached the camp, where she was sleeping, intending to force 
 her to become his wife. According to the Indian cusiom a din 
 of yells and the rattle of an Indian drum announced the inten- 
 tions of the would-be bridegroom to the terrified victim. 
 
 Aroused to a full sense of danger, the heroine leaped from her 
 couch and fled into the glooms ot the forest for a protection that 
 her friends could no longer gi/eher. Fortunately her dog fol- 
 lowed her as she fled down the bank of the St. Mary's river to 
 the stockade, half a mile distant, where the horses were kept. 
 Ere she reached the place, the footsteps of her detestable lover 
 were heard close beiiind. She turned, set her dog upon hira^ 
 
236 Early Life of John Kinzie. 
 
 and while the noble animal was grappling with the wretch, she 
 reached the stockade, unhitched a horse, leaped on his back, and 
 took flight through the wilderness, seventy-iive miles to her In- 
 dian home at Chillicothe. The fate of the faithful dog was never 
 known, but he was probably killed while fighting in defense of 
 his mistress. The horse died the next day after he had performed 
 so wonderful a feat, without rest or sustenance. This heroic girl 
 and her sister Elizabeth, aftei'wards became the mothers of some 
 of the first pioneers of Chicago. 
 
 In the eventful year of 1763 was born at Quebec a boy, des- 
 tined not only to participate in the romantic riot of forest life as 
 it then was in the great interior, but to fix his name on the page 
 of history, with the honorable distinction as the Father of Chi- 
 cago. This was John Kinzie. His father died in his infancy, 
 and his mother married a Mr. Forsj'th, and removed to New 
 York. At the age of ten or twelve John determined to go back to 
 his native place, and armed with this resolution, went aboard a 
 sloop ready to sail for Albany. The bark was under way before 
 the young truant was missed from the nursery. The poor mother 
 had lost a former child by her first husband, the remains of whom 
 had been picked up in the woods of Canada, lost and starved to 
 death, and now her heart bled afresh for what she supposed to be 
 the awful fate of Johnny. Fortune, however, had ordered it 
 otherwise. The lad made the acquaintance, on board the sloop, 
 of a gentleman going to Quebec, who paid his fare, and landed 
 him safely at the place. Here the young adventurer soon got 
 employment as an apprentice to a silversmith,* and won his way 
 to distinction among the restive spirits of his eventful age, and 
 next we find him a iur-trader in Detroit during the English occu- 
 ])ation of the place. After the adventure of Margaret, the cap- 
 tive, as just told, she, with her sister Elizabeth, were taken to 
 this place by their foster-father, who ielt proud of his adopted 
 children, and here they became acquainted with John Kinzie. It 
 is not strange that the brilliant young adventurer beheld the 
 beautiful captive Margaret with the eye of a lover, nor that the 
 heroine felt a similar sentiment for him, and they were soon mar- 
 ried. Elizabeth at the same time met a Scotchman named Clark, 
 and married him, and their swarthy foster-parent took his path 
 back to Chillicothe alone. The two young couples lived in De- 
 troit about five years, during which time Ma'-^'^ret had three 
 children, William, James and Elizabeth, and Elizabeth had two 
 children, John K. and Elizabeth. 
 
 The treaty of Greenville, in 1795, having restored peace to the 
 border, Mr. Isaac McKenzie, the father from whom the captives 
 
 * Wabun, p. 193. 
 
The Clyhotirn Family. -'^T 
 
 had been taken almost a quarter of a century before, received 
 tidings of his children, and went to Detroit to see them. As 
 might be supposed, the sight aroused tender emotions that had 
 slumbered for years in painful suspense. Nor were the hearts of 
 the children less moved at the sight of their a^^ed parent, whose 
 memory I ad never been obliterated, even during their savage 
 training in the tumult of an Indian camp. Under this strong 
 pressi're of filial devotion the two mothers, with their children, 
 returned with their fatlier to the old home, to which arrange- 
 ment both of their husbands consented. A final separation was 
 not intended, but time and distance divorced them forever. Mr. 
 Kinzie afterwards removed to Saint Josephs, Mhere he married a 
 Mrs. McKiliip, the widow of a British officer. Margaret mar- 
 ried Mr. Benjamin Hall, of Virginia, and Elizabeth married Mr. 
 Jonas Cljbourn, of the same place. David, the oldest son of 
 Benjamin Hall and Margaret, made a journey to Chicago in 1822, 
 where he remained three years. Here a wilderness of shining 
 waters, as the upper lakes then were, nestled amidst an unlimited 
 wilderness of woodland and prairie teeming with fertility hidden 
 beneath a forest studded with overgrown trees, or a prairie ornate 
 with tall grasses and thrifty shrubbery. On his return to Vir- 
 ginia, his flattering account of the place and its future destiny, 
 which he foreshadowed with a truthful forecast, induced a num- 
 ber of persons to emigrate thither. The first of these was Archi- 
 bald Clybourn, the oldest son of Elizabeth, who remained a per- 
 manent resident and an esteemed citizen, well known to thou- 
 sands of the present inhabitants of Chicago. 
 
 His mother was Elizabeth, the captive, who with her second 
 husband, Mr. Clybourn, soon afterwards came to Chicago. More 
 will be said of them in future pages. Mr. Benjamin Hall was 
 another one of Chicago's pioneers who emigrated to the place in 
 consequence of Mr. David Hall's commendations of its future 
 promise. Margaret, the captive, was liis aunt, and to him the 
 writer is indebted for the detail of Margaret's and Elizabeth's 
 history.* Mr. Hall is now a resident of Wheaton. He came to 
 Chicago in 1830, and was the proprietor of the flrst tannery ever 
 established there. He married the sister of the Hon. J. D. Caton, 
 and raised an esteemed family of children, who are now scattered 
 in the west. Elizabeth Kinzie, daughter of John Kinzie, by Mar- 
 garet, became the wife of Samuel Miller, from a respectable 
 Quaker family of Ohio. This woman was highly esteemed by 
 all who knew her for Iht excellent traits. Her husband kept the 
 Miller house at the forks of the Chicago rivers, and is still 
 
 *A partial history of Marjjaret's captivity is given in Howe's Historical Col- 
 lections of Virginia, pages 278 and 279. 
 
238 John Kinzie and Family Settle in Chicago. 
 
 remembered by a few of Chicago's old settlers as a respected cit- 
 izen. Mrs. Miller died at this house in 1832, leaving three verj 
 promising children. 
 
 James Kinzie caine to Chicago about 1824, and was well received 
 by his father, who assisted him in his first eflbrts to establish 
 himself in the place. He amassed considerable wealth, but lost 
 the most of it in the crash of 1837, when he removed to Wiscon- 
 sin, where he died about the year 1860. 
 
 We will now return to the early days of the fort, where a few 
 superanuated soldiers stood guard at this frontier post through 
 the winter of 1803-4, like hermits in a wilderness. If they ob- 
 tained any tidings of what was going on in the outside world, 
 it must have been through the agency of some chance pedestrian 
 messenger, and any news he might bring would lack authenticity. 
 But even this satisfaction was probably not afforded them, in 
 their wild recluse. The next spring, however, was destined to 
 bring an arrival to their post of a permanent character, whose 
 presence should help to bring around them the social conditions 
 of settled communities. Mi*. John Kinzie, himself, was then a 
 resident of Detroit, but had determined to make Chicago his 
 future home. His wife was the mother of a daughter by her 
 first husband, which danghiPf was now a member of his family. 
 The baby, John H. Kinzie, was now about six months old. An 
 Indian trail then led from Deiroit through Ypsilanti (then known 
 as Charms trading station), Niles and St. Joseph, around the 
 southern extremity of Lake Michigan, thence one branch led to 
 Chicago and another to Rock Island, on the Mississippi river. 
 This was the only way by which Mr. Kinzie could reach the 
 place, and horseback was the only means of transportation. 
 
 Accordingly their effects were packed in sacks and lashed to a 
 horse's back, and Mr. and Mrs. Kinzie and the daughter were 
 each mounted on a horse, with Johnny slung in a swaddling 
 pocket from the horn of a saddle, and the journey was begun, 
 bay after day they pursued their wooded trail, camping out each 
 night, till Chicago was reached. Soon after his arrival he pur- 
 chased a small French trading establishment of a man named 
 LeMai, of whom mention has been made in a previous chapter, 
 and from time to time this hut was improved as the home of 
 Mr. Kinzie, till a comfortable house substituted it, as shown in 
 its picture on another page. This was the tiist private dwelling 
 ever built in Chicago as an American city. It stood on the north 
 bank of the river, opposite the fort, fronting towards the south. 
 A small boat chained to the bank was always in readiness to ferry 
 forward and back between his home and the fort, and this con- 
 .-etituted Chicago as it was then, begun by John Kinzie and three 
 French iamilies who then resided there; one of which was Le- 
 
Mrs. Whhtler. 239 
 
 Mai's, and the other two were Ouihnette's and Pettell's families. 
 Ouilmette remained a permanent resident of Cliicago, and was 
 ever true to the American interest, which record was rewarded 
 by a large reservation of land for him north of Chicago, which 
 Btill perpetuates his memory. Capt. Whistler's wife, then a 
 bride of but sixteen years, is still (in 1879) living. Henry W. 
 Hurlbut, Esq., a present citizen of Chicago, visited her in 1875, 
 and thus describes the interview in liis pamphlet on Chicago 
 Antiquities, page 24: 
 
 *' It was a coveted privilege in which we sought, as any one 
 might believe, for it was during the tremendous rain-storm of 
 the evening of the 29th of October, 1875, that we sallied out to 
 call on Mrs. Col. R. A. Kinzie for an introduction to that lady's 
 mother, Mrs. Whistler. When we entered the parlor, the ven- 
 erable wojnan was engaged at the centre-table in some game of 
 amusement with her grand children and great-grand-children, 
 seemingly as much interested as any of the juveniles. 
 
 (We will remark here that five generations ot this family have 
 lived in Chicago.) 
 
 " She claimed to enjoy good health, and was apparently an unu- 
 siial specimen of well-preserved faculties, both intellectual and 
 physical. She is of a tall form, and her appearance still indicates 
 the truth of the common report, that in her early years she was 
 a person of surpassing elegance. A marked trait of her has been 
 a spirit of unyielding energy and determination, and which length 
 -of years has not yet subdued. Her tenacious memory ministers 
 to a voluble tongue, and we may say briefly, she is an agreeable, 
 intelligent and sprightly lady, numbering only a little over 88 
 years. "To-day," said she, "I received my first pension on 
 account of my husband's services." Mrs. Whistler resides in 
 Newport, Kentucky. She has one son and several grandsons in 
 the army. Born in Salem, Mass., July 3d, 1787, her maiden 
 name was Julia Ferson, and her parents were John and Mary 
 LaDuke Ferson. In childhood she removed with her parents to 
 Detroit, where she received most of her education. In the month 
 of May, 1802, she was married to William Whistler (born in 
 Hagerstown, Md., about 1784), a second Lieut, in the company of 
 his father, Capt. John Whistler, U. S. A., then stationed at Detroit." 
 
 He held command of Fort Dearborn, tiie name given to the 
 new fortification, till 1811, and during this whole time nothing 
 occurred to disturb the peace of the place. 
 
 The Indians kept up a trade in furs with "Shaw-neawkee," the 
 name they gave to Mr. Kinzie, which, in their language, meant 
 a silversmith. And during this term of years the even measure 
 of justice, as well as the agreeable demeanor of Mr. Kinzie to 
 -them, established a friendship between themselves and him. 
 
240 The Far Trader. 
 
 which proved a precious deliverance to himself and family when 
 the Red Man again took the war-path. 
 
 " Mrs. John II. Kinzie, the authoress of that graphic picture of 
 frontier life (Wabun), in speaking of John Kinzie's first days in 
 Chicago, a!)d his experiences in the fur trade, in which he was 
 eniraged, says: " By degrees more remote trading posts \vere es- 
 tablished by him. all contributing to the parent one at Chicago; 
 at Milwaukee, with the Menominees; at Ilock River, w^ith the 
 AV^iniiebagoes and the Pottawatomies; on the Illinois river and 
 Kankakee, with the Pottawatomies of the Prairies and with the 
 Kickapoos, in what was called ' Le Large' — being the vridely ex- 
 tended district afterwards created into Sangamon county. Each 
 trading post had its superintendent and its complement of en- 
 gages — its train of pack-horses and its equipment of boats and 
 canoes. From most of the stations the turs and peltries were 
 brought to Chicago on pack-hoi'ses, and the goods necessary for 
 the trade were transported in return by the same method. The 
 vessels which came in the sju'ing and fall (seldom more than two 
 or three annually), to bring the supplies and goods for the trade, 
 took the furs that were already collected to Mackinaw, the depot 
 of the Southwest and American Fur Companies. At other sea- 
 sons they were sent to the place in boats coasting around the 
 lake." 
 
 "Of the Canadian voyageurs, or engaiies," (continues Mrs. 
 Kinzie,) " a race that has now so nearly passed away, some notice 
 may very properly here be given. They were unlike any other 
 class of men. Like the poet, they seemed born to their vocation. 
 Sturdy, enduring, ingenious and light-hearted, they possessed a 
 fi])irit capable of adapting itself to any emergency. No difficul- 
 ties baffled, no hardships discouraged them, while their affection- 
 ate nature led them to form att.achments of the warmest charac- 
 ter to their 'bourgeois,' or master, as well as to the native in- 
 habitants among whom their engagements carr'jd them. Mon- 
 treal, or according to their own pronunciation, Marrialle, was 
 their depot. It was at that place that the agents commissioned 
 to make up the quota for the different companies and traders, 
 found material for their selections. 
 
 The terms of engagement were usually from four to six hun- 
 dred livres (ancient Quebec currency) per annum, as wages, 
 with rations of one quart of lyed corn and two ounces of tallow 
 per diem, or its equivalent in whatever sort of food is to belound 
 in the Indian country. Instances have been found of their sub- 
 mitting cheerfully to fare upon fresh fish and nuiple sugar for a 
 whole winter, when cut off from other supplies. It was a coin- 
 nioa saying, " Keep an engagee to his corn and tallow, and he will 
 
Michilimacinac. -+1 
 
 serve you well ; give him pork and bread, and he soon gets be- 
 yond your management." 
 
 At this time Michilimacinac was a place of extensive com- 
 merce with the Indians. Thither went the distant Sioux, and 
 other tribes, both from far and near, to exchange their furs for 
 such necessities as had then become indispensable to the Indians. 
 And there gathered tlie fearless spirits of the frontier, who glo- 
 ried in the privations of the wilderness, wilder, if possible, than 
 the natives themselves, and not less hardy. These excitements 
 gave to the place a metropolitaji character far above the Chicago 
 portage, which was then only an outpost of Old " Mackinaw." 
 
 Thus closes a chapter of civil and savage amenities springing 
 into a transitory life, strangely intermingled together, while the 
 young nation, in her fecundity, is giving birth to metropolitan 
 cities. What was then a reality appears in retrospect like a 
 dream to us who are rivalling each other in the arts of elegance 
 and luxury, and jostling each other along the paths of life for 
 want of elbow room wherewith to ventilate an ambition more 
 studious in mentality, more psychological, more in accordance 
 with man's nobler nature; but possibly not untarnished with 
 subtle vices that will be more apparent to the readers of our his- 
 tory a hundi i years hence than they are to us now. 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Oovernor Harrison''s Efforts to Extinguish Indian Titles to 
 Lands — Indian Discontents — Tecximseh — The Prophet — 
 TecumseK's Interview vnth Harrison — Its Threatenina As- 
 jpect — TecHmseh''s Attempt to Form a Confederacy — Harri- 
 son Marches into the Indian Country — Uncamps at Tippe- 
 canoe — TJte Prophet Attacks Him — Is Defeated — Tecumseh^s 
 PUvThS Frustrated hy the Battle — The Territory of Illinois 
 Orgaii hed — Ninian Edwards Appointed Governor. 
 
 Under the able administration of Harrison as governor of the 
 territory of Indiana, and tlie peaceful appearance of the Indians, 
 emigration increased, and the lands yet ceded by the Indians to 
 the United States wereqnite inadequate to the demand, and the 
 call was for more land. To satisfy this call the Wyandots ceded 
 that portion of Ohio known as tlie Western Reserve on July 4, 
 1805. On the 21st of August, the same year, the Miami's 
 ceded a tract containing two million acres, Governor Harrison 
 being the purchaser; and on the 30th of December following the 
 Piankeshaws ceded a tract eigrhtv miles m 'de alonj; the west 
 bank of the Wabash, which included all *^ H\nd between that 
 stream and a cession which the Ivaskaskiao .lad made in 1803, 
 While these tribes were relinquishing the Indian hunting 
 grounds to white settlements by piecemeal, nnmindful of the 
 results which might grow out of such an abandonment of the 
 forest, there were a few master minds among them who could 
 clearly forecast the end, if such sales were not prevented. 
 
 Prominent among these was Tecumseh, Chief of the Shaw- 
 aneese, who may be looked ' pon as the last representative of the 
 original nobility of his deo 'ing race. He beheld the cessions 
 of lands t»> the United Stat, s with ahirm, and resolved to make 
 one fin id effort to stay the])rogress of the woodchopper's axe, and 
 preserve the remaining forests of the west inviolalile to their 
 nativ ) owners — a desperate and fool hardy resolution unless 
 English aid was expected to his cause. But however certain this 
 might appear in his estinnition, he commenced the work before 
 him in a peaceble and statesmanlike manner. Tlie first step to 
 
Tecumseh Attempts to Form, a Confederacy. '243 
 
 be taken was to form an Indian confederacy, by means of a pri- 
 vate council, with representative men among the Indians, the 
 principal object of which should be to prevent the further sale 
 <_pf lands to the United States, except by consent of the confeder- 
 acy, which was intended to unite the entire Indian population of 
 the northwest. 
 
 This council was held at Greenville, about the year 1806. 
 Tecumseh and his brother, who was gifted with prophecy as was 
 supposed, were the leading spirits comprising ic. Billy Caldwell, 
 an educated half-breed,"* was private secretary to Tecumseh. 
 
 Tecumseh could read and write, but the book of nature was 
 Ids most highly prized volume, and the lines of the liuman face 
 were in his scrutinizing glance the plain indexes to the heart. 
 Greenville was from this time his headquarters, where he held 
 his court, and from which place both he and his brother, the 
 prophet, frecpiently went forth to visit the different tribes of the 
 country, and inijtress up^n them the necessity of a united effort 
 for mutual ])rotcction. In this labor the prophet's influence was 
 perhaps greater than that of Tecumseh himself, for it had a 
 leverage from another world wherewith to bear upon life in tliis, 
 wliile Tecumseirs logic was circumscribed to public policy. 
 
 The prophet dreamed and saw visions, and his earnest zeal 
 was soon i-ewarded witli a great awakening among his swarthy 
 brethren. IJoth he and Tecumseh lent their powerful influence 
 in favor of temperance, as well as many other causes in which 
 thev were engaged. Bnt the cause most at heart was tlie orcran- 
 ization of the great Indian confederacy. In the spring of 1808, 
 they moved their headquarters to the lianks of a small stream, 
 called Tippecanoe, which emptied into the Wabash, and here 
 immedialely sprung up a modern Mecca, to which swarthy pil- 
 grims came fromfar and near to commune with some transcend- 
 ent power wliich was to cany their race iafely through the wil- 
 derness of their griefs. All this time Tecumseh was running 
 from tribe to tribe to propagate his new political principles, and 
 no evidi-'uce exists that lie advocated anything but peaceful meas- 
 ures to fulfll his laudable designs, as history is compelled to call 
 them. The following August he visited (tov. Harrison at Vin- 
 cennes. The interview was a pleasant one, and won the confi- 
 dence of Harri.son sufticiently to set at rest any misgivings he 
 
 *]i\\\y Caldwell soon afterwards became prineiprd riiiet of the Pottawatoniies, 
 arfl after tlie war was over made Chicay-o his rej;ideiiee, till his tribe was removed 
 to thf iieigliborhood of Council Bliitls. in fsri-li. H<'ie he died in 184-) In 
 IS.'}.'! Mr. Pcikins, who wrote "The Western Aiinal.-i,' had an interview with 
 himnt ( hicaffo, at wliich time he had a tiinik tall of pajiiTH jjertaining' to the 
 war. and particularly Tecnmseh's participation in it; and it was at ihis inter- 
 view that Mr. Perkins learned of the private council which Tecunincli hold at 
 
 Greenville. See Western Annals, p. a60. 
 
244 'Wirh-a-inac' s Influence in Council. 
 
 miijlit formerly have had as to direct warlike intentions of the 
 distinguished chief. Still his caution never slept, and he was 
 ever on the watch for any new phase which might develop be- 
 tween the two antagonistic elements nnder his territorial charge, 
 at the head of one of which he stood, while Tecumseh ably re])re- 
 sented the other. Two years later, in 1810, the census of Indiana 
 territory showed a population of 24,520, and there were in the 
 territory 33 grist mills, 14 saw mills, 18 tanneries, 28 distille- 
 ries, 3 powder mills, 1,256 hand-looms, and 1,350 spinning 
 wheels. This showed a quadruple increase in the number of 
 inhabitants, and much more than that in its agricultural and 
 manufacturing interests during the ten years since its lirst or- 
 ganizatiDn as a territory. 
 
 Thai ihese augmentations to the white settlements had in- 
 crease ^ the jealousy of Tecumseh and the Prophet, was well 
 known. The latter was daily increasing in popularity, as was 
 amply shown by the numbers who gathered around him to hear 
 him foretell the good things in store for the Indian race, and 
 tone up their resohition to verity them. Meantime Harrison 
 deemed it prudent to try if possible to counteract tliis intlueiice, 
 and to this end sent messengers to the Miamis, Delawares and 
 Pottawatomies, whose business it was to assure those tribes of 
 the protection and friendship of the United States, and to warn 
 them against the pretensions of the Pro])het. His influence had 
 now extended to tlie tribes around lake Michigan, and early in 
 May, 1810, the Pottawatomies, Chippewas and Ottawas held a 
 council at St. Joseph to consider the propriety of joining his 
 standarl. 
 
 In this council Win-a-mac, a distinguished Pottawatomie chief, 
 well known to the early settlers of Chicago, used his influence 
 against the Prophet. This friendly intervention in favor of the 
 whites was due to the influence which Mr. Kinzie and the officers 
 of Fort Dearborn had exerted over him. It prevailed in the 
 council, and no encouragement was given to the emissaries of the 
 Prophet. On the contrary, Win-a-niac sent valuable information 
 to Governor Harrison as to the number.s of hostile tribes. No 
 act of hostility had yet been committed, but signs of brooding 
 discontent were on the increase; among the Sha.vanese, in par- 
 ticular, who, in their honor-clad armor of inde]irn(lence, refuse<l 
 to receive their annuity of salt which the United States govern- 
 ment were accustomed to give, and insulted the agents sent to de- 
 liver it, by calling them " dogs." This pali)able sign of hostility 
 caused Governor Harris<m to send a messenger forthwith to 
 Prophet's town* to ascertain the causes of discontent. At first the 
 
 •An Indian town, near Tippecanoe Creek, where the prophet lived. 
 
Interview Between Harrison and Tecumseh. '245 
 
 prophet laid the bhxine as usual on some of liis hasty young men, 
 but when pressed by Mr. Dubois, Harrison's faithful messenger, 
 for the real reason, he complained that the Indians had been 
 cheated out of their lands — tliat no sale was good unless made 
 bv all tlie tribes. In re])ly to this complaint, Governor Harrison 
 returned an answer, offering to restore any lands to the Indians 
 that had not been fairly purchased. This message was sent by 
 a Mr. Barron, with two associates, Erouillette and Dubois. 
 Arriving at the place they were conducted into the presence of 
 the high priest, with no small measui-e of ceremony. When within 
 i\ few feet of his majesty, '"He looked at me," said Barron, 
 "for several minutes without speaking oi- making any sign of 
 recoo'iiition, although he knew me well. At last he spoke, ap- 
 parently in anger. 'For what purpose do you come here?' 
 r-aid he. He then accused them all of l)eing spies, and point- 
 ing to the ground, said : 'There's your grave ! Look on it.' " 
 Tecumseh, who was present, now interfered, to save the lives 
 of the messengers — assured them of their safety, and received 
 their message. No answer was given to it, but Tecumseh said 
 lie would visit Harrison at Vincennes, in a few days, and re- 
 ply to him. Tlie messengers now withdrew. 
 
 On the 12th of August succeeding (1810), true to his word, 
 Tecumseh, attended by 75 warriors, paid his respects to Governor 
 Harrison. He remained in Vincennes twelv^e days, holding fre- 
 quent interviews with him, always with an air of hauteur, which 
 imly an Indian can assui^e with grace. On the 20th, addressing 
 the governor, he said: " Brother — Since the peace of Greenville, 
 in 1795, was made, you have killed some of the Shawnees, Win- 
 nebagoes, Delawares and Miamis, and you have taken our lands 
 froiu us, and I do not see how we can remain at peace with you 
 if jou continue to do so. You try to force the red people to do 
 some injury. It is you that are pushing them on to do mischief. 
 Yc a wish to prevent the Indians to do as we wish them, tc unite 
 and let them consider their lands as the common property of the 
 whole. You take tribes aside and advise them not to come into 
 this measure. The reason I tell you this is, jou, want, by your 
 distinctions of Indian tribes, in allotting to each a particular tract, 
 to make them to war with each other. You never see an Indian 
 endeavor to make tiie white people do so. You are continually 
 driving the red peo]»le; when at last you will drive them onto the 
 great lake, when they can't eit!:er stand or work. Since my resi- 
 dence at Tippecanoe, we have endeavored to level all distinctions 
 — to destroy village chiefs, by whom all mischief is done. It is 
 thev who sell our lands to Americans. Brother, this land that 
 was sold, and the goods tinit were given tor it, was only done by 
 a few. The treaty wjis afterward brought here and the Weas were 
 
24H Rage of Tecumseh. 
 
 induced to give their consent, because of their small numbers. 
 The treaty of Fort Wayne was made througli the threats of Win- 
 amae, but in future we are prepared to punish those who may 
 propose to sell land. If you continue to purciiase of them, it will 
 make war among tiie different tribes, and at last I do not know 
 what will be the consequence among the white people. Brother, 
 I wish you would take pity on the red people and do what I have 
 requested. If you will not give up the hind, and do cross the 
 boundary of your present settlement, it will be very hard andj)ro- 
 duce great trouble among us. How can we have confidence in 
 the white people? When Jesus Christ came upon the earth you 
 killed him and nailed him on a cross. You thought he was dead, 
 but you were mistaken. You have Shakers among you, and you 
 laugh and make light of their worship. Everything I have said 
 to you is the truth. The great spirit has inspired me. If you 
 think proper to give us any presents, and we can be convinced 
 that they are given through friendship alone, we will accept 
 them." * 
 
 To this speech Harrison replied, by contrasting the conduct of 
 the United States towards the Indians with that of other civil- 
 ized nations towards savages within their jurisdi*„*^>on, and draw- 
 ing a comparison favorable to the United States. This stung 
 Tecumseh to the quick, and he leaped to his feec from the ground 
 where he was reposing, and with violent gesticulation declared that 
 both Governor Harrison and the United States had cheated the 
 Indians. A number of his party sharing his feelings of resent- 
 ment, sprang to his side, apparently ready to attack the goveiMior 
 and his party on the spot. General Gibson, who was then secre- 
 tary of the Territory, instantly brought twelve men armed with 
 sabres to the front, while Harrison himself firmly grasped the 
 hilt of his sword and boldly confronted the angry chief and his 
 party, whose war clubs, tomahawks and spears flashed defiance. 
 No blow was struck, but Harrison reproached Tecumseh for his 
 conduct, and requested him instantly to depart to his camp, say- 
 ing at the same time, he would send his speech to his tribe in 
 written form. The next morning Tecumseh made apologies for 
 his hasty ebullition of fury, and begged another interview with 
 Harrison. It was granted, and Tecumseh by his respectful de- 
 meanor, made ample amends for his misconduct the day before. 
 
 Nothing was settled by the interview, however, but at the close 
 of the council Tecumseh hoped that the Great Spirit would put 
 sense enough into the head of the President to restore the lands 
 in question to the Indians, and took his departure, after saying 
 with emphasis to Harrison: " He may sit in his own town and 
 
 •This report of Tecumseh s speech is but an extract embodying his strong 
 points. 
 
Tecumseh Seeks Alliance from the Southern Tribes. 247 
 
 drink his wine, while you and I will have to fight it out," The 
 next year (1811), on the 24th of June, Governor Ilarrisoii sent Cap- 
 tain Wilson to confer vvitli Tecumseh at Prophetstown, for the pur- 
 pose of conciliating the still dissatisfied chief. Tecumseh received 
 him with great courtesy, hut eloquently expatiated on the causes of 
 which the Indians complained, and promised to come again to Yin- 
 cennes to confer with Governor Harrison in the matter. On the 
 27th of July following he came, attended by 300 of his men. 
 T^ ere were then 750 militia ready for duty in Yincennes, and these 
 were placed under arms ready for an emergency. Of course the 
 interview settled nothing, for it was absurd to suppose the land 
 that had been purchased of single tribes could ever be restored 
 to the Indians, and nothing short of this would satisfy Tecumseh. 
 
 Soon after this conference ended, Tecumseh, with twenty 
 attendants, started for the distant country of the Chickasaws, 
 Creeks and Choctaws, for the purpose of securing their alliance 
 to his cause in a conflict which he felt was pending. Meantime, 
 the English agents among the Indians were generous in the dis- 
 tribution of presents among them. There was a belligerent feel- 
 ing at that time between tlie English and American people, not 
 only on account of old scores, but new issues had come between 
 the two nations, brought into being by what was called the 
 Continental System in Europe, which will be explained in the 
 next chapter, and its eftects were felt wherever the English name 
 was known, even to the extreme limits of the frontiers of civiliza- 
 tion in the forests of America, where the unambitious native, 
 gaunt with hunger and offensive with dirt, but loyal to the 
 ensign of St. George, was ready to take the war-path for his 
 English father. There was a reason for this. The English had 
 everything to hope for in his friendship and nothing to lose. 
 
 The Americans could gain nothing by his friendship, but his 
 enmity would be a pretext by which to deprive him of the soiL 
 Under this duress, the unhappy red men were between two fires, 
 fighting the battles of the P]nglish in the front, only to be for- 
 saken in the distribution of victory's spoils, whichever way the 
 cause went. While the issue was maturing between the English 
 and Americans, by the indiscretions of the Prophet, during 
 Tecuinseh's absence to bring allies to his cause, the inevitable 
 outbreak came with the Indians, On the 17th of July, 1811, the 
 President authorized Harrison to summon to his aid the fourth 
 regiment of infantry, under command of Col. Boyd. On the 
 26th of September the army took up its march toward Prophets- 
 town, the headquarters of the P)-ophet. Having marched sixty- 
 five miles up the Wabash, Fort Harrison was built on the 5th of 
 October. On the 31st, the mouth of the Yermillion river was 
 
248 Battle of Tippecanoe. 
 
 reached, where a block-house was built for the protection of the 
 baffiijaije. 
 
 Agair resuming his march on the night of the 6th of Novem- 
 ber, he arrived at Tippecanoe, which was situated about seven 
 miles northwest of the present city of Lafayette. Here Harrison 
 was met by a delegation from the camp of the Prophet, which 
 was but a sliort distance away, where a thousand braves were as- 
 sembled, ready to make a dash at the invaders as soon as a favor- 
 able moment came. All liostile intentions, however, were 
 disavowed on both sides, but Harrison ordered his men to encamp 
 that night in order of battle, with their clothes on and their arms 
 by their side, and in case of an attack, the outermost lines were 
 ordered to maintain their ground till reinforced. At the Indian 
 camp all was silent as the grav " Tecumseh was in the far dis- 
 tant south, in the country of tiie Cherokees, and had given his 
 brother, the Prophet, orders not to commence hostilities; but in 
 his raslmess he disregarded them, and laid his plans to attack 
 Harrison the next morning. Before the dawn of day a lieavy 
 body of Indians made a dash on the left flank of the Americans. 
 The sentinels were driven in, and the conflict was carried into 
 the very camp of the invaders. In a few minutes the wliole 
 front, both flanks, and even the rear, were engaged. 
 
 The camp-flres still lit up the grounds, tor daylight had not 
 yet come to the relief of the Americans, and the Indians poured 
 a destructive fire into their ranks from a covert of darkness. 
 With admirable coolness, Harrison ordered the fires extinguished, 
 which placed the combattants on equal terras. Now, hand-to- 
 hand encounters, and random shots through the outer darkness, 
 amidst a tumult of yells, raged along the whole line till day- 
 light. A furious charge was then made upon the Indians. They 
 receixe'i it witli admirable courage at first, but finally fled to an 
 adjacent s.varap, where Harrison did not deem it prudent to fol- 
 low them. 
 
 The Aui-jrican loss was 37 killed and 151 wounded; the loss 
 of the I dians was somewhat snialler. 
 
 Tecumseh, with a keen insight into the future, had not intended 
 to precipitate the conflict with the Americans till his English 
 friends were readv to render him more substantial aid, and when 
 he returned home and learned that the Prophet had disobeyed 
 his orders by making the first attack, and of the disastrous 
 results of it, his passions rose to a dangerous pitch, and it was 
 with difiiculty he could be restrained from killing him on the 
 spot. After the battle, the Indian stores of corn, etc., at Pro- 
 phetstown were destroyed. The Prophet lost his prestige and 
 nearly all the difl'erent tribes of Indians were inclined towards 
 peace. Tecumseh was forced iiito a lukewarm acquiescence in 
 
Illinois Territory Organised. 249 
 
 this state of things among his people, but instead of their talcing 
 part in tlie treaty of peace which followed, went to Maiden, in 
 Canada, to take council with his British friends, but the end was 
 not yet. The Tippecanoe campaign was a great damage to the 
 Indian cause, especially as its result was disastrous to them, and 
 proved an effectual barrier to the Indian confederacy which 
 Tecumseh aimed at with laudable ambition, as the only means 
 by which liis people could be preserved. The news of the battle 
 spreading througii the country'' came to tlie errs of John Kinzie, 
 at Charme's trading post (Ypsilnnti), Mich. He was on his way 
 to Detroit, but apprehensive of a general uprising among tlie 
 Indians, he hastened home to look to the safety of his family, by 
 further strengthening the chain of friendship with the Potta- 
 watomies.* 
 
 "While the events of the late campaign had been maturing to 
 the temporary issue at Tippecanoe, settlements had been pro- 
 gressing with but little interruption, for the late battle was a 
 sudden spasm of fu-ocity, which the Prophet had prematurely 
 thrust into the arena, before Tecumseh's favorite plan of an Indian 
 confederacy had been executed, and no warning against border 
 war had come to tlie ears of emigrants. Nor had legislation 
 suspended its progressive action respecting the political progress 
 of the Western territory, Congress having, on February 3d. 1809, 
 constituted the new Territory of Illinois. On the east it was 
 bounded by the "Wabash river from its mouth to Vincennes, 
 thence by a line due nortli to the Canada line (which line, of 
 course, would cross lake Michigan lengthwise), on the north by 
 the British Possessions, en the west by the Mississippi river, and 
 on the south by the Ohio, between the mouth of the Wabash and 
 the junction of the Ohio with the Mississippi. 
 
 Ninian Edwards was transferred from the post of Chief Jus- 
 tice of Kf I'ucky to the Governor's chair of the new Territory, 
 and Nathaniel Pope, whose home was already at Kaskaskia, was 
 appointed SL^cretary by President Madison. Early in March Mr. 
 Pope organized the Territory, and the following June, on the 
 11th, Mr. Edwards iook his seat as governor at Kaskaskia. The 
 code of Indiana Territory, unaer wliich the inhabitants had lived 
 for the eight years previous, was at lirst adopted, but soon after- 
 wards detailed penalties were affixed for the punishment of 
 every possible form of oflense, some of which have long since 
 been repealed as unwarrantable. St. Clair and Eandolph were 
 the first two counties organized. Their limits can hardly bo 
 given, in the great waste of unsettled domain over which the 
 jurisdiction of Illinois then extended. 
 •Wabun, p. 217. — .^^_ 
 
25(' Great Earthquake. 
 
 The extreme soutliern portions of tlie State were sparsely 
 sprinkled over witli new settlements from Viii>-inia and Ken- 
 tucky. St. Louis was a thriving town, largely composed of 
 French fur traders. Fort Madison had been built on the west 
 bank of the Mississippi, where the city of the same name now 
 stands in Iowa. Prairie Du Chien, then a tlirifty trading post, 
 at the mouth of the Wisconsin river, was within the jurisdiction 
 of the new territory, as well as La Pointe and Green Ba}', while 
 Chicago was only known as an Indian portage, and the locality 
 of a weakly garrisoned fort. 
 
 At Peoria was a French village, established after a hyatus of 
 many years since LaSalle first built Fort Crevcco'eur there. 
 
 This second founding was of an uncertain date, but it was 
 many years subsequent to the settlement of the French villages 
 of Kaskaskia and Cahokia. 
 
 Besides the battle of Tippecanoe, three rem:n-l<able events oc- 
 curred during the year 1811 in the northwtvt. A severe frost 
 almost entirely destroyed the corn crop. The first steamboat 
 that ever made its appearance on Western waters made a trip 
 from Pittsburgh, where she was built, to New Orleans ; and a 
 violent earthquake was felt throughout the entire country. It 
 took place in December, and continued several days in a succes- 
 sion of violent shocks of the ground, lashing the forest trees 
 against each other with fearful violence. At times, through 
 opening fissures in the ground, steam hissed out like the escape- 
 ment of pent up and heated vapors, during which phenomenon 
 loud reports, like the muffled sounds of tliunder, continued to 
 peal forth as if from an invisible source. It was felt the severest 
 at New Madrid, on the Mississippi, where a large area of land 
 sunk into the bowels of the earth, and. to fill the chasm, the Mis- 
 sissippi from below flowed backwards for some hours. 
 
 ,4 
 
 i 
 
CHAPTEK XVL 
 
 Jay^s treaty of VJ^4i — Its Beneficial Effects — Decrees of Berlin 
 and Milan — Retaliatory English Orders — I'he Continental 
 System — America Victimized hy it — The Embargo and non- 
 Intercourse Acts — Fruitless Jyegotiation between England 
 and the United States — Complications with France — The 
 French Decrtcs Bevohed — The United States Declare War 
 Against England- — The British on the LaJces — General Hull 
 Beaches Detroit with an Army — Crosses into Canada — Be- 
 connoisance of Colonel Cass — First Hostile Shot in the War 
 of 1S12 — General Hull Beturns to Detroit — Michiliinacinac 
 Tal-en by the English — Tecurnseh in the British Service — 
 Indian Baid on Lee's Place — Panic at Chicago — General 
 Hull at Detroit — He Crosses the Biver into Canada — His 
 Perplexities — Ilis Surrender. 
 
 Jay's treaty of 1794 has already been alluded to. A brief 
 .detail of the conditions which brought it into being from the 
 master mind that took within its grasp those conditions, and firsi 
 caused the rights of America, as a member of the family of 
 nations, to be acknowledged by England, forms a bright page in 
 American history, and inasmuch as the most vital part of these 
 conditions grew into being in the Northwest, a record of them 
 will here be made. 
 
 After the peace of 1783, which guaranteed to us simple inde- 
 pendence only, the United States lound themselves but a loosely 
 bound confederacy of thirteen colonies, without ever a constitu- 
 tion. The English court did not even honor us with a minister 
 till 1789, and all the while excluded our commerce from all their 
 colonial ports, thereby forcing American merchants to trade 
 largely through English channels, under the monopolizing systeni 
 that she had established by means of her armament on the high 
 seas, directed by her laws of trade.* Her vessels of war seemed 
 
 * In 1744. England laid the foundation for her unexampled prosperity as a 
 trading nation by establishing a maxim, monopolizing all the trade of her col- 
 onies to herself. In 1760, the machinery for enforcing these conditions became 
 still more perfect, and the United States were up to 1794, circumscribed within 
 its toils. 
 
252 Decrees of Berlin and Mian. ' 
 
 almost omnipresent. They swept the American lakes and con- 
 stantly supplied their forts, then lield on Aineiican soil, and from 
 these forts they supplied the Indians with all the material they 
 wanted wherewith to make the horder a scene of strife and blood- 
 fihed. This aroused the indignation of the Western people in 
 particular, and embittered tlie whole nation against England. 
 Still war was imjiossible, for we had no means out of which to 
 establish it. Under these circumstances, even while struo:£'linor 
 to allay dissentions at home consequent upon uniting under a 
 constitution and contending against povert\' and an onerous 
 public debt, Washington impressed with the necessity of a treaty 
 to establish our commercial relations on a firmer and more profit- 
 able basis, selected Mr. Jay as the fitt-^st one to negotiate it. 
 
 Ilis task was a difiicultone. As to any commercial relations, 
 the English already had everything as they wanted it, and were 
 reluctant to enter into any obligations which could bring noth- 
 ing to them. 
 
 I3ut Mr. Jay was equal to the emergency. His accomplish- 
 meuts challenged the respect of the English minister, and secured 
 the signing of his famous treaty of 1794, by which American 
 vessels were first allowed to trade direct with the East Indies and 
 •other British dependencies. This was all that could be expected 
 in a pecuniary vay. Next came the points of honor, so vital to 
 the western spirit of independence which was that the English 
 should relinquish the western posts. This point they also con- 
 ceded on the terms stated in a previous chapter, and the treaty 
 was signed in London, November 19th, 1794, and promptly rati- 
 fied hy Washington. A lucrative trade immediately sprung up 
 as a consequence of the treaty, and continued till the sanguinary 
 character which tlie war between England and France afterwards 
 assumed, transcended the comity of nations, and swept away not 
 ■only all treaty rights, but the natural rights of neutrals. 
 
 Eleven years after Jay's treaty, 1805, England destroyed the 
 French fleet at Trafalgar, after which all opj)osition to lier on the 
 ocfiui vanished — not a French vessel daring to come within the 
 reacli of her guns. Meantime, tlie eyes of the world turned to- 
 wards the conquests of Naj)(»U'on on tlie land. The victories of 
 Austerlitz and Jena made iiiin aster of Southen Europe, and 
 from Berlin, the capital of Prus- < in November, 180(3, he issued 
 decrees, followed by tlie decrees oi" Milan early the next year, 
 the objects of which were to undenn''^'^ the power of England. 
 These decrees made not only British • :• is and goods liable to 
 confiscation in the ])ort8 o/ France Huo her allies, but, also, the 
 ships and goods of neutrals bound for English ])ort8. 
 
 To counteract the effect of this blow aimed at the vital foun- 
 tains of lier prosperity, England issueti ia November, 1807, 
 
The Embargo ami N on- Intercourse Acts. 253 
 
 plenary orders for the confisciition of ships and goods bound for 
 the ports of France and her allies, from wherever they might 
 come; and her ability to execute these orders made them effec- 
 tive, and ultimately recoiled with force against Napoleon, the 
 prime mover in this attempt to light natural destiny. The 
 United States was victimized by the decrees of both nations, par- 
 ticularly by the English orders, among which were the following: 
 
 " All trade directly from America to every port and country 
 in Europe, at war with Great Britain, is totally prohibited. All 
 articles, whether ^f domestic or colonial produce exported by 
 America to Europe, must be landed in England, from whence it 
 is intended to permit their re-exportation under such regulations 
 as may hereafter be determined." Such was the Continental 
 System. It embraced within its toils an issue, vital to the inter- 
 ests of any part of the world that wished to trade with England 
 or France, or their allies, and with dogged resolution these Ti- 
 tanic powers watched both sea and land to augment the force of 
 war by their extreme as well as novel measures. 
 
 Smarting under its eftects, the United States dipped her oar 
 into the great sea of hostile diplomacy, by passing the Embargo 
 Act of December, 1807, and the Non-intercourse Act of March, 
 1S09. These acts, together with certain municipal regulations 
 which preceded them, were designed, first to prohibit certain 
 articles of foreign importation, and finally to cut off all exporta- 
 tion to England and France, by withdrawing American com- 
 merce from those countries, under an impression that they could 
 not carry on their wars without our bread supplies, and would as 
 a measure of compromise, modify their iudiscriuiinate laws 
 against trade so as to admit our vessels to their jiorts. It required 
 no small measure of sacrifice to take these steps. The people 
 had been enriching themselves out of the misfortunes of Luro]>e 
 in their disuse of the plow, and sanguinary practise of tiie 
 sword, but now this source of wealth was entirely cut off by 
 th<.ir own acts, which, instead of improving their condition, 
 made it worse. The resentment of France was aroused, and the 
 April following the Einbargo Act she passed the decrees of JJay- 
 onne, and later those of llambouillet, by which every American 
 vessel in French ports were la.vful prizes. The ai^)ology for this 
 act was, that any American vessels in their ports were there in 
 violatioii of the Embargo Act, and consefjuently were iiritish 
 property (a deduction that liung on an uncertain contingency, 
 and exhibited more defiance tlum discretion). 
 
 England, armed with iron-dad dignity, took but little notice 
 of these retaliatory measures of theUnite<l States, but continued 
 her right of search and its coJisequent impressment of American 
 Beamen nito her service, ft very questionable prerogative that she 
 
1^# limitless Negotiation for Commercial Rights. 
 
 liad ncYer abandoned since our colonial vassalage, if lier necessities 
 required its practice. The collosal proportions wliich the war 
 between England and France had now assumed, by which they 
 were dailv weakeninj; each other, niav have extended the limit ot 
 .Vmerican forbearance to declare war ; instead of doing which she 
 made an ofter to England to rescind her embargo and non-inter- 
 course acts, if she, England, would abolish her orders of 1807. 
 
 This offer England rejected, on the ground that she would not 
 accept a favor t^om America which might benefit France. 
 
 Under this duress the United States were placed in a position 
 in which they must either bear their grievances with patience, or 
 commit the absurdity of declaring war against two nations at war 
 with each other. The following abstract of a re])ort made to the 
 House of Representatives, in November, 1809, will show the com- 
 plex attitude of our grievances which had thus far set negotiation 
 at defiance : 
 
 "• The aggressions of England and France, affecting almost the 
 whole of our commerce, are no less than a war waged by both 
 nations against our trading interests. It is evident that the only 
 effectual way of resistance is war. A permanent suspension of 
 •commerce, after repeated and nnavailing efforts to obtain peace, 
 would not properl}' be resistance. It would be withdrawing from 
 the contest and abandoning an indisputable right to navigate the 
 ocean. The present unsettled state of the world, the extraordi- 
 nary situation' in which the United States are placed, and the 
 necessity, if war be resorted to, of making it against the two 
 most powerful nations of the world, are the causes of hesitation.'' 
 Matters remained in these phases of discttntent till 1810, up to 
 which time several years of fruitless diplomacy had been v:asted 
 in vain attempts to restore American commerce to its natural 
 rights in the family of nations. Two different coniprojnises, al- 
 most concluded between England and the United States, had been 
 broken off, one by the Piesidentof the United States, because it 
 did not relinquish the right of search, and the other by the Eng- 
 lish King, because his Minister, i\Ir. Erskine, had exceeded his 
 instructions as to its terms. Mr. Jefferson, then President, drew 
 upon himself much censure from the New England States for'^ 
 
 *.Iefferson's mission to France terminatinjr in 1789. liad well nigh tiirnfd his 
 brain, aiul made it impossible tor him to look with ciuulor upon the issue that 
 then hunjr over the country — so prejudiced was he in favor of the extreme 
 rights of man, as promul<;ated by the Kevoluiionary spirit, of France in that 
 eventful period, xhis accounts for his rejection of the compromise of Enfrlimd 
 without consulting the senate. Naturally inclined to espouse the cause of tlie 
 people and gain popular applause, he became the (h<iin|(ion of Hadic.il democ- 
 racy in America, and accused Washington, Hamilton, .lohn Adams, and the 
 whole body of Federalists, of bcinp Anglo-Monanhii' Aristocrats — fiiends of 
 England and enemies of France ui their contest. See liis letter to Maz/.cti, 
 dated Monticello, April 24th, 1796. It is published ofiicially in the proceedings 
 •of the Hartford Convention.— [AuTiio , 
 
Repeal of The French Decrees. 2")5 
 
 rojcetiiiof tins compromise (the former) witliout allowing it to 
 L'oiue before the Senate, wliich was then in session. Its provis- 
 ions conceded all the United States asked for except the clanse as 
 to impressment, and on this ])oint the British Government had 
 given Mr. Mgiiroe and Mr. Pinkney, onr Peace ( "omissioners, 
 informal assurance that its practice sliould be abandoned. 
 
 This satisfied the New England mind, w-hieh was ready to seize 
 upon any plausible pretext as a basis of peace by which to bridge 
 over the" war spirit of the times till more considerate counsels 
 could be listened to. 
 
 Pending this turmoil, the grip of Napoleon's decrees which 
 had fastened upon all the nations of Europe, except Turkey and 
 Sweden, besran to weaken. Euijligh jjoods found their way al- 
 most everywhere through clandestine channels, and it became 
 evident that the Berlin and Milan decrees were a failure. As a 
 proof of this, on the 5th of August, 1810, M. de Chanipagny, 
 the Erench Minister of Eoreign Affairs, proposed to the Ameri- 
 can Minister in Paris to repeal the Berlin and Milan decrees, on 
 the same conditions that had been proposed by the United States 
 herself two years before, and also accepted on the part of the 
 English Minister, but rejected by the Crown. 
 
 These terms were substantially that all hostile legislation as to 
 international trade should cease on both sides. This proposition 
 was hailed with delight by Mr. Madison, who had succeeded 
 Jetferfcon as president. 
 
 A message was issued to take the necessary action by w'hich 
 the proposal should brcome a permanent international law. But 
 various complex conditions were brought to the surface by the 
 British, relative to how far this comity extended to Erance should 
 afttct the interests of England. 
 
 Erance meantime did re])eal her obnoxious decrees, at least 
 upon the contingency that the United States, after opening com- 
 mercial relations with herself, should still enforce her commer- 
 cial restrictions against England, unless that power should fully 
 revoke her orders of 1807. Accordingly by olticial notice of the 
 Erench revocation of the decrees bearing date of November 
 1st. 1810 (which embodied all her otl'ensive legislation against 
 American trade), was duly sent to the United States, and pub- 
 lished in the Moniteur^ the otiicial organ of the Erench court at 
 Paris, but no notice of it was sent to the English court. Sub- 
 sequently, some American vessels, either through ignorance 
 or design, were seized as prizes by the Erench. Eroiii these cir- 
 cumstances, and in default of tbe formality of a notice of revo- 
 cation, the English insisted that the Berlin and Milan decrees 
 were still in force. During the progress of these conciliator}' 
 overtures from the Erench nation, a strong appeal was made by 
 
2;><) War Declared Against England. 
 
 tlie Americans to tlie English Court to repeal their orders of 
 18u7, on the ground that the French decrees had already been 
 repealed. On tlie 3(»th of May, 1812, a final reply was made by 
 England to this appeal, from which the following is taken: 
 
 '' The Berlin and Milan decrees have never been revoked. 
 Some partial and insidious relaxations of them may have been 
 made in a few instances, as an encouragement to America to 
 adopt a system beneficial to France and injurious to Great Brit- 
 ain, while the conditions on which alone it has been declared, 
 that those decrees will ever be revoked, are here explained and 
 amplified in a manner to leave no hope of Bonaparte having any 
 disposition to renounce the system of injustice which he has 
 pursued, so as to make it possible for Great Britain to give up 
 those defensive measures she has been obliged to resort to. * 
 * * It is now manifest that there was never more than a con- 
 ditional oft'er of repeal made by France, which we had a right to 
 complain that America should have asked us to recognize as 
 absolute, and which, if accepted in its extent by America, would 
 only have formed fresh matter of complaint, and a new ground 
 for declining her demands." This final reply of the English 
 court was in justification of the declaration made by her the 
 previous month, as follows: " If at any time hereafter the 
 Berlin and Milan decrees shall, by some authentic act of the 
 French governnumt, publicly promulgated, be expressly and 
 unconditionally revoked, then the order in council of the 7th of 
 January, ISOT, shall be revoked." 
 
 To make amends for past grievances against America, niiist 
 have been the incentive of France in abolishing her decrees, l)ut 
 it may well be doubted that England was to share any of the 
 benefits of this measure, inasmuch as the two countries were ftill 
 at war with each other. That the ambiguous demeaiK)r of 
 France towards England in this aflPair grew out of a desire to 
 bring about a war between England and the United States, was 
 evident, from the arch diplomacy which preceded it, healing, as 
 it did, the difi'erences between their own nations. Meantime, 
 the latcofiicial action of the English had indefinitely postponed 
 the time when she would repeal her laws against the rights of 
 neutrals, and notwithstanding the New Enghuid pe<)|»le were in 
 favor of peace, the tenacity of the English in adhering to their 
 orders turned the scale. 
 
 The United States were now relieved from complications with 
 France, and ini'.smuch as England had given no encouragemeiii; 
 that her rigid restrictions on our commerce, or her unjust im- 
 pressment of American seamen wouUl be discontinued, the 
 Unite<l States hesitated no longer, and declared war against Eng- 
 land June Ibth, 1812. 
 
The Issue of The War. 257 
 
 That the declaration was premature, inasiiiiicli as tlie United 
 States had made no preparation for war, tlie disastrous results of 
 the first campaign fully ])roved, and yet to add to the complexity 
 of our position, the declaration might have been made with equal 
 propriety any time within the four years previous, Ijut for our 
 complications with France. I^Tevcr before in the history of en- 
 lightened nations did such a juxta as well as absurd issue result 
 in war. The sword was drawn to fi<;ht England under a lust 
 sense of resentment for grievous practices that she (England) was 
 willing to apologize for, as well as to discontinue, but would not 
 condescend to enter into a treaty to do so. The summing up of 
 the cause between the two nations centered in the following two 
 points : First, as to the impressment of American seamen, which 
 England gave our commissioners, Mr. Monroe and Mr. Pinckney 
 assurance should be discontinued. Second, the English oi'ders 
 in council against our commerce, which England offered to re- 
 voke as soon as Napoleon should revoke the decrees of Berlin 
 and Milan, an act which the United States contended had already 
 been executed, and which act oidy lacked a bit of red tape (to use 
 a metaphor) to satisfy the English ministers. I'ut even this gos- 
 samer fabric of formality vanished from the ]jiglish mind tive 
 days after the American declaration of war, at which time (the 
 23d of June) the English did formally revoke the obnoxious or- 
 ders, in consequence of which the Americans had drawn the 
 sword. But the sword was drawn, and could not very well be 
 sheathed till old scores were avenged. Several thousand x\meri- 
 can citizens, the victims of impressment, were unwillingly fight- 
 ing the battles of the English, whose fathers and -brotiiers at 
 home called loudly for revenge, and many a pioneer had fallen 
 a victim to the seal ping-knife, which had been forged on British 
 anvils. The British fleet held full command of the lakes, and 
 the various tribes of Indians adjacent had for years been subsi- 
 dized by presents and honeyed words into friendship for them. 
 It was, therefore, evident th: t along these waters tlu^ Ib-itish 
 were the strongest, and here u' f; first blow was to be struck. De- 
 troit was then the most impor.ant post which the Americans 
 held West. General Hull, an officer of the American Kevoiu- 
 tion, was Governor of the Territory of Michigan, which had been 
 organized in 1805, and now contained about 5,000 inhabitants, and 
 to him was given the command of the troops destined for defensive 
 and offensive operations on the Upper Lakes. A small gjirrison of 
 United States troops was stationed at Michilimacinac and one at 
 Chicago, which were the extreme outposts of the Americans. 
 
 Two months previous to the declaration of war, the President 
 had (u-dered Governor Meigs, of Ohio, to raise 1,000 men for the 
 Western service. 
 
258 General Hull at The Maumee Rapids. 
 
 This lie promptly did, and adding 300 more to the nnmber, 
 handed them ever to General Hull at Dayton, with a patriotic 
 speech, at the close of which the vohmteers uncovered, and gave 
 him six rousing cheers. 
 
 Agreeable to his oiders, General Hull took up his march for 
 Detroit at the head of his little army. The route over which he 
 was to travel had already been made famous by the St. Clair and 
 Wayne campaigns, the scene of whose battle-fields he passed, and 
 arrived at the Rapids of the Maumee on the 30th of June, twelve 
 days alter the war had been declared, but of this he was igno- 
 rant. Here he rested his men, near the ruins of the old fort 
 which the British had built eighteen years before, which had 
 never served any purpose, but to amuse the Indians and inflame 
 the resentment of the Americans. The route thence to Detroit 
 lay eighteen miles down the Maumee river, across the Western 
 extremity of Lake Erie, and up the Detroit river. Maiden was 
 then the most important pos. of the British on the Upper Lakes. 
 Ever since they had evacuated the forts on the American side in 
 1796, it had been headquarters for the distribution ci' Indian pres- 
 ents wliere the Western tribes had assembled annually to receive 
 their blankets, tobacco, knives, etc., and here the British ha^l 
 built a fleet of war vessels, which menaced the Americans on our 
 entire lake frontier. It was situated on the Canadian side of the 
 main channel of the Detroit river, and commanded its most di- 
 rect passage. As ill-fortune would have it, while resting at the 
 Kapids on the 1st of July, General Hull despatched a schooner 
 and a boat to Detroit in advance of his army, which was to reach 
 the place by land. On board the schooner were a few invalids, 
 the hospital stores, and a trunk, containing his olticial papers 
 from Washington. During the succeeding night the schooner 
 passed the boat, leaving lie- behind, and kept on her course. The 
 next day she entered the D troit river, and coming in sight of 
 the Hunter, an English armed brig, she was obliged to surrender. 
 The boat fortunately reached her destination unobserved by the 
 English, she having by chance taken the channel of the river 
 West of Boisblanc Island. The day after the schooner lett the 
 Rapids a messenger came to the quarters of General Hull \'ith 
 a letter, of which he was the bearer, from the Postmaster at 
 Cleveland. Its contents ran as follows : " Sir : — War is de- 
 clared against Great Britain. You will be on your guard. Pro- 
 ceed to your post (Detroit) with all possible expedition. Make 
 such airangements for the defense of the country as in your judg- 
 ment may be necessary, and wait for further orders." 
 
 This was from the War Department at Washington, and bore 
 date June 18th. Eight days previously he had received des- 
 patches from the War Department, through a different source, 
 
• General Hull at Detroit. , 259 
 
 making no mention of the declaration of war, an oversight on 
 the part of the Secretary as inexcusaljle as it was mysterious. 
 
 General Hull now made haste to march for Detroit, and 
 reached the place on the 7th. Here he remained till the 12tli, 
 when he crossed over to the Canada shore with his wl ole army, 
 and issued a spirited proclamation to the French subjects of 
 Oreat Britain, who lived in the country, many of whom gave in 
 their allegiance to his standard. " On to Maiden ! " was now the 
 watchword that prevailed in his arm}-, but the extreme caution 
 of the commanding General forbade this, especially as his last in- 
 structions were to go to Detroit, and wait orders. On the 15th, 
 however, orders reached him from Washington to take the of- 
 fensive. A reconnoisance of 280 men, under command of Col. 
 •Cass, was sent towards the place. Five miles from it they en- 
 countered an outpost of the enemy guarding a bridge, crossing 
 Duck Creek, and here the war of 1812 began in a spirited skirin- 
 ish, in which some accounts state that ten Britishers were killed. 
 A doiibttul assertion that a handful of picket men shonld have 
 left that many dead on the ground before falling back from 
 before a surperior force. 
 
 General Isaac Brock was Governor of Upper Canada at this 
 time, whose dashing activity' proved to be more than a match for 
 General Hull's excessive caution. 
 
 As soon as war had been declared, he planned out his campaign, 
 and Michilimacinac was the first place to be attacked. At the 
 foot of the rapids of the St Marys, on the Canadian side, forty- 
 five miles north of the place, was the British post of St. Joseph, 
 garrisoned by two companies of Canadians and a few British 
 regulars. Capt. Roberts, \vho held command of this post, was 
 the one to whom the execution of the scheme had been confided. 
 Besides his own entire command, he enlisted in his ranks all the 
 loose material which the English Fur Company could bring to his 
 service, and in order to insure success beyond a doubt, he ac- 
 cepted the service of 600 Indians from his immediate neighbor- 
 Jiood. "Everything being in readiness on the 16th of July, his 
 forces embarked in their batteaux, crossed the strait, and 
 reached the Island of Michilimacinac before daybreak. The fort 
 stood on a bluff rock, on the southeast shore, nearly two hundred 
 feet above the sparkling waters that chafed and foamed about its 
 base. The original forest with which the island had been cov- 
 ered had been cut down for fuel, and in its place a thicket of 
 second growth covered the ground. At nine o'clock Lieut. P. 
 Hanks, the commander of tlie fort, beheld with astonishment 
 such formidable numbers of British taking position on a rocky 
 height, within cannon shot of his fort, while the wooded 
 grounds around were alive with Indians. 
 
260 Mic?i'dimacina<; Taken hy The British. 
 
 The guns of the fort were shotto.l, and evervtliing: made readv 
 for a desperate defense by the coinmfuidiiig otiicer, who all the 
 wliile was at a loss to account for the hostile demonstrations; but 
 at half-past eleven o'clock the mystery was exjtlained by a mes- 
 sage under a flag of truce. " AV^ar had been declared," said the 
 unexpected visitor, and the surrender of the fort and island was 
 demanded. To defend it would have been a vain attempt, and 
 the command was reluctantly complied with, and liis entire 
 force (57 men), including otiicers, became war prisoners. The 
 village on the island numbered over 300, all l)ut three or four of 
 whom were Canadians or half breeds, who felt quite at home under 
 a British flag, as well as the countless hordes of Indians, who 
 gathered about the place every summer to sell their winter's 
 catch of furs, enjoy the s-alubrious air, and eat the easily caught 
 flsh. 
 
 Michilimacinac was then regarded as the most important post 
 in the northwest, except Detroit. It had an annual export trade 
 of furs, amounting to §240,000, and the custom house duties 
 on imports were about $50,000 per annum. This successful 
 opening of the war, on the part of the British, fired the heart of 
 the Indians, and made them flock to the standard of their British 
 father. 
 
 Tecumseh was already in the field, elevated to the rank of a 
 Brigadier General, and while the master niindof General Brock, 
 assisted by the masterly activity of Tecumseh, are circumventing 
 the tactics of General Hull, let us turn our attention to Fort 
 Dearborn, at Chicago, the outermost ])Ost of the Americans. 
 
 Its garrison had been increased bv the insignificant reinforce- 
 ment of twelve militia, which made in all sixty-six soldiers. Tlie 
 original officers in command had retired the year before, and in 
 their place stood Captain Heald, who had the chief command, 
 and under him was Lieut. Helm, the same who had recently 
 married the step-daughter of John Kinzie. Ensign George Ronan 
 and Dr. Van Yoorhees, the >uriiV()n. The armament of the fort 
 consisted of three cannon, and small arms for the soldiers. The 
 defenses were quite suflicient to hold the Indians at bay, whose 
 mode of warfare was illy adapted to a seige, but in the general 
 trepidation which prevailed among the weak garrison, it was pro- 
 posed to make the most of every available ineans in their power, 
 in ease of an attack, and to this end the agency house outside the 
 palisade, was to be manned with a few sharp-sliootei-s, to minister 
 to the defenses of the fort. 
 
 Mr. Kinzie, during his eight years' residence in the place, for- 
 tunately had won the confidence and esteem of the Indians by 
 those rare gifts which transcend the angry passions of war, even 
 in the savage breast. And to him all eyes turned for coun^sel 
 
Chicago in IS 12. '!^ 2tU 
 
 w}jen the war-wlioop ranor through the wilderness, backed by the 
 3)Ower of England. Of his children, the oldest was John H., theti 
 ji lad of eig'ht years, born in Canada, opposite Detroit, but a few 
 months before his parents emigrated to Chicago, in 1804. 
 
 He was the first prominent resident of Chicago from infancy. 
 Just west of Mr. Kinzie's house was the humble habitation of 
 Oulimette, a French laborer in his employ, who like many of 
 his countrymen before him, had married an Indian lassie, and 
 the union luid been blessed with the usual number of children. 
 About eighty rods to the west, on the same side' of the river, was 
 the residence of Mi'. Burns, whose family consisted of a wife and 
 <-])ildren. Besides these were a few families of half breeds, " the 
 location of whose i-esidences, or perhaps camps, is not known," 
 says Mrs. John H. Kinzie, in AVabnn. In the fort dwelt the fam- 
 ilies of Captain Ileaid, Lieut. Helm and Sargoant Holt, whose 
 wives were destined to become heroines of history, and to their 
 •number niiiy be added Mrs. Bisson, sister of Oulimette's wife, 
 and Mrs. Corbin, wife of a soldier. 
 
 Four miles from Fort Dearborn, up the south branch of the 
 <?hicago river, lived a Mr. AVhite. as a tenant on a farm known 
 by the name of Lee's place. In his employ were three French- 
 men, whose business was to sow, plow and reap, depending on a 
 </hicago market for a sale of their products. This place, then a 
 loneseme habitation, remote from the incipient town, is now the 
 ■center of the din of Chicago machinery for manufacturing the 
 Avooden luxuries of the age. 
 
 At this time Illinois had been under the forms of a territorial 
 STovernment for three years — Ninian Edwards, governor, with 
 Kaskaskia the capital. Camp Russell, the present seat of 
 Edwardsville, in Madison County, was the northern limits of the 
 settled portion of the territory, except Peoria, where a few French 
 families lived, over whom he held no jurisdiction, and the Fort 
 at Chicago, which was under L^nited States authority. Around 
 the latter the Pottowattomies roamed lords of the soil, accord- 
 inir to Jud^e Caton's historv of this tribe. 
 
 This was a paper read before the Chicago Historical Society in 
 1870, and afterwards published by Fergus, in 1876, the data for 
 ^hich was received from one of their oldest chiefs. Their hunt- 
 ing grounds were limited on the south by Peoria Lake, and on 
 the west by Hock River. Since the days of the great Pontiac, 
 their alliance with his tribe, the Ottawas, had been cemented into 
 u chain of friendship strong and enduring ; both had ever been 
 active allies of the French since 1673. as appears from contem- 
 ]>orary history, and both were unrelenting foes to the English 
 <.uring the long and bloody French and Indian war, and Pon- 
 2i;ic's war wliicii followed, a period extending from 1755 to 1764; 
 
262 The Pottawatoraies. 
 
 and when tlieir beloved chief Pontiac was basely murdered by ait 
 Illinois, both of these tribes took sammaryj.rvengeanee on the 
 whole Illinois tribe, and at Starved Rock sl{ii,ugljLfereci the last rem- 
 nant of them, except eleven warriors, who ned under cover of 
 darkness to St. Louia. And this was the victory whjcli gave the 
 Pottawattomies so much ascendancy in northeastern Illinois.* 
 
 But since the period of French occupation, the fortunes of the 
 Indians had been changed. Their loving French brothers had 
 beeij driven out of the country, and the British who drove 
 them out were now thei- own allies, on whom they depend- 
 ed to beat back the advancing hosts of Anglo Americans who 
 were rapidly encroaching on their hunting-grounds. The Potto- 
 wattomies had not yet felt the weight of their power, but the 
 Shawanees had, and through the earnest solicitation of Tecum- 
 seh, who with far-seeing vision comprehended the situation, some 
 of the Pottowattomies had yielded to his seductive eloquence, 
 joined his standard, and fought with the Prophet the year before,, 
 at the battle of Tippecanoe. Even then Tecumseh had laid his 
 plans to destroy Fort Deiirborn,f but the defeat of his braves at 
 that disastrous conflict, arrested the execution of their plans, until 
 the war of 1812 had again revived them on a far grander scale. 
 
 In his erratic wanderings to gain allies for the purpose of driv- 
 ing the white settlers east of the Ohio river, he had visited the 
 Winnebagoes, of Rock river, as well as all the other tribes adja- 
 cent, and poured out his tales of grief to them against his white 
 neighbors. 
 
 While it is not to be presumed that he had won them all over 
 .t.9 participate in his unrelenting hostility to the Americans, it is 
 evident that some of the indiscrete and inflammable material 
 among them had been brought to the surface, an instance of 
 which was shown one day when some Indians of the Calumet 
 had come to Fort Dearborn on business. Seeing Mrs. Heald and 
 Mrs. Helm playing at a game, one of the swarthy visitors, in an 
 unguarded moment said to the interpreter, " The white chiefs- 
 w:ves are amusing themselves very much ; it will not be long^ 
 before thev are hoeing in our corniields ! " A few weeks latter 
 this proved to be n>ore than an idle threat, when, owing to 
 Tecumseh's influence, or some other reason which never can be 
 brought to light, the Winnebagoes made a raid on the settlers 
 immediately adjacent to Fort Dearborn, which contemplated the 
 killing of every one found outside of its palisades. 
 
 Their plan was to begin at the outermost house and kill all as 
 they went along. This was Lee's place, and here the work began. 
 
 *Catoii's Address. 
 
 fBrown's History of Illinois, page 305. 
 
." • Indian Haul on Lee's Place. 263 
 
 oil the 7tli of April. It was late in the afternoon when a party 
 of ten or twelve Indians entered the house and seated themselves 
 with the usual importunity of Indian manners. 
 
 Their appearance, however, aroused the suspicions of the in- 
 mates, and two of them, under pretense of feeding the cattle from 
 some. hay-stacks across the river, ferried over in a boat, but in- 
 stead of "coming back as they had promised, betook themselves to 
 the skirt of timber which fringed the rivar, and made all speed 
 towards the fort. Ere they had proceeded far, the report of two 
 guns confirmed their suspicions against tlie strange party of 
 Indians who had come so suddenly upon them, and they contin- 
 ued their flight in breathless liaste, until tlie river opposite the 
 house of Burns was reached. The alarm was given by calling 
 loudly across to warn theinmates of danger, and the two fugitives 
 continued their flight to the fort. Consternation now filled the 
 household of Burns. The motlier laid on her couch, v/itli her 
 babe less than a day old, and Mrs. John Kinzie sat by her side, 
 attending to her wants, with the tenderness that mothers can 
 best feel on such occasions. But now the appalling news just 
 received turned her thoughts away from Mrs. Burns and the 
 little nursling beside her, to her own chiMren at home, and she 
 flew thither with the speed that terror lent lo her limbs. Bush- 
 ing in, she cried out, '■'-The Indians! The Indians! killing and 
 scalping." Mr. Kinzie dropped his violin, with which he was 
 .amusing the children, and the amateur quadrille in which they 
 were engaged, changed into preparations for flight; all rushed 
 :into two boats, which la\' moored on the brink of the river, 
 and in a few minutes were safely across, and inside the walls of 
 Fort Dearborn. 
 
 . Burns' family were not yet rescued, and who would undertake 
 the mission, which the terrified messengers had made to appear 
 so dangerous? Ensign Bonan was the man, and leaping into a 
 boat, with six soldiers equally brave, pulled up the river to 
 Burns', and carried the mother, and her babe on her bed on board, 
 and these, with the rest of the family, were soon safely landed 
 inside the fort. 
 
 The afternoon previous, a party of seven soldiers had obtained 
 leave to row up the south branch to its head waters, for the pur- 
 pose of fishing. Night !iad now come, but they had not yet re- 
 turned. A gun was fired as a signal of danger, hearing which 
 the party quit their sport, and pulled silently down the river. 
 Arriving at Lee's place, they landed to rescue the inmates. Ap- 
 proaching the house by the light of a torch, a dead body was dis- 
 covered, beside which laid a faithful dog. With increased haste 
 -they retreated, and now silently continued their way down the 
 ■.stream, and reached the fort at 11 o'clock at night. Early the 
 
264 Indecmon of General Hull. 
 
 next morning scouts were promptly sent to tlie scene. The dead 
 tody of the man already discovered, proved to be one of the 
 Frenchmen in the eraploy of Mr. White; his dog still laid by his 
 side, in mournful silence ; and but a few paces from it was dis- 
 covered the dead body of Mr. White. Both the murdered men 
 were taken to the fort, and buried just outside the palisade. Be- 
 sides the families from outside the fort, now safely quartered 
 within its protection, were some families of half-breeds, 
 and a few discharged soldiers. These took refuge in the 
 Agency house. For extra protection they planked up the two 
 verandas with which the building was furnished (more for comfort 
 than elegance), and pierced the outer wall thus made with port- 
 lioles. 
 
 Inside the fort was an ample store of provisions, among which 
 such questionable luxuries as spiritous liquors had not been for- 
 gotten, and everything was iti readiness for a seige. An order 
 was issued to prevent any citizen or soldier from leaving without 
 a guard, and a line of pickets was placed around the premises at 
 night. In a few nights a small party of Indians were descried 
 creeping stealthily through the pasture grounds adjoining the fort, 
 likeagroupof thugs. They were immediately fired upon, notonly 
 by the patrolmen, but by the sentinel from the block-house, and 
 one of their number returned the fire by hurling back his hatchet 
 at .or. patrolman's head. It missed it, however, and spent its 
 forte against a wheel of a wagon. The next morning the leveled 
 gi-ass stained with blood where his victim fell, proved the steady 
 aim of the sentinel. Soon afterwards, anotlier visitation was 
 made of a similar character, probably for the purpose of stealing 
 liorses from a stable outside the fort. But instead of finding 
 horses, some sheep had taken refuge within its treacherous walls 
 and became victims to the rage of the disappointed sneaks. The 
 innocent aninuils were all stabbed as if they had been so many 
 hyenas. Scouts were sent in pursuit of the miscreants who per- 
 ]»etrated the eruelty, but thev could not be overtaken. In a few 
 weeks the ett'ect of these alarms passed away, the social circle 
 <)f Ft, Dearborn resumed its composure. The Pottawattomies 
 came and went as ever, but under a masked disguise of afriend- 
 .>-hi[) ready to be thrown off at the most opportune occasion. 
 
 Let us now turii our attention again to Detroit, the central 
 base of military movements on the upper lakes. Here we find 
 General Hull encamped on British soil, across the river o])posite 
 Detroit, evidently under the painfully contending emotions of 
 prudence and activity, with the former in the ascendant. But 
 while this fatal ])aralvsis had taken posses^ .m uf him, the enemy 
 were acting with a promptness seldom equal'ed in military an- 
 nals, and, it may with truth be said, a haste which would have 
 
A Treacherous Armistice. '265 
 
 hem fatal to them had not their antagonists (the Americans) 
 been actin<^ on tlie other extreme. In default of positive orders 
 from the War Department to take the offensive, General Hull 
 had at first hesitated to march against Maiden, and when such 
 orders came, so much time was consumed in preparation for the 
 enterprise, that General Proctor, by order of Sir George Prevost, 
 (the Governor-General of Canada) had reinforced the place with 
 an English regiment before General Hull was ready to march 
 against it. 
 
 This British reinforcement of Maiden was effected on the 29th 
 of July, and while it added to the ])erple.\ities of General Hull, 
 he still looked for assistance from two different quarters which 
 might extricate him from his perils, and place him in an invul- 
 nerable position. Governor Meigs, of Ohio, had been ordered 
 to send a supply of provisions to him under a military escort, 
 •commanded by Captain Eruslu which was now on ife way, but the. 
 most important assistance which he expected was looked for 
 through an attack against the enem}'- in another quarter, more 
 vital to them, and which should divide their force and prevent 
 the whole military w'eight of Canada from concentrating on De- 
 troit. For this purpose. General Dearborn had been ordered to 
 invade Canada from Niagara, but while on his way thither to 
 take command of his army, already on the frontier, at Albany 
 lie was met by a tiag of truce from the Governor-General, borne 
 by Colojiel Bayes, Irom Montreal. This messenger was the offi- 
 cial bearer of the news that the English had revoked their orders 
 in council, wliich had for years been so obnoxious to American 
 commerce, and which had been among the principal causes of the 
 war. Under the influence of such a harbinger of peace, an armis- 
 tice was proposed.* Uniiapjdly for General Hull and the Ameri- 
 can cause, (ieneral Dearborn, instead of obeying his orders by 
 invading (Canada, signed the treacherous truce which relieved 
 the Englisii forces of Canada from any apprehensions of daiiger 
 to their Niagara frontier while they were concentrating their 
 force against Detroit. While these contingencies were passing, 
 €o fortunately for the J^>r^tish, General Hull's indiecision of pur- 
 pose, which, it must be confessed, grew out of the web of diffi- 
 culties which encompassed him, had forfeited all confidence in 
 him from his armv. On the 8th of Aujrust he called a council 
 of war, in which it was decided to advance against Maiden, but 
 news of the fatal armistice followed this decision, sent by a mes- 
 senger from General Porter, who held command on the Niagara 
 frontier, accompanied with the unpropitious assurance that the 
 
 * It will not be for^tten that this -evocation took place *ive days after the 
 -American declaration of war, as stated in the forejfoing pagea. 
 
266 HulVs Unsuccessful Attempts to Ojpeii Communication. 
 * . ' 
 
 proposed diversion of the English forces liad resulted in a 
 failure. 
 
 This dispiriting news prevented him from advancing against 
 the objective point, and he retreated to Detroit. Two and a-half 
 miles from the present site of Monroe, Michigan, was a thriving 
 French village, on the banks of the river Raisin, thirty-six miles 
 south of Detroit. The expected convoy of provisions had readied 
 this place in safety, but between this point and Detroit, Tecum- 
 seh interposed his army of braves, and the commander of the 
 convoy, not deeming it prudent to advance with such a numer- 
 ous foe in his path, sent a messenger to General Hull for a force 
 to open the way. 
 
 On the 4th of Angust, Major Van Home, of Colonel Find- 
 ley's regimentof Ohio volunteers, was sent on the mission with a 
 command or 200 men. At Brownstown, nearly opposite 
 Maiden, he fell into an ambuscade and was driven back, witli se- 
 rious losses. 
 
 On the 9th inst.. Colonel Miller was sent on the same danger- 
 ous service, with the fourth Ohio regiment and a body of militia, 
 in all numbering 600 men. 
 
 Tne fear of an ambuscade along the low and forest-clad grounds 
 through which their path lay, caused them to proceed with cau- 
 tion, and (>aptain Snelling was ordered to lead tlie advance. No 
 enemy was seen till they hvd reached the Indian village of Mon- 
 guagon, about half the distance to the river Raisin, where from 
 behind a breastwork of logs a squad of British and Indians ob- 
 structed their path. A sliarp and bloody battle immediately 
 followed, in which the new Ainerican troops fought like veterans,, 
 and drove the British from the field ; but the Indians, led by 
 Tecumseh, though exposed to the terrible fire of the Americans, 
 in which their loss had been severe, still hung around the skirts 
 of the victorious Americans and made their position dangerous. 
 In this emergency. Colonel Miller despatched a messenger back 
 to DetH'oit to obtain provisions for the sustenance of his men, till 
 they coiild fight their way through the treacherous forest path to- 
 meet the convoy. Tiic required provisions were at first ordered 
 to be sent under command of Colonel McxVrthur, but a storm, 
 delayed the departure of the train till General Hull thought best 
 to recall Co'onel Miller, rather than reinforce him, and he was- 
 ordered back to Detroit. 
 
 Arrangements were now made to open communication with the 
 expected convoy by a route further to the West, which was less 
 exposed to the numerous enemy who hovered around the banks 
 of the Detroit river alcng the road which Colonel Miller had 
 passed, and which had frequently exposed his men to the fire ot*" 
 the English Vessels which patroled its waters. 
 
General Brock Demands the Surrender of Detroit. 267" 
 
 Colonels Cass and McArthur were detailed for this service, on 
 the 14tli, witli 400 picked men. General Brock reached Maiden 
 the same da^', and immediately taking the offensive, advanced to 
 Sandwich, opposite Detroit, and addressed to General Hull the 
 following note : 
 
 "Sir: — The power at my disposal authorizes me to require of you the imme- 
 diate surrender of Detroit. It is far from my inclination to join in a war of 
 extermination, but you must be aware that the numerous body of Indians \^ho- 
 have attached themselves to my troops will be beyond my control the moment 
 the crntest commences. You will find me disposed to enter into such conditions 
 as will satisfy the most scrupulous sense of honor. Lieutenant Colonel McDon- 
 nell and Major Gregg, are fully authorized to conclude any arrangements that 
 may prevent the unnecessary effusion of blood. I have the honor to be your 
 obedient servant, 
 
 Isaac Brock, Major General, etc. 
 
 His Excellency, Brigadier General Hull, etc. 
 
 The reply was as follows : 
 
 Head Quarters, Detroit. Aug. 15th, 1812. 
 
 Sir: — I have no other reply to make, than to inform you that I am prepared 
 to meet any force which may be at your disposal, and any consequences 
 which may result from any exertion of it you may think proper to make. I am, 
 etc., William Hull, Brigadier General. 
 
 His Excellency, Major General Brock, etc. 
 
 Says General Hull, in his official account of the attack of De- 
 troit and its surrender : " On the I5th, as spon as General Brock 
 received niy letter, his batteries opened on the town and fort, and 
 continued until evening. In the evening, all the British ships of 
 war came nearly as far up the river as Sandwich, three miles be- 
 low Detroit. At dajdight on the 16th, the cannonade recom- 
 menced, and in a short time I received information that the 
 British army and Indians were landing below the Spring "Wells, 
 under the cover of their ships of war. At this time, tke whole 
 effective force at my disposal at Detroit did not exceed 800 men. , 
 Being new troops and unaccustomed to camp life ; having per- 
 formed a laborious march ; having been engaged in a number of 
 battles and skirmishes, in which many had fallen and more had 
 received wounds ; in addition to which a large number being sick 
 and unprovided with medicine and the comforts necessary for 
 their situation ; are the general causes by which the strengtJi of 
 the army was reduced. * * It now became necessary to fight 
 the enemy m the field, collect the whole force in the fort, or 
 propose terms of capitulation. I could not have carried into the 
 field more than 600 men, and left any "adequate force in the fort. 
 There were landed at that time of the enemy a regular force of 
 mucli more than that number, and twice the number of Indians. 
 Considering this great inequality of force, I did not think it 
 expedient to adopt the first n^.easure. The second must have 
 been attended with a great sacrifice of blood and no possible ad- 
 vantage, Decause the contest could not liave been susiamed raorft 
 
268 Detroit Surrendered. .,- -.-/v-^ 
 
 than a, day for want of power, and but a few days for want of 
 provisions. 
 
 In addition to this, Cols. McArthnr and Cass would have been 
 in a most hazardous situation. I feared nothing but the last al- 
 ternative, I have dared to adopt it 1 well know the 
 
 hjifh reponsibility of the measure, and I take the whole of it my 
 self. It was dictated by a s^^nse of duty and a full conviction 
 of its expediency." 
 
 Tl»e surrender of the garrison of Detroit, together with the 
 town and the entire territory of Michigan, took place on the 16th. 
 It forms a humiliating page in American history, for which the 
 tardiness in the government in sustaining General Hull was more 
 responsible than General Hull himself; albeit, it is but a just 
 tribute to English heroism to admit that it had a potent influence 
 in the work. That General Hull could have taken Maiden at 
 first, and thus saved Detroit, is probable; but in default of this, 
 that he could have held Detroit Was impossible. No wonder the 
 fall of the place stung the American heart, when thousands of 
 our old Revolutionary soldiers were yet living, who beheld the 
 triumph of English arms with indescribable bitterness. Getieral 
 Hull was tried by court-martial and sentenced to be hung. Hap- 
 pily for humanity's sake, the President pardoned him. The sen- 
 tence appeased the pride of the nation, as well as to help conceal 
 the mistakes of the government, till history in its own destined 
 time should vindicate truth, even at the expense of the govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Note. — The following is an item from a journal kept by the father of Hon. 
 L. W. Cl^pool, of Morris, 111., who was a soldier in the Ohio ranks at the sur- 
 render. It is inserted as a simple statement of the facts which verify tne 
 English account of the surrender, as well as Hull's statement. It was furnished 
 the author by Hon. Wm. Bross, Chicago: 
 
 "Aug. 15 — British began firing opposite Detroit at 6 o'clock. Continued till 
 after night. Ended by throwing a few shells. They received heavy firing from 
 our side. The day following, at 6 o'clock, renewed the firing. The compli- 
 ment was returned. Firing continued three hours. We ceased firing first. 
 Sent over a flag of truce. British otticcrs came over. Talked of capitulation, 
 well underetanding that 1,00U British had crossed at Spring Wells, and that a 
 vast number of Indians were back of the For^ (perhaps 1,500). Under consider- 
 ation of these facts, surrendered the whole to the British. They took possession 
 at 11 o'clock. We gave up our arms at 12 o'clock. In the evening, went on 
 board the schooner Nancy. Continued hero till the 18th. Sailed to Maiden, lay 
 there till the 'JOth: 6 in the morning till 12 o'clock. Sailed twenty-three miles. 
 .Anchored all night. 2lRt — Wind unfavorable. 22nd, Simday — Cast anchor at 
 Puttaiit Bay Island. Weighed anchor at 4 o'clock Sunday. 2:id of August — 
 Landed at the mouth of Black River. 24th — Marched twenty-seven miles dowa 
 Lake Erie to the Town of Cleveland, Cuyahoga county, 0." 
 
CHAPTEK XVII. . " 
 
 Fort Dearborn in Danger — Its Evacuation ordered ht/ 
 General Hull — Winnemac, the Fritudly Messenger — 
 Vacillating Policy of Captain Seald, the Commander — 
 Inflexibility of J^nsign Konan — John Kinzie^ his Wise 
 Counsel — Council with the Pottawattomies — Bad Faith 
 of Captain Heald in the Destruction of Arms, etc. — Hon- 
 orable Confession of Black PaHridqe'— Arrival of a Heroic 
 Friend — The Fort Evacuated — Indian Treachery — Mrs, 
 Eelm/s Graphic Accownt of the Massacre v^hich followed. 
 
 During the waning fortunes of General Hull at Detroit, ere he 
 had surrendered the place, evidently a]ipreheiisive of his fate^ 
 he determined to send a messenger to Fort Dearborn to ap- 
 prise its inmates of tlie situation, and give them timely warning 
 to save themselves by retreating to Fort AYayne, if the garrison 
 were not in a situation to hold out till succor could come to their 
 relief. AVinnemac, the Pottowattamie chief, of whom mention 
 has been made in a previous cliapter, was in his canip, and to- 
 him the mission was entrusted. He started from Detroit on ths 
 28th of July, with an order from General Hull to Captain Heald, 
 who held command of Fort Dearborn, and arrived safely at Chi- 
 cago on the 7th of August, according to the account given in 
 Wabun; but Lanman states that he arrived on the 9th, which ap- 
 pears more consistent, as to the time it would take to travel the 
 long wilderness path connecting the two places. He brought 
 exciting news. War had been declared by the United States 
 against England; Michillmacinac had fallen without resistance, 
 and Detroit was closely pressed by the British and their swarthy 
 allies. Under these adverse circumstances the evacuation of 
 Fort Dearborn v^^as ordered, providing they had not means to de- 
 fend it, as the only means of safety left open to the garrison. 
 Captain Heald was further instructed to distribute all the goods 
 in the fort and agency house among the Indians after leaving the 
 post 
 
'270 Captain Heald Ordei'^ the Evacuation of Fort Dearborn. 
 
 Had all these conditions come upon them in their natural rou- 
 tine, better preparation could have been made to meet them, hut 
 the news coming as it did, fell like an avalanch upon the unsus- 
 pecting tenants of tlie fort. To add to their perplexities the 
 relations between the commanding officer and his subordinates, 
 particularly Ensign Ronan, was not harmonious. This young 
 officer was bold, perhaps an eratic and certainly an out-spoken 
 free thinker, regardless of any restraining limit dictated by 
 policy or conservatism to the expression of his sentiments. For 
 this and without doubt for other causes, Captain Heald took no 
 ■council with his subordinate officers as to what was to be done, 
 but resolved in his own mind to evacuate the fort, although this 
 •decision was against the advice of both Winnemac, who had 
 Amply proved tlie sincerity of his friendship, and Mr. Kinzie, 
 whose long and successful career among the Indians entitled his 
 •opinions to respect. And in vain did both of them exert them- 
 selves to dissuade him from the hasty resolution. First, Winne- 
 mac had at a private interview with Mr. Kinzie, strongly ad- 
 vised that the garrison should shut themselves up in the fort and 
 remain till reinforced, but if evacuation was determined on, let 
 it be done immediately, before the Indians, through whose coun- 
 try they must pass, should become acquainted with the news he 
 had brought from Detroit. To this advice Captain Heald replied, 
 that, inasmuch as he had determined to leave the fort, it would be 
 necessary to wait till the Indians of the neighborhood could be 
 •collected to receive an equal distribution of the property ordered to 
 'be given to them. Winnemac then suggested an immediate evacu- 
 tion, with everything left standing, and while the Indians were 
 •dividing the spoils the garrison might escape. 
 
 This plan was also recommended by Mr. Kinzie, but was re- 
 jected, and the next morning the oi*der for evacuating the post 
 according to the original plan of Captain Heald, was read at the 
 roll call. The impolicy of this plan being apparent to the sub- 
 ordinate officers, in the course of the day tliey sought an inter- 
 view with Captain Heald to remonstrate against it. They rep- 
 resented to him the frail tenure by which the treacherous chain 
 of friendship now bound the Indians to the American interest. 
 That good-will towards the family of Mr. Kinzie was its only 
 hold, and it was not to be expected that the few chiefs who showed 
 this feeling towards this one household would be able to restrain 
 the turbulent passions of the whole tribe when the war whooj) 
 was once raisea. That their retreat must be slow, incumbered 
 us it would be with women, children and invalids. That succor 
 might arrive before an attack could be made from the British 
 who had just taken Michilimackinac, but if not it were far bet- 
 ter to fall into their hands than expose tlienieelves to the fury of 
 
Council with tite Fottcncattomies. 271 
 
 tlie savages. To these suggestions Captain Ileald replied that a 
 special order had been issued from the War Department that no 
 post should be surrendered without a battle, and his force was 
 inadequate for this and that he should be censured for remaining 
 when a prospect for a safe retreat appeared probable, to insure 
 which he proposed, after distributing the goods to the Indians, to 
 wromise them further reward for escorting his command safely to 
 Fort Wayne. From this time the under officers, seeing the im- 
 possibility of changing his purposes, remained silent on the sul)- 
 ject, but Mr. Kinzie was still persistent, and while conversing 
 with him one day on the parade-ground, on the subject, Captain 
 Ileald, in reply to his ai-guments, said, " I could not remain if I 
 thought best, for I have but a small store of provisions." " Why, 
 Captain," said an impulsive soldier, "you have cattle enough to 
 last six months." To this the unoffended Captain replied, " I 
 have no salt to preserve the meat." "Then jerk it, as the Indi- 
 ans do their venison," continued the persistant soldier.* As the 
 weary days advanced, the Indians assumed an air of insolence 
 quite inconsistent with the spirit of friendship. Impertinent 
 squaws cast malignant glances at the fort, as they thronged 
 around its gates as if a jubilee was about to reward their watch- 
 ing, and uncouth warriors sometimes pressed through the gates, 
 heedless of the sentinel's protest, and once a gun was discharged 
 in the ladies' parlor by one of these unwelcome visitors. 
 
 On the 12tn a council was held with the Pottawattomies who 
 had by this time assembled in considerable numbers around the 
 fort. The conferen<}e took place on the parade-ground just out- 
 side the palisades. Captain Heald laid aside his prejudices and 
 invited all the officers of the fort to take part in its deliberations, 
 but they had lost all faith in the pretensions of the Indians and 
 declined. Moreover, they had been informed that it was to be 
 made the occasion of a massacre of the officers, the truth of 
 which rumor was strengthened by perhaps well-grounded suspi- 
 cions. Under these apprehensions they betook themselves to 
 the block-house where the cannon were shotted ready for any 
 hostile demonstration which might show itself. Captain Healed, 
 however, with undiminished faith in the Indians; accompanied 
 by Mr. Kinzie, convened the coiuicil. At its sitting the Indians 
 were informed of his plans to withdraw from the fort, and were 
 promised the gift of all the goods, not only in the fort itself but 
 of those in the agency house, including the ammunition and 
 provisions. The Pottawattomies on their part promised an es- 
 cort to conduct them safely to Ft. Wayne, for which they were 
 
 • As beef or venison was preserved by drying and smoking, in the early 
 •day, wliich process was called jerking. — [AuTHOB. 
 
272 Destruction of Arms^ Etc. 
 
 to receive a liberal reward on the spot and an additional one ou 
 tlieir arrival at the place. Thus closed tlie council witli apparent 
 good-will and contideuce on the part of Captain Heald, net 
 shared by his juniov officers or soldiers. As already stated^ 
 Winneniac had brought to the garrison the news of the fall of 
 Michilimanackinac, but from prudential motives the Indians 
 were not informed of it. This attempt at concealment, however, 
 was unavailing, for Tecumseh had sent a messenger to them to 
 secure their co-operation in the general warfare which he was 
 waging against the Americans as a British ally, by telling them 
 the news so auspicious to their cause. No sooner had the conn- 
 cil closed and the chiefs withdrawn than Mr. Kinzie, alarmed at 
 its impolitic terms, protested against furnishing the Indians 
 arms, which would ]n-obabi7 be used against tliemselves, and 
 Captain Ileald, liimself, foi the first time awakened to a sense 
 of surrounding danger, determined to destroy all the arms ami 
 ammunition not wanted for his own use, instead of giving it to- 
 the Indians, as stipulated in the council. 
 
 The next day the goods were distributed, all but the ammuni- 
 t'on, arms, and the liquors, of which there was a plentiful store. 
 The Indians were far from being satisfied. The things.they 
 most coveted were still withheld and at nijiht thev huuij about 
 the premises, crawling prostrate through the tall grass, where- 
 ever it afibrded concealment within hearing of what was going, 
 on at the fort. When night came, their serpentine toil was re- 
 warded with a full discovery of what they had suspected. With 
 indignation they beheld the destruction of the muskets, the frag- 
 ments of whicii, together with powder, shot, flints and gun 
 screws were thrown into a well at the extremity of the sally 
 port. Next came the casks of liquor. These were rolled to the 
 bank of the river, the heads knoclced in and the contents given 
 to intoxicate the fishes. The Indians, however, got a taste of 
 the precious nectar -which, diluted as it was, they sipped from 
 the surtace of the water, under cover of night, while drinking^ 
 which they declared that the whole river tasted like strong grog. 
 However agreeable such a spoliation might be to modern apostles 
 of temperance, it was oflensive to the Indians to the last degree. 
 Aside from 'such a waste of property, they looked upon it as a 
 piece of treachery ou the part of Captain Heald, which had de- 
 prived them of the most essential part of the promised gifts. 
 This last act was the most fatal error yet committed, as it com- 
 promised all the good-fellowship that existed between the In- 
 dians and the garrison, on which alone Captain Heald had based 
 a frail hope of security. 
 
 Up to this time the leading chiefs of the Pottawattomles (it i* 
 frir lo infer) felt their ability to restrain tl\e war spirit among 
 
Cajjiaiii Wells. 
 
 27:? 
 
 the yonng braves who longed for a chance to acliieve notoriety by 
 ornamenting their belts with the scalp of an enemy, and were 
 as unscrupulous as to the means employed to obtain it as some 
 of our modern 'politicians are as to the issues that party strife 
 thrusts into the arena of what sliould be the policy of the na- 
 tion. 
 
 Black Partridge was conspicuous among the friendly and con- 
 siderate chiefs but after the destruction of the arms,"etc., feeling 
 that he could no longer restrain the war spirit of his people, he 
 entered the quarters of Captain Il.\ald Avith deep dejection. 
 "Father," said the high-minded chief, " I come to deliver up to 
 
 " you the medal I wear. It was given me by the Americans, and 
 I have long worn it in token of our mutual Iriendship, but our 
 young men are resolved to imbrue their hands in the blood of 
 the whites. I cannot restrain them, and I will not wear a token 
 of peace while I am compelled to act as an enemy." Whatever 
 effect this startling disclosure produced on the minds of the gar- 
 
 •rison, it was now too late to make any change in their plans, for 
 nothing was left on which'to subsist or with which to defend 
 themselves, as only twenty-five rounds of ammunition to the 
 man and one extra box of cartridges had been reserved from tlie 
 general distribution. This was the situation on the night of the 
 13th when the devoted garrison returned to rest, perhaps for the 
 last time. While this suspense was C(mtinuing at the fort, suc- 
 cor was on the way to them. The wife of Captain I Teal d was 
 the daughter of Colonel Samuel AVells, of Kentucky, whose 
 brother (afterwards Captain William Wayne Wells) wlien thir- 
 teen years old had been taken captive by the Indians, in one of 
 the border skirmishes, which was a frequent occurrence in those 
 early times.* He was adopted into the family of Little Turtle 
 and bred in the lofty virtues of which that distinguished chief 
 was so able an exponent. 
 
 At the defeat of St. Clair, Mr. Wells had been in the front 
 and maintained the position till a wall of dead bodies of the 
 American artillery men shielded him from the tempest of bullets 
 which assailed hi« men. Notwithstanding he had. won laurels 
 w^ith the people of his adoption whom he had thus far success- 
 I'ully defended, in his reflective moments he clearly foresaw their 
 declining fortunes and resolved to abandon them to a fate from 
 which it was impossible to exti'icate them. As might be sup- 
 posed this resolution filled his heart with contending emotions, 
 painful beyond the power of but few to conceive. On the one 
 Iiand were the associations which had gathered around his ma- 
 turing years, perhaps all the more tender because hardships and 
 
 * See Western Annals, p. 615. 
 
'^4 His Arrival at Fort Dearborn. 
 
 toil had been ever jwesent with them. On the other, was his am- 
 bition to ca:«t his lot among his own people, who alone could ele- 
 vate him to a position that his talents deserved. Bnt as treach- 
 ery with him w;is impossible, he plaiidy told his adopted father, 
 Little Turtle, his intentions, and with much pathos bade him 
 good-bve, as he left him and allied liimself to the army of Gen- 
 eral Wayne, in 1704. With him he fought during the campaign 
 and after the peace wliich followed it, he again joined Little 
 Turtle, who now fully shared his sentiments, and both went to 
 Philadelphia together, in 1798, to take measures to bring civil - 
 jation to their race. Here tlie celebrated traveler, Mr. Yohie . , 
 met Mr. Wells, and has left an interesting record of the inter- 
 Wew.* He was also received with marked respect by the Quii- 
 kers at the place, who never lost an opportunity to extend the 
 open hand to help the Indian race. lie then returned to Fort 
 Wayne, where he remained till the war of 1812.f The war 
 whoop was now fgain ringing through the forest, and lie was 
 once more thrust into its theatre. Rumors of the disaffection of 
 the Pottawattomies, who hung around Foi-t Dearborn, reached 
 him, and he promptly flew to the defense of his friends at the 
 place, one of whom (Mrs. Heald) was his blood relation. 
 
 He arrived there on the 14th and found things in a desperate 
 condition. 
 
 It was too late to defend the fort, and the only resource left 
 was to retreat in the face of a savage foe. dangerous from their 
 numbers at best, but now irritated b}- the destruction of the 
 .trms and liquors which had been promised to them. Hope re- 
 fived in the hearts of the devoted garrison when he, at the head 
 ti 15 Miamis, entered the walls of the fort, and consoled by this 
 tmall reinforcement, all but the sentinels retired to rest. 
 
 "The morning of the loth arrived. All things were in readi- 
 jess, and nine o'clock was the hour named for starting. 
 
 Mr. Kinzie had volunteered to accompany the troops in their 
 march, and had entrusted his family to the care of some friendly 
 Indians, who had promised to convey them in a boat around the 
 head of Lake Michigan to a point :j: on the St. Joseph's river; 
 there to be joined by the troops, should the prosecution of their 
 march be permitted them. 
 
 Early in the morning Mr. Kinzie received a message from 
 To-pee-nee-bee, a chief of the St. Joseph's band, informing him 
 that mischief was intended by the Pottowattamies who had en- 
 
 ♦ Voliiey's View, p. 357. 
 
 t Whiting's Historical Discourses, delivered at Detroit, 1832. 
 X The spot now called Bertrand, then known as Pare nux Vaches, from its 
 having been a pasture ground to an old French fort in the neighborhood. 
 
youi-s 
 
 The Attach Begins. 275 
 
 jiaged to escort the detachment; and urging him to reh"iiquish 
 Jiis design of accompanying the troops by land, ])r()mirting Iiim 
 that the boat containing himself and family sliou Id be permitted 
 to pass in safety to St. Josej)h's. 
 
 Mr. Kinzie declined acceding to this proposal, as he believed 
 tliat his presence might operate as a restraint upon the Ivryof 
 tlie savages, so warmly were the greater part of them attached 
 to himself and his family. 
 
 The party in the boat consisted of Mrs. Kinzie and her four 
 
 linger children, their nurse Grutte." a clerk of Mr. Kinzie's, 
 two servants and the boatmen, besides the two Indians who 
 acted as their protectors. The boat started, but had scarcely 
 reached the mouth of the river, which, it will be recollected was 
 iiere half a mile below the fort, when another messenger from 
 To-pee-nee-hee arrived to detain them where they were. 
 
 In breathless expectation sat the wife and mother. She was a 
 •woman of uncoiuinon energy and strength of character, yet her 
 heart died within her as she folded her arms around her helpless 
 infants, and gazed upon the march of her husband and eldest 
 child to certain destruction. 
 
 As the troops left the fort, the band struck up the Dead March. 
 On they came in military array, but with solemn mien. Cap- 
 tain Wells took the lead at the head of liis little band of Miamis. 
 He had blackened his face before leaving the garrison, in token 
 of his impending fate. They took their route along the lake 
 shore.. When they reached the point where commenced a range 
 of sand hills intervening between the prairie and the beach, the 
 escort of Potto wattamies, in number about iive hundred, kept 
 the level of the prairie, instead of continuing along the beach 
 with the Americans and Miamis. 
 
 They liad marched perhaps a mile and a half, when Captain 
 Wells, who had kept somewhat in advance with his Miamis, 
 came riding furiously back. " They are about to attack us," 
 shouted he; "form instantly, and charge upon them." 
 
 Scarcely were the words uttered, when a volley was; showered 
 from among the sand-hills. The troops were, hastily brought 
 into line, and charged up the hank. One man, a veteran of 
 seventy winters, tell as they ascended. Tlie remainder of the 
 Rcene is best described in the words of an eye-witness and par- 
 ticipator in the tragedy, Mrs. Helm, the wife of Captain (tlien 
 Lieutenant) Helm, and step-daughter of Mr. Kinzie: 
 
 " After we liad left the bank the firing became general. The 
 Miamis fled at the outset. Their chief rode up to the Pottowat- 
 tjuuies and said: 
 
 • Afterwards Mrs. Jean Baptiste Beaubien. 
 
276 Rescue of Mrs. Helm. 
 
 " * Yon have deceived tiie Ainei-icans and us. Yow have dune 
 a bad action, and (brandishing; liis tomab.awk) I a ill lie the first 
 to head a party of Ame 'icans to return and ])unlsh your treach- 
 ery,' So saying he <>;alloj)ed alter his companions, who werc- 
 now scouring across the prairies. 
 
 '" The troops behaved most gallantly. Tliey were but a hand- 
 ful, but they seemed resolved to sell their lives as dearly as possi- 
 ble. Our iiorses pranced and bounded, and could hardly be re- 
 strained as the balls whistled among them. I drew off a little., 
 and gazed upon my husband and father, who were yet unharmed. 
 I felt that my hour was come, and endeavored to forget those I 
 h)ved, and prepare myself for my approaching fate. 
 
 " While I was thus engaged, the surgeon, l)r. Yan Voorhees, 
 came up. He was badly wounded. Ilis horse had been shot 
 under him, and he had received a ball in his leg. Every muscle 
 of his face was quivering with the agony of terror. He said lo 
 me — 'Do you tliink they will take our lives? I am badly 
 wounded, but I think not mortally. Perhaps we might purchase 
 our lives by promising them a large reward. Do you think there 
 is any chance 'f 
 
 " ' Dr. Yan Voorhees,' said I, ' do not let us waste the few mo- 
 ments that yet remain to us in such vain liopes. Our fate is 
 inevitable. In a few moments we must appear before the bar of 
 God. Let us make what preparation is yet in our power.' 
 
 "'Oh! I caTinot die,' exclaimed he. '1 am not lit to die — if I 
 had but a short time to prepare — death is awful!' 
 
 " I pointed to Ensign Eonan, who though mortally woundeil 
 and nearly down, was still lighting with desperation on one 
 knee. 
 
 " ' Look at that man,' said I, ' at least he dies like a soldier.' 
 
 "'Yes,' replied the unfortunate man, with a convulsive gasp, 
 'but he has no terrors of the future — he is an unbeliever!' 
 
 " At this moment a youn;^ Indian raised his tomahawk at me. 
 By springing aside, I avoided the blow which was intended for 
 my skull, but which alighted on my shoulder. I seized him 
 around the neck, and while exertin«r mv utmost efforts to ijet 
 possession of his scalping-knife. which hung in a scabbard over 
 his breast, I was dragged from his grasp by another and an 
 older Indian. 
 
 " The latter bore me struggling and resisting towards tlie lake. 
 Notwithstanding the rapidity with which I was hurried along, I 
 recognized as I passed tliem the lifeless remains of the unfortu- 
 nate surgeon. Some murderous tomahawk had stretched him 
 upon the very spot where I had last seen him. 
 
 "I was immediately plunged into the water and held there 
 with a forcible hand, notwithstanding my resistance. I soon 
 
Bhck Partridge the Rescuer. 277 
 
 perceived, however, that the object of my captor was not to 
 <lrown me, for he held me firmly in siich a position as to place 
 eiiy head above water. This reassured me, and regarding him 
 attentively, I soon recu<rnized, in spite of the paint with which 
 3ie was dis<^uised. The Bhifk Partridije. 
 
 '* When the firinj^ liad nearly snbsided, my ])reserver bore nie 
 Irom the water and conducted me up the sand-banks. It was a 
 l)urniiic; August morning, and walking through the sand in my 
 •4lrenched condition was inexpressibly painful and fatiguing. 1 
 stooped and took otf my shoes to free them from the sand with 
 vhich they were nearly filled, when a squaw seized and carried 
 them off, and I was obliged to proceed without them. 
 
 '* When we had gained the prairie, I was met by my father, 
 who told me that my husband was safe and but slightly wounded. 
 They led me gently back towards the Chicago Uiver, along the 
 eoutliern bank of which was the Pottowattamie eiicampment. 
 At one time I was placed u})on a horse without a saddle, but 
 tinding the motion insupportable, I sprang off. Supported 
 partly by my kind conductor. Black PartruUje^ and partly by 
 ranother Indian, Pee-so-tuni, who held dangling in his hand a 
 scalp, which by the black ribbon around the queue I recognized 
 :as that of Capt. Wells, I dragged my fainting steps to one of 
 ithe wigwams. 
 
 " The wife of Wau-bee-nee-mah, a chief from the Illinois 
 Itiver, was standing near, and seeing my oxhausted condition she 
 seized a kettle, di])ped up some water irom a stream tluit flowed 
 mear,* threw into it some maple sugar, and stirring it up with 
 iher hand gave it me to drink. This act of kindness, in the 
 ■midst of so many horrors, touched me most sensibly, but my 
 :attention was soon diverted to other objects. 
 
 ''The fort had become a scene of plunder to such as remained 
 .after the troops marched out. The cattle had been shot down as 
 they ran at large, and lay dead or dying around. This work of 
 butchery had commenced just as we were leaving the fort. I 
 "well remembered a remark of Ensign Konan, as the firing went 
 •on. ' Such.' turning to me, 'is to be our fate — to be shot down 
 like brutes !' 
 
 " AV^ell, sir,' said the Commanding Officer, who overheard him, 
 'are /ou afraid V 
 
 " ']So,' reidied the high spirited young man, ' I can march up 
 to the enemy where 3'ou dare not show your face;' and his sub- 
 sequent gallant behavior showed this to be no idle boast. 
 
 '• As the noise of the tiring grew gradually less and the strag- 
 irlers irom the victorious party came dropping in, I received cou- 
 
 *Just by the pri-seiit i;tate slieet Muiket. 
 
278 Heroism of Captain Wells. 
 
 firmation of what ;ny father had hurriedly coinmiinicated in our 
 rencontre on the lake shore; namely, that the whites had sur- 
 rendered after the loss of about two-thirds of their number. 
 They had stipulated, through the interpreter, Peresh Leclorc, for 
 the preservation of their lives, and those of the remainini^ 
 women and children, and for their delivery at some of the 
 British posts, unless ransomed by traders in the Indian country. 
 It appears that the wounded prisoners were not considered as in- 
 cluded in the stipulation, and a horrible scene ensued upon th,!r 
 being brought into camp. 
 
 "An old squaw, infuriated by the loss of friends, or excited by 
 the sanguinary scenes around her, seemed possessed by a demo- 
 niac ferocity. She seized a stable-fork and assaulted one misera- 
 ble victim, who lay groaning and writhing in the agony of his- 
 wounds, aggravated by the scorching beams of the sun. With a 
 delicjvcy of feeling scarcely to have been expected under such 
 circumstances, Wau-bee-nee-mah stretched a mat across two 
 poles, between me and this dreadful scene. I was thus spared in 
 some degree a view of its horrors, although I could not entirely 
 close my ears to the cries of the sufferer. The following night 
 five more of the wounded prisoners were tomahawked. 
 
 " The Americans after their first attack by the Indians, charged 
 upon those who had concealed themselves in a sort of ravine in- 
 tervening between the sand banks and the prairie. The latter 
 gathered themselves into a body, and after some hard lighting, 
 in which the number of whites had become reduced to twenty- 
 eight, this little band succeeded in breaking through the enemy, 
 and gained a rising ground, not far from tne Oak Woods. The 
 contest now seemed hopeless, and Lt. Helm sent Peresh Leclerc,. 
 a half-breed boy in the service of Mr. Kinzie, who had accom- 
 panied the detachment and fought manfully on their side, to 
 propose terms of capitulation. It was stipulated that the lives 
 of all the survivors should be spared, and a ransom permitted as- 
 soon as practicable. 
 
 " But, in the mean time, a horrible scene had been enacted. 
 One young savage, climbing into the baggage-w^agon containinj. 
 the children of the white families, twelve in number, toma- 
 nawked the children of the entire group. This was during the 
 
 r 
 
 !7) 
 
 engagement near the Sand-hills. When Captain Wells, who was- 
 fighting near, beheld it, he exclaimed: 
 
 "'Is that their game, butchering the women and children ?^ 
 Then I will kill too!' 
 
 "So saying, he turned his horse's liead, and started for the In- 
 dian camp, near the fort, where had been left tlieir squaws and 
 children, 
 
 "Several Indians pursued him as he galloped along. He laid 
 
Bravery of Mrs. Corhin and Mrs. Holt. 279 
 
 himself flat on the neck of his horse, loading and firing in that 
 position, as he would occasionally turn on his pursuers. At 
 length their balls took eiiect, killing his liorse, and severely 
 wounding himself. At this moment he was met by Winnemeg* 
 and Wau-ia7i-see, Afho endeavored to save him from the savages 
 who had now overtaken him. As they supported hitn along, 
 after having disengaged him from his horse, he received his 
 death-blow from another Indian, Pee-so-tum., who stabbed him 
 in the baek.f 
 
 "The heroic resolution of one of the soldier's wives deserves 
 to be recorded. She was a Mrs. Corbin, and had, from the first, 
 expressed the determination never to fall into the hands of the 
 savages, believing that their prisoners were always subjected to 
 tortures worse than death. 
 
 ""When, therefore, a party came upon her, to make her a pris- 
 oner, she fought with desperation, refusing to surrender, although 
 assured, by signs, of safety and kind treatment, and literally 
 suffered herself to be cut to pieces, rather than become their 
 captive. 
 
 " There was a Sergeant Holt, who, earl}'^ in the engagement, re- 
 ceived a ball in the neck. Finding himself badly wounded, he 
 gave his sword to his wi^'e, who was on horseback near him, 
 telling her to defend lierself — he then made for the lake, to keep 
 out of the way of the balls. Mrs. Holt rode a very fine horse, 
 which the Indians were desirous of possessing, and they there- 
 fore attacked her, in hopes of dismounting her. 
 
 " They fought only with the butt-ends of their guns, for their 
 object was not tt) kill her. She hacked and hewed at their pieces 
 as they were thrust against her, now on this side, now on tiiat. 
 Finally, she broke loose from them, and dashed out into the 
 prairie. The Indians pursued her, shouting and laughing, and 
 now and then calling out : 
 
 " ' The brave woman ! do not hurt her !* 
 
 "At length they overtook her again, and while she was en- 
 i;aged with two or three in front, one succeeded in seizing her 
 jy the neck behind, and dragging her, although a large and 
 powerful woman, from her horse. Notwithstanding that their 
 guns had been so hacked and injured, and even themselves cut 
 severely, they seemed to regard her only with admiration. They 
 
 * Winnemac (sometimes spelled with a ' pr ' as a final letter.) — [Author. 
 
 t Captain Wells' heart was afterwards taken out. cut in pieces and distrib- 
 uted among the tribes. After heing sadped. his remains were left unburied, iis 
 were also those of the children massacred, and the soldiers and women slain in 
 battle. Billy Caldwell, an Indian chief, tlie next day finding the head of Cap- 
 tiiin' Wells in one place and his hod,' in another, caused a hole to be dug in the 
 sand ami his remains to U.' interred.— tf*o/r»r,v lUhiois. 
 
 I 
 
280 Mrs. Heald Again Rescued. 
 
 took her to a trader on the Ilh'nois River, by whom she was re- 
 stored to her friends, after liaving received every kindness during 
 her captivity.* 
 
 "Those of the family of Mr. Kinzie, who had reniained in tlie 
 boat, near the month of the river, were carefully guarded by 
 Kee-po-tah and aaother Indian. They had seen the smoke — 
 then the blaze — and immediately after the report of the first tre- 
 mendous discharge sounded in their ears. Then all was confu- 
 sion. Tltey realized nothing until they saw an Indian come 
 towards them from the battle-ground, leading a horse on which 
 sat a lady, apparently wounded. 
 
 " ' That is Mrs. Heald,' cried Mrs. Kinzie. ' That Indian will 
 kill her. Run, Chandonnai,' to one of Mr. Kinzie's clerks, ' take 
 the mule that is tied there, and offer it to him to release her.' 
 
 ''Her captor, by this time, was in the act of disengaging her 
 bonnet from her head, in order to scalp her. Chandonnai ran 
 up, offered the mule as a ransom, with the promise of ten bottles 
 of whisky, as soon as they should, reach his village. The latter 
 was a strong temptation. 
 
 " ' But,' said the Indian, she is badly wounded — she will die. 
 Will you give me the whiskey, at all events ? ' 
 
 "Chandonnai promised that he would, and the bargain was 
 concluded. The savage placed the lady's bonnet on his own head, 
 and after an ineffectual effort on the part of some squaws to rob 
 her of her shoes and stockings, she was brought on board the 
 boat, where she lay moaning with pain from the many bullet 
 wounds she liad received in both arms. 
 
 "The horse she had ridden was a fine spirited animal, and, 
 being desirous of possessing themselves of it uninjured, the In- 
 dians had aimed their shots so as to disable the rider, without 
 injuring her steed. 
 
 "She had not lain long in the boat, when a young Indian of 
 savage aspect was seen approaching. A buffalo robe was hastily 
 drawn over Mrs. Heald, and she was admonished to suppress 
 all sound of complaint, as she valued her life. 
 
 "The heroic woman remained perfectly silent, while the savage 
 drew near. He had a pistol in his hand, which he rested on the 
 side of the boat, while, with a fearful scowl, he looked pryingly 
 around. Black Jim, one of the servants who stood in the bow of 
 the boat, seized an axe that lav near, and signed to him that 
 if he shot, he would cleave his skull; telling him that the 
 boat contained only the family o^ Shaw-nee-<iw-kee.\ Upon this 
 the Indian retired. It afterward appeared that the object of hia 
 
 •Mrs. Holt is believed to Ik> ntill living in the Stato of Ohio, 
 t The Indian name for Mr. Kinzie — [AirraoR. 
 
New Dangers Aoerted. 231 
 
 search was Mr. Burnett, a trader from St. Joseph's, with whom 
 lie had some account to settle. 
 
 " When the boat was at lentftli permitted to return to the 
 mansion of Mr. Kinzie, and Mrs. Heald was removed to the 
 house, it became necessary to dress lier wounds. 
 
 " Mr. K. applied to an old chief who stood by, and who, like 
 most of his tribe, possessed some skill in surgery, to extract a 
 ball from the arm ofthe sufferer. 
 
 '* ' No, father,' replied he. ' I cannot do it — it makes me sick 
 here' — (placing his hand on his heart). 
 
 " Mr. Kinzie then performed the operation himself with his 
 penknife. 
 
 '• At their own mansion the family of Mr. ivinzle were closely 
 guarded by their Indian friends, whose intention it was, to carry 
 them to lietroit for security. Tiie rest of the prisoners remained 
 at the wigvvams of their captors. 
 
 " The following morning thewoi'k of plunder being completed, 
 the Indians set fire to the fort. A very equitable distribution of 
 the finery appeared to have been made, and shawls, ribbons, and 
 feathers fluttered about in all directions. The ludicrous appear- 
 ance of one young fellow who had arrayed himself in a muslin 
 g#wn, and the bonnet of one of the ladies, would, under other 
 circumstances, have afforded matter of amusement. 
 
 '• Black Partridge, Wau-ban-see and Kee-po-tah, with two 
 other Indians, having established themselves in the porch of the 
 building as sentinels, to protect the family from any evil that the 
 young men might be excited to commit, all remained tranquil 
 for a short space after the conflagration. 
 
 " Very soon, however, a party of Indians from the Wabash 
 made their appearance. These were, decidedly, the most hostile 
 and implacable of all the tribes of the Pottowattamies. 
 
 " Being more remote, they had shared less than some of their 
 brethren in the kindness of Mr. Kinzie and his family, and con- 
 sequentlj' their sentiments of regard for them were less power- 
 ful. 
 
 '' Runners had been sent to the villages to apprize them of 
 the intended evacuation of the post, as well as of. the plan ofthe 
 Indians assembled to attack the troops. 
 
 "Thirsting to participate in such a scene they hurried on, and 
 great was their mortification on arriving at the river Aux Plains, 
 to meet with a party of their friends having with them tiieir 
 chief Nee-scot-nee-meg, badly wounded, and to learn that the 
 battle was over, the spoils divided, and the scalps all taken. 
 
 "On arriving at Chicago they blackened their faces, and pro- 
 ceeded towards the dwelling of Mr. Kinzie. 
 
 " From his station on the piazza Black Partridge had watched 
 
282 Contimicd Fidtlity of Black Partridge. 
 
 their approach, and his fears were particularly awalveiicd fcir the 
 safety of Mrs. Helm (Mr. Kinzie's step-daughter), who had re- 
 cently come to the post, and was personally unknown to the 
 more remote Indians. By his advice she was made to assume 
 the ordinary dress of a French woman of the country; namely,. 
 a short gown and petticoat, with a blue cotton handkerchief 
 wrapped around her head In this disguise she was conducted 
 by Black Partridge himself to the house of Ouilmette, a French- 
 man with a half-breed wife, who formed a part of the establish- 
 ment of Mr. Kinzie, and whose dwelling was close at hand. 
 
 " It so happened that the Indians came first to this house, in 
 their search for prisoners. As they approached, the inmates^ 
 feai'ful that the fair complexion and general appearance of Mrs. 
 Helm might betray her ^r an American, raised a large feather- 
 bed and placed her under the edge of it, upon the bedstead, with 
 her face to the wall. Mrs. Bisson, the sister of Ouilmette's wife^ 
 then seated herself with her sewing upon the front of the bed. 
 
 " It was a hot day in August, and the feverish excitement o^ 
 fear and agitation, together with her position, which was nearly 
 suffocating, becfnie so intolerable, that Mrs. Helm at length en- 
 treated to be released and given up to the Indians. 
 
 " ' I can but die,' said she; • let them put an end to my misery 
 at once.' 
 
 " Mrs. Bisson replied, ' Your death would be the destruction 
 of us all, for Black I'artridge has resolved that if one drop of the 
 blood of your family is spilled, he will take the lives of all con- 
 cerned in it, even his nearest friends, and if orce the work of 
 murder commences, there will be no end of it, so long as there 
 remains one white person, or half breed, in the country.' 
 
 " This expostulation nerved Mrs. Helm with fresh resolution. 
 
 "The Indians entered, and she could occasionally see them 
 from her hiding-place, gliding about, and stealthily inspecting 
 every part of the room, though without making any ostensible 
 gearoh, until apparently satisfied that there was no one concealed,, 
 they left the house. 
 
 " All this time Mrs. Bisson had kept her seat upon the side of 
 the bed, calmly sorting and arranging the ])atchwork of the 
 quilt on which she was engaged, and preserving an apju-arance 
 of the utmost tranquilit}', although she knew not but that the 
 next moment she might receive a tomahawk in her brain. Her 
 self-command unquestionably saved the lives of all present. 
 
 "From Ouilmette's house the party of Indians proceeded to 
 the dwelling of Mr, Kinzie. They entered the parlor in which 
 the family were assembled with tlieir faithful protectors, and 
 seated themselves upon the floor in silence. 
 
 "Black Partridge perceived from their moody and revengeful 
 
. The Sau-(ja-nush to The Rescue. 385 
 
 looks wliat was passing in their minds, but he dared not renion- 
 Btraie with theui. He only observed in a low tone to Wau-ban- 
 
 see — 
 
 '"We have endeavored to save our friends, but it is in vain — 
 nothing will save them now.' 
 
 " At this moment a friendly whoop was heard from a party of 
 new comers on the opposite bank of the river. Black Partridge: 
 sprang to meet their leader, as the canoes in which they had has- 
 tily embarked touched the bank near the house. 
 
 " ' Who are you?' demanded h«. 
 
 "'A man — who are youf 
 
 " ' A man like yourself, but tell me who you are ' — meanings 
 tell me your disposition, and which side you are for. 
 
 " ' I am the Sau-ga-nash P 
 
 " ' Then make all speed to the house — your friend is in dan- 
 ger, and you alone can save him.' 
 
 " Billy Caldwell,* for it was he, entered the parlor with ai. 
 calm step, and without a trace of agitation in his manner. He- 
 deliberateh took off his accoutrements and placed them with his- 
 rifle behind the door; then saluted the hostile savages. 
 
 " ' How now, my friends ! A good day to you. I was told 
 there were enemies here, but I am glad to find only friends. 
 Why have you blackened your faces ? Is it that you are mourn- 
 ing for the friends you have lost in battle V (purposely misunder- 
 standing this token of evil designs). ' Or is it that you are fast- 
 ing ? It' so, ask our friend here, and he will give you to eat- 
 He is the Indian's friend, and never yet refused them what they 
 had need of.' 
 
 " Thus taken by surprise, the savages were ashamed to ac- 
 knowledge their bloody purpose. They, therefore said modestly 
 that they came to beg of their friends some white cotton in which 
 to wrap their dead, before interring them. This was given to- 
 them with some other presentSj a.id they took their departure- 
 peaceably from the premises. 
 
 " Along with Mr. Kinzie's party was a non-commissioned offi- 
 
 • Billy Caldwell was a half breed, and a chief of the nation. In his reply^ 
 " / am a Sau-ga-nash,'' or Englishman, he designed to convey, " I am a white- 
 man.^' Had he said, " I am a Pottowattamie,'' it would have been interpretrd 
 to mean, "I belong to my nation, and am prepared to go all lengths with 
 them." — Waubun. 
 
 Billy Caldwell, who died but a short time since, was familiary known to» 
 many of our citizens in Chicago. His presence of mind unquestionably saved 
 his friends from niassacrg. He was a naif or quarter breed. His father wa» 
 an officer in the British armv: his mother a Wyandot woman; he was wel'h 
 cducateil in Montreal before he came hither. Previous to the War of lttl2 he- 
 was received and iidoptt'd as a chief among them -and called the Sau-ga-na h_ 
 — Brown's III., imhlifihed in 1844. 
 
284 The Kimie Family Sent to Detroit. 
 
 •cer who had made . liis escape in a sinj^ular manner. As the 
 troops were about leaving the fort it was found that the baggage- 
 horses of the surgeon had strayed off. The quarter-master-ser- 
 geant, Griffith, was sent to collect them and bring them on, it 
 Being absolutely necessary to recover them, since their packs 
 contained part of the surgeon's apparatus, and the medicines for 
 the march. 
 
 " This man had been for a long time on the sick report, and 
 for this reason was given the charge of the baggage, instead of 
 being placed with the troops. His efforts to recover the horses 
 being unsuccessful, he was hastening to rejoin his party; alarmed 
 at some appearances of disorder and hostile indications among 
 the Indians, when he was met and made prisoner by To-pee- 
 nee-bee. 
 
 " Having taken from him his arms and acoutrements, the 
 <;hief put him into a canoe and paddled him across the river, 
 bidding him make for tlie woods and secrete himself. This he 
 ■did, and the following day, in the afternoon, seeing from his 
 lurking-place that all appeared quiet, he ventured to steal cau: 
 tiously into the garden of Onilmette, where he concealed himself 
 for a time behind some currant-bushes. 
 
 " At length he determined to enter the house, and accordingly 
 <;limbed up through a small back window, into the room where 
 the family were. This was just as the Wabash Indians left the 
 house of Ouilmette for that of Mr. Kinzie. The danger of the 
 «ergeant was now imminent. The family stripped him of his 
 uniform and arrayed him in a suit of deer-skin, with belt, mocca- 
 sins, and pipe, like a French engage. His dark complexion and 
 large black whiskers favored the disguise. The family were all 
 ■ordered to address him in French, and although utterly ignorant 
 of the language he continued to pass for a Ween-tee-gosh,* and 
 AS such to accompany Mr. Kinzie and his family, undetected 
 by his enemies until they reached a place of safety. 
 
 "On the third day after the battle, the family of Mr. Kinzie, 
 Avith the clerks of the establishment, were put into a boat, uiipder 
 the care of Francois, a half-breed interpreter, and conveyed to 
 St. Joseph's, where they remained until the following November, 
 under the protection of To-pee-nee-heeh band. They were then 
 <5onducted to Detroit, under tlie escort of Chandonnai and their 
 trusty Indian friend, JE'iS-jrw-toA, and delivered up as prisoners 
 of war, to Col. McKee, the British Indian Agent. 
 
 "Mr. Kinzie was not allowed to leave St. Joseph's with his 
 family, his Indian friends insisting on his remaining and en- 
 deavoring to secure some remnant of his scattered ])roperty. 
 
 * Frenrlniinn. 
 
Hospitality of Alexander Robinson. 285 
 
 During his excursions witli tliem for that purpose, he wore the 
 costume and paint of the tribe, in order to escape capture and 
 perhaps death at the hands of those who were still thirsting for 
 blood. In time, however, his anxiety for liis family induced liira 
 to follow them to Detroit, where, in the month of January, he 
 was received and paroled by Geii. Proctor. 
 
 " Capt. and Mrs. Heald had been sent across the lake to St. 
 Joseph's the day after the battle. The former had received two- 
 wounds, the latter seven in the engagement. 
 
 "Lieut. Helm, who was likewise wounded, was carried by 
 some friendly Indians to their village on the Au Sable, and 
 thence to Peoria, where he was lilierated by the intervention of 
 Mr. Thomas Forsyth, the half-brother of Mr. Kinzie. Mrs. 
 Helm had accompanied her parents to St. Joseph, where they re- 
 sided in the family of Alexander Pobinson,* receiving from them 
 all possible kindness and hospitality for several months. 
 
 "After their arrival in Detroit, Mrs. Helm was joined by her 
 husband, when they were both arrested by order of the British 
 commander, and sent on horseback, in the dead of winter, 
 through Canada to Fort Georije on the Niasfara frontier. When 
 tliey arrived at that post, there seemed no official appointed to- 
 receive them, and notwithstanding their long and fatiguing jour- 
 ney, in weather the most cold and inclement, ]\[rs. H., a delicate 
 woman of seventeen years, was permitted to sit waiting in her sad- 
 dle without the gate for more than hour, before the refreshment of 
 lire or food, oi- even the shelter of a roof was offered them. 
 When Col. Sheaife, who had been absent at the time, was in- 
 formed of this brutal inhospitality, he expressed the greatest in- 
 dignation. He waited on Mrs. Helm immediately, apologized 
 in the most courteous manner, and treated both her and Lieut. 
 H. with the most considerate kindness, imtil, by an exchange of 
 prisoners, they were lil)erated, and found means to reach their 
 friends in Stenben county, X. Y. 
 
 " Capt. Heald had been taken prisoner by an Indian from the 
 Kankakee, who had a strong personal regard for him, and who, 
 when he saw the wounded and eni'eebled state of Mrs. H., re- 
 leased her husband that he might accompany his wife to St. 
 Joseph's. To the latter place they were accordingly carried, as- 
 has been related, by Chandonnai and his party. In the mean- 
 time, the Indian who had so nobly released his prisoner, returned 
 to his village on the Kankakee, where he had the mortification 
 of finding that his condi;ct had excited great dissatisfaction 
 among his band. So great was the displeasure manifested, that 
 
 * The Pottowattamie chief, so Well known to many of the citizens of Chicago, 
 now residing at the Aux Plaines. 
 
^S6 Ransoin of The Last Sui'vivors. 
 
 he resolved *o make a journey to St. Josepli's and reclaim his 
 prisoner, 
 
 "News of his intention being brought to To-pee-nee-bee and 
 Kee-po-tali, under wliose care tlie prisoners were, they held a 
 private council with Chandonnai, Mr. Kinzie, and the principal 
 men of the village, the re=ult of which was, a determination to 
 •send Capt. and Mrs. Heald to the island of Mackinac, and de- 
 liver them up to the British. 
 
 " They were accordingly put in a bark canoe, and paddled by 
 Robinson and his wife a distance of three hundred miles along 
 the coast of Michigan, and surrendered as prisoners of war to 
 the commanding officer at Mackinac. 
 
 "As an instance of the procrastinating spirit of Capt. Heald, 
 it may be mentioned that even after he had received certain in- 
 telligence that his Indian captor was on his way from the Kan- 
 kakee to St. Joseph's to retake him, he would still have delayed 
 another day at that place, to make preparation for a more com- 
 Ibrtable journey to Mackinac* 
 
 "The soldiers, with their wives and surviving children, were 
 ■dispersed among the diflferent villages of the Pottawattamies 
 upon the Illinois, Wabash, Rock River, and at Milwaukie, until 
 the following spring, when they were, for the most part, carried 
 to Detroit, and ransomed. 
 
 " Mrs. Burns, with her infant, became the prisoners of a chief, 
 who carried her to his village and treated her with great kind- 
 ness. His wife, from jealousy of the favor shown to 'the white 
 "woman' and lier child, always treated them with great hostility. 
 On one occasion she struck the infant with a tomahawk, and 
 narrowly missed her aim of pntting an end to it altogether.! 
 They were not left lon^ in the power of the old hag, after this 
 demonstration, but on the first opportunity carried to a place of 
 safety. 
 
 " The family of Mr. Lee had resided in a house on the lake 
 shore, not far from the fort. Mr. Lee was the owner of Lee's 
 Place, which he cultivated as a farm. It was his son who ran 
 down with the discharged soldier to give the alarm of ' Indians ' 
 at the fort on the afternoon of the 7th of April. The father, 
 
 * Captain (subsequently Major) Heald, his wife and family, settled in the 
 •country of St. Joseph, Mo., aft«r the war, about 1817, where he died, about 
 fifteen years since. He waa respected and beloved by bis acquaintance. His 
 health was impaired by the wounds he received. — Western Annala, published in 
 1860. 
 
 t Twenty-two years after this, as I was on a journey to Chicago in the steamer 
 Uncle Sam, a young woman, hearing my name, introduced herself to me, and 
 raising the hair from her forehead, showed me the mark of the tomahawk 
 which Had so nearly been fatal to her. 
 
Black Partridge as A Rejected Lover. 2S7 
 
 the eon, and all the other members of the laniily, had fallen vic- 
 tims on the 15th of An<^ust, except Mrs. Lee and her yonng 
 infant. These were claimed by Black Partridge, and carried to 
 his village on the An Sable. He had been particularly attached 
 to a little girl of Mrs. Lee's, about twelve years of age. This 
 child had been placed on liorseI)ack for the march, and as she was 
 unaccustomed to the exercise, she was tied fast to the saddle, lest 
 by any accident she should slip oif or be thrown. 
 
 " She was within reach of the balls at the commencement of 
 the engagement, and was severely wounded. The horse set oft 
 in a full gallop, which partly threw her, but she was held fast by 
 the bands which contined her, and hung dangling as the animal 
 ran violently about. In this state she was met by Black Part- 
 ridge, who caught the horse and disengaged her from the saddle. 
 Finding her so much wounded that she could not recover, and 
 that she was snflfering great agony, he put the finishing stroke to 
 her at once with his tomahawk. He afterward said that this was 
 the hardest thing he ever tried to do, but he did it because he 
 could not bear to see her suffer. 
 
 " He took the mother and her infant to his village, where he 
 became warmly attached to the former — so much so, that he 
 Avished to marry her, but as she very naturally objected, he treated 
 her with the greatest respect and consideration. He was in no 
 Lurry to release her, for he was in hopes of prevailing on her to 
 beconje his wife. In the course of the winter her child fell ill. 
 Finding that none of the remedies within their reach were efiect- 
 iial. Black Partridge proposed to take the little one to Chicago, 
 where there was now a French trader living in the mansion of 
 Mr. Kinzie, and procure some medical aid from him. Y/ rapping 
 Tip his charge with the greatest care, he sat out on his journey. 
 
 When he arrived at the residence of M. Du Pin, he entered the 
 room where he was, and carefully placed his burthen on the floor. 
 
 " ' What have you there ? ' asked M. Du Pin. 
 
 " 'A young raccoon, which I have brought you as a present,' was 
 the reply, and opening the pack, he showed the little sick infant. 
 
 " When the trader had prescribed for its complaint, and Black 
 Partridge was about to retnrn to his home, he told his friend his 
 proposal to Mrs. Lee to become his wife and the manner in 
 which it had been received. 
 
 "M. Du Pin entertained some fears that the chief's honorable 
 resolution might not hold out, to leave it to the lady herself 
 whether to accept his addresses or not, so he entered at once into 
 a negotiation for her ransom, and so effectually wrought ii{K)ii 
 the good feelings of Black Partridge that he consented to bring 
 his lair prisoner at once to Chicago, that she might be restored 
 to her friends. 
 
288 Dcath-hed Contrition of Nau-non-gee. 
 
 " Whether the kind trader had at the oiitset, any othei feelin <^ in 
 the matter than syni|)athy and brotherly kindness we cannot say 
 — we only know *^liat, in ])roeess of time Mrs. Lee became 
 Madame Du Pin, and that they lived together iu great happi- 
 ness for many _\'ears after. 
 
 "The fate of Xau-non-gee, one of the chiefs of the Calnmet 
 village, and who is mentioned in the early part of the narrative, 
 deserves to be recorded. 
 
 "Dnring the battle of the 15th of Angust, the chief object 
 of his attac': was oiie Sergeant Hays, a man from whom lie had 
 received many acts of kindness. 
 
 " After Hays had received a ball throngh the body, this In- 
 dian ran up to him to tomahawk him, when the Sergeant, col- 
 lecting his remaining strength, piei-ced him through the body 
 with his bayonet. They fell together. Other Indians running 
 up soon dispatched Hays, and it was not until then that his 
 bayonet was extracted from the body of his adversary. 
 
 " The M-ounded chief M-as carried after tlie battle to his village 
 on the Calumet, where he survived for several days. Finding- 
 his end approaching, he called together his young men, and en- 
 foined them in the most solemn manner, to resrard the safetv of 
 their prisoners after his death, and to take the lives of none of 
 them from respect to his memory, as he deserved his fate from 
 the hands of those whose kindness he had so ill- requited."* 
 
 [From Niles Register, Vol. IV, p. 82.1 
 
 Saturday April :3d 1813. 
 
 Mrs. Helm, the wife of Lieut. Helm, who escaped from the butcherv of the 
 panison of Chicaitffa by the assistance of a humane Indian, has arrived at this 
 place, Buffialo. The account of her sufferings during three months' slavery 
 among th*> Indians and three months' imprisonment among their allies, would 
 make a most interesting volume. One circumstance alone 1 will mention. Dur- 
 ing five days after|.she was taken prisoner, she had not the least sustenance, and 
 was compelled to di-ag a canoe ( barefooted and wading along the stream i in 
 which there were some squaws, and when she demanded food, some flesh of her 
 murdered countrymen, and a piece of ColonelWells' heart was offered her. She 
 knows tho fact that Col. Proctor, the British commander at Maiden, bought the 
 scalps of our murdered garrison of Chicauga, and, thanks to her noble spirit, 
 she Doldly charged him with his infamy in his own house. She knows further 
 from the tribe with whom she was a prisoner, and who were perpetrators of 
 those murders, that they intended to remain true, but that they received orders 
 from the British to cut off the garrison whom they were to escort. 
 
 (This last assertion probably originated in the brain of the editor of Niles 
 Register, as Mrs. Helm in her narrative brings no such arraingment against the 
 British.)-— Author. 
 
 * Mrs. Helm, who after the return of the Kinzie family to Chicago, became 
 the intimate friend of Mrs. John H. Kinzie, has drawn a vivid picture of tho 
 Chicago massacre, seldom equaled by a historic pen. In Wabun it has been 
 reproduced iu Mrs. Kinzie's lucid style, whose freshness can never be equalled 
 by any future historian, since the hand of time has spread its mantle of obliv- 
 ion over the incidents of that day. For this reason it has been transferred to 
 these columns. 
 
CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Tne British take the Offensive — Fort Wayne Beseiged hy their 
 Indian Allies — Timely Warning to its Defertders — General 
 Harrison Marches to its Defense — Desperate and Successful 
 Defense of Fort Harrison hy Captain Taylor — Dannq 
 Achievement of Captain Oliver — Ar^'ival of General Ham- 
 son at Fort Wayne — Its Beseigers fly — Expedition Against 
 the Indian Toions on the Illinois Biver — Its Bootless Ter- 
 mination — Governor Reynolds in the Kanl's — His State- 
 ment — Relentless Attack on Peoria — The English on the 
 Upper Mississippi — Black Hawk'^s Historical Narration. 
 
 !N"o human vision could forecast the future destiny of the 
 country around the Upper Lakes after the sui-render of Micliili- 
 manaekinae, Chicago and Detroit. That the Indians would 
 ever be driven entirely out of the country was an event that no 
 British Canadian ever deemed possible, and accordingly Tecum- 
 seh was, in the eyes of General Brock, the head and front of a 
 permanent dynasty to live in the future on the soil. He had 
 accomplished all that was required of him in the late campaign, 
 which had terminated so gloriously to British arms. And now 
 a new one was contemplated, which was to carry the war into 
 the very vitj^ls of the Northwest, by taking Fort Wayne and 
 Fort Harrison, which was built by General Harrison during his 
 Tippecanoe campaign. There v/ere then no maps of the coun- 
 try obtainable in the British camp; but to supply this deficiency 
 Teeumseh drew a sketch of its rivers, which indeed were nearly 
 all that could be shown at that time. General Brock was agree- 
 ably surprised at his versatility of talent, and with all confidence 
 counseled with him as to future plans. Fort Wayne was the 
 important objective point, and no time must be lost in seizing 
 upon it, lest the Americans should reinforce the place before the 
 attack was made. It was therefore ordered that the Indians 
 should march against the place immediately, and environ it to. 
 prevent the escape of the garrison, till a British army could ar- 
 rive at the spot and make its conquest certain. Prominent 
 among the tribes who volunteered in this enterprise, were the 
 
290 I^ort Wayne Besieged. 
 
 Pottawattomies, whose acliievenient at Chicago had emboldened 
 them and whetted their appetites for phmder. The part thej 
 were to take was planned at a council at St. Joseph, wiiere their 
 chiefs met tlie British ai,'ents, and were promised if they would 
 lay siege to the place and prevent the escape of the garrison till 
 the British forces came up, they should he allowed to plunder 
 the fort when taken. This inducement was sufficient, an 1 they 
 promptly joined their forces to some Shawanese and Miamis, 
 and a])peared before the ])lai'e before August had passed. 
 
 True to their time-honored custom, they ir le no direct attac'-, 
 but bent all their efforts to gain the place by stratagy, ki.i 
 the sentinels and throw the gates of the fort open to their 
 braves, who all the while were o-ouching in a covert near b}*. 
 But before this was to be done, the Miamis wished to save their 
 friend, Antoine Bondie, a French trader who had married one of 
 their tribe, and had won their affections by a residence of thirty- 
 eight years among them. Metea, a Pottawattomie chief, was 
 deputied to go privately to his cabin and inform him of the In- 
 dians intentions, and make arrangements for the rescue of him- 
 self and family. This news placed the trader in an embarassing 
 situation, and he was in a dilera iua to know what to do, but 
 finally resolved to betray the confidence of tlie Indians, and even 
 forfeit their protection, by revealing the plot ^o Major Stickuey, 
 the Indian agent. This he did the next morning under an in- 
 junction of secrecy, and from him the information was soon 
 given to Capt. Rhea, the officer who held command of the fort. 
 
 All the while the agent was skeptical as to the truth of the 
 news, but on maturing the matter over, both he and Capt. Rhea 
 concluded to take the necessary steps to meet the emergency, in 
 case it should come upon them, and immediately sent a messen- 
 
 fer to General Harrison, then at Cincinnati, and one to Governor 
 [eigs, of Ohio, asking assistance, and a third messenger to Ft, 
 Harrison, to warn its inmates of danger. This done, preparations 
 for defending the fort were made.* 
 
 While the slender garrison are hotly pressed by their swarthy 
 foes, a furious attack was made on Fort Harrison. It was situ- 
 ated on the Wabash river, ten miles above its present intersec- 
 tion of the eastern boundary line of Illinois. On the 3d of Sep- 
 tember the Shawanese had visited the Pigeon Roost settlement, 
 not far from the place, with a destructive raid, in which 20 per- 
 sons were killed, whose scalps were soon dangling fivra the belts 
 of these merciless knights of the tomahawk. 
 
 This fresh alarm drove the immediate settlers around Fort 
 Harrison within its walls for protectioji. Young Capt. Taylor, 
 
 'Rriee's History of Ft. Wayne. 
 
Brave Defense of Fort Harrison. 201 
 
 the same who afterwar Is became President of the United States, 
 held command of the place, to defend whicli he had but 18 men. 
 Xine women and'their children had taken refuge within its walls, 
 in a fearful suspense, for the forests were alive with Indians on 
 the war-path. On the ni_2;ht of the 4th, at 11 o'clock, the inmates 
 of the fort were aroused from their disquiet slumbers by the 
 report of a rifle. Captain Taylor sprang from his couch, and 
 found that the shot came from one of his sentinels tiring at the 
 skulking foe, who, in great numbers, immediately began the at- 
 tack. One of the block houses was soon set on tire, and two 
 panic stricken soldiers leaped over the barricades and fled into 
 the forest for an asylum from the scalping knife, while the terri- 
 fied women pressed their babes to their breasts in despair. 
 
 Young Taylor's voice now rose above the din of yells without 
 and wailings within, giving orders to throw off the roof of the 
 building which connncted the burning block house with the main 
 defenses. This arrested the progress of the flames. The sharp- 
 shooters now kept the attackers at bay till morning, when they 
 withdrew, to the great relief of the garrison. 
 
 Of the two soldiers who forsook the fort in a panic, one was 
 killed and the other after being wounded took refuge behind a 
 barrel close by the pallisades. On the 13th, Capt. Taylor found 
 means to send a messenger to General Harrison, and on the 16th 
 he was rescued from his perilous position by Colonel Hopkins 
 tln'ii, atthe head 6f 1200 volunteers, on their way to the Illi- 
 nois territory. Turning again to Ft. Wayne, we find both be- 
 selgers and beseiged waiting for reinforcements. The Indians 
 kept up their wily devices wherewith to gain peaceable admittance 
 to the fort in sufliicient numbers to overpower the sentinals, and 
 even the old friendly chietj Winnemac, was a leading spirit in 
 this attempted treachery. At one time he was admitted under a 
 white 'flag, with thirteen of his comrades, but he found the 
 guard ready to overpower his band ^yhen the critical moment 
 came, and the discomfited dissemblers retired by virtue of the 
 same flag by which they had gained admittance. 
 
 The next day two soldiers outside of the fort were fired upon 
 by the Indians and both killed. This was an overt act, and 
 tnade any future pretentioris of friendshii) on the part of the 
 (Tulians a gossamer fabric of pretense. The beleaguered garri- 
 son, which numbered but 80 men, commanded by a drunken 
 yiarvenu, and surrounded by a countless host of savages thirst- 
 ing for their blood, were in desperate extremities. While thus 
 eking out their hours of unremitting watchfulness, a yell of 
 triumph saluted their ears from the iiortliern gate, and through 
 its opening ajar rushed their old friend William Oliver j.nd 
 tlu-ee friendly Itidians at iiis back. ITis storv was s<H>n told to 
 
292 Oliver Penetrates Through the Enetny^s Lines. 
 
 the anxious garrison, who had not received any tidings from the 
 outside world since their messengers liad been sent to General 
 Harrison to apprise him of their danger. Oliver was at Cincin- 
 nati on a brief visit, when the news of the attack on Fort 
 Wayne came to General Harrison, and he instantly resolved to 
 hasten back to the beleaguered post, of which he was sutler, to 
 inform them that Harrison would soon arrive at the place with 
 sufficient force to raise the seige, and to assist in its defense till 
 he came. The adventure was a desperate one, which could only 
 be conceived by a bold spirit of hardihood which pioneer life 
 in that day had brought into being on the frontier. Starting 
 from Cincinnati immediately on his mission, he pursued the 
 forest road to the St. Mary's river, where Thomas Worthington 
 commanded an encampment of Ohio militia (the same who- 
 afterwards became governor of Ohio). To him Oliver commu- 
 nicated his plan, and animated by Oliver's heroism, Worthington 
 joined him with 68 militia and 16 friendly Shawanese. At the 
 head of this force, the two bold leaders advanced down the St. 
 Mary's river towards the place, but on ' second day 36 of the 
 Militia and ten of their Indian allies deserted. 
 
 One day's march now brought the reduced but courageous band 
 within the hearing of the enemies' guns, who had crouched 
 around Fort Wayne on every side, to prevent the escape of the 
 garrison. 
 
 What was to be done? To attempt with this small force to 
 pierce the lines of the enemy by a direct attack was not to be 
 thought of, and Oliver, with three Indian companions, determined 
 to steal their way to the fort through grounds not occupied by the 
 besiegers. Pursuing the main road leading to the fort, five miles 
 distant from it they found the enemies' rifle-pits, which, happily 
 tor Oliver and his party, were not occupied, but fearing to ad- 
 vance further aloi ( the road, they made a detour to the east 
 through the woods, and came to the banks of the Maumee, one 
 and a naif miles below the fort. Here they tied their horses in a 
 thicket, and crept carefully toward the fort to see if it was still 
 in possession ot the Americans. After a nearer approach, they 
 beheld the American flag elevated above the bastions, and soon 
 afterwards saw the measured pace of the sentinels at their ]>ost. 
 The party then returned, and mounting their horses, put them 
 into a keen run till the inside of the fort was safely reached. 
 Harrison is coming; this was the news he brought to the almost 
 spent garrison.* 
 
 Harrison had just received from the governor of Kentucky the 
 appointment of Major-General by brevet, and to him was giveq 
 
 •Howes' Great West ; Brice's History of Fort Wayne. 
 
General Harrison Believes Fort Wayne. 2J>3 
 
 the coi: Tiand of 2,000 Kentucky troops, which the patriotic ^^ov- 
 »ernor \c*(l raised for the defense of the iS^orthwest. To these 
 were added 700 Ohio volunteers, wlio joined the Kentucky forces 
 at Piqua, Ohio, from whence they advanced toward the objective 
 point with all possible speed. Wlien within seventeen miles of 
 the place. General Harrison wrote to the Secretary of War as 
 follows: " The necessary arrangements for the procuring of 
 provisions and ammunition, added to the trouble of establisliing 
 an issuing commissary department, in consequence of the failure 
 of the contractor, has prevented me from reaching Ft. Wayne as 
 soon by one day as I expected. I shall, however, reach it to-mor- 
 row; but I have every reason to believe it will not be without a 
 severe contest. No information has been received from the fort 
 since the 3d inst., and should the Indians have been assisted by 
 a, British detachment, I fear it would not have been able to hold 
 out. A small detachment which I sent to endeavor to penetrate 
 to the fort has just returned, without accomplishing their object, 
 although they defeated a small party of the enemy."* 
 
 The next dav, the 12th of September, General Harrison arrived 
 -at the place, when the Indians, as they had not been reinforced 
 by the British, fled in hot haste, some to their wilderness lodges, 
 iind others to the military headquarters of their English Father, 
 still breathing vengeance. Since the destruction of Chicago there 
 were no white inhabitants in the whole territory of Illinois, north 
 ■of a line drawn from Shawneetown to Greenville, Bond county, 
 thence to the Mississippi river, a little north of Alton, except 
 some sparse settlements on the west bank of tlie Wabash, oppo- 
 site Vincennes, the old town of Peoria, which had never been 
 brought within the jurisdiction of the territorial government, 
 :and Prairie du Chien, which was then within the limits of Illi- 
 nois Territory. At the latter place lived tiiirty-seven families of 
 mixed nationalities, consisting of French, English, half-breeds and 
 Americans. An Indian Agent named Campbell, appointed by the 
 governor of Illinois, acted as magistrate, to dispense justice, and 
 appears to have exercised these functions to the entire satisfac- 
 tion of his motley charge. Among his judicial records, which 
 are still extant, are his fees for marrying, which were 100 lbs. of 
 flour, while his fees for divorce were 200 Ibs.f 
 
 The whole territory was divided into two counties — St. Clair 
 and Randolph — and Kinian Edwards was governor. It c tntaiiied 
 12,284 inhabitants, 168 of whom were colored slaves. 
 
 While Gen. Harrison was marching to the relief of Ft.Wsiyne, an 
 
 *Dawson. p. 290. 
 
 t^w Karly History of Prairie du Chien, by D. S. Durrie, Librarian of the 
 State Historical Society of Wisconsin. 
 
294 Expedition Against Indian Toiciis on Illinois River. 
 
 expedition was set on foot a<;ainst tlie Kickapoo towns on the 
 Illinois river, which was to be composed of 2,000 men, raised by 
 Governor Shelby, of Kentucky, and 350 United States Ran^oi's 
 and Illinois volunteers, stationed at Camp Russell, where Ed- 
 wardsville,' 111. now stands, subject to the orders of Ninian Ed- 
 wards, then Governor of Illinois. The command of the Ken- 
 tucky volunteers was given to General Hopkins, who was to move- 
 up the Wabash, destroy the Indian towns on its west bank, and 
 then march westward across the country, to form a junction with 
 the Rangers from Camp Russell. He reached Ft. Harrison on 
 the 26th of October, 1812, where Captain Taylor, with his little- 
 handful of men, who had just distinguished themselves by their 
 desperate defense of the place, joined his expedition, and lie 
 turned his course to the west into the Illinois prairies. After 
 continuing his march three or four days, the signs of insubordi- 
 nation became apparent among the restive spirits which composed 
 his army. Most of them were raw recruits, who had never seen, 
 a shot fired in earnest. Many of them, when they enlisted, mis- 
 took a spirit of wild adventure for patriotism; but a few days of 
 camp discipline, with the possibility of a tough Indian battle, or 
 worse, an ambuscade, before them, became unruly. This spirit 
 unfortunately spread from rank to rank, till a majority of the- 
 army shared it, and General Hopkins was forced to return, with- 
 out making anj'^ farther attempts to form the expected junction 
 with the forces from Camp Russell. 
 
 Meantime the forces under Governor Edwards marched single- 
 handed against the Indian towns on the Illinois river. Says Gov- 
 ernor Reynolds, in his history of his own times: " Colonel Russell 
 marched in the campaign and seemed to take, considerably, the 
 immediate command under Governor Edwards. Judge Pope, 
 Nelson Rector and a Lieut. McLaughlin, of the army, acted as. 
 aids. Colonel Russell was a plain old man dressed in Kentucky 
 jeans or linsey, seemed to need no aids and had none, but was a 
 good and efficient officer himself. We left Camp Russell, 
 marched up the northwest side of Cahokia creek, nearly to it& 
 source, thence across the prairie to Macoupin creek, not far above 
 the present Oarlinville. The privates (and myself one) did not 
 know or care much where we were marched, whether into dan- 
 ger or a frolic. We crossed the Sangamon river east of the 
 present Springfield, and passed not far on the east of the Elk- 
 neart Grove. We next reached an old Indian villnge on Sugar 
 creek, where we saw on the bark of the wigwams much ]>ainting» 
 generally the Indians scalping the whites. We set it in flames, 
 and traveled in the night towards Peoria. We were afraid that 
 the Indians would kiiow of our approach and leave tlie villages. 
 We traveled on till towards inidnight and camped. AV'e hud 
 
Black Partridge's Village Attacked. ^J^'o 
 
 guides along who conducted tlie army to t]ic village of Potta- 
 wattomie Indians known as the Black ravtridge Village,* situate 
 at the Illinois river bluff opposite tlie upper end of Peoria 
 lake. We camped wuthin four or five miles of the village, and 
 all was silent as a grave3'ard — as we expected a night attack as 
 wis the case at Tippecanoe. "When troops are silent, sulky and 
 savage, they will fight. One thing I recalled, I had a white 
 coat on me, and I considered it too white at night. I hulled 
 this coat ofi" in doiible-quick time. It is said every one with a 
 white coat on in the battle of Tippecanoe was killed. The next 
 morning in a fog, our company of spies met two Indians, as we 
 supposed, and our captain fired on them. Many of us, before 
 lie shot, begged for mercy for the Indians, as they wanted to sur- 
 render. Bnt Judyf said anybody will surrender when they can- 
 not help it, and that he did not leave home to take prisoners. I 
 saw the dust rise off the Indian's leather shirt when Judy' bullet 
 entered his body. The wounded Indian commenced singing his 
 death song, the blood streaming out of his mouth and nose. He 
 was reeling, and a .r.ctn from the main army, Mr. Wright, 
 came up within a few yards, but the Indian had just pointed his 
 gun at some of us near him, when we darted off our horses, quick 
 ju: thought, and presented the horses between him and us. But 
 Wright was either surprised, or something else, and remained on 
 his horse. The Indian, as quick as a steel-trap, shot Wright, and 
 expired. The other Indian, supposed to be a warrior, proved to 
 be a squaw; but before the fact was known, many guns were fired 
 at her. It is singular that so many guns fired at the squaw 
 missed her, but when the whites surrounded her and knew her 
 sex, all was over. She cried terribly, and was taken prisoner, and 
 at last delivered over to her nation. Many of the French in the 
 army understood her language, and made lier as happy as possi- 
 ble. In this small matter I never fired my gun, as I saw no oc- 
 casion for it." 
 
 The foregoing words of Governor Eeynolds have been used to 
 show the ruliftg spirit of the expedition, which was the first one 
 ever sent against the Indians of Illinois by the Americans. After 
 relating these adventures, which certain I3' reflect no credit on those 
 engaged in them, the same historian proceeds to give a history 
 of the burning of Peoria by Captain Craig, and says: 
 
 "While the army were in the neighborhood of the old vil- 
 lage of Peoria, Captain Craig had his boat lying in the lake ad- 
 jacent to Peoria. * * * The Captain, supposing the few in- 
 
 * The ijame who the previoui yenr had saved the life 0' Mrs. Helm, as told 
 in the relation of The I. hicago Mai^siicre. . 
 
 t One of the -i^i'^s. 
 
296 Peoria Attacked. .;•• i 
 
 habitants of Peovia favored the Indians, burnt the village. Thom- 
 as Forsyth, Esq., was in the village at the time, acting as Indian 
 agent, appointed by the government, but Craig and none others 
 knew it> except at Washington city. It was supposed by the 
 President that Mr. Forsyth would be more serviceable to both 
 sides if his old friends, the Indians, did not know his situation. 
 He acted the honorable part to ameliorate the horrors of war on 
 both sides, and risked his life often amongst the Indi-^- -^ to ob- 
 tain some of the prisoners who had been captured at the massacre 
 at Chicago. In the rage of Captain Craig, he placed tue inhab- 
 itants oi" Peoria (all he could capture) on board his boat, and 
 landed them on the bank of the river, below Alton. These poor 
 French were in a starving condition, as they were turned away 
 from their homes, and left their stock and provisions. They were 
 landed in the woods — men, women and children — without shelter 
 or food." * 
 
 Before the army of Governor Edwards left the neighborhood, 
 it entered the village of Black Partridge, opposed only by a few 
 shots from the swamps around it. The warriors had fled, and a 
 few wretched squaws and children were all the prisoners taken. 
 The village, with its stores of corn, was burned. The rangers 
 only remained a few hours, but while there a stately warrior 
 approached the place until within rifle shot, discharged his gun 
 at the invaders, laughed defiatitly, and walked away with the 
 lofty gait that only an Indian can assume. This brave was sup- 
 posed to be Black Partridge. 
 
 While these events were transpiring in Indiana and Illinois, 
 the English were taking steps to secure the alliance of the Sacs 
 and Foxes, who then occupied the country along Rock river. 
 Robert Dickson, an English fur trader, who lived at Prairie du 
 Chien, was the English agent to accomplish this design ; and to 
 this end he vieited all the tribes along the Mississippi. Black 
 Hawk was then a young chief of more than common promise, 
 and readily became a disciple to the teachings of the English 
 emissary. His remarkable career now began, which made him a 
 conspicuous actor in the last Indian war in Illinois, which ter- 
 minated in 1832. The Sacs and Foxes, of whom he was a subor- 
 dinate chief, were then in their glory and prime, and as a bulwark 
 
 * Captain Craig's expedition was executed'by the authority of Governor Ed- 
 wards. It consisted of an armed boat which was rowed or polled up the 
 Illinois river, for the purpose of takinj? Peoria, where some of the earlv French 
 settlers lived in harmonious relations with the Indians, ana were accused of fur- 
 nishing them the means wherewith to make war on the Americans. Uv. Cniig, 
 ;p. ai3 official despatches, admits that he nb-lucted '.he French inhabitants from 
 i-eoria. and that he made them furnisa their own /ations. See Balance History 
 of Peoria, pp. '60, Itl. 
 
Black HawTc's Narration. 297 
 
 of defense against them, the United States had built Fort Madi- 
 son in 1804," on tlie west bank of the Mississippi, opposite to the 
 Des Moines Rapids. The consent of the Sacs and Foxes for the 
 construction of it had been obtained under a pretense that it was 
 only to be used as a trading post. 
 
 The following extract of a statement from Black Hawk, is a 
 concise piece of documentary history, which adds interest to the 
 points treated on by general history, and furnishes some items 
 not noticed by any other writer. His statement begins by dis- 
 claiming against a treaty executed at St. Louis in 1804, by which 
 his people, unwittingly, as he says, relinquished a part of their 
 territory, after which, his story runs us follows. It is copied ver- 
 batim from Smith's History of "Wisconsin : 
 
 '• Black Hawk proceeds to relate, that some time after this treaty 
 was made, a war chief with a party of soldiers came up the Mis- 
 sissippi in keel-boats, and encamped a short distance above the head 
 of the Des Moines Rapids, and commenced cutting timber and 
 building houses; this was at the site of Fort Madison, and within 
 the country ceded by the treaty. He also says, that council after 
 council was held in the Indian villages, to ascertain what was 
 the intention of the Americans in building at that place, and 
 liaving learned that the soldiers had great guns with them, he 
 jtnd a number of his people went down the river to see what was 
 doing, and they found the whites were building a fort. The chiefs 
 held a council with the officers of the party, which Black Hawk 
 did not attend; but he says, " he understood that the Americans 
 war chief had said, they were building houses for a trader who 
 was coming there to live, and would sell the Indians goods very 
 <;heap, and that the soldiers were to remain to keep him company.** 
 The Indians were pleased at this im.formation, but doubted its 
 truth, and were anxious that the building should be discontinued, 
 and that the soldiers should descend the river again. Many 
 more Indians arrived, the whites became alarmed, and an attempt 
 was made by a dancing party of the Indians to enter the fort by 
 stratagem, but it was frustrated; and Black Hawk acknowledges 
 that if it had been successful, and the Indians had got into the 
 fort, all the whites would have b^en killed, as the British soldiers 
 had been, at Mackinaw, many years before. 
 
 The Indians returned to Rock Island, and the fort party re- 
 ceived a reinforcement from St. Louis. 
 
 Black Hawk proceeds with the following relation: — "Soon 
 after our return from Fort Madison, runners came to our village 
 from the Shawnee Prophet, (while others were dispatched by him 
 to the villages of the Winnebagoes,) with invitations for us to 
 meet him on the Wabash. Accordingly a party went from each 
 *^illao«. 
 
208 Black Hawlc's Narration. 
 
 ■ " All of our party returned, among whom came a Prophet, wlio 
 explained to us the bad treatment the ditferent nations of Indians 
 had received from the Americans, by giving tliem a few presents, 
 and taking their land from them. I remember well his saying, 
 * If you do not join your friends on the Wabash, the Americans 
 will take this very village from you'. I little thought then that 
 his words would come true. We agreed not to join him, and he 
 retui-ned to the Wabash, where a pai-fy of Winnebagoes had ar- 
 rived, and prejmrations were making for war; a battle soon after 
 ensued, in which several Winnebagoes were killed. As soon as 
 their nation heard of this, they started war parties in diflerent 
 directions: one to the mining country, one to Prairie du Chien, 
 and another to Fort Madison. This last returned by our village, 
 and exhibited several scaps which they had taken. Their success 
 induced several other parties to go against the fort. We arrived 
 in the vicinity during the night. The spies that we had sent out 
 several days before, to watch the movements of those at the gar- 
 rison, gave the following information: 'that a keel-boat had ar- 
 rived from below, that evening, with seventeen men; that there 
 were about fifty men in the fort, and that they marched out 
 every morning at sunrise, to exercise.' " 
 
 Black Hawk then relates his stratagems to distroy the soldiers 
 when they came out, and for the Indians to rush into the fort: 
 they were unsuccessful: three whites were killed — the Indians 
 besieged the fort for three days, during which time an attempt 
 was made to set fire to it, by means of arrows. It succeeded sa 
 far as to fire the buildings several times, without ejffect, as the 
 fire was soon extinguished. Theammunition of the Indians being 
 expended, and finding they could not take the fort, they returned 
 home, having had one Winnebago killed, and one wounded, dur- 
 ing the siege. 
 
 Soon after their return, news reached them that a war wa& 
 going to take place between the British and Americans. Run- 
 Tiora continued to arrive from different tribes, all confirming the- 
 report oTthe ^K|»ected war. The Britifih agent, Colonel Dickson,, 
 was holding talks with, and making presents to the different 
 tribes. Black Hawk says — " I had not made up my mind 
 whether to join the British, or remain neutral." But he soon 
 afterwards took an active part with the British, having been, as 
 he alleges, "forced into war by being deceived." His own ac- 
 count of the causes of his conduct is as follows: — 
 
 " Several of the chiefs and head men of the Sacs and Foxes 
 were called upon to go to Washington, to see their Great Father. 
 On their return they related what had been said and done. 
 They said the Great leather wished them, in the event of a war 
 taking place with England, not to interfere on either side, but to 
 
Black Hawk's Narration. 2i»y 
 
 remain neutral. He did not Avant our lielp, but wished us to hunt- 
 and support our families and live in peace. He said that British 
 traders would not be permitted to come on the Mississippi to- 
 furnish us with goods, but we should be well sup])lied by an 
 American trader. Our chiefs then told him that the Eritish 
 traders always gave us credits in the fall foi- guns, powder, and 
 goods, to enable us to hunt and clothe our families. He replied^ 
 that the trader at Fort Madison* would have plentj- of goods; 
 that we should go there in the fall, and he would supply us on 
 credit, as the British traders had done. The party gave a good 
 account of what they had seen, and the kind treatment they 
 received. 
 
 "This information pleased us all very much. "We all agreed 
 to follow our Great Father's advice, and not interfere with the 
 war. In a short time we were ready to start to Fort Madison to 
 get our supply of goods, that we might proceed to our hunting 
 grounds. We passed merrily down tlie river, all in high spirits. 
 I had determined to spend the winter at my old favorite hunt- 
 ing ground on Skunk River, and left part of my corn and mats 
 at its mouth, to take up when I returned; others did the same. 
 Next morning we arrived at the fort and made our encampment. 
 Myself and principal men paid a visit to the war-chief, at the 
 fort. He received us kindly and gave us some tobacco, pipes, 
 and provisions. The trader came in, and we all rose and shook 
 hands with him, for on him all our dependence was placed, to 
 enable us to hunt and thereby support our families. We waited 
 a longtime, expecting the trader would tell us that he had orders 
 from our Great Father to supply us with goods; but he said 
 nothing on the subject. I got up, and told him in a short speech, 
 what we had come for, and hoped he had plenty of goods to 
 supply uSj and told him he should be well paid in the spring; 
 and concluded by informing him that we had determined to fol- 
 low our Great Father's advice, and not go to war. 
 
 " He said he was happy to hear -,that we intended to remain at 
 peace. That he had a large quantity of goods; and that if we 
 made a good hunt, we should be well supplied; but remarked! 
 that he had recieved no instructions to furnish us anything on 
 credit — nor could he give us any, without receiving the pay few 
 them on the spot. 
 
 " We informed him what our Great Father had told our chiefgk 
 at Washington, and contended that he could supply uj if he 
 would, believing that our Great Father always spoke the truth . 
 But the war-chief said, that the trader could not furnish us on 
 credit, and that he had received no instructions from our Great 
 
 * On the Mississippi, in the Sac and Fox country. 
 
300 Black Haxrik's Narration. 
 
 Father at "Washington. We left the fort dissatisfied, and went to 
 our camp. What was now to be done we knew not. We ques- 
 tioned the party that brought us the news from our Great Father, 
 that we should get credit for our winter supplies at this place. 
 They still told the same story, and insisted upon its truth. Few 
 of us slept that night; all was gloom and discontent. 
 
 " In the morning a canoe was seen ascending the river. It 
 fioon arrived, bearing an express, wlio brought intelligence that 
 La Gutrie,* a British trader, had landed at Rock Island with two 
 boats loaded with goods, and requested us to come up immedi- 
 ately, because he had news ""for us, and a variety of presents. 
 The express presented us with tobacco, pipes, and wampum. 
 
 " The news ran through our camp like lire in the prairie, Onr 
 lodges were soon taken down, and all started for Rock Island. 
 Here ended all hopes of our remaining at peace, having been 
 forced into war by being deceived. 
 
 " Our party were not long in getting to Rock Island. When 
 we came in sight and saw tents pitched, we yelled, fired our'guns, 
 And commenced beating our drums. Guns were immediately 
 fired at the Island, returning our salute, and a British flag 
 lioisted. We landed and were cordially received by La Gutrie, 
 :and tlien smoked the pipe with him. After which he made a 
 speech to ns, that had been sent by Colonel Dickson, and gave us 
 A number of handsome presents, a large silk flag, and a Iceg of 
 rum, and told us to retire, take some refreshments and rest our- 
 selves, as he would have more to say to us on the next day. 
 
 " We according retired to our lodges, which had been put up 
 in the mean time, and spent the night. The next morning we 
 called upon him, and told him that we wanted his two boats 
 load of goods to divide among our people, for which he should be 
 •well paid in the spring, with furs and peltries. He consented; 
 told us to take them and do as we pleased with them. While 
 •our people were dividing the goods, he took me aside and informed 
 me that Colonel Dickson was at Green Bay with twelve boats, 
 loaded with goods, guns, and ammunition, and wished me to 
 raise a party immediatey and go to him. He said that our friend, 
 the ti'ader at Peoria, was collecting the Pottawatomies, and would 
 be there before us. I communicated this infonnation to my 
 braves, and* a party of two hundred warriors were soon collected 
 And i-eady to depart. On our arrival at Green Bay we found a 
 large encampment, and were well received by Colonel Dickson 
 and the war-chiefs that were with him. He gave us plenty of 
 provisions, tobacco, and pipes, and said he would hold a council 
 with us the next day. 
 
 ^JjR Gutrie, or La Goterie, was an InHian trader at Portage Hos Sioux — a 
 Canadian Frer.chman, probably ofnix-il bloml. 
 
Black JIawk's Narration. 301 
 
 " In the encampment I found a large number of Pottawatomies, 
 Kickapoos, Ottawas, and Winnebagoes. I visited all their 
 camps and found them in liigh s})irits. They had all received 
 new guns, ammunition, and a variety of clothing. In the even- 
 ing a messenger came to me, to visit Colonel Dickson. I went 
 to nis tent, in which there were two other war-chiefs, and an in- 
 terpreter. He received me with » hearty shake of the hand, and 
 presented me to the other chiefs, who shook my hand cordially 
 and seemed much pleased to see me. After I was seated. Colonel 
 Dickson said, ' General Black Ilawk, I sent for you to explain to 
 you what we are going to do, and the reasons that have brought 
 us here. Our friend La Gutrie informs us in the letter you 
 brought from him, what has lately taken place. You will now 
 have to hold us fast by the hand. Yonr English Father has 
 found out that the Americans want to take your country from 
 you, and has sent me and his braves to drive them back to their 
 own country. He has likewise sent a large quantity of arras and 
 ammunition, and we want all your warriors to join ns.' 
 
 " He then placed a medal round my neck, and gave me a 
 paper,* (which I lost in the late war,f) and a silk flag sa^'ing, 
 'You are to command all the braves that will leave here the 
 day after to-morrow, to join our braves near Detroit." I told 
 him I was very much disappointed, as I wanted to descend the 
 Mississij)pi, and make war upon the settlements, lie said he 
 had been ordered to lay the country waste around St. Louis; 
 that he had been a trader on the Mississippi many years; had 
 always been kindly treated, and could not consent to send brave 
 men to murder women and children. That there were no 
 soldiers there to fight; but where he was going to send us, there 
 were a number of soldiers, and if we defeated them, the Missis- 
 sippi country should be ours. I was pleased with this speech; it 
 was spoken by a brave. 
 
 " The next day, arms and ammunition, tomahawks, knives, and 
 clothing, were given to my band. We had a great feast in the 
 evening, &nd the morning following, I started with about five 
 hundred braves to join the British army. The British war-chief 
 accompanied us. We passed Chicago. The fort had been evac- 
 uated by the American soldiers, who had marched for Fort 
 Wayne. They were attacked a short distance from that fort and 
 defeated.% They had a considerable quantity of powder in the 
 fort at Chicago, which they had promised to the Indians; but the 
 
 *This paper was found at the battle of Bad Axe — it was a certificate of his good 
 behavior, and attachment to the British. 
 t In 1832. 
 % Slaughtered, being defenceless. 
 
302 Black Hawk's Narration. : • 
 
 night before they marched tliey destroyed it. I tliink it was 
 thrown into the well. If they had fultilled their word to the In- 
 dians, I think they would have fjone safe. 
 
 "On our arrival I found that the Indians had several prisoners. 
 I advised thera to treat them well. We continued our inarch and 
 joined the British army below Detroit, and soon after had a fight. 
 The Americans fought well, and drove us with considerable loss. 
 I was surprised at this, as I had been told* that the Americans 
 conld not fight. 
 
 " Our next movement was against a fortified place. I was 
 stationed with my braves to prevent any person going to or 
 coming from the fort. I found two men taking care of cattle, 
 and took them prisoners, I would not kill them, but delivered 
 them to the British war-chief. Soon after, several boats came 
 down the river full of American soldiers. They landed on the 
 opposite side, took the Britisii batteries, and pursued the soldiers 
 that had left them. They went too far without knowing the for- 
 ces of the British, and were defeated. I hurried across "the river, 
 /anxious for ^n opportunity to show the courage of my braves; 
 but before we reached the ground all was over. The British had 
 taken many prisoners, and the Indians were killing them. I im- 
 mediately put a stop to it, as I never thought it brave, but cow- 
 ardly, to kill an unarmed and helpless enemy .f 
 
 " We remained here some time. I cannot detail what took 
 place, as I was stationed with my braves in the woods. It ap- 
 peared, however, that the British could not take this fort,:}: for 
 we were marched to another, soriie distance off". When we ap- 
 proached it, I found it a small stockade, | and concluded that 
 there were not many men in it. The British war-chief sent a 
 fliag; Colonel Dick8on§ carried it and returned. He said a young 
 war-chief^ commanded, and would not give up without fighting. 
 Dickson came to me and said, ' You will see to-morrow how 
 • easily we will take that fort.' I was of opinion that they would 
 takeit; but when the morning came I was disappointed. The 
 British advanced, commenced an attack, and fought like braves; 
 but by braves in the fort were defeated, and a great number killed. 
 The British array w«ire making preparations to retreat. I was 
 now tired of being with them, our success being bad, and having 
 got no plunder. 1 determined on leaving them and returning to 
 
 * By the British. 
 
 t General Proctor commanded the British — his brutal conduct is well known 
 -in history. 
 :f Fort Meigs. 
 I Fort Stephenson. 
 
 § He is mistaken in the name — Chambers and Mason carried the flag.^ 
 \ Lieutenant Croghan. 
 
.. Black IlawVs Narration. 303 
 
 Kuck Island, to see what had become of my wife and ch'ldren, as 
 I had not heard from them since I started. That nisjlit I took 
 ;iliont twenty of my braves and left the British camp for home. 
 AVe met no person on our journey until we reached the Illinois 
 
 Kiver."^ ..-.". 
 
 The fore;j^oing piece of history from Black Hawk, is certified 
 to by Antoine L. Claire. United States interpreter, dated at the 
 Indian Agency, Rock Island, Oct. 16th, 1832, as copied from 
 .Smith's Documentary History of Wisconsin, Vol. III. The re- 
 maining part of his statement refers to the Sac war of 1832, and 
 will be noticed in its proper place. 
 
 The appearance of the British on the Upper Mississippi, and 
 tlieir threatened invasion of Southern Illinois, is verified bv Black 
 Hawk's statement, and without doubt, the fear of such a calamity 
 was the chief incentive to Governor Edward's attack on Peoria, 
 and the Indian towns adjacent. At that time the British had 
 received no check in their victorious career, Michigan and Wiscon- 
 sin both being in their possession, while the Indian tribes of the 
 country were largely inclined to join their fortunes with them, as 
 the best means by which to preserve their hunting grounds from 
 the greed of their white neighbors. That Illinois was spared such 
 an invasion, was due to the activity with which the Americans 
 were at the same time pushing the campaign against Detroit, 
 under General Harrison, to oppose whoni all tlie British forces 
 and their Indian allies finally proved insufficient.* 
 
 The war soon began to rage on the ^Niagara border, as well as 
 along the Detroit, and the death of General Brock, who was slain 
 in battle here, was the severest blow the British had yet received. 
 General Proctor, who was opposed to General Harrison in the 
 famous campaign of 1813, was deficient in those high and sol- 
 dierly qualities which distinguished General Brock, who had 
 done so much honor to English arms in the campaign of 1812, 
 which had terminated in the surrender of General Hull. The tide 
 ^was now turning, as will be seen in succeeding pages. 
 
 •See Reynolds* Hist, of his own times, p. 130. 
 
CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 General Harrison Appointed to the Command of the North- 
 western Army — Ten Thousand Men Raised, to Reclaim De- 
 troit and Invade Canada — A Wilderness of Mud InterponD^ 
 between the Combatants — General Winchester Reaches the 
 Rapids of the Maumee — Advances to Frenehtown^ on the 
 River Raisin — Battle of the River Raisin, Ending in De- 
 feat, Capitulation and Treacherous Slaughter of War Pris- 
 oners — Fort Meigs Built at the Rapids — General Proctor 
 Advances Against the Place — Desperate Attack and S-uccess- 
 ful Defense of the Post — The British Retreat and Attach 
 Ft. Stephenson — The Masked Six-pounder and its Fatal 
 Fleets — Rout of the British — The War Transferred to Can- 
 ada — The American War Fleet Sails from Erie — The Naval 
 Battle — The American Army in Canada — Battle of the 
 Thames — Tecumseh Slain — Michigan Reclaimed — Peace. 
 
 The last campaign was now at hand, which was substantially 
 to complete the conquest of the Northwest, from the Indians, 
 who up to this time had not entirely relinquished the hope that 
 they could establish a permanent boundary between themselves 
 and the whites, which should stop farther eneroat iments on their 
 teri'itory. This had been the early hope of Tecumseh, in which 
 fatal dream he was at least not disheartened iu his conlidential 
 councils with the British. In him was centered the last hopes 
 of the Indians, and ht may be set down as the last of that illus- 
 trious line of chiefs whose eloquence and coramandins^ j)0\ver, and 
 inflexible resolution have challenged admiration, not only from 
 the world, but from tlie foes against wlioin they fought. Un- 
 der him the red man was still powerful, tlioiiii:!i tainted with the 
 vices of civilizHtion, without i)eing elovated by its virtues. 
 
 On the part of the white settlers ill eyes were turned towards 
 General Harrison, whose star had risen the year before on the 
 field of Tippecanoe, and under pressure <»f an intelligent, popu- 
 lar will he was .appointed commaijder-in-chief of the North- 
 western army, on the 17th of September. 
 
 This news reached him on the ii4th, while at Piqua, on his way 
 to relieve Ft. Wayne, at the head of 2,000 Kentucky volunteers, 
 as told in the foregoing chapter. At his disposal were placed 
 10,000 men, composed of volunteers from Virginia, Pennsylvania,. 
 
Advance to The Maum^e liapids. 305 
 
 Kentucl<v, Ohio and Indiana, ton^etlier with a regiment from the 
 regular army. The full quota had been raised, and in Kentucky 
 tlie backwoods men, brimming uver with ])ati'ioti8ni, came for- 
 ward in such numbers, that many, had to be refused admittance 
 into the service after the ranks were full. The in-tructions to 
 (Jeneral Harrison, were lirst to provide protection to the frontier, 
 after which Detroit was to be taken. ^lichigain reclaimed from 
 British rule, and lastly Canada was to he invaded. This was an 
 undertaking of no small magnitude: but western blood was up, 
 and nothing short of its fultillment would satisfy the frontierers. 
 The only posts the Americans held on the entire chain of the 
 lakes, were Butialo, Erie, Cleveland an«i Sandusky, any one of 
 which were ever liable to a hostile visitation from the English 
 fleet on the lakes. The volunteej-s were imj)atient to come to 
 battle with the British, but ere this c<mld be brought about, a 
 broad wilderness had to be traversed, Avhuse sjiongy .-oil was an 
 almost bottomless pool of mud in the low groumJs, and whose 
 unbridged streams with their alluvial margins, were a treacherous 
 ])ath for the ponderous machinery of war. To overcome these 
 obstacles, Harrison immediately set himself to work. The Kapids 
 of the Maumee was the strategic point to be nnule the base of 
 his movements, and he gave ordeis to the dillrrent army corps to 
 jiroceed to this ])lace. Of these there were tbiee detatchments, 
 one to march by the way of Upper Sandusky, another by Urbana 
 and a third by the way of the Auglai;:e river. P^ach of these 
 divisions had struggled through tlu' oozy savannas with which the 
 forest abounded, as fast as their zeal ami muscle could c;irry them, 
 but so slow was their progress that it was not till the 10th of 
 January, 1818, that the Bapids were ]«'ached by the Adrance 
 corps, led by General Windiest "^r, while General Harrison him- 
 self was ptill at Upper Sandusky, with the right wing of the army, 
 and General Tupper,of whom McAfee, the cotemporary historian, 
 speaks very dih])aragingly, was at Ft. McArther with the Centre. 
 The following is coj)ied from Dawson's Life of Harrison: 
 
 "Tlic roads were bad lieyond description; none bnt those who have actually 
 seen the state of the country, seem ever to liave formed a coi-recfc estimalt^ ot tlie 
 difficulties to be encountered. Theroadfroni liOramie's blockhouse to St. Mary's, 
 and thence to Defiance, was ono continuous swamp, knee-deep on the pack- 
 horses, and up to the hul)s of the wajfon. It wa« found impossible in some 
 iri.stances to get even the empty wajjons alon>f. and many were left in the mire, 
 the wajfoners beinir L'lad to j?et off Avith tiie horses alive. Sometimes the quar- 
 termJister, takinp advantajire of a temporary frei'ze, would send off a convoy, 
 which would be swamped by a thaw ere it reached its destination. Thise 
 natural difficulties were also increased by a g-rfat deficiency of funds and inade- 
 quacy of the other resources which were reouisite in the quarternuister's de[)art- 
 nient. The only persons who could be procured to act as pack-horse drivers, 
 were generally the most worthless creatures in society, who took care n(»ither of 
 che horses nor tlie goods with wliich they were entrusted. The horses were of 
 
306 Battle of The River Raisin. 
 
 course soon broken down, and many of f lii> packs lost. The teams hired to haal 
 were also commonly valued so higrh on cominij into the sei"vice, that the owners 
 were willintj- to drive them to death with a view to jret the price. In addition 
 to thi>', no bills of lading' were \ised or accounts kept with the wagoners. Of 
 course each one had an opportunity to plunder the public without much risk of 
 det^'ction." 
 
 Shortly after tiie arrival of General Winchester at the Rapids, 
 messengers came to liini from Frenchtown on tlie Kiver liaisin, 
 imploring his protection from the British and Indians, who had 
 taken possession of the place soon after the surrender of General 
 Hull, at Detroit. 
 
 The recjuost 'Aas granted, aiuL on the 17th, 550 men were sent 
 on this mission nnder command of Colonel Lewis, supported hv 
 110 more under command of Colonel Allen. They reached the 
 place the next day, attacked the British and drove them out. 
 As soon afterwards appeared, this advance was hazardous in the 
 extreme, IMalden, the headquarters of General Proctor, who had 
 recently been appointed as commander of the British troo})s, 
 being only eighteen miles distant, from which place a superior 
 force could be brought against the post in a few hours. Not- 
 withstanding this. General Winchester unwisely determined to 
 maintain tho jiosition, and reinforced the place witli 250 more 
 men from the Kapids, accompfinying them in person. As might 
 be sup])Osed, the Bi-itish were no idle sjjectators of the situation, 
 a'nd stealthily marched against the place on the night of the 21st 
 with a heavy force. The next morning General Winchester 
 beheld with surprise, the batteries of the enen)y, erected within 
 commanding distance of his camp. 
 
 An obstinate battle immediately ensued, which is best described 
 by Dawson, in his Life of Harrison, as follows: "The American 
 army in this affiair lost upwards of 290 in killed, massacred and 
 missing. Only 33 escaped to the Kapids. The British took 
 54:7 jirisoners, and the Indians about 45. Tiie loss of tlie enemy, 
 as the Americans had no chance to ascertain, it was of course 
 never known to the public. From the best information that 
 could be obtained, it is believed to have been in killed and 
 wounded, between three and four hundred. The Indians suf- 
 fered greatly, and the 41st regiment was very ranch cut up.* 
 Their whole force in battle was about 2000 — one-half regulars 
 and Canadians, commanded by Cols. Proctor and St. George; 
 the other composed of Indians, commanded by Round Head and 
 Walk in the-Water — Tecnmsch was not there; he was still on 
 the Wabash collecting the warriors in that quarter." The pris- 
 oners were transported to Amherstburg, where they were 
 
 ♦Tho large number of Americans killed was the result of the mercile8i 
 Blaii^htx^r by the Indians immediately after some retreatixnf fragments of the 
 nimy had Burrendered to theui. 
 
American Prieoners Paroled. 3o7 
 
 crowded into a muddy woodyard without shelter. A heavy 
 rain fell upon tlieni the succeeding night, which greatly in- 
 creased their suti'ering in that inclement season, especially as 
 tliey were tliiidy clad and without blankets. Here tliey re- 
 mained till the 26th, when they were marched, in two divisions, 
 tlirougli Upper Canada to Ft. George, on the Niagara, where 
 they were paroled and returned liome by the way of Erie and 
 Pittsburg, and tlience down the Ohio river. The conditions of 
 their parole w^ere, that they not to bear arms against his majes- 
 tv or his alliefi during the present war until exclianged. On the 
 reception of these terms, some of the inquisitive Jventuckians 
 asked who were his majesty's allies. The question w^as designed 
 as a rebuke to the Britisli, for accepting an alliance with the 
 Indians. The reply was, that "His raajestie's allies were well 
 known."* Besides the prisoners thus paroled, were the 45 taken 
 by the Indians, a few of whom were massacred, but most of them 
 held for ransom, at Detroit.f 
 
 Soon after this. General Proctor issued a proclamation, requir- 
 ing the citizens of Michigan to take the oath of alliegaiice to his 
 majesty, or leave the state.:}: 
 
 As stated in a previous chapter, after the massacre at Chicago, 
 the Kinzie family were sent to Detroit, where they were living as 
 
 f)aroled prisoners at the time of the river Kaisin horror. The 
 louse occupied by them was their old mansion, on the corner of 
 Jefferson and Wayne streets. § 
 
 * Dawson's life of Harrison, p. 357. 
 
 t Dawson; Wabun. 
 
 X Apainst this, Judge Woodard, of Dotroit. remonstrated, averringr that it 
 ■was contrary to the law of nations. 'J'hat a subject cannot transfer his alle- 
 {riance in time of war, without incuning the penalty of treason. 
 
 tj " It had been a stipulation of Gen. Hull at the sun-ender of Detroit, that the 
 inhabitants of that place should be pemntti'd to remain undisturbed in their 
 liODies. Accordingly the family of Mr. Kinzie took up their quarters with their 
 friends, in tin; old mansion, which many will recollect as standing on the nprth- 
 east corner of Jefferson avenue and Wayne street. 
 
 TLe feelings of indignation and sympathy were constantly aroused in tlio 
 hearts of the citizens, during the winter that ensued. They \yere almost daily 
 call<!d upon to witness the truelties practiced upon the American prisoners 
 brought in by their Indian captors. Those who could scarcely drag their 
 woinulcd, bleeding feet ever the frozen ground, were compelled to dance for the 
 aimisement of the savages, and these exhibitions sometimes took place before the 
 government House, the residence of Col. McKee. Some of the British officers 
 looked on from their windows, at these heart-rending performances ; fop the 
 honor ot humanity, we will hope such instances were rare. 
 
 FiVery thing tliat could be made available among the effects of the citizens 
 were oifered, to ransom their counliymen from the hands of these inhutman 
 beings. The prisoners brought in from the Ihver Raisin — those untortulnate 
 men who were permitted, alter their snrn^nder tx) Gen. Procter, to be tortured 
 and murdered by inches, by his savasje allies, excited the sympathies and ct^Ued 
 tur the action of the whole community. I'rivate houses were turned into hospi- 
 
308 Fort Meigs Built. 
 
 The calamitous result of this affair, well nigh frustrated the 
 plan of General Harrison to maintain his position at tlu. Rapids,, 
 and on his arrival at the place the next day after the hattle. its 
 few survivors came in with such alarming news, that lie, after 
 holding a council of war, thought it prudent to retreat as far a< 
 Portage river, which he did the day following, after destroying 
 the provisions and burning the block house. Here, being re-in- 
 forced on the 1st of February, he again advanced to the ila])ids. 
 jind determined to make a stand against the audacious enemy. 
 
 A fort was built, which was named Fort Meigs, in honor of tlse 
 governor of Ohio. It was situated on the east bank of theMau- 
 mee, opposite the battle ground where General AVayne, oightoen 
 years before, had overwhelmed the Indians with defeat under the 
 verv guns of the Ensflish, who at that time had a fort on this his- 
 toric ground, on the north side of the river just below the present 
 site of Fort Meigs. Harrison was now in a critical position. 
 Of the 10,000 men which had been raised for his service, many 
 were lingerinii: on the wav under the duress of a mud blockade; 
 some were posted at points where a force was necessary to over- 
 awe the Indians, aTul not a few had been wasted with the malarious 
 diseases of the country, whose immense valleys had not vet beeji 
 disinfected by the smoke of the ])i(>neer. The British, by means 
 of their vessels on the lake, could quickly bring to the front all 
 the supplies they wanted for the cam])aign, while the Americans 
 had to transport their cam]>-snpplies over a hundred miles of 
 quagmire, and the same difHculties that had l)eset the path of 
 General Hull "- noAV threatened General Harrison. The most he 
 
 tals, and evtny one was forward to get possession of as many as possible of the 
 survivors. I'o effect tliis, even the articles of their ai)parel were bartered by ihi; 
 ladies of Detroit, as tliey watched from their doors ur windows, the miserable 
 victims carried about for sale. 
 
 In the dwelling of Mr. Kinzie, one large room M'iis devoted to the reception ot 
 the sufierers. Few of them survived. Among those spoken of as objects of the 
 deepest interest, were two young gentlemen of Kentucky, lirothers, both severe- 
 ly wounded, and their wounds aggravated to a mortal degree, by subsequent 
 ill-usage and hardships. Their solicitude for each other, and their exhibition 
 in various ways of the most tender fraternal atfection, created an impressini\ 
 never to be forgotten. 
 
 The last bargain made, was by black Jim; and one of the children, who ha<l 
 permission to redeem a negro servant of the gallant Col. Allen, with an oltl 
 white horse, the only available article that remained among their possessions 
 
 A brother of Col. Allen, afterwards came to Detroit, and tlie negro preferrcil 
 
 returning to servitude, rather than remaining a stranger in a strange land. 
 
 Waubun, p. 249. 
 
 * Says General Harrison in his report to the War department, a few wt'ckt^ 
 previous to this time : " If there wei-e not some important political reason urging 
 the recovery of Michigan Territory and tho capture of Maiden as soon as those 
 objects can possibly be effected, and that to accomplish them a few weeks sooner, 
 expense was to be disregarded, I should not hesitate to say, that if a small pro* 
 
Fort Meigs Besieged. 809 
 
 ifould hope was to defend Fort Meigs and Sandusky till reinforced 
 •with sufficient numbers to ]>ursue the original plan of the 
 <'anipaign by advancing on Detroit. Well knowing that General 
 Proctor was better prepared to take the offensive than hiniHclf, 
 umiX rightly judging that he would do so. General Harrison made 
 the earth defenses of Fort Meigs as perfect as niilitary skill could 
 aiiake them, and awaited his approach. The winter passed with 
 T)Ht little freezing weather, and abonndlessi sea of mud interposed 
 lietween Fort Meigs and its expected reinforcements, till General 
 Pnjctor and Tecumseh appeared before the ])lace with 3,000 
 British and Indian troops. It was now the 26th of April, and 
 -;m active summer campaign was at hand, for which General 
 Harrison was by no means prejjared. The tenants of Fort Meigs 
 aiovv beheld the enemy planting their batteries from the high 
 bank on the opposite side of the river, which, were soon to vomit 
 lurth a tempest of hot shot and shells into Fort Meigs. 
 
 While these preparations were being made on the part of the 
 ]>ritish, their red allies under Tecumseh crossed over the river 
 and took a position in the I'ear of the fort among the forest 
 trees. To encourage them. General Proctor had promised an 
 •easy victory over the Americans to Tecumseh. It was said with 
 <loubtful authority, that he promised to deliver to Tecumseh Gen- 
 eral Harrison's person, as war prisoner, as soon as Ft. Meigs should 
 'be taken. A furious fire was now opened upon the fort from 
 the British batteries bv davand nijrht, while the Indians climbed 
 the tall forest, trees and kept up a fire of small arms against the 
 garrison. To protect themselves from the bursting shells which 
 -were constantly exploding inside of the fort, the soldiers dug 
 Hjurrows in the ground and crept into them when a shell fell near 
 by, remaining till it had exploded, from which circumstance the 
 Indians said thev fou<rht like grt)»ind hogs. Dav after day the 
 attack was kept up with unremitting fury, the fire of the defend- 
 ers all the while responding. 
 
 On the ;')d of May, after three days of unusually heavy firing, 
 General Proctor sent a flag of truce to General Harrison, demand- 
 ing the surreiuh'r (»f the place. Major Chambers was its bearer, 
 and when introduced to General Harrison, the following wordij 
 ]»assed between them: 
 
 Major Chambkuh: — Gonpni' Proctor has directed me to demand the sur- 
 ri-ndcr of i\\\< post. He wislios to spare the effusion of blood. 
 <iK\KR.\i, Hauiuson: — Tlie demand under the present cirtumstiuices is a moat 
 
 5>ni+ion of the Bums which will he expended in the quarter-master's department 
 111 the active, prosecution of the campaign dnriiifr the winter was devoted to 
 
 •obtuininff the connnand of Luke Kric, the wishes of the >;overnnie!it in their 
 utmost extent, could be ac(Ouii>lislu'd without ditticulty," in the months of April 
 
 ;:^d May. Dawson, p. \>S-\. 
 
310 Exploit of Oliver, The Daring Scout. 
 
 extraordinary one. As General Proctor did not send me a summons to suvrondt^r 
 on his first arrival, I had supposed that he believed me determined to do my 
 duty. His present message indicates an opinion of me that I am at a loss to- 
 account for. 
 
 Major Chambers: — General Proctor could never think of saying anything- 
 to wound your feelings, sir. The character of General Harrison as an officer, 
 ■ is well known. General Proctor's force is very respectable, and there is with 
 him a larger body of Indians than has ever before been embodied. 
 
 General Harrison: — I believe I have a correct idea of General Proctor's 
 force; it is not such as to create the least a; prehension for the result of the con- 
 test, whatever shape he maybe pleased hereafter to give to it. Assure tlio 
 General, however, that he will never have this post surrendered to him upou 
 any terms. Should it fall into his hands, it will be in a manner calculu*ed to 
 do him more honor and to give him larger claims upon the gratitude of his j^ov- 
 ernraent, than any capitulation could possibly do. 
 
 The messenger then returned to the British tamp, and the attack began again, 
 with increased fury. 
 
 At the opening of the siege, General Harrison had sent mes- 
 sengers for the purpose of hurrying forward reinforcements, and 
 in response to them, General Green Clay at tlie liead of 1,2<^0' 
 Kentucky and Ohio volunteers, were now within three hours 
 march of Ft. Meigs on the banks of the Maumee, just above the- 
 liapids; but the danger of an ambuscade was so imniinent, that 
 he durst not advance another step till he had communicated with, 
 General Harrison, Who dared undertake such a dansferous mis- 
 sion? The first man who volunteered to do this, was Captain 
 Leslie Combs, of Kentucky. At the head of a tew picked men- 
 he crept within a mile of the fort, when he was discovered by the- 
 ■enemy, and nearly all his party w^ere killed, Combs himself nar- 
 rowly escaping the fate of his daring companies. Fortunately 
 Captain William Oliver w^as in the camp, the same dashing young 
 'ranger who had penetrated through the Indian lines around Fort 
 W^ayne a few months before, and carried a message to its defend- 
 ers, that Harrison was marching to their relief; and now, by the 
 changing fortunes of war, it became his lot to take a message to- 
 General Harrison, that relief was at hand for him. Fifteen brave 
 Ohioans promptly volunteered to follow him in this dangennis 
 adventure. Late in the evening on the 4th, they seated theni- 
 Belves in their boat and silently rowed down the Maumee, till the 
 camp tires of the besiegers were visible, when the party landed 
 and crept along the margin of the river towards the fort. Inside- 
 of it silence and darkness reigned, for their fires had been extin- 
 guished, lest they might afford direction for the enemy's shot. 
 Tlie sentinels were on the alert, for there was a purpose there 
 brooding over the situation in the darkness of their vengeful 
 solitudes, and when Oliver's party came to the gate they were 
 mistaken for the enemy about to make an assault, and were fired 
 upon; fortunately none of them were wounded, and they soorj 
 found means to make themselves known, and entered the fort.^ 
 
Dashing Sortie — Victory — Amhnscade. 311 
 
 Oliver immediately going to the quarters of General Harrison. 
 Now the whole situation was changed. The beleaguered gar- 
 rison could take the oifensive. A hardy messenger, (Captain 
 Hamilton, of the Ohio volunteers), was immediately dispatched to 
 General Clay Green, to advance and attack the British batteries 
 on the north side of the river opposite the fort, with 800 men, 
 while with the remaining 400 men he Avas to light his way 
 tlirough the enemy's lines into the fort. While these movements 
 were in progress, a sortie was to be made fi'om the fort against 
 the British batteries, farther up the river on the south side. 
 Early the next morninjj, Clay made his appearance according to 
 orders, and suddenly the enemy found their whole line of batter- 
 ies attacked by a foe w^hom they had hitherto beheld with con- 
 tempt. Colonel Miller led the assault on the South side, drove 
 the gunners from their guns, spiked them and returned to the 
 fort, while Colonel Dudley, from Clay's command, attacked the 
 batteries on the north side. They were also taken, but unfoi*- 
 tnnately in the flush of victory, the dashing Kentuckians fol- 
 lowed in hot pursuit after the retreating columns. This was 
 contrary to the orders of General Harrison, who beheld from 
 the fort the fatal pursuit with deep anguish. The pursuers were 
 led into an ambuscade, and all but 150 of the gallant 800 were 
 killed or taken prisoners. The Indians kept on their work of 
 slaughter after they had surrendered, till Tecumseh interposed 
 his authority, to put a stop to the fiendish wurk.* 
 
 The results of the day were, that Ha}Tison was reinforcrd by 
 over 500 men, notwithstanding his losses, and numy of the be- 
 sieger's guns were spiked. Besides these advantages, General 
 Proctor had received the first lesson in Yolunteer practice, which 
 was quite suflicient to convince him that Ft. Meigs could not be 
 taken. He therefore determined to retreat, lest he might be at- 
 tacked by fresh reinforcements. Complete preparations for this 
 were made by the 9th, when his force, consisting of 600 regulars, 
 800 Canadian militia and 1800 Indians, suddenly withdrew down 
 the river, giving one tremendeous discharge from their cannon, 
 back towards the fort as they left.f This parting salute killed 
 10 in the fort, and wounded as many more, said one of the offi- 
 cers '• we were glad enough to see them oft', on any terms." Of 
 tliis whole army retreating from American soil, not one felt the 
 sting so bitterly as Tecumseh. Little did he then think he should 
 never again return. His unrelenting courage, however, was not 
 shared by his army of 1800 Indians. Not that tliey lacked the 
 
 •Drake, Howe's Hist, of Ohio. 
 tHowe'sHist. Ohio, p. 631. 
 
313 British Change of Base. 
 
 dashinaj qualities of ^ood soldiers, but the ordinary discipline by 
 whic'i the armies of civilized nations are held together, are want- 
 ing in an Indian army, for it has no provision against desertion. 
 
 If the meanest soldier gets discouraged, or takes a honisick tit 
 to return to his lodge and see his squaw, the chief has no other 
 means but moral suasion, to prevent it As long as the Indian 
 sees progress and a hope of booty, lie w.^ cheerfully endure hun- 
 ger and other discomfitures, but he is a poor dependence for 
 besieging' well defended forts, and the English, much to theii 
 chagrin, found this to be the case before the war was over, 
 although it was to them they owed their first successes at its 
 opening. After giving up the siege of Ft. Meigs, General Proc- 
 tor and Brigadier General Tecumseh (to give him his title), de- 
 termined to make a sudden dash against some vital point occu- 
 pied by the Americans. Of such points. Upper Sandusky, where 
 a large amount of provisions and other military stores were col- 
 lected, and Erie, where a fleet was being built, were by far the 
 most important. Apprehensive of an attack on Upper Sandusky, 
 General Harrison stationed himself, with what forces he could 
 command, at Seneca, which laid in the path between Sandusky 
 bay and this place, as by means of his scouts he had ascertained 
 that tlie enemy were massing their forces in this direction. 
 
 At the head of navigation on the Sandusky river, was Ft. Stephen- 
 son, a small stockade defended by less than 200 men under com- 
 mand of Captain Orogan, a nephew of the famous General George 
 Rogers Clark, whose timely conquest of the Illinois country in 
 the days of revolutionary memory, will not be forgotten. Fort 
 Stephenson, also laid in the path of the enemy on their way to 
 Upper Sandusky, the vital point of the Americans. Meantime, 
 while General Proctor's fleet had put into Sandusky Bay, and 
 were approaching Ft. Stevenson, Tecumseh's Indians had crossed 
 the country by a hasty march, and were threatening Upper San- 
 dusky. Under these circumstances, instructions were sent to 
 Captain Crogan to retire from Ft. Stevenson, if he could do so 
 with safety, but the orders did not come in time to aftect the 
 retreat with a reasonable hope of success, and he determined on 
 defending the post. 
 
 On the 31st of July, the British fleet made their appearance 
 before tiie place con unanded by General Proctor himself, his force 
 consistingof 500 regulars and as many Indians, the vigilant Tecum- 
 seh all the while lying back with his army, ready to intercept any 
 intended reinforcements to the place from Ft. Meigs, as well as to 
 co-operate with General Proctor in adescent on Upper Sandusky, 
 as soon as Ft. Stephenson should fall into their hands. After 
 the usual investmeut, which occupied the time till the 2ud of 
 
Gallant Defense of Fort Steplwrison. 313 
 
 Angnst, General Proctor sent a summons to Captain Crogan to 
 surrender. This he promptly refused to do, and when admon- 
 ished of the fate which awaited them from the vengeful Indians, 
 in case the fort had to be taken by assault, Mr. Shipp, with 
 whom the messenger conferred, replied: "There will none of us 
 l>e left to kill." 
 
 The messenger now retired and the attack began by a heavy 
 cannonading, to which the besieged could only retort with a 
 single six-pounder. 
 
 Little execution was done on either side by this method, and 
 General Proctor, not wishing to waste his time by the slow pro- 
 cess of a siege before so insignificant a post, ordered an assault. 
 Tliis had been expected by Captain ('rogan, and he had made 
 ample provision for it by masking his cannon so as to command 
 the ditch where the attack was to be nuide. The piece was 
 loaded with a double charge of small shot and destructive mis- 
 siles, ajid but half a charge of powder, as he intended, before fir- 
 ing it, to wait till the attackers were close enough to get the full 
 iorce of the contents, which, with its light charge of powder, 
 Avould scatter and mow down all the larger swath of men when 
 near enough to receive it at its greatest force. 
 
 Unconscious of immediate danger, the assailants approached 
 Avithin 30 feet of its muzzle, when the peice was unmasked and 
 tired at their solid phalanx of men, who were advancing 
 with the scaling ladders in their hands, with which to climb the 
 walls of the fort. Never before in the history of the war, was the 
 effect of a single cannon-shot so terrible; more than 50 men fell, 
 of whom above half never rose again. An instantaneous dis- 
 cliarge of small arms from the defenders followed, and when the 
 pnioke was lifted from the scene of slaughter, the immense 
 army of besiegers were seen flying from the field, while 150 of 
 tlu'ir number were left dead or dying behind.* Crogan's loss 
 was 1 killtd and 5 wounded.f Proctors hopes of penetrating the 
 country, so as to take Upper Sandusky, thus dashed to the ground, 
 lie resolved to retreat, and so apprehensive was he that Harrison 
 would attack his rear, that he left a sloop-load of stores behind, as 
 
 *The bcslejrPtl let down pails ofv.ater from the wall of the fort, for the relief 
 of the woiiiulod, iinmediat<?ly after the assault had ceased. — Howe' s History of 
 Ohio 
 
 t Black Hawk was at this selge. which he describes in his statement, already 
 ^ven in the foregoing pages, thus: " Dickson came to nie and said, you will see 
 to-moiTow. how easily we will take that fort. 1 was of the opinion they would 
 take it, but when the mornine came I was disappointed. The uritish advanced, 
 commenced an attack, and fought like braves, but by braves were defeated, and 
 a great number killed. 
 
314 British Retreat to Canada 
 
 his vanquished army in hot liaste crowded sail down the San- 
 dusky river.* 
 
 The disappointed Indians baulked of their prey, vanislied into 
 the forests, wendin<^ tlieir way northwardly towards their British 
 attraction, as t]ie needle, turns towards the pole. While this ill- 
 starred expedition of Proctor's had been in progress, another one 
 was planned against Erie, intended to destroy the American fleet 
 now almost ready to sail from the place. 
 
 This was entrusted to Captain Barclay, and sailed from Maiden 
 down the lake on the 18th of July. After reconnoitering the 
 American defenses, it returned without making tlie attempt, f 
 
 On to Maiden, again became the watehwoi-d thi'onghout the 
 northwest. Ohio proposed to raise 10,000 volunteers for tlie 
 service, and Kentucky was not less zealous in the cause, but tlie 
 government had proposed to furnish regulars for the service, and 
 it w^as not possible to accept all the volunteers who felt eager to 
 take a hand in the invasion of Canada. A clamor of discontent 
 
 •General Hai-rison's fame now stood so high, especially in the estimation of 
 the friendly Indians, that the most promineht chiefs amongf the Delawares ami 
 Senecas, and even some of the Shawaneese chiefs, offered their services to him. 
 with their respective braves. Thej' were accepted and joined his army at Sene- 
 ca, his head-quarters on the Portage river; but among the Shawaneese chiefs, 
 one named Blue Jacket (not the one of the same name wliose high-bred virtues 
 had made him conspicuous in bringing about the peace of Greenville), pe>haps 
 under an impression that if General Harrison could be killed the Indian cause 
 would be gained, determined on a.ssassinating him. True to the Indian custom, 
 he confided this secret resolution to his best friend, and begged his assistance ia 
 the affair. Such assistance his friend was not bound to give, according to the^ 
 mea.sure of Indian honor, but he was bound to pre.ser\'e the secret. Here was a 
 dilemma. He loved HaiTison, not only for his charity for the Indian race, but 
 for the kindness he had shown him from his early youth, ever since his father 
 had been executed by the laws of his tribe for the crime ot sorcery. Moreover, 
 he was impressed with a full sense of the bad consequences sure to result to his 
 tribe (the Delawares), should the intentions of Blue Jackt^t be carried out. 
 While thus painfully brooding over the issue a few days latter, the would-be 
 assassin came into his presence in a towering I'age. Colonel McPherson, an 
 officer in General Harrison's army, had just turned him out of his presence for 
 Bqpe breacli of decency, and he swore vengeance on him for the insults, declar- 
 ing he would-kill him also. This'ioused the indignation of the young. chief, tO' 
 whom the murderous intention had been confided, and he felled him to the 
 ground with a single blow from his tomahawk, and despatched him with a sec- 
 ond. He next ordere<l his dead l)ody sent to his tribe, and bade defiance to- 
 popular resentment for the act. 
 
 Instead of pa-^sing an unfavorable verdict upon the hero, he was applauded, 
 and two years later General Cass maile him a handsome i present a.s a regard for 
 his fidelity to General Hamson. The name of this chief was the Beavei': he now 
 became a great favorite with General Harrison, and later with (M)niniod(jre 
 Ferry, who christened him The Genei-al's Mameluke. — Dausoiis Life of llan-i- 
 son, p. 415. 
 
 . t The impossibility of his larger vessels getting over the bar, might have 
 been his reason for relinquishing the attack more than his fear of the American 
 defenses. 
 
Gerteral Hair-osons Letter to . Governor Meigs. 315- 
 
 among the Oliio militia was the result, aud General Harrison 
 wrot \ letter to Governor Meigs to allay it, of which the follow- 
 in'/ t part: 
 
 exceptions you have made, and the promptitude with 
 whic ; your orders have been obeyed to assemble the militia and 
 rejiei the late invasion, is truly astonishing, and reflect the high- 
 est honor on your State. * * * It has been the intention of 
 the government to form the army destined for operation on Lake 
 Erie, exclusively of regular truo]>s if they could be raised. The 
 number was limited to 7,000. The defi^^iency of regulars was to 
 be made up from the militia. * '^ I have, therefore, called on 
 the governor of Kentucky for 2,000 men; witli those there will 
 still be a deficiency of about 1,200. Your Excellency has stated* 
 to me that the men who have turned out on this occasion, have 
 done it with the expectation of being effectually employed, and 
 that should they be sent home, there is uo prospect of getting- 
 them to turn out hereafter, should it be necessary. To employ 
 them all is impossible. With my utmost exertions, the embarka- 
 tion cannot be effected in less than flfteeu or eighteen days, 
 should I even determine to substitute them for the regular troops 
 which are expected. To keep so large a force in the field, even 
 for a short period, would consume the means which are provided 
 for the support of the campaign. Under these circumstances, I 
 would recommend a middle course to your Excellency, viz: to 
 dismiss all the militia but two regiments. * * It appears 
 that the venerable governor of Kentucky is about to take com- 
 mand of the troops of that State. Could your Excellency think 
 proper to follow his example, I need not tell you how highly 
 grateful it would be, dear sir, to vour friend, 
 
 W. H. Harrison."* 
 Agreeable to the request of General Harrison, the 2,000 Ohiio 
 volunteers were sent to Upper Sandusky by Governor Meigs, to 
 await his orders, but unfortunately their enlistment had only 
 been for forty days, and on these terms. General Harrison declined 
 to accept their services. This raised a" storm of indignation 
 against the commanding general, unjust as it was fleeting, for it 
 could hardly be supposed that raw recruits could accomplish the- 
 requirenients of the campaign in so short a time. The new 
 American fleet had now cut loose from its moorings, and for the 
 first time the American Jack was thrown to the breeze on Lake 
 Er^e. It sailed up the lake to Sandusky about the 18th of 
 August, where Commodore Perry, who held command of it^ 
 anchored off the harbor and conferred with General Harrison, 
 
 •Dawson's Life of Harrison, p. 412. 
 
316 Pen'y^s Victory. 
 
 ^ho came on board his vessel. The fleet was still deficient in 
 men, and General Harrison furnished him 150 to complete his 
 <5rew The Commodore now sailed for Maiden, where the Eng- 
 lish lieet lay protected bv the land batteries. 
 
 In vain the American flag was flaunted in full view; the Eng- 
 lish fleet did not accept the challenge, and Commodore Perry 
 retired to Put-in-bay, on the American side. On the 10th of 
 September, however, the English fleet left Maiden, and Coramo- 
 •dore Perry immediately sailed out to meet it. The following is 
 Jiis own account of the battle which followed: 
 
 " At 15 minutes before 12, the enemy commenced firing; at 5 
 minutes before 12 the action commenced on our part. Finding 
 their fire very destructive, owing to their long guns, and its 
 l)eing mostly directed to the Lawrence, I made sail, and directed 
 .the other vessels to follow, for the purpose of closing with 
 the enemy. Every brace and bow-line being shot away, she 
 l)ecame unmanageable,* * * The Lawrence, which was the 
 flag-ship, finding she could no longer annoy the enemy, I 
 left her. * * At half past 2, the wind springing up. Cap- 
 tain Elliott was enabled to bring his vessel, the Niagara, into 
 ■close action. I immediately went on board of her, when lie antic- 
 ipated my wish, by volunteering to bring the schooners, which 
 •had been kept astern by the lightness of the wind, into close 
 :action. * * At 45 minutes past 2 the signal was made for 
 <jlose action. The Niagara being very little injured, I deter- 
 mined to pass through the enemy's line, bore up and passed 
 ahead of their two ships and a brig, large schooner ana sloop 
 from the larboard side, at half pistol siiot distance. 
 
 The smaller vessels at this time, having got within grape and 
 canister distance, under the direction of Captain Elliott, and 
 keeping up a well directed fire, the two ships, a brig and a 
 :6chooner surrendered, a schooner and a sloop making a vain 
 rattemptto escape."* 
 
 The furious connonading of the battle was heard at Maiden, 
 
 vvbile its smoke rose in portentious clouds into the calm autumn 
 
 sky that overhunsr the lake, dying away in the distant haze of its 
 
 tranquil face. Who had won the victory? was the question that 
 
 xung through the lines of Proctor's army of 4,000 white and red 
 
 soldiers, assembled tliere awaiting its issue. Besides these, were 
 
 many American prisoners not less anxious, among whom was 
 
 J"ohn Kinzie, who had been brought to the place in the following 
 
 manner, as told in Waubun : 
 
 Mr. Kinzie, as has been related, joined his family at Detroit in the month of 
 January. A short time after suspicions arose in the mind of Gen. Proctor that 
 
 ♦American State Papere, "Vol. ir, p. 295. 
 
Goveriior Shelby Arrives. SIT 
 
 he was in corrpspondence with Gen. Han-ison, who was now at Fort Meifrs, finrl 
 who was belioved to he meditating an advance upon De roit. Lieut. Watson, of 
 the British army, waited upon Mr. Kinzie one day, witi' an invitation to the quar- 
 ters of Gen. Proctor, on the opposite side of tlie riVer, snyin^ he wished to speak 
 with him on business. Quite un8U8i>icious, he complied with the invitation, 
 when to his surprise he was ordered into confinement, and strictly fjnarded in 
 the house of hia former partner, Mr. Patterson of Sandwich. Findinij that he 
 did not return to his home, Mrs. Kinzie informed some ot the Indian chiefs, his 
 particular friends, who immediately repaired to the head-quarters of the com- 
 manding officer, demanded their '"iriend's" release, and brought him V)ack to 
 his home. After w.iiting a time until a favorable nppoitunity presented itself, 
 the General sent a detachment of drajjoons to arrest him. They had succeeded 
 in carrying him away, and crossing thf river with him. .Just at this moment a 
 party of friendly Indians made their appearance. 
 
 "When! is the Shaw-nee-aw-keey" was the first question. "Tliere." 
 replied his wife, pointing across the river, " in the hands of the red-coats, who 
 ai-e taking him away again." 
 
 The Indians ran to the river, seized some canoes that tliey found there, and 
 crossing over to Sandwich, compelled Gen. Proctor a second time to forego his 
 intentions. 
 
 A third time this oificer was more successful, and succeeded in arresting Mr. 
 Kinzie and conveying him heavily ironed to Fort Maiden, in Canada, at the 
 mouth of the Detroit River. Here he was at first treated with great severity, but 
 after a time the rigor of his confinement was somewhat relaxed, and he was per- 
 mitted to walk on the bank of the river for air and exercise. 
 
 On the 10th of September, as he was taking his promenade under the close 
 supervision of a guard of soldiers, the whole party was startled by the sound of 
 guns upon Lake Erie, at no great distance below. What could it mean? It 
 must be Commodore Barclay firing into some of the Yanki'es. The firing con- 
 tinued. The time alotted the prisoner for his daily walk expired, but neither 
 he nor his guard observed the lapse of time, so anxiously wer(> they listening' 
 to what they now felt sure was an engagement bt'tween ships of war. At 
 length Mr. Kinzie was reminded that the hour for his return to confinement had 
 arrived. He petitioned for another half-hour. 
 
 "Let me stay," said he. " till we can leam how the battle has gone." ' 
 
 Very soon a sloop appeared under press of sail, rounding the point, and pres- 
 ently two gun-boats in chase of her. 
 
 " She is running — she beai-s the British colors," cried he — "yes, yes, they" 
 are lowering — she is striking her flag! Now," turning to the .soldiers, " I will 
 go back to prison contented — I know how the battle has gone." 
 
 The sloop was the Little Belt, the last of the squadr'ii captured by the gallant 
 Perry on that memorable occasion, which he announced in the immortal words t 
 
 " We have met the enemy, and they are ours!" 
 
 On the I7th of September, Shelby, tlic venerable reyolutionary 
 father and governor of Kentucky, arrived at Harrison's head- 
 quarters on the Portage River, with 2,000 Kentucky troops. On 
 the 21st everything was in readiness^ and the embarkation of 
 troop for the invasion of Canada began. All the available water- 
 craft of the Americans, together with the captured British fleet^ 
 were brought into service, and with the assistance of all these, 
 the army had to be tranbported by piece meal, part of them being- 
 conveyed at a time to the Middle Sister Island. While the trans- 
 portation of the troops was going on, General Harrison and Com- 
 modore Perry made a reconnoisance off Maiden, to select a place 
 for the debarkation of tlie army. This done, the troops wer& 
 
318 Battle of The Thames. 
 
 quickly transported from the inland to the Canada sliore, and 
 Maiden was entered by tliein on the 27th. 
 
 Governor Shelb}' led the advance, but the enemy had fled, and 
 ill their place a deputation of well-dressed women met him, with 
 those irresistable courtesies which always win the heart of a gal- 
 lant soldier. Their request for protection was ^jranted, and the 
 array passed on in pursuit of Proctor and Tecumsch, who were in 
 full retreat up the \ alley of the Thames. On the 5th of October 
 thev were overtaken, and the battle of the Thames followed, a 
 description of which is here given, in General Harrison's official 
 report, taken from Dawson, p. 427: 
 
 '' The troops at my disposal consisted of about 120 regulars 
 of the 27th regiment, live brigades of Kentucky volunteer 
 militia infantry, under His Excellency, Gov. Shelby, averaging 
 less than 600 men, and Col. Johnson's regiment of mounted in- 
 fantry, making in the whole an aggregate something above 3,0U<). 
 No disposition of an army, opposed to an Indian force, can be 
 safe unless it is secured on the flanks and in the rear. I had, 
 therefore, no diftlcuity in arranging the infantry cjnforniably to 
 my general order of battle. General Trotter's brigade of 500 
 men, formed the front line, his right upon the road and his left 
 upon the swamp. General King's brigade as a second line, 150 
 yards in the rear of Trotter's, and Chiles' brigade as a corps of 
 reserve in the rear of it. These three brigades formed the com- 
 mand of Major General Henry; the whole of Gen. Desha's 
 division, consisting of two brigades, were formed en potence 
 upon tlie left of Trotter. 
 
 Whilst I was engaged in forming the infiwtrv, I had directed 
 •Col. Johnson's regiment, which was still in front, to be formed in 
 two lines opposite to the enemy, and upon the advance of the 
 infantry, to take ground to the left, and forming upon that flank 
 to endeavor to turn the right of the Indians. A moment's re- 
 flection, however, convinced me that from the thickness of the 
 woods and swampiness of the ground, they would be unable to 
 do anything on horseback, and there was no time to dismount 
 them and place their horses in security; 1 therefore determined 
 to refuse my left to the Indians, and to break the British lines at 
 once, by a charge of the mounted infantry: the measure was not 
 sanctioned by any thing that I had seen or heard of, but I was 
 fully convinced that it would succeed. The American back- 
 woodsmen ride better in the woods than any other people. A 
 musket or rifle is no impediment to them, being accustomed to 
 carry them on horseback from their earliest youth. I was per- 
 suaded, too, that the enemy would be ipiite unprepared for the 
 shock, and that they could not resist it. Conformably to this 
 
Battle of The Thames. 319 
 
 idoa, I directed the repment to be drawn up in close column, 
 \vith its rl<ijht ut the distance of fifty yards from the road, (that 
 it nii<jfht be in some measure protected by the trees from the 
 artillery) its left upon the swamp, and to cliarge at full speed as 
 soon as the enenn- delivered their lire. The few regular troops 
 of the 27th regiment, under their Colonel (Paull) occupied, in 
 column of sections of four, the small space between the road and 
 the river, for the purpose of seizing the enemy's artillery, and 
 some ten or twelve friendly Indians were directed to move un- 
 der the bank. The crotchet formed by the front line, and Gen- 
 eral Desha's division, was an important point. At that place, 
 the venerable Governor of Kentucky was posted, who at the age 
 of sixty-six j)re5erves all the vigor, of youth, the ardent zeal 
 which distinguished him in the revolutionary war, and the un- 
 daunted bravery which he manifested at King's Mountain. With 
 my aids-de-camp, the acting assistant Adjutant General, Captain 
 lUitler, my gallant friend Commodore Perry, who did me the 
 lionor to serve as my volunteer Aid-de-camp, and Brigadier- 
 General Cass, who having no command, tendered me his assist- 
 ance, I placed myself at the head of the front line of infantry, 
 TO direct the movements of the cavalry, and give them the 
 necessary support. The army had move<l on in this order but a 
 hhort distance, when the mounted men received the fire of the 
 British line, and were ordered to charge; the horses in the front 
 of the column recoiled from the fire; another was given by the 
 enemy; and our column at length getting in motion, broke 
 through the enemy with irresistible force. In one minute the 
 contest in front was over; the British officers seeing no hopes of 
 reducing their disordered ranks to order, and our mounted men 
 wheeling upon them and pouring in a destructive lire, immedi- 
 ately surrendered. It is certain that three onlv of our troops 
 w<'re wounded in this charg(\ Upon the left, however, the con 
 test was more severe with the Indians. Colonel Johns«)n, who 
 ■commanded on that flank of his regiment, received a most gall- 
 ing fire from them, which was returned with great eflfect. The 
 Indians still further to the right advanced and fell in with our 
 Irout line of infantry, near its junction with Desha's division, 
 and for a moment made an impression upon it. Plis Excellency, 
 Governor Shelby, however, brought up a regiment to itssu])port, 
 and the enemy receiving a severe fire in front, and a part of 
 Johnson's regiment having gained their rear, retreated with 
 precipitation. Their loss was very considerable in the action, 
 -und many were killed in their retreat." 
 
 Tecumseh was slain in this battle. C«donel Richard M. John- 
 son, afterwards vice-president of the United States, without 
 
320 Death of Tecumseh. 
 
 donltt, believed himself to he the one who achieved tlie honor. 
 There is w)od testimony thathekilled an Indian wlioni lie thouijlit 
 to be him,* bnt there is conflicting testiniunv as to who killed 
 Tecmnseh. Shabonee, whose inteajritv niav be vouched for bv 
 man}' of tho old settlers of Chicago, who are still living, was near 
 Teeumseh when he was killed, and attributed his death to Colone' 
 Johnson .f 
 
 Mr. William llickling, a well-known citizen of (^liicago, was 
 familiarly acquainted with Shabonee and Caldwell, who both 
 lived at Chicago in her early day, and in a paper which he rcail 
 before the Chicaijo Historical Societv in 1877, the following: state- 
 ment is made, which brings to light some new facts relative to 
 the battle of the Thames: 
 
 Caldwell held in hiprh regard, and often spoke of the military f?enins and 
 other qualifications of 'I'ecMiinsoli. lookinjj upon him as the greatest warrior 
 chief of his time. Caldwell, like his leader Teeumseh, duriny the last year of 
 their military career, while operatinir iu connection with the British on our 
 frontier, and in Canada, lost all contidence in the ability of Gen. Proctor, the 
 British commander. It is well known that Tecuuiseh was bitterly opposed to 
 the evacuation of Fort Maiden, and subsequently, when the Hritish commander 
 halted in his retieat, and ibrmed his lines for a combat at the Moravian Towns, 
 it was because Gen. 'J'ecumseh informed him that he and his Indians thouj^'.t 
 the aimy had retreated far enough, aud were not going any further without first 
 having a fight. Teeumseh was summoned to the British headquarters to discuss 
 the plan of battle. We have the authority of (.Caldwell to say that Teeumseh 
 and Gen. Proctor had a violent quarrel over the plans laid out by the latter ibr 
 the conflict. That Teeumseh left the British headquarter-; in disgust, after only 
 a short interview, and returned to the old position occupied liy him an hour or so 
 previous, and then sending Caldwell to see (ien. Proctor, and urge upon him thi; 
 necessity of changing his plan of battle. Soon after the departure of Caldwell 
 from his Indian allies, the battle commenced with great fury. The death of 
 Teeumseh. and route of the British and Intlian forces are well known in history. 
 Caldwell was not able to again join his Indian iriends, until after the battle was 
 over. He always expressed himself as well satisfied, that hatl Gen. Teeumseh. 
 instead of Gen. Proctor, held command over both armies (British and Indians) 
 that the result of the <'ampaign, and espwiilly its fatfll finale at the " Thames," 
 would have been different Shabonee. Towimseh, Caldwell, and Black Hawk 
 were in counsel together, sitting on a log, or tallen tree, smoking their pipes, 
 and talking over the events of the times, when the juessenger from Gen. Proc- 
 tor arrived, summoning Teeumseh to his headquiVrters. 
 
 The soil of the northwest was now unpressed by the foot of any 
 armed foe except at Michiliniaclnac. The campaign thus closed. 
 Governor Shelby's volunteers were liononibly discliarged, and 
 General Harrison, with his force of regulars, embarked from 
 Detroit on the 23d of October, in obedien**e to orders from the 
 war department, after having a]n>ointed (Jeneral Cass as pro- 
 visional governor of Michigan, ana leaving a force of 1,000 troops 
 under his command. Early the next spring, in 1814, the gover- 
 
 •See Hist. Coll. Stat*- Hist. So. .f Wis. p. ;<72. 
 tSee HiBt. Coll. State Hi^'t. So. of Wis., p. ;{73. 
 
Prairie du Chiai TaTien by The British. 321 
 
 eminent antlioritios of St. Louis, apjircluMisivc of a British inva- 
 sion from MicliiliiHackiiuu'. sent a detaclniieiit of soldiers to lejiair 
 the old fort at Prairie du Cliien, and defend the i>hice against an 
 attack. 
 
 That these appreliensions were well grounded, soon became 
 apparent, for a large force of Bi'itir^h and Indians shortly after- 
 wards came down the Wisconsin river, under Colonel ]\IcKay, 
 and laid siege to the place. It was taken after an obstinate 
 defense, its garrison parolled and sent to St. Louis. In the month 
 of Jnly, the same year, an expedition was litteJ out at Detroit to 
 capture Michilimackinac, Commodore Sinclair commanding the 
 fleet, and Colonel Crogan, the hero of Ft. Stephenson, the land 
 forces. The latter landed on the Island, but fell into an ambus- 
 cade in apin-oaching the fort, and were severely rejiulsed, when 
 the expedition returned without affecting its oi>ject, and Michili- 
 mackinac, us well as Prairie du Cliien. remained in British posses- 
 sion till given up by the terms of peace, at the close of the war. 
 The first hostile blow in this war had tallen upon the northwest 
 on the upper lakes, under an impres>ion that having coiupicred 
 this part of the country, and guaranteed a goodly ])ortion of it to 
 certain Indian tribes as independent nations, the Xew England 
 States would, through their influence in the English end of the 
 scale to put an end to the war in a jtcaceful solution of the ques- 
 tion, even with these conditions, and in that early age, such a 
 solution of the issue to English eyes, seemed possible, especially 
 as it was no secret to English dipionnxtists that if the counsels of 
 the New England States had ruled alone, the war would not have 
 been declared, at least till moi-e time had transpired to tone 
 down the pretentious spirit of the English, jade 1 to frenzy, as 
 they were, by the formidable con<j[uests of their great ad\ersary, 
 Napoleon. 
 
 In this dream, the English calculated without their host, for 
 when the pinch came, the New England States manifested no 
 disposition to desert the west, or to give it up, either to E'lglish 
 or Indian hands, although from conscientious scruples they did 
 object to invade Canada. The attempt to establish an indepen- 
 dent nation of savages north of the Ohio river, was equally imprac- 
 ticable, and as might have been supposed, resulted in the Eng- 
 lisli breaking faith v.-ith the Indians when peace was made, witii- 
 out fultilling,their obligation. The proof that such an oblijj;ation 
 was entered into by the English witii the Indians, is im|.lied by 
 the tenacity with which they insisted feven as a nine qua non 
 to a treaty of peace) on the integrity ot an Indian confederacy, 
 with its distinct boundaries. 
 
 The boundary was to be the same as that established at the 
 
322 2'cstiinony of lioddi'l and Caldwell. 
 
 treaty of Greenville, in 1795. It would have given the Indians 
 the 'northern ]>orti(»ns, and the larg;est half of the entire northwest 
 
 At or hefore the breaking out of the war, this aUurenient was 
 held out to Tecuniseh, and by it his alliance secured and his mas- 
 terly eneri^ies broui^dit to bear in favor of the English, notwith- 
 standing the fatal results of the proi>liet's defeat at Tippecanoe. 
 Besides, the manifest evidence of this, which was brought to the 
 Burfaco during the peace negotiations at Ghent, is the oral testi- 
 mony of two witnesses, liev. Mr. Ruddel, of Kentucky, and Billy 
 Caldwell, chief of the Pottawattoinies, who lived at Chicago. 
 Mr. Ruddel was taken captive by the Sh a waneese, raised by them 
 to manhood, and delivered up to his kindred at the treaty of 
 Greenville. On coining into the walks of civilizr.tion, he soon 
 educated himself, and becaine an efficient minister of the Gospel 
 in the Christian denomination. After the close of the war of 
 1812, he felt a strong desire to visit his early friends among the 
 Shawaneese, and especially those of Tecumseh, to learn what he 
 could of the history of the fallen chief; and from them he learned 
 that the English did pledge to Tecumseh, to secure for the Indians 
 as allies, permanent possession of the territory, not included in 
 the lands relinquished to the whites, at the treaty of Greenville. 
 With this guarantee, Tecum?eh again took up the sword, 
 although his tribe had nuide peace with General Harrison, after 
 the Tippecanoe campaign. The iirst year of the war justified 
 Lis expectations, but when the recoil came, and Proctor retreated 
 from American soil, Tecumseh became dissatisfied, and doubted 
 the aoility of the English to fulfil their obligations. This he 
 freely expressed at a ])i-ivate conference with hischiefs,just before 
 the battle of the Thames. Billy Caldwell was at this conference, 
 and at Chicago in 1833, when interviewed by Mr. Peck, the 
 author of the Western Annals verified the statements of Mr. 
 lluddel. 
 
 Says Mr, Peck, in his history, page 647: 
 
 " He was anxious to find some trustworthy American citizen to 
 write tiie biography of Tecumseh, and gave as a reason that no 
 British officer should ever perform that service to his distinguished 
 friend," remarking at the same time: "The British officers prom- 
 ised to stand by the Indians until we gained our object. Tliey 
 basely deserted us, got defeated, and after putting in our claims 
 in the negotiations at Ghent, finally left us to make peace witli 
 the A niericans on tiie best terms we could. The Americans fairly 
 whippetl us, and then treated with us honorably, and no Briton 
 shall touch one of my papers." 
 
 " Mr. Caldwell had a trunk well filled with papers and docu- 
 ments, pertaining to Tecumseh," 
 
Negotiations at Ghent. 32."$ 
 
 Tlie coiulitions and issues that came before both the English 
 :arid Americans at the iiei,'otiations of peace at Ghent, were pecu- 
 liar. It was necessary, in order to bring about peace, that both 
 nations should make humiliating concessions.* 
 
 The following is copied from [rej>urts of the American peace 
 commissioners at Ghent, to the Secretary of State, asking instruc- 
 tions: 
 
 Ghent, 19th of August, 1814. 
 
 ■ Itwiis asinc quanon that the Indians should be inchided in the pacification 
 and as incident tliereto: that the l)oundaries t>t' t'nur territory should be per- 
 manently established. Peace with the Indians is ao simple as to require no 
 comment. 
 
 With respect to the boundary which was to divide their territory from that of 
 the United States, tln' oliject of the British grovemment was, that the Indians 
 Bhould reuiuiu as a permanent barrier between our western settlements and the 
 adjacent British provinces, to prevent them from being cont<'niiinous to each 
 other; and that neither the United States nor Great Britain should ever here- 
 after have the right to purchase or acquire any part of the territory thus recog- 
 nized as belonging to the Indians. British State papers, Vol. r. Part ii, p. 1589. 
 
 Peace was necessary for both nations; England had been in the 
 vortex of European war for twelve years; American discontent 
 was crop[»ing out in ]>rotests fmui the legisltitures of Massachusetts 
 and Conneeticut,t and from tlie Hartford convention, composed 
 of delegates from throughout New England. 
 
 The handiwork of the sword had exhausted Europe, and he 
 who would try to prolong its devastations was an enemy to man- 
 kind, (conservatism w.as above ])ar, and the American Govern- 
 jnent set *lie example by instrtictintr her peace commissioners to 
 add no fuel to the council-tires at Ghent, bv mentioniuij the sub 
 ject of li'igltt of Search or luiprcninvent of American Seamen. 
 This was an admission that time, an<l not the sword, had won 
 our cr.use. It also rebuked the pdlicy of Jetferson, which re- 
 jected the terms oflered by England to Messrs. Monroe and 
 
 *\Vhat is the jirobable result of this negotiation is hard to suppose. The ques- 
 tion of a S[)eedy peace we rather apprehend, depends on the prospects of things 
 in Europe, and the turn of events in the congress of Vienna. In case peace 
 should not be made, this fact will he apparent to every one, that the war on our 
 part, if oHensive in its onset, will be purely defensive in its future progress and 
 termination. With the; yeneval pacification of Europe, the chief causes for 
 ■which we went to war with Great Britain, have, from the nature of things, cesLsed 
 to affect us; it is not for us to qnarri'l for forms. Britain may pretend to any 
 right she please", provided she does not exercise it to our injury. — Niks Regis- 
 ter, Dec. lu//t. 1814. 
 
 tK>i.i"ly in 1814, the L.'gislature of Connecticut passed a resolution to consider 
 wliat measures should he taken to pre^cn'e the lil)erties and rights of her citi- 
 zenK, when the Secretary of War called upon her for troops to invade Canada; and 
 on the 7th of October, the same yer»r, the Governor of Massachusetts convened 
 an extra session of the legislature, to take into consideration the dangers of an 
 English invasion of her State, as a consequence ot the war, which many of her 
 wtatesmen deemed unnecessary. 
 
324' '' Nefjotiations at Ghcni: "■ 
 
 PiniekTl6y in 1808, whioli werf that an infbrinal assurance should 
 be given that the practice of Right of Search sliould be discon-- 
 tinned.* History would fail to fulfil its mission if it did not 
 state liere that when the war was declared Napoleon was in the 
 height of his po^ver. Now he was an exile at Elba, and Eng- 
 land's well drilled army was released from the service at home 
 which had placed him there, and consequently ready for an 
 American campaign. 
 
 Still she was not ambitious to undertake it, choosing rather to 
 relinquish her first terms than prolong the war. Besides her plan 
 for an independent Indian nation in the northwest, was another 
 provision, which was to bar the Americans from building any for- 
 tifications on the shores of the lakes, or placing any armed vessels 
 of war on their vraters,f on the ground that such a provision was 
 necessary to preserve Canada from the danger of an American 
 invasion. These impracticable terms being given up, an attempt 
 was made to define the boundary between the two governments 
 on tlie northeastern and on the northwestern frontier, but this 
 involved more com])li('ations than were ex])edient to be under- 
 taken at the time, and the matter was left for future adjustment, 
 and so remained till settled by the Ashbnrtou treaty of 1840. The 
 treaty was signed on the 24th of December, 1814, and ratified at 
 Washington on the 17th of Feltruarv, IS] 5.+ 
 
 The battle of New Orleans was fought during this interval, 
 after the signing of the treaty, for then its combatants had not 
 heard the news of the jieace. 
 
 The war was not without its glories to American arms, though 
 its main issue was a dead one a few days after its declaration, 
 when the British revoked their orders in council, which had 
 been so obnoxious to American interests, as told in a previous 
 chariter. 
 
 Treaties of peace with the various western tribes of Indians 
 
 * Jefferson's rejection of the terms was bocanse ho declined to insert them in 
 the treaty. Perhaps his residence in T'aris aa Annrican minister, had dazzled 
 his eyes with French glory to the detriment of England and he was not unwil- 
 ling to exact from her both the letter and the spirit of radical justice. 
 
 tAm. State Papers, 1811 to 1815, p. 607. 
 
 $In considering the conditions of the peace, as we have been informed of 
 them, we canriOt but regard them as honorable to this country. The American 
 Government began the war on account of the orders in council, and to enforce 
 the relinquishment of impressmfint on board t'leir mi'rchaut vessels. The ordei-s 
 in couucil were repealed by our government before they knew of the commence- 
 ment of the war. The war was continued by America, after she knew of the 
 repeal of the orders in council, to compel us to relinquish the right of impress- 
 ment. It was Amenca, and not Great Britian, which claimed stipulation on 
 this point. The war is concluded bv a peace in which no such stipulatian ia 
 made. — London Courier, Dec. 21th, l8l4. 
 
Pcnc; 'Wdh The Indinns. - -^25 
 
 ^v^l<» liiid Item victiiuizt'd into partici]>ation in tlie war followed 
 lilt' siu'('L's?,tul nfii"otiati()iifs at Glient, of course, for tliese iiapiessj 
 -wrctclios were no longer able to rairie a hor-tile arm.* 
 
 General Harrison and Lewis Cass, on the part of the United 
 States, nei^otiated Avith the Delawares, Shawanees, Senecas and 
 Miamis. at Greenville, where, nineteen years before. Gen. Wayne 
 had held the famous treaty with Western tribes, which took the 
 first half of the country from thera, and the moiety had been 
 taken by ])iec'emoal. till but little was left to give. William 
 Clark, Governor of Missouri, Ninian Edwards, Governor of Illi- 
 nois Territory, and lion. Auguste Chouteau, of St. Louis, treated 
 with the Northwestern tribes, among whom were the Fottowat- 
 tiimies, in July, 1815, on the east bank of the ^Mississippi river, 
 just above the month of the ]\Iissouri. The Sac nation did not 
 attend this convention, but the Septemlier tbliowing a treaty was 
 made with such portions of their tribe as felt friendly with the 
 United States. J>lack Hawk was not among these, and. did not 
 -attend the treaty. This tenacious brave still clung to British 
 interests, even after hope had fled, and remained in this moody 
 frame of mind till the western march of settlements began to 
 'encroach on the rights of his tribe, by occupying the beautiful 
 lioek liiver Valley, in 1S32. Then came the Black Hawk war, 
 which will be told in its place. 
 
 Kaskaskia wius at this time tbe capital of Illinois Tt'iTitory, where the execu- 
 tive court was held in an antique French huililiny made diirin<r that early civi- 
 
 ■lization that had been be<rnn in the valley of the Mississippi, at this historic 
 place, in 1700. Here its charitalile mantle had fallen upon three generations, 
 and here it now extended ffood-feilowship to the new regime though about to 
 l)rin«r more progressive institutions to the country destined to overshadow 
 French social life in llh'nois. Several of the buildings ei-ected in the past cen- 
 
 'tury are still standing here in a good state of preservation. Its civil and church 
 
 .records are very extensive, dating back to the time of its first settlement. 
 
 An intereciting chapter of early French history and heraldry, ha^ lately been 
 gleaned from them by E. (v. Mason i''sq. of Chicago, which was published in 
 
 •the Chicago Times. It brings to light new data for the romancer, as well aa 
 the historian. Some futun- day Kask.iski;i, as the old mediaeval land mark be- 
 tween savage and civilized life, will be looked upon with increasing interest. 
 Itut as yet. the onward march of western settlments have exhau.xted nearly all 
 their force in laying the dimension stone, on which to build permanent institu- 
 tjuns in the broad wilds, to which the war of 1812 opened the doors. 
 
 •The history only of such campaigns in this wax has been written here 
 4is bore relation to the northwest. 
 
CHAPTER XX. 
 
 TTie Great West as a New Arena for Progress — Religious Free- 
 dom — Its Effects — Distrihutive Versus Concentrated hear- 
 rwng — Our Gorman Pedigree and Its Effects — The Lakes or 
 Highway to the West — Fort Dearborn Rehuilt — PreUminarif 
 Survey for the Illinois and Michigan Canal — John Kinzie 
 Returns to Chicago — Indian Treaty Relinquishing Landa 
 from Chicago to the Illinois River — Illinois Admitted Intn 
 the Union as a Sovereign State — Its Northern Boundary 
 Extended — Reasons for it — Chicago The Central Key of 
 The Nation. 
 
 When nniversal entluisiapm in any one direction dissolves into 
 apathy from exhaustion of the forces which pulled in that direct- 
 ion, then comes an epocli when mankind enter upon new lieids 
 of labor quite difterent from the ones that have last engrossed 
 their attention, and new energies that have long lain dormant are 
 awakened into life. Such a point was reached when Europe 
 sheathed the sword after the downfall of iN^apO'leon in 1814. 
 Renown at the cannon's mouth was no ' nger sought after, for it 
 was evident to the simplest understa* -ling, that industry to build 
 up what \(far had torn down would pa . L»est, and with these nobler 
 purposes in view, Europe and Aiiierica went to work. 
 
 England's problem was how to keep the balance of trade in her- 
 favor, and how to pay the interest on her public debt which had 
 BO recently been contracted. America's was how to build turn- 
 pikes, canals and school houses throughout the, as yet, unknown 
 and illimitable northwest. Both nations set about their respec- 
 tive callings immediately, to fultill which, the inventive genius 
 of the artisan was stiujulated, and new machinery sprang into 
 existence by which creative power to supply the wants of man. 
 was multiplied. 
 
 Besides this, America on her part brought to her aid new 
 achievements in religion and public policy. The State was re- 
 lieved from any responsibilitv i?» the former, each individual 
 conscience being left free to choose its own forms of woj'siiip due- 
 
I 
 
 Distributive Learning. 327 
 
 to divine grace. Here it is not too mucli to say that to the 
 west belongs the lionor of sweeping away every vest{i<£e of lesjal 
 authority over religion from the first, while in New England a 
 public tax in the early day was levied for the support of the 
 gospel by the authority of the State.* This one idea is worth 
 more than all the moral results of Napoleon's campaigns, which 
 employed the available forces of nearl}'^ all Europe for more than 
 ten yt-ars. The prosperity of the west is in j)art due to this 
 rinciple, nor has its exemplary blessings stopped where they 
 egan, but by their moral force lune alreody underiuined the 
 religious policy of England by presenting a contrast so much in 
 favor of individual accountability when pitted against state au- 
 thority in matters of conscience, f 
 
 In ancient times the fruit of the tree of knowledge was forbidden 
 to the masses, and a penalty attached to those who tasted it. Now, 
 the interest of neither king, priest or pedagogue is advanced by 
 a monopoly of this boon. On the contrary, it is presented to 
 the people under the most enticing forms which universities, col- 
 leges, schoolhouses, books and news])a])ers are able to oft'er. Un- 
 d^r this condition, the philosophy which once gave such singnlar 
 fame to Cimfucius, Zoroaster, Plato and others, and later to Co- 
 pernicus, LaPlace and their kindred spirits, is now familiar to 
 Hiillions of men, and within the reach of every one. America 
 was offered as a iield where this learning could be cultivated on 
 a new soil, where there was no danger to be apprehended from 
 the overshadowing influences of clannishness in politics or relig- 
 ion, or the rights of feudalism. The result is shown in poetry, 
 song, oratory and literature. The vital forces of a nation are on 
 
 * In 1638 the following appeared in the Colonial Records of Massachusetts, 
 Vol. 1, p. 240: 
 
 " This Court, takeini? into consideration the necessity of an equall contribu- 
 tion of all conion charges in townes, and observing that the cheife occation of 
 this defect hearin airiseth from hence that many of those who are not freemen 
 nor members of any church do take advantage thereby to withdraw thi<»r helpe 
 in such voluntary contribution as ate in vse — It is therefore i^euiby declared, 
 ev'ry inbabitimt in any towne is lyable to contribute to all charges both in 
 church and comonwelthe whereoff hee doth or may receive benefit: and withall 
 it is also ordered that such inhnbitants who shall not voluntarily contribute 
 p'portionately to his ability wth other freemen of the same towne to alKomon 
 charges, as well as tor upholding the ordinances in the "churches as otherwise, 
 shal be compelled thereto by assessment and distress, to bee levied by the cun- 
 etuble." 
 
 Modifications of this old law inherited from England, too numerous to men- 
 tion, have had place in various Nfw England States, even sinre tliey. witii tlie 
 other colonies, gained ti)eir iiuiep ndence; and it is still within the metiio.y of 
 the middle-aged men of our day that its last vestiges were released tioin llie 
 etatiitc books. 
 
 t The modification of England's system of tithes is a proof of this assertion. 
 
32S \N<>r)ujni Inlterii mce. _ v 
 
 an unrt'inittiiii; strain to grasp at new teaches in science and ar- 
 tisurisliip, and lite now sees abundant diversity to animate its 
 pathway. 
 
 Sucli is America, jtarticnlarly the West, in her crownin<i^i!fh:)ry. 
 Among those wlio live in this age of activity there are censors 
 who protest against its turmoil, and sigh for the quietude of olden 
 times. Perlia]>s the restive spirits of the ambitious West would 
 run mad witlu)ut the restraining influence of these counselors. 
 They may bo necessary to prune otf the tangent points which 
 may be called tlu' deformitit.'s of our cycle in history, neverthe- 
 less unpar.illeled in grandeur — a cycle in which not such archi- 
 tectural piles as the ]*y ram ids, the Pantheon or the Colosonm 
 have been built by enforced labor, but one In which humbler 
 edifices, dedicated to science and religion, have been distributed 
 throughout the land. Mental alchemy has economized her most 
 potent forces within unpretentious domicils; and where this is 
 the universal condition, national issues hang upon the turn of a 
 subtle power, gathering its force from a considerate public opin- 
 ion as a result of distributive instead of concentrated learning. 
 This force is comparatively perfect when it is adequate to check- 
 mate the sinister purposes of private ambition, used against the 
 public int(;rest: and that it should ever be up to this stand- 
 ard, is essential to the success of a Republican form of govern- 
 ment. 
 
 * From the ancient !N'ormans, have we undoubtedly inherited 
 through ancient J^riton blood, our love of literature, and our 
 ambition to outrival the rest of the world in national grandeur, 
 and although Americans love to date their patent from Plymouth 
 Rock or Jamestowf, it can only be claimed that these were way 
 stations, on the road from the original starting point. The 
 literature of the ancient N^ormans and even their mythology, is 
 a sublime study of wliicli their descendants, though diluted with 
 the evolutions of centuries, may justly be proud. Their brain 
 power has crept through the attenuations of European revolutions, 
 and like the whirlwind, lias seemed to gather force, till it has 
 found its way to the great interior of North America, to set up a 
 nucleus, around which to build up our States as soon as the coun- 
 try became accessible to settlers. The termination of the war of 
 1812 opened the gates to it, down to whish time the intrigues of 
 
 * The Normans or North men settled in Norway, as emigrants from Asia, 
 while Rome was in her {?lory. Tliey settled Iceland in 8()0, and Greenland 
 in 986. Thfjy conquered both England and France in the day of their glory, 
 and in 1066, William the Conqueror, a pure Norman, became king of England, 
 many gsnerations after his people had first overrun the country and settled there. 
 From this period dates the commencement of England's greatness. 
 
ForU J)earl^jrrh]Rehmlt, . 85^9 
 
 Spain, the lingering power of the English on the lakes, and the 
 Indian occupation, were insurmountable barriers to emigration. 
 The true pioneer spirit now began in earne.st. The great chain 
 of lakes as a highway to the far west, rapidly grew into import- 
 ance, and soon became a rival of the Ohio river, which had hith- 
 erto been the only road to the west, except the track of the emi- 
 grant wagon through the crooked paths of the wilderness. 
 
 Chicago was now thought of again with increasing interest — 
 jiot merely as a suitable place for a fort, which should command 
 the fur trade of the back country, but as the terminus of a thor- 
 oughfare between the Ui>per Mississippi and the lakes. "With 
 this end in view, President Madison, in liis message at the open- 
 ing of Congress, in 1814, recomiuonded its attention to the im- 
 portance of a ship canal, connecting the waters of Lake Michigan 
 at Chicago, with the Illinois river, This was the first official 
 mention of such a scheme, however much it might have been 
 talked of among the geogra])heis of the country; and the next 
 jear, the Secretary of War, in his instructions to General Harris- 
 on, D. Mc Arthur and John Grahame, recommended the erection 
 of military posts, connecting Chicago with St Louis, by way of 
 the Illinois river.* Tlie attention of the war department appears 
 to have been ever directed to the importance of this thoroughfare, 
 since its necessity liad become apparent by the purchase of Lou- 
 isiana, and especially after its practicability had been assured by 
 ^he successful termination of tlie late war with England. A year 
 ]ii*^er, in 1S16, the war department gave orders for the rebuilding 
 of Ft. Dearborn. Captain Ilezekiah Bradley, who had entered 
 the United States service April 19th, 1814, and whose honor- 
 able record had won confidence in his abilities, was commissioned 
 for the undertaking.+ As chance would have it, he arrived on 
 the ground with liis men (two companies) on the 4th of July, 
 just thirteen years after his predecessor. Captain Whistler, had 
 landed with his men, to build the first fort.;}: 
 
 Thebones of the victims of the massacre of 1812 still, laid 
 scattered over the sand-drifts, amongst the sparse growth of 
 bunch grass and stunted shrubbery that grew there, and thus re- 
 mained till 1822, when tliev w"" r-jirefully gathered and buried 
 Avith the measured respect of railit^'v etiquette, and they are 
 now a part of the dust beneath the feet of a countless throng of 
 busy citizens. The new fort was bunt on the same spot where the 
 first had stood before its destruction, it consisted of a single 
 
 •Am. State Papers, Vol. II, p. 13. 
 tAra. State Papei-s, Vol. I, p. 6Ji3. 
 
 t-Tacob B. Varnum, ot Massachusetts, was appointed Factor, and Chaa. Jouett, 
 of Virginia, Indian Agent. . » 
 
330 John Kinzie Returns to Chicago. 
 
 block-hoiiBe, immediately east of which were barracks for the 
 soldiers, and other buildings for storage, etc., the whole enclosed 
 with high palisades. Besides re-building Ft. Dearborn, the gov- 
 ernment sent Major Long to make a preliminary survey of the 
 rivers between Chicago and the lUiiiois river, to ascertain the 
 practicability of a ship-canal uniting them.* 
 
 During the summer, >[r. John Kiiizie returned with his fam- 
 ily to Chicago. Owing to tlie friendship which the Indians had 
 entertained for him, his house had been spared from the flames, 
 and during his absence of four years, a frenchman named Dti- 
 Pin, resting under tlie usual immunity from Indian deprudatioa 
 vouchsafed to his nation, had occupied ]Mr. Kinzie's house apart 
 of the time as a trading-station. 
 
 The same year at St. Louis, an important treaty was concluded 
 with the Indians, as follows: 
 
 Treaty with the Ottawas, Chippewas and Pottawattomiks. 
 
 A treaty of peace, friendship and limits, made and coiu-ludt'd between Xinian 
 Edwards, William Clark, and Auguste Chonteau, eomniissioners plenipotentiary 
 of the United States of Ameriea, on the piirt and behalf of said States of the^ 
 of the one part, and the chiefs and warriors of the united tril)es of Uttawarf, 
 Chippewas, and Pottawiittomies residing on the Illinois and Milwaukee river* 
 and their waters, and on the southwestern parts of Lake Michigan, of the othftr 
 part. 
 
 Whereas, a serious dispute has for some time past, existed between the con- 
 tracting parties relative to the right to a part of the lands ceded to the UniteiJ 
 States by the tribes of the Sacs and Foxeson the third day of Nov^r.ybe'-, one tho./ 
 sand eight hundred and four, and both parties being desirous of preserving anbiu 
 
 *The following facts relative to the topography of the country around i'jmc?.i!.o 
 in 1816, are taken from his report to George Granam, Secretary of V\'ai. Afoer 
 describing the Illinois, the Desplaines and the Kankakee rivers, he speaks of the 
 Chicago river, and calls it "merely an arm of the lake." The north brancL he 
 sets down as thirty miles long; and continues, "it receives a fevv tributarit s. 
 The south branch has an extent of only five or six miles, and has no supplies 
 except from a small lake," (evidently what was Mud lake a few gears ago). 
 " The river and each of its branches are of variable widths, from iif&en to tifty 
 yards, and for two or three miles inland have a sufficient depth of water to ad- 
 mit vessels of almost any burden. The entrance into Lake Michigan, however, 
 which is tliifty yards wide, is obstructed by a sand-bar about seventy yards 
 broad, upon the highest part of which the water is usually no more than two ' 
 feet deep. • * * ']^\^q water course, wliich is already opened between the 
 river Desplaines and Chicago river, needs but little more excavation to render it 
 sufficiently capacious for all the purposes of a canal." 
 
 The -eportof R. Graham and Joseph Phillips, dated Kankakee, April 4, 1819. 
 concludes with the tollowing: "The route by the Chicago, as followed by tlie^ 
 French since the discovery of the Illinois, presents at one season of the year au 
 uninterrupteil water communication for boats of six or eight tons burden, be- 
 twet n the Mis.-issippi and the Michigan lake. At another se<ison, a portage of 
 two miles; at another, a portagi' ot seven miles, from the IxMid of the Plica 
 (Pesplaines), to the arm of the lake. And at another a portage of fifty miles 
 from the mouth of the I'lien to the lake, overwhich there is a well beat-n wagon- 
 road. Boats and their loads are hauled by oxen and vehicles, kept for that pur- 
 pose by the French settlers at ("hicago. 
 
 Am." State Paper, Mis. Vol II, P. 655. 
 
•' Ceftsion of Lfiiuls. ' ' 331 
 
 monioiiP and friendly interconrBC, and of establishing permanent peace and 
 friendship, have, for the purpose of removing all difficulties, agreed to the fol- 
 lowing terms: 
 
 A KT. 1 . Thesaid chiefs and warriors, for themselves and the tribes they repre- 
 sent, agree to relinquish, and hereby do relinquish, to the United States, 
 all their right, claim and title to all the land contained in the b»'foro-nientionecI 
 cession of the S.ics and Foxes, which lies south of a due west line from tlio south- 
 ern extnmiitv of Lake Michigan to the Mississippi river. And they moreover 
 cede to the United States all the land contained within the following bounds, 
 to wit: beginning on tHe h'ft bank of the Fox river of Illinois, ten miles above 
 the mouth of said Fox river; thence running so as to cross Sandy creek ten 
 miles above its mouth; thence, in a direct line, to a point ten miles north of the 
 west end of the Portiige, between Chicago creek, which empties into Lakf Mich- 
 igan, and the river Des Plaines, a fork of the Illinois; thence in a direct line, 
 to a point on lake Michigan, ten miles northward of the mouth of Chicago^ 
 creek: thence, along the lake, to a point ten miles southward of the mouth of 
 the said Chicago creek; thence, in a direct line, to a point on the Kankakee, ten 
 miles above its mouth; thence, with the said Kankalcee and the Illinois river, 
 to the mouth of Fox river; and thence to the beginning:: Provided, neiertheless,. 
 that the said tribes shall be permitted to hunt and to tish within the limits of 
 the land hereby relinquished and ceded, so long as it may continue to be the- 
 property of the United States. 
 
 Art. 2. In consideration of the aforesaid relinquishment and cession, the 
 United States have this day delivered to said tribes, a considerable quantity of 
 merchandise, and do agree to pay them, annually, for the term of twelve yeai's, 
 goods to the value of one thousand dollars, reckoning that value at the first cost 
 of the goods in the city or place in which they shall be purchased, without any 
 charge for transportation; which said goods shall be delivered to the said tribes 
 at some pUice on the Illinois river, not lower down than I'eoria. And the said 
 United States do moreover agree to relinquish to the said tribes all the land con- 
 tained in the aforesaid cession of the Sirs and Foxes which lies north of a due 
 west line from the southern extremity of Lake Michigan to the Mississippi river, 
 except three leagues square at the mouth of the Ouisconsin river, including both 
 banks, and such other tracts on or near to the Ouisconshi and Mississippi rivers 
 a« the President of the United States may think proper to reserve : Froeided, 
 That such other tracts shall not, in the whole, exceed the quantity that would be 
 contained in five leagues square. 
 
 Akt. ;j. The contracting parties, that peace and friendship may be permanent, 
 promise that, in all things whatever, they will act with justice and correctness 
 towirds each other; and that they will, with perfect good faith, fulfill all the- 
 obligations imposed upon them by former treaties. 
 
 In witness whereof, the said Ninian Edwards, William Clark and Auguste 
 (^houteau, commissioners aforesaid, and the chiefs and warriors of the afoi-esaid 
 tribes, have hereunto subscribed their names and affixed their seals, this twenty- 
 fourth day cf August, one thousand eight hundred andf sixteen, and of the 
 independence of the United State the forty-first. 
 
 NINIAN EDWARDS, ' 
 WILLIAM CLARK. 
 AUGUSTE CHOUTEAU. 
 
 [Signed also by the chiefs and waniors of the Ottawas, Chippewas, and 
 Pottowatomies.] 
 
 Black Partridge, whose name is now nobly associated with Chicago history, was^ 
 then chief of the Pottowatomies, and signed the treaty. 
 
 The object in securing this strip of land was to construct a 
 military road to facilitate the building of the proposed ship ca- 
 nal. Of all the Indian treaties ever made, this will be remem- 
 bered when all others, with their obligations, are forgotten. 
 "When the country came to be surveyed in sections, inasmuch as- 
 
332 Illinoi&-AdinUfcd mt^ Tlw Union. 
 
 the surveys on both sides of tlie treaty lines were not made at the 
 same time, the section lines did not meet each other, and. diago- 
 nal offsets along the entire length of the Indian grant M'ere the 
 result. An occasional gore of land is left open to discussion as 
 to what range and township it belongs, and all sectional maps 
 must ever be disfigured with triangular fractions, as lasting monu- 
 ments of early Indian power around Chicago. 
 
 With tlie opening of the 3'ear 1817, Capt. Bradley was still 
 busy in completing the various appendages to Fort Dearborn, 
 such a? a magazine made of brick, rescued from the ruins of the 
 old. fort factory building, etc. A commodious parade ground 
 was also laid out, and a large field immediately south of the fort 
 was enclosed with a worm fence. This was planted with corn 
 iind garden vegetables for the subsistence of the garrison. Ctm- 
 ven lent gate-ways, both on the north and south, gave ingress and 
 egress. The block-house itself was more substantially built than 
 the original one, and afforded an ample assurance of safety from 
 Indian outbreaks. Communications were soon opened with the 
 settlements of Southern Illinois, by the way of the south branch 
 of the Chicago river, Mud La^'e, the Desjjlaines and Illinois riv- 
 ers. Along this channel supplies of flour, meat and other neces- 
 saries were brought to the fort by means of small row-boats, and 
 the short portage from theDesplaines to the Chicago river. The 
 settlements of Southern Illinois had at that time attained propor- 
 tions sufficient to qualif\' the territory for a state in the Federal 
 Union, and the next year, 1818. Xathaniel Pope, delegate to 
 Congress, applied for and obtained the admission of Illinois as a 
 eovei-eign state. Although the northern half of the state was 
 then unsettled, except at a very few places; its importance was 
 not overlooked by Mr. Pope, who seemed gifted with a renuirk- 
 able intuition into the future, Illinois as a territory was bounded 
 on the north by a line due west froUi the southern extremity of 
 Lake Michigan, as shown on all maps previous to 1818. To this 
 line Mr. Pope objected for the following reasons, which ax'e copied 
 from Ford's History of Illinois; 
 
 "By the Ordiiiiince of 1787, tlnTe were to bo not loss than throe, nor more thiin 
 five States in the teiritory n"rth\vost of tlio Ohio river. Tho boundaries of 
 those Statos wero dofiiwd by Unit law. Tho throts Stages of Ohio, Indiana, and 
 Illinois were to inolndo tho whole torritory, anil wore to be bounded by the 
 British possossiorK in Canada on Mn' nmtli. Uut Congress reserved the power, 
 if thoy thoreatter should find it expodiont. to forni one or two Stat*?8 in that 
 part, of the territory which lies north ot an oast and west line drawn ,throutrh 
 the southerly bond oi Lake Michifran. That line, it was gouorally Bupposed, 
 was to be tho nortii boundary ot Illinois. .ludjLre I'ope. sooinj? that the [)ort of 
 Chicago was north of that (lino, and would bo oxoludod by it iroin the Htato, 
 and that the Illinois and Michitran canal (which Wiw then contomplatod) would 
 issue from CJhioiuro, to connect the grout uortliorn lakes with tho Mis.sissipni, 
 ^^ind thus Im' partly within and partly without tho St.ato of Illinois, waslhoreby 
 lad to a critical examination of tlio Onlinanro, which ro.sidl«l in a eioar and 
 
Predictions h\tl filled. 33$ 
 
 satisfiictoiy convidion,tliat it was com|ieti'nt lor Ci^nnrress to extend the houn- 
 darics of a new Stato as lar north ;is th<\v jileascd ; and he found no ciiiiiculty in 
 convinciii^i- oth'Ts of tlie corrcitness of his views. 
 
 But there were other and much Diore weighty reasons for this change of 
 boundary, which were ably and successfully urjred by Judjje Pope upcu t!.e at- 
 tention of Con<:ress. It was known that in all cimfederated repnhlies tln.Ti' was 
 danjjer of dissolution. The frreat valley of tlu! Mi-sissippi was tilling up with u 
 numerous people ; the orijrinal conlederaey hail ah-eady advanced westwiird a 
 thousand miles, across the chain of uKJuntains vkirtin;,' the Atlantic; the adjoin- 
 ing i^tates in the western country were watered by rivers running from every 
 point of the compass, converging to a focus at the confluence of the Ohio and 
 Mississippi at Cairo ; the waters of tlie Oliio. ("niiilteri.nid and Tennessee rivers, 
 carried much of the commerce of Alal)ania anil Tennessee, all of Kentucky, con- 
 siderable T)ortions of tliat of Virginia. Pennsylv,in;;i anil New York, and the 
 greater portion of the conmierce of Ohio and Indiana, down l)y the Point at 
 Cairo, (situate in the extreme south of Illinois.; when^ it would be met by the 
 commerce to and from the lower Mississippi with all the States and territories 
 to be formed in the immensi' countrv on the Missouri, and extending to tlm 
 head waters of the Mississippi. Illinois had a coast of \hO miles on the Ohio- 
 river, and nearly as much on the Wabash ; the Mississippi was its western 
 boundary for the whole- length of the Staie ; the commerce of all the western 
 country was to pass by its shores, and would necessarily come to a focus at the 
 mouth of the Ohio, at a jioint within this State, and within the c introl of Illi- 
 nois, if, the Union being dissolved, she should see proper to control it. It was 
 foreseen that none of the .^reat States in the west could venture to aid in dis- 
 solving the Union, without cultivating a State situate in such a central and 
 commanding jiosition. 
 
 AVhat then was the duty of the national government ? Illinois was certain to 
 be I great State, with any boundaries which that government coukl give. Its 
 gi at extent of territory, its unrivalled fertility of soil, and <.ai)acity for sustain- 
 ing a dense population, together with its coramandiiig ])ositioii, would in course 
 of time give the new State a very controlling intluence with her sister States 
 situate ujion ti:e western rivers, either in sustaining the federal union aa it is, 
 or in dissolving it, and establishing new governments. If left entirely upon 
 the waters of these great rivers, it was plain that, in case of threatened disrup- 
 tion, the interest of the new State would be to join a suutliern and wosieru con- 
 federacy. But if a large portion of it could be maiii! dependent upon the com- 
 meice and navigation of the great northern lakes, comiected as they are with 
 the eastern States, a rival interest would be created, to check the wish for a 
 western and southern confederacy. 
 
 It therefore became the duty of the natiomd government, not only to make 
 Illinois strong, but to raise an interest inclining and binding her to tin- eastern 
 and northern portions of the Union. This could be done only throuj.'h an in- 
 terest in the lakes. At that time the commerce on the lakes was small, but its 
 increase was confidently expected, and indeed it has exceeded all anticipationH, 
 and is yet only in its infancy. To accomplish this object ett'ectually, it was not 
 oidy necessary to give to Illinois the port of Chicago and a route for the canal, 
 but a considerable coast on Lake Michigan, with a country back of it sufficiently 
 extensive to contain a )>opulation capable of exercisinp a decided intluence upon 
 the councils of the State. 
 
 There would, therefore, be a large commerce of the north, western, and cen- 
 ti'al portions of the State afloat on the lakes, for it was then foreseen that the 
 canal wonld he made ; and this alone wwuld be like turning one of the many 
 mouths of the Mississippi into Lake Michigan at (Jhicago. A very large com- 
 merce of the centre and south would be tounii. both up«; tho lakes and the 
 rivers. Associations in business, in iaterest, and of friendship, '' .uiH be formed, 
 both with thfi north and the south. A State thus nituated. having such a de- 
 cided interest in the commerce, and in the preservation of the whole confeder- 
 acy, can never consent to disunion ; for the Union cannot be dissolved without 
 a division and disruption of the State itaclf. These views, urged by Judge 
 
-334 - The Central Key. 
 
 Pope, obtained the unc[;.alified assent of the statesmen of 1S18 ; and this feature 
 of the bill, for the admission of Illinois into the Union, met the unanimous ap- 
 probation of both houses of Congrress. " 
 
 That the wisdom of Mr. Pope has been amply verified by events 
 Avhich have transpired since 1860, is apparent to every one. The 
 interest of Cliicac^o was united by the strongest ties which com- 
 mercial relations conld bind, both to the north and the south, and 
 had the southern limits of Wisconsin inchided the city of Chi- 
 cago, the State of Illinois w-ould have been under the complete 
 control of sonthern influences diiring the earlv stages of the 
 rebellion, with bnt slender ties to bind her to the north. On the 
 hypothesis that this IState turned the scale in favor of the Union 
 when the question trembled in the balance, the geographical })o- 
 sition of Chicago may, with no impropriety, be called the centre 
 key of tlie nation. Such it was deemed by Mr. Pope when the 
 ]ilace had but two white families as residents — John Kinzie and 
 ()ni1imette; and it is not too much to say thiit t(j the broad-guage 
 spirit of Chicago, I'tjpresentatives in the councils of the nation, 
 the administration has sometimes looked for support in issues 
 of difficult solution. Nor is it too much to say that the posi- 
 tions which have from tiine to time been taken by the people of 
 Chicago on the vita! questions? of the day, have been sustained in 
 our national ]iolicy (not necessarily because (Miicago came to their 
 support), but because her peo])le were sufficiently co&mo])olitaii 
 to comprehend the situation, and see at the lirst glance the real 
 wants of thrs nation, for the obvious reason that within her toils, 
 the East, the South and the far West are drawn. 
 
 At this time the Mississippi r'ver was teeming with flat boats 
 engage<l in the carrying trade ' western productions to market, 
 by the way of New Orleans. IS.a hundred ami forty-three of 
 these rude vessels were counted by a passenger, in his passage by 
 steamboat up the river, on a trip in 1818.* 
 
 This early channel of western commerce has now a rival along 
 our lakes, which has already eclipsed it in importance, and points 
 to their sliores as the future metropolitan centres of trade and 
 artisanship. 
 
 *NUe» Eegiste 'ol. XIV, p. 344. 
 
CHAPTER XXL 
 
 The Fur Trade of Canada Under a French Charter — Tht 
 Huguenot Sailors — Dutch Rivalry — The Hudson BayCom- 
 jpany — The Northwest Company Its Rival — The Tico Com- 
 panies Merged into One — The American Fur Company 
 under John, Jacob Axtor — Astoria Founded, and Til^en hy 
 the Hudson Bay Company— Mr. Astor Begins Aneio at 
 Maclinaw — Hardihood of the Engagees — The Am.ericcii. 
 Fur Comfany Estahlish a. Branch at Chicago — Gurdon S. 
 Huhhord as Clerk for the American Fur Company — Arrives 
 at Chicago — His Report of the Place — Descends the Des- 
 plaines—His Report of the Indians and their Wigwams — 
 Hostile Repartee with an Indian — 7yic Factory System — 
 First Wedding in Chicago — Great Indian Treaty at Chi- 
 cago — Governor Cass Opens the Council — Three Thousand 
 Indians Eat Rations at Government Expense — Speech of 
 Metea—rColonel E. Childs'' Description of tlie Country. 
 
 Soon after CliamjJain liad made the first permanent settlement 
 of Canada at Quebec, in 1608, it became evident to his patron 
 sovereign, tlie Freneli kinj;, that tlie fur trade was the great sec- 
 uhir interest of the countrv. Indeed, its majrnilude was too 
 teiii]»ting a bait even for the conrt of Franco, and it compronii>e(l 
 its dignity by establishing a control over it by which it should 
 reap a portion of its profits. Accordingly the companj of St. 
 ]\I;iio was formed, with chartered rights. ])aying a tribute to the 
 French king, ofiset with j)!enarv power to dole out privileges to 
 the miserable courier du hois of (Canada to obtain furs as liest 
 they could, and sell them to the company at stipulated prices. 
 Serious abuses soon grew out of this monopoly, and the king was 
 ».tl)ligcd to cast about for more comjM'tent uumi with whom to en- 
 trust the patent, or, rather, men who would not abuse the trust 
 hy conniving at a contraband trade and sharing its illegitimate 
 pn»fits. Mow the king was in a dilemma. It was all important 
 to him that Caimdu sliuuid liave no taiiit of heresy (which meant 
 
330 Th^ HvfJff>7i Boy ComjMcn.y. 
 
 Pr(it('staiitism\ aiul \vX aiiioiii; all liis subjects it was difficult, it' 
 not impospibU'. always to select material tor ])>>sitiiiiis of trust 
 without recourse to the Huguenots, who really were composed 
 of the most etHcieiit men of France at t';at time. Under thi.s 
 pressure, two Huguenot brothers, the DeCaens, were appointed 
 to succeed the company of St. Malo in 1(121. They immediately 
 sailed for Quebec, and as might be sup])osed, enlisted a crew^ of 
 Huguenot sailors to man their vessels for the carrying trade. All' 
 went smootlily till their arrival. at Quebec, where the psalm siii'.'-- 
 ing and ])rayer of the customary morning and evening devotii'i -i 
 of these Conscientious seamen oti"en<led the priests, as well as 
 Cliamplain, tlie governor.* Here was a fresh difficulty, that 
 threatened a dead-lock cm the start; but the matter \vas compro- 
 mised by allowing the sailors to pray as usual, but not to indnlgi- 
 in psalmody while in the luirbor of Quebec; "A bad bargain.''' 
 said Cliamplain, the governor, "but the best I could make." 
 Under these auspices the fur trade was resumed, and it soon 
 brought increased revenues to the civjwn. Traders and priests 
 advanced into the wilds — tlie former to gather crops of furs, and 
 the latter crops of souls. These were the incentives which pusluMJ 
 French discovery into the upper lakes, and over the prairies an<l 
 into the forests, where now crops of corn, instead of furs, are har- 
 vested. 
 
 The next drawback that affected the Canadian fur trade, was 
 the rivalship of the Dutch at Albany. They could 'buy in tht^ 
 elieapest market and sell in the dearest, unshackeled by royal 
 tributes. This competition augmented the animosity wiiich 
 nationality and religion had already enkindled between the Cana- 
 dian and English settlements, and it was fanned to a flame in 
 1754, when the French and Indian war commeiu'ed. 
 
 This war having resulted triumphantly to the English, in 1755) 
 the wliole fur trade fell into their handa as soon as they could 
 take possession of the immense country then embraced within 
 tlie limits of New France, and thus remained till the American 
 Revolution had shorn from them the fairest portions of their late 
 con<|uest. Notwithstanding this, however, tlie immensity of the 
 English possession in those far northern regions that grow the 
 l)est furs still ensured to the English the fur trade with no 
 diminution in its volume. The English company engaged in it 
 was chartered in lf)70, under the name of The Hudson Jiay Com- 
 pany, It had no rival till one sprung into existence in IHO."!, 
 called the North West Company. The latter pushe<l their trade 
 into forest recluses never before entered by white men, carrying 
 tlie Indian trade to remote Indian lodges with a success that 
 
 ■^^^^■-■■■' — — . I — ...jfc..-. _ m il II ■ ' .1. ■■ 1.111 in. I I, I a.r. .1 I ■ 11 1 I — _j_ 
 
 •1\. verify this, the reader is referred to any detailed history of New Frunce. 
 
Tlte Anil I'h'idi I'^nr ('oiiijxm ij. 337 
 
 astonished the old coii)])iiny, and in a few years forced them to 
 take in the new company as partners. Tims the two rival inter- 
 ests were merged into one stupendous hod}', nnder direction of 
 the most wealthy and influential lords of the British reahn. 
 
 Tims matters stood till 1809, when John -lacol) Astor, of ]S'cw 
 York, formed the bold design of hearding the British Lion in 
 his den, by establishing The American Fur Company, under a 
 charter fmm the State of iSTew York, The tirst stejis to be taken 
 in the grand designs of this company, -was to establish a povman- 
 ent station on the Paciflc Coast, at a locality whicli could com- 
 mand the Ilussian trade as well as that of tlie Indians along the 
 coast. Tlie flrst shi]) destined for this enterprise, sailed from 
 K^ew York in Sept. IS 10. doubled Cape Horn, and arrived at the 
 mouth of the Columbia River the next year. A fort was built 
 and named Astoria, in honor of the illustrious man v.'ho con- 
 ceived the enterpi'ise. As might be supposed, the Hudson Bay 
 compan}' looked upon this venture as a piece of unjiaralleied 
 audacity, especially inasmuch as the English at that time claimed 
 Oregon as their own territory, and they set themselves about the 
 accomplishment of the ruin of their fearless rival. The next 
 year, 1812, a pretext was (»tf'ered them, to fnifill this design by 
 the American declaration of war atrainst Kniiland. AVhen the 
 Hudson J]ay Co. learned this they attacked Astoria, took the Amer- 
 icans prisonei-s, took possession of the station, and changed its 
 name to Fort Ge*)rge. This was a severe blow to ]\[r. ,\stor, 
 but he was by no means disheartened; no further ste]>s could 
 be taken to ii'])air the damages while the Avar lasted, especially as 
 the British fleet swept the lakes, and their emissaries were almost 
 omnipresent among the nortlu'rn tribes of Indians along these 
 waters. But as soon as the war had closed, Mr. Astor, with char- 
 acteristic energy, determined to begin anew, and established his 
 lieadcjuarters at 'Mackinaw, as a base of operations. This was an 
 undertaking not le^s Itold than arduous. A bmall army of men 
 must be employed to carry on the ojicrations of the com])any, 
 from every one of whom were expected services which would be 
 looked upon as too hard for the efl'emiiiate men of our day. Even 
 the confldential clerks Mdio took charge of the goods, enjoyed 
 no immunity from the hardships of camp life in the wildi'niess, 
 where the wolves prowled around their camp, and the owls talked 
 and laughed with them at midnight.* Haj)j)ily for ilr. Astor, 
 there was already an eflicieat force in the field, who had hitherto 
 acted, each one for himself, without the advantages which come- 
 
 *Tlu'so Iiirds ■will answiT a hmii;m voice in tin' stilliiess of the nijflit, and 
 give lioots in surli <|uick sinMcssiun us to resemble laughing, which fact is aacer- 
 toineii tVum persunul ejcperiunca uf tku writer. 
 
338 The Engagees. i 
 
 from large and concerted movements, and were ready to co-oper- 
 ate with liini, inasmuch as he could make it for there interest to 
 do so. 
 
 Ramsey Crooks and Robert Stuart were selected from these, to 
 whom was given the control of the whole Northwest. From 
 Hichilimackinac, their base ot'uj)erations. they sent men into every 
 nook and corner of their ten-itorj, where the Indian and the 
 beaver lived and grew. 
 
 At ]\[ontreal they established a house under charge of Mr. 
 j\[athews, to enlist the men for service, both as clerks and voy- 
 ageurs. The latter manned the boats called batteaux, into which 
 the goods were packed and rowed to the various stations through- 
 out the wilderness, at which places they were unloaded, and tlie bat- 
 teaux tilled with furs to be sent on their return trip to Mackinaw. 
 Their record forms a page in our history never to be reproduced. 
 Their daily mutine was hard labor in rowing the heav}* laden 
 batteaux or carrvinir them and their freiirhts across portaws. 
 At night the i"oc»f that covered the»n was the sky, their bed the 
 earth, and they were ha])py. They were all Canadian French, 
 trained to servilitv, and toii<>;hened into almost incredible endur- 
 ance l)v hard usage. The Hon. James II. Lockwood,* of Prairie 
 du Chien, in a ]ia])er read before the State Wisconsin Ilistorial 
 (Society savs of them : 
 
 The traders and their clerks were then the aristocracy of the countrj- : and to 
 a Yankee at fii-st sijrlit. iiresontod a sinyular state of society. To see g'entleiiit'u 
 aelectinj; wives of the nut-brown natives, and rai-ir.o: children of mixed blood, 
 the traders and clerks living in as much luxury as the resources of the country 
 would admit, and the oigngees or boatmen livinjr upon soup made of hulled 
 corn with barely tallow enou<.di to season it, devoid of salt, unless they pur- 
 chased it themselves at a hiirh price — all this to an American was a novel mode 
 of living-, and appeared to lie hard fare ; but to a person acquainted with tlie hiibits 
 of hie of the Canadian peasantry, it would not look so much out of the way, as 
 they live mostly on pea soup, seasoned with a piece of ])Qrk boiled down to 
 grease, seldom eating pork except in the form of grease that seasons their 
 soup. With this soup, and a piece of coarse bread, their meals were made ; 
 hence the clumge from pea soup to corn is not so great, or the fare much worse 
 than that which they had been accustomed to, as the corn is more substantial 
 than peas, not being so flatulent. These men engaginl in Canada generally 
 for five years for Mackinaw and its dependencies, trai.st'erable like cattle to any 
 one who wanted them, at generally about 5(i0 livres a year, or in our currency, 
 about $8.'5 M:> ; furnished with a yearly equipment or outfit of two cotton shirts, 
 one three point or triangular lilanket, a portage collar, and one pair of beef 
 shoes ; being obliged, in the Indian country to purchase their inoccasins, to- 
 bacco, pipes, and other necessaries, at the price the trader saw fit to chargt^ tor 
 tliem. (ieiierally at the end of five yeiirs. these poor loi/ai/Du-s v,ow in ilebt 
 from fifty to one hundred and Inly ddllars. and could not leave tiie country 
 until they had paid their indebteiluess ; and the policy of the traders was. to 
 
 "Mr. Lfx'kwond w:.- Ijorii in CHntoii. N. Y., In ITM. He emifrrateil t.i 'Jn'oii Kav in isl •, 
 atiii lias ever snice been a resident el WIscdusiii or JUinnis, always liviiis a tompoiatc lil'e, 
 imd always a (^tcadfa^t champion ol'ju-.tice. 
 
Chieaffo Branch of The American Fur Company. 339 
 
 keep as many of them in the conntiy as they could : and to this end they al- 
 lowed and encouragrcd their euqagees to get in debt during the five years, which 
 of necessity required them to remain. 
 
 These new hands were bv the old toi/af/eiirs called in derision, maiir/eiirs de 
 lard — pork-eaters — as on leaving Montreal, and on the route to Mackinaw, 
 they were fed on pork, hard bread, and pea soup, while the old rr i/ai/eurs in 
 ti e Indian country ate corn souj'. and such other food as could conveniently be 
 procured.* Tiiese mani]e>irs de lard were brought at considerable expense and 
 trouble from Montreal and other parts of Canada, frequently deserting after 
 they had received souk; advance in money and their equipment. Hence it wa.s 
 the object of the traders to keej) as many ot tlieold voiia'jvurs in the country as 
 they could, and they generally permitted the iiiaiif/eiirti de lard to get largely 
 in debt, as they could not leave the country and i:et back into Canada, except 
 by the return boats or canoes which V)rought the goods, rnd they would not 
 take them back if they were in debt anywhere in the country, which could be 
 eanly ascertained from the traders at Mackinaw. 
 
 Tiie whole eoiintrv at tliat time was divided into districts by 
 the American Fur Company, each havini^ a i)rincij)al director 
 who superintended the clerks and voyaguers detailed to his sta- 
 tion from the ]>arent office at Mackinaw, allottint^ to each his 
 especial territory. ^ 
 
 In the year ISIT, the enterprising house of Conant & ^fack, 
 whose headquarters were at Detroit, had estal)lished a branch 
 fur trading station at Lee's place, on the south bi-ancli of the 
 Chicago river, under the superintendence of Mr. John Crafts. 
 AVhen the American Fur Company came to establish a branch at 
 Chicago soon afterwards, a rivalry of interests Wduld have fol- 
 lowed immediately if both estai)lishments had kept on; but 
 rather than attempt this, the Detroit honse sold out to the Amer- 
 ican company, who in turn emjiloyed their men at once, inas- 
 much as they were on the ground, ajid familiar with the reipiired 
 <luties. To Mr. Crafts was given the superintendence of the post 
 at Chicago, as apart of the bargain, and the former agent of the 
 <'onipany, Mr. John Baptiste I'eanbien was displaced. Mr. 
 Craft's territory included the IJock river and Fox river countries, 
 besides the immediate neighborhood of Chicairo. 
 
 Among the nuist elticient agents of the comjiany was Antoine 
 Dechamps. This gentleman had the agencv of the whole iState 
 of Illinois, except the }>ortion taken out for the Chicago Agency. 
 Fie was a man of education and talents, both versatile and etlec- 
 tive. If any imposing ceremonies amdiig the Catholics were to 
 have place, the priests always invited him to take a part, and his 
 counsels were equally sought after by the Indians who could 
 readily discriminate between minds of high and low degree. 
 lie was one of the lirst fmmders of ()pa(IVoria\ at which jdace 
 he had been a law-giver and kind of deputy priest among his 
 ]>eople, the F^rencli, j)revious to its relentless destruction iin- 
 
 * The experienced ro//(>.9t'Hrs are called /(iioma/<s or uiiiterer^s, according to 
 Snelling''s work on the Northwest. • L. C. I> 
 
340 Early Days of a Chicago P'(ouccr. - 
 
 der Captain Craii^, as spoken of in a previons cliapter. As agont 
 of the American Fur Co., Mr. DeCliamp's liead-qnarters W'^rt- 
 located at various convenient ]>laces in sontliern Illinois. 
 
 Such was the situation of Chicago and the contiguons country 
 in 1S18, as reported by Gurdon S. Hubbard, wlio is at tliis time. 
 1880, a well loiown citizen and living witness among us. At 
 that time he was a lad in his lOtli year, residing at Montreal 
 with his parents. Anxious to get into the fur trade lie offered 
 his services as clerk to Mr. Mathews, its agent there. His youth 
 was an objection, and no encouragement was given him. But by 
 dint of perseverance, during the winter of 1817-8, Mr. Mathews 
 finally agreed to take him providing his father would sign the 
 indenture papers binding him to serve the company iive yearn, 
 at §120.00 per year. He did not believe the father would sign 
 an Indenture by wL Ji his son was to he taken into the wilds, out 
 of the reach of his protecting care. Xor did the father believe 
 that Mr. ]\Iathews would take so young a stripling into a rough 
 service \thich required a more tenacious pith than sixteen years 
 would he a^^le to furnish. But between the nuitual doubt of 
 both the contracting parties, by making the bond contingent 
 from one to the other, young Gurdon managed to lobby his bill 
 through both houses and became duly engaged for a live years' 
 term. 
 
 On the 13th of May, 1818, every thing was ready, and the 
 clerks and voyagers, 130 in all, started in thirteen batteaux, bound 
 for Mackinaw. Their way lay up the St. Lawrence river, and 
 along the shore of Lake Erie, to Toronto, thence by a portage to 
 Lake Simcoe, crossing which another portage was madefojSTot- 
 awasauga river, down whicli they rowed to lake Huron, thence 
 along its northern shore to Mackinaw. Here they arrived on the 
 4th of July, and young Hubbard was immediately set at work in 
 the warehouse till the middle of September. He was then de- 
 tailed into the Illinois brigade, under ^[r. DeChamps, and start- 
 ed for his destination alonir the eastern shore of lake Michigan. 
 Doubling its southern extretnity, his ]>arty, consisting of about 
 100 men and twelve batteaux, containing the goods, arrived at 
 Chicago about the first of November, 1818. 
 
 Here Mr. John Kinzie lived in the house he first occupied 
 before the massacre, following his occupation of silversmith, rely- 
 ing chiefly on the Indians for patronage. No wonder these 
 simple children of nature looked upon him who could make and 
 repair tire locks for their guns as a marvelous ])rodigy as well as 
 an indispensable man among them. These mechanical accom- 
 plishments, associated as they Vv'ere with ability to ^ive wise 
 counsel tempered with the spirit of justice, placed Mr. 'vinzie so 
 high in the estimation of his swarthy friends, that his social 
 
The Portage Throwjh Mnd Lahe. 8-il 
 
 position had transcended tlie angrv passions of war, as already 
 ^hown in precedinii^ pages. His fauuly consisted of Jolin il., 
 who has ever since lived at Chicago till his death in 1805.* and 
 Avas highly esteemed as one of her able business men; Eleanor, 
 Avho afterwards married Alexander Wolcott, Indian agent, and 
 iVIaria, who married General Hunter, and is now living with her 
 linsband at "Washington ; Robert A. late United States paymaster 
 3it Chicago, who died Dec. 13th, 1873, and was buried in Grace- 
 land Cemetery, and Mrs. Hehn, daughter of Mrs. Kinzie by her 
 iirst husband. Her father, Captain McKillip, was an officer in 
 the British service at the time of Wayne's campaign. Besides 
 the Kinzie family was the family of Antoine Oiiilimette, a French- 
 man, with a Pottawatomie wife and four children: J. B. Beau- 
 bien was then awav on some tour throujjh the country, and these 
 two families, besides the garrison, conijjosed the entire ])opulation 
 ■of Chicago, except the Indians, who at that time were far more 
 numerous than the whites, throusjhout the entire countrv. And 
 had they been told that the new comers would eventually crowd 
 tiiem out and occupy the country themselves, such a prediction 
 would have been received with no small measure of astonishment 
 tmd indignation. 
 
 After resting at Chicago three days, during which time young 
 Hubbard was the guest of Mr. Kinzie, he started with his party 
 for their destination, which was the territory under the superin- 
 tendence of Mr. DeChamps. The batteaux were again loaded, 
 and they piddled up the tranquil waters of the s^uth branch of 
 the Chicago river, sending tiny ripples among the tall grasses on 
 each bank of the stream, which were thea but a monotonons al- 
 luvial of mud, in no respect different from what they were when 
 Marquette first passed tliem, one hundred and fifty-six years and 
 two months before. After rowing about to the present site of 
 liridgeport. a portage had to be made to the Desplaines. This 
 was a laborious task. The water was unusually low, and mud 
 lake, the natural estuary between the two streams, was an unin- 
 Titing suc^-ession of mud-liars and stagnant pools, where sun fish, 
 frogs and tadjioles were huddled together in close quarters. See- 
 ing the work before them, it was deemed advisable to encamp 
 till the portage could he made without damage to the store of 
 goods of which their freight consisted. This done, package after 
 l>acka<;e was carried on the shoulders of the men nine miles to 
 the banks of the Desplaines. The empty batteaux were polled 
 or dragged through Mud lake and transported to the Desplainvs 
 
 *He died June 21st, on liOiud tiie cars, near Pittsburgh. He had conversed 
 in his usual vein of apreealileness to the hist moment; and was i.n the act of 
 g'iving ahns to a poor woman, when he expired without warning. 
 
3:1:2 Indian Architect ure. 
 
 with the goods, but not without many a heavy strain. After the 
 portage was made and the ])arty were gliding down tlie Des- 
 pLaines, congratulating themselves that they should meet no mure 
 obstructions on their way, they suddenly came upon sand-bars in 
 the river that in its low stage of water extended from shore to 
 shore, and the goods had to be again taken out of the batteaux 
 and carried over them, as well as the batteaux themselves. By 
 these tardy advances the Illinois river was finally reached, down 
 M'hich they paddled their way to tiiially disband into small 
 parties, each otl which had some particular station allottcnl to 
 them respectively, as a trading post under the general direc- 
 tion of Mr. DeChamps, the agent. 
 
 The Pottawatomies were then the all-prevailing Indian power 
 of central and northern Illinois. Their principal village was 
 near the present site of Utica, on the Illinois river, and numbered 
 about 2000 inhabitants. At the mouth of the Mazon river they 
 had a village of 700 inhabitants, of which "Wabansie was chiefs 
 They also had villages at Cashe Island on the Desplaines, at Mount 
 Jolicl, Kankakee, and various other places besides Chicago, all of 
 which Mr. Hubbard reports with accurate details of their social con- 
 ditions, and the style of their architecture, if an Indian camp- 
 deserves that name. They were made of Hags, woven and lapped 
 ingeniously together, like a web of cloth. This was wound around 
 a trame work of poles set up in a tripod, or rounded at the top 
 and bent over so as to form a cone-shaped roof. Through this an 
 aperture was made at the top for the smoke to escape. The tlooi- 
 consisted of mats spread around the outermost circumference, while 
 the centre was the bare ground, on which the tim was made* 
 Around this all could sit in a circle lacing each other. Their beds 
 were skins thrown over the mats. The door was an opening in 
 the wall of drapery enclosing the lodge, over which a blanket or 
 skin was suspended. All slept soundly in this simple shelter with- 
 out fear of burglars, and many anight has my informant, Mr. Hub- 
 bard, reposed after the toils of camp life in these lodges with his In- 
 dian friends. Almost all of Mr. Hubbard's experience was of a 
 friendly character, but on his way towards St. Louis he made a 
 short stop at Peoria, in company with Mr. DeChamps, and at this 
 place encountered a beligerent Indian which .adventure he has- 
 told in Ballance's History of Peoria, as follows: 
 
 Chicago Dec. 30th, 1867. 
 C. Bat.lance, Esq. 
 
 Dear Sir: Jn reply to yours of the 26th, I have to say that I was in Peoria the- 
 last days of 1818, for the first time, on my way to St. Louis passing there, re- 
 turning about the 20th November, and wintering about one mile above Henne- 
 pin. It was my first year as an Indian ti-ader. 
 
 As we rounded the point of the lake, above Peoria, on our down trip, noticed 
 that old Fort Clark was on fii-e. just blazing up. Reaching it, we found about 
 200 Indians congregated, ei joymg a war-dance, painted hideously, with scalp* 
 
Traffic ^Yith The Indians. 343 
 
 on their spears and in their sashes, which they had taken from the heads of 
 Americans in the war with Great Britain, from 1812 to 181-5. They were danc- 
 ing, rehear*sin<j^ their deeds of bravery, etc. These were the only people then 
 there or in that vicinity. I never know of a place called Creve-Ca>ur. . . . 
 
 I have a vivid recollection of my first aiTival there. A warrior, noticingr me 
 (then a boy of 16). asked Mr. DesOhamps, the chief of our expedition, who I 
 was. He replied that I was his adopted son, just from Montreal; Vjnt this was 
 not credited. The Indian said 1 was a younpf American, and seemed tlisposed 
 to quarrel with me. Des Champs, wishin<? to mi.K with the Indians, left a man 
 on the boat with me, telling: him not to leave, but take care of me, not to go 
 out. Through this man, 1 learned what the purport of the conversation was. 
 The Indian remained at the bow of the boat, talking to me through this man, 
 who interpreted, saying, among other things, that 1 vas a young American, 
 and taking from his sash scalp after scalp, saying they were my nation's, he ^^aw 
 I was frightened. I was never more so in my life, fairly trembling with tear. 
 His last effort to insult me was taking a long-hah-ed scalp, . . . (Here the 
 Colonel describes the particular way in which the Indian made it very wet, and 
 then proceeds) and then shaking it so that it sprinkled me in the face. In a 
 moment all fcuir left me, and 1 seized Mr. DesChamp's double-barreled gun, 
 took good aim, and fired. The man guarding me was standing about half way 
 between us, and, just as I pulled the trigger, he struck up the gun. and there- 
 by saved the life of the Indian, and perhaps mine also. It produced great con- 
 fusion, Des Champs and all our men runnuiir to their boats. After a short con- 
 sultation among the old traders, Des Champs ordered the boats to push out. and 
 we descended the stream and went down three or tour miles, and camped on the 
 oppxife side of the river. That was the first experience of hostile array with 
 my n.'d brethren. Yours, etc., 
 
 O. S. Hrr.HAKD. 
 
 After each party of Mr. De Cliamp's men had ilistributed 
 themselves at various stations, which were generally on the bank 
 of some stream, the iirst business was to secure their goods in a 
 kind of store built of logs, in the rear of the building in wliich 
 they lived. This done, all but two or three sallied forth into the 
 back countrv, in squads of two or more, to seek the locality where 
 the Indians were transiently encamped for a Inint. Having found 
 them, the bartering began. Blankets, knives, vermilion and 
 trinkets were spread in tempting display, as a shopman would 
 exhibit his goods in show windows. The furs obtained for these 
 were carried back to the stations, and a new recruit of goods 
 brought out for exchange. In this way the winter was spent, and 
 when spring opened, the whole corps of traders returned to 
 Mackinaw, with their batteaux loaded with the results of their 
 winter's trade. 
 
 The Indians gave up the fur hunting, and betook themselves to 
 their lodges in time to dig up the ground with sharp sticks and 
 plant a crop of the ever essential corn for subsistence. T!iis rou- 
 tine was repeated annually by the traders and Indians, till the 
 beaver and other fur-bearing animals vanished before the plow 
 and sjiade of civilization. 
 
 Besides thegarrison and the American Fur Company at Chicago, 
 was the Indian a<;en('v. an indispensil)l(> institution wherewith to 
 settle disputes wliich might arise between them and the wlutes, 
 
M4 Factorij Sij><tt'iii. 
 
 ami to keep tliem in good linmor bv the judicious distribution of 
 ocoasioiuil presents. Tliis was established ii» 1SJ7, shortly after 
 the completion of tlie fort, and Charles Jowett,* of Kentucky, 
 appointed to its charge with a salary of one thousand dollars ])er 
 year. The factory system established at various places on the 
 frontier had for its principal object the fulfillment of such clauses 
 in Indian treaties as bound the United States to supply them 
 with goods for sale, but the energy and thrift of private enterprise 
 always outrivals any project undertaken by tlie unwieldly ma- 
 chinery of goveiument. Hence the establishment of the Ameri- 
 can Fur Comj)any soon made thelJ. S. factory at Chicago a useless 
 institution ; for although the factor, Jacob Varnum, was instruct- 
 ed to sell goods to the Indians for ten ])er cent, less than the price 
 of the same to white men, yet the Fur Company, by their superioi- 
 facilities for sending goods into the de])ths of the forest, were 
 able to monopolize the trade by underselling the factor, and as a 
 consequence, his duties as agent for the Government were assigned 
 to the authorized Indian agent, and the factors' othees were 
 always discontinued soon after private enterprise had fulfilled the 
 necessary conditions of supplying the Indians with goods. 
 
 The following letter t'roui Mr. Viirnum to the superintendent of Indian 
 affairs at Washington, was evidently written with a eoumiendable desire to en- 
 large the sphere of his usefulness to the Government at a time when the 
 American Fur Co. were monopolizing the trade with the Indians; 
 
 UxiTKD Statks Factory, Chicago, June 20th, 1819. 
 
 The exclusion of foreigners (the Hudson Bay Co. ) from the Indian trade will, 
 it is believed, justify the extension of the operation of this establishment. This, 
 together with the consideration of the large supply of l)lankets and cloths now 
 on hand, induces me to reconmiend a distribution of the goods of this factory 
 among the adjacent villages for trade, to such an extent ns will insure the sale ol 
 nearly all by the expiration of th.> trading season. Such a measure. I am well 
 convinced will be highly gratifying to the Indians, as a great number by this 
 means will be enabled to supply themselves with goods on more reasonalil'' 
 terms than could otherwise be done; nor do I ai>prehend any ditiiculty in etieit- 
 ing it to the advantag' of the frovernment, as gentlemen of unquestionable in- 
 tegrity have already applied for such outfits. JACOB H. VAUNUM. 
 
 The above propo-ition was declined in a respectful letter from the Supt. at 
 WasliingtoM. See .\m. State Pa])ers, Vol. II, p. ."{(U. 
 
 Mr. Hubbard, alter his return to JMaekinaw in the spring ot' 
 1810, was the next winter detailed to Michigan, and did nut j>ass 
 tlirough Chicago again till the fall of 1820, at which time he was 
 on Ills way back to his old trading ground in Illinois, with the 
 same companions. 
 
 No change had taken place in Chicago; the same garrison was 
 there and Mr. Kinzie's and Ouilimette's families still lived in 
 contentment amidst their wild associations, hardly dreaming of 
 
 * His name is siielled.loweltin the State Papers but in the histories of the day 
 incorrectly spellea Jcwett. 
 
Great Indian Treaty at Chicago. 345 
 
 wliat was soon to become a reality around them in the way of 
 settlements. 
 
 In the year 1816. Alexander Wolcott, of Connecticut, suc- 
 ceeded Mr. Jewett as Indian agent. Miss Eleanor Kitizie was 
 then a blooming miss of twelve. She certainly had no rival 
 <'harmers to alienate the affections of her suitor, Mr. Wolcott; or 
 if she had, it is tair to assume that she would have eclipsed them, 
 for the happy couple were married. Mr. John Hamlin, a justice 
 of the peace from Fulton county, Illin(MS, officiating on the occa- 
 sion, the two lovers, with commendable serenit}', waiting many 
 <lays for him to be sent for for that purpose. This may be set 
 <li)wn as the first wedding ever celebrated in Chicago according 
 to the approved style of modern days. Its date was 1S2U. 
 
 The next year, 1821, an event took place which was significant 
 of the ]n'ogress of settlements in the country, as well as of the 
 waning furtunes of the Indians. The country on the east bank 
 of Lake Michigan was in undisputed possession of the Pottawat- 
 omies, the Ottawas and Chippcwas, each holding their respec- 
 tive portions; but the settlements of ilichigan were rapidly 
 trenchino; on their pounds, and the Indians were not nnwiilinsr 
 to sell out to the United Stntes, under an assurance that west of 
 the lake an asylum was open to them. A treaty was therefore 
 ])roposed for the purpose of purchasing their lands, and Chicago 
 selected as the place for it, and the time appointed for its session 
 was late in August, 1821. Lewis Cass, governor of Michigan, 
 and Solomon Sihley, acted in behalf of the United States; and a 
 large band of Indian chiefs (among whom Metea, the Pottawat- 
 omie, was conspicuous) united their wisdom to make the best 
 terms they could with the LTnited States in parting with their 
 country. 
 
 At the time of this treaty, Henry R. Schoolcraft was on his 
 way from St. Louis to his heaihpiarters, as Indian Agent, near 
 the outlet ot'Lakt' Su]>erior, ami his account of this great Indian 
 couiu'il at C liieago, wliich ])lace he passed while it wa^ in sest^jon, 
 is detailed in his usual lucid style in his book entitled "Travels 
 in the Central Portions of the Mississippi Yalley," published in 
 182.>. 
 
 But first, let us listen to his descrij)tion of the great fossilized 
 tree, which was found in this early day in the Desplaiiu's river, a 
 little above its jnnctioTi with the Kankakee. Of it lie says: 
 "The part wliicii is exposed, according to our measurement, ia 
 lifty-one feet and a few inches in length, and its diameter at the 
 largest end three feet. ]^>ut there is apparently a considerable 
 portion of its original length cut'cealed in rhe rock."* After ex- 
 
 *ThomasToii8ey, Ewq, of Virffi.ia. visited that locality the next year, and 
 ▼erities Sohooknifts description ot this reiuarkiible petrifaction. 
 
346 Hat ions for Three Thousand Indians. 
 
 amining tliis tree, Mr. Schoolcraft passed Mount Joliet, which he 
 accurately describes, and with his party passed on up the west 
 side 01 the Desplaiues to the fording place, not far from the pres- 
 ent site of Riverside. After crossing he says: "We found the 
 opposite shore thronged with Indians, whose loud and obtrusive 
 salutations caused us to make a few minutes' halt. From this 
 point we were scarcely ever out of sight of straggling parties, all 
 proceeding to the same place. Most commonly they were moun- 
 ted on horses and appareled in their best manner, and decorated 
 with medals, silver bands and feathers. The gaudy and showy 
 dresses of these troops of Indians, with the jingling caused l)y 
 the striking of their ornaments, and their s|)irited manner of 
 riding, created a scene as novel as it was interesting. ''^ '^ 
 * * After crossing the south fork of the Chicago, and 
 emerging from the forest that skirted it, nearly the whole number 
 ap))eared on the extensive and level plain that stretches on the 
 shore of the lake, while the refreshing and noble spectacle of the 
 lake itself, with 'vast and sullen swell,' appeared beyond." 
 
 To accommodate the nnmerous delegation who gathered at 
 Chicago, at this council, great preparations had to be made at 
 the expense of the government. Rations must be issued, not 
 only to the chiefs wdio took part in the deliberations, but to all 
 who came as spectators to grunt out gutteral api)robation to the 
 various speeches to be made. These numbered over 3(MX): they 
 had wearily toiled around the southern extremity of Lake Mich- 
 igan, and reached Chicago with a keen relish for the " mess of 
 pottage for which their birthright was to be sold, and he who 
 would deny this poor pittance to them ought to be branded with 
 anathema. The northern bank of the river immediately oppo- 
 site the fort was the spot selected for the council, within the 
 range of its guns — perhaps as a measure of caution. In the 
 center of the grounds an open bower was erected, with rustic 
 seats for the chiefs. Two or three days were taken up in for- 
 malities essential to the etiquette of Indian customs in all im- 
 portant negotiations, and the council was o})ened by a speech, 
 from Governor Cass, setting forth the objects of the convention, iu 
 which the jiolitic orator eni})hasized his words describing the 
 benefits resulting to the Indians through the money and goods 
 they were to get f(>r tiieir lands, and after reminding them that 
 tbeir country was now nearly destitute of game, formally pro- 
 posed to t)(jy it, generously ottering to let them still retain por- 
 tions of it till wanted for settlements, although they were receiv- 
 ing annuities for the same. 
 
 A short jiause ensued after the respectful attention which the 
 Indians had given to this speech, and after tvvo days considera- 
 
Cession of Indian Lands. 3-iT 
 
 tion, Metea replied to it in his happiest vein of oratory. The 
 
 following are extracts from it. 
 
 ■■ Mj- Father, our country was given to us by the Great Spirit, who g.ive it to 
 us to hunt upon, to make our corn fields upon, to live upon. anJ to make our 
 beds upon when we die ; and he would never forgive us should we now bargain 
 it away. When you first spoke to us of the lands of the St. Marys, we said we 
 had a little, and agreed to sell you a piece of it ; but we told you we could spare 
 no more. Now you ask us again. You are never satisfied ! We have sold you 
 a great tract of land already ; but it is not enough ! We sold it to you for the 
 benefit of your children, to farm and to live upon. We shall want it all for our- 
 selves. We know not how long we may live, and we wish to leave some lands for 
 our children to hunt upon. You are gradually taking away our hunting grounds. 
 We are growing uneasy. What lands you have you may retain, but we shall 
 sell no more. You think perhaps I speak in passion, but my heart is gootl 
 towai-ds you. We have now told you what we had to say. It is what was de- 
 termined on in a council among ourselves ; and what I have spoken, is the voice 
 of my nation. But do not think wo have a bad opinion of you. We speak to 
 vou with a good heart, and the feelings of a friend." 
 
 Governor Cass replied to this speech, indulging in soft word& 
 not unjustly applied, as due in the main to the honor and good 
 faitli of the Indians, to which various Indian Cliiefs replied in 
 the usual style of Indian oratory. John Kinzie also made a 
 speech, in which he refuted a charge of non-fultilhnent of treaty 
 obligations on the part of the United States. These delibera- 
 tions lasted till the !23d. pending which no one doubted, either 
 white or Indians, that the latter would come to the terms re- 
 (juiredof them and sell tlieir lands, but no signs of 3'ielding the 
 issue were yet manifest in the impenetrable countenances of the 
 chiefs, as the council was closed on this day by one of the chiefs 
 wiio said : 
 
 '•My Father, it is late; I shall do no more to-day; but to- 
 morrow you shall hear our tinal council. You are hungry by 
 tliis time. You white men eat at certain tixcd hours; we In- 
 dians do what we have to do and eat when it is convenient. 
 
 The deliberations lasted till the 29th, when the treaty was 
 signed by both parties. 
 
 The Indians made a cession of their lands in Michigan, 
 amounting to over tive million acres, for which the Pottowato- 
 mies were to receive an annuity of five thousand dollars per an- 
 mini for twenty years, in specie, and the sum of one thousand 
 dollars expended annually among them during the time to sup- 
 port a blacksmith and .1 teacher, and the right to immediately 
 construct roads through the territory ceded, connecting Detroit,. 
 Fc»rt Wayne and Chicago, was guaranteed. 
 
 The OtLawas were to receive a perpetual annuity of one thous- 
 and dollars, and for ten years the sum of iifteen hundred dollar* 
 expended annually to fu"nish tiiem a blacksmith and a teacher. 
 
 The next year, 1822. passed off with few incidents to diversify 
 the seeming inanity of life on the frontier. The officers of th» 
 
348 Narrative of E. Ch'ilds. 
 
 garrison, together with tie few citizens of the place, amused 
 themselves with hunting, fishing, and such sports as their infin- 
 ite leisure conld l!:^'ent i.i their immunity from the burdens of 
 society, as it now is, Their supplies for subsistence were 
 obtained from Detroit ]>_y a sailing vessel in her annual trip, and 
 also from Southern Illinois, up the Illinois and Desplaines rivers, 
 to this then obscure post, environed by a hundred miles of wilder- 
 ness, without an inhabitant except the Indians. The following 
 report from Col. Ebenezer Childs, of LaCrosse, to the State His- 
 torical Societv of Wisconsin, will give a faithful jncture of the 
 •country at this date: 
 
 In 1821 I made a trip to St. Louis in a bark canoe up Fox River, acro^^s tlio 
 Porta^o. and down the Wisconsin to Prairie du Chion. and thence down the 
 Mississippi. I was sixteen days on my journej', and snw but seven white men 
 in the whole distance, out.side the forts. 1 met one keel-boat on the Mississippi 
 bound up for Fort Armstrong at Hock Island. There was a small fjarrisoa 
 opposite the mouth of the T^es Moines River. There were but few Americans 
 and few Spaniards at St. Louis; the inhabitants were mostly French. There 
 was but one brick building in the place, and no buildings were located on Front 
 street, or where the levee now is. I encamped on the sand l)each, near where 
 the old market is located. \ remained two weeks, did my business, when 1 was 
 advised to return by way of the Illinois River. 
 
 I started by that route, and the next day was taken down with the ague and 
 fever, and the day following one of my men was also taken with the same coni- 
 
 Flaint, which left me with one Indian and one Frenchman to paddle my canoe, 
 did not provide a sufficiently large stock of provisions when I left St. Louis, 
 presuming that I could get plenty on the Illinois. But all I was able to obtain. 
 was one ham full of maggots, and one peck of Indian meal. I saw but oik; 
 house from the mouth of the Illinois to Fort Clark, where Peoi'ia now if, at 
 -which latter place one French trader resided. When we reached there, I was 
 •completely exhausted, and remained a few days to recruit a little, when we Ifft 
 to prosecute our journey. We continued up the Illinois to the junction of the 
 JKankakee and Eau Plaine, and thence up the Eau Plaine to where I supiws d 
 we had to make a portage to Chicago River; but I could not see any signs of 
 the portage. There had been heavy rains for several days, which had so raiseil 
 the streams that they overflowed their banks. I concluded that I had gone 
 far enough for the portage, so 1 left the Eau Plaine and took a northeast direc- 
 tion. After traveling a few miles, I found the current of the Chicago River. 
 The whole country was inundated; 1 found not less than two feet of water all 
 the way across the i)ortage. 
 
 That night I arrived at ( hicago. pitched my tent on the bank of the lake, and 
 went to the iort for provisions. I was not. however, able to obtain any; the 
 commissaiy informing nie that the public ston's were so reduced that the gar- 
 rison were subsisting on half rations, and he knew not when they would get 
 any more. I went to Col. Bkaubkln, wiio furnished me with a small si.j^piy. 
 I found two 'traders there from Mackinaw; and as my men were all su k. I 
 exchanged my tt^nt and canoe lor a horse, and took passage on board th<j 
 Mackinaw boat as far as Manit«nvoc. One of our party had to go by land and 
 ride the horse. There were a^ this time but two tamilies residing outside of the 
 Iort at Chicago, those of Mr. Kinzie and Col. Bk-vcuein. 
 
CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 The Name Chicago First Appears on School Atlases — The 
 Mysteries Beyond — Adventures of James Galloxoay and 
 What Greio out of Them — Arrival of The Clyhourns at 
 Chicago — Chicago Sicrveyed and Laid Out in 'Village Lots 
 — The Winnehago Sca?'e — The Illinois and 3£ichigan Ca- 
 nal Located — Civil JTidory of Early Chicago^ — County 
 Organization — Adjacent Settlements — David McKee's 
 Narration. 
 
 Tl.iere are yet many persons living tlironghout the I^ortliwest, 
 but little past luiddle age, who were horn in the old fashioned 
 New England cottage. It stood iipon a level sward of green, but 
 scanty in extent, among the diversified liills and valleys around, 
 Near its side door was the well, witli its ''old oaken bncket" sus- 
 pended from the elevated extremity of the well-sweep by means 
 of a slender pole cut from the adjacent woods. The kitchen was 
 the largest and most important room in the house. One door 
 led from it directly into a parlor half its size, but this door was 
 seldom opened except when distinguished guests came to occupy 
 the room sacred to their entertainment. Two other doors opened 
 into bedrooms below, and a stairway led directly to apartments 
 above, used for sleeping rooms or clutter-lofts. The fire-place 
 was large enough to accommodate a large baking oven, reached 
 througli 1 aperture in the jamb on the right hand side, wdiero 
 the " rye-Indian"' bread and pork and beans were baked. All 
 provident husbands kept on hand a stock of fine-split dry wood 
 to heat the oven — hence the old familiar couplet: 
 
 " Y(>:i mn?t bo kind, you must bo <rood, '.- 
 
 Ana keep your wito in oven wood." ^ • 
 
 The fuel tised for heating the room in the winter was a green 
 rock-maple back-log, in front of which small dry wood, laid upon 
 two iron " fire-dogs," burned brightly, and in the long winter eve- 
 nings pine knots were used, that blazed with such brilliancy as 
 
350 Chicago on The School Atlas. 
 
 to send a glaviniif liglit into the remotest part of the kitchen. By 
 their light a bashful suitor to one of tlie daughters woukl lose a 
 few games of checkers with her brother, who had nothing to dis- 
 tract his attention. "While this was going on, the fair one sits 
 nearer the tire, busy with her slate-pencil and arithmetic. AVhen 
 nine o'clock conies, all retire but the two lovers; but before doing 
 this, the father assures the young man by inviting him nearer 
 the lire. The invitation is accepted, not without some reserve on 
 the part of the yoinig man as he draws \^^ to the fire, and conse- 
 quently nearer the object of his affections. All these old-fash- 
 ioned ways are changed now, but yet some of the cottages are 
 still standing that have witnessed them; and let us look into one 
 of their garrets and see if we can find something to freshen our 
 memories of earh- days. The garret is lighted by a six-light 
 window in each gable end, fitted with seven-bv-nine glass, and by 
 their light we will look for what we wish to find. Here are the 
 treadles of the old loom, that "mother's"' feet have pressed with 
 measured round as she twilled the web she was weaving; the 
 spinning-wheel, and the wooden '• finger" with wliich she turned 
 it into a sonorous hum. Here is the old hand-reel, two feet long, 
 with a cross-bar on each end like a T. Here is the flax-wheel and 
 its distafl", with some of the tow still clingin<; to it. Next comes 
 the old '• foot stove." It is a sheet-iron box set in a wooden frame, 
 in which a small sheet-Iron dish of live coals is placed, on which 
 "mother's" feet rest while she sits in church in the winter, be- 
 fore the introduction of stoves. Ah! here comes something that 
 would make the tears channel down the crow-tracks of age, if 
 these original tenants jf this piece of furniture could see it. It is 
 the old wooden cradle, from the sides of which the hands of 
 " mother" have worn oft" the paint in her efforts to rock to sleep 
 her rollicking babies. It is full of a medley of cast-off relics — 
 hanil-cards, old newsj^apers, old copy-books filled up v.'ith straight 
 marks, pot-hooks and curves. At the bottom are the old school- 
 books; among wl ich are Marshall's Spelling-book, the English 
 Reader, the Columbian Orator, Murray's Grammar, and lastly, 
 Woodbridge's Geograpiiy. This is what we have been looking 
 for all this time, for on it the name "Chicago'" first made its ap- 
 peai-ance in our school-book literature. 
 
 It was suggestive of I'^ckless adventure far beyond the re- 
 straints of civilization; a ] lace around which clustered Indian 
 tents, ornamented with scalps hung out to dry as we boys 
 stretched our coon skins on boards, and he who would dare to go 
 there must be a prodigy of pluck. l)eyond this place on our 
 school maps interposed a vast plain between lake Alichigan and 
 the Mississippi river, on whicli were names of Indian tribes 
 whose pronunciation set our stammering tongues at defiance. 
 
W^esfern 21ijsteries. 351 
 
 8t. Anthony's Falls, Prairie du Cliien, Ft. Arnistronn^, on Piock 
 Island, and Ft. Madison, at the Des Moines Rapids, were the 
 only names on the Upper Mlssissipjji above St. Louis, e.\ce]>t tlie 
 inevitable nomenclature of Indian names, which were always 
 such a puzzle to us. 
 
 The Mississippi river was as far west as our maps of the Uni- 
 ted States went; but on the map of North America the immense 
 void between this river and the Pacitic coast was filled u]) with 
 large spaces lettered unexplored ; and on its extreme western 
 verjre was a stiff ranm' of mount;'.ins, studdino; the Pacific coast 
 like the bold headlainl^ of a river. Here the majestic forces of 
 nature crowned the mountain tops with everlasting snow, and 
 warmed the valleys with perennial spring. Here wei"e *^enantless 
 deserts and basins below tide water, havinir no connection with 
 the sea — so our geographies said. Whatever else was there was 
 left to conjecture, and our timid imaginations would paint the 
 suhlimest grandeurs of savage life, basking in the assurance of a' 
 perpetual lease among their mysterious and impregnable fast- 
 nesses. 
 
 Our fiithers, from whose fanciful imagery the wire edge had 
 been taken off by the adaptaiion of ways and means to ends, 
 looked more practically \\\)ow the matter, and saw a glorious fu- 
 ture spectacle opening before the world in the development of 
 this exhaustless region of supply, though now beyond the limits 
 of civilization. They beheld the vast chain of lakes on the map 
 extending into the interior of a continent almost to the dividing 
 ridge of the ]Mississippi Valley, with an eye to the useful. Here 
 unmeasured plains must be upturned by the plow, farm houses 
 erected, churches, school houses and highways must be built, 
 cities laid out. and all the ornamentation which belongs to them 
 must be introduced. Where was to be the central meti-opolis of 
 these productions of man's handiwork in the great ])lateau of 
 North America — the high and salubrious plain from wdience the 
 Mississippi found its sources, where the great inland seas secreted 
 their waters, like reservoirs for the use of a nation? The solu- 
 tion of this was yet a scaled book whose secrets were to be re- 
 vealed in their own fortuitous way. Little by little the qnestion 
 has been answered as the progress ot private and public enter- 
 prise has unveiled the destiny of Chicago. 
 
 The first settlers along the alluvial intervals of the rivers in 
 Ohio and Indiana, especially in the wooded districts, had a sorry 
 experience for the first few years; not for want of supplies 
 wherewith to subsist, for these M'ere easily obtained from the 
 forest, but the fever and ague was ever present during the mala- 
 rial months of spring and fall, and few escaped it sooner or later. 
 It was not generally known then that the Illinois prairies were 
 
tiii'2 AdceidKnn erf JamtS (jalloirmj. 
 
 almost exempt from tin's scouriie, a!i(l even it" it had heen, it& 
 ffreat distance into the "vvilds was an objection to emigrants who 
 journeyed west in tlieir own wagons. 
 
 At the close of the war of IS 12 James Gallo\va_y, a native of 
 Pennsylvania, emigrated to Erie Co., Ohio, in this way, where 
 he lived till 1824. lie then resolved to try his fortune on the 
 Illinois prairies at or near Chicago, where the ague was less 
 prevalent than at his home in Ohio. With tliis end in view lie 
 <)btained a wagon with much exertion, and secured the services 
 of a Mr. Slater, an experienced trapper, to accomi)anyhim to his 
 new destination. On the 1st of September, his outfit, consisting 
 of a gun, an Indian ton ahawk, ammunition, steel traps, blankets 
 and a sack of corn meal, was ready, and the two started with a 
 horse and wagon, westward into the wilds. Besides shooting the 
 necessary game on which to live as they traveled day after day, 
 they set their traps near their encampment each night, and thus 
 'obtained a stock of furs which increased daily, till their arrival 
 at Ft. "Wayne. Here they disposed of them and resumed their 
 journey through the forests, following military roads or Indian 
 trails, to St. Jo3e])]i. which was the next point to be reached. 
 Thence they followed the old Indian trail which had for man}- 
 years been a well known route from Detroit westward around the 
 southern extremitv of Lake Michiiran, thence branching off in 
 various directions to important points in Indian estimation, such 
 as Chicago, liock Island, and the Illinois river at Starved Rock, 
 Mr. Galloway and his companion took the Chicairo trail. It led 
 principally along the sands of the lake and brought them directly 
 to the spot by a better road than the avei'age path thi'ough the 
 wilderness. Here M"^. Galloway made the acquaintance of Billy 
 Caldwell and Alexander Kobinson, two notal)le Indian chiefs, 
 often mentioned in preceding pages, and a Scotchman named 
 Wallace, all of whom showed him many favors, and subsequently 
 were of essential service ti) him. Besides these, Mr. Galloway 
 mentions Mr. John Ivinzie, Dr. Woolcott and Ouilimettc, as 
 permanent residents, and several others wiio were only transient 
 visitors at the place. Such was Chicago, late in the autumn of 
 1824. 
 
 Afte^ sufficient rest, Mr. Galloway with his companion started 
 into the interior, and arriving at the present locality of Marsailles 
 they found a squatter named Weed. Of him Mr. Galloway 
 bought his title, which was nothing more than a moral claim to 
 twenty acres of land of which he had taken possession and im- 
 proved with a log cabin, flere he wintered and made prepara- 
 tions for a home. The following spring he returned to his family 
 in Ohio by way of the lakes, and suddenly surprised them by his 
 appearance in their midst without warning, as no means were 
 
A(/r< /i/ '//'■(■s of JiiuHN (idlldHHitj. 35;^ 
 
 tlien a:, liatnl to comiiiuiiicate from oik^ tlistaiit ]>t)iiit to anotlicr, 
 atul tliev iiad ivccivcd uu tidings from liim since lie had left home 
 the {U'ovions fall. His adventures Avere soon told, and his j)lans 
 laid to emii^'rate to Illinois. The next year everv thini^was made 
 ready, and he Avith his family embiu'ked from Saiidu>I<y, in 
 October. Their vessel lan<led at Detroit, where, after making a 
 week's stop, it sailed for Mackinaw. Here the captain fell among 
 some boon companions, and wasted a week's fine weather in dissi- 
 pation, aJthough the season of autumnal storms was near at hand. 
 About the middle of ( )ctobt!r the linal start was made for (.'liicai;o 
 durinijr a severe storm. The vessel rode the waves succes-fullv 
 till rounding- the ishnul of St. Helena ^-lie struck a rock and sunk 
 on the beach within three or four rods of the shore. Fortunately 
 all the ])assen<2:;ers reached the land, but through .-i drenching rain, 
 and liere they remained twu days without shelter, amidst the 
 tamarac swamps of the wild place, living on such provi>ions as 
 could be saved from the stranded 'vessel in the contnsiim of the 
 hour. Mr. Galloway had on board ],">(> bbls. of Hour, UO l)bl>. of 
 salt and 15 bbls. of pork. The salt was entirely lost, but the 
 tlour and pork were unloaded in order to rejiair the vessel. The 
 repairs were made by two ship carpenters who fortunately haj)- 
 pened to be on board as passengers. Th's done, the merchandise 
 Avas re-loaded, except what was lost, and the vessel again put to 
 sea, bound for the port from whence she had last started, !\rack- 
 inaw, Avhich they reached after two day's sail by dint of hard 
 pumping to keep the disabled vessel alioat. Here the American 
 Fur Company had a vessel comman<led by Capt, liansom, about 
 to sail for Chicago, on her annual trij). Mr. Galloway's griefs 
 did not end here, for he was obliged to submit to extortionate terms 
 iu order to secure a passage for his freight and family. Besides 
 paying $(50.00, it was stipulated that on arriving at Chicago the 
 most valuable ]tortion of the freight should be placed in the 
 hands of the American Fur Company, where it should remain 
 till the 10th of the tollowing May."" On arriving at Chicago, 
 liowever, Mr. Galloway, through the assistance of the passengers 
 managed to get the flour and ])t»rk, one s|)inning-wheel, and one 
 loom into his poss(s.^ion. The Fur Company retaining 1 bbl. 
 cherry bounce, 1 bbl. ]H'ach braiuly, 1 bbl. vinegar, perhaps on 
 the ground that they could appreciate the use of these articles 
 better than a private family. 
 
 There were then no temperance societies to bring consolation 
 to Mr. Galloway for the loss of this questionable merchandise, 
 all of which he had made himself, pure and tasteful. This, how- 
 ever, was no time to despond; provision for the winter must be 
 
 *The reasons for this unusual demand were not stated by my informant. 
 
354: A /r,'n(iin\s of Jinn,\-i GaUoir.nj. 
 
 ma'le iimiiodiutely. jiiul iiiuler very adverse circumstances. Tlis 
 vjuarr.'l with tlie Aiiicrican Fur ('<)m]>;ui\' lia«l made it impossi- 
 ble for him to o'et (juarters in Chicago wliere tiieir iutluenco 
 was ])oteut, and hut for the kindness of Alexander liobinson, lie 
 might have been ohli^ed to camji out all winter, lie owned a 
 vacant liouse at Hard Scrabble (Lee's place), and ottered it to 
 Lini rent free, wliich pro])osal ]\[r. Galloway acce]>ted, and at 
 once occupied the ])hice with his family for the winter. 
 
 ,Tose]ih LaFrond)oise, ^fr. Wallace, a Mr. Weicks, and an In- 
 dian trader i^well known to some of the old settlers of ("hicag", 
 still living") named Barney Lawton. wei-e at the time living at 
 Lee's ]ilaco, and were near neighbors t() ^tr. Galloway. T^ow the 
 tide began to turn with him; Mary, his oldest daughter, was a 
 comelv miss of fourteen vears, and be^an to receive invitations 
 to dances and other social gatherings at Chicago, and though tlu^ 
 prudential mother declined these overtures, she often entertained 
 Chicago soci( ty at her house, and frequently on these occasions, 
 were brought back to her bottles of the delectable, drawn from 
 the ]\ralmsey butt, which the Fur Com[)any had retained unjustly, 
 as ^Ir. Galloway claimed, and in this way these free wines were 
 shared partially by the original owners, not as a measure of jus- 
 tice, but with that air of profusion which often accompanies dis- 
 sipation in its early fascination, ere its excesses have crossed the 
 Ri'bicon between decorum and degradation. When this line oi' 
 ieaiarkation was left to the censorshij) of public opinitjn only, 
 its restraints were stronger and more salutary than when the tem- 
 perance issue is complicated with politics tt) lacquer over private 
 schemes with a shallow diguise of public good, as is sometimes 
 the case now, particularly in large cities. But Chicago at this 
 time was only a trading post, and was subject to little or no n^- 
 straint except what grew out of a natural discrimination betweetj 
 justi<'e and injustice, and though it was made up with savage lite 
 and the active spirits of civilized life, that brimmed over its con- 
 tines, yet no acts of violence were committed, and in the nuiin 
 the ends of justice were answered and the people averaged as 
 temperate then as now. 
 
 The fur trade was the great interest of the place, and it would 
 have been premature at that time to Lave attempted the intro- 
 duction of any other, farther than to PU])ply the limited wants of 
 the place. Ouilimette kej)t a Hock of sheej) by dint of much care 
 to protect tlieni from the ravages of the wolves. The flesh of 
 these ainmals found a ready market for homo consumption, but 
 the wool was a di-ug, and Mr. Galloway purchased wdiat he want- 
 ed of it for twenty -five cents per pound. This the industrious 
 Mary carded, spun, and knit into stockings, wliich she sold readily 
 at from seventy-five cents to one dollar a pair, according to the 
 
ArchiJxdd Clyhourn Arrives at Chicmjo. 355 
 
 li>iii:-tli. This youiiiiOIiss is now, 1880, '^^I•s. ArcliiUaM ("lybourn, 
 rtsidiiii: on Klstoii Ave., ChicH<^o; and to her is the writer in- 
 <l( litcd for the ])recedin<j,- taets relating to lier father. In the 
 spring folhiwiuir their ri'sideuoe at Lee's phice, IS'JT, her father, 
 Mr. Galloway, moved with his family to the home he had pur- 
 <-!iased the year before. His tratis|iortatiou to the place was 
 efiected by means of a larire boat fashioned on the dug-out plan, 
 Avhich ho inade himself from a bhick walnut tree, on the banks of 
 tlie (Chicago river. Taking advantage of the usual spring freshets, 
 he navigated this ves-el, freighted with his family and all his 
 valual)les, t!. rough ]\Iud lake and duwti the l)es])laines and Illi- 
 nois rivers, to his home. The place was theii called the Grand 
 Rapids of the lUinuis. Here Mr. and Mrs. Galloway s])ent the 
 remainder of their days, highly esteemed by all who knew them. 
 Mrs. (Talloway died i]i'l8;)(». and Mr. Galloway survived till 1864, 
 ■when he died, and many of the ]M"esent inha!iitants of Chicago 
 will d 'uhtless remember reading the becoming obituary notices 
 which the Ghica;>o pa]iers gave of him at the time. 
 
 In a former chapter, the adventures of Margaret and Elizabeth 
 McKenzie Avere related, and it will be remembered that Elizabeth, 
 after having been raised from her childhood among the Shaw- 
 anese, married a Mr. Clark, a trader near Detroit, by whom she 
 had two children, John K. and Elizabeth Clark; and her father 
 getting news from her and his t»lder child Margaret, sought and 
 found them, and both of the captives left their husbands, and 
 with their childivn returned with their father to Virginia, their 
 old home. Soon after their return, Elizabeth married a Mr. 
 Jonas Olybotirn, and Mr. Archibald ('lybourn, so well known 
 as one of the esteemed early citizens of Chicago, was tiie oldest 
 son of this union. Biim lull of the spirit of ailventnre, nurtured 
 into activity by the associations of frontier life, he made his 
 appearance in the little town of Chicago on horseback, late in the 
 summer of 1828. Alighting at the house of John Kinzie, he 
 presented his diploma. This consisted of his elastic step, his 
 nonest countenance and his wiry form, hardened into ready ser- 
 vice by his training. He had made the long journey on hoi'se- 
 back armed with a rille, with which to procure food on tlie way, 
 and equipped with a blanket for a bed at night. His story was 
 soon told to Mr. Kinzie; he was the eon of p]lizabeth, who was 
 sister of Margaret. This reached a sensitive s]H)t in Mr. Kinzie'a 
 lieart, and he em]>loyed him at once as a clerk in his store, which 
 lie then kept on the north bank of tlie river. 
 
 After remaining in his service a year, young Archibald went 
 I'ack to Virginia for the purpose of bringing his father and 
 mother to Chicago, as he had determined to msike the place his 
 permanent liome, and wished to settle his parents close by him, 
 
35(5 lieiiiiuiscence^ of Jl/'f. CJyhourn. 
 
 where lie could cherish and protect them in tlieir declining years. 
 In accordance with this filial resolution, they with himself, came 
 to Chicago the next year, arrivinji' on the :2od of Auirust, 1S"24. 
 They made the journey in a liimher wagon, John K. Clark, the 
 oldest son of Elizabeth (Mrs. Clybourn). by her first husliand^ 
 accompanying them, to assist in attending to the wants of tlie 
 parents on the way." On arriving at Chicago, Mrs. Clybourn 
 readily recognized the place as a familiar spot, whei-e the Indian 
 father who adopted her had taken Iier with his family in his 
 erratic wanderings during her ca])tivity. Several times had he 
 been here to trade with Shawne-au-kee (John Kinzie), and pay 
 his respects to his brethren, the Pottawatoniies, and Mrs. Cly- 
 bourn felt all the more at home at the ]dace for this rem in i seen ee.^ 
 
 On Mr. Cly bourn's arrival at the ])lace he took possession of 
 a parcel of land, now known as Shefiield Addition to Chicago, 
 where he built a log house and made ])rei)arations for farming. 
 Nearly the entire north half of the State of Illinois was then 
 in its wild state, while the southern halt was well settled, and' 
 Chicago was dependent on it for various supplies, of which beef 
 Wiis the one most wanted. To sui)])ly this demand, young Archi- 
 bald, after having comfortably settled his parents, went into the 
 business of butchering, and was obliged to go as far south as San- 
 gamon county to buy his cattle. This long trip brovight him 
 pa^t the home of Mr. Galloway, on the Illinois river, which was 
 a kind of half-way station between Chicago and the settled por- 
 tions of Illinois. Here amidst the dreary wastes of the l)road prai- 
 rie, relieved only by narrow fringes of woodland along tlie streams, 
 Mr. Galloway's solitary home welcomed the occasional travelers 
 who passed that way. This home was enlivened by the youthful 
 Mary, and when young Archibald, quartered on the hospitalities 
 of the venerable father, and talked over their forest adventures to- 
 gether, other thoughts came to his mind, and other emotions to 
 his heart, that eclipsed even the social affinities of backwoods- 
 men. 
 
 In the summer of 1829, a stylisli carriage drawn by two mettle- 
 some steeds, arrived at Chicago from over the soutliern prairies. 
 In it were Mary and Archibald. She was Mrs. Clybourn now. 
 In 1835 they built a fine brick house on thi'ir farm, which was 
 then a model to be admired by every one who saw it, and at this 
 time is still a respectable as well as comino(lious house, bearing 
 the appearance of an ancient landmark of the |)rairies. Such it 
 was for many years after it was first built, the whole country to 
 the westward, being an open prairie of such exceeding tertility, 
 
 *John K. Clark ha<] been to Chicago four or five years proviously, and it was 
 owinsr to hia commeiidntionB of the place that young Archibald and others came, 
 as told ill a precedinK chapter. 
 
Chicago Surveyed and Platted. •>57 
 
 that the grass in many ])hiees was tall enough to hide a horse and 
 !iis rider. At the time ofMr. Clybourn's marriage, 1829, Chicago 
 ■consisted of the several wliite families and persons already men- 
 tioned, and a few other emigrants, whose names are not remem- 
 bered by those to whom the writer is indebted for the details of 
 tliat early day. Besides these and the garrison, were perhaj)s a 
 dozen families of half-breeds living in huts, who were more like In- 
 dians than white people, and many of them cast their lot with the 
 former when they were moved westward, in 1835 and '6; some of 
 them were above par ii: those refined vii-tues which bring love and 
 peace to the domestic circle; of these, several young girls have 
 been mentioned to the writer who married respectable white men, 
 and whose descendants are now amotig our esteemed citizens. 
 
 In 1821 Chicago and its environs were surveyed in goviirn- 
 uient sections." In 1820 Chicago was suiveved and ])lattcd info 
 village lots, and a map of it engraved and piibli.«hed the next 
 year. This was done, not by private enterprise, the usual method 
 of laying out towns, but by state authority, for the purpose of 
 Selling lots and applyiiig the proceeds to the construction of the 
 •canal, whieii ".as to connect the lakes with the Missis--ip])i river. 
 This scheme had long been thought of, and the expectation of its 
 <idti mate fultill merit had drawn thither a little nucleus to a future 
 metropolis. On the 14th of February, 1823, the legislature of 
 Illinois, then holding its sessions at Vandalia, passed an act con- 
 stituting and appointing a board of canal commissioners to make 
 ]>reliminary surveys. The next year, 1824, live ditterent routes 
 were partially surveyed, and estinuites made of the cost of construct- 
 ang the canal. Colonel K. Paul, an engineer of St. Tx)uis, was 
 one of the board. Their highest estimate was only $716,110.0(). 
 Xothing more wtu; done till January 18th, 1825. when the Illi- 
 nois legislature passed an act incorporating the Illinois and Mich- 
 igaji canal, with a capital of one million dollars. The stock wjis 
 not taken, and all hope of building the catial by the state van- 
 ished. Those intere.-led in the completion of this work, withtuit 
 which- Chicago would be a forlorn hope, next looked to Congress 
 for aid; and two years liittM", in 1827 on the 2nd of ^farch, through 
 the iiitluence of ll<»n. Diiniel P. Cook, it came. Kvery alternate 
 section . f ])nblic land in a belt twelve miles wide, thi-ough tho 
 center of which the camil was to pass, was donated to the State of 
 Illinois by the genera! government, to aid in its construction. 
 
 Unfortunately the State was then under too heavy a load of 
 debt to avail itself of this generous endowment to build the caJial, 
 iind its commencement was destined to be again postponed. 
 
 Even at this date, 1S27, Chicago was by no means exempt from 
 Indian alarms, of which the " Winneb;.go Scare" W!»s no incou- 
 
 •See copy Gov't Survey at Handy & Co.'s, Chiciigo. 
 
358 Ilahhard's Account of The Wniinbofjo Scare. 
 
 siik'nible one, and is worthy of notice, more as a record of the 
 times than as an item of history as to the event itself. It has 
 been v.ell told by Gurdon S. ll"l)bard and Mr. IT. Cunninojhani, 
 a citizen of Edgtu- Co., be_i;iunin<^ with the relation of Mr. 
 Hubbard, as follows: 
 
 '"At til. breaking out of the Winnebago war, early in July, 182V, 
 Fort Dearborn was without military occupation.* 
 
 Doctor Alexander Wolcott, 1 '^iau Agent, had charge of the 
 Fort, living in the brick building, just within the north stockade 
 previously occupied by the conunanding officers. 
 
 The old officers' quarters built of logs, on the west, and within 
 the pickets, were occupied by Russell E. Heacock, and one other 
 American family, while a number voyageurs, with their families 
 were living in the soldiers' quarters, on the east side of the en- 
 closure. . The store-house and guard-liouse were on either side of 
 the southern gate; tlie sntler's store was east of the north gate, 
 and north of the soldiers' barracks; the block-house was located 
 at the southwest and the bastion at the northwest corners of tlie 
 Fort, and the magazine, of brick, was situated about half-way 
 between the west end of the guard and block-houses. 
 
 The annual payment of the Pottawatomie Indians occurred in 
 September of the year 1828. A large body of them had assem- 
 bled, according to custom, to receive tlieir annuity. These left 
 after the payment for their respective villages, except a portion of 
 Big Foot's band. 
 
 The nig.it following the payment, tliere was a dance in the 
 soldiers' barracks, during the progress of which a violent storm 
 of wind and rain arose; and about midnight these quarters were 
 struck by lightning and totally consumed, together with the 
 store-house and a portion of the gviard-house. 
 
 The sleeping inmates of Mr. Kinzie's house, on the opposite 
 bank of the river, were aroused by the cry of ''^7?r<?," from Mrs. 
 
 * Says Will. Hickling, as to the cause of tiiis war: 
 . Should any one be curious enough to inquire into the causes which led to, 
 and brought about, this so-called " Winnebago War," let him consult "' Ki>y- 
 nolds' Lite and Tunes," and also an interesting article on the subject furnished' 
 the Jacksonville (ill.) Journal, August 17, 1871, by the Hon. Win. Thomas, of 
 that city, and which article was also reproduced in one of our city papers a few 
 months since, under the head of " Ftty Years Ago." 
 
 This speck of war with a portion ot our aboriginal inhabitants, on the then 
 Western frontier, was caused, like too many others of a similar character, which 
 for more than two centuries past, have from time to time, been the cause which 
 has deluged our frontier settlements in blood, by the wanton brutality;, outrage, 
 and totaldisregard of decency and right, perpetrated by a few semi-civilized, 
 drunken wliite men, upon a portion of the band of Winnebagoes, then en- 
 camped near Prairie du Chien, whose m')tto at that time seemed to be, as is too 
 often the ca.se now-a-days. viz: " That the poor Indians have no rights which a 
 white man is bound to respect." 
 
11 (ihhd nV a Account of Tim Wuiiwljago Scare. •>''>9 
 
 lleliii. oiK' (»f thfir miinb-r, wlio fn^m lier window had seen tlie 
 flfuiici". On lie;irin<r tlie alarm, 1, with IJohoit Ivinzie, kite Pay- 
 master of United States' Anm', ha-^tily arose, and only partially 
 dressed, ran to the river. To our dismay, we found the eaiioe, 
 Avhich was nsed for crossini^ the river, Ulled with water; it had 
 been ])artially drawn np on the beach and Itecaine iilled by the 
 dasliing of the waves. Jsot bein<:^ able to turn it over, and liaving 
 nothing with which to bail it out, we lost no time, but swam the 
 stream. Enterin<r bv thi^ north ffate we saw at a irlanee the sit- 
 nation. The barracks and store-house being wrapped in liaines, 
 we directed our energies to the saving of the guard-house, the 
 east end of which was on fire. Mr. Ivinzie, rolling himself in a 
 wet blanket, got upon the loof. The men and women, about 40 
 in number, formed a line to the river, and with buckets, tubs and 
 every available utensil, passed the water to him; this was kept 
 up till daylight before the flames were subdued. Mr. Kinzie 
 maintaining his dangerous position with great fortitude, though 
 Ins hands, face, and portions of his body were severely burned. 
 His father, mother, and sister, Mrs. Helm, had meanwhile freed 
 the canoe from water, and crossing in it, fell into line with those 
 carrying water. 
 
 Some of the Big Foot band of Indians were present at the fire, 
 but merely as spectators, and could not be prevailed upon to 
 assist; they all left die next day for their homes. The strange- 
 ness of tlieir behavior was the subject of discussion among us. 
 
 Six or eight days after this event, while at breakfast in Mr. 
 Kinzie's house, we heard singing, faintly at first, was gradually 
 growing louder as the singers approached. Mr. Ivinzie recog- 
 nized the leading voice as tliat of l]ob Forsyth, and left the table 
 for the piazza of the house, where we all followed. About where 
 Wells street now crosses the river, in plain sight from where we 
 stood, w^as a light birch bark canoe, manned with 13 men, rap- 
 idly approaching, the men keeping time with their paddles to 
 one of tlie Canadian boat songs; it proved to be Gov. Cass and 
 his Secretary, Kobert Forsyth, and they landed and soon joined 
 us. From them we first learned of the breaking out of the Win- 
 nebago war, and the massacre on the Upper Mississippi. Gov. 
 Cass was at Green l^ay by appointment, to hold a treaty with the 
 Winnebagoes and Menomonee tribes, who, however, did not 
 appear to meet him in council. News of hostilities reaching the 
 Governor there, he immediately procured a light birch i^ark 
 canoe, purposely made for speed, manned it with 12 men at the 
 paddles and a steersman, and started up the river, making a 
 portage into tlie Wisconsin, then down it and the Mississippi to 
 Jett'erson Barracks below St. Louis. 
 
 Here he persuaded the commanding officer to cliarter a steamer 
 
3G0 S/inb-o-7iee 'is A Spy. 
 
 and cin barking troops on it, ascejided the Mistsisgippi in search 
 of the hostile Indians, and to irive aid to the troops at Fort 
 Snelling. On reaching the moutli of the Illinois Kiver, the Gov- 
 ernor (with his men and canoe, having been bronght so far on the 
 steamer), here left it, and ascending that stream and the Des 
 Plaines, passed through Mud Lake into the south branch of the 
 Chicago River, reached Chicago. This trip from Green Bay 
 round, was performed in about 13 days, the Govenor's party 
 sleeping only 5 to 7 hours, and averaging 60 to 70 miles travel 
 each day. On the Wisconsin Kiver they passed Winnebago en- 
 campments without molestation. They did lot stop to parley, 
 passing rapidly by, singing their boat songs; the Indians were so 
 taken, by surprise that, l)efo re they recovered from their astonish- 
 ment, the canoe was out of danger. Gov. Cass remained at Chi- 
 cago but a few hours, coasting Lake Michigan back to (Treen Bay. 
 As soon as he left, the inhabitants of Chicago assembled for con- 
 sultation. Big Foot was suspected of actiiig in concert with the 
 Winnebagoes, as he was known to be frien<lly to them, and many 
 of his band had intermarried with that tribe. 
 
 Shab-o-nee was not here at the payment, his money having 
 been drawn for him by his friend, Billy Caldwell. The evening 
 before Gov. Cass' visit, however, he was in Chicago, and then the 
 guest of Caldwell. At my suggestion, he and Caldwell were en- 
 gaged to visit Big Foot's village (Geneva Lake), and get what 
 information they could of the plans of the Winnebagoes; and also 
 learn what action Big Foot's band intended taking. They left 
 immediately, and on nearing Geneva Lake, arranged that Shab- 
 o-nee should enter the village alone, Caldwell remaining Iiidden. 
 
 Upon entering the villai^e, Shab-o-nee was made a prisoner, aiid 
 accused of being a iriend of the Americans, and a spy. lie af- 
 fected great indignation at these charges and said to Big I'oot: 
 "■I was not at the ]>ayment, but was told by my braves tli;it yi'u 
 desire<l us to join the AVinnebagoes and make war on the Amer- 
 icans. J think tlie Winnebagoes have been foolish; alone they 
 cannot succeed. So I liav(» come to council with you, hear what 
 you have to say, when I will return to my people and report all 
 you tell me; if they shall then say, we will join you, I will con- 
 sent." After talking nearly all night they agreed to let him go, 
 provided he was a('(H)nipanied by one of their own number; to this 
 pro))osa.l Shab-o-nee readily consented, though it placed him in a 
 dangerous ])osition. Tlis friend (jaldwell was waiting for him in 
 the outskirts of the vilhige, and his j)resence must not be known, 
 as it would endanger both of their lives. Shab-o-nee was e(Mial 
 to the emergency. After leaving, in company with one of Big 
 Foot's braves, as the place of (yaldwell's concealment was neared, 
 he commenced complaining in a loud voice of being suspected 
 
The Night Journey. 361 
 
 nnd made a prisoner, and when quite near, said, " "We must have 
 no one with ns in going to Chicago. Should we meet any one 
 of your band or any one else, we must tell them to go away; we 
 must go by ourselves, and get to Chicago by noon to-morrow. 
 Ivinzie will give us something to eat, and we can go on next day." 
 
 Caldwell heard and understood the meaning of this, and started 
 alone by another route. Strategy was still to be used as Shab-o- 
 nee desired to report; so on nearwig Chicago, he said to his com- 
 panion, " If Kin 5ie sees you, he will ask why your band did not 
 assist in putting out the fire? Maybe he has heard news of the 
 war and is angry with Big Foot; let us camp here, for our horses 
 are very tired." This they did, find after a little, the Big Foot 
 brave suggested that Shab-o-nee should go to the Fort for food 
 and information. This was what he wanted to do, and he lost no 
 time in reporting the result of his expedition, and procuring food 
 returned to his canip. Starting the, next morning with his com- 
 panion for his own village; on reachin<r it he called a council of 
 his iTidians, who were addressed bv Big Foot's emissary; but 
 they declined to take part with the Winnebagoes, advising Big 
 Foot to remain neutral. 
 
 On receiving Shab-o-nee's report, the inhabitants of Chicago 
 were greatly excited; fearing an attack, we assembled for consul- 
 tation, when I suggested sending to the Wabasli for assistance, 
 imd tendered my services as messenger. This was at first objected 
 to, on the ground that a majority of the men at the Fort were in 
 my employ, and in case of an attack, no one could manage them 
 or enforce their aid but myself. It was, however, decided that 
 I should go as I knew the route and all the settlers, An attack 
 would probably not be made until Big Foot's embassador had 
 returned with his report; this would give at least two weeks' se- 
 <;urity, and in that time I could, if successful, make the trij) and 
 return. I started between 4 and 5 P. M., reaching my trading 
 liouse on the Iroquois liiver by midnight, where I changed my 
 horse and went on; it was a dark, rainy night. On reaching 
 Sugar Creek. 1 found the stream swollen out of its banks, and 
 nn' horse refusing to cross, I was obliged to wait till daylight, 
 when I discovered that a large tree had fallen across the trail, 
 making the ford inq>assable. I swam the stream and went on, 
 reaching my friend ]\[r. Spencer's house at noon, tired out. Mr. 
 S])encer started immediately to give the alarm, asking for volun- 
 teers to meet at Danville the next evening, with five days' rations. 
 B}' the da}' following at the hour appointed, 100 men were organ- 
 ized into a company, and api»ointing a Mr. Morgan, an old 
 frontier fighter, as their Captain, we immediately started for 
 (^h; ago, camping that night on the north fork of the Vermillion 
 River. It rained coiitniually, the trail was very muddy, and we 
 
362 Vdmlrij S,. ,ntii(iu<j flic Vtriiiin'on. 
 
 were ohlitrcd to swim most of the streams and luan^ of tlie larirn 
 slou^'lis, hut we i^tiil ]iuslie.l on, re:ieliiii<f Fort Dearborn the 
 seventh day after my departui \ to the great y>y of the waiting 
 people." 
 
 Tlie following particulars relating to Mr. Hubbard's perils in 
 reaching Cliicago Avith his volunteers and his reception there, 
 are taken from Mr. Cunningham's account; edited by II. W. 
 Beckwith of Danville, III* 
 
 ''We arrived tit the Yermillion River about noon on Simdav, 
 the day after assembling at Butler's Point. The river was up, 
 i-unning, bank full, about a liundred yards wide, with a strong 
 current. Our men and saddles were taken over in a canoe. AVe 
 undertook to swim our horses, and as they were driven into the 
 water the current would strike them and they would swim in a 
 circle and return to the shore a few rods below. Mr. Hubbard^ 
 ]»rovoked at this delay, threw off his coat and said, "Give me old 
 Charley," meaning a large, stead v-going horse, owned by James 
 Butler and loaned to Jacob Heater. Mr. Hubbard, mounting 
 this horse, boldly dashed into the stream, and the other horses 
 were (|uickly crowded after him. The water was so swift that 
 "old Charley '' became unmanageable, when Mr. Hiibbard dis- 
 mounted on the U]iper side and seized the horse by the mane, 
 near the animal's head, and swimming with his left arm, guided 
 the horse in the direction of the opposite shore. We were afraid 
 he would be washed under the horse or struck by his feet and be 
 drowned; but he got over without damage, except the wetting of 
 his broadcloth pants and moccasins. These he had to dry on his 
 person, as we pursued our journey. 
 
 We reached Chicago about four o'clock on the evening of the 
 fourth day, in the midst of one of the most severe rainstorms I 
 ever experienced, accompanied by thunder and vicious lightning. 
 The rain we did not mind; we were without tents and were used 
 to wetting. The water we took within us hurt us more than 
 that which fell upon us, as drinking it made many of us sick. 
 
 The people of Chicago were very glad to see us. They were 
 expecting an attack every hour since Col. Hubbard had left them,, 
 and as we approached they did not ktiow whether we were ene- 
 mies or friends, and when they learned that Ave were friends they 
 gave us a shout of welcome. 
 
 They liad organized a company of thirty- or fifty men, composed 
 mostly of Canadian half-breeds, interspersed with a few Ameri- 
 cans, all under command of Capt. Beaubien; the Americans see- 
 ing that we were a better looking crowd, wanted to leave their 
 
 * Mr. Cunningham is at this time an esteemed citizen of Danville. He was 
 among the volunteers under Mr. Hubbard to go to the rescue of Chicago, and 
 has related some circumstances omitted by him. 
 
lUiiunis ((nil Michiijan Canal Locatal. 3C3 
 
 associates iind jciii our eom])any. This fet'lini^ caused quite a 
 row. iui(] the olliccrs tiiially restored hanuouj and the discon- 
 tented men went l)ack to their old coinniaiid. 
 
 The town of Chicago was composed at this time of six or :-evea 
 American families, a numher of lialf-breeds. and a h>t of idle, 
 vairalK)nd Indians loitering about. I made the acquaintance of 
 Kohert and James Kinzie, and their father, Joliu Kinzie. 
 
 We kept guard day and T\iglit for some eight or ten days, when 
 a runner came in— I think from Green Bay — bringing word that 
 Gen. Cass liad concluded a treaty with theWinnebagoes, and that 
 we might now disband and go home. 
 
 The citizens were overjoyed at the news; and in their gladness 
 they turned out one barrel of ^in, one barrel of brandy, one bar- 
 rel of whiskey, knocking the heads of the barrels in. Everybody 
 was invited to take a free drink, and, to tell the plain truth, every- 
 body did drink. 
 
 The ladies at Fort Dearborn treated us especially well. I say 
 this withoiit disparaging the good and cordial conduct of the jneu 
 toward us. The ladies gave us all manner of good things to eat. 
 They loaded us with provisions and gave us all those delicate at- 
 tentions that the kindness of w-oman's heart would suggest, 
 8ome of them — three ladies "whom I understood were recently 
 from New York— distributed tracts and other re:. ding matter 
 among our company, and interested themselves zealously in our 
 spiritual as well as temporal welfare.'' 
 
 In 1829, on January 22nd, the Legislature appointed Dr, 
 Jayne, of Springfield, Edmund Roberts, of Kaskaskia, and 
 Cliarles Dunn, to locate the canal, lay out towns and sell lots, 
 and apply the proceeds to building the canal. James Thompson, 
 a surveyor of St. Louis, W'as employed by them to lay out Chicago 
 in lots as already stated. The map which he made of the place 
 was engraved on stone in St. Louis, and bears the date of August 
 4th, 1830. It was duly recorded on the county records at Peoria, 
 it being the county seat of the county in which Chicago theu 
 was. Many lots were sold at auction the same year, and brought 
 from ten to two hundred dollars each.* 
 
 Chicago was now re-inforced by many speculators and adven- 
 turers by tlie official action taken as to the canal, it being looked 
 upon as an incipient city, though of uncertain destiny, yet a ven- 
 ture worth takitig chances for; and while the villagers of the 
 town were watching tiie progress of the canal which was to con- 
 nect their lonesome jilace to tile world of progress to which tliey 
 could as yet only get occasional glimpses, the forms of local 
 
 * Those who wish fuller details of the action of the Illinois Legislature as to 
 the building the canal, will find them in Brosa' History of Chicago, published by 
 Jansen, McClurg & Co. 
 
S64 Pioneer Ciml History. 
 
 fjovernment l)egnn to be instituted as a fitting preparation for 
 the spliere to whieli they aimed. Their progress in this UK'ier- 
 taking has been well told by Hon. John Wentworth, in a histor- 
 ical Lecture which was published by Mr. Fergus, 1876, and runs 
 «s follows: 
 
 " From St. Clair county, what is now Cook county, was set 
 ■off in the new county of Madison: thence in the new countv of 
 
 •'7 tJ 
 
 Crawford; in 1819 in the new county of Clark; and so little 
 was then known of the northern country, that the act creating 
 ■Clark county extended it to the Canada line. In 1821 we were 
 set off in the new county of Pike; in 1823, in the new county of 
 Fulton; and in 1825 in the new county of Peoria, I have not 
 •on!y caused the county records of these counties to be examined, 
 but have also corresponded with their earliest settlers, and I can 
 iind no otJicial recognition of Chicago until we reach Fulton 
 ■county. The clerk of that county writes me, that the earliest 
 mention of Chicago in the records is the order of an election at 
 the term of the Fulton county Commissioner's Court, Sept. 2, 
 1823, to choose owz Major and company officers, polls atChicairo, 
 to be opened at the house of John Kinzie. Tlie returns of this 
 •election cannot be found, if they were ever made. As the county 
 was organized in 1823, this, of course, was the first election under 
 the organization of the county. The same Court ordered, April 
 27, 1824. that the sheriff, Abner Eads, be released from paying 
 the money tax collected at Chicago by Rousser. In those days 
 the Sherifis were ex-officio collectors of taxes. The name indict.'^es 
 that our Tax-Collector was then a Frenchman, or a mixed-breed 
 Fit'nch and Indian. It seems that they had defaulters in those 
 4ays, as well as now. 
 
 " The clerk of Peoria county writes me, that his earliest records 
 commence March 8, 1825. From these records I learn that John 
 Kinzie was commissioned justice of the peace July 28, 1825. He 
 was the first justice of the peace resident at Chicago. Alexander 
 "Wolcott, his son-in-law, and John B. Beaubien were commis- 
 sioned Sept. 10, of the same year. 
 
 " I have also the assessment-roll of John L. Bogardus, assessor 
 of Peoria county, for the year 182r>, dated July 25, which is as 
 follows : 
 Tax-Payt'is" Niinirs. Valuatioa. Tax. 
 
 1 Bciuibicn, John B §100) $10.0i» 
 
 2 Clvl)ourno. Jonas (iJO 6.25 
 
 8 Clark. John K 2:">0 2.50 
 
 4 Crafts, John 5000 50.00 
 
 5 Clermont, Jeremy, 100 1.00 
 
 ■6 Coutra, Louis, 50 .50 
 
 '7 Kinzie, John, 500 5.00 
 
 ^ Laframboise, Claude, 100 1.00 
 
Pioneer Civil Iliatory. 305 
 
 Tay Payors' Names. Valuation. Tax. 
 
 9 Lafnimlioisc. Joseph •"/) .50 
 
 10 MtKee. David 100 1.00 
 
 11 Piclie, Peter, 100 l.OO 
 
 12 Robinson, Alexiincler, 200 2.0O 
 
 V.\ Wolcott, Alexander r,72 5.72 
 
 14 Wilemet [Ouihnette], Antoine 400 4.0O 
 
 " The entire valuation, latid then l)oiiit,' not taxable, of all the prop- 
 erty in Chicago was >^9,OJ:7, atui tlie rati' was one per cent. But the 
 property of the xVmeriean Fur ('om])any was ar<?essed to John 
 Crafts, its agent, at S,''»,nO0. Vim was a haelit'lur, and died the 
 next year, and Mr. Kinzie was a])p(iinted in his place. Dcvluct- 
 ing the -imerican Fur Cora^^any's assessment, we liave only $4.- 
 047 as the personal ]iroperty of Chicago, in Is25, $40.47 as the 
 tax, and thirteen as the numljer of the tax-])ayers. 
 
 •'The clerk sent nie a copy of two-poll books used at Chicaga 
 — one at an election held Aug. 7, 182(;), contairung thirty-live 
 names; the other at an election held Aug. 2, 1830, containing 
 thirty-two names; thus showing a decrease of tliree voters in four 
 years. I will read you the names of our voters in 1826, and you 
 will see that only ten of the fourteen tax-payers in 1825 then 
 voted : 
 
 1 AuQjiistin Banny. [Bannot?] 19 John Baptiste Lafortune. 
 
 2 Henry Kelley. 20 John Baptiste Malast. ' 
 8 Daniel Bourassea. 21 Joseiih I'othier. 
 
 4 Cole We.>ks. 22 Ah'xander Rohinson. 1825 
 
 5 Antoine Ouilmette. 1825 23 .John K. Clark. 1825 
 
 6 John Baptiste Secor. 24 David AIcKee. 1825 
 
 7 Joseph Catie. 25 Joseph Anderson. 
 
 8 Beniamin Kussell. 26 Joseph Pei)ot. 
 
 9 Basile Displattes. 27 .Tolin Uuptiste Beaubien. 1825 
 
 10 Francis LafVauiboise, Sr, 28 John Kinzie. 1825 
 
 11 Francis Lafraniboise, Jr. 29 Archibald Clybourne. 
 
 12 Joseph Laframboise. 1825 30 Billy Caldwell. 
 18 Alexander Larant. ol Martin V;insicle. 
 
 14 Francis Ladueier. ' " 82 Paul Jamboe. ■.. 
 
 15 Peter Chavellie. 88 Jonas Clybourne. 1825 
 
 16 (jjande Lafraniboise 1825 34 Edward Anient. 
 
 17 Jeremiah Clairmore [Clermont?] '25.35 Samuel Johnson. « ,-s^ 
 
 18 Peter Junio. 
 
 " I will now read you the names of our voters in 1830, show- 
 ing that only three of the fourteen tax-payers of 1825 then 
 voted : 
 
 1 Stephen J. Scott. 17 Stephen Mack. 
 
 2 John B. Beaubien. 1825, 1826 18 Jonathan A. Bailey. 
 
 8 Leon Bourassea. 19 Alexander McDollo. [McDole?] 
 
 4 B. H. Laughton. 20 John S. C. Hogan. 
 
 5 .Tesse Walker. 21 David McKee. 1825, 1826 
 
 6 Medard B. Beaubien. 22 Billy Cnld well. 1826i 
 
 7 .lohn Baptiste Chavellea. 28 Joseph Thib "aut. 
 
 8 James Kinzie. 24 Peter Fiique. 
 
 9 Hnssell F. Heacock. 25 Mark Be;iul)icn. 
 
 10 Janus Brown. 26 Laurant Martin. 
 
 11 Jos. Laf'ramboiso. 1825, 1826 27 John Baptiste Secor. 1826 
 
;iii; 
 
 Death of John Kimio. 
 
 12 John L Davis. 28 Joseph Batiskey, 
 
 13 William See. 29 Michael Wolch. 
 
 14 John Van Horn. 30 Francis Liiducier. 1826 
 !•") John Mann. 31 Lewis Gaiulay. 
 
 16 David Van Eaton. 32 Peresh Lodorc. 
 
 It is a remarkable commentary upon the iick^eness of OTjr 
 poprlation, that only six of the men who voted in 1826 voted in 
 3830; and these six Avere half- breeds or Government employes. 
 Father John Kinzie, however, died Lctwct'n tlie two elections, 
 upon the Gth of January, 1828, aged 65.* But there were some 
 not voting at the second election, snch as the late Archibald 
 Clybourne, his father Jonas, and lialf-brother, John K. Clark, who 
 ended their days with us. The lialf-broeds and French who did 
 not vote mav have been away on a limiting and trading expedi- 
 tion. The voters in 1826 seem to have understood their true in- 
 terest, being dependents upon the fort, as every one of them 
 voted the Administration ticket, John Quincy Adams then being 
 President. If there were ever three men in the United States 
 who electrified the whole country with their fiery denunciations 
 of the military power, they were President John Quincy Adams, 
 his Yice-P'-esident Jolm C. Calhoun, and his Secretary of State, 
 Henry Clay. Neither of the three ever forgot Gen. Jackson. 
 It would liave seemed malicious, and yet quite pertinent, on the 
 part of the Chicago member of Congress, to have asked either of 
 these gentlemen whether it Avas not a singular tact that, while Mr. 
 Adams was President, the people of Chicago unanimously voted 
 with the fort! Ninian Edwards for Governor, Samuel H. Thomp- 
 son for Lieutenant-Governor, Daniel P. Cook for Congressman, 
 the Administration candidates, each received thirty-iive votes, 
 being all there were. The much-complained-of military power 
 ■of the present day has never secured a greater unanimity in the 
 • colored vote of the South. But four A-ears later, in 1830, when 
 Andrew Jackson was President, there was a material change in 
 
 *The following: account of ATr. Kinz! 's ileath has been learned fr.)m Mr. Gur- 
 don S. Hubbard. He remained in the full vigor of health in both body and 
 mind till he had a 8li<rht attack of apuplexy, after which his healtli continued to 
 decline till his death, wh ich took place in a few months, at the residence of his son- 
 in-law, Dr. Woolcott, who then lived in the brick binldin<ir formerly u-ed as the of- 
 ficers' quarters in the fort. Here while on a biief visit to Mrs. Wolcott, he was 
 suddenly attacked with apoplexy severer than ever before. Mr. Hubbard waa 
 then living in Mr. Kinzit-'s family, and was sent lor. He immediately obeyed the 
 Bunmions, and on comingr into the room of the dving- man, he found him in convul- 
 sions, lyin^ on the floor in the parlor, his head supported by his daujrhter. Mr. 
 Hubbard raised him into a sittingr position, and thus 8ui)ported him till he drew 
 hiis last breath, about fifteen minutes afterwards. The funeral sei vice had place 
 at the ibrt, and the last honors due this old pioneer, were paid with impressive 
 resj>ect by the few inhabitants of the place. He was buried at the Military 
 grounds south of the fort, from which place his remains were removed ultimately 
 ■ to Graceland Cemetery, where they now lie. — [Authok. 
 
Early Voting. '>t)T 
 
 the politics of the place. John Ttcviiolds, the Jackson candidate 
 for Cirovcrnor, received twenty-two out of the thirty-two votes 
 cast.* Of the pi.v wlio voted at both elections, and who voted for 
 the Adams candidate in 1820, live voted for the Jack>oTi candi- 
 date in 1830; showiiii^ their consistency by each time voting with 
 the Administration, or more ]>roper]y with tliefort. liilly Cald- 
 well, the Sauganash, the nephew of Tecnmseh, voted the Jackson 
 ticket; while Jose-jdi Laframhoise, a noted Indian chief, stood out 
 and voted against it. Up to 1S48 we had the viva voce system 
 of voting in the State of Illinois. Each man went up to the 
 polls, with or without a ticki^t: in his hands, and told whom he 
 wanted to vote for, and the judges so recorded it. iJut in those 
 davs the masses knew as little whom thev were votiii"' for as thev 
 do now. For the judges often read off the names of the candi- 
 dates fi'om the tickets, and the voter would nod his head. There 
 ■was no chance, however, for stuffiui; the ballot-box nnder the 
 viva Voce system. It may account for the falling off of the vote 
 lietween 1826 rnd 1830, that some persons would not vote the 
 Jackson ticket, and yet disliked to vote against the fort. There 
 were four of the Laframboise family voting in 1S20. and only oiu 
 in 1830. The n«mes of voters in >826 indicate that full thret 
 fourths of them Avere French and lialf-breeds. The judges in 1826 
 Aver(> Father John Kinzie, the late ^e.. John B. P>eaubien, and 
 IJillv ( ■aldwell. Theclerks Avere the late Ai'chibahl Clvlx>urn and 
 his half-brother, John K. Clark. The election was held at the 
 Agency House, in Chicago Precinct, Peoria county. The Agency 
 House was on the North Side, and was the second house built in 
 Chicago, Mr. Kinzie's being the first. The Indian Airent was Dr. 
 Alexander AVolcott, who died in 1830, son-in-law of Mr. Ivinzie. 
 
 "The election of 1830 was held in the house of James Kinzie, 
 Chicago Precinct, Peoria county. This house was on the AYest 
 Side, near the forks of the river. The South Side had no status 
 at that time, there being nothing then on that side except the 
 fort and light-house buihling, and the log-houses of the two 
 Beaubien brothers, — one residing at the lake shore, and one near 
 the forks of the river, with such a marsh between, that much of 
 the time their most convenient way of visiting each other was 
 in boats in the river. 
 
 "The judges at the electi<m of 1830, were Russell E. Heacock, 
 ""^e first lawyer to settle in Chicago, Gen. John B. Beaubien, one 
 of the jndges in 1826, and James Kinzie. The clerks were 
 Medard B. Beaubien, well known in this city, now principal 
 agent of the Pottawatomie tribe of iTidians at Silver Lake, 
 Shawnee County, Kansas, and Jesse Walker." 
 
 * His popuUirity was due to his frankness, whatever administrative presimze 
 was used to elect him.— [A.uthob. 
 
3(iS Pioneer Citisens. 
 
 The following:, from Hon. Wm. Bross' History of Early Chi- 
 cago, continues tlie subject of civil records, etc., from the forego- 
 ing extracts from ]Mr. Wentworth's Lecture, and is here inserted 
 to give the reader the benefit of his notes fresh from the lips of 
 his personal friends, as well as from his own observation: 
 
 " Our oldQ^t 2)€r7nanent resident in the city is Col. li. J. Ham- 
 ilton. In this view of the case, he is certainly entitled to the 
 honor of being the '' oldest inhabitant." lie came here April 
 9th, 1831, and this has been his /lorae ever since. G. W. Dole, 
 Esq., came here May 4tli, 1S31, and P. F. W. Peck, Esq., July 
 15th, of the same year. But though not living in the city lim- 
 its, A. Clybourne, Esq., has beoii identified with it, or rather with 
 the place that became Chicago, since xVugust 5th, 1823. 
 
 " Col. P. J. Ilaniilton came to this city, as above stated, in 
 April, 1831. Cook countv had been organized, the month previ- 
 ous. He soon obtained a high position among his fellow citizens, 
 and at that time young, and full of energy and vigor, and not 
 the man to shrink from resjwnsibility, we wonder that he was 
 not crushed with the weight of the " blushing honors" that fell 
 to his share of the sptjils in the new county of Cook. In the 
 course of the year, he became Judge of Probate, Recorder, Coun- 
 ty Clerk; discharged gratuitously the duties of Treasurer, and 
 was Commissioner of Schools. The good Colonel would find his 
 hands full were he to fulfill the duties of all these offices at the 
 present time. We have availed ourselves of his early and accu- 
 rate knowledge of events for most of the facts which are con- 
 tained in some half-dozen of the succeeding paragra]>hs. 
 
 "The county of Cook, in 1831, embraced all the territory now 
 included in the counties of Lake, Mcllenry, Dupage, Will and 
 Iroquois. At that time Fort Dearborn was occupied by two com- 
 panies of LT. S. Infantry, under the command of Major Fowle» 
 The resident citizens were Mr. Elijah Wentworth and family, oc- 
 cu])ying a house partly log and partly frame, owned by Mr. James 
 Kinzie, and situated on the ground now occupied by Mr. If ortou 
 as a lumber yard. Mi'. W. kept a tavern, the best in Chicago. 
 In the vicinity of this tavern resided Mr. James Kinzie and fam- 
 ily, Mr. William See and family, Mr. Alexander llobinson and 
 family — now living on the Des Plaines — and Mr. Pobert A. Kin- 
 zie, who had a store composed of dry goods —a large portion of 
 them Indian goods — •groceries, etc. Acn* ■ riie Ts^orth Branch of 
 the Chicago river, and nearly opposite 3Ii-. Wentworth's tavern, 
 resided Mr. Samuel Miller and family, and with them Mr. John 
 ]\Iiller, a brother. Mr. Miller also kept tavern. On the cast 
 side of the South Branch, and immediately above th(^ junction 
 with the North Branch, reside<l Mr. Mark Beaulden and family, 
 who also kept tavern; and a s-hort distance above him, on the 
 
Adjacent Settlements. 3C() 
 
 South Branch, resided a Mr. Bourisso, an Indian trader. Between 
 Mark Beaubien's tavern and Fort Dearborn tliere were no houses, 
 except a small log cabin, near the tout of Dearborn street, and 
 used as an Indian trading house. Xear the garrison, and imme- 
 diately south, on the property sold by James H. Collins, Esq., to 
 the Illinois Central Railroad Company, was the residence of Mr. 
 J. B. Beaubien and famih', who was connected with the Ameri- 
 can Fur Company in the Indian trade. He had near his resi- 
 dence a store, containiui; such ijoods as were suitable to that bu- 
 siness. A short distance south of him on the lake was a house^ 
 then unoccupied. 
 
 " On the north side of the river, and immediately opposite the 
 garrison, stood the old ' Kinzie House,' as it was commonly called, 
 W'hich was also then unoccupied, and in a very dilapidated state. 
 A short distance above, on the main branch of the river, and on 
 the ground now occupied by the Chicago and Galena Railroad 
 Company, stood what had been the Government Agency house, 
 and known to the 'oldest inhabitant' as 'Cobweb Castle.' That 
 was then unocfcupied. Dr. AVolcott, the Government Agent, hav- 
 iTig died the fall before. In its vicinity were several small log 
 buildings, for the accommodation of the blacksmith, interpreter, 
 and others connected with the Agency. The blacksmith then 
 occu] ying one of the buildings was a Mr. McKee, now living in 
 Dupage county. Billy (.\ildwell, thf principal chief of the (Otta- 
 wa, Pottawatomie and Chippewa Indians, occupied another. He 
 was then Interpreter for the Agency. Col. Thomas J. Y. Owen, 
 who had been the winter before a})j)ointed to succeed the late Dr. 
 Wolcott, had not then taken up his residence in Chicago; G. Ker- 
 cheval, who was then sub-.Vgent, was then here. Dr. E. Harmon, 
 the father of C. L. Harmon, and .James Harrington, of Geneva, 
 Kane county, had tidcen up their ivsidence heie, and were making 
 claims on the lake shore — Dr. Harmon where Mrs. -Clarke now 
 lives, and Mr. H. immediately north and adjoining." 
 
 The settlement nearest to Chicago in ls:!(». was at Xaj)erville, 
 where ^Ir. Stejthen J. 8cutt settled at tliis date, where u illard, 
 Ids son, now lives, 1S8U, still atteiulingtu hi:J l»usinuss of banking. 
 Within the next two years a goodly number' of settlers came to 
 the place by the way of the lakes, passing through Chicago, 
 whicli not ])leasing them, they settled at ISaperville. Among 
 tiiem were Mr. Xaper, for whom the town was named; Mr. Har- 
 ry T. Wilson, who is still living, in Wheaton, 111., and Hon. Ed. 
 Murray, now living in Naperville, to whom the writer is indebted 
 for items of historic interest. Settlements were also begun at 
 Gross Point and on Fox river. 
 
 Galemi had for many years been a thriving settlement, on account 
 of the lead mines, and several old Indian trails led to it from th(» 
 
370 Dixoyi's Ferry. 
 
 southern extremity of lake Michigan, as well as from the settled 
 portions of Illinois, which thei; extended no farther north than Ot- 
 tawa. In 182ii a Mr. Kellogg pioneered his way from Peoria over 
 tlie prairies to Galena, and subsequently others followed his track, 
 till it had scarred the green turf into a beateai road known by 
 the name of Kellugg's Trail. The next vear Mr. John Boles 
 made the same tour, and cut across some of Mr. Ivellogg's curves, 
 crossing the Kock Eiver at Dixon, then a spot without inhabitant's 
 or a name. After this the road was known as Boles' Trail. For 
 the next few years a large travel between Galena and the Illinois 
 settlements went over it, and afforded a small source of income 
 to the AViunebagoes and Sacs, in the novel method l>y which they 
 ferried wagons over Rock lliver at Dixon, wiiich was done by 
 placing both wheels on one side of the wagm in one large canoe, 
 and both on tlie other side in another. Thus laden, the canoes 
 Avere padded across while the horses being detached from the 
 wagon, swam behind, led by their bridles." The settlements of 
 Apple River and others, from ten to twenty miles from Galena, 
 were made previous to 1832, and also those on the Mississippi at 
 Rock Island, and at the Des Moines Rapids. Meantime, the 
 demand for ferriage over the Rock River at Dixon increased, 
 and a ]\[r. J. L. Begordis, of Peoria, resolved to build a flat bot- 
 tomed ferry-boat there. With this intent he built a small hut 
 on the bank of the river and commenced building the boat, but 
 the jealous Indians looked upon it as infringement of their 
 rights, and burned it. In 1828, an Indian interpreter of French 
 extraction, named Joe Ogie, by virtue of having married an 
 Indian wife, succeeded better. He starred a ferry without moles- 
 tation from the Indians, and in 1830, sold it to Mr. Dixon, after 
 which the place took the name of Dixon's Ferry, and subsequently 
 Dixon, This venerable pioneer lived till 187C, when he died full 
 of lionors and full of years. f 
 
 Chicago was then in her germ cell, but during those days of 
 uncertainty occasionally adventurers came to cast their lot with 
 lier, and among those who thus came previous to 1823, two are 
 still living — Gurdor S. llabbard, whose eai'ly adventure^ have 
 already been told, and David McKee, wJio came in 1822. Jle is 
 now living near Aurora, 111., where the writer visited hira 
 in the summer of 1879. He was at work in his garden, scy'ho 
 in hand, mowing the weeds around its headlands. The following 
 
 * History of Oglo county by H, W. Boss, a prcs'Mit resident of Chicago. 
 
 fMr. John Dixon was born at Eye. Westchester Co., N. T., in 1784. Cn the 
 l;3tii of April, 1820, he removed to Illinois, locating' near where tli(> city of Spring'- 
 lield now is. where he remained four years. Thence lie removi-d to Peoria ('o., 
 and from the latter place to Rock River, where he arrived on the 11th of April, 
 18.'30, and loujht the feiTV boat of Ogie for $1800.00. 
 
 Shekwood Dixon. 
 
McKee's Narration. -371 
 
 is his story, stibstantiallv as it came trom his lips, fresh from the 
 past — truthful and hiconic. 
 
 He was born in Loudon county. Ya., in the year 1800; went 
 to Cincinnati at tlie aije of thirteen, where lie remained till he was 
 twenty vears old, when he started for (*hicai>-o on horseback, by 
 the way of Ft. AVayne. Elkhart was the next settled point on his 
 way, where two or three lo*^ cabins stood, inhabited by their 
 lonesome tenants. Niles was the next. Here was a small set- 
 tlement, and two miles from it a Haptist missionary station, un- 
 der the charge of Rev. Isaac j\tcC"oy, for the benefit of the Indians. 
 The same man sometimes visited Chicago, and held religious 
 services. 
 
 At that time there were annual arrivals by sailing vessel to 
 Chicago, with suj^plies for the fort. On one of these some books 
 were shipj>ed for Mr. McCoy's Tnission, but while the vessel lay 
 at auf'hor outside of the bar, unloading her freight, a storm came 
 up and r:!led the waves over it, and ruined the books, with other 
 portions of the freight. 
 
 He crossed the Calumet in an Indian canoe made of birch 
 Dark, his hoise swimming by its side, led by the bridle. There 
 was an Indian village at the ])lace, its wigwams built with webs 
 '>f ^■,\(:^ti interwoven together with the fibre of basswood bark. 
 The fibre was made by boiling the bark, and beating it as flax is 
 made from the straw. Indian mats were made from this material, 
 and used as we use carpets. They also served as beds for the 
 Indians, as well as the door for the wigwam. 
 
 Col. J. McNeil held command of the fort at the time of his 
 Arrival. John Kinzie lived on the north side in a house wliose 
 sides were covered with birch bark, brought by the Indians 
 from Michigan. The Indians made vessels for holding water, 
 maple sap, etc.. from this material. 
 
 David and Barney Lawton were acting as clerks for the Amer- 
 ican Fur Company. Both had Indian wives. David died at his 
 brother's house, where Lyons now is. The Chicago river was 
 then a clear stream, and its water was used for culinary purposes. 
 
 Excellent fish abounded in it, and over it hovered wild geese, 
 ducks and sand hill cranes in vast flocks, and pelicans and swans 
 were sometimes seen. Deer were plenty, and bear, wild turkeys 
 ur ' otter were found on the Desplaines. 
 
 o,>eaking of the Indians, says ^Er. McKee, "they are better 
 than white people; they always feed the hungry without regard 
 to pay. In a natural state they are models of benevolence." 
 
 On coming over the sand hills towards the fort, his attention 
 was attracted to the battle ground of the massacre. The bonea 
 were gathered into two boxes, each about four feet square, and 
 
372 McKee's Narration. 
 
 buried just west of the sand-drifts, in the soil of the prairie, hj- 
 order of Captain Bradley. 
 
 Billy Caldwell told liim that he buried the head of Cap- 
 tain Wells two days after the battle, in the sand, but could not 
 find the body. 
 
 Mr. LaFramboise told him that after the first fire at tlie 
 battle, Captain Heald asked his soldiers if they would fight till 
 death or surrender, and they chose to fiirht. 
 
 For many years Mr. McKee had dealings with Alexander Kob- 
 inson, and always found him a model of uprightness. He could 
 not read or wi'lte, but managed to keep his accounts with exact- 
 ness by means of characters of his own to represent quantities, 
 with a pencil and paper. He was intei-preter for all the Indians 
 at the Chicago agency. > 
 
 Mr. McKee was gunsmith for the Indian department from the 
 time of his first arrivai in Chicago, in 1S22, till 1827. He then 
 became mail-carrier for the government between Fort Wayne 
 and Chicago, and made a trip once a month between the two 
 places during the year 1828. He performed the service on horse- 
 back, carrying 'uail hag, camping equipments, and a gun to shoot 
 his living on the way. Each iiight the earth was his bed, and the 
 forage of the wilderness his horse feed. On one occasion, he was 
 overtaken bv m\ unusiudlv severe snow storm, and for six davs 
 he bufieted the tempest, painfully toiling through the drift:* 
 which bewildered him, on his way from Niles to Chicago. lu 
 his path he found the dead body of a soldier frozen ^^•hile at- 
 tempting to reach Niles. 
 
 The first house at the fork of the Chicago river (Wolf's Point\ 
 was built by James Kinzie, (John Iviuzie's oldest son by his first 
 wife.) It was a log cabin with clapboard roof and sides. It was 
 situated on the South side. Two or three small huts were next 
 built near by it, by Canadians and half-breeds. John Hogan 
 built a house on the South side opposite James Kinzie's house. 
 
 Chicago was yet essentially an Indian town. Peltries and furs 
 guns, blankets, kettles, knives, hatchets, vermilion and whisky 
 were its stock-in-trade, and Indians were its supplyers and con- 
 sumers.* Quiet reigned there l)ecause no one had occasion to 
 oflend the Indians, and when they became intoxicated, the squaws 
 took care to keep sober, in order to restrain them. All this was 
 soon to be changed by means of the Black Hawk war, which will 
 next be told. 
 
 * The rottawatoniiea paid one-half the expense of building the first bridge 
 from the South to the West Side. — Western Annals. 
 
CHAPTER rxiii, ; 
 
 The "W Mnehagoes, th^ PottavKtfomies, and the Sacs and Foxes 
 in 1832 — Black Jlawl's Village and Cornjield Purchased 
 Ijy the Whites — Fovh<ai'ance of the Indians — A Transient 
 Compromise — Governor littjnolds Calls for Volunteers to 
 Drive Away the Indians — They Retire across the Missis- 
 sippi — Bad Adclce of White Cloud, the Prophet — Black 
 Ilawh returns to Illionis, and Canips at Sycamore Creeh — 
 The Doq Feast — The Pursuit — The Alarm — Stillman''s De- 
 fec/t — Indian Creeh 2lassarre — Flight of the Frontlerers — 
 General Scott Arrives at Detroit — The Cholera Among his 
 Men — He Arrives at Chicago — Fearful Parages of the 
 Pestilence — Black Ilawk''s Fugitive Skirmishes in Northern 
 Illinois — His Retreat — Battle of Bad Axe — General Scott 
 Arrives at Fort Armstrong — Black Hatvk Brought in as a 
 Prisotier — The War Ended. ' ' 
 
 In 1831 the Wimiebagoes occupied the country on tlie Wis- 
 consin River. Their whole numbers were about 1500. White 
 Loon was their principal chief. He with some of his braves 
 had fon£;ht both Wayne and Harrison, and had ever been loyal 
 to British interest during the war of 1812. 
 
 The Pottawattomies occu]>ied the northeastern portion of Illi- 
 nois. Thev had also fouijfht on the British side duriua: the war 
 •of 1812, but since the treaty of 1815 held with them, they had 
 been subsidized into friendship by an annuity of $5,700.00. 
 Their numbers wert' but little short of 3,000. 
 
 The Sacs anil Foxes were quite as numerous, and were more to 
 be feared, as they had not been brought so much under the ijjIIu- 
 •ence of the United States. Their hunting gi'ounds laid along 
 Rock River and in the southeastern part of Iowa. Early records 
 place them on the eastern coast of ^lichigan, from whence they 
 were driven to Gi'een ]?av, from whence they wandered to the 
 Mississippi. Here they became a formidable power and took 
 part ia revenging the death of Poiitiac by a relentless war upon 
 
374 Black Hawk Determines to Defend his Home. 
 
 the Illinois tribes. Keokuk was their pvincipal chief, but BIhcTc 
 ll:i\vk rose to distinction as a subordinate chief by virtue of his- 
 daring deeds on the war-path when a mere boy. Ever since the 
 War of 1812 he had frequently visited liis English father at ]\ral- 
 <ien, and received presents from him as a just remuneration for 
 his past services to him. 
 
 Ey the treaty of 1S04, held in St. Louis, in November, his- 
 tribe had sold all their lands in Illinois to the United States, for 
 a consideration in goods to the value of $2,234.50, and an annuity 
 of $1,000. This treaty Black Hawk alleged to have been a. 
 fraud,* but if it was, its provisions were confirmed by the subse- 
 quent treaty of 1822, and also in 1830, on the loth of July, at 
 Prairie du Chieu, Avhen Keokuk made the iinal cession to the- 
 United States of all the country owned by the Sacs and Foxes 
 east of the Mississippi liiver. This was done without the knowl- 
 edge of Black Hawk, and when the old veteran heard of it liis- 
 indignation was aroused, for he was always opposed to yielding 
 territory to the whites. By the stipulations of this treaty the- 
 Sacs and Foxes were to leave their villages cast of the ]Missis- 
 sippi the next yeai', and Keokuk used his influence with his 
 tribe to bring these stipulations into peaceable fulflllment. 
 Black Hawk took the opposite side of the question. The merits- 
 of tlie case'were from this time canvassed by the old men of the 
 tribe as well as the chiefs during the remainder of the summer 
 and the entire autumn of 1830. Meantime Keokuk had crossed 
 the Mississippi with the nuvjority of his tribe, while Black Hawk 
 was castini> about in all directions for assistance wherewith to- 
 maintain his ancient home on Kock River. Firet he went to the 
 Indian agent on liock Island, who informed him that the lands 
 having been sold by the government to individuals, that the In- 
 dians had no longer any right to remain on thein, as the provis- 
 ions of the treaty of 1804 obliged them to leave the country as 
 soon as private persons had purchased the lands ceded. Not dis- 
 heartened by this set-back, he went to Maiden to take counsel 
 with his ancient allies, the British. As might be expected he- 
 was told by tliem that if the Indians had not sold their lands 
 they could still remain on them in safety. On his return he- 
 paid his respects to General Cass, at Detroit, who gave him sim- 
 ilar assurances. His resolution was now tivken to defend his 
 home, on the assumption that the treaty was a fraud by wliich it 
 had been sold, and to this end he made a vain attempt to secure 
 
 * Black Hawk in his account of the treaty already alluded to in a precpdingr 
 chapter, says that the treaty was made by only four chiefs of his tribe, and that 
 thev signeu it under the influence of intoxicating drink. See Smith's Wis. ix. 
 Hi. 
 
BlacTi HcnvTc's Village Pnrclmsed. 375 
 
 the assistance of the Pottuwattomies, the AViiiiH'l»airoos and other 
 tribes, unt liis elcujiieiice was wasted. The cliii't's of tlit-se tribes 
 had seen the folly of contending aijainst the United States, and 
 were determined to keep down the war spirit of their young men, 
 hut it sometimes required their utmost exertion to do it. 
 
 Returning from one of his missions to procure assistance, late 
 in the autumn of 1830, Black Hawk found liis village deserted. 
 All its inhabitants had gone north on the usual hunt to reap 
 their annual harvestof furs whei-ewith to pay old debts to trad- 
 ers, as well as to barter for new supplies to satisty their increas- 
 ing wants for the rude implements of civilization. He followed 
 tliem, and for a few weeks, at least, the griefs of this tenacious 
 advocate of Indian rights were assuaged by the excitements of 
 the chase. This solace was brief ; when he with his tribe re- 
 turned early the succeeding April, the}' found their village in 
 possession of the pale faces. The fur trader at Rock Island, a 
 former friend of Black Ilavrk, had purchased the very ground on 
 which the villaixe stood, and he and liis associates were makino- 
 preparations to cultivate the spacious field of seven hundred 
 acres on which the Indians had for many years raised their corn 
 for bread supply. 
 
 It cannot be denied that this was a violation at least of the 
 spirit of the treaty of 1S04, the validity even of which was 
 challenged by Black Hawk. Though this treaty ceded the lands 
 to the United States, it ijuaranteed the riiiht of the Indians to re- 
 main on them till they were wanted for settlements ; but in tliis 
 case the vital centre of the lands in'questiou was purchased by 
 design, while the frontier settlements'" of the whites were yet 
 tifty miles distant. Even Keokuk was now unable to entirely 
 stem the tide of indigiuxtion which arose in the Indian camp, 
 and contrary to his advice a large detachment of the tribe joined 
 their fortunes with Black Hawk. These, with Black Hawk at the 
 head of his band, took possession of their town and also of the 
 field, nowithstanding the presence of the white claimants. It 
 was situated between the Rock and the Mississippi rivers at their 
 immediate junction. Here the Sacs had made their home for 
 about one hundred and fifty years, and hard by were the graves of 
 their fathers, admonishing them from the "world of the Great 
 Spirit" to defend their graves. It is not to be supposed that the 
 mass of Indian population could understand the binding force of 
 a contract, and it is no nuirvel that their sense of justice was out- 
 raged when they beheld strangers appropriating to theniselves 
 the soil which thev liad inherited. But even while writhino: 
 under these griefs a peaceable parley was held with the intruders 
 
 'Western AnnalH Appendix. 
 
376 Treacherous Compromise. 
 
 (in their estimation), and owing to the temperate counsels of 
 Black Hawk his tribe were brought into a conservative humor, 
 and consented to let the new claimants cultivate half the field, 
 while the squaws should cultivate the other half. Under this 
 compromise the squaws ]>lanted their half, but as might be sup- 
 posed, this insufficient attempt at palliation did not bridge over 
 the chasm between the ambitions of tiie whites and the necessi- 
 ties of the Indians. The former cared more for the right of the 
 soil than for the crop, and a quarrel with the Indians would facili- 
 tate this end. Black Hawk comprehended the whole situation, 
 and with a laudable purpose hardly to be looked for in an In- 
 dian, counseled forbearance from his people, while a little hand- 
 ful of white men entered among them (as they felt) to rob 
 them of their possessions ; but there is a point beyond which for- 
 bearance cannot go, at least in minds of low degree, or eveji those 
 of mediocrity. It is only the philosopher who can be patient 
 over present griefs, and even he can do it only when he sees be- 
 yond, those triumphs which the recoil of time are likely to bring 
 to his consolation. But if Black Hawk himself was a philoso- 
 pher the squaws who dug in the cornfields were not philoso- 
 phy's ; the white men plowed up part of the corn which they 
 had planted on their half of the field, and they retorted by tear- 
 ing down the fences adjacent to the white men's half, and allowing 
 the cattle to come in to injure the crop. 
 
 Pending these and other disturbances of the peace, eight of the 
 white settlers imited in a memorial to Governor Reynolds, set- 
 ting forth their grievances, which was presented to him at the 
 executive office, then at Vandalia, on the 1 8th of May, 1831. In 
 response to this memorial and several others of a similar nature, 
 w'hich Governor Reynolds states that he received, on the 27th he 
 made a call for 700 militia to protect the white settlers at the 
 Black Hawk viila<;e, and on the same dav addressed a letter to 
 General Clark, su])erintendent of Indian affairs, stationed at St. 
 Louis, requesting his assistance in removing the Indians. The 
 next day the governor addressed a letter to General Gaines, then 
 at Jeftlrson Barracks, of similar intent. In response to these 
 letters. General Clark relieves himself from further responsibil- 
 ity by referring the whole matter to Gerieral Gaines, who was the 
 most proper one to act in the matter, and General Gaines replied 
 to Governor Reynolds, saying: " I do not deem it necessary or 
 ]>roper to require militia or any other description of force other 
 than the regular an.iy at this place and Prairie .du Chien to pro- 
 tect the frontiers." 
 
 If Governor Reynolds had referred the entire matter of pro- 
 tecting the frontier to General Gaines, instead of calling out the 
 militia himself, it is but a fair assumption that General Gaines, 
 
The Conncil.' '"■:'. 377 
 
 by virtue of the authority of tlie United States, would have 
 inarched to the scene of disturbances and put an end to them by 
 enforcing an even measure of justice between the two parties 
 ■whose disputes were limited within the boundaries of a seven 
 "hundred acre Held of corn. But the governor had a difficult part 
 to act. If he failed to call out the militia and give them a chance 
 to hunt Indians, he would lose the popular favor by which he had 
 recently been elected to office, and besides this he would be held 
 responsible for any Indian outrages which the aggressive and 
 <?a])tious spirit of the settlers on the frontier might provoke, and 
 in the end the miserable Indians might be doubly victimized by 
 a, fiercer though tardier M'ar upon them. 
 
 Under these circumstances history cannot blame frank, honest 
 John Ileynolds for doing as he did. Complaints against the 
 Indians now multiplied, and General Gaines advanced to Fort 
 Armstrong on Kock Island, close by the disputed corn field and 
 village of J31ack Hawk, and here on the 7th of June, the Indians 
 were summoned to a council to be held in the fort. At its session 
 <Teneral Gaines, wishing to quell the war spirit among the Indians 
 by making light of their most tenacious chief, asked in derision 
 wdio is Black Hawk? At which the indignant chief arose and 
 left the counsel room with smothered rage. The next morning 
 lie returned and replied : 
 
 " My father, you ask who is Black Hawk — why does he sit 
 among the chiefs? I will tell you who I am: I am a Sac. My 
 father was a Sac. I am a warrior and so was my father. Ask 
 these young men who have followed me to battle, and they will 
 tell you who Black Hawk is. Provoke our people to war, and 
 you will learn who Black Hawk is." 
 
 The conference terminated by a peremptory summons from 
 General Gaines to Black Hawk to leave the east sideof the Mis- 
 sissippi and retire to its west bank, which command the chief 
 with more chivalry than policy refused to obey. 
 
 T(» enforce this order. General Gaines deemed it prudent to 
 wait till the 1,000 militia which Governor Reynolds had already 
 raised, and were now encamped at Beardstown, should arrive, 
 ■who reached Ft. Armstrong after a prosperous march of four 
 days. 
 
 This interval gave the Indians time for a sober second thought, 
 and on the night of the 24:th thev left their village, retreating 
 across the river as ordered. The next day General Gaines, at the 
 head of his own force of regulars and Gov. Reynolds militia, who 
 liad joined them, advanced on the place, and on the 26th took 
 possession of its deserted wigwams and cornfields. 
 
 The incidents of the war which followed the next year are still 
 remembered by many now living who took part in it. Many his- 
 
378 Good Record of the Sac and Fox JVafion. 
 
 tori'es of it. are extent, ponie of wliii'li have made it ui opportu- 
 nity to cultivate sentiniontality in favor of the Indians, at the ex- 
 pense of the fj^overnnu'iit. Others have taken tin; opposite ex- 
 treme, and while stating orily truth, have omitted such portions 
 as M'ould be calcuhited to briiiff discredit to tlie svstein hv wliich 
 the Indians were driven from their lands. Some historians have 
 made it an opportunity to crown the brows of soldiers with 
 laurels. They have not succeeded in this attempt, for the reason 
 that the enemy was too insigniticant to leave much glory to soar 
 above his ])itifnl grave. Any attempt to conceal or distort the 
 conditions which sent him there cannot deceive the iinjiartial his- 
 tt»rian who reads l)oth sides, and compares, discriminates and veri- 
 ties till the truth comes uppernu)st after much shaking. 
 
 By no authority has it been claimed that the Sac and Fox na- 
 tions from 1816 to the commencement of the I>lack Hawk war 
 in 183"2, ever killed or personally injured a white man, and it is 
 acknowledged that during this time traders continually passed 
 through their country, to and from the lead mines of Galena,, 
 often with large amounts of goods and nu)ney without being mv- 
 lested. The sum of accusations aijainst them was for tearing' down 
 the feiu-es of the corn-tield as just related, and during the same 
 year, 1 ;' 1 , they were accused of destroying some goods of a trader, 
 among which was a barrel of whiskey, wliich they emptied on the 
 groiind — a common occurrence now-a-days among ourselves. 
 
 xVfter Black Hawk and his band had retreated across the Mis- 
 sissippi before the large force of General Gaines, he encamped oa 
 its western bank with a white flag flying over his wretched fugi- 
 tives, who had little else but this emblem of submission to save- 
 them from starvation, and imder this duress, a council was held 
 between his band and General Gaines and Governor Kej'nolds. 
 It resulted in a treaty of peace, signed on the oOtli of June, 1831, 
 by which Black Hawk after conflrming the validity of the treaty 
 of 1804, agreed to relinquish his old claims to any lands east of 
 the Mississippi river, and submit to the authority of Keokuk, who 
 with the most sensible portion of the Sac and Fox nation, were 
 now peaceably settled in their new home. 
 
 Both Governor Keyiujlds and General Gaines now supposed 
 the difficulty to be settled, and congratulated themselves that a 
 long term of peace was assured to the frontier before the villain- 
 ous whiskey traders and the volcanic red men should again em- 
 broil the State in a border war.* 
 
 *Both Governor Reynolds and General Gaines were moved with conipassioa- 
 for the Indiiins in their wretchedness, and sent them a liberal supply of pro- 
 visions to satisfy their immediate wants. This charity excited some murmur* 
 among the vohinteers, who stigmatized the late treaty as a "corn treaty," anA 
 said they had better give them lead than bread. 
 
• Bad Advice. 370 
 
 Up to this time Black llawk and liis British band (as thej 
 were called), liad demeaned themselves with exem)>larv moder- 
 ation under the inevitable destiny which had forced them frora 
 the beautiful valley of the Ilock River. That they should have 
 clniij; to it with firmness, and left it with painful regrets, was tO' 
 be expected; uor is it strange that the vehement emotions that 
 are a distinguishing trait in the Indian character should have 
 made them cast a longing, lingering look behind, when the broad 
 face of the Mississippi separated tiiem from all their local attach- 
 ments. 
 
 The autuiim succeeding tlie Indians' retreat from their village^ 
 found them in a destitute condition. They had raised no corn, 
 for it was too late to plant when they left their village; moreover,, 
 there was a large field of corn which they had planted now fully 
 ripe, which they looked upon as their own by right, and some 
 stealthy attempts being made to gather the ears under cover of 
 night, the ])ilferers were fired upon by the whites. But during- 
 these accumulated griefs, an affront which had been inflicted upork 
 them two years before by the Menomonees, was not forgotten. 
 This was the wanton murder of a single Sac by the offending 
 tribe. To revenge this, a band of Black Hack's men, late in the 
 fall ascended the Mississippi to Prairie du Cliein, attacked a camp 
 of Menominees and Sioux nearby, and took seven-fold vengeance 
 by killing 28 of the unsuspecting and unprepared warriors.. 
 This was in clear violation of the treaty of 1825, and the authori- 
 ties of Prairie du Chein made a demand of Black Hawk to give 
 up the authors of this bloody deed, to be tried by the laws of the 
 United States. Nettled as he was by the late misfortunes which 
 had overtaken him, he was in no mood to do this, and delayed; 
 the matter by a false pretense. 
 
 During the ensuing winter Black Hawk's emissaries, Neo- 
 pope, "VVisshick and Wi\ite Cloud, the Prophet,* visited the Ot- 
 taways, Chippewas, Pot':awattomies and "Winnebagoes, and pro- 
 fessed to have received .assurances of assistance from all of them 
 in recovering their ancient possessions. Under this fatal illusion 
 he assembled his people, in March, 1833, on the west bank of the 
 Misissippi, on the spot where Fort Madison had been built in. 
 1804, long since abandoned, but now the site of the flourish- 
 ing city of Madison, Iowa. Here were assembled 368 braves,, 
 mounted on tough, muscular ponies, not unlike their masters, 
 capable of great, endurance, with slender means of subsistence. 
 
 "V'hite Olond was a Winnebago chief, whose villagre was at the present site 
 of Prophetbto n, \\\. He was in lull sympathy with Black Hawk, acting as his^ 
 oracle and orator. Both Neopope and Wisshick were also firm friends of Black 
 Hawk, ever counseling war against the whites. 
 
580 Black Haxok Returns to Illinois. 
 
 «quaws, jaded down with unceasing toil, and their quota of 
 half-clad children, shivering in the humid blasts of early spring, 
 bent on a trip to their old home east of the Mississippi, probably 
 not without some faint hopes of re-possessing it. 
 
 With this purpose in view, the cavalry arm of the service, 
 •consisting of the men, leaped on the backs of their ponies, and 
 "whipped the patient beasts over the spongy soil up the west bank 
 of the river, while the squaws manned the canoes, and tugged up 
 stream with their materials of war, consisting of a few kettles, 
 blankets, etc. How the canoes passed Fort Armstrong, on Eock 
 Island, without exciting the suspicion of Gen. \tkinson, its com- 
 inander, is not known. Early in April tliey arrived at the 
 mouth of Eock River, but little above the fort. Here they 
 •crossed the Mississij)pi, in defiance of the treat}' of the previ- 
 ous j-ear, and the whole tribe made their way up the Rock 
 river, under pretense of going to their friends the Winnebagoes, 
 to plant corn in their country. 
 
 The wanderers had not passed far up tl*e river till they were 
 overtaken by two messengers from General Atkinson, one briefly 
 succeeding the other, warning them back to the west side of the 
 river with threats of war if not heeded. Black Hawk replied 
 spiritedly that he was determined not to go back, and equally so 
 not to make war on the whites unless attacked. Continuing his 
 -course up Rock river he soon came to Dixon's Ferry, where he 
 paid his respects to Mr. Dixon, its proprietor, explained his posi- 
 tion to him, and passed on with his fugitives, all behavin« with 
 •commendable decorum, carrying with them all the wealth they 
 possessed, which was more ponderous than valuable. 
 
 Governor Eevnolds having heard the news of his return, imme- 
 •diately organized a for' j of 1800 volunteers to follow him, who 
 
 Promptly assembled at Beardstown for organization in companies, 
 'he command of this zealous army was given to General Samuel 
 "Wiiiteside, a man of much ability and considerable experience in 
 Indian fighting. Discipline or training of these fresh recruits, 
 the contemptible character ot" the enemy, seemed to make unne- 
 -cessarvjand they immediately took up their march to follow Black 
 Hawk's " tranips."' After a hasty march in the pursuit, they 
 reached Dixon, wliich brought tiiem within only a single day's 
 march of the object of their pursuit, Bhick Hawk's band, wiio were 
 -€iu'ani])ed but thirty miles above this ])lace on Sycaniore creek, a 
 triltutary of Rock River, (leneral Atkinson was now advancing 
 to the same place with the reguhirs from Fort Armstrong, ana 
 General "Whiteside thought best to wait till his arrival before ad- 
 vancing further. Governor Reynolds was among the volunteers 
 who took no responsibility as to their military command, although 
 In's authority transcended that of General Whiteside, and of him 
 
The Dog Feast Ahrvptly Broken up. 381 
 
 in an unlucky liour, a certain Major (Stillinan) bei^ged the priv- 
 ilege of making a reconnoisancc of the enemy's camp. Tlie 
 Governor consented, and on the 14th of May lie, at the head of 
 275 volunteers, mounted on their own horses, started ont in giiy 
 spirits on their mission, each man enjoying the stimulating re- 
 flection that he was about to distinguish himself by a brilliant 
 achievement. 
 
 As they apin-oached the camp of Black Hawk, he was engaged 
 not in the tactics of a soldier but in entertaining his Winneba- 
 go friends with the inipressive hospitalities of a dog feast, on 
 the banks of the Ivishwaukie, a tributary of Rock river, since 
 called Sycamore Creek, about thirty miles above Dixon's. This 
 feast was to be succeeded by a great council of Chiefs, which it 
 is fair to assume was intended at least to make sufficient show of 
 strength to preserve the "balance of power" in its equilibrium 
 between the red and white men of northern Illinois. The issue at 
 stake involved the existence of the Sac nation, as Black Hawk 
 viewed it, for it is hardly to be presumed that he foresaw at that 
 time the eventual ruin of l:is people. 
 
 Foremost among the chiefs ]>rese!it was Shaubena, he wdio had 
 fought by the side of Black Hawk when allies of the English, 
 against the Americans through the war of 1812. These veterans 
 were bound together by ties of aft'ectitn doubly strengthened by 
 consanguinitv. But Shaubena was fullv impressed with the 
 power of ths whites, and tliough his refusal to join his fortunes 
 to Black Hawk lacerated his heart, he nidiesitatingly declined to 
 take up the war belt, and refusing even to attend the council, 
 took his leave and made his Avay down Eock River towards 
 Dixon. 
 
 Shortly after his departure some of Black Hawk's hunters who 
 were scouting the country in search of game, came in in breath- 
 less haste, and informed him of the near appnjach of cavalry, upon 
 which he sent out three young men to meet and conduct them to 
 Jus camp. 
 
 The immediate consequences are told by Governor Reyn- 
 olds, as follows: that "three Indians unarmed, with a white 
 flag, made their appearance near the encampment. These In- 
 dians gave themselves up, and were taken into custody as hostage* 
 by order oi' the ofticers. Soon after the three unarjned Indians 
 were taken into custody, six armed Indians appeared on horse- 
 back on a hill three-fourths of a mile from the encampment. 
 Without orders, a few soldiers and some otHcers commenced \i.\\ 
 irregular chase of the Indians on horseback and pursued them 
 four or Ave miles. During this race in the prairie, a great por- 
 tion of the troops mounted tl-oir horses and joined without orders- 
 ill the disorderly chase of the Indians. The whites became 
 
J?S2 Stillman's Defeat. 
 
 enraged in the pursuit, and having the hest horses, overtook two 
 Indians and killed tliem. jVIujur llackleton, of Fulton Co. was 
 ■dismounted, and had a personal combat with an Indian, also dis- 
 mounted. In this irregular running conflict, three Indians 
 were killed without loss to the whites. In this skirmish, which 
 extended over four or five miles of the smooth prairie, between 
 the encimpment and the month of Sycamore creek, the volun- 
 teers at the camp, knowing that blood was shed, attempted to 
 kill the three unarmed Indians who had been taken into custody 
 as hostages under ])rotection of the white fi;ig. One Indian was 
 killed, but in the darkness and confnsion the other two escaped 
 imhurt. Ax the time Stillman's volunteers had thi-s running 
 skirmish in the prairies, Black Hawk had many of his friends of 
 the Pottawattomie nation feasting with him on dog-meat. The 
 retreating Indians had almost reached the camp of Black Hawk 
 where he was feasting, and the whites at their heals whooping, 
 yelling and shouting. This uproar alarmed Black Hawk and 
 the Indians at the feast; and they in a hasty, tumultuous manner, 
 mounted their horses, snatched up their • "ms and i ashed out in 
 all the fury of a mad lioness in defense ot w.eir women and chil- 
 dren. Black Hawk took a prudent and wise stand, concealed 
 behind some woods (then nearly dark), so that the straggling and 
 xmmanageable forces of Major Stillman approached near him. It 
 M'as a crisis with the Indians. They fouglit in defense of all they 
 held the most sacred on earth. * * * The Indians forced the 
 whites back with great speed, and killed in the chase one white 
 man. By the time the volunteers had reached Stillman's camp it 
 was quite dark, and the troops at the camp hearing the yelling, 
 supposed all the whole Black Hawk band were upon them. 
 This produced a general panic, and the volunteers fled with their 
 comrades whom Black Hawk was chasing." 
 
 This was Stillniar's defeat, as told by the veritable governor 
 himself. After the /olunteers had fled from their camp, while 
 crossing a muddy stream close by it, 10 more were killed, says 
 the governor, making 11 in all. The fugitives left behind them 
 all their camp stores and reached Dixon the next day with such 
 exaiijgerated accounts of the battle as their distemjjered imagina- 
 tions suggested. 
 
 Black ilawk says lie liad but 40 men engaged, and the gover- 
 nor sets the number not above 60. 
 
 This ill-starred skirmish canie near causing the murder of the 
 noble hearted Shaubena. When he left Black Hawk's camp, afrer 
 refusing to take part in his projjosed council, he went to Dixon. 
 Here he was pointed out to the volunteers by a nondescript vag- 
 abond named McKabe, as an Indian spy in the service o^ Black 
 Bawk, when in truth, though a white volunteer, ho himself had 
 
Indian Creek Massacre. - 383 
 
 enlisted more in tlie service of Black Hawk than for any good 
 1. cared to do for the cause in wliicli he was drawing ]>av, for he 
 Lad ever been associated with the Indians and had married an In- 
 dian wife. Tliis apostato of civilization knowing Sliaubena to 
 he true to the interests of the white men, wished to see liim killed, 
 ■but fortunatelv a humane volunteer seeing the danorer, Hew to the 
 house of Mr. Dixon, who in turn flew to the rescue in time to save 
 his life. This done he treated liiin with deserved resjject as a 
 guest at his own house, where he introduced him to Govenor 
 Keynolds, .and General Whiteside." 
 
 Insigniticant as the ])attle of Sycamore creek was, it was a pro- 
 digious affair in the estimation of the hostile Indians, nor was it 
 a small affair in tlie eyes of the borderers, whose i'ears were aug- 
 mented by the alarms spread by the defeated scouts. 
 
 Black Hawk, in order to make the most of his victory, des- 
 patched his fleet-footed messengers in every direction, to yelp 
 the exultant war-whoop, and carry the war to each expctsed fron- 
 tier, where the weight of his blows would fall most unexpectedly; 
 ■but, tlianks to Sliaubena, he was in a great measure baulked of 
 the prey he had counted on as the tirst-fruits of his victory. 
 Tliis old weather-beaten veteran had no sooner heard of the bat- 
 tle than he dispatched his son and nej>hew to Fox liiver and 
 Holderman's Grove settlements, to warn them of danger, while 
 he mounted his pony and galloped towards the settlements on the 
 Bureau and Indian Creek. Thev were phuiting corn, but at the 
 treceiptof the alarm left their plows in the furrow, and flew to the 
 nearest fort, which was at Ottawa. 
 
 Unhappily, at Indian Creek, by a treacherous sense of secur- 
 ity, a few families paid no regard to the warning, but to their 
 dismay a few hours later, at four o'clock in the afternoon, 70 
 painted savages were at their very doors. An indescribable scene 
 of butcliery of the defenseless victims, and resistance ineffectual 
 but desperate, immediately succeeded. Fifteen persons were 
 killed and horribly mntilated, two young boys escaped by flight, 
 two young girls, Syl\ ia and Rachel Hall, were spared from death 
 and abducted as captives. Fortunately, through the influence of 
 the Winnebagoes, they were subsequently ransomed for $2,000. 
 
 Naperville. which has already been spoken of in a ])receding 
 chapter, was then an infant settlement, and nearer to Chicago than 
 any other. Its history is worth relating, especially as it brings 
 interest to the records of early Cliicago, and more especially as 
 it comes to the writer fresli from the month of an eye-witness, 
 Mr. Harry T. AVilson, of Wheatou, 111., now ninety-two years old. 
 The following is his story: 
 
 * Matson. 
 
384 Najpcrmlle Settlers Warned. 
 
 He started from Ashtabula, Ohio, on the schooner Telegraphy 
 in May, 1831, and arrived in Chicago the 15th of July following. 
 Col. Owen (Indian Agent) and Col. Hamilton were then the 
 most influential men in Chicago, but the Lawtons, who lived at 
 the present site of Lyons on the Desplaines, were much depended 
 on for public service, as they could speak 'the Pottawattoniie 
 language, and were in great favor witli them from their long 
 residence and just dealings among them. Both had Indian wives. 
 Isaac Murray, his young son, R. ]!^. Murray (nowjudgeof the Pro- 
 bate Coiu't in Wheaton), Josej^h and John Xaper and L. Butter- 
 Held, came in the same vessel M'ith Mr. Wilson, all of whom on 
 their arrival at Chicago, w^ere dissatisfied with the uninviting aj)- 
 pearance of the place, and after securing a temporary shelter for 
 their families, started into the country on foot to find farming 
 lands for a home. Passing Lawtons, they kept on to the Dupage 
 river, where Kaperville now is, and began their new settlement. 
 Their milling was done at Ottawa, and an ox-team to and from 
 it (a distance of nearly a hundred miles) was their only mode of 
 transportation. 
 
 With the opening of the succeeding spring their first plowing 
 commenced in the new settlement to which many others beside* 
 those just mentioned had come, when, on the 18th of May a 
 friendly Pottawattomie came to them with alarming news. Black 
 Hawk's .band had fought and defeated the volunteers on Rock 
 River, and scalping parties in his service were rapidly approach- 
 ing the frontier settlements, and were now within ten miles 
 where they had already burned the houses of two advance pio- 
 neers, Mr. Hollenbeck and Mr. Cunningham. To give force to 
 his statements, the messenger, in awful mimicry, went through 
 motions of the scalping process; but this pantomime was quite 
 unnecessary, for the new settlers were in hot haste to place the 
 friendly walls of Fort Dearborn between tliemselves and the red 
 scouters. The women hastily packed their linen and cooking 
 utensils, and the men harnessed the horses. In a short time the 
 women and children were on their way over the long flat prairie 
 that intervened between their forsaken homes and Fort Dear- 
 born, while the men arranged themselves in scouting parties, 
 and took positiona in the adjacent groves to watch for the terrible 
 Sacs. There were yet some distant families who had not been 
 warned to leave, and the next day several incidents occurred of 
 mistaken identity as to the character of persons seen in the far 
 distance, both of whom were white men, and both suspecting 
 each other of being savages on the war path.* 
 
 *It is related by some of the old settlers now livinc-, 1880, that during^ 
 the hurly-burly of the hour when the inhabitants were leaving the place, a Mr. 
 
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l^ort Beggs Built. y^'» 
 
 On the Dupage river, tiortluvest c»f Xa])«;rvillo, \v;is a settlement 
 at Plainfield, in which liev. S. K. i>egg6 lived. This early pio- 
 neer of the Methodist faith has published liis early experiences 
 in a boob, from which the following is taken, to show the extent 
 of the alarm, and the condition of Fort Dearborn when the fugi- 
 tives had taken refuge there: 
 
 "The inhabitants came flyiii<j from Fox river, through fear of their dreaded 
 enemy. They came with their cattle and horses, some bareheaded and others 
 barefooted, crying ' The Indians ! tlie Indians! ' Those that were able hurried 
 on with all speed for Danville. It was ui'ired tliat all should remain quiet till 
 they could get their cattle and horses together; but there was too much demor- 
 alization for that. One team could not be found, and it wasi thought better 
 to sacrifice one than that the whole should sutler. So it was decided that they 
 should move otf as silently a-? possible; yet there was one ungovernable person 
 among them who made noise enough in driving his oxen to have been heard a 
 mile distant. 
 
 " The hatless man, and one or two otheis, found their way to Danville in ad- 
 vance of the rest, and told their fearful .stoi-ies — how tlie Indians were killing 
 and burnuig all beiore them, while at this time it is presumed that there was not 
 a hostile Indian south of the Desplaine.s river. At Plainfield, however, the 
 alarm was so great that it was thought best to make all possible efforts for a 
 defense, in case of an attack. jVIy house was considered the most secure place. 
 ] had two log pens buili, one of which served for a barn and the other u shed. 
 The.se were torn down, and the logs used to build up a breastwork around the 
 house. All the people livijig on Fox river who could not get farther away, 
 made my house a place of shi-lter. There were one humlred and twenty-tive, 
 old and young. We had four guns, some useless. Animuuitiou was scan e. 
 All our pewter spoons, biisins and jilatters were soon moulded by the wouiea. 
 into bullets. .As a next best means of delense. we got a good supply of axes, 
 hoes, forks, sharp sticks and clubs. Here we intended to stay till some relief 
 could be obtained. This was on Thui-sday, and we remained here till the next 
 Sabbath, when the people of Cbiciigo hearing of our distress, raised a company 
 of 25 white men and as uiauy Indians, who came to our aid. TTie Imlians, with 
 Mr. Lawton at their head, were to go to Big Woods (now Aurora), and (Jeneral 
 Brown with Colonel Hamilton and three men, wen- to visit Holdernians grove 
 and then fix upon a pilace to meet in the evening." 
 
 Fresh alarms, both real and false, kept coming in to the tenants 
 
 of Fort Beggs, keeping them in constant agitation and indecision as 
 
 as to what was the .best course to pursue, till the news of the In- 
 
 dian Creek massacre reached them, when they detei-mined to fly 
 
 before the impending danger, and on the tollowing Thursday at 
 
 seven o'clock in the morning tliey started for C'iiicago, the 25 men 
 
 sent from there under Colonel Hamilton, acting as their escort. 
 
 Pavne ventured out on horseback to see some depredations reported a few 
 miles distant. On his re urn he saw across the prairie a man o.i horseback, 
 whom he supposed to be a.T Indian intending to cut him off. He put spurs to 
 his horse to gain the advance, but his supposed foe looked upon him with the 
 same suspicion. Both were approaching the same spot, and the race was an 
 exciting one to see which should reach it first ; Payne ."-ucct^eded, and put his 
 horse in his neighbor's com crip (Mr. Hobson's), and took to his heels for Chi- 
 cago. Mr. Hobson soon came up, and seeing the horse of the supposed Indian 
 scout sweating and foaming from the effects of the race, the nuitaal misconcep- 
 tion was divulged to him, but Mr. Paymf was now beyond sight and bearing, 
 panting through the grassy prairie towards Chicago. 
 
:'*^<5 Fort Payne Built. 
 
 Tliey reached tlieir destination, a distance of forty miles, the same 
 day, wliich was a forced raareli for ox-teams, which were part of 
 their means of transportation. Again resuming my Beggs narra- 
 tive, he says: 
 
 " Tliere wiis no extra room for U8 when we arrived in Chicago. Two or three 
 families of our number were put into a room fifteen feet square, with as many 
 more families, and here we stayed crowding; and jamming each other for several 
 days. * * * 'I'he next nioruinfj our first babe was born, and during our stay 
 iifteen tondiT infants were added to our number. One may imagine the con- 
 fusion of till' scene — children were crying and women were complaining within 
 %loors, while -without the tramp of soldiery, the rolling of drums, and the roar of 
 «annon, added to the din." * 
 
 Some days ere this the news of Stillman's defeat had reached 
 Chicago, reviving the ohl war-spirit in the hreasts of moody vet- 
 erans wliose bad blood was again stirred up from dormant places 
 ^n their hearts, and their hopes again revived, that the red race 
 2ould arrest the progress of white settlements in the country. 
 Billy Caldwell and Alexander Robinson saw this in their rueful 
 countenances, and pro]iosed to Col. Owen to convene a council for 
 the purpose of forestalling any symjiathy for Black Hawk which 
 his fortuitous success might develop among the young Potto- 
 wattomie braves. The proposal was accepted, and the council 
 held under the shade of a bur oak on the North Side. Eobinson, 
 Caldwell, Col. Owen, CJol. Hamilton, and others, made speeches, 
 and a general preference for peace w^as the result, a feeble mi- 
 nority only dissenting, of whom Big Foot, the famous Winne- 
 bagc" Chief, was the leader. He openly defended Black Hawk's 
 cause, and gathering to his standard all the inflammable material 
 which loosely lay around the place, he and his disciples vanished 
 away, ultimately to be buried in the grave of obscurity always in 
 store for a lost cause. 
 
 The alarms at most of the places from which the settlers had 
 fled, were false. At Indian Creek only had any considerable 
 force of Indians made their appearance, and even here had the 
 men all remained at home and defended themselves from some 
 covert, their assailants would have retreated rather than risk their 
 lives by an attack. 
 
 After all the frontier settlers had taken refuge at Ottawa, Dan- 
 ville and C/hicago, the able bodied men soon cautiously returned 
 to their homes to look to their safety and to flnish planting their 
 corn. With this intent the Naperville settlers returned as soon 
 as thev had safelv lodijed their families in Fort Dearborn, and as 
 a measure of secui-ity built a log fort, to which they gave the 
 name of Fort Payne, after one of their settlers. 
 
 Tlie news that an Indian war had broken out on the north- 
 western frontier, rapidly spread throughout every hamlet in the 
 
 " ♦Early History of Tlie North West by S. R. Beggs, P. 103. 
 
General Scott Ordered to Chlcnqo. . 3S7" 
 
 middle and eastern States. A yoini;; i,'C'iuM-atioii luid grown into 
 manhood since the hist serious Indian distnrhance, but its his- 
 tory which liad been told them hv their fathers, was a laniiliar 
 t^le. and a ve})etition of it was now considered possible. The 
 press of the country teemed with speculations, as to what was to be 
 the result of the war which Mas regarded as of more importance 
 tlian the facts would warrant if hnown. Abundant food for 
 romance was jeconoinized out of the situation, and a volume of 
 hasty poetry was published, entitled Black Hawk and Scenes in 
 The West, which met with a ready sale. Under this ])ressure 
 measures were promptly taken by the administration at Wash- 
 ington to meet the crisis. Nine companies were detailed for 
 this purpose, and ]>laced under the command of General Scott. 
 Among them was a class of cadets (war students), from West 
 Point, who took the occasion to put in practice an art which the 
 peaceful prosperity of tlK)se times threatened with disuse. On 
 the J St of July they arrived at Detroit. This was the great Met- 
 roj>olit.an centre of the Upper Lake country, beyond which was a 
 limitless wild relieved only by settlements feeble in numbers, and 
 mushroom towns far apart fron) each other. While General Scott 
 was making a brief rest at this place, two men on boa; 1 his 
 transports were taken violently sick and died in a few hours, 
 despite the best eiForts of his physicians. This was the beginning 
 of the asiatic cholera on the Upper Lakes, General Scott hastened 
 his departure and proceeded as far as Ft. Gratiot, near the outlet 
 of Lake Huron, where he left 280 of his force besides the young 
 cadets, whose warlike zeal was now considerably abated by the 
 presence of an enemj' in their midst more formidable than Black 
 Hawk.* While General Scott is taking his course to Chicago on 
 board the steamer Sheldon Thompson, his physicians are eking out 
 the fearful hours in their vain attempts to purge the cholera from 
 their midst, and the soldiers were dropping, one after anotiier of 
 their companies into the sea,f let us see what was going on at 
 the place of his destination. 
 
 Going back but a few days, the place had been the centre of 
 an excitement seldom equalled even in the casualties of frontier 
 life. The large number of fugitives gathered here, all looked to 
 Col. Owen to supply them with such necessities as helpless 
 women and children must have or perish; and to add to his re- 
 
 *The fate of these young men sent a wave of grief and sorrow throughout the 
 country. Nearly all of them died of cholera at the fort or perished hTce beiists 
 of the field alone in some wretched shed or humid forest in their vain attempts 
 to fly before the destroyer, for no one dared i o receive them within their doora 
 for fear of this pestilence. Browns Hist, of 111. 
 
 t30 died on the passage and were thrown into the lake. 
 
General Scott at Chicago. 
 
 sponsibilities, most of tlie luisbands of tliPsJo fugitive women wore 
 away scouting the country with commendable courage for the 
 protection of their homes. Every available s})ace in the fort was 
 filled, and hastily constructed camps and temporary sleeping 
 booths were constructed outside of it, within the reach ot its 
 guns.* 
 
 While these fugitives were amusing themselves as best they 
 could to kill the long days of July, the sound of a cannon broke 
 the silence of the morning. All eyes turned towards the lake, 
 and there was an approaching sail. Succeeding ])iifFs of smoke, 
 with a corresponding number of reports after brief intervals of 
 time, threw the town into transports, and almost everybody flew 
 to the beach. The vessel approached the mouth of the river,, 
 cast her anchor and lowered her boats. Into these the soldiers 
 leaped, and soon came rowing up the Chicago river, amidst the 
 huzzas of the assembled spectators. This was a small command 
 under Major William Whistler, the son of the same who had 
 built the tirst Ft. Dearborn in 1803— i.f He came as an adv^ance 
 of General Scott to make preparations for his arrival. Those 
 who were sheltered in the fort were required to leave it, which 
 they did at once, and most of them returned to their homes, the 
 alarm having now partially subsided. 
 
 A week after the arrival of Captain Whistler-^on the 8th of 
 July, at the small hours of the morning (2 o'clock), — the inhabi- 
 tants of Chicago were awakened by an outcry in the streets ; Gen . 
 Scott's army had arrived and were in the fort, and his soldiers 
 dying with cholera- This king of terrors had made whole con- 
 gregations' turn pale with fear in the east, and the settlers of 
 Cliicago were not proof against its alarms. When the broad 
 light of morning came, says jin eye witness, hardly a resident was 
 to be seen, for nearly all had fled. Among the dwellers at the 
 
 * A raft of lumber belonglnsr to Noble Bros, (mei'chants) was used for this 
 purpose. 
 
 t On board the vessel with Major Whistler, were his wife, two daughters and 
 a Hon. This wife has for several years past been known to the people of Chica- 
 fio as Mrs. Col. Whistler, the oldest liviiijf witiifss i»f tiif building of the first 
 Fort Deaibom, in 180?M^. She was married to (,'aptain Wliistler at Detroit, io 
 1S02. beinjr then only fourteen years and a tew months old. and a fow months 
 atterwards came with her husband and his fathtu' to (Jhica<j:o to build the tort, 
 as stated iu foregoing pages. During the siege of DeUoit, in 181'J. her husband 
 being an officer under General Hull, she with liini was taken prisoner at ih" 
 surrender. Since her husband's death, her home has been ))art of the time m 
 Cliicago, and part of the time in Newport, Ky., at which latter place she died, 
 Feb. 12, 1878, at the age of ninety-two years. Gwinthlean, afterwards the 
 wife and now the widow of Rober, A. Kinzie, was one of her daughters on 
 board the vessel, as above described, and to her is the writer indebted for the 
 above item. 
 
Thi Cholera. • ^S9 
 
 ■forks of the river wlio remained were Iiulijin Twohiiison, John 
 Miller and I'enjamin Hall. Dr. DeCainp, the arniy ])ii\>i(;ian, 
 ]troniptly called on the?-e reinainini>- ones and allayed their tears, 
 <-ounselin<:^ them not to leave, assiirinc; them that the disease 
 would he confined to the i^arrison. The tieeers soon returned and 
 hut one of them was attacked, hut to the devoted garrison there 
 ■vvas no escape from tiie appalling situation. To leave the fort 
 was to expose themselves to the censure of whomsoever they 
 might meet, even if it were pos-ihle to do such a thing in deti- 
 tince of the sentinel; while to remain inside and witness the 
 ■carnival of death which was going on there, required more com- 
 ]>osr.re than could be expected of the average soldier. 
 
 Black Hawk was now stealthily traversing the country, his war 
 parties threatejiing portions of the frontier. But Gen. Scott wa.s 
 in no condition to take the offensive, for it was all the well ones 
 -could do to tMke care of the sick and bury the dead. Ere the 
 ■contagii^n liad spent its force ninety of his men had fallen victims 
 and been buried without the usual military honors of a soldier 
 •or even the civil usnages of a coffin. AVlien the last spark of life 
 ■was supposed to l>e gone out the coi-pse was hastened to the 
 grave which was ever ready to receive him. and two men with 
 spades ready to interpose a few feet of earth between the decaying 
 mass of contaariou and the living world above ground.* On one 
 of these occasions a premature subject was brought enveloped in 
 Jiis burial blanket ; but just before he was lowered the uncon- 
 scious soldier called for water. He was returned to the hospital, 
 and in a few days recovered his usual health. f 
 
 ^(A even the terrors of Black Hawk's war-parties would have 
 driven the surrounding settlers to Chicago while the cholera 
 was there, and had this pestilence come 18 days sooner, when the 
 massacre of Indian creek occurred, the imha]>py settlers of Nap- 
 ■erville and Fox river would probably have made a desperate 
 determination to defend their homes against the Indians rather 
 than encounter the dangers of the new and subtle enemy of man- 
 kind, that had even threatened annihilation to the sohliers who 
 had come to defend them. 
 
 Leaving Gen. Scott in his fatal duress at Fort Dearborn, let us 
 turn to the Indian war parties, Avho were now skimming over the 
 prairies in voiceless silence, ready to make sudden dashes upon 
 j)laces supposed to be defenceless, Black Hawk himself, all the 
 
 'The burying ground was at the foot of Madison street, on the lake shore. 
 -A\)out 1840. ami hit<'r, the erosion of thi^ hike washed away portions of it, ex- 
 Liiosinjf to view the buics of the victims to the cholera. 
 
 « 
 
 ■* Brown's History of Illinois, p. ^75. 
 
. 3&() Black Hawk lietreaU. 
 
 ■while at the head of liis army, small in miuibers, deficient in sup- 
 plies and inadecjuate to meet his adverr^aries in tlie open field' 
 with the faintest hope of sncceps. But however apjiarent tliest^ 
 conditions were to him, his ability' to impress them upon the un- 
 controllable spirits of his followers was wanting, liaulked iu bin 
 attempt to ally the Winnebago and Pottawattomie nations to nis 
 standard, he found himself the leader of a horde of sanojuinarv hot- 
 spurs, full of courage and destitute of discretion. It was com- 
 posed of the worst elements of his own tribe and a lawless renegatlo 
 escapement from the tribes whose support in an evil hour he had 
 counted on, by virtue of the treacherous advice 'h Neopope 
 Wabokiesliiek and the prophet. 
 
 Most of the fugitives from the disgraceful field of Stillnian's- 
 run reached Gen. Whiteside's headquarters in a few hours, with 
 their zeal for Indian fighting spent in a 30-mile race over the 
 prairies, by which the horses that carried them wer(* not less ex- 
 hausted than the courage of their riders. 
 
 General Whiteside was now in an awkward position. Hi--^ 
 whole army had been without rations for two days, and confine<l 
 to a diet of parched corn. In this emergencv, Mr^Dixon with 
 patriotic generosity, offered his stock of cattle for their subsistence- 
 till stores could be brought. The cattle were butchered and the 
 hungry vohinteers ate the meat without bread or potatoes, al- 
 though it was lean and tough.* The next day afteif tlie skirmish 
 General Whiteside led his entire force to its scene. It was a sol- 
 itude. There were the tent-marks of Black Ilawk^s army and 
 the lifeless bodies of 11 slain volunteers diveste<i of their scalps,, 
 which were doubtless dangling from the belN of as many Sac 
 warriors. Black Hawk had gone nortli, it wa* supposed, to tlie 
 region of the Four lake country, in Wisconsin.f General White- 
 side's army now amounted to 2400 men, and had he followed 
 Black Hawk promptly the war might have b?en ended in two or 
 three weeks; for the Indians, encumbered as they were with their 
 squaws and children, must have been easily overtaken, and ctnild 
 neither have defended themselves Kgaliist sueh odds or escaped 
 by flight. But the volunteers were by tliL time surfeited with. 
 camp life, especially with Indian fighting; the time for which 
 they had enlisted had nearly expired, and tliey presented but a 
 
 •Ford. 
 
 t The Four lake countiy wsw eompoued of th»^ two boantifnl lakes that now 
 almost environ the picturesque city of M.ailis'>n and two others below it, all 
 joined by the waters of Cathuh creek, having its outlet in Kwk river a tew 
 miles below Kosh-ko-noriff lake. So little wa.s then known of Ihis delightful 
 region that even its locality was not understood by any of the volunteers, and. 
 Winnebago pilots were employed to direct the course of the army when it toot 
 up its march for the place. 
 
Tfie Volunteers Discharged. " 391 
 
 sorry dependence on wliicli torely for cunqiiei-ing a foe, tliongh 
 small, jaded to desperation. iJnder these «uri'omidings. General 
 Whiteside was oblifijed to yield the honors of a victory at hand 
 to the capricious discontent of the volunteers, and they were 
 inarched back to Ottawa, where tliey were discharged by Gover- 
 nor Jleynolds on tlie 27th and 2Sth of May * 
 
 After the volunteers left J)ixon, General Atkinson enti-enched 
 his Civnip and remained there with the reinforcements he had 
 brought from Ft. Armstrong. The necessity of immediately 
 raising new recruits to push the war was pressing, foi' without 
 them the Winnebajjoes, and even the Pottawatomies miffht have 
 looked UDon Black Hawk as the winner, and joined his standard. 
 Accordingly Gov. Reynolds gave orders for raising 2,000 men to 
 take the place of the discharged soldiers. A few of the latter, 
 however, with commendable patriotism re-enlisted for a few days 
 in order to defend the frontier till the new recruits could be 
 brought into service. Col. Jacob Fry commanded them. James D. 
 Henry was his lieutenant, and John Thomas, major. Gen. White- 
 side, with a zeal both laudable and modest, enlisted in the private 
 ranks. The chaff of the late volunteer army returned to their 
 homes,^.aiid the true soldierly material just organized out of it 
 prcimptly distributed themselves in small 2)arties to the most ex- 
 posed frontiers. 
 
 To fight Indians in regular pitched battles is not attended 
 with much danger to the white combatants, but to meet them 
 noiselessly, crawling on the ground like serpents to attack some 
 unsuspecting settlement, puts to test the mettle of a soldier. An 
 attack of this kind was planned against the new settlements east 
 of Galena, to guard against which Capt. xVdam W. Snyder had 
 been .^detached with a small company. While thus engaged on 
 tlte l7th of June, as the tedious hours of night were wearing 
 away, some hostile shots were fired into their camp from an in- 
 visible foe. The next morning they followed the intruders to a 
 sink-hole hard by, into which treacherous covert the Indians had 
 taken refuge. A charge was made upon them, as if a small army 
 lay concealed there, wliich resulted in the killing of the whole, 
 only four in number. One of Snyder's men was mortally wounded. 
 Resting under a supposition that they had killed all the Indians 
 in the vicinity, they took up tiieir wounded man and started for 
 their camp, soon heedlessly scattering in different directions in 
 
 Juest of water, when they were suddenly attacked by about 70 
 ndians who had watched their motions from the first. The men 
 thought only to save themselves by flight, but fortunately (tcu. 
 
 • • Ford's Hist, of 111., p. 124, 
 
r>92 ' . Rev. Adam Payne. ^ 
 
 Whiteside was among them, and upon him the captain called for 
 assistance to rally the men. This veteran declaring lie would 
 shoot the first man who started to run, resolution took the place 
 of fear, and the men stood their ground. This done, the battle 
 ])egan in earnest, but was soon terminated by a shot from Gen. 
 Whiteside which killed the leader of the Indians, and thev all 
 fled without further resistance, carrying away their dead. Two 
 white men were killed, and one wounded.* 
 
 Two davs before this affair the new levies had arrived at the 
 mouth of the Yermilion river, from whence they were marched 
 to Ft. Wilburn, where they were mustered into service and di- 
 vided into three brigades, commanded respectively by Gen. 
 Alexander Posey, Gen Milton K. Alexander, and Gen. James D. 
 •Henry, Besides these, a company of rangers under command 
 of Maj. Bogart, were to guard the frontier of Southern Illinois, 
 while the three divisions were to marclr in pursuit of Black 
 Hawk, the architect of all this commotion, which had now drawn 
 over 3000 men from the plow to the soldiers' ranks, besides the 
 first volunteers who had just been discharged. 
 
 While these formidable preparations had been on foot, the 
 murderous disposition of bad Indians had been ventilated on 
 numerous unhappy victims who by chance had been exposed to 
 their merciless as well as indiscriminate fnry. 
 
 On a bright morning a little past the middle of May, the peo- 
 ple of Chicago were attracted to the fort by tlie voice of singing. 
 Just outside its walls stood the tall and manly form of Kev. Adam 
 Payne, whose musical and sonorous voice had reached the utter- 
 itKtst limits of the town, and drawn thither an audience. A ser- 
 mon followed from this eloquent enthusiast, which for fervor and 
 religious efiect, might have satisfied the ambition of aKnapp or 
 a Moody. Soldiers, tra<lers, and even the elastic half-breeds, 
 t*howed signs of contrition which nmst have been gratifying to 
 the itinerant apostle of the Dunkard faith, as his voice mellowed 
 into pathos under the sympathetic inspiration of the occasion. 
 Mr. Payne was on his way fnun Ohio to visit his brother, Aaron 
 Payne, who lived in Putiuim county. 111., and immediately after 
 his discourse, to which the people of Chicago had paid such re- 
 s])ectful attention, mounted his horse, and starting on his journey, 
 si>t>n vanished out of sight over tiie prairies. The first night 
 he reached tiie house of llev. S. R. Beggs, on the j)resent site of 
 Plainfield. Here he found his brother-])reacher with his house 
 Itarricaded like a fort, so "jreat was the fear of hostile 
 Jndians, as ab'eady stated. I>ut all this did not dishearten 
 the Pilgrim J'reacher. He had often traveled the route 
 
 *Bo»8. Hist, of Ogle County. 
 
Death of St. Vrain. 393 
 
 iK'fore, and having preached to the Indians witli good ef- 
 fect, he relied on his early friendships with thetn for safety. 
 Under thi.s ill-founded sense of security, lie started the 
 next morning in a |_south-west direction across the wilds, 
 towards Ottawa, much against the admonitions of liis friends, 
 who assured him that the country was full of hostile Indians. 
 He was mounted on a fleet horse, and by means of a spy-glass 
 whicli he carried in his pocket, he felt sure he could detect the 
 (Character of any Indians he might see, at a sufficient distance to 
 keep out of the way, if hostile. This is tlie last ever seen of him 
 liy his friends while living. Two or three days subsequently, as 
 ( 'oldiiel Moore's regiment were on their way from Joliet to Fort 
 Wilbiirn. his advance guard, under charge of Colonel Hubbard, 
 saw a ]y.uv of saddle-bags lying on the prairie about three miles 
 from Iloldcrraan's Grove. A fresh trail in the tall grass leading 
 from the saddle-bags, was immediately followed about an eighth 
 of a mile, where the dead body of the preacher was found. The 
 head was not severed from the body, says Mr. Hubbard, bnt the 
 f'Calp was taken, including his long beard. In tlie saddle-bags 
 lii^ hymn book was left by the murderous wretches who killed 
 the lamented preacher, for this was the last thing which could be 
 of any service to them. 
 
 Aniund the dead body of the preacher the grass was leveled, 
 giving proof that he defended himself in a fierce encounter with, 
 his murderers. Mr. Hubbard caused his remains to be imme- 
 <iiately buried, and his party passed on.* 
 
 After the volunteers had left Dixon, Gen. Atkinson continued 
 to hold the place, but dared not take the offensive against Black 
 Hawk, especially as he had no means of knowing the amount of 
 his force. Under these circumstances, he wished to send a com- 
 mxmication to Galena. The mission was a dangerous one, but 
 St. Vrain, a former Indian agent of the Sacs, liau the hardihood 
 to undertake it. He started, with h few companions, on the 2l2nd 
 of May. Only six days after the volunteers liad*left, but ere he 
 reached his destiiuition, he met a party of Sacs, led by Little 
 Bear, whom, having becm a former frietul, he approached in the 
 attitude of peace. But Little Bear was (hi the war-])ath, and 
 massacred the whole party, except two who had escaped, with as 
 little hesitatioti as he would kill an enemy on the battle-field, 
 allegiug as a cause that St. Train liad assisted Gen. Gaines in 
 driving the Sacs across the Mississippi. 
 
 Soon afterwards, a Mr. Smith was killed near the Blue Mounds, 
 and Mr. Winters, a mail contractor, six miles from Dixon. 
 
 •'ITiis account has been taken from Mr. Hubbard hiuuelf. Others who have 
 «tati'd the affair differently, hick authenticity. 
 
394 Stephenson'' s Fatal Skirmhh, 
 
 Another man was killed not far from the spot wliere thelamented 
 Mr. Payne was shot, and later, on the 14tli of June, five men 
 were killed while at work in a corn-field on Spafford's Creek, a 
 branch of the Pecatonica. 
 
 All this time Black Hawk himself had not struck a hostile 
 blow since the battle at Sycamore Creek, bnt b}'^ means of his 
 fleet-footed messengers, as well as his Pottawatomie and Winne- 
 bago spies, he was well aware of the preparations which were 
 being made to act against him. 
 
 The lead interests of Galena had drawn around the place a 
 thriving settlement of Americans to work the mines which had 
 for a century before been worked by the French or Indians, some- 
 times by the enforced labor of negro slaves. 
 
 In 1827, the county of Jo Daviess had been organized, includ- 
 ing within its area several of the present adjacent counties, at 
 that time a trackless wild, except for a few miles around the vi- 
 cinity of Galena. A devious path, almost concealed with prairie 
 grass, led from this place to Vandalia, the State capital, from 
 whence the mail was carried once a fortnight, and another to 
 Dixon. The remoteness of this settlement from the populous 
 portion of Illinois, made it a shining mark for Black Hawk, and 
 here he determined to strike his first blow before the new recruits 
 came into the field. With this intent, he sent a small band of 
 his marauding scouts thither, to make observations and steal 
 horses. On the night of the 18th of June, they succeeded in ac- 
 complishing this design by entering the stables attached to Apple 
 River Fort, and taking away the horses without detection. This 
 was a small stockade on the east bank of Apple river, 12 miles 
 from Galena, situated on Sec. 24, in Elizabeth township. The 
 next morning, by chance, Capt. T. W. Stephenson arrived from 
 Galena with a small command of 12 men, and determined to pur- 
 sue the pilferers. The party was well mounted, and loUowiP'^ 
 their track without difficulty over the grass-clad plains, overtook 
 them near Wad^ain's Grove, in the present county of Stephenson, 
 named in honor of the leader of this expedition. The Indians 
 took to the grove, and secreting themselves, waited the approach 
 of their pursuers, like so many tigers crouching for their prey, 
 and Stephenson's men, with more courage than ])rudence, dis- 
 mounted, left their horses in charge of ten of their number and 
 followed them with the intention of driviu"; them out of their 
 covert and recovering the horses. Three ot Stephenson's men 
 were killed in the desperate bush-tight, and himself and several 
 others wounded, wlien they retreated, and the victorious Indians 
 bore away their booty unharmed.* The dead were left on the 
 
 • lohiiston's Hist, of Stephenson < ounty. 
 
Attack on Apple River Fort. 395- 
 
 ground, but the next day the part^' returned and buried them. 
 
 Encouraged by tliis success, Black Hawk selected 150 of his 
 choicest braves and marched against the lort from wliich the 
 horses had been taken. It was a small stockade of logs driven 
 into the ground, having a tower at each corner fof sharp-shooters, 
 and garrisoned with 25 men under command of Captain Stone. 
 Clustered around it was a village of miners, who, in the event 
 of an Indian attack relied on it as a place of refuge. As 
 Black Hawk's band neared the place, so stealthy was his move- 
 ments that they managed to conceal themselves in a thicket only 
 half a mile distant witliout being discovered. From this ambush,. 
 he intended to dash upon the place just after twilight, before the 
 gates of the fort were closed for the night, and had it not beeui 
 for the indiscretion of one of his own men, the village and fort 
 both would probably have been taken and all the inhabitants 
 butchered, according to the merciless custom of Indian warfare. 
 On the morning of the same day, six brave scouts liad volunteer- 
 ed to take a message from Galena to Dixon." Arriving 
 at Apple Kiver Fort, they stopped to take dinner, from whence 
 they were to take their dangerous course over the prairies. A 
 few minutes' travel after they left the fort brought them within 
 range of one of the concealed Indians, who tired on them, wou.;d- 
 ing Walshe. His companions kept the Indians at a distance by 
 pointing their guns at the foremost ones till the wounded man- 
 was rescued, and all had made a glorious retreat to Apple Iliver 
 Fort.f Thus balked in lis plan of secrecy. Black Hawk imme- 
 diately dashed upon tho town. The villagers rushed into the- 
 fort, leaving their houses at the mercy of the foe. The womeu' 
 went to melting lead and moulding bullets, and the mea 
 And boys seized each a musket to defend the fort. Tlie assault 
 was kept up ten hours or more. In vain the Indians fired a tem- 
 pest of bullets against the palisades, aiming at tlie loop-holes, and 
 .with ferocious yells threatened to assault the place by scaling its 
 walls. A number of them had fallen before the steady aim of 
 the defenders, and the besiegers at last retreated, after a wanton 
 destruction of everything of value in tlie village. Only on© man 
 was killed in the fort. 
 
 While Black Hawk's band were wasting their fury against the 
 fort, Dixon, one of the intrepid scouts who had been fired upon 
 as he, with his companions, had started for Dixon, was on his way 
 to Galena to give the alarm and obtain assistance.;^ Col. Strode, 
 
 *Fred Dixon. Wm. Kilpatrick, Walshe, Wiickelrode and two 
 
 olhcrs. 
 
 tKoss' History of Ogle Co. 
 
 \ Fred. Dixon had been a dintinguished Indian fighter in Missouri. He waa 
 not the proprietor of Dixon's Ferry. 
 
^Pil , Battle of Kellogg' s Grove. 
 
 who held command of the place, promptly responded to the call 
 "by sending a detachment with all liaste, but thej did not arrive 
 till Black Hawk liad retreated. Martial law was now declared in 
 Oalena, as a measure of defense against Black Hawk's scouts. 
 
 The late daring act, though unsuccessful, had sufficiently dem- 
 onstrated the courage of the Indians, and their numerous war 
 parties infesting the lonesome paths of the prairies gave alarming 
 ■evidence that their numbers had been augmented largely from 
 tribes who were friendly as nations, but whose renegade element 
 "were in the ranks of Black Hawk. 
 
 Gen. Brady, to whom the command of the new recruits had 
 been given, being now taken violently sick, Gen. Atkinson was 
 appointed to take liis place. While these were on their way to 
 Dixon, Major Dement was ordered to advance to Galena with 
 :a spy battalion numbering one hundred and fifty men. Ar- 
 riving within thirty-five miles of his destination at Kel- 
 logg's Grove, while reposing at the log-cabin of Mr. Kellogg, for 
 wliom the grove was named, on the 25th of June, he was ap- 
 prised of the presence of large bodies of Indians. Three or four 
 days before, Black Hawk had been repulsed from Apple River 
 Fort — less than a day's march from this place — and it was hut a 
 reasonable supposition that his band were ambushed near-by — 
 perhaps within hearing of his noisy soldiers in the merriment of 
 •camp-life. Orders wero given to saddle the horses, while he, at 
 the head of twenty men, led a reconnoitering party. It was none 
 too soon, for within three hundred yards of his camp seven In- 
 •dians were discovered, crawling on the ground, silent as Victor 
 Hugo's thugs. His undisciplined men immediately gave chase, 
 while he vainly endeavored to call them back for fear of an am- 
 buscade. When the pursuit had continued about a mile, a large 
 ibody of Indians, reported at three hundred, but probably con- 
 sisting only of the attackers of Apple River Fort, sprang from 
 ■their hiding-places like so many goblins. Ferocious yells broke 
 the silence of the morning, tilling the solitudes around them with 
 vengeful warnini;s. Dement retreated inside the log buildings 
 ■composing Mr. Kellogg's pioneer ])lantation, sending back occa- 
 sional shots on the way. Ilere he held his foes at a great disad- 
 vantage to them; but unwilling \o give up the prize, they wasted 
 considerable jiowder and lead against the inflexible walls of his 
 retreat till several of their own number fell before the steady aim 
 of the besieged.* 
 
 •Among the Indians shot was a daring young chief who ventured very near 
 to secure a good aim at the loop-hole. Rev. Zadock (Jiisey was the one who 
 brought bim down ; the same who afterwards became Lieut.-Governor of the 
 ir8tat«. On tlie person of the chief was found a lock of hair which was after- 
 wards identified as the same cut from the head of Rachel Hall, who was carried 
 into captivity from the Indian Creek massacre. — Matson's Shnubena, p. 277. 
 
- Battle of Pecatonica. 39T 
 
 The In(]iaiis witlidrew after an hour's ineffectual attempt to 
 dislod^je Dement. Five whites were killed and a lararer number 
 wounded, which was the result of the ambuscade which the un- 
 disciplined soldiers had fallen into, from which perilous position 
 their retreat into the log-cabins saved them from a total defeat 
 with j^reat slaujjhter. 
 
 Before tl:e battle, an express had been sent to Gen. Posey for 
 assistance, and two hours after the retreat of the Indians he ar- 
 rived with his whole force. The next dnv he made a reconnois- 
 sance to the north, in search of the retn-ating Indians, l)ut not 
 finding them, he took up his quarters at Ft. Hamilton, on the 
 Pecatonica river. 
 
 The news of the battle soon reache 1 Dixon, where Ge-i. At- 
 kinson, supjwsing that Black Hawk might attempt a retreat 
 across the Mississippi, sent Gen. Alexander to sconr its bank* 
 below Galena, and intercept him; but pending this fruitless 
 search, Black Hawk was retreating, unpursued, to his camp at the 
 head of Rock river, where his warriors, with their wives and 
 children, were now whetting their revenge under the accumuhited 
 griefs of exile, hunger and war. 
 
 A few davs before Dement's battle Colonel Dodo;e, who com- 
 manded the Wisconsin volunteers, went to Fort Hamilton, which 
 was the nearest fort to the spot where the five men had Iteen 
 killed in a corn-field, as told in a preceding page. From this 
 place, at the head of 21 daring Wisconsin volunteers, he sallied 
 forth in quest of the hostile Sacs who had committed the out- 
 rage. He overtook them on the oast foi-k of the Pecatonica^ 
 lodged in a grove. The attack was immediately made, and re- 
 sulted in killing the entire band of Indians, 17 in number. Col- 
 onel Dodge's loss was three killed. This little skirmish tested 
 not only the courage, but the muscle, of the dashing volunteers^ 
 for the conflict was mostly hand-to-hand fighting.* 
 
 After Dements fight, General Atkinson, learning by Wapan- 
 eie, a friendly Pottawatomie, that Black Hawk had returned to 
 his camp, he made preparation to follow him. Colonel Fiy was 
 ordered to march in advance, for tlie especial purpose of meeting 
 and welcoming a company of friendly Pottawatomies, recruited 
 at Chicago, and led by Billy Caldwell and Shaubenaand Geo. £. 
 Walker, while he and General Henry, with their respective brig- 
 ades, followed, taking their course up the east side of Hock river, 
 with the intention ot attacking Black Hawk in his camp. At the 
 Bame time General Alexander was ordered to advance up the west 
 side of the river, a few miles west of its bank, while Colonel 
 Dodgo and General Posey were to march from the waters of the. 
 
 — .— -■■■ — ,■■. ■»,■... I ■ ■ .1 II W^— — ■■■ I I II !■ - I — IIM « 
 
 'Smith's Doc. Hist. Wis., Vol. I, p. 275. 
 
r>9S Batth of Wisconsin Heights. 
 
 Pecatonica, striking Snorar creek, which flows sontliwardlj 
 through Green coimty, Wis., thence to the most soutlierii of the 
 Four Lakes. While this sweeping invasion was making its way- 
 northwardly, Black Hawk was fleeing before it as fast as his 
 scanty means of transportation won'd allow, but ere he was al)le 
 to cross the Wisconsin river he wu.. vertaken by General Hen- 
 ry's division, who gave him battle on its southern bank, at a place 
 called Wisconsin Heitihts, about flftv miles below Ft. Winnebajjo, 
 which resulted in a loss of 50 to him while in his retreat across the 
 river. General Henry's loss was 1 killed and 8 wounded. 
 
 White Crow -a friendly Winnebago chief, was in General 
 Henry's ranks during the battle, but unfortunately for Black 
 Hawk, the Crow lett the camp <»f the volunteers and started for 
 Fort Winnei)ago as soon as darkness had ])ut an end to the 
 fight, for during the night General Henry's sentinels heard Indian 
 voices calling to them, but no one could inter])rGt their words, 
 and no notice was taken of them. These were ofl'ers to surrender* 
 and had the White Crow been present to interpret them the aw- 
 ful fate that followed to Black Hawk's band might have been 
 averted. 
 
 During the night Black Hawk succeeded in getting his wretched 
 fugitives across the Wisconsin whence they fled towards thn 
 Mississipj)i, indulging in the desjiairing hope that they could 
 reach its banks and find an asylum in the mysterious wilds be- 
 yond, should they be able to cross before their pursuers overtook 
 them. General Atkinson, who was in hot pursuit of the Sacs, 
 soon arrived at Helena, on the Wisconsin river, where the Wis- 
 consin volunteers, under Colonel Dodge, effected a junction with 
 him. Crossing ovei- to the Xorth side, they soon struck the trail 
 of Black Hawk. It was during the last days of Juh% and the 
 heat of midsummer soon decomposed the bodies of the dying 
 fugitives, and the stench left in their wake was sometimes almost 
 insupportable. Some of these dead were those who liad been 
 wounded in the late battle, and othei-s were women or children 
 who had surrendered at last to starvation and exhaustion. 
 
 On the 2nd of August, the advance, under Colonels Dooge and 
 Zachary Taylor, overt(»ok and attacked them, the main army, 
 under General Atkinson meantime pressing on, supposing that 
 the main body of the Sacs was in front of them. 
 
 In this conviction they were outwitted by the wily Black Hawk, 
 wiio, intending to escape with his main body wliile amusing his 
 pursuers with a feint, had sent them to the hanks of the Missis- 
 sippi, at the mouth of the Bad Axe. General Henry, who was in 
 the rear, learned this through Major Ewing, and dashing at them 
 
 •Smith's Wis. Vol. 1, P. 280. 
 
' Battle of Bad Axe. 399 
 
 with his whole force, the battle of r>iid Axe was fou>;ht, rjoiieral 
 Atkinson reachirii; the scene oniv in time to see the iri-onnd cov^- 
 ''.-red with slain Indians, and the flyinii^ remnant vainly trying to 
 cross the river by swimm^n^•. The loss of the volunteers was 17 
 killed, and more v/ounded.* 
 
 Immediately after Henry's battle at Wisconsin Heights, he had 
 •dispatched a messenger to Prairie du Chien to give the news. 
 He arrived there on the 23d of Jnl^ and Colonel Looniis, who 
 then held command of Ft. Crawford, mspatched the steamer enter- 
 prise up the Mississippi to intercept Black Hawk, should he 
 attem])t to crt)?s. Arri\ing at the month of Black river, they 
 found 40 AVinnebagoes with 28 canoes. They were friendly In- 
 dians, but doubtless under a compassionate sympathy for their 
 unhuj)]!}' kindred in their desperate extremity, had assembled 
 there to assist them across the river. Under this impression they 
 were seized and sent to Fort Crawford, The Enterprise was now 
 abandoned because she was a slow boat, and the Steamer War- 
 rior, armed with a six-pounder was sent up the river in her stead. 
 There are two islands on the Mis?.issippi at the mouth of the Bad 
 Axe, and on one of these the most of the defeated Sacs with their 
 women had found a breathing phice after the battle. Many of 
 them swam thither for they had but one canoe, which was used 
 t<« transport the leeble squaws and children. To this isolated 
 retreat, Colonel Taylor at the head of 150 regulars followed them, 
 and charged upon the pent up fugitives, while Captain Throck- 
 Triorton opened fire on them from the Warrior. They made a des- 
 })crate defense, but all fell except one who escaped by swim- 
 ming.f 
 
 Among those who had not taken refuge on the island, was 
 Black Hawk himself and less than a hundred of his band. Black 
 Hawk fled to Prairie LaCross, a Winnebago village, where he sur- 
 rendered himself to Cha-e-tar, and One Eyed Decorra. Under 
 their custody the conquered chief with the prophet were taken to 
 Prairie du Chien, and delivered to Genial Street the agent of the 
 Winnebagoes at that place on the 27th of August.;}: 
 
 *There seems to have been no small amount of ri valship. from the first, among 
 the various divisions of the volunteers, an to which should have the first chance 
 at the Sacs. It was by disobedience to tlie orders of the commandinjr General 
 (Atkinson), that General Henry had by a hasty march overtaken and fou<,'ht 
 Black Hawk on the Heiirhts of the Wisconsin, for which offense General Atkin- 
 son had placed him in the rear in the continued pursuit, but Black Hawk's suc- 
 cessful feint at Bad Axe had by chance again given General Henry the first 
 chance at his desperate and starving warriors. 
 
 See SraJth's Wis., Vol. I, p. 41.5. RoynoMs' My Own Times, p. 415. 
 
 tCaptain Estes. Account. Sec IJoc. Hist. Wis. Vol. Ill, P, 230, 
 
 JOn delivering the captives One Eye said: We have done as you told us. 
 "We alwaye do as you tell us, because we know it is for our good. * * Wc 
 
400 Last Fatal Retreat. 
 
 Of the miserable reninant, about 50 were tnlcen prisoners, and it 
 is probable that a few fled to tbc Wiiinebai^oos and found a shelter, 
 but it is known that s^onie succeeded in cror-sini; tlie AIis.sis.sippi,. 
 even in the face of their numerous enemies;. 1 bey bad no sooner 
 landed on this sava<re shore than the Sioux, their ancient enemies,, 
 fell upon the iinhapjn' outcasts, and sent them across another 
 river to the Ilappij Iluntliuj Grounds'^ Tiie thorny path they 
 had traveled since they had returned to Illinois was now ended. 
 If this world's griefs can ofi'set transgressions, the balance could 
 not be greatly against them to be entered to account on the other 
 side. 
 
 Let us now return to General Scott, whom we left at Fort 
 Dearborn. Ko news was obtainable from the seat of the war,, 
 and before he would take any offensive steps, it was necessary to 
 communicate with General Atkinson. From the alarming news 
 that had thus far reached C^hicago it was then su])posed that Black 
 Hawk's war parties were way-laying every pulh through tlie prai- 
 ries that intervened between Fox river and the Galena settlements^ 
 but yet in the face of these fancied dangers, an intrepid frontierer 
 was found who volunteered to carry a iiiessage from General 
 Scott to the camp of General Atkinson, which was supposed to be 
 on Rock River. Tliis was John K. Clark (who it may not be 
 forgotten, was the son of Margaret the captive). He started on. 
 the mission with two daring half breeds, stealthily makinir their 
 way over treeless plains, and creeping through silent groves to 
 Rock River, thence following up the trail of his army reached his 
 camp and delivered the message. All haste was now made to 
 return to Chicago, wdiich they safely effected after a week's absence 
 from the place and delivered General Atkinson's reply to General . 
 Scott. The two inconsiderate half breeds tarnished their laurels 
 thus gained by a carousal in a villainous whisky den, which then 
 stood about where the well known house of Fuller & Fuller is now 
 
 want you to keep them safe. If they are to be hurt, we do not want to see it. 
 Wait until we are gone Viefore you do it. 
 
 Black Hawk spoke as follows: * * My wnrriors fell around me; it beprann 
 to look dismal. I saw my evil day at hand. The sun rose clear on U3 that 
 morning, and at night it sank in a dark cloud, and looked like a ball of fire. 
 This was the last sun that shone on Black Hawk. He is now a prisoner to the 
 white man, but he can stand the torture. He is not afraid of death. He is no 
 coward. Black H.awk is an Indian. He has done nothincr an Indian need be 
 ashamed of. He has I'ought the battles of his country against the white men 
 who came year after year to cheat them, and take away their lands. * * * 
 Black Hawk is satisfied. He will go to the world of spirits contented. His 
 father will meet and reward him. The white men do not scalp the head, but 
 they do worse; they poison the heart. * * • Farewell to my nation I Fare- 
 well to Black Hawk. 
 
 *Doc. Hist. Wia. Vol. Ill, P. 284. 
 
General Scotfs Advance. 4f)l 
 
 located. TTere they spent the uiglit in (liKsip:itio)i, and tlie next 
 mornin<; Benjauiiu llall (my intbiinant), f?aw them come from 
 the phice, lay down on the ground, and die witli Cholera at fif- 
 teen minutes' notice. 
 
 About the 20th of July, General Scott now resolved to go to the 
 Dosplains river and encamp, thinking the change might bo bene- 
 ficial to the health of his men. He arrived there about the 20th 
 with his whole command and encamped at the present site of 
 Riverside. Ilis baggage train consisted of about fifty wagons 
 which, with the horses to draw thtiin, had been })nrchased at Milan, 
 Ohio, and sent. by teamsters to Fort Dearborn, where they jo-riv- 
 ed a few days after the general had come to tlie place. 
 
 Robert X. Murray, whose father had recently settled 'z- Naper- 
 ville (as already stated), was a lad of seventeen years, and en- 
 listed in the service of General h'cott !is teamster, to drive one 
 of the teams across the country. General Scott, with 12 men 
 and two baggat^e-wagons, had star fid in advance, leavin<; Colo 
 nel Cwmmings in command of the main body, which was to fol- 
 low as soon as the health of the soldiers would permit. In toi; 
 days the train started, carrying in the wagons the few sick sol- 
 diers who had not vet sufficiently recovered from cholem attacks 
 to stand the fatigue of nuirching. Their route lay through Gil- 
 bert's Grove, on the DuPage, across the Fox river three miles 
 below Elgin; thence through the Pigeon woods to the present 
 site of Ijclvedere; thence to an old Indian village at the present 
 site of Beloit. Here the train rested a week, during which time 
 a messenger came to the cotnmanding officer, ii. forming him of 
 the battle of Bad Axe, with orders to proceed to Rock Island. 
 
 In obedience to these instructions, the train again started over 
 the prairies in a more southerly direction, passing the present 
 site of Rockford, which Avas then a wild of great beauty, where 
 they encamped for the night. Young Mtirray had by this time 
 attracted the eye of Colonel Cummii.gs who promoted him to 
 the position of driving his own carriage, and gave the charge of 
 the team from which he had been taken, to his first driver. Here 
 he soon became initiated into the ways of some " great men," by 
 being offered his choice of brandy or wine as often as the Colo- 
 nel became thirsty, which was five or six times a day. Young 
 Mtirray, to his surprise, declined the brandy, but retained the 
 good opinion of his master, nevertheless. A few days' travel 
 down R(jck river now brouglit them to their destination. The 
 troops were left at Fort Armstrong, and the teams sent back to 
 Chicago, where they were sold.* 
 
 *While the writer is making up this chapter, Mr. Murray is on the bench 
 holding his court but few rods distant in the village of Wheaton. 
 
4()3 Death of Black Hawk. 
 
 On tlie 9th of September the Indian prisoners were sent to 
 Jefter.son ]iarracks, just below St. Louis, from which place Black 
 Hawk, with tlie Prophet, was sent to Washington, arriving there 
 the following April, 1833. On the 'iOth they were sent to Fort- 
 ress Monroe, where they remained till the 4t]i of June, when 
 they were ordered to be sent back to their own country. 
 
 On the way Black Hawk was received with ovations in all the 
 large cities through which he passed. Even ladies of high rank 
 flattered him witli smiles and compliments, to whom he, not 
 wishing t<» be outrivaled in politeness (in his way), responded: 
 Pietty squaw! Pretty squaw! 
 
 On returning to his country, he was restored to his tribe as a 
 chief, subordinate to Keokuk. He spent his last days in quiet- 
 ness, dying on the 3d of October, 1838, at his home on the Des 
 Moines river, in Iowa. He was buried in a sitting posture, after 
 the Indian custom, near the present village of lowaville in Wa- 
 pello county, and a mound six feet higii raised over the remains 
 of the ill-starred chieftain, who must ever stand recorded as The 
 last native defender of the soil of the Northwsst.* 
 
 *Our Mr. Lincoln, wV.om Chirago delights to claim, at least as one of her trans- 
 cient citizens, served in the Hlack Hawk War six weeks, but humorously says 
 that he fou{?ht nothing but mosquitoes. Out of this experience o:rew an inciilent 
 which is told by Hon. Isciac, N. Arnold, in a pamphlet published by the Chicago 
 Historical Society, as follows : 
 
 " When Major Anderson visited Washington after his evacuation of Fort 
 Sumter, he called at the White House to pay his respects to the President. 
 After the Chief Magistrate had expressed his thanks to Anderson for his conduct 
 in South Carolina, I ir. Lincoia said: ' Major, Do you remember of ever meeting 
 me before?' 'No, replied Anderson; '1 have no recollection of ever having 
 bad that pleasure.' 'My memory is better than yours', said Mr. Lincoln. 
 * You mustered me into the United States service as a high private of the Illinois 
 volunteers at Dixon's Ferry, in the Black Hawk War." 
 
(311 AFTER XXIV. 
 
 •Chicago as Seen 5// Philo Carpenter in 1832 — Eli B. Wil 
 Hams' Report of Chicago in \^?>^ — Cook County Organized 
 — l^he Town of Chicago Organized tinder a Board <*/ trus- 
 tees — The Moutk of the River Opened — The First Public 
 Loan — Indian Treaty of 1830 — Ditto o/"1833 at Chicago — 
 Graphic Description of Chicago and the Treaty hy an En- 
 glish Traveler — The Indian Titles Extinguished — The In 
 dians Removed, 
 
 The <?re;it ]ilateau of northern Illinois was now vacant. Its 
 nn measured plaiiis over wliieli the summer winds waved the tall 
 prairie <^raves into changing hues of green, before the occasional 
 traveler who crossed thein, laid out temptingly before the em- 
 igrant. The Indian was gone. They had left nothing but the 
 graves of tiieir fathers. They had not even marred tiie beauty of 
 the groves which stood upon the rolling heath like islands of the 
 ocean, in majestic solitude. The wolves and a few deer were their 
 only tenants, except the birds. The conquest of the Korthwest 
 was now comj)leted. The spasmodic throe of lingering native 
 power that had been quickened into a fleeting activity by the 
 courage of Black Hawk, had vanished. Many of the men who 
 witnessed all this are still living and jostling their way along the 
 stage of life in its accumulating activity, that the march of pro- 
 gress lias stimulated to high-water mark amongst us. But a few 
 jears more will see the last one of them gathered into the fold 
 among their fathers, and tlien our age will descend into history 
 as an epoch of progress unparalleled in its records. 
 
 There are now (1880), two men living in Chicago who were 
 residents of the place before the Black Hawk "War, and liavt 
 been representatives of its vital interests, and witnessed itt 
 growth from a lea of sand-ridge, marsh aiui forest, to a city of over 
 half a million ; — have seen it in its gradations from an obscure mil- 
 itary post on the extreme v(!rge of Western settlements, to the 
 iiommercial center of the great Northwest.* ^)ne of these, Gurdor? 
 
 * Besides these two is anotlicr. Mr. F. 1). Park, who anived at (Jliitatfo xVufruHt 
 2()th, J8;U, and i8 still a resident of tlie city, an esteemed titi/uii, wbo lias U'jver 
 >tuttinuiuglud in public atfaii'ti to make hini.solf widely known. 
 
404 Novel Mode of Traveling. 
 
 S. Hubbard, has ab-eadj been memorized in preceding chapters, 
 as his active life has interwoven its records into Chicago liistory. 
 The other is Philo Cai-jienter, who is associated with later records 
 of Chicago. 
 
 He came to the place in 1832, starting from Troy, N. Y., ia 
 May. He took the Erie Canal to Butialo, and from thence took 
 passage on the steamer Enterprise (Capt. Walker, ]\Iaster), to 
 Detroit. Four and a half days was then the usual time for this 
 passage. Detroit was the Western limit of established lines of 
 Western transportation, but a mail coach consisting of a Penn- 
 sylvania covered wagon with a concave body, was drawn by two 
 horses slowly through the wilderness road to Niles once a week, 
 from whence the mail was carried to Chicago on horseback, a 
 half-breed generalh' performing the service. From Detroit to- 
 Niles, Mr. Carpenter with another gentleman named G. W. 
 Snow, came in the mail coach. Xiles was an old settled Freiich 
 trading post, and at this time enjoyed a fair trade, prin(.'ii)ally witl*. 
 Indians. Supplies were transported to the place from Detroit 
 by way of the lake to the mouth of the St. Joseph, which latter spot 
 had been an important point ever since La Salle had built a 
 fort herein 1680. From here freight Avas transported to Niles 
 by means of flat boats, propelled by shoulder poles, as our worthy 
 Mr. Lincoln used to move his lumber rafts through sluggish wa- 
 ters when a boatman. 
 
 Mr. Carpenter with Mr. Snow took passage from Niles to the 
 mouth of the St. Joseph River on one of these boats, expecting 
 to complete the last part of their journey on board a sloop which 
 made occasional trips from this place to Chicago; but in this they 
 were disappointed. The last trip made by this craft to Chicago 
 was just after General Scott's arrival at the place, and so great 
 was the terror caused by the oontiigion that he brought, that no 
 inducement could influence the master of the sloop to return. In 
 this emergency two Indians came to Mr. Car])enter, and by means 
 of signs oflered to convey him and his companian to their destina- 
 tion in a small boat along the shore around the head of the lake. 
 Five dollars was the fare, half down and the balance at the end of 
 the journey. The terms being accepted, the Indians took to the 
 woods, and soon returned with several long sti"i|)8 of elm bark. 
 These were quickly tied together till a long tow line was impro- 
 vised and attached to the rude boat, which was the excavated 
 trunk of a tree. One Indian seized the line and started off" on a 
 trot, tugging the clumsy craft along the shore, while the other 
 steered. By taking turns a speed of live miles an hour was at- 
 tained. When the fir c night overtook them, as chanco would 
 have it, a schooner lay stranded on the beach, and its captain in- 
 vited the travelers to accept Lis hospitalities. A supper of veui- 
 
Chicago in 1833. 405 
 
 *ion, a good bertli and breakfast followed. In the morning tho 
 Indians took tlieir places, one at the helm and the other at the 
 tow line; the travelers seated themselves in the hoat; a few extra 
 retrains of the swarthy toiler raised the speed and rapidly he tug- 
 i;ed along the sandy shore — the exponents of a civilization destined 
 to exterminate his own race. The next night found them 
 at the mouth of the Calumet. Here John Mann ke])t a tavern, 
 and also a ferry, but he with his family had fled to Chicago, lest 
 some Indian on the war-path should attack them to subserve the 
 interests of Black Hawk. Mr. Carpenter and his companion 
 entered his forsaken house and spent the night, and in the morn- 
 ing resuming their journey iu the usual way. soon cjime to the 
 place where tlie Douglas Monument now stands. Here a settler 
 lived named Joel Ellis, well knoun to some of the old settlers 
 iiow living. One of the Indians was now attacked with colic, 
 perhaps caused by the "fear of the cholera, and both refused to pro- 
 ceed farther, but Mr. Ellis yoked his oxen to a lumber wagon, the 
 travelers seated themselves in it. and after an hour's toiling over 
 the sand ridges, the American Hag waving over the block Jiouse 
 at Fort Dearborn met their view. 
 
 The streets of the embryo town had been staked out but no 
 grading had been done, not even a dirt road thrown up. A 
 •wagon track took a circuitous way from one liouse to another, ac- 
 <',(»mraodating itself to the oozy sloughs which sea^ied the land- 
 scape. The places connected l>y this track were first the fort 
 "with its adjuncts, occupying the grounds south of the present 
 iiufeh street bridge, from which the path took a western direction 
 to Russell Heacoek's lug building, which stood on the bank of 
 the river at the junction of a' deep run. the mouth of which wa.s 
 where State street now comes to the river. A foot-log across it 
 gave Mr. Heacock a nearer way to the post office, which was then 
 at the Fork* (Wolfs Point), but the main road curved around the 
 head of this run, or rather to a place above its abrupt bank where 
 it coidd be crossed. The road next threaded its way to a log 
 building about at the jiresent corner of Clark and water streets, 
 where Geo. W. Hole and Ol'ver Nowbe.rry ke])t a commi.-5sion 
 house. The next building on the road in its western course was 
 a new frame, the first ot its kind ever erected in (^hicago; it 
 was located near the present corner of La Salle and Water streets, 
 built by P. F. W. Peck, and occupie<l by him as a dry goods 
 -fitore. It stood till the great fire of 1871, contrasting strangely and 
 inc(»ngr>iously with its adjacent companions. The next l)uilding 
 •<m the primitive high-,vay was the post-office, at wliich was also a 
 
 '. • Mr. Hoivcoc'k Ciimi' to Chicufro in IH27. He wiu the fii-st lawyer who settled 
 jitthe ploije.— W. 11. IIuklbut. 
 
406 Topography of Chicago, 
 
 general store kept by John S. C. Hogan. It stood wliere Water 
 street irow meets Lake street diagonally, just east of the bridge. 
 Immediately south of this on Market street, stood a log tavern kept 
 by Mark Beanbien. This was sometimes called the Sauganash, 
 but it was not the famo»s Hotel known by that name subsequent- 
 ly erected about at the present corner of Franklin and Lake 
 Streets. Besides these buildings, was the residence of John Bap- 
 tise Beaubien, south of the fort on the bank of the river, })ast its 
 turn as it took its sandy way into the lake. These are all the im- 
 provements on the South side, as reported by Mr. Carpenter on 
 his first arrival at Chicago. 
 
 Speaking of the area occupied by the sand-bar and river itself,, 
 east of the elevated bank on whicli the fort stood, lie says it v/a^^ 
 ever changing in form, and such portions of it as one day ap- 
 peared above water were liable to be submerged tiie next day. 
 N^or was the mouth of the river any more permanent in its loca- 
 tion, for there was no spot from ^orth to South in this low heath 
 of moving sands that had not at certain times been its channel, 
 in obedience to the whimsical action of the winds and waves.. 
 At its immediate mouth the river was not more than twelve inche* 
 deep during ordinary summer seasons, while a few feet above, it 
 deepened to fifteen feet or more, but the treshets of Spring, or an 
 excessive rain at any time might produce a current in the river 
 sufiicient to clear away the sand at its numth to a depth as low as 
 the botton of the river above. This depth could only be main- 
 tained as long as the swollen waters were able to resist the coun- 
 ter action of the waves, which would quickly choke the mouth 
 of the river again when its active current subsided. 
 
 Geology has revealed the history of many of the physical 
 changes which are apparent on the face of nature in its present 
 adaptation to our wants, and of these changes observation, even 
 unaided by science, shows how the recent finishing up of great 
 geological changes has been completed. That lake Michigan has 
 been receding for several centuries does not adn»it of a doubt 
 when one carefully notes the topography of its south-western 
 water-shed. The rapids of the Illinois river at Marsailles once 
 bore the same relation to the great lakes on the west that Niag- 
 ara Falls now bears on the east. The evidence of this is fount! 
 in tiie valley which once constituted the gently ^loJ)ing banks 
 of a western outlet of the lakes. This must have been when tint 
 face of tiie lake was thirty or more feet higher than its present 
 level. At that time the Desplaines river must liave em])tie<I 
 into the lake, and as the latter receded, its waval action, by ob- 
 structing its mouth, as it subse(|uently <lid themoutii of the Chi- 
 cago river, turned it into the Illinois Valley. Kven as late as 
 1849, daring a great flood, the swollen waters of , the Desplaine* 
 
Ch^mgo in 1833. . 40T 
 
 found their old channel to the lake through the Cliicago river, 
 carrying shipping and bridges along in its irresistible career. 
 How much more Jake Michigan may recede depends on the friable 
 nature of the rock at Niagara Falls and the bed of the Detroit 
 river, which as yet seems to be inflexible enough to give many 
 centuries lease of the present height of the lake before it can re- 
 cede sufficiently to leave Chicago as an inland city. Till then 
 she may drink of the brimming cup which the economy of na- 
 ture has brought to her lips, aiid if, by the wisdom and justice 
 of our country's laws, our government stands and continues to 
 dispense an even measure of justice to all its subjects till the ev- 
 olntions of nature shall have changed the location of our large 
 cities, we shall present a spectacle never before recorded in the 
 world's history. 
 
 The solution of this probleui belongs to the future. It will 
 not follow^ the mandates of our dogmas or the whims of specula- 
 tion, but a thousand years hence the merits of Oriental, (irocian 
 and Christiaft civilization will be compared with each other by 
 Transcendental Philosophy, which is always parsimonious in its 
 praise and lavish in its censure; meantime we shall wag along, 
 each one doing all he can to contribute his mite to make up the 
 sum total of the gi'andeur of his own age as far as the promotion 
 of his own interest can do it; ami the verdict of time will be 
 
 f)ronounced in favor of that civilization whose policy the most 
 ar^-ely turns private enterprise into, and secures private inter 
 ests in, channels not antagonistic to, but in harmony with the 
 public good. Let us convince our ]K)sterity that Chi'ir.tian civi- 
 lization can win in this sublime rivalry. Let us return to Chi- 
 cago, which we left where Mr. Carpenter found it. 
 
 Mr. Eli. B. Williams may be reijarded as next in chronologi- 
 cal order of the living witnesses of early Chicago. He is a native 
 of Connecticut, and with his wife arrived at Chicago, April 14th, 
 1833. From Detroit they came in their own private carriage 
 across the country through Ypsilanti and Niles, coming to the 
 shore of the lake at the residence of Mr. Eiella, who with his 
 family were spoken of in the previous chaj^tcr. From this place 
 they followed the immediate shore of the lake to Chicago, ferry- 
 ing over the Calumet at Mr. Man's ferry, arriving at the ])lace 
 the next day in the afternoon. Leaving the Fort at their right 
 they bent their course across the open prairie towards the fork of 
 the rivnr. Here they foutul a log tavern kept by j^fark iJeaubien. 
 Several Indians were lounging around the door, in the libtless 
 manner peculiar to their race, which was not calculated to assure 
 a lady from ('onnecticnt with confidence, ami ]SIr. Williams, at 
 the suggestion of his wife, dr<»ve across the river on afloatinglog 
 bridge, to a tavern kept by Charles H. Taylor. Here they stopped 
 
408 Chicago Incorporated. 
 
 several days to take observations, after which Mr. Williams de- 
 cided to settle here, under an impression that a late appropriation 
 which Congress liad made to improve the river and harbor, to- 
 gether with the canal when liiushed, would insure a respectable 
 sized town, where the religious and educational institutions of his 
 native State might be re-produced. 
 
 The entire white population of Chicago did not then exceed 
 200 persons, but there was a much larger Indian population, 
 which, though transient, served to swell the volume of trade, and 
 Mr. "Williams concluded to open a store at once. His place of 
 business was on South Water street, east of Geo. W. Doles. 
 This he built, making the frame from green timber, cut from the 
 forests on the ISTorth Side, hewn to a snap-line* with a broad-axe 
 in the old-fashioned way. The weather boarding came from St. 
 Joseph, which then furnished Chicago her lumber as much as it 
 does now her peaches. The flooring came from a saw mill which 
 had just been built by the enterprising Mr. Naper, at Naper- 
 ville, who must be recorded as one of the pioneers in the lumb-.r 
 trade to Chicago. 
 
 In 1831, the county of Cook had been organized, incbiding 
 within its area the present counties of Dupage, Lake, McIIenry, 
 Will and Iroquois, receiving its name from Daniel P. Cook, a 
 nieml«!r of Congress from Southern Illinois. Samuel Miller, 
 Gholson Kercheval and James Walker, were sworn into office as 
 County Commissioners, March 8th 1831, by John S. C. Hogan, 
 justice. Wra. See was clerk, and .Vrchibald Clybourn Treasurer, 
 Jedediah Wooley was county Sucveyor. Three election districts 
 were organized, one at Chicago, one on th^ Dupage River, and 
 one on Hickory Creek.f 
 
 It was not until two years later that the town of Chicago took 
 any action towards organizing, when under general Statute law, 
 they held an election for this purpose, August 10th, 1833, and in- 
 corporated the embryo town. Only twenty eight votes were cast, 
 which was but a feeble constituency with wliicL. to start a metrop- 
 olis. P. J. V. Owen, Geo. W. I'iole, Mederd Eeaubien, John 
 Miller and E. S. Kiinberly, were elected as trustees. A log jail 
 was built on the public square where the court house has since 
 been erected. An estray pen was also built at an expense of 
 
 $12.00. 
 
 — 1 — — ~ .^ 
 
 •This was a straight scribe mark made along the entire length of a log by 
 means of stri'tchin^ a chalked string from end to end on it, making it ftist at 
 each extremity. Ihe string was then raised up perpendicularly from the middle 
 and being let down with a snap, left a chalk mark on the log as a guide by 
 which to hew it square. This was the process in the early day of making square 
 timber for frames, instnad of sawing them as done at the present day. 
 
 tl'his was the Southern Precinct, Hickory Creek being a. branch pf the De»» 
 plaiiies in what is now Will County. 
 
First Public Loan. 409 
 
 The next year Mr. Williams was elected President of the Coun- 
 cil Board of Trustees. Entering upon the responsibility of his 
 office he found many difficulties in his path. There were various 
 public improvements necessary to be made to keep pace with the 
 proiri-ess of such public works as had been projected at ajovern- 
 ment expense, such as the Illinois and Michigan Canal and build- 
 ing the north pier, and oj^ening a straight channel for the mouth 
 of the river through the sand bar around which it had formerly 
 formed a circuitous delta.* 
 
 Clark street was then the principal highway from north to 
 south. During excessive rains it was impassable in its low 
 places, and it was the first pressing want of tlie town to make a 
 ditch on each side of it. The treasury was empty, and a loan to 
 accomplish this end was necessary. By dint of much importuni- 
 ty, Mr. Williams succeeded in negotiating one for $00.00 with 
 Messrs. Strahan & Scott, by becoming personally responsible for 
 its payment. The amount was faithfully applied to the4).urpose 
 for which it was intended, and thus the public credit and im- 
 provement of Chicago began, which have since been witnessed 
 up to this date (1880) by him who inugurated them. Both Mr. 
 Williams and his wife are in their full mental vigor, though ad- 
 vanced in years. 
 
 Besides the honorable record of Mr. Williams in Chicago, an 
 increased interest gathers around his recollections, from the fol- 
 lowing incident: At Toland, Connecticut, in his father's house, 
 
 * From Mr. Ezekiel Morrison, who came to Chicago 80on afUr the arrival of 
 Mr. Williams, in IHIiJ, the following has been learned relative to the opening^ 
 of the riiouth of the river directly to the lake. Jn 18;{3 work w^as commenced at 
 cuttinfr through the sand-bar to straighten the Chicago River. It was done un- 
 der the direction ot Major Handy, who had charge of the government work. 
 Cribs were made filled with stone and sunk across the main channel of the river 
 to turn its course across the sand-bar directly into the lake, as it now runs. 
 The next year, iis good fortune would have it, the Desplaines overflowed the 
 country intervening and caused an unusual flow of water through the Chicago 
 River. Only a slight opening was made in the sand-bar, and the accunuilated 
 waters did tlie rest. A steamboat came through the opening thus nuule the 
 Banie Spring (18lU). The north pier was then commenced to secure the ad- 
 vantage thus gained. Four hundred feet was made tlie first year, and its 
 progress continued from year to year to its present- dimensions. Immediately 
 after tiie channel was pierced through, the wind commenced drifting sand from 
 the north bank into the river, and cribs had to be set into the bank to prevent 
 til filling up of the channel. The action of the waves was also a constant 
 source of annoyance, and threatened to destroy the utility of th ' work already 
 done, till tlie north pier was extended a suHicient distance into the lake to reach 
 water so dm-p that the sand could not be moved around it by surface agitation. 
 To extend this pier sufliciently to atcomplish tliis, has beim, and is still, a work 
 perhaps not completed, i>ut destined yet to engage the attention of the Chicago 
 Board of Public Workp. Meantime the waval actiim is constantly makitisr ac- 
 cretions north of the pitr. It has already made a belt of land half a mile into 
 the lake and the process is still going ou. 
 
410 The First Steam, Engine. 
 
 John Buel Fitch planned and built the first steam engine ever 
 made. He, with his assistants, worked secretly in the basement 
 of the house, and continued their labors till the engine was in 
 practical working order; the first of its kind which was destined 
 to revolutionize the ti-ansporting as well as the manufacturing 
 interests of the world, and control the destinies of nations. 
 While at work on it, says Mr. Williams, the screeching of files, 
 the clink of liaminers, and hissing of steam, which was heard 
 outside, excited the credulity and snperi^tition of the age, till 
 witchcraft was suspected, and the whole neighborhood were beset 
 with fear from what was going on in the mysterious basement. 
 
 John Fitch lived and died in penuiy and want, l)ut tiirough 
 his invention the railroad and manufacturing millionaires of 
 Europe and America grew into powei', and the present magni- 
 tude of Chicago is already traceable to the success of that experi- 
 ment that from the basement of the elder Mr. Williams' house 
 crowned the twilight of the eighteenth century with everlasting 
 fame. 
 
 In the year 1832 the Pottawattomies of Indiana a)id Micliigan, 
 on the 20th of October, at Camp Tippecanoe, in Indiana, con- 
 eluded a treaty with the United States, b}^ tlie terms of which the 
 country intervening between their cession of 181(5, along the line 
 of the proposed canal and the Indiana line, was sold to the United 
 States in the following terms: After making many reservations 
 to private Indians for servicer rendered the State, the United 
 States agreed to pay to the Pottawattomies an annuity of $15,000 
 for twenty years, besides an annuity of $000 to Billy Caldwell,. 
 $200 to Alexander Robinso'n, and $200 to Pierre Le Clerc, during 
 their lives. Further, the sum of ?28,71:6 was to be paid to liciui- 
 date certain private claims agaf.oi the Indians, and merchandise 
 to the amount of $45,000 was y. ^e delivered to them on signing 
 the treaty, and an additional amount of merchandise, to the value 
 of $30,000, was to be delivered to them at Chicago the next year 
 (1833> 
 
 On the 27th of October, the same year, 1S32, and at the same 
 place (Tippecanoe), the Pottawattomies of Indiana sold to the 
 United States all the remainder of the lands which they still held 
 as a tribe, in Michigan, south of Grand river, in Indiana, and iu 
 Illinois. 
 
 This treaty did not release the claim of the Poltawjitoniies,. 
 Chippewas and Ottaw.is, of Illinois, to such lands as laid north 
 and west of the cession of 1810, along the track of the ]>roposed 
 canal, aiid it will thus be seen that almost all the northern por- 
 tion of Illinois were still in uiulisputed Indian ])ossession. Ap- 
 propriations to build the Illinois and Michigan canal had already; 
 
Great Indian Treaty. 411 
 
 been made by tlie State of Illinois, to whom the alternate sec- 
 tions of public lands for six miles on each side of the canal had 
 been donated by the Government for this purpose. 
 
 Since the Black Hawk war, which had brought the country 
 within the knowledge of so many enterprising young men, emi- 
 gration was coming in rapidly and occupying the lands, although 
 they had not yet been surveyed, but these moral pre-emptors did 
 not want any better claim for an ultimate title than would result 
 from actual possession. Speculators were also coming into Chi- 
 cago with cash to make investments, and it was all important 
 that the Indian title to such portions of northern Illinois as the 
 Sacs and Foxes had not already given up, should be speedily ex- 
 tinguished. To this end the Chippewas, the Ottawas and the 
 Pottawattomies of Illinois, were summoned to a great council 
 to be held in Chicago in Se])tember, 1833. Great pre})arations 
 were made for this event. Besides the interest the Indians had 
 in it directly as to the amounts of money and goods coming tO' 
 them on parting with their lands, they were the unwitting in- 
 struments by which several hundred white claimants brought 
 charges against the Government, either for property said to have 
 been destroyed or stolen b}' them, or for services done the State 
 in times of Indian disturbances as measures of safety, or for serv- 
 ices in times of peace under Government contracts. 
 
 At this time Mr. Charles J. Latrobe, an Englishman of great 
 descriptive talent, happened to be on a tour to Chicago to see the- 
 wonders of an American frontier, and make notes of the same for 
 publication in London.* The uaiveness of his description of 
 Chicago, and the transient comers to the place, both red and white^ 
 to attend the treaty, are too fresh to be lost, and portions of them 
 are here re-produced as a truer picture of the scene than could 
 now be given: . • • 
 
 "We fouu<l the village or..our arrival crowded to excess, and we procured with, 
 great difficulty a small apartment, com'ortloss and noisy from its close prox- 
 imity to others, but quite as jjood as we could have hoped for. 
 
 The Pottawatomies were encamped on all sides, — on the wide level prairie be- 
 yond the scattered village, beneath the shelter of the low woods which che- 
 quered them, on the side of the small river, or to the leeward of the sand hills- 
 near the beach of the lake. They consisted of three principal tribes with cer- 
 tain adjuncts from smaller tribes. Tiie main divisions are, the Pottawatomies 
 of the Prairie and those of the Forest, ami these are subdivided into distinct vil- 
 lages under their several chiefs. 
 
 The General Government of the United States, in pursuance of the scheme of 
 removing the whole Indian population westward of the Mississippi, had empow- 
 ered certain gentlemen to frame a Treaty with these tribes, to settle the terms 
 upon which the cession of their Reservations in these St^itt\s should be made 
 
 A preliminary council had been held with the chiefs somii days before our ar- 
 rival. The principal Commissioner had opened it, as we learnt, by stating*- 
 
 *His Book entitled "Rambler" in America, was published in London, in 1835.. 
 It was dedicated to Washington Irving. 
 
412 •' Contents of Chicago. . ^ 
 
 iliat, "as their Great Father in Washington had heard that they wished to sell 
 their land, he had sent Coinmis8ionei*s to treat with them. ' ' The Indians prompt- 
 ly answered by their organ, " that.their Great Father in Washington must have 
 seen a bad bird which had told him a Ho, fcjr that far iiom wishing to sell their 
 land they wished to keep it.' The Commissioner, nothing daunted, replied: 
 ' that nevertheless, as they had come together tor a Council, they must tako the 
 matter into consideration." He then explained to them p ^niptly the wishes 
 and intentions of their Great Father, and asked their opinion thereon. Thus 
 pressed, they looked at the sky, saw a fev, wandering clouds, and straightway 
 .a<l,ioumed sine die, as the weather is not clear enough for so solemn a council. 
 However, as the Treaty had been opened, provision was supplied to them by 
 reguliir rations; and the same night they had had great rejoicings, — danced 
 the war- dance, and kept the eyes and eai-s of all open by running and howling 
 •alx)ut the village. 
 
 . Such was the state of atfairs on our arrival. Companies of old warriors might 
 'be seen sitting smoking under every bush; arguing, palavering, or "pow-wow- 
 ing" with great earnestness; but there seemed no possibility of bringing them 
 to another Council in a hurry. 
 
 Meanwhile the village and its occupants presented a most motley scene. 
 ' The fort contained within its palisades by far the most enlighted residents, in 
 ihe little knot of officers attached to the slender garrison. The quartere here 
 ■consequently were too confined to afford i^lace of residence for the Government 
 ■Commissioners, for whom and a crowd of dependents, a temporary set of plank 
 huts were erected on the north side of the river. To the latter gentlemen we, 
 .as the onl> idle lookers on, were indebted for much friendly attention ; and in the 
 frank and hospitable treatment we received from the inhabitants of Fort Dear- 
 <)om, we had a foretaste of that which we subsequently met with everywhere 
 under like circumstances, during our autumnal wanderings over the Frontier. 
 The officers of the United States Army have perhaps less opportunities of be- 
 •coming refined than those of the Navy. They are often, from the moment of 
 their receiving commissions, after the termination of their Cadetship at West 
 Point, and at an age when good society is of the utmost consequence to the 
 young and ardent, exiled for long ye<irs to the posts on the Northern or West- 
 -ern frontier, far removed from cultivated female society, and in daily contact 
 with the refuse of the human race. And this is their misfortune — not their 
 fault; — but wherever we have met with them, and been thrown as strangers 
 4ipon their ^ood offices, we have found them the same good friends and good 
 ■company. 
 
 But I was going to give you an inventory of the contents of Chicago, when 
 the recollection of the warm-hearted intercourse we had enjoj'ed with many fine 
 fellows whom probably we shall neither see nor hear of again, drew me aside. 
 
 Next in rank to the Officers and Commissioners, may be noticed certain store- 
 keepers and niercliants resident here; looking either to the influx of new settlers 
 establishing themselves in the neighborhood, or those passing yet further to the 
 westward, for custom and profit; not to iorget the chance of extraordinary oc- 
 caisions like the present. .\dd to these a doctor or two, two or three lawyers, 
 a land-agent, and five or six hotel-keepers. Tiiese may be considered as sta- 
 tionary, and proprietors of the halt' a hundred clapboard houses around you. 
 
 Then for the biids of passage, exclusive of the Pottawatomies, tf whom more 
 unon — and emigrants ami land-speculators as numerous as the sands. You will 
 find horse-'lealers. atid hor.-e-ste.ilers. — rogues of every desc" ption, white, black, 
 brown and red— half-breeds, quarter-breeds, and men of no breed at all; — 
 -dealers in pigs, poultry, and potatoes; — men pursuing Indian claims, some for 
 tracts of laud, others, liki^ our friend Snipe, (one of his stage coach companions 
 on the way) for pigs which the wolves had eaten; — creditors of the tribes, or of 
 particuUu- Indians, who know that they have no chance of getting their money, 
 if they do not get it from the Government agents; — sharpers of every degree; 
 pedlars, grog-sellers; Indian agents and Indian traders of every desiription, ana 
 Contractors to supply the Pottawatomies with food. The little village was in an 
 
Contents of (Jhmujo. 41S 
 
 uproar from morning to ni^ht, and from nipht to inorninj;; for during theliours 
 of darkness, when llio housed portion of the popnhition of Cliicafto strovo to obtain 
 repose in tlie crowded phmk edifices of the villai^e, the Indians howled, sanir. 
 wept, yelled, and whooped in their various encanipiuents. 
 
 1 loved to stroll out towards sun-set across the river, and gaze upon t]<o level 
 horizon, stretching to the north-west over the sulfate of the prairie, dotted with 
 innumerable objects far and near. Not far from tlie river lay many groups of 
 tents constructed of coarse canvas, blar.kets. and mats, and surmounted by 
 po>s. suppoi-ting meat, moccasins, and rags. Their vicinity was always enliv- 
 ened by various painted Indian figures, dressed in the most gaudy attire. The 
 interior of the liovels generally displayed a (ontiued area, perhaps covered with 
 a few half-rotten mats or shavings, upon wiiich uhmi, women, children, and bag- 
 gage were helped pell-mell. 
 
 Far agd wide the grassy Prairie teemed with figures; warriors mounted or ort 
 foot, squaws, and horses. Here a race between three or four Indian ponies, each 
 carrying a double rider, whooping and yelling like fiends. I'lieie a solirarv 
 horsen"',n with a long spear, turbaned like an Arab, scouring along at full 
 speed; — groups o'' hobbled horsi's: Indian dogs and children, or a grave con- 
 clave of gray chiefs seated on the grass in consultation. 
 
 it was amusing to wind silently from group to grouji- -here noting the raised 
 knife, the sudden drunken brawl, quashed by the good-natured and even play- 
 ful interference of the neighbours, there a party breaking up their encampment, 
 and falling with th(Mr little train of loaded ponies, and wolfish dogs, into tlu^ 
 deep black narrow trail running to the north. You peepinto a wiyvvaiu. and 
 see a domestic feud; the chief sitting in dogged silence on the mat, while the 
 women, of which there were commonly two or three in every dwelling, and who 
 appeared every evening oven more elevated with the fumes of whiskey than the 
 males, read him a lecture. From another tent a constant voicf of wrangling 
 and weeping would proceed, when suddenly an offended fair one would drvw 
 the mat aside, and taking a youth standing without Ijy the hand, lead him 
 apart, and sitting down on the grass, setup tin' mostindesiribabl(> whine as she 
 told her grief. Then forward comes an Indian, staggering with his chum from 
 a debauch; he is met by hi.s squaw, with her child dangling in a fold of her 
 blanket behind, and the sobbing and W(>eping which accompanies her whining 
 appeal to him, as she hangs to his hand, would melt your heart, if you did not 
 see that she was quite as tipsy a-s himself. 
 
 Here sitting apart and solitary, an liidi.an expends the e.'cnberanceof his intoxi- 
 cated spirits in the most ludicrous singing and gesticulation; and there squat a 
 circle of nnrul.y topers indulging themselves in the most un philosophic and ex- 
 cessive peals of laughter. 
 
 It is a grievous thing that Government is not strong-handed enough to put a 
 stop to the shameful and scandalous sale of whiskey to those poor miserable 
 wretches. But here lie casks of it for sale under the very eye of the Commis- 
 sioners, met together for purposes, which demand that sobriety should be main- 
 tained, w^re it only that no one should be able to lay at their door an accusiitioa 
 of unfair dealing, and of having taken advantage of the heliiless Indian in a bar- 
 gain, whereby the people of the United States were to be so greatly the gainers. 
 
 And such was the state of things day by day. However anxious I ami others 
 might be to exculpate the United States Government from the charge of cold 
 and selfish policy toward the remnant of the Indian tribes, and from that of 
 resorting to unworthy and <liabolicaI means in attaining possession of their 
 lands, — as long as it can be said with truth, that di-unkenncss was not guarded 
 against, and that the means were furnished at the very time of the Treaty, and 
 under the very nose of the Commissioners, — how can it be expectvd but a stigma 
 will attend every transactien of this kind. Tlie sin may lie at the door of the 
 individuals more immediately in contact with them; but for the character of the 
 people as a nation, it should be guarded against, beyond a possibility of trans- 
 gression. Who will believe that any act, however fonnally executed by the 
 chiefs, is valid, as long as it ih known that whiskey was one of the parties to the 
 IVeaty. 
 
414 Contents of Chi r ago. 
 
 ' But how sped the Treaty?' you will ask. 
 
 Day after day passed. It was in vain tliat the signal-srun from tho fort prave 
 notice of an assemblage of chiefs at the council fire. Reasons were always found 
 for its delay. One day an influential chief was not in the way; another, the sky 
 looked cloudy, and the Indian never pei-firms an important business except tho 
 sky be clear. At length, on the '21st of September, the Pottawatomies resolved 
 to meet the Commissioners. We were politely invited to be present. 
 
 The council fire was lighted under a spacious open shed on the greea meadow, 
 on the opposite side of the river from that on which the Fort stood. From the 
 difficulty of getting all to-gether, it was late in the afternoon when they assem- 
 bled. There might be twenty or thirty chiefs present, seated at the lower end 
 of the enclosure, while the Commissioners, Interpreters, &c. were at the upper. 
 The palaver w.as opened by the principal Commissioner. He requested to know 
 why he and his colleagues were called to the council? An old warrior arose, 
 and in short sentences, generally of five syllables, dehvered with a monotonous 
 intonation, and rapid utterance, gave answer. His gesticulation was]appropriate 
 but rather violent. Rice, the hall-breed Interpreter, explained the signification 
 from time to time to the audience; and it was seen that the old chief, who had 
 got his lesson, answered one question by proposing another, the smn and sub- 
 stance of his oration being — " that the assembled chiefs wished to know what 
 was the object of their Great Father at Washington in calling his Red Children 
 together at Chicago.' 
 
 This was amusing enough after the full explanation given a week before at 
 the opening session; and particularly when it was recollected that they had 
 feasted sumptuously during the interval at the expense of their Great Father, 
 was not making very encouraging progress. A young chief rose and. 'spoke ve- 
 hemently to the same purpose. Hereupon the Commissioner made them ii for- 
 cible Jacksonian discourse, wherein a good deal which was akin to threal ., wa-s 
 mingled with exhortations not to play with their Great Father, bvit to ccv/ to jmi 
 early determination, whether they would or would not sell and exch!'-'. ;r 
 
 territory; and this done, the council was dissolved. Ont-'cv i,wo tipsv 
 raised an occasional disturbance, else matters were conducted with dae 
 
 The relative positions of the Commissioner and the whites befci-e t^e ( 
 fire, and that of the Red Children of the Forest and Prairie, wero to n f, i. 
 ly impressive. The glorious light of the setting sun streaming in unde. 
 low roof of the Council-H /Use, fell full on the contenances of the former a.". . 
 faced the West — while the pale light of the East, hardly lighted up the d .\k 
 and painted lineaments of the poor Indians, whose souls evidently clave to thoir 
 birth-right in that quartei". Even though convinced of the necessity of their re 
 moval, mv heart bled lor them in their desolation and decline. Ignorant and 
 degraded as they may have been in their original state, their degradation is now 
 ten- fold, after years of intercourse with the whites; and their s^ji edy disappear- 
 ahce from the earth appears as certain as though it were already sealed and 
 accomplished. 
 
 Your own reflection will lead you to form the conclusion, and it will be a just 
 one, — that even if he had the will, the power would be wanting, for the Indian 
 to keep his territory; and that the business of arranging the terms of an Indian 
 Treaty, whatever it might have been two hundred years ago, while the Indian 
 tribes had not. as now. thrown aside the rude but vigorous intellectual charac- 
 ter which distinguished many among them, now lies chiefly between the various 
 traders, agents, creditors, and half-breeds of the tribes, on whom custom and 
 necessity have made the degraded chiefs dependent, and the Government 
 Agents. When the former have seen matters so far arranged their self-interest 
 and various schemes and claims are likely to be fulfilled and allowed to their 
 hearts' content, — the silent acquiescence of the Indian follows of CQurse; and 
 till this is the case, the Treaty can never be amicably effected. In fine, before 
 we quitted Chicago on the 25th, three or four days latter, the Treaty with the 
 Pottawatomies was concluded, — the Commissioners putting their hands, and 
 ihe assembled chiefs their paws, to the same. 
 
 By it, an apparently advantageous ' swop ' was made for both parties." 
 
Terms of the Treaty. 416 
 
 By the terms of tliis treaty the three tribes coiled to tlie 
 United States the entire remainder of their hands- in Illinois that 
 had not already been sold. The ceded tract laid between the 
 Rock Kiver and Lake Michii;an, embracing the entire lake shore 
 north of Chicaiifo, and all the lands intervening between the canal 
 oession of 181 (! and the Sac and Fox and Winnebago cessions 
 between the Eock and Mississippi rivers of 1830 and 1832. 
 
 The consideration for the relinquishment of this land was first 
 five million acres granted to them, sitnated on the east bank of 
 the Missouri rivei- south of the Buyer river, to which they were to 
 be transported at the expense of the government as soon as practi- 
 cable, and maintained in their new home for one year. One hun- 
 dred thousand dollars was to be |)aid by the United States to sat- 
 isty certain claimants for reservations, and to indeinnify the 
 Chippewas for certain lands in Michigan, ceded to the United 
 States by the Menomonees, to which they laid an equal claim. 
 One hundred and fifty tliousand dollars to satisfy private claims 
 made against the three tribes: an annuity of fourteen thousand 
 dollars per year for twenty years; one hundred and fifty thousand 
 dollars to be applied to the erection of mills, farming tools and 
 other improvements in their new home. Seventy thousand dol- 
 lars to support the means of education among tliem, and lastly, 
 four hundred dollars per annum was to be added to the annuity 
 of Billy Caldwell, three hundred to that of Alexander Robinson, 
 and two hundred each to the annuity of Joseph LaFromboise and 
 iShabonee. 
 
 G. B. Porter, Th. J. Y. Owen, and William Weatherford, in 
 behalf of the United States, negotiated this treaty with the Pot- 
 tawattomas, Chippewas, and Ottawas. It bears date of Chicago, 
 September 20, 1833. It was the last great Indian council at this 
 place, around which the red men had lingered in great numbers 
 much longer after being settled by the whites than around other 
 frontier settlements. 
 
 The reason of this was obvious; Chicago, after over one hundred 
 years of transient French occu]>ation, first grew into importance 
 as an English settlement through Indian trade. Moreover, 
 many of its first settlers were men bred on the frontiers and felt 
 no repugnance towards the Indians, but on the contrary not a 
 few felt a friendship for them, strengthened by yeai-s of compan- 
 ionship in the fascinating sports of border life, which not only 
 level social distinctions, but accept a good fellowship through a 
 rough exterior intolerable to the iminitiated civilian. Notwith- 
 standing the apparent degradation of the Indian, even after be- 
 ing brutalized by bad whisky, many of them could make nice 
 discriminations in issues where natural rights were at stake, as 
 our government agents found in their councils. They well knew 
 
4:10 Itemo'oal of the Indians. 
 
 that they were the instruments by which many unjust claini.> 
 were brought against the government; but of this they said 
 nothing, lest their o\vn rights might be compromised by such an 
 exposure. 
 
 Tlie amount of goods dispensed to tliom at Chicago to fulfill 
 treaty stipulations was often very large, and in order to distrib- 
 ute them equitably, men were chosen for the service whose ptr- 
 sonal acquaintance with the Indians would enable them to do it 
 in the most satisfactory manner. On thet^e occasions the huge 
 piles of goods, consisting largely of Indian blankets, wore dis- 
 pensed by piece-meal to the ditlereut Indian families according 
 to their necessities, but sometimes a discarded Indian lassie,, 
 whose place had been substituted by a white wife, came in for 
 an extra share of finery as an offset to lacerated affections. 
 
 Two years elapsed after the Indians had sold out their interest 
 in the country before they were removed. This was effected by 
 Colonel J. J). F. Itussell, whose widow is still living in Chicago.. 
 This lady, who is dt'sceuded from the Peytous, of Virginia, has 
 in her possession autograph letters of Washington and other 
 fathers of our country, besides many valuable relics of early 
 Chicago, ami>ng which is the journal kept by her husband du- 
 ring his public service. To her courtesy the writer is indebted 
 for much valuable information, among which are the following 
 items from Mr. Russell's journal: 
 
 " The first party of Indians left Chicago. Sopt. 21, 1835. with the Chiefs, Rob- 
 inson, Caldwell, and La Framboii-o. and pioci'eded to their place of rendezvous, 
 on the Desplaines, 12 miles from Cliiea^o, a pia'^e of meetinsr usual on such oc- 
 casions. 1 met them in council and presented to them the oiijects of the meet- 
 ing and the views of the government relative t^i their speedy removal to their 
 new country. They wished to defm- answering what I had said to them for two 
 days, to which I' consented. Sunday, 28tli. Provided teams and transporta- 
 tion for the removal of the Indians." The journal next proceeds to detail the 
 particulars of his thankless toil in satisfying the real and whimsical neeessities 
 of his captious charge, who honored him with the appelation of Father, and 
 vexed him with comj^laints continually. Th<'ir first stoppmg place was Skunk 
 River, in Iowa. I'atoga.'ihah started with his band to winter at this phice, 
 which was the first party to start independent of government a-ssistance. Rob- 
 inson had command of a separate party, Caldwell another, W'alumsie another, 
 and Holliday another, and Robert Kin/.ie and Mr. Kerchival assisted Mr. Rus- 
 sell in Buperintending the whole. 
 
 Fort Des Moines, on the Mississippi river, lay on their route 
 to Fort Leavenworth, which was their destination, or. the Mis- 
 souri river, from whence they were to draw their supplies, as 
 stipulated by the government at the treaty, as they settled them- 
 .«elves in their new Jioine adjacent. The wlioU; tribe were not 
 removed to their new home till the next year, lS8t), when the 
 last remnant of them took their leave of the country around the 
 head of Lake Michigan, which they had occupied for twp centu- 
 ries, as shown in foregoing pages. 
 
Final I>e.sthiat'on of the Pottmiyitoinies. 417 
 
 Two years after their settlement near Fort Lejivcinvurtli, owing^ 
 to feelings of hostility which the frontier settlers felt towards 
 them, they were reitioved to Council Blulfs, from whence, after 
 remaining a few j^ears, they were removed to where they now 
 live, diminished in numbers from 5,000, at the time they were 
 removed from Chicago, to less than half that numlier.'^ 
 
 Mr. Ilnssell's success in removing th«>m was the result of his 
 frontier military experiences on the borders of Maine, together 
 with his habits of activity, tempered with patience. Iledeseives 
 mention among the early settlers of Chicago, because his name 
 is interwoven with its history. He was born in Boston in, ISOO, 
 well descended fntm Eevolntionary stock, his father being a pat- 
 riot editor, and his unclt! (Major Ben. Russell), v.as stationed at 
 West Point at the time of xVrnold's treason. Mr. Kusseirs first 
 arrival at Chicago was July 21st, 1832, he having been ordered 
 to join General Scott here. His wWv. did not come to the place 
 till the summer of* 1835, when, in com])any of (ieneral (,^ass and 
 his two daujiiiters she arrived, and thev were iruests at the Sa- 
 gaunash. They were fVom this time permanent residents of Chi- 
 cago, well known by all tJie early suttlers. Mr. Ilusscirs death 
 took place Jan. 3d, 18t»l. His remains rest at Rose Hill. 
 
 *The report from the office of Imliaii iiffiiirs in Kaiisa-;, Srpt 1st, 1^78, says : 
 The Poltawattomies are advaiicinjjr in t'diication, morality, cliristianity, and self- 
 support. A majority of tlieiii have er.'eted substantial houses, planted fruit 
 trees, and otlierwi.se heautitied tlu'ir siiii\)niidiiii,'s. The average attendance at. 
 a school which the jjovernnn'ut provides f<ir th'in is 29, from an enrdlliiientof 
 44. The school bnildinors are wiMl .supplied wilii faeultie.s for beardinrand lodtf- 
 ingthe pupils, and also for teacliiny: tln' lemales hoiiseiiold duties. Their reser- 
 vation coniaiiis 77,;>)7 acres of land in .Tacksou county. Their wealth in indi- 
 vidual property amount.? to ?r241,6.')0. On their farms they have reapt rs, mow- 
 ers, planters, cultivators, and other agricultural machinery, all of the most 
 modem patterns. 
 
CHAPTEE XXy. 
 
 The Beavliens — Pioneer Hotel — Ingeniovs Device for Lodg- 
 ings — The Pioneer Newspaper — -Its Suhscription. List — 
 Wolff's Point — Its Inhabitants — Alexander Rolnnson — His 
 Character — His Wonderful Age — Shahonee — His Character 
 — Chicago in 1834 — Chicago in 1885 — Turning the First 
 Sod for the Canal — Celehration of the Event — Lts Conse- 
 quences — The Last liecords of Chicago as a Town — List oj 
 Old Settlers. 
 
 Among tlie pioneers of Chicag-o the Beanbiens deserve a place, 
 for without them a chasm would be left unabridged between the 
 old Fi'ench and Indian regime, and the Anglo American of to- 
 day. 
 
 In the year 1817, Conant & Mack, a Detroit Fur Company, 
 
 establi.shod a house at Lee's Place on the Chicago river, South 
 
 Branch, under the geiiei-al superintendence of Mr. John Crafts, as 
 
 already stated in a previous chapter, and Mr. John Baptiste Beuu- 
 
 bien was in his service as local agent, which was the means of 
 
 bringing him to the place to settle. A few niontlis later the 
 
 American Fur Comj^any b'>nghtout the house established at Lee's 
 
 place and established on" Chicago, at the same time imposing 
 
 upon ]\lr. Crafts the entir-. aiitiesof the Chicago house, which of 
 
 course displaced Mr. Beaubien.* He still remained at the place, 
 
 having purchased of Mr. Dean, an army contractor, the house 
 
 and enclosure containing a gaiden and field adjacent to the fort, 
 
 known as the Dean house, for one thousand dollars. 
 
 " Colonel Beanbifii built iiiiotlior hoiiso upon this place, anfl continued the oc- 
 cupant of it till 1S:J0. In lH'2-'i the factory houses adjoining, or on the same 
 pi'emises, were sold by order of the Sccreiary of the Treasury, to Wui. Wiiiting, 
 who sold tie same to the Ameriiiin Fur Company, and of whom Col. Umiubien 
 
 Surchasi' 'le buildings of the factory for the sum of five hundred dollars. Mr. 
 ieaubic. tiy lln'se purchases became tlu' owner and occupant of all the prem- 
 ises of the so called Heservation, outside of the fort, and claimant to the lands 
 not covereil by the buildiiijfs of the yovi-rnmi'iit. Upon thest- facts Mr. Ueaubien 
 setu)) his claim lus a pre-emptioner to the south west fractioiuil quarter of sec- 
 tion t n. township thirty-nine north, ran^e fouiieen east, as beinjr the sole oc- 
 cupant and in actual possession on the !Hh of May, IKiO, the date of the pre- 
 emption law. He therefore applied on the 7th of May, IX'-W, to the land ottice 
 
 *Gurdon S. Hubbard. 
 
The Bemilnens. 419 
 
 at Palestine, for a pre-emption, which was rejected ; thongrh on the same day 
 a pre-emption was f^rranted to Robert A. Kinzie, for the north fractional quarter 
 of the same section, which was the part occupied by the Kinzie family, since de- 
 fined as Kinzie's addition to Chicago. He applied again in 18:34 to the land 
 ofKce at Danville for a pre-emption, and was again refused. On the 28th of 
 Hay, 1835, Col. Beaubien applied to the land office in Chicago. — the office in the 
 meantime having been established here — and having proved to the satisfaction 
 •of the Register and Receiver that he was entitled to pre-emption, he entered the 
 game and received his certificate therefor. The lands h.ad been retained and his 
 applications resisted on the gr )und of the tract being claimed by the United 
 States for military purposes. The land had Ijeen surveyed by government in 
 1821, and in 1824, at the instance of the Indian Agent ; the Secretary of War 
 requested the Commissioner of *lie General Land Office to reserve this land for 
 the accommodation and protection of the property of the Indian Agency ; and 
 the Commissioner did inform the Secretary that he had reserved it from sale for 
 military purposes. Beaubien had received the regi;5trar's certificate — but his 
 title to the propery was resisted, and the case traversed the courts to the Su- 
 preme Bench of the United States, and the land was finally held by the United 
 States, and was surveyed into lots and sold by order of the President, in 1SH9. 
 Mr. Beaubien was allowed as a special favor, some of the lots which had been 
 covered by his homestead, which has proved a fortune equal to the original 
 expectation of the whole tract of the Reservation. 
 
 Within a short time he has made some changes in his estate in Chicago, and 
 has removed with his family to his farm on the Des Piaines, near the reservation 
 of .\lexan.ier Robiiison. the late chief of tlie United Tribes of the Pottawato- 
 mies, Ottawas and Chippewas." — Zchiiin Eastman's Hisfori/ of Chicof/o, //iih- 
 lislied ill the Cliieai/o Mn(/a:ine, May, 1857. 
 
 About tliis tiine lie married a half breed, nair-ed Josette La- 
 Fr^nibnise, who had been in the employ of John Kinzie ])revi()ns 
 to the massacre. During this time her parents lived in a log 
 house at the head of the south branch of the Chicago river, at 
 which place she took refuge after the massacre and remained till 
 her marriage, the ceremony being ])ertbrmed by Father liechere. 
 Her father, J. B. LaFroniboise, was a man 'of education. His wife, 
 an Ottawa girl, the mother of -losette. soon learntid to read and 
 write, and taught an Indian school at Chicago.* A son of this 
 imion, Alexander Beaubien, is now a resident of Chicago, from 
 whom the facts have l>een learned. Medard B. Beaxibien, an 
 older son. cast his lot with the Indians when they were removed 
 from Chicago, and is now with them at Silver Lake, Kansas. 
 There are numerous other children and descendents of the Beau- 
 biens living amongst us. The interest of Mr. J. B. lieaubien being 
 attached to Chicairo. he induced his brother Mark to come from 
 Michigan, their original residence, who arrived at the town in 
 lS2r>. Soon alter his arrival he bought a small log house which 
 .lohn Kinzie had built, al)out at the present corner of Lake and 
 ]\Lirket streets, for one hundred dollars. Here he ojMMied a tavern, 
 if his hut deserved such a name. 'J'he manner in which he enter- 
 tained his jjuests. accord in<; to his own statement when interview- 
 ed by a Times rejwrter in 1870, atlbrds a specimen of ingenious 
 
 •Schoolcraft's thirty years. -4_, 
 
420 The Kmzitis. 
 
 audacity which could only be condoned by that briinininfjj exu- 
 berance of jolity and good fellowship that ever abided around hia» 
 and disarmed criticism. Says this incarnation of comedy:. 
 
 " I had no ped, but when traveler come tor lodjj^iiig, I <jivt! him planket to cover 
 himself up in on de Hoor, and tell him to look out, tor liijfiin stfal it. Uen when 
 he gits to sleep 1 take de planket way carefuliy an j^ive it to iioder man and tell 
 him same, so 1 always have ])eds for all "hit want em. 
 
 This device was certainly not tlie result of any niy-ijanlly disposi- 
 tion on his part; but a necessary expedient by which no -iuest 
 should be rejected from his entertainment. From this small be- 
 ginning he rose in respectability, until in 1881 he enhirgo<l his 
 tavern to a two story building with green l)linds, and in ijonor of 
 Billy Caldwell, whose Indian name was Sagaunash, thus naiueil 
 the liouse. 
 
 lie is the father of twenty-three cliilch'cn, sixteen by his first wilo,^ 
 whom he married at Detroit, AEichigaii. and seven by his second. 
 His present home is Newark, TUinois, where he is enjoying a 
 green old aire, not yet forsaken by that cxress of good humor that 
 has carried him so easily through a liff, that without it. must have 
 been full of perplexity. A single look at k\w ingenioi.s old man 
 might for the moment lift the bui'dcii trom a sorrowing iieart.* 
 
 Equally allied to wliat may with jiroprit'ty be called the medie- 
 val period of (Jhieago's history, is JMi'. Robert Kinzie, (yonng»>r 
 brother of .John 11 ). Both were here at m time of the massaen^, 
 and rescued with their father, John Kinzie, and returned to tlio 
 place in ISlti, since whii-h time Chicagi) has been their huuie the 
 most of their time till their deaths. That of John II. ha> iilreaily 
 been noticed. Roiiert survived him till December loth, 18T:>, 
 when he ]»assed away and was buried in (iiaciiand. His wife in 
 still livintr in (yhicacjo. Her maiden name was (Jwinthlean 11. 
 Whistler. Her grandfather was the siune who built Fort Dear- 
 born in 1803. She was born at Fort Howard, and sjtent her 
 infantile years in that wild frontier till eleven years old, when 
 she went with her father to Fort Xiagai-a, from wliicli place, alter 
 a three years' residence, he cam<! to (Miicago to take command ot 
 Ft. Dearborn, she accompauyiug him. Here .she married Air. It. 
 Kinzie in 183-lr. Helen AI. and Maria H.. daughters of John 
 Kinzie were born in Chicago, the former in 1805 and the latter in 
 1807. Both were rescued from the nuissacre with their older 
 brothers, John H. and Itobert. Maria II. became the wife of 
 General David Hunter. Both she and lier iiusbund are now liv- 
 ing in AVashington. 
 
 V olurnes could be written on the experiences of these male and^ 
 
 *The writer called on him when he lived near NauerviUe, in 18(10. His olcT 
 fashioued French furniture ueemed to still link him uack to his own early age 
 
The Fir,st Newspaper. 421 
 
 l(;ina!e pioneers. It is refreshing to be in their presence and 
 'Commune wltli them on the age tluit has just preceded th*^ one 
 an wliich we live. Tiiey were educated in a school that tran- 
 scended the average solicitndes of our day in utilitarian con<li- 
 tions. The problem with them how they were to secure the 
 positive; .vants of the mind and Ijody, was ever foreuutst of that 
 as to how they should obtain the fictitious ones; hence their 
 efforts were not wasted in the pursuit ot the unattainable, for the 
 destined goal of him who seeks the fulliriuient of capricious and 
 selfish purposes only, vanishes in the distance as age begins to 
 shorten the step and check the foycv. of his cureer; and he dies'^ 
 under the painful conviction that he has livt'd in vain. The an- 
 tidote to tliis last despair is found in an active life, with our 
 mental joints (if the metaphor is a(hnissible) lubricated with that 
 kind of magnanimity that pioneer life is almost sure to beget, 
 and wliich is by no means a lost art. even in this age of sharp 
 rivalship, though it is not too much to s;iy that newly .settled 
 countries are more favorable to its growth. 
 
 Anew em now 0]>en^ upon Chicago, one destined to sjiread 
 lier fame throughout the world, and to infuse into newspaper 
 literature that essential manifesto of progress which the elastic 
 spirits of new countries are sure to call into heing. To say less 
 than this would not do full justice to Chicago jtuirnalism. 
 
 On the 2(ith of November, ISoJ}, the first sheer ap])eared under 
 rhe title of T/ie Cli'tafgn 1), mo^-rat, edited and ])ul)lislR!d by 
 .lohn Calhoun, corner of l>:iSall(! and South AVater streets. A 
 well written editorial ap]H'Mrs in the first number, setting forth 
 the policy of the {taper with temperate and modest pr('ten>ions 
 withal, eviiicing a nia>terly skill in editorial capability which 
 does honor to his army of successors. The same number con- 
 gratulates the Chicagoans on the success of Mr. Owi'U at the 
 treaty just negotiated, in overcoming the objections of tlie Indi- 
 ans to removing to their new home in Missouri, and equ;dly con- 
 gratulates the Indians on the ]>ros])ect of soon getting out of the 
 reach of the depradations of "■ un]>rincipled civilized borderers." 
 Liberal quotations from liter:iry journals, poetry, as good as the 
 average newspaper musings, wit and wisdom, and a moderate 
 amount of advertiseiiieiits, fill up the six column sheet cr(>(litably. 
 
 The third nurnl>er advertises an English and classical academy, 
 
 corner of Water ami Franklin >treets, which must have been the 
 
 first of its kind in Chicago. In the issue of June 11th, 1S;{4, is 
 
 u quotation from Cobbett, the English historian and essayist, 
 
 evidently intended as a trite description of Chicago young girls: 
 
 'The fcirls of America" (says this Catholic Father), "are beautiful and 
 oitMiffected ; perfectly frank, anil at the same tiiuu perfectly uiodeat; but when 
 
422 
 
 Siibscript'wn List. 
 
 you make them an offer of your liaiul, be prepared to give it, for wait tliey will 
 not. In England we trequently hear of courtships of a quarter of a century. 
 In that anti-Malthusian country a quarter of a year is deemed to be rather 
 iengrthy." 
 
 June 11th, 1S34, the following appears, win cli is reproduced ini 
 
 these pages to show the progress of emigration and the means of 
 
 travel : 
 • 
 
 Hardly a vessel arrives that is not crowded with emigrants, and the stage 
 that now runs twice a week from the East is thronged with triivelers. The 
 steamboat Pioneer, which now performs her regular trips to St. Josepli, is also 
 a great accommodation to the traveling community. Loaded teams and cov- 
 ered wagons, laden with families and goods, are daily arriving and settling 
 upon the country back. 
 
 June 28th the editor congratulates Cincinnati, Ohio, on the 
 prospect of a railroad to connect with the Miami canal. 
 
 The Illinois and Michigan canal is frequently commented on, 
 not only as essential to the success of Chicago, but as a national 
 necessity. 
 
 The subscription list of the paper is still preserved, and is 
 copied here as a valuable record of the business men of Chicaga 
 at that day, for nearly all took the paper. 
 
 — City subscription 
 
 A. Lloyd, 
 
 C. k 1. Harmon, 
 Chester Ingersoll, 
 Dr. W. Clark, 
 John Miller, 
 Samuel Brown, 
 >iewben-y <te Dole, 
 G. Kercheval, 
 .tames Kinzie, 
 E. A. Rider, 
 H. b. Clark, 
 Robert Kinzie, 
 P. J. Lewis, 
 P. F. W. Peck, 
 James H. Muiford, 
 Jolm Wright, 
 Alansoi) Sweet, 
 R. M. Sweet, 
 Philo Carpenter, 
 (i. Spring, 
 .John K Boyer, 
 Star Foot, 
 M. B. Beaubien, 
 T. J. V. Owen, 
 W. H. Brown, 
 
 B. .Tones, 
 L Allen, 
 
 J. K. Botsford, 
 J. B. Tuttli 
 Col. R. I. Hamilton, 
 Charles Wisencraft, 
 E. S. ThraU, 
 
 book of Chicago Democrat, 
 
 J. Dean Caton. 
 Eli B. Williams, 
 Samuel Wayman, 
 Archibald Cly bourn, 
 Augustus Rugsley, 
 Silas B. Cobb, 
 Abel Breed, 
 E. H. Haddock, 
 Irad Hill, 
 Albert Forbes, 
 Doct. Maxwell, 
 • Hiram Hugenin, 
 A. Merrill, 
 James Herrington, 
 George N. Powell, 
 Jonathan Hix, 
 Joseph A. Barnes, 
 Mancel Talcott, 
 Alanson Filer, 
 Douplus Sloan, 
 A. Woodruff, 
 Daniel Elston, 
 Luther Hatch, 
 George W. Snow, 
 P. L. Upclyke, 
 John L. Sergents, 
 John Watkins, 
 Mathias Mason, 
 John Wellmaker, 
 I. Solomon, 
 N. F. Hnrd. 
 James Mitchell, 
 
 dated November, 18:33. 
 Charles Viani, 
 Lt. L. T. Jamieson, 
 Librarian, Ft. Dearborn. 
 
 E. Wentworth, 
 George Walker. 
 Stephen E. Downer, 
 Abel E. Carpenter, 
 John B. Beaubien, 
 Parke I- M. Cole, 
 
 J. R. Brown, 
 Solomon Lincoln, 
 
 F. Forbes, 
 Rufus Brown, 
 
 Rev. Jpremiah Porter,. 
 
 T. C. Sproat, 
 
 Peter AVarden, 
 
 Philip Scott, 
 
 E. \V. Casey, 
 
 J. L. Thompson, 
 
 H. T. Harding, 
 
 E. S. Kimberly, 
 
 P. Pruyn, 
 
 Peter Cohen, 
 
 Brewster, Hogan & Co. 
 
 C. H. Chapman, 
 
 Piatt Thorn, 
 
 J. P. Brady, 
 
 Jacob G. Patterson, 
 
 George Hertington, 
 
 Aleximder N. FullertCiV 
 
 M. K. Brown, 
 
 Silas W. Sherman, 
 
Early Job Printing. 
 
 i2a 
 
 Nelson It. Norton, 
 Bonjiimin Hall, 
 N. Carpenter, 
 Hiram Lumbard, 
 Samuel Harmon, 
 J. W Reed, 
 Walter Kimball, 
 William Taylor, 
 H. Barnes, 
 E. Brown, 
 Ahisa Hubbard, 
 R. E. Herrick, 
 Tliemas Hoyt, 
 Edward E. Hunter, 
 John Noble, 
 Ford Freeman, 
 Hiram Pease, 
 
 Oliver Losier, 
 John Marshall, 
 S. Ellis, 
 Isaac Harmon, 
 C. B. Dodson, 
 L. Barnes, 
 Richard Steele, 
 Henry Hopkins, 
 Elijah Clark, 
 William Taylor, 
 Mark Beaubien, 
 John H. Kenzie, 
 C. H. Chapman, 
 Paul Burdeck, 
 George Bickerdike, 
 Aug. Penoyer, 
 Jones & King. 
 
 Robert Williston, 
 John Davis, 
 H. C. West, 
 Bvron King, 
 John T. Temple, 
 W^illiam Cooley, 
 Rathbone Sanford, 
 Orsemus Morrison, 
 James Walker, 
 Gilbert Carpenter, 
 Benjamin Briggs, 
 W. Vanderberg, 
 Benjamin F. Barker, 
 Samuel Brown, 
 H. I. Cleveland, 
 S. C. George, 
 B. Caldwell, 
 
 The Account Book which Mr. Calhoun kept is equally valua- 
 ble as a memento of the village days of Chicago. xVmong the 
 charges for job printing, ball tickets, are no inconsiderable item. 
 
 Government blanks for the land office'* were a good source of 
 income, for which Mr. Calhoun may thank his young wife, not 
 only for her patient industry in helping to execute the jobs, but 
 for her inventive genius in improvising a way to press the 
 printed sheets to give them the necessary finish after being 
 printed. For the want of a lever press to do this Mrs. Calhoun 
 suggested a flat-iron, and oftered to iron every sheet in a run of 
 3,U00, which she did, and turned out the job in immaculate 
 smoothni'ss. Besides assisting her husband by this laborious 
 undertaking, she helped him in correcting his proof, and in the 
 general executive labors of the office. 
 
 By the request of her husband she preserves during her life- 
 time the entire file of his papers, and I trist that I betray no 
 confidence by stating that, from ray conversation with her as to 
 their final disposition, I infer that she will bequeath them to the 
 Chicago Historical Society. 
 
 The last issue of his paper bears date of November 16th, 1S3G, 
 two days before which time by contract it was sold to Ploratio 
 Hill, a present resident of (Chicago, and brother of Isaac Hill, of 
 New Hampshire, its hard money Governor who «aid, in order to 
 give point to his issue with the Whig party, that a bank of dirt 
 was the best bank, and a plow-share the best share in it.f Mr. 
 Hill immediately transferred his contract to Mr. John Went- 
 
 *The Govt. Land Office was opened June 1st, 18^35, under charge of Col. E. D. 
 Taylor and James Whitlock. 
 
 tThis pithy similitude is here reproduced from niiuish memory, when the 
 father of the writer read Mr. Hills message to select coterie of listeners 
 among whom he was an attentive one. 
 
Wolff's Point. " ' : ; 
 
 worth, wlio then came to Chicago and began his eventfnl career 
 where Mr. Calhoun left off as a journalist. The paper was con- 
 tinued under the same name by Mr. Wentworth, of which more 
 will be said in its appropriate place. 
 
 For more than twelve years previous to this time, the fork of 
 the river then known by the name of WolflF's Point (so named 
 after an Indian chief) was the centre of Chicago attractions. 
 Here stood the old Miller house, on the north side, erected by 
 Alexander Robinson* in 1820. To him it was a palace, where he 
 entertained not only his Indian friends, but such white persons as 
 wished to secure Indian tiade hy the distribution of presents 
 among them. Mr. Itobinson was early in the employ of Conant 
 and Mack as an Indian trader on Fox river, and afterwards em- 
 ployed in the same service by Mr. Lawton, on the Desplaines. 
 He sijoke ^)oth the English and Pottawatomie languages with 
 ease, and on conventional occasions acted as interpreter. 
 
 It is not known at what time he dis|)osed of his house at the 
 fork, but it is kmjwn that in 1832 Mr. Samuel Miller ke[)t tavern 
 here — the same who had married Elizabeth Kinzie, the third child 
 of John Kinzie, by ]\[argaret, his first wife. She died at this 
 house in Auiiust. 1832. The oriirinal buildinii' was madeot lo":s, 
 but afterwards co\ ered with weather-boards, to give it the a})])ear- 
 ance of a frame house. But even at this early day the whole 
 structure \\as in a state of decay, es])ecially the roof, as will be 
 seen by the accompanying picture. It had before this date served 
 as church, schoolliouse and private residence. 
 
 On the west bank of the river, at the immediate junction of 
 the two branches, was a tavern kept by Elijah Wentworth in 
 1833. This was at the time the model hotel of the town. 
 
 Robert A. Kin/.ie had a store, in 1 832, where the MenasliiAVood- 
 en Ware Co. now is, on the west bank of the river. Thomas (yook 
 then lived iiuniediatly Wf>t of the Green Tree, following the oc- 
 cupation of teamster, lie is still living at his home, in Lyons. 
 The Green Trei' i» still standing, bl'in^■ the northeast corner of 
 Lake and Canal stnrets. It was built by John H. Kinzie, and is 
 the oldest building in the city at the present day. For many 
 years it has been known as the Lake Street House, but it is now 
 a common ^aloon :ind private dwelling. Immediately east of this 
 place James Kinzie kept a store in 1835, where he drove a thriv- 
 injr trade with Indians and new comers. Alexander liobiuson's 
 
 *Mr. Robinson's father was a Canadian voyajronr, of Scottish descent, in the 
 euiftloy of a fur company, and his mother a Pottawatomie woman. He was 
 bred to his father's occupation, and became a useful man in his sphere, as well 
 as a true friend to the Indians, for which Ctause he rose to the position of princi- 
 pal chief of the Pottawatomies, and remained such till their i^movol, in 1^. 
 
AUmnder liobitison.-,- 425 
 
 second residence was situated between Lake and Randolph streets, 
 on the west side. His place was generally lively with Indians, 
 in the declining glories of their latter days in Chicago. Groups 
 ■of blanketed squaws, with their pappooses slung on their backs, 
 in birch bark pockets, and an equal number of braves, dodaubed 
 with paint and oniauiented with ftathers, hung around his doors 
 in listless dalliance, while among them a few white druininers 
 might sometimes be seen distributing free whiskey to secure 
 their trade. A few h(nirs' boisterous yelling and a war-dance 
 M^ould wind up the scene, and with the small hours of morn- 
 ing tranquility would be restored. 
 
 It may appear strange to some that a man of Mr. Koblnson's 
 integrity and reputation for excellence in those qualifications 
 which make up the character of the model citizen, should inter- 
 mingle and associate with the low class of Indians that came and 
 wi'ut freely to and from his house, and for this apparent incoii- 
 sisrency history ought to make an a])ology in his behalf; not on - 
 liis individual account, but because he was one of but a small 
 number left wlio represented the once lofty virtues of his race in 
 their purer and happier days, and who, after a hundred and tifty 
 years' occupation of Chicago in company with the Frencli, were 
 now taking their leave forever of this place so dear to them. 
 
 " A man's a man for a' tlla^" 
 M-as a sentiment uf wliicii Iu)l>irisou felt the true foivc. !Xu one 
 c'ltuld be too low to become a recipient of his favor, a!id no one 
 BO high in his estimation as to be uuiipproachable through the 
 coumiou tonus of respect. Being half Indian, and having a wife 
 of tiie same race, he was shut out from civilized sociery tot-ially, 
 and to have cut loose from the Indians would have left iiiui with- 
 out iiiflence. and alone in the world. This same principle is not 
 tinfrequeutiy seen now-a-days when a partisan politician in de- 
 fense of some dogma essential to secure public spoils, receives on 
 tei'His of Social e(|ualitv ])er.-uns lar beneath his station, and Rob- 
 inson was nore justitialiK; than these, because his motive was not a 
 Belfi>li one, but tlie i-esult of an inevitable destiny. In ]8:5o Mr. 
 Philo Carpenter ]. resented the temperance pledge to him (the 
 first, says Mr. Carpenter to the writer, that was ever drawn u]) in 
 Chicago). After a moment*: reflection he signed it, at tlie same 
 time proving the sincerity of his resolution by drawing a flask of 
 •whisky from his ])ocket and emj)tying its contents on the ground. 
 It is not known how long he held his resolution, but he never 
 ■was a druid<ard. < > 
 
 The removal of his tril>e was a turning point in his life. The 
 issue now came directly to him which to choose — an Indian or a 
 civilized life. After weigliing the matter, in consideration of his 
 
426 V . . Alexander Kohlnson. ' 
 
 children's best good, lie chose the latter, not without painful emo- 
 tions on his part, and sore disappointment on the part of his 
 tribe. Soon after tlicir removal he moved to liis reservation on 
 the Desplaines river, and became a farmer highly esteemed by- 
 all who knew him. His wife was equally exemplary in her walk 
 in life, and afforded one of the many proofs that the pure Indian 
 is possessed of high virtues when circumstances favor their 
 growth, which is all that can be said of any one. His daughter 
 Cynthia, the wife of Mr. Cooney, is now a resident of Chicago, 
 to which place the family recently came, for the laudable purpose 
 of educating their children. From her the writer has learned 
 that her father came to Chicago in 1S06, and henceforward made 
 it his home till he retired to his reservation on the Desplaines. 
 He was not present at the massacre of 1S12, but on hearing of it 
 returned in time to unite with the Sanganash and P)lack Par- 
 tridge to save the lives of the })risoners, and when his own life 
 was threatened for his courageous interposition to this end. Says 
 his daughter: " He told the would-be assassins that they might 
 destroy the white Mood in him, hut must not touch the Indian.'''^ 
 This dilemma, with its complex issue, helped to turn the scale in 
 favor of the prisoners, and when the issue was settled, he took 
 Mr. and Mrs. Helm under his charge and rowed them in liis ca- 
 noe around the extremity of Lake Michigan and along its eastern 
 shore to Mackinaw. He lived to see the great fire of 1871, and 
 as he beheld its desolations from Lake street bridge, he gave a 
 lusty whoop, and exclaimed that he once more saw tlie open prai- 
 rie there as in the old days of his own prime. He died the next 
 year, April 19th, 1872, at the advanced age of 110 years, accord- 
 ing to Robert Kinzie's estimate, who says that he was born be- 
 fore his father, John Kenzie. Some others set his age at 105,. 
 but all agree as to his wonderful longevity; and no one chal- 
 lenges his record for uprightness, hospitality and benevolence. 
 
 An equally noble specimen of an upright man was Shabonee, 
 whose eulogy has been told by Col. Gurdon S. Hubbard, in a 
 pamphlet ])ublished by the Chicago Historical Society.* 
 
 In addition to Mr. Hubbard's voucher as to the integrity of 
 Shabonee, the following bit of his history from Chicago's well 
 known citizen, Wm. Hickling, Esq., is only a just tribute to the 
 
 *" I cannot close," says Mr. Hubbard, "Without adding my testimony ta 
 that of Mr. Hicklings, i-egarding the character and services of that noble Indian 
 €hief, Shabonee. f 
 
 From my first acquaintance with him, which began in the fall of 1818, to his 
 death I was impressed with the nobleness of his character. Physically he was 
 as fine a specimen of a man as I ever saw; tall, well proportioned, strong and 
 
 t His nume has been speUed In two ways by his biographers. 
 
Shahoiiee. 42T 
 
 memory of him whose remains now lienor our soil, and whose 
 life-size portrait is treasured in grateful memory by the Chicago 
 Historial society. * 
 
 The same treaty which gave to Caldwell, Robinson and others 
 of our Indians and half-breeds, their reservations of land, also 
 gave two sections toShabonee. This he desired to be so located 
 that it would include his old home and council-house in the 
 grove before mentioned. By direction of Major Langham, then 
 Surveyor-General of Illinois and Missouri, a survey and plat of 
 the reservation was made by a Deputy Surveyor, and Shabonee 
 fondly hoped that the house which he and his family had occu- 
 
 Eied for so many years was secured to him and them forever. I 
 elieve that in all the other reservations of land granted by the 
 aforementioned treaty, that all the parties thereto, having such 
 reservations, enjoyed them in fee, and only required the consent 
 of, and signature of the President of the IJnited States, in order 
 to pass a good title to parties purchasing such reserved lands. 
 "Why Shabonee's case should differ from all the rest I could never 
 determine. At any rate, when the survey of the public lands 
 lying north of the old Indian boundary line was ordered by the 
 Land Department to be made, the Deputy Surveyor had instruc- 
 tions to ignore the previous survey of the reservations, and 
 include the lands thereon contained in the regular section lines of 
 the United States survey, and during the absence of poor old 
 Shabonee and his family in Kansas, these lands were sold by pub- 
 active, with a face expressing great strength of naind and goodness of heart. 
 Had he been favored with the advantages of education, he might have com- 
 manded a high position among the men of his day. He was remarkable for his 
 integrity, of a generous and forgiving nature, always hospitable, and until his 
 return from the west, a strictly temperate man, not only abstaining himself 
 from all intoxicating liquors, but influencing his people to do the same. He 
 was ever a friend to the white settlers, and should be held by them in grateiuL 
 remembrance. He had an uncommonly retentive memory^ and a perfect knowl- 
 edge of this western country. He would readily draw on the sand or a bed of 
 ashes, quite a correct map of the whole district from the lakes to the Missouri' 
 river, giving general cour.*es of rivers, designating towns and places of notori- 
 ety, even though ho had never seen them. * * * It ought to be a matter of 
 regret and mortification to us all that our government so wronged this man 
 (who so often periled his own life to save those of the whites), by withholding' 
 from him the title to the land granted him under a solemn treaty. The com- 
 missioners representing our government having given him tiieir pledge that the 
 land allotted him by the Pottawatomie nation should be guaranteed to hi.n by 
 our government, and he protected in its ownership. He never sold his right to 
 the land, but by force was driven from it, when lie returned from the west to- 
 take possession and found that our government disregarded his rights and 
 sold it." 
 
 * This portrait was painted from life by Mr. F. B. Young, of Rome, N. Y. It 
 was presented to the society by Mr. Cyrus F. Miller, of Rockford, at which place- 
 . it was painted in 1840. 
 
428 Sfiahonee. - 
 
 lie sale at Dixon. The home of the old Chief and ^ -'s family 
 passed into other hands, strangers to him, and in answer to an 
 ^appeal made at Wasliin^ton in Shabonee's helialf, the Commis- 
 tsioner of the General Land Departtnent, in answer, said that 
 Shabonee had forfeited and lost his title to the lands by removing 
 ■away from them. 
 
 In 1837 Shabonee was notified by the Indian Agent, that by 
 the tejjms of the late treaty, all members of his band, with the 
 exception of those of his own family, must remove to their new 
 reservations in Western Missouri. The parting with so many of 
 those with whom he so long had been associated, he could not 
 ■endure, eo he resolved with all his family, to accompany '^^hem to 
 their new homes. In the fall of the year the whole tribe, some 
 130 in number, reached the reservation in bafety; but no sooner 
 liad Shabonee and his family reached their lodges in their new 
 homes than new troubles began. The Sauks and Foxes, unfortu- 
 nately, had their new reservations in close proximity to that of 
 the Pottawattoinies and Ottawas. The well-known liostility a few 
 years previous of Shabonee to I^lack Hawk, and the part which 
 the Ottawas took against him and his followers in the war which 
 followed, were still tresh in the mind of the individual Sank leader, 
 and made enemies of two noted braves wlio, at an earlier period 
 of their career, had for so many years heen fighting Ado by side 
 under the eye of their leader Tecumsch. Tlu' warfare against 
 "Shabitnce and liis taniily residted in the murder of his eldest son 
 and a nephew, who were killed soon after their arrival in AN''est(!rn 
 Missouri. The old Chief Shabonee narrowly escaped with his 
 life from the vengeance of his toes. This canscd 1dm and his 
 family to return to Illinois in about one year after having lett it. 
 From this time until in 1849, Shabonee and his family, some 20 
 to 25 in number, lived at the (Jrove in peace and (]uietness with 
 the white neighbors surrounding them. Ey this time the Potta- 
 wattomies and Ottawas had been again removed to a new reser- 
 vation granted them in Kans;is. ;ind Shabonee ngain, with his 
 family, left their old homes in Illinois, to join their red brethren 
 in the new one to be occupied. He n^nained there with his old 
 friends and trilie, some three years, then again with his family, 
 retraced their steps bu'-k to tlu'ir old home in the llli'iois grove, 
 •only to find his vilhiife and lands in the ])ossi's8ion of strangers; 
 the old home he and his family had occupied for more than 40 
 years, was lost to him f yer. When liefuUy re,ili/,(>d his forlorn 
 situation, it issuid that ' m old warrior who ])rob;il>ly liad scarcely 
 «ver before shed a tear, here "we])t like a child." IJut hiscn])of 
 misery was not yet fuM. An ■ *eeling brute, the new owner of 
 the land upon which on b" ' turn Shabonee and his family 
 
iihahonee. 42^" 
 
 ■'.Hi . 
 
 encamped, cursed the poor old man for havini^ cut a few lod^e- 
 poles on what he tlionglit was his own property, and perempto- 
 rily ordered him and his family to leave the Grove. This thev 
 did, and it is said that Shabonee never visited it again. A few 
 friends, realizing the destitute situation in which the poor old 
 Chief and his lamily were placed, purchased for him a sjuall 
 tract of twenty acres of timber land on the Mazon Creek, a 
 short distance south of Morris, in this State. The situation of 
 the land and its surroundings were ^f a character to suit the In- 
 dians. The land was fenced in, a small sjwt broken up for tiihige, 
 and a double Jog cabin built for then, llere in a semi-state of 
 
 f)overty and wretchedness, the old Chief and part of his family 
 ived, most of the time in wigwams or tents, using tlie house for 
 storage purposes and as a barn. 
 
 Shabonee died July 27, 1859, ajjed about 83 years, lie was 
 buried in the county of Grundy.and be it said to the shame of the 
 white men, no memorial stone, nothing but a piece of Ijoard stuck 
 in the ground, shows the spot, where lies the remains of tlie best 
 and truest Indian friend which the early settlers of Northern Illi- 
 nois had in the day of their tril)nlati(m. lie was not much of 
 an orator, yet his words of wisdom always had their weight iii 
 council deliberations. Until quite hite in life (after his return 
 from the West in 1838), he was rei.,arkably tt'inperate in his 
 habits, scarcely ever tasting of the "fire-water," that great entnuy 
 of his race. No doubt his long association with Tecumseh, 
 who also was remarkably temperate in his habits, had its in- 
 fluence upon the mind and character of Shabome. It is well 
 known that Tecumseh, both by precept and example, ever tried 
 to impress on the minds of his red brethren, that most of the 
 unnumbered woes which had been fastened upon their race were 
 in the main attributable to their inordinate love of whiskey, and 
 the usual debaucheries following its use. Shabonee, in another 
 trait of his character, showed what influence had been niadeu|)on 
 it by the teachings ol his model leader Tecumseh, viz.: his hu- 
 manity always shown and protection from indiscriminate slaugh- 
 ter atlbrded to the unfortunate captives of war who fell into his 
 Hands. This is attesteil to bv Caldwell in the document before 
 
 ft/ 
 
 ns. 
 
 Surrounded by white neighborf, and. almost in daily contact 
 with civilized man, yet this contact failed to produce good results. 
 On the contrary, that '^o-called civilized man too otten tempted 
 the poor old Indian to indulge in a too liberal use of the accursed 
 "fire-water," which generally left him in a state of maudlin 
 helplessness, pitiable to behold. Let us throw a veil over his few 
 faults, and remember his many virtues." 
 
430 Black Partridge. 
 
 Black Partridge, whose career as a chief preceded that of Sha- 
 bonee, was treated like an enem_y by the whites, his village being 
 burned by them during an invasion of central Illinois in 1812, 
 as told in a foregoing chapter. But a few months before this 
 wanton act of hostility, to lustify which history fails to lind 
 any provocation, this chief had nsed his utmost endeavors to 
 prevent his tribe from making war upon the garrison of Fort 
 Dearborn, and failing in this purpose, lie gave due warning to 
 Oaptain Heald of the irrepressible hostilit}' of the Indians. 
 After the massacre, he co-operated with Billy Caldwell to save 
 the lives of all the prisoners, and procure for them a safe passage 
 to the British lines. To omit a record of the ill-requited services 
 of these chiefs, who represented the native virtues of their race, 
 would be unjust to their memory, besides losing an opportunity 
 to bring to ligiit the benevolent bent of the mind, as exemplified 
 in these children of nature. 
 
 Of all people known to history, the Indians are the best subjects 
 of whom to study the iirst elements of mental philosophy, because 
 their minds were untrammeied by any other influence except 
 what was inherited from nature, which cannot be said of any of the 
 ancient nations of savages in the old world. No penetration could 
 measure from the wooilen immobility of his face the depths of 
 his subtlety as an enemy; and where in civilized society shall we 
 find his match in self-sacriflce, when, as a captive, he returns to 
 his enemies on a parole of honor, with an almost certainty that 
 he will be executed. 
 
 Numerous instances of this have occurred in their more heroic 
 age, but one has recently occurred, a living witness of which 
 now lives in Chicago. Among the victims of the Indian Creek 
 massacre in the Black Hawk war was a family named Beresfovd. 
 After the peace, two young Indians were identified as the perpe- 
 trators of the crime, and indicted by the grand jury of LaSalle 
 county and placed in the custody of Mr. George E. Walker, of 
 Ottawa, (sheriff*.) Soon after, the tribe to which these indicted 
 Indians belonged wei'e removed to the Missouri, Mr. AValker 
 allowing the alleged criminals to go with them, under a voucher 
 that they should return to be trietl, and so much confidence did 
 he place in their honor, that he signed their bail-bond. Six 
 months later their trial came, and Mr. AValker went alone after 
 them, and they voluntarily returned to Ottawa in his custody 
 for trial, expecting to be executed, but tliey were cleared for 
 want of positive evidence.* Let us not forget the griefs the 
 Indians have suflfered at the hands of our apostates of civiliza- 
 
 * Ottawa Free Trader, November ITWi, 1874. Mr. Walker died in November, 
 .1874, at the residence of his son in Chicago, No. 34 Indiana Ave. 
 
Chicago in 1834. 431 
 
 tion, auJ remember that their condign vengeance was measured 
 <mt to offset these abuses. Never hlame an Indian for anything 
 he does to a white man, was a frontier proverb, not without some 
 shade of justice. 
 
 Tiie following from J. M. Peck's Gazeteer, of Illinois, is copied 
 as the best known authority, to show what Chicago was at that 
 time. No official census had then been taken, and his statement as 
 to the population is an estimate too high in the opinion of 
 old settlers. Mr. Williams' estimate for the year before was 200, 
 it will be remembered. 
 
 "GAZETTEER OF ILLINOIS." 
 Published btj R. Goud;/, Jacksonrille, J834. 
 
 Chicago, the seat of justice for Cook county, is situated on a river or bay of 
 the same name, at the junction of north and south branches, and from one-half 
 mile to a mile from Lake Michigan. 
 
 The town is beautifully situated on level ground, but sufficiently elevated 
 above the highest floods, and on both sides of the rivev. It contains three 
 houses for public worship, an academy, an infant and other schools, twenty-five 
 or thirty-five stores, many of them doing large business, several taverns, meulian- 
 ics of various kinds, a printing office which publishes the " Chicago Democrnt,'' 
 and ten or twelve hundred inhabitants. 
 
 Its growth, even for western towns, has been unusually rapid, as two years 
 since it contained five stores and 250 inhabitants. 
 
 The United States government is cunstrncting a harbor at the mouth of the 
 Chicago, by cutting a wide and deep channel through a sand-bar at its mouth, 
 and cojistructing piers to extend into the lake, beyond the action of the waves 
 upon the bar. $25,000.00 were expended last year for this purpose, and the 
 present Congress has appropriated an additional sura of $:>2,8U1, which, added 
 to the previous appropriation, makes the sum of the original estimate. 
 
 AV'hen this work is completed, the Chicago will form one of the best harbors 
 for steamboats, schooners, and other craft in all the lake regions. Steamboats 
 and schooners will pass along a deep natural canal through the center of the 
 upper part of the town, with the greatest convenience. 
 
 These facilities, the natural position of the place, the entei-prise and capital 
 that will concenti-ate here with favorable prospects for health, must soon make 
 this place the emporium of trade and business for all the northern country. 
 
 Back of the town towards the Desl'laines river, is a fertile prairie, and for 
 the first three or four miles elevated and dry. 
 
 Along the north branch of the Chicago, and the lake shore are extensive 
 bodies of tine timber. White pine in small quantities is obtained on the Cala- 
 mic, at the south end of the lake 15 miles distant. Large quantities exist in the 
 regions towards Green Hay. from which lumber in any quantities is obtained 
 and conveyed by shipping to Chicago. Yt'llow poplar beards and planks are 
 bi ought across the lake irom the St. Joseph's river. 
 
 The mail, in po-^t-coaches from Detroit, arrives here semi-weekly, and departs 
 for Galena, ftr Springfield. Alton and St. Louis, and for Danville and Vin- 
 cennes. 
 
 The United States government owns a strip of elevated ground between the 
 town and lake, about half a mile in width, on which Fort Dearborn and the 
 light-houses are situated. Here are stationed aboi;*^ IdO United States troops, 
 including officers, as a check upon the Indians in the adjacent territory. As 
 the title to the Indian lands in the northern part of Illinois and the adjoining 
 territory, as far as Green Bay, is extinguished by the tr. aty of Septembrr. 18 '■",, 
 and the Indians are to be removed west of the Mississippi, this garrison will 
 soon be broken up, and the town to be extended to the lake shore. 
 
432 First Wharfing Lease. 
 
 Such was the eagerness to obtain propr-rtj' in this j'lace, that the school sec- 
 tion afl.jnoent to the town plat, after reserving' twelve iicres, was sold in smalf 
 lots last Oc-toljiT, for $ii8,705. The money was loaned out at 10 and 12 percent, 
 interest, and tiie avails applied to the support of schools in the town. Chicago 
 is situated on section nine, township thirty-nine north, in range fourteen, east 
 of the third principal meridian. 
 
 Chicago, the stream or bay on which the town of Chicago is situated. It is 
 made by North and South branches, which form a junction in the upper part 
 of the tjjwn, about three fourths of a mile from the lake. The Chicago resem- 
 bles a vast canal, from fifty to seventy-five yards wide, and from fifteen to 
 twenty-five feet deep. Northerly and easterly winds throw the cool waters o/ 
 the lake into this channel, and raise it about t;hree feet. 
 
 North Branch, which is the largest, rises a short distance above the boundary 
 line, and near the lake, and runs parallel with the lake shore a southerly course, 
 and is navigable for small boats. Its banks are well timbered and the land, 
 fertile. 
 
 South Branch rises in an opposite direction in the prairies towards the Saga- 
 naskee swamp, runs a northern direction about twenty miles, and forms a junc- 
 tion with the North branch in the town of Chicago. The timber is rather scarce 
 on the South branch." 
 
 The following gentlemen were trustees of the town of Chicago in 1835, as 
 appears from the lease of a wharfing lot 50x41) feet on the river, immediately 
 west of Claik -treet bridse. Hiram Huguniii. George W. Dole. Samuel Jack- 
 son. Kli. B. Williams. Francis C. Sherman, .lames Kinzie, Alexander Lloyd. 
 Walter Kimball and Bryan Kmg, trustees, leased said lot to L. Harmon, H. G. 
 liooinis and D. Harmon. The terms of the lease were $50 ).00 cash down, and' 
 $1,50<*.00 payaMe in equal installments of one, two and three years, with hiterest 
 at six per cent, per annum. After which the losses were to pay an annual rental 
 of one barley corn, on the 2ud day of November. These were the terms on whicb 
 the wharfing lots were first leased, but subsequiMitly they were jnodifiud to suit a 
 more modern style of business, when the payment of the annual barley corn, (a 
 form inherited from old English usages) was no longer demanded. One of these 
 old leases is now in the hands of Mr. G. V. Rumsey. 
 
 The same year a statement appears in the Democrat of November 25th, esti- 
 mating the population of Chicago at ;)265, inhabitants. This may lie set down 
 as the first year o! that speculative excitement for which Chicago has ever since 
 been remarkable. The receipts at the land office wliich was opened this year, 
 exceeded half a million dollai's for the first six months. 
 
 The following has been copied from Prof. E. Colbert's Histor- 
 ical notes of Chicago, which have been coni])iled with his accus- 
 tomed care, and are here inserted by perniisijion trom him: 
 
 " During the summer of 1883 not less than 160 frame houses were erected, and 
 the number of stores was increased from five or six to 25. Among the new build- 
 ings was the Green Tree Tavern, by J. H. Kinzie, which was the first structure 
 ever erected in the place for that puipose; its predecessors were simply pri- 
 vate residences, thrown open to tlie pnblic for a consideration. 
 
 The year 1884 witnessed theestabli.fhmentof closer commercial relations with; 
 other points east and west. The second week in April a schooner arrived from 
 St. Joseph, and two cleared for the same port. On the 30th of tlie same nionth 
 the corporation organ aimounced that eniigrati<m had fairly set in. a-i more than 
 a hundred persons had arrived by boat and otherwise during the preceding t-n 
 days. On the 4th of June the Democrat announced that arrangements had 
 been ni&de by the proprietors of the steamboats on Lake Erie, whereby Chicago 
 would be visited by a steamboat once a week till the 25th of August. On Satur- 
 day, July nth, the schooner lllinoi.i, the firer large vess**! tha^ ever entered th© 
 river, sailed into the harlwr amid great nccUniatiors, the sand Having been 
 washed away by the freshet of the spring previous. In its issue of September 
 3<1, the paper stated that 150 vessels nod discharged thoir cargoes at the port of 
 
ijj ^-^ 
 
 f 
 
 'J: 
 
Chicago in 1835. 41^3 
 
 Chicago since the 20th of April proeedingr. Tho lotal rmuiber of votes polU'd in 
 the whole of Cook county this year was 528. The poll-list of Chicago had in- 
 creased to 111, out of a popu ation of 4u0, bt^sides 'JOU soldiers in the tort. It is 
 noteworthy that not less than \o of the 111 were candidates for office at the 
 August election. 
 
 In the spring of 1834, a stage communieatiou was opened up between Chicago 
 and the country to the westward, by means cif J. T. Temple's line for St. Louis. 
 The route to Ottawa was piloted out by John D. Caton, who had previously been 
 over the unmarked road on horseback. A bitter storm sprung up, and the 
 driver was obliged to resign his post; he died afterward from that <Uiy"s 
 exposure to the ('old. Mr. Caton, afterward Chief Justice of the ffuprmie ('mu-t 
 of the State, took thi^ stage through to Ottawa, where a lietter system of roads 
 b|egan, the first settlement of the State having been from the southward, ;v3 
 a ready stated. 
 
 A lai-ge black bear was seen on tho morning of Octobm- fith, in a strip of tim- 
 ber on the corner of Market and Jackson streets, almost t'xactly on the -pot 
 where the aruioiy was afttn-ward built. He was shot: then tln' citizens got up a 
 grand wolf hunt in the same neigliborhuod, and killfd not loss than tbrty of 
 those animals before nightfall. It was just at this point, thirty-seven years 
 alter, rdmost to a day, that the ilames leaped acro-s the river from the West 
 Division, and thence swept northward to the limits of the city. 
 
 In this year a draw- bridge was built across the river at Dearborn street; 
 active measures were taken to prev^'ut the spread of the cholera, and a commit- 
 tee was authorized to build a cholera hospital outside the town if the disease 
 should make it appearanc'': the first Sunday licpior l.iw was passed (September 
 1st); the large sum of forty dollars was paid for repairing bridges; and the town 
 was divided into four wards. l>y an ordinanre iutemieil to [irevent Hres. Prior 
 to this year all the stores were located on i<outli Water street — indeed. Lake 
 street, and all tiie streets southward of it, only existed en piper. In the autumn 
 of 18:14. Thomas Church erected a store on Lake street, which was soon the 
 busiest in the whole town. The packing statistics of the year sin iw that Mr. 
 Clybournt^ packed (iOO cattle, and more than:!,(tOn hogs: while Messrs. Newberry 
 & Dole slaughtered some 400 cattle and l,4Ui! Jiogs in a packing house of (heir 
 own, recently built on the south branch. The same year Gurdoii S. Hubbard 
 packed 5,000 hogs, on the corner of Lake and La'-'alle streets. 
 
 The first water works of the future city was esta I dished aliout this time, the 
 sum of §05.50 being paid fo.' the digging, stoniug, and stone of a well, in Kinzie's 
 addition, on the north side. 
 
 In 18:^5 the hotel accommodations of the year increased in proportion to the 
 population. Besides the (ji-een Tree Hotel, on th<' corner of Lake and Canal 
 streets, there were now three others. The Tremunt House had bei'u erected a 
 year previously, on the northwest corner of L d<e and L)e;irliorn, and the loungers 
 of that day used to stmid on its steps and shoot the ducks on thi; river, or on the 
 slough tnat lay before the door. StaiT Foot was th(; first landlord, but he 
 speedily gave way to Ira Couch, under whose management the Treinont soon 
 became head-quarters for the travelers and speculators wnth which the town 
 abounded. It was bunied down in 18:'.*), in the second fire that had visited the 
 place, the fir.st having occurred in 18)4. The Graves (log) tavern stood nearly 
 opposite the Tromont, and the Sauanash Hotel offered accommodations for man 
 and beast, on the corner of Market and Lake streets, the spot where Lincoln 
 was nominated in ISfiO for (he presidencj'. At that date the grove of timber 
 along the east side of the south branch was still undisturbed, the north division 
 was thickly studded with trees, a few pines stood on the lake shore south of the 
 harbor, the timber being thickest near the river, and a great pine tree stood n(;ar 
 the foot of Randolph street. 
 
 By an act of the Ley:islature, approved February 11, 1853, rdl the land east of 
 State Rtreet, from Twelfth stretit to Chicago avenue, was included within the 
 town lines; except that it was provided thut the Fort Di.'arboni resei vation, lying 
 between Madison street and the river, should not belong to tho town till vacatei! 
 by the United States. 
 
434 Seal i>f C/iieayo. 
 
 Tn this yoar (Juno) an iittcinpt was iiiikIo to borrow money on tlio credit of the 
 town. 'I'iie treasurer was authorizeil to borrow $2,000, at not more than ten per 
 cent, interest, and payable in twelve months. He resigned rather than face t.ie 
 novel i-espoiisibility. and the street commissioner followed suit. 
 
 Tn this year thi> Chicauo Aiiurican entered the field to compete with the Detno- 
 ct'iit lor tlio advertisiiifr i>atro)ia<^e of tln> town and iis citizens. 
 
 Two additional buildiii<rs were placed in the court house square in 18'3o — a 
 small brii-k edifice on the northeast corner, for th(» use of the county officers and 
 the safe keeping of the records, and an engint'-li(ius(>. costing $220. the latter 
 not l)"ius finished till the following year. The first fire engine was bought 
 December lOfh, of Mcssi-s. Hubbard and Co., for the sum of $S9f5.88, and a 
 second ordered. The. first fire-engine company was organized two days after- 
 wards. 
 
 On the 14th of November the Board of Town Trustees resolved to sell the 
 leases of the wharfing privileges in the town for the term of '.)!)9 years, bir iing 
 th(^ lioard to dredge tlie river to tlie depfcli often feet at least, within four years 
 from the sale, ami the lessees of the privileges being bound to erect good docks. 
 five feet wide and three feet above the water, within two years from the elate of 
 the lease, 'i he sale of those immensely valuable privileges took place on the 
 2()th of November. 1885, at the store ot Messrs. Jones, King iV' <'o., and it may 
 be i!.. cresting to rememVier now the "minimum prices "' at wlrch owners of lots 
 fronting the river liad the privilege of buying. On ?outh Water street the price 
 was $25 per front foot; on North Water street, $1S.75 per front foot; on West 
 "Water street $18 per front foot. The men who got rich in buying such prop- 
 erty, at such prici^s, deserve no credit for s])eculative ability. Uut t!ie board, on 
 the 18th of November. 18'!5, ort'ered still further assistance in their new school of 
 " affluence made easy." They then resolved that they would not be bound to 
 dredge the river, in making leases on North Water street, consequently they 
 lowered the minimum figure to $ 15 [icr front foot, in part, and $"^.50 per front foot 
 on the renuiinder of the line. To aid in paying for leases at this rate, the board 
 took secured notes for three and six months, for the first payment of one t^uar- 
 ter of the price, and gave three years in which to pay oft" the balance. The sale 
 was three times postponed, and while waiting for a sale all the picked lots 
 seemed to have been taken at a minimum price. When the vendue did take 
 place, only six lots remained to be sold, and but one of these found a purchaser, 
 at $20 per front foot. The city will have the right to resume possession of these 
 valuable lots on the 26th day of November, A. D. 28: >4. The "privileges " thus 
 thrown away by a lot of men who ought to have known better, sul)sequentiy 
 became matter of much anxious legislation on the part of the board, and with 
 the sale of the magnificent school lands, made October 21, 18;!8, on a petition 
 signed by twenty-thi-ee citizens, form the two great sores in the history of the 
 «iity. Both were ht 'rally "sold for a mere song." The school-lands, sold for 
 $;V8.8G5, have since been worth nearly fifty millions. 
 
 The official seal was adop*"d in November. is:i5 — a spread-eagle having three 
 arrows in his claws, and the words "United 8tates of America" surrounding 
 the same." 
 
 Amoiiii;' other ambitions developed in Chicago as a town, was 
 ship-building, and on the 18th of May, ISIHi, the sloop Clarissa 
 slid from her stocks into the river, amidst the hnzzas of a large 
 assemblagre gathered there to celebrate the event. But the ij^reat 
 attraction of the year was the celebration of turning the first sod 
 for the canal excavation, which is told as follows by Mr. John L. 
 Wilson, who was an eye witness: 
 
 "The beginning of the canal was celebrated July 4th, 1836, by 
 nearly the whole village of Chicago goincr ud to Bridgeport 
 on the small steamer George W. i-'oic^ towing two sciiooners. 
 
Chicago in 1830. 435 
 
 Doctor AVin. B. Egan delivered the addret^s on tliis most auspicious 
 €vent, and the Hon. Tlieo]>]iilus W. Siiiitli began the "ditch"' 
 by throwing out the iirst shovel full of earth. The celebration 
 ■of "the day we celebrate" then began, and a right joyous one 
 it was, as the Canal Bill had struggled long in its passage through 
 the Legislature, and the ])r<ibabilitv of ever having a raili'oad to 
 or from Chicn<ro was hardlv dreamed of On arranijiiii; and 
 starting the "flotilla'' homeward bound, a squad of men on the 
 banks of the iiarrow rivei-, without any cause, began throwing 
 stones into the steamer, breaking the cabin windows, and injur- 
 ing one or two ladies, and keeping up the fusilade until a de- 
 tachment of a dozen or more " old settlers " jumped ashore, 
 (oi' rather into the shallow water), and charge<l among them. 
 Those that I now remember were John II. and liobert A. Kiuzie, 
 Stephen F. Gale, John and Richard L. Wilson, Henry G. Hub- 
 bard, Gurdon S. Hubbard, Sr., James B. Campbell, Ashvel Steele, 
 S. B. Col.)b, Mark Beaubien and otliers. There were none of the 
 enemy standiiuj as soon as they could be i-eached. The weapons 
 used were only those brought into action in the ' manly .'irt of 
 self-defense,' t)ut thev proved exceedini;lv efficient. And thus 
 ■ended the \glorious ith ' of July, 1830."'*' 
 
 The year 183() closes the career of Oiicago as a town, the 
 next year 1)eing her first as a city. The followino' is her com- 
 mercial record till that time: 
 
 YEAR. NO. VKSSKI.S AKUIVKD. TONNAGE. 
 
 1833 4 700 
 
 1834 1 70 5,000 
 
 1835 250 22,500 
 
 1830 450 e(»,000 
 
 Tlie above list of a,rrivals of ves.«els, ospo'.-ially in 18-')4. consisted liirjjely of 
 three small schooners running to antl from St. Joseph to carry passengers and 
 flour. The aa-rivals. previous to 18:x>, consisted tirst of the schooner 'J'raoy, 
 which brought the otficers to build the fort in l^O:!, after which an annual arrival 
 of supplies from the fort came, during the time there was a garrison at the 
 fort. The steamboat William Penn was used for this purpose in lSo"2, 8 
 and 4, bringing supplies to Ft. Gratiot, Macinac, and Ft. Howard at the same 
 time. Besides these channels of communication with the East, was a wagon 
 track around the hea<l of the lake, thence one branch running to Detroit, and 
 another to Fort Wayne. This road ran along the beach, crossing the Calumet 
 by means of a ferry which had been established .Tune 7th, 1830, by the county 
 commissioners of Peoria county granting to Rev. Wm. Lee the riglit to keep the 
 feny, with a stipnlato'l bill of charges for ferriage, as follows: VlYi cents for a 
 foot passenger; 25 cents for a man and horse: ::i7,^o cents for a wagon and one 
 horse; 75 cents for a wagon and two horses, and $1.1)0 for a wagon and four 
 horses. 
 
 * Mr. Wilson's recent contributions to the Chicago press have teemed with 
 reminiscences of the early day here which i>leasantly freshen the memories of 
 ■early Chicago in the minds of many thousands of its citizens. 
 
CHICAGO CHARTERED AS A CITY. 
 
 ' FIRST MAYOR ELECTED. 
 
 The year 188(i liad been one of remarkable prosperity to tlieb't- 
 tle village of Chicago. Its po])u]ation had grown to the astonish- 
 ing number of 38!^0 (as estimated). I'rom a l)eginning of about 
 200 persons in 183;'). Work on the canal had actually been 
 begun and the harbor was in process of improvement, at 
 the expense of the general government. Land sjiecula- 
 tors were rapidly buying up the lauds, and that system of 
 real estate speculation, which has since this period presented 
 such fascinations to the speculative capitalists of the country, 
 was now inangurated. Under these auspicious begiimings, on 
 the 2f)th of October the town board took the necessary steps 
 to take upo]i themselves the fv)rms of a city. The president of 
 the board of trustees invited the inhabitujits of each of the three 
 districts of Nvhich the town was composed, to select delegates to 
 meet the board, to confer together on the expediency of apply- 
 insr to the leo-islature for a citv ehai-ter. The meetinc; had itlace 
 on the 25th ol ^Aovember. and resulted in the appointment, by 
 Eli B. Williams, the President of tlie board, of five delegates to 
 draw up the charter in form for ])resentatiiMi. Their names 
 were Ebenezer Peck. J. D. Caton, T. W. iSmith, Wm. B. Ogdeu, 
 and K^athan H. BoUes. On December iHh, this committee, 
 through Mr. Peck, presented their charter to the board, and aftt'i- 
 some amendments it was adopted, and on the fourth of March, 
 the next year, 1837, the legislature of Illinois passed the bill 
 approviiig the charter, and Chicago took upon herself the forms 
 of a city. The next move was to choose a mayor. Tlie material 
 for an able one was not wanting, l)ut from its very excess the 
 difficulty in making a choice was increased. Happily there 
 were no spoils at state and no rings to covet them. 
 
Charter Election. 437 
 
 The issue was defined by the two political ])arties which 
 then divided the coutitiy on political economy. The whig party 
 represented one and the Democratic party the other. And 
 here it may be pertinent to aay that the separate ]>olicies of the 
 two ]>arties could not be accurately defined in theory so as to be 
 well understood at this day, but practical!}' the Whigs repre- 
 sented a policy which embraced a liberal system of banking, pro- 
 tective taritis, and an extensive system of public works, while 
 the Democrats did not oppose this entirely, but professed to 
 •xnard against excesses in their propagation. The most of them 
 went for a met:ilic currency only, or ])aper convertible at the 
 Avill of the holder. John H. Iviiizie was the AVhig candidate for 
 mayor, and AV:n. B. Ogdcn the Democratic. Savs Hon. 
 .I<)hn AVentworth: " Both were members of the old St. James 
 Episcopal Cluuvh, both men of wealth for tiiat time, and 
 there was nothing in the character of either of the !uen to give 
 either one any advantage over the other. It was a fair stand-up 
 fight between the Whigs and Democrats. Men of each political 
 jiarty wanted the city government to stand under its peculiar aus- 
 ])ices." The contest was sharp and spirited, and grea!" care was 
 taken to provide against illegal v^oting. Young Wentworth was 
 K-hallenged on the grountlsof his youth, and was sworn before be- 
 ing allowed to vote — a suspicion of the truth of which charge, 
 lie humorously says, he has since outgrown. 
 
 Mr. Ogden received 4(>!) votes and Mr. Kinzie 237, showing a 
 large majority of the citizens of Chicago to be in favor of the 
 <lemocratic policy of the country, at which time, it is not too 
 much to say, we were almost at a loss for any very vital issue. 
 The total vote of the south division was 408, the north 204, and 
 the west 97, and of the whole city 709. 
 
 ENLAFJOEMENT OF CHICAGO BY WARDS AND CITY LIMITS. 
 
 BV JOirX A. MOODY, CHIK.K CLEKK IN CITY CLEKK's OKBUCE. 
 
 In 1835, John II. Kinzie, Gurdon S. Hubbard, E ben ezer Good- 
 rich, John K. Ijoyerand John S. C. llogan were oonntituted by 
 the legislature of Illinois a bo<ly ]iolitic and corporate to be 
 known by the n-.me of the " Trustees of the Town of Chicago." 
 The jurisdicti'/ii of the town extended overall that district con- 
 tained in sections nine and sixteen, north and south fractional 
 section ten and fractional section fitteen, in townshij) 39, X. R. 
 14 E. of the 3rd P. M., except that jutrtion of fractional section 
 ten occupied by the United States, for military purj>oses. The 
 act creating the 'own j)n»vided that the corporate powers and 
 
438 Wanh—City Limits. ' 
 
 duties shonUl be vested in a board of nine trustees, after the first 
 Monday of June, A. D. 18B5, on whicli dato the term of office uf 
 the above named gentlemen expired. In the year following, the 
 system of water works of Chicago was instituted by the act in- 
 corporating the Chicago Hydraulic Coin})any. 
 
 Two years after the incoruoration of the town, on the 4th <)f 
 March, 1837, the legislature enacted that "the district of coun- 
 try known as the east half of the southeast quarter of section, 
 thirty-three, fractional section thirty-four, the east fom-th part of 
 sections six, seven, eighteen and nineteen, all in township forty;. 
 also fractional section three, sections four, five, eight, nine, and. 
 fractional section ten. excepting the southwest fractional quarter < >f 
 said section ten, occupied as a military post, until the same shall' 
 become private property, fractional section fifteen, sections six- 
 teen, seventeen, twenty, twenty-one, and fractional section twenty- 
 two, all in township thirty-nine, range fourteen, east of the third 
 P. M. ; being in the county of Cook and State of Illinois, should 
 be known as the citv of Chicairo." 
 
 It is im])ossible to give the boundaries above fixed by streets. 
 There is a manifest error in the copy of the act which is on file 
 in the office of the city clerk. The nuips show that the sections 
 six, seven, eighteen and nineteen, above mentioned, are in town- 
 ship thirty-nine instead of forty. 
 
 The territory was divided into six wards; of which the 1st and 
 2d were in the south, the 3d and 4th in the west, and the 5th 
 and f)th in the north divisions, respectively. The government 
 was vested in the mayor and twelve aldermen — two aldermen 
 from each ward, except the third and fifth wards, which were en- 
 titled to but one alderman each until the annual election for the 
 year 1839. 
 
 By the act of March 4, 1837, the school system of Chicago was 
 first established; and In' an act ]»assed !March 1, Is: it, additional 
 powers were granted the common council for establishing and 
 nuiintaining schools. 
 
 Within ten years from its incorjioration, the new city felt that 
 it did not contain territory enough, ami that its original charter 
 was insufficient for its proper government. On Feb. It), 1847, a 
 supplementary act was passed extending the Hunts so as to in- 
 clude all the territory l)ounded as follows: 
 
 Beginning at the intersection of 22d street with the lake shore, 
 thence west to Western avenue, thence north to North avenue,, 
 thence eact to Sedgwick street, thence north to Fnllerton avenue, 
 thence east to the lake, thence southward on the lake shore to the- 
 place of beginning. 
 
 The city was also divided into nine wards of which the 1st, 2d» 
 
' ^ Wards— C It >j Limits. 439 
 
 3rd and 4tli were in the sontli division, the 5th and fJtli in the 
 west, and tlie 7th, 8th and 9th in the north. 
 
 Tiie city census taken in that year i?howed a pojnilation of 
 16,859 persons. The valuation of the real and personal estate 
 was, $5,849,170; the amount of revenue raised by taxation 
 $18,159,01, and the lioating liabilities $13,179,89. 
 
 In 1851, the various acts affecting the city werH reduced into 
 one act, and additional powers were granted, but the bounda- 
 ries of the city were not changed. 
 
 In 1853, the city wi.s by act of the general assembly divided into 
 the divisions called n<, th. south and west, the limits were also ex- 
 tended so as to inchuiif' within the citv all of sections 27, 28, 29 
 and 30, T. 39, N. K. 14 E., als.. those parts of 31 and 32 T. 40, R. 
 14, lying east of the north branch, and also the W.i of Sec. 33, 
 40, 14. 
 
 This extension made 31st street the southern boundary. Western 
 avenue from 31st street to Xorth avenue and the north branch 
 from North avenue to FuUerton avenue the western Ixuindaries, 
 and Xorth avenue and Fullerton avenue the northern boumlaries. 
 
 The jurisdiction of the city was also extended over so much of 
 tlie shore and bed of the lake as lie within one mile east of frac- 
 tional section 27. 
 
 The number of the wards was not chaniied. the added territory 
 being aimexed to Lhe 1st, 2d, 3rd, 4th, 5th and 7th wards. 
 
 The city census taken in 1S53, showed a population of 0O.ti52. 
 The vahuition was $16,811,8;U.OO, and the bonded debt, $189.(;70, 
 
 In 1855 the sewerajje system of Chicago was inaujiurated by 
 the creation ot a board of sewerage commissioners, with such 
 powers and duties as were deemed necessary to carry into eifect its 
 objects. 
 
 The amended city charter, approved Feb. 15, 1857, provided for 
 the creation of an additional ward, the tenth, out of the territory 
 in the West Division. 
 
 By the revised charter of 18t53, the city lim its were extended so as 
 to include all of township 39, north range 14 east of the 3rd P. M., 
 and all of sections 31, 32, 33 and fractional section 34, 40, 14, with 
 so much of the waters and bed of Lake Alichigan as lie within 
 one mile of the sliore, and east of the territory aforesaid. The 
 street boundaries were Egan avenue (39th street) on the south, 
 Western avenue on the west and Fullerton avenue on the north. 
 The territory was divided into sixteen wards of which the 1st to 
 the 5th inclusive were in the south, the 0th to the 12th inclusive 
 in the west and the four remaining in the north division. Again, 
 in 1869, the general assembly extended the city limits on the 
 west so as to include within it the territory lying north of the II- 
 
440 :• ; • Warch—Citf/ Limits. 
 
 linois & Miclugau Canal, east of Crawford avenue and south of 
 Xortli avenue. Tlie same act divided the city into twenty wards, 
 of which six were located in the South Division, nine in the West 
 Division and live in the Korth Division. The city then contain- 
 ed an area of at least thirt\'-five square miles with a population 
 of :>06,t505 per^ons, an assessed valuation of $275,986,550.00 and 
 a bonded indel»tedness of over $11,000,000.00. 
 
 In 1S70 it levied a tax of |4,139,798.70. In 1837 the tax levy 
 was $5,905.15. 
 
 Since 1869 there 1 'is been no tei-ritory added to the city. 
 
 In 1875 the question whether the city should reorganize under 
 the general incorporation act. was submitted to a vote of the 
 ])t-<)ple, and was adopted by a vote of 11,714 for, to 10,-281 
 against. 
 
 Lest this vote may be taken as an indication of the nuinber of 
 v«^>ters in the city at that time, I desire to state here that at the 
 last preceding general election for mayor, 47,390 votes were cast. 
 
 Under the provisions of the general incorporation law, the 
 council divided the city into eighteen wards — hve in the South 
 Division, nine in the West Division, and four in the North Di- 
 vision. 
 
 By virtue of various amendments to the charter, the city gov- 
 ernment was, at the time of reorganization, in the hands of many 
 irresponsible boards. 
 
 Under powers given by the new incorporation law, these boards 
 were all abolished, and the departments governed by them re- 
 established on ordinances passed by the city council. The ma- 
 chinery of the city government is now more simple and less ex- 
 pensive, considering the vastly greater business entrusted to it, 
 than under any of the older charters. The mayor and aldermen 
 practically control the entire city government. 
 
 The t'AX'At'wn ])er capita in 1837 was about 1.41; in 1847 about 
 1.08; in 1857 about 6.73; in 1867 about 12.59; in 1877 about 
 9.83. The highest rate was in 1873. which was about 15.27. 
 
 p 1 
 
 • r 
 
OFFICIAL RECORD OF FORT DEARBORN, 
 
 TTAKEN PROM THE F.KCORDS OF TllK WAR DRPAKTMENT AT WASHINGTON, BT 
 
 HON. THOS. B. BRTAN. 
 
 FORT DEARBORN, ILL. 
 
 Situated at Chicago, III. witihx a fkw yards of Lake Michigan; 
 Lat. 41° r>F X.; LoN. 87° 15' W. 
 
 Post established l.y the U. S. forces in 1804. Aug. 15, 1812, 
 the i^arrison, under the cotnniand of Captain I^athan Heald, 1st 
 V. S. lufautry, conipfjsed of 54 regular infantry, 12 militia-men, 
 and 1 interpreter, was attacked by the Indians, and evacuated 
 saine day. The Indians numbered between 400 and 500, of 
 whom 15 were reported killed. The killed of the garrison were 
 Ensign Geo. Eowan,* 1st Inf., Doctor J. V, VanVoorhis,f Capt. 
 Wells, interpreter, 24 enlisted men U. S. Inf., and 12 militia- 
 men; 2 women and 12 children were also killed. The wounded 
 Were Capt. NaUian Heald and Mrs. Heald. None others re- 
 ported. The next day, Aug. iQ. 1812, it was destroyed by the 
 Indians. Iie-occu]>ied about June, 1816, Captain Hezekiah Brad- 
 ley, 3d Infantry, commanding. The troops continued in occupa- 
 tion until October, 1823. when it was evacuated, and the post 
 left in charge of the Indian Agent, and was ""e-occupied Oct. 3d, 
 1828. Capt. Hezekiah Bradley, 3d Inf., commanded the post 
 from June, 1816, to May, 1817; Bvt. Maj. D. Baker, 3d Inf, 
 to Jnne, 1820; Capt. Hezekiah Bradley, 3d Inf., to Jan'y, 1821; 
 Maj. Alex. Cumminirs, 3d Inf., to Oct., 1821; Lt. Col. J. McNeal' 
 3d Inf., to July, 1823; Capt. John Greene, 3d Inf., to Oct., 1823. 
 Post not garrisoned from Oct., 1823, to Oct., 1828. 
 
 * His name is spelli'd Ronan in Wabun. 
 
 fSitt'lU'd Voorhees in Wabun. 
 
 Atciinliii^' to the above official record the attack preceded the evacuation. 
 This was a mistake, accordinjr to the account of evei-y eye witness who has 
 Written its lii<t iry, of whom tliere are several. — Author. 
 
 The tollo\viii<r item is from Wm. Hickijxg, Esq : 
 
 "At this |in>eiit ti)ne there is staiulinji-, frontinpr on State. nenrtheN. E. 
 corner of •"'■Id street, Avliat appears to be a two-story fnniie house; the body of 
 this edifice is made of liesvn timber which formerly formed a part of the otficers' 
 
 Suarters of Fort Dearltorn (erected in IHlti). Many years ago, the late Judge 
 [eury Fuller removed this building from its old site, on the Fort reservation, to 
 its present locality; then modernized it by covering with sidir^g and a new shin- 
 gle roof. In another building erected by Judge Fuller, No. 872 Michigan ave- 
 nue, may be Ibund an oaken window-frame inserttni in the kitchen part of said 
 building: thi^ venerable relic was also removed from the " otficers' quarters" 
 of the old Fort, after having done duty there for some thirty years. It seems 
 that the judge liad a gieat liking for these old Fort Dearborn buildings, for he 
 removed a {)ortiou of another log building belonging to the old Fort, converting 
 the same into a stable on the rear of his property. No. 872 Michigan avenue. 
 This eld relic of the Fort he aft<>rwards sold, and 1 understand the purchaser 
 broke up the old timbers for firewood." 
 
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La^t of Fort Dearhom. 443^ 
 
 The following letter, from Mr. R. J. Bennett, is inserted as the 
 most anthoritiitive and best liistory of the last years of Fort 
 Dearborn, which has yet been made public. 
 
 EuFus Blanciiakd 
 
 Chicago, May 11, 1880. 
 
 Dear Sir: — In reply tc yonr inquiries concerning Fort Dear- 
 born, I am pleased to say the little I can, to give a more definite 
 idea of-Chicago's oldest landmark. The " Old Fort," burned at 
 time of the massacre, belonged to an age preceding Chicago, 
 while the defense, erected at a later date on the same site, Avas 
 known to many still living, and properly belongs to the Chicago 
 that has grown during the last fifty years, because it stood till the 
 tide of improvements and the demands of a growing commerce 
 crowded upon it, and until its last remnant went down in the- 
 great fire of 1871. 
 
 In July, 1S36, my father came to Chicago, became acquainted 
 with it and helped in laying the State road from this place to 
 Galemi during that summer. In March, 1844, I came with my 
 father's family from the East, and spent my first two weeks in this 
 State, in the house of the keeper of the Government light. 
 This house stood about >vhere the south abutment of Kush street 
 bridge now stands. So, from my early association, I felt inter- 
 ested in this historical spot. After the great fire, business located 
 me within a hundred feet of the spot where the house stood ia 
 which I first lived in this State, and directly upon the " site of 
 Fort Dearborn." This close association of my business with a 
 spot so historical and so closely allied to me by the present and 
 the past,led to the production of two pictures'* — one representing 
 the fort as it was from ISW till after 1850, and the other as it 
 appeared after the stockade, and most of the buildings had been 
 removed and nau£«:ht but the " Block House" of tlie fort and tho 
 light-house and light keeper's house remained. In the product- 
 ion of those pictures, I followed such sketches as could be found,, 
 after verification by scores who had known the fort at an early 
 day, and had pronounced the material used reliable. In describ- 
 ing the place, I can do no better than to use the language of Miss- 
 Augusta Meacham, in reply to my inquiries upon this subject. 
 
 " Father kept the Government light in- 1842, '8 and '4; t think 
 previous to that for a year or two, he was superintendent of all 
 
 *The two. pictures referred to by Mr. Bennett are both landscape drawing* 
 of the fort, river, and light-house, not differing essentially, as far as the block- 
 house, officers' quarters, etc.. are concerned, from the view here presented^ 
 They are now in possession of Mr. Hoyt. — Author. 
 
444 Fort Dcarhorn. 
 
 lights on Lake Michigan. The light-house was a stone structure, 
 kept wliite by lime wash. The dwelling liouse stood perhaps 
 seventy-five feet east and north of the lighthouse. The old fort 
 was east and just across a rather narrow street or road from it. 
 (This corresponds about to our present River street.) It was west 
 of Michigan avenue; at that time, the avenue did not come to 
 the river, but came to an end just south of the fort." 
 
 The fort stood on a sand mound, some twentv feet above the 
 river, and occupied a tract bounded by a line running along about 
 Eiver street to near the center of tlie river as it now is, and east 
 say one hundred and tifty feet east of Michigan avenue to the 
 lake beach, thence south, say a like distance, south of the present 
 intersection of Michigan avenue and River street, thence west to 
 the place of beginning. The inclosure was a stockade formed by 
 setting logs upright, and close together, the lower end bedded in 
 the earth and the upper sharpened like pickets or pikes. Within 
 this inclosure and near the stockade was arrayed the barracks and 
 the officers' quaj-ters; they were built of hewn logs. Within 
 these and to the south side of the inclosure was the parade 
 ground. In 1857 Mr. A. J. Cross, now connected with the C. E. 
 & Q. R. R., but then in the employ of the city, tore down the 
 fort and lighthouse and leveled the mound bv carting the sand to 
 till Randolph street to grade. One of the buildings was moved 
 but still within the site of the fort (about the center of the store now 
 ■owned by W. M. Hoyt, and occupied by the firm of which he is 
 the head). That building stood till the iire of 1871 destroyed it, 
 and thus removed the last of Fort Dearborn. A few weeks be- 
 fore that fire I visited that building with my father, and he, lay- 
 ing his hands on one of its corners, said, "This is one of the 
 Ijuildings of the old fort as I saw it in 1836." 
 
 War has given way to Peace, defense to .'ggressive pros])erity, 
 but may prosperity never smother our interest in early Chicago 
 rand Fort Dearborn.* 
 
 Yours Respectfully, 
 
 R. J. Bennett. 
 
 *The view of the Fort here pi-esented was from the immediate vicinity of the 
 ■iight-house spoken of in Mr. Bennett's letter;hence the ht^ht-house, li<;ht keeper's 
 house and river, do not !ipi>ear, as the spectator is Icokinj^ away from these 
 ■objects. The large, honey locust tree, appearing in the right back-ground, will be 
 remembered by many of our old citizens. It stood on the west side of Michigan 
 Avenue, so near the stx-eet that one needed to stoop in passing on the side- walk. 
 'J'radition says it was planted by the daughter of Mr. John Kinzie. It stood 
 iill destroyed by the great fire. 
 
Ch'u-iKjo Post ihffi.ce. 445 
 
 THE CHICAGO POST OFFKJE. 
 
 Letters were first bronglit to Chicago by the aninial arrival of 
 a vessel at tlie fort, or by some cliaiice traveler who eaine to the 
 place throufijh the wilderness, and later by i^overninent mail car- 
 riers who brought the mail t> the fort from Detroit, I'ort 
 Wayne, or St. Joseph, about once a month. These were the only 
 avenues thronirh which the tue outside world could be heard fron> 
 till 1831, up to whicli time ]io jwst othcc liad been established 
 and pri .ate persons were dependent on the courtesy of the com- 
 mander of the fort for the receipt of letters. Jonathan ]?^. Bailey,, 
 an Indian trader, was the first postmaster appointed to act here, 
 and on the 31st of March, 1831, opened his office'' on the east 
 bank of the Chicago river, just north of the present Lake street 
 bridge, in a log store, where John S. C. Hogan sat at the receipt 
 of custom. The official duties of Mr. Bailey were very light, the- 
 mail arriving at intervals of one or two weeks, and the dozen let- 
 ters and as many more newsjiapers it contained were quickly 
 handed ont to their eager expectants, when no farther woi'k was 
 necessary till another mail came, 
 
 x\t the brenking out of the Black Hawk war, for some canse, 
 possibly throiigli fear of cholera, he moved with his family to St. 
 Louis, and John S. C. Hogan, the proprietor of the store, who was 
 his son-in-law, became his successor, November 2d, 1832. There 
 are yet, in 1880, a very few of the earliest settlers who retain a 
 distinct recollection of receiving their letters in his scanty quar- 
 ters, where his attention Avas divided between his official duties 
 and dealing out sugar, tea or tobacco by the pound, or gandy 
 fabrics to the tawny customers who were at first his main depend- 
 ence for income. In 1830 he moved his store and post office to 
 the corner of Franklin and South Water street, where he held the 
 position till March 3d, 1837, subsequent to which time he went 
 to Memphis, where he died. His successor was Sidney A bell. 
 By this time the amount of ]iost office business had increased to- 
 a great extent, not only as a delivery of Chicago letters, but as a 
 distributing office xo points west, and the former scanty quarters 
 being inadequate to the wants of increasing business, the office 
 was removed to the south side of Clark street, a little south of 
 Water street, and a salary of i?4,000 per annum was allowed him. 
 He retained the office till 184-1, when President Harrison ap- 
 pointed Wm. Stewart as his successor — the same who was the 
 editor of The Chicago American. He retained the office dui-ing- 
 President Tyler's administration, subsequent to which time he 
 went to Binghampton, !N. Y., where he died. James Iv. Polk 
 
 * See Govt. Records at Washington. 
 
44f! ChicrKjn Post Ojfice. 
 
 was t]ie next President of tlie United States, and Hart L. Stewart 
 was liis ap])ointee fur the Ciiicai^o post ofHce durini^ his term from 
 18+4 to 1848. 
 
 Mr. Fillmore, who took the Presidential chair after the death 
 of Ml'. Tavlor, appointed Geo. W. Dole as pos'master, who re- 
 tained the position till the election of Franklin j'.erce in 1852, 
 who appointed Isaac Cook to the ]>ositio''- in the ^| i-iiii; of 1853. 
 The location of the office had heen removed to the north side of 
 Clark street, across the alley from the Sherman liou^e. From 
 thence it was removed across the street to the south side of the 
 game alley, and over it was the office of the Chicago Tribune. 
 Thence it was removed to Xos. 82 and 84 Dearhoni street. 
 
 On the accession ot James Buchanan to the Presidential chair 
 in 1857, W/n. Price was a]i])ointed ])ostmaster. lie retained the 
 office but a few months, when owin<,^ to the dead lock betwe.n 
 Senator I )oui;las and the administration on the validity of the 
 Lecom])ton constitution of Kansas, and kindred toils, it was 
 deemed necessary to remove him, which was pi-cmiptly done, and 
 Mr. Cook, who was a friend to Buchanan's measures, was restored 
 to his position, which he retained till the election of Abraham 
 Lincoln in I860,* who a]>pointed John L. Scrips, whose editor- 
 shi]) of the Chicago Tribune is still fresh in our memories. Mr. 
 Scrips, on account of ill health, declined an appointment under 
 Mr. Lincoln's second term, and Samuel Hoard was appointed as 
 his successor. He retained the position till President Johnson 
 took the executive chair, made vacant by Mr. Lincoln's death, 
 when Rob. C. Gilmore was appointed, but was accidentally 
 drowned immediately afterwards, and Frank T. Sherman was ap- 
 pointed to fill the place during Mr. Johnson's term. On the acces- 
 sion of General Grant to the Presidency in 1809, Francis A. 
 Eastman was appointed to the place. He resigned in 1873, and 
 Gen. John Mc Arthur was apjiointed by Gen. Grant to the place, 
 who took possession of the office February 14th, and held it till 
 March 10th, 1877, at which time Hon"! F. AY. Palmer, the 
 pi'esent incumbent, was appointed to the position by President 
 Hayes. 
 
 At the great fire of 1871 it is worthy of remark that while 
 nearly all private pro]>erty in the burnt district was destroyed, 
 the mail was all saved by dint of hard work, not exeinpt from 
 
 *Previous to this time Hon. JohnWentworth, when representative to Congress 
 in 1853, had obtained at the first session of the thirty-third Congress in the civil 
 and diplomatic appropriation bill, approved Au<?ust 4th. 1854, the first appro- 
 priation for the Chicago post office in the followinjr words: " For the accomaio- 
 tion of the custom house, post office. United States courts, and steamboat in- 
 spectors, a building of stone 85x60 feet, 60 feet in height irom the foundation, to 
 cost not more than $88,000." And it is worthy of mention that this is the 
 only building whose walls survived the great fixe Of 1871. 
 
a 
 
 Chicaffo Post Op-e. 447 
 
 danii^er to the eiii])luyes of tlie departments. It was estaldished 
 on the northwest curner of State and IGtli streets, from wlience, 
 after two montlis. it was removed to the Wabash Avenue Meth- 
 odist ('Inirch. (!orner of Harrison street, wliere it remained till 
 the fire of 1S74, when it ai^ain "^i'lX l)efim' the devonriti<^ element 
 — savinir all the mail — establishini>- itself at the ]M(stal station, 
 corner of Washington and TIalstcad streets in the West I)ivi>ion, 
 and no interj-uj)tion was caused by this fire in the delivtay <jf 
 letters. These (piarters were retaiiied about a month, when the 
 office was established in the ll(»nore buildinLC, corner of JX'arboru 
 and Adams streets, wli ere it remained till fire again invaded their 
 liarters, .Jan. 4tli. 187!*, when tliey, with all the nuxil saved, took 
 ii,dit to the noifheast corner of AVashiiii-'ton and State streets, in 
 the Ita cement of the 8in<^er building, where it reniainetl till April 
 12th, 1S7(<. at which time the otfice was established at its present 
 hK'ality in the Government building, oocu]>ying the square lie- 
 tween Adams, Jackson, (Mark and Dearborn streets. 
 
 The expenses of the office in 1836 were ^300, and its commis- 
 sions the same A'ear were S2,14S.29. Ten vears later, in 1840, the 
 expenses were §5,tJ34.39, while the expenses were $7,2:28.,"') 1, 
 Ten years later, ir* 1856, the expenses were S41,130.5C, and the 
 expenses, $65,S04:.41 . 
 
 Since the fire, beginning with 1872, ihe total amount of money- 
 order transactions i'>ceived and paid out have been as follows: 
 For 1872, $7,937.751.20; 1873, §10,632,009.08; 1874, $14,507,- 
 431.83; 1875, $14,741,440.05; 1876, $12,930,824.88; 1877, $13,- 
 157,085.33; 1878, $15,598,705.14; 1879, §10,892,975.92. The 
 sale of stanijjs, stamped envelopes and postal cards for the same 
 period has been, 1872, $715,010.27; 1873, when postal cards 
 were first introduced, $788,000.29; 1874, $840,388.48; 1875, 
 $970,880.47; 1876, $955,417.70; 1877, $953,148.08; 1878, $1,000,- 
 352.10: 1879, $1,074,237.62. 
 
44S CJdcago Harbor, 
 
 CHICAGO HARBOR. 
 
 Chicago III,, June 21, 1880. 
 RuFus Blanchari). 
 
 Wheaton, 111. 
 
 Dear Sir: I take great pleasure in submitting, in accoi'dance 
 with your request, the following statement of work done by the 
 U. S. Government for improving the harbor at Cb'cago; it 
 would be more accurate to say for making a harbor, as noiie ex- 
 isted until the natural condition of affairs was modified. An 
 idea of what this condition was may be derived from a glance at 
 the plate fronting page 2ri4, Part III of your book; there we see 
 that the Cliicagu Kivcr, anaking an abrupt bend to the south, 
 breaks through the sandspit some distance south of the site of 
 the old fort. It must not be supposed that this was a peruia- 
 nent outlet, nor that it constituted a reliable channel of com- 
 munication between the lake and river. It was simply a break 
 through the sandspit, in which the dejjth of water seldom ex- 
 ceeded two feet, and which was frequently entirely blockaded 
 with sand. 
 
 The act of Congre,.? approved Mai«h 2nd, 1833, appropriated 
 the sum of $25,000 for improving the ''harbor at Chicago, on 
 Lake Michigan;" and then was begun that series of works which 
 has given to Chicago the fine harbor facilities indicated on the 
 sketch transmitted herewith. 
 
 The first step was to make a direct cut from the bend in the 
 river, to the lake; a revetment was placed on the north side of 
 the cut, and the north ])ier was projected into the lake for a dis- 
 tance of about 1,000 feet; the object of this pier was to catch and 
 hold back the sand, which, moving south along the lake shore 
 under the influence of the littoral current, would soon have 
 closed the outlet, and left matters as bad as before. "Wln'le the 
 construction of the north pier was in progress, the cu*" was 
 widened to 200 feet, and riveted on the south side. In thi.. way 
 a reliable entrance to the river was secured at an early date it 
 would be neither interesting nor instructive to follow, step by step, 
 the progress of this system of improvement, and I will sin. ply 
 state that the work consisted in a gradual extension of thepi?rs, 
 and some necessary dredging between them, until the year IS'JP, 
 before any movement was made to ol»tain increased harl)or fai il- 
 ities, beyond those furnished by the river. At this time the e.id 
 
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CIncago Harbor. 441) 
 
 of tlie north pier was 1,100 feet lakeward of the shore line of 18fi9, 
 — the shore line itself liaving advanced, by natural accretions 
 due to the littoral current before referred to, throngli a distance 
 of 2,000 feet; the area of these accretions was about 75 acres; the 
 south pier was about 1,600 feet sliorter than the nortli oier; the 
 total extent of pier work and revetment made by the IT. S. from 
 1833 to 1870 aofirre<rated about 6.000 feet. 
 
 In the meantime, the commerce of Chicairo liad increased to 
 such proportions, as to sliow clearly that something; must be 
 done to relieve the river from its crowded condition. Accord- 
 ingly we lind that Major J. E. Wheeler, the 11. S. Engineer in 
 charge of the works, reported to the ('hief of Engineers, in a 
 letter dated Jsow 30, 1869, '^ that the Chicago river is taxed to 
 its utmost, to accommodate the ]iresent condition of affairs, and 
 that it is utterly inadequate to meet the wants of commerce rap- 
 idly growing." To obtain the desired relief, he lecomniended 
 that a portion of the lake be inclosed in such a manner as to 
 form an outer harbor; to this end he proposed to construct a 
 brerdcwater extending southerly, from the entrance between the 
 piers, for a distance of 4,000 feet, and from the south end of this 
 structure, a closing pier, 3,400 feet long to the shore at the foot 
 of Van Buren St.; the enclosed area was then to be dredged to a 
 sufficient depth for vessels to lie at anchor. This ]»ian having 
 been approved, work was commenced on the main breakwater in 
 1870, and completed in 1875. The de])th of water in which it was 
 built, varies from 20 to 22 feet ; it is built of cribs 30 feet wide 
 solidly filled with stone ; its superstructure extends to G feet 
 above the water surface. During tlie time that work i>n this 
 structure was in progress, the south pi» r was extended OoO feet 
 and a " return " 300 ieet long, added to the north end of the break- 
 water ; in 1876, the north pier was extended (JOO feet Thus the 
 total extent of crib-work for piers and breakwater, built from 
 1870 to 1876 inclusive, was 5.500 lineal feet. 
 
 There was no monev available for doinir much work in the 
 year following, but when the appropriation for 1S7S becajue avail- 
 able, it was applied, in part, to dredging a channel 500 feet wide 
 to a depth of 16J feet, through the outer harbor, the amount of 
 excavation being about 100,000 cubic yards. In November, 1878, 
 Captain G. J. Lydecker, tl-e U. S. engineer in charge, submitted 
 a project for nioditying and extending tlie facilities turnished 
 by Wheeler's plan; the ]irincipal features of this modified plan, 
 which was approved, were the substitution of a detached break- 
 water for the southerly or closing ]jier, proposed by Major 
 Wheeler, and the construction of an exterior breakwater, located 
 to the northward and eastward of the north pier, to cover a good 
 
450 . Chicago Harbor. 
 
 anchorage ground in deep water, and provide in this way a harbor 
 of i-efuge. The construction of the southerly breakwater was 
 connuoiiced in June, 1S71>, and completed to its full extent, 3,000 
 feet, early in the r-u'nnier of 1880. 
 
 The total exj)enditnrebv the U. S. Government, for this harbor, 
 from 1833 to July, lSS(t/is $1,108,005. The work has all been 
 planned and executed under the direction of officers detailed from 
 the Corps of Engineers 17. S, Army; it includes the construction 
 of abiait 14,500 lineal feet of piers and breakwater, and an in- 
 definite amount of dredging. The benetits derived therefrom 
 may be summarized as follows: In 1833 there was no reliable 
 channel connecting the lake and river, whereas now there is a 
 straight entrance Itetween the ]>iers, with a channel depth of 15 
 feet. The breakwaters already built shelter an area of 450 acres, 
 which was formerly in the open lake, and will permit the con- 
 ftruction <.if wharves alouir the lake front as far as 12th Street, 
 which, supposing oite at the foot of each street, would provide an 
 aggregate length of dock line of at least 32,000 feet, and these 
 docks will be in direct communication with the railway system 
 of the city. 
 
 When the work already authorized is com]>leted, the outer 
 harbor will have a uniform depth of 1(S^ feet, and the exterior 
 breakwater will provide an excellent harbor of refuge, which 
 vessels can reach with ease during the severest storms, and from 
 which the outer harbor and river will be readily accessible. For 
 carrving on this work. Congress has this vear appropriated the 
 sura' of $145,000. 
 
 In addition to the works described above for the improvement 
 of the harbor, the Government has also built and maintained at 
 Chicago one lighthouse, three beacons, and one life-saving station. 
 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 ' G. J. Lydeckee, 
 
 Major of Engineers U. S. A. 
 
Convention of I860- -l"»l 
 
 CONVENTION OB^ 1860. 
 
 Two opposin;^ forces grew into antagonism in the United 
 ■tStates within the meniorv of middle-aged men now living. 
 
 This antagonism, that had been gathering force during a gen- 
 eration in its progress, had gradually obliterated party lines, and 
 substituted an issue on a real principle in political economy for 
 the old one which had existed between the Wliig3 and the 
 Democrats. 
 
 The old issue grew out of an honest difference of opinion on 
 financial questions such as tariff, banking and public improve- 
 meiits; the AVhigs being the ambitious and ])rogressive element, 
 and the Democrats claimini; to be the cautious re^fulators to 
 iipply the brakes upon hasty and ill-digested legislation. But 
 at the time when the new issue came into existence the old 
 ■^me had lost its national character and become effete. The new 
 issue was on the subject of slavery, and dis])ite all efforts on the 
 part of statesmen, as well as divines, to bury it beneath some plas- 
 tic subterfuge, it came up in 1S56 in its naked proportions, at the 
 Philadelphia convention which nominated Fremont as candidate 
 for President of the United States to represent the principles of 
 the new^ pfirfy- The issue that now divided the country prac- 
 tically involved the existence of slavery. Financial questions 
 ■were lost sight of, and had little or no part in it. 
 
 It was the first time iu the histor}' of the country that an issue 
 liad grown up in flie popular heart exempt from any other but 
 conscientious principles as to what policy should best promote 
 justice, as well as national honor. The situation in the United 
 States at that time resembled that of PJngland when the common- 
 wealth displaced the reigning dynasty on a religious question. 
 It was the higher law in both cases that the new party was con- 
 tending for, and in both it was the first time that either country, 
 by t!ie force of public opinion only, succeeded in establishing a 
 moral tribunal b\ which to overturn the majesty of legal forms. 
 
 No one will deny that this was the case in England in the 
 <]ays of Cromwell, and the ]n'oof that such was the case in the 
 United States in the political campaigii of 1860, is found in the 
 fact that after the war which followed it, the Constitution had to 
 be changed to comply with the changes it had wronglit. The 
 attempt to coinpass tlie desired end, brought to light in 1850 at 
 the Philadelphia Republican Convention, the first of its kind, 
 proved a failure. 
 
452 Convention of 1S60. 
 
 The moral sense of its advocates was deeply wounded, but tiiey 
 bore the humiliation in silence, with no letting down of their 
 Durposes; on the contrary, they gathered strength as the time drew 
 near for another trial in 1860. And now no prestige, no favor- 
 itism, no conventional forms or local rights must stand in the 
 way of the fuliihnent of the great popular voice that transcendtul 
 everything. In vain may history be searched for such a sub- 
 lime episode when so complete a submission was made to a prin- 
 ciple as the Chicago Convention of 1860 personified. It is 
 doubtful if Chicago is ever again destined to such honors as fell 
 iipon her when she was selected as the most appropriate place 
 for this convention. It was a compliment paid to the moral 
 sense of her rising mind, to the magnanimity of her national 
 policy, to her immunity from local prejudice, to her bold and 
 original conceptions, and to her youthful and impulsive force, so 
 essential to the success of the work which the convention were 
 about to undertake. More than all this, it was a proof that her 
 interests were locally interwoven with every part of the United 
 States, not only by the phj'sical forces of nature, but by the fra- 
 ternizing influences that irrow out of them throu";}! the channels- 
 of coniinerce. 
 
 As soon as the selection was )nade, prompt action was taken 
 by Chicago's leading citizens to make preparation for the occas- 
 ion, commensurate with its imj)ortimce. The first thing to bo 
 done was to provide a place for its sessions, and to this en<l anew 
 and original plan was ]n-oposed. It was to erect a building on 
 purpose. The proposal was received with favor so universal, that 
 by voluntary subscriptions, the bulk of which was not over ten 
 dollars from each giver, the building was erected. It consisted 
 of an immense audience room arranged like an amphitheatre, 
 whose roof was supported by numerous upright poslc. It was 
 christened The Wigwam. 
 
 The convention was unlike any that had ever preceded it. 
 Beneath the noisy demonstratitms that always accompany such 
 gatherings, like the froth that floats upon the surface of deep wa- 
 ters, was a silent force, the ottspring of that kind of philosophy 
 which might be called Antinomian in its charr.cter; a philosophy 
 that accepts things for what they are worth, and not for what 
 they appear to be; a philosophy that sees the subliniest truths in 
 simple formula, and beholds a direct road to national grandeur, 
 unobstructed by the vagaries of partisans; a philosophy that 
 could be charitable without complicity, discreet without being 
 exclusive, prudent without being intolerant, conservative without 
 a letting down of princij)le, and more tenacious for substance 
 than for theory. vVIio could fill such a measured Who could step 
 
Convention of 1860. 453 
 
 into the arena impervious to the shots of envy, liatred and malice 
 *iestined to be liurled asjainst him from an old party whose loni^ 
 lease of power had eoiitirmed it in its defensive measures of ex- 
 treme constitutional rights (! 
 
 Horace Greeley was then a potent force in the new party. All 
 eyes were turned to him lor support, and no doubt exists that, 
 had he a:ivcu Mr. Seward his hearty supjxjrt from the lirst, he 
 would have been elected as the nominee at the first ballotinij: of 
 tlie convention. Every influence that the ingenuity of Mr, 
 Seward's friends could suggest was early brought to bear upon 
 Mr. Greeley in his behalf, but the venerable printer was imper- 
 vious to any pressure that couUl be brought upon him. He did 
 not oppriso Mr. Seward, but the fact-, that he had not advocated 
 his cause, added to the fact that the Press and Tribune, the 
 Journal and the Deim)crat, of Ohic.igo, had i'rom the first been 
 earnest supjiorters of Abraham Lincoln as the noaiinee, pre- 
 vented hasty action in the coitvention and held back the party 
 leaders in abeyance to public sentiment. In the hands of the 
 latter, Mr. Lincoln's nomination was assured, for the convention 
 -dared not disobey its mandates. Besides this, the very atmos- 
 phere of Chicago was charged in his favor l)v a subtle and irre- 
 sistible force, before which all other ]iretensions vanished, and 
 when the day set for the opening of the convention arrived an 
 Impressive circumspection reigned throughout the hall, and even 
 extended its influence into the broad open air of the streets out- 
 side; for among the many thousands gathered there, were agood- 
 Iv number whose maturitv of intellect rose above the average 
 mind, and leavened the whole lump with a full measure of 
 gravity appropriate to the occasion. The convention commenced 
 its sittings on the 16tli of May, 1860, and continued till the 19th. 
 It was composed of -ftl); delegates, 2'^A: of whom were necessary 
 lor a choice. "On the third ballot Lincoln received 35i votes, 
 uiiieh result was announced to the audience, and loud and long 
 contiiwied clieers from them sufficiently vouehed the action of 
 the delegates by unmistakable signs of enthusiasm. Hannibal 
 ILimlin, of Maine, was nominated on the next ballot for vice- 
 •])resitlent by lUJT votes. Tiie news flew to every part of the 
 -country, and the presidential campaign opened with an enthusi- 
 ivsm on the ])art of the new party, and firmness on the part of 
 the old, never before witnessed. 
 
 Tiie results of the Kepublican victory which followed are sub- 
 lime beyond description, and sad 1 eyond measure, and will never 
 be forgotten in the history of the world. 
 
 A careful study of them, while it reveals the frailties of over- 
 reaching ambition on the part of those who raised their ariu 
 
454 Convention of I860. 
 
 against the government, also reveals the unAvelconie truth that 
 posterity's teeth will be set on edge by the public debt, incurred 
 in the inevitable war which followed. Mr. Lincoln's untar- 
 nished record in it has turned all his political enemies into 
 friends of his measures and his memorv, and convinced the world 
 that greatness is less the result of notorietv than natural ffood 
 sense. The creatures of vain ambition stood appalled before his 
 unpretentious power, that with a simple helm overturned the 
 work of the forum, and demolished whatever stood in the way of 
 the sense of the nation, of which he was the faithful rcj)resenta- 
 tive. 
 
 His life and his death were an ever-living proof that justice is- 
 the only thing that can save a nation in times of peril, and his- 
 exemplary administration of public atl'airs has made it ])ossible 
 for historians to write his eulogy without being accused of parti- 
 sanship. 
 
 No President of the United States should come short of this- 
 high standard of statesmanship which, if universally practiced, 
 would be a safeguard against the disgraces of partisan strategy 
 and the dangers of disunion, as well as the moudy discontents i»f 
 Socialism. Simple justice is all the people want, in default of" 
 which revolution, souner or later, will bring it with fearful retri- 
 bution. 
 
 That Mr. Lincoln's administration was statesman-like and not 
 partisan, is demonstrated by the tact that at his untimclydcath, 
 one of the best representatives of the Southern Confederacy, 
 Alexander ^L Stephens, said: "That is the heaviest blow the 
 South has yet received." 
 
 Had his life been spared, it is fair to assume that the problem 
 of reconstruction would have received a magnanimous solution 
 more consistent with political economy than was possible with- 
 out his counsels. He who jvuew how to improvise useful mater- 
 ial to build up his own cause out of those opposed to him, might 
 have turned the popular tide of the South after the war in favor 
 of the Union by those modifying arts that melted away opposi- 
 tion to the forms of law and order which he had reduced to- 
 simple elements. As an example of his easy way of overcoming 
 opposition, the following circumstance, which has never before 
 been made public, is here related. When Mr. Lincoln was in a 
 quar.dary as to whom he should give the chief command of the- 
 union forces, he consultad an old friend on the impoitant matter,, 
 and while conferring together, Mr. Lincoln proposed to give the- 
 chief command of the Union forces to Douglas, on the ground 
 that his indomitable energy and superior capacity would insure? 
 success against the foe, and convert enemies in the uorth into* 
 
Convention of I860. 455 
 
 friends. This measure was opposed by tlie adviser of Mr. Lin- 
 coln, on the ground that it" suocessful, Mr. Douglas might use 
 his prestige in a spirit of rivalry against the administration. 
 This consideration had no weight with Mr. Lincoln, wlio still 
 favored the promotion of Mr. Douglas to the position. 
 
 Seeing he could not turn his purposes, his adviser admonished 
 him of the fact, that inasmuch as Mr. Douglas was then dan- 
 gerously sick at Chicago, it would be prudent to wait till he had 
 recovered before appointing him to the position, lest in the event 
 of his death, the friends of !Mr. Douglas would say that an empty 
 honor had been conferred upon him, which it was certain, he 
 never could live to enjoy. This consideration liad its desired 
 efl'ect, and Mr. Lincoln concluded to let the appointment rest, to 
 await the result of jVIr. Douglas' sickness. Within two weeks ■ 
 from that time he died.* 
 
 There may be some at this time who honestly deprecate the 
 war, and aver that the national debt will entail more evils n])on 
 the white race that can be compensated by the liberation of the 
 colored race; but even these do not censure Mr. Lincoli:, or hold 
 him responsible for any national griefs, for by his own record he 
 is shown to have been willing to save the union, either with or 
 without slavery, and his tardy issue of the emancipation procla- 
 mation till it i)ecame si, sine qua non^ as to public coutidence in 
 the ability of the Xorth to conquer the rebellion, sufliciently de- 
 monstrated his broad national conservatism, as well as his fidelity 
 to the uni()n. Such a happy combination of all the statesman- 
 like qualities so necessary to guide the shi]> of State through the 
 tangled mazes of our Civil War, could not have grown into being 
 , under New England culture; not but what she had men superior 
 to Mr Lincoln in any one gift, but '\\ vain may we look there for 
 those matchless virtues which Western pioneer training, Western 
 broad-gauge statesmanship, and universal good fellowship, has 
 added to their already munificent inheritances from the East, and 
 for which an everlasting debt of obligation is dne her. 
 
 The West is the child of the East, and as the parent in the ma- 
 turity of age takes pride in the transcendent genius of a son, 
 so the East beholds the zenith of imperial power graduating west- 
 ward as new fields for national grandeur are unfolded in that di- 
 rection, quickening into activity generous purposes, in propor- 
 tion to her accumulatins: resources. • 
 
 *The authority for this is a statesman now living:, whose advanced years are 
 his apology for not allowing his name to appear, lest it might subject him to 
 inquisitive interviewing. He says, however, that if necessary to sustain the 
 veracity of the writer, he will waive the objections and give his name to the 
 public as voucher for the statement. 
 
456 Convention of 1S60. 
 
 Ml*. Lincoln was the incarnate type and model of the combined 
 virtues of the Western citizen; and wliere on the face of the great 
 W(irl(l of proixross ciin his e(.i[iial be found, in his full rounded up 
 charact :r, delieient in notliiui; which could bring strength to the 
 nation by securing the services of the working bees, and not the 
 drones, in its great hive. 
 
 Doth of the Xapoleons have made their mistakes, plain to be 
 seen by all, for whicli they have paid tlie penalty. Cromwell's 
 rule with all its grandeur, if blended with Lincoln's charity. 
 Would have securec,' the full endorsement of the Massachusetts 
 colony (which it never received), and would have warded off the 
 recoil, M'liich, at his death, replaced the old dynasty. Bismarck, 
 for want of Lincoln's charity, has of late entangled Germany in 
 a threatening religious issue, besides havin<r challenired a hostile 
 antagonism in France, that costs the nation millions annually to 
 defend themselves against. 
 
 Tlie policy by which even wise England conquered N^apoleon 
 at the expense of their national debt, has long since been ac- 
 knowledged by her best statesmen to have been a mistake,* and 
 it is not too much to say, would never have had place, if the con- 
 servatism of Abraham Lincoln had prevailed in the English par- 
 liament at the time. By comparing notes with the world, while 
 we as frontierers can make but a pitiful show in science or art, 
 yet in that kind of natural good sense which our conditions have 
 introduced into political economy, we have claims worthy of 
 consideration; and it is not too much to say that the genius of 
 Lincoln, as the representative of them, has crowned the West 
 M'ith imperishable laui'els. It has also proven the elastic tenacity 
 of the West, a bond essential to the ]>reservation of the Union in 
 times of peril, and Chicago to ]»e the pivot on which the hinge 
 turns. Under this responsibility the city of the lakes rests in 
 her majesty of strength, not to be challenged, but to be utilized 
 
 *As a i)iiiol' of this tlit^ following; oxtrnct from a letter from Rt. Hon. John 
 Briffbt, iiieuiber of parlinnient from Piiniiinprham, to the author, is quoted. It 
 is dated Oik' Ash. Koclula!'.', April 8tli, 1.-<S(j: 
 
 '^ As to the irlsilom of I'nrlianieut at the end of the last and the bef/iiining of 
 the pyemnt rciituri/. I Niixpect llwre -was vo such thiiuf as tvisdoin in those times 
 i)i the Br-fish Forlidii/ent.-or in the councils of the, Kinr/. Anil now the time is 
 past, 'nil! liiife good can come from tJie discussion of the good or bad of what 
 Parliaiin lit then did." 
 
 The aiifhor ajjrees with the distinffuished British statesman that no good can 
 comt' from diHcussiii^' tiie above question. But an allusion is here made to it by 
 wayof coir.parinj; notes between the policy of Kngland and America, in the con- 
 tracting of their respective national debts, and the author takes this oica-sion to 
 thank his lionorable correspondent for the trank expression of his opinion iis 
 above, though it censures tiie past policy of his government. Not every Amer- 
 ican statesmen would be equally ingf~nuous. 
 
Convention of I860. 457 
 
 in the great fraternity of States, to which Chicago extends her 
 right hand in that broad-gauge spirit of good fellowship, for which 
 she has a high reputation. 
 
 Reckless partisan leaders have no hand in this fellowship. 
 The general interests of the country are the last things they care 
 for. for tiiev live on the offal of venality, and in ]>rop()rtion as 
 political vices accumulate, their services are in demand to carry 
 tliem, like mill-stones about their necks, till corruption has 
 reached tlie limit which the good sense of the nation will bear. 
 Then comes the recoil. New men and new measures are brought 
 t(i the front in the more forcible but less noisy strength of jus- 
 tice. Strong vices stimulate into life equally strong virtues, to 
 repair spoilation, and in no place in the country can these vir- 
 tuts find an equally available field for action, as in the great 
 center wliose relations and associations are divided and shared 
 from every direction, and whose charities are broadened into a 
 national conservatism too flexible to be severed, and too tenacious 
 to be cunqnered. Such is the proud position of the great North- 
 west in 1881. And let it never be forgotten, that she is the cradle 
 of the new National Policy, which every American citizen now 
 endorses, and that this policy was the fruitage of the broad fields 
 for agriculture that nature so invitingly spread for free labour in 
 the West, out-rivaling the time-serving policy of slave labour, and 
 changing pett}'" partisan disputes in our national councils into 
 grander issues, more worthy the minds of American citizens. 
 
 Twenty years have passed since the assembling of this conven- 
 tion, and more material for history has grown up with them, than 
 <3uring the seventy-seven years preceding it, which would date 
 back to the peace of Paris, succeeding the Revolution. 
 
 With truth, it may be said, that tue issues that divided the 
 country into two nearly enual parts before this convention, divide 
 it no longer. What, at least, one political party then considered 
 only a side-issue, every political party now looks upon as a national 
 issue, involving vital principles of public policy, now settled on 
 the only permanent basis which "manifest destiny" pointed out. 
 Viewed as such, it becomes a legitimate theme for the historian, 
 and if left out of history, the treatment of all or any other points 
 on political history would be in vain. 
 
 Next to the question of slavery, the question whether we are 
 a solid nation, or a confederacy of states, whose integrity is sub- 
 ject to the caprices of any single one, has been settled 
 
THE OTIEAT FIRE OF 1871. 
 
 "A voice is ringinj^ in tlie air, 
 
 A tale is trembling on ttie wire, 
 The people sliout in wild despair: 
 
 'Chicago is on fire.'"* 
 
 In the year 1871 A. D., ami tlie year 38 of the existence of" 
 Chicago as a city, on the 7th. 8th atid !)tlj of October, occniTe<l 
 the great fires. They mark an epi.-jode in (^hicago liistory never 
 to be forgotten. The official censns of the city for IS 70 was 
 i^!>8,977. Its population at the time of the fires, one year later, 
 at a prudent estimate, may be set down eight per cent, more, 
 making 822,895. A small portion only of these were born here. 
 They had been drawn hither by those incentives which the local- 
 ity offered for speculation, not only in the rise of real estate, but 
 in the facilities which the jilace offered as an emporium for the 
 sale t>f every kind of merchandise, to supply the increasing wants 
 of the great Northwest in the building up process n which she 
 was then, and must still for many years, be engaged, before she 
 will have taken upon lierself the conditions of political and social 
 niatnrity. 
 
 The extra stiintdus which the war had given to the increase of 
 business in Chicago had subsided, and a hill in that impulsive 
 Juiste that had lonir been a distinffuishiui; feature here, had set- 
 tied upon the city. The volume of staple business was without 
 diminution, the real estate market was hrni. and the demand for 
 this important auxiliary to wealth was healthy; but yet there 
 was evidently an undercurrent manifest in moneved circles, siir- 
 nifying that prices of it would not soon again advance, at least, 
 by any eccentric movement. ^Vfter the war was over, a general 
 expectation followed that prices for everything would fall imme- 
 diately, and as one, two, three and four years luid passed without 
 any .serious reduction, either mi goods or real estate, the ])eople 
 of Chicago had begun ta believe that no such destiny was in st<u*e 
 for them. Such was the feeling in the spring of 1S71. 
 
 The latter part of the summer anti autumn foll(»wiiig ])assed 
 without rain in tlu; entire Northwest. The whole country was 
 so exhausted of moisture that even the night refused her cus- 
 tomary allowance of dew on the vegetation, and the grass was 
 crisp beneath the feet of the hungry cattle of the pasture. The- 
 
 * " The Fall of Chieago," a poem written by Mrs. S. B. Olsen, while the fire 
 ■was burning, and published in a pamphlet. 
 
The Great Fire of ISTl. 459- 
 
 earth was drv as ashes to the deptli of three feet, and the i)eat\' 
 bo^s of tlie iiiarsli were as combustible as the contents of the- 
 furnace. Southern winds prevailed, brinijjini:^ warmth witliout 
 moisture, and fanned the forests into universal tinder. Even the 
 bummer's growtli of the prairie would feed a flame in places 
 where it had not been j^razed down or mowed. Chicai^o was nor 
 unlike the country around in dryness, and. unfortunately, the 
 well-built buildings of stone and brick which composed her cen- 
 tral portions were partly surrounded by cheap wooden buildings, 
 characteristic of all Western cities of sudden growth. It was 
 among these that a lire broke out a little before ten o'clock on 
 the night of October 7, 1871, on CUinton street, near its crossin*^ 
 of Van Euren street, tw«) blocks west of the river. Owing to 
 the inflammable character of the building where it began, aud 
 the strong wind that blew directly from the south, it ([uickly 
 spread to adjacent buildings, and ere it could be extinguished, 
 burnt over the area lying between Van Buren street on the south, 
 Clinton on the west, Adams on the north, and the river on the 
 east, except one or two small buildings on the outermost corners 
 of the blocks. 
 
 This was the largest tire that had ever visited Chicag^o up to- 
 tl is date. 
 
 The next eveniiig, Sunday night, October S. at about the same 
 hour, a Are broke out six blocks south of the flrst Are, in a cow- 
 stable on the north side of l)e Koven street, a little east of .fef- 
 ferson. The current account at the time attributed it to the 
 kicking over of a kerosene lamp by a cow, while its owner, a wo- 
 man named O'Leary, was milking her. and in the turmoil of the 
 hour, this theor}' was accepted as a veritable truth, published in 
 the newspapers, and even in some of the books giving the his- 
 tory of the Are, but no evidence can be found to sustain it, while, 
 on the contrary, the fcdlowing statement would go to disprove it, 
 or, at least, involve the cause of the Are in mystery. On the 
 following moru'Dg, (Monday), Clinton S. Snowden. now city ed- 
 itor of the Chic'igo Thnes^ and Edgar L. Wakeman. now man- 
 ager of the Louisville Courier-Journal for Chicago, while the 
 Are was yet consuming the buildings in the North Division, vis- 
 ited the scene where it started. Here thev found a lariire crowd 
 of excited men speculating on its cause, and here was the hut of 
 O'Leary, with doors and windows bai''ed, while her cow stable,, 
 where all the crowd supposed that the Are originated, was re- 
 duced to ashes. The two siglit-seers now determined to force a 
 passage into the O'Leary hut. aud to this end pried up one of the- 
 t>ax?k windows with a hoard and entered the premises. 
 
 They found Mrs. O'Lea y in a fearful state of suspense lest 
 she should be art -ted as an incendiary, but somewhat under tUfe 
 
400 The Great Fire of 1S71. 
 
 influence of stimiilants to brace up her courage for tlie occasion. 
 She solemnW denied any knowledge of the cause of tlie fire, and 
 if she knows its cause, without doubt she will carry the niysteri- 
 A>us burden while she lives. The above circumstances are stated 
 1)ecause they describe the first interviewing of Mrs. O'Leary, and 
 1)oth of the gentlemen are now well-known journalists of Chi- 
 -t-ago. Their statement accords with the following, fiom the 
 foreman of the first engine comj)imy on the ground, which is 
 here inserted as oflftcial: , 
 
 ■ - Chicago, November 14, 1880. 
 
 Mr. Kufus Blanchard, Dear Sir: — In compliance with your re- 
 ■quest as to the origin and condition o+' the great Chicago fire, I 
 Avould state, that being the fir^t otficer at tlie fire, that I received 
 AX\ alarm from the man in watch-tower of engine com]iany No. 
 <>, one minute in advance of the alarm given by the watchman 
 in city hall tower. On my arrival at the fire, which was in the 
 3illey bounded by Jefferson, Clinton, Taylor and Delvoven 
 streets, I discovered three or more barns and sheds on fire. 
 
 I connected to the nearest fire plug, located on the corner of 
 JTetferson and DeKoven streets, and went to work. As to whicli 
 'barn the fire originated in, I could not say. 
 
 As to the fire not being checked in its northward progress, I 
 •would state in explanation, that ]>revious to the great fire of 
 1871, watchmen were stationed in the city hall tower, to keej) a 
 lookout tor fires; and if a fire was discovered by either of the 
 men, he called the operator on duty in the fire alarm office, loca- 
 ted on the third floor below the watch-tower, and instructed him 
 what box to strike. 
 
 On the evening of Oct. 8, 1871, the watchman on duty in the 
 'city hall tower, discovered the fire, and ordered the operator to 
 strike a box located one mile southwest from the fire, which he 
 should have located one mile northeast, and which would have 
 brought the first alarm engines instead of the second, which re- 
 sponded to the alarm given by watchman, the first alarm en- 
 gines remaining at their respective houses. In conclusion, I 
 ■would state that the above are facts. 
 
 Wn.I.IAM uMlSUAM, 
 
 Foreman of Engine Co. No. (>. 
 
 Whatever might have been its cause, there is n(» reasonable 
 ■suspicion that it was the result of incendiarism. IJefore the 
 strong south-westerly wind which was then blowing, it ]><MietratC(l 
 ■diagonally across block after block, at first cutting a swath about 
 SO feet wide, gradually increasing in widtii in passi;:' through 
 the cheap wooden buildings in its track, leaving beiund a fiery 
 
Thi- Great Fire of. 1871. 461 
 
 AvalvO, making slow Imt f^iire inroads, laterally on both sides^ 
 At 11:30 it had readied the open ruins ot' the previous night's 
 devastations. Though up to tliis time the utmost exertions of 
 the tiremen had been feeble and unavailing against the progress of 
 the tlames, it was hoped that the broad space burnt the night 
 before would arrest the northern progress of the lire, and the river 
 its eastern progress. But bv this tinic it liad attacked the planing 
 mills and various manufactures of lumber along the west side of 
 the river, between Taylor and Van Bureii streets, and a living 
 mass of lire, covering a hundred acres of combu^tihles. shot up- 
 into the clouds, lighting up the midnight Jiour with a shett of 
 Hame, whicli dashed hope of arresting its career lo the ground. 
 At one bound the wind carried burning brands, not only acros:^ 
 the river, but even to Franklin Street. These newly kindled 
 lires immediately spread, and the South Side was ablaze; and now 
 it assumed proportions that exceeded in magnitude its intensity 
 thus fur. The whole South Division was tu)W thoroughly alarmed, 
 it being evident that not only the entire business area of the city 
 must luirn, but nearly the entire North Division lay in the track 
 of the destroyer iuits irresistible progress before tlie wind. Still 
 a ray of hope was left to the Xorth-siders, and to the owners of 
 the Tr'ihxtne building also, which was sujiposed to be lire proof. 
 This hope was dispelled two hours later, as will a])]>ear from the. 
 following accoiint, written in SheaTiau & Upton's llistory, from 
 notes as they viewed the scene from the upper wind(»ws of the 
 Tribune building: ■ ' 
 
 " About one o'clock, a cloud of black smoke rose in tlie south- 
 west, which, colored by the luri<l glare of the tlames. presented a 
 remarkable picture. Due west another column of smoke and 
 tire rose, while the north was lighted with Hying cinders and 
 destructive brands. Iti ten minutes more, the whole horizon to- 
 the west, as far a.i could l>e seen from the windows, was a lire 
 cloud with llames leaping uj) along the whole line, just showing 
 their heads and subsiding from view like tongues of snakes. Five 
 minutes more wrought a change. Peal after peal was sounded 
 from the Court House bell. The fire was on La Salle street, had 
 swept north, and the Chamber of Commerce began to belch forth 
 smoke and dame from windows and ventilators. The east wing 
 of the Court House was alight; then the west wing; the tower 
 was blazing on the south side, and at two o'clock the wludc btiild- 
 ingv.'as in a sheet of Hame. The Chamber of Commcive burned 
 with a bright steady liame. The smoke in front grew denser for 
 unnnute or two, and then bursting into a blaze from Monroe to 
 Madison streets, proclaimed that Farwell Hall and the buildings 
 iu)rth and south of it were on tire. At 2.10 o'clock the Coiirt 
 House tower Wiis a gloriouL sight. At 2.15 o'clock the tower 
 
462 Tlie Great Fire of 1871. 
 
 :fell, and in two minutes more a crash announced the fall of the 
 interior of the building. The windows of the oihce were hot, and 
 the flames i^ave a light almost dazzlinof in its intensity. It be- 
 oanie evident that the whole block from Clark to Dearborn, and 
 from Monroe to Madison, must go; that the block from Madison to 
 AVashington must follow; Porthmd BKock was ablaze, while every- 
 thing from Clark to Dearborn, on Washington street, was on tire. 
 At 2.r>0 the tire was half-way down Madison street; the wind 
 blew a hurricane; the firebrands were hurled along the ground 
 with incredible for^ligainst everything that stood in tlieir way. 
 Then the flames shoTu]) in the rear of Ileynolds' block, and the 
 Tribune buildinc: seemed doomed. An effort was made to save 
 the flies and other valuables, which were moved into the com]H)s- 
 ing room. Imt tlie l)uilding stood like a rock, lashed on both sides 
 bv raging wavi's of flame, and it was abandoned. It was a Are 
 proof building; and there were not a few who expected to see it 
 stand the shock. The greatest possibk^ anxietv was felt for it, as 
 it was the key to the wliole block, including AEcVicker's Theatre, 
 and ])rotected State street and AVabash and Michigan avennes, north 
 of ]\[adison street. When the walls of Reynoids' l>lock fell, and 
 Cobb's l)uikling v,as no more, X\-f ])rosp<^' ts of its standing were 
 good. Several persons were u^ ;tairs and found it cool an<l 
 pleasant — ^(piite a refresliing haven from the hurricane of smoke, 
 dust ai;d cinders that assailed the eyes. 
 
 "Meanwhile the Are had swept along northward and eastward. 
 The Briggs House, the Sherman House, the Tremont House, had 
 fallen in a few minutes. The bridges from Wells to Kush stj-eet 
 Mere burning; the Northwestern Depot was in a blaze, and from 
 A''an Buren street on the south, far over into the north side, from 
 the river to Dearborn street, the whole country was a mass of 
 smoke, flames and ruin. Tt seemed as if the city east of Dearborn 
 street and to the river would be save<l. The hope was strengtii- 
 ened when the walls fell of Honore's noble block without ignit- 
 ing that standing opposite. The vacant lot to the south seemed 
 to protect ,t, and at seven o'clock on Monday morning the whole 
 of the region designated was eonsideretl saved, no Are being 
 visible except a smouldering Are in the barber's shop under the 
 Tribune ofAce. which hi'ing conAned in brick walls, was not con- 
 sidered <langerous. Every eftbrt M'as made to <piench it, but 
 the water works liad burned, and the absence of water, while it 
 announced how far north the flames had reached, forbade any 
 hope of quenching the Are belov/. 
 
 There was one remarkable turning point in this tire, in whicii 
 
 • everything was renuirkable; and tliat was at Madison street bridge, 
 
 where every ono expected to see the Are re-cross to the west side, 
 
 and commence upon a new path of destruction. Directly across 
 
: :; The Great Fire of 1S71. 4t]3 
 
 tin's bridiifc Avere the Oriental Flonrinir Mill^, wliieli were saved 
 from clestruction bv tlie immense steam f:trf^e pnnij) attached to 
 the mill, by whieh a ])owerfnl stream of water was thrown upon 
 the exposed property, huiir after honr. This ]nimp un<louhtedly 
 ■saved the West l)ivision from a terrible conilaiijration. for if tlie 
 Oriental Mills had burned, the combustible nature of the ad- 
 joininiT buildings and adjacent lumber yards would liave insured 
 a scene of devastation too heart-sickening for contemplation. 
 
 The scene presented when the fire was at its height in the 
 South Division, is well niirh indescribable. Thehuire stone and 
 brick structures melted before the tierceness of the flam<\-^ as a 
 ^now-Hake melts and disa]>pears i!i water, and almost as (juickly. 
 Six-story buildings wouhl take tire, and disappear forever from 
 siffht. in live minutes bv the watch. In nearh' everv street the 
 flames W04il<l enter at the rears of buildings, and ap])ear simulta- 
 neously at the fronts. For an instant the windows would redden, 
 ' then great billowsof fire would belch out, and meeting eacb tether, 
 shoot up into the air a vivid, quivering column of iiame. and 
 ])oising itself in awful niiijesry. hurl itself l»odilv several hundred 
 feet and kindle new buildings. The intense lieat created new 
 currents of air. The general direction of the wind was from the 
 i«outhwest. This nuiin current carried the fire straight through 
 the city, from pouthwest to north-east, cutting a swath a mile in 
 width, and then, as if maddened at missing any of its prey, it 
 Avonld turn backward in its frenzy and face the fierce wind, mow- 
 ing one hage field on tlie west of the North Division, while in 
 the South Division it also doubled on its track at the great Un- 
 ion Central Depot, and burned half a mile southward in the 
 very teeth of the gale — a gale which blew a perfect tornado, and 
 in which no vessel could have lived on the lake. The flames 
 sometimes made glowing diagonal arches across the streets, trav- 
 ersed by whirls of smoke. At times, the wind would seize the 
 entire volume of fire on the front of one of the large blocks, de- 
 tach it entirely and hurl it in every direction, in fierce masses of 
 flame, leaving the building as if it had been untouched — for an 
 instant only, however, f )r fresh gusts would once more wrap 
 them in sheets of fire. Tlie whole air was filled with glowing 
 I'inders. looking like an illuminated snow stjrin. At times ca- 
 pricious llurries of the gale would seize tliest^ flying messengers 
 of destruction and dash them down to the earth, hurrying tliem 
 over the pavements, with lightning-like rapidity, firing every- 
 thing they touched. Intersperse*! among these cinders were 
 larger brands, covered with Hame. wiiich the wind dashed 
 through windows and upon awnings and roofs, kindling new 
 tires. Strange, fantastic fires of blue, rod and green, played 
 along the ci>ruices of the buildings. On the bauk:i of the river, 
 
4fi4 The Great Fire of 187 1. 
 
 red hot walls fell liissiiig into tlie water, ^^eiulinii;- up jjreat col- 
 umns of sprav and exposinj? the fierce wliite furnace of heat, 
 which tliev had encloj^ed. The huge piles of coal emitted dense 
 hillows of smoke which hurried ah)ni;- far above the flames be- 
 low. If the siijjht was grand and o^•erpowering, the sound was 
 no less so. The flames crackled, j^rowled <uid hissed. The lime 
 stone, of which many of the buildings were (.'omposed, as si^on 
 as it was exposed to heat flaked ofl", the fragments flew in every 
 direction, with a noise like that of continuous discliargts of mus- 
 ketry. Almost every instani, was added the dull, heavy thud of 
 falling walls, which shook the earth, lint above ail these sounds, 
 there was one other which was terribly fasciiuiting; it was the 
 steady roar of the advancing flames — the awful diapason in this 
 carnival of fire. It was like nothing so much as the united roar 
 of the ocean with the howl of the blast on some storui}', rocky 
 coast. 
 
 Great calamities always develop latent passions, emotions, and 
 traits of chal•^u•ter, hitherto concealed. In this case, there was 'a 
 world-wide diflerence in the manner in whiv_'h men witnessed the 
 destruction \^i all about them. Some were philosophical, even 
 merry, and witnessed the loss of their own projierty with a calm 
 shrug of the shoulders, although the loss was to bring u})on 
 them irretrieval)le ruin. Others clenched their teeth together, 
 and witnessed the sight with a sort of grim defiance. Others, 
 who were strong men, stood in tears, and some became fairly 
 frenzied with excitement an<l rushed about in an aimless manner, 
 doing exactly what they would not have done in their cooler mo- 
 ments, and almost too delirious to save their own lives from the 
 general wreck. Of course, the utmost distn-dcr and excitement 
 prevailed, for nearly every one was in s()nu\ degree demoralized, 
 and in the absence both of gas and water, had given up the en- 
 tire city to its doom. Mobs of men and w<mieu rushe<l wildly 
 from street to street, screaming, gesticulating, and shunting, 
 crossing each others ])aths, and intercepting each other as if just 
 escaped from a mad house. The yards and sidewalk of Michi- 
 ,gan and Wabash avenues for a distance of two miles south of the 
 fire limit in the South Division, were choked with household 
 goods of t!very description — the contents of hovels, and the con- 
 tents of aristocratic residences, huddled together '\\\ inextrica- 
 ble confusion. Elegant ladies who hardly supposed themselves 
 able to lift the weight of a pincushion, astonished theuiselves by 
 dragging trunks, and carrying hea\'y loads of pictures and orna- 
 mentid furniture for a long distance. Some adorned themselves 
 with idl their jewelry, for the purpose of saving it, and strug- 
 gled along through the crowds, perhaps only to lose it at the 
 hands of some ruffian. Delicate girls, ivith red eyes and black- 
 
Tl,' Great Eire of 1S71. -K;.> 
 
 ened faces, toiled, hour after hour, to save household goods. 
 Poor women staggered along with their arms full of homely 
 household wares, and mattresses i>n their heads, which sometimes 
 took lire as they were carrying them. Every few tteps along tlie 
 avenues were little piles of household property, or, perhaps, only 
 a trunk, guarded by children, some '»f whom were weeping, and 
 others laughing and playing. Here w^s a man sitting upon 
 what he had saved, bereft of his senses, looking at the motley 
 throng with staring, vacant eyes; here, a woman, weeping and 
 tearing her hair, and calling for her children in utter despair; 
 here, children, hand-in-hand, separated from their parents, and 
 crying with the heart-breaking sorrow of childhood; here, a wo- 
 man, kneeling on the hot ground, and praying, with her crucifix 
 before her. One family had saved a coffee-pot and chest of draw- 
 ers, and raking together the falling eml)ers in the street, were 
 boiling their coffee as cheerily as if at home. Barrels of liquor 
 were rolled into the streets from the saloons. The heads were 
 speedily knocked in, and men and boys drank to excess, and 
 staggered about the streets. Some must have miserably perished 
 in the flames, while others wandered away into the unburned dis- 
 trict, and sk pt a drunken sleep upon the sidewalks and in (h^or- 
 yards. Tiiieves pursue<l their profession ^v'ith perfect Impunitv. 
 Lake street and Clark street were rich with treasure, and hordes 
 of thieves entered the stores, and flung out goods to their fel- 
 lows, who bore them away without opposition. Wabash avenue 
 was literally choked up with goods of every description. Everv 
 one who had been forced from the burning portion of the divis- 
 ion had brought some articles with them, and been forced to 
 drop some, or all of them. Valuable oil paintings, books, pet 
 animals, instrument*, toys, mirrors, bedding, and ornamental and 
 useliil* articles of every kind, were trampled under foot by the 
 hurrying crowds. The streets leading southward from the fire 
 were jammed with vehicles of every description, all driven along 
 at top speed. Not only the goods which were deposited in the 
 streets took fire, Imt wagon loads of stuff in transit, also kindled, 
 and the drivers were obliged to cut the traces to save the animals. 
 There was fire overhead, everywhere, not only on the low, red 
 clouds, which rolled along the roofs, but in the air itself filled 
 with millions of blazing fagots, that carried destruction wherever 
 they fell. Those who did rescue anything from the burning 
 buildings, were obliged to defend it at the risk of their lives. 
 Expressmen and owners of every description of wagons, were 
 extortionate in their demands, asking from twenty to fifty dollars 
 for conveying a small load a few blocks. Even then there was 
 no surety that the goods would reach their place of destination, 
 as they were often followed by howling crowds, who would 
 
466 TJte Great Fire of iG71 
 
 snatch tlie goods trom the wagons. Sometimes, thieves got pos- 
 session of vehicles, and drove oft" witli rich loads of dry goods, 
 jewelry, or merchandise, to out-of-the-way places." 
 
 As early as three o'clock, on the morning of the 9th, the fire 
 attacked the North Side. It has not been definitely known 
 whei-e it first began, but it is certain that the Water Works, a 
 mile distant from any portion of the blazing South Side, were 
 among the first l>uildings visited; and their speedy destruction, 
 cutting oft' the wjiter supply, all hopes of extinguishing the fire 
 fied. Two large elevators on the north bank of the river wei-e 
 also in flames immediately afterwards, and the wretched inhab- 
 itants living east of Franklin street, beheld with dismay the ap- 
 proach of the destroyer both in front and rear. Suddenly the 
 entire po]>ulation seized the most valuable thinga they coidd 
 carry, and fled, either to the lake shore, or westward across the 
 river, or direct] a- before, the ])ursuing enemy, northwardly out 
 Olark or Wells Street. Says Mr. Colbert: 
 
 "A terrible panic ensued. There was sudden screaming and 
 dashing about of half-clad Mumeii, gathering up such valuables 
 as could be suddenly snatched. There was frantic rushing into 
 the streets and shouting for vehicles. There was anxious inquiry 
 and anon distressed cries for absent ]»rotectors — a large poi'tiou 
 of the men being on the far side of the river, and in many cases 
 unable to reach their homes. Then there was a pell-mell rush 
 through the streets, some of the wild tar-es i)ushing eagerly in 
 this direction and others <piite as eage'\v in the opposite; and 
 children screaming; and shouts resoxmding; and brands falling 
 in showers; and truckmen running each other down; and halt- 
 drunken, wholly desperate rutfians peering into doors and seizing 
 valuables, and insulting women; and oaths from lips unused to 
 them, as hot as the flames which leaped and crackled near by; 
 and prayers from maidy breasts where they had slumbered since 
 childhood; and every other sign of turmoil and terror." 
 
 Those who took refuge on the sands of the lake-shore, found 
 it a treacherous asylum. There was no escape to the northward, 
 for the narrow passes farther in that direction were a sweltering 
 current of hot air pouring over the crested margin of the lake, 
 like the vomiting of a furnace.. Meantime the heat soon began 
 to be almost insupportable where they were, and in this extrem- 
 ity, at places, they were forced into the shalK>w waters of the lake 
 to protect themselves from l)nrning till they could be rescued in 
 boats. 
 
 By four o'clock in the afternoon of the IHh, the fire had burned 
 out. Its jtrogress against the wiiul on the South Side was ar- 
 rested by theeft'orts of private citizens and a small military force 
 under Gen, Sheridan; but ou the North Side it burned as long 
 
The Great Fire of 1871. 46T 
 
 •asbnildiniys stood before it, and died away on the open jirairie for 
 "vvant of fiiel. 
 
 In its early stages, after the flames had crossed the river, and 
 Avere rapidly devouring the business portion of the city in the 
 South Division. Lind Block, on the west side of Market Street, 
 between Randolph and Lake, by dint of great exertion on the part 
 of some of its tenants, successfully resisted them. The well- 
 known house of Fuller & Fuller, occupied the central portions of 
 this block; and in reply to the writer's incpiiry how it was save<l, 
 Mr. O. F. Fuller stated that while the Are was burning on the 
 West lide. and approaching towards them, they took the precau- 
 tion to provide an abundant supply of water on each floor of 
 their jiremises. and constantly applied it to the most exposed 
 portions of the building when the Are reached their immediate 
 vicinity, having previously cut away wooden signs or any other 
 conihustihle nniterial outside. Duriii": the greatest heat the 
 outside walls of the block were too hot to bear the hand on, but 
 still every man remained at his post inside on each floor, subject 
 to the order of a sentinel, whose business it was to call them 
 away if the building ignited. Three times a retreat was ordered, 
 under an impression that combustion had taken ])lace, but hap- 
 pily this impression was a false alarm, growing out of the lurid 
 glare from adjacent flames, reflected from the windows of the 
 buihling, and each time the men returned to their posts, where 
 they continued to ply water to the heated windows, while was 
 raging 
 
 " Fiir to ri^ht of them, 
 Fire to left of them. 
 Fire in front of them." 
 
 Said Mr. Fuller: "The fire, viewed from the roof of Lind Bloclc 
 at this time, presented phases of thrilling interest. At two o'clock 
 a.m.. Market street and the ap]>roaches to Lake and Randolph 
 street bridges were crowded with loaded vehicles huriying to the 
 West Side, and this retreat grew into a stampede when the Gar- 
 den City hotel, and the buildings on the East side of Market 
 street, from Madison to South Water, ignited. After burning 
 fiercely for but a brief space of time, they fell in quick succession 
 in the general ruin." 
 
 The next morning when the light of the sun was piercing 
 through the smoke and flames that now enshrouded the entire 
 business portion of the South Division, there stood Lind Block, 
 31 solitary relict of its former grandeur. Beyond it, toward the 
 East, the eye could catch transient glimpses of many a grim 
 old ruin in its ragged deformity, amidst the accumulating 
 clouds of smoke that rose to the sky in dissolving forms, and told 
 
468 The Great Fire of 1871. 
 
 the tale of destruction. Besides Lind Block in the South Divisinn^. 
 the house of Mahlon B. Ogden, in the central truck of the tire 
 in tlie North Division, was saved, while all else around it was- 
 left in ashes. 
 
 Mr. Ogden, shortly after the tire, informed the writer that he 
 remained in his honse as lopg as he could without heinsj sur- 
 ronnded bv fire, when he. with his familv, retreated wil;h tin- 
 crowd; but that he kept the roof of his house covered with wet 
 carpets while he was in it, and it beino^ in the inside of a square, 
 with trees all around, as if by a miracle it did not burn. 
 
 No attempt will here be made to record personal incidents ot 
 the lire. These are almost infinite, and their records may be 
 found in the several large volumes published immediately after 
 the lire, but the following account of the action of the city au- 
 thorities, taken from the lleport of the Chicago Relief and Aid 
 Society, is aii historical document which shows the elastic force 
 of the people of Chicago in their promptness to grapple with the 
 duties before them : 
 
 '• The homeless people of the South Side were for the most 
 part received into the abodes of their more fortunate neighbors. 
 or taken to the hearts and hospitalities of those to whom a day 
 before they were utter strangers, Mithout formalities or ceremonies, 
 for a kindred sorrow wliich had left no human interest untouched 
 had done its work. 
 
 " Those of the Xorth Division had betaken themselves for the 
 night to the sands of the lake shore, to Lincoln and other small 
 parks, and the Jprairies. Comparatively few had foiind shelter 
 for the night. 
 
 •'Those of the West Division who were left homeless were foi* 
 the most part sheltered in the churches and school-houses, and 
 on the prairies on the northwest of the city. Comparatively few 
 of those who had fled before the flames, had tasted food since 
 early Sunday evening, and hunger came to them to add its terrors 
 to those of exposure, and in many instances apprehension ot 
 death. 
 
 " And then came the greatest terror of all, the consciousness of 
 the tact that families had been separated; husbands and wives, 
 parents and children were missing. The flight had been so 
 rapid, and in all directions the thoroughfares had been so ob- 
 structed, and in some cases utterly impassable, l)y the crowding 
 of vehicles and masses of people, and the city itself a wave ot 
 fire — it is no marvel that under these circumstances, thousands 
 for the time were lost sight of, and became lonely wanderers, and 
 that hundreds perished in the flames. 
 
 "The seeds of permanent or temporary disease sown, the bodily 
 suffering and mental anguish endured, can never liave statistical 
 computation, or adequate description. 
 
The Great Fire of 1871. 460 
 
 "The bodies of tlie dead, not less than tliree hundred in nnniher, 
 who perished in the flames, were given interment at the county 
 burying ground. 
 
 "The city authorities were prompt in tlieir endeavors to l)ring 
 order out t»t' the chaos which, in some measure, we have assayed 
 to describe. The Mayor telegraphed to neighboring cities, iirst 
 of all, for engines to help stay the ravages of the lire, and for 
 bread to feed the homeless and destitute." 
 
 A council of city officers was held, who issued and signed the 
 following, which was the first pruclaination from the Mayor and 
 Oovernment: 
 
 PROCLAMATION. 
 
 Whereas, In the providence of God, to whose will we humbly submit, a 
 terrible calamity has befallen our city, wliich demands of us our best etTortsfor 
 the preservation nf order and the relief of sutfering: 
 
 Bt it knoirn, Tliat the faith and credit of the city of Chicago are hereby 
 pledged for the necessarj- expenses for the relief of the suffering. 
 
 Public order will be preserved. The i)olice and special police now being ap- 
 pointed will be responsible for the maintenance of the peace and the protection 
 of property. 
 
 AH officers and men of the Fire Department and Health Department will act 
 as special jwl icemen without further notice. 
 
 The Mayor and Comptroller will give vouchers for all supplies furnished by 
 tlie diflerent relief committees. 
 
 The headcjuarters of tlie City Government will be at the Congregational 
 Church, corner of West Washington and Ann streets. 
 
 xVll persons are warned against any act tending to endanger property. Per- 
 sons caught in any dei)redation will be immediately arrested. 
 
 With the help of God, order and peace and private propertj' will be pre- 
 serAed. 
 
 The City Government and the committee of citizens pledge themselves to the 
 community to protect them, and prepare the way for a restoration of public 
 and private welfare. 
 
 It is believed the fire has spent its force, and all will soon be well. 
 li. B. Masox, Mayor. 
 Geokge Taylor, Comptroller. 
 
 (By R. B. Mason.) 
 Cif ARi-Es C. P. IIoi.DEX, President Common Council. 
 T. B. Browx. President Board of Police. 
 
 October 9, 1871, 2 p. m. 
 
 Promptly following the above proclamation, and growing out 
 of the exigencies of the day, or the hour, as it came, others were 
 issued; and no better account of the action of the mimiciiial gov- 
 ernment can b§ given than that which is contained in these sev- 
 en\\ official })apers, and therefore, without comment, wliich would 
 be needless, the text of these proclamation:>, which in some in- 
 stances wen; only fly-sheets, is herein given. 
 
 BREAD ORDINANCE.— NOTICE. 
 
 Chicago. October 10,1871. 
 The following ordinance was passed at a meeting of the Common Coimcil of 
 Jthe city of Chicago, on the 10th day of October, A. D., 1»7I : 
 
470 Th, Gi'mt FJre »f 1871. 
 
 An Ordinance 
 
 Be it ordained by the Common Council of the City of Cliicaffo : — 
 
 Section 1. That the price of bread in the City of Chicago for tlie next ten- 
 days is hereby fixed and established at eif/M (8) cents per fo*// of twelve ounces, 
 and at the same rate for all loaves of less or greater weight. 
 
 Sec. 2. Any person selling or attempting to sell any bread within the limits 
 of the City cf Ciiicajfo, within said ten days, at a greater price than is fixed in 
 this ordinance, shall be liable to a penalty of ten (10; dollars for each and every 
 offense, to be collected as other jjeualties for violation of City Ordinances. 
 
 Sec. 3. This Ordinance shall l)e in full force and efi'ect from and after its 
 passage. 
 
 Appruced October 10, 1871. 
 
 Attest: R. B. 3IAS0N, Mai/or. 
 
 C. T. HoTCHKiss, Gitj/ Clerk. 
 
 MAYOR'S PROCLAMATION— ADVISORY AND PRECAUTIONARY. 
 
 1. All citizens are requested to exercise great caution in the use of fire in 
 their dwellings, and not to u.se kerosene lights at present, as the city will be 
 without a full supply of water for jirobably two or three days. 
 
 2. The following bridges are passable, to wit: All bridges (except Van Bii- 
 len and Adams streets) from Lake Street south, and all bridges over the North 
 Branch of the Chicago River. 
 
 3. All good citizens Avho are willing to serve are requested to report at the 
 corner of Ann and Washington stieets, to be sworn in as special policemen. 
 
 Citizens are requested to organize a police for each block in the city, and tty 
 send reports of such organ izaUon to the police headquarters, corner of Union 
 and West Madison streets. 
 
 All persons needing food will be relieved by applying at the following 
 places: — 
 
 At the comer of Ann and Washington ; Illinois Central Railroad Round- 
 house. 
 
 M. S. R. R.— Twenty-second Street station. 
 
 C. B. & Q R. R.— Canal Street Depot. 
 
 St. L. & A. R. R.— Near Sixteenth Street. 
 
 C. & N. W. R. R. — Corner of Kinzie and Canal streets. 
 
 All the public school-houses, and at nearly all the churches. 
 
 4. Citizens are requested to avoid passing through the burnt districts until 
 the dangerous walls left standing can be leveled. 
 
 5. All saloons are ordered to l)e closed at 9 p. m. every day for one week, 
 under a penalty of forfeiture of license. 
 
 6. The Common Council have this day by ordinance fixed the price of bread 
 at eight (8) cents per loaf of twelve ounces, and at the same rate for loaves of a less 
 or gn .Iter weight, and affixed a penalty of ten dollars for selling, or attempting 
 to sell, bread at a greater rate within the next ten days. 
 
 7. Any hackman. expressman, drayman, or teamster charging more than the 
 regular fare, will have his license revoked. 
 
 All citizens are requested to aid in preserving the peace, good onler, and 
 gootl name of our city. 
 Oct. 10, 1871. R. B. MASON, ^f,lyor. 
 
 In addition to tlie action of tlie city autliorities, Lieut. General 
 P. H. Sheridan, wliose military lieadquarterswere here, at the ear- 
 nest request of Mr. Mason, the Mayor, and many prominent citizens 
 of Chicago, consented to declare ntartial law for the preservation: 
 of order throughout tlie city, as well as to protect from tire what 
 remained of it, and on the 11th of October a proclamation was. 
 
The Great Fire of 1X71. 471 
 
 issued l\v liiiu to this cftect. T\v(» days previous to tliis, wliile 
 tlie tire was still s]>rea<lint^ on the North Side, he liad ordered a 
 compauy of frontier .soldiers from Fort Leavenworth, Kan., to 
 be sent by rail to Chicago, and as soon as they arrived they were 
 detailed in squads of about twenty each to guard the various 
 places along the outer edge of the burnt district that needed ])ro- 
 teetion. Throuwhout the South Division burnt, were nianv l>ank 
 vaults still buried beneath heated bricks and stone, in an uncertain 
 condition. At night the soldiers detailed to guard these were 
 quartered on the premises of Messrs. Fuller & luller. which had 
 been saved from the general wreck as akeady told. And in con- 
 versation with Mr. Fuller, the informant of the writer, as to tlio 
 fidelity Avitli which they executed their trust, the praise which he 
 gave these noble soldiers should not be omitted. They were 
 strictly temperate, many of them teetotalers, and some of them 
 old weatlier-beaten veterans as noble in sentiment as they Mere 
 brave and faithful, and an honor to the country in whose service 
 tliev had enlisted. The debt of jrratitude which Chicat;o owes 
 them challenges this acknowledgement. 
 
 The extent of the tire may be summed up in the following 
 statement, which has been carefully taken from various records 
 of the event: On the West Side, the burnt district measured 
 194 acres, and the numljer of burnt buildings was about 50o, 
 most of them being of an inferior class. 
 
 In the South Division 460 acres were burned over, on which 
 stood 0,650 buildings, which constituted substantially the banks, 
 wholesale stores, hotels, and the geiieral heavy business blocks 
 of the city included, with many of its first-class private dwell- 
 ings, added to which was a district in the southwest portion, 
 where many poor people lived. In the North Division 1.470 
 acres were burnt over, and 13.300 Imildinii-s destroved, leaving 
 but about four per cent of tluj buildings standing in the entire 
 division, and those of the poorest class. The total number of 
 acres burnt over was 2,124, and of buildings destroved about 
 17,450. Al)out 100,000 people were rendered homeless, which 
 included guests at hotels and boarding-houses. Of these, 
 some thousands were gathered in scjuads on the prairies otitside 
 the eitv on the morninir of the 9th, and not a few made the 
 earth their bed on the night of the loth. Every train of rail- 
 road cars that left the city for several days was loaded to its ut- 
 most with the fugitives. Tiie most of them had no means where- 
 with to pay their fare. In such cases, the railroad companies, 
 with exemplary generosity, carried them free till the Relief and 
 Aid Society had organized, to make provision for the sixtferers 
 On the 10th relief began to come in from the country towns near 
 by. Never before had their sympathies been so awakened. 
 
4T2 Thi' Gnat F'ln' of 1871. 
 
 Motlu'i's. in their imagination, heard little chiUlren crving for 
 hruad on the open ])rairie, and saw whole families lying on the 
 ground, hereft of everything but natural claims on humanity, 
 and the next trains that went to the city were loaded with free 
 hread. milk, blankets, and such other things as the body stands 
 most in need of when stripped of everything but its wants. 
 
 To detail all the means used to relie'.e the immediate wants of 
 the victims would be inconsistent with time, and space to record 
 them. It was one of those great waves that roll over mankind, 
 burying them so deep beneath its crest as to drown out sellish- 
 ness for the time, and open an unfrequented path to many hearts. 
 Dormant passions and affections were awakened into being, that 
 else mi<;lithave slumbered and died ere thev had blossomed into 
 life and beauty. Like a Hash, the cry of distress went thrt)Ugh 
 the world, and gathered force as it traveled. Xews of the de- 
 struction of armies in one great chasm of death had been told 
 before till recitals of such events palled upon the senses; but this 
 was a great social disaster, visited upon effeminate grace and 
 heauty, quick and sudden, dashing ambition to the ground, and 
 withering life's sweetest hopes; sundering the dearest associations 
 and rttbbing the he irt of home treasures, so highly prized by the 
 most refined people. 
 
 From St. Louis, Cincinnati, Detroit, Xew York, Boston, and 
 nearly all the large cities of the United States, and from many 
 cities in England, Germany and France, came prompt relief. 
 The most of the cash sent from these places was taken into the 
 custody of the Chicago Relief and Aid Society, and bv them dis- 
 pensed to the sufferers with as provident a care as could have 
 heen expected under such a pressure. 
 
 The amounts contributed from the world, (the great field of 
 charity for this occasion), was l)ut little short of §3,000,000. The 
 number of lives lost in the fire can never be told. It has been 
 estimated to exceed 300. The charred remains of many were 
 found, but no such iniml)er as this. 
 
 The amount of })ropertv destroyed in the fire, by a careful es- 
 timate by Elias Colbert, was §1 9:2,000,000. Not more than one- 
 lourth of this was covered by insurance, and of the amounts in- 
 sured, not more than fifty per cent was paid, some insurance 
 companies not j^aying more than ten per cent, while others paid 
 in full. 
 
 The heads of families and business portion of the hundred 
 thousand victims of the fire may be divided into several classes. 
 The portion of them whose wealth was in stocks or bonds had 
 lost nothing but their ink-stands and writing-desks, and the op- 
 portunities now offered for speculation, seemed to give promise 
 of an abundant harvest out of the situation. Of the merchants 
 
473 The Great F'we of 187 1. 
 
 mIio had hotli capital and credit yet in rep^erve, to hegln anew, a 
 ])i'0!S})ect o])ened for business perha])s nevej* before eijualed. To 
 those merchants wlio had lost everythini;, little consolation could 
 come, and yet many of these, yraiiing themselves of an untar- 
 nished reputation, immediately bef^an again on credit, and not a 
 few of them made a success of it. Out of the recoil that came 
 from such an overwhelming calamity (j[uickly sprang up a buoy- 
 ant feelin|f in the minds of everyone. No timid counsels ]»re- 
 vailed. liediv'ivnx was the watchword. Dimension stone, brick, 
 mortar, lime, marble, red sandstone, granite, cement, iron 2)illars. 
 girders, floor tile, sand, glass, joist, scantling and boards were at 
 a ]»remium. Autumn hung on into the winter months, andflre- 
 proof buildings sprang up rapidly amidst the desolations of the 
 burnt district. Meantime, while these were in course of construc- 
 tion, every empty place on the West Side, and far out in the 
 South Division, was rented at high figures, and frequently might 
 be found the most enterprising merchants doing business in some 
 dingy, cavernous quarters on the West Side, that for years before 
 tlie tire had grown moldy for the want of tenants. For several 
 months, Canal street, between Lake and Madison, was the center 
 of business. Here the newspapers set up their presses, and by 
 <lint of courage and resolution to be found nowhere outside of 
 Chicago, soon reproduced their respective sheets, undiminished 
 in size and unctious with grit. All the while capital flowed into 
 Chicago, and the building mania was at fever heat. Nobody 
 seemed to think it could be overdone. They did not stop to con- 
 sider that the improved class of buildings which were being sub- 
 stituted for the old ones would aflbrd convenience and room for 
 a greatly increased amount of business. Add to this the extra 
 room for business where private houses had been burnt, close by 
 the busiicss portions of Chicago, which would never be replaced, 
 on account of their proximity to the turmoil of a commercial 
 emporium, and it is not strange that an unnecessarily large area 
 was left open for the wants of l)usiness. These conditions caused 
 a, temporary lull in building up the burnt district after the work 
 had been grc>in<i: on two years, for which reason there are still 
 (1881) many vacant lots where the moldering walls of old build- 
 ings, burnt in the Are, stand as reminders of th5 event; but no 
 great length of time can now transpire till the recent increasing 
 demand tor more stores and oftices, as well as a demand beyond 
 the present supply for private dwellings, will not only fill up va- 
 cant lots in the burnt aistrict, but enlarge the area of the city. 
 
474 • Grammar of Nanus. 
 
 .'.■>/S - 
 
 GRAMMAR OF AMERICAN NAMES. 
 
 "When we look over the map of Asia, except in Asia Minor^ 
 the cradle of Christianity, we see few names of which the ordi- 
 nary English scholar knows their derivatiuu or their history, but 
 on the iiiiip cf Europe, especially in England, the case is differ- 
 ent; for here grew np a civilization directly inherited from 
 Grecian, Roman, Norman, Saxon, Magyar and Celtic sources, 
 and its proper nam^^s have their origin from history and biogra- 
 phy, familiar to all who are well read in our popular literature. 
 Hence the eye rests with far more interest <n\ the map of Europe 
 than that of Asia, and the memory is less tasked to retain names 
 on the former than the latter. 
 
 Turning from both of these to the Map of America, the mind of 
 the American scholar is delighted with the sight of household 
 nomenclature, comparatively speaking, as the versatile sources 
 from which our geographical names have been drawn comprise 
 the most familiar names of Grecian and Roman antiquity, as 
 well as from ancient Britian, medieval and modern English 
 sources; to which may be added names to perpetuate the mem- 
 ory of the Fathers of our Republic, and battle-fields of Amei-ican 
 pride. Besides all these, our numerous names of Indian origin, 
 rich in native beauty, the chief value of which grows out of the 
 fact that they give us a key to meanings attached to free and easy 
 vocal utterances, or, in other words, to natural language, School- 
 craft, as well as others who have studied Indian language, state 
 that it admits of a perfect grammuLical analysis, and that it ex- 
 presses social conditions and affections with much impressment, 
 free from hyperbole or affectation Of course it is destined soon 
 to becouie extinct, but while this is true, let us cherish what re- 
 mains of it in its application to our geography, and our history 
 especially, as it has imj^arted to it a touch of vocal harmony not 
 found in the grammaticiil geography of fiTiy other country, and 
 it is not too much to say that in no part of America have so- 
 many Indian names baen retained as in the North West; and, to 
 make the most of these valuable relics, the following article from 
 Mr. Haines, who has given this subject considerable attention^ 
 has been solicited: 
 
Indian JYameSo i"*^ 
 
 INDIAN NAMES. 
 
 BY E. M. HAINES. 
 
 Whilst the red race of North America arc fast disappearing 
 before the inarch of civilization, they have left to ns a perpetua! 
 reminder of their former presence in the land through the multi- 
 tude of local names applied to rivers, lakes, towns, counties, 
 states, and localities of various descriptions, the origin and 
 meaning of which is becoming a subject of interesting inquirv. 
 
 In preparing an article on this subject, at the reqiiesr. of Mr» 
 Blanchard, for his work concerning the discovery and conquests 
 of the Norlhwest, I can only regret that other engagements have 
 prevented me from pursuing the subject to that extent and as 
 fully as its importance would seem to demand. I came to Chi- 
 cago in early 3^outh, while the country about was still in posses- 
 sion of the native inhabitants. The Indian language was heard 
 in every direction, and M'as indeed the prevailing language. The 
 principal trade was with the Indians, in conducting which their 
 language was the medium of communication. This afforded me 
 an opportunity of satisfying a boyish curiosity of learning some- 
 thing of this language as spoken by the Pottawattomies, then 
 the prevailing tribe in the vicinity, which in after life led to a 
 more full investigation into the various Indian languages of the 
 country. 
 
 The popular idea is that these Indian names, or those which 
 are taken to be such, are genuine names and possess some oppro- 
 priate signification; but whoever will take the trouble to investi- 
 gate in this regard, will find much in this notion that is erroneous. 
 This not being a written language, there iswanting^a permanent 
 standard of pronunciation ; hence, in transferring Indian names 
 into our literature they have been liable to undergo material 
 changes in their sounds, so much so in a large proportion of in- 
 stances, that the original intention can scarcely be determined 
 with any degree of certainty. As an example in this respect, an. 
 instance is afforded, among others, concerning the name of a 
 locality on the southern border of Lake Superior, where a point 
 of land extends into the lake for a distance beyond which the 
 water is shoal, which the Indians call Sha-ga-ivaum-ic-oiig from 
 Sha-ga-waum-ic, a shoal point in the water. This word, passing 
 through the French into our language, became Ghcquamegoriy 
 and the place is so called at this day, which is not an Indian 
 word, and has no element whatever of an Indian word, except, as 
 
470 Indian Names. 
 
 to the syllable che, which is a familiar prefix in the Algonquin 
 language. 
 
 In like manner, as before remarked, a large proportion of our 
 .«o-ealled Indian geographical names, liave undergone such 
 ■changes that they can scarcely he recognized as Indian words 
 in their present form. In this connection, before proceeding 
 further, it is proper to state that it is not intended in this brief 
 article to pursue a general enquiry as to Indian names extending 
 over the continent, but the field will be limited to our more im- 
 mediate vicinity in the i*sorth-\Vest. 
 
 In pursuing this subject intelligently, it is proper first to class- 
 ify the various groups of native inhabitants as nearly as may be, 
 ■so far as they are marked by a common or generic language. 
 These were tlie Algonquin, Iroquois, Appalachian, Dakota and 
 Shoshonee. Each of these were divided into tribes or families, 
 speaking different dialects of the common language, by which 
 the main group was distinguished. In this division of tribes they 
 i-esembled the ancient Jews. 
 
 The Algonquins inhabited the country extending from Nova 
 i>cotia south to the James River, thence west to the mouth of the 
 "Ohio, and from thence northward to Hudsons Bay, excepting that 
 portion on the south and east of Lake Ontario, since comprised 
 Avithin the State of New York, which was occupied by the Iro- 
 ■qtiois. 
 
 The Appalachians occupied that portion of the country 
 -south of the Algonquins, and east of the Mississippi. Tiie 
 Dak'otas, called by the French Sioux, occupied a district of coiin- 
 try west of the Mississippi and north of the Missouri and Platte 
 Rivers. The country south and west of them was occupied by 
 the Shoshonees. 
 
 Thus, in tracing the origin or in arriving at the meaning of In- 
 -dian names, we have first to determine from which language of 
 the several groups they are derived, and through what particular 
 <lialect they are produced. 
 
 Ainonc: the tribes east of the Rocky Mountains, the Al^on- 
 ■quin language as spoken by the Ojibway nation, was regarded 
 as the court language, so that when a perton fell among a strange 
 tribe, whose language he did nut understand, if he spoke this lan- 
 guage, they were bound as a general rule, to furnish some one who 
 who oould communicate with him in that lauffuac-e. It was 
 through this langunge, that Marquette spoke with all the tribes, 
 <»n his route from Montreal to the Des Moines, and so it was with 
 all these early French travellers, including Lallontan, who pro- 
 ceeded, as we may believe from liis narrative, far up the Platte 
 river. Thus the language of the Algonquins became m one sense 
 the universal language of the continent; whereby it happens 
 
Indian Names. ^Tl 
 
 that a large proportion of our Indian geographical names are de- 
 rived from that source. Hence it may be proper to arive in thia 
 connection some general suorc-estions in regard to this lancrnajre. 
 
 According to the Ojibway standard only seventeen letters are 
 required to write correctly and plainly all the words in this ex- 
 pressive language. These letters are divided into vowels and 
 consonants. There are only four vowels, a, e, i, o. This langnag& 
 has properly no u. There are thirteen consonants, namely : b, 
 c, d, g, h, j, k, m, n, p, s, t, w. The following consonants, f, 1, 
 q, r, V, X, z, never occur in the words of this language. So any 
 word stated to bean Indian word, if it comprises any of the last 
 mentioned letters, it can be set down for certain that it is not an 
 Algonquin word, and the chances .are that it is not a genuine 
 Indian word, but a corruption of an Indian word. The French, 
 as a general thing, in writing and speaking this language, sub- 
 stituted the letter / for that of n^ as in the word MthaanJde, 
 which should properly he2Iimoaiikie. It is stated, however, that 
 four tribes of the Algonquin group — the Lenni Lenapes, or 
 Delawares, the Sacs, Foxes' and Shawnees — had in their dialect 
 the sound of I. 
 
 In constructing words in this language, it is required that a 
 consonant should precede or Ibllow a vowel, except in dissyllables 
 wherein two consonants are sounded in juxtaposition, as in muk- 
 kiil; a box, and as-sin, a stone; the utterances in these cases being 
 confluent. But in longer compounds this juxtaposition is gener- 
 ally avoided by throwing in a vowel, for the sake of euphony, as 
 in the'term Assinebvjoin, the e in which is a mere connective, 
 and has no meaning by itself. Nor is it allowable, in general, 
 for vowels to follow each other in syllabication. The plural of 
 animate names is marked by adding the letter g. Thus, manito, 
 a spirit; plural, manitofj. The plural of inanimate names is 
 marked by the letter ;i added ; i\\\\s,, abwi, a paddle; plural, aii"'//i. 
 This termination, however, is varied by vowels preceding the fi- 
 nal letter forming the ])lural, according to circumstances. 
 
 In pursuing Indian geographical names, it is noticeable that 
 in general the names are derived from the language of the tribes 
 who iniiabited that part of the country where such names are 
 found. In many instances, however, these names have been car- 
 ried by emigrants from their appropriate locality to other ])f.rt3 
 of the country. But as a general rule such names serve to 
 mark the former locality of Indirn tribes speaking the language 
 from which they are derived; as in the Stateof Tsew York, which 
 abounds in Indian names, and reminds us that liere once lived 
 the Iroquois nation. 
 
 Not only are the ])eople, who have succeeded the native tribes, 
 in complete ignorance of tlie origin and meaning of the namea 
 
47S Indian Names. 
 
 "they have left us to designate, rivers, towns, and localities, hut 
 they are unaware of the fact that very many names we are now 
 using, which we suppose to come from other sources, are also, 
 Indian names, or derived therefrom. Of the thirty-eight States 
 of the Union, eighteen have Indian names, as follows : Massa- 
 chusetts, Connecticut, Alabama, Tennessee, Ohio, Kentucky, 
 Michigan, Illinois, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Missouri, Mis- 
 sissippi, Texas, Arkansas, Kansas, ^Nebraska, Oregon, which in 
 general, are derived from great rivers or other waters. 
 
 In pursuing this subject, there is one thing with wliich we 
 have to deal wherein at tliis time we can obtain no satisfactory 
 aid in case of doubt or uncertainty. We frequently find Indian 
 words where the same sounds occur, from two or more different 
 languages or dialects, with entirely different meanings; so, what 
 may have been the original intention in giving the name, or 
 from which language or dialect the word is derived, cannot be 
 stated. In such cases, conjecture only can be given. The word 
 Chicago, or that which is essentially the same, is found in several 
 different languages, with entirely different meanings. 
 
 In the following list of Indian names, we will, for convenience, 
 use abbreviations to some extent, thus: Alg., for Algonquin, 
 Irq., for Iroquois, Apl., for Appalachian, Dak., for Dakota. 
 
 Arkansaw — A town in Wisconsin; given by the French as 
 Ar1ca,7isas^' applied to a tribe of Indians in the vicinity of a river 
 of that name flowing into the Mississippi from the west. Hen- 
 nepin speaks of these Indians as the Kansas, the signification 
 of which is not given. It is said that they made a superior kind 
 of bows for shooting, the material beii:g of a peculiar kind of 
 wood growing in that country, hence they were called "Arc- 
 kansas," pronounced ArJcansaw. By some, called " the bow In- 
 dians." 
 
 AsHKUM — Alg. — A town in Illinois; more and more. Thus 
 Ashkum-ahkoose, he is getting woj'se (more sick.) Ashkwti 
 Wahishkah, it is getting whiter. 
 
 Ahnapee — Alg. — A town in Wisconsin, loheji, when is it. 
 
 Allamakee {An-a-ina-kee) — Ag. — A county in Iowa. Thun- 
 der. 
 
 Algonquin. — A town in Illinois. The name of one of the 
 principal groups of Korth American Indians, given to them by 
 the French. Its meaning is in some doubt. It is derived from 
 the Algonquin language, and is said to mean, jy^'^P^^ ^f ^^ 
 other side, or opposite shore. 
 
 Algonac. — A town in Michigan. Pertaining to Algonquin. 
 Place of the Algonquins. 
 
 Anoka — Alg. — A town in Minnesota. lie works, or "a busy 
 place." 
 
Indian Names. ^~*^ 
 
 Anamosa. — Alfj. — A towM ill Iowa. You walk from me, 
 •or, ])erhaps, from An-a-tnosh ^ "a d(jo:." 
 
 Appanoose — Alg. — A town in Illinois. N^ame of an Indian 
 chief of the Fox tribe. The (jrandchild. 
 
 Cayuga {Gv}e-u-gweli) — Irq. — A town in Illinois, ^fuelij- 
 land; from a tribe of Indians in New York of the Iroquois nation; 
 they were called Gvie-u-gweh-o-no, "People of the Mucky land." 
 
 Cuebansf: — Alg. — A town in Illinois; Little Ducl\ from an 
 Indian chief of that name. 
 
 CiiKMixG — Irq. — A town in Illinois; from a river of that 
 name in New York, siirnifying hig horn, so named bv the Indians 
 ft\»m tiiidini;- in the bed of the river a fossil elephant's tusk. 
 
 Chicago — Alg. — A city in Illinois; said to derive its name 
 from the river of that name. Some insist that it comes from 
 she-kagh, or sJie-gagh — "skunk." The word Choe-ea-go ocq,\\ys> 
 in the Pottawattamie dialect, which signifies "destitute." There 
 is nothino; in the historv or tradition of this word which would 
 lead to the conclusion that it was derived from the word sne- 
 Jcagh, except the mere coincidence of sounds. The word, or 
 that which is essentially the same, first occurs in Hennepin's 
 account of Fort Creve Cociir, built by LaSalle, January, 16S0, 
 on the Illinois river, near where Feoria now stands. He says 
 this fort was called by the savages Chlmgou^ but does not give 
 the meaning of the word. This reference thereto, occurs in the 
 heading to that chapter of his book giving an account of the 
 building of this fort, the words of which are as follows: "An 
 account of the building of a new fort on the river of the Illinois, 
 named by the savages Checagov, and by us Fort Crevecoer.'''' Four 
 years latent the name appears on a French map, applied to a river 
 represented as putting into the ri\er Desplein from the east, 
 near Mount Joliet. A few vears later Lallonton desio;nates the 
 portage between the Illinois river and the great lake as the portage 
 of Chikahni. Charlevoix, in 1720, refers to the point on the great 
 lake at which the portage t(» the Illinois river commences as 
 Chicagoii. There are several words in the various dialects of the 
 Algoncpiin group to which the origin of this word may be 
 assigned with equal propriety as that of she-kohg. Certain it 
 is, that tliere is no li^ht afforded us in historv l>v which we can 
 determine the original intention as to the meaning of this word.* 
 
 EscANAUA — Alg. — Menominee dialect. — A town in Michigan. 
 Flatrock. 
 
 * In the early part of this work the writer gave the siffnification of this word 
 according to the meaning which the Indians gave it in tne later day. and which 
 has generally lieen accepted us good antlioritv: but the investigations of Mr. 
 Haines would go to sliowthat a diversity of Indiiin meanings have heen applied 
 to it with so little atfinity with each other, that one ii? lost in the att'.'nipt to 
 •ettle on a consistent theory ae to the true spirit of the term. — Althob. 
 
4S0 Indian Names. 
 
 Geneseo {Gen-nis-he-yo) Irq. — A town in Illinois. Beautiful 
 Valley. The name of a river in Xew York, so named by tlie 
 Iriquois from the beautiful valley tliis river passes through. 
 
 Illinois — From the Algonquin word ini/ii, "man," and 
 French adjective termination ois. The French substituted I for 
 n. From tradition, it was intended to mean or have referpnce to 
 a jperfect man, as distinguished from the Iroquois nation, who 
 were considered by the Western tribes as beasts. Marquette, in 
 descending the Mississippi, touched on the west bank of that 
 river at a place near the mouth of the Des Moines, where he found 
 marks of inhabitants, which he pursued westward a few miles, 
 when he arrived at an Indian village, where he was received with 
 demonstrations of great friendship. He communicated with the 
 inhabitants, it would appear, in the Algonquin language, but as 
 their dialect differed from tiiat of anv of the tribes he had before 
 met with, he asked the chief who received him who they were. 
 He answered in the Algonquin language, "We are mew," as 
 distinguished from the Iroquois, whom they looked upon as 
 beasts in consequence of their cruel conduct in their invasions 
 upon the Western tribes. Hence the term Inini, "man," or as 
 the French rendered it, Illini. Thereafter the tribes of this 
 vicinity became known among the French as IlUnese or Illinois. 
 
 IsHPEMixG — Alg. — A town in Michigan. High-ahove-Heaven. 
 
 Kalamazoo — (Ne-gik-an-a-ma-zoo) — Alg. — A river in Michi- 
 gan. The contraction of an Indian phrase descriptive of the 
 stones seen through the water in its bed, which from a refractive 
 power in the cuirent, resembled an otter swimming under water. 
 
 Kenosha — Alg. — A town in Wisconsin. A long fish — a 
 pike. From Kenose — "long." 
 
 Kewanee — Alg. — A town in Illinois. Prairie hen. 
 
 Kewaskum — Alg. — X town in Wisconsin. Heturning track. 
 
 KicKAPoo — Alg. — A town in Illinois. The name of one of 
 the Algonquin tribes of the West, jestingly applied by others of 
 the same stock. From Negik-ahos — an otter's apparition — g/iost 
 of an otter. 
 
 KiSHWAUKE — Alg. — A river in Illinois. Place of sycamore 
 trees. 
 
 KoKOMo — Alg. — A town in Indiana. — Wise, like an owl. 
 From which it would seem that the Indians, like the ancient 
 Greeks, esteemed the owl as an emblem or symbol of wisdom. 
 
 Moccasin — Alg. — A town in Illinois. A shoe. 
 
 Manitoija — {Man-i-to-hwa.) — Alg. — Name of a lake in the 
 British Possessions of the Northwest. Spirit-voice. 
 
 Manito — Alg.-^K town in Illinois. Spirit. By the early 
 French travelers, Manitou. 
 
 Manitowoc— ^^^. — A town in Wisconsin. Place of the 
 
Indian Names. 4S1 
 
 Spirit. By some, Man-i-to-aiih — "A tree where spirits abide." 
 
 Mascoutah — Alg. — A town in Illinois. From ma&coda, 
 "prairie." 
 
 Mazo manie — Dak. — A town in Wisconsin. Walker on 
 iroii. Kame of a Sioux chief. 
 
 Mexomixee — Alg. — A river and town in Wisconsin. Eater 
 of wild rice. From a tribe of Indians called Menominees, from 
 their subsisting on wild rice.* 
 
 Mequon, or Maqxion — Alg. — A river in Wisconsin. Feather 
 or quill. 
 
 MicHiGAMME, or Michigumme — Alg. — A town in Michigan. 
 Great icater. 
 
 MicHiLiMACiNAc — Alg. — An island in the straits between 
 lakes Huron and Michigan. Great Turtle. 
 
 Michigan — Alg. — Tlie Great Lake. 
 
 MiNNEHAHAH — {M'inne-Tara^ — Dak. — Name of a noted water- 
 fall in Minnesota. Laughing water; from Minne, " water " and 
 ra ra, " laugh." This was the name originally given by the Da- 
 kotahs to St, Anthonys Falls. Hennepin visited these Falls 
 in 16S0, and gave to them the present name of St. Anthony. In 
 later years the name Minnehaha, intended for Mm-ne-ra-ra, 
 became applied to that small but interesting waterfall near Ft. 
 Snelling. 
 
 Milwaukee — {Min-wau-kee). — Alg. — A town in Wisconsin, 
 Good earth. — Good eountrxj. 
 
 MiNNETONKA — Dak. — Xaiue of a noted lake in Minnesota; 
 a great pleasure resort. The word is Minne Tonga, or more 
 properly spoken, Tonga Minne, signitying "a lake" orhody of 
 water. 
 
 Minnesota — Dak. — Is^anie of a river and state. From Min- 
 ne " water, " and "sota," which is understood to mean mixed or 
 mottled, signifying the condition or appearance of the water of 
 this river, when affected by the flood of the Mississippi; some 
 say that sota^ refers to the hazy or smoky appearance of the at- 
 mosphere, over the valley of this river at some seasons of the year. 
 
 Mississippi — Alg. — i^ame of a river and state. — Great Rirer. 
 
 MiSHA MoQUA — {Mish-a-muk-wa.) — Alg. — A town in Wis- 
 consin — Great bear. From rnisha, " great," and niukwa, "a bear." 
 
 MoKEXA — (Mok-e-??a) — Alg. — 'A town in Illinois. Turtle. 
 
 MoAWEQUA — Alg. — A town in Illinois. Weeping wonmnj 
 she that weeps. , 
 
 MuscoDA — Alg. — A town in Wisconsin. Prairie. 
 
 * The marshj' lands along Fox River and adjacent lakes, in the country of the 
 Menominees, abounded in wild rice, and was their principal article of Hubsis- 
 tence; hence the appellation, Menominees, from me-no-niin, "wild rice." 
 
482 Indian Names. 
 
 Muskegon — {Muskeg-ong) Alg. — A town in Michigan. At the 
 swamp. 
 
 MusKEGO — Alg. — A town in Wisconsin. Swamp. 
 
 MusQUAKA — Alg. — Sac dialect. — A town in Iowa. Bed eaHh. 
 
 Neoua — Irq^. — A town in Illinois. Place of the Great Spirit. 
 
 !Neshotah — Alg. — A town in Wisconsin, Ttoin. 
 
 NoKOMis — Alg. — A toAV "m Illinois. Grandmother. 
 
 NuNDA — Irq.—X town in Illinois. Hills. 
 
 OGE^rA — Alg. — A town in Wisconsin. Chief— head man. 
 
 Ohio {O-hee-o) — Irq. — ]S'ame of a river. Beautiful — how 
 heautiful. 
 
 Ontoagon — Alg. — A town on Lake Superior. From Ifon- 
 tonagon, *'My disli." 
 
 Osage — Alg. — A town in Illinois. Miami dialect. The 
 Neutral, The name of a tribe of Indians. 
 
 Oscoda — Alg. — A town in Michigan. From Iscoda, "Fire." 
 
 OsHKosH — Alg. — A town in Wisconsin. Brave. !N"ame of a 
 Menominee chief 
 
 Oquaka — Alg.- %Li dialect. — A town in Illinois. Yellow earth. 
 
 OssixEKE {Oi<-sin-e-ka) — Alg. — A town in Michigan. He that 
 gathers or works in stories. 
 
 Oswego {0-Sweh-go) — Irq. — A town in Illinois. Flowing 
 out. This name was given by the Iroquois to the place at the 
 mouth of the river, since called by that name, in the state of 
 New York. 
 
 Ottawa — Alg. — A town in Illinois. Trader. ITame of a 
 tribe of Indians whom the French designated as the traders. 
 
 OzATJKEE — Alg. — A county in Wisconsin. Yellow earth. 
 
 PEMiJiNA — Alg. — A town in Minnesota. High hush cran- 
 berries. The name of a river, being so named by the Indians from 
 these bushes growing along its banks. 
 
 Vno'to^-E.{Pe-tone) — Alg. — A town in Illinois. Bring — hring 
 here. 
 
 Poweshiek — Alg. — A county in Iowa. From an Indian cliief 
 of the Fox tribe. The roused hear. 
 
 PoYGAN — Alg. — A town in Wisconsin. Pirn. 
 
 Sebewa — {Se-he-wan) — Alg. — A town in Michigan. Running 
 water. 
 
 Shawano — Alg. — ^A town in Wisconsin. South-em. 
 
 SoMoxAUK {Es-sem-in-auk) — Alg. — A town in Illinois. Pcyuo 
 Paw tree. 
 
 ToNicA — Alg. — A town in Illinois. A place inhahited. 
 
 Tuscola — Apl. — A town in Illinois. A level plain. 
 
 Wababhaw — Dak. — A town in Minnesota. Irom an Indian 
 chief of the Sioux nation. Bedleaf or the leaf. 
 
Indian Names. 483 
 
 "Wapei.la — Alg. — A town in Illinois. From an Indian chief of 
 the Fox Tribe. He who is 'painted white. 
 
 Wausau — Mg. — A town in Wisconsin. Far off. 
 
 "Waukesha ( Wau-koosh-ong) — Alg. — A town in Wisconsin. 
 At the Fox. on Fox River. This is another of those numer- 
 ous instances of an attempt to adopt an Indian name, which 
 has not been successful. I'he word given in parenthesis is be- 
 lieved to be the word intended. The place bearing this name was 
 originally called Prairieville. As the town grew in importance, 
 the inhabitants, foremost among whom was the late Gov, lian- 
 dall, desired to adopt some more appropriate name. It being 
 situated on Fox river, they wished, to adopt some Indian name, 
 suggestive of its locality. This would be pro]>erly expressed by 
 the word Wau-Jioosh-ong^ M'hicli would seem to be the word in- 
 tended. ^wtWauJieiha would not be recognized by the Indians 
 as an Indian word. 
 
 Waukegan ( Wau-ki-e-gan) — Alg. — A town in Illinois. A 
 ho Hse, or fort. The place where this town is situated was originally 
 called Little Fort. It seems to have Ijeen a French trading post 
 of minor importance— probably established about the year 1720, 
 or at some tirne in the early part of \\\u^ century. The occasion 
 of selecting this point as a post seems to have been two-fold. It 
 was in the vicinity of excellent liunting and trapjiing grounds, 
 especially the latter, and was found to be the nearest point of 
 any for reaching the Desplaines river from Lake Michigan, 
 where in a good stage of water a short, easy portage could be 
 made on the route to the Illinois and Mississippi rivers, saving 
 about forty miles of lake coast, necessary in going by way of 
 Chicago. It was continued as a French post until probably 
 about 1760. After the English succeeded to the country the 
 l^oint became known as The Little Fort, and the town subse- 
 quently built up here took that name. Judge Blodgett, now of 
 the United. States Court, becoming a resident of the place, and 
 having a lancy for Indian names, suggested that the name of 
 Little Fort be changed by substituting an Indian name signify- 
 ing the same thing. The diminutive of nouns in the Algonquin 
 language Is formed by adding the syllable anse., so that Little 
 Fort in that language would be Wau-ki-e-qanse; but for the pur- 
 poses of euphony tlie name adopted was WanJcegan^vAxich would 
 signify simply Foi't or Iloxise. Although the pronunciation is 
 not precisely the same as the Indian word intended, but yet is - 
 nearer to that intended than the so called Indian names generally 
 are. The Indians designated a fort or dwelling of the white man 
 by the same name. The original dwellings of the whiteB among 
 tiiem were buildings for trading posts, built in a style for pro- ■ 
 tection, and were called forts by the French. 
 
■^84: Indian Hamea. 
 
 "Wauconda — Dak.—A town in Illinois. The Good Spirit. 
 
 AVaxatah — Dak. — A town in Indiana, Ue that charges on 
 his enemies. Xanie of an Indian chief. 
 
 . Waupun {WaU'bun) — Al(j. — A town in Wisconsin. Hourly — 
 J'ro}Uier. 
 
 AVkvauwbga — Alff. — A town in Wisconsin. This is one of 
 the words passing for an Indian name, which in its present form 
 is not an Indian word. The word, according to the late Gov. 
 Doty, is Wey-au-weya, as given by him to the postoffice depart- 
 ment at Washingtoi when the postoffice at that place was estab- 
 lished. The department mistook tlie y for g, rendering the 
 name as it now is. The word intended is an Algonquin word, of 
 the Menominee dialect, and signifies whirling %oind. It was the 
 name of a faithful Menominee Indian guide long in the service 
 of Gov. Doty, whose name he sought after his death to perpetu- 
 ate through applying it to this town. 
 
 WixETKA — Alg. — A town in Illinois. A heautiful place. 
 
 AVixxebago ( Win-ne-be-gog) — Ag. — Xame of a county in Illi- 
 nois. Dirty waters. The name of a tribe of Indians found 
 by the French at Green Bay, which they called Stinking Bay 
 for some cause, whereby these Indians became known as Winne- 
 bagogs, or people of the dirty waters 
 
 Wisconsin. — N^aine of a river and state. Marquette calls this 
 river the Mishhonsing, which is supposed to have been intended 
 as an Indian word, signifying strong current, a feature which 
 marks this stream in high water. 
 
 Wyanet. — Alg. — A town in Illinois. Beautiful. 
 
 Tankton. — Dak. — A town in Dakota Territory. From 
 Eya7ik-t07i-wah, "People of the Sacred, or Spirit Lakes." 
 
YALE I) I C T () R Y. 
 
 Far different is the early history of the Northwest from that 
 of New England, or the Virginia colonies. The people of both 
 came from the same origin, except the French, who remained in 
 the country, but when the Anglo-Americans came to the West, 
 their minds were unclouded by the servitudeof caste, either in re- 
 ligious or political affairs, for time had wrought great changes 
 between the days of the settlement of Jamestown by gentlemen, 
 iind Plymouth by unctious Puritans, and the days of William 
 Henry Harrison, when Western pioneering became a mania 
 throughout the East. Then came a rush of adventurers to the 
 new held of labor. Not regretful fugitives from persecution, but 
 bold, aggressive and ambitious fortune-seekers who could tolerate 
 Jews, especially if they would loan them money, or Quakers, if 
 they would sell them " honest goods " as they are wont to do. 
 Thev could fellowship any one who would do something to help 
 subdue the wilds of the West, and build progressi'.e institutions 
 thereiii; and here grew into being from cosmopolitan elements, 
 The West As It Is: the wealthiest country in the world in 
 creature comforts if not in gold. Its adult population have 
 largely witnessed its growth and who of them can say, they have 
 not felt their minds enlarge by Western experience. 
 
 Headers, to this conviction I confess, To you, I therefore 
 say that in writing the foregoing pages, I have imagined myself 
 familiarly conversing with my peers who were in sympathy with 
 ine and knew how to accept my words, feeble as words are to 
 measure the gbakdeur of the West historically. 
 
 Here lived and grew tlie pioneer, 
 Amidst the wilds by nature spread ; 
 
 Wlio never felt a servile fear, 
 From titled lord or crowned head. 
 
 Frophetic in his visions gleam. 
 
 Through future ages yet to be, 
 Tlie star of empire's Western stream, 
 
 Along its way, from sea t<i sea. 
 
 And here was work for him to do, 
 
 With glory yet to ciown his age, 
 Where all things must be built anew, 
 
 On virgin fields of fair presage. 
 
 And peerless temples here shall rise, 
 Drawn from the world's great manifest, 
 
 Whose spires shall pierce the azure skies. 
 Whose light adorns the Bounteous West. 
 
 Chicago, lU., December, 1880. THE AUTHOR. 
 
WASHINGTON'S 
 JOURNAL OF A TOUR TO THE OHIO. 
 
 m 1753. 
 
 With Notes by John G. Shea. 
 
 '.^\ ..... 
 
 t 
 
The following diary of joimg Washington, on his tour to the 
 liead-waters of the Ohio, has never before been published in a 
 form available to the book-buyers of tii»^ West, and is here in- 
 serted as an interesting historical docunient, well worthy a place 
 in Nortliwestern History, all the more valuable for Mr. Shea's 
 Kotes and Introduction accompanying it. 
 
IIs^TEODUCTIOlT. 
 
 The earliest of Washington's diaries, printed almost as soon as 
 its last page was written, possesses uncommon interest, from the 
 fullness with which he describes the events of his journey, a full- 
 ness for whicli we are indebted to the instructions of Governor 
 Dinwiddie. 
 
 "Washington was then twenty-one, but already a " person of 
 distinction." Adjutant General of the colonial troops, witli the 
 rank of Major, to liim was committed the northern division of 
 the colony. His earlier exploration as surveyor had brought 
 him into contact with the Indians, and none seemed better to 
 know and understand them; while his early maturity, dignity 
 and judgment fitted him for any important undertaking that did 
 not require the experience of years. 
 
 Atlairs had reached a crisis. France had colonized Canada, 
 Illinois and Louisiana, a,nd connected them by detached posts, 
 but the possession of the Ohio, so necessary to the safety of her 
 wide i)rovineial power, was soon to tall into the hands of her 
 rival by the rapid progress of English colonization. To set a 
 barrier to its westward progress, France determined to run a line 
 of forts from Niamira to the forks of the Ohio, and down that 
 river. 
 
 The Indians first took the alarm. When the tidings readied 
 the Ohio that a French force was on its way to erect this line of 
 forts, a council of the wandering tribes, Mingoes, Shawnees and 
 Delawares, met at Logstown, and in April, 1753, dispatched an 
 envoy to Niagara to j)rotest against the action of the French. 
 Tlie protost was unheeded. Tanacharisson then went to Fort 
 Presque Isle to meet Marin, and reported to Washington, as we 
 shall see, the result of his fruitless mission. 
 
 (3) 
 
4 Introduction. 
 
 Pennsylvania then took tlie alarm, and Governor Hamilton inr 
 vain nrged his assembly to check the French invasion of their 
 frontiers, yet they appointed Norris, their speaker, and Franklin,, 
 to meet at Carlisle a deputation from the tribes. There the Indian 
 declared his will. The land was theirs. They wished neither 
 English nor French to intrude. Yet, as danger from the latter 
 seemed more imminent, they were willing to help the English to 
 expel the French. They did not see that it was but a change of 
 masters, and if, in the event, English garrisons- replaced the 
 French, the power of the latter was scarcely prostrated, when, in 
 1763, the long-smothered wrath of tlte baffled red man Bwept 
 the English from Forts Erie, Le Boeuf and Venango, and burst in 
 its might on Fort Pitt. 
 
 Virginia, too, moved, and AVashington, from his official posi- 
 tion and liis knowledge of the Indians, was selected by Governor 
 Dinwiddie to proceed to the Ohio, demand the withdrawal of the 
 French and examine the condition of their forces. The following 
 letter, recently come to light, and one of the few of chat period 
 of his career known, shows how he was engaged when chosen for 
 the mission to the Ohio: 
 
 ; WiNcuESTER, Oct. 17, 1753. 
 
 Honorable Sir: — Last night, by return of the express who 
 went to Captain Montour, I received the inclosed from Mr. Har- 
 ris, at Susquehanna. I think no means should be neglected to 
 preserve what few Indians still remain in our interest, for which 
 reason I shall send Mr. Gist, as soon as he arrives, wliich I expect 
 "will be to-day, to Harris' Ferry, in hopes of engaging and bring- 
 ing with him the Belt of AVampum and other Inditwis at that 
 place; and I shall further desire him to send an Indian express 
 to Andrew Montour, to try if he can be brought along with him. 
 In however trifling light the French attempting to alienate 
 the atlections of our southern Indians, may at first sight appear, 
 I must look upon it as a thing of the utmost con6e(|uence, that 
 requires our greatest and most immediate attention. I have often 
 wondered at not hearing that this was attempted before, and had 
 it noted, among other memoranda, to acquaint your honor of 
 when I should come down. The French policy in treating with 
 Indians is sc prevalent tliat I should not be in the least surprised 
 
Introduction. 5- 
 
 were they to engage tlie Clierokees, Cuttabas, &c., unless timely 
 and vigorous measures are taken to prevent it. A pusillanimous 
 behavior would ill suit the times, and trusting for traders and 
 common interpreters (who will sell their integrity to the highest 
 bidder) may prove the destruction of these affairs. I therefore- 
 think that if a person of distinction, acquainted with their lan- 
 guage, is to be found, his price should be come to at any rate; if 
 no such can be had, a man of sense and character, to conduct the 
 Indians to any council that may be had, or to superintend any 
 other matters, will be extremely necessary. 
 
 It is impertinent, I own, in me to offer my opinions on these 
 matters when better judges may direct; but my steady and hearty 
 zeal in the cause and the great impositions I have known prac- 
 ticed by the traders, &c., upon these occasions, would not suffer 
 me to be quite silent. I have heard, from undoubted authority,, 
 that some of the Cherokees that have been introduced as sachems 
 and princes by the intei-preters (who share their presents and 
 protits), have been no others than common hunters and blood- 
 thirsty villains. We have no accounts yet of the militia froim 
 Fairfax, &c. This day I march with about one hundred men to- 
 Fort Cumberland. Yesterday, by an express, I was informed of 
 the arrival of eighty odd recruits to Fredericksburg, which I 
 have ordered to proceed to this place, but for want of the regu- 
 larity being observed by wliich I should know where every officer, 
 4fcc., ought to be, my orders are only conditional and always con- 
 fused. Whatever necessaries your honor gets below, I should be 
 glad to have them sent to Alexandria, from whence they come 
 m\ich more handy than from Fredericksburgh ; besides, as pro- 
 visions are lodged there, and none at the other place, it will be 
 best for the men to be all sent there that is any ways convenient^ 
 for we have met with insui)erable difficulty at Fredericksburgb 
 in our march from iiere, by the neglect of the Com., who is at 
 this tiaie greatly wanted here. Therefore I hope your honor will 
 order him up immediately. 
 ' I am, honorable sir, your most obedient servant, 
 
 G.Washington. 
 
^ Introductiyn. 
 
 But before this could have reached the governor and been acted 
 wpon, came his commission, with these 
 
 ENSTRUCTIONS FOR GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 Whei-eas I have received information of a body of French 
 ■forces being assembled in a hostile manner on the Kiver Ohio, 
 intending by force of arms to erect certain forts on the said river, 
 Avithin this territory, and contrary to the dignity and peace of 
 our sovereign, the king of Great Britain; these are therefore to 
 require and direct you, the said George Washington, forthwith 
 to repair to Logstown, on the said River Ohio, and having there 
 informed yourself where the said French forces have posted them- 
 selves, thereupon to proceed io such place, and being there ar- 
 rived, to presem. your credentials, together with my letter to the 
 ■chief commanding officer, and in the name of his Britannic 
 Jlajesty, to demand an answer thereto. 
 
 On your arrival at LogstoNvn, you are to address yourself to the 
 Half-King, to Monacatoocha, and to the other sachems of the Six 
 Nations, acquainting them with your orders to visit and deliver 
 my letter to the French commanding officer, and desiring the said 
 •chiefs to appoint you a sufficient number of their warriors to be 
 jour sateguai'd, as near the French as you may desire, and to 
 wait your further direction. 
 
 You are diligently to inquire into the numbers and force of 
 tthe Flinch on the Ohio and the adjacent country, how they are 
 likely to be assisted from Canada, and what are the difficulties 
 sind conveniences of that communication and the time required 
 for it 
 
 You are to take care to be truly informed what forts the French 
 iiave erectetl, and where; how tlicy are garrisoned and appointed, 
 :and what is their distance from each other and from Logstown; 
 .and from the best intelligence you can procure, you are to learn 
 ■what gave occasion to this expf«b'tinn of tlie French, liow they 
 aire likely to lie supported, and what their pretensions are. 
 
 When the French commandant lias given you the required and 
 necessary dispatches, you are to desire of him a proi>er guard to 
 protect you as far on your return as you may judge for your 
 safety, against any straggling Indians or hunters that may be 
 Ignorant of your character and molest you. 
 
Introduvtlon. T 
 
 WisliiniT you success in your negotiation and a safe and sjx?edjr 
 return, 1 am. &c., 
 
 ROBKKT DlN\VlJ)l)IE. 
 
 Williamsburg, October 30, 1753 
 
 Witli tliese instructions Washington proceeded to the Ohio, to 
 demand the witlidrawal of tlie Frencli from the soil claimed as 
 English territory. This act opened a series of struggles, in the 
 course of which English, Frencii and Americans changed their 
 relative positions, and which closed thirty years after, with the 
 gaze of mankind riveted on the august form of him wi.oui w« 
 here behold the strii^ling. 
 
 By that series of struggles America alone profited. The 
 miji^htv Genius directing; her destinv seems to have used the 
 power of England to drive France from the iiorih and west and 
 south, and then used haftted France to drive the English power 
 within that line of lakes which Dongan, a century before, nuirked 
 as <»ur boundary; used France, too, at a later day, to add to the 
 American limits that Louisiana which she could not hold herself, 
 so that ere the century succeeding the events here described had 
 reached its close, a mighty republic, stretching from the Atlantic 
 to the Pacilic, reveres, perpetuates and exalts the name of Wash- 
 ington. 
 
 J. G. S. 
 
4i Adcertiaemcnt. 
 
 ADYEKTISEMENT. 
 
 As it was thought advisable by his Honor, the Governor, to 
 have the following account of my proceedings to and from the 
 French on the Ohio committed to print, I think I can do no less 
 than apologize in some measure for the numberless imperfections 
 of it. Tliere intervened but one day between my arrival in 
 "Williamsburg and the time for the Council's meeting, for me to 
 prepare and transcribe, from the rough minutes I had taken in 
 my travels, this journal, the writing of which only was sufficient 
 to empluy me closely the whole time; consequently admitted of 
 no leisure to consult of a new and proper form to oft'er it in, or 
 to correct and amend the diction of the old; neither \vas I ap- 
 prised, nor did in the least conceive, when I wrote this for his 
 Honor's perusal, that it ever would be published, or even have 
 more than a cursory reading, till 1 was informed, at the meeting 
 of the present General Assembly, that it was already in the press. 
 There is nothing can recommend it to the public but this: Those 
 tilings which came under the notice of my own observation, 1 
 havt! been explicit and just in a recital of; those which I have 
 gathered from report, I have been particularly cautious not to 
 augment, but collected the opinions of the several intelligencers 
 and selected from the whole the most probable and consistent 
 -account. 
 
 G. Wabuinuton. 
 
OCTOBER 31, 1753. 
 
 I was commissioned and a^jpointed by tlie Hon. Robert Din- 
 widdle. Esq., Governor of Virginia,^ to visit and deliver a letter 
 to the commandant of the French forces on the Ohio, and set 
 out on the intended journey on the same day (October 31, 1753); 
 the next I arrived at Fredericksburg and engaged Mr. Jacob Van 
 Eraam'" to be my French interpreter, and proceeded with him to 
 Alexandria, where we provided necessaries. From thence we 
 Avent to AVinchester and got baggage, horses, &c., and from 
 thence we pursued the new road to Will'.s Creek, where we amved 
 on the 14th of i^ovember. 
 
 Here I engaged Mr. Gist' to pilot us out, and also hired four 
 othei's as servitors. Barnaby Curran and Joan M'Quire, Indian 
 traders; Henry Steward and William Jenkins; and in company 
 •with those persons left the inhabitants the next day. 
 
 1 Kobert Dinwiddie, a native of Scotland, liad been a clerk to a collector in 
 41 AYest India custom-honse, iind sained the favor of government by exposing 
 the frauds of tliat oliicer. For this lie was, in 1741. made suneyor of the cus- 
 toms of the colonies, and having, in that (•.ai>acity, been obnoxious to tlie Vir- 
 ginia aristocracy, was made Lieutenant,(iov<!rnor of Virginia in 1T52. His 
 administration was like that of most colonial governors. Cami)bell thus de- 
 •scribes its close in his '• Histwy of A^irginia," i>. 497 : " In Jjinuary, 1758, Rob- 
 <eTt Dinwiddle, after an arduous and disturbed ailuiinistrution of live years, worn 
 out with vexation and age, sailed from Virginia, not much regretted except by 
 his particular triends." 
 
 2 Jacob Van Braam had served under Lawrence Washington, in Vernon's 
 expedition against Carthagena, and had been fencing master, as he was now 
 interpreter, to George Washington. In the subset] uent campaign, when Wash- 
 ington capitulated at Fort Necessity. Van Braiim. acting as inmslator, made 
 Wiishinglon admit that he had assassinated De .Junionville. After that atiair, 
 he was left, with !?tobo, as hostage, in the hands of the French. 
 
 8 Christopher Gist Avas an early settler in those i)arts. and Wa.shington, in 
 recommending his appointment a.s' Indian agent, thus writes to .John Robinson, 
 speaker of the House of J}urgesses, May iJO, 1757 ; '• I know of no person so 
 •well qualified for an undertaking of this .sort as the bearer, Captain Gist. He 
 has had extensive dealings with the Indians, is in great esteem among them, 
 ■well iu^tjuaintc'' with their manners and c\istoms, indefatigable and patient — 
 most excellcui qualities where Indians aic concerned. As to his capacity, hon- 
 esty and zeal, 1 dare venture to engage. — Writiiigii, vol. ii, p. 2t)C. 
 
 (9) 
 
10 The Fori- of the Ohio. 
 
 NOVEMBER 22. 
 
 The excessive rains and vast quantity of snow which had fallen 
 prevented our reaching Mr. Frasier's, an Indian trader, at the 
 mouth of Turtle Creek, on Monoui^ahela lliver, until Thursday, 
 the 22nd. AVe were informed here that expresses had heen sent 
 a few days before, to the tradei's down the river, to acquaint them 
 with the French general's death,* and the return of the major 
 part of the French army into winter quarters. 
 
 The waters were (juite impjissable without swimming our 
 horses, which obliged us to get the loan of a canoe from Frazier,^^ 
 and to send Barnaby (yurrin and Henry Steward down the Mo- 
 nongahela with our baggage, to meet us at the fork of the Ohio, 
 about ten miles, there to cross the .Vlleghany. 
 
 As I got down before the canoe, I spent some time in viewing 
 the rivers and the lan(.[ in tlie fork, which I think extremely well 
 situated for a fort, as it has the absolute command of both riv- 
 ers.^ The laud at the point is twenty or twenty-live feet above 
 the conunou surface of the water, and a considerable bottom of 
 Hat, well-timbered land all around it, very convenient for build- 
 
 4 This French generMl was Pierre Paul, Sieur de Marin, a brave and intelli- 
 gent offieer, one of the best in DuQuesne's force, and liigh in the esteem of tliat 
 rctonuer of discipline. Du Quesne had dispatched liim to the Ohio, to found 
 the fort at the confluence of tlie Alleghany and Monongahela. The register of 
 Foil Duiiuesne has the following entry: "In the year one thousand seven hun- 
 dred and titty three, the 2!)th of October, died, at half past foui' o'clock in the 
 afternoon, in the fort of Kiviere aux Boeufs, under the title of St. Peter, Mon- 
 .sieur Pierre Paid, Esq., Sieur de Marin, Knight of the Military and Hoyal Order 
 of St. Louis, Captain of Intantrj- and Commandant General of the Army of the 
 Ohio, after having received the sacraments of jwnance, extreme unction, and the 
 viaticum, aged sixty-three years. Hi.« IxKly was interred in the cemetery of said 
 fort by us, liecoUect priest. ' ' aplain of said fort, and, during the campaign, 
 of the River Ohio. Were jjesent at his interment. Monsieur de Repentigny, 
 Commandant of said armj ud Captain of Infantry; Messieurs du Muys, Lieu- 
 tenant of Infantry; Benois, Lieutenant of Infantrj'; de Simblin, Major at said 
 fort; Laforce, Commissary of the Stores: who have signed witli as. 
 
 "Lk Gardkir de Kepestigny, 
 " L.woRCE — Benois — DuMuys, 
 
 "J. DEfKRE Sl-MBMN, 
 
 "Frur Denis B.\ron, 
 
 Recollect priest, Chaplain." 
 Marin had just erected Forts Presque Isle and Le B(euf Du Quesne, in his 
 letter to M. De Rouille, August 20, 1758, says: "Sieur Marin wrMes me on the 
 3d inst., that the foit at Presque Isle is entirely linisiied ; that the Portage Road, 
 Which is six leagues in length, is also ready for carriages: that the stove, which 
 was necessary to be built halfway acrcssthe ]iortage, is in a condition to receive 
 the supplies, and that the s'MOnd fort, which is located at the mouth of the Riv- 
 iere an Banif, will soon be completed." — N. Y. Col. Doc, x., 25(i. 
 
 5 Tliis choice, says Dussieux, proves the accurate glance and excellent judg- 
 ment of the young major. But at the moment of his making the rejxirt, the 
 French were already erecting Fort L>u(|ue8ne on the spot — Le Canada soiu la 
 DominatioH Francaise, p. 6L 
 
The Half -King. 11 
 
 ing. The rivers are eacli a quarter of a mile or more across, and 
 run here verv nearly at right angles, Alleghany' bearing nortli- 
 east and Monongahela southeast. The former of these two is a 
 very rapid and swift-running water, the other deep and still, with- 
 out any perceptible fall. 
 
 About two miles from this, on the southeast side of the river, 
 at the place where the Ohio Company intended to erect a fort, 
 lives Shingiss, King of the Delawares.'^ AVe called upon him, to 
 invite him to counsel at the Logstown. 
 
 As I had taken a good deal of notice yesterday of the situation 
 at the fork, my curiosity led me to examine this more , particu- 
 larly, and I think it greatly inferior, either for defense or ad- 
 vantages, especially the latter; for a fort at the fork would be 
 equally well sitnated on the Ohio, and have the entire command 
 of the Monongahela, which runs nj) cmr settlement, and is ex- 
 tremely well designed for water carriage, and it is of a deep, still 
 nature. Besides, a fort at the fork might be built at much less 
 expense than at the other places. 
 
 xfature has well contrived this lower place forj water <lefense; 
 but the hill whereon it must stand, being about a quarter of a 
 mile in length, and then descending gradually on the land side, 
 will render it dithcult and very expensive to make a sutKcient 
 foi'tification there. The whole flat upon the hill must be taken 
 in, the side next the descent made extremely high, or else the 
 hill i;self cut away; otherwise the enemy may raise batteries 
 within that distance without being exposed to a single shot from 
 the fort. 
 
 Shingiss attended us to the Logstown, where we arrived between 
 sun-setting and dark, the twenty-hftli day after I left Williams- 
 burg. "VVe traveled over some extremely good and bad land to 
 get to this place. 
 
 As soon as I came into town, I went to Monacatoocha (as the 
 Half-King' was out at his hunting cabin on Little Beaver Creek, 
 about fifteen miles oft), and informed him by John Davidson, 
 my Indian interpreter, that I was sent a messenger to the French 
 general, and was ordered to call upon the sachems of the Si.K 
 jNations to acquaint them with it. I gave him a string of wam- 
 
 Sum and a twdst of tol)acco and desired him to send for the Ilalf- 
 ang, which he promised to do by a runner in the morning, and 
 
 6 Shingiss liad been the terror of the English frontiers, but had now warmly 
 espoused tlie cause of the English. 
 
 7 Half-Kinsr- Tanadiarisson, a shrewd Soneca, was called the Half-Kinsr. as 
 his authority was subject to that of the Five Nations. C'mnphrWs nii<t<irn if 
 Virginia, Y. mA; Sargent's 2>'/Yfffff(»cA\ p. 54. He was witli Washington iji tlir 
 affair with Junionville, and died in October, 1754. 
 
32 French Forts on the Mississippi. 
 
 for otliov ?ac1iemi?. I invited him and the other ^reat men pres- 
 ent to niv tent, where thev stayed abont an liour and returned. 
 According to the hest observations 1 coukl make. Mr. (xist's 
 new settk^nent (wliich we passed by) bears about west northwest 
 seventy miles from Will's creek; Shanriopins. or the fork, north 
 by west, or north northwest, about fifty jniles from tiiat; and 
 fi'oin tlienee to tlie Lofjstown the course is iiearly west about 
 figliteen or twenty mile-; so that the whole distance, as we went 
 and computed it, is at least one hundred and tliirty-five or one 
 hundred and fortv miles from our back inhabitants. 
 
 NOYEMBEE 25. 
 
 Came to town, four of ten Frenchmen, who liad deserted from 
 a company at the Kuskuskas,^ wliich lies at tlie mouth of this 
 river. I got the following account from them: They were sent 
 from Xew Orleans with a hundred men and eight canoe loads of 
 provisions, to this place, Avliere they ex])eeted to have met tlio 
 same number of men from the forts on this side of Lake Erie, to 
 ■convoy them and the stores up, "who were not arrived when they 
 ran oii'. 
 
 I inquired into tlie situation of the French on the Mississippi, 
 their numbers, and what forts tluy had built. They informed me 
 that there Avere four small forts between ^^ew Orleans and the 
 Black Islands,^ garrisoned with about thirty or forty men and a 
 few small ]neces in each; that at Kew Orleans, which is near the 
 mouth of the Mississippi, there are thirty -five companies of forty 
 men eacli, with a pretty strong fort, mounting eight carriage 
 j^uns, and at the Black Islands tliere are several companies and a 
 fort with six gims. The Black Islands are about a hundred and 
 thirty leagues above the mouth of the Ohio, which is abont three 
 hundred and fifty above New Orleans. They also acquainted me 
 that there was a small palisadoed fort on the Ohio, at the mouth 
 of the Obaish,*' about sixty leagues from the Mississippi. The 
 
 8 Kuskuskas was, it is said, an Indian town on Big Beaver Creek, Pennsylva- 
 nia, but it is more likelj- that the French post of Kuskaskia is intended. 
 
 9 Black Islands. Washington was here evidently misled by the sound, and 
 mistook Illinois for Isles Xoircs, that is. Black Islands. There was no French 
 post called Black Islands, but the name Illinois, now so familiar to us, was then 
 unheard in the British colonics. The jMianiis and Illinois were known ns ('hick- 
 tap:hicks and Twigtwies, and both together frequently under the lasi, the more 
 ccjiumon term. 
 
 10 Obaish, Wabash; in French, Ouabnche. This name was given b}' Mar- 
 quette, La Salle, and other early explorers, to the Ohio, but finally became that 
 of a branch, while the Iroquois name, Ohio, or Beautiful River, was applied to 
 V.y.' main stieam. The fort alluded to was probably Vinceuues. 
 
The llalf-KhufH Speech. 13 
 
 ^Obaisli lioads near the west end of Lake Erie, and nff<ti'ds tlie 
 communication between the French on the Mi^!.i^siJ)])i and those 
 on the lakes. These deserters came np from tlie lower Shan- 
 noah" town with one Brown, an Indian trader, and were going to 
 Phihidel])hia. 
 
 About three o'clock this evening the Half-King came to town. 
 T went up and invited him. witli Davidson. ]irivateh", to my tent, 
 and desired him to relate some of the particulars of his journey 
 to the French commandant, and of his rece])tion there; also to 
 give me an acconnt of the ways and distance. He told me that 
 the nearest and levelest way was now impassable by reason of 
 many large, miry savannas; that we must be obliged to go by 
 Venango.^^ and sliould not get to the near fort in less than nve or 
 six niijlit's slee|). good traveling. When he went to the fort, lie 
 said he was received in a very stei'u manner by the late com- 
 mander, who asked him very abrujitly what he liad ci^ne about, 
 and to declare his business, which he said he did in the following 
 speech: 
 
 "Fathers, J am come to tell vou vour own speeches, what vour 
 own mouths have declared. 
 
 '' Fathers, you, in firmer days, set a silver basin before tib, 
 wherein there was the leg of a beaver, aiid desired all the nations 
 to come and eat of it; to eat in peace and plenty, and not to be 
 clnn'lish to one another; and that if any such person should be 
 fouTul to be a disturl)er, I liere lay down by the edge of the dish 
 a rod, which von must scourge them with; and if vour father 
 •should get foolish in my old days, I desire you may use it upon 
 me, as well as others. 
 
 "l^ow, fathers, it is you who are the disturbers in this land, by 
 ■coming and building your towns, and taking it away unknown to 
 •us, and by force. 
 
 " Fathers, we kindled a fire a Ljng time ago at a place called 
 Montreal, where we desired you to stay, and not to come and in- 
 trude upon our land. I now^ desire yon may dispatch to that 
 place; for be it known to you, fathers, that this is our land, and 
 jiot vours. 
 
 11 Shawanoe, or, as now writfcn, Sha'wnce. They were called, by the French, 
 ('liawanon. TIkt wore tlie most restless of the Aljronc|uin tribes, havina: been, 
 for a longer or shorter i)eriod, in almost all the Atlajilic colonies, from Florida 
 to New York, and bands of them aeeompanied La Salle and Tonti \\\> and down 
 Ihe Mississippi, one of ihem even sharing the death of the great explorer. 
 
 12 Venango. Fort Venango wa.i at the eonfluence of French Creek and the 
 Alleghany, on the left, and another Freneh fort, Hachault, lav on the right. The 
 ruins of F(?rt Venango cover a space of about four huudrecl fiiet, and the rain- 
 jiarta are eight feet high. 
 
14 The French GeneraVs A?iiiwer. 
 
 "Fathers, I desire vou may hear me \n civiliiess; if r.ot, we* 
 must handle that rod which was hiid down for the use of the ol)-^ 
 Btreperous. If you had come in a peaeeahlo niauiicr, like oiii- 
 brothers the English, we would not have been agaip.st your tra<liiiii- 
 with us as they do; but to come, fathers, and build houses wy.ioi 
 our land, and to take it by force, is what we cannot submit to. 
 
 " Fathers, both you and the English are white; we live in ;t 
 country between; therefore the laiid belongs to n(Mther one nor 
 the other; but the Great Being above allowed it to bo a place of 
 residence for us; so, fathers, I desire you to withdraw, as I linve 
 done our brothers the English; for I will kee]) you at anu's- 
 length. I lay this down ?s a trial for both, to see which will have 
 the greatest regard to it, and that side we will stand l)y and make 
 equal sharers with us. Our brothers the English have heard this, 
 and I come now to tell it to you, fori am not afraid to discharge 
 you off this land." 
 
 This, he said, was the substance of what he spoke to the gen- 
 eral, who made this reply: 
 
 "Now, my child, I have heaitl your speech. You spoke first, 
 but it is my time to speak now. Where is my wam])um that you 
 took away with the marks of towns on it? This wampum I do 
 not know, which you have discharged me off tlic land with; but 
 you need not put yourself to the trouble of speaking, fur I will 
 not hear you. I am not afraid of flies or musqi::''<jes.for Indians 
 are such as those. I tell you, down that river I • <. and build 
 
 upon it, according to my command. Jf the r. ; blocked 
 
 up, I have forces sufficient to burst it open ;vi; j M.!er my 
 
 feet all that stand in opposition, together with tli-' ces, i'uv 
 
 niy force is as the sand upon the seashore; therefoi :s your 
 
 wampum; I sling it at you. Child, you tab: fooli.^M x'ou say 
 this land belongs to you, but there is not the black of my nail, 
 yours. I saw tliat land sooner than you did; beioro the Shan- 
 noahs and you were at war. Lead was the man who went dow n 
 and took possession of that river. It is my land, and 1 will have 
 it, let who will stand up for or say against it. I will buy and 
 sell with the English (mockingly). .If ])eo])le will be ruled by 
 me, they may expect kindness, but not else." 
 
 The Half-king told me he had inquired of the general after 
 two Englishmen who were made prisoners, and received thifr 
 answer: 
 
 " Child, you think it a very great hardship that I nuide prison- 
 ers of those two people at Venango. Don't you concern your- 
 self with it. We took and carried them to Canada, to get intel- 
 ligence of what the English were doing in Virginia." 
 
 He informed me that they had built two forts, one on Lake 
 
Wanhington''s Speech. 15 
 
 ^rio'* and another on French Creek, near a small lake," about 
 Hfteen miles asunder, and a large wagon -road between. They 
 -are both huilt after the same model, but difterent in size; that on 
 the lake the largest. He gave mo a plan of them of his own 
 •drawing. 
 
 The Indians inquired very particularly after their brothers in 
 •Carolina gaoL 
 
 They also asked what sort of a boy it was who was taken from 
 the South Branch; for they were told by some Indians that a 
 })arty of French Indians had carried a white boy by Kuskuska 
 iown, towards the lakes. 
 
 NOYEMBER 2(j. 
 
 We met in council at the long-house about nine o'clock, where 
 I s]toke to them as follows: 
 
 '■ Brothers. I have called you together in council by order of 
 TOur brother,' the Governor of Virginia, to acquaint you that I 
 -am sent with all possible dispatch to visit and deliver a letter to 
 the French coniniandant, of very great importance to your broth- 
 ■er:^, the English; and I dare say to you, their friends and allies. 
 
 " 1 was desired, brothers, by your brother, the Governor, to 
 «ill upon you, the sachems of the nations, to inform you of it, 
 a.nd to ask your advice and assistance to proceed the nearest and 
 best road to the I'rench. You see, brothers, I have gotten thus 
 far on my journey. 
 
 " His Honor likewise desired me to apply to you for some of 
 your young men to conduct and ]>rovide provisions for us on our 
 way, and be a, safegmrrd against t};ose French Indians who have 
 taken up the hatchet against us. i have spoken thus particularly 
 to you, brothers, because his Honor, our Governor, treats you as 
 good friends and allies, and holds you in great esteem. To con- 
 tirm what I have said, I give you this string (jf wampum." 
 
 After they had considered for some time on the above discourse 
 the Half-King got up and spoke: 
 
 " JS'ow, my brother, in regard to v:hat my brother the Governor 
 had desired of me, I return you this answer: 
 
 " I rely upon vou as a brother ought to do, as you say we are 
 brothers and one people. AV^e shall put heart in hand and speak 
 
 18 Fort Presque Isle lay near the site of tbc present Erie, and extensive earth- 
 works can still be seen. 
 
 14 Fort Le Boeuf.or Fort de la Riviere aux IJa?ufs. See Washington's descrip- 
 tion of it under date of December 13. Tt stood on the banks of Lake Le Bceuf, 
 about fourteen miles southeasi of Erie, near the present village of Waterford, 
 ^vhere its ruins are still to be seen. 
 
The Half-Khufs Answer. • " ' ' . 
 
 to our fathers, the Freneli, concerning the speech they made to 
 nie; and you may depend that we will endeavor to be yom- 
 guard. ' ^ • 
 
 "Brother, as you have asked my advice, I hope you will he 
 ruled by it, ami stay nntil I can provide a company to go with 
 yon. The French speech-belt is not here; I have to go tor it to 
 my hunting-cabin. Likewise, the people whom I have ordcrei.1 
 in are not yet come, and cannot until the third night from this;. 
 until which time, brother, I must beg you to stay. 
 
 " I intend to send the guard of Mingoes,'' Shannoahs and Del- 
 awares,^* that our brothers may see the love and loyalty we bear 
 them." 
 
 As I had orders to make all possible dispatch, and waiting here 
 was very contrary to my inclination, I thanked him in the most 
 buitable manner I could, and told him that my business retpiired 
 the greatest expedition, and would not admit of that delay, lie 
 was not well please<l that 1 should offer to go betbre the time lie 
 had appointed, and told me that he could not consent to our go- 
 ing without agwird, for fear some accident t-liould befall us and 
 draw a reflection ui»on him. JJesides, said lie, this is a matter oi' 
 110 small moment, a'ld must not be entered into without due con- 
 eiotTation; for I intend to deliver uji the French speech-belt and 
 make the Shannoahs and Delawares do tl>e same. And accord- 
 ingly he gave orders to King Shiiigiss, who was ]U'esent. Ui at- 
 tend on AWnhu'sday night with the wampiiiu, and two men of 
 their nation to be in readiness to set out with us the next morn- 
 ing. As I found it was impossible to get otf without atl'rontiug^ 
 them in the most egregious manner, T consented to stay. 
 
 I gave them back a string ()f wamjtum which 1 met with at 
 Mr. Frazier's, and whicli they sent, with a speech, to his Iloiior^ 
 the Crovernor, to inform him that three nations of French Indian.-,. 
 
 15 MiniTfx's. The Mcni^wc, Minqims, or Mingops, won' pioiioilv llic .\nil:u-. 
 tfs or (iaiula.sloij;iU's, the Iiiilian.s of ( "oiicstoijii, on lln,' Sus(|ii( liaiiua, known hy* 
 the furnu'r name to tlic AlaoiKiuiiih and their allies, ilie Dutch ami S\v((l( s ;iiiiS 
 l)y the lornier to the Five Nations and tlie En!j;li>h of New York. Tlu' .Min y- 
 lanch'is knew them as the Siisijuchaiinas. Upon their rednciion l>y the FIm.- 
 Nations, in l(i72, alter a loni^ war, the Andastes were to i ureal evti'iit miiinleik 
 with tiieir eon(|iirrt»rs, and a party reiuovinfj to the «>hio.con>inoii!y e.iiii'd .Min- 
 |J()o^;,\vas tliMs made iijt of Irofpiois and Minii'oes. 'i'lif < < h hraldl J,o;j;an was ;i 
 real Andaste. Many treat AI in go us synonynioiiji with .Mohiiwk or Irotjiuii ., 
 but erroneously. 
 
 l(t Delawares. This w«'ll known Irihe was a small Aliron(|uiii initioii, laliiii!^ 
 itself i.iiiiu I.enape. Tli<'\' \vi'rr> early siihdiied hy the Five Nulion;*, ami 
 Sti'ined to have aetiuireii the ( nnsiderahle historic plai'e they occupy nioref Uni 
 the ferlilit;' <il 'i.eir traditionaiy minil than from important deeds in war or 
 peace, luoui earlier histories they a.ssinne >ri.iranli( iinportunee, and tlnii nii- 
 gTtttionu and wara we detailed at |en>rlh. Tliesc are, howtvur, very (htubtliil 
 That they are a branch of the II inois. enii'.'ratin.y; (i> th«' eilM, stems probaliks 
 
Amval oj- Monacatoocha. 17 
 
 namely, Cliippuwari,^' Ottawas'^ and Orundaks,^® had taken up the 
 liatchet against the English, and desired tliein to repeat it over 
 again. But this they postponed doing until they met iu full 
 council with the Shannoah and Delaware chiefs. ' , ; 
 
 * . NOVEMBER 2T. 
 
 E.unners were dispatched very early for the Shannoah chiefs. 
 The Half-King set out himself to fetch the French speech-belt 
 from his hunting-cabin. 
 
 NOVEMBER 28. 
 
 He returned this evening, and came with Monacatoocha and 
 two other sachems to my tent, and begged (as they liad complied 
 with his Honor the Governor's recpu'st, in providing men, &C.) 
 to know on what business we were going to the IrtMieli. Tin* 
 was a question I had all along expected, and had provided as sat- 
 isfactory answers as I coidd; which allaved their curiosity a 
 little. 
 
 Monacatooche informed me that an Indian fntiu Venango 
 brouirlit news a few davs ni^o that the French had called all the 
 Mii.goes, Delawares. Arc, tugcther at that place, and told them 
 that they intended t<> have been down the river this fall, but 
 the waters were growing coUl and the winter advancing, which 
 obliged them to go into quarters; but that they might assiireclly 
 expect them in the spring with a far greater munber; ami de- 
 sired that tiiey might be (juite passive and .lot intermeddle unless 
 they had a mind to draw all their force upon ihem; tor that they 
 expected to fight the English three years, (^a;> they supposed there 
 
 17 Tlio Cliii)p('\v,is wore first known to the Ficneli, as Otcliiboiu's, iinswt'rinp 
 to the nuKlcrn form Ojiliway, or (^tchipwi'. Tlievarc an .Vljfon(|nin trihc, whoso 
 residenci' Wiis at Sault Sic. Slaric, wIriici' tli« later French cull Ihem Sauleux, 
 men of the Saull. Their lanjiuatre, traditions and ( ii>toms have lnea more 
 thoron.i^hly studied tlian those of any other of our Indian iriU'S. 
 
 IH. The Uttawus were another Aljfonquin tribe, found on Lake Ontario, lliey 
 formed, wIk'H first known, two branches, tlie Kiskakons ami Simigoes, and wero 
 remarkably errant. Their fires were li;iiileil at diUcnnl times, from Chatcoime- 
 fron to Detroit. They an^ now 'liiciiy on the eastirn shore of J-ake Mi( hi^'an. 
 Their language Injars u very clos<! resemblance to the Ujibwii. 
 
 19 The Onuulaks tire evidently (he Adirondacks of New York writers', the 
 Algontjuin of the French .\dirondaek is a Mohawk t<'rm, tneaninu: " they eat, 
 trees," from karonia, " trie," and iraks, "he eats." A small village of ilieiii 
 Htill exists at the l/ake of the Two Moimtauis, »'anada Fa.-I They were hered- 
 itary eni'mies of the Five Nations, and their a.lianee with die IIuroii:i drew Hut 
 latter into a war in wiiieh ijoth wore utterly pruslrated by the great eonfedfr». 
 tion of New York. 
 
^ , . De ay of the IndiaTis. 
 
 would l)e some attempts made to stop tliem), in which time they 
 diould conquer; but that if they should prove equally strong, 
 they and tlie Eiiglisli would join to cut them all on and divide 
 the land between them; that thongh they had lost their general 
 and si»nie few of their soldiers, yet there Avere men euough to re- 
 inforce them and make them masters of the Ohio. 
 
 This speech, he said, was delivered to them by one Captain 
 Joncaire,^ their interj)reter-in-chief, living at Venango, and a 
 man of note in the army. 
 
 NOVEMBER 29. 
 
 The Half-King and Monacatonrha came very early and begged 
 me to stav one dav more, for notwithstandinj; thev had used all 
 
 ..." o t 
 
 the diligence in their ])()wer, the Shannuah chiefs had not brought 
 the wam])um they ordered, but would certaiidy be in to-night; if 
 not, they would delay me no longer, but would send -it after us 
 as soon as they arrived. When 1 found them so j>ressiiig in their 
 request, and knew that the returning of wamjinm was the abol- 
 ishing of agreements, and giving this n|» was shaking otf all de- 
 pendence upon the Ei'ench, I consented to stay, as I believed an 
 otfence offered ar thit- crisis might i)e attendee] with greater 
 ill consequence than aruttlier ilay's delay. They also infornu'd 
 Jiie tliat Shingiss could not get in Ids men, and was prevented 
 from coming liim>clf by his wife's sickness, (I believe by fear of 
 the French), but thai tlic wajupum of that nation was lodged 
 with Kustalogo, one <tf their chief's, at Venango. 
 
 In the evening, late, they came agaiu and acquainted me that 
 the Shamioahs •■■«'re not yet arrived, but that it should not retard 
 tin' prosccut' of our journey. He "lelivered in my hearing 
 the spee«'h thiti ,vas to be made to the French by Jeskakake, one 
 ol' tlicir old chicfh. which was giving up the belt the late com- 
 ni:iiid;int had askt«i for and ifpeating nearly the same speecli he 
 himself had doni' before. 
 
 He also deli\eie(l antriiig »»! wampum to thiis chief, which was 
 
 20 No n.'imc fit.nir(> inurp pxtpn^lvrlr In mir Imnlfr history than the Plnur dfl 
 .loiiiiiiri'. ttilliir aiitl mhi, <it xOhmu. Ihivvimi, riiiu|i.ii'ali\i'ly littlr is kituwii. 'I'ln! 
 t'liriiie'i' liuil lii'i'ii a pii^iiiiri ill iIh' IiuihU ot ilir Niirra-. iiiiii iKJiijitiil In ilu'in 
 UH ruiiy Mh I7*M). uml in that )v.\\ tins :i.-ki i| ih.it he chouiil uu to Ihcir raiitoii 
 
 to lllllltip) tt'llllb of |»<I1)'<-. Uhll'll III llilj »il|| hlll'ilnM in nil !;l|llMI|lll III liailH 
 
 iu'ti!iit» will) till li'0(|iiois lit' jtluy^ a ( on<|>ii iiuiik {mrt, lii» Imtiaii nitltiruli/.a- 
 tioii mulijiit.' it inipossilili' tor tltc Knu:li^ll authoiiiiin to ohtuin lii-^ < x|>iili4ioii 
 C'liarh'voix. Ili»l Soiinlli t'ninri, ii , 244 M't Ih' wai* u|i|»ariiil!> the flrsl 
 Kiiro|><-aii wlio I x.iiniiiKl tin oil h|)riii<j»i icciiitly riintiiiil ho itrohtalil" liiii 
 hoti lilt- Joncain ol Uiih lilttry. (oiitlimiMl iiix t'utluj'H iiiHuiiin uiiton^ lUt; Hut- 
 vi-u*- iiti Hhiiliy. Unu ut Obmij^u, iii nfi5, liiilui;tHl ibcili to ordut htm U> di<i>itr|, 
 --buijlli B .Vf<r i ../A ,«! IHiMJi. i , 'i'H. 
 
Arrival at Veuaugo. 19 
 
 sent by Kinj^ Shingiss, to be given to Ivustalogo, with orders to 
 repair to the French and deliver up the wampum. 
 . He likewise gave a very large string of black and white wam- 
 pum, which was to be sent up immediately to the Six Nations if 
 the French refused to quit the land at this warning, which was 
 the third and last time, and was the right of this Jeskakake to 
 •deliver. 
 
 NOVEMBER 30. 
 
 Last night the great men assembled at their council-honse to 
 cont^nlt further about this juui'iiey uTid who were to go; the re- 
 sult of which was that only three of their chiefs, with one of 
 their best hunters, should be our convoy. The reason they gave 
 for not sending more, after Mhat had been ])roposed at council 
 the li(!tli, was that a greater number might give the French sus- 
 picions of some bad design and cause them to be treated rudely, 
 hut 1 rather thiidc they could not get tlieir hunters in. 
 
 Wf set out about nine o'clock, with the Half-King, Jeskakake, 
 White Thunder, and tlie Hunter, and traveled on the road to 
 Yenango, where we arrived the 4th of December, without any- 
 tiiing remarkable happening but a continued series of bad 
 weather. 
 
 This is an old Indian town, situated at the mouth of French 
 Creek, on the Ohio, and lies near north about sixty miles from 
 th(! I.oijbtown, but iuore than seventv the way we were obliijed 
 tt> go. 
 
 Wo found the Frendi colors hoisted at a house from which 
 th<y liad driven ^Ir. J (dm Fra-ifi'. an Englisii subject. I ininns 
 diat< ly repaintl to it to kn<»\v when' the commander resided. 
 There were til ree otlicirs, one of whom, Cajitain Joneair*', in- 
 formed me that lit; hud tlu; counuand of the Ohio, but that thertj 
 wa> ii general otlicer at the near fort, where lie advised me to ap- 
 ])ly for an an>\v«'r. lie invited us to tiup with them and treated 
 us with the greatest eomplai^anee. 
 
 The wine, a- tiny doned theniK'lves pretty j>|entitull\ with it, 
 goon l)unidhed the restraint which at lii-At appearetl in tlieir con- 
 ver^ation and gavi' ti licunt>e to their tongui;n to rev«'al their kuii- 
 tiiuents more freely. 
 
 Titey t^jld me that it wuh their uhndute detii|^n ti» tjtke |h>mim'4- 
 Rion of the Ohio, and bv (i they would do it, lor that, although 
 they were w.'iisible the l'!nj<li»>h eoidd raise two men for their one, 
 yoi they knew their inotiouM were too stow nnd dilatory to ftre.. 
 ¥«nt Kny underiuking of theirii. The)' prutiitU to htivu an un- 
 
20 The French Forts and Garrisons. 
 
 doubted right to the river from a discovery made ])yoneLaSalle^^ 
 sixty years ago, and tlie rise of this expedition is to ])reveTit our 
 settling on tlie river or waters of it, as they lieard oH sonic fam- 
 ilies moving out in order thereto, f'l'om the best intelligence 1 
 could get, there have been fifteen hundved men on this side On- 
 tario Lake, but upon the death of the general all were recalletl. 
 to about six or seven hundred, who wi^re left to garrison four 
 forts, one hundred and hfty or thereabout in each. Tluj tii'st of 
 them is on French Creek,^^ near a small lake, about sixty miles 
 from Venango, near north northwest; the next lies on Lake 
 Erie,^^ where the greater part of their stores are kept, about fif- 
 teen miles from the uther; from this it is one luiiidre<l and twenty 
 miles to the carrying place, at the falls of Lake Erie, where ther« 
 is a small fort,'^ at which they lodge their goods in [)ringing 
 them from Montreal, the place fntiu whence all their stores are 
 brought. The next fort lies al)out twenty miles from this, on 
 Ontario Lake.^ Between this f)rt and Montreal there are three 
 others, the tir&t of which'-* is nearly ()i)p^if-ite' to the iMiglish fort 
 Oswego. From the fort on Lake Erie to Montreal is about six 
 hundred miles, which, they say, recjiiires no more (if good 
 weather) than four weeLs' \oyage, if they go in harks or large 
 vessels, so that they may cr(»,-s tlie lake; hut if thet conu; in ca- 
 noes it will re(juire live or six weeks, for they a,'e obliged to keep 
 under the shore, 
 
 DECEMBER 5. 
 
 Rjiined excessively all day, wlii<'h prevented our traveling. Cap- 
 tain .Ittncaire sent for the Half-King, as lie jiad but just heard 
 that h«' came with me. !Ie affected to he mueh eoaeenied that 
 1 did not makt- free to hring them in het'ore. 1 e\cu,-ed it in the 
 best manner of whieli 1 was i-apabje, and toM him 1 did not 
 think their eoni|iany agntalde. as I iutd lieaid him say a gooit 
 deal in dispi'ai.--e .if hidiau.- in gi-neral; Imt anothei- motive pre- 
 vented me froui I.M-inging theui into hin company; I knew iJiat 
 
 31 liii Hiillr I{ii1mH ( ,iv ilii r lie La Kiilh', ii i-« lotowii, JuIIuai .1 ii|i ;lii 'li,« 
 «i)\iryi>l' MiiKjUi'lii iunl .!iili((, iiiid in ll}w:» i1i-m t ihh-iI iIh Mi i- 11411 lu lt<« 
 mouth, v^lihli III- II 111 Im-iI '111 ill'- Hill 'i! A|H-il. H<' |'l iiiti il ilir .iiu • mI I'luiirn 
 tti|i| KKik |)i»' . -Mill i»l llir liviT ttiul ill) Hir (.Miiiiiv v\.turi(| hy it uinl iin 
 bnuii Ik'c Till < Ml iii|<(| (lie Fnitt It 1 In i in in (In In ud «uirii»<>r iIm- \II< '.'liuiiy 
 Aiiit Mouougiiln la Sir ■ Tlu' Dintuviiy uiol J'!jk(i!uruiiun nl llir Mi--i-»i|»!ii 
 »u«d i4ui-rit»lvn ihiii uiMit I'lcvioan to Uil«t 4Ji«l u|<}>iiri uHy uImmii Kiiii Tl l.it 
 HhIU* hud ri;i«l»'<l III! (Miio IroiJi iIm* M««iiiiit miuitry, jiihI il' «< < mini h u, Uh 
 hillM ul Luiibvilh'. N'l) iiurmllvc of thin vinu^f )>• 1 \ltMil, Imh Id • hum- lu hitvi 
 llnut m) iti mUHv thM liiiu tll», ttiul mitJM» tjliiwii l»y Jeliit r<<»»gliU'' hi» 1 Uiui, iiUtl 
 Hmnmi jfrMw-h iittiiti-k inuittlitiii i) 
 
 tt Fwt 1^' iiiinil iW ^'uit i'ri!M|Ui! I»l«. 'il Kill Niiigaf*. 
 
More Delay. 21 
 
 he was an interpreter and a person of very great inflnerwe among 
 the Indians, and had lately used all possible means to draw them 
 over to his interest; therefore I was desirous of giving him no 
 opportunity that could be avoided. 
 
 When they came in there was great pleasure expressed at see- 
 ing them, lie wondered how they could be so near without 
 coming to visit him, made several trifling presents, and u])plied 
 liquor so fast that they were soon rendered incapable of the bu.si- 
 ness .they came about, notwithstanding the caution which was 
 
 given ^^ 
 
 V • DECEMBER 6. 
 
 The Half-King came to my tent quite sober and insisted very 
 much that I should stay and hear what he had to siiy to the 
 French. I fain woukl have prevented him from speaking any- 
 thing until he came to the commandant, I)ut couhl not prt'vail. 
 H(! t(jld me that at this place a council fire was kindh'd, uhere 
 all their business with these j)eopie was t<» be transactiMJ. and that 
 the managemeut of the Indian affairs was h-i't s(»lely to AIou- 
 nieur -foiicairi'. As I was desirous of knowing the issue ai thi.'*, 
 [agreed to ^-tay; but sent unr horr-es a little way up i'^rcnch 
 Creek, to raft over and encamp, which 1 knew would make it 
 near night. 
 
 AlK)Ut ten o'clock they met in council. The King spoke nuicU 
 tlu) same as he had betore <lom' to the (ieneral, ami olfticd thu 
 French speech-belt which had before been d«'mandi'<l, with the 
 marks (jt four towns on It, which .Monsiiiir Joncaire refused t»> 
 rtJceive, but desired him to carry it to the fort to the comiminder. 
 
 DKCKMIJKU 7. 
 
 Monsieur Li Force, Coinmiiisary of the French stores, and 
 three itthcr suldi* |•^, cuiim- iiv» r to accDUipauy us lip. Wi- tnund 
 it extremely ditlicult to j»t.-t the iniiiun» ott'to-duy, »» every i»lrttt- 
 iigem had been u«cd to prevent their going up with nie. I had 
 It^t night lel't .lobn l)avi<lnuit I the Indian inti rpreter), whiuii i 
 \imi brought with me from town, and Btrietly chur^eti him not to 
 
 J7 liiM.ln bill juwmitl, hfr«- n.it, - "Our Imllaiju w< »• ,» iiiiuMil ^*iil» il»« 
 |)t'luMiiii#, whu lived uiiilir Ui> i i' i ' \> •uliitM, uml uti|i|ti| ilittn lu id liwi ii|» 
 to till' i-'lrn> li III! Ih il v^illl IIk' IllUlk^iil liii tiilil litwiio^ lUKMiliii^ i<. i >•• 
 of Klajf KliiiiKi'-s HnMlti- t ld« t i»t liir««' |»t lii(»,i(i s -iijil ji hi*, n < 
 
 Hiiliij/i^-) MiiM tt i^ri ill in ill iMii lie Imti M 1)1 iMi »|Hi t II li< I ' >i i 
 
 Ktiiiid 111 iiiitki' i» -jM" it i"i .» fcliia ' Htiittir h<«lliiii ' ' in.MiniiU 
 
 ill) lo ill ltv<.*r itM-ir U'il, but \Uu IMi KUin liUi itvlivM ki» U It a^ !•> h>»| ^ 
 
32 Le Gardeur de St. Pierre. 
 
 l)e out of their company, as I could not get them over to my 
 tent; for they had some business wlthKustalogo, chiefly to know 
 Avliy he did not deliver up the French speech-helt which he had 
 ill keeping; but I was obliged to send Mr. Gist over to-day to 
 ■fetch them, which he did with great persuasion. 
 
 At twelve o'clock we set out for the fort, and were preventetl 
 arriving there until the 11th by excessive rains, snows, and bad 
 traveling through many mires and swamps. These we were 
 obliged to pass to avoid crossing the creek, which was impassa- 
 Me, either by fording or rafting, the water was so high and 
 rapid. 
 
 We passed over much good land since wo left Venango, and 
 througu several exten.-''\e and very rich meadows, one of which, 
 I believe, was nearly f>ur miles in length and considerably wide 
 in home places. 
 
 DECKMBEU 12. 
 
 I prepared early to wait uj)on the Conunander, and was re- 
 ••eived and conducted to him l»v the second oflict'r in commaiul. 
 1 iU-quaiutod jiim with my business and offered him my coiiuiiis- 
 bion and lettfi-, l)otli of wliidi he desired me to keeji until Jlie 
 iirrival of Monsieur Ueparti. captain at the next fort, who was 
 >ent for and expected every iioiir. 
 
 Tills Commander if a Knight of the military order of St. 
 Louis, and named Le (iardeiir de St, I'lerre,'* III* is an eldctrly 
 l^eiitieniuii and huh iniieh (lie air ot' a soldier. lie was fv.ni over 
 !o take the eommand immetjiately upon the deatii of the luUi 
 iltjiural. and arrivi-d jiere altoiit sevr-n days ljefi»re me. 
 
 At two o'eloek the geiit'eiiian wito wa» oeiil tor arrived, when I 
 <»jferi'd tiie left-r, »ke.. again, wliieji tla-y received mi*\ adjourne«i 
 iitl" a private apartnteiit for the ( uptain lo tranolate, who under. 
 i»t<MMl a liitif i'!n|/ii^li. After he \m\ lUnm It tluiiJaiiimaiider dif* 
 kiretj 1 H'oiiln widk in and bring my jnterpritrr. ti> |ieruo4t and 
 «M»rnM!t if, wliieli I tljd 
 
 P f# thmh'W lit' til \*\tiitv J\w HiuWf ttt is> (iiutktur^ tit |M'iiii^N}r 4ii 
 IMWWilKt ff*m fiiii't i>' U^^l4 ai'. NUur •!< \Unn<ui'' •> itf (lie i irliutt ml> 
 
 #H4* iN<«*' i^'ttiu Mr I'Vrituttl iu iii» " N'ol<«> on I i Hif ol l/u" Im. " |» 
 
 I t fs w (ir id Hf» l''t'Hii<- t;i»tii iiM(l-)iutfi )<> \ iiiil 
 
 Im'II ' ■■> Tin Ml! 'I 11, I I . ", H«j 
 
 *<UI li'^ i)U^|M III 1UII|, till) III Ul< M III I l>t llll, I'llllt 4tHJ 
 
 t« l»|<j"0' "lt> lUt! IMHM kUKWII l«" M <i« l«> I , i, .:.. 1 ! Itl |Utl««i| 
 
 I' III i f^ otjmtam M^i'4 U dt lti|>< km ir> uuultl atitui. In/tKDki'r Iw w 
 
 twbiMk^ i-- ■ • If mpunar Wii«tjigi<Mi • tnmf 
 
Description of the Fort. 25 
 
 DECEMBEU 13. 
 
 The cliief officors retired to li(»I(l a council of war, wIiicTi ^ave 
 liie an ojtportiiiiity of taking the dinieiii-ion.s of tlie fort and 
 making what ohservations I coiiKl. 
 
 It is tituated on the south or west tork of French CJi-eek, near 
 the water, and is ahno>>t isurnniiidcd hy the creek and a email 
 branch of it, which lorni a kind of i.-ian<h Funr honse8 com- 
 pose tlie (sides. Tlie bastions nr*^ nia<lr i>1k pih-s driven into th(^ 
 ground, standing more than iwclvc t"t<'t alxivr it, and sjiarp at 
 top, with jiort-hoh's (!ut for cannon, and loop-lmU's for the smali 
 arms to fire tliroiigli. There are eight six-pound pieces mounted 
 in each bastion, and one piece (»f four pounds lulore tlit gate, lu 
 the liastions are a guard-house, (•haj»el, ductorV hidgiii;^, ami tlio 
 Commantler'n private store, round wlufh art; hiid plattornjs for 
 the cannon and men to stand on. There are several barraekt* 
 without the f /rt. fu' tiie soldii'r.s' dwellings, covered. Mtuie with 
 bark and .-onie with boards, made ehitlly ot" logs. 'I'here are alb<> 
 several other houses, such us stable.'?, smith's shoji, Arc. 
 
 I conltl get no «'ertain aci-ount of the nund»er nf men here, but 
 according lo tht: be.~l judgment I euuid form, there are ;i huu- 
 dre^l, I'xciusive of otiiceih, of wh'iiu Uiere are nuinv. I al.^o guvn 
 onh-rs tolhe people who were wiih me 5m tfike an exact account 
 of till' i-anoe,-, wiiii'h were hauled up lo eunvey ihi'ir lurcci* dowit 
 in the si>r:ng. This they di<l, and t</!ij hli^ ..f birch baik ami « 
 liuudjeil iind seventy of pine, liei»jde» mum) utlitrtt whieh wuru 
 bloekcii (iut in rejuliiieo.'' f*r being made. 
 
 \)VXVM\WM U. 
 
 Am thi) Mtow i||iWiiil4 Vt^rv h»t uitd our hornM dallv iitMiHRe 
 wt'ttker, i sent them olt' unlmdid, uuder titM ciiri* ot Httrntitijr 
 
 riirrin and ) uo others, to nuike ujj eonseident lilnpuleh If V'm 
 
 itim^o and ijiere in Mail our arrivHl d ibiO' vmm 4 pruMx > i ^A \\m 
 rivcrV tm'jcin^; H itot. riiiit Ui mui\mm tUmi in h\ I'i 
 
 Toli^U, Ul llie fork of l||i- Ojito, Mliil (bei^ Ut Wlllt HHiil HI 
 
 i Umi tl»e •«» or t*r*. 
 
 Ai ( found iiiuny pioi I to MMrtl t\w IftfllMM*' \mt\ 
 
 jUMMi and pn \. ■ ) (f ■: ,,, ,^^ ,iiib im^j i . : f :• rt- i n ,i , 
 
 fcy ill iij.y j'o.. . ■" iiu )i M lu'Hit-if tn 
 
 i4lt«i«i ' ; ul Itoiiin 'i 
 
 HiUf Kiiijl (444 um tliKt b I •4 tli« 'ik* 
 
!24 
 
 French Stratagem fo Detain the liu1i<niH. 
 
 love and frieii(l>;liip; said lie wanted to live in j((>;ice and trade 
 amicably with them, as a ])roi)t' of which, he would wend nome 
 jroods immediately down to the ].o<r,stown lor them. ]>ut I rather 
 think the denign of that is to bring away all our btraggling trad- 
 ers they meet with, as I privately underi«tood they intended to 
 •earry an officer with them; and what rather conlirm.s this ojiin- 
 ion, I was irujuiriiig of the Commander by what authority he 
 liad made priMmers of several of our JuiglisJi subjects;. IleVold 
 me that the country belonged to them; that n<» Knglii^hman ha<i 
 H riglit to ti'ade upon those wati-rs, and that he had (O'dcrs to 
 make vM'xy jjcrson prisoner who attempte«l it on the Ohio or the 
 waters of it. 
 
 I inijuired of Captain I^'jmrti a1»out the Iwiy that wa^ <'arried 
 l>y tiiis j»hu*e, as it \\m, done while the i-ommand desolved on 
 him. I>4'tween the death of the late gi-neral and the arriuil of the 
 ' t'oent. Jle ai'kiuiwledged tliut a boy h.ui been carried pitst, uud 
 "that till' JndiaUH had two or three while menV si-alps, (I w.is^ t4i|d 
 by some of tlie lu'.Uan,-. at \ euaiigo, eight), but pret.iided U> 
 have forgotii ii fhe n.-inie (»!' the phu-e when- tli< boy ciinn frirtii 
 and all the particului lacir, ili^.ogh he had (jiie(.ti.Jn»'d lilni Utv 
 froiije jiourf a^ they were eairving liiui past, I IiUcwih' inijiiinitj 
 what they hiul dotie w itii .lohn 'JVoih'r tmd .lauie^. M'C|.H-kli«i, 
 tHu |*eMM».yJ\ania innleri*, whom they hiiil lak« ii with liti i\mr 
 good». 'i'hey Jold iiH that they liud bufll Niil to Cuniula, but 
 Wi-n* how ri'lunied ii-Min . 
 
 ThJ»«?veijiU{| I fic. iv.d an mii»w«r Uihh Jluiior iluliov. \iHtf§ 
 l^{\Mf tri/iii the Coinuiamhtnt, 
 
 H^ Commiiiidant iphrMJ a ph niituj »)• i, u\ li.pii<r mimI \mt 
 
 %|ii<(il I'. Im p)H "ll bitiH'i '-HI iMIItu Mill itjipiMlid 111 b«- t»| 
 
 ll'rrH'lii eoJMpt.O-MO) ih-iiiyh iu' Wtt* IM* I'tm^i t .. i^ ,.• )|r» HhM) 
 lil <i)llid llsVent \i> k( .,iii (itJiuiiiD ul UirlMlti . n.ii, i. < !.hm*|4I 
 rti» i|y tllllil <4b< r ■ Jlioi ji. -1.,! i, iij ev 
 
 'l^ryliUHg Mhhii eoliiii |.. M •. i. d by hlllJ lit !♦»*■ ■'!■■ ■ > I . .(It 
 
 mti ms thMl !■»■»■»• ill lii . ' h i H^M^ m rnw'h .*e ■ • I .jfi 
 
 ■siiif.Hji.l . ' piiM'lit ." tt Ij H limn in 
 
 tlltl4 I ' ■' >!i '^ 
 
 1 ^ ft ^^^tfJLU^ 
 
 .$iifwc4irf. r«-«i»t f.- 
 
 
 
 iRbi IP 
 
77/ (? Tiititru Commenci'fh 9S 
 
 to do. l)iit to funvard my joimu'v as niiioli ii8 lie coiiM. H«' p,r«»- 
 tt'Htcd lii- (lid lint l<('L'j» tluiii. Iiiit w.i.- i^ii(»rai!t of tin' caiiM' of 
 tlieir stay, thou^li I soon found it (nit. He had |)i'<>iiii.-cd tiu'iu 
 !i j)re.<(!iit of |^iiii> if tlifv would vsail until tlic iiioriiiii^. As I 
 was VL'iy luiicli jmssL'tl h\ \\v Iitdiaii> to wail tliih da\ for llii'iii, 
 I coiit<eiit(.'d,ou u jd'oiuiist' that nothing' should hinder thfiij in tho 
 
 morumg. 
 
 lJKCEMI!Kli 1<5. 
 
 Tlio Frt'iu'li Mvvii not fehu*k in tjuif invuntiotiej t<» Kctp thi> lu- 
 diiini^ this day aUo. Jhit an tlay wi-ri' ohli^i'd, ai'fonlin^ to 
 ]iroiiii.-f, to tr'wK- till' |»ri M lit. tin y tln-n fiidiavortd to ti'y thi* 
 j>'<ui-r of liijiiof, wjiich 1 do(d>t not woidd ha\c hnvaihd at any 
 othfi- tinio titan thin*, l»iil i nr^id and iuhii>ti;d snth tin Kinj^ Mi 
 «'|oM ly iipon hi> Word that he ivfraint**!, und i»<;t oil' with u»>, u* 
 jj«' had •iifi';i}Xi'd, 
 
 \V«' hail a lidioiia iitid very fatiifuiiijr (laentiiJt:'' duHii tlu^ ut^tfb, 
 ^•vi'ial tinii»(» w»' liiid likrd to huvi' Imiii MtMVi'd uynH'mA t^^vkt^ 
 atxl mans iinit> m r* oltii<(id. all hundf. to ^<'t out and rt'niaitt 
 in till' uati'i- halt an houc )«i' iiioi'i'. ^i>lliitj/ ovi r ihr i^ihoal*. At 
 otit' |»liu'* fli«^ ii't' luid io<||ji'd Mild inad<- it \m\M>'m^tU^ Uy w^Uffi 
 Wf Wfi'f tln'i'ifoi'n ol»liiiid to ••ai'i'v our i-aiM**' «<•»■<>"' iIm' n««<'l* of 
 iiiiid, a ijiiai'ti I ol a nid< iiMi, Wi did imH rua* h \ > nan{/i;o tu4i| 
 tlii 'i2d, wIm 11 M<' iiti't Hiiii otii' hoi'iMw. 
 
 Till* ffv*'k iii t'Sitn'iiM'ly v\'tntkM, I dui**' Mt> ilif d^iuiuM' \m 
 
 tUl't'ti tin iilH MImI Vi I '! ' t'Mot Im ilJ<M» liiUli M|«M iiuit<if<>jt| mmI 
 
 lhilt> liiiU'*, \^' MWm : :•<" 
 
 |,P it,,' Wl.: 1" 
 
 H 
 
 IMid "<^ '^ 
 
 
 mid i 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 
 
 III' UA 
 
 O di'WH 
 
 l<« KTO wild MVMT ity M'Ml^l' ||*> (muI 
 
 ■ill t ,. . 1 •> (l» tttt'll 
 
 ( # (t 
 
All JiuHdii SfiitotM at Wiinh'iiKjton. 
 
 Our hoi>»-» w»r«' iHiw H» wt'uk hihI li'flilf, uml ilir i»aj;jj^MjLjf h4» 
 lnaw (iih vvi; Win ui»lijr<.<l lu lU'Hvidi' silt ilif in<-f.-spiirj<»& wliii-li 
 llii' juiii'iH'V svi»i)l<l ri'ijiiin), thai wt- <luul»t(<l iinH'li lln-ir ju'd'onu- 
 iiig ii. 'riu-n luci' iiisn ir ami oiliir«.. «'-Vi'<j.t \\iv lirivi-rM, vvii«> 
 wt*l'« iibliift'l tii rill"', ^iinf ii|i uiir liui'wi* tor pack^. t<> achi^l al'Mi/; 
 willi III*' Uy:)ia|(f. I put iiiswll'iu au lii.li.iii ualkiii;; <l^<-»^ aijd 
 «'oii(iiiii4-4l mill III' III tliriT <lu\B. iiiiiil I I'-iiikI tiun' wuri iiu 
 id'ubaliilily i»l' lluii' {tilting Iniiuf ill aus r. .. ..ii,il>|. tiiiii. 'Ihc 
 Jni)i»*«i» Im'i'iiiim' li'i»» ul»h' l'> lluvi'l run <l,is. till! i.ild iiM't'i'i(i»«'«l 
 U'»»v llMt, iumI iIh- nmU Wii'i' b<'»'«iiuiii;/ iimmIi H.<r-' l<v :i dn-j. 
 ••Hiiw, cKiiliuuiillv iVri'igiiig; ib4'r«'li»ri'. • I ' • i^'' 
 
 liiM'k, li( iijiik* u j<u»l ut jiiv ^utm'mHi'm^ i*t hi* I1'»m«»i ll»«;*i'»* 
 wftiiif, I <l. (• »»iii*«4 |j' \»t'tm'rnU' my ymvtwf i\m iutMmi wii> 
 j^fiai^ii lix wuii^)*- Mil I'imH 
 
 A*'*»4ir<lii!yi^ 1 !f(i Ml Sail IJi.i.tui ii) t'liMfjr*' "' '" '"/ 
 »ill» jMoiiwy «<i'i ■" ^ ^ i-rovMJi- m r«'..*ii»-ii ^ ji-ui ui . ■ im 
 
 iAm'it' btv iluUiftl i; ; : . i*ii(J ;•' Uiai's ijo »i.*»! < ''(i** iiniiJ 
 
 f Uutk mf 
 
 m$m4f w|i ill 
 tm tm *'* ' 
 
 wlf^i'll* ' 
 
 
 ..I 
 
 • Ml 
 
 n 
 
 « Ui 'J ■ 
 
 ■■H0*<*i 
 
 
 
 « . 
 
 
 .«»•' i-< 
 
 1<n»K«t <-■ 
 
 fijf 
 
 
 
 I , 
 
 '^ISPP^^I^^^p 
 
 3f nil** 
 
 .', «|i# ill' 
 ..#', ,4.. 
 
 .«) HlMW WW 
 
 lii i,— ifilMt 
 
 ijariai Iff iMHi 
 
 ** 
 
 
 
On a Jl'ift. 
 
 27 
 
 lUToiifi till' roiiiitrv lor SiiuiiiiopinV T<»\viii, wr ti-ll in with a j<urty 
 of Frfiicli IiHliaiin. who hail hiiii in wait tor ii^. i)uv of thcin 
 lir»'<! at Mr. <»int or uw, n<»t tiftei'ii bt«*j»rt ntf, hut tortiiiia(t')y 
 iitihet.*<l. \Vf took thii^ ffllow into ciiftotly and kcjit iiini till aiioiit 
 nine o'f lock at ni^ht.thcn jt-t iiini p*, ami vvalki-il ail tin irniaiii- 
 iii|; |mrt of the uifrht uitlioiit making; unv pto|>, tlmt wir niiffht 
 jjwt fin* wtart ««o far in» to Im- mit i»f tin* ri'iu-h ot' tln'ir jdMvnil the 
 iMi%i «hi), cinn- w«- vii-rt' m-ll a^»nr•'<| tin-y woiil<| follow i»iir Irai'k 
 itM MMiti ii* it wiiH li(i[hl. TIk' ih'XI *hi) wi' rontinufi travt'liii^ 
 until i|iiil«- ijark, ami p*t (•* th*- rivt-rahont two niiltf al>o\i' Khau- 
 \ni\iin'm. Wt: fXiM-rti'"! to huvf tound tin- rivrr fro/i-n. hut it witM 
 if't, oiily uUtut fifl\ vanlo from t-iu'li (»hi*r<-. Thr ii-t-. 1 i>uji|m>ix% 
 hwl br:>Kiai lip ulioM*. for it ytium ilrivititf in vuitt <(iMiiiitiii», 
 
 Thrr*' w»i» no way for jfi'ttin^ 4*\»'r hut on a raft, whii'h H'« 
 Mit Mi>4>ut with hut oM<' |Nior hul4'h«'l. ami tiniohcd ju»l uftrr »iiii 
 Mmlilg, Till* H<iji H whoti'iljtyV Work; ii«« iM?ikt ((i>t it 1miiii<')imi|, 
 ^•ji wi III ..II hiMtrd of it an<i »*•{ oH'; hut U-forf wi- win- hwlf 
 Wm,^ 'm-j w< M^rtf JMiittnt'^l Hi thi- U'f in )>ui'h iiiuiiiM'r liuil w«j 
 •ft{iiM«iiiil MVifrv iiM>»ti«nt our rai\ Ui niitk mjhI imrmUi*» in imviJii^ 
 i iiiif out iity mHliiiii IM'U* to try Ut ■•(op thf rMt't, that uh* ^m 
 iiiM.ii ,.,,.« (ly, Mrii««i< (iM* m{#<«lit^ <«t' thi' (tiftmm lhr«'W it witli «; 
 itiii it'iM'4M|CMiii»t (h» )4t#h« tliMt it ii^rki^l iiM^oiit ifiio t^i 6«*i 
 
 ' ..11! I l!' 
 
 n . hut 
 
 Hid miuIm Kf tt. 
 
 ..ii 
 
 -f*. m' (^»iiM fK«t 
 iMHiM- mi i»lii#il| 
 
 bf Mi 
 
 ■ w 
 
 'H« 'JifJ ^* 
 
 m »" 
 
 Miii •*> 
 
 :■<»* !<H«i (I'JJMI 
 
 
 
 
 »»* 
 
 
 
 lt» 
 
 f 
 
 
 
28 Home at Last. 
 
 The cold was so - xtreinely severe that Mr. Gist had all his 
 
 fingers and some of liis toes fro;2en; and the water was shut up 
 
 so hard that we found no difficulty in getting oif the island on 
 
 the ice in tlie moruing, and went 'to Mr. Frazler's. We met here 
 
 with twenty warriors, who were going to the southward to war, 
 
 but coming to a place on the head of'the Great Keidiawa, where 
 
 they found seven peojjle killed and scalped, (all but one woman 
 
 ■with ve]-y light hair), they turned about and ran back, for fear 
 
 the iidiabitants should rise and take them as the authors of the 
 
 murder. They report that the bodies were lying about the house, 
 
 and some of them much torn and eaten by t1ie ho<?s. By the 
 
 marks wliich were b.-ft. they say they were Fj-ench In"aians of the 
 
 * Ottawa nation who did it. 
 
 As we intended to take horses here, and it re:iuired some time 
 to find them, T weiit np aliout three miles to the mouth of You- 
 ghiogany, to visit Queen Aliquippa, who had expressed great 
 concern that we passed her in going to the fort. I made her a 
 present of a watch-coat and a bottle of rum, which latter was 
 thought much the better present of the two. 
 
 TUESDAY, THE FIRST OF JANUARY. 
 
 We left Mr. Frazier's house and arrived at Mr. Gist's, at Mo- 
 nongaliela,*' the 2d, where I bought a horse and saddle. The 
 6th, we met seventeen horses, loaded with materials and stores 
 for a fort at die fork of the Oh.io, and the day after, some fami- 
 lies going out to settle. Tliis day we arrived at Will's Creek, af- 
 ter as fatiguing a journey as it is possible i"o conceive, rendered 
 ■so by exressive bad weather. From the 1st day of December to 
 the ]5tb, there was but one day on wliicli it did not rain or snow 
 incessantly; and tliroughout the whole journey we met with 
 Nothing ])ut one continued series of cold, wet weather, which oc- 
 casioned very uncomfortable lodgings, especially after we had 
 quitted our tent, which was some screen from the inclemency 
 of it. 
 
 On the 11th I got to Belvoir, where I stopped one day to take 
 necessary rest, and tlien set out and arrived in Williamsburg the 
 16tli, when I waited upon his Honor the Governor with the let- 
 ter I had brought from the Fren;!h commandant, and to give an 
 account v'' le success of my proceedings. This I l)eg leave to 
 do by oftt' 5 c ^he foregoing narrative, as it contains the most 
 remarkable occurrences which happened iii my journey. 
 
 30 Monongahel ' to Iw from tlieSbawncc Mehmonawiinirchelak, Falling 
 in-bii. '< Rivw Alicgliary, the name of the other branch of llic Ohio, is Irt> 
 quois, '! signifies •' LoUrwater." 
 
Governor Dlnviddie' s Letter. 29 
 
 I hope " lat lias been said will be sufficient to make your 
 Honor satisried with my conduct, for that was my aim in under- 
 taking the journey, and chief study throughout the prosecution 
 of it. 
 
 Letier of Goverxok Dinwiddik, of YikginiAj to the French 
 ■ Commandant ox the Ohio, 
 
 Sir: — The lands upon the River Ohio, in the wester.) ]jarts of 
 the Colony of Virginia, are so notoriously known to be the prop- 
 erty of the crown of Great Bi-itain that it is a matter of equal 
 concern and surprise to me to hear that a body of French forces 
 are erecting fortresses and making settlements upon thar river 
 within his JMajesty's dominions. The many and repeated com- 
 plaints I have received of these acts <>f hostility lay me under 
 the neceshity of sending, in tlie name of the king, my master, 
 the bearer liereof, George Washington, Esq., one of the adju- 
 tants-general of the forces of this dcuninion, to compliiin to you 
 of the encroachments thus made and <jf the injuries done to the 
 subjects of Great Britain, in violation of the law of nations and 
 the treaties now subsisting between the two crowns. If these 
 facts be true, and you think lit to iustity your proceedings, I 
 must desire you to acquaint me by wliose authority and instruc- 
 tions you have lately marched from Canada with an armed force 
 and invaded the King of Great Britain's territories in die man- 
 ner complained of, that, according to the purpose and resohitiou 
 of your answer, I may act agreeably to the commission 1 am 
 honored with from the king, my master. However, sir, in obe- 
 dience to my instructions, it becomes my duty to reijuire your 
 peaceiible departure, and that you will forbear ])rosecuting a pur- 
 pose so interruptive of the harmony and good understanding 
 which his majesty is desirous to continue and cultivate with the 
 most Christian king, &c. 
 
 Robert Dixwidpie. 
 
 Reply of LeGardeirde St. Pikhre de Repentigxv, CoMMA?ii)ER 
 OF THE French Forces on the Ohio, to Governor Dinwidhie, 
 OF Virginia. 
 
 Sir: — As I have the honor of commanding here in chief, Mr. 
 Washington delivered to me the letter wliich you wrote to the 
 commander of the French troops. 1 slmuld have been glad that 
 you had given him orders, or that lie had been inclined, t(» i)ro- 
 ceed to Canada to see our general, to wliom it better l)elongs than 
 to me to set forth the evidence and the reality of the rights of 
 the king, my master, to the lands situated along the River Ohio, 
 
30 ^ Hcphj of the French General. 
 
 and to contest the pretensions of the kino; of Great Britain 
 tliereto. I shall transmit your letter to the Marquis Du Quesne. 
 His answer will be a law to me. And if lie shall order me to 
 communicate it to yon, sir, you may be assured I shall not fail to 
 dispatch it forthwith to you. As to the summons you send nie 
 to retire, I do not think mvself obliged to obey it. Whatever 
 may be your instructions, I am here by virtue of the orders of 
 my general, and I intreat you, sir, not to doubt one moment but 
 that I am determined to conform myself to them with all the 
 exactness and resolution which can be expected from the best 
 officer. I do not know that in tlie proij^ress of this campaign, 
 anything has passed which can be reputed an act of hostility, or 
 that is contrary to the treaties which sul)sist between the two 
 crowns, the continuation whereof as much interesteth and is as 
 pleasing to us as to- the English. Had you been pleased, sir, tv 
 have descended to particularize the facts which occasioned youi 
 complaint, I should have had the honor of answering you in the 
 fullest, and, I am persuaded, in the most satisfactory manner, &c. 
 
 Le Gardeuk de St. Px?:rke. 
 
 From the fort sur la Riviere au Bceuf, 
 December 15, 1753. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 PAGE. 1 
 
 Abercromble, Gen 9d 
 
 Appointed to Command the English 
 
 Forces in America 06 
 
 Defeated before Fort Ticonderoga 97 
 
 Acadia S7 
 
 Acadiaus Removed 88 
 
 Aloiiez 3:5 
 
 American Fur Co 437, 418 
 
 Its Brunch at Chicago 3:i9 
 
 American Names, Grummiir of 474 
 
 Amherst, Maj. Gen 96 
 
 Appointed to the Command of the English 
 
 Forcec in America 10-2 
 
 Bad Axe, Battle of 399 
 
 Bangiti 54 
 
 Beaiijeu ^ 
 
 Beaiibien?, The 419 
 
 Black IlawK, 297, 874, 375, 377, 380, 39(», 402 
 
 Black Partridge 273, 4:M 
 
 Bloody Run, Battle of 128 
 
 Bouquet, Gen 98 
 
 Hie Expedition to the MuBklngum 137 
 
 Boscawen, Admiral 96 
 
 Braddock, Gen., Lands in Virginia 85 
 
 Hlh Defeat 87 
 
 Bradstreet, Gen., Takes Fort Frontenac. . . 98 
 
 Relieves Detroit t:i'j 
 
 Brock, Gen. Isaac 267 
 
 Backongahclas 164 
 
 Bushy Run, Battle of i:« 
 
 <;ahi)kla Settled 74 
 
 Caldwell, Billy 322 
 
 Campbell, Maj 124" 
 
 Campus Martins ... 198 
 
 Caniula, Its Limits Extended 16() 
 
 Captives, RentUlior of 139 
 
 Carpenter, I'hilo, his Arrival at Chicago.. 404 
 
 Cass, (ieu. Lewis 267 
 
 Cavelier 5<i, flO,6:j, 65 
 
 Cession of the Northw »t to the U. S 188 
 
 Champlain, Samuel I) 21 
 
 •Chicago, Adjacent Settlements to 869 
 
 Chartered as a Village... 408 
 
 Chartered as a City *16 
 
 Descrlptior. of In !«:« 405 
 
 Description of in 1834 4:51 
 
 Early Voting at S67 
 
 Enlargement by Wards 4:17 
 
 French Fort bull', at »' 
 
 Harbor Improv';ment of 478 
 
 Hut built at.. a» 
 
 PAOB. 
 
 Missionary Station at 67 
 
 Names of its First Tax Payers 3t>4 
 
 Name llrst on School Atlases 3.")() 
 
 Pioneer Citizens of *)8 
 
 Seal of 4 !4 
 
 Surveyed and Platted ATu 
 
 Convention of 1800 at , 451 
 
 Chicago Fire 4.58 
 
 Chicago, the Indian Chief 158 
 
 ChiUls, E., his Narrative of 1821 348 
 
 Cholera, fThel at Chicago «... ;i*J 
 
 Clark, .John K 400 
 
 Clark's Conquest of Viucennes 1G7 
 
 Cieaveland, Moses 225 
 
 Cleveland Settled 227 
 
 Clybouru, Archibald 2:37 
 
 Arrives at Chicago 355 
 
 Clyboum Family 2:J7 
 
 Clybourn, Mrs. Archibald, her Reminis- 
 cences 856 
 
 Continental Congress 103 
 
 Convention at Albany 77 
 
 Convention of 1860 451 
 
 Corbln, Mrs., her death 279 
 
 Courts Established in the Northwest 193 
 
 Crawford's Expedition to Sandusky 181 
 
 His Death by Fire 183 
 
 Cresap 161 
 
 Croghan, George 144 
 
 Starts for the Illinois Country 145 
 
 His Journal 153 
 
 Crown Point 77 
 
 Dalzell, Capt 127 
 
 Decrees of Berlin 252 
 
 Repealed 255 
 
 Pi'uonville 54 
 
 Dr t ro 1 1 M 
 
 Settled 71 
 
 Attacked by the Foxes.. 73 
 
 ■ Besieged by Pontiac 121 
 
 Hull's Surrender at 208 
 
 Dixon's Ferry 370 
 
 Dieskau, Baron, Marches against Johnson.. 89 
 
 Is Defeated 80 
 
 Dinwiddle, Gov 79, 84 
 
 Dulhut 44 
 
 Duhant Shisrts La Salle 59 
 
 His Death 88 
 
 Dunmore, Lord 161 
 
 Earthquake of IHU «)0 
 
 Elliot, George ,. ISil 
 
11 
 
 Index. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Embargo Act 253 
 
 English on the Upper Lakes.. 70 
 
 English Posts on the Maumee Captured. . . 78 
 
 English Colonics 76 
 
 England Declares War Against Fiance 93 
 
 English Evacuate Western Posts 224 
 
 English Orders 253 
 
 Engagee, the 340, 338 
 
 Factory Sj-stem 344 
 
 Five Nations 21 
 
 France Declares War Against England. . ?8 
 
 Fort Apple River 395 
 
 Port Catarauqui 36 
 
 Fort Creve-Cocur 44 
 
 Despoiled 47 
 
 Fort Chartres 74, 143 
 
 FortBeggs 385 
 
 Fort Dearborn, CommisijloRi'rs Sent to 
 
 Locate It 232 
 
 Built 2;3:V 
 
 Evacuated 275 
 
 Re-built 329 
 
 Otlicial Record of 441 
 
 Last Relics of 44:1 
 
 Fort Duqueene 85 
 
 Fort Greenville 212 
 
 Treaty at in 1793 218 
 
 Fort Hamilton '. 199 
 
 Fort Harrison 290 
 
 Fort Jeft'erson 190 
 
 Fort Knox 198 
 
 Fort Le Boeuf 79 
 
 Fort Laurens 177 
 
 Fort. Madison 250 
 
 Fort Meigs Built on the Muiimee :W 
 
 Besieged by the British 309 
 
 English Retreat from Sll 
 
 Fort Mcintosh IVfi 
 
 Fort Miamis 47 
 
 Fort Necessity, .Siege of 83 
 
 Port Niagara taken by th-- English 103 
 
 Fort Payne :«6 
 
 Fort Pitt 130 
 
 Relieved by tJen. Bouquet 133 
 
 Fort Presque Isle 79 
 
 Fort Steuben 198 
 
 Fort Stephenson 313 
 
 Fort St. Louis 53 
 
 Fort Washington 191 
 
 Fort Wayne Built 218 
 
 Ber 'egtd 290 
 
 Relieved 293 
 
 Fort William Henry, Slaughter at 95 
 
 Franklin, Benj 86 
 
 His Controversy with (iov. Denny 82 
 
 Anecdote of iJOO 
 
 For'-e, Gen 96 
 
 Ta"* s Fort DuQuesne 101 
 
 FAGB.. 
 
 Foxes, The 72 
 
 Frontenac . . .. 35 
 
 Restored to the Governorship of Canada 70 
 
 Gage, Gen., at Braddock's, Defeat 8T 
 
 Gallowy, James 352 
 
 Galea, Capt., at Braddock's Defeat 86 
 
 Genet, Minister from the French Republic. 210 
 
 Girty, Simon 163 
 
 Gist, Christopher 78 
 
 Gladwin, Gen 120 
 
 Grammar of American Names^ 474 
 
 Grant, Maj lOO 
 
 Griffin, The. Sails up the Lakes 38 
 
 Greenville, Treaty at, in 1795 218 
 
 Second Treaty at 325 
 
 Ghent, Negotiations at 323 
 
 Hall, Benjamin 237 
 
 Hall, David 337 
 
 Half King 79* 
 
 Harrison, Wm. Henry, a])poiuted Governor 
 
 of Indiana Territory 230- 
 
 Holds Council with Tecumseh 246' 
 
 Fights the Battle of Tippecanoe 34* 
 
 Appointed to the Command of the North- 
 western Army 304 
 
 Defends Fort Meigs 309 
 
 Invades Canada 31S 
 
 Fights the Battle of the i"hamc~^ 319 
 
 Heald, Capt 260 
 
 Evacuates Fort Dearborn 274 
 
 Heckvvelder, John 175 
 
 Helm, Lieut., Wounded at Chicago Mas- 
 sacre 285 
 
 Helm, Mrs., Saved by Black Partridge 276 
 
 Hennepin JJent to Vpper Mississiiipi 40 
 
 III Captivity 41 
 
 Returns to Canada 44 
 
 Henry, Alexander 122: 
 
 Hiens eS' 
 
 Holt, Mrs., at the Chicago Massacre 279' 
 
 Hopkins, Gen., his Expedition to Illinois. 2!W 
 Hulihard, Gurdon S., arrives at Chicago . . :i4(> 
 
 Hudson Bay Co., The ;J3t>. 
 
 Hudson River Explored 21 
 
 Huron Lake Discovered 31 
 
 Hull, Gen 357 
 
 Reaches Detroit 369 
 
 Surrenders Detroit 288 
 
 Iberville enters the Mississippi 66 
 
 Illinois Tribes first Mentioned 28 
 
 Their Principal Villages 27 
 
 Illinois Territory Organized 34B 
 
 Illinois, State of, Admitted into the Unlim. mi 
 
 Illinois an; Michigan Canal Located 36;i 
 
 Indian Creek, Massacre at 383 
 
 Indian Houses 3455 
 
 Indian Names, their Origin and Derivation. 475 
 Indiana Territory Organized. 230- 
 
Index. 
 
 Ill 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Its Census in 1810 344 
 
 Iroquois, Tlie TO 
 
 Jay, John, his Mission to England 217 
 
 HiK Treaty of 1794 SW 
 
 Johufon, Gen 85 
 
 Defeats the French at the Head of LaLe 
 
 George 90 
 
 Takes Fort Niagara 103 
 
 Joiiel 24 
 
 With Marquette at Chicago in 16T:3 28 
 
 Jontel .55 
 
 Kaskasliia Settled 74 
 
 KelloKg's Grove, Battle of 396 
 
 KInzie, James 2:^8 
 
 K'uzie, John, his first Marrin're 2:iH 
 
 Hie second Marriage 2:17 
 
 His arrival at Chicago 238 
 
 Bent as War Prleoner with liic Faniily to 
 
 Detroit 284 
 
 Returns to Chicago 330 
 
 His Death 366 
 
 Ivinzie, John H 261 
 
 Kinzies, The 420 
 
 La Barre 5:} 
 
 La Mai at Chicago 228 
 
 Latrohe, Charles G., his Destriptioii of 
 
 Indian Treaty at Chinigo 411 
 
 Xa Salle Builds a Fort at Niagara 37 
 
 Reaches the St. Josepli 38 
 
 Builds Fort Creevc Cceur on the illiuois. 39 
 
 Retnms to Canada 44 
 
 Reaches the mouth of the Mississippi. . . 51 
 
 Reaches Texas 55 
 
 Is Assassinated .59 
 
 His Death Revenged 62 
 
 Lead Trade 141 
 
 Leaden Plates Buried ' 77 
 
 Lee"B Place, Massacre at 262 
 
 liittlc Turtle 197 
 
 Defeats St. Clair 200 
 
 ^is Defeat 214 
 
 At Philadelphia 22:5 
 
 His Death 234 
 
 Xouisa St. Clair 198 
 
 Logau 161 
 
 His Speech 162 
 
 Logstnwn 77 
 
 Loudon, Lord 91 
 
 Iiouishnrgh Destroyed 9H 
 
 IjOiiisiana 51 
 
 Purchased by the United States 231 
 
 liora^nies' Store . 77 
 
 Murietta Settled -,87 
 
 JUarquutte Discovers the Mlssisfippi 34 
 
 Wiiiters at Chicago 29 
 
 Starts for Canada 30 
 
 Dies ou tlie Way 30 
 
 £l8 Remains Removed to St. I)iuace.... 80 
 
 . •-. PAGE. 
 
 Supposed Reco%'ery of his Bones 34 
 
 Ilis Journal 31 
 
 Maumee, English Post ^^n 77 
 
 Maumec Rapids, English Fort B.iiltat 212 
 
 Maumee Rapids occupied the Americans.. 305 
 
 McKee, David.. 371 
 
 HcKiu/ie, Elizabeth 2'!5 
 
 McKinzie, Margaret 2:55 
 
 Michilimacklnac Settled 73 
 
 Massacre at . , 122 
 
 Taken l)y the English 260 
 
 Mississipjii River, First Tidings of 22 
 
 Discovered 24 
 
 Monckton, Gen 9'> 
 
 Invades Acadia 87 
 
 Montcalm, Gen., take.-* Command of the 
 
 French For es in America 92 
 
 Takes Oswego 9:J 
 
 Takes Fort William Henry 94 
 
 Death of Iu8 
 
 Moravian Missions 175 
 
 New Orleans ... 141 
 
 Naperville 384 
 
 New France, its Limits 7H 
 
 Newspaper, the first at Chicago 421 
 
 Murray, Robt. N 401 
 
 Nika ,. 44 
 
 HisDeath .'..' 58 
 
 Northern Illinois, its ci'ssii>u by the In- 
 dians 415 
 
 Ohio Company 73 
 
 Ohio River, Ainericniis Commence a Fort 
 
 at 82 
 
 Oliver, Capt. William, takes a Message to 
 
 Fort Meigs 310 
 
 OjibwaGiri 120 
 
 Ouilmette 239 
 
 Peace Council with Little Turtle 201 
 
 Peace with England 184 
 
 Payne, Rev. Adam 392 
 
 His Death 2SR 
 
 Pecatonica, Battle of 397 
 
 Perry's Victory 816 
 
 Peoria as a French Village 250 
 
 Attacked by Aniericans 29tt 
 
 Poirot, Nicholas HA 
 
 Pictured Rocks 25 
 
 Pitt, Appointed Premier of Kngland 94 
 
 Point I'leasant, Battle of 161 
 
 Pcmtiac 112 
 
 His Conspiracy 118 
 
 His Strategemto take the Fortat Detroit. 131) 
 
 His Victory over ClMjit. Dalzell 128 
 
 Makes iPeace 1.57 
 
 Is Assassinat.'d 158 
 
 Post Christian Frederic 99 
 
 Post OtMce at Chicago 445 
 
 Pottowattomiee SBl 
 
IV 
 
 Index. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Bemoved from Chicago 416 
 
 Prairie du Chiu u 293 
 
 Taken by the British 321 
 
 Prideaux, Gen., Attaclvs Fort Niagara IftB 
 
 Proctor, Gen 265 
 
 Prophet, (The) of Tecumsoh 243 
 
 His Indiscretion 247 
 
 Quebec Settled 20 
 
 Taken by the Eii^'lish 108 
 
 Eed Jacket, his Speech — 226 
 
 Eej-nolds, Gov. of lllinoi^', his experience 
 
 as a Soldier 294 
 
 Bight of Search 25.S 
 
 River Raisin, Battle of 306 
 
 Eobinsou, Alexander 28.'3 
 
 Reminiscences of him 42.5 
 
 Rogers. Jlaj. Robert, his Mission Ill 
 
 Takes possession of Detwit 11.5 
 
 Ronan Ensign at the Chicago Massacre .. . 277 
 
 Russell, Col. J. B. F 416 
 
 Sacs and Foxes 378 
 
 San-ga-nash, (The) saves Prisoners at the 
 
 Chicago Massacre 283 
 
 Scott, Gen. Winfleld, ordered to Chi'-.ago.. 387 
 
 Encamps on the DesPlaim.'s 401 
 
 Scott, Col., his Expedition to the Wabash. 196 
 
 Schenectady Burned 70 
 
 Shaliouee 360, 427 
 
 Shelby, Gov., joins Harrison 317 
 
 Shirley, Gen 85 
 
 Marches against ^Niagara 89 
 
 Shingis 1*2 
 
 Sioux, The 22 
 
 Slaves in Illinois 141 
 
 Snow, Geo. W., his arrival at Chicago. . . . 404 
 
 St. Ange 157 
 
 St. Anthony's Falls 4;3 
 
 StaiTcdRock 53 
 
 St. Clair appointed Governor of the North- 
 west Territory 190 
 
 Invades the Indian Country 193 
 
 Is Defeated by Little Turtle 200 
 
 Steam-boat, first on Western Waters 250 
 
 Steam Engine, the first made 410 
 
 Sterling, Capt., takes English possession 
 
 of Fort Chartres 155 
 
 St. lldefonso, Treaty of 142 
 
 Stillman's Defeat 382 
 
 St. Lawrence River E.'cplored 20 
 
 St. Joseph River 38 
 
 St. Joseph taken by Volunteers from the 
 French Settlements of Illinois 166 
 
 Taken by the Spanish from St. Lonis \\j, 
 
 Indian Council at 244 
 
 St Louis Settled 142 
 
 Attacked by the English and Indians. .. 174 
 St. Marie, Falls of, Reached 21 
 
 This Volume contains 568 pages 
 
 ,OE. 
 19f? 
 105 
 39:j 
 189 
 2:i3. 
 21 
 
 291 
 
 24.3^ 
 
 245 
 
 320 
 
 104 
 
 24S 
 
 .319 
 
 64 
 
 345 
 
 411 
 
 4a5 
 
 Si 
 
 37 
 
 17l> 
 
 66 
 
 74 
 
 22^i 
 
 Spanish Intrigues 
 
 Stobo, Maj. Robert 8:J, 
 
 St. Vrain, Death of 
 
 Surveys, Public 
 
 Swcaringtou, James & 
 
 Superior Lake Reached 
 
 Taylor, Capt. Zachary defends Fort Har- 
 rison 
 
 Tecumseh attempts to form an Indian 
 
 Confederacy 
 
 Visits Harrison at Vincenues 
 
 Death of 
 
 Ticonderoga blown up 
 
 Tippecanoe, Battle of 
 
 Thames, Bittle of....'. 
 
 Tonty 38, .50, .W, 
 
 Treaty of 1816 at Chicago 
 
 Treaty of 18;i5 at Chicago 
 
 Valedictory 
 
 Van Bnnim, Jacob 
 
 Vessel, First on the Lakes 
 
 Vigo, Francis 
 
 Vincennes 
 
 Settled 
 
 Volney, his interview with Little Turtle. . . 
 War Declared against England by the 
 
 United States 256 
 
 Washington, Maj. at Braddock"s Defeat.. 87 
 
 Receives gi'ant of land on the Ohio 77 
 
 Ilis Mission to the Ohio 79 
 
 His Diary on a Tour to the Ohio in 1753, 
 Pages 1 to ;» at the end of the book. 
 Wayne, Gen. Anthony, appointed to Com- 
 mand the Western Troops 301 
 
 Marches against the Indians 212 
 
 His Victory 214 
 
 Weld, Isaac, his statement 215 
 
 Wells, Capt. Wm. Wayne, comes to the 
 
 Rescue of Fort Dearborn 273 
 
 His Death 279 
 
 Western Reserve Ceded 242 
 
 Whistler, Capt. John 33:i 
 
 Whistler, Maj. Wra 388 
 
 Whistler, Mrs. Wm 2:39 
 
 White Cloud, the Prophet. 379 
 
 Wnite Eyes 164 
 
 Wi Ikinsons' Expedition 196 
 
 Winamac 344 
 
 Winnebago Scare ' 3.58 
 
 Winslow, John .. 87 
 
 Wiunebagoes, The 373 
 
 Williams, Eli B., his arriva; at Ch'rago... 409 
 
 Wiscous.n Heights, Battle of 398 
 
 Wolfe, Gei 96 
 
 Before Quebec 104 
 
 V ctory on tbe Heights of Abraham. . . . 108 
 Woi\e Point 424 
 
 \cluding ili.istrations.