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T 1 1 !•;

PvKSULTS IN KlIKOPK

CARTIER^S EXPLOIIATIONS,

1542-1(J():^

JUSTIN WINSOIJ.

[KKnilNTKI), SKVKNTV-IIVK ((tl'Ils. FliOM TIIK I 'it' »(i;i;i)l N(iS ol Mil

Massaciiiisktin lliMdiiii' m, S<k:ii;tv.|

CAMIMUIXJE:

JOHN WILSON AND SOX.

ainibcrsitg ^Jvcss.

1892.

T,i*h.->-'

(JAIITlKirS KXIM.OIJA^riOXS.

'I'liK results of CartiiM-'s cxplonitioiis ojinic slowly (o the
kiit)wled«^e of contciniioraiv ourtograplicrs. In tlic year of
Cuitier's return fioni his st'coiul voyage (l."):)«i), Al«»nso de
(/haves, tlie oHlcial r!()smo<riaj)her of Spain, made a [tlot of tlu;
North American eoast. Although the Spaniards weie kee[)-
ing elost; watch on the northern explorations of their rivals, it
is apparent that CHiaves had not heard of Cartier's movements.
This mai) of Chaves is not preserved ; hut there is a map
by CJutierrez (looO), known to us, which is held to he hased
on (Jhaves. This (iutierrez map gives no trace of the French
voyages; nor does Oviedo, the Spanish historian, who wrote;
the next year (lo->7) with Chaves's map before him, give us
any ground for discrediting tiic map of Gutierrez as indicating
the features of that by Chaves. The next year (ir):>8), the
rising young Flemish map-maker, (Jerard Mere; tor, made; his
earliest map, which shows that no tidings of the Cartier voy-
ages had yet reached the Low Countries. He did not even
recognize the great Scpiare Ciulf, which had aj)peared in tlu;
Ptolemy of loll, as premonitory of the (Julf which Cartier hail
circumnavigated, though three years later Alercator affords a
faint suspicion of it in his gores of lo-H.

We do not find any better information in the best of the
contemporary cosmographers. Miinster in (iermany (lo40)
widened a little the passage which severed Newfoundland
from the main, and so did the Italian Vopellio ; but l'lj)ius,
making the globe at Rome, in 1 ")42, which is now owned by
the New York Historical Society, seenis not to have been (^ven
thus imperfectly informed. The Fiench globe-maker, who
not far from the same time ma«le the sphere preserved at

Nancy, kiunv only onoiigh tn iniiko a j^roiip df islaiidH beyond
the Newfonndliind hanks. •

We tniii to soint'thin*,' indie intimately connc^cted witli Vav-
tier's own work. It nii<,dit go without saying that f'artier
would plot his own tracks : hut we have no written evidence
that he did, oil. 'r Ihan a letter of his grand-nephew fifty yeais
later, who says that he himself had inherited one such map.
We must look to three or four mai)s, made within five years of
Cartier's last voyage, and which have come down to us, to find
how the last charts of Cartie" affected cartographical knowl-
edg(! in certain circles in Francj;, and ]»laced the geograjihy of
the St. Lawrence on a liasis which was not improved for sixty
years.

Those who liave compared the early maps find the oldest
cartographical record which we have of Ca? tier's first voyage
(l")'54)in a (hn'ument hy .lean Itotz, dated eight years latci-,
and preserved in the liiitish Museum. Ilarrisse thinks that
i»ack of this Rotz maj)thei(! is another, known as the Ilarleyan
mappemonde, which is deposited in the same collection. Hut
the draft l»v Hotz is the better known of the two. Its desij;ner
is held to be a Frenchman, which may account for hisacquawit-
j lice with Maloiiiii sources. This " Hoke of I(irograp!i3%" as
liotz calls it, contains two maps which interest us. One
sliows the (lulf of St. Lawrence and the optning into tlu; river,
which indicates an aciiuaintance with the extent of Cartier's
first explorations (1 ")84), and may well liave been made soiie
years before the dat(! of tlie nianuscrii»t which contains it. If
its outline is interpreted correctly, in making Anticosti a pe-
ninsula connecting with the southern shore of the St. Lawrence
liivcr, it is a further jji'oof that a foggy distance prevented Car-
tier from suspecting that he was crossing the main channel of
the St. Lawrence, when he sailed from Gaspe to the Anticosti
shores. The other map may be nearer the date of tlie manu-
script, for it carries the river much farther from the gulf, and
indicates a knowledge of Cartier's second voyage.

Two years later (ir)44) there was the first sign in an engraved
map of (^artiers success, — the now famous Cabot mappe-
monde, — and this was a year before; any narrative of his secontl
voyage was printed. As but a single copy is known of both
map and narrative, it is j)ossible that the publication was not
welcome to tlu; government, and the editions of the two were

suppr
(ierm
copy

Is beyond

with Car-
it f'iirtier
ovidt'iioo
il'ty years
«H;h map.
' years of
IS, to fuu\
il kiiowl-
fraphy of
for sixty

lie oldest
t voyag[e
irs later,
inks that
Harle>'an
»n. Bnt
desi<rner
icqnawit-

'pliy^" i>«

i. One
;he river,
C'artier's
tde soi'ie
IS it. If
sti a |)o-
awiene(^
ted (\ir-
iinnel of
Uiticosti
e nianu-
nlf, iind

ngraved
mappe-
« second
of both
vas not
'o were

suppressed as far as i onld l»e. The solitary map was found in
(lermany, an<l is now in the ^jreat library at I'aris. The sole
copy of the " Href Keeit," published at I'aris in 154">, is in the
British Museum, among the books which Thcmas (Irenville
collected.

To test this publiihed narrative, scholars have? had recourse
to thre*; manuscripts, pr('serv«!d in tlu; I'aris Library ; varying
.somewhat, and giving evidenc;*; that before the text was
printed, it had cintnlated in hand-written copies, all made ap-
parently by the same penman. It was probably from the
printed text that both Ilakluyt and Uamusio ms.de tluiir ver-
sions to be i)ublish(Ml at a later day.

The suppression, if there was such, of tht; f'abot map is
more remarkable ; for this I'aris copy is the only one which has
come down to us out of several editions — Ilarrisse says four
— in which it appeared. 'I'his nndtiplitdty of issue is inferred
from th? description of copies varying, bnt it is not sure
whether these changes indicate anything more than tentative
conditions of the plates. That the map embodies some concep-
tion of the C/artier explorations is incontestable. It gives vaguely
a shape to the gulf conformable Ut Cartier's track, and makes
evident the course of the great tributary, as far as Caitier
explored it. There are many signs in this part of the map,
however, that ('artier's own plot could not have been used at
first hand, and the map in its confused nomenclature and an-
tiquated geograi)hical notions throughout indicates that the
draft was made by a 'prentice hand. The profesc.ion of one of
its 1 jgends — of late critically set forth fiom the study of
them by Dr. Deane in our Proceedings (February, 18!>1) —
that Sebastian Cabot was its author, is to be taken with
nuich modification. The map is at least an indication that
the results of Cartier's voyages had within a few years be-
come in a certain sense j)ul)lic property. It hai)})ens that
most of whivt we know respecting the genesis of tlu; maj) is
from English sources, or sourcies which point to Kiigland ;
but the map, it seems probable, was made in Fianders, and
not in France, nor in Spain, the country with which (Cabot's
olticial standing connected him. It looks very much like a
surreptitious pul)lication, which, to avctid the scrutiny of
the Sj)anish llydrographical OHice, had been made beyond
their reach, while an anonymous publication of it protected

the irrospotisiblo inakor or makers from oflicial jinnoyanee.
This may account for its rarity, ami pcrliups for the incompU'te-
iicss of its information.

IJetior information, mixed apparently witli some knowledjje
(lerive(l from the I'ortnguese voyaijfes, — and certaiidy clironi-
elin^' I*ortii}^uese discoveries in other parts of the glol)e, — and
so present ini,' some hut not great differences, appears in an-
other map of about the same date, Icnown as the Nichohis Val-
hird map. When Dr. Kohl brought it anew to the attention
of scholars, it was in the collection of Sir Thomas IMiillipps in
England ; but there is reason to suppose that not far from the
date of its tnaking, it had been owned in Dieppe. The maker
of it may have profited dirttctly from French sources, particu-
larly in the embellishment upon it, which seems to represent
events in Roberval's experiences.

There is, likewise, another map of this period which is still
more intimately connected with Cartier's movements; indeed,
it can hardly have been made independently of material which
he furnished. This is the one fashioned by the order of the
king for th(^ Dauphin's instruction, just before the latter suc-
ceeded his father as Ileiny !I. A few years ago Mr. Major,
of the Hritish Museum, deciphered a legend upon it, which
showed that it was the handiwork of Pierre Desceliers, a
Dieppe map-maker then working at Arques. This fact, as well
as its official character, brings it close to the prime sources ;
and the map may even identify these sources in the represen-
tations of Roberval and his men, as they are grouped on the
banks of the St. Lawrence. I am informed by the present
owner, the Earl of Crawford and lialcarres, that an attempt at
one time to efface the legend which di closes its authorship
has obscured but has not destroyed the lettering. The map
formerly belonged to Jomard, the geog.-apher.

Theie are only the sketch maps of Allefonsce which can be
traced nearer the explorers themselves than the maps already
mentioned. What this pilot of Roberval drew on the spot we
know not, but he attempted, in 1545, in a rude way to draw
ui)on his experiences in a little treatise. This manu.script " Cos-
mographie," in which the coast-lines are washed in at the top
of its sheets, is preserved in the National Library at Paris.
Seveial modern writers have used them, an.d the sketches have
been more than once copied. Hibliographers know better, how-

ever,

tions

eneil

death

" Les

was

rathc!

able

prej)

duct!

othei

mam

we k

chai)l

copy

that

annoyance,
incomplcte-

knnwlcdire

nly elironi-
ol)e, -^ and

•ears in iin-
cholas Val-
R attention

liilli|)ps in
ir from the
riie maker
3s, j)artien-
) represent

ieli is still
s; indeed,
;iial which
der of the
latter suc-
Ir. i\f',ijor,

it, which
sceliers, a
■ct, as well
! sources ;

represen-
Bd on the
le present
ttempt at
uthorship
The niaj)

h can be
■1 already
i sj)ot we

to draw
ipt '' Cos-

the tojt
it Paris.
lies have
ter, how-

ever, a little ehapliook, which ran through at least four edi-
tions in till! itit(!ival before new int(;rest in Canada was iiwak-
ened by Champlain. It was lirst published in lo;V.> after the
<leath of AUefonsce ; and his name, which appears in the title
" Les voya^'es avantureux duCapitaine Alfonce Saintongeois,"
was apparently made prominent to help the sale of the book,
rathiM- than to indicate the intimate connection of the redoubt-
able pilot with it. Ilis manuscript "Cosmographie " had been
prepared by himself for the royal eye, while this printed [mt-
duction, which was issued at Poictiers, was dressed up by
otheis for the common herd, without close adherence to the
manuscript. A popular local bard sets forth pretty much all
we know of its hero in some preliminary verses. Like all
chapbooks, the littb; volume has liecome rare ; and when a
copy was sold in Dr. Court's collection (188')), it was clainuMl
that only tlirec copies had been sold in France in thirty years.

The most prolific map-maker of this period in Euroi)e was
Haptista Agnese of VenicL. lie had a deft hand, which made
his porfolanoH merchantable. The dexterity of their drawing
has perhaps enhanced their value enouj,h to prevent careless
use of them, so that they are not infrequent in Italian libraries,
and will be found in almost all the large collections in Europe.
One certainly has found its way to America, and is preserved
in the Carter-Brown Library at Providence. Though Agnese
was making these maps for over a quarter of a century, be-
ginning about tiie time of Cartier's activit}', he never much
varied from the conventional types which successively marked
the stages of geographical knowledge. lie has hardly a map
which can be accounted a turning-point in American geog-
raphy, and his drafts simply follow the prevailing notions.

Thus it was that for sixteen years after Cartier and Roberval
had finished their work, the French public was made acquainted
only with the " Href Recit " and the scant narrative to which
the popularity of Allefonsce's name had given a forced currency.
The European scholar fared better than the provincial French-
man ; for the third volume of the "Paccolta" of Ramusio,
which was devoted wholly to American discovery, had appeared
in Venice in 1556. It is a chief source still to be consulted
for the earliest explorations of the St. Lawrence region. It is
here that we find an account of that " (iran Capitano," iden-
tified with the l)iei)pese navigator, Jean Parmentier, who

vlsitcil lluj RiKH'uIfios ici^ioii ill tlif rally yviUH of tliiit rt'ii
tiny llt'JT, too, wi; (hM'ivr a seiiiit kiiowltMl^'i) of Dciiys hikI
AulxMt, as already iiuMifioiii'il. Hut it is conccniiii}^' the liist
\ityapi of (3arti(M' that liiiiinisio Ih'I|>s iis most. WIuto Im
L,M)t liis rcc'oids of tliat ciitciprise (tf ir):»4, it is not oasy to coii-
ji'etiirc, and wljal lii! says icinaiiUMl for a loiij^ while tliu sum of
all that was kmnvii coiiffriiiiig it. That tluao wcMe orit^inally
scfveral maimscript texts of this narrative, varyim; eiioii<r|i in
the eopyiiij^ to make (lifl'eremtos that hecanie <listini;iiishal)le.

t 1

la-^l

i|>|)eai's to he certain ; Init il is not so e

isy to trae(^ them dis-

tiiujlively in tin; various printed tuxts whi(Oi have been puh-
lished. 'ilni text in Uamnsio v/as without d(nil)t nsi d by .John
Klorio in makinu; tli( early ICnylish tianslation (liOiulon, l/iSO),
which is the source )f most that has appeared in that lani^ua^e
res|)ectinu[ the voyatje. A Norman pui)lislier at Koueii printed
a Kr(Mich text, aiu' it is not (piite certain that he used itamusio.
It. has l)(!(!n suspected that, in preteiidinu; to make a transla-
tion, this editor may possibly have used an ollicial narrative,
and that his pretence was int<!nded to conceal a surr(!ptitious
use of a forbidd(Mi paper. When Tross reprinted this little
book (Paris, iStJ.V, he could lind only one co|)y, and that was
in tlu! t,n(fat Paris hibiary ; but llarrisse later discoveretl a
copv in the Ste. (Icnevieve Library. The fact that tlie book
has iKNirly passcul out (»f siijiit might indicate, as with the
" liref llecit," that there was either a snjipression of it or an
inordinately hard use of it by readers. Two yciars after pub-
lishing^ this '• Discours du Voyai^c " (18(17), Tross surprised
the critics by publishinjjf a " Relation originale," as if it were
Cartier's own nanative of this first voyajjfe. The arguments
of Michelant, the editor, in supporting this view of its authen-
ticity are strong, but luudly conclusive. This precious manu-
script was discovered in the Paris Library in 1867, having
{)reviously escaped notice.

In the year before the appearance of the American section
of liamusio, and probably two years after that Italian editor
had gathered his material, the Spanish historian, Gomara,
showed in hi.s " Ilistoria (ireneral " (Saragossa, loo5), that
intelligence of Cartier's exploits had reached him in sonic
confused form. Indeed, (lomara is rarely critical in what he
oftcrs. It will be rememl)ered that Cartier had given the
name of " Sainct Laurens '" to u -.mail estuary in the gulf, and

iianiiM

rr.;

ir.r,.-,,

Loren

CathaJ

(;alled|

VV(

I)esc(!

own

studei

>f that ct'ii
Dt'iiyH HI 111

II},' tli(! lirst
Wlicro Im'

iiisy to c(ni-
tliu sum of

! oiii^Miiiilly

• MlOllirll ill

iL;uisliiil)l(',
! tlioin dis-
Ix'fii piih-
<1 l).v .John
Jon, loSO),
t hiiiLjiiii^e
(Ml priiUcd
1 liiiiiiiisio.
u traiishi-
naiTiitive,
I'l'cptitioiis
thi.s little
1 that way
covered a
the hook
with the
)f it or an
alter ])ul)-
siirjjrised
it' it were
I'^'unients
(s authen-
)ns nianii-
7, having

m section

an editor

Goniara,

")5), that

in some

what he

iven the

gulf, and

it has never been qiiltc eHtaldished wlieii the same name
gained currency as the aj)iiellation of the gull" itstdl", and of
the great river of Canada. Nevertheless (lomara writes in
l.^)!"),'}, or perhaps a year earlier, that *' a great river called San
Loren(;o, which some think an arm of the sea [t. e. leading to
Cathay] has been sailed U[) for two hundn'd leagues, and is
called by some the Strait of the Three Hrothers."

Wo may consider that I'roni the Kotz, Vallard, Cabot, and
Desceliers maps, pretty nearly all the ground that (^artier's
own maps c(»uld have disclosed is deducihle by the careful
student, and that a largii part of our history of this obscure
period is necessarily derived from such studies. Now, what
was the eflFect of these cartographical records upon the maps
of the St. Lawrence for the rest of that century ?

This ([uestion brings us to consider nearly all the leading
European cartographers of the sixteenth century, tfl whatever
maritime peoples they belong. The most famou." and learned of
the (irennan cosmographers, Sebastian Minister, contented him-
self with insulariziiig a region which he associated with the
earlier Cortereal. Pedro Medina, the leading Spanish writer on
seamanship, in his " Arte de Navegar," and in other books, for
a score of years after this, used a map on which there was
merely a conventional gulf and river. Baptista Agnese was
continuing to figure the coast about Newfoundland in absolute
ignorance of the French discoveries of ten years before.

We are in 1546 first introduced to Giacomo Gastaldi, a
Venetian map-maker of reputation throughout Italy. He
gives us a map which was included in Lafreri's atlas. It looks
like a distinct recognition of Cartier, in a long river which
flows into a bay behind an island. This is the more remark-
able because, wlien he was employed two years later to make
the maps for the Venetian edition of Ptolemy (l')48), he re-
verted to the old pre-Cariier notions of an archipelago and
rudimentary rivers.

When Ramusio was gathering his American data at this
time, he depended on an old friend, Frascastoro, to supply
the illustrative maps. This gentleman, now in advanced
years, was living on his estate near Verona, and in correspond-
ence with geographical students throughout Europe. Oviedo
had sent some navigator's charts to him from Spain, and

Ramiisio tells iis tliat siwiilar information had come to him
from France; relative to the discoveries in New France.
These charts, placed hy Frascastoro in Ramusio's hands, were
hy this editor committed to Gastaldi. The result was the
cjeneral map of America which appears in the third volume of
the " Raccolta," This map is singularly inexpressive for the
Haccalaos region. Something more definite is revealed in an-
()th(;r map, more canfined in its range. A study of this last map
makes out; feel as if the rudimentar}' rivers of the Ptolemy
maj) (1")4H) had suggested a network of rivers, stretching
iidand. It has one feature in the shoals about Sahle Island
so peculiar and so closely resend)ling that feature in Rotz's
map, that Gastaldi must have worked with that map before
him, or he must have used the sources of that map. With this
exception there is absolutely nothing in the map showing any
connection with the cariography of the Cartier-Roberval ex-
pedition. These features stand, in fact, for earlier notions,
and are made to illustrate the narrative of the "Gran
Capitano."

There is a Portuguese map by Johannes Freire, which must
have been based on Cartier's second voyage, for it leaves unde-
veloped the west coast of Newfoundland, which Cartier followed
in 1584. Another Poituguese map, which at one time was owned
by Jomard, shows acquaintance with both the first and second
voyages of Cartier, as does the Portuguese atlas, with French
leanings, which is ))reserved in the Archives of the Marine at
Paris, and is ascribed to Guillaume le Testu. A popular map
by Rellero, used in various Antwerp publications of this period,
utterly ignores the F'rench discoveries.

The map of Homem in 1558 is an interesting one. It is in
an atlas of this Portuguese hydrographer, preserved in the
British Museum. It is strongly indicative of independent
knowledge, but whence it came is not clear. He worked in
Venice, a centre of such knowledge at this time ; and Homem's
map is a proof of the way in which nautical intelligence failed
to establish itself in the Atlantic seaports, but rather found
recognition for the benefit of later scholars in this Adriatic
centre. It is in this map, for instance, that we get the earliest
recognizable plotting cf the Bay of Fundy. But with all his
alertness, the material which Ramusio had already used re-
specting Cartier's first voyage seems to have escaped him, or

lome to him
t'W France,
hands, were
111 It was the
<1 volume of
isive for the
ealed in an-
;his last map
he Ptolemy

stretchinsr

5al)le Island

e in Rotz's

map before

With this
howing any
oberval ex-
ier notions,
the " Gran

which must
aves unde-
ier followed
! was owned
and second
nth French
Marine at
opular map
this jjerind,

3- It is in
ved in the
idependent
worked in
d Homem's
Bnce failed
ther found
s Adriatic
the earliest
ith all his
y used re-
id him, or

perhaps Homem failed to understand that navigator's track
where it revealed the inside coast of Newfoundland. What
he found in any of the an unts of the Carticr voyages to
warrant his making the nouli bank of the St. Lawrence an
archipelago skirting the Arctic Sea, is hard to say ; but Homem
is not the only one who developed this notion. We have seen
that Allefonsce believed that the Saguenay conducted to such
a sea, and there are other features of that pilot's sketches
which are consonant with such a view ; while a network of
straits and channels pervading this Canadian region is a fea-
ture of some engraved maps at a considerably later day.
Homem living in Venice most probably was in consultation
with Ramusio, and maj- have had access to the store of maj)s
which Frascastoro submitted \o Gastaldi. Indeed Ramusio
intimates, in the introduction to his third volume, that this
Canadian region may yet be found to be cut up into islands,
and he says that the reports of Cartier had left this uncertainty
in his mind. The stories which Cartier had heard of great
waters lying beyond the points he had reached, had doubtless
something to do with these fancies of the map-makers.

When the learned Italian Ruscelli printed his translation of
Ptolemy at Venice (1501), he rdded his own maps, for he was
a professional cartographer. He also apparently profited by
Ramusio's introduction to the collection of Frascastoro ; for the
map which he gave of " Tierra nueva" reverted to the same
material of the pre-Carticr period which had been used by
Gastaldi, showing that he either was ignorant of the claims of
Cartier's discoveries or that he rejected them. Ruscelli clung
to this belief pertinaciously, and never varied his map in suc-
cessive editions for a dozen years ; and during this interval
Agnese (1504) and Porcacchi (1572) copied him.

We have two maps in 1500 in which the Cartier voyages
are recognized, but in quite different ways. The map of
Nicolas des Liens of Dieppe was acquired by the great library
of Paris in 1857, and the visitor there to-day can see it under
glass in the geographical department. It is very pronounced
in the record of Cartier ; for his name is displayed along the
shore of a broad sound, which is made to do duty for the St.
Lawrence. The other is the map of Zaltiere, with an inscrij)-
tion, in which the author claims to have received late informa-
tion from the French. In this map the St. Lawrence is merely

a long waving line, and the river is made to flow on each side
of a large island into a bay stndded with islands.

Three or four years later we come to the crowning work of
Gerard Mercator in his great planisphere of 1569 ; and a year
later to the atlas of the famous Flemish geographer who did
so much to revolutionize cartography, — Abraham Ortelius.
The great bay has now become, with Mercator, the Gulf of St.
Lawrence (Sinus Lanrentn); but the main river is left without
a name, and is carried far west be^'ond Hochelaga (Montreal)
to a water-shed, which separates the great interior valley of
the Continent from the Pacific slope. Here was what no one
had before attempted in interpretation of the vague stories
which Cartier had heard from the Indians. Mercator makes
what is a[)parently the Ottawa open a water-way, as Cartier
could have fancied it, when he gazed from the summit of
Mont Royale. This passage carried the imagination into the
great country of the Saguenay, which the Indians told of, as
bounding on a large body of fresh water. It seems easy to
suppose that this was an intei-pretation of that route which in
the next generation conducted many a Jesuit to the Georgian
Bay, and so developed the upper lakes long before the shores
of Lake Erie were comprehended. Not one of the earlier
maps had divined this possible solution of Cartier's problem ;
and Mercator did it, so far as we can now see, with nothing to
aid him but a study of Cartier's narrative, or possibly of Car-
tier's maps or data copied from them. Ifc was one of those
feats of prescience through comparative studies which put
that Flemish geographer at the head of his profession. By a
similar insight he was the first to map out a great interior
valley to the continent, separated from the Atlantic slope by
a mountainous range that could well stand for the Alleghanies.
Dr. Kohl suggests that Mercator might have surmised this
eastern water-shed of the great interior valley, by studying
the reports of De Soto in his passage to the Mississippi, during
the very year when Cartier and Roberval were developing the
great rorthern valley. There was yet no conception of the
way in which these two great valleys so nearly touched at va-
rious points that the larger was eventually to be entered from
the lesser.

Before Mercator's death (1594) he felt satisfied that the
great mass of fresh water, to which the way by the Ottawa

pointed, connected with the Arctic seas. This he made evi-
dent by his globe-map of 1587. Earlier, in l^TO, he had con-
veniently hidden the nucertainty by partly coverinij the limits
of snch water by a vignette. Hakluyt in the same year (ir)87)
thought it best to leave undefined the connections of such a
fresh-water sea. The map-makers struggled for many years
over this uncertain nortiiern lake, whicli Mercator had been
the first to suggest from Cartier's data. Ortelius also (1570,
1575, etc.) was induced to doubt the fresh character of this
sea, and made it a mere gulf of the Arctic Ocean, stretched
toward the south. In this he was followed by I'opellinii're
(1582), Gallaeus (1585), Miinster (1595), Linschoten (15!»8),
Bottero (1603), and others. It is fair to observe, however,
that Ortelius in one of his maps (1575) has shunned the con-
clusion, and Metellus (1600) was simihirly cautious when In;
used the customary vignette to cover what was doubtful.
There was at the same time no lack of believers in the fresh-
water theory, as is apparent in the map of Judaeis (1508),
DeBry (1596), Wytfliet (1597). and Quadus (1600), not to
name others. These theorizers, while they connected it with
a salt northern sea, made current for a while the name of Lake
Conibas, as applied to the fresh-water basin. This body of
water seemed in still later maps after Hudson's time to shift
its position, and was merged in the great bay discovered by
that navigator. It was not till a suggestion appeared in one
of the maps of the Arnheim Ptolemy of 1597, made more
emphatic by Molineaux in 1600, that this flitting interior sea
was made to be the source of the St. Lawrence, while it was
at the same time supposed to have some outlet in the Arctic
Ocean. The great interior lakes were then foreshadowed in
the " Lacke of Tadenac, the bounds whereof are unknown,"
as Molineaux's legend reads.

The English indeed had become active in this geographical
quest very shortly after Mercator and Ortelius had well es-
tablished their theories in the public mind. Sir Humphrey
Gilbert l.ad not indeed penetrated this region ; but when he
published his map in 1576 he had helped to poj)u]arize a be-
lief in a multitudinous gathering of islands in what was now
called the land of Canada. Frobisher's explorations were far-
ther to the north, and his map (1578) professed that in these
higher latitudes there was a way through the continent.

^1,

^ i

Hakluyt, in his " Wosterne Planting," tells us that the bruit of
FroMsli'^r's voyitge had reached Oitelius, and had induced that
geographer to come to England in 1577, " to prye and looke
into the secretes of P'robishcr's Voyadge." Hakluyt furtber
says that this " greate geographer " told him at this time
" that if the wanes of Flaunders had not bene, they of the
liOwe (^ountries had meant to have discovered those partes of
America and the north vveste straite before this tyme." Hak-
luyt had it much at heart to invigorate an English spirit of
discovery, and the treatise just quoted was written for that
purpose. "" Yf wee doe procrastinate the plantinge," he says,
" the Frenche, the Normans, the Brytons or the Duche or
some other nation will not onely prevente us of the mightie
Hayo of St. Lawrence, where tbey have gotten the starte of
us already, thoughe wee had the same revealed to us by
bookes published and printed in Englishe before them." It is
not easy to satisfy one's self as to what Hakluyt refers, when
he implies that previous to Cartier's vo^^age there had been
English books making reference to the St. Lawrence Gulf.
Modern investigators have indeed in English books found only
the scantiest mention of American explorations before Eden
printed his translation of Miinster in 15r)3, nearly twenty years
after Cartier's first voyage. The late Dr. Charles Deane in
commenting on Hakluyt's words could give no satisfactor}' ex-
planation of what seems to be their plain meaning.

The year before Hakluyt wrote this sentence lie had given
up an intention of joining in Gilbert's last expedition, and
had gone to Paris (1588) as chaplain to Sir Edward Staf-
ford. While in that city we find him busy with " diligent
inquiries of such things as may yeeld any light unto our
westerne discoverie," making to this end such investigations
as he could resi)ecting curi-ent and contemplated movements
of the Spanish and French. In this same essay on " Westerne
Planting" Hakluyt drew attention to what he understood
Ciirtier to say of a river that can be followed for three
months "southwarde from Hochelaga." Whether this refers
to some Indian story of a way by Lake Champlain and the
FFudson, or to the longer route from the Iroquois country
to thfl Ohio and Mississippi, may be a question ; if indeed
it may not mean that the St. Lawrence itself bent towards
the south and found its rise in a warmer clime, as the

cartojirraphors who were contemporaries of Hakluyt made
it. Hakluyt further translates what Cartier makes Donna-
cona iuul other Indians say of these distant parts where
the people are " elad with clothes as wee [the French] aic,
very honest, and many inhahited townes, and that they had
create store of golde and redde copper; and that wilhin
the land beyonde the said firste ryver unto llochelaoa and
Saguynay, ys an Hand envyroned rounde ahoute with that
and other ryvers, and that there is a sea of freshe water
founde, as they have hearde say of those of Saguenay, there
was never man hearde of, that founde vnto the hegynnynge
and ende thereof," Here is the warrant that Mercator and his
followers found for their sea of sweet water. Hakluyt adds :
" In the Frenche origiiuiU, which I sawo in the Kinges library
at Paris, yt is further put downe, that Donnacona, the Kinge
of Canada, in his barke had traueled to that contrie wher<;
cynamon and cloves are had." Hakluyt, with the tendency of
his age, could not help associating this prolonged passage with
a new way to Cathay, and he cites in sui)port " the judg-
niente of Gerardus Mercator, that excellent geographer, in a
letter of his," which his sou had shown to Hakluyt, saying,
" There is no doubte but there is a streighte and shorte
waye open unto the west, even to Cathaio." Hakluyt then
closes his list of reasons for believing in this ultimate \y,iii-
sage by adding, in the words of Ramusio, that " if tlie
Frenchmen in this their Nova Francia woulde have dis-
covered upp farther into the lande towardes the west
northwest partes, they shoulde have founde the sea and
have sailed to Cathaio."

Before Hakluyt published any map of his own, there were
two English maps which became prominent. In 1580 Dr.
John Dee presented to Queen Elizabeth a map which is
preserved in the British Museum. It has nothing to dis-
tinguish it from the other maps of the time, which show a
St. Lawrence River greatly prolonged. The second map was
far more distinctive and more speculative. Ruscelli in loOl
and Martines in 1578 had represented the country south of
the Lower St. Lawrence as an island, with a channel on
the west of it, connecting the Atlantic with the great river
of Canada. This view was embodied by Master Michael

liok ill this other map, in union with other pr3val«nt notions
ill ready mentioned, of a nei«,'liboring archipehicfo betwee"
the St. Lawrence and the Aretie waters. In this way Lok
made the jrreat river rather an ocean inlet than an affluent
of the gulf. Hakluyt adopted this map in his little " Divers
Voyages" (1582) to illustrate an account of the voyage of
Veirazano, and curiously did so, because there is no trace
of Verrazano in the map except the great western sea, which
had long passed into oblivion with other cartographers.

When llakluyt again came before the public in an edition
of the eight decades of Peter Martyr's " De orbe novo," which
he i)rinted at Paris in 1587, he added a map bearing the initials
" F. G." This map may be supposed to embody the conclusions
which Hakluyt had reached after his years of collecting mate-
rial. He had, as we have seen, already reviewed the field in
his " Westerne Planting," where he had adopted the Mercator
theory of the access by the Ottawa to the great fresh-water
lake of the Indian tales.

Jaccjues Nciel, a grand-nephe v of Cartier, writing from St.
Malo in 1587, refers to this F. G. map of Hakluyi, as putting
down " the great lake " of Cimada much too far to the north
to 1)0 in accordance with one of Cartier's maps which he pro-
fessed to have. This Noel had been in the country, and re-
ported the Indians as saying that the great lake was ten days
above the rapids (near Montreal). He had been at the rapids,
and reported them to be in 44° north latitude.

In 1590 llakluyt was asking Ortelius, through u relative of
tlie Antwer[) geographer then living in London, to publish a
map of the region north of Mexico and towards the Arctic
seas. Ortelius signified his willingness to do so, if Hakluyt
would furnish the data. In the same year the English geo-
grapher wrote to Ortelius at Antwerp, urging him, if he made
a new map, to insert " the strait of the Three Brothers in its
proper place, as there is still hope of discovering it some day,
and we may b}- placing it in the map remove the error of those
cosmographers who do not indicate it." It is apparent, by
Hakluyt's accompanying diawing, :hat he considered the " Fre-
tum trium fratrum " to be in latitude 70" north.

There was a temptation to the geographer to give a striking
character to the repoi'ts or plots of returned navigators. Mer-
cator compliments Ortelius on his soberness in using such plots,

and compbins that geographical truth is much corrupted by
map-makers, and that tliose of Italy are specially bad.

The maps that succeeded, down to the time when Cham-
plain made a new geography for the valley of the St. Lawrence,
added little to the conceptions already mastered by the chief
cartographers. The idea of the first explorers that America
was but the eastern limits of Asia may be said to have van-
ished at the same time ; for the map of Myritius of near this
date (ir)87, 1590) is perhaps the last of the maps to hold to
the belief.

While all this speculative geography was forming and disap-
pearing with an obvious tendency to a true conception of the
physical realities of the problem, there was scarcely any at-
tempt made to help solve the question by exploration. There
was indeed a continuance of the fishing voyages of the Nor-
mans and Bretons to the banks, and the fishermen ran into the
inlets near the Gulf to dry their fish and barter trinkets with
the natives for walrus tusks ; but we find no record of any one
turning the point of Vraspe and going up the river. There was
» at the same time no official patronage of exploration. The
politics of France were far too unquiet. Henry II. had as
much as he could do to maintain his struggles with Charles V.
and Philip IT. St. Quentin and Gravelines carried French
chivalry down to the dust. The persecution of the Protes-
tants in the brief reign of Francis II., the machinations of
Catharine de' Medici and the supremacy of the Guises kept
attention too constantly upon domestic hazards to permit the
government to glance across the sea. All efforts under
Charles IX. to secure internal peace were but transient.
Ever}'^ interval of truce between the rival religions only gave
opportunities for new conspiracies. The baleful night of St.
Bartholomew saw thirty thousand Huguenots plunged into
agony and death. The wars of the League which followed
were but a prolonged combat for Huguenot existence. Henry
III. during fifteen years of blood played fast and loose with
both sides. Henry IV. fought at Arques and Ivry to preserve
hit crown, and abjui'ed his faith in the end as a better policy
to the same end. At last these tumultuous years yielded to
the promulgation of the famous edict at Nantes (April 1"),

loOH), jiiid in the rest wliicli came later the tiuies grew ripe
for new enterprises l)ey()n(l t!ie sea.

We have seen that it was to tlie labors of Hakluyt and
Ramusio dnrintj these sixty years that we owe a large part of
the current knowledge of what were then the last official ex-
peditions to Canada. That private enterprise did not cease to
connect the French jjorts with the lishery and trade of the
gulf and its neighboring ports is indeed certain, though (ijir-
neau speaks of this interval as that of a teni}K)rary abandon-
ment of Canada. Gosselin and other later investigators have
found entries made of numerous local outfits for voyages from
Ilonfleur and other harbors. Su ;h mariners never, however, so
far as we know, coniemplated the making of discoveries. Old
fishermen are noted as having grown gray in forty years' ser-
vice on the coast : and there is reason to believe that during
some seasons as many as three or four hundred fishing-crafts
may have dipped to their anchors hereal>outs, and half of them
French. Some of them added the pursuit of trade, and
chased the walrus. Breton babies grew to know the cunning
skill which in leisure hours was bestowed by these mariners
on the ivory trifles which amused their liouseholds. Norman
maidens were decked with the fur which their brothers had
secured from the Esquimaux. Parkman found, in a letter of
Rlenende^ to Philip of Spain, that from as far south as the
Potomac Indian canoes crawled northward along the coast,
till they found Frenchmen in the Newfoundland waters to
buy their peltries. Breard has of late, in his " A[arine Nor-
mande,"' thrown considerable light upon t? 9se fishing and
trading voyagers, but there is no evidence of their passing into
the great river.

Once, indeed, it seenidd as if the French monarch, who had
occasionally sent an armed vessel to protect his subjects in
this region against the English, Spanish, and Portuguese,
awoke to the opportunities that were passing ; and in 1577 he
commissioned Troilus du Mesgonez, Marquis de la Roche, to
lead a colony to Canada, and tlie project commanded the con-
fidence of the merchants of Rouen, Caen, and Lisieux. Cap-
tain J, Carleil), writing in 1588, in his "Entended Voyage to
America," tells u^ that the French were trying to overcome
the distrust of the Indians, which the kidnapping exploits of
Cartier had implanted. Whether any such fear of the native

1!>

ser-

animosity stood in tin; way of La Roche's enterprise or not, is
not evident ; hut certain it is, that he did not sail, and the
king remained without a representative on the St. Lawrence.
This sovereign gave, however, in 1588, in re(iuital of claims
made by the heirs of Cartier for his unrewarded services, a
'barter to two of that navigator's nephews, Etienne Charton
and Jacques Niiel, in which he assigned to them for twelve
years the rif;!it to trade for furs and to work mines, with the
privilege of a <!oaimercial company. The grant was made
partly to enable the heirs to carry out Cartier's injunctions to
his descendants lot to abandon tlie country of Canada.

Such reserved privileges were a blow to the merchants of
St. Malo, and they drew the attention of the Hreton parlia-
ment to the monopoly in such a way that the king found it
prudent to rescind the charter, except so far as to mine at
Cap de Conjugon. No one knows where that cape was, or
that any mining was done there. So a second royal project
came to naughc.

It would have been better if the first expedition that really
got off had never started. A few years later La Roche,
who had had much tribulation since his last luckless effort, was
commissioned (Jan. 12, l.")90) to lead once more a colony to
the St. Lawrence. By this act that king revived the powers
which Francis L had conferred on Roberval. Chartering two
vessels and, in default of better colonists, filling them with
convicts. La Roche sailed west and made Sable Island. Such
portion of his company as he did not need while exploring for
a site, he landed on this desert spot, not without raising the
suspicion that he did not dare to land them on the mainland,
for fear of their deserting him. While searching for a place
to settle, heavy gales blew his exploring ships out to sea, and
back to France. Those whom he had abandoned at Sable
Island were not rescued till 160-3, when twelve had died.

This is the last scene of that interval which we have been
considering ; but in the near future other spirits were to ani-
mate New France, in the persons of Pontgrave, Champlain,
and their associates, and a new period of exploration was to
begin.