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32X

• OLD MI'DLCTIC PORT

AMI I III.

1 XDi w (Mi.\ri:i.

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SiVixi' ]ea\ liArrisri

I'.j'Ki; KKAi; i-'ti-VKH N:-v; PKi:N.^v;iCr: HisTOi,!-:Ai. >i.::iKrY

BY REV W O RAYMOND. M.A.

HLPRIM i-;il I-HIIM cm I t'.nON^ OF IHF ^OMETV, Vdl 1,, 1^96,

SAIN I .lOllX. \. l;.:
'mi 1>ui,n I'l.iij.i; \i-ii Sii.wi I'.mhk anip ■\'<\'. 1'mni.

opt: 'MAX

KIHONOKvO-IOA-?AB-
HOCTtM- ?OS- AN-D-.

M DC evil-

• MALE C I T/€

<V\OE R'D or £■

P DANIE

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{/■mill II Photograph by 11. R. ll'atsrii. H'oinistoii:, .V. B.l

MEMORIAL TABLET.

DiSCOVERKI) AT Mkuii lir, IN JuNK, 1890.
A relic of the Imliaii Chapel of Saint Jean Baptiste.

ri'

ill

111

♦1'
vi

b(
tc

Tl
1

1-1
tl

HI
III
1)<
IK

THE OLD MEDUCTIC FORT-

A I'AriiK KKAU UKFOUK TUK NEW IJRUNSWK.K lIlSTOUICAIi SOfUETV.

BY REV. W. O. RAYMOND, M. A.

Twelve miles below tlie town of AVoodstock, N. !>., tin i'; oiiltrs tlm
river St. John, from the westward, a good sized tributary, known .ts Eel
river. It is a very variable stream, flowing in the ui)per reaches with
feeble curient, over sandy shallows, with here and there deep pools, and
at certain seasons almost lake like (!X))ansions over the adjoining swamps.
The slugglish current and muddy liottom render the ujjper part of tjie
river a congenial resort for [)ickerel,'* and large numbers of these fish
arc taken there from time to time by sportsmen. In the last twchr
miles of its course Eel river is transformed into a turbulent stream,
broken with rapids and falls, to such an (ixtt-nt that only at tlu' freshet
Bea.son is it possible to descend in canoes. About six miles above the
mouth of the river there is a well-known water fall, about fifteen feet
in height, at the foot of which Salmon were formerly taken in large
quantities. More than two centuries ago the Indians of the Meductic
village used to resort thither at the proper season for the i)urpose
of fishing. t The place is only about six miles, in a direct course from
the Meductic fort.

Geographically, Eel river is of some local importance, as it forms the
boundary between the adjoining counties of York and Carleton. His-
torically, it is more notable than any other tributary of the upper St.

* Pickerel were uiikncpwii in Kel liver until leceiitly. About twenty vciii'!* ajj" ■' -^'i' I'liikin ut
Itenton, pliu-ud about a half dozen of these tish in the atreiun, iiiul in it \en slmrt lime tlie\ nnilti-
plied B(i iinia/inBly iis to take almost entire possession, extcrn)inatinjr trout ami other tish. I'roin
Eel river they have found their way into the river St. .lohii, where they are frei|Uently lauuht.

+ This is' in all probability the sjiot tip which John (Jyles (wlio, as a lioy, was a captive at the
Meiluctic village A. I). lOMl-Kiliri), refers in his nurr.itive : "()t;ce, as wc were lishiny for Salmon at
a fall of about lifteeu feet of water, I came near bein^f drowne<l in a deep hole at the foot of the tall.
The Indians W(!nt into the water to wash themselves and asked me to y^o with them. 1 told them
1 could not swim, but they insisted, and so I went in. They ordered me to dive across the deei e t
|)laec, and if I fell short of the other side they said they would help ine. Hut instead of diviiif; acTo.ss
tlie narrowest part I was eniwlinjf on the bottom into the deepest place. They, not seeiiii,'' me rise,
and knowing where al)OUt 1 was by the bubbling- of the water, a youiiK sirl dived down and broiitfht
me up by the hair, otherwise 1 had perished in the wat«r. " <!yles adds, that "Thouj^h the Indians,
both male and female, go into the water to<(ether, they have each of them such a nuerhiK on that
not the least indecency can be ohser\cd, anif neither diastit., nor modest v is \ioliitcd.'

NKW miUNHWICK IIIHTOIIICAI- HOClKTY.

•lolm. On old Kicncli maps it is called Medorf'n; and undor that name
is nit-ntioncd hy Heveral writers more tliun two liundred yeaiH ayo. 'I'lio
Maliseets, howevei", t'lom very early times liuvo called it MinUtiramkee-
liioh, signifying " rocky at its inoutli," and it is poHsiMt! that tho naino
Me<hirfrf wa.s givcui by the Fremh and wan suggested by the proximity
of th(! villnge Medoctec. Modern IiidiaiiH often call tins river (lotaircc-
Hp^bonk, meaning " Eel's stream," but this is obviously only a translation
of the English name.

A glance at the map will sufHce to sliow tliat Medoctec, or Eel river,
formed a very important link in the natural chain of inlaml communi-
catiot; supplied by (he riv(!rs of eastern Maine and New Ibunswick.

The Indians of the Maliseet and Micmac tribes wero always a race
of nomads, wandeiing aljoutfrom one camping ground to another, h8
necessity or capric(^ impelled them. During the prolonged struggh; Ix-
twoen England and France for supremacy in Acadia, war parties of the
savages w(>U! almost constantly traversing tin* waters of the Medoctec;
at one tiiiu! directing tlieir way westward to devastate the settlements of
New England, at another proceeding Irom the Penobscot and Kennebec
regions to the aid of their French allies at Louisboui'g and Beau.sejour.
In the course of the stirring events of that period war parties travelled
so frequently hither and thither that tlie mutual acquaintance of the;
savages was extended throughout the whole of ancient Acadia. Colonel
John Allan, who, prior to the Kevolution, was an Indian trader at the
head of the Bay of Fundy, says, that at tlie close of tlie "old J'^iench
war" in 1763, there was scarcely a single Indian warrior who was not
individually known in all their villages and encampments, from Kennebec
to Mirami.'hi.

The extensive use of the old routes of travel is strikingly shown by
the fact noted some lifty years ago by Dr. (Jesner, in the report of his
topographical and geological survey of the jaovince, namely tliat along
the aboriginal tiail, ''the solid rocks liave been furrowed by the moccasins
of th(! native tribes." Various rei)utal>le authoriti(!S assert that the
coarse granite rocks are worn in places to a defttli of two or throe indies,
by the constant use of the old Indian trial ; and one wiiter* declares
that we have in this circumstance the most ancient evidence of the
existence of mankind in this part of America.

There is only a short portage from the Eel river lakes to Noith lake,
one of the sources of the St. Croix, and the latter river supplies communi-

■ Frtck'i-iuk KiUUcr. Sue " Militur.v (»|n;iutiuiib in ciistciii Maine anil Nuva Scotia during tlix
lUviilutinn," p. so.

VKW IIRIVRWICK IIISTOIUCAI, HOCIETV.

. Tlio

•dinkie-
: niiiiiu
ixiiiiity
'otciii'ee-
i.sliitiun

cation with tlie Pag8ania(|uotl<ly rogion, and also (by way of Sdioodic
lakes and IVlacliias river) with MachiuH port. Another portage foinicrly
much used hy the Indians and their Kicnch allic'S, was that from the
hiiger Cheputnaticook lake to the river Mattawa.iikeag, an eastern
hnineh of the Penohscot. From the Penobscot waters there is but a
short portage to an eastern branch of the Kennebec. It will thus bo
seen than the rivers of ancient Acadia were nature's own highway for
1 the aboriginal inha'oitants.

The Indians iidiabjting the region from the river St. John to tlie
Kenncibec are all Malisoets, an i although there exist some local peeulinr-
ities of dialect, they readily understand each other, and are practically
one people. The word Maliseet is derived from Mal-l-see-ji/,; which
means '* he speaks badly." The name is said to have been apjilied to
the St. John river Indians, and those to the westward by the iMieniacs.
The writer of tl»is paper was informed not long sincf; by the Cliief of the
* Indians at Folly Point, on the Petitcodiac, that to the ordinary Micmac

. of today, the Maliseet dialect is ((uite unintelligible. Among the St.

John river Indians there is a tradition that the Micmacs and iMaliseets
were originally one people ; the latter, to quote the words of one of their
tribe, •' went off by themselves and picked up their own language,"
which the Micmacs regarded as " broken language," and so gave to them
tlio name of Maliseet.

In early times the three principal villages of the Maliseets of Acadia
were Nurantsouak, on the Kennebec ; Panngamsdc, on the Penobscot,
and Medoctec, on the St. Jolui. It was not until after the establishment
of the French at St. Anne's point (now Frcdericton), that the Indian
village of Aukpacjue became of equal impoi tance with that of Medoctec.

The site of Fort INIedoctec was not at the mouth of Medoctec or Eel
river, but at a point on the west bank of the St. John, four miles above.
It guarded the eastern extremity of the famous portage, some tive miles
in length, by Avhich canoes were carried in order to avoid the rapids that
obstruct the lower twelve miles of Eel river. The village here was a
natural rendezvous whenever anything ot a warlike nature was afoot on
the St. John. It formed a midway station between the great French
stronghold at Quebec, and the Acadian .settlements at the head of the
Bay of Fundy, and it occupied a similar position as regavds the Mada-
waska Indian village en the upjter St. John, and Villebon's fort at the
Naslnvaak. Westward, as we have just shown, there was ready means
of communication with Penobscot and Kennebec, Machias and Pas-
saraaquoddy. But Medoctec in early days possessed many local

[

I ;

4 NKW MUrNHWICK IIINTOKICAI. HOCIKTV.

ndvnntagPH. The Imntinj? in tlu* vicinity whh excellfnt ; thn rivorH
nl.oiindcd with Hiiliiioii, stiirj,'<'oii, Itnss. tiniit and otlicr Hsh, and tho
intcrvalH and iHlandK wciu adiiiiral)ly adai»U(l to tho growth of Indian
corn.

The Mcdoctcc viUacc is jcfcrnd to hy sovf-ral of the early French
wiiterH ; for exaniph*, Oaihllac, in 165)3, suys, " Th(( MaliHcetH an' well
shaped and tolerably warlike ; they attend to the cultivation of the soil
and grow the most heautiful Indian com ; their fort i.s at Medoclek."
Clianiplaiii'M narrative sutlices to show that corn was cultivated three
centuries ago in very much tlie same numner uh now. We (piote his
description : —

"In thfi place of ploiixlis they usp an inutrument of very hard wood shaped like
a apadf. WC muw tliLir ImliiUi cdrii «lii<h they niise in ganleim. i'laiiting tliiee
or four kuru(-]H in one place, th<y tluMi lieap u|) a ijuantity of earth, then three
fi'ct ilistanl they |ilant as nmch nioit! and llnis in BUeccssion. With tiiis tliey i>\it
in eat li liill three or four iirazilian heans ; when they grow up they inlerlaic
with the corn which reaciies to the heiglit of from tlvo to six feet, and tliey keep
the grounil very free from weeds. We saw many Hi|uat>lies, |iumpkins and t()l)acco
wliieh tlicy likwise oultixali'. They plant tlieir corn in May and gatlicr it in
Septtnihcr.

The S(|uashes, pumpkins and tohacoo, it need scarcely ho said were
like the corn, indigenous to America, ahhough brouglit from more
southern latitudes. Thcie is a curious Indian tradition that tlio crow
brought them a grain of corn in one ear and in the other an Indian
hean from the field of their god Kantuntowit, in the south west land.
The Indian tobacco was a smaller and more hardy sjjecies than the
Nivothiuo tiibocittii. that has since become so popular with their white
brothers ; Jactpies (.'artier describes it as early as 1535, and we give his
description in the (piaint language of Ilakluyt's translation : —

" Tliere groweth also a certain kind of lierbe, whereof in sonimer they make a
greate provi.sioii for all tlic yeere. First tliey cause it to be dried in the snnne,
then \Neare it af)out their neckes wrapped in a little beasts skiiine made like a
little baggc. « ith a hollow jieece of stone or wood like a pipe or coronet. Then
when they j)lease tliey make iiouder of it and then jint it in one of the ends of the
said coronet or pipe and laying a cole of tire upon it, >it the other end sucke ho
long, that tliey till their bodies full of smoke till tint it coninieth out of their mouth
ami ntistrils even as out of the Tonnel of a chinuiey. They say that this <loth
keepe them warnie and in health ; they never goe without some of it about them."

The fertile inteivals at the Med\ictic village were doubtless cleared
of trees and cultivated at a very early period. When Chauiplain visited

Vkw rtHi'NHWfrK HiNTontrAr, noriKTV.

tllP rlvOFH

I, and tliu
uf Indian

riy French
H nn- well
of tlic soil
Icdodck."
at<>d tinct'
<|Mot(' !iis

slinpud liku
ntiiig three
tliei' tliivo
is thi'v pii(
y intfiliiit-
1 tliuy kiu'p
lid t(i))iiuco
iitliiT it ill

said were
oni more
tlio crow
n Jndiim
■est land,
than the
eir white
' give his

ey make a
the siiiine,
acle like a
et. Then
nils of the
aiicke HO
leir mouth
this (loth
ut tlieiii."

i cleared
n visited

tlifl RJioreR of Acadia }i(* found that Indian axen and otll^r iniplenientn
were all of stone, and he speakH of the ininiense lahor and diHiciilty they
encountered in falling trees with such rude iniplenientH. Nevertheless
they nunuij^ed to hack down trees with their stone axes, and after burn-
ing the liianches and trunk, planted the'ir corn aiiioii^ the stumps, and
in tlu) course of time took out the roots. Tlje corn they rai.sed they
eitluu- dried in the milk in the manner desciil)ed hy John (Jyles in his
narrative,* or allowed it to ripen, wlien they shelled it from the ear and
pounded it in wooden or stone mortars, and reduced it to meal. Out of
this meal they made thin hroad cakes which they t. oked licfoie the tire.
Speaking of this fact in one of his lectures on early New UrunKwick
history, the late Mosses I'erley remarked : "and here, ladies and genth;-
men, we have the origin of that very good thing to all true 'blue noses.'
an Indian Johnny Cake ! "

Parkman in one of his works speaks of the Algonquins as a pio
pie who paid no attention to the cultivation of th(! soil. This stni uient
is manifestly a mistake in the case of the Maliseets who are a nibe of
the Algoiwiuin race.

The site of old Fort Medoctee lie; on the west Imnk of tlio St. .fohii
river about eight miles below the town of Woodstock on land now
ownt'd by A. K. Hay. The reader will gain a lietter idea of the posi-
tion of the fort and its surroundings by an examination of the plan
on the next page, t

Unfortunately for the historical student the site has been so well
cultivated by thrifty farmers that there now remains little to indi-
cate the outlines of the foi titlcations. It is impossible to determine
with absolute certainty the exact position of the stockade, or of the
large wigwam';: or Council Chandler and other features commonly found
ill Indian towns of that period. The only place where the old breast-
work is now visible is along the south and east sides of the i)uiial ground,
where it is about two feet high, but Mr.Wilmot Hay says that when his
father purcliii.sed the property theie was an embankment four or ti\e

' " Til dry ciirii when in the milk, tliev ^ritliur it in liirife kettlow luiil Imil It nii tlif eiirs till it
is inx'tty hiinl, then shell it from the mh witli ilain shells, and drv it mi hark in the sun When it
is tluiionuhly ihy, a kernel is im tiiirurer than a pi.'a ami wnnld keep years, and when it is huileil a^jain
it swells as l.irne as when <in the ear and tastes incdinparalilv sweeter than ntlier I'lirn. When we
had ^atluM'ed cmr enni and drieil it in the way aire idv (les(ril".'d, we put sunie nf it intn Indian liai'ns,
that is into holts in the «:round, lined and emend with hark and then with earth. 'I'lie rest we
I. rried up the river upon our next w Intel's hniitiiiL;-." diilcs' .S'liniitiii'.

i This plan is liaseil upon a emeful personal ilJ^peetiol| nf the plaee made in eompany with the
brothers Messrs. .\. I(. anii Wilniot llay. Notes and sketehes kindly plaeed at the writiM's disposiil
hy Or W K. (iaiion^;-, who made a careful examination of the site some years a^'o, have also lieeii
taken intoaeeouiit The ohservatioiis and traditions of tlie<ilder settlers of the \ieinity Innc received
due eousideiatioii, and the oldest plans in theCrown Land Otiiceat Krederictoii have been eonsulte<l.

{ .lolin tiyles muntioiis this large wijjwiim in his narrative us the soeiiu of the sevtre.st torture
he endured duriii!{ his captivity.

NKW liHrS'fiWF'K HiKTOIUrAI. SOflKTV.

feet In'gli runiiing dingonally, as niaiked in tho plan, from the noitli-weat
corner of the old giave yard towards tlie river bank. This was levelled
by the lielp of a team of horses and a scrapei', but with some ditlieulty,
as tho Indians had employed stones as wt.'U as earth in its construction.
At the site of the fort and village there is a tiae plateau extending
back about fifty rods from the river's bank, which is liere about twenty-
tivo feet in height, then descending to a lower interval about twenty
rods wide and rising thence abruptly sixty or seventy feet to the upland.
At the back oi the lower interval is a curious gully, something like a
broad ual,ural roadway, which affords an easy ascent to the upland. Here,
no doubi. was the comnieneement of the historic portage by which Itands
of savages bedecked in their war paint and accom[)anied by their French
allies in ancient days took their departure westward to devastate the
New Engfland settlements.

,^^f Coi/ncilfire

C. CampinijGiouni

Hold fort medoctecJ

'P^HR INTERVAL

._^^'^er /,,,,^,i_

St,,

SipepHillside

» to toff. I

D <^

Gyles
SprI

At the time of the spring freshet the lower interval is overflowed
and the elevated j)lateau converted into an island.

Moses H. Perl«>y, in his first report on the St. John river Indians,
submitted to the provincial legislature in 1841, desciil)es the encampment
at Meductic Point, and quotes a tradition that the Indians built here in

i L ' iu.teiLjJU.tigii. ' ^.:J r j

NKW liUrNSWK'K IIISTOr.UAL SOCIETY.

le nortli-weat
i was levelled
me ditticulty,
construction,
au extending
ibout twenty-
about twenty
,0 the upland,
etl.ing like a
ipland. Here,
r wliich 1 lands
their French
devRstato the

eepHillside |
70 fo toft' I

D "^

Gyles
spring

I is overflowed

river Indians,
he encampment
lis built here in

early times a very strong fort to repel the French. It is, however,
almost certain that the fort was in existence before the arrival of the
French on the upper St. John, and was intended primarily for the
protection of the Indians against the attaci<s of hostile savages. In
construction tin; fort was probably very similar to those of the Hurons
and other Indians of Canada, which are described at length by Parkman
in his booK, "The Jesuits in North Anierica." It must hav(> been a
very laborious task to construct the palisade in the lirst instance, and
nothing Init stern necessity is likely to have driven so naturally indolent
and improvident a people to undertake it. The stout stakes were cut,
pointed, and lirndy planted with no better implements than tlu; clumsy
stone axe and like tools of pre-historic times. Between the stakes
saplings were interwoven, so as to form a well-nigh impenetrable wall,
which was braced as firndy as possil)K .

According to tradition several sanguinary Ijattles were fought in tiie
vicinity of Fort Medoctcc, and the bodies of many of the slain were
liuried in the old grave yard, others at a ))lace on the opposite side of
the river, where many skeletons have been brought to light. In these
legendary Indian fights it is the Mohawks who, ior the most part, tigure
as the antagonists of tlie Maliseets. Until \ery recently the very rtime
of Moliawk suthced to startle a St. John river Indian. The late Mr.
Fdward Jack once asked an Indian child " What is a INIohawk.'' and
received for reply, " A Mohawk is a bad Indian who kills people and
eats them,"

In the narrative of his captivity John Gyles tells an amusing story
of an incident at Fort Medoctec, which serves to illustrate the super-
stitious dread the Maliseets entertained with regard to the ^Mohawks,
We give the story from the original narrative in his own words ;

"One very liot season a great number galliereil together al the village ; iind,
liL'ing a vtry droughty [leople. ihey kept .lames ami myself night and day tit .hing
water from a cold spring, that ran out of a rocky liill about 1 liree (|uarteis of a
mile fiom the fort. In going thither we erossed a large iiii 3rval corntield, and
liien a descent to a lower interval before we ascended the liill lo tlie spring.
.lame.'!, being almost dead, as well as I, with tjiis continual fatigue, contrived to
fright the Indians, Ife told me of it, l)ut conjured me to secrecy, yet said lie
liiiew that I could kee]) counsel. The next dark night James, going ''or w-.ter, set
his kettle on the descent to the lowest inter\ al, and ran back to the fort putting
and blowing as in the utmost surprise, and told his master that he saw something

' Tlic reforeiice is Id JamcB .Mexanilor, a .Jersey man, who was captured at the tiikini; »{
Kaliiioutli, Maiirj, l).v 11 t)aml of aliout aoO liuliansi, iiiaiiv of tliein Ijeloiijjii)!.' to the river St. Juliii,
nil the "Jyth Jlav, liiltU. .More tliaii imi prisMiiers «ei-c tatieii, ami tlie luimticr '4 Willeil wa;? very
larjru.

■i

NKW BIUNSWICK HISTOUirAI. SOCfKTY.

near the si)ring, which looked like Mohawks (which he said were only stumps —
aside), his master, beinj; a most courageous warrior, went with James to make
discovery, and when they came to tlie brow of tlie hill, James pointed to the
tlumps, and witiial touclied his kettle with his toe, which gave it motion down
hill, and at every turn of the kettle the hail clattered, upon which James ano 'is
niasler coidd mcc a Mohawk in every stump in motion, aod turned tail too, and i
was the best man who could run the fastest. This alarmed all the Indians in the
village. 'I'hcy, though about thiity or forty in number, ])acked off, bag and
baggage, some uj) tlie river and ntlicrs do\Nn, and did not return under fifteen
ilays, and, tlie heat of the weather being finally over, our hard service abated
finally for this season. I never heard that the Indians understood the occasion of
the fright, but James and 1 had many a ])rivate laugii about it."

In explanation of the panic of the Indians on this occa.sion, we may
recall Parkman's desciiption of the Mohawks, as the fiercest, the boldest,
yet the most politic savages to whom the American forest ever gave
liirtli and nurture. They were early supplied with fire arms by the
l)utch settlers, and the posse.ssion of these, added to their natural courage
and ferocity, gave them an advantage over the neighboring tribes they
fully undei'stood. They boasted that they would wipe the Hurons, the
Algon(juins and the French from the fact' of the earth. "As soon as a
canoe could float they were on the wai path, and with the cry of the
returning wild fowl mingled the yell of these human tigers. They did not
always wait for the breaking ice, but set forth on foot, and when they came
to open water made canoes and embarked. They burned, hacked, and
devoured ; exterminated whole vilbiges at once." One of the French
missionaries says: "They ate men with as much appetite and more
pleasure than hunters eat a boar or a stag." This is substantiated by a
story Parknuui relatis of a !Mohawk war party that once ca{)tured an
Algon<|uin hunting party, in which there were three squaws, who had
each a child of a f(!w weeks or months old. At the first halt the captors
took the infants, tied them to wooden spits, roasted them alive before a
lire and feasted on them before the eyes of the agonized mothers, whose
shrieks, sujiplications and frantic eflbrts to break the cords that bound
them, were met with mockery and laughter. " They are not men, they
are wolves!" sobbed one of the wretched women as she told what had
befallen her to the pitying Jesuit.

The INIalisrets were a tribe of the AIgon(]uin nation, and shared with
their Canadian kinsmen the bittiT enmity of the INlohawk nation.

The position of the spring mentioned by CJyles as the scene of the
Mohawk scare, is given in the lower right-hand corner of the plan, (see
page G). Its distance from the old fort is about half a mile, and the
situation and sui-roundings correspond so exactly with Gyles description

*
■«

I ll jui i mjum i , j i ti5ai-iJjiJ ^C33C5S:

Ni:\V MlilXSWICK llI>TOi;i('Ah hOI.IKTV,

nly stumps —
imes to make
oiuted to the
motion down
James and 'is
lil too, and i
lulians in the
off, bag and
mider fifteen
ervice abated
he occabioh of

ion, we inny

the boklest,
t over gave
riDs by tlie
uni) ooiirfif'o

tribes they
Hurons, tlie
^s soon as a

cry of the
riicy did not
n they came
lacked, and
the French
? and more
itiated by a
;aptured an
s, who liad

tlie ca[)tois
ive before a
hers, whose
that bound
t men, they
J what had

sliared with

tion.

'ene of the

3 plan, (see

le, and the

description

^ DEO.

0?T. MAX-i

M Dccvn

f^ p. 10-^ • L CVAKD JOCiL \l

SACLP.DOTZ '

ihiit tlicie is not tlic slii,ditcst (li)ubt as to the idcntiiy of iln- spring. Tluj
water that flows from it iicxor fails and is veiv pure and rool.

At tlic nortli west coriM'r of the ^„_^

bni'iid ground, at the jilacc marked ^

I' ■ in tlie plan. Mr. A. \{. Hay found,
in . I line. IS',)!), a small slate-stone
talilet. it was lyin^ (piite near the

surface, hidden merely by the fallen I ^^i H ONOR D -10 A' BAB ■ |
leaves: the inscription is in an excel- ( HOCT£M- PO 5; AN DC-^
lent state of preserx ation. The tablet
is of black slate, similar to the slate
found in the neighijorhood. in lengtli
fourteen inches l)y seven in width,
and al)0ut one iiu'h in thiekness. Jlr.
W. F. (ilajiong, of Smith College,
Northamjiton, ^Nlass., who was the
first to make a critical study of the
stone,* declares it to be, as regards
this province, the most interesting
relic of the French period that is
extant. The annexed cut shows the
outline of the tablet, with the inscrip-
tion reduced to nbout one fourth its
actual dimensions.

Without abbreviation the inscription reads :

DEfJ

Olitimo INIaximo

In honorem Divi loannis l>aptist;<>

Hoc Templuin p.osueiunt Anno Donuni

MDCCVll.

Malecit.k

Missionis Procurator Joanne Loyard Societatis lesu

Sacehdotk.

The translation reads: — '"To God, most excellent, most high, in

honor of Saint Joiin Baptist, the Maliseets erected this church V. D.

1717, while Jean Loyard, a priest of the Society of Jesus, was procurator

[or superintendent] of the mission." t

See Ur. (iiiMiiiijf's article ()n "A relii' >'i tlie French nccupati'.ii iif ,\ew Brunswick," |>rintO(l
ill the KiUicutidiiiil Heview in ISOU.

t The authiirities for the restuntioii in full nf the Latin inscriptiim and fur the Eiiiflish transla-
tion are Hisho|i Hnwlev , nf Xewfcmiiclland, ami Kev. Father .Innes, nf St. Mary's (.'dlleue, Mnntrcal.
I clesire, in this cimiiectiiin, tn express my nhliiratinn to l)r W. F. (Jaiionif «h.i, ha\ iiit; heeii at
s.)ine pains in scciiriiii; infurinatinn on this point, generously supplied it to me. W. O. II.

L- T * ^mW ie UL. ■ J ..4-A!V i»'-

\K\V ina'NSWH K lllftTOKU Al, WdCIKTV.

The inscription is clearly and neatly wrouylit, lnit not with suliicifnt
skill to suggest tlio hand of a jiractiscd stone engravei'. It was, in all
jnoiiahility, cut liy Father Loyard himself with a |iocket knife. The
Diuiie P. Danielou, Loyard's successor, who eaiiie u|)oii (he I'ivei' ahout
I7.">0, taintly scratched on the lower left-hiiiid corner, is evidently a later
addition ; its presence there, howevci', is of historic interest and will Ik;
a^ain referred to.

French missionaries laliored at a very early ])eriod tor the conversion
cif the St. .lohn river Indians. The first at the .Mediictic village, uf
whom we have any definite knowledge, was Father Simon, one of tin?
!!'"'<)llct, ])riests of the Franciscan order. Jie is fretjuently mentioned
liv .lohn (ivies in his narrative, and always in the most favorahle terms.
Indeed, had it not Ijeen foi' Father Simon's kindly interest the I'^nglish
captive woidd, on more tiian one occasion, have fallen a victim to the
Hialice of hi^ < aptors. In speaking of the hai'liarities practised hy tii<^
savages upon their untbrtunnte ])iisoners, (iyies remarks :

■'The ;)rii'st nt' the river was uf the order of St. Fiiuuis, a -enlleiiiau uf a
Iiuinaiie, m'lierdU.- tlis])obitiuii. hi his sermons lie severely reprelieiuled the
linlians for their barbarities to captives, lie would often tell them that, exeeptiiiu
tiieir eri'urs in reliL'ion. tlie F.nglisli were a better people tlian themselves."

There are several contemporaiy references to Father Simon,
("lailevoix mentions him, as also does Villebon in his journal. Monsieur
'iiiiieiife in a m» inoir on Acadia, written at Fort Xashwaak,"^ October
1. 1 ';'.>:•. says :

■• There are liere two lieeollet-;. Father Simon who, in reality, (iiiiiii-li,)in n/ J
i~ \'. ilh I'.ie savaires of .Nb'doktek, and batlier Klizee, the chaplain at l'"oit Nash-
n.,uk. Father Simon tuight to spend tiiis autumn at tjhieiiec to tender iiis subniis-
s-ion ( iiiii '■■'■••niin ) to his Superior; he is a \er\ i'onsi-it.'ntious man, who only
<on'erns himself with tlie affairs of his mission. l''ather Eli/.ee is a man so retiring
that he does not seem to me to have meddled with aii^ht hut his ministerial
fiinrtions.'

.Monsieur C'hampigny. the Intendant at (Quebec, abotit the same time,
O.'tober, Hi'.)."), \vi()t(! to the l-'rench nnnister that he had forwarded the
(••'jisus of the inhabitants on tla; river St. John, whiidi had been made
by Father Simon, the RecoUet who was missionary on the river, and
wjiich nught !»• relied on, he being a very honest man.

Sueli Testimony as the al)0ve corroborates tliat ot' -lohn (iyles, and
shows Father Simon's devotion to the peaceable dtities of his othce. Yet

• Tlie •^ite "X tlii^ i..i-t was ju-l iiliiivc tin- Xavliwaiik, ..n tlif liaiik ..f tlie St, Jolui riwr, niipdsite
Kn''li'rhtou.

Ni;\v !-,i;r.\s\vK K insTni;i(Ar, .s(i( ii:'iv

sulliciciit
as, in all
lit'.'. Tlu-
vvv aliout
tly a iatfv
i\(l will hv.

•ouNfr^iioii
village, of
me i)f tlu^
meulioiu'd
,lile terms,
e Eniilish
itn to rlif
■ivd 1)V the

ik'iiKUi nt ;i
■lieiuled llie
It, I'xeeptini:
ves."

er Simon.

Monsieur

* Octolier

urliii-/li)iii 1(1 J

l-"nit Nasli-
r hi> suliiiiis-
II, who iinly
an BO retiring'
s niiiiitsU'riul

■ same time,

warded tlio

heen made

?, river, and

(iyles, and
ottiee. Yet

II riviT, iijipcsitf

lie ('nuld play tie" part ut the w an inr wjicn eallfd upon, as we learn
fiom (iovernor Villfhon's atrdunt of the deCncc of I'oit Nasliwaak in
Octolier, 1 G'.Mj, against the attack of the New I'jighind cxpeditieii. led
l>y Colonels Hatliorm.' and Chineli. See the lollowing extiact tVom
Villehon's journal :

"1 hail wriHt'ii, nn llic 11th iii.st (-■'. -'. O'-toher) to the lli'fi.Hct, l'"at]ier
Simon, missionary to tlie sa\ (gtN of this legion, to eonn' (|\iii;kly, ami I siuniliid
liiin to eni.'n<;e all the savuf^'ts to ci jne down who wuii' willing' to li<:ht with the
Kiiglisii. He lo.'-t not a n'oim.nt, and having sent out word on all s-idc>. the
savages hcing at the time disj orsed upon the ri\er, he ani\td tliree iiours afltr
n.idday on the Ittli, bringing thirty-six saxagcs, and assured me of his caniost
desiiu to remain at the fort, as tiie ehaplain was tiiin ahscnt."

Nearly all nur local liistoiians have assumed that Father Simon
Itionglit his land of savages, or nco/Jiijfrs as the_\ are termed Ky
( 'harh'voix, from .\ukpa<pte, lait it is (piite dear that Medoctee was
Father Simons lieadqtiarters, and many of tlie Indians, no douht, came
with liim from tliat village or its neighborhood. Wo have the dii'ect
testimony of John Gyles that Medotec was tin; chief village ot' the
rivtr. (Jylt-s" lelease from the Indians was purchased in lOi).") liv I ouis
d'Amoiii. who then resided at tlie .lemi-cg, at the instance of I'atlicr
yimon. and (iyles, after desciihing the tiansacticn, gees on to say : —
"On tlie day followino- Father Simon and mv Indian master went
U)) the river six and thirty leagues to tJieir clivf villa ye.''

It -was while I'atlier Simon was in charge at Medoctcc that I'.ishoii
!:^t. N'alier, of Qucdiec, visited his mission. He came via the St. I'lancis
to the livtr St. John, whicli In; descended in a canoe, in ordei' to \i>it
Uie Friiich .settlements of Acadia. Jle slept at the Medot'^c toit one
night on his way down the river. .\n account of his tour is gi\fn in a
book printed in l^iris, in the year \^)i^^, entitled '' Fstat picsent tie
L" Eglise et de la C'olonie Francai.se dans la Nonvelh- France, jiar 'S\. J-
Evetpie de (Quebec.' The Bishop's lefereiue to his visit at I\redoet( c is
as follows :

" 'I'lie IStii I May, l(i.S(i| we slept at Medogtek, the liisl fort in Acadia, w here-
I greatly clieered a hnndre<''i savage:^ during my visit ; 1 told them I eaine on pur-
pose to establish a mission in the place for their benelit. It is to he wished iliat
the Flench who have tlieir abode along the route were so steady in their habits as,
by their example, to draAV these poor people to ( hrislianily : but we must hope
that with time the refoiniati<»n of the one will ■ cndu'C to the conversion or the
othei."

After the deatli or removal of Father Simon, the desuits seem to

' -^^g^^^^«g^'"'"^'"«'"^-'*-'^"'TiM M

NKW Ilin.S.SW ICK lll.STolllCAL .xOCIKTV,

Imve asstniiod the direotiou oi spiritual alliiirs amongst the Tnclian.s,
The tirst of their niissionaries of whom we liave any leconl is .Jeau
Haptiste Loyard, whose name appears on the tablet before referred to.
H(> was l)orn in the Provinre of Afiuitaine, Ootolier 18, 1G78, and
entered tlie Jesuit Society August .")0, IG!*.']. He came to America
in 1708. and a few years hiter iiis name appears in the catalogue as
one of the missionaries in Acadia, in all piobability a missionary to the
Indians of the river St. John, although il is not until tlie year 1710
that the nanie of his mission is speeilied : in the catalogue of that yea
it isgiven as "Medc^ktek." It is evident that the Frendi govennnent wa
at this time very anxious to cement, in every )iossible way, their allianc
with ilie native tribes of Acadia.* On June 1."), 171G, the Freiirh
niinister wrote : —

" It lia.x sefnii'd good to lus majesty, in ordei' to attach to us afrc.-.li tlio
Alieiiaki savages settled in Acadia, to allow them the construction of the
t\\i> (.•liui'che.s that they have desired in the missions ov tlie liver St. .loim and
Xaraiitfouak | Kennebec], and his majesty has been jdeased to place to tlieir
account a, sum of 1*200 livrea, agreeably to the proposal of the Sieur Begon. The
Sitnirs de \'audreil and IJegon will take care that it is expended to advantage, and
it is desirable that this sum, with that which the savages themselves can rai.*e,
should suttice to build the two churches. "'

''.

! '

M!!i

In reply the jNlanpiis de Vaudreil wrote that he had jiroinised to
have the churches built ; they would cost little and would be the means
of attaching the Indians more tirmly than ever to the French. A year
later, OctoV)er 14, 171G, Vaudreil and Begon, in their joint note to the
French minister, say ; —

" The savages <»f the missions of the river St. John and of Narantsouak w ill
fnniish a quantity of licaver as a contrilaition towards the cost of building the
tA\o churches for which the king has granted this year 1200 livres."

The date on the memorial tablet (A. I). 1717) shows that the walls
of the church were raised and the building enclosed the next year. A
year later the king of France made a further grant of 1200 livres
toward the churches at Medoctec and Narantsouak. and in 1720 a third
grant of a like sum which the governor and intendant were desired to
have expended with a view to the completion of the work by the aid of
such assistance as the Indians themselves could aflbid. In the autumn

• This policy liad l)OtMi fullnwed, hnutner, fnmi tile first. Anuiiijfst the pteseiits stiit imt Iiy
llio Freiicli ifdvc'rimient in the year ItilKf, by the frisfute La Suzanne, for tho savajres in Acadia were
tliL- fiilldwiiiK articles for tlic Malecites : - Bayonets; I'lTf) Itis !;ood powder ; muskets, .'> excellent and
:{0 ordinary ; shirts, 10 at fiOs. and liO at "iDs., 1 pair of stockings, 1 jfold laceil hut, I Kuiieii blanket,
i'p()i> lbs of lead in builds, 100 lbs of lead in bars

KKW BRUNSWICK HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Indiiiiis.
I is .)c;ui
ferrccl to.

078. iincl

AiiH'iica

talogue as

iiv to tlie
year 1716

tliat year

inu'iit was

ir alliani-o

lie French

s afriMi tlio
tion of the
St. .John and
iicf to their
Bi'gon. Tl'.e
vantage, iiiid
ves laii raise,

[n'omised to

e the means

•h. A year

note to the

cintsoiiiik will
building the

lat the walls
xt year. A

1200 Iiv res
1720 a third
re desiied to
by the aid of

the autumn

■lents sent out liy

tes in Ai'iulia were

ts, r> excellent iuid

I lUiuen blat.kut,

of the same year, October 26, 1720, the Marquis de Vaudreil had the
satisfaction of rejiorting :

"The cljurohes of Niirantsouak and Medoctek arc finished; they are well
built and will prove an inducement to attach the savages to those niifisions."*

Reference is made to the erection of tlie church at Medoctec io
the obituary letter received by the French missionaiies of the i^ociety of
Jesus, on the occasion of the death of Father Loyard in 1731, in which
there occurs the following passage : '

"After the example of the prophet he (Loyard) loved the beauty of the house
of the Lord ; he omitted nothing for the beautifying of His altars and, although
in the profound depths of the forest, he knew how to construct a beautiful church
(hdle ('■(jl'me), properly adorned, and to furnish it abundantly with holy vessels and
ornaments sufficiently rich."

Here we have, in brief, the documentary evidence respecting the
first church built upon the river St. John — very probably the first
church built within the limits of this province. The church may
have been dedicated to St, John Baptist, as the saint in wliose honor the
river itself had been named by Champlain, Father Loyard is mentioned
in the catalogue of 1727 as "Miss, St. J. Bapt.," the name, perhaps,
referring to che church, b \t more probably to the river, t

Among the royal gift to the Chapel was a bell, the same v?hich now
liangs.in the Chapel at the French village above Fredericton. Its clear,
sweet tones heard amongst the depths of the forest upon the banks of
the river St, John, as they rang out the call to prayer, must have proved
a novel sound in the savage ears 180 years ago.

In 1722 Father l^oyard went to France to plead the cause of his
mission. He boie letters of recommendation from the Marquis de
Vaudreil, who says that he had been a long time the missionary of the
St. John river. Vaudreil's correspondence shows that Loyard was
intrusted with civic as well as with ecclesiastical functions within the
limits of his mission. For example, the Acadians who removed to the
liver St. John in 171S were informed that they would receive tracts of
hind on application to Father Loyard, who had been empowered to grant

* Tliese extracts are taken from the four volumes of documents relative to Nouvelle France
publislu'd by the t^uobec (,''(ivernmcnt, and will be found under their respective dates.

t Hisho)) St. Valier, in the account of his visit to the river in UlSfi uses the name St. .Tcan
Uaptiste in dcscribinjf the Grand Falls : "The following day, IVth of May, we saw the place which
is called the great fall of St. .John Baptist (le (jfrand Saull .Sa/df Jean liaptiiite)yi\\&i(i the river
St John, falling over a very high rock, as a terrible cataract into an abyss makes u mist which hides
the water from view, and makes a roar that warns from afar the navigators Uescendiug in their
canoes."

'^StSU

: ;i'

NEW DRINSWICK HISTOUICAL SOCIETY.

them. All the French missionaries of Acadia were at this time exhorteci
to use their inthionce in maintaining ii i'.rin alliance between the Indians
and French, and to that end annual presents, supplied by the king of
France, were sent to the priests in charge of the missions for distribution
among their people. The appropriation for this purpose amounted to
about 4,000 livres per annum, and the governor and intendant of New
France were charged to exercise duo care that the presents were disposed
of to the best advantage. That the Indians were shrewd enough to
discern the motives of the Fiench court is evident from the statement of
the Manjuis de Vaudreil that it would be necessary to continue the
bestowal of presents annually, because the savages complained that they
were provided for only wlien their services were wanted ; the French
must continue their attention in time of peace if they expected their
help against the English in time of war.

After a short absence Father Loyard again returned to his mission,

where he laboured until his death, which

f7 /^ /M^ occurred on the night of tlie 24th or 25th June,

^/ 1731. The obituary letter* in which the other

[Fa. siiiiii,. Ill iTiis). missionaries were informed of the decease of

Father Loyard, contains a glowing eulogy of his life and character. He is
described as a man of gr^at talents and rare virtues, esteemed and beloved
by all classes, and iu his death universally lamented both by the French
and the Indians. He had devoted nearly twenty-four years of his life
to the conversion and improvement of tlie savages, and had filled all the
re(iuirements of a perfect missionary. Called to Quebec for the benefit
of his health, which had become seriously impaired, he had hardly
recovered from the fatigue of the journey before he requested leave to
return to his ancient mission of Medoctec, where his presence appeared
necessary. It was in the faithful discharge of his duties among the sick
that he contracted the disease, of which he died, in the midst of his
flock, over which, as a good pastor, he had watched incessantly, with the
satisfaction of seeing abundantly the fruit of his care and toil. The
memoiy of so excellent a missionary would serve for a long time as a.
benediction upon his people.

His successor was Jean Pierre Danielou, whose presence at
Medoctec has already been indicated h\ the occurrence of his name on,
the memorial tablet. He seems to have been a scholarly man, and was

• For much of the information respettin;; tho .Tesnit missionary Jean Baptiste Loyard, anil hiu
suceessor, Jean Pierre Danielou, and also fm- the fac siniilie of tho autograph of the former, I am
indebted to Rev. Father JoneH, of St. Mary's (Jolley:e, Montreal. The obituary '? tT written on the
oecasior of Loyard's death will be fi.-und iii the appendix.

NEW BRUNSWICK HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

e exhorted
he Indians
lie king of
listribution
[lounted to
[it of New
ire disposed
enough to
tatement of
intinue the
d that they
the French
lected their

his mission,
iath, which
L- 25th June,
ich the other
J decease of
acter. He is
and beloved
f the French
s of his life
filled all the
■ the benefit

had hardly
ited leave to
ice appeared
long the sick

midst of his.
itly, with the
id toil. The
ng time as a.

presence at

his name on

man, and was-

ste Loyard, ami liis

f the "fornior, I ni"

t^r written on the

employed for some years as a teacher in the college at Quebec. He
entered the Society of the Jesuits in 1713, but did not make his solemn
profession of the four vows till 1730. Ho took holy orders some time
prior to 1726. Wo first hear of him on the river St. John in connection
vith tiie census made by him in the year 1730, which shows that there
were then but 22 Acadian families on the river, most of them settled at
St. Anne's point. The proximity of this little French colony undoubt-
edly enhanced the importance of the Indian encampment at Aukpaque,
which now, for the first time, comes to be commonly spoken of by name
in French and English documents. The presence of Father Danielou on
the river St. John was not regarded with complacency by the Knylisli
authorities, who charged him with encouraging in the Indians a sjiirit
hostile to their interests. He died May 23, 1744. His successor
Father Charles Germain, also of the Society of Jesus, was still less a
persona grata to the English governor and his council at Halifax. For
twenty years he was the authorized agent of the French, and in conjunc-
tion with the Abbe le Loutre, he exerted himself in the endeavor ta
keep the Indians in a state of active hostility to th;' English, even when
the crowned heads of the two great nations, that so long had contended for
the sovereignty of Acadia, were ostensibly at peace.* The Bishop of
Quebec seems by no means to have approved of the conduct of Abbe le
lioutre and Father Germain. To the former he wrote several letters
of remonstrance, in one of which he says : " I reminded you a long time
ago that a priest ought not to meddle with temporal affairs."

The Maliseets at this time desired to remain (juiet, and the Frencii
governor of Quebec, in April, 1752, complained "that it was very
diificult to keep them from making peace with the English, though
Father Germain was doing his best to keep them on the war path."
Germain's efibrts were not fruitless, however, for war parties from the
river St. John proceeded to Beausejonr and there participated in various
forays, in which many harmless English settlers around the head of the
Bay of Fur.dy were killed. The names of at least two of the chiefs
who took pai't in the expeditions to this quarter have been preserved in
old documents. One of these, " Pierre, chief of Medoctek," appends
his signature to a receipt for supplies valued at 486 livres, consisting of
cattle, bread, flour and other provisions furnished by the French of

• There is ample documentary evidence to show tliat le I.oiitro iiiui ficrnmin wereactinir inuler
the instigation of the Governor of Quebec. For example, on the itth Ootober, 17-Ji>, the (iitvernor
wrote the French Minister : "It will l)e the niissiimiiries who will nmiiai^o all t!ic iicnotiiitinns and
tlirect the niovements of the savatres, who arc in o.\cellcnt hiinds, as the Ke\crcnil Father (Jcrniain
and Monsieur I'Abtje Ic Loutre are very capable of making the must of them and usinjf tlicni to the
greatest advantage to our interests."

NKW UIU'NSWICK HISTORK'AIi HOOIKTV.

i II

' ■(,■

!l'

Minus, for the suliBiKtfncc of h MHliscct war party from the rivor St.
Job.p. Snl>8(-(iueiit to tliin the Al»l>«'' le lioutn" nientioiis in one of his
Ie.;tiMs tho |)i#'KPnc<' nt HcatiHcjour of " Toubick, fhiof of t\u\ Medooteck
saviiiSfpH of tlio riv«r St. John."

.Mthoi.'ijh from t\u> earliest known time the Maliseets had a favorite
camping pla-^e at Medoct.«»c, their residence at that village was by no
means conHtHnt. There were camping jihujes at the mouths of the
Mediixnakic, Hecacjuimec, Tobique and other Htreams to whioh th^
tref|iieiitlv resorted. At the time of the terribhf peHtilettee, mentioned
by John (Jyles, in 1094, they forsook Medoctec altogether. Thoy
returned, however, a few years later, and the place would seem to have
been again the chief village of the river when the chapel of Saint Jean
Baptiste was built by Father Loyard. After the French had cBtiibliBhed
themselves at St. Anne's point and nelow the Keswick, where there was
also a small French settlement in early times, the village at Aukpaque
;ic<|nired greater prominence than before, and in 1745, if we may jndgti
from Capt. Wm. Pote's journal,* it was aboiit on an equality with
Medoctec. About that time, or perhaps a little later, a chapel was built
at Aukpa(|ue. After the close of the old Blench war in 1763 Medoctec
continued to dfcline until in the year 1767 Father Charles Francois
Baillie enters in his register : "The last Indian at Medoctec having died,
I caused the bell and other articles to be ttansported to Ekpahaugh."t
Presumably the bell and other articles were removed from the chapel at
Medoctec to that at Aukpaque and if so the chapel of St. Jean Baptiste
appears to have been standing in 1767, and as it is described in the
Loyard obituary letter as "a fine church" (viie belle rglise) and stated by
the Manjuisde Vaudreil to have been "well built," itisju.st possible thutib
may have l»een the identical church which Captain Munro mentions asatill
standing at the time of his visit in 1783.

The account of the late M. H. Perley of the ravaging of the St. John
river in 1760 l)y a party of rangers that marched through from Quebec
on snowshoes under Ca[tt Rogers does not appear to be sustained by any
documentary evidence. It is improbable that Capt. Rogers was ever at
Medoctec. There was a Rogers with Col. Monckton on the St. John in
1758, when he went up and mercilessly burned and destroyed everything
he could lay hands on as far as a fe«v miles above Jemseg. In Maroh
1759 a company of rangers under Capt. McCurdy and Lieut. Moses
Hazen went up the river and demolished the French settlements and

• See ii|)|)t;nili.\.

\ Tliiit U t(i Aukpiuiue. Tlie I'ev. Wm. O'Leary, P. I", at the French Villa^je above Fredericton,
Hays that the bell still liaiiJ5'S in tho chapel at French Villivjfe. It haa upon it the French yteur de lU.

NKW BRUNSWICK HI8T0UICAL SOCIETY.

,-t«r St.
(> of ht»
edooteck

favorite
iiH by no
».f tlte
lioh they
entioHH^l
. Thoy
11 to have
laint Jeftii
stf.bUshed
there was
Aukpaque

may jn<*g<'
ality with
I was built
\ Medoctec
8 Francois
aviiig died,
pahaugh."t
le chapel at
in Baptiate
ibed in the
id stated by
isible that it
tionft as still

the St. John
rom Quebec
,ined by any
was ever at
> St. John in
d everything
In March
Lieut. Moses
;lements and

bove Frederioton,

reiich/tfM*- de lis.

baniiHl the chnpcl at St. Anne's. They connnitted acts of cruelty and
wautoiiesB, of wiiicli (reiieral Amherst expret>sed his Hbhorreiice and said
that the killing of women and hclph-ss children sullied the merit of the
whole enterprise in his eyes.

After the downfall of t^uebec Father (Jermain teinleied his submis
sion to the ISritish authorities, but they evitleiitly mistrusted liiui, lor he
waH soon afterwards removed to t^uebec, where he died in 1779. After
his removal until the close of the revolutionary war the churches on the
St. John were served at iiitctrvals by M. Baillie mid M. I^ourg, who were
in turn appointed missionaries to the Indians. AV'lien tlie loyalists
arrived, in 178.'1, an Jndiuii chapel was standing in a good state of
prewervation in the vicinity of tlie old Meductic fort.* That this was the
cliapel of St. John Baptist, built by Loyard in 1717, is rather douVit-
ful. A building constructed of snch perishable materials, could hardly
be expected to be standing and in good repair aft(!r the lapse of more
than sixty years. It is very probable that the first Indian chapel stood
at the spot where the tablet was discovered by Mr. A. K. Hay, and
which is marked in the ]>lan. The illustration of this tablet which
Mp|)ears as a frontispiece is taken from a i)hotograph kindly supplied liy
Mr. Hay.

The position of the old grave yard is shown in the plan of the
Meductic Fort and its surroundings, which appears at pnge 6. The
ground here has never been disturbed with the plough, the owners show-
ing a proper regard for the spot as the resting place of the dead. Many
hoh3s are found, however, that have been dug from time to time by relie
huntei's and seekers of buried treasure, some of them since filled with
stones carried from the beach. The relics brought to light here and
on the site of the old camping ground below include such things as
spear heads. Hint arrow heads, stone pipes, large stones hollowed out as
if for grinding corn, stone corn-crushers, celts, French coins (cojiper).
knives, hatchets, tliut-locks, beads. Hints, clay pipes (about half the siae-
of the modern), silver lings and buttons. Probably many more such
articles may some day be found beneath the roots of some good-sized
trees that have grown up in several places. The whole grave-yard is so
thickly overgrown with hawthorns as to be a perfect jungle, difficult even
to penetrate. On the site of the old camping ground, just below the
gi-ave yard, Mr. A. R. Hay has found the remains of wigwam fire places,
sometimes in a very perfect state of preservation. There is usually a

* The site nt this uhaiiel may, however, have been at the niuutli of the Meduximkic. See
TOfereiive in ctinnectlon with Ca|)t. Munro's letter farther un.

NKW nui/NswirK histouical society.

III!

lill

circle of Ktoncs al)out two fWt in diiuiictcr, discolorpid and broken hy the
lieiit, (iiul Hcatt(M'»'il aiouiul tliciii cimlcrs, boneH, hrokon clay pipoH, iHtadH,
«tc. It Ih not uidikely that many of thcsti rtMiiainB are of comparatively
rec(Mit origin. There are indications of a double row of liutH, or wig-
waniH, ont! about tifty fot from the bank of the river, and onother alwut
tli(* Huuie (liHtancH in rear of the* tirst. A considerable portion of th«
bank in front of the old fort has been waHhed away by the spring
fre.sli(>tH. Some ycfarrf ago, when a part of the bank in front of the old
grav(!-yard broke away, a number of Indian rolicH were brought to light,
showing that a part of the old camping ground has disappeared. In tho
oldest plana in the C'rown Lands OfKce, at Fredericton, the site of th«
fort is called Meductic Point. The point was undoubtedly once a more
piominent ftjature than it is now. Very probably when the Malisecis
first planted their wigwams there the gravel beach, or sand bar, shown
in the plan, was covered with soil and forest, and below it was a littlo
<!ove that served admirably as a landing place for canoes. The old fort
stood about the centre of the tine bit of interval land that here extends
for about three quarters of a mile along th(! riverside. The island just
above wa.s called Meductic Island ; it is mentioned in connection with a
grant made in October, 1784, of the lands bordering the river in the
])resent jiarish of Woodstock to the disbanded officers and soldiers of
DeT..ancey's biigade. The small creek which enters the river at the foot
of the island, known as Hay's Creek, is noted for the beautiful water fall
about a mile from its mouth. Although the volume of water is not
larg(\ the height of the fall, IT) feet per])endicular, is remarkable,
sui passing, by at least ten feet, the Grand Falls of the river St. John.*
Hay's Creek is called "Meductic river" in some of the early maps and
land grants, but this name was, in all probability, borrowed from th«i
ndjoining village. Tliis circumstance, however, has rendered the phrase-
ology of certain documents dated al)Out the time of the coming of the
English settlers very misleading, for the reader naturally associates the
name of Meductic with the old French Medo'ctec, or Eel river. This
point will again be refered to in its pioper place.

Turning again to the plan of the fort and its surroundings the reader
•will notice a spot marked A* near the north-east corner of the old Indian
burial ground. Here there is an extensive mass of ashes and cindern,
with nimiberless bones scattered about. It is, in all probability, the site
of the old council tire. Standing at the sjiot the visitor seems almost in

* Mr. .John C. Miles, one of the membera of the X. B. Historical Society, made a sketch of thin
fall a few years since and called it "Moss Glen Cascade," but ill the neighborhood it is known by the
ntore jiruHaic name of Huy'c Falls.

NKW BRUNSWICK HISTORICAL BOPIKTY.

en l>y the
tciH, \)v.adn,
mratively
H, or wig-
\wr alM)ut
on of ih«i
he spring
of th<) old
t to light.
In th«
te of th«
ice a more
Maliaeets
)ar, shown
'US a littlo
le old fort
sre extends
island just
Lion with a
ver in the
soldiers of
at the foot
1 water fall
ater is not
•emarkable,
St. John .♦
r maps and
A from th»i
the phrase-
ling of the
^ociates the
iver. This

s the reader
; old Indian.
ind cinders,
iity, the site
18 almost in

I a sketch of Uiis
i8 knuwii by the

touch with scenes there enacted ceiitiuieH asfo. ' lleni it was that the
Sieur (le (Mi;,'niiucouit and others of the coiirenra dr. hoia luugaiiifd with
the Ravages, giving them in exchange tor their furs and peltry an indif-
ftfrent coinpensiition in Krencli goods, tiinkets, rum and luruuly. Here
Viliehon hamngued liisdnHky ii'lies, and wampum ImIIh wcri' exchanged
in token of eternal friendHhip between the Frendinum and the Maliseet ;
here thc^ horrihle dog feast was celohrated and the liatchet brandished hy
the-warriors on the eve of their (h^parture to <lelugo in blood tlus lioines
of the HettW'rs of New Kngland ; here, at the stake, the luckless captive
yielded up his life and ehauntc d liis death-song ; here good I'ather Simon
taught as best he n)ight the elements of the (/hristian faith and tamed the
fierceness of their manners ; here, too, wlu'n weary of fighting, the
hatchet was buried and the council tire glowed its brightest as the rival
chiefs together smoked the calumet of jteace.

Some have supposed the old Meductic h'ort to have been tpiite an
elaborate structure, with Im; i j s, etc.; but it was probably only a rude
Indian fortitication, ditch and parapet, surmounted by a stockade, within
which was a strongly built cabin, in size about thirty by forty feet.

We gain some knowledge of the condition of Medoctec and its
inhabitants upwards of two hundred years ago, from the narrative of John
Gyles,* an English lad, who was cai>tured at Pemaquid, west of Penob-
scot, on the coast of Maine, in
/ the year l(i8S), and brought by his

' ^f ^y /2 1 ndian master to Medoctec, where

fc/^'^ ■ ^^^£^^ he lived nearly six years a cap-
^ L^ tive. The war in which Gyles

was taken captive is known in
history as King William's war,
after the English monarch in whoso reign it occuried. liater Indian
wars are known as Queen Ainie's war, Lovewell or Dummer's war, and
King George's war. Medoctec furnished its quota of warriors in all
these wars, as appears from the writings of Charlevoix, A'^illebon and
others. King William's war broke out in 1GS8 and lasted, with little
intermission, for ten years. It was the most dreadful war recorded in
Acadian annals. Every English settlement in Maine, save Wells, York,

*Joliu Gyles lived at Roxbury, Muss., in liio latter davs. llo piiblisbiid, iit Hdslini, in IVIMi, bis
narrative, above referred to, under tlio title, "Memoirs of tlie odd advei\tures, Htrantfe deliver-
anceH, ete., in the caiitivity of Jobn (Jyles Kh(i,, comnuiiulur of the v:arrison on St (ieorjfe's Kiver."
This book is now of threat rarity ; a copy is in Harvard College library. S. (i. Drake reprinted the
narrative in his "Wilderness Trajfedies," published at Uostoii in 184(1, but made slijfbt alterations in
the text tlirouKhout. Wni. DoiIkb, of Cincinnati, in 18(i(t, and .hunes Hannay, of St. John, N. IJ., in
lH7f> reprinted Oyles' Narrative, but in both instances i>nike'8 diHordered text has been followed.
The extracts insertwl in this paper have for the most part, been t:iken from the original edition in
the Harvard College library, and I am indebted to Mr. M. Chamberlain for the same. W. O. R.

liEW BRUNSWICK HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

■ fc

Kittery, and the Isle of .Shoals, was overrun and probably a thousand
white people killed or taken prisoners.

The following is John Gyles' account of his journey from Penobscot
to Medoctec : —

My Indian master carried mo up Penobscot River tf) ;i village called Madu-
vamh'c, whicli stands on a point of land between the main river and a branch
wliich leads to the east of it.

At home I had ever seen strangers tc jated with the utmost civility, and, lieing
a stranger, expected some kind treatment here ; l)Ut scon found myself deceived,
for I presently saw a nunilicr of squaws got togetlier in a circli;, dancing and
yelling. An old grimace squaw took me by the hand and leading me into the
ring, some seized me by my hair and others by my feet, like so many fu:i 3 ; but,
my master hvying down a pledge, they released me. A captive among the Indians
is exposed to all manner of abuses and to the extremest tortures, unless their
master or some of their master's relatives lay down a ransom, snch as a bag of
corn, a blanket, or the like, which redeems them from their cruelty for that dance
so that he sliall not be touched h\ any.

The next day we went up that eastern branch of I'enobscot [Mattawamkeag]
many leagues ; carried n\er land to a large {)ond [drand Lake] and from one pond
to anothe'- [North Lake to Kel Lake], till, in a few days, we went down a river*
which vents itself into St. John's river. But, before we came to the mouth of
this river, we carried over a long carrying place to ilfdodock Fort, which stands
on a bank of .St. .Iolui"s river. My Indian master went before and left me with an
old Indian and three squaws. The old man often said (which was all the English
he could spciik): " By and by con\e to a great town and fort." So that I comforted
myself in thinking how finely I should !)e refreshed when I came to this great
town.

Alter some miles travel we came in sight of a large corn-field, and soon after
of the fort, to my great surprise ; for two or three squaws met us, took off my
pack and led me to a large hut or wigwam, where thirty or forty Indians were
dancing and yelling round five or six poor captives, who had been taken some
months before from QuorherlufV at the time Major Waldron was so barbariously
butchei'ed l)y them. * * " * " * *

I was whirled in among this ciicle of Indians, and we prisoners looked on
eacli otlier with sorrowful countenance. Presently one of them was seized by
each hand and foot by four Indians, who, swinging him up, let his back fall on the
ground with full force till they danced, as they called it, round the whole wigwam,
which was thirty or forty feet in length. But when tliey torture a boy they take
iiiin up between two. This is one of the customs of torturing captives. Another
is to take u-> a person by the middle, with his head downwards, and jolt him round
until one would think his bowels would shake out of his mouth. Sometimes thej'
will take a captive by the hair of the head and, stooping him forward, strike him

* Mi'(h)cktock liiitr. (Fixit -lote in tlie ori^'inu! narrative].

t Nciw liDve", New Ilanipshire, on thu river (Jdclieio. The reader will find it of interest to
coiiiiiaro the dom-ripUon <fiven hy .lohn (Jyies nf the cruelty of the Muliseets to their captives with I
the correspondiiii,' aeooiuit of CapUtiii William Pote. (,See ajipendix to this paper.) The liiditin I
women seem to have heen even niv>re cruel in their treatment of captives then were the men. It]
wiu*, perluips, for this reason that Indian fenmle eaptives were not always spared in time of war.

ill

' =^

'^>

NEW BRUNSWICK HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

obably a thousand
ey from Penobscot

village (.'ailed Madit-
n river and a branch

ost civility, and, lieing
ound myself deceived,
circle, dancing and
d leading me into the
L' so many f:;:!- s ; but,
;ive among the Indians
tortures, unless their
isom, snch as a bag of
cruelty fur that dance^

ibscot [Mattawamkeag]
,kcl and from one pond
we went down a river*
came to the mouth of
tock Fort, which stands
ore and left me with an
lich was all the English
t." So that I comforted
en I came to this great

orn- field, and soon after
Avs met us, took off my
;y or forty Indians were
o had been taken some

Iron was so barbariously

« t *

we prisoners looked on
of them was seized by
), let his back fall on the
onnd the whole wigwam,
f torture a boy they take
iring captives. Another
kards, and jolt him round
mouth. Sometimes they

him forward, strike him

(lei- will find it of interent to
aliseetM to tlieir captives with
c ta this piiiitr.) The Indian
)tives then were the men. It
iiiys spared hi time of war.

on the back and shoulders till the blood gushes out of his mouth and nose. Some-
times an old shrivelled scjuaw will take up a shovel of hot coals and throw them
into a captive's bosom. If ho cry out the Indians will laugh and shout and say
" i'hat a brave action our old g'-andmother has done." Sometimes they torture
them with whips, Ac.

The Indians looked on me with a fierce countenance, as much as to say it will
be your turn next. They chamiicd cornstalks, which ihey threw into my hat as I
held it in my hand. I smiled on tliem though my heart ached. I looked on one
and another, but could not perceive that any eye pitied me. Prer.i-ntly came a
8(]uaw and a little girl and laid down a hag of corn in the ring. The little girl
took me by the hand, making signs for me to come out of the circle with them.
Not knowing their custom, I supposed they (]p,signed to kill i »e, and refused to go.
Then a grave Indian came and gave me a pipe and said, in Kngli.sh, " Smoke it ;"'
then he took me by the hand and led me out. My heart ached, thinking myself
near my end. But he carried me to a French hut about a mile from the Indian
fort. The Frenchman was not at home, but his wife, who was a P([uaw, had some
discourse with my Indian friend, which I di'^ not understand. We tarried about
two hours, then, returned to the Indian village, where they gave me some victuals.
Not long after I saw one of my fellow-captives, who gave me a melancholj' account
of their suffurings after I left them.

After some weeks had passed we left the village and went up St. John j River
about ten miles to a branch called J/(;r^ci'.srf'«?fr(«/.s, where there WivS one wigwam.
At our arrival an old s(piaw saluted me with a yell, taking me b/ the hair and
one hand, but I was so rude as to break her hold and quit myself — she gave nic a
filthy grin, and the Indians set up a laugh — so it passed over. Here we lived on
fish, wild grapes, roots, &c., which «!is hard living for me.

The place where Gyles found one wigwam at the time of his visit in
the autumn of 1G89, is now the site of WootLstock, a town of .some 4,000
inhabitants. There was an old camping ground* at the mouth of the
Meduxnakic — or, as Gyles calls it, the Medockscenecasis river. On
the islands and intervals at Woodstock the writer of this paper, when
a boy, often gathered wild grapes, butternuts and cherries, which grew
there in abundance, and many another boy has done the same, without
a thought of John Gyles that first of white boys who, a lonely little
exile, over whose head buo ten summers had passed, trod these intervals
more than two hundred years ago.

In order to afford a better idea of the habits and manner of life of
the Indians at Medoctec at this period we shall follow the narrative of
Gyles a little farther : —

♦ The site of this Indian campinfr proiuid at the time of Gylos' visit was no douht either on the
flat jUHt lielow the mouth of the Jlediixnakie or possibly on the head of tlie island just op]Kisite.
It is apparent to the most causnal observer that the channel lietween this island and the mainland
has been formed by the action of the water durint; sprin>r freshets. An old Indian, who died at
Woodstock a few years a^jo, at the aye of nearly one lunidred years, commonly known as Doctor
Toniar, a (,'rand.son of the old chieftain, Pierre Toniah (wli i fii;urcil in the French war and also in the
Revolutionary war), used to say his father could remember ivhen the Island joined the mainland.
When the St. John river is low the .Meduxnakic still follows its old channel around the head of the
island. The fishuiijr at the mouth of the stream, before the erection of saw mills, was excellent.

::•

NEW BRUNSWICK HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

When the winter came on we went up the river, till the ice came down run-
ning thick in the river, when, according to the Indian custom, we laid up our
canoea till spring. Tlien we travelled, sometimes on the ice and sometimes on
land, till we came to a river that was open, but not fordable, wliere we made a raft
and passed over bag and baggage. I met with no abuse from them in this winter's
hunting, though I was put to great hardships in carrying burdens and for want of
food. But they underwent the same difficulty, and would often encourage me by
saying, in broken English, "By and by great deal moose." Yet they could not
answer any (question I asked them ; an<i, knowing very little of their customs and
ways of life, I thought it tedious to be constantly moving from place to place, yet
it might be in some respects an advantage, for it ran still in my mind that we were
travelling to some settlement ; and when my burden was over heavy, and the
Indians left me behind, and the still evening came on, I fancied I could see thro'
the bushes and hear the people of some great town ; v.hicli liope might be some
support to me in the day, though I found not the town at night.

As Mr. Hannay observes, there is something inexpressibly pathetic
in this part of Gyles' narrative. The reader will remember he was but
a child of ten years of age, illfed and scantily clad when he had thus to
bear his burthen through the forest after his Indian master. The nar-
rative continues : —

Thus were we hunting three hundred miles from the sea, and knew no man
within fifty or sixty miles of us. We were eight or ten in number, and hac^ but
two guns on which we wholly depended for food. If any disaster had happened
we must all have perished. Sometimes we had no manner of sustenance for three
or four days ; but tJod wonderfully provides for all creatures. * • »

We moved still further up the country after the moose, when our store gave
out ; so that In the spring we had got to the northward of the Lady Mountains.*
When the spring came and the rivers broke up we moved back to the head
of St. John's river Rnd theic made canoes of moose hides, sewing three or four
together and pitching the seams with balsam, mixed with charcoal. Then we
went down the river to a place called Maddicescok: Tliere an old man lived and
kept a sort of trading house, where we tarried several days ; then we went further
down the river till we came to the greatest falls in these parts, called Checan-
ekepeag,i where we carried our canoes a little way over land, and putting off our
canoes we went down stream still, ami, as we passed tiie mouths of any large
branches, we saw Indians, but when any dance was proposed I was bought off.
At length we arrived at the place where we left our birch canoes in the fall, and,
putting our baggage into tliem, went. down to the fort.

Tliere we planted corn, and, after ])lanting, went a fishing, and to look for
and dig roots till the corn was tit to weed. After weeding we took a second tour
on foot on the same errand, then returned to hill up our corn. After hilling we
went some distance from the fort and field, up the river, to take salmon and other

• The mountains of Notre Dame, near the river St. Lawrence.

t The Grand Falls, still called by the St. John river Indians Chik-ieen-eag-i-heg, which, accord,
ing to Dr. W. V. Ganong, means "a destroying giant."

NEW BRUNSWICK HISTOHICAL SOCIETY.

fish, wliich we dried for food, where we continued till the corn was filled with
milk ; some of it we dried then, the other as it ripened.

The narrative of Gyles shows that the Indians at this period regularly-
planted corn at Medoctec. When the second spring of his captivity
arrived Gyles' Indian master and his wife paid a visit to Canada before
returning from their winter's hunting, but sent their young captive down
to Medoctec to assist in planting corn. The welfare of captives seems to
have been fairly well looked after by their Indian masters, proVmbly
as much from motives of self-interest as humanity In the absence of
his master Gyles met with a most lamentable experience on his ? >turn
to the fort at the hands of a party of Cape Sable Indians, who, having
lost some friends, killed by a number of English fishermen, came son)e
hundreds of miles to revenge themselves upon such unfortunate Englisli
captives as they might find at Medoctec. On his arrival they rushed
upon Gyles, as he says, like bears bereaved of their whelps, saying
"Shall we, who have lost relations by the English, suffer an English
ice to be heard among us 1 " He and another white prisoner,
James Alexander, were treated in the most brutal fashion ; their tortures
being such as caused " tears to run down plentifully on the cheeks of a
Frenchman, who sat behind." Finally the luckless captives were thrown
out of the wigwam by the Indians, and in such a bruised and battered
condition that they crawled away on their hands and feet, and were
scarcely able to walk for several days. Gyles' experience was mild corn-
pared to that of his brother, taken at Pemaquid at the same time as
himself, who, with another captive, was horribly tortured and then
burned at the stake at Penobscot fort for attempting to desert.

The Indians, although cruel to their enemies, were not without a
certain sense of justice, as apjiears from the following incident related
by Gyles, which occurred after he had been several years a captive :

While at the Indian village I had been cutting wood and landing it up with aa
Indian rope in order to carry it to the wigwam. A stout illnatured young fellow,
aliout twenty years of age, threw nie backward, set on my breast, pulled out hia
knife, and said he would kill me, for he hail never yet killed one of the English.
I told him he might go to war, and that would be more manly than to kill a poor
captive, who was doing their drudgery for them. Notwithstanding all I could say
he began to cut anil stab me on my breast. I seized him by tlie hair and, tumbling
him off of me, followed him with my tists and knee with such application that he
soon cried "enough." But when I saw the blood run from my bosom and felt the
smart of the wounds he had given me, I at him again, and bid him get up, and not
lie there like a dog ; told him of his former abuses offered to me and other poor
captives, and that if ever he offered the like to me again I would pav him double.

mmm

NEW BRUNSWICK IIISTOUICAL SOCIETY.

I sent liim before me, and, taking up my burden of wood, came to the Indians,
and told them the whole truth, ami they commended me. And I do not lemember
th<at ever he ofi'ered me the least abuse afterwards, though he was big enough to
have dispatched two of nie.

The narrative of John Gyles supplies the most accurate description
we possess of the habits and customs of the IMaliseets at this period ;
many particulars gleaned from it will be found in Hannay's Acadia, pp.
4G-55. The limits of necessity assigned to this j)aper will not admit of
further quotation on these points. It is greatly to be desired that a good
reprint of the original edition of the Gyles narrative should be issued at
an early day.

In 1693 and 1694, while John Gyles was still at Medoctec, there
swept over eastern Maine and New Brunswick a pestilence that proved
very fatal to the Indians. Governor Villebon mentions it in his journal.*
Many of the warriors, including the chief of Lhe St. John river, died.
The Indians were a very superstitious people, and they believed the dire
calamity that befell their tribe was preceded by a distinct warning ; it
would almost appear from his narrative that Gyles shared in their
opinion. He says :

In the latter part of summer, or the beginning of autumn, the Indians were
frequently frightened by the appearance of strange Indians passing up and down
this river in cauoes, and about that time the next year died more than one hundred
persons, old and young ; all or most of those who saw these strange Indians. The
priest said it was a sort of plague. A i)erson, seeming in perfect health, would
bleed at the mouth and nose, turn blue in spots and die in two or three hours.
The Indians all scattered, it being at the worst as winter came on, and the blow-
was so great to them that they di<l not settle or plant at their village while I was
on the river, and I know not whether they have to this day. Before they thus
deserted the village, when they came in from hunting, they would be drunk and
fight for several da3s and nights together, till they had spent most of their skins
in wine and brandy, which was brought to the village bj- a Frenchman called
Monsieur Sigeniouoor.

The ])roper name of the person here referred to by Gyles was Reno
d' Amour, Sieur de Clignancourt. He was one of four brothers who came
to Acadia a few years previously, sons of Mathieu d'Aniour, formerly of
Hretagne, but at this time a member of the council at Quebec. As was
frequently the case with the old French families of that time, each son
appears to have taken a title from some ))art of the ancient family
domain ; the brothers d'Amour accordingly figure in Acadian history as
Ijouis d'Amour, Sieur de Chaiiffour; Mathieu d'Amour, Sieur de

• See Murdoch's History N. S., Vol. I., p. 213, ui '.er date 17 September, l(i!)4.

NEW BRUNSWICK HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

c IiidiaiiH,
lemember
enough to

sciiption
5 period ;
cadia, pp.

admit of
at a good

issued at

itec, there
it proved
; journal.*'
ver, died,
d the dire
iruiiig ; it
in their

idians were
[) and down
ne hundred
lians. The
ulth, would
hiee hours.
(1 the blow
while I was
e they thus
drunk and
their skins
iman called

was Reno

who came

ormerly of

As wa.s

?, each son

mt family

history as

Sieur de

•

Freneuse ; Rene d'Amour, Sieur de Cligiiancourt ; and Bernard d'Amoiir,
Sieur de Plfnne. Ail of the brothers possessed extensive seigniories on
the liver St. John ; that of Bernard lay at the mouth of the Kennebe-
casis; that of Louis at the mouth of the Jetnseg ; that of Mathieu at
the Orotnocto, including a tract on both sides the St, John river. The
location of the seigniory of Rene d'Amour, Sieur de Clignancourt, is a
matter concerning which there has been some difference of opinion.
The title of the original concession or grant is as follows :

'•Concession de M.de la Barre,gouverneur du Canada,et M.de Meulle,
intendant de la Nouvelle France, a Rene d'Amour, Sieui- do Clignancourt,
de terres a la riviete Saint Jean, pres de Medoctek, le 20 Septembre,

1684."

In the concession the bounds of the seigniory are described as follows :

"De terres non-concedees le long de la riviere Saint Jean, depuis le lieu
de Medoctek, icelui compris jusqu'au long sault <|ui se trouve en
remontant la dite riviere Saint Jean."

From this description it appears that the .seigniory of Clignancourt
coni})rised all the lands between Medoctec and the " long falls " two
leagues in depth on each side of the river St. John, with the islands in
the river. The late Moses H, Perley and others have expressed the
opinion that the "long falls" are the Meductic rajads twelve miles below
the fort. Dr. Ganong thinks the " long falls " are the Grand Falls,
which are distant nearly eighty miles above. Reference to the original
documents at Quebec may suffice to settle the point in dispute.

The conditions upon which the ancient seignior held his lands are very
well described by Parkman in his " Old Regime in Canada." The
seignior received his concession gratuitously from the crown of France.
He was bound to bear faith and homage (foi et homage) to the French
monarch at the Chateau de St. Louis, Quebec, at stated periods.
Provision was al';o made in the concession for the reservation of oaks for
the loyal navy and of all mines and minerals, also of land recjuired for
roadways or fortifications. The .seignior was obliged to place on his land
a certain number of tenants, and to clear and improve a certain portion
within a stated time.

Rene d'Amour made little or no attempt to fulfil these conditions,
but contented himself with carrying on an extensive trade with the
Indians, securing their furs and peltry and giving them in return French

NEW BRUNSWI K HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

goods, trinkets, rum and brandy.* For about sixtoen years he was tlius
engaged, his oiierations extending from Aukpatjiie to the Grand Falls.
The B'renchnien incidentally mentioned by Gyles as living about the
Meductic Fort may have been in his employ. Whilst the Sieur de Clig-
nancourt spent part of liis time at Medoctoc, in prosecution of his Indian
trade, it is not improbable that his residence — if such a ranger of the
woods could be said to have a fixed residence, was at the Island of Cleon-
core,t below the mouth of the Keswick. The intimate acquaintance of
Rene d'Amour and tlie Indians was no doubt the reason wliy he was
placed, by Villebon, as a leader of the savage warriors who assisted in.
the defence of Fort Nashwaak when attacked by the English in October
1696. After the English had retired Villebon stirred up the Indians to-
make a grand raid upon the New England settlements. Rene d'Amour
and Father Simon accompanied the expedition, which, altliough one of
the largest gatherings of savages ever assembled in Acadia, did not, after
all, accomplish very much.

The French abandoned the St. John river about the year 1700 and.
did not return until thirty years later. We tind occasional references in
old documents to the Sieur de Clignancourt. Upon the abandonment
of the St. John river he letired to Annapolis and subsequently to
Quebec. His claims to his immense seigniory were forfeited when he
left the country.

It is impossible, in such a paper as this, to trace in detail the part
played by the Indians of Medoctec in the prolonged struggle between
England and France down to the treaty of Paris in 1763. The reader
will find a good deal of information concerning the leading episodes of
the war that prevailed in the reign of William and Mary, in Charlevoix's
Histoire Nouveile France and in Villebon's Journal.; Among modem

* Grave cimiplaints wito inude against the roi(mir>i de Imin at this (lerioil.

The MarquiK de Uunonvillo, j^overnoi- of Canada, in a letter tn tlie Frencli minister, dated at
(Quebec, Nov, 10, lOMi, mentions the return of tlio Bishop of {^uebef from liis At-adlan tour and
lulds :— " II vous rendra conipte de la itrande i|Uantito de desordres iiui se font dans le hois par les
iiialheurt'ux libertins i|ai sont comnie des hauvages depuis lonytemps, sans avoir riun faiet du tout
ponr Ic eidture des terrcs. "

The brothers d'Amour were charged by A'illebon with hein^ "wholly spoiled by i)r()lon{(ed law-
lessness and the manners they had acquired anioni; tlie Indians." Klscwhere lie says: "They
<iarry on no tillage, keep no «ittle, but live in trading with the Indians and debauch ainoiijf
them, makinjf lar^e ]irotits thereby, but iiijuriiiff the iniblic };(>od." However, as Mr. Ilannay
!)l)serves, Acadia was so full of cabals that even these ixisitivo stateineiits of \illehoii must he tiikeii
with allownnce. Three of the brothers, Bernard, JIatliieu and Louis, had not only goods and cattle,
hut wives also, as is ''■. ' "^y Mie ce.isus of UiS6, and by the narrative of .Johli Gyles. We have
also the statement « • lant, M. Champigny, in l(il)r>, that ; "The sons of the'Sienr d'Amour,

♦ 'ouiieillor at t^ui')! " i » 'tiled on the river St. .John apply themselves chiefly to the cultiva-
tion of their laii '. 'ait-ng of cattle. It is very unfortunate, my lord, that anyone should
have informed y^ii; , li ' ■ !i\'jalife of Lawlessness with the savages, since I have reliable testi-
mony that their eoii.iiu. ,s \'o. , good."

t This name is fnui.d .1'. mi>ny of the old plans in the Crown Land oflfice at Fredericton. It is
probable, as suggested b> the latu ill . i-^dward Jack, that Cleoncore is a corruption of Clignancourt.
An curly census gives Ekop.ag (Aukpii'|iie) as Kcne d'Amour's residence ; the island Cleoncore iH in
the immediate vicinity of Aukpaqu'.'.

} There are S(mie valuable manuscrii'ts, including a jiortion of Villebon's .Journal, in the-
Hostoii Public Library. The period to which they relate is the close of the 17th century, and
Uiere is frequent niei)tion of Medoctec and other places on the St. John river.

NEW BRUNSWICK HISTORICAL SOCIETY,

writers Parkiiian, Murdoc'ii, Hannay, Justin Wiiisor and others have
dealt more or If -3 fully both with King William's luul later Indian wars.
A study of the records that have heen preserved will suffice to show that
the Maliseets of Modoctec took their full share in the lighting. While
Villebon was governor of Acadia ho conducted afl'airs with marked
ability, but seems to have done little to mitigate the barbarity of his
savage allies. In his journal he records the capture of " an English
savago" on the lower St. John, and adds: " I gave him to our savages to
be burned, which they did the next day. One could add nothing to the
torments which they made him suffer." A candid study of the history
of the period will show, however, that whilst the Indians were guilty of
acts of barbarity and treachery, the English themselves were not free
from blame in this respect, and more than once the savages had reason
to complain of acts of treachery and barbarity on the part of their
more civilized enemy. Bounties were, on several occasions, offered for
Indian scalps by the authorities of Massachusetts and Nova Scotia.

Dummer's treaty,* made at Boston in 1726, afforded a breathing
spell to the tribes of Acadia. Three chiefs and about twenty-six warriors
from Medoctec went to Annapolis Royal, in May 1728, to ratify this
treaty and make their submission to the British government. Governor
Armstrong made them presents, entertained them several days and sent
them away apparently well satisfied.

After a short interval hostilities recommenced, but in 1749 a
deputation of Indians from the St. John river, including the chief of
Medoctec, went to Halifax and renewed the treaty. Before long another
rupture ensued, which lasted until the taking of Quebec by Gen. Wolfe
in 1759. The year after this great event several of the Indian chiefs
went to Halifax once more to renew the treaty of 1726, and at their
conference with the Governor in Council a tariff of prices was settled
which the Indians were to be allowed for furs and skins and to pay for
supplies. The unit of value was one pound of the fur of the spring
beaver, commonly known as "one beaver," equivalent in value to five
shillings. The following articles were to be sold to the Indians at the
following prices: — Large blanket, 2 "beavers;" 2 yards stroud, 3 ditto;
Hlljs pork, 1 ditto; 30tt)s flour, 1 ditto; 2h gallons molasses, 1 ditto; 2
gallons of rum, 1 ditto, and other articles in proportion. Furs and skins
were valued by the same standard. Otter skin e(iual to 1 " beaver ;" 3
sable or martin skins, 1 " beaver ;" fisher skin, 1 do.; 6 mink skins, 1 do.;

* So called after its oliief pmniotcr, Lieut. Gov. Willinm Dummer, of Massachusetts. A fac
Hiniile of this treaty is contained in the volume of N()^•a Scotia Archives, edited by Thos. B. Akins
and published at Halifa.\ in ISO!).

•28

NEW BRUNSWICK HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

bear skin (larfi;e and in good season), 1 Jj do.; v<'d fox, I do.; black fox, 2
do.; silver fox, 2A do.; 10 nius(|Uiish skins, 1 do.; larj^e moose skin, H do ;
large luciffec!, 2 do.; .^Ibs deer skin, 1 do.; 10 ermine skins, 1 do., CHis
feathers, 1 do.

Compared with modern prices the values attached to some of the furs
in this table seem ludicrously small. Imagine, for example, any furrier
securing, to-day, a silver fox skin for two and a half " beavers," or $2.50.

About the year 1764 Messrs. Simonds and White established a truck
house at or near the site of the City of l^Vedericton, where they carried
on a trade with the Indians up the river iSt. John, probably on the basis
of the prices agreed to at Halifax in 17(»0. James White seems to have
been the principal agent in dealing with the Indians, who called him
IVabeet, or "Beaver." He gained a large measure of their contidence and
his influence with them was of material service; to the English during
the revolutionary war. At tliat time the Maliseets wore inclined to side
with the Americans, whose emissaries a])pear to have been most active
in the tield. The influence of the Acadians, too, helped to render the
savages hostile to Great Biitain.

When Col. Jonathan Eddy, the American partizan, ]iroceeded to
attack Fort Cumberland, in 1776, he was accom))anied by .some of the
Medoctec Indians. In the course of the following summer a party from
Machias invaded the river St. John, led by Col. John Allen, whose art
enabled him to gain such influence over the simjde minded natives that,
on being driven off the river by a British force, most of tlie savages
accom))anied him in his flight to Machias. The chiefs of the river, Pierre
Tomah and Andiroise St. Aubin, held diver.se sentiments ; the former,
although vacillating, seems in general to liave inclined to the English,
whilst the latter was an out and out sympathizer with the Americans.
On the approach of the British troops Allan, accompanied by many of
the Indians, fled up the river to Medoctec. Here he found himself in a
sorry plight, and wrote to the governmeiit of Massachusetts : " I am
at present destitute of everything. T am forced to i)ut up with the fare
the Indians can i)rovide. * * * j must implore .some help for the
Indians ; I am still suspicious if I leave them they will turn."

As the British continued their pursuit Allan was obliged to leave
Medoctec and proceed to Machias by the inland waters, a route which

The following entry in

the savages were well accustomed to travel.
Allan's Journal is of interest in this connection:-

Sunday, thily 1.'), [1777] — At a stream"'' of St. John's river ; removed across
the carrying place from Meductick toward the head of I'.issamaquodily rivert about

• Eel River, t Tlie River St. Cioix.

NKW JIIM.'N.SWK'K 11 ISTOlilt AI, ,«(irii:TV.

•_'!»

five mill's. It i» iiu re<lil)ln wliat (HHiiiiiltifs tlie Indians nmU-ryo in this tiouMf-
some time, when so many fjimilii's ari' (ihlij^cul to lly witli preciiiitation ratixr tli.iii
become friends to the Tyrant of Jiiitain ; nonn'. liacUint; their aged jiarciUs, others

their maimed and decrepid bretliren, tlie cdd w n leading the young chiidi<ii,

mnthei.s earryin(,' their infants together \\ith gn-at loads of hagguge. As to the
canoes, the men make it a play to eonvey them across.

The Indians soon after nriivod at Machias. Fioni this time till the
end of the war Col. Allan and .lohn Prelile for the Americans and Cnl.
^liohaul Francklin and . lames White for the P^nglish exercised their
respective powers of j)ersuasion. The Indians now began to manifest
their diplomacy, and the result was that they practically lived at the
expense of one or other of the contending ]iarti(\s tmtil the close of the
war. r>efore the peace, liowever, n)any of th(,'ni had returned to the
river .St. John. Michael Francklin, who jnoved liimself a very etlicient
Superintendent of Indian atlairs, on the lil'nd Xovendjer, 1781, wrote
to Lord Gerniaine, the English Secretary of State, an account of a very
satisfactory interview with 383 Indians who had gathered to meet him
at Burton on the river St. John. He says that the Indians were eager
to go to the defence of the Oromocto block housef on the occasion of a
recent alarm, they were gratel'ul for the appointment of Father Hourg to
be their [triest, and had resolved to again ])lant corn on the liver. At
the time of his writing they had quietly dispersed for their winter's
hunting.

From this to the close of the ]levolutionary ^^'ar the Indians were
peaceable. They were influenced, no doubt, by a visit paid them by
deputies sent from the llurons, Algomjuins and other Canadian Indians
requiring thc^ni to withdraw from the ^Vmericans and remain quiet as
the Indians of Canada had declared war against the Americans, and
would treat all Indians found with them as enemies. At the close of
the Revolutionary War the jopnlation of the St. John river valley, liither-
to but a few hundreds of people, was augmented by the arri\Ml of the
loyalist regiments from New York and by large nund;ers of other loyal
refugees. Upwards of 10,000 people settled upon the river St. John and
the crown reserves were laid out for their accommodation as far north
as Woodstock.

The Indians, alarmed and distressed at the unexpected airival of such
a number of white settlers were compelled to abandon their old hunting
•^rounds and look for situations more remote. Naturally thev felt nnich

* Kiilder's l!evciliiticiiiiir\ oiuMiitiiins in Kiisterii Mniiii', iiiul Ndvii Scotiii, |>. 117.
t Tliere wiis a sniiill narri^dii ^tilti(lll(.■ll at tliis \H:>.t >iii('ur cdiiiiiiaiKl nf l.ieul. C'niistaiit Coi.nur
if llu' liiiyal KtMU'ililc Americans. Tliu l>liii;k Imusi.' was calli'il K'lrt Huu'lies.

NKW BHUNSWK'K IIISToKirAL SOCIKTY.

I»ittprne88 at being driver, from localities to which they were ftttnched,
and as their old hunting grounds were cleared and cultivated l»y the
whites, their game ])egun to fail and tliey were reduced to distress.

A general idea of the state of the St. .John rivei' legion at the time
of the coming of the loyalists may be gathered from the very interesting
report made in the autumn of the year 178:{ l»y Cajit. John Munro* of
his recent exjiloration of the river. In this report he gives the nanio
and feituation of the i)rincipal tributaries. Kel river is called, not by its
old French name ^ledoctec, but by the Indian name Af(ul<ar<i'i)deel<>o/i; or
as Munro writes it Meduankato. lie applies the name " Medoctick
lliver " to Hay's creek, just below the mouth of which stood the old fort
and Indian village. He .says :

" Tliis stream lias excellent Falls and fine Timber for boards, liere is a fine piece
of Interval in wliicli two or tliree Indian families live ; abo\it tin; centre of tliis
Intci-val are the leniains of an oM Uriast work, sutHcicntto contain 'iOO men, tiie
next river on tlio west s^ide [of tiic St. )oiin| is Madoilionquick,! here tiie Indiana
lived formerly, their church is still standing and kept in good rei)air. On both
.sides this river is good land, and some nf the Ishinds opposite ai'e very good. * ^'

When 1 came thioiigh in October the most part of the Indians were moving off
to the eastwaiil for fear of the nnmber of i)rovinciaI troops and settlers coming
ii|)on the Kiver."

If Cajitain Munro in the foregoing extract means to say that there
was, at the time of his visit, an Indian cha))el at the mouth of the
IMeduxnakic his statement is puzzling, as it has always been supj)Osed
the Indian chapel was at the 31cductic village. There is no tradition, so
far as the writer of this paper (himself a native of Woodstock) is aware,
of the existence of an Indian chapel at the mouth of the Meduxnakic
when the first settlers arrived there. Possibly a careful study of the
original manuscript in the British Museum may throw .some light upon
the subject. Capt. iNlunro's style is involved, and as printed in the
Canadian Archives is sometimes dilHcult to follow. His report also
contains some inaccuracies. Wluither, therefore, we are to conclude
that the original Chapel of St. Jean 13a])tiste, or its successor, was stand-
ing at the Medoctec Village and in good repair in 1783, or that in more
recent years an Indian village overshadowing Medoctec had grown up at
the mouth of the Meduxnakic and a chapel had been there erected, is a
problem that is not absolutely to be determined at the moment of

writing.

•Captain .loliii .Muiiin r-Livud in Sir .Joljii J.pIiii^hii's Hmv il Xtw York luifiniont in tlio levnln-
tiduuiv war. The repdrt of liis fxplmatitin oi tliu !Sl. .U>h\t river, etc., is jirintetl in tlie t'anailiaii
Ardiives for 181I1.

+ Tlie stream un wliieli lias been bniit tlie town nf Wnniistduli.

NKW ItlirNSWICK IIISTOIIM'AI. SOCtF.TV.

Ca[>t)iiM Miiiiros lulinirntioii of tlir lulls ih-hi' tlm Mtcluctic f'oit
clearly prococdctl fVom a tliorou^lily utilitiuiim stiuulpoiiit. Tlic prac-
tical result of it. was that when in llaliliix lie jd-ncunMl (tlin)n<;li tin-
influence of liis piition (ieneial lluiiliinnntl, no doiiUt) a ^^laiit of 1,000
neres "at tlui tuoutli of llie liver or creek Mmluctick." The giaiit was
issued Septeinl)(!r (i, 17S1 ; it had a frontage of a little over one mile
along the St. John river and a depth of nearly six niileH. It included
in its bounds the ^lednctic fort and Indian camping ground, also Mcdiu-
tic Island and anothe>- Island above; it, Imt its chief charm in Munro's
eyes was the exc<'llent falls for a mill. Strange to say no attention is
paid to this grant in the one mad<! less than six weeks Inter (Oct. l/),
1784) to the men of Deljuncey's lirigad*'. The lattei' giant began
two miles below Meductic Island and extended up the river a distance
of twelve miles to the upper line of the present j)arish of Woodstock,
comprising 2t,ir)0 acres and including Munio's grant within its bound-
aries. The old lort and village weie situate on lot No. •). diawn by
Sergeant Isaac Kipp, Coporal Enoch Maxwell and Private James Craig.
The only possible explanation of tin; granting of lands to white settlers
to which the Indians had so strong a claim by virtue of their possession
from time immemorial is to be found in tlu> fact that the Crown land otKce
at Halifax was overwhelmed with work conse<|uent upon the settlement
of such a multitude of loyalists as had lately arrived in the country
from the old colonies. The authorities must hav(^ failed to notice
that the grant to DeLancey's brigade included that to Capt. .iolni
Munro, and they were perhaps C(|ually unaware that either trespassed
npon what manifestly should have been reserved for the Indians until
some other jtiovision had been made for them. The two grants are duly
recorded at Fredcricton, but none of the grantees at Medoctec appear to
have made any attempt to take po.ssession of their land. They doubt-
less acted ])rudently as the Indians would have resented any encroach-
ment upon what they considered their inalienable rights.

Somewhere about the year 1800, commissioneis were sent by govern-
ment to arrange for the location of white; settlers at Medoctec. Speaking
of their visit the late John Bedell, Es(|., in a lecture that he delivered
before the Woodstock Mechanics' Institute said : —

They were poled i\\) the river by two men from Fi'ederictou. Approacliin;;
the MeiUictic at night fall, they lieeame alarmed at tlie huge tires hurning near the
fort and the unearthly yelling of the semi-nude Indians dancing around tliem.
Passing quietly by on the oppo-site side of the river tliey proceeded to the house
of my father, J. Bedell, Kscj. , a few miles farther on, where they were entertained for

3'2

NKW HIirNRWlCK MtSTOIlirAI- SOCIKTY.

tlio iii^lit. On till' lollowiiig (lay I wuh ]W'i'tnitttMl to iiuc<m)|iaiiy my futliur niiil t\w
o()iiiiiiis><i<>iiii> loilic fori. Anivi'il lit tlitM'iitniiK'c tlK'i-oininiHHidiittrH ininli^ knuwii
till) (ilijoi t lit tliiir \iMit. I'rcMfiitly n number nl' HtalvMirt hum pn'M-iittd IIumii-
HolvuH (IresBud in gnr^'ciiiiH attire. AfU'.r MiilntatiimH, tin* uoniiniMHioiiurt aHkoil,
" lly wluvl riglit oi titlt'iln yim hold tiu'Kc lamls?" A tall, pDwurliil I'iiicf Ht<HMl
•I'lci^t, anil, with tlu' uir of a plutni'il knij,'lit, iinjniinjf witliin tlu' wiilU of llm fort
re|ilicil ; " 'riuTc nre tli" ^;ia\us of our HianilfiilliLiM 1 I'liiirii aro the gravoB of our
fathers I Tlicic aro tint gravcH of oiii I'liildrenl"

To this Kiniplo miti\f tl()(|ui'iicf the conimissioiU'rH felt tlioy had no
.suitiihlr reply, iiixl for the time \tvA\\g the Malisects rnnninod umliHtiirbwI.

When the loyalists settled on the rivor St. John in 17S;5 the? IndiauK
(f Medoctec sooin to have retired to Madavvaska. I'dshojt Plessis, ot
<,)uel)ec, who visited ISladawaska in ISlii writes in iiis jouinal that there
viis tbrnierly a villaj,'(! of savages, .Mareehit<'s or Malecites, at tlio coii-
HuencM^ of the St. Jolm and Madawaska rivers of which th(M-o only
renuvined one or two cahins at th« time of his vi.sit. He also aiUls that,
tin,' late M. Adrien Leclerc, cure of Isle Verte, was sent to these sa'ageM
iiliont 1780 or 17S7. A few yt^ars later the sava^Ljes retired, at first to
the river "Tohic"* and soon after to the month of the river "Midotec"
\* here they wore visited anmially l>y the oiiic of Saint- U.isile.

Some of the Indians, however, had returned to tluMr old encaniji-
mont at Medoetec as early as 17H7, for when Frederick Dihhlee was sent
in the autumn of this year by the commissioners of the New Enj^land
Company t to open an Indian school he found i|uite a little colony tlu^re.

The circumstimces tliat led to the estalilishment of the Indian
.school at ^^'oo(lslock (;an only he vei'\ briefly stated. The New England
Company decided, in the year 1785 • —

That the part of Aiiifrica wliii^Ii i.s next tidjarcnt to tlio .Slassacliusctts State
and is a part of amifut New Kiiglainl in the King's Colony of New Hriinswick :

Ri'solvt'il f/ifrr/on', that the (Joiiiniissioners we may Iioreafter employ, he
iippointfil out of tlio inliiiliitiints of that eohmy, who .iro tin.' Kiiig'.s loy.il suh'n'o i
anil living in the King's ilnniinion, and who are many of tiiem gentlemen of kno .vii
integrity and fidelity, and everyway (pialitied to execute the trusts of our ehiu-ter.

♦ Tiihi(|ui' thu iiiiiilern foriii of the iiiuiio of llim ri\cf i-i su','u'cstivo of Krum-li nriifiii, but tlm
uonl was nuver so wrilti-ii until ver.v rureiitly. 'I'lir .Vliliu If liontic in 17.VI writes tlio iiaiuo "Toii-
liick," Vx\<t. Miiiii'o in 17s;i writes "'l'ol)it," lui old iloouiiient written in 17111 liiis the I'oriii "Tobec,"
iiiiil l!isli(i|i I'li.'.ssis, iiH aliovu, writes "Totiic." The eiirh settlers alw.ivs place the iieeeiit on tliu
first syllable.

t I'lie name in full of the "New Kiiifliiinl t.'onipany," as fcriiml in its charter, is " Tlie eoniiiaiiy
for the propas-ation of the ;;ospel in New KnjjIaiKl ami the parts adjacent in Aineriea." It w;w
iiKorporated by an ordinance passed liy tlie "loii^f parliament " in the days of Oliver (Jroinwoll, A.
I>. liitil. For a century oi' more the society labored to educate anil christianize the liidiausof New
Knulaiul, but with no very ureat sncceas, and for some \ears before the American lievoliitiou the
Slims supplied by the company in N'ew Eii;;land were appropriatcil to yuneral |mrposes by the over-
seers and e iip.iration of Harvard Collejje at l'ambriil;rc. The chief promoter of the society or
company was the Moti. Robert liir.le, of Kiiijland, who, at his decease, left a larife beipiust to ius
funds.

NKW lllll NHWK K MlsTdllK Al, SOCIKTV,

;k;

In accordnnco v idi diis resolution tlic cnmimny appointnl m its
Hj^ontH nr conimiH.sioinis in New Uiiinswiiik, His Kxctllency Tlionias
(.'Uiltfton, liciiicnunt fjovciiior; the Imnomlilc (icm-^'c I)unnin Ludlosv,
fliidf justico ; the lionoialile Isuiic Allfii, judm'ti of tlic sii|ti«!nin conrt ;
iloiialliiui Oticll, pioviiicial Hccretary ; .loimtimn hliss, VIh^., Willium
riiint', «lo(;lor of pliysick ; mid .lolin Coflin, Ksj. Tlu'sc connuissionirs
\\vn>. cnipowcrcd to ciijLfiij,'!' and jiay suitalilc tvaclicrH "for civiiizinj{,
tcHi'hii'j^ mid iiistructiii},' tlic lu'ullicn natives mid tlieir eliijdren, not only
in the principloH of the .l'iii<,dish tonjune, and in other iilieiul aits and
BcienccH, hiit for the t'diu-ating and jilacing them and their ohildiou in
sonio trade, niistery or hiwful ealliiij,'."

In tho year I7SS, or thereabout, seliools were estaMished hy JanicH
Fras(!r at Miramiehi, hy (>liv(!r Arnohl at Snssc^x, liy (JervaH Say at
{Shelliehl, and hy Ficch-iick Dihhh'e at Meduetie. After the exjiiratioii
of six years it was (h'eided to centralize tlie operation of tiie New I'ln^-
land Conii»any at Sussex, where an Indian Colle;,'e was huilt and the
schools at the otiier places closed*. About the year lS3u the New
Knyland Company discontinued its ojieiations in tliis province, haviii;r
expended in th(! half eentmy somethinf; like Sir)O,O00, of whicii siiui
probably one ((uarter was disbursed in salaries to otlicials who had little
part in the work of instruction. While, as a wlK)le, tlii! results attaintil
by the company were disappointing, and the general administration of its
alt'airs marked by extravagance, it is certain that the work accomplish
by Frederick Dibbleef at Meductic was attended witli very consideral
udvantage, though not peihaps in exactly the wny contemplated l)y th't
founders of the society. As Col. Edward Winsluw remarks in a letter
written by him in 180 I : —

"Tlio lejiiicy wliicli iiiid been formerly left by Mf. Itnylc, I'm ilie cliristijiii
puriKtso of civiH/.ing tlie alioiigiiies, ou la'iiig a|i|>liL'ii in tliis cuiiiitry, was (;< n-
sitleied by the Indians- wliodiil not coiiiiireluMul the nicnning of it as a strong
proof of natioiiiil iirotectiou iuul kiiubifss, luid it liad uiKloubtetlly a ti'iulency l(j
rec<nu:ile tlieni more elVeitually to goveriinieut. "

The writer of this paper has in his possession an old document iu
IVederick Dibblee's handwriting headed " An account of the Distribution

• A very intori'stinjr iictMnml of tlu' Indian <'iillcf.'(' at Sussex will Im fnniul In a iiainplilft

«lltitl('(l "Tiu- iti'V, Olhcr Aiiiiilil, tirst Utitdr nf Sussex, N. U., with s e aernunt ul his life, liis*

imric'i, uiitl his sueeessors, and (lie uliI Imliaii C'iilk%'e, liy l.ediianl Allisim, I!, A.,' printed at St.
Jolin ill 1S!I'2.

The Uulians still call Sussex liy the iiaiiie of S'nillcijc.

t Kroilenek Dihhiee was a native of Stainlurd, ('(innectieut. Ue cnniiili'ted his edueation lit
Kiiiffs (now- C'cdumliia) Colleye, N. V. He was a staiiiK-h li>\alist and at the levnlulinn the 'seleet
men " i>f Stainfnrd ordered liini and his family tn depart that town fcirthwith and ne\er return, lie
«iinu) tn St. .liilin in May, IVs"', niil, altera lew >ears resideiue at Kinf^stun, niuieil to WoodstcieU
where he spent the rest of his life.

ed
.le

31 NEW BIUJNSWIC'K IIISTOIUCAL SOCIKTY.

of the Necessaries Received by Order of the Honorable Board of Com-
missioners for the Native Indians settled at ]VIa.luctic at Different Times
from the 24th June, 1788 till the ISth Nov., 1789."* In this old
document we have the names of the heads of families with the iiumbex
of women and children in each, showing that there were then at Mediic-
tic 98 men, 74 women and 165 children, 337 in all, and as the whit«>
settlers at Woodstock only numbered about 20 families the Indians
might have rendered their situation very uncomfortable had they been
so disposed. Mr. Dibblee, during the years he wis employed as mission-
ary-teacher to the Indians, succeeded in gaining their confidence by his
personal kindness and efforts to promote their v/elfare, combined with a
judicious distiibution of the "necessaries" furnished by the New Eng-
land Company. The old account just mentioned shows that he distri-
buted within a ])eriod of less than seventeen months the following
articles, namely, 146 bushels corn, Hh do. beans, 23^ do, potatoes, 592
lbs. pork, 82 quarts salt, 322 lbs. ])owder, 790 lbs. lead, 365 flints, 152
blankets, 124 yards linen, 175 do. blue stroud, 12 beaver hats, 12 bocks.
x\.n inspection of these items will show that the sum expended for purely
educational pur]>oses was not extravagant I However, the s.upply of
provisions, etc., served to secure the confidence and good will of th«
Indians and paved the way for the establishment of a school. A school
house was built soon after as is shown by the following memorandum
sent to the Board of commissioners by Mr. Dibblee.

All Account of Expences in Building the School House, etc.:
i7XM. £ s ,1

(Sept"!- loth : Cash jiaid for Diging & Loging Seller and get-

ing Logs 4 r>

For raising and covering House, . . G T)

For ,S,(Mt(i Shingles, 30s, is f4. 10, for 5(Ml T)o (i-

'JOs, ,")

For !) Sashes, (a, 5s, 4'2.5, & for 2 Do ^v Is 8d, 2 S 4

For -ioOO feet of Boards (w ({Os, 18 10

e 8 .1

31 S 4
1780. f 8 d

June 13tli : Paid carpenters, 8

Paid mason & attending mason, 2 9 Vt

Paid car]>enters, 3 1.")

125 wt. Nails (a 8d, is £4 .3s 4d, 9 H hinges, 20s ."i 3 4

— 19 7 Ii»

Carried fortoard, .t'')0 1(} 2

* See ii|ipendix where this diieument is printetl in full.

NKW IJUUNSWICK HISTORICAL SOCIKTY.

,f s ,1
liroii'jld /onnird, 50 Ki l'

l).|i Doz. Window (ilass, at 5d is t'2 7s (id, 1

King lock, 7s, 2 14 (i

3 Thuml) latches, (n IsM is 3s !l(l ; h)\h Nails

})d, is 7s (id, 1 1 1 1 :i

54 1 1]

l()lt)s Putty ((!■ !)d is 7s (id, Ion>s Nails (a !)<1 is ] Is 3d. . , . 11 it

17i)0.

Sept'r 2:id : Paid carpenter, 1 (i 1 1 (i

Errors excejjted. f7l 5 2

Woodstock 27 th Jan'y, 1791.

A further sum of £1G was spent in finishing the school liouse, the
cost of which was equivalent to about $'650 in all. The circumstances
under whicli the school was commenced are detailed hy Mr. Dihblee in
the following interesting letter to Col. Isaac Allen :

•>

Woodstock, 4tli Jan., 1790.

SiK, — I have received a Letter from tlie Secretary of the Hon. Board of Com-
missioners, dated the 7th of Nov'r, '89, inclosing an K.xtract of their Proceedings
the 14th of Octob'r, which I did not receive till 20 December, and will attend the
Board as therein Directed with my accounts. I ha\e succeeded in opening a
School with the Indians, and have now Twenty Two Schollars. Eighteen of them
have been to School from the "iOth of Xov'r. I'here are Eight Families (the Heads
of three of them are Widows), whohavc made their Wigwams close by me on tlie
School Lot. My Schollars consist of Kive Married Lidians, Two married Scjuas,
Five young Squas it Two Boys.

They recjuire ('loathing & I'l'cvitions, which 1 have complyed with. They
receive for Five Persons one Bushel of < 'oni & one Piece of Pork pr week, and
there are forty-seven Individuals. They often v/ajit Btin ! .vnd Potatoes it then
they are deducted out of the Corn ; half a bushel of Be.iis & Two of Potatoes
ea(jual to one of Corn, which i.s the Difference when they I'urchis them. They
have received '2h yards of Blue ('loath for Ciat.-i •<' Stockings, .t -JJ, Do. Linnen for
Shirts, & Thread each; Hats & Books wh.it I hai' rec'd. Tl ey are Constant iti
their Attendance and exceeding quick in receivin,; Instructioi, five of them in
Particular are amazingly so, having made great Imyiovement both in Spelling and
Writing.

They are continually making application to be received it tliere ai-e now
Thirteen who are making their Wigwams with the Lien, of Itecoming SchcllaiE it
receiving Provitions & Cloathing. I believe there is no Doubt but there will be a
Constant School, for their Prejudices are removed and they appear to be ambitious
of Learning, and the whole of them will become Schollars if the}- can recti le
Provitions it Cloathiug. I am at a Loss how to act, for I have just rec'd Intel-
ligence that there arc Six Families comingdowu the River who eX) oct to be *;ieate<i
m the same Manner; must beg of Col. All'^n to give me Instru.. -io-.,s, fjr I am

NEW HKI'XSWICK lIlSTOiilCAL SOCIETY.

uneasy for fear I may nut lie justified in wlial 1 liave'done, and how far I am to
proceede to an.swci tlie intnition cf the Hoard.

'I'lieie are a Ts umber of Familio^i (about Thirty) wlio have been very Industriou.s
last fall in t.'learing Land to Plant in the Spring, which I have encouraged all in
my j)ower, some at ]^aeka-( iiniock i*l: others on an Island four miles above me, and
tiiere ate Three I'"amilies who intend to plant on the Indian Lot. Wish to know
If they will, be aUowed Axes or Howes [hoes], as they often apply to me and I
have promised to write for Infurniation.

I have built a gooil Lug House on the Indian Lot, '20 feet by i'2, and have
Materials prepared for an addition in the Spring, the Expen(;e of which I will lay
before the Board. Should be hapj)y if Col. Allen would please to send a line as
soon as Convenient with liis sentiments on what I have done & how to act, for
their wants are Innumerable & I wish to have their Confidence, & obtaia y(>ur
approbation. I should have wrote Sooner but the Dilhculty of Travelling pre-
vented conveyance.

I am Sir with all Respect, Your most obedient
Humble Servant,
Hoy. C'JL. Ar.LKN. Fkeu'k Dibblee.

During the first three years he was employed as the agent of the Nt.'w
England Company, Frederick Dibblee expended upwards of $2,000 for
the benefit of the Indians at Meductic, of wliich b}' far the larger portion
was for provisions and supplies. After the school was fairly established
the indiscriminate distribution of provisions ceased, and only such fami-
lies as furnished scholars were entitled to the bounty of the New Eng-
land Company. Among 3Ir. Dibblee's papers is one indorsed, "An
account of Necessaries and Cloathing Delivered to the Indians at School
t!fc their Families from the 17th November, 1789, to the 1st February,
1790."' The Indians referred to wore eleven families, comj)rising 73 indi-
viduals, of whom .■^5 vere his scholars, and the cost of " victualling and
clothing" for the three months was about $450. Little wonder was it
that the school sj)eedily became a popular institution. Doubtless some
cf tlie Indians felt an interest in their studies, and Mr, Dibblee states
that they made good progress, V)ut their interest was not long sustained
and it did not .suffice to overcome that natural indolence of disposition
which has always been the bane of the aborigines of this continent.

At the solicitation of the white settlers of Woodstock, Frederick
Dibblee entered the ministry of the Church of England, and was ordained
at Halifax by the Right Rev. Charles Inglis, first Bishop of Nova Scotia,
on the L*3rd October, 179L'" He continued to instruct the young

* I'luviiius til this tlie Sciciutv for the in-opaj^alidii nf the (Jospul hiul it in coiiteinpliitidii U<
|iii>\i(le the inhiiliitaiits with ii resident niini^iter as appears fmni their annual report iif ITSil whieh
stales "The IMovinee nf New Lrunswiik is daily imreasiiii;-, am! there are several jilaees where
Ministers may sunn he wanted, ubimt I'ediendiae, SusKex Vale, Oronioeln, and Moduetue, where the
iidiahitants he'nn tii he numemus.

NEW BRUNSWICK HISTOUK^AL SOCIKTY. 37

Indians, however, for some time longer.* After his ordination he was
taken on the loll of missionaries of the society for the propagation of the
Oospel and received an annual grant of £50 sterling as " missionary at
Woodstock, Northampton, Prince William and (^ueensboro' Towns, and
Superintendent of the Indian school at Woodstock." In the year 1792,
Bishop Inglis in his report to tlie S. P. G., makes the following statement
concerning the Indians in Mr. Dibblee's neighborhood : —

That they are numerous and that 150 families reside near him, and about 10(>
families more occasionally visit those parts. That most of them have been
instructed by I'ojjish missionaries, but their prejudices wear off; many of them
regularly attend our services and behave decently, and .Mr. Dibblee thinks that as
he is now in Priest's orders, they will bring their children to be baptized ami put
themselves nnder liis care, for hitherto they had only considered him as Half a
Priest. ;Mr. Dibblee is much beloved by the Indians and respected by the Whites, and
has made some progress in the Indian language so as to be able to converse on com-
mon subjects, and is pursuing the study of it. As he has been already very dilig-
ent in his profession, and may be very useful in those jjarts the Society have
furnished him with a quantity of Indian Prayer-books by the late excellent (.'ol.
Claus, and have granted him a gratuity of £20 pounds for his services with ;ii)
intention, as soon as the prelimenaries for a Missi<m is fixed, to take him into their
service.

The simplicity of the society in sending out to the Maliseets a quan-
tity of prayer books printed in the dialect of their hereditary enemies
the Mohawks, is quite delightful.

Bishop Inglis goes on to say :

But the most remarkable occurrence with regard to the Indians is that they
begin to think seriously of cultivating land and relinquishing their pre^^ent
wandering mode of life. The cause of this extraordinary revolution in their senti-
ments is a failure of their game in hunting, which has reduced them to the utuio.st
distress ; and as the failure is occasioned by an increase of our population, which
goes on rapidly, their distress must also proportionably increase, and of this they
seem sensible. Their sufferings pjint out to them the necessit_v of cultivating
land for a subsistence, which they see it constantly affords to white people. *
The Indians in Mr. Dibblee's neighborhood have cleared and planted a consideraV)le
tract.

It a))ppars from Mr. Dibblee's letter to Col. Isaac Allen that land
was cultivated by the Indians at this time at the old Meductic fort, and
on the Island opjiosite the tcwn of Woodstock and also at the mouth of

♦ Tliere is in pnssessiim <if Francis E. Wiiislow, Es<, , of Cliatliani, a niumoranduni in Mr.
Dilii)lee's writin}; dated Any:, (itli, ITlKi, which contains llic names of eiirlit Indian pnpils ranKiii,'
from i) t(i 17 years i)f ixiio, and tlie remark is appended, " These attend me at mv hunse, ha\ in;; been
Disappointed in the Enijlisli school, and improve in tlieir I'ronnnciatiun." Tliis is tlie latest cNiLitini;
record, so far as I am aware, of the Indian school at Woodstock. VV, (). K.

NEW BRUNSWICK IIISTOKICAL SOCIETY.

tlie river Becaguiniec, wlien; the enterprising little town of Hartland
now stands. The articles sui);»lied to the Indians by Mr, Dibblee
in 1700 included a <iuantity of corn, beans and potatoes for planting, 23
axes and 30 hoes. No doubt the axes and hoes would appear but rude
implements to our thrifty modern farmers, but the Indians found them
a vast deal better than the stone implements of their grandsires. Mr,
Dibblee paid 8 shillings each for axes and 4 shillings for hoes.

In the various reports transmitted to the commissioners of the New
England Company, Mr. Dibblee gives the names of about 120 Indian
families. Some of these are purely Indian names, as Franwagemic,
Pemmyhawick, Aquahartis, Pellacola, Ellazonpa, Sermacola, Earsong ;
others show the influence of the French, as for exai; "'**, Augustin, Bazil,
Pierre, Sabatis, Nuel, Nicolas, Francis Xavier, J't^jdlenris. More
recent intercourse with the English ajipears responsib.o ioi nuch names
as, Peter, Joe, Grand John, Joseph Wilmot, Little Joe, ^ >Uy Bisket,
Joseph Murray, Joe Murray and Joe ]Murray-sis. A queer intermixture
of nationalities api)ears in such names as Pierre Peter, Francois
Peter, John Tobec, Sabatis Tobec, Michel Meductick, Nuel Priest,
Joseph Lurgorstai. By comparing the list of names given in the
appendix with the list in Kidder's Revolutionary operations in Eastern
Maine and Nova Scotia, p. 284, it will be noticed that some of the
Indians living at Woodstock, in 1788, were with Col. John Allan at
Machias in 1780. In some cases there is a considerable difference in
the spelling of the same name ; for example the Indian known to Col.
Allan as Tomma Esquatapan, is manifestly the same called Vjy Mr,
Dibblee, Thomas Quodpan, The Governor Tomah, of Mr. Dibblee's
papers, was ])robably a son of the renowned old chieftain Pierre Tomah,
who died and was buried at Saint Andrews prior to the year 1784.

Asa rule the Indian families were small, not averaging more than
three children. One Indian at Meductic had a family of nine, but the
instances in which there were more than five children were exceedingly
few. Modern Indian families are rather larger, a fact due in all proba-
bility to an adniixttjre of French blood.

Although the labors of Frederick Dibblee were not successful as
regards making permanent converts of the Indians of Meductic, yet his
services in promoting their welfare and establishing kindly relations
between them and the English settlers at a critical period, f.hould never
be i>assed over in any faithful account of the settlement of the upper St.
John region.

Ni:W BRUNSWICK HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

As years passed on the condition of the oKl historic village of Medoc-
tec failed to improve. The white man's "fire water" accomplished its dead-
ly work, and the native virtues of the 1 ndian were supplanted by demoral-
izing vices gleaned from civilization.

The late Moses H. Perley in his first report as Indian Commissioner,
dated August 12, 1841, says, that having visited Meductic Point in the
month of July he found only 29 souls encamped there. His report
continues : —

The point occupied by the Indians is beautifully situated, but HluunefuUy
neglected and almost a public (■ommon. It was stated to me that they had at
first 113 rods front on the river, and that tlieir laud ran back tluee miles continu-
ing the same breadth ; that they had a writing stating the boundaries signed by
■Governor (Jarleton, which some years ago was left at the Crown Land Office, and
they have not seen it since ; that latterly one Peter Watson has taken possession
of a considerable portion of their land by virtue of a grant or license, as he alleges,
and they have now scarcely a half of the lot assigned them by (iovernor Carleton,
tile boundaries of which were set up and marked during his administration by
John Bedell, a Crown Surveyor.

The Meductic Point is not mentioned among the lands reserved for the Indians
in the return made by the Surveyor (General to his Excellency the Lieutenant
Governor, but I beg to state that both by history and tradition it would seem to be
one of the most ancient Indian settlements on the St. John. While there the '
remains of an old Indian Fort were pointed out to me Mithin which the bones of
several hundred men repose apparently in one common grave.

Mr. Perley is mistaken in the idea that the Indian remains at
Meductic are buried in one common grave. Graves there have frequently
been opened, and Mr. A. R. Hay, the present owner of the place,* says
that in no case that he has ever heard of have the remains of more than
one Indian been dug from the same grave. He says there is a tradition
that the Meductic Fort was once taken by the English, who placed a
party in ambush on the east side of the river, opposite the Fort, whilst
the remainder advanced upon it from the west, with shouting and firing
of guns. The terrified savages jumped into their canoes and paddled
over to the opi)osite side of the river, only to fall into the hands of those
lying in ambush, by whom they were shot down without mercy as they
were landing. Many skeletons have been brought to light on that
side of the river, and tliey are said to lepresent the victims who were
slain at this fight and are supposed to be buried in a common grave,
but Mr. Hay says he has no i)ersonal knowledge as to the way in which
these remains are interred.

* To the kindness of Mr. A. R. Hay and his hrother, Mr. Wihnot Hay, I am much indohtcd lor

vahiaWe assisUnce rendered in the preparation of tl)is paper. Both the.<e ;rentlenien liave shown

tnucli interest in the Instorioal investiyations reganlin;,'- old Medoctet', and have yiven valuable sufx-

ttestioiis of whieli I have made full use. Mr. A. R. Hay kindly supplied the photo^'raph from which

he cut of the meinurial tiiblet formerly in the chapel of Saint Jean liaptiste lias been made. W. <>. R.

NKW BRUNSWICK HISTORICAL SOCIETV.

At the tinu! Mv. Perley visited ^Mcdiictic Point, in Jnly 1841, lie
found llicre but five incm, six women, nine; hoys and nine girls; lie adds:
'' I regret that I have to state that, with one or two exft'|<lions, the men
are drunkards and the women dclmucluHl, while the chihlron are naked
and starving; I respectfully recommend that the vahiable land they
occui)y shoidd be leased for the benefit of the Tribe and the settlement
broken up. '

Such was the lamentable state of our historic Indian village fifty
years ago. The provincial government eventually granted the lands to
white settlers, and purchased of Peter Eraser, Es(j., the Indian lot which
adjoins the parish church, three miles below the town of Woodstock,
where a few of the descendants of the jNIeductic Indians still reside ;
among them the widow of Noel Paul, who, in lu r younger days, orna-
mented with Indian bead work the coat that Moses H. Perley wore
when he visited England in 1840 and was presented ' Queen Victoria
as Chief Sachem of tlie Maliseet tribe. In commemdration of this visit
Mr. Perley was presented with a silver medal, three inches in diameter,
dated 1840, and having on the edge this inscriptiorv " E. i. Her most-
Oracious Majesty to M. H. Perley, Chief Sauhem of the Malicetes, and
Wunjeet Sagamore of the Micmac nation." The medal is now in pos-
session of Henry E. Perley, Escj., of Ottawa.

We have now traced the history of INIedoctec down to modern'
days, and here for the present we must leave it, The writer has a very
pleasant recollection of a visit paid a few months ago to the site of the old
fort. It was a lovely summer afternoon and no faiier prospect could be
desired tlian that which ])resented itself. The sun, sinking toward the
west, flooded the old Indian C(unlields with golden light; the blue
waters of the St. John flowed cjuietly between the meadow lands on
either hand, except where here and there some gravel bed caused the
ripples to dance and play in the sunlight ; wild roses grew along the
banks, the sweet smell of the clover tilled the air, the drowsy hum of
bees was heard around. Back from the river I)eneath the reft'eshin"
shade of the steep hillside there piaitled the little streamlet that flows
from Gyles' spring among the rocks above. Not far away a busy party
of men were working at a neighbor's barn-raising. The occasion was
maked by all the zest and spirit cummonly called forth by such an event.
The ringing blows of the axes, intermingled with shouting and laughter,
were in startling contrast to the elsewhere (juiet scene. Soon the busy
workers were summoned to a bounteous repast prepared by the hands of
their wives and daughters.

Under the shade of the hillside the men bathed their heated faces in.

NKW BRUNSWICK HISTOUICAL SOCIETY.

the streamlet and drank of its refreshing waters. Tliey talked of tli*;
coiiinionplaoe news of the day with their casual visitors, and tendered
their hospitality with hearty good will. Seated at their hospitable hoard
we talked of the historic a.ssoeiations of tlie place and gleaned from the
older menilnrs of the party what each could tell of its local ti'aditions. All
around us the homes of these honest neighbors seemed to sp(>ak of com-
fort and content. But wlnit of those who once possessed th(;ir lands and
claimed them as their birthright; those whose mortal bodies sleep in the
little square enclosure by the river side I

" Aliis for tlit'iii 1 tliL'ir day is o'er,
Their firca are out on hill and shore ;
No more for them the wild deer hounds,
The plough is on their hunting grounds,
'i'he pale man's axe rings thi-ough their Moods,
The pale man's sail skims o'er their floods."

To US who lazily reclined beneath the shadow of the rocky hillside that
lovely summer afternoon, the little rivulet that descended from Gyles'
spring and babbled at our feet seemed to say with Tennyson's brook —

" I chatter, chatter, as I flow
To join the brimming river,
For men may come and men may go,

Bu^ I go on for ever."

* * « *

Yes, men may come and go, and these are gone."
Yes gone, all gone ! And still, my l)rothers of the New Brunswick
Historical Society, to-night thei'e seems to rise before us out of the mists
of the shadowy past, the figure of the old Indian chief. We see
him as with the air of a plumed knight he stands and answers for his
tribe the question put by the English commissiorers, " By what right
or title do you hold these lands'?" We see him as he points to the
little enclosure by the river side and gives his answer, " There
are the graves of our grandsires ; there are the graves of our
fathers ; there are the graves of our children."

Over that grave-yard today the tangled hawthorn has grown in
lawless profusion akin to the wild lawlessness of those whose bones lie
buried there ; the hawthorn guards their resting place full well ; and
when on some fair May morning the fresh breeze shakes the hawthorn
and the white blossoms fall like drifting snow upon the quiet graves be-
neath, may the thought suggested to us be — even so may the mantle of
Christian charity fall over tht^ frailties of those wdio, with all their
faults, have been perhaps more sinned against than sinning.

" The graves of om- grandsires ; the graves of our fathers ; the graves
of our children ! " Vale Malecitae /

NEW HKUXSWICK HISTOKICAL SOCIETY.

APPENDIX.

EXTUACTS FUOM THE JoUKNAL OF CaPTAIN WiLLIAM PoTE. Jr.,

DuKiNCi HIS Captivity in the Fuencii and Indian
Wars, 1745-1 717.

INTRODUCTORY NOTE.

The Pote Journal was di.scovered in 1890 by Bi.shoi) John P. Hurst,
of Wasliiugton, at (iencva, in Switzerland, and has just been printed by
Dodd, Meud & Co., of New York, price 815 and $25 per volume.
Through the kindness of Dr. W, P. CJanong I have been provided with
a copy of that part wliich relates to New Brunswick, from which the
e,\ tract that follows is taken.

William Pote belonged to Portland, Elaine, then called Falmouth.
At the time he was taken prisoner l)y the Indians lie was engaged under
the chief engineer of Nova Scotia, John Henry Bastide, in carrying
artificers and supplies for the repair and defence of the fort at Annapolis
lioyal. He was in command of the Schooner Jfontdgne when that
vessel was surprised and captured by a parcy of Indians and French.
Pote was carried to Queliec by way of the river St. John. The Indians
with their ])risoners arrived at the Indian village of Aukpaque, which
Pote calls Apog, on Saturday, July 6, 174."). With this date our

extract from the Journal shall begin :

W. O. R.

" Saturday ye Gth. This Day In ye Morning our Indians had much
DilHculty, to prevail with ye Si)auiard* to Sell ym his Connew. This
Day we passed by several french houses, and some we stoped at for pro-
visions, but they was exceeding poor and Could not supply us with any,
this Night we arrived to an Indian Village, called apoge,t where we
found ye Schooner Montague was arrived with ye other prisoners Some
Days before us, at this jilace ye Squaws came down to ye Edge of ye
River, Dancing and Behaving themselves, in ye most Brutish and
Indecent manner yt is possible for humain kind, and taking us prisoners
by ye arms, one Squaw on Each Side of a prisoner, they Red us up to
their Village and placed themselves In a Large Circle Round us, after
tiiey had Gat all })repared for tl nr Dance, they made us set down In a
Small Circle, about 18 Inches ass mder and began their froUck, Dancing

• He Ihotl at Ihu Jeiiisiy innliiilily. t Of coiirsf AiikpiU|ue.

NEW BRUNSWICK HISTORICAL SOCIKTY.

Round us and Striking of us in ye face with English Scalps, yt caus(id
ye Blood to Issue from our mouths and Noses, In a Very tJreut and plenti-
ful! manner, and Tangled their hands in onr hair, and knocked our heads
Togather with all their Strength and Vehemence, and when they was
tired of this Exercise, they would take us hy [the] hair and some l»y ye
Ears, and Standing behind us, oblige us to keep our Necks Strong so as
to bear their weight, then Kaise themselves, their feet ofi" ye Ground
and their weight hanging by our hair and Ears, In this manner, they
thumped us In ye Back and Sides, with their knees and feet, and
Twitchd our hair and Ears to such a Degree, that I am Incapable to Ex-
press it, and ye others that was Dancing Round if they saw any man
falter, and did not hold up his Neck, they Dached ye Scalps In our
faces with such Violence, yt every man endeavoured to bear them hang-
ing by their hair in this manner, Rather then to have a Double Punish-
ment ; after they had finished their fiolick, that Lasted about two hours
and an half, we was carried to one of their Camps, where we Saw Some
of ye Prisoners that Came in ye montague,* at this place we Incamjjed
yt Night with hungrey Belleys 40 L from ye entrance W. N. W. Ijy our
Computation.

Sunday ye 7th This Day we was Informed, and found we had
Suficient Reason to Confide In ye Information, That they held a counsell
amongst ym weather they Should put us to Death, and ye Saint Johns
Indians almost Gained ye point for they Insisted it was but Justice, as
they Sd there had been Several of their Tribe, murdered by Capt. John
Gorham at anapolis. our masters being Verey Desireous to Save us
alive. Used all ye arguments In their power for that purpose but could
not prevail, for they Insisted on Satisfaction, howsoever our masters
prevailed So far with ym, as to take Some Considerable quantity of
their most Valuable Goods, and Si)are our Lives, this Day they Gave
us Some Boilld Salmon which we Eat with a Verey Good Appetite,
without Either Salt or Bread, we Incamped this Night at this afibrsaid
Indian Village Apog.

Monday ye 8th This Day In ye Morning ye heronsf began to Make
preparation for their Departure up ye River of Saint Johns, at about
Ten In ye morning we Imbarqued anil Left those yt Came In ye
Schooner montague at Apog making Birtch Connews &c this Day we
meet with much falling water »tc, one of our Indians Called Jacob a
prisoner yt formerly Belongd to Capt John (iorhams Company and was

* Potf's si'lioimor tiikiui at Aiiiiii|iiilis, and wliich liail lieeii sent U|i the river St. .loliii.
t Meaning; tlic Huron Inilians by whom I'oUi anil his oonipiiiiions were talion captive.

M;\V IIKLNSWUK III.STOUK'AI, .SOCIKTV.

tiikon on (loat Tshind, was (fxcceilingly out of ordfi' and muld not assist
yo Indians to })a(l(llt' aj,'ainst y«' Strong Current, Yt Ran ai,'ainHt us yo
(iiratiT part of ye Day, his head was So Excc<'dinf,dy Swelled, vvitli ye
Scjuaws iK'atiny of liiin, yt ho ("ould Soearsly Se(( out of his Kyes. I
had ye (Jood fortune to be almost well in Comparison to what he was,
although it was he and I was ('oinpanions, and Sat Next to Each otlnsr,
In ye Time of their J)anee, and him tliey alwas took for my partner to
knoek our heads Toj^etlier y(! Indians asked me In what Manner ye
SiiuawH treated us, that hid head was So Kxeeedintjly Swelld I Cave
ihem an acoount, at wliieli they feij^ned themselves much Disgusted, and
protested they was Inticrly Ifjnorant of ye all'air, and Said they thought
ye Squaws Designd Nothing Else, but only to Dance round us tor a
Little Diversion, without moUisting or hurting of us In any manner,
tins Night we encamped by yo Side of ye Hiver Saint Johns, our Indians
Showd me a Uoot, yt they Said they often made C^se of for Substain-
anee when they had no provisions, this Night we all slept with Verey
huugrey belleys.

Tuesday ve 9th. This Day we had also much falling water iind
Ripplings* to pass. Somtimes we was abliged to Land, and Carrey
our Bagage over clefts of llocks, and trees &C, that was in our way.
This day ye Indians told mo we Should arrive Near to another
Indian Village, I asked them if they Supposed they would Use
us in ye hianner we had bt>en, at ye other Village they made me no
answer, but Said Something In Indian, yt Caused all ye Connews
to Gather Round ye Connew yt I was in, iS: Discoursed in Indian what
they Said I could not tell Rut I observed they i^ooked with a Verey
Serious Countenance on nie, wheii I Saw a Convenient opportunity I
spoke to this att'ect, (Jentlemen You are all Verey Sensible, of ye 111
Usage we met with at ye other Village, which I have Reason to
V)elieve, was Intierly Contrary to any of Your Inclinations or jiermis-
sion, and as you Call your Selves Christians, and men of honor, I
hope you'l Use your prisoners accordingly. But I think it is
Verey Contrary to ye Nature, of a Christian, to abuse; men In ye
manner we was at ye other Village, and I am Verey Sensible there
is no Christian Nation yt Suffers their ])risoners to be abused after
they have Given them fpiarters. In ye manner we have been, the Indians
Looked verey Serious, and approved of what I said, and Talked amongst
themselves in Indian, and my master told me when we airived to ye
Indian Village I must mind to keep Clost by hi)n. This Night we

' rrnbublv tiiu MeiliK'tiL' Fiills arc liore rofcrroil to.

Ni;\V lllilNSWICK IIIHTOltU.'Al, SOCIKTV. 4*t

liiciiiiiiitl Oil nil Isliiiid 111 y^' Uivur Saiiil .Johns, this Night svf hud ii
Siiiall piece of HoiHcd Suhiion, yt whh (iiveu to yo Indians by an Imliaii
yt liiv»'d on >'(! Island This was |)ivi(h>d iiinor.g.st our I'oiiipany, yt
Cniisisted of twenty tliiee persoiiH.

Whensday ye 10th. This Day we Took our Departiirt' Kaily in yo
niorniiijL,', yo Indians told mo we should arrive to ye Indian \'illa^'<*
before Noon, this inorniii<? we passed l)y Several Siiiall Spots of Oleaid
]ian(l, wher<! ye Indians had Iinprovcid and planted Corn and beans Ac,
we arrived to ye Indian village aliout Noon, as soon as Hquaws, saw us
Coming In Sight of their Village, and lieard ye Cohoops, which Signi
lied ye Number of Prisoners, all ye Sipiaws In their Village, prepared
themselves with Largo ilods of Biiars, and Nettles itc, and met us at
their Landing, Singing and Dancing and Yelling, and making such a
hellish Noise, yt I Expected we Should meet with a worse Reception at
this place that we had at ye other. I was Verey Carefull to ob,serve my
nmstens Instructions, yt he had Given me ye Day before, and warned
ye Kest to do Likewise, our Indians Seemed Verey Inditl'erent In Land-
ing, and passed Some Small Distance above ye Landing place. "N'e llist
Connew yt Landed, was ye Capt of ye herons he had iiut one jirisoner
in his Connaw, which was an Indian, yt had formerly Belonged to ('apt
John Gorhams Company as Soon as he Landed he was not CarfuU to
keep By iiis master, and ye Squaws Gatherd themselves Round him,
and Caught him by ye hair, as many as could hold of him, and lialled
liim down to ye Ground, and pound his head against ye Ground, ye Rest
with their Rods dancing Round him, and wipted him over ye head and
Legs, to Such a degree, that I thouglit they would have killed him In ye
Spot, or lialled him in ye watter and Drounded him, they was So Eager
to have a Stroak at him Each of them, tJiat they halld him Some one
way and Some another. Some times Down towards ye water by ye hair
of ye head, as fast as they could lUiii, then ye otlier party would have
ye Better and Run with him another way, my mastei spoke to ye other
Indians, and told ym to take ye fellow out of their hands, for he believed
tliey would Certainly nunther him. In a Verey Short time. I Seeing
ye Squaws Coming towards me. Endeavoured to hall on my Stockings
as Soon as possible, for I Dreaded my Legs more than any thing Else,
that was at that time So Sore, In Sitting in ye Connew in ye Sun yt I
Could Scarsely Stand upon them, as Soon as ye Scpiaws approndied Near
me, my master spoke Something In Indian, In a Verify harsh manner,
yt Caused ym to Stop in their persuit, and Returned to ye Rest and Led

♦ i. o. .Mcihirti.- \illii"e.

It;

M'.W lllll'SNW UK IIIMiillKAl, h(irlKT\,

}•(! Iiiiliiui, llity (iot lioUl (if liiKl ii|i In iIh'Ii \'illii;,'i', iiiid we muh C'tm-
(liU'ttMl to ye CuplH Ciiiiiit with iiic iiii«l all ye ickI oI ye I'l Isoiimh,
Kxowpt y«! poor liidiiiii iliiit \vh« In ye liaiul of y«' S(|Uhwh, our iiiflinns
RH Hoon iiH tliry Imd Set howii, Inticntcd of ye ('apt of yo Villagf, to
llfliovc IImh pool' Indian out of ye liands of yc Stpiaws and Told liiiii,
liow we had I'lcn iiliiisid at yo other Village! yv Cupt N't'icy U«^adyly
(1 ranted their lleijiiest, and r»roiiL;ht yt" poor fellow to uk half head ; at
this place lji\('d a Soldier yt was tidten on hoard ye Sehooner inontague,
who j,'a\f nie an aeeoiint, hnw they alinsed him at Imh arrival, at this
plac'O w(^ incanipeil that niyht, with N'eiey hungry l>elleys IS I,. (!, (\
N. W* Medouatike.

Tlnirsdiiy ye llth This Day we IJeniaii.ed In ye Indian Villaj^e
called iMedocatike, I ol)ser\ed ye Sijuaws coidd iio|t| l>y any means
t'ontent themsolves without ha\ing their hancc. they Continued 'leas-
ing my Muister to Such ii D'j^i'ee, to have ye lalierty to Dance Konnd
nie, that he ('onsented they might if they would I'roinis to not aluse
me, they Desired none of ye Jiest. luit nu' was all they aimed at foi"
what lleason I cannot Tell. When my masterK had (iiven yin Liheity,
which was \hn\v ('n/ir/tiKiirii In vn- tiii</'f In my al)stance, theic Came
Into yt Camp, tsvo Large Stiong Sipiaws, and as I was Setting hy one
of my masters, they ('auglit hold of my armes with all their Strength,
aiul Said Something in Indiiin. yi I Supposed was to tell me to Come
out of ye C'amj), and liallil me of my Seat. I Strugled with yin and
cleai'd my Self of their hold, and Set down liy my mastei', they Came
upon me airain \'erev Vigorously, and as I was Striving with them, my
master ordert'd me to (io. and lold me they would not hurt me. at this
T was obliged to Surrender and whent with ym, tlu-y Jicd me out of ye
('amp, Datu'ing and Singing aitei their nianner, and Cariied me to one
of their Camps win le there was a Company of them (iathered for their
fiolick, they made me Set down on a Hears Skin in ye Midille of one
of theii Camps, and (!a\e me a pipe and Tohacoe, and Danced Hound
me till the Sweat Trickleil Down their faces, N'erey pltMityfully, 1 Seeing
one Stjuaw that was Verey Big with Child, Dancing and foaming at ye
mouth and Sweating, to Sudi a degree yt I Could not forbear Smilling,
which one of ye old S((uaws Saw, and (Javi; me two or three twiches
by ye hair, otherwi>e I Escaped without any Punishment from them at
the time. This Day J was sent for by one of ye heads of their Tribe,
To Read a Contract between their Tribe and ye Covernour of Anajipolis,

Tliiit is In liM^iHN finiii Aiil»|iai|iif ; jftiu-iiil ((iiiisc Nurtli-wi'st.
t Wiirils italifizrd hit p;iitiiilly ithsimI in ilic uriniiiiil iiiiiinii>cri|it.

NKW nKl'NHWICK II ISTOIIICAI, HOCII/IV.

tliat lin(l Ix'cii iiiKilo iilioul 11 yi'iirs,* I 'I'ldd yv liiiliuiis liny liiid luU'd
(Jontniry to (li«!ir iij^n-cnu'iil, which ulih^'cd tlicin to J>i\i! in Pract>, hihI
wiiliuiit any nio!li.stiiti()ii on Kitlwr Sidr. I told him iiIho \u- must < 'on-
t'i'hH th»'ii' Nnliuii hud lircn y<' lirsl Mj^icssors, he lohl uw llicy had not,
and Related to nie Soincthint; ("oncciniiif; ye 111 I'sagi' ot' prisonfiH at
aniipoliH Some time past, Mut he was So lm|>ert'('(t In ye IVcmuIi Tongue,
yl, I Cor t I'jKh'istand ye tiiie meaning of his hiscourH, This l)iiy

arrived uiiiH N'illnge one nonus CnBtine tVom Pernol>s(|iiett, who

Examined nie Verey Strictly what our Caryo OonHisted In itc, and
wrote wliat I Said to him CoiKuuniiif,' it, he told me he had Latly lieen
on lioard the ( 'onntroy Sloop. ( 'apt Sanders nt (Jerorges, and yt ye
Pi(Miol)S(juett IndiaiiH wuh Still :\i peaee with ye Kiiglish, and he helieved
would (Continue So Sonu> eonsideraUle time. I thoii^^ht Jt wa8 not
prudence to Contradict him. althoiiyh I was Sensible there was S"veial
Pernohscinett IndiiuiH, In ye arniey that we was Taken hy, this night my
ma.ster advised me to keep in ye Cnuip, and hy no means (io ont, and
protested to me that this I'oiius C'astine, iilthoiii,'h he Pretended to l>e
my fri(>nd, had Oesired him to jait me to Death, this Might ye Indians
was Dancing and Singing, yi'Oreater part of ye Night.

Frida " 1-th This I)ay In ye morning hogiin to make preparation
for our artnre, at ahont Eight of ye clock took (»ir Departure

from Meouuatike, ibr Canedy, This hay we piidilled against l!ip-
j)lings and a Sti'oiig Current against us. This Night we liaainpd
By ye Side of ye River Saint .lohiis, N'erey Inmgiw'y and Little
or Nothing to Eiit N N W G L

Saturday ye I'^lh This l)ii\ I'addlcd up \c River nf Saint Johns
ahout 9 Leagus Ditto we was Kxceerling Scant of I'rovissions, and Could
not by any means Catch any lish nor kill any fowl, This Night we
Incampd by ye Side of ye River, and ye Indians had yetlood fortune
to Catch a Couple of Salmon, that was Verey Exceptable to us at that
time.

14 Sunday 'I'his Day as we was pudling up ye Ri\er we pased by
a Suiall Cove, and i)ereei\ed at ye heal of it, then' v as Salmon playing
in ye Cool water at ye head of ye Cove, we Landed verey Carefully, ajid
Cut Bushes and Brought them down to ye Kntrance of ye Cove, and
wile Some of us was imployed, with peiches and o\ir paddles &.c. thrash-
ing in ye water, to hinder ye tish from Coming out of ye Cove, ye others
built a ware across ye Entrance of ye Cove, with Hushes and our
Blanketts cStc and we Caught in this Cove iji'ly four Salmo[n] which

■* Tll« iiclmil (Iiiti! WUH 111! ilonl't I"'.')* ; me p lMT. tiiili:

'sTjtl.-^.

NKW MIUNSWirK msTiiUlC.xI, SOC'IK'I'V.

was So Exfcptfilflo lo uh at that time that I Sliall luncr forget yu Jov I
was tilled witli, this Dmy we passed l>y a Eiver yt Ran Jiito Saint
Johns, that ye Indians told nie Lid Almost to )ternol)S(]iU't, this Day we
Came about 5 L and Incamped by ye Side of ye IJiver Saint Johns."

Here our extract from Capt. Pote's jouiiial must end. The .spelling
and punctuation of the original have been preserved throughout. Jt may
interest the reader to learn that the Indians went from (irand Falls
to •' Little Falls," thence up the Madawaska river to lake Temis-
couata and thence by the Tuladi to the St. liawn^nce. Cajitain
AN'illiam P«jte remained for three years a captive at (,|)uel)ec. Ills
Journal, froui which the foregoing extract is taken, escaped conti.sca-
tion through being concealed by one of the female prisoners, wlio, alter
tlie release of tlie ])arty, restored it to its owner.

OBITUARY LETTER

'^^' TiiK Death of Fathki! Jeax BAPTif^ri'; J.ovakd, S. J.

ITniiisliilioii].
llEVKKKM) FaTHEK, P. C. I

On the night of June 24-2-"), [1731 ]. we lost our worthy missionary,
Father tiean Baptiste Loyard, a man honored and Vteloved at home and
al)road, and generally lamented by both l-^rench and Indians.

From the day that Fatlier Loyard reached (^>uel)t c he gave much edifi-
cation there, and time served only to cause his great abilities and rare
virtues to be more widely known and admired. Occupied nearly twenty-
four years in the conversion and edification of the savages, he fulfilled all
the duties of an ideal missionary. To untiring zeal he joined exemplary
modesty, great sweetne.ss ot disposition, never failing charity, and an
evenness of temper which made him superior to circumstances. As his
disposition had nothing of sternness, so was he e([tially loved and respected
by the savages, and the fear of displeasing him spared him, in a measure,
the pain of threatening them.

Having Vjeen ordered to Quebec to re-establish his health, he had
Imrdly begun to recover from the effects of his jirolonged labors when,
realizing the necessities of his old mission M'here his presence seemed
indispensable, he asked to be allowed to return thithei', and it was while
odtivating that pait of the Ijords vineyard that, worn out by hardship
and actually in the exercise of the most active l)enevolence among the
sick, he contracted the disea.se of svhich In," died- — in the midst of liis flock,

NKW lilU NSWICK IMS'I'OKICAI, SdClKTV.

over whom, as a good slicplicnl, lie kept iiiccHsant wateli, iiiid ulioiii lit-
led 80 wisely, with the sweet consolation of gathering abunilant fruit from
his cares and toils. You can readily judge from all this, reverend father,
that all his flock cannot hut Ite greatly nio\-ed by the death of such a
])astor, and that the memory of this excellent missionary will be l)lessed
in his mission for a long time to come.

Among the virtues which shone bi'ightly in Father Loyard, besides
those of which I have spoken already, we noticed in him teiuler devotion
and rare piety. The never failing homage he paid to our Lord Jesus
Christ in the Holy Eucharist could not but be edifying in a "eligious
house, and his devout recollectedness of mind when in the churches
testified suthciently to tlie liveline.ss ot his faith. Busy as he was, he
gave all the prescribed time to his own spiritual exerci.ses, and he had
the art of economizing the moments, lie was prompt and exact in
his obedience, was fitted for everything and ready for everything, and
his .superiors could dispose of him as they would.

AVhenever, on account of the needs of his mission, he returned to
Quebec he was conspicuous for prompt performance of all duties, and ha
made it very evident that however incompatible certain occupations n.'ay
appear to others thty need not be so if they are pursued with perfect
regularity.

What might I not say here of the purity of his conduct and the
innocency of his life? Several times I have had occasion to admire
them, and T do not fear that those from whom this father had nothing
hidd(;n, those to whom he laid bare his conscience, will refu:,e to subscrilie
to the most favorable testimony that I feel compelled to bestow.

After tlie example of the prophet he loved the beauty of the hou.se
of the Lord, he omitted nothing for the beautifying of His altars, and
although in the profound depths of the forest Ke managed to build a
beautiful church, to fitly adorn it and to furnish it abmulantly with holy
vessels and suitable ornaments.

However great may be the loss that we have met in the death of a
missionary so remarkable for his virtue and goodness, and however
keenly we may feel it, we are consoling ourselves, nevertheless, with the
hope of finding in him a protector ii> heaven, where he enjoys already,
we dare to assure ourselves, the happiness of the blessed. None the less
1 ask for him of your Reverence the customary piayers of the Society.
J have the honor to l)e, with deep respect, reverend Father,
Your Reverence's very huiubh and obedient Servant,

(Signed) .). 15 DiTauc, S, .J.

:iO

NEW Bin NHWIL'K HISTdliirAU SOCIKTV.

Mkmorandum.

An Al'oouiiI of ihu ])istribution of tlic Xcffhsarifs MvcW liy Order
of tlii^ Pfon. Jioard of Couiniissionors for the Native liuliaiis st-ttled at
:Madu«;tic at Diflercnt Tinirs fioni (he 2Uli .luno, 1788, till tlu' IStli
Nov'hr, 1789:—

Ka.mk

Aiigustin

Fraiu'ia Joseph,
}5arzil (sick, since ilead

Pellaiola,

Thomas,

Tcjmah,

(iov'r Toiiiiili. . .

Peter .loc

I'jUazonpa (widow),

l-"rancis Regis,

Joseph Murray

Joe Murray

Joe Murray Sis,

Josepii Murray (old),

JosejJi J.ugorstai (dead),

Bart is,

I'einuiyhawiek

I'emmacola,

Josepli Martin (sicU)

Toiler (widow ),

John 'I'obec,

(irand John,

Pierre I'eter,

John Manduelmel

Pierre,

Pelip,

Manduane (widow),

Xuel Priest

Biiitis Rahis

Joseph I'ersis,

Joseph Lua,

Madalemis (widow

l^ierre Missel,

Sabatis

Joseph,

Joseph Pieideny,

Pierdeney,

Xuil,

'ola, ....

1 :

Piel Sack

Joe .lack,

Nicolas,

Molly (widow).

Missel,

M;\\ IUUNSWIcK IIISTOKK'AI, SIK I K'I'S ,

N A M I ^

CuiiliiitiiiL

Lna

Ffanuui,

Krancis,

'riioiiuis (^)uo(ll)an,

Xiiellis,

Andrew Major,

Nicola Nepthon,

Nuel

Niu'l Benar,

Suuuni Ik'iiar,

Molly deary,

Seriiiacola,

Xiiel Senuaeola,

Sal)atiH Tobec

.lotjeph W'ilinot,

Pierre Toiuah,

Little .Joe,

Siiceatiir,

.loe Jep.sis,

•losepli Bar.selote,

Sallo,

Lobiiis,

I'ier .loseph,

liUa Zoiitea,

Ohluis,

]';ar.soii<t

.losepli Sabatis

Swattiuii.

Asselnia,

Piel Aluoinai,

Mitcliel liiia, .

Ijouiai,

I'emiel,

•losepb Tiiinali,

Piel .Sack (ioiiiar,

.Josepli Obruis,

.Joseph (sick, since deail),

Molly Missy,

Peter Tear,

Mtlion,

Lna Nennin,

Sisnly,

Mary (widow)

Molly Derlis

Sabatis Sano,

Molly liiskit (widow), . .

Sciotlin (w idow),

Laniiet (widow),

Mdlly (iatlin (witlow), . . .

•2

\ !
3

7' IX

4 12

i; i()

7 Hi

3! ..

7; -20

2' S

•1 s

I| 4

1' 4

..I ..

j! 4

1| 4

j| 4

li 4

4i 18

<i, 18

2| 8

31 12

5; 17

21 4

2! 4

X 7

(i! 12
2i
2'
.)

4: 12

o
•>

12
4

'Jl

'^ \X

14
4

2|
01

•i\ m

2i|

2'
o

o!
2!

NKW MlilN.SWK'K IIISTOKK'Al. SOCIKTY.

Na.mks.

Conth\ii>-<J.

Atwin,

Ataiiis,

Kiaiiwatioii,

IVlip,

Francis .Joseph,

Jtola (widow),

Franwagemii',

Moiioi)os

Francis Joe, . .

Francis Xavier,

Nicola,

ilacii

'I'oiiiali,

Andrew,

Xe])tht)n

Mitchel

.losepli I'eniuiyiiawit,

I'ienv I'ool,

Mit.hel M,

Alosel,

Total,

-£

-tj

-4J

c oj

'■J

0, J

'^- \

i-J

r— ^

•>

1
4

, ,

.. ..

li ..

1 . ,

3 ..

i| ••

3! ..

31 ..

6 ..

..1 3

2]i

6 ..

.. 2

«) ..

3 ..

li, ..

..ll ,.

li 3

9
6

1 • ■

i 4; ..

1
1 ■•

74i«r)!!...

I3'2l' 71)0 ;«!ii

152

1 1 1

The foregoing account is found amongst other papers sent by
Frederick l)il)lilee to the commissioners of the New Enghxnd Company
It bears the following indorsement in his hand writing, " Accounts ot
Necessaries for the Native Indians at Maductic." He sums up the
stattMiient given above as follows :

^Fen 98, Women 74, Children IGo.

Total Delivered to the Indians; corn 14G bushels, ])owder 322 lbs..
Lead 790 lbs., Flints 365, Pork 592 lbs., Salt 82 {piarts, Blankets 152,
Stroud 175 yards. Linen 124 yards, Hats 12, Uooks U), Beans 14.^
bushels. Potatoes 23.', bushels.

Thomas Quodpan, two axes it two hows. *

Pemmyhawick, two axes it two hows.

Ijua Sontes, two axes it two hows.

The spelling of Indian names, etc.. has been preserved as in the

original.

W. U. K.