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PORT KGO.'^ .^S 1 UCI.MAN BAN KBA>«iat»r a. h 'FI * <■<' HBW YORK THt AMEBt* - N iiiWy CX^SII'ANr. i ' <;, * •■'■;*' '* < DRAWN I .,> . .M^ * ■■ A. HISTORY or O R E & o isr , 1792 — 1849, DRAWN FROM PERSONAL OBSERVATION AND AUTHENTIC INFORMATION. BY or . ASTORIA. PUBtlSHED BT THE AUTHOB FOB BUBSCBIBERS. PORTLAND, OREGON: HARRIS k HGLMAN. BAN FRANCISCO: H. H. BANCROFT A CO. NEW YORK: THE AMERICAN NEWS COMPANY. 1810. mmm I EiitereU siiconllng to Act of Congress, tn the jresr 18T0, bj W, H. OKAY, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the CnltwJ 9Ut«i for the District of Oregon. 4- warn mTRODTJOTORY. i- i i Toe reader will observe that when we commenced furnishing the historical articles for the Marine Gazette, we did not know that they would be of sufiBcient interest to justify arranging them in book form ; but few articles had been given, however, before there was a call for back numbers of the paper, which were not on hand. It wsis then decided to continue the articles, giving an opportunity to correct errors in statement of historical facts, and collect such as were printed, with all just criticisms, review the whole, and complete the manu- script for publication. As will be seen, we have endeavored to narrate events in plain language, and as nearly in the order of occurrence as possible. We make no claim to literary merit or attractive style ; the facta we have collected, the proofs we are able to give of the policy and practices of one of the most gigantic frauds ever continued for a series of years by one professedly civilized and Christian nation upon another, in chartering and continuing to license a monster monopoly ; and the manner in which they have sought for a series of years to prevent American trade and settlement of the western portion of our country, is contained in the following pages. We can only give the principal events, which in the future may be better arranged in an interesting and authentic history, which we must leave for others to write. The reader will find in the following pages : — I. The American history of the Hudson's Bay and Puget Sound Agricultural companies. 277.14 INTRODUCTORY. IT. The causes of failure of the Protestaut missions, the causes of Indian wars, and the causes that must tend to the utter destruction of the Indian race on the American continent III. The adverse influences that the early settlers had to contend with in coming to and settling in the country, fully explained. IV. A concise history of the early settlement of the country, a short sketch of many of the public men in it, their public char- acter and proceedings, and the organization of the provisional government. V. The mining and agricultural interests of the country. There axe two grounds upon which every fact is based : — 1. Personal knowledge, observation, and participation in what is stated for one-third of a century. 2. The written and printed stateiaeuts of others, so compared that conclusions are intended to be without a possibility of truthful contradiction ; thus making this a standard history of the country for the time included within the period from its discovery by Captain Robert Gray to 1849. I k V !8 n u CONTENTS. a CIIAFl^R I. 18 d ll y n V First discovenr of the river. — Natives Triondly. — British ship. — BHsf Jennet. — Snow Sea Otter. — Tne GMie. — Alert. — Ouatimoxin. — Atahualpa. — Lewis and Clarice. — Vancou- ver. — Hamilton. — Derby. — Peart. — Albatross. — First house built in 1810. — Astor's settlement. — ^The Tbaquin. — Astor's Company betrayed to the Northwest Com- pany Page 13 CHATTER IL The country restored. — The order. — Description of Astoria. — Different parties. — North- west Fur Company. — Astor's plan. — Conflict of the two British fur companies. — The treaties. — The Selkirk settlement. — Its object. — The company asserts char- tered rights as soon as united 29 CHAPTER HL English Hudson's Bay effort to secure Oregon. — British claim to Oregon. — Dr. McLaughlin's relation to the company. — ^Treatment of Red River settlers. — A mistake. — Sir Edward Belcher. — Duplicity of the Hudson's Bay Company. — A noble roan. — An Englishman's opinion of the Hudson's Bay Company. — Sir James Douglas's testimony. — J. Ross Browne. — Duty of an historian. — JCnuse uiid effect 27 CHAPTER rV. Care of Great Britain for her fur companies. — Columbia Fur Company. — Astor's second fur company. — Major Pilcher's fur company. — Loss of the ship Inabel. — Captain Bonneville's expedition. — Cause of his failure. — Captain Wj etli's, 1832. — Indians ask for missionaries in 1833. — Methodist Mission. — Fort Hall established. — Fort Boise. 36 CHAPTER V. Extent and power of Hudson's Bay Company. — Number of forts. — Location. — Policy. — Murder of Mr. Black. — McKay. — Manner of dealing with Indians. — Commander of fort kills an Indian. — Necessity of such a course. — Hudson's Bay Company not responsible for what their servants do 42 CHAPTER VI. Murder of John McLaughlin, Jr. — Investigation by Sir George Simpson and Sir James Douglas 46 CHAPTER VII. Treatment of Indians. — Influence of Hudson's Bay Company. — Rev. Mr. Barnley's state- ment. — First three years. — After that. — Treatment of Jesuits. — Of Protestants. — Of Indians. — Not a spade to commence their new mode of life. — Mr. Barnley's state- ment. — Disappointed. — His mistake. — Hudson's Bay Company disposed to crush their own missionaries 55 CONTBNT& CHAPTER VIIL Petition of Red River settlcrfl. — Their requests, fVom 1 to 14. — Names. — Governor. Christie's reply. — Company's reply. — Kx tract from minutes. — Resolutions, from 1 to 9. — Knfurciog rules. — Loud dootl. — Its condition.— Remar)(8 Pago 61 CHAPTER IX Puget Sound AKricultnral Company. — Its originol stock. — A corrobpriuence. — Nolan- to punish fraud. — A supposed trial of the case. — Article four of the treaty. — The witnesses. — Who is to receive the Puget Sound money. — Dr. Tolmie, agent of the company. — The country hunted up. — Difficult to trace a flctitious object. — State- ment of their claim. — Keault of the investigation 41 CHAPTER X. Case of The Hudson's Bay Company v. The United States. — Examination of Mr. McTavish. — Number of witnesses. — Their ignorance. — Amount claimed. — Original stock. — Value of land in Oregon. — Estimate of Hudson's Buy Company's prop- erty. — Komarks of author. 81 CHAPTER XI. Quotation from Mr. Swan. — His mistake. — Oeneral Oibbs' mistake, — Eamaiyahkan. — Indian agent killed. — J. J. Stevens misjudged. 9S CHAPTER XII. Review of Mr. Oroonhow's work in connection with the conduct and policy of the Hudson's Bay 'Jompany. — Schools and missionaries. — Reasons for giving extracts from Mr. Greenhow'a work. — Present necessity for more knowledge about the company 9 Nttlere, — OffloiHl papers. — Three organizations Pago 1 fid CHAPTER XX. Settlors in 18.10. — Wallnmot Cattio Company. — What good havo the miMionarioR dono T — ReT. J. Leo and party. — The lliuUon's Buy Companj riv ..mtnoud the Wal- lamet. — Rev. 8. Parker arrives at Vancouver 154 CHAPTER XXI. Arrival of Rev. Mr. Beaver and wife. — His opinion of the compt: — A r! "iblo-wcdding. — Mrs. Spalding and Mrs. Whitman at Voncouver. — Moi .plore tlio country and locato Btn'-ins. — Tiieir opinion of the country. — Indian latxir. — A v nter trip down Snai. , V r. lO'i CHAPTER XXII. The French and American settlers. — Hudson's Bay Company's travelinfr traders.— The Flathoads. — Their manner of traveling. — Marriage. — Tlioir lionesty. — Indian fight and scalp dance. — Fight with the Sioux. — At Council Bluffd ICO CHAPTER XXIIL Be>enforcement to the Methodist Mission. — Ro-enforcemont to the mission of the Arreri- can Board 175 CHAPTER XXIV. Arrival of Jesuit missionaries. — Toupin's statement about Rev. A. B. Smith'. — Death of Mrs. Jason Lee. — First express. — Jesuits at work. — The first printing-press. — The Catholic tree 180 CHAPTER XXV. Independent fwisflionaries arrive. — Their troublos. — Conversion of Indians at the Dalles. — ^Their motives. — Emigrants of 1839. — Blubber- Mouth Smith. — Re-enforcement of the Methodist Mission in 1840. — Father Do Smet. — Rev. Harvey Clark and asso- ciates. — Ewing Toung. — ^Names of uiiasionaries and settlers 1 8& CHAPTER XXVI. 1640. — ^Petition to Congress of United States. — British subjects amenablo to the laws of Canada. — Mr. Douglas as justice of the peace. — Mr. Leslie as judge 193 CHAPTER XXVn. Death of EwIng Young. — ^First public attempt to organize a provisional government. — Origin of the provisional government. — Firs' Oregon schooner 1 99 CHAPTER XXVIIL Lee and Hines explore the Umpqua River. — Mr. Hines tells t-. stDry. — Massacre and plunder of Smith's party by the Indians. — Sympathy of the Hudson's Bay Company. — Extract from the San Francisco AiKeMn 205 CHAPTER XXIX. ICIssionariefl leaving. — Hudson's Bay Company's (Jold Exchange. — ^Population in 1842.— AThitman and Lovejoy start for the States. — The Red River emigra- tion. — American merchants.— -Settlors not dependent on tho Hudson's Bay Com- pany. — Milling Company. — ^The Oregon Institute. — Dr. Elyah White. — Proceed- ings at a public meeting. — Correspondence with the War Depiartment 211 I CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXX Dispatch of Dr. White to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. — ^He praises the Hudson's Bay Company. — His account of the Indians. — Indian outrages. — Dr. White's expe- dition to the Nez Percys. — Indian council — Speeches. — Electing a chief. — Laws of the Npz Percys. — Visit to the Cayuses. — Doings of the missionaries. — Drowning of Mr. Rogers and family. — George Geere.— Volcanoes. — Petition against Governor McLaughlin. '. Page 2 1 8 CHAPTER XXXI. Letter of H. H. Spalding to Dr. White. — Account of his mission among the Nez Percys. — Schools. — Cultivation. — Industrial arts. — Moral character. — Arable land. — Letter of Commissioner of Indian Affairs to the Secretary of War 234 CHAPTER XXXn. Dr. B. White's letter to the Secretary of War. — Excitement among the Indians. — Visit to Nez Percys, Cayuses, and Wallawallas. — Destl^ttion and degradation of the Coast Indians. — Dr. White eulogizes Governor McLaiMihlin and the Hudson's Bay Company. — Schools and missions. — Mr. Jesse Applegate. — Dr. White's second letter — Letters of Peter H. Hatch and W. H. Wilson. — Seizure of a distillery. — Search for liquor. — Letter of James D. Sanies. — Fight with Indians. — Death of Cockstock..— Description and character of him. — The Molallos and Klamaths. — Agreement with the Dalles Indians. — Presents to Cockstock's widow. — Dr. White's third letter.— Letter of Bev. G. Hines to l?r. White.— Letter of W. Medill 341 1 CHAPTER XXXm. First council to organize a provisional government. — Library founded. — Origin of the Wolf Association, — The Methodist Mission influence. — Dr. White exhibits hia credentials. — First " wolf meeting." — Proceedings of the second "wolf meeting." — Officers. — Resolutions. — Bounties to be paid. — Resolutiop to appoint a committee of twelve for the civil and military protection of the settlement. — Names of tlie members of the committee 260 CHAPTER XXXIV. First meeting of the committee of twelve. — All invited to participate. — The Rev. J. Lee and Mr. Abernethy ridicule the organization, — Mr. Lee tells a story. — Letter from Governor Abernethy. — The main question at issue. — Drowning of Cornelius Rogers and party. — Conduct of Dr. White. — ^Methodist Mission. — Catholic boasts of con- versions 268 CHAPTER XXXV. Meetings to oppose organization. — Address of the French-Canadians. — Criticisms on it by the author. — The Jesuits. — Jesuit oath. — Article from Cincinnati Beacon... 273 CHAPTER XXXVI. The meeting at Champoeg. — Tactics of the Jesuit party. — Counter-tact Fnca's Straits. No evidence can be found in national archives, or among the native tribes of the country, that gives the discovery of the Columbia River to any civilized people but to the Bostons (Americans) ; so that, so far as civil history or national testimony is concerned, we are without any, except the conjectures of men as ignorant as ourselves. Hence we are left to the alternative of searching the old logs of vessels and such old books as have been written, and, la connection with the legends and statements c. ..^e aborigines of the country, form an opinion as to its discovery, and from such dates and conclusions commance its civU history. That of Oregon begins eight years previous to the commencement of the present century. A ship, owned by Messrs. Barrell. Bulfincb & Co., of Boston, and commanded by Captain Robert Gray, discovered and entered the mouth of the third great river upon the American continent. It then had no name known to the civilizes world. This unselfish American, instead of following the example of many contemporary British navi- gators by giving his own name to the majestic river he had discovered, gave it that of his noble ship, Columbia. On the 7th of May, 1792, he discovered and ran in abreast of Cape Hancock, and anchored, and on the 11th ran ten miles up this river on the north side, which is now known as a little above Chinook Point, and at 1 p. m. they came to anchor. On the 14th they weighed 14 HISTORT OF OREGON. anchor end ran, according to tbe flhip'i log, fifteen miles, which wonid bring them up abreast of Tongae Point, where their ship grounded upon a sand bar for a short time, but they backed her off into three fathoms of water and anchored. By sounding they discovered that there was not sufficient water to pass up the river in their present channel. Having filled all their waterHsasks, repaired, painted, and calked the ship, and allowed the vast numbers of Indians that thronged around them in the most peaceable and friendly manner, to visit and traffic with them, on the 20th of May, 1792, they went to sea agbln. On the 20th of October of this year, the Chatham, commanded by Captain Bronghton, of the British navy, entered tbe river. He grounded Ids ship on what is now called the Sulphur Spit, and found in the bay the brig Jennet, Captain Baker, from Bristol, Rhode Island. Captain Bronghton explored the river in bis small boat as high up as the present site of Vancouver, and loft tbe river with his ship on the lOtb of November. In 1707, five years later, tbe snow Sea Otter, Captain Hill, from Boston, visited the river. , In 1798, the ship Hazard, Swift, master, owned by Perkins, Lamb & Co., Boston, visited the river. This same ship visited the river again in 1801. In 1802, this same Boaton company sent the ship Globe, Magee, master, to the river. During the year 1802, a brisk, and something like a permanent American trade appears to have been in contemplation by this Boston company. They sent tbe ship Caroline, Derby, master, from Boston, and the ship Manchester, Brice, master, from Philadelphia. In 1803, Lamb & Company sent the ship Alert, Ebbets, master; also the ship Vancouver, Brown, master. This ytar, tbe ship Juno, Ken- drlcks, master, from Bristol, Rhode Island, owned by De Wolf, entered tbe Columbia River for trade. In tbe year 1804, Theodore Lyman sent the ship Ghiatimozin, Bum- Bted, master, from Boston. The Perkins Company sent the ship Hazard, fiwift, .master, to the river the same yeiir. In 1805, Lyman & Company sent tbe ship Atahualpa, O. Potter, master, from Bostci. Lamb & ^.^ompany sent tie ship Caroline, Bturgcs, master, f.^m the same place. On the 15tb of November, 1805, Lewis and Clarke, with their party, having crossed the Rocky Mountains under the direction of President Jefferson, of the United States, arrived at Cape Hancock ; remaining but a few days, they crossed the Columbia River and encamped near the mouth of a small river still bearing the name of these two explorers. LEWIS AND CLARKE'S EXPEDITION. 16 They left their encampment in March, 1806, and returned across the continent and reported the result of their expedition to the govern- ment. This expedition consisted of one hundred and eighty soldiers or enlisted men. On arriving at the Mandan Village, on the Missouri River, in 1804, they encountered the influence of the Northwest Brit- ish Fur Company, who, on learning their object, at once made arrange- ments to follow and get possession of the country at the mouth of the Columbia River. In 1806, soon after Lewis and Clarke left their encampment on their return to the United States, the ship Vaticouver, Brown, master, entered the river, having been ssnt out by Thomas Lyman, of Boston, in expectation of meeting Lewis and darkens party at the mouth of the river. The Lamb Company sent the ship Pearl the same year, under the command of Captain Ebbets. Lyman, in addition to the Vanr couver, sent the brig Lydia, Hill, master, to the river, making three American ships from Boston in the year 1806. Li 1807, the ship Hamilton arrived in the river, sent by Thomas Lyman, of Boston, L. Peters, master. The Perkins Company sent the Hazard, Smith, master. In 1808, the ship Derby, Swift, master, sent by the Perkins Com- pany. Lyman sent the ship Guatimozin, Glanville, master; both made successful trips in and out of the river. In 1809, the Perkins Company sent the ships Pearl and Vancouver into the river, the former commanded by Smith, the latter by Whitti- more. In 1810, the ship Albatross, from Boston, T. Winship, master, entered the river and sailed as high up as Oak Poinv% where the captain erected a house, cleared a piece of land for cultivation, and planted a garden. This year, John Jacob Astor, of New York, organized the Pacific Fur Company, in connection with Wilson Price Hunt, of New Jersey. These two gentlemen admitted as partners in the fur trade, Messrs. McKay, MoDougal, and David and Robert Stewart. These four last-mentioned partners, with eleven clerks and thirteen Canadian voyageure, and a complete outfit for a fort, with cannon and small-arms, stores, shops, and houses, with five mechanics, were all embarked on the ship Ton- guin, Captain Jonathan Thorn, master, in September, 1810, and sailed for the Columbia River, where they arrived, March 24, 1811. The present site of the town of Astoria was selected as the principal depot for this American Fur Company, and called by them, in honor of the originator of the company, Astoria. This establishment was soon in full 9pcration. The timber and thick undergrowth within musket. 16 HISTORY OF OREOON. ii! range of the establishment were cleared away, and a kitchen-garden planted outside the stockade. In the highly-interesting narrative of Gabriel Franchere, we read that, "in the month of May, 1811, on a rich piece of land in front of our establishment [at Astoria], we put into the ground twelve potatoes, BO shriveled up during the passage from New York that we despaired of raising any from the few sprouts that still showed signs of life. Nevertheless, we raised one hundred and nineteen potatoes the first season. And, after sparing a few plants to our inland traders, we planted fifty or sixty hills, which produced five bushels the second year ; about two of these were planted, and gave us a welcome crop of fifty bushels in the year 1813." They were cultivated at Astoria, by the old Northwest and Hudson^B Bay companies, m their little fort gardens. A few Indian chiefs were presented with the seed, but no general distribution was made among them, as they were considered as the Bostons' root, and no better than those of the Indians, abounding in the country, which required less labor to cultivate. Up to the time of the arrival of the American nfis- sionaries, there never was an extra supply of potatoes in the country. In other words, the potato was a luxury enjoyed by none except the highest grades of the Fur Company's servants and distinguished visitors ; its cultivation was not generally encouraged by the company. In October, 1810, after dispatching the Ihnquin, Mr. Astor fitted out the ship Beaver, twenty guns. Captain Sowles, master, with Mr. Clark, six clerks, and a number of other persons, to join the establishment at Astoria. The ship touched at the Sandwich Islands; Mr. Clark en- gaged twenty-six Kanakas as laborers for the establishments on the Columbia River, where the ship arrived, May 6, 1812. On the 15th of July, 1813, Mr. David Thompson, under the direction of the Northwest Canadian British Company, arrived at Astoria. I use the word Canadian, as applied to the Northwest Fur Company, that was established by the charter of Louis XIII. of France, 1680, in what w£8 then called Acadia, or New France, forty years before Charles of England gave his charter to the Hudson's Bay Company. This Northwest Fur Company, in the transfer of the sovereignty of Acadia, or New France, to England, in 1714, at the troaty of Utrecht, was acknowledged as having a legal exi.stence, by both nations, and was allowed to transfer its allegiance and continue its trade under the pro- tection of the British sovereign, as it had done under that of France. As soon as the government and people of the United States entered upon active measures to explore and occupy the country west of the Rocky Mountains, this Canadian Northwest Fur Company dispatched SETTLEMENT OF ASTORIA. 17 Mr. Thompson to explore the Columbia River, and make an establish- ment at its mouth ; but, on account of delays and mistaking the course of the various rivers through which the party traveled, Mr. Thompson did not arrive at Mr. Astor's American establishment tiil in July, 1813 ; his object was to forestall Mr. Astor in the settlement of the country. He was received, kindly treated, and furnished with such goods and supplies as he and his party required, by Mr. McDougal, who was then in charge of Fort Astor, and, in company with David Stewart, returned as high up the Columbia as the Spokan, — Mr. Greenhow says Okana- gon, — and established a trading-post, while Mr. Thompson went among the Kootenai and Flathead tribes, and established a trading-hut. It is due to those parties to state that as late as 1836, a square, solid, hewed log bastion, erected by Stewart's party, was still standing at Spokan, while no vestige of the Thompson huts could be found in the Flathead country. At Spokan, garden vegetables were produced about the fort, which the Indians in that vicinity learned to appreciate, and continued to cultivate after the fort was abandoned in 1825, having been occupied by the Northwest and Hudson's Bay companies till that time. In the spring of 1811, the chief agent of the Pacific Fur Company, Mr. Hunt, with other partners. Crooks, McKenzie, and McClellcn, with a party of sixty men, started across the continent. They were ex- tremely annoyed by the opposition fur traders on their route, and also by hostile Indians. Such of the party as did not perish by famine and hostile Indians, and British fur traders, ariived at Astoria on the 28th of January, 1812. On the 5th of May following the arrival of Mr. Hunt's party, the ship Beaver arrived with the third installment of tradere, clerks, and Kanaka laborers. In consequence of the loss of the ship Tonquin, and all on board except the Indian interpreter, in the Cliquot Bay, near the entrance of the Straits of Fuca, by the treachery of the In- dians in the vicinity, Mr. Hunt embarked in the Beaver for the Rus- sian establishment in August, 1812, effected an arrangement of trade with them, and dispatched the ship to China. Ho ccntlr.ucd in her till she reached the Sandwich Islands, where he remained until June, 1813, when the ship Albatross ariived from Canton, and brought the news of the war between the United States and Great Britain, and also that the ship Beaver was blockaded at Canton by a British ship of war. Mr. Hunt at once chartered the Albatross and sailed for the Columbia River, where he arrived on the 4th of August, 1813. On his arrival at Astoria he learned that it was the intention of his partners, all of whom claimed to be British subjects (McDougal and a 18 HISTORY OF OREGON. McKenzie having formerly been in the employ of the Northwest Com- pany), to sell to AIcTavish, of that company. Hunt embarked in the Albatross for tiie Sandwich Islands, and from thence to the Washing- ton Islands, where he learned from Commodore Porter, then at those Islands, in the frigate Essex, of the design of the British to seize all American property on the Pacific coast. From thence he returned to the Sandwich Islands, and chartered the brig Pedler, and anived at Astoria* in February, 1814, and learned that soon after his departure in the Albatross, in August, 1813, McTavish, with a party of the servants of the Northwest CoiT'pany, had arrived at Astoria, and, in connection with McDougal, McKenzie, and Clarke, on the part of the American Pacific F ir Company, and McTavish and Alexander Stew- art, on the part of the Canadian Northwest Company, had completed the sale of Astoria to that company, and secured for themselves im- portant positions in the service of the latter company. As a matter of fact and general historical interest, the amount and value of property thus transferred is here given : Eighteen thousand one hundred and seventy and one-fourth pounds of beaver, at tn;o dollars per pound, selling in Canton at that time at from five to six dollars per pound; nine hundred and seventy otter skins, at fifty cents each, Belling at that time in Canton for five and six dollars per skin. The expense of building Mr. Astor's establishment at Astoria, fn- cluding those at Okanagon and Spokan, with boats, bateaux, tools, cannon, munitions, goods, transportation and salaries of clerks and men, etc., etc., was near two hundred thousand dollars, for which he received in bills on Montreal about forty thousand, including the appraised value of the furs at the fort, which was thirty-six thousand eight hundred and thirty-five dollars and fifty cents ; this would leave less than three thousand one hundred and sixty-four dollars and fifty cents for the improvements, boats, munitions, cannon, etc., for which the Hud- son's Bay Company, in 1 865, claims of our government, for the old, rotten, and abandoned post at Okanagon, nineteen thousand four hun- dred and sixty-six dollars and sixty-seven cents ; the post at Colville, still held in place of the one built by Astoi*'s company at Spokan, eighty thousand three hundred dollars ; the post at Fort George (Astoria), abandoned in 1840, four thousand one hundred and thirty- six dollars and sixty-seven cents ; in all, for the three establishments, one hundred and three thousand nine hundred and three dollars and thirty-four cents, — quite a contrast between the valuation of American property when in possession of British fur traders, having been used for forty years by British subjects, and abandoned as of little or no use to their trade, and that of American property but lately brought into ASTOR'S COMPANY BETRAYED. 19 Com- |in the jhing- those \ze all led to ^ed at Jarture lof the Ind, in |of the Stew- ploted es im- tho country. It will be remembered that Mr. Astor's Pacific Fur Com- pany waa commenced in 1810; that at the time it was betrayed into the possession of this Canadian Northwest Fur Company it had been ill operation but two years, hence was new, and but just ready to com- mence a profitable trade in the country. The contract transferring this valuable property from American to British owners, was signed on the 16th day of October, 1813, by Dun- can McDougal, J. G. McTavish, and J. Stewart, and witnessed by the principal clerks of the establishment. On the Ist of December follow- ing, the British sloop of war Raccoon^ Captain Black, arrived in the river, and proceeded to take formal possession of Astoria, by lowering the American flag and hoisting that of Great Britain in its place, and changing the name of the fort to that of Fort George. Previous to the landing of the British soldiers, or King George's warriors, an interview took place (as related by Rosa Cox) between the Indian warriors, with Concomly, their chief, at their head, and McDougal and McTavish. On the arrival of the British war vessel in Baker's Bay, the Indians, having learned that there was war between the King George people and Bostons (Americans), they said, as they had always found the Bostons friendly and liber.il toward them, they were their friends, and were ready to fight for them, to prevent the King George men from making them slaves. They proposed to con- ceal themselves behind the rocks and trees outside of the fort and to kill the King George soldiers with their arrows and spears, while the men of the fort fought the ship and small boats which they came in, with their big guns and rifles. McDougal assured them that the King George warriors would not hurt them, and advised them to be friendly with them, as they would do the people of the fort no harm. Con- comly and his warriors were only convinced that the Bostons would not be made slaves by the King George warriors when they saw the sloop leave the river without taking any of them away as prisoners or slaves. The treachery of the Canadian part of Astor's company, which was not known to Mr. Astor, but provided for by the Northwest Canadian Company before the party left Montreal, and consummated by McDou- gal and his associates, in the absence of the American partners from the post, is proved by journals, letters, and facts still extant. I.. I CHAPTER IL The country restored. — The order. — Description of Astoria. — DifTeront parties. — North- . west Fur Company. — Astor's plan. — Conflict of the two British ftir companies. — The treaties. — The 8oll«irlt sottlomont. — Its object. — The company asserts char- tered rights as soon as united. As Stated in our first chapter, the English government, h- ts Canadian Northwest Fur Company, and the arrival of the Bi h sloop of war, Raccoon^ during the war of 1812-13, took possession of Oregon, and held it as British territory till it was formally restored to the United States on the 6th of October, 1818, in these words : — We, the undersigned, do, in conformity to the first article of the treaty of Ghent, restore to the goveniment of the United States, through its agent, J. P. Provost, Esq., the settlement of Fort George, on the Columbia River. Given under our hands in triplicate, at Fort George (Columbia River), this 6th day of October, 1818. F. HicKEY, Captain H. M. Ship Blossom. J. Keith, of the N. W. Co. The order from the Prince Regent of England to the Northwest Company to deliver up the country to the American government, was issued on January 27, 1818, and complied with as above. On the 17th of April, 1814, the Canadian Northwest Fur Company's ship, Isciac Todd, reached Astoria, called Fort George. According to the description sent to Washington by Mr. Provost, it consisted of a stockade made of fir-logs, twenty feet high above the ground, inclosing a parallelogram of one hundred and fifty by two hundred and fifty feet, extending in its greatest length from northwest to southeast, and defended by bastions, or towers, at two opposite angles. Within this inclosure were all the buildings of the ^establish- ment, such as dwelling-houses, magazines, storehouses, mechanics' shops, etc. The artillery were two heavy 18-pounders, six e-pounders, four 4-poimders, two 6-pound coehorns, and seven swivels, all mounted. THE COUNTRY SKALED UP. 21 The nambcr of person's attached to the place besides the few native women and children, was sixty-five ; of whom twenty-three were white, twenty-six Kanakas, and the remainder of mixed blood from Canada. Of the party that crossed the Rocky Mountains with Mr. Hunt in 1811-12, six remained in the country, and but five returned to the United States ; the remaining forty-five that started with him in his first expedition were mostly destroyed by the influence of the two British fur companies acting upon the Indians for that object. These men, as independent trappers and petty traders among the Indians, were considered by those companies as intrudere and tres- passers upon their French and British chartered rights ; honcc none were allowed to remain in the country but such as were under their control, 01 abject to their rule. From the time the Northwest Fur Company took possession of the country, with few exceptions, we have no authentic account of the number of vess jIs of any nation that visited the river, but we have reason to believe that they would average two eoch year ; and, from known facts, we conclude that as soon as the post at Astoria was be- trayed into the possession of the Canadian Northwest Fur Company by McDougal and associates, and the British governmont had taken formal possession of the country, this Northwest Company, with McDougal and others equally prominent, commenced to instill into the minds of the Indians a strong hatred of American traders by sea or land, and to change as much, and as fast as possible, the friendly feeling of the former toward the latter, so as to continue to hold the permanent and absolute sovereignty of the country, and make the Indians subservient to their commercial in^^orests. > Mr. Astor says : " The plan by me adopted was such as must mate- rially have affected the interests of the Northwest and Hudson's Bay companies, and it was easy to be foreseen that they would employ every means to counteract my operations, and which, as my impression, I stated to the executive of your department as early as February, 1813." This hatred of Americans had been so assiduously impressed upon the minds of the Indians, that one of their own vessels amving in the river, being cast away on Sand Island, all on board were murdered by the Indians, who mistook them for Americans. The company sent a vessel from Vancouver (to which place they had removed their stores and principal depot) to punish the Indians, who had secured most of the wrecked property. The vessel came down and sent shell and grape- shot into the Indian vilHge, destroying men, womfin, and children, landed their men and took such of their goods as they could find, I] n I S^ HISTORY OP OREGON. having gained satisfactory evidence of the murder of the orew of the ship. This view of the policy and practice of this Northwest and Hudson's Bay Company, is further sustained by the inquiries which Mr. Keith felt it incumbent on him to make of Mr. Provost, on the restoration of Astoria to the Americans by the British authorities. Mr. Keith was anxious to learn the extent of the rights of his com- pany to remain and trade in the country. It would seem, from the whole history of these companies, that they felt their rights in the country to be but ter^porary, that they were trespassera upon Ameri- can interests, and shaped all their arrangements accordiiigly. It is an admitted historical fact that, while the Northwest Fur Company of Montreal was extending its trade across the Rocky Mountains and supplanting the American Pacific Fur Company of Mr. Astor, the Hudson's Bay Company, with the assistance of Lord Sel- kirk's Red River settlement, was cutting off their communication with these western establishments, and that, in consequence of this Red River interference with their trade, a deadly feud sprang up between the rival companies, in which both parties enlisted all the men and Indians over whom they had any influence, and frequently met in drunken and deadly strife, till they had quite destroyed all profits in ttieir trade, and rendered the Indians hostile alike to friend and foe of the v/hite race. So that, in 1821, the British Parliament was compelled CO notice their proceedings, and, on the 2d of July, 1821, in an act bear- ing date as above, says of them : — " Whereas, the competition in the fur trade between the governor and company of adventurers of England trading into Hudson's Bay, and certain associations of persons trading under the name of the North- west Company of Montreal, has been found, for eome yearo past, to be productive of great inconvenience and loss, not only to the said com- pany and association, but to the said trade in general, and also of great injur}/ to the native Indians, and of other persons imbjects of his Majesty/ and whereas, the animosities and yeu(/« arising from such com- petition have also, for some years past, kept the interior of America, to the northward and westward of the provinces of Upper and Lower Canada, and of the Territories of the United Stafcn of America, in a state of continual disturbance/ and whereas, many breaches of the peace and violence extending to the loss of lives and considerable destruction of property have continually occurred therein," etc. (See Greenhow's , History of Oregon, p. 467.) The broad policy of British fur traders is here stated in plain lan- guage by their own government in a manner not to be mistaken. Their ' i liii IP of the lidson's Keith [ion of Is com- pm the I in the Lmeri- POLICY OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT. gg influence upon the Indiana was injuiioua. Their policy toward each other was war and destruction to all opponents. The life and prop- erty of an opposing trader must; not come in competition with the profits of their trade with Indians in any country. , How absurd it is for our government to spend millions of dollars to form treaties with Indians who are constantly visited by these foreign Indian traders and teachers, emissaries of a foreign power, who never breathed an honest breath or spoke a truthful word ! Feeble and in- significant as they were, from 1813 to 1821 the whole Indian country of North America fell under their blighting and vithering influence. Divided as they were, they were able to cruaii ail. iionest competition, and combine in deadly combat against their own countrymen for the supremacy of the Indian trade. Have they iont their power and influ- ence by uniting the elements of opposition in one vast fur monopoly ? Nay, verily, as we shall soe. To gain a correct understanding of the foreign policy relative to the western portion of our country, it will be necessary to refer to the early history of the two fur companies, and trace their connection with France and England, which, notwithstanding the English government had given up the country to France in 1696 in the treaty of Ryswick, and no rese: vatioi< was made on account ot the Hudson's Bay Com- pany — as they did Orugon to the United States in the treaty of Ghent, in 1815, and made ho reservation on account of the Northwest Fur Company — still the Hudson's Bay Company held on to a single post, called Albany, on the soutliwest part of James Bay, for twenty-six years, as the Northwest and Hudson's Bay fur companies did to Astoria and Oregon for forty-nine years. In the wording of the treaty of Utrecht, in 1714, in which the country was given lack to England by France, there is one proviso that Is not to be overlooked, viz. : '' It is, however, provided, that it may be entirely free for the company of Quebec, and all others tiie subjects of the most Christian king whatsoever, to go, by land or by sea, whithersoever they please, out of the lands of the said bay, together with all their goods, merchandise, arms, and effects, of what nature or condition soever, ex- cept such tilings as are above reserved in this article," etc., the ex- ceptions referring to forts, cannon, and permanent war materials. This French stipulation in the treaty of Utrecht, in HI 4, is repeated by the English diplomatist upon the Americans, in the third article of the treaty of June 16, 1846j forming tiie basis of the claim urged against our government in the treaty of 1S04. In the treaty stipulations between France and England in 1714, the commercial rights of the French company of Quebec were secured to 24 HISTORY OP OREGON. them. From that time forward, the aggressive and oppressive policy of the British Hudson's Bay Company was brought into collision, not only with the French Northwest Fur Company, but with the United States and all American fur companies and missionary and commer- cial enterprises coming within their fur-trade influence. It will be remembered that the Hudson's Bay Company, who claim their existence and privileges from the charter of Charles II,, as early as 1670, had, in forty -four yeare' time, only established (as Mr. Fitz- gerald I ays) " four or five insignificant forts on the shores of Hud- son's Bay to carry on a trade in fui-s with those Indians who resorted thither ;" while the French, for many years previous, had carried on an active trade with the Indians, and had explored the country and extended their posts up to the shorts of the Saskatchewan, and over the Rocky Mountains, on to the waters of the Columbia. The French carried on the traffic by way of the St. Lawrence and the lakes to Fort William, on Lake Superior, and through the Lake of the Woods into Lake Winnipeg, or further south along the plains, crossing the course of the Red River ; this being the direct and only line of posts kept up by the French Northwest Company, by which their food, goods, and furs were transported. The Hudson's Bay Company carried theirs by way of Hudson's Straits, around the coast of Labrador. In order to destroy and cut off" as much as possible the trade ot this Northwest Company, Lord Selkirk, in 1811-12, became a shareholder, and was allowed to claim, through the directors of the company, sixteen thousand square miles of territory in the Red River country, for the professed purpose of colonization. This colony was planted directly in the line of the fur traffic of the Northwest Company, against which the Hudson's Bay Company had encouraged and carried on the most bitter hostility, enlisting both i;:v>n and Indians in a deadly feud between the two rival companies. Our English writer remarks on page 57 : "To those who had read the mutual recriminations that had been bandied between these two bodies, it was a strange sight to see the names of Messrs. McGillivray and Edward EUice associated with that of the Hudson's Bay Com- pany, — to see men going hand-in-hand who had openly accused ono anotlier of the foulest crimes, of wholesale robbery, of allowing their asrvants to instigate the Indian tribes to murder the servants of their rivals, — this as a strange sight. And to see gentlemen who had publicly denied the validity of the company's charter, who had taken the oj)inion of the leading counsel of the day against it, who had tried every means, lawful and unlawful, to overthrow it, to see these same men range themsexvcs under its protection, and, asserting all that they THE SELKIRK COLONY. 95 had before denied, proclaim its validity as soon as they were admitted to share its advantages ; who, without its pale, asserted the rights of British subjects against its monopoly, and, within its pale, asserted its monopoly against the rights of British subjects, — this, too, M'as a strange sight. Yet to all this did the Hudson's Bay Company submit, rather than subject their charter and their claims to the investigation of a court of law." The Hudson's Bay Company, one hundred and fifty years from the date of its charter, asserted its right to the country, and, by virtue of the privileges conferred in that charter, seized the supplies and goods of the Northwest French Canadian Company, and confiscated them to its own use. This resulted in a deadly war between the two com- panies, and was carried on, neither party applying to the courts of the mother country for a settlement of their difficulties ; in fact, as has been shown by reference to the charter of the Hudson's Bay Company, they had no legal rights, because none were in existence at the date of their charter ; but, from the maneuvering of the company and the plausible efforts of Lord Selkirk to colonize, civilize, and settle the Red River country, they entered into his schemes, in order to crush the rival company and secure the whole country to themselves. It is unneces- sary to detail any accounts of the horrid murders and infamous trans- actions that were put on foot and perpetrated by these two companies. After a furious contention, carried on for several years, " they bribed rivals whom they could not defeat, and the tv/o companies united and agreed to carry on the fur trade together, to the exclusion of all others." The Selkirk settlement was soon made to feel the withering influence of the company that had located it in the country for a specific pur- pose. Neither, however, was there any compromise till its inhabitants had been driven from their homes, its Governor (Semple) and seven- teen of his followers killed. Then a compromise was eflected be- tween the rival companies, and they were united by an act of Parlia- ment, under the title of Honorable Hudson's Bay Company, in 1821, — a license given to Messrs. William and Simon McGillivray, of the North- west Company, and Edward Ellice, of the Hudson's Bay Company. These corporate members and their associates " were to share the profits arising from the fur trade, not only from the Indian territories, but also from the Hudson's Bay Company's proper territories of Ru- pert's Land." The privileges of this company were limited to seven years. This carried them forward to 1828, in which year their license (called a charter) was renewed for ten years. Our Indian missionary and American history commences in 1832, six years before this combined Northwest and Hudson's Bay Com- ii 26 HISTORY OP OREQON- pany's license of excluslTe privileges to trade in British Indian Ter- ritory, and, jointly, in the Oregon Territory, would expire. Our English historian and Sir Edward Belcher are both mistaken when they attribute to the company the asking for, or in any way encourag- ing, the American missionaries to come to the country. This was an event wholly unknown to them, and brought about by the Indians themselves, by sending a delegation of four of their number to St. Louis, in 1832, to ask of the American people a religious teacher. Lee, Parker, and Whitman heard the request, and volunteered to make the effort to establish missions among them. These missionaries all came across the Rocky Mountains unasked and uninvited by any one in the service of that company. ■til CHAPTER m. English Hudson's Bay effort to secure Oregon. — ^British claim to Oregon. — Dr. McLaughlin's relation to the company. — Treatment of Red River settlers. — A mis- take. — Sir Edward Belcher. — Duplicity of the Hudson's Bay Company. — A noble man. — An Englishman's opinion of the Hudson's Bay Company. — Sir James Douglas's testimony. — J. Ross Browne. — Duty of an historian. — Cause and effect SiNCK commencing this work we have, by the kindness of friends who have taken a deep interest in all that relates to this country, been furnished with many valuable and important statements, documents, pamphlets, papers, and books, all relating to its early history. Of the whole catalogue, the most valuable information is contained in a work entitled " An Examination of the Charter and Proceedings of the Hudson's Bay Company, with Reference to the Grant of Van- couver's Island. By James Edward Fitzgerald. Loudon." Pub- lished in 1849. The author of this book, though not having the personal knowledge of the company, the Indians, and the country about which he writes requisite to a complete history, has shown a correctness of statistical facts, a comprehensive knowledge of his subject, an enlarged view of the British colonial system, and a correct idea of thu debasing practices and utterly false positions of the Hudson's Bay Company not found in any other writer. Up to the time that this book of 293 pages fell into my hands, I did not know that any writer entertained similar views with myself in relation to this monstrous imposition upon the British and American people. Mr. Fitzgerald has fortified his statements by his knowledge of the English people, their laws and usages, and the casual outcroppings of a system of unparalleled selfishness and despotism, carried on under the guise of a Christian commercial company, whose professed object was to extend commerce, and civilize and christianize the savage tribes of North America, yet who have invariably held up their Christian chartered privileges for the sole purpose of carrying on the most de- grading and inhuman practices with not only the savages, but with all civilized and Christian men who have attempted to expose or even investigate their conduct. As we proceed with our hbtory, we feel confident that v shall be 28 HISTORY OF OREGON. ! m' fl ■! II 1! ill u able to enlighten our readers on many dark subjects and transactions, and to fully prove every statement we have made, or may yet make. Mr. Fitzgerald has given us clearly and truthfully the English side of our history as connected with this Hudson's Bay Company. The American part of it the writer is gathering up, and, in giving it to the public, will discard every statement that does not bear the impress of truth. The reader will notice that our subject is extensive, that England and America, cdramerce and Christianity, civilization and savagism, are all involved and interested in it, and that Oregon, California, and British and Russian America have all participated in it during the past and p esent century ; that we are tracing cause and effect and bringing to light influences that, while producing their legitimate re- sults, were strange and unaccountable, because always kept under the selfish and unscrupulous policy of this English corporation of fur traders. By refen-ing to the charter of the Hudson's Bay Company, we find that it was given by Charles H., in 1670, granting to the "governor and company and their successors the exclusive right to trade, fiah, and hunt in the watere, bays, rivers, lakes, and creeks entering into Hudson's Straits, together with all the lands and territories not already occupied or granted to any of the king's subjects, or possessed by the subjects of any other Chi'istian pi'ince or State." Forty years previous to the giving of this charter by Charles II., of England, Louis XIII., of France, gave a charter to a French company, who occupied the country called Acadia, or New France. In 1632, Charles I., of England, resigned to Louis XIII., of France, the sovereignty of the country then called Acadia, or New Fr.ance. Forty years after Louis XIII,, of Franco, had given his charter, and thirty-eight years after Charles I., of England, had given up his right to the country, Charles II., of England, imitating the example of him who wished to give the world and all its glory to obtain the worship of the Saviour of mankind, gave to the Hudson's Bay Company what he had not the shadow of a title to, as in the treaty of Rys- wick, in 1697, twenty-seven yeai-s ailer this charter of the Hudson's Bay Company had been given, the whole country was confirmed to France, and no reservation made on account of the Hudson's Bay Company. Mr. Fitzgerald, on his 12th page, says : " It has often been asserted, • and is to a great extent believed, because there is very little general information on this subject, that the claim which Great Britain made to the Oregon Territory was dependent upon, or, at any rate, strength- ENGLISH POLICY DEVELOPED. 29 lake. leof The to the pss of enedy by the settlement of the ITwlaoti's Bay Company on the Columbia Jtiver. " Those who hold such an opinion v/ill be surprised to learn that there are many, and they well acquainted with the country itself, who assert that the conduct and policy of the Hudson's Bay Company in the Ore- gon Territory formed the chief part of the title which the United States had to the country, which was gratuitously given to her by the settlement of the boundary. What the United States owe to the com- pany for its policy on tlie west side of tlie Rocky Mountains is a question to which the English public will some day demand a satisfac- tory answer. "Dr. McLaughlin was formerly an agent in the Northwest Fur Company of Montreal ; he was one of the most enterprising and .active in conducting the war between tliat association and tlie Hudson's Bay Company. In the year 1821, when the rival companies united, Dr. McLaughlin became a factor of the Hudson's Bay Company. But his allegiance does not appear to have been disposed of along with his interests, and his sympathy with any tiling other than British, seems to have done justice to his birth and education, which were those of a French Canadian. This gentleman was appointed- governor of all the country west of the Rocky Mountains, and is accused, by those who have been in that country, of having uniformly encouraged the emigra- tion of settlere from the United States, and of having discouraged that of British subjcv'^ts. While the company in this country {England) vjere asserting that their settlements on the Columbia liiver were giving validity to the claim of Great Britain to the Oregon Territory, it ap- pears that their cliief oilicer on the spot was doing all in his power to facilitate the operations of those whose whole object it was to anni- hilate that claim altogether." Mr. Fitzgerald has given us in the above statement an important fact, and one that reveals to au American the deep-laid schemes of the English government, which, by the influence of the Hudson's Bay Com- pany, sought to secure the Oregon Territory to itself. He also explains the conduct of Dr. McLaughlin in his treatment of emijirants, as well as the relation he sustained to that company. While, as Americans, we can admire and applaud the conduct of a noble and generous " Can- adian-bom " citizen, we at the same time can see the low, debasing, and mean spirit of the Englishman, as manifested in the attempt to deprive the American Republic of its rightful domain. We shall have occasion to refer to tlie brinscino: into Orecon of the Red River settlers, and as the result of that move, the unparalleled effort of Dr. Whitman to defeat the British designs upon tlie country. 80 HISTORY OF OREGON. Mr. Fitzgerald explains that matter bo well, that we could not do justice to the truth of history not to quote him. He says, on tho 1 4th page of his work: "There is one story told, about which it is right that the truth should be asceitained. It is said that a number of half-breeds from the Red River settlement were, in the year of 1841-2, induced by the company's officers to undertake a journey entirely across the con- tinent, with the object of becoming settlers on the Columbia River. It appears that a number went, but on arriving in the country, so far from finding any of the promised encouragement, the treatment they received from Dr, McLaughlin was such, that, after having been nearly starved under the paternal care of that gentleman, they all went over to the American settlement in the Wallamet Valley." This statement, while it affirms an important fact, gives a false im- pression as regards Dr. McLaughlin. He, to our certain knowledge, extended to the Red River settlers every facility within his power, and all of those emigrants to this day speak of his kindness in the highest terms. But not so of other leading or controlling members, who really represented the English part and policy of that company. Those set- tlers complained of the domineering and tyrannical treatment of their English overseers, which was the cause of their leaving what they sup- posed would eventually be the English part of Oregon Territory. They also became sensible that the Hudson's Bay Company in Oregon was a different concern from the Hudson's Bay Company in Rupert's Land ; that, however small their privileges were there, they were less on Puget Sound ; and being near an American settlement, they natu- rally sought its advantages and protection. Mr. Fitzgerald informs us that " these emigrants became citizens of the United States, and it is further said were the fir to memorialize Congress to extend the power of the United States over the Oregon Territory. For the truth of these statements we do not, of course, vouch, but we do say they demand inquiry." This statement of Mr. Fitzgerald entitles him to be considered a can- did and fiiir M'riter, and one who is seeking for truth in reference to the subject he is investigating^ He has naturally imbibed the feelings of an Englishman against Dr. McLiuigliiin, under the strong effort made by the English Hudson's Bay Company to suppress and supersede the French Canadian influence in it. He says, on page 15: "Dr. McLaughlin's policy was so manifestly American that it is openly canvassed in a book written by Mr. Dunn, one of the servants of the company, and written for the purpose of praising their system and policy." Sir Edward Belcher also alludes to this policy. He says : " Some few SIR EDWARD BELCHER'S COMPLAINT. 81 not do lo 14th It that breeds ced by le con- River, so far t they nearly over years since, the company determined on forming settlements on the rich lands situated on the Wallamet and other rivers, and for providing for their retired servants, by allotting them farms, and further aiding them by supplies of cattle, etc. That on the Wallamet was a field too in- viting for missionary enthusiasm to overlook, but instead of selecting a British subject to afford them spiritual assistance, recourse was had to Americans, a course pregnant with evil consequences, and particularly in the political squabble pending, as will be seen by the result. No uooncr had the American and his allies fairly squatted (which they deem taking possession of the country), than they invited their brethren to join them, and called on the American government for laws and protection." The American reader will smile at Sir Edward's little fling at the squatters in Oregon. He asserts a great truth in the same sentence that he utters a positive falsehood. No member of the Hudson's Bay Company, nor the whole company together, ever encouraged a single American missionary to come to the country. Revs. Lee and Parker and Dr. Whitman came without their invitation or aid. They were entirely independent of the company, and were only suffered to re- main, the company not daring to drive them from the country on their first arrival, as they all held the protection of the American govern- ment, as Indian teachers, under the great seal of the Secretary of War. This English fling at their own company is evidence of a jealousy existing which could not be satisfied short of the utter extermination of all American influence on this coast, and is further illustrated by this same Sir Edward Belcher, in contrasting the treatment of Cap- tain Wilkes and his party with that of his own. He says (vol. 1, p, 297) : "The attention of the chief to myself and those immediately about me, particularly in sending down fresh supplies, previous to my arrival, I feel fully grateful for ; but I can not conceal my disappointment at the want of accommodation exhibited toward the crews of the ves- sels under my command in a liritish possession.'''' We old Oregonians are amused at Sir Edward's ignorance of the Hudson's Bay Company's treatment of the crews of vessels, and servants of the company. We all know his crew were allowed to associate freely with the native women in the country and to distribute their rations of rum, and any other supplies they might have, without any remonstrance from the company. Sir Edward continues : " We certainly were not distressed, nor was it imperatively necessary that fresh beef and vegetables should be supplied, or I should have made a formal demand. But as regarded those who might come after, and not improbably myself among the number, I inquired in direct terms what facilities her Majesty's ship if 1 1 i ;, i ij 1 i : 1 ; i 82 HI8T0R1 OF OREGON. of war might expect, in the event of touching at this port for bullocks, flour, vegetables, etc. I certainly was extremely surprised at the reply that they were not in a condition to supply. As any observation here would be useless, and I well knew this point could be readily settled where authority could be referred to, I let the matter rest. But having been invited to inspect the farm and dairy, and been informed of the quantity of grain, and the means of furnishing flour, and not- withstanding the profusion of cattle and potatoes, no offer having been made for our crew, I regretted that I had been led into the acceptance of private supplies ; although, at that time, the other officers of the establishment had told my officers that supplies would of course be sent down." Mr. Fitzgerald says " the American policy of the Hudson's Bay Company would seem, from the above facts, to be more than a matter of suspicion," while we Americans are only disposed to regard them as a part of the duplicity of that company in their effort to deceive their oicn countrymen as to the value of the country over which they had ruled so long. They had been too successful in deceiving all American writers to allow their own countrymen to understand their secret policy. Sir Edward Belcher and our English historian were equally misled in relation to the American policy of the Hudson^s Bay Company, It is true that Dr. McLaughlin, though he was a French Canadian sub- ject, had not lost his American soul. The British iron had not driven the last noble sentiment of humanity from his heart, nor his connection with that polluted corporation of iniquity which pervades half the con- tinent of North America ; for when he found that this Hudson's Bay Company was utterly lost to humanity, he tells them to their teeth : " Gentlemen., I will serve you no longer.'''' No true American historian will allow, without contradiction, that corrupt company to hand down to future infamy the name of a noble and generous servant, because their infamous policy was defeated by the establishment of the American missions in the country. Dr. McLaughlin did all that he could, honorably, to comply with their " system of iniquity." Our English author says, on page 19, in reference to the conduct of the company: "They are convictions which have strengthened and deepened at every step of the inquiry ; convictions that the Hudson's Bay Company has entailed misery and destruction upon thousands throughout the country which is withering under its curse; that it has cramped and crippled the energies and enterprise of England, which might have found occupation in the directions from which they AN ENGLISHMAN'S OPINION OF THE H. B. C. 88 are now excluded ; that it has stopped the extension of civilization, and has excluded the light of religious truth ; that it has alienated the hearts of all under its oppression, and made them hostile to their coun- try ; above all, that the whole and entire fabric is built upon utterly false and fictitious grounds ; that it has not one shadow of reality in law or in justice ; that there is not the smallest legal authority for any one of the rights which this corporation claims. It is this conviction which has urged mo to submit the statements and arguments cor- tained in the following pages to the consideration of the public ; and to arraign before that tribunal, from which in these days there is no es- cape, — the judgment of public opinion, — a corporation who, under the authority of a charter which is invalid in law, hold a monopoly in commerce, and exercise a despotism in government, and have so used that monopoly and wielded that power as to shut up the earth from the knowledge of m,an, and man from the knowledge of God." With the statements and convictions of this English author before us, wo will add a statement of Sir James Douglas, given in answer to interrogatory 11 in the case of Hudson's Bay Company's Claim v. United States, to give the reader a better idea of the power and influence of that company in Oregon, in 1846. Sir James says : " The Honorable Hudson's Bay Company had fifty-five officers and five hundred and thirteen articled men. The company hav- ing a large, active, and experienced force of servants in their employ, and holding establishments judiciously situated in the most favorable portions for trade, forming, as it were, a net-work of posts aiding and supporting each other, possessed an extraordinary influence with the natives, and in 1840 practically enjoyed a monopoly of the fur trade in the country west of the Rocky Mountains, north and south of the forty-ninth parallel of latitude. The profits of their trade," says this witness, " from 1841 to 1846 were at least seven thousand pounds sterling annually." The fifty-five ofllicers and five hundred and thirteen articled men of the company, with their eight hundred half-breeds, and the Indians they could command by the judicious position of their respective posts, were deemed by them sufiicient security for their trade, and a substantial reason M'hy they should not give up the country without making another direct effort to drive the missionary and American set- tlements from it, notw.ithstanding all their pretension to join in the provisional government organized by the pioneer Americans in 1843. The reader is referred to the discussion on the liquor question between Judge Sir James Douglas and Mr. Samuel Parker, as found in the tenth and eleventh numbers, first volume, of the Spectator, jjub- ( • ii 'I in 84 HISTORY OP OREGON. lished June 11 and 25, 1846, and in another chapter of this work, and requested to keep all these facts before the mind, so as not to lose sight of the comrannding influence, or, in other words, the commander, when we enter upcjn the preliminary and immediate causes of the "Whitman massacre, and the Indian war that followed. We have before us the original depositions in reference to the facts stated, and also the attempt to excuse the principal actors in that hor- rible transaction, as given by Brouillet in justification of the course pursued by the Jesuit missionaries. We have also the superficial and bombastic report of T. Ross Browne, special agent of the Treasury Department, dated December 4, 1857, containing a copy of this Jesuit history of the murder of Dr. Whit- man. In his remarks previous to giving Brouillet's history, he says : " In view of the fact, liowever, that objections might be made to any testimony coming from the citizens of the Territories, and believing also that it is the duty of a public agent to present, as far as practica- ble, u/iprejudiced statements, I did not permit myself to be governed by any representations unsupported by reliable historical data." * * * * "The fact also is shown that, as far back as 1835, the Indians west of the Rocky Mountains protested against the taking away of their lands by the white race. That this was one of the alleged causes of the murder of Dr. Wiiitman and family." There are sixty-six pages iri this report. Twelve of them are Mr. Browne's, one page of oflici.'vl aji nowledgment, and fifty-three from the parties implicated. The statements of Mr. Browne^ of Mr. Fitzgerald, and the oath of Mr. Douglas, are sufficient to show the ignorance, stupidity, and falsehood incorporated in his report, were there no other historical facts to con- vict him of ignorance in allowing such representations to be made in an official document. In the proper place we will bring this report into our liistory, with both sides of the question. Were we to express an opinion of Mr. J. Ross Browne's report, with our personal knowledge of what he pretends to relate, we would say he ignored the people, the country, and the government whose agent he claimed to be, and was reporting for the special benefit of the Roman religion and British government, as those are extensively quoted as historical data from which his report and conclusions are drawn. The reader will understand our main object to be to give a full his- tory of all influences and prominent transactions and events that have occurred in Oregon from 1792 to 1849. To understand cause and efiect, and the true history of the country, COHROBORATIVE TESTIMONY. 85 we have to examine the facts as connectotl with actions, and also to trace back the history of tiic actors, in order to see how far they nay be made responsible for the result of their actions. Oregon, from the time of its discovery, has been a field where all the intiuences of which we are writing have been living, active influ- ences ; and they are by no means inactive or dead at the present time. Some of them are more active now than tliey were in 1830. A full knowledge of the past will enable us to guard the present and the future. Our P'nglish writer has gatliercd his facts and drawn his conclusions in London. We, upon this, our western coast, are wit- nesses of the cause and results of his conclusions, and any statement he makes we feel ourselves abundantly able to corroborate or correct. As we proceed with our history we shall have frequent occasion to quote Mr. Fitzgerald, as the best English evidence, in favor of our American statements or positions. Since writing the above we have uoticed a lengthy article in the Edinburgh Westminster Review for July, 1867, giving a concise history of the Hudson's Bay Company, \inder the heading, "The Last Great Monopoly." In that article the author has shown extensive historical knowledge of the operations and influences of that monopoly in that portion of our continent over wliich they have held exclusive control. He regards them as a blight upon the country, and an " incubus " to be removed by national legislation. If our work had been pub- lished, we should conclude that he must have drawn many of his facts from our own observations. But this is not the case ; hence the value to us of his corroboration of the facts we aflirm from personal knowl- edge. CHAPTER IV. Care of Great Britain for her fur companies. — Columbia Fur Company. — Astor'a second fur company. — Major Pilcher's fur company. — Loss of the sliip Isabel. — Captain Bonneville's expeuition. — Cause of his failure. — Captain Wyeth's, 1832. — Indiana ask for missionaries in 1S33. — Methodist Mission. — Fort Hall established. — Fort Boise. By reference to the act of the British Parliament of June 2, 1821, it will be seen that the affairs of the North American British Fur com- panies were in a fair way to defeat all British interests in America. To suppress thepe feuds among their own people became a matter of national importance and policy. To accomplish so desirable an object, Parliament, in the act above referred to, extended the civil and criminal jurisdiction of Canada over all the territories of the Hudson's Bay Company ; in the thirteenth article of the act, and in the fourteenth, repealed all that was before taken away from that company, and confirmed absolutely all the rights supposed to have been given by the original charter, as follows : — Section 14. " And be it further enacted, that nothing in this act con- tained shall be taken or construed to affect any right or privilege, authority or jurisdiction, which the governor and company of adven- turers trading to Hudson's Bay are by law entitled to claim and exer- cise under their charter; but that all such rights, privileges, aul; -^rities, p.nd jurisdictions, shall remain in as full force, virtue, and effect, as if this act had never been made ; any thing in this act to the contrary notwithstanding." This act, however just it may hiwe been considered, certainly em- bodied a large amount of national prejudice against the people of French or Canadian birth, in exempting the territory of the Hudson's Bay Company from its influence. It had a twofold effect : the one, to check fends among British subjects ; the other, to unite them in one vast India.; monojioly, — to license this united company to go forward with their Indian political arrangements uimiolested, — to punish and dispose of all intruders upon their supposed, or asserted rights, as they might deem for the interest of their trade, which, .according to the charter of Charles II., bearing date May 2, 1670, they were "at all times here- after to be personable and capable in law, to have, purchase, receive, possess, enjoy, and retar.. lands, rents, privileges, liberties, jurisdictibn. THE BRITISH-A!iT='IliCAN QUESTION. 37 stor'a second bd. — Captain 32. — Indians ished.— Fort jh le 2, 1821, Fur com- erica. To v^'TH matter of 1 act above anada over thirteenti: was before I the rights 5W8 : — his act con- • privilege, Y of adven- n and exer- f aiit: -^rities, eflbct, as if ■Sr ae contrary rtp.iiily em- ,;4 people of t e Hudson's •1 ■a the one, to in one vast 'ward with ind dispose they might the charter times liere- i se, receive, 1 arisdictibn, franchises, and hereditaments of wliat kind, nature, or quality soever they be, to them and their successors." The whole trade, fisheries, navigation, minerals, etc., of the countries, are granted to the company exclusively ; all other of the king'f, subjects being forbidden to visit, hunt, frequent, trade, traffic, or adventure therein, under heavy penalties ; and the company is moreover empow- ered to send ships, and to build fortifications tor the defense of its possessions, as well as to make war or peace with all nations or peoples not Christian, inhabiting those territories, which are declared to be hence- forth reckoned and reputed as one of his Majesty's plantations or colo- nies in America, called Rupert's Land. It will be remen bered that as early as 1818, a question arose between the United States and Great Britain, as to which was the rightful owner of the Oregon country. The Northwest Fur Company were the only subjects of Great Britain that had competed with the American fur companies in the discovery or trade of the country. To ignore that company altogether would weaken the British ck'm to Oregon by right of prior discovery and occupancy. Hence, by uniting the two companies nnder an ancient English charter, combining their united capital and numerical strength, discarding all doubtful subjects, and confirming the absolute power of their own British company, they could easily secure Oregon as British territory. The wisdom and effect of this policy will be developed as we proceed. By the third article of the convention between the United States and Great Britain, signed vVtober 20, 1818, "it is agreed that any country that maybe claimed by either party on the northwest coast of America, westward of the Stony Mountains, shall, togethci- with its harbors, bays, and creeks, and tha navigation of all rivors within the same, be free and open for the term of ten years from the date of the signature of the present convention, to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two powers; it being well understood that this agreement is not to be con- strued to the prejudice of any claim which either of the two high con- tracting parties may have to any part of said country, nor shall it be taken to affect the claims of any other power or state to any part of the said country; the only object of the high contracting parties, in that respect, being to prevent disputes and differences among themselves." This convention secured at that time the Nortliwest Fur Company's existence in the country, by the act uniting the two British fur compa- nies three years later. In 1821, the privilege** here secjied were trans- ferred and confirmed to the Hudson's Bay C'^mjiany, who at once : ook the most active and efficient measures to guard against any future ompcti- tioH, by asscsiiing and setting apart ten per cent, on their capital stock, 88 HISTORY OF OREGON. 1 '111 which was counter! at £200,000, as a sinking fund for the special pur- pose of opposing all competition in the fur trade by land or water. The convention above refen-ed to shows that Great Britain held a watchful ^ye over her fur traders in this distant country ; and the act of her Parliament in 1821, that she was disposed, in a direct manner, tc secui'e to her own people, as traders, the absolute sovereignty of the country. While Great Britain was protecting and strengthening her fur traders in North America, the American government was oir p?y asserting its prior rights to the Oregon country, founded upo.v >*;< discovery and subsequent purchase in what is termed the Louisiu >& purchase, from France ; the treaties and conventions only serving to encourage and strengthen the British claim, while they used their influence, capital, and power against all American competition and set- tlement in the country. In 1821, as was to be expected by the union of the two great British fur companies, under the license of the British Parliament, and absolute charter of Charles II., many of the servants, and especially such as were found favorable to the American fur traders, or violently opposed to the Hudson's Bay Company, wore thrown out of employment. They naturally sought to continue their wild Indian trade and habits, and formed a company under the name of the Columbia Fur Company, ex- tending their operations up the Mississippi, Missouri, and Yellowstone rivers. In 1826, they transferred their interests to Astor's second North American Fur Company, of which John Jacob Astor was the head. This company .\p;jeai-8 to have been commenced or organized in con- nection with Mr. W. H. Ashley, in 1823, and under his direction extended its trade to the south and west, along the Platte River, and passed imo the Rocky Mountains as far as Green River, being the first to discover its sources, making a successful trading expedition that ye-.'. In 1824, another expedition undor Mr. Ashley explored the Rocky Mountains as far south as Salt Lake, and built a fort on the borders of a small lake, to which he gave his own name In 1 826, Mr. Ashley trans- ported a 6-pound cannon to his establishment near Salt Lake, throut ^ what has since been termed Fremont's, or the south pass of the Roc' Mountains, in a wagon. This estalilishmcnt had in its employ o one hundred men, and was remarkably successful and profitable to the partners. In 1826, Mr. Ashley sold all his interest to the Hocky Moivifnin Fur Company, composed of Smith, Jackson, and b ibleth, %v' > extended their trade into California, and as far north as the Uisipqua River, in Oregon ; where Smith and his party were met by a pnjfessedly friendly party of Indians, who murdered his men, seized his furs, and delivered SEVERAL FUR COMPANIES. 89 ecial pur- I'ater. kin held a [the act of lianner, tc ky of the pening her |as oirp'y upo , -I I Louisiu j& pervinET to sed their >n and sct- cat British d absolute y such as y opposed nt. They habits, and tiipany, ei- 'ellowstone ;onu North the liead. ;od in con- n extended passed iuto :o discover he Rocky borders of liley trans- e, through the Roc'^ iploy 's ible to the vjfain Fur .;xtended . River, in y friendly delivered them to a party of men sent by the Hudson's Bay Company, under Mr John McLeod and Thomas McKay, to receive the furs and pay the In- dians for their services — as learned by the writer from eye-witnesses. During this same year, 1 827, Major Pilchcr, with fbrty-five men, crossed the Rocky Mountains, and, in 1828-9, traversed the western portion of them as far north as Fort Colville. This fort had beCii established, and farming operations commenced, in 1825. This party of Major Pilcher were all cut oft' but two men, besides himself; i»is furs, as stated by himself to the writer, found their Avay into the forts of the Hudson's Bay Company. In 182P the brig Owyhee, Captain Demenses, and the schooner Coto- m/. Captain T!.ompscn, entered and remained nearly a year in the Co- lumbia River, trading witn tht Indians. They were owned in Boston. In 1830, the British ship Isabel was lost on Sand Island — the second known to have been wrecked on the bar, or in attempting to enter the river. The crew were all saved, and it was the opinion of the company at Vancouver that, had the crew remained with the ship, no great loss would have been sustained. In 1832, Captain Bonneville, of the United States army, on furlough, started, with over one hundred men, on an expedition into the Rocky Mountains. He crossed the mountains, and reached the Wallawalla Val- ley, on the Columbia River; but, through the influence of the Hudson's Bay Company, his men were nearly all induced to leave him, so that iie was obliged to abandon his property, and his expedition was a total failure, except the little scientific knowledge of the country gained by it. To charge the failure of Captain Bonneville directly to the Hudson's Ixiy Company would not be strictly true ; but their great influence over thv'^ Indians was sufticir..'^ to prevent them from furnishing his party with food or horses, v hile he was within reach of their forts. Hence, many of his men,became dissatisfied, and left him, till his party became too weak to eft'cct their return to the States with their valuable furs and property. These eventually were lost, O'* iell into the hands of the Indians, and through them, his furs reached the Hudson's Bay traders' establishments. This same year, 1832, Captain Nathaniel Wyeth, of Massachusetts, started on an exploring expedition to the mouth of the Columbia River, with a view of establishing a permanent trade in the Oregc.i country. He traveled across the continent and gathered all the information re- quisite for the undertaking, and returned to Boston in 1833; and in 1834, having completed his arrangements, chartered the brig ^[oy Dacre, and dispatched her with his own, and the goods of the Metho- dist Mission, for the Columbia River. i 40 HISTORY OP OREGOIT. The same year, some Flathead Indians, from a tribe in the midst of the Rocky Mountains, went to St. Louis, and, tlirough Mr, Catlin, an American artist, made known their object, which was to know some- thing more of the white man's God and religion. Through the represent- ations of the ' Tndians, the Methodist Episcopal Society in the United States establii i nr missions in Oregon, and the American Board Bent their missioi .. among the Nez Perces, which, as will be seen, was the commenceuient of the permanent settlement of the country. It appears from the facts, briefly stated, that there had been eleven dif- ferent trading expeditions and companies, besides the Northwest and Hudson's Bay companies, that had sought for wealth by making fur- trading establishments in Oregon. All of them, including the North- west and Hudson's Bay companies, have retired from it, but the Ameri- can missionaries are residents of the conntry, a iu th^ir influence and labors are felt, notvithstanding other influences have partially sup- planted and destroyed the good impressions first made upon the n.itives of the country by them. Still civilization, education, and religion, with all the improvements of the age, are progressing, and the old pioneer missionaries and settlers that were contemporary with them, with a few exceptions, are foremost in every laudable elFort to benefit the present and rising generation. In the month of March, 1833j a Japanese junk was wrecked near Cape Flattery, in the then Territory of Oregon, aiid all on board, ex- cept three men, were lost. Those three were received by Captain McNeal on board the British ship Lama ; taken to Vancouver, and thence sent to England. Rev, iMr. Parker gives this, and another simi- lar wreck on the Sandwich Islands, as evidence of the origin of the natives of those countries. But we give it for another object. The three Japanese were taken to England, and, during their stay, learned the English language, were sent back to Macao, and became tiie assist- ant teachers of Mr. Gutzlaff", the P^nglish missionary at that place, and were the means of opening their oicn country to missionary and com- meicial relations with other nations. Captain Wycth, witii Revs, Jason and Daniel Lee, Cyrus Shepard, and P. L. Edwards, the first missionary party, together with Doctor Nutall, a natnralist, and J, K. Towiisend, an ornithologist, sent out by a literary society in Piiiladelphia, all under the escort furnished by Captain Wyeth, crossed the mountains and reached the plain formed by the Portneuf and Snake rivers. At their junction Captain Wyeth stopped, and establislied Fort Ilall, Avhile the missionaries and scientific men of his party, in company with an Englishman by the name of Capta'.a Stewart, and a party of Hudson's Bay traders, under the CAPTAIN WTETH'S TRADDTG-POST. 41 lidat of at I in, an w some- presert- le United >n Board be seen, country. even dif- kest and ing fur- e Xorth- le Ameri- ence and ially sup- le natives ion, with \ pioneer n, with a ^uefit the ked near board, es- r Captain uver, and ther simi- in of the ect. The r, learned the assist- )lace, and and coni- Shepard, !i Doctor at out by ished by n formed n Wyeth scientific name of nder the -3 direction of Mr. McLeod and McKay, proceeded to Fort Nez Perces (present name, Wallula). Thence they traveled in Hudson's Bay bateaux to Vancouver. Captain Wyeth established his post on the Snake River, by erecting a stockade of logs, and quarters for his men, and then proceeded to the lower Columbia to receive his goods, which arrived in the May Dacre, Captain Lambert, from Boston, about the time he reached Fort William, on what is now known as Sauvies Island, a few miles below the mouth of the Multnomah River, now called the Wallamet. Rev. Mr. Lee and party made their first location about sixty miles from the mouth of the Wallamet, near what is now called Wheatland, ten miles below Salem. Captain Wyeth received his goods, and commenced his trading establishment, but found that, notwithstanding he was personally treated by the principal oiRcers of the Hudson's Bay Company with great courtesy, yet it was evident that every possible underhanded and degrading device was practiced, both with the Indians and with his men, to destroy, as much as was possible, the value and profits of his trade. In the spring and summer of 1835 he supplied his Fort Hall establish- ment with goods. During the year 1835, the Hudson's Bay Company erected a tem- porary post about twelve miles up the Boise River, designed to coun- teract and destroy as much as possible the American fur trade estab- lished by Captain Wyeth, who continued his efforts less than three years ; and, having lost of the two hundred men who had been in his employ one hundred and nixttj (as stated to Rev. Samuel Parker), and finding himself unable to conipete with this powerful English com- pany, he accepted Dr. McLaughlin's offer for his establishments, and left the country in 1836. In 1835, the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions sent Rev. Samuel Parker and Dr. Marcus Whitman to explore the Oregon country, with a view of establishing missions among the Indians west of the Rocky Mountains. These two missionaries reached the American rendezvous on Green River, in company with the Rocky Mountain Fur Company's traders, under the direction of Captains Drips and Fitzpatrick. From the American rendezvous Mr. Parker contiiuied his explorations in com- pany with, and under the protection of the Nez Perce Indians, till he reached old Fort Wallawalla, now called Wallula; thence he continued in canoes to Vancouver, while Dr. Whitman returned to the United States to procure associates to establish the Nez Perce mission. \ CHAPTER V. Extent p.nd power of Hudson's Bay Company. — Number of forts. — Location. — Policy. — Murder of Mr. Black. — McKay. — Manner of dealing with Indians. — Commander of fori kills an Indian. — Necessity of such a course. — Hudson's Bay Company not respo.'sible for what their servants do. Having briefly traced the operations of the two foreign fur com- panies in Oregon, a knowledge of the location of their several trading establishments will enable the reader to comprehend their power and influence in the country. Fort Umpqua was located in the extreme southwestern part of Oregon, near the mouth of the river bearing that name. It was a temporary stock-^de built of logs, overlooking a small farm in its im- mediate vicinity, was generally occupied by a clerk and from four to eight Frenchmen. Fort George (Astoria) already described. They had a farm and small establishment at the mouth of the Cowlitz, and a more extensive farm some twenty-live miles up that river. Fort Vancouver, — a stockade, six miles above the mouth of the Multnomah, or Wallamet River. This fort was the general depot for the southwestern department, at which their goods for Indian trade were landed, and their furs and peltries collected and shipped to foreign markets. There was also a trading-house at Champoeg, some thirty-five miles up the Wallamet River. On the left bank of the Columbia River, near the 46° of north latitude, stood Fort Nez Percds, called Wallawalla, now Wallula, — a stockade, accidentally burned in 1841, and rebuilt with adobes in 1841-2. On the left bank of the south branch of the Columbia, or Snake River, at the junction of the Boise, was located Fort Boise, built formerly, in 1834, with poles; later, with adobes. Continuing up Snake River to the junction of the Portneuf, on its left bank we find Fort Hall, built by Captain Wyeth ; a stock- ade in 1834 ; rebuilt by the Hudson's Bay Company, with adobes, in 1838. Thence up the Columbia, Fort Okanagon, at the mouth of Okan- I 44i, NUMBER OF FORTS. 43 agon River, formerly a stockade, latterly a house or hut ; and up the Spokan some twenty miles, was the old Spokan Fort, built by Astor's Company, a stockade with*-8olid bastions. Continuing up the Columbia to Kettle Falls, and two miles above, on tlie left bank is Fort Colville, formerly a stockade, still occupied by the Hudson's Bay Company. Thenco up the Columbia to the mouth of the, Kootanie River, near the forty-ninth parallel of latitude, is the trading establishment called Kootanie House. Thence returning south, and ascending the Flathead (Clark's) and Kootanie rivers, into what is now Montana Territory, ia, or was, the hut called Flathead House. Still higher up on the Colum- bia was a small establishment, called the boat encampment, or Mountain House. Entering the country by the Straits of Juan de Fuca and Puget Sound, we find Fort Nasqualla, formerly a stockade. Proceeding up Frazer River to near the forty-ninth parallel, upon the left or south bank of the river is Fort Langley, an extensive stockade. Thence up that river about ninety miles, half a mile below the mouth of the Coquehalla, is I'ort Hope, a stockade. On the right bank of the Frazer, sixteen miles above, is Fort Yale, a trading-house. Thence proceeding up the Frazer, and on to the waters of Thompson River, is Fort Kamloops ; still further north and east, extending into New Caledonia, are Forts Alexander, William, Garey, and Abercrombie. On the southeastern part of Vancouver Is^n.nd is Fort Victoria, formerly a stockade. On the north side of the island is Fort Rupert, a stockade, still in good repair. On the mainland, near Portland Channel, is Fort Simpson. At the mouth of the Stiken River, on Dundas Island, was formerly Fort Wrangle, a stockade. Recently the establishment has been rumored some sixty miles up the Stiken River, and called Fort Stiken. This, as will be seen, gives the company twenty-three forts and five trading-stations. In addition to these they had trading-parties extend- ing south to California, southeast to Fort Hall and into Utah and Ari- zona, east into the Blackfoot country (Montana) and the Rocky Moun- tains, and north into New Caledonia and along the northwestern water- shed of the Rocky Mountains. They also had two steamera, the Beaver and Otter, to enter all the bays, harbors, rivers, and inlets along the western coast of our coun- try, from Mexico on tlie south, to Russian America on the north, em- ploying fifty-five officers and five hundred and thirteen articled men, all bound, under the strictest articles of agreement, to subserve the interests of that company under all circumstances; being strictly for- u HISTORY OF ORKGON. bidden to acquire any personal or real estate outside of their stipula- ted pay as servants of the company, and were subject to such punish ment for deficiency of labor or neglect of duty as the officer in charge might see fit to impose, having no appeal to any bource for redress, as the original charter of Charles II., confirmed by act of Parliament in 1821, clearly conferred on the company absolute control over the country they occupied, and all in it. As a matter of romance and adventure, many statements are made of conflicts ^th Indians and with wild animals, all terminating favor- ably to the interests of the company, confirming and strengthening their absolute power over all their opponents ; but as they do not propei'ly belong to a work of this character, they will be omitted, except where th,ey may be brought to illustrate a fact, or to prove the principles and policy of the company. As in the case of Mr. Black, a chief trader at Fort Kamloops, who had offended an Indian, the Indian disguised his resentment, entered the fort as a friend, and while Mr. Black was passing from the room in which the Indian had been received, he was deliberately shot by him, and fell dead. The Indian fied, and the fort was closed against the tribe. Not a single article of trade or supplies was allowed to the tribe till the murderer was given up, and hung by the company's men, when the fort was opened and trade resumed. In another case, near the mouth of the Columbia, a trader by the name of McKay was killed in a drunken row with the Indians at a salmon fishery. A friendly Indian gave information at head-quarters, when an expedition was fitted out and sent to the Indian camp. The murderer, with a few otlier Indians, was found in a canoe, but escaped to shore. They were fired at, and one woman was killed and others woimded. Dr. McLaughlin, being in command of the party, informed the Indians that if the murderer was not soon given up, he would pun- ish the tribe. They soon placed the murderer in the hands of the party, who were satisfied of the guilt of the Indian, and at once hung him, as an example of the punishment that would be inflicted upon murderers of wliite men belonging to the company. One other instance of daring and summary punishment is related as having been inflicted by Mr. Douglas, while in charge of a fort in the midst of a powcriul tribe of Indians. A principal chief had killed one of the company's men. Mr. Douglas, learning that he was in a lodge not far from the fort, boasting of his murderous exploit, armed him- self, went to the lodge, identified the murdering chief, and shot him dead; tlien walked delibei.vtely back to the fort. A compliance with licensed parliamentary stipulatio' would have MANNER OP DEALING WITH INDIANS, 45 stipula- I punish charge h-ess, as Iment in Iver the reqnired the arrest of the murderers in all chese cases, and the testimony and criminals to be sent to Canada for conviction and execution. These cases illustrate, whether just or otherwise, the ab5olute man- ner of dealing with Indians by the company. The following chapter gives us the particulars of an aggravated case of brutal murder of the person in charge of one of their extreme northwestern forts by the men under his charge. 'i CHAPTER VI. Murder of John McLaughlin, Jr. — Investigation by Sir George Simpson and Sir James Douglas. Vert different was the course pursued by Sir George Simpson and Mr. (now Sir James) Douglas in the case of conspiracy and mui'der of John McLaughlin, Jr., at Fort "Wrangle, near the southern boundary of Russian America. In this case, Sir George Simpson went into a partial examination of the parties implicated, and reported that Dr. John McLaughlin, Jr., M'as killed by the men in self-defense. This report, from the known hostility of Sir George to the father and son, was not satisfactory, and Esquire Douglas was dispatched to Fort Wrangle, and procured the following testimony, which, in justice to the murdered man and the now deceased father, we will quo^e as copied from the original docu- ments by Rev. G. Hines. Pierre Kanaquassee, one of the men employed in the establishment at the time of the murder, and in whose testimony the gentlemen of the company place the utmost reliance, gives the following narrative, in answer to questions proposed by James Douglas, Esq., the magistrate that examined him : — Q, W^here were you on the night of the murder of the late Mr. John McLaughlin ? A. I was in my room, in the lower part of the main house, where I lived with George Heron, in an apartment in the lower story, immedi- ately under the kitchen. My door opened into the passage which led to the apartment of Mr. John McLaughlin in the second story. Q. What occurred on the night of the murder ? A. I will tell you the whole story, to the best of my recollection, A few days preceding the murder, five Indians from Tako, with let- ters from Dr. Kennedy, arrived at the fort about midnight. The watchmen, hearing the knocking, called Mr. John. When he got up, he mustered a few hands to defend the gates, in case of any treacherous attack from the Indians, whom thej'' did not, as yet, know. They were then admitted into the fort, delivered up their arms, according to cus- tom, and were lodged in a small room in the lower story of the main house. A day or two after this, he beat, and put one of these Indians, a native of Nop, in irons, as Peter was told, for having committed some STATEMENT OF THE MEN. 47 theft in Tako. About eight o'clock of the evening of the 20th of April, Mr. John gave liquor to the Indiana, and made them drunk ; after which he called the white men, viz., Laperti, Pripe, Lulaire, Heron x Bellinger, Simon, Fleury, McPherson, Smith, and Antoine Kawanope. During this time, Peter was in his own, which was the adjoining room, lying awake in bed, and overheard all that passed. He heard Mr, John say to McPhei-son, " Peter is not among us. Where is he ? " McPher- son replied, that he was in bed, and he was sent for him by Mr. John. Peter, in consequence, went into the room, and saw all the men seated in a ring, on the floor, around a number of bottles standing within the ring, and the Indians lying dead drunk on another part of the floor. Mr. John himself was standing outside of the ring, and McPherson placed himself on the opposite side of the ring ; neither of them appear- ed to be partaking of the festivities of the evening, but were looking on, and forcing the people to drink. Antoine Kawanoj)c was seated on his bed, apart from the other men, perfectly sober, as he told Peter afterward. Mr. John had ordered him not to drink, observing, "You are not to drink at this time, as I am going to die to-night, and you will help me in what I am going to do." On entering the room, Mr. John told Peter to sit down with the other people, and ordered hi., ser- vant, Fleury, to give him a good dram, which he did, in a tin pan. Peter could not drink the Avliole, and was threatened by Mr. John with vio- lence if he did not finish it. He succeeded in emptying the pan, by allowing the liquor to run into the bosom of his shirt. Mr. John, in doing this, did not appear to be angry, but in a half-playful mood. Peter remained there about a quarter of an hour, during which time he was careful not to drink too much, as a few hours previously Antoine had called at his room and said, "My uncle, take care of yon ^If to- night; the master is going to die." Peter said, " Who is go" . • j kill him ? " and Antoine said, " The Bluemen," meaning the Kanakas, " are going to kill liim." This, Peter thought, was likely to be the case, as the men, some time before Christmas preceding, had agreed among them- selves to murder him, and had signed a paper, which McPherson drew up, to that effect. Every one of the men of the place agreed to the com- mission of this deed. Smith and Heron as well as the others. Peter's name was signed by McPlierson, and he attested it by his cross. This paper was signed in Urbaine's house, where the men severally repaired by stealth for the purpose, as Mr. John kept so vigilant a watch upon them, that they were afraid he might suspect their intentions if they were there in a body. The same impression made him also remark, in a low tone of voice, to Laperti, on his first entering the room, when he observed Mr. John forcing the people to drink, "I really believe our «s HISTORY OP OREOON. master feels his end near, aa he never used to act in this manner." As above mentioned, after Peter had been about fifteen minutes in the room where the men wore drinking, Mr. John retired, followed by Antoine. Mr. John had not on that occasion drank any thing with the men, neither did he (Peter) ever see him, at any time preceding, drink in their company. He, however, supposed that he must have taken something in his own room, as he appeared flushed and excited, but not sufficiently so as to render his gait in the least unsteady. McPherson also did not taste any thing in the room. As soon as Mr. John was gone, Peter also left the room, and went to bed ir. his own room. Peter was informed by Antoine that Mr. John, on leaving the room where the men were drinking, went up-stairs to his own apartmer*. and he heard him say to his wife, " I am going to die to-night." / he and his wife both began to cry. Mr. John soon rallied, and obf ed, " Very well ; if I die, I must fall like a man." He then told Antoine to load his rifles and pistols, and ordered him also to arm himself with his own gun. He and Antoine then went out, and Peter thinks he heard the report of more thar. fifteen shots. Antoine afterward told Peter that Mr. John fired at Laperti, but missed him, and afterward ordered Antoine to fire at Laperti. Antoine refused to do ao, until hia own life was threatened by Mr. John, when he fired in the direction, without aiming at Laperti. He also told the Kanakas to kill the Cana- dians, and it was in part they who fired th^ shots that he (^ Peter) had heard. Peter then got up and placed himself behind his door, and saw Mr. John come in and go up-stairs with Antoine, when he took the opportunity of going out, armed with his gun and a stout bludgeon, and found the men standing here and there on the gallery watching an opportunity to shoot Mr. John. Laperti's position on the gallery was fronting the door of the main house, toward which he had his gun pointed ; when Peter saw him, lie was on his knees, t\ e small end of the gun resting on the top rail of the gallery, in read ness to fire. Laperti exclaimed, on seeing Peter, "I must kill him niw, as he has fired two shots at me." Peter objected to this, and propootu to take and tie him. Nobody answered him. At that moment. Smith came up to Laperti and told him to hide himself or he would certainly be killed. Laperti said, " Where can I hide myself?" and Smith said, " Come with me and I will show you a place in the bastion where you can hide yourself," and they went off together in the direction of the bastion at the corner of Urbaine's house. Peter, after a few minutes' stay on the gallery, returned to his house, .as he had previously agreed upon with George Hebram, who was lying sick in bed, and who had entreated him not to leave him alone. At the door of the main house, iiU STATEMENT OF THE MEN. 4^ he met Mr. John coming out, followed by Antoino, who was carrying a lamp. Mr. John said to Peter, "Have you Hoen Laperti?' Peter answered, " No, I have not fleen him ;" and then Mr. John said, " Ilavo you seen Urbaine?" And Peter again answered that ho h-ad not. The minute before this, as he (Peter) was returning from the gallery, he had seen Urbaine standing at the corner of the main house, next to Ur- bainc's own dwelling, in company with Simon, Urbaine said, " I don't know what to do; I have no gun, and do not know where to hide my- self." Simon said, "I have a gun, if he comes I will shoot him, and will be safe." Mr. John, after Peter passed him, said to Antoino, " Mako haste, and come with the lamp," and proceeded with a firm step to Ur- baine'fl house, as Peter, who continued watchinjj: a the door, saw. After he saw them go to Urbaine's house, h(> proceeded toward his own room, and he and Antoine called out, " Fire ! fire !" The report of several phots, probably five, immediately followed, and he heard Antoine exclaiming, " Stop I stop I stop ! He is dead now." Antoino afterward related to Peter, that on reaching Urbaine's house, Mr. John ordered hira to go round by one corner, while he went round by the other, directing Antoine to shoot any of the Canndians he might meet. Mr. John then proceeded in a stooping position, looking very intently before him, when a shot was fired from the corner of the house toward which he was going, which caused his death, the ball having entered at the upper part of the breast-bone, a little below the gullet, and come out a little below the shoulder, having broken the spine in its passage. Peter was also told by one of the Kanakas, that as soon as Mr. John fell, Urbaine sprung forward from the corner of the house within a few paces of the body, and put his foot savagely on his neck, as if to complete the act, should the ball have failed in causing death. The Kanakas immediately asked Urbaine who had killed the mjister. Urbaine replied, " It is none of your business who has killed him I " Peter, who during this time had removed to his house, seeing Heron go out without hif gun, went out round the body, and said, " My friend, we have now done what we long intended to do; let us now carry the body back to the house." Urbaine, Laperti, Bellinger, and other white men who were present replied, " When we kill a dog, we let him lie where we kill him." And Antoine told him they had pre- viously given him the same reply to a similar proposition from hira. Peter then approached the body, and, with one hand under the neck, raised the head and trunk, when a deep expii-ation followed, which was the last sign of animation. He had previously perceived no signs of life, nor did he hear any one say that any appeared after the deceased fell The white men being unwilling to assist him, he carried the body, so HISTORY OP OREGOir. ^flfi with the aid of the Kanakas, into the main houso, where he had it stripped, washed clean, decently dressed, and laid out. In doing so he received no help from any but the Kanakas. The wounds mruie by the balls were very large, botii openings being circular, and severally three inches in diameter. The body bled profusely, there being a deep pool of blood found around it, which was washed away afterward by the Kanakas. Peter never heard that he spoke or moved rafter he fell. There was a perpendicular cut on the forehead, skin-deep, in a li.ie with the nose, whiv^^i Peter thinks was caused by his falling. on the barrel of his rifle, though Urbaine said that he had received it from an Indian with his dog. It was, as Peter supposes, about eleven o'clock, p. m., when he had done washing and laying out the body; the watches had not then been changed, therefore he thinks it could not be midnight. The people continued coming and going during the night, to see the body, and Peter proposed praying over the body, as is customary in Canada ; but they objected, saying they did not wish to pray for him. He did sit up witii the body all night, having soon after gone, firat to Urbaine's and then to Lulaire's house, who each gave him a dram, which lie took, saying, "There is no need of drinking now; they migiit drink their till now." lie soon afterward went to bed. lie inquired of Martiueau, who also lived in the same room, if he had fired at the deceased. He replied, that he had fired twice. He then asked him if it was he that had killed him, and he said, " I do not know if it was me or not." He (Peter) ])ut the same question to several of the other men whom he saw afterward; they all saP. that they had not shot him, and Martineau after t'ard said that he had not directed his gun at him, but had fired in the air. The following morning he asked Antoine Kawanope if he knew who had killed the deceased. He replied, " I know who killed him, but '. am not going to tell you, or any one else. When the governor comes, I will tell hiiu," He asked Antoine why he would not tell ; he said he was afraid it might cause more quarrels, and lead to other nnu'dera. He then advised Antoine not to conceal it from him, as he would tell no one. Antoine then said, he thought it wa? Urbaine who had done the 4eed. Peter observed that Urbaine had no gun. Antoine replied, " I think it was Urbaine, b(>cause as soon as the deceased fell, Urbaine rushed out from his lurking-place at the corner of the house, whore, I was in- formed by the jx'ople, he always kept his gun secreted, with the inten- tion of sl\ooting the deceased." Peter says LajK'rti, Urbaine, and Simon were all co'icealed in the corner whe".Co the shot came, and he thinks it to be one of the three who fired it. Urbaine always denied having committed the murder, and said, *' I am going to the Russian fort for i ^!*^ l"«, STATEMEN.. OF THE MEN. 51 le had it )in<^ 80 he uie by the ally three deep pool rd by the er he fell. a li.ie with barrel of" an Indian ock, p. M., tches had midnight. to see the stomary in ay for him. me, tii-st to m a dram, they might tn, if he hjid ?. He then lo not know > several of at they had not directed e knew who m, bnt ' am lor comes, I ; he said he inrdera. He snld tell no ad done the ! replied, " I baine rushed •e, I was in- th the inten- ?, and Simon id he thinks nied having isian fort for trial, and will be either banished or hung. I will let the thing go to the end, and will then inform iipon the murderers." Simon always said that he was never in the corner from whence the shot was fired, ond knew nothing al)out the matter; but Peter thinks that he must have been there, as he raw him, as before related, at the corner of the main house, when he promised to protect (Jrbaine ; and from the situation of the fort, he must have passed that spot with Ur- baine, as there was no other jiassage from the place where they had been standing. Laperti also said he never fired at all. Wlien Peter, as before related, went upon the gallery after the first firing had ceased, while Mr. John .%nd Antoine had gone into the house, he saw all the men on the gallery, except Pripe, Lulaire, and McPherson, and he asked each of them, respectively, if they were going to shoot tiie master that night, and they all answered (as well as himself), they would do so at the first chance, except Pehou, a Kanaka, who would not consent to the murder. Smith was then without a gun. Before the Ciuistmas preceding, Peter put the question to Smith, how he should like to see him kill Mr. John ? He replied, " I should like it very well ; I would have no objection, because his conduct is so very bad that he can never expect to be protected by the company." Peter Manifree says tiia*. Mr. John .".ppeared to be aw.'ire of tlie plot formed by the men a^unat his life; sis he supposes, through the information of FleurV; his servrmt, who was aware of every thing that passed among them. Mr. .Tohn had often said to the men, " Kill me, If you can. If you kill me, you will not kill a woman — you will kill a man." And he kept Antoine .as a sentinel to watch his room. One evening George Heron proposed taking his life, and said if he could find a man to go with him, be would be the first to shoot him. P' fyr refused lo go, and Heron watched a great part of the nigat in th" passage leading to Mr. John's room, holding his gun pointed toward its door, with the object of shooting Mr. John if he appeared, as ho U8n.ally did at night wlien going to visit the watchmen; but he did not go out that night, or Peter thinks that he would have been shot bv Heron. The followiiiir mornius Peter asked Antoine if he would defend Mr. John were he a. tacked by the people. Antoine said he would not, and would be the first man to seize or shoot him, should any .attempt be made jigain--t his life or liberty. He put the same question to McPherson ; but MjPherson said, "No, do not kill him till the governor comes, by and by, and then we shall have redress." Peter also says that all the unm.arried men w<>re in the habit of secret- ly going out of the fort at night, contrary to order, to visit the Indian camp, and that one evening, ivhcn he wished to go out, he met George 52 HISTORY OF OREGOX. i, :,i, Heron on the gallery, who showed him where a rope was slung to the picket, by which lie might let himself down to the ground outside of the fort, saying, " This is the way I and others get out, and you may do the same without fear of detection."' On the morning after the murder he went into Urbaine's and Lulaire's house and got a dram in each of them, out of two bottles of rum which he saw there. He said, "Now Mr. John is dead, I shall go out of the fort and spend the day with my wife." Urbaine replied, " Xo : no one shall go out of the fort. We keep the keys, and we shall keep the gates shut." Peter was angry at this, and said to Antoine, " When Mr. John was alive, he kept us prisoners, and would not allow us to run after women ; and now that we have killed him, the Canadians wish to keep us as close as he did. I see we must raise the devil again with these Canadians, before we can get our liberty." Peter also says that one principal cause of their dislike to Jolin, and their plots against his life, was the strictness with wliich he prevented their sallying from the fort in quest of women ; that he flogged Mar- tineau for having given his blanket to a woman with whom he main- tained illicit commerce, and he also flogged Lamb and Kakepe for giving away their clothes in the same manner. This. Peter says, exas- perated the men. The day after the murder many of the men went up to Mr. John's room to see the body, and McPhorson remarked to tli 'in, that when the master was living ihey were not in the liabit of coming up there ; but they did so now that he was deaJ. On hearing this, Peter and Urbaine went away and never returned. On their way to their own house, they met Pripe and Bellinger. Urbaine told them what McPhe v^on had said, and in a threatening manner said, " McPherson is getting as proud as the other, and will be telling tales about us. We will not murder him, but we will give him a Bonnd thrashing." And Peter says that he soon after went to Smith and told him to put McPherson on his guard, as the Canadians intended to attack him. Smith asked Peter what he would do, now the master was dead, and Peter said he would obey McPherson's orders. .Smith replied, "That is good, Peter. If we do not do so, we shall lose all our wages." All the Canadians, and, he thinks, Simon, continued drinking the whole of the day following the murder ; the other men of the fort did not drink. He th'nks it was the remains of the liquor they had been drinking the preceding night. Peter also says that, for a month previous to the murder, Urbaine, Laperti, and Simon, were in the habit of getting drunk every night on rum purchased from the In- dians. Peter told them to take care of themselves, because Mr. Jolm STATEMENT OF THE UE^. 53 would be angry if he knew it. Mr. John took no notice of their con- duct, because, as Peter thinks, he knew of the plot against his life, and felt intimidated. He also says that Laperti was excited against Mr, John on account of a suspected intrigue which he carried on with hia Avife. The night following the murder, they all wont to bed quietly. The next day all was also quiet, and all work suspended, except watch- ing the Indians, which they did very closely, as they were afraid they might be induced to attack the fcrt, on learning that the master was no more. They continued watching, turn about. The second day a cof- fin was made, and the corpse removed from the main house to the bath, when McPherson gave the men a dram. The third day the corpse was buried and the men had anotlier dram. He does not know whether the men asked for the dram, or whether McPherson ga\e it of his own accord. The corpse was carried to the grave by Lapt-rti, Pripe, Lu- laire, and some Kanakas, but Urbaine did not touch it ; does not think it was through fear. Peter often heard Laperti say, " I wish the gov- ernor was here, to see what he would do." He also says there was no quarrel in the room 'vhere they were driukiti'i- on the night of the mur- der ; but he thinks there might have been larrel after they left, as Pripe was put in irons after that time. He .u> > says that the Canadi- ans must have fixed on that night to murder hitn, and thit Fleuiy told him so, which accounts ibr his apparent dejection of HiUid, and of his having shed tears in presence of his wife and Antoine, wheu ho said, " I know that I am going to die this night." He also thinks this might have led to the outbreak, but of this he is not sure. It is a mere matter of opinion. jN[r. John was a little in liquor, but knew perfectly \\ II what he was about. He never eaw him so far gone with liquor as .ot to be able to walk actively about, except on one occasion, tiie pre- ceding Cliristmas Eve, when he appeared to walk unsteady, but never- theless could mount the gal'"ry. They only knew he had tasted liquor from the excitement and clianged appearance of his countenance. H« does not know who first sutisested tlie idea of murderincT Mr. John. Oct? O Since the above disclosures were made, a few other facts have come to light, which, however, do not materially aifect tiie character of these atrocities. IMr. John McLaughlin, Jr., was doubtless intemperate, reckless, and tyrainiical, and often unnecessarily cruel in the punish- ments inflicted upon his men ; but he was surrounded by a set of des- peradoes, who, for months before the arrival of the night, during the darkness of which the fatal shot ushered him into the presence of his Judge, had been seeking an opportunity to rob him of life. Some time before this event, he flogged Peter for the crime of stealing fish. Peter was exceedingly angry, and resolved upon the destruction of his master. en at that fort. We can understand the motives of Sir George Simpson and Mr. Doug- las, in allowing those men to escape the penalty of their crime, from the amount of pecuniary interests involved, and the personal jealousy existing against Dr. McLaughlin and his sons, in the company's ser- ■ vice. We know of jealousies existing between Mr. Simpson and Jolni McLaughlin, .Jr., on account of statements made in our presence at the breakfast-table, that were only settled temporarily, while at Vancouver. These statements, and the pliicing of this youni; son of the debitor's at that post, we are satisfied had their influence in acquitting his murder- ers, if they did not in bringing about the murder, which to us ap|H>arH plain in tiie testimony ; and we so expressed our opinion, when the father requested us (while in his ofllce) to examine a copy of those depositions. We have no hesitancy in saying, that we believe it to have been a malicious murder, and should iiave sent the perpetrators to the gallows. Wo have never been able to learn of the trial of any one implicated. ere fire- e inten- arauce. matter, biin, the as again iberated. r rarious s might Irge Simp- Mr. Mc- sclves, in ion of Sir 1 J be pro- • whether, insaotions, e to deter- umstanoes set of men, him, with any's dcal- erers, both Tcctness of iiehtionably it that fort, Mr. Dong- ;rime, from al jealousy ipany's ser- n and Jolin (cnce at the Vancouver. dovUor^s at nis murder- US np{H>:irH n the father lepositions. ave been a lie gallows, iplicated. I CHAPTER YIL Treatment of Indians. — Influence of Hudson's Bay Company. — Rov. Mr. Barnley'a state- ment. — First three years. — After that. — Treatment of Jesuits. — Of Protestants. — Of Indians. — Not a spade to ooraraence their new mode of life. — Mr. Barnley's state- ment. — Disappointed. — Ilia mistake. — Hudson's Bay Company disposed to crush their own missionaries. Rev. Mb. Beaver says of them : " About the middle of the sum- mer of 1836, and sliortly before my arrival at Fort Vancouver, six Indians were wantonly and gratuitously murdered by a party of trappers and sailors, who landed for the purpose from one of the company's vessels, on the coast somewhere between the mouth of the river Columbia and the confines of California. Having on a former occasion read the pavticulare of this horrid massacre, as I received them from an eye-witness, before a meeting of the Aborigines Society, I will not repeat them. To my certain knowledge, the circumstance was brought officially before the authorities of Vanco".vei", by whom no notice was taken of it; and the same party of trappers, with the same leader, one of the most infamous murderers of a murderous fra- ternity, are annually sent to the same vicinity, to perform, if they please, other equally tragic scenes. God alone knows how many red men's lives have been sacrificed by them since the time of which I have been speaking. lie also knows t/utt I speak the conviction of my mind, and may he forgive me if I speak unadvisedly when I state my Jivm belief that THE LIFE OF AX InDIAX WAS NEVER YET, BY A TRAPPER, PUT IN COMPETITION WITIi A BEAVER'S SKIN." One other case we will give to illustrate the conduct and treatment of this ccmpan; toward tiie Indians under their " mild and parernal care" as given, not by a chaplain, or missionary, but by Lieut. Chajv pel, in his " Voya^^e to Hudson's Buy in II. M. S. Jiosamond." Ho relates that on one oocasion, an English boy having been missed from one of tht establishments in Hudson's Bay, the company's servants, in order to recover the absent- youth, made use of the following stratagem : — " Two Esquimaux Indians were seized and confined in separate apart- ments. A musket was discharged in a remote apartment, and the settlers, entering the rooiu in which one of the Esquimaux was con- fined, informed him by signs that his companion had been put to death 66 HISTORY OP OREGON. for decoying away the boy ; and they gave him to understand at the same time tliat he must prepare to undergo the same fate, ULless he would faithfully pledge himself to restore the absentee. The Esqui- maux naturally promised every thing, and, on being set at liberty, inude the best of his way into the woods, and, of course, was never after- ward heard of They kept the other a prisoner for some time. At length he tried to make his escape by boldly seizing the sentinel's fire- lock at night ; but the piece going off accidentally, he was so terrified at the report, that they easily replaced him in confinement ; yet either the loss of liberty, a supposition that his countryman had been murdered, or that he was himself reserved for some cruel death, deprived the poor wretch of reason. As he became exceedingly troublesome, the settlers held a conference as to the most eligible mode of getting rid of him ; and it bei7ig deemed good policy to deter the natives from simi- lar offenses by making an example^ they accordingly shot the poor maniac in cold blood, without having given themselves the trouble to asceitain whether he was really guilty or innocent" (p. 1 56). We have quoted these two examples, from two British subjects, to show the Hudson's Bay Company's manner of treating the Indians, who were under their absolute control from the mouth of the Umpqua River, in the extreme southwestern part of Oregon, to the extreme northern point on the coast of Labrador, including a country larger in extent than the whole United States. This country had for two hundred and thirty years been in posses- sion of these two powerful and equally unprincipled companies, who had kept it, as Mr. Fitzgerald says, " so as to shut up the earth from the knoioledge of man, and man from the knoioledge of Gody But, we are asked, Avhat has this to do with the history of Oregon, and its early settlement ? We answer, it was this influence, and this overgrown combination of iniquity and despotism — this monster mono- poly, which England and America combined had failed to overcome, — that was at last, after a conflict of thirty years, forced to retire from the country, by the measures first inaugurated by Lee, Whitman, and the provisional government of Oregon ; and now thi»! dame monopoly seeks to rob the treasury of our nation, as it has for ages robbed the Indians, and the country of its furs. They may succeed (as they have heretofore, in obtaining an exten- sion of their licensed privileges with the English government), and ob- tain from the American government what they now, by falsehood, fraud, and perjury, claim to be their just rights. If they do, we shall be sat- isfied that we have faithfully and truly stated facts that have come to our knowlcl'ro while moving and living in the midst of their opera- n REV. MR. BARNLET'S STATEMENT. 8T ni at the '-IH tuiless he fl le EsTiui- H •ty, inside 'V ver after- s time. At 9 inel's fire- :fl errified at B either the fl nurdered, fl •rived the fl >some, the M ;etting rid » rom aimi- .'Ig^B ! the poor « trouble to W We have show the who were M jua River, '5 e northern ','- in extent '"' ^ 1 in posses- m anies, who .M mrth from ^K V ifl )f Oregon, ^J ?, and this '9 ster mono- 9 ^'erconie, — ■^^s etire from n itnian, and a monopoly fl robbed the 1 an exten- 1 t), and ob- fl ood, fraud. fl lall be sat- 9 ire come to fl leir opera- IB tions, and that we are not alone in our belief and knowledge of the cents and influences of which Tve write. Before closing this chapter we will quote one other witness (a British subject), the Rev. Mr. Barnley, a missionary at Moose Factory, on the southwestern part of James Bay, to show the full policy of that com- pany toward British missionaries, and also to prove the assertion we make that the Hudson's Bay Company, as such, is, in a measure, guilty of and responsible for ihe Whitman and Frazer River massacres, and for the Indian wars and the murder of American citizens contiguous to their territory. The missionary above referred to says : " My residence in the Hud- eon's Bay territory commenced in June, 1840, and continued, with the interruption of about eight months, until September, 1847." The Whitman massacre was in November, 1847. Mr. Barnley continues: " My letter of introduction, signed by the governor of the territory, and addressed ' To the Gentlemen in charge of the Honorable Hudson's Bay Company's Districts and Posts in North America,' in one of its paragraphs ran thus: 'The governor and committee feel the most lively interest in the success of Mr. Barnley's mission, and T have to request you will show to that gentleman every personal kindjoss and attention i» your power, and facilitate by every means the promotion of the very important and interesting service on which he is about to enter ; ' and, consequently, whatsoever else I might have to endure, I had no reason to anticipate any thing but cordial co-operation from the officers of the company. "i^r the first three years T had no cause of complaint. The interpre- tation was, in many cases, necessarily inefficient, and would have been sometimes a total failure, but for the kindness of the wives of the gen- tlemen ill charge, who officiated for me ; but I had the best interpre- ters the v.M'ious posts atlbrded, the supply of rum to Indians was restricted, and the company, I believe, fulfilled both the spirit and the letter of tlioir agreement with us, as far as that fulfillment was then required of tliem, and their circumstances allowed. " In giving, however, tliis favorable testimony, so far as the first three years are concerned, I mus*^ say, that in my opinion we should have been informed, before commencing our labors, that the interpreters at some of the posts would be found so inefficient as to leave us depend- ent on the kindness of private individuals, and reduce us to the very unpleasant necessity of taking mothers from their family duties, tJiat they might become the only available medium for the communication of Divine truth. " But after the period to which I have referred, a very perceptible !' i i 08 HI3T0RY OP OREGON. change, *. e., in 1 845, took place. [The company liad decided to introduce the Roman Jesuits to aid tiiem in expelling all Protestant missionaries and civilization from the Indian tribes.] There was no longer that hearty- concurrence with my views, and co-operation, which had at first appeared BO generally. The effect was as if the gentleman iu charge of the southern department had discovered that he was expected to afford rather an external and professed assistance than a real and cordial one ; and, under his influence, others, both of the gentlemen and servants, became cool and reluctant in those services of which I stood in need, until at length the letter as well as the spirit of the company's engage- ment with me failed." The reader will remember that while Mr. Barn- ley was receiving this treatment at the Hudson's Bay Company's establishment at Moose Factory, James Douglas and his associates were combining and training the Indians in Oregon for the purpose of re- lieving, or, to use the language of the Jesuit De Smot, " to rescue Ore- gon from Protestant and American influence." Mr. Barnley continues : " I was prohibited from entertaining to tea two persons, members of my congregation, who were about to sail for Eng- land, because I happened to occupy apartments in the officer's residence, and was told that it could not be made a rendezvous for the company's servants and their families." P. J, De Smet, S. J., on the 113th page of his book, says: ^''27ie Canadian-French and half-breeds who inhabit the Indian territory treat all the priests who vittit them with great kindness and respect.''^ On page 313, he says of the Hudson's Bay Company, just about this time : "In what manner can we testify our gratitude in regard to the two benefactors [Douglas and Ogden] who so generously charged themselves with the care of transporting and delivering to us our cases, without consenting to accept the slightest recompense ? * * How noble the sentiments which prompted them gratuitously to bur- den themselves and their boats with the charitable gifts destined by the faithful to the destitute missionaries of the Indians 1" These last quota- tions are from letters of Jesuit missionaries, who were brought to tho Indian country by this same Hudson's Bay Company, and furnished transportation and every possible facility to carry on their missions among the Indians all over the American Indian country. These missionaries have made no attempt to improve the condition of the Indians, but have impressed upon their ignorant minds a rever- ence for themselves and their superstitions. See Bishop Blanchet's reply to Cay use Indians, November 4, 1847, page 44 of Brouillet's '•Protestantism in Oregon;" also pages 34-5, Executive Doc. No. 38, J. Ross Browne, as given below : — " The bishop replied that it was the pope who had sent him ; that he OPPOSITION TO CIVILIZATION. 69 introduce saionaries lat hearty appeared ye of the to afford >rdial one ; servants, d in need, 's engage- Mr, Barn- ompany's ciates were pose of re- rescue Ore- to tea two 111 for Eng- 8 residence, company's 3th page of inhabit the at kindness Y Company, gratitude in generously leering to us nse ? * * usly to bur- tined by tlie B last quota- light to the d furnished eir missions le condition nds a rever- 1 Blanciiet's Brouillet's 3oc. No. 38, im ; that he 1 had not sent him to take their land, but only for the purpose of saving their souls ; that, however, having to live, and possessing no wealth, he had asked of them a piece of land that he could cultivate for his support ; that in his country it was the faithful who maintained the priests, but that here he did not ask so much, but only apiece of land, and that the priests themselves would do the rest. He told them that he would not make presents to Indians, that he would give them nothing for the land he asked ; that, in case they worked for him, he would pay them for their work, and no more; that he would assist them neither in plowing their lands nor in building houses, nor would he feed or clothe their children," etc. At Moose Factory, Mr. Barnley says: "A plan which I had devised for educating and training to some acquaintance with agriculture native children was disallowed, but permission was given me by tiie governor in council to collect seven or eight boys from various part^ of the sur- rounding country, to be clothed, and at the company's expense. A proposal made for forming a small Indian village near Moose Factory was not acceded to ; and, instead, permission only given to attempt the location of one or two old men who were no lonser fit for enccatjinfr in the chase, it being very carefully and distinctly stated by Sir George Simpson that the company would not give them even a spade toward commencing their new mode of life. When at length a young man was found likely to prove serviceable as an interpreter, every impediment waa interposed to prevent his engaging in my service, altliough a dis- tinct understanding existed that neither for food nor wages would he be chargeable to the company. And the pledge that I should be at liberty to train up several boys for future usefulness, though not withdrawn, was treated as if it had never existed at all; efforts being made to produce the impression on the mind of my general superin- tendent that I was, most unwarrantably, expecting the company to depart from their original compact, Avhen I attempted to add but two of the stipulated number to my household. * * ♦ « # "At Moose Factory, where the resources were most ample, and M'here was the seat of authority in the southern department of Rupert's Land, the hostility of the company (and not merely their inability to aid me, whether with convenience or inconvenience to themselves) was most manifest. "The Indians M-ere compelled, in opposition to their convictions and desires, to labor on the Lord's day. They were not permitted to pur- chase the food required on the Sabbath, that they might rest on that day while voyaging, although there was no necessity for their proceed- ing, and their wages would have remained the same. ♦ ♦ * «0 HISTORY OF OREGON. S, .11 I, " At length, disappointed, persecuted, myself and wife broken in spirit, and almost ruined in constitution by months of anxiety and Buffering, a return to England became the only means of escaping a premature grave ; and we are happy in fleeing from the iron hand of oppression, and bidding farewell to that which had proved to us a land of darkness and of sorrow. *' From the above statements you will pctcoive that if true in some cases, it is not in all, that the company have furnished the ' means of conveyance from place to place.' They have not done so, at all events, in the particular case mentioned, nor would they let me have the canoe, lying idle as it was, when they knew that I was prepared to meet * the expense.' "And equally far from the truth is it, that the missionaries have been ' boarded, lodged, provided with interpreters and servants free of charge.^ " • In this last statement, Mr. Barnley is mistaken, for, to our certain knowledge, and according to the voluntary statement of the Iloman Jesuits, Revs. Bishop Blanchet, Demer, P. J. De Smet, Brouillet, and many other Jesuit missionaries, they received from tlie Hudson's Bay Company board and lodging, and were provided with interpreters, catechist, transportation, and even houses and church buildings. The only mistake of Mr. Barnley was, that he was either an Epis- copal or Wcsleyan missionary or chaplain, like Mr. Beaver, at Fort Vancouver, and he, like Mr. Beaver, was a little too conscientious as to his duties, and efforts to benefit the Indians, to suit the policy of that company. The Roman Jesuitical religion was better adapted to their ideas of Indian traffic and morals ; hence, the honorable com- pany chose to get rid of all others, as they had done with all opposing fur traders. What was a civilized Indian worth to that company ? Not half as much as a common otter or beaver skin. As to the soul of an Indian, he certainly could have no more than the gentlemen who managed the affairs of the honorable company. 1 J ^.. CHAPTER VIIL Petition of Red Rivor settlors.— Tlieir requests, from 1 to 14. — Names. — Governor Cliriatie'a reply. — Company's reply. — Extract from minutes. — Resolutions, from 1 to 9. — Enforcing rules. — Land deed. — Its condition. — Remarks. Before closing this subject we must explain our allusion to the Red River settlement, and in so doing illustrate and prove beyond a doubt the settled and determined policy of that organization to crush out their own, as well as American settlements, — a most unnatural, though true position of that company. It will be seen, by the date of the document quoted below, that, four years previous, tliat company, in order to deceive the English government and people in relation to tho settlement on the Columbia River, and also to diminish the number of this Red River colony, had, by direction of Sir George Simpson, sent a part of it to the Columbia department. The remaining settlers of Rupert's Land (the Selkirk settlement) began to assert their right to cultivate the soil (as per Selkirk grant), us also the right to trade witlx the natives, and to participate in the profits of the wild animals in the country. The document they prepared is a curious, as well as im- portant one, and too interesting to be omitted. It reads as follows : — " Red River Settlement, ) August 29, 1845. j "Sir, — Having at this moment a very strong belief that we, as natives of this country, and as lialf-breeds, have the right to hunt furs in the Hudson Bay Company's territories whenever we think proper, and again sell those furs to the highest bidder, likewise having a doubt that natives of this country can be prevented from trading and traffick- ing with one another, we would wish to have your opinion on the subject, lest we should commit ourselves by doing any thing in op- position either to the laws of England or the honorable company's privileges, and therefore lay before you, as governor of Red River settlement, a few queries, which we beg you will answer in course. " Query 1. Has a halt-breed, a settler, the right to hunt furs in this country ? "2. Has a native of this country, not an Indian, a right to hunt furs? "3. If a half-breed has the right to hunt furs, can he hire other half- breeds for the purpose of hunting furs? m 6S HISTORY OF OREOOJI. "4. Can a half-breed sell his furs to any person he pleases? " 5. Is a half-breed obliged to sell his furs to the Hudson's Bay Com- pany at whatever price the company may think proper to give him? " 0. Can a half-breed receive any furs, as a present, from an Indian, a rt'lative of his ? " 7. Can a half-breed hire any of his Indian relatives to hunt furs for him? "8, Can a half-breed trade furs from another half-breed, in or out of the settlement ? " 9. Can a half-breed trade furs from an Indian, in or out of the set- tlement ? " 10. With regard to trading or hunting furs, have the half-breeds, or natives of European origin, any rights or privileges over Europeans? "11. A settler, having purchased lands from Lord Selkirk, or even from the Hudson's Bay Company, M'ithout anj' conditions attached to them, or without having signed any bond, deed, or instrument what- ever, whereby he might have willed away his right to trade furs, can he be prevented from trading furs in the settlement with settlers, or even out of the settlement? " 12. Are the limits of the settlement defined by the municipal law, Selkirk grant, or Indian sale ? "13. If a person can not trade furs, either in or out of the settle- ment, can he purchase tLi^m for his own and family use, and in what quantity? "14. Having never seen any official statements, nor known, but by report, that the Hudson's Bay Company has peculiar privileges over British suhjects, natives, and half-breeds, resident in the settlement, we would wish to know what those privileges are, and the penalties attach- ed to the infringement of tlie same. " We remain your humble servants, ' " James Sixclaxk, Baptist La lloyuE, TnoM/LS L'.m?aN, John Djcase, Bat. WiLKiE, John Vintknt, William Bird, Peter Gariocu, IIenkv Cook, John Spence, "Alexandbe Christie, Esq., " Governor of Red River Settlement." Alexis Gaulat, Lens Letende De Batochk, William McMillan, Antoine Morran, John Anderson, Thomas McDermot, Adall Trottier, Charles Hole, Joseph Monkmak, Baptist Fakman. RESOLUTIONS OF THE CC'tPANT. 63 Governor Christie's reply to these inqtiirica was so mild and concilia- tory that it will not add materially to our knowledge of the company to give it. But the eight rules adopted Vjy the company in council let us into the secret soul of the monstroHit;/, and are hero given, that Americans may be informed as to its secret workings, and also to show what little re- gard an Englishman has for any but an aristocratic or moneyed concern, ^^ Extracts from minutes of a meelinff of the Governor and Cm'ed cX them flew to arms in 1847, and fought back the savage hordes that this same Hudson's Bay Company had trained, under the teaching of their half-breeds and Jesuit priests, to sweep them from the land. Is thiwso ? Let us see what they did just across the Rocky Mountains with tiieir own children, as stated by their own witnesses and countrymen. Sir Edward Fitzgerald says of them, on page 213 : — "But the company do not :^puur to have trusted to paper deeds to enforce their authoriry. " Tiiey were not even content with inflicting tines under the form of a hostile tariff ; but, at* the half-breed.s say, some ! Here are enumerated a long list of political duties pertaining to the citizen. T);e deed in i*^s third condition says: " And also that he [the said re- ceiver o*"the deed], his executors, administrators, and assigns, shall not uor will, without the license or consent of the said governor and com- pany for that purpose first obtained, carry on or establisii, in any part of North Ann'rica, anj' trade or trafiic in, or relating to, any kind of skins, furs, peltry, or dressed leather, nor in any manner, directly ov in- directly, aid or abet any person or persons in carrying on such trade or traffic." * * * Here follows a long lingo, forbidding the settler to buy, make, or sell liquors in any shape on his lands, and requiring him, under [)ain of fbrfeiLur. i)f his title, to prevent others /rum. doiny so, and binding the settler, under all the supposed and unsup])o.sed condi- tions of obligation, not to supply or allow to be supi)lied any articles of trade to any unauthorized (by the company) person supposed to violate their trade, including companies '' coi-porate or incorporate, prince, power, potentate, or state whatsoever, Avho shall infringe or violate, or who shall set about to infringe or violate the exclusive rights, powers, privileges and immunities of commerce, trade, ortrafiic, or all or any other of tite exclusive rights, powers, privileges, and im- 66 HISTORY OF OREGON. I. i munities of, or belonging, or in any wise appertaining to, or held, used, or enjoyed by Abe said governor and company, and their successors, under their charter or charters, without the license or consent of the said governor and company and their successors, for the time being, first had and obtained. "And, lastly," — here follows a particular Etatement asserting that for the violation of any one of the thousand rind one conditions of that deed, the settler forfeits to the company his right to the land, which reverts back to tlie company. Our country delights to honor the sailor and soldier who performs a good, great, or noble act to save its territory from becoming the abode of despotism, or its honor from the taunt of surrounding nations. In what light shall we regard the early Amei'ican missionaries and pioneers of Oregon ? It is true they heard the call of the oppressed savage for Christian light and civilization. They came in good faith, and labored faithfully, tliough, perhaps, mistaking many of the strict duties of tlie Christian missionary ; and some, being led astray by the wiles and. cunning of an unscrupulous fur monopoly, failed to benefit the Indians to the extent anticipated ; yet they formed tlie nucleus aroimd whicli the American pioneer with hia family gathered, and from which he drew his encour- agement and protection ; and a part of these missionaries were the leaders ard sustainers of those influences which ultimately secured this country to freedom and the great Republic. The extracts from the deed above quoted show what Oregon would have been, had the early American missionaries uiiled to answer the call of the Indians, or iiad been driven from the country; or even had not Whitman and his associates separated, the one to go to Washington to ask for delay in tlie settlement of the boundary question, the others to the Wallamet Valley to aid and urge on the organization of the provisional government. ^iu icld, used, juccessors, (eiit of the me being, rtlng that ons of that and, which performs a the abode aliens. In nd pioneers or Christian I faithfully, le Christian unniiig of an o the extent le American V his oncour- •ies were the secured this •regon would iswor the call even had not Washington n, the others zution of the ■m m CHAPTER IX. Puget Sound Agricultural Company. — Its original stock. — A correspondence. — No law to punish fraud. — A supposed trial of the case. — Article four of the treaty. — The witnesses. — Wlio is to receive the Puget Sound mouey. — Dr. Tolmie, agent of the company. — The country hunted up. — Difficult to trace a fictitious object. — State- ment of their claim. — Result of tlie investigation. The Puget Sound Agricultural Company, noAV claiming of our gov- ernment the sum of $1,168,000, was first talked of and brought into existence at Vancouver in the winter of 1837, in consequence of, and in opposition to, the Wallamet Cattle Company, which was got up and euccessfully carried through by tlie influence and perseverance of Rev. Jason Lee, superintendent of the Methodist Mission. This Nasqnalla and Pnget Sound Company was an opposing influence to Mr. Lee and his mission settlement, and was also to form the nucleus for two other British settlements in Oregon, to be under the exclusive control of the Hudson's Bay Company. The original stock of the company was nominally £200,000. The paid-up capital upon this amount was supposed to be ten per cent., which would give £20,000, or $90,800, at $4.84 per pound. From the most reliable information we can get, this amount was taken from a sinking fund, or a fund set apart for the purpose of opposing any op- position in the fur trade. About the time this Puget Sound Company came into existence, the American fur companies had been driven from the country, and the fund was considered as idle or useless stock ; aiid as the question of settlement of the country would in all probability soon come up, Rev. Mr. Lee having taken the first stop to the inde- pendence of his missionary settlement in the Wallamet, this Puget Sound Company was' gotten up to control the agricultural and cattle or stock interests of the country. It was in existence in name some tvvo years before its definite arrangements were tixed by the Hudson's Ray Company, through the agency of Dr. W. F. Tolmie, Avho went to to London for that })urpose, and by whom they were concluded, " with the consent of the Hudson's Bay Company, who stipulated that an ofliccr connected with the fur-trade branch of the Hudson's Bay Company should have sujireme direction of the affiiirs of the Puget Sound Company in this country. It was also stipulated that the 68 HISTORY OF OREGON. Puget Sound Coiipany should be under bonds not to permit any of its employes to be in any way concerned in the fur trade, in opposition to the Hudson's Bay Company." It is easy to be seen by the above-stated condition, that the Hud- son's Bay Company were not willing to allow the least interference with their fur trade by any one over whom they had any control or influence; that their design and object was to control the tmile of the whole country, and that they had no intention in av.y v ay to en- courage any American settlein^int in it, as shown by the arrangements made as early as 1837. There had been a correspondence with the managing directors of the company in London previous to Dr. Tolmie's visit. The directors had discouraged the proposed enlargement of their business, but it seems from the statement of Dr. Tolmie, and the arrangements he made, that they acceded to his plans, and constituted him their special agent. There was at the time a question as to a separate charti-r for that branch of their business. It was finally conceded that a separate charter would enable this agricultural and cattle company to become independent of the fur branch, and thus be the means of establishing an opposition by the use of the funds appropriated to prevent any thing of this kind, and decided that as tlie company had stipulated that they were to have the ^'■supreme dlreetini of the Paget Sound Agricultur- al Company," no charter Vi'as necessary, and hence any arrangements to that efiect were withdrawn. It was from a knowledge oi the fact that that company 'jad not even the Parliamentary acknowledgment of its separate existence from the Hudson's Bay Company, that all their land claims were at once taken ; and upon that ground they have not dared to prosecute their claims, only under the wording of tlie treaty with the United States, which is t!ie only shadow of a legal existence they have, and which, tliere is no question, would have been stricken from the treaty, except through the fur influence of the com- pany to increase the plausibility of their claims against our govern- ment. If there was any law to punish a fraud attempted to be committed by a foreign comj)any upon a friendly nation, this would be a plain case; as the Hudson's Bay Company, they claim $3,822,0:}6.37; as the Puget Sound Company, *1, 168,000, Th. original stock of the Hud- son's Bay Company was £10,500, or $50,t'20. In 1090 the dividends upon tliis capital invested were so enormous that the company voted to treble their stock, which was declared to be i;;n,500, or $152,460. In 1720 the Ciipital was again declared trebled, and to be £94,.500, or $457,380, while the only amount paid was £10,500, or $50,820. It was THE COMPANY NO BENEFIT TO A COUNTRY. 69 // tiny of opposition ; the Ilud- terference control or e trnile of V ay to en- angemeuts tors of the directors ess, but it cments he heir special charter for t a separate r to become establishing it any thing .'d that they Agricultur- rrangeraenls of the fact owledgraent ny, that all id they have rding of the V of a legal Id have been of the com- our govern- e committed i be a plain 30.37; as the of the llnd- he dividends mpany voted or $152,460. 3 £94,500, or ,820. It was then proposed to add three times as much to its capital stock by sub- scription ; each subscriber paying £100 was to receive £300 of stock, so that the nominal stock should amount to £378,000, or $1,820,520— the real additional sum subscribed being £94,500, and the amount of real stock added or paid but £3,150. In 1821, the Hudson's Bay Company and Northwest Company, of Montreal, were united. The Hudson's Bay Company called £100 on each share of its stock, thus raising it nominally to £200,000, or $958,000. The North- west Company called theirs the same. The two companies com- bined held a nominal joint stock of £400,000, or $1,916,000, while we have reason to suppose that the original stcik of the two com- panies, admitting that the Northwest French Company had an equal amount of original capital invested, would give £3';' ,300, or $135,134, as the capital upon which they have drawn from our country never less than ten per cent, per annum, even when counted at £400,000, or $1,916,000; and what, we would ask, has America received in return for this enormous drain of her wealth and substance ? Have the Indians in any part of the vast country occupied by that company been civilized or bettered in their condition? Have the settlements under their fostering care been successful and prosperous ? Have they done any thing to improve any portion of the country they have occupied, any further than such improvements were necessary to increase the profita of their fur trade? To every one of these questions we say, emphatically, No, not in a single instance. On the contrary, they have used their privileges solely to draw all the wealth they could from the country, and leave as little as was possible in return. Tlie British author, from whose book we have drawn our figures of that company's stock, says of tliem : " To say, then, that the trade of this country (England) has been fostered and extended by the mon- opoly enjoyed by the company, is exactly contrary to the truth." We come now to learn all we can of a something that has assumed the name of Puget Sound Agricultural Company, and under that name, through the paternal influence of a bastard corporation, presumes to ask an immense sum of the American government, whose country they have used all their power and influence to si?cure to themselves, by act- ing falsely to their own. We do not claim to be learned in the law of nations, therefore we can only express such an opinion in this case as we would were the case argued before a learned court and we one of the jurors, m ro our government and demand five millions of gold for facilitating: m- settlement of a country they had not the courage or gnorant of the ]ii'fuiiar arrangements of so mon- - will appear strange — thax they should have an exolu- it' in a country, and ha-v^^e not the courage or power iicnt, especially when surh settlement interferes • as American territorv- was concerned, tliey were . e a joint occupancy m trade. The sovereignty or not settled; hence, any open effort against any settler SIS .. trespass againsr the riG;hts of such settler. c L'lr chartereil privileges in British territorj-, idiefK- circumstances, afforded them a vast Held in aind anange schemes calculated to perpetuate their . uidiience am it. The natives of the country were their .1 and insrpmmeuts, ready to execute their will upon all The Protes jmt missionaries bronijlit an influence and a •mSA Itsixadc only punnin right or s*»ii fron ThiC coantry. which • owri ]>■ trailinLi , < opponents. power that at once overtTcned their licensed privileges in trade, because with the ])rivilcge of tra it^ they iiad agreed, in accepting their original charter, to civilize and C iristianize the natives of the country. Tiiis part of their compact th • individual members of the company were I'ulfiUing by each taking a native woman, and rearing as many half- civilized subjects as was convenient. This had the effect to destroy their courage in any investigation of their conduct. As to their power, as we have intimated above, it was derived from the capacity, jour,age, prejudices, and ignoraui-e of the Indians, which the American missionary, if let alone, would soon overcome by his more liberal dealings with them, and his constant effort to improve their condition, which, just in proportion as the Indians learned the value of their own productions and labor, would diiniiiish the profits in the fur trade. This increase of civilization and settlement, says chief-trader Ander- Bon, " i»ad been foreseen on the part of the company, and to t co-taia '!:!f IRRESPONSIBILITY OF THE COMPANY. «» extent provitiocl for. The cession of Oregon, under the treaty of 1840, and (he consequent negotiations for tlie transfer to the American gov- ernment of all our rights and possessions in their territory, retarded all further proceedings." In this statement of Mr, Anderson, and the statement of Mr. Roberts, an old clerk of tlie company, and from our own observations, this " foreseeing " on the part of the company was an arrangonuMit with the Indians, and such as had been half civilized by tlie various indi- vidual efforts of the members and servants of the company, to so arrange matters that an exterminating war against the missionary set- tlements in the country should commence before the Mexican difficulty •with the United States was settled. This view of the question is sustained by the reply of Sir James Douglas to Mr. Ogden, by Mr. Ogdeu's course and treatment of the Indians on his way up the Columbia River, his letters to Revs. E. Walker and Spalding, his special instructioiis to the Indians, and payment of presents in war materials for their captives, and the course pursued by Sir James Douglas in refusing supplies to the provisional troops and settlers, and the enormous supplies of ammunition furnished to the priests for the Indians during the war of 1847-8. We are decidedly of tlie same opinion respecting that compniiy as their own British writer, v ho, in conclusion, after giving us a iiistory of 281 pages, detailing cue unbroken course of oppression and cruelty to all under thei: iron despotism, says: — "The question at issue is a seriou-s one, — whether a valuable territory shall be given up to an irresponsible corporation, to be colonized or not, as it may suit their convenience; or whetiicr <^hat colonization shall be conducted in accordance with any principles w^hich are recognized as sound and right ? " We can easily see the connection in the principle of riglit in jjaying any portion of either of the monstrous claims of that company, which never has been responsible to any civilized national uiitliority. "The foregoing exposure of the character and conduct of the com- pany has been provoked. When doubts were expressed wlicther the company were qualified for fulfilling the tasks assigned to them by the Colonial Minister, and when they appealed to their character and his- tory, it became right that their history shoukl be examined, and their character exposed. "The investigation thus provoked has resulted in tlio discovery that their (intJioriti/ isjicfifious, atid tin ir cl*»*, tb«t cJw^ French Northwest Company brought into tlic concern Ml equad aMKXMit of capital wrtli tliat of the Hiadson's Jiay Conipany. TWb wmM give the present Hudson's Bay Company a real capital of £27,8«#- a nomia*! capital of £400,000. By reff-renee to tbe memorial of the comf ly, we find they claim, on the 8th of April, l«j7, of our ii I'M V ji| M i' f 'i 89 ■ HISTORY OF OREGON, Vancouver is raore or less valuable, according to its locality ; thus, I consider tlie land on the lower plain, having frontage on the river for a distance of five miles, or 3,200 acres, as worth $100 per acre ($320,000). Below that, again, to the Cathlapootl, a distance of probably teti miles, witli Jcpth of two miles, or 1 2,800 acres, is worth $25 an acre ($320,000). Going above the fort plain, and so on to the commencement of the claim, two miles above the saw-mill on the Columbia River, say a dis- tance of six or seven miles and back three miles, or about 13,500 acres, should be worth from $10 to $15 per acre" ($135,000, at $10, his lowest estimate). "The remainder of the claim is worth from $1.50 to $3 per acre." It being 128,580 acres, at $1.50 per acre, $192,580. This would make for the Vancouver property, as claimed, and several witnesses have sworn the value to amount, as per summary of a cTiief factor's testimony — For the fort, buildings, farm and mill improvements $500,000 " 1.920 acres of land about the fort, at .$250 per acre 400,000 " 3,200 " below the fort, at $100 " " .^20.000 " 12,800 " on lower plain, at $25 " " 320,000 " 13,500 " above the*!aw-mill, at $10 " " 820,000 "128,580 " balance Maim, at $1.50 " " 192,580 This gives us the sum of $1,947,580 in gold coin, as the value of the pos- sessory rights of the honorable the Hudson's Bay Company to Fort Vancouver and its immediate surroundings. This chief factor's oath and estimate of the property is sustained by the estimates and oaths of three other chief factors, amounting to about the same sum. This one, after answering in writing, as appears in his cross-examination, twenty sworn questions affinning to the facts and truth of his knowledge of the claims and business of the company, etc., is cros.s-questioned (Interrogatory 477), by the counsel for the United States, as follows ; " Can you not answer the last interrogatory more definitely?" The 476th interrogatory was: "Have you not as much knowledge of what the company claimed in this direction as any other?" The answer to the 477th interrogatory is: "Referring to my answer to the last interrogatory, it will be at once seen that / have 910 personal knoicledge as to what land the company actually claimed on that line or any other, as regards the land in the neighbor hood of Fort Vancouver. This answer embraces even the present time." There are several American witnesses introduced to prove this mon- •• Btrous claim, and to show the reasonableness and justness of their demand. I will give a specimen of an answer given by one of them. After estimating the amount of land in a similar manner to the witness above referred to, calculating the land in foui divisions, at $50, $10, and ■^J lON'ORANCB OF THE COMPANY'S WITNESSES. n $1,25 per aero, and 161,000 acres amounting to $789,025, uilhout any estimate upon the buildings or improvt'inonts, tlie following question w.as put to him : " Have you any knowledge of the market value of land iu tlie vicinity of Vancouver, at any time since 1800?" Ans. — "I only heard of one sale, wliich was near the military re- serve; I think this was of 100 acres, and I understand brought $100 an acre. I heard of this within the last (liw months, but nothing was said, that I icniember, about the time when the sale was made." From the intelligence and official position of this American witness, we are forced to the conclusion that the enriching etlects of old Hud- son's Bay rum must have made him feel botli wealthy and peculiarly liberal in estimating the possessory rights of his Hudson's Bay Com- pany friends. There is one noticeable fact in relation to quite a number of the wit- nesses called, and that have testified in behalf of the company's claim. It is their ignorance — we may add, total ignorance — of the general busi- ness, profits, and policy of the company. Tiiis remark will apply to every Avitness whose deposition has been taken, including their book- keepers and clerks in London, and their chief factors in Oregon. Dr. McLaughlin seems to have been the only man upon this coast that knew, or that could give an intelligent account of its policy or its pro- ceedings. The whole Hudson's Bay Company concern appears like a great bar- rel, bale, or box of goods, put up in London, and marked for a certain district, servants and clerks sent along with the bales, and bo.xcs, and barrels of rum, to gather up all the furs and valuable skins they can find all over the vast country they occupy, then bale up these furs and skins and send them to Loudon, wiiere another set of clerks sell them and distribute the profits on the sale of the furs. As to the value of the soil, timber, minerals, or any improvements they have ever seen or made in the country, they are as ignorant as the savages of the country they have been trading with. 2Vils h/norance is real or unllful. The oaths of the two witnesses to Avhich I have re- ferred show tliis fact beyond a doubt, they having been the longest in the service, and attained a high position, and should know the most of its business and policy. There is one other American witness that has given his testimony in the case of Puget Sound Agricultural Company y. United States. He came to this country in 185.3. In cross-interrogatory 55, he is asked : " In your opinion, did not the agents of this company afford great protection to the first settlers of this section of country by the exercise of their influence over the different Indian tribes ?" 'if ' ? 1 -V--^ 1 ■ \^ \ 'i' :ji \'l ! 1, 1 )■; 8S HISTORY OF ORKGON. Ans. — "In my opinion, the officers of the company, being educated ffentleineii, iiave always exerted whatever influence they might iiave had with tiie Indians to protect the whites of all nations in the early Bettlemont of the Country." Tliis opinion is expressed by a gentleman having no knowledge of the policy and proceedings of the company in relation to all American settlers previous to his arrival in the country. He concludes that because he, in his official transactions, having no occasion to ask or receive the com])any's protection, was treated kindly, all others must have been, as the company's officers were, in his opinion, " educated gentlemen." In answer to this last official American gentleman and his officious opinion, as expressed on oath in this case, I will quote a statement, under oath, of one of our old bed-rock settlers, who came on to the west side of the Rocky Mountains in 1829, twenty-four years previous to the last witness, who pretends to know so much, I/it. 7. — " What influence did the Hudson's Bay Company exercise over the Indians in the section where you operated, with reference to the American trappers and traders ? ^ State such facts as occur to you in this connection." A71S. — " The Hudson's Bay Company exercised a great influence over the western Indians ; that is, the Cayuses, Nez Percos, Flatheads, and Spokans, and others through these ; they had no influence over the Indians east of the Rocky Mountains at all, and away south they could do almost any thing with the Indians. I know of one party tliat was robbed by order of one of the Hudson's Bay Company men, the commander of Fort Wallawalla (Wallula) ; the party was robbed, and the fur brought back to the fort and sold. I was not Avith the party ; that was my understanding about the matter; and that was what the Indians said, and what the whites sf^id that were robbed." (A fact known to the writer.) Int. 13. — "Was it not generally understood among the American trapi)ers that the Hudson's Bay Company got a very large quantity of Jedediah Smith's furs, for which he and they failed to account to the company to which they belonged ?" (Objected to, because it is leading, immaterial, and hearsay.) Ans. — " It used to be said so among the trappers in the mountains," (and admitted by the company, as no correct account was ever rendered.) Int. 14. — " If you remember, state the quantity which was thus reported." (Objected to as before.) Ans, — " It was always reported as about forty packs." 1 PREPARATION OF THE COMPANY FOR DAMAGES. 89 Int. 15. — "Give an estimate of tiic value of forty packs of beaver at that time." Ans, — " Forty packs of beaver at that time, in the mountains, was worth about $20,000. I do not know wliat they would be worth at Vancouver." Int. 16. — "State -whether the diopute about this matter was the cause of the dissolution of the firm of Smith, Jackson & Sublet, to which you refer in your cross-examination." (Objected to as above.) Ans. — " I do not know ; that was the report among niounlain men." With these specimens of testimony on both sides, I will venture a general statement drawn from the whole facts developed. About the time, or perhaps one year before, the notice that the joint occupancy of the country west of the Rocky Mountains was given by the American government to that of the British, the Hudson's Bay Company, as such, had made extensive preparations and arrangements to hold the country west of the Rocky Mountains. This arrangement embraced a full and complete organization of the Indi;in tribes under the various traders and factors at the various forts in the country. The probability of a Mtxican war with the United States, and such influences as could be brought to bear npon commissioners, or the treaty-making power of the American government, would enable them to secure this object. In this they failed. The Mexican war was sue- •» cessfuUy and honorably closed. The Hudson's Bay Company's claims are respected, or at le.ast mentioned as in existence, in the treaty of 1846, that the 49th parallel should be the boundary of the two national dominions. On the strength of their supposed possessory right, thoy remain quietly in their old forts and French pig-pens, take a full inventory of their old Indian salmon-houses, and watch the progress of American improvement upon this coast, till 1863, when the American people are in the midst of a death struggle for its civil existence. They then for the third time "water" this monstrosity under the name of "'The In- ternational Financial Society, limited,' are ]>repared to receive subscrip- tions for the issue at par of capital stock in the Hudson's Bay Com- pany, incorporated by royal charter, 1G70," fixing the nominal stock of the Hudson's Bay Company at £2,000,000 ; and taking from this amount £1,930,000, they offer it for sale under this new title in shares of £20 each, claiming as belonging to them [i. e., the Hudson's Bay Company] 1,400,000 square miles, or upv.-ard of 896,000,000 acres of land, and, after paying all expenses, an income of £81,000 in ten years, up to the nist of May — over four per cent, on the £2,000,000." This vast humbug is held up for the English public to invest in, — a coloniza- If 1 '■ f ! 1 111 i 1 iiiJiJ i i i! . i' I ! ) 't ■i I ' ! U?^l ■ H - IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-S) I % J>" 1.0 I.I lA^IZB 12.5 Ui Uii 12.2 u lift ^ |i£ 12.0 u — «" Photographic Sciences Corporation I JA L25 iU 111.6 33 WIST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716)872-4503 Q.\ Bl h I 90 HISTORY OF OREGON. tion 8cb ?me to enrich the favored shareholders of that old English aristocratic humbug chartered by Charles II. in 1670. In the whole history of that company there has never been any investigation of its internal policy so thorough as in the present pro- cecdings. In fact, this is tho first time they have ventured to allow a legal investigation into their system of trade and their rights of prop- erty. They have grown to such enormous proportions, and controlled BO vast a country, that the government and treasury of the United States has become, in their estimation, a mere appendage to facilitate their Indian trade and financial speculations. From our recent pur- chases of Russian territory, it becomes an important question to every American citizen, and especially our statesmen, to make himself familiar with so vast an influence under the British flag, and extending along b'o great an extent of our northern frontier. Should they establish, by their own interested and ignorant testimony, their present claims, there will be no end to their unreasonable demands, for they have dotted the * whole continent with their trading-posts. They claim all that is sup- posed to be of any value to savage and civilized man. The English nation without its Hudson's Bay ('Ompany's old traps and hunting- parties would have no claim west of the Rocky Mountains, yet, for the sake of these, it has almost ventured a third war with our American people in sending from its shores, instead of land pirates, under the bars and stars, the red flag of the Hudson's Bay Company. The two flags should be folded together and laid up in the British Museum, at a lasting monument of British injustice. I apprehend, from a careful review of all this testimony of the forty- one witnesses who were on the part of the Hudson's Bay Company, and the forty-two on the part of the United States, that the whole policy of the company has been thoroughly developed ; yet, at the same time, without a long personal acquaintance with their manner of doing business, it would be diflicult to comprehend the full import of the tes- timony given, though I apprehend the commissioners will have no very diflUcult task to understand the humbuggcry of the whole claim, as developed by the testimony of the cle; ':s in London and the investi- gation at head-quarters. As to the amount of award, 1 vould not risk one dollar to obtain a share in all they get from our government. On the contrary, a claim should be made against them for damages and trespass upon the Americah citizens, as also the lives of such as they have caused to be murdered by their influence over the Indians. The telegraph has informed us that the commissioners have awarded to the Hudson's Bay Company, $450,000, and to the Puget Sound concern, 1200,000. We have no change to make in our opinion of the NO ONE CAN APPROVE THE AWARD. 91 commissioners previously expressed, as they must have known, from the testimony developed in the Puget Sound concern, that that part of the claim was a fictitious one, and instituted to distract the public and divide the pretensions to so large an amount in two parts. That thv3 commissioners should allow it can only be understood upon the priuci- pie that the Hudson's Bay Company were entitled to that amount as an item of costs in prosecuting their case. No man at all familiar with the history of this coast, and of the Hud- son's Bay Company, can conscientiously approve of that award. Our forefathers, in 177G, said "millions for defense, but not one cent for tribute," which we consider this award to be, — for the benefit of English duplicity and double^ealing, in the false representations they made at the making of the treaty, and the perjury of their witnesses. f tf CHAPTER XL ■! Quotation from Mr. Swan. — His mistake. — General Oibba' mistake. — Eamaiyahkan.— Indian agent killed. — 1. 1. Stevens misjudged. Thk gigantic fraud of slavery fell, in our own land, in the short space of four years ; but that of this company — holding and destroying as many lives as the African slave trade — holds its own, and still lifts its head, under the patronage of a professed Christian nation ; and claims to be an honorable company, while it robs and starves its unnumbered benighted Indians, and shuts up half of North America from civili- zation. At the same time it has obtained $650,000 for partially with- drawing its continued robberies of the American Indians within the United States, after implanting m the savage mind an implacable hatred against the American people. While we have our own personal knowledge on this point, we will give a quotation from Mr. Swan's work, written in 1852, page 381, showing his views of the subject, which are mostly correct ; but, in speaking of the trade of the Americans and of the Hudson's Bay Company, he says : " The Indians preferred to fade with the Americans, for they kept one article in great demaiid, which the Hudson's Bay people did not sell, and that was whisky." In this Mr. Swan is entirely mistaken. The Hudson's Bay people always had liquor, and let the Indians have all they could pay for, as proved by their own writer, Mr. Dunn. (See 12th chapter.) Mr. S. continues : " Reckless, worthless men, who are always to be found in new settlements, would give or sell whisky to the Indians, and then, when drunk, abuse them. If the injury was of a serious nature, the Indian was sure to have revenge ; and should he kill a white man, would be certainly hanged, if caught ; but, although the same law operated on the whites, I have never known an instance where a white man has been hanged for killing an Indian." This has been my expe- rience, Mr. Swan, for more than thirty years, with the Hudson's Bay Company, or English. When a white man kills an Indian, the tribe, or his friends, are satisfied with a present, instead of the life of the murderer. It has been invariably the practice with the Hudson's Bay Company to pay, when any of their people kill an Indian, and to kill tlie Ii. Jian murderer; not so when an American is killed. Says CAN THE COMPANY'S FRIENDSHIP BE BOUGHT? 93 Mr. Swan : "The ill-feelings thus engendered against the Americans, by this, and other causes, was continually fanned and kept alive by these half-breeds and old servants- of the company, whose feelings were irri- tated by what. they considered an unwarrantable assumption on the part of these settlers, in coming across the mountains to squat upon lands they considered theirs by right of prior occupancy. The officers . of the company also sympathized with their old servants in this respect, and a deadly feeling of hatred has existed between these officers and the American emigrant, for their course in taking possession of the lands claimed by the Puget Sound Agricultural Company, and other places on the Sound and the Columbia River ; and there is not a man among them who would not be glad to have had every American emigrant driven out of the country." It is unnecessary to add examples of this kind to prove to any reasonable mind the continued hostility of th.it company, and all under its influence, to the American government and ' people. Can their friendship be bought by paying them the entire sum they claim ? We think not. Whatever sum is given will go to enrich the shareholders, who will ' rejoice over their success, as an Indian would over the ucalp of his enemy. The implacable hatred will remain, and nothing but extermi- nation, or a complete absorption of the whole continent into the American republic, will close up the difficulty, and save a remnant of the Indian tribes. This, to some, may not be desirable ; but humanity and right should, and will, eventually, prevail over crime, or any foreign policy. The American people are taunted by the Roman Jesuits and English with having driven the Indian from his lands, and having occupied it themselves ; but how is it with the English ? While the American has attempted to gather the Indians into convenient communities, and spent millions of dollars to civilize and better their condition, the English nation, as such, has never given one dollar, but has chartered com- pany after company of merchants, traders, and explorers, who have entered the Indian country under their exclusive charters, or license to trade, and shut it up from all others. They have, in the profitable prosecution of their trade, so managed as to exterminate all surplus and useless Indians, and reduce them to easy and profitable control. Should one of their half-breed servants, or a white man, attempt to expose their system, or speak of their iniquitous policy, a great hue and cry is raised against him, both in England and America, and he must fall, either by a misinformed public or by savage hands, while they triumphantly refer to the ease with which they exercise absolute I ii 0.Ji i 'I 94 HISTORY OP OREGON. M ) ^i control over the Indians in-their jurisdiction, as a reason why they should be permitted to continue their exclusive occupation and govern- ment of the country. Thus, for being forced partially to leave that portion of Oregon south of the 49th parallel, they presumed to make a claim against our government three times larger than the whole capital stock of the two companies combined. This hue and cry, and the public sentiment they have continued to raise and control, has its double object. The one is to continue their exclusive possession of, and trade in the country, the other is to obtain all the money they can froi.i the American government for the little part of it they have professedly given up. It will be remembered that in the investigation of their claims, and the depositions given, it was stated that Forts Okanagon, Colville, Kootanie, and Flathead, were still in their possession in 1866; that Wallawalla, Fort Hall, and Boise were given up because they were prohibited by the government from trading ammunition and guns to the Indians. This means simply that the last-named posts were too far from their own territory to enable them to trade in these prohibited articles, and escape detection by the American authorities. The northern posts, or those contiguous to the 49th parallel, are still occu- pied by them. From these posts they supply the Indians, and send their emissaries into the American territory, and keep up the ^* deadly hatred" of which Mr. Swan speaks, and about which General Gibbs, in his letter explaining the causes of the Indian war, is so much mistaken. There is one fact stated by General Gibbs, showing the continued combination of the Roman priests v,ith the Hudson's Bay Company, which we will give in this connection. He says • " The Yankamas have always been opposed to the intrusion of the Americans." This is also a mistake of Mr. Gibbs, as we visited that tribe in the fall of 1839, and found them friendly, and anxious to have an American missionary among them. At that time there had been no priest among them, and no combined effort of the company to get rid of the American mission- ary settlements. Karaaiyahkan, the very chief mentioned by General Gibbs as being at the head of the combination against the Americans, accompanied us to Dr. Whitman's station, to urge the establishment of an American mission among his people. General Gibbs says, that, "as early as 1853, Kamaiyahkan had pre jected a war of extermii ition. Father Pandosa, the priest at Atahnam (Yankama) mission, in the spring of that year, wrote to Father Mesplie, the one at the Dalls, desiring him to inform Major Alvord, in command at that post, of the fact. Major Alvord reported it to General Hitchcock, then in command on this coast. Hitchcock cen^ INDIAN WARS. w Bured him as an alarmist, and Pandosa was censured by his superiors, who forthwith placed a priest of higher rank over him." The next year, Indian agent Bolon was killed, and the war com- menced. How did General Hitchcock learn that Pandosa, a simple- hearted priest, and Major Alvord were alarmists ? The fact of the censure, and placing a priest of higher rank over Pandosa at the Yankama station (the very place we selected in 1839 for an American station), is conclusive evidence on this point. " The war of extermination," that General Gibbs, in his mistaken ideas of Hudson's Bay policy and Indian character, attributes to the policy of Governor I. I. Stevens, was commenced in 1845. At that time, it was supposed by James Douglas, Mv. Ogden, and the ruling spirits of that company, that all they had to do was to withhold munitions of war from the Americans, and the Indians would do the balance for them. The Indian wars that followed, and that are kept up and encouraged along our borders, and all over this coast, are the legitimate fruits of the "deadly hatked" implanted in the mind and soul of the Indian BT THE Hudson's Bay Company and tueib allies, the priests. There is an object in this : while they teach the Indians to believe that the Americans are robbing them of their lands and country, they at the same time pretend that they do not wunt it. Like Bishop Blanchet with the Cayuses, they " only want a small piece of land to raise a little provisions from," and they are continually bringing such goods as the Indians want ; and whenever they are ready to join their forces and send their war-parties info American territory, this comi)any of honorable English fur traders are always ready to supply them with arras and ammtuiitlon, and to purchase from them the goods or cattle (including scalps, in case of war between the two cations) they may capture on such expeditions. The more our government pays to that company, or their fictitious agent, the more means they will have to carry on their opposition to American commerce and enterprise on this coast. Should they obtain but one-third of their outrageous claim, it is contemplated to invest it, with their original stock, in a new company, under the same name, Honorable Hudson's Bay Company, and to extend their operations so as to embrace not only the fur, but gold and grain trade, over this whole western coast. Will it be for the interests of this country to encourage them ? Let their conduct and proceeding while they had the absolute control of it answer, and prove a timely warning to the country before such vam- pires arc allowed to fasten themselves upon it. ^1 ! :!-„ '. Il it i ! . j i : I CHAPTER XIL Review of Mr. Oreenhow's work in connection with the conduct and policy of the Hud- son's Bay Company. — Sclioola and miasionaries. — Reasons for giving extracts from Mr. Oreenhow's worlc. — Present necessity for more Icnowledgo about the company. As stated by General Gibba, Mr. Greenhow has given us a complete history of the discovery of Oregon. At the point where he leaves us the reader will observe our present history commences. We did not read Mr. Greenhow's very elaborate and interesting history till ours had been completed in manuscript. On reading it, we found abundant proof of statements we have made respecting the policy of the British government to hold, by the influence of her Hudson's Bay Company, the entire country west of the Rocky Mountains that was not fully occupied by the Russian and Spanish governments. This fact alone makes our history the more important and interest- ing to the American reader. Mr. Greenhow, upon pages 360 and 361 of his work, closes the labors of the eleven different American fur companies with the name of Captain Nathaniel Wyeth, and upon these two pages introduces the American missionaries, with the Roman Jesuits, though the latter did not arrive in the country till four years after the former. On his 388th page, after speaking of various transactions relative to California, the Sandwich Islands, and the proceedings in Congress relative to the Oregon country, he says : " In the mean time, the Hud- son's Bay Company had been doing all in its power to extend and confirm its position in the countries west of the Rocky Mountains, from which its governors felicitated themselves with the idea that they had expelled the Americans entirely." Page 389. "The object of the company was, therefore, to place a large number of British subjects in Oregon within the shortest time, and, of course, to exclude from it as much as possible all people of the United States ; so that when the period for terminating the convention with the latter power should arrive. Great Britain might be able to present the strongest title to the possession of the whole, on the ground of actual occupation by the Hudson's Bay Company. To these ends the efforts of that company had been for some time directed. The im- migration of British subjects was encouraged ; the Americans were by M If LIQUOR GIVEN TO INDIANa 97 all means excluded ; and the Indiana were brought as much aa possible into friendship with, and subject to, the company, while they were taught to regard the people of the United States as enemies P L \ work entitled " Four Years in British Columbia," by Commander R. C. Mayne, R. N., F. R. O. S., page 279, this British writer says : " I have also spoken of the intense hatred of them all for the Boston men (Americans). This hatred, although nursed chiefly by the cruelty with which they are treated by them, is also owing in a great measure to the system adopted by the Americans of removing them away from their villages when their sites become settled by whites. The Indians often express dread lest we should adopt the same course, and have lately petitioned Governor Douglas on the subject." Commander Mayne informs us, on his 1 93d page, that in the perform- ance of his official duties among the Indians, " recourse to very strong expressions was found necessary ; and they were threatened with the undying wrath of Mr. Douglas, whose name always acts as a talisman with them." We shall have occasion to quote statements from members of the Hudson's Bay Company, and from Jesuit priests, further confirming the truth of Mr. Greenhow's statement as above quoted. It would be grati- fying to us to be able, from our long personal experience and observa- tions relative to the policy and conduct of the Hudson's Bay Company, to fully confirm the very plausible, and, if true, honorable treatment of the aborigines of these countries ; but truth, candor, observation, our own and other personal knowledge, compel us to believe and know that Mr. Greenhow is entirely mistaken when he says, on his 389th page, speaking of the Hudson's Bay Company : — " In the treatment of the aborigines of these countries, the Hudson's Bay Company admirably combined and reconciled humanity with policy. In the first place, its agents were strictly prohibited from furnishing them with ardent spirits ; and there is reason to believe that the pro- hibition has been carefully enforced. " Sunday, March 11,1852," says Mr. Dunn, one of their own servants, ** Indians remained in their huts, perhaps praying, or more likely sing- ing over the rum they had traded with us on Saturday. * * Tues- day, April 26. — Great many Indians on board. • ♦ Traded a num- ber of skins. They seem to like rum very much. * ♦ May 4. — They were all drunk ; went on shore, made a tire about 1 1 o'clock ; being then all drunk began firing on one another. ♦ ♦ June 30. — The Indians are bringing their blankets — their skins are all gone ; they seem very fond of rum. ♦ * July 11. — They traded a quantity of rum from us." I II 98 HISTORY OF OREGON. 1 i .■' .|:N The Kingston Chronicle, a newspaper, on the 27th of September, 1848, says: "The Hudson's Bay Cumpany have, in some iiMtanceineith their mm, traded the goods given in presents to the Indians by the Canadian government, and afterward so traded the same with them at an advance of little short of a tliousand per cent.*' Question asked by the Parliamentary Committee : " Are intoxicating liquoni supplied in any part of the country — and where?" The five witnesses answered : — Ist. " At every place where he was." 2d. "All but the Mandan Indians were desirous to obtain intozi- oating liquor; and the company supply them with it freely." 3d. " At Jack River I saw liquor given for furs." 4th. " At York Factory and Oxford House." 6th. The fifth witness had seen liquor given "at Norway House only." The writer has seen liquor given and sold to the Indians at every post of the company, from the month of the Columbia to Fort Hall, including Fort Colville, and by the traveling traders of the company ; so that whatever pretensions the company make to the contrary, the proof is conclusive, that they traffic in liquors, without any restraint or hinderancc, all over the Indian countries they occupy. That they charge this liquor traffic to renegade Americans I am fully aware ; at the £ame time I know they have supplied it to Indians, when there were no Americans in the country that had any to sell or give. In the narrative of the Rev. Mr. King, it is stated that " the agents of the Hudson's Bay Company are not satisfied with putting so insig- nificant value uiK)n the furs, that the more active hunters only can gain a support, which necessarily leads to the death of the more aged and infirm by starvation and cbnnibalism, but they encourage the intem- perate use of ardent spirits." Says Mr. Alexander Simpson, one of the company's own chief traders : "That body has assumed much credit for the discontinuance of the sale of spirituous liquors at its trading establishments, but I apprehend that in this matter it has both claimed and received more praise than is its due. The issue of spirits has not been discontinued by it on principle, indeed it has not been discontinued at all when there is a possibility of diminution of trade through the Indians having the power to resent this deprivation of their accustomed and rouch-Ioved annual jollifica- tion, by carrying their furs to another market." This moans simply that Mr. Greenhow and all other admirers of the Hudson's Bay Company's manner of treating Indians have been ham- bugged by their professions of " humanity and policy.^* MR. QREENnOW'8 CRITICISM RETURNED. 09 We are inclined to return Mr. Greenhow's compliment to the Rev. Samuel Parker in his own lan^'« -re, as found on the 36lHt page of his work. He says : " Mr. Samuel Parker, whoso journal of his tour beyond the Rocky Mountains, thougli highly interesting and instructive, would have been much more so had he confined himself to the results of his own experience, and not wandered into the region of history, diplomacy, and cosmogony, in all of which he is evidently a stranger." So with Mr. Greenhow, when he attempts * • reconcile the conduct of the Hudson's Bay Company with " httmanitt/" and admires their policy, and gives them credit for honorable troutment of " Indians, missionaries, and set- tlers," ho leaves liis legitimate subject of history and diplomacy, and goes into the subject of the Hudson's liry Company's mora\ policy, to which he appears quite as much a "stranger" as Mr. Samuel Parker does to those subjects in which Mr. Greenhow found him deficient. But, notwithstanding we are inclined to return Mr. Greenhow's com- pliment in his own language, his historical researches and facts are invaluable, as developing a deep scheme of a foreign national grasping disposition, to hold, by a low, mean, underhanded, and, as Mr. Green- how says, " false and malicious course of misrepresentation, the country west of the Rocky Mountains." There are a few pages in Mr. Green- how's history tiiat, — as ours is now fully written, and we see no reason to change a statement we have made, — for the information of our readers, and to correct what we conceive to be an erroneous impression of his relative to our early settlements ujwn this coast, we will quote, and re- quest our readers to observe our corrections in the history or narration of events we have given them. ** Schools for the instruction of their children, and hospitals for .their sick, were established at all their principal trading-posts; each of which, moreover, afforded the means of employment and support to Indians disposed to work in the intervals between the hunting seasons." Says the Rev. Mr. Barnley, a Wesleyan missionary at Moose Fac- tory, whose labors commenced in .Tune, 1840, and continued till Sep- tember, 1847: "A plan M'hich I had devised for educating and turning to some acquaintance with agriculture, native children, was disallowed, • * * it being very distinctly stated by Sir George Simpson, that the company would not give them even a spade toward commencing their new mode of life." Says Mr. Greenhow : " Missionaries nf various sects were encouraged to undertake to convert these people to Christianity, and to induce them to adopt the usages of civilized life, so far as might be consistent with the nature of the labors in which they are engaged ; care being at the same time taken to instill into their minds due respect for the company, Bill ■^i-ii- ■W^^ 11 'I .. j 4 '.'■ i 100 HISTORY OF ORBOON. •nd for tho sovereign of Great Britain ; aud attempts wero made, at great expense, though with little success, to collect them into villages, or tracts where the soil and climate are favorable to agriculture." Mr. Bamley says : •' At Moose Factory, where the resources were most ample, and where was the seat of authority in tho southern de- partmcnt of Rupert's Land, the hottility of the company (and not merely their inability to aid me, whetiier with convenience or incon- venience to themselves) was most manifest.*' Another of the English missionaries writes in this manner: " When at York Factory last f^ii (1848), a young gentleman boasted that he had succeeded in starting the Christian Indiani of Rossville oif with the boats on a Suiwiay. Thus every effoi-t we make for their moral and spiritual improvement is frustrated, and those who were, and still are, desirous cf becoming Christians, a.'e kept away ; the pagan Indians desiring to become Christians, but being made drunk on their arrival at the fort, ' their good desires vanish.' The Indians professing Chris- tianity had actually exchanged one keg of rum for tea and sugar, at one post, but th« successive offers of liquor betrayed them into intoxi- cation at another." The Rev. Mr. Beaver, chaplain of the company at Fort Vancouver, in 1836, writes thus to the Aborigines Protection Society, London, tract 8, page 19: — " For a time I reported to the governor and committee of the com- pany in England, and to the governor aud the council of the company abroad, the result of my observations, with a view to a gradual ameli- oration of the wretched degradation with which I was surrounded, by an immediate attempt at the introduction of civilization and Christian- ity, among one or more of the aboriginal tribes; buc my earnest representations were neither attended to nor acted upon ; no means were placed at my disposal for carrying out the plan which I sug- gested." Mr. Greenhow says, page 389 : " Particular care was also extended to the education of the half-breed children, the offt«pring of the marriage or the concubinage of the traders with the Indian women, who were retained and bred as much as possible among the white people, and were taken into the service of the company, whenever they were found capable. There being few white women in those countries, it is evident that these half-breeds must, in time, form a large, if not an important portion of the inhabitants ; and there is nothing to prevent their being adopted and recognized as British subjects. "The conduct of the Hudson's Bay Company, in these respects, is , worthy of commendation ; and may be contrasted most favorably with \m I A FACT STATED, 101 that pursued at the present day V)y civilized people toward the abo- rigines of all other now countries." It is a most singular fact, that while Mr. Grcenhow was writing the above high commendation of the conduct and policy of the Hudson's Bay Company, in relation to their treatment of Indians and mission, aries under their absolute control, that that company were driving from their posts at Moose Factory and Va.,. uver, their own Wesleyan and Episcopal misHionaries, and doing all tlioy could to prevent the settlement or civilization of the Indiann, or allowing any missionary intercourse with them, except by *" ' ign Koman Jesuits, and were actually combining the Indians in Oregon t' doblroy and defeat civil and Christian efforts among the Indians aT\d \merican settlements then being cstablibhed in the country. Page ;i90, Mr. Greeiihow further says : " The course pursued by the Hudson's Bay Company, v.ith re- gard to American citizens in the territory west of the Rocky Moun- tains, was equally unexceptionable and politic. The mission p.i-ies and immigrants from the United States, or from whatever country they might come, were received at the establishments of the company with the utmost kindness, and were aided in the prosecution of their rospec- tive objects, ao fur and ao long as those objects were, not ooniniercial / but no sooner did any person, unconnected with the company, attempt to hunt, or trap, or trade with the Indians, than all the force of the body was turned against him." The statement in the last part of the foregoing paragraph can be attested by more than one hundred American hunters and traders, who have felt the full force of that company's influence against them ; as also by missionaries and settlers on first arriving in the country. But Mr. Greenhow says : "There is no evidence or reason to believe that violent measures were ever employed, either directly or indirectly, for this purpose ; nor would such means have been needed while the com- pany enjoyed advantages over all competitors, such as are afforded by its wealth, its organization, and the skill and knowledge of the country, and of the natives, possessed by its agents." This is simply an assertion of Mr. Greenhow, which Mr future pages will correct in the mind of any who have received it as truth. It is unnecessary to pursue Mr. Grecnhow's history of the Hudson's Bay Company respecting their treatment of American or English missionaries or American settlers ; the statements we have quoted show fully his want of a correct knowl- edge of the practices of that company in dealing with savage and civilized men. We only claim for ourselves close observation and deeply interested participation in all that relates to Oregon since 1832, having been permitted to be present at the forming of its early civil settle- t .u". ' i! "\ W » ,5-1 ,'. ;J u 102 HISTORY OF OREGON. I! li ment and political history. This work of Mr. Greenhow's appears to bo peculiarly political as well rs strongly national, and in the passages we have quoted, with many other similar ones, he seems to us to have written to catch the patronage of this foreign English corporation, which, accord- ing to his own showing, has been an incubus upon the English, and, so far as possible, the Americans also. While he shows his utter ignorance •}f f.heir iniernal policy and history, his researches in the history of the er. !y discoveries on this western coast are ample and most useful as vip''i.dting our Amenoan claim to the country. But as to its settle- ment -..ixl civilizatioTJj or its early moral or political history, as he says of Mr. Samuel Parker, " in all of which he is evidently a stranger." Our reasons for jjiviiijj the extracts from Mr. Greenhow's work are — Ist. That the reader may the better understand what follows as our own. 2d. To avoid a future collision or controversy respecting statements that may be quoted from him to contradict or contro"ert our own, re- specting the policy and practices of the Hudson's Bay Company, which, Mr. Greenhow says, page 391, "did no more than they were entitled to do. If the Americans neglected or were unable to avail themselves of the benefits secured to both nations by the convention, the fault or the misfortune was their own, and they had no right to complain." If this is true, as against the American, what right has the Hudson's Bay Company to complain and ask pay for what had been rendered worthless lo them by the American settlement of the country ? "The hospitable treatment extended to them [American citizens] by the agents of the Hudson's Bay Company was doubtless approved by the directors of that body ; and all who know Messrs. McLaughlin and Douglas, the principal managers of the affairs of that body on the Columbia, unite in testifying that the humanity and generosity of those gentlemen have been always carried as far as their duties would permit. That their conduct does not, ho\i ever, meet with univereal approbation among the servants of the company in that quarter, sufficient evidence may be cited to prove." He quotes John Dunn's book, chap. 12. Mr. Greenhow wrote his history with the light then existing, i. e., in 1844. About that time Dr. McLaughlin was called to an account by the directors of the Hudson's Bay Company, in London. He explained to them his position, and the condition of the Americans, Avho came tu this country both naked and hungry, and that, as a man of common humanity, lie could do no less than he did. The director insisted upon the enforcement of their stringent rule, which was, to starve and drive every American from the country. Ho then told them: ^^Ifsuch 3 h TWO ENGLISH PARTIES. 108 is your order, gentlemen, I will serve you no longer.^'* As to Mr. Doug- las, we have no such noble sentiment to record in his bciialf; he belonged to that English party called by Mr. Greenhow ^'^ Patriots." He says: "There were two parties among the British in Oregon, the JPatriots and the Liberals, who, while they agreed in holding all Americans in utter detestation, as knaves and ruffians, yet diifered as to the propriety of the course pursued with regard to them by the company. The Patriots maintained, that kindness showed lo the peo- ple of the United States was thrown away, and would bo badly re- quited ; that it was merely nurturing a race of men, who would soon rise from their weak and humble position, as grateful acknowledgers of favors, to the bold attitude of questioners of the authority of Great Britain, and her right, even to Vancouver itself; that if any attempts were made for the conversion of the natives to Christianity, and to the pdoption of more humanized institutions (which they limited to British institutions), a solid and permanent foundation should be laid ; and for that purpose, if missionaries were to be introduced, they should come within the direct control of the dominant power, that is, the British power, and should be the countrymen of those who actually occupied Oregon, etc. The Liberals, while admitting all that was said on the other side, of the character of the Americans, nevertheless charitably opined that those people should not be excluded, as they possessed some claim, ' feeble, but yet existing,' to the country, and until ' these were quashed or confirmed, it would be unjust and impolite ' to prevent them from all possession ; that these missionaries, though bad, were better than none ; and that good would grow out of evil in the end, for the Americans, by their intercourse with the British, would become more humanized, tohrant, and honest.''^ As most of the above sentiment relative to the two English parties in ihe country appear;: to Ke quoted by Mr. Greenhow from some author, it would be interesting to know wlio he is ; still, the fact is all that is essential to know, and we havs reason to believe and know that the sentiments expressed were entertained by the controlling authority of the company in London and in Oregon ; and that Messrs. Douglas and Ogden, and the Itoraau priests under their patronage, acted fully up to them as Roman and British Jesuits, there is no question ; and under such circumstances, it is not surprising that the immigration from the United States in 1843, '44, and '45, should increase that feeling of hos- tility and hatred of the American settlement and civilization in the country. We do not propose at present to speak of the action of the American Congress relative to Oregon, but, as will be seen, to connect and bring Mf-a U-.t 104 HISTORY OF OREGON. li into our own history such allusions of Mr. Greenhow as serve to ilhis* trate and prove the several propositions we have stated respecting the early history of its settlement, and also to prepare the reader to under- stand in a manner the combined influences that were ready to contest any claim or efibrt any American company or citizen might make for the future occupation of the country. It will be seen that no company of settlers or traders could have succeeded, having arrived in advance of the American missionaries. They were unquestionably the only nucleus around which a permanent settlement could have been formed, eleven different American fur companies having commenced and failed, as will be shown ; and although Mr. Greenhow seems to regard and treat the American mis- sionary effort with contempt, yet impartial history will place them in the foreground, and award to them an honorable place in counteracting foreign influences and saving the country to its rightful owners. It will be seen by the preliminary and following remarks and nar- rative of events, and by a careful study of all the histories and joui-nals to which we have had occasion to refer, or from which we have quoted a statement, that the forming, civilizing, and political period in our Oregon history is all a blank, except that the Hudson's Bay Company were the patron saints, the noble and generous preservere of the "knaves'''' and "ruffians''^ that came to this country to rob them of their pious and humane labors to civilize their accomplished native " concubines." That, according to their ideas, the missionaries, such as came from the United States, " though bad," could become " human- ized, tolerant,''^ and even " honest,''^ by associating with such noble, generous, tolerant, virtuous, and pure-minded traders as controlled the affairs of that company, under the faithfully-executed and stringent> rules of tlie honorable dircctore in London. At the present time there is an additional important reason for a better understanding and a more thorough knov^ledge of the influences and operations of this British monopoly than formerly. Notwith- standing they have been driven from Oregon by its American settle- ment, they have retired to British Columbia, and, like barnacles upon a ship's bottom, have fastened themselves all along the Russian and American territories, to repeat just what they did in Oregon ; and, with the savage hordes with whom they have always freely mingled, they will repeat their depredations upon our Am'jrican settlements, and defeat every effort to civilize or Christianize the natives over whom they have any influence. Six generations of natives have passed away under their system of trade and civilization. Tiie French, English, and Indians before lpi»-.. -"f COST OF INDIAN WARa 105 our American revolution and independence could not harmonize. The French were driven from their American possessions and control over the Indians, and peace followed. The Indians, English, and Americans can not harmonize ; they never have, and they never will ; hence, it becomes a question of vast moment, not only to the Indian race, but to the American people, as to the propriety and expediency of allowing the English nation or British or foreign subjects to fur- ther exercise any influence among our American Indians. Mr. A. H. Jackson estimates the expense of our Indian wars, since 1831 to the present time, at one thousand millions of dollars and thirty-seven thousand lives of our citizens, not counting the lives of Indians destroyed by our American wars with them. If the reader will carefully read and candidly judge of the historical facts presented in the following pages, we have no fears but they will join us in our conclusions, that the Monroe doctrine is irrevocably and of necessity fixed in our American existence as a nation at peace with all, which we can not have so long as any foreign sectarian or political organiza- tions are permitted to have a controlling influence over savage minds. A Frenchman, an Englishman, a Mormon, a Roman priest, any one, or all of them, fraternizing as they do with the Indian, can work upon his prejudices and superstitions and involve our country in an Indian war •7-which secures the Indian trade to the British fur company. This is the great object sought to be accomplished in nearly all the wars our government has had with thera. One other remarkable fact is noted in all our Indian wars, the American or Protestant missionaries have been invariably driven from among those tribes, while the Roman Jesuit missionaries have been protected and continued among the Indians, aiding and counseling them in the continuance of those wars. It is no new thing that ignorance, superstition, and sectarian hate has produced such results upon the savage mind, and our Oregon history shows that a shrewd British fur company can duly appreciate and make use of just such influences to promote and perpetuate tbeir trade on the American continent. 1! r : (■: CHAPTER Xra. Occupants of the country. — Danger to outsiders. — Description of missionaries. In 1832, this entire country, from the Russian settlenaent on the north to the gulf of California on the south, the Rocky Mountains on the east to the Pacific Ocean on the west, was under the absolute and undis- puted control of the Honorable Hudson's Bay Company ; and the said company claimed and exercised exclusive civil, religious, political, and commercial jurisdiction over all this vast country, leaving a narrow strip of neutral te. litory between the United States and their assumed possessions, lying between the Rocky Mountains and the western borders of Missouii. Its inhabitants were gentlemen of the Hudson's Bay Company, — their clerks, traders, and servants, — consisting mostly of Canadian-French, half-breeds, and natives. Occasionally, when a venturesome Yankee ship or fur trader entered any of the ports of the aforesaid country for trade, exploration, or settle- ment, this honorable company asserted its licensed and exclusive righ( to drive said vessel, trader, explorer, or settler from it. Should he be so bold as to venture to pass the traiued bands of the wild savages of the mountains, or, even by accident, reach the sacred trading-ground of this company, he was helped to a passage out of it, or allowed to perish by the hand of any savage who saw lit to punish him for hia temerity. While this exclusive jurisdiction was claimed and exercised by the company, four wild, untutored Indians of the Flathead tribe ^earned from an American trapper, who had strayed into their country, that there was a Supreme Being, worthy of worship, and that, by going to his country, they could learn all about him. Four of these sons of the wilderness found their way to St. Louis, Missouri, in 1832. Mr. Catlin, a celebrated naturalist and artist, I believe not a member of any reli- gious sect, learned the object that had brought these red men from the mountains of Oregon, and gave the facttrt the religious public. This little incident, though small in itself, resulted in the organiza- tion, in 1 833, of the Missionary Board of the Methodist Episcopal Church, the appointment of Rev. Jason Lee and associates, to the establishment of the Methodist Mission in the Wallamet Valley in 1834, the appoint- ment of Rev. Samuel Parker and Dr. Marcus Whitman, by the Ameri- wmimmimi REV.. J. LBB AND ASSOCIATES. lOT can Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, to explore the country in 1835, and the establishment of a mission by said Board in 1836. Rev. Jason Lee, of Stansted, Canada East, a man of light hair, blue eyes, fair complexion, spare habit, above ordinary height, a little stoop- shouldered, with strong nerve and indomitable will, yet a meek, warm- hearted, and humble Christian, gaining by his affable and easy manners the esteem of all who became acquainted with him, was the first to volunteer. Rev. Daniel Lee, a nephew of Jason, was the second ; — the opposite of the former in every particular — of medium height. The general impression of outsiders was, that his moral qualities were not of the highest order, yet it is not known that any specific charges were ever brought against him. Cyrus Shepard, a lay member, was a devoted Christian, and a faithful laborer for the advancement of the objects of the mission and the gen- eral welfare of all in the country. We have never learned that he had an enemy or a slanderer while he lived in it. On his first arrival he taught the Hudson's Bay Company's school at Vancouver, consisting of children belonging to persons in the employ of the company, till the mission buildings were ready, when he gathered a large school of In- djan and Fi-ench half-breed children, and was quite successful in teach- ing the rudiments of an English education. Rev. D. Lee and Mr. Shepard were from New England. Mr. P. L. Edwards, of Missouri, also a lay member, was of the com- pany. But little is known of him ; the inducements to become a jier- manent settlor in the country do not appear in his case. Rev. Samuel Parker, of Ithaca, New Yoi'k, a man of good education and refinement, and exceedingly set in his opinions and conclusions of men and things, came to explore the country, and report to the Ameri- can Board as to the feasibility of establishing missions among the In- dians, one of the missionaries of the American Board, from the Sand- wich Islands, having visited the coast in an American ship, several yeare previous, and made an unfavorable report on account of the fur-trade influence against Ameri. n tradere, giving the impression that Ameri- can missionaries would not be tolerated in the country. Mr. Parker was inclined to self-applause, requiring his full share of ministerial approbation or respect, though not fully qualified to draw it cheerfully from an audience or his listeners ; was rather fastidious. Dr. Marcus Whitman, of Rushville, New York, sent in company with Mr. Parker to explore the country. A man of easy, donH-care habits, that could become all things to all men, and yet a sincere and r d r^M j fV m i 108 HISTORY OF OREGON. earnest man, speaking his mind before he thought the second time, giving his views on all subjects without much consideration, correcting and changing them when good reasons were presented, yet, when fixed in the pursuit of an object, adhering to it with unflinching tenacity. A stranger would consider him fickle and stubborn, yet he was sincere and kind, and generous to a fault, devoting every energy of his mind and body to the welfare of the Indians, and objects of the mission ; seldom manifesting fears of any danger that might surround him, at times he would become animated and earnest in his argument or con- versation. In his profession he was a bold practitioner, and generally successful. He was above medium height ; of spare habit ; peculiar hair, a portion of each being white and a dark brown, so that it might be called iron-gray ; deep blue eyes, and large mouth. The peculiarities of Messrs. Parker and Whitman were such, that, when they had reached the rendezvous on Green River, in the Rocky Mountains, they agreed to separate ; not because Dr. Whitman was not willing and anxious to continue the exploring expedition, in company with Mr. Parker, but because Mr. P. could not " put up " with the off- hand, careless, and; as he thought, slovenly manner in which Dr. Whit- man was inclined to travel. Dr. W. was a man that could accommo- date himself to circumstances ; such as dipping the water from the runnip'^ stream with his hand, to drink ; having but a hunter's knife (without a fork) to cut and eat his food; in short, could rough it without qualms of stomach. Rev, Mr. Parker had left a refined family circle, and his habits had become somewhat delicate from age and long usage in comfortable and agreeable society; hence his peculiar habits were not adapted to Rocky Mountain travel in those early days. Still, the great object on which they were sent must not be lost sight of Their sense of moral obligation was such, that a reason must be given why Dr. Whitman returns to the States, and Mr. Parker proceeds alone on his perilous journey to this then unknown country. Here again the wild Indian comes in, by instinct, order, or providence (as the unbeliever may choose to call it), and offers to take charge of this delicate old gentle- man, and carries him in triumph through the Rocky Mountains, and all through his country, and, in Indian pomp and splendor, delivers this T at Parker, under the direction of the American Board. They had arrived at the rendezvous in the Rocky Mountains ; most of the Nez Percys were at the American rendezvous. Ish-hol-hol-hoats-hoats, a young Nez Percd Indian (named by the American trappers, Lawyer, on account of his shrewdness in argument, and his unflinching defense of American against British and foreign influences), having learned of their arrival, came to them and settled matters quite satisfactorily to both, by requesting Mr. Parker to go with them to their country, they having heard of Rev. Mr. Lee and party going to settle near the hu8v«- hai-hai (White Head), as the natives called Dr. John McLaughlin, in the Wallamet Valley. They consented to let the Doctor take two of their boys. To Ites he gave the name of John ; Tuetakas he called Richard. Dr. Whitman was to go to the States, report to the American Board, and procure associates and the material to establish a mission in the Nez Perc6 country. The Nez Percys were to take charge of Mr. Parker, and carry him forward in his explorations, and meet Dr. W., on his return next year, at the place of rendezvous in the mountains, to conduct him and his party to the place Mr. Parker might select for a mission establish- Dient. Rev. S. Parker, in company with the Indians, went on, and Dr. Whitman, with his two Indian boys, with the American Fur Company, Capts. Fitzpatrick, Bridger, and others, started on their way to the States, or " home from the Rocky Mountains." Dr. Whitman, by his ofl'-hand, easy manner of accommodating himself to circumstances, and by his kind-heartedness and promptness to relieve all who needed his professional skill, had won the esteem of all with whom he traveled, so ihat the gentlemen of the American Fur Company cheerfully sup- plied his wants on his return trip to the States, where he arrived in due time, made his report to the American Board, who decided to establish the mission, as per arrangement with Parker and Whitman, on separating in the Rocky Mountains. Mrs, Whitman, formerly Miss Narcissa Prentiss, of Prattsburg, Steu- ben County, New Tork, was a lady of refined feelings and commanding appearance. She had very light hair, light, fresh complexion, and light blue eyes. Her features were large, her form full and round. At the time she arrived in the country, in the prime of life, she was con- sidered a fine, noble-looking woman, afiable and free to converse with all she met. Her conversation was animated and cheerfnl. Firmness in her was natural, and to some, especially the Indians, it was repulsive. She had been brought up in comparative comfort, and moved in the best of religious society in the place of her residence. She was a good singer, and one of her amusements, as well as that of * :: 110 HISTORY OP OREaON. her traveling companions, was to teach the Doctor to sing, which she did with considerable success, — that is, he could sing the native songs without much difficulty. The American Board appointed Rev. H. H. Spalding and wife to accompany Dr. Whitman and wife, to aid in establishing the Nez Perc6 mission. Mr. Spalding and wife had just completed their preparatory course of education in Lane Seminary, near Cincinnati, Ohio. The first impression of the stranger on seeing H. H. Spalding is, that he has before him an unusual countenance. He begins to examine, and finds a man with sharp features, large, brown eyes, dark hair, high, projecting forehead, with many wrinkles, and a head nearly bald. He is of medium size, stoop-shouldered, with a voice that can assume a mild, sharp, or boisterous key, at the will of its cHvner ; quite impulsive, and bitter in his denunciations of a real, or supposed enemy ; inclined in the early part of his missionary Labors to accumulate property for the especial benefit of his family, though the practice was disapproved of and for- bidden by the regulations of the American Board. In his professional character he was below mediocrity. As a writer or correspondent he was bold, and rather eloquent, giving overdrawn life-sketches of passing events. His moral influence was injured by strong symptoms of passion, when provoked or excited. In his labors for the Indians, he was zealous and persevering, in his preaching or talking to them, plain and severe, and in his instructions wholly practical. For instance, to induce the natives to work and cultivate their lands, he had Mrs. Spalding paint a represjeiitation of Adam and Eve, as being driven from the garden of Eden by an angel, — Adam with a hoe on his shoulder, and Eve with her spinning-wheel. He taught the natives that God commanded them to work, as well as pray. Had he been allowed to continue his labors with the tribe, undisturbed by sectarian and anti- religious influences, he would have effected great good, and the tribe been now admitted as citizens of the United States. As a citizen and neighbor he was kind and obliging ; to his family he was kind, yet severe in bis religious observances. He was unquestionably a sincere, though not always humble. Christian. The loss of his wife, and the exciting and savage massacre of his associates, produced their effect upon him. Charity will find a substantial excuse for most of his faults, while virtue and truth, civilization and religion, will award him a place as a faithful, zealous, and comparatively successful missionary. Mrs. Spalding was the daughter of a plain, substantial farmer, by the name of Hart, of Oneida County, New York. She was above the medium height, slender in form, with coarse features, dark brown hair, blue eyes, rather dark complexion, coarse voice, of a serious turn of MRS. SPALDING AND MRS. WHITMAN. Ill mind, and quick in understanding language. In fact she was remarka- ble in acquiring the Nez Perc6 language, so as to understand and con- verse with the natives quite easily by the time they reached their sta- tion at Lapwai. She could paint indifferently in water-colors, and had been taught, while young, all the useful branches of domestic life; could spirt, weave, and sew, etc. ; could prepare an excellent meal at- short notice ; was generally sociable, but not forward in conversation with or in attentions to gentlemen. In this particular she was the opposite of Mrs. Whitman. With the native women Mrs. Spalding always ap- peared easy and cheerful, and had their unbounded confidence and respect. She was remarkable for her firmness and decision of character in whatever she or her husband undertook. She never appeared to bo alarmed or excited at any difficulty, dispute, or alarms common to the Indian life around her. She was considered by the Indian men as a brave, fearless woman, and was respected and esteemed by all. Though she was frequently left for days alone, her husband being absent on business, but a single attempted insult was ever offered her. Understand- ing their language, her cool, quick perception of the design enabled her to give so complete and thorough a rebuff to the attempted insult, that, to hide his disgrace, the Indian offering it fled from the tribe, not venturing to remain among them. In fact, a majority of the tribe were in favor of hanging the Indian who offered the insult, but Mrs. Spalding requested that they would allow him to live, that he might repent of his evil designs and do better in future. In this sho- 1 sketch of Mrs. Spalding the reader is carried through a series of yeara. We shall have occasion, as we progress in our sketches, to refer to these two ladies. They are not fictitious characters, — the,y lived ; came over the Rocky Mountains in 1836 ; they are dead and buried, Mrs. Spald- ing near the Callapooya, in the Wallamet Valley. Mrs. Whitman's remains, such portions of them as could be found, are buried not far from the place of her labors among the Cayuses. The last time we passed the ground not even a common board marked the place. We noticed a hollow in the ground, said to be the place where the very Rev. Mr. Brouillet, vicar-general of Walla walla, says "the bodies were all deposited in a common grave which had been dug the day pre- vious by Joseph Stanfield, and, before leaving, I saw that they were covered with earth, but I have since learned that the graves, not hav- ing been soon enough inclosed, had been molested by the wolves, and that some of the corpses had been devoured by them." Bear this statement in mind, reader, as we proceed. We will tell you just how much he knows of the why and wherefore such things occuiTed in those early times. A part of the facts are already in history. h <\ f 1 112 HISTORY OP ORBGON. Meusrs. Whitman and Spalding, with their wives, and a reinforcement for the Pawnee mission, made their way to Liberty Landing, on the Missouri River. At that place they were joined by a young man by the name of W. H. Gray, from Utica, New York, who was solicited by the agents of the American Board to join this expedition as its secular agent. iNi CHAPTER XIV. Missionary outfit. — On the way. — No roads. — An Engli.'ih nobleman. — A wagon taken along. — Heiilth of Mra. Spalding. — Meeting mountain men and Indians. — A feast to the Indiana. Thk mission party had brought with them a full supply of all the sup- posed et cceteraa for a life and residence two thousand miles from any possible chance to renew those supplies when exhausted, having tho material for a blacksmith shop, a plow, and all sorts of seeds, clothing, etc., to last for two years. Gray found his hands full in making calcu- lations for the transportation of this large amount of baggage, or goods, as the trader would say. In a few days wagons, teams, pack- mules, horees, and cows, were all purchased in the county of Liberty, Missouri, the goods all overhauled, repacked, loaded into the two mis- sion wagons, and an extra team hired to go as far as Fort Leaven- worth. Spalding and Gray started with the train, three wagons, eight mules, twelve hoi-ses, and sixteen cows, two men, two Indian boys, and the man with the extra team. Dr. Whitman, having the ladies in charge, was to come up the Missouri River in the first boat, and await the arrival of the train having the greater portion of the goods with it. Boats on the Missouri River not being so numerous as at the pres- ent time, the Doctor and party did not reach Leavenworth till the train had arrived. They rearranged their goods, discharged the extra team, held a consultation, and concluded that the Doctor and ladies would keep the boat to Council Bluffs, the point from which the Ameri- can Fur Company's caravan was to start that year. Learning that the company was to start in six days, the conclusion was that the cattle and goods had better proceed as fast as possible. The third day, in the mornings, some forty miles from Fort Leaven- worth, as we Were about starting, a white boy, about sixteen years old, came into camp, having on an old torn straw hat, an old ragged fus- tian coat, scarcely half a shirt, with buckskin pants, badly worn, but one moccasin, a powder-horn with no powder in it, and an old rifle. He had light flaxen hair, light blue eyes, was thin and spare, yet appeared in good health and spirits. He said he had started for the Rocky Mountains ; he was from some place in Iowa ; he had been without food for two days ; he asked for some ammunition ; thought 8 III y [ 114 HISTORY OP OREGON. • i 1^ he could kill somo game to get along ; the rnin the night previous had wet him quite effectually ; he was really cold, wet, nearly naked, and hungry. lie was soon supplied from our stores with all he wanted, and advised to return to his friends in Iowa. To this he objected, and said if we would allow him l^c would go with us to Council UluflTs, and then go with the fur company to the mountains. He agreed to assist all he could in getting along. lie was furnished a horse, and made an excellent hand while he remained with the party, which ho did till he reached Fort Hall, on Snake River. There he joined a party that went with the Bannock Indians, and became a member of that tribe, and, as near as we can learn, married a native woman (some say three), and is using his influence to keep the tribf t war with the United States. Of this we have no positive knowled though if such is the fact he may have been a deserter from Fort L> . venworth. His name was Miles Goodyear. Within thirty miles of Council Bluffs a messenger overtook the mis- sionary caravan, and stated that Mrs. Satterley, of the Pawnee mission, was dead ; that Dr. Whitman and ladies were left at Fort Leaven- worth ; that they \yere coming on as fast as possible, with extra teams, to overtake us. Our party went into camp at once; the t\> o wagons with horse teams started back to meet and bring up the balance of the party ; wait two days at Omaha ; fix one of the wagon boxes for a ferry-boat; Doctor and party arrive ; cross all safe; get to camp late in the night. There was a slight jar in the feelings of some on account of haste, and slowness of movement, in others. However, as the fur company, with whom the mission party was to travel, was to start on a certain day, haste was absolutely necessary, and no time to be lost. Useless baggage overhauled and thrown away, cows started, mules and wagons loaded ; Gray in charge of mules and cows, Spalding driver for a two-horse light wagon. Whitman the four-horae farm wagon. On goes the caravan ; in two hours a message goes forward to Gray that Spalding has driven his wagon into a mud stream and broken his axletree ; Gray goes back ; soon repairs axletree by a new one; on Platte River; rains as it only can on that river, cold and almost sleet ; nothing but a skin boat, that could carry but two trunks and one lady at a time ; all day swimming by the side of the boat to get goods over ; swim cattle, mules, and horses all over safe to north side. Overhaul and lighten our baggage ; Rev. Mr. Dunbar for pilot, three men, and two Indian boys, we hasten on to overtake fur company's caravan. Second day, met one hundred Pawnee warriors on their way to Council Bluff agency. Mr. Dunbar being the missionary of the >'■ NO ROADS. lU Pawnees, and understanding tlieir language, wo had no difficulty with them. Traveliifg early and late, wo came up to the fur company at the Pawnee village, some two hours afler their caravan had arrived and camped. At this point tho missionary menagerie was first exhibited, not that they attempted to make any display, or posted any handbills, or charged any fee for exhibiting, but the strange appearance of two white ladies in a caravan consisting of rough American hunters, Cana- dian packers with Indian women, with all the paraphernalia of a wild mountain expedition, drew the attention of all. The mission party had with them some fine cows, good horses and miles, and were toler- ably well fitted out for their expedition, except a superabundance of useless things, causing much perplexity and hard labor to transport over the rough plains in 1836. It will be borne in mind that at that early time there was no road, — not even a trail or track, except that of the buffalo; and those made by them were invariably from the river, or watering-places, into the hills or bluffs. Their trails bein^ ::r''nerally deep, from long use by the animal, made it quite severe and straining upon our teams, wagons, and the nineteen carts the fur company carried their goods in that year. The caravan altogether consisted of nineteen carts, with two mules to each, one in the shafts and one aheifd, one light Dearborn wagon, two mules and two wagons belonging to an English nobleman, his titles all on, Sir William Drummond, K. B., who had come to the United States to allow his fortune to recuperate during his absence. He had been spending his winters in New Orleans with the Southern bloods, and his bankers in England complained that his income was not sufficient to meet his large OTpenditures ; he was advised to take a trip to the llocky Mountains, which would occupy him during the summer and sickly season, during which time he could only spend what he had with him, and could have a fine hunting excursion. This English nobleman with his party con- sisted of himself and a young English blood. I did not learn whether he was of the first, second, third, or fourth grade in the scale of English nobility; be that as it may. Sir William D., K. B., messed and slept in the same tent with this traveling companion of his, who, between them, had three servants, two dogs, and four extra fine horses, to run and hunt the buffalo. Occasionally, they would give chase to that swiftest of moi ntain animals, the antelope, which, in most instances, would, espr cially where the grass was short, leave them in the distance, when Sir William and his companion would come charg- ing back to the train, swearing the antelope could outrun a streak of lightning, and offering to bet a thousand pounds that if he had one of 116 HISTORY OP OREGON his English 'orses he could catch 'em. The English nobleman, as a matter of course, was treated with great respect by all in the caravan ; while in the presence of the ladies he assumed quite a dignified cai'- riage, being a man (excuse me, your honor), a lord of the British realm, on a hunting excursion ii; North America, in the Rocky Mountains, in the year a. d. 1836. He was about five feet nine inches high. His face had become thin from the free use of Isew Orleans brandy, ren- dering his nose rather prominent, showing indications of internal heat in bright red spots, and inclining a little to the rum blossom, that woulc* make its appearance from the sting of a mosquito or sand-fly, which to his lordship was quite annoying. Though his lordship was somewhat advanced in years, and, according to his own account, had traveled extensively in the oriental countries, he did not show in his conversation extensive mental improvement ; his general convereation and appearance was that of a man with strong prejudices, and equally strong appetites, which he had freely indulged, with only pecuniary re<3traint. His two wagons, one with two horses, the other with four mules, with drivers, and a servant for cook and waiter, constituted his train — as large as his means woul'' ,;ormit on that trip. All of the carts and wagons were covered with canvas to protect the goods from storms. Sir William traveled under the alias of Captain Stewart. The order of march was as follows : Cattle and loose animals in ad- vance in the morning, coming up in rear at night ; fur company and Captain Stewart's teams in adv.ince ; mission party in rear till we reached Fort Laramie. All went smoothly and in order. At the Pawnee village the fur company was short of meat or bacon. Arrange- ments were made to slaughter one of the mission cows, and replace it at Laramie. Two days from Pawnee village the hunters brought into camp some bull buffalo meat ; next day cow buff*alo meat in abundance. Not far from Scout's Bhift", passed some hunters on their way down Platte River in boats ; arrive at Fort Laramie, just above the month of that river; cross the Platte in two dug-outs, lashed together with sticks and poles, so as to carry the goods and carts all over to the .fort. At that establishment the company and Captain Stewart leave all their wagons and carts except one, deeming it impracticable to proceed further with them. On account of the ladies. Dr. Whitman insisted on taking one of the mission wagons along. The fur company concluded to try the experi- ment with him, and took one of their carts along. Overhaul all the baggage, select out all, that, with the knowledge any one had of the future wants of the mission party, could be dispensed with ; put the balance up in packages of one hiuidre d.. i*'- lieviiig the landscape and forming a beautiful contrast to the h'L?' ■'■:■'■ ren plains beyond. To the west is the valley of the Snake River, irora thirty to sixty miles wide, a high, sandy, and barren sage plain. This valley is bounded on the south by a low range of hills, running from northwest to southeast. On the nortii side of Fort Hall is an extensive high plain ; this plain is, from Fort Hall, across it, full forty miles. The only objects that meet the eye oii this extensive plain are three high basaltic buttcs or mountains thrown up near its center. At the foot of the one a little to tlie soiith and west of the two rounder and equally prominent ones, is a line spring of water. In 1837, the writer, in his explorations of the country, was anxious to learn more than was then knoAvn of tlie character of tliis great basin in the mountains, having tlie year previous entered it by way of Soda Springs and Port- neuf This time he came into it from the north by Codie's Defile, and concluded he would take a straiglit course and pass between the two northeastern buttes, and reach Snake River near Fort Hall. His Indian guide object til , still, as we had good liorses, and were traveling light, we took tlie precaution to water our animals before entering this plain. "We were twenty-six hours on horseback, having stopped but six hours to rest; we tied our iiorses to the sago, brush, to prevent them from leaving us to hunt for water. Xot a drop did we fin'' on our route till we reached Snake River, thirty-two hours from the time we left ranning water on the nortli and west sides of this plain. In our course we found nothing but barren, basaltic ro"k, sand, and sage. It is pos- sible, had we turned to the right or left, we miglit have found ws^pr, but I saw nothing that gave indications that Avater was near ; op contrary, I noticed that the fine stream at which we watered ov.i ,i- mals sank into the rocks, leaving no marks of a channel to ony great distance. In fact, my impression w.as, after twlve hours' lide, that it was useless to spend our time and, streng.h to iiunt ibr w ,tor, and kept our course. Jaded and fatigued as our anima' - wc re, as ■■■ ipproached Snake River every nerve seemed strung to the Mtnun^t ; our animals became frantic and unmanageable ; they rushed forward at full speed and plunged into the first water they saw. Foitunately for them and LIGHTENING BAGGAGE. 138 the riders, the water was only about three feet deep ; water appeared to be preferred to aiv ; they plunged their heads deep in and held their breaths till their thirst was relieved. This plain is bounded on the north and east by spnrs of the Rocky and Bear River mountains ; on the south and west by the high plains of Portneuf and Snake River valleys. There is a range of mountains commencing on the northwest of this plain, extending west and north along rinake River, dividing thj waters of the Snake and La Riviere anx B(Ms (the wooded river.) This wh#le plain has the appearance of having been one vast lake of lava, spread over the whole sur- rounding coi:ntry, appearing to have issued from the three basaltic mountains in the midst of it. I noticed, as we passed between the two, which were probably not more than ten miles apart, tiiat we ap- peared to be on higher rock than in any direction around us. From this fact I concluded that the three must have been pouring out their volcanic lava .at the same time and ce.ased togetlier, leaving the coun- try comparatively level. Tiie small amount of soil found upon the sui*- face, as well as the barrenness of the rock, indicated no distant period of time when this volcanic plain had been formed. At Fort Hall we had another overh.auling and liMitening of batriiacre. The Doctor was .advised to t.ake his wagon apart and pack it, if he cal- culated to get it through the terrible canons and deep, bottomless creeks we must ))ass in going down Snake Plains. Miles Goodyear, the boy we picked up two days from Fort Leavenworth, wlio had been assigned to assist the Doctor, was determined, if the Doctor took his wagon any further, to leave the company. He was the only one that could be spared to ,'»ssist in this wild, and. as all considered, cra/y un- dertaking. Miles ivas furni.-strip8 of wood, split with a common knife, and shaped so as to hold the glass in place of a sash. The doors wore also of split lumber, roiigh hewn, wrouglit-iron hinges, and wooden latches ; the furniture consisted of three Vnches, two stools, and one chair (something like a jarber's chair, without the scrolhi and cushions) ; a bed in one corner of the ••oom upon some split boai'ds for bottom ; a rough table of the same material roughly planed This, with a few old cutlasses, shot-pouches, and tobacco "aoks (such is were manufactured by the Indians about the post), constituted the room and furniture occupied by P. 0. Pambrun, Esq., of the Honorable Hud- son's Baj Company. Into this room the mission party were invited, and introduced to Mrs. Pambrun and two young children-misses. The kind and cordial reception of Mr. PamVrun was such that all felt cheer- ful and relieved in this rude spceimea of half-native, lialf-French dwell- ing. The cloth was soon spread upon the table, and the cook brought in the choice game of the prairies well cooked, with a small supply of Iritth potatoes and small Canadian yellow corn. This was a feast, as well as a great change from dried and pounded biiffah) meat "straight," as the miners say, upoi which we had subsisted since we letl the rendezvous, except the occasional fresh bits we could get along the route. Dinner being disposed of, some fine melons were served, :ed. VOYAGE DOWN THE FJVER. 145 wuicb Mr. Patnbnn had succeeded in raising in his little melon patch, in the bends of the Wallawalla River, about two miles from the fort. The supply of melons was quite limited, a single one of each kind for tiie party. Mr. Townsend on this occasion yielded his share to the ladies, and iiisisted, as he had been at the fort and partaken of them on previous occasions, they should have his share. Dinner over, melons disposed of, fort, stores, and quarters examined, arrangements were made for sleeping in the various sheds and bastions of the fort. Most of the gentlemen preferred the open air and tent to the accommodations of the fort. Rooms were provided for the two ladies and their hus- bands, Dr. Whitman and Mr. Spjilding. Next morning earh% Messrs. McLeod and Townsend started for Van- couver in a liglit boat, with the understanding that Mr. Pambrun, with the company's furs, and the mission party, were to follow in a few days. Mr. McKay was to remain in charge of the fort. All things were ar- ranged to Mr. Pambrun's satisfaction ; two boats or barges were made I'eady, the furs and party all aboard, with seven men to each barge, six to row and one to steer, with a big paddle instead of a helm, or an oar; we glided swiftly down the Columbia River, the scenery of which is not •^uniap'^ed in grandeur by any river in the world. Fire, earth, and water )':ave combined to make one grand display with melted lava, turning it out in all imaginable and unimaginable shapes and forms on a most giixirntic scale. In other countries, these hills thrown up would be called mountains, but here we call them high rolling plains, interspersed with a lew snow-capped peaks, some fifteen and some seventeen thou- sand feet high. The river is running through these plains, wandering around among the rocks with its gentle cur- 'ut of from four to eight knots per hour; at the rapids inc easing iis velocity and gyrations around and among the rocks in a iianncv interesting and exciting to the traveler, who at one moment finds his boat head on at full speed making for a big rock; anon he comes along, and by an extra exertion with his pole shoves off his boat to receive a full supply of water from the rolling swell, as the water rushes over tho rock he has but just escaped being dasiied to pieces against. As to danger in such places, it is all folly to think of any ; so on we go to "epeat the same performance over and over till we reach the falls, at wnat is now called Celilo, where we find about twenty-five feet perpendicular fall. Our boats were discharged of all their contents, about one-fom'th of a mile above the main fall, on the right bank of the river. Then the cargo was packed upon the Indians' backs to the landing below the falls, the Indian ]ierforming this part of the labor for from two to six inches of trail-rope tobacco. A few were paid from two to ten charges io 111 J it li I- ! f i ill p ni 146 'HISTORY OP OREGON. of powder and ball, or shot, depending upon the number of trips they made and the amount they curried. The boats wei'e let down with lines as near the fall as was considered safe, hauled out of the water, turned bottom up, and as many Indians as could get under them, say some twenty-five to each boat, lifted them upon their shoulders and earned them to the water below. For this service they each received two dried leaves of tobacco, which would make about six common pipefuls. The Indian, however, with otlier diued leaves, would make his two leaves of tobacco last some time. This portage over, and all on board, we again glided swiftly along, ran tl)rough what is called the Little Dalles, and soon reached the nari'owest place in the Columbia, where the water rushes through sharp projecting rocks, causing it to turn and wl)irl and rush in every conceivable shape for about tliree-fourths of a mile, till it finds a large circular basin below, into wliich it runs and makes one grand turn round and passes sniootlily out at right angles and down in a deep smooth current, widening as it enters the lofty range of the Cascade Mountains, The river was deemed a little too high, by our Iroquois pilot, to run the Big Dalles at that time, although, in January follow- ing, the writer, in company with another party, did run them with no more apparent danger than we experienced on the same trip at what is called John Day's Rapids. At the Dalles our party made another portage, paying our Indians as at Celilo Falls. TliC Indians' curiosity to look at the wiiite women caused us a little delay at the falls, and also ah the Dalles ; in lact, numbers of them followed our boats in their canoes to tJie Dalles, to look at ^.hese two strange beings who had nothing to carry but their own persons, and were dressed so differently .'.om the men. We proilieeded down the river for a few miles and met the Hudson's Bay Company's express canoe, in charge of Mr. Hovey, on its way to Lachine, going across the ooutiuont ; stopped and exchanged greetings for a lew minutes and passed on to eanip just above Dog lliver. Next morning made an early start to reach La Cascade to make the portage there before night. We had proceeded but about one hour, with a gentle breeze from the east, sails all set, and in fine spirits, admiring the sublimely grand scenery, when, looking down the river, the ladies inquired what made the water look so white. In a moment our boatmen took in sail, and laid to their oars with all their might to reach land and get under shelter, wliich we did, but not till we had received considerable wetting, and experienced the first shock of a Bevere wind-storm, such as can be gotten up on the shortest possible notice in tlie midst of the Cascade Mountains. Our camp was just that or trot itse the bodi The slave sexct the them felt tion MANNER OF FLATTENING HEADS. UT below White Salmon River. The storm was so severe that uU our baggage, furs, and even boats had to be taken out of tlie water to prevent tliem from being dashed to pieces on the shore. For three days and niglits we lay in this miserable camp watching the storm as it howled on the waves and through this mountain range. Stormy as it was, a few Indians found our camp and crawled over the points of rocks to get sight of our party. Among the Indians of the coast and lower Columbia none but such as are of noble birth are allowed to flatten their skulls. This is accom- plished by taking an infant and placing it upon a board corresponding in length and breadth to the size of the child, whi^h is placed upon it dnd lashed fast in a sort of a sack, to hold its limbs and body in one position. The head is also confined with strings and lasliing, allowing scarcely any motion for the head From the head of the board, upon which the infant is made fast, is a small piece of board lashed to the back piece, extending ^iown nearly over the eyes, with strings attached so as to prevent the forehead from extending beyond the eyes, giving the head and f".ce a broad and flat shano. The native inlants of the blood royal were kept in these presse m tliree to four months, or longer, as the infant could bear, or as Ij as|(iratierty he could get he had invested in horses, and brought them to Oregon. This fact, with the malicious reports circulated about him, made him an object of suspicion and contempt on the part of the Hudson's Bay Com- pany and the mission. We find that Mr. Lee treated Mr. Young as an up WALLA MET CATTLE COMPANY. 156 honest man, and, consequently, fell under the displeasure of Dr, McLaughlin and the Hudson's Bay Company. With Mr. Yoinuj, Mr. Lee succeeded in getting up the first cattle company, and gave the first blow toward breaking up the despotism and power of the compan}'. Mr. Young, as Mr. Lee infornicd us, was the only man in the country he could rely upon, in carrying out his j)lan to supply the settlement with cattle. He was aware of the stories in circulation about him, and of the want of confidence in him in the mission and among the French- Canadians and Hudson's Bay Company. To obviate this difficulty, he suggested that Mr. P. L. Edwards, a member of the mission, should go as treasurer of the company, and Mr. Young as captain. This brought liarmony into the arrangement, and a ready subscription to the stock of the Wallamet Cattle Company, all being anxious to obtain cattle. But iew of the settlers had any means at command. Many of the dis- charged servants of the Hudson's Bay Company had credit on their books. There were outside men enough in the country willing to volun- teer to go for the cattle, and receive their jtay in cattle when they arrived with the band in Oregon. This broug!it the matter directly to the Hudson's Bay Company, and to Dr. jMcLaughlin. Rev. Jason Lee received the orders of the company's servants, went to Vancouver, and learned from the clerks in the office the amounts due the drawers, then went to the Doctor, and insisted that certain amounts should be paid* on those orders. The Doctor very reluctantly consented to allow the money or drafts to be paid. This amount, with all the mission and settlers could raise, would still have been too small to justify the party in starting, but W. A. Slacuni, Esq., of the United States navy, being on a visit to the country, Mr. Lee stated the condition of matters to him. Mr* Slacura at once subscribed the requisite slock, and advanced all the money the mission wished on their stock, taking mission drafts on their Board, and gave a free passage to California for the whole party. (As the missionaries would say, " Bless God for brother Slacum's providential arrival among us.") Uncle Sam had the rijrht man in the right place that time. It was but a little that he did ; yet that little, what mighty results have grown out of it ! On the 19th of January, 18.37, six days .after Mr. Young had given up his projected distillery, he is on board Mr. Slacum's brig Lariat^ lying off the mouth of the Wallamet River, and on his way to Califor- nia with a company of stout-hearted men, eight (I think) in all, not to steal horses or cheat the miserable sav.ages, and equally miserable settlers, out of their little productive labor, but to bring a band of cattle to benefit the whole country. In this connection, I could not do *i ' i .■ > " fti: r ^^K, ' i' ■*i u- illi 156 HISTORY OF OREO ON. justice to all without quoting a paragraph which I find in Rev. G. Hinos' history of the Oregon missions. He says : — " Mr. SIncum's vessel left the Columbia River about the first of Feb- ruary, and arrived safely in the bay of San Francisco, on the coast of California. The cattle company proceeded immediately to purchase a large band of caUlo and a number of horses, with which they started for Oregon. In crossing a range of mountains (Rogue River Moun- tains), they were attacked by the rascally Indians, and a number of their cattle were killed, but they at length succeeded in driving back their foe and saving the remainder. Contrary to the predictions and tciahea of the members of the Iliuhon^a Bay Cor.ipany, who indirectly opposed them at the outset, they arrived in safety in the Wallamet Valley with six hundred head of cattle, and distributed them among the set- tlers, according to the provisions of the compact This successful enterprise, which laid the foundation for a rapid accumulation of wealth by the settlers, was mainly accomplished through the energy and per- severance of Rev. Jason Lee." What good have the missionaries done in the couNTnT ? I do not know how Mr. Hines arrived at the conclusion that the Hudson's Bay Company *^ indirectly opposed" this cattle expedition. I know they did it directly, and it was only through the influence of Rev. J. Leo, and Mr. Slacum, of the United States navy, tiiat they could have succeeded at all. Mr. Lee, in his conversation with Dr. McLaughlin, told that gentleman directly that it was of no use for the company to oppose the expedition any more ; the party was made up, and the men were on the way, and the cattle would come as per engagement, unless the men were lost at sea. The Hudson's Bay Company yielded the point only on the failure of the Rogue River Indians to destroy the expedition. Mr. Slacum placed it beyond their control to stop it. The courage of the men was superior to the company's Indian allies. The cattle came, and no thanks to any of the Hudson's Bay Company's generosity, patronage, or power. They did all they dared to do, openly and secretly, to prevent the bringing of that band of cattle into the country ; and, determining to monopolize the country as far as pos- sible, they at once entered upon the Puget Sound Agriculturai. Company, under the auspices of the Hudson's Bay Company and the English government. Do you ask me how I know these things ? Simply by being at Vancouver the day the brig dropped down the Columbia River, and listening to the discussion excited on the subject, and to the proposi- tion and plan of the Puget Sound Company among the gentlemen concerned in getting it up. mg il#Ml CAPTAIN WYETH >XD MISSION TARTY. 16T The mission of the American Board had no stock in the cattle com- pany of the Wallamet, not venturing to incur the diapk'asuro of the Hudson's Bay Company by expressing an opinion any way upon it. The writer was picking up itt-ms and preparing for a trip to New York overland, with one of the Hudson Bay Compan/.-'s traders, Mr. Francis (or Frank) Ermatinger. While in New York, Cincinnati, and other places, he stated the fact that the Methodist missionaries had fallen under the displeasure of the Hudson's Bay Company in entering too freely into trade and speculation in cattle in the country. Truth and justice to thorn require that I enter fully into their transactions as men and missionaries. Rev. .1. Lee, it will be remembered, was the first man to answer the call of tlie Indian to come to his country. The Methodist Board had been foriued, and J. Lee accepted their invitation and patronage. Li this expedition he gathered his associates, and at the same time made arrangements for future sup])lics to arrive by sea, coming around Cape Horn. Captain Wyeth was in Boston, getting up a trading expedition, and chartering a vessel for the mouth of the Columbia River, the May Dacre. On board Captain Lambert's brig Captain Wyeth and tlie Methodist Board sliipped their goods for the two expeditions. The goods on the way, it became necessary for the future objects of the mission to have a few horses to carry on the improvements necessary to a civilized life. Lee and assocnatcs start across the continent. Mis- souri is tlie most western limit of civilization. They reach it, purchase their outfit, and, in company with Captain Wyeth, reach Fort Hall ; here they fall in with Thomas McKay and our English nobleman, Captain Stewart. Captain Wyeth stopped to build his fort, while McKay, Stewart, Lee, Dr. Nutall, Townsend, and parties all made their way to Wallawalla, on the Columbia River. The supreme selfish- ness of the Hudson's Bay Company seems here to begin to develop itself. Lee and party were made to believe that the Flathead tribe, who had sent their messengers for teachers, were not only a small, but a very distant tribe, and very disadvantageously situated for the estab- lishment and support of a missionary among them. These statements determined them to proceed to the lower Columbia, to find a better location to commence operations. Leaving their horses at Wallawalla, in charge of one of their party, they proceeded down the Columbia in one of the Hudson's Bay Company's boats, being eleven days in reach- ing the fort, 'and one hundred and fifty-two days on the way from Missouri They were kindly received by the gentlemen of the fort, and in two days were on the hunt for a location. The party that arrived just two years later, with two ladies, were Jli «ii r 'i I 't.i nl i^' I! ) r \:'\ 15S HISTORY OF OREGON. k -I •:* :!;£}!■ ^ '"^-r not allowed to leavo the fori to look fiir locatioiis till they liad remained twelve days, and been invite^i to rid<; all over the farm, and visit the ships, and eat melons and apples ()>eing always cautioned to save all the seeds for planting). Lee and party were frank to make known to the company their object, and plans of future oi)eratious. Questions of trade and moral- ity were comparatively new with the company. As religious teachers and Christian men they liad no suspicions of any interference in trade. Mr. Lee hailed from Canada, and so did Dr. ]jlcLaughlin and a largo number of the servants of tlie company. " Mr. Lee is the man we want to instruct our retired ser-ants in religious matters. Mr. Shcpard will be an excellent man to take charge of our little private school ; we have commenced with a AL\ S. H. Smitli, who has found his Avay into the country, in company with Captain Wyeth, an opposition fur trader and salmon catcher. We do not know much about him, bnt if you will allow ^Ir. Sb^pard to take cliarge of our scliool till you can make otiier arrangements, and you require his services, we will make it all riglit.'' This arrangement placed the labor of selecting locations and the necessary explorations upon our friend Jason Lee. All being smooth and cordial with the company, Lee proceeds to French Prairie and up the river till he reaches a j)oint ten miles below Salem, about two miles above Jarvie's old place, and makes his first location. From all the information he could gather, tliia was the most central point to reach the greatest number of Ludians and allow the largest number of French and lialf-native pjipulation to collect around the station. In this expedition he occupied about ten days. The whole country was before them — a wilderne;..! two tliousaitd six hundred miles broad, extending from the gulf of (California on the south, to the Russian settlements on the north, with a few scattering stations among the border Lidians along the western territories of Missouri, and the great unknown, nnex))lored west, which the American Hoard, in a book pub- lished in 1802, page HSO, says, " brouglit to light no field for a great and successful mission," showing that, for twenty-five years, they have neglected to give this caantry the attention its present position and importance demanded, and also a total neglect on tlieir part to select and sustain proper men in this vast missionary field. They are willing now to plead ignorance, by saying, " Rev. Samuel Parker's exploring tour beyond the Rocky Mountains in 1H36 and 1837 (but two years after the Rev. J. Lee came to it) brought to light no fidd for a (jreat a nd sncc('.-U- led and l»oiled wheat, and a change to pea and barley soup, with oats for the chickens they had received from the vessel. Daniel Lee soon falls sick, and Edwards becomes dissatisfied. They both arrange to leave the viountry on the Jfaj/ Dacre. Rev. D. Lee is ail vised to go to the Samlwich Islands, and Edwards is induced to undertake an independent school at Champoeg. Shepard toils on with his Indian and half-native school. Mr. Lee p-caches and labors at tiie mission among the French, and at Van- couver. In October, 183i), Rev. S. Parker arrived at Vancouver. lu Novcm- NO WHITE FEMALE INFLUENCE. 161 ber he made a flying visit to Mr. Lee's mission. His Presbyterian spectacles Avere not adapted to correct observations on Methodist Episcopal missions, lie was inclined to pronounce their efforts a fail- ure. This impression of Mr. Parker's arose from the fact, that no female influence, except that of the natives of the country, was seen or felt about the mission. His impressions were also quite unfavorable to the Hudson's Bay Company from the same cause. These impressions were, at the puggestion of the writer, omitted in his first published journal. Four months after Mr. Parker's visit to Mr. Lee's mission, we find the gentlemen of the Hudson's Bay Company making a handsome donation to Mr. Lee's mission of $130, including a handsome prayer for a bless- ing upon their labors, in ihe following words : " And they pray our heavenly Father, without whose assistance we can do nothing, that of his infinite mercy he may vouchsafe to bless and prosper your pious endeavors." This is signed in behalf of the donors by John McLaughlin. 11 n.mi ' l^ i kM ^'-■i^ i 11 u u 1 ( ii iii i CHAPTER XXI. •m^] Arrival of Rev. Mr. Bi>aver and wife. — His opinion of the compap;. — A double-wjddiuft', — Mrs. Spalding anil Mrs. Whitman at Vancouver. — Mra explore the country and locate stations. — ^Their opinion of the country.— Indian labor. — A winter trip down Bnake River. Nothing of note occurred till about the middle of August, 1838. The bark 2\^reii^ ::rrived from England, bringing back Rev. Daniel Lee, recovered from his sickness Avhile in the Sandwich Islands, and Rev. Mr. Beaver and lady, an English Episcopal clergyman, as chaplain to the Hudson's Bay Company at Fort Vancouver. Mr. Beaver was a man below the medium height, light brown hair, gray eyes, light com- plexion, a feminine voice, with large pretensions to oratory, a poor delivery, and no energy. His ideas of clerical dignity were such, that he felt himself defiled and polluted in descending to the " common herd of savages" he found on arriving at Vancouver. "The governor was uncivil, the clerks were boors, the women were savages. There was not an individual about the establishment he felt he could associate with." This feeling was shared largely by Mrs, Beaver, who, from the little I saw of her at \ double-wedding party at her own house, I concluded, felt she was condescending greatly in permitting her husband to per- form the services. She .nppcared totally indifferent to the whole performance, so far as giving it an approving smile, look, or word. The occasion was the marriage of the youngest daughter of Dr. McLaughlin to Mr. Ray ; and of Miss Nelia Comilly to Mr. James Douglas, since governor of Vancouver Island and British Columbia. While at Vancouver, I met Mr. Beaver once outside the fort, with his dog and gun. From what I could learn of him, he was fond of hunting and fishing ; — much marc so than of preaching to the " ignorant savages in the fort," as he called the gentlemen and servants of the company. "Tliey were not sufficiently enlightened to appreciate good sermons, and to conform to the English chuich service. However, as he was the chaplain in charge, by virtue of his appointment received from the e.vecutive committee and governor in London, ho had rlglits superior to any half-pavage, jtretcnded gentlemen at this establishment, and he would let, them know what they were, before they were done with him ; he did * 'M. ■ ;|, si: h . ABUSE OP REV. MR. BEAVER, 168 not come to this wilderness to be ordered and dictated to by a set of half-savages, who did not know the difference between a prayer-book and an otter skin, and yet they presumed to teach him morals and reli- gion," This tirade, as near ta I could learn, was elicited from his reverence soon after he arrived, on account of some supposed neglect- or slight offered by Dr. McLaughlin, in not furnishing his quarters in the style he had expected. On i-eaching the post, in place of a splendid parsonage, well fitted up, and servants to do his bidding, he found what in early California times would be called an ordinary balloon honse, made of rough boards, the doors (I think) not planed, and no carpets upon them, and none in the country to put upon them, except the common flag mats the Indians manufacture ; and these the Rev, Mrs. Beaver considered " too filthy to step upon, or be about the house." In addition to these very important matters (judging from the fuss they made about them), " the doctor and all the pretended gentlemen of the company were living in adultery. This was a horrible crime he could not, and would not, put up with ; he could scarcely bring himself to perform the church service in so polluted an audience." We had never been confirmed in the English church, and, consequently, did not feel at liberty to offer any advice after listening to this long tirade of abuse of the members of the Hudson's Bay Company by his reverence. A short time after, Mr. Bea\ er met Dr. McLaughlin in front of the house, and commenced urging him to comply with the regulations of the Eng- lish church. The doctor had been educated in the Roman Catholic faith ; he did not acknowledge Mr. Beaver's right to dictate a religious creed to him, hence he was not prepared to conform wholly to, the Eng- lish church service. Among other subjects, that of marriage was men- tioned, Rev. Mr. Beaver insisting that the doctor should be mamed in accordance with the church service. The doctor claimed the right to bo married by whom he pleased, and that Mr. Beaver was interfering and meddling with other than his parochial dtitics. This led his rev- erence to boil over and spill out a portion of the contemptuous feelings he had cherished from the moment he landed at the place. The doctor, not being in the habit from his youth of calmly listening to vulgar and abusive language, especially when addressed to his face, laid aside his reverence for the cloth, as also the respect due to his position and age, and gave Rev. Mr. Beaver a caning, some say kicking, causing his rev- erence to retreat, and abruptly suspend enforcing moral lessons in con- formity to church usage. Rev, Mrs. Beaver very naturally sympatlnzed with her husband, and they soon made arrangements and left the country, to report their case at head-quarters in London. Dr. McLaugh- lin chose to comply with civil usage, and as James Douglas !iad received s ' !. ■ ;■ ■ W . iir:; i ! \ ! ; 1 (|if ,1 ii i ; i . il ' '{ f ifi f P ■ m 'i ■ III \ > if 1 1, ' L 164 HISTORY OP OREGON. MfJi a commission from her Majesty as civil magistrate under the English law, acting as justice of the peace, he united Dr. John McLaughlin in marriage to Mrs. Margaret McKay, whose first husband had been lost in the destruction of the bark Tonquin some years previous. This wedding occurred at Vancouver, about the end of January, 1837. The doctor was married privately, by Esquire Douglas, either a short time before, or a few days after, I have not yet learned which. Rev. Mr. Beaver and lady arrived at Vancouver about four weeks before Mrs. Spalding and Mrs. Whitman. The gentlemen of the com- pany, like the rough mountaineers who paid their respect to Mrs. Whitman and Mrs, Spalding at the American rendezvous, attempted to be polite and kind to Mr. and Mrs. Beaver. They most emphati- cally failed. The parsonage was a terror to them. They had become objects of contetnpt, scorn, and derision in the estimation of their religious guide and moral patron. Their wives and children were looked upon as filthy savages, not fit to associate with decent people. This feeling was so strong in the chaplain and his wife that it leaked out in very injudicious and indiscreet expressions of disapproval of actions and conduct, that, in a refined and polished society, would be considered oifensive ; yet these traders and Indian merchants, not hav- ing been in refined society for many years, did not understand or com- prehend their own awkwardness and want of more refinement. They had forgotten that, in the progress of society, six hundred years had passed since their great great grandmothers were like the women they saw about them every day. They forgot that Mrs. Beaver was an English clergy- man's wife, and claimed to belong to the best English society. They thought there was but little diiference in womankind ; in short, they were much better qualified to deal with Indians than with civilians. Under such circumstances, and with such feelings existing in Fort Vancouver, the reader will not be astonished at the reception of two ladies who could interest and command the esteem and respect of the savage, the moun- tain hunter, and the Hudson's Bay Company fur trader. They came among them expecting nothing but rough treatment ; any little mis- takes were overlooked or treated as a jest. They knew no distinction in classes ; they were polite to the servant and the maater ; their society was agreeable and refining ; not the least insult in word, or look, or act, was ever given them by any white man ; their courage had been tested in the trip they had performed; their conversation and accomplish- ments surprised and delighted those permitted to enjoy their acquaint- ance, and, as Mr. Ilincs, in his history of the Oregon mission, s.ays, "these,' were the first American women that ever crossed the Rocky Mountains, and tlxeir arrival formed an epoch in the history of Oregon^ HUNTING A STATION. 165 Oar mission party, with Captain Pambrun, his two boats loaded, two- thirds of the goods for the mission, on their way up the Columbia River, arrived all safe at the Dalles. Gray took a decided stand in favor of the first location at that point, on account of its accessibility, and the general inclination of all the Indians in the country to gather at those salmon fisheries ; Spalding and Pambrun" opposed ; Whitman was unde- cided ; Pambrun would not wait to give time to explore, nor assist in getting horses for the Doctor and Gray to look at the country in view of a location. On we go ; make the portages at La Chute ; reach John Day's River ; Pambrun leaves boats in charge of Whitman and Gray, and goes to Wallawalla on horseback. In four days' hard pulling, towing, and sailing, we reach Wallawalla all safe ; tiud cattle and horses all improving, and every thing in order, that is, as good order as could be expected ; boats discharged, goods all carefully stored. Next morning, early, a fine baud of Cayuse horses came into the fort ; four fine ones were selected and saddled, an extra pack animal with travel- ing case and kitchen furniture, tent for camping, and provisions all ready, a servant with two Indians, all mounted, oft' we go up the Walla- walla River about twenty-five miles. Most of the land we passed over we pronounced barren, and good for nothing except grazing cat- tle, sheep, and horses. In the bends of the river, saw a few acres of land that might be cultivated if arrangements could be made to irri- gate. Passed the Tuchet, but did not consider its appearance justified much delay to examine it closely, though tba whole bottom was covered with a heavy coat of tall rye grass ; went on into the forks of the Walla- walla and Mill Creek (as it is now called), pitched our tent at the place where Whitman's station was afterward built, got our suppers. Whit- man and Gray took a look around the place, wont into the bends in the river, looked at the cotton-wood trees, the little streams of water, and hU about till dark ; came back to camp ; not much said. Mr. Pambrun explained the quality of the soil, and what would produce corn, what potatoes, and what would produce (as he thought) wheat, though ho had not tried it thoroughly ; or, rather, he had tried it on a small scale and failed. A few Cayuses came about camp at night. Next morning up early ; breakfast over, some fine fresh Cayuse horses were brought up, ready to mount We proceeded through the valley in several direc- tions ; rode all day and returned to camp at night, stopping occasionally to pull up a weed or a bush, to examine the quality of the soil. At night, if an artist could have been present and taken a picture of the group and the expressions of countenance, it certainly would have been interesting : Spalding, Whitman, Pambrun, and Gray discuss- ing the quality of the soil, the future prospects of a mission, and of the !J i Ull 4i I I ! > tJ, 1 S;' 166 HISTORY 01 OREGON. !l natives it was contemplated to gather around. No white settlement was then thought o£ They unanimously concluded that there was but a limited amount of land susceptible of cultivation, estimated at the place for the station at about ten acres. Along all the streams and at the foot of the Blue Mountains, there might be found little patches of from half an acre to six acres of land suitable to cultivate for the use of the natives. This, to say the least, was not an overestimate of the qualities of the soil that has proved, by twenty-five years' cultivation without manure, to be richer to-day than soils of a different character with all the manuring they have received. The great objection and most discouraging indication to the party was the unlimited amount of caustic alkali found all over those plains and all through the valley. This fact alone proves the soil inexhaustible. All it requires is suffi- cient water to wash from the surface the superabundant alkali that forms upon it. Any cereals adapted to alkaline soil may be cultivated to any extent in those valleys. A stake was set to mark the place. Next day all returned to tbo fort, and soon the mission tents, horses, goods, and cattle were upon the ground and work commenced. The Indians, what few had not gone for buffiilo, came to our camp and rendered all the assistance they were capable of in getting a house up and covered. In a few days Spalding and Whitman started with the Nez Perccs to look at their country, in view of a location among them^ leaving Gray alone in charge of the building and goods, while they exam- ined the country up the Clearwater River, and selected a location in a beautiful valley about two miles up the Lapwai Creek, and about twelve miles from Lewiston. Whitman returned to assist in erecting buildings at his station. Spalding started for Vancouver, to bring up the ladies. About the middle of November, Mrs. Whitman's quarters were ready, and she came to occupy them. Spalding and Gray, with Mrs. Spalding, started for the Lapwai station ; arrived about the 1st of December, 1 636, and, with the assistance of the Indians, in about twenty days a house was up, and Mrs. Spalding occupied it It is due to those Indians to say tiiat they labored freely and faith- fully, and showed the best of feelings toward Mr. and Mrs. Spalding, paying good attention to instructions given them, and appeared quite anxious to learn all they could of their teachers. It is also due to truth to state that Mr. Spalding paid them liberally for their services when compared with the amount paid them by the Hudson's Bay Company for the same service : say, lor bringing a pine-log ten feet long and ono loot in diameter from the Clearwater River to the station, it usually took about twelve Indians ; for this service Mr. Spalding paid them A WINTER TRIP. 167 about six inches of trail-rope tobacco each. This was about four times as much as the Hudson's Bay Company paid. This fact soon created a little feeling of unfriendliness toward Mr. Spalding. Dr. Whitman managed to get along with less Indian labor, and was able, from bis location, to procure stragglers or casual men to work for him for a time, to get supplies and clothing to help them on their way down to the Wallamet settlement. Mr. Spaldmg and Dr. Whitmaa were located in their little cabins making arrangements to get in their gardens and spring crops, teaching the Indians by example, and on the Sabbath interpreting portions of the Bible to them, and giving them such religious instruction as they were capable of communicating with their imperfect knowledge of their language ; Mrs. Whitman and Mrs. Spalding teaching the children at their respective stations as much as was possible for them with their domestic duties to perform. All things going on smoothly at the stations and all over the Indian country, it was thought advisable for Gray to visit Vancouver, procure the requisite spring supplies, and a suitable outfit for himself to explore the country, having in view further missionary locations, and return to the United States and procure assistance for the mission. Gray's expe- dition, as contemplated then, would not be considered with present facilities a very light one. He started from Spalding's station about the 22d of December, 1836. There had been about twenty inches of snow upon the ground, but it was concluded from the fine weather at the station that most of it had melted ofl: On reaching the forks of Clearwater (Lewiston), he learned from the Indians that the snow was too deep to go by land, sent his horses back to Spalding, got an Indian dug-out, started from Lewiston for Walla walla with two Indians to pilot and paddle the canoe ; reached the Paluce all safe ; camped with the Indians ; found them all friendly ; that night came on bitter cold ; — river full of floating ice ; Indians concluded not safe to proceed further in canoe ; procure horses and start down on the right bank of the river ; travel all day; toward night, in passing over a high point, snow-storm came on, lost our trail ; struck a canon, followed it down, found the river and camped in the snow, turned our horses into the tall grass and made the best of a snow-camp for the night. Next day start early; wallow through the snow and drifts and reach an Indian camp near the mouth of Snake River at night ; leave horses ; next morning get canoe, leave one Paluce Indian ; Paluce chief and chief of band at Snake River in canoe ; two Indians to paddle ; pull down the river into the Columbia in the floating ice, and reach Walla- walla, December 26, 1836 ; Pambrun pays Indians what he thinks right : MM,! 1 ' 'ft t I 1 ' II I '-ii 168 HISTORY OP OREGON. Palace chief, for horses and serviceR, one three-point Hudson's Bay blanket, one check shirt, one knife, half a brace (three feet) trail-ropo tobacco. Gray thought the price paid was very reasonable,— quite lit- tle enough for the labor, to say nothing of the risk and suffering from cold on the trip. The river all closed up ; Indians did not reach their homes for eight days ; no communication in any direction for ten days. About the tenth day Whitman sends orders down for goods to bo shipped from Vancouver. About the 10th of January, 1837, Mr. Ermatinger arrived from Colville by boat, having made several portages over ice in reaching Wallawalla. Next day we start down the river ; pass through and over several fields of ice; reach Vancouver about the 12th of January. Rev. J. Lee and Mr. Slacura had just left the fort as our party arrived. We have previously given an account of the sub- jects of special interest, and also of the weddings that occurred about this time at the fort. ' ' Tl I'K m m lag w '' 1 IP '1 iff 1 1 CHAPTER XXII. Tlio French and American settlers. — Hudson's Bay Company's traveling traders. — ^The ■ Flathenda. — Their manner of traveling. — Marriage. — Their honesty.-^Indian fight and scalp dance. — Making peace. — Fight with the Sioux. — At Council Bluffs. The reader is already acquainted with all of the first missionaries, and with the g"\crnin<; power and policy of the Hudson's Bay Com- pany, and of the different parties and organizations as they existed. We will now introduce parties of men as we find them in the Wallamet settlement. There were at this time about fifty Canadian-FrciU-hmen in the Wal- lamet settlement, all of them retired servants of the Hudsou'.s Bay Company. Those men, who had spent the most active part of 'heir lives in the service of the company, had become connected with native women, and nearly all of them had their families of haif-naiive children. This class of servants were found by the experience of the company not as profitable for their purposes as the enlisted men from the Orkney Isles, or even the Sandwich Islanders. They were induced to allow those that had families of half-native children to retire from the service and settle in the Wallamet. In this man- ner they expected to hold a controlling influence in the settlement, and secure a population dependent upon them for supplies. It was upon this half-breed population that they relied to rally the Indian warriors of the country to prevent an American settlement. As was plainly stated by one of the Hudson's Bay Company, Mr. F. Ermatinger, in the fall of 1838, in case any effort should be made to remove them from the country, they had but to arm the eight hundred half-breeds the company had, and, with the Indians they could control, they could hold the coun- try against any American force that could be sent into it. The Hud- son's Bay Company knew very well the power and influence they had secured over the Indians. There was then too small a number of outside Americans to make any effort to remove them, other than to afford them facilities to leave the country. With all the facilities they fur- nished, and encouragement they gave to go to the Sandwich Islands and to California, there was a gradual increase of the population the com- pany did not wish to see ; — sailors from vessels, and hunters from the mountains. These sailors and hunters naturally gathered around the ^ I il n I '• l:i V ■HI ' , -m, 170 HISTORY OF OREGON. American mission ; many of them had, or soon took, native women for wives ; the missionaries themselves encouraged them to marry these women. This soon commenced an influence exactly like that held by the Hudson's Bpy Company through their Canadian-French settlement, 'llie moral and religious influence of the English church bad not been favorably received at Vancouver. Gray procures his outfit at Vancouver, in January, 1837, and starts in company with Ermatinger on his return. First nisjht camp at a saw- mill ; meet a young man who bad crossed the mountains with Captain Wyeth, and had remained as clerk at Fort Hall, under the Hudson's Buy Company. This young man has never risen very high in the com- munity where he resides. For a time he considered lie was an import- ant member of the Hudson's Bay Company. His self-approbation was superior to the profits he brought to the company, and they found it convenient to drop him from their employ. He attempted a settlement out of the limits prescribed for Americans, and was soon compelled to locate himself under the influence of the Methodist Mission. There was also in the settlement another young man, who about that time had taken a native wife and wished to locate at the moutli A the Columbia River. This privilege was denied him, unless ho could pro- cure some others to go with him. He had joined the Methodist class, and was considered a reliable man ; he came to the country with Cap- tain Wyeth, and had opened and taught the first school ever commenced in the country. Ermatinger and company were detained fourteen days nnder the lee of a big rock just opposite Cape Honi, waiting for the east wind tr subside and allow them to pass up the river. Ermatinger was a travel- ing trader of the Hudson's Bay Company. That year he was with the Flathead tribe. Gray continued with him, having his own tent and traveling equipage. The route traveled was nearly that since explored and located as Mullan's military road. We struck the Cceur d'Alfene Lake and took boats, passed through the lake and up the Flathead River, making two portages with our boats and goods before wo reached Flat- head House, as it was called, a common log hut, covered with poles and dirt, about 16 by 20. At this point our horses came up. Their packs and equipnge were all put on board the boats, while the horses came light through the woods and along the rough river trail. At the place where we found our boats, we found a number of friendly Indians, also at the head of the lake, and a few at the Flathead House or hut. Here we found an old Frenchman in charge, with a small supply of goods, and about two packs of beaver which be had collected during the winter. acc(| waii Hel tra'i FLATHEAD CAMP. 171 Wo were joined by a part of the Flathead tribe. In ft few day« all were ready. The tribe and trader started over the mountains on to the waters of the Missouri, to hunt the buffalo and fight the Blackfuet. Our route was along the main branch of Clark's fork of the Columbiu, till we reached the Culaa Pathira (Bitter Root), A halt was made to allow the natives to dig and prepare the root for the season. The root is quite nutritious, answering the Indian in place of bread; it is some- what bitter in taste, and to u person not accustomed to its use, is not a very agreeable diet. Thin root secured for the season, the camp con- tinued over the dividing ridge into the Big Hole, or Jefferson fork of the Missouri. In this place we were joined by the balance of the buffiilo Indians. All parties, persons, and properly were carried upon horses. The camps usually traveled from ten to lifteen miles per day. It is duo to this tribe to say that truth, honesty, and virtue were cardinal prin- ciples in all their transactions. An article of property found during the day was carried to an old chief's lodge ; if it were bo light that ho could hold it in his hand and walk through the camp, he would pass around and inquire whose it was. Sometimes severjil articles would bo lost and picked up ; in such cases the old chief would go through the camp on horseback and deliver them to the owner. Their system of courtship and marriage was equally interesting. A youth wishing to marry a young miss was required to present a liorse at the lodge of his intended, ready for 1 er to mount as the camp should move. In case all were suited, her ladyship would mount the horse and ride it during the day ; at night a feast was bad at the lodge of the bride, the old chief announced the ceremony complete, and the parties pro«eeded to their own home or lodge. In case the suit was rejected the horse was not suitable ; he was left for the owner to receive at his pleasure ; the maid mounted her own horse and proceeded about her business. In case of any visitors from other tribes, which they frequently had in going to buffalo, they would caution a stranger, and inform him of the propensity to steal which they had learned was the habit of the Indian visitor. This tribe claim to have never shed the blood of a white man. I believe it is the only tribe on the continent truly entitled to that honor; yet they arc far more brave as a tribe than any other Indians. They never fear a foe, no matter how numerous. Our sketches perhaps would not lose in interest by giving a short account of a fight which our Flathead Indians had at this place with a war party of the Blackfeet. It occurred near the present location of Helena, in Montana. As was the custom with the Flathead Indians in traveling in the buffalo country, their hunters and warriors were in '. ml 11 ,'• }( i ;;i I I. 172 HISTORY OP OREGON. :idvf>nce of the main camp. A y)arty of twenty-five Blackfeet warriors was J'is'iovered by Home twelve of ouf Flatheads. To see each other was to fight, especially parties [irowlinu: about in this manner, and at it litey went. The first fire of the Fliitheads brouijht five of the Blackfeet to the ground and woumied some five more. This was more tlian they expected, and the Blackleot made but little efFoit to recover their dead, which were duly scalped, and the bodies left for food for the wolves, :iud the scalps borne in triumph into the camp. There were but two of the Fiatheads wounded : one had a flesh-Avound in the thigh, and the other had his riuht arm broken by a Blackfoot ball. The victory was comolete, and the rejoicing in camp corresponded to Mv number of scalps taken. Five days and nights the usual scalp- was performed. At the appointed time the big war-drum was ed, when the warriors and braves made their appearance at the ted place in the open air. painted as warriorf . Those who had the scalps from the beads of their enemies bore them in their is upon the lamrods of their guns. Tuiey entered the circle, and the war-song, drums, rattles, and noises ■ai lommeuced. The scalp-bearers stood for a moment (as if to catch jue), and thencommencfd hopping, jumping, and yelling in concert :i' -nusic. This conxinued for a time, when some old painted K. the scalps an(i continued the dance. The performance was zh with as many nights as there were scalps taken. - 1 VB after the scalps were taken, a messenger arrived bearing a wii e ixL^^, ;md a proposition to make peace for the purposes of trade. Jafter tht Treliminaries had all V)een completed, in which the Hudson's Bay Cot-rjany trader had the principal part to perform, the time was fixed for rae meeting of the two tribes. The Fiatheads, howevvsr, were all carefi to dig their war-pits, make their corrals and breat'tworks, and, in s :ort, fortify their camp as much as if they expcctec a fight inetead n' peace, Ermatinger, thr company's trader, remarked that he ■would sooner take his chances for a tight oft-hand than endure the anxiety ami suspense of the two days we waited for the Blackfeet to arrive. Our scouts and warriors were all ready, and all on the watch for peace or war, the latter of which, from tiie recent fight they had had, was expected most. At length the Blackfeet arrived, bearing ;; red flag with II. B. C in white letters upon it, and advancing to v/ithin a short distance of the camp, were met by Ermatinger and a few !.?lat- head chiefs, shook hands, and were conducted to the trader's lodge, — the largest one in the camp, — and the principal chiefs of both tribes, seated upon buffalo and bear skins, all wont through with the ceremony of smoking a big pipe, having a long har.''\ c stem trimmed witli ! ilii' INDIAN DELEaATION. 173 horse-hair and porcupine quills. The pipe was filled with the trad'', h tobacco and liie Indians kiilikinick. The Avar-chieis of each tribe took a puff each of the pipe, passed it to his right-hand man antl so around till all the circle had smoked of tl.-: oig medicine pipe, or pipe of peace, which on this occasion was made by the Indians from a soft stone wliicli they find in abundance in their country, having no extra ornamental work upon it. The principal chief in command, or great medicine man, went through the ceremony, puffed four times, blowing his smoke in four directions. This was considered a sign of peace to all around iiim, which doubtless included all be knew any thing about. The Blackfeot, as a tribe, are a tall, well-formed, slim-built, and active people. They travel principally on foot, and are considered very treacherous. The peace made with so much formality was broken tAvo days afler- ward by killing two of the Flatheads when caught not far from the main camp. It was from this Flathead tribe that the first Indian dolegati-^ii was sent to ask for teachers. Three of their number volunteered to go with Gray to the States in 1837 to urge their claims for teachers to come among them. The party reached Ash Hollow, where they were attacked by about three hundred Sioux warriors, and, after fighting for three hoi'rt'.kil'ed some fifteen of them, when the Sioux, by nu'uns of a French trader then among them, obtained a parley with Gray and his traveling companions, — two young men that had started to go to the StiiL'^s with him. While the Frenchman was in conversation with Gray, tlie treacherous Sioux made a rusli upon the tiiree Flathoads; .>iie Snake, and one Iroquois Indian belonging to the party, and killed them. The Frenchman then turned to Gray and told him and his companions they were prisoners, and must go to the Sioux camp, first attempting to get possession of their guns. Gray informed them at once ; " Yon have killed our Indians in a cowardly manner, and you shall not have our guns," at the same time tolling the young men to watch the first motion of the Indians to take tlicir lives, and if A'o must die, to take as many Indians with us as we could. I'he Sioux had found in the contest thus far, that, notwithstanding they had conquered and killed five, they had lost fifteen, among them one of their war-chiefs, besides several severely wounded. The [)arty were not further molested till they reached the camp, containing between one and two hundrc(I lodges. A full explanatic n was had of the whole affair. Gray had two horses killeil under him and two balls passed through his hat, both infiicting slight wound«. The party were feasted, and smoked the pijie of peace over the dead body of the chiefs son; next day tlx'V were allowed to proceed with nine of their horses ; the balance, witii t -s 174 HISTORY OP OREGON. the property of the Indians, tlie Sioux claimed as part pay for their loBses, doubtless caliiulating to waylay and take the balance of the horses. Be that as it may, Gray and his young men reached Council BluftV in twenty-one days, traveling nights and during storms to avoid the Indians on the plains. At Council Bluffs they found an Indian trader speaking the French language, meaner than tlie Sioux Indian, by the name of Papeon. The party had been twenty-one days on rations that ordinarily Avould have been consumed in four days; they had killed and eaten parts of two of the nine worn-out horses; they had with them six. The party entered the trading establishment and requested some food and the privilege of washing, not as beggars, but expecting to pay for what they required. They waited an hour or more ; no food was forthcom- ing ; Gray went to Papeon, the trader, and inquired the reason ihey / "' iiii^ 1 : I ! -;, \M CHAPTER XXIIL Ee-enforcemoat to the Methodist Mission. — Re-enforcement to tho mission of the Ameri- can Board. We M'ill leave Gray and party on their -W^ay down the Misfiouri River, and return to Oregon to introduce to the reader a ro-en- forcemeot to the Methodist Mission, consisting of Dr. Elijali White, a 'nan that few who have dealt with can speak well of, utterly desti- tute of all morality and geni;ine piety, assuming tlie garb of religion to cover his baseness of hjart and meanness of life. He arrived at the Columbia River in ^'^aj, 18£>7. He entered upon his professional duties, and in a few months boasted of the liberties he iiad taken with most of the ladies of the mission who were so unfortunate as to receive his medical attention. It was easy to see the influence of such a man. His words were smooth and bi'otherly, his acts were poison and infamy. He never bad a friend but he betrayed or swindled bim in some deal. He would tell a lie when the truth would answer his purposes better. This man for a time had considerable influence ; his calling ae a physician was necessary and indispensable to the mission. Rev. Jason Lee soon found out tlie oharacter of this wolf in sheep's clothing, and presented charges against him for his immorality, and ex- pelled him from the mission. F .vious to leaving the country, he called a public meeting and made his statements, and attempted to mob Mr. Jason Lee and got the settlers to give him a character, in both of which he failed, and left the country to impose upon the government at Wash- ington, as lie liad done upon the mission and tlie early settlers of Oregon. We will leave Dr. White for the present, and give him all the credit d e to his bad deeds and exhibitions of folly in his capacity as sub-Indian agent. Mr. Alanson Beers, a blacksmith by trade, was a good honest man, a devoted Christian, a man whose moral worth Avas above price. True as steel, and lionest as he was faithful, he was slow to believe others to be less true than himself. He was a pattern of honesty and piety, as well as industry and economy ; the opposite of White in every re«nect, as was his wiic when compared to Mrs. White. Though ?.Ir8. Beers never chiirned or aspired to shine or display more than she i s'ally was, yet her goodness of heart was manifested in her kind and generous s '■II ! .; » i i iY< IW HISTORY OF OREGON". ^i ' 'i': ^ISii .:ii treatment of all. If this man aivd his wife did not leave a haiidsomo competency for their children it was no fault of theirs. Others may have felt it their duty to appropriate the orphan's portion and receive the miser's paradise. Mr. Beers came to the country full-handed, with a handsome, competency to commence any business he might choose, inde- pendent of missionary patronage. He was more faithful in his depart- ment than most of hia brethren. He was considered by the early settlers an lionest and sincere man ; by the ruling spirits of the Methodist ^Mission, a faithful servant of their cause. With this company came W. II. "Wilson, an assistant missionary, of ■whose early life we have but little knowledge. From his own state- inents we learn that he had been connected with a whale ship as cooper. On arriving in Oregon as an assistant missionary, he was licensed as a preacher, and commenced the study of medicine with Dr, White, and, in later years, received the title of doctor instead of reverend. The doctor was a cheerful, whole-souled, good-sc/t of a fellow, with a greater abundance of interesting and funny yarns than profound medical skill, which always made him agreeable, and served to gain friends and I)opularity in a community that, as a general thing, would prefer a tinc- ture of liumbuggery. The Misses Ann Maria Pitman, Susan Downing, and Elvira Johnson were also of this party. The first became the wife of Rev. Jason Leo, the second of Cyrus Shepard, the third of Rev. 11. K. W. Perkins, who came to the country with the second re-enforcement to the mission, consisting of Rev. David Leslie, wife, and three daugters ; H. K. W. Perkins ; and Miss Margaret Smith, who afterward became the wife of an Englishman called Dr. Bailey. This gave to the Methodist Mission, on the 2 1st of November, 1837, Rev. Jason Lee (superintendent of the mission) and wife, Mr. 0. Shepard and wife. Rev. Daniel Lee, Mr. P. L. Edwards, Rev. David Leslie and wife, Dr. Elijah White .ind wife, Rev. H. K. W. Perkins and wife, Mr. A. Beers .Ind Avife, Mr. W. H. Wilson, and Miss Margaret Smith, — nine men and seven M'omen, — w ith three daughters of Rev. D. Leslie. From causes already mentioned, the moral strength of these early missionaries was neutralized. The larger portion of them had no knuwledge of the influences that were sapping the foundation of their Christian effort, and tending to destroy the confidence of such as were considered ungodlj outsiders. Instead of meeting sin, and vice, and lust which could not be hid, and condemn- ing and banishing it, the attempt was made to excuse nnd cover up rt fault in a professed brof iier, and reprove others for loss faults, — th^ mute and the beam. The lerjit iinate result followed, — though slow, yet certain. EXCHANGE OF CATTLE. 171 Here "was a noble field, h&<\ all the men sent to occupy it been of the right stamp ! Still they toiled on, or rather continued to occupy a place in the country, to form a nucleus for a settlement. In this position tliey are entitled to much cret.it. The roving sailor and the wild mountain hunter looked to this wilderness for a home. The shrewdness of these men soon detected the assailable points in the mission's character, and adapted themselves to circumstances, and found it easy to profess com- pliance and receive the benefits of the association. There were few or none among this early set of missionaries that displayed ranch knowl- edge of human nature. They were totally ignorant of savage life, manners, and customs ; hence were easily made the dupes of all. In the winter of 1837-8, Gray is in the States' giving an account of his trip across the Rocky Mountains iu company witli Messrs. Spal- ding and Whitman, and of his explorations of the coimtry ; the present and future pi'ospects of the missionary eflforts; the influence of the Hudson's Bay Company and of the missions ; the fact that a wagon had been taken by Dr. Whitman and his party to i ort Boise, and that it could be taken to the Wallamet settlement. Said one man in the audience fit Utica, New York : " How do you get through the timber on the route ?" " My dear sir, the traveler is compelled to use the buffalo chips to cook his food for a large part of the route, for want of ' wood ; there is not twenty-five miles of timber on the route from the Missouri to the Columbia," Of course a description of the vast plains and mountains had to be given, and the manner of travel and sub- sistence. The American Board of Commissioners for Fifreign Missions sent with Gray and wife. Rev. E. Walker and wife, «.. Eella and wife, and A. B. Smith and wife, to re-enforce tlit^ir mission. There was with this company a young man from Cincinnati, Ohio, — Cornelius Rogers, — active and useful in every department, respected and beloved by all who knew him. After renuimiiig with the mission a few years, lie received an appointment from rae Board, but he had made up his mind to JKCome a settler in the Wallaa*^ and made bis arrangements acf rd- mgly. Captain Siit;«r came witt ikdA party to Walla walla. They reached Whitman's station the first of September, 1838, bring- with them to P^rt Il.vll some fourteen cows. A majority of the party were made to believe that these could be replaced at Fort Colville with a l>*;t'er stock of cows, and th»» be saved t'le trouble of drivinE them fur- ther, and accordingly made an evtm exchange of the choicest and best ■tock tka*^ could be found in MiMH»uri icr such California §fc»ek as the Hudsons Bay Compniy might have at Colville. This was considered by the grevuhiurna that made the bargain a good trade, till they came •il , :,, ■'! :i ; 1 liy;i ■•Mi' m 178 mSTORY OF OREGON. I'K if •! ■ ill 1 m ^i I li I, r^ !^| to receive the wild, furious, untamable California stock at Fort Colville, that required a Spaniard with liis lasso to cutcli and hoUl, to get the milk for family use. Kev. E. Walker was a tall, rather spare, stoop-shouldered, black- haired, brown-eyed, rather light-complexioned man, diffident and unas- suming, always afraid to 8ay«me« at the end of his prayers, and requir- ing considerable cfllMt to speak with confidence or decision upon any subject. This mii:^.t arise trom habit, or want of decision of character, or fear of offendiaj;. He had no positive traits of mind, yet he was stu- dious, and. kind as a friend and neighbor ; faithful as a Christian, inef- ficient as a prefjcher. His efforts among the Indians were of the negative cast. The Indians respected him for his kindness, and feared him for his commanding appearance. Not at all adapted to fill the position he iinJertook, — as an Indian missionary in Oregon, — yet, as a 'iitizen and settler, one of the best. Rev. C. Eells, a short, slim, brown-haired, light-brown eyed, fair-com- plexioned man, with a superabundance of self-esteem, great pretensions to precision aiwi accurateness of statement and strictness of conduct; very preiuse in all his actions, and about all his labors and property ; with ii'> soul to huid and admire nature, no ambition to lift his tiioughts beyond the sphere of his own ideas of right, he was made to move in a small circle ; his soul would be lost outside of it. 1 here were but two instances on the trip from Boston to Oregon in which he ventured out- side of hims'jlf. The first Avas at Soda Spi-ings. The day the party arrived, notwithstanding they had made a long day's drive to reach that camp, the four ladies — Walker, Eells, Smith, and Gray — wished to go round and see the springs and diink of the water, and look at the Steamboat Spring, a place where water and gas issue at intervals of about a mmute, like the blowing of steam. These places the ladies, tired as they were, must ' lok at and admire. Rev. Mr. Eells puts up his saddles, buckles, and tents, and takes his Testament and reads his chap- ter, as usual, and after prayers retires to rest. Next morning all were up and admiring the grand display of nature around, drinking of the water, and enjoying its exliiiaraling influence. Camp all ready, on they move. Nothing would satisfy the ladies but another look at the Steam- boat. All mounted their horses and rode down to it. Eells mounts his horse as usual, and comes along down where all stood watching and admiring the phenomenon, dismounts from his horse, and in utter aston- ishment exclaims: '^Wc/l, this is realh/ worth coming to see!'''' The other instance in which ho lost himself was in admiring the grandeur of the great fall on Snake River, He had no poetry or romance in his soul, yet by dint of porscv erance he wiis a good artificial singer. He 'ore the they eam- hiB iiixl stoiv The idcur in his He THE MISSIONARIES. 179 lacked all the qualities requisite for a successful Indian missionary and a preacher of the gospel in a new country. As citizens and neighbors, Mr. Eells and his family were highly respected ; aa a teacher, ho \va.s unreasonably strict. Rev. A. 13. Smith, a man whose prejudices were so strong that he could not be reasonable with himself. He attempted to make himself useful as a missionary, but failed for want of Christian forbearance and con- fidence in his associates. As to literary ability, he was superior to his associates, and probably excited their jealousy ■. so much so, that his connection in the mission became unpleasant, and he found an excuse to leave the country in 1841 ; not, however, till he and Mr. Rogers had, with the assistance of the Lawyer, completed a vocabulary and a grammar of the Nez Perce language, which was the cause of Ellis's jealousy of the Lawyer and Mr. Smith, and also of an extra effort through the Jesuits and the company to get rid of him. :V >' 'I li ' 1 • ;t 'It i St >' tJV CHAPTER XXIV. Arrival of Jesuit missionaries. — Toupin's statement about llov, A. B. Smith. — Death of Mrs, Jason Leo. — First express. — Jesuits at work. — Tho first printing-press. — The Catholic tree. •* -m n A SHOUT time after the arrival of the re-enforcemcnt to the mission . of the American Board, Rev. F. N. Blanchet and Rev. Demersc arrived at Wallawalla by the annual overland boats of the Hudson's Bay Company. While at Wallawalla, they induced a Cayuse, Young Chief, to have one of his cliildren baptized, Mr. Pambi-un being sponsor, or godfather. This was the first Indian child ever baptized in the country. It caused considerable excitement among the Indians, as also a disc "ion as to who was teaching the true religion. The interpre- ters of allawalla being of the Catholic faith, made free to inform the Indians that theirs was tb^ crue religion. The Indians soon came to the station of Dr. Whitman and informed him of what had been done, and that they had been told by the priest that his was the true re- ligion ; that wliat he and Mr. Spalding had been teaching them for two years past was all false, and that it was not right for the Indians to listen to the Doctor and Mr. Spalding. The instructions given, and the baptizing of the Indian child, were, unquestionably, designed to create a diversion in the minds of the Indians, and ultimately bring about the abandonment or destruction of the mission. I have never been able to learn, from any source, that any other Indian child was baptized by these priests on that trip from Canada to Vancouver. In fact, I see from their published works that they claim this as their first station or place of instruction. The Rev. Mr. Blanchet was a black-haired, brown-eyed, smooth- faced, medium-sized Frenchman. The Rev. Mr. Demerse had dark-brown hair, full, round eye, fair complexion, rather full habit, something of the bull-neck, inclining to corpulency. He was fond of good cheer and good living ; of the Jesuit order of the Roman churcii ; ho seemed to have no scruples of con- science ; so long as he could secure subjects for " mother church,''' it mattered not as to intelligence or character. During the year 1838, three clergymen arrived across the Rocky Mountains : Revs. Walker, Eells, and Smith, with their wives, and soc bu otlj hill DUPLICITY OF THE COMPANY. 181 Mr. Cornelius Rogers. Mr. Gray, with his wife, had also returned. These new arrivals gave an addition of nine to tlie mission of the American Board, making their numbrr thirteen in all. The Methodist Mission had sixteen, and the Roman Catholic, two. The total number of missionaries in the country, in December, 1838, was thirty-one, twenty- nine of the Protestant religion from the United States, and two of the Roman Jesuitical order. The latter were located at Vancouver as their head-quarters. The Methodists were in the Wallamet Valley, with one out-station at the Dalles, Wascopura. The American Board had three stations, one at Wailatpu, one at Lapwai, and one at Cimakain, near Spokan. This array of missionary strength looked like a strong effort on tlie part of the Christian world to convert the tribes upon our western coast. Had all the men been chosen with proper care, and all acted Avith a sin- gle eye to the cause which they professed to espouse, each in his distinct department ; had they closed their ears to the suggestions of hypocriti- cal fur tradei-s, and met their vices with a spotless life and an earnest determination to maintain their integrity as representatives of religion and a Christian people, the fruits of their labor would, undoubtedly, have been far greater. As the matter now stands, they can claim the influence they reluctantly yielded to the provisional government of the early settlers of the country. It will be seen at once that the Hudson's Bay Company was acting a double part with all the American missionary efforts in the country. On the arrival of Rev. J. Lee and party they sent for Mr. Beaver, an Episcopal clergyman. On the arrival of Dr. Whitman and jiarty they sent for Blanchet and Demerse, and established their head-quarter.s at Vancouver. Blanchet took charge of the field occupied by the Methodists, and Demerse of that occupied by the American Board. A combination of Hudson's Bay Company Indian traders, Roman priests, Protestant missionaries, and American settlers, each having a distinct object in view. Unfortunately for the American missionaries and settlers, there was no one bold enough to attempt to act against these combinations. Cornelius Rogers and Robert Shortess were the first to show signs of rebellion against the policy of the Hudson's Bay Company ; Spalding, Whitman, and Smith chafed under the Jesuits' proceedings in the interior. "About the year 1839, in the fall, Mr. Smith, belonging to the same society as Dr. Whitman and Mr. Spalding, asked permission of Ellis to build upon his lands for the purpose of teaching the Indians as the i other missionaries were doing, and of keeping a school. Ellis allowed him to build, but forbade him to cultivate the land, and warned him li ' n hM r : I !•; 182 HISTORY OF OREGON. W V that if he did the piece of ground which ho would till should Borve to bury him in. In the following spring, however, Mr. Smith prepared hia ])low to till the ground ; and EDia, seeing him ready to begin, went to him and said to him; 'Do you not recollect what I told you? I >^ '^ 7 Photographic Sciences Corporation 33 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. M580 (716)872-4503 iV m V <^ c^ i ^ ^ ;\ \ V^Q ;\ > '%" ^' It- IM HISTORY OF OREGON. The first printing-press in Oregon was received as a donation from the mission of the American Board of Foreign Missions in the Sandwich Islands, to the mission of the Board in Oregon. It reached its desti- nation at Lapwai, and was put in operation by Mr. K O. Hall, of the Sandwich Islands Mission, and commenced printing books in the Nez Perc6 language. Both Mr. Rogers and Mr. Spalding soon learned to set type, and print the small books required for the Indian schools that had been kept at the stations. The books and instructions were furnished gratuitously to all the Indians that wished to receive them. This caused special efibrts on the part of the priests to counteract the influence of the books printed by Spalding. To illustrate their ideas, and show the evil of heretical books and teachings, they had a representation of a large tree, with a cross on top, representing all religions sects as going ap the tree, and out upon the diflTerent branches, and falling from the end of the branch into a fire under the tree, with a priest by the side of the fire throwing the b<>retical books into it. This was an interesting pic- ture, and caused much discussion and violent denunciations among the Indians. Mr. Spalding, to counteract tlie influences of the Roman Catholic tree among the Indians, had Mrs. Spalding paint a number of sheets of cap-paper, commencing with Adam and Eve in the garden of Eden, representing the shrubbery, and all kinds of fruits, and the ser- pent, and the angel (after the fall) as' guarding the garden ; giving the pictures of most of the prominent patriarchs ; Noah and the ark, and the prophets, down to Christ and the twelve apostles ; showing the cru- cifixion of Christ by the Roman soldiers, and on down to the time when they adopted the cross as a form of worship, and the priests as kneeling to images. Spalding's pictures were in such form, and contained so much Bible history and information, that his Indian preachers, to whom he gave them, could attract larger crowds of Indians, to listen to the instructions given by Spalding, than those who had the Catholic tree. This exasperated, or stirred up, as the Indians expressed it, all their bad feelings toward each other, and caused quarrels between those that were friends before, — a repetition of sectarian quarrels in all ages, and among every people not understanding the true principles of a genuine Christianity. The main object of the priests was to destroy all interest in books, and thereby check the growing influence of the American missionaries in the country, substituting pictures and beads in place of knowledge. i CHAPTER XXV. Independent missionaries arrive. — Their troubles. — Conversion of Indians at the Dalles. — Their motives. — Emigrants of 1839. — Blubl)er-Mouth Smitli. — Re-onforcement of tlie Methodist Mission in 1840. — Father Do Smet. — Rev. Harvey Clarlc and asso- ciates. — Ewing Young. — Names of missionaries and settlors. In the fall of 1839, the Rer. J. S. Griffin and wife arrived at Dr. Whitman's station. Mr. Griffin had undertaken an independent mliBion, in company with a Mr. Munger and wife. They had received an outfit from some warm-hearted Christiana of the Litchfield North Associa- tion, of Connecticut. Mr. Griffin reached St. Louis a single man, fell in love and married on sight, I do not know whether it was first or second. At all events. Rev. Mr. Griffin and Mr. Munger and their wives consented to travel together till they reached Fort Hall, at ■which place Mr. Griffin, being the getter-up of the mission and claim- itig ecclesiastical jurisdiction, took it upon himself to leave Mr. Munger and his wife at Fort Hall, to take care of themselves as best they could. Frank Ermatinger, of the Hudson's Bay Company, at once furnished Mr. Munger and hie wife the means of transportation, and brought them to Dr. Whitman's station, where he knew Mr. Munger could find a place for himself and wife. This transaction of Mr. Griffin injured his usefulness as a minister, and left him in the country but little re- spected by any who knew of his conduct to a fellow-traveler and an ifitelligent Christian woman. The fact that Mr. Munger afterward be- came deranged, or even that he was partially deranged at Fort Hall, or before they reached that place, is no excuse for his treating a man in that condition and his wife as he did. Mr. Griffin claims that Mr. Ermatinger stole three of his horses, or had them hid, when at Fort Hall, to get Mr. Munger and wife to travel with him, and, by so doing, give the impression that he had abandoned them. From a careful re- view of Mr. Griffin's lengthy defense in this case, we can not conceive that any further change or correction is required, as the facts stated are by him admitted. From Mr. Griffin's statement we are satisfied that improper and undue influences were used to break up and defeat his Indian missionary plans and settlement by Mr. Ermatinger and the Hudson's Bay Company, and also to destroy his clerical influence in the country. Unfortunately, Mr. Criffin gave too much cause for his enemies to do as they did. f Ll! i'A ' t - 'I- M i\'\ I » ♦ n I ' ■ t ■ r i\ 186 HISTORY OP OREGON. In the winter of 1839, Mr. Griffin made an attempt to pass the Sal- mon River Mountains to Payette River, to establish a mission among the Snake Indians, in which he failed, and found hiu way into the Wallamet as a settler, where he still remains. There were with Mr. Griffin's party some four men, one by the name of Ben "Wright, Avho had been a Methodist preacher in the States, but whose religion failed him on his way over the mountains. He reached the Dalles, where he renewed his religion under Rev. Mr. Perkins and D. Lee. While at the Dalles, the three clergymen succeeded in converting, as they supposed, a large number of the Indians. While this Indian re- vival"wa8 in progress the writer had occasion to visit Vancouver. On his way, he called on the missionaries at the Dalles, and, in speaking of the revival among the Indians, we remarked that, in our opinion, most of the religious professions of the natives were from seljish motives. Mr. Perkins thought not ; he named one Indian that, he felt certain, was really converted, if there was a true conversion. In a short time Daniel Lee, his associate, came in, and remarked : " What kind of a proposition do you think (naming Mr. Perkins' truly converted Indian) has made to me?" Perkins replied : " Perhaps he will perform the work we wished him to do." " No," says Lee ; " he says he will pray a tehole year if I will give him a shirt and a capote." This fact shows that the natives who were supposed to be converted to Christianity were making these professions to gain presents from the missionAries. We have witnessed similar professions among the Nez Perc6 and Cay- use Indians. The giving of a few presents of any description to them induces them to make professions corresponding to the wish of the donor. With Messrs. Griffin, Mnnger, and Wright, came Messrs. Lawsou, Keiser, and Gciger, Inte in the fall of 1839 ; also a man by the name of Farnam, who seemed to be an explorer or tourist I met him at Van- couver, where he was receiving the hospitality of the Hudson's Bay Company, and collecting material for a journal, or history of Oregon. It is said of him that, on starting from the States, he succeeded in get- ting himself appointed captain of a company consisting of some fourteen men. He soon attempted to exercise absolute control of the company, which caused a division. The party voted to suspend his official func- tions, and finally suspended him and expelled him from the train. On returning to the States he published a book, which, as was to be expected, was favorable to himself and friends (if he had any), nnd severe on his opposers or enemies. The professed object of the party was to form a settlement in Oregon. In consequence of the course BOBEBT SHORTES& 18T pursued by Farnam, it all broke up. A man called Blubber-Mouth iiimith, Blair, a millwright, and Robert Shortess were of the party. Tboise a!l found their way into Oregon, while the balance of the party wept south and wintered in the mouniains. Mr. Farnara waa furnished a free passage to the Sandwich Islands by the Hudson's Bay Company, for which his traveling companions and those best acquainted with him have given the company credit, as one good act. Sydney Smith — called " iilubber-Moutb," from the fact that he was a great talker and fond of telling big j/ama, which he, no doubt, had re- peated so often that he believed them to be true, and would ap{>ear somewhat offended if his statements were not beJieved by others — had a tolerably fair education, and appeared to understand the lottery busi- ness, as conducted in some of the States. He was a man who had read considerable in his early days, and had he been less boisterous and per- sistent in statements that appeared improbable to others, would have been far more reliable and useful. As it was, in those early times, bis knowledge and free-speaking became quite usefid, when combined with the heurty action he gave to the objects in contemplation. He was ambitious and extremely selfish, and, when opposed in his plans, qu:'iO unreasonable. Robert Shortess possessed a combination of qualities such as should have formed one of the best and noblest of men ; with a good memory, extensive reading, inflexible purpose, strong hate, affectionate and kind, skeptical and religious, honest and liberal to a fault, above medium height, light-brown hair, blue eyes, and thin and spare features. His whole life is a mystery, his combinations a riddle. He early entered with heart and soul into the situation and condition of the settlements, and stood for their rights in opposition to all the combined influences iu the country. As a politician he acta on the principle of right, with- out any regard to expediency. As a religious man he has no faith ; as a skeptic he is severe on all alike. The country owes much to him for his labor and influence in combating slavery and shaping the organic policy of the settlements. At the dose of 1839, there were ten Protestant ministers and two Roman priests, two physicians, six laymen, and thirteen American women in the country — twenty-nine in all — connected with the Protest- ant missions, or under their immediate control, and twenty settlers, besides about ten men that were under the control of the Hudson's Bay Company, yet having strong American feelings. There were also ten American children, five, of them born in the country. Mrs. Whitman gave birth to the first white child, a daughter, born on this coast, who was drowned in the Wallawalla River at about two years of age ; V:1: 188 HISTORY OF OREGON. Mrs. Spalding the second, a daughter, still living ; Mrs. Elkanah Walker the first boj, and Mrs. W. H. Gray, the second. These boys are both making good names for themselves. It is to be hoped that every a<.-t and eflfort of their lives will be alike honorable to their parents, them- selves, and their native coontiy. As to the first daughter of Oregon, I regret to say, she disobeyed the wish of her parents and friends, and married a man whose early education was neglected, but who has natural ability and energy to rise above his present position, obtain an edu- cation, and become an ornament to his adopted country, and an honor to Oregon's eldest daughter. On the first of June of this year, the Latuanne, Captain Spalding, arrived in the Columbia River with a re-enforcement for the Methodist Mission of eight clergymen, five laymen, and one physician, all with wives, five single ladies, and fifteen children, belonging to the different families, with a full supply of goods, such as were needed and appropri- ato for the settlement, the various missions, and for Indian trade. Sep- tember following, Rev. Harvey Clark and wife, A. T. Smith and wife, and P. B. Littlejohn and wife, arrived across the Rocky Mountains. With this company came eleven mountain men, eight of them with native wives. We now had twenty-oae' Protestant ministers, three Roman priests, fifteen lay members of the Protestant Church, thirty- four white women, thirty-five American settlers, and thirty-two white children — one hundred and eight persons immediately under control of the mbsions. Thirty-six settlers, twenty-five of them with native wives. These thirty-six settlers are counted as outside the missions and Hud- sun's Bay Company. There were about fifty Canadian-French under the control of the company. Thus we can begin to see the development of the three influences or parties. The Hudson's Bay Company had in their religious element three Romish priests, assisted actively by all the Canadian-French Catholics and such clerks as Pambrun, Guinea, Grant, and McBean, with such interpreters as old Toupin, of whom Mr. Parker, in his jour- nal, says : " The interpreter I had been expecting did not arrive, and consequently much of what I wished to say to these hundreds of In- dians could not be communicated for want of a medium." On the pre- ceding page, Mr. Parker remarks : " But as I have little prospect of the arrival of my interpreter, I shall probably be left to commiserate their anxiety, while it will be out of my power to do them good." Old John Toupin, under the sanctity of a Roman Catholic oath, says, at St. Louis, of Wallamet, on September 24, 1848: "I have been seven- teen years employed as interpreter at Fort Wallawalla. I was there when Mr. Parker, in 1835, came to select places for Presbyterian mis- J. Mr. befo The Proi infli han< fold by t ties OLD TOUPIN'S STATEMENT. 189 lions among the Cayuses and Nez Percys, and to ask lands for those missions. He employed wc as interpreter in his negotiations with the Indians on that occasion." Mr. Parker has jnst said "Mc interpreter I had been expecting did not arrive.'''* Toupin says : " Mr. Pambnin, the gentleman then in charge of the fort, accompanied me to the Cayuses and Nez Perc6s. Mr. Parker, in company with Mr. Pambrun, an Ameri- can, and myself, went first to the Cayuses, upon the lands called Wai- latpu, that belonged to three chiefs, — Splitted Lip, or Yomtip ; Red Cloak, or Waptachtakamal ; and Feather Cap, or Tilokaikt." Having met them at that place, he told them that he was coming to select a place to build a preaching-house, to teach them how to live, and to teach school to their children, and that he would not come himself to estab- lish the mission, but a doctor, or medicine man, would come in his place ; that the doctor would be the cliief of the mission, and would come in the following spring. " I came to select a place for a mission," said he, " but I do not intend to take your lands for nothing. After the doctor is come, there will come every year a big ship loaded with goods to be divided among the Indians. These goods will not be sold, but given to you. The mission will bring you plows and hoes to learn you how to cultivate the land, and they will not sell, but give them to you." From the Cayuses Mr. Parker went to the Nez Percys, and there he made the same promises to the Indians as at Wailatpu. " Next spring there will come a missionary to establish himself here and take a piece of land ; but he wiU not take it for . -^ king, you shall be paid every year ; this » « the American fashion.*^ This statemqpt is made by authority of Rev. J. B. A. Brouillet, vicar-general of Wallawalla. Rev. Mr. Parker, as before remarked, and as his journal shows, soon understood all the maneuverings of this Hudson's Bay Company. He had no confidence in their friendship or their interpreters. As a matter of policy they could do no less than treat him kindly, or, more properly, civilly, and allow him to leave the country, as he did. But mark the strictness and care of the company to impress the necessity of com- pliance with their arrangements upon the minds of those that followed Mr. Parker. Keep the massacre to which Vicar-General Brouillet refers before your mind. Life and blood and treasure have been eapended. The fair Ipud we inhabit was not secured without a struggle. The early Protestant missions were not defeated and broken up without outside influences. The Indians were not abandoned till they had dipped their hands in the blood of their best and truest friend, and " become seven- fold more the children of the devil than they were in their native state," by the teachings they had received from malicious and interested par- ties to make them so. n 190 HISTORY OP OREQOir. ■s Father P. J. De Smet, from Brouillet's Btatemonts, was among the Flatheads and at Wallawalla in 1840. This priest boasted of his be- longing to the Jesuit order of the Romish Church. He usually wore a black frock-coat, was of full habit, arrogant and bigoted in liis opinions, and spoke with considerable sarcasm and contempt of all Americans, and especially of the missionaries, as an ignorant set of men to repre- sent the American churches. He would be considered, in his church, a zealous and faithful priest of the order of Jesus. His religious instruc- tions to the Indians were simple and easy to be understood : '* Count your beads, hate or kill the Suapies (Americans), and kiaa the cronaj''' Rev. Harvey Clark was a man whose religion was practical, whose labors were without ceasing, of slender frame, black hair, deep, mellow voice, kind and obliging to all. He organized the first Congregational Church in Tualatin Plains, and one in Oregon City, and was the getter- up of the Pacific University at Forest Grove ; a warm friend to general education and all objects calculated to do good to any and all of his fellow-creatui'es. But few who knaw him did not respect and esteem him for his sincere piety and Christian conduct. He came to the couu- try as a missionary sent out by some of the northwestern churches in the United States, without any definite organization further than suffi- cient to furnish the means for outfit for himself and associates, — Smitli and Littlejohn and their wives, — trusting Providence and their own strong arms and willing hearts to labor and do all they could for a sub- sistence. Mr. Clark was perhaps the best man that could have been sent with the early settlers. He early gained their confidence and esteem, and was always a welcome visitor among them. He had not that stern commanding manner which is usu.al to egotists of the clerical order, but was of the mild, persuasive kind, that wins the rough heart and calms the stormy passions. The country is blessed by his having lived in it. A. T. Smith, the associate of Rev. H. Clark, was an honest and sub- stantial farmer, a sincere and devout Christian, a man not forward in forming society, yet firm and stable in his convictions of right; liberal and generous to all objects of real worth ; not easily excited, or .ambitious of political preferment. His wife seemed, in all her life and actions, to be a suitable helpmeet for him. They came early to this country, and have ever been substantial and useful citizens, and sup- porters of morality and religion. They were among the earliest set- tlers at Forest Grove, and the first members of Rev. H. Clark's church. P. B. Littlejohn was the opposite of Smith, a confirmed hypochon- driac ; yet, under excitement that was agreeable to his ideas, a useful matt. Owing to his peculiar temperament, or the disease with which AMERICAN ARRIVALS TO \H3. 191 ho was afflicted, his usefulness, and that of an interesting and Chris- tian wife, were cramped and destroyed, llo returned to the States with his family iii 1845. At this point, perhaps a stai. ment of all the names of persons I have been able to collect and recollect, and the year they arrived in the country, will not be uninteresting to the reader, A short history of most of them has already been given. In the year 1834, Rev. Jason Lee, Rev. Daniel Lee, Cyrus Shepard, and P. L. Edwards, connected with the Methodist Mission ; Captain N. Wyeth, American fur trader, and of his party in 1832, S. IL Smitli, Burdet, Greeley, Sergeant, Bull, St. Clair, and Whittier (who was helped to or given a passage to the Sandwich Islands by the Hudson's Bay Company) ; Brock, a gunsmith ; Tibbets, a stone-cutter ; Moore, killed by the Blackfeet Indians ; Turnbnll, who killed himself by over- eating at Vancouver. There was also in the country a man by the name of Felix Hathaway, saved from the wreck of the William and Ann. Of this number. Smith, Sergeant, Tibbets, and Hathaway re- mained. Of the party in 1834, James A. O'Neil, T. J. Hubbard, and Courtney M. Walker remained in the country, making six of Wycth's • men and one sailor. C. SI. Walker cime witli Lee's company. With Ewing Young, from California, came, in this year, John McCarty, Carmichael, John Hauxhurst, Joseph Gale, John Howard, Kilborii, Brandy wine, and George Winslow, a colored man. By the brig Mary- land, Captain J. IL Couch, G. W. Le Breton, John McCaddan, and William Johnson. An English sailor, by the name of Richard or Dick McCary, found his way into the settlement from the Rocky Mountains. In the year 1835 it does not appear that any settlere arrived in the country. Rev. Samuel Parker visited and explored it under the direc- tion of the American Board of Foreign Missions. In 1836, Rev. H. Spalding, Dr. U. Whitman, W. H. Gray, Mrs. Eliza Spalding, and Mrs. Xarcissa Whitman, missionaries of the American Board, and Rev. Mr. Beaver, E])i8copal chaplain at "Vancouver, and Mrs. Beaver. There appear to have been no settlers this year; at least, none known to ns. In 1837, Mi-8. A. M. Lee, Mrs. S. Shepard, Dr. E. White, Mrs. M. White, A. Beers, Mrs. R. Beers, ]\Iiss E. Johnson, W. H. Wilson, Mr. J. Whitcomb, members of the Methodist Episcopal Mission. Second re-enforcement this year : Rev. H. K. W. Perkins, Rev. David Leslie, Mrs. Leslie, Misses Salira, Mary, and Siwah Leslie, Miss Margaret Smith, Dr. J. Bailey, an Englishman, George Gay, and John Turner. In 1838, Rev. Elkanah Walker, Mi-s. Mary Walker, Rev. Cashing Eells, Mrs. Elvira Eells, Rev. A. B. Smith, Mrs. E. Smith, and Mrs. 11 1 m ^1 192 HISTORY 01 ORBOON. Mary A. Gray, missionaries of the American Board. As laborers under special contract not to trade in furs or interfere with Hudson's Bay Company's trade, James Conner, native wife, and one child, and Richard Williams, both from Rocky Mountains. Jesuit priests : Rev. F. N. Blanchet, Rev. Demerse, located at Vancouver and French Prairie. In 1839, Rev. J. S. Griffin, Mrs. Griffin, Asael Munger, Mrs. Mary Munger, Independent Protestant Mission ; Robert Shortess, J. Farnam, Sydney Smith, Mr. Lawson, Rev. Ben. Wright (Independent Metho- dist), Wm. Geiger, Mr. Keizer, John Edmund Pickemel, a sailor. In 1840, Mrs. Lee, second wife of Rev. Jason Lee; Rev. J. H. Frost and wife ; Rev. A. F. Waller, wife, and two children ; Rev. W. W. Kone and wife; Rev. G. Hines, wife, and sister; Rev. L. H. Judson, wife, and two children ; Rev. J. L. Parish, wife, and three children ; Rev. 6. P. Richards, wife, and three children ; Rev. A. P. OIley and wife. Laymen : Mr. George Abernethy, wife, and two children ; Mr. H. Campbell, wife, and one child ; Mr. W. W. Raymond and wife ; Mr. H. R Brewer and wife ; Dr. J. L. Babcock, wife, and one child ; Rev. Mrs. Daniel Lee; Mrs. David Carter; Mrs. Joseph Holman; Miss E. Phillips. Methodist Episcopal Protestant Mission: Rev. Harvey Clark and wife; P. B. Littlejohn and wife. Independent Protestant Mission : Robert Moore, James Cooke, and James Fletcher, settlers. Jesuit priest : P. G. De Smet, Flathead Mission. Rocky .^'ountain men with native wives: William Craig, Robert or Dr. Newell, J. L. Meek, James Ebbets, William M. Dougherty, John Larison, George Wilkinson, a Mr. Nicholson, and Mr. Algear, and William Johnson, author of the novel, " Leni Leoti ; or, the Prairie Fl(iwer." The subject was first written and read before the Lyceum, at Oregon City, in 1843. In the above list I have given the names of all the American settlers, as near as I can remember them, the list of names I once collected having been lost. I never was fully informed as to the different occu- pations of all these men. It will be seen that we had in the country in the fall of 1840 thirty-six American settlers, twenty-five of them with native wives ; thirty-three American women, thiHy-two children, thirteen lay members of the Protestant missions, nineteen ministers (thirteen Methodist, six Congregational), four physicians (three Ameri- can and one English), three Jesuit priests, and sixty Canadian-French, — making, outside of the Hudson's Bay Company, one hundred and thirty-seven Americans and sixty-three Canadians, counting the three priests as Canadians. ..^1 CHAPTER XXVL 1840.— Petition to Congresa of United States. — British subjects amenable to the lawi of Canada. — Esquire Douglas as justice of tlio peace. — Mr. Leslie as judge. EiGiiTBEN hundred and forty finds Oregon with her little population all active and busy, laboring and toiling to provide the necessaries of life — food and raiment. And if a man did not wear the finest of broad- cloth, his intelligence and good conduct secured him a cordial welcome to every house or shanty in the country among the American or French settlers and missions. This was an innovation upon Hudson's Bay Company customs, and a violation of aristocratic rules sought to be enforced by foreign influences and sustained by the missionaries then in the country. Mr. nines, in his 2l8t chapter on Oregon, says : " The number of people in the colony was so small, the business transactions so limited, and the difliculties so few, that the necessity of organizing the com- munity into a body politic did not appear to be very great, though for two years persons had been chosen to ofiiciate as judges and magis- trates." The fact that the judges and magistrates officiating were chosen by the Methodist Mission, in opposition to the wish of the settlers, and from who?e decisions there was no appeal, and that there was no statute or law book in the country, and nothing to guide the decisions of the judge or magistrate but his own opinions, caprice, or prefer- ences, Mr. Hincs leaves o»it of sight. This state of things was sub- mitted to from the combined organized influence of the Methodist Slission and the unorganized condition of the settlers. A petition was gotten up and sent to Congress. This petition is too important a document to be omitted. The writer has no means at present to give the names attached to it. The petition speaks for itself, .^s settlers, we saw and knew the objects of the Hudson's Bay Company and the English government, by their actions and oft-repeated insolent asser- tions that they meant to "hold the country'''' by fair or by foul means, which, as men understanding the unscrupulous and avaricious disposi- tion of the entire English occupants of this country, we fully under- stood and duly appreciated, as will be readily demonstrated upon a perusal of the following: — 13 IM BISTORT OF OREGON. !•■ jP^ition of 1840. To the Honorable the Senate and House of Reproscntatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled : Your petitioners represent unto your honorable bodies, that they are residents in the Oregon Territory, and citizens of the United States, or persons desirous of becoming such. They further represent to your honorable bodies, that they have settled themselves in said Territory, under the belief that i^ was a por- tion of the public domain of said States, p.nd that they might rely upon the government thereof for the blessings of free institutions, and the protection of its arms. But your petitioners further represent, that they are uninf(»rmed of any acts of said government by which its institutions and protection are extended to them ; in consequence whereof, themselves and fami* lies are exposed to be destroyed by the savages around them, and OTHERS THAT WOULD DO THEM HARM. And your petitioner) would further represent, that they have no means of protecting their own and the lives of their families, other than self-constituted tribunals, originated and sustained by the power of an ill-instructed public opinion, and the resort to force and arms. And your petitioners represent these means of safety to be an in- sufficient safeguard of life and property, and that the crimes of theft, murder, infanticide, etc, are increasing among them tc an alarming extent ; and your petitioners declare tlieraselves unaMe to arrest this progress of crime, and its terrible consequences, without the aid of the law, and tribunals to administer it. Your petitioners therefore pray the Congress of the United States of America to establish, as soon as may be, a Territorial government in the Oregon Territory. And if reasons other than those above presented were needed to induce your honorable bodies to grant the prayer of the undersigned, your petitioners, they would be found in the value of this Territory to the nation, and the alarming circumstances that portend its loss. Your pJititioners, in view of these last considerations, would rep- resent, that the English government has had a surveying squadron on the Oregon coast for the last two years, employed in making accu- rate surveys of all its rivers, bays, and harbors ; and that, recently, the said government is said to have made a grant to the Hudson's Bay Company, of all lands lying between the Columbia River and Puget Sound ; and that said company is actually excocising unequivocal acts PETITION TO CONGRESS. 195 g accu- ly, the ,'8 Bay Paget cal acts of ownership over said lands thus granted, and opening extensive fanns upon the same. And your petitioners represent, that these circumstances, connected with other acts of said company to the same effect, and their declara- tiotu that the English government own and will hold, as its own i>oif^ that portion of Oregon Territory situated north of the Columbia Kiver, together with the important fact that the said company are cutting and sawing into lumber, and shipping to foreign ports, vast quantit' k of the finest pine-trees upon the navigable waters of the Coluiiibi , iiave led your petitioners to apprehend that the English govorument do intend, at all events, lo ii^ld that portion of this Territory lying noiih of the ColumV"?' River. And your petitioners represent, that the said Territory, north of the Columbia, is an invaluable possession to the American Union ; that in and about Puget Sound are the only harboi-s of easy access, and com- modious and safe, upon the whole coast of the Territory ; and that a great part of this said northern portion of the Oregon Territory is rich in timber, water-power, and valuable minerals. For these and other reasons, your petitioners pray that Congress will establish its sover- eignty over said Territory. Your petitioners would further represent, that the country south of the Columbia River, and north of the Mexican line, and extending from the Pacifio Ocean one hundred and twenty miles into the interior, is of unequaled beauty aud fertility. Its mountains, covered wich per- petual snow, pouring into the prairies around their bases transparent streams of the purest water ; the white and black oak, pine, cedar, and fir forests that divide the prairies into sections convenient for farming purposes ; the rich mines of coal in its hills, and salt springs in its val- leys ; its quarries of limestone, sandstone, chalk, and marble ; the sal- mon of its rivers, and the various blessings of the delightful and healthy climate, are known to us, and impress your petitioners with the belief that this is one of the most favored portions of the globe. Indeed, the deserts of the interior have their wealtli of pasturage ; and their lakes, evaporating in summer, leave in their basins hund^-eds of bushels of the purest soda. Many other circumstances could be named, showing the importance of this Territory in a national, com- mercial, and agricultural point of view. And, although your petition- ers would not undervalue considerations of this kind, yet they beg leave especially to call the attention of Congress to their own condition as an infant colo iy, without military force or civil institutions to protect their lives and property and children, sanctuaries and tombs, from the hands of uncivilized and merciless savages around them. We respectfully ask iiii, V'r IT 5 jm ! t: i "' m 196 HISTORY OP OREGON. for the civil institutions of the American Repuhlic. We pray for the high privileges of American citizenship ; the peaceful enjoyment of life ; the right of acquiring, possessing, and using property ; and the unre- st\,'*iiied purs.iti of rational happiness. And for this your petitioners will ever pray. David Leslie, [and others.]* We havp V^fore .'.lluded to the fact that the English government, by act of Parliament, had extended the colonial jurisdiction and civil laws of Canada over all her subjects on this coast, and had commissioned James Douglas, Angus McDonald, and, I think, Mr. Wark, as justices of the peace, having jurisdiction in civil cases not exceeding two hun- dred pounds sterling. In criminal cases, if the magistrate found, on examination, snificient cause, the accused was to be sent to Canada for final trial. In all minor matters the Hudson's Bay Company were .ibso- lute. Their men, by the articles of enlistment, were bound to obey all orders of a superior officer, as much so as a soldier in the army. Flog- ging was a common punii^hment inflicted by all grades of officers, from a petty clerk of a irading-post up to the governor of the company. All British subjects, or any that had been subjects to the British crown, were considered as amenable to the laws of Canada, which were deliv- ered from the brain cf the magistrate or judge, who perchance may have passed tiirongh some parts of Canada on his way to this coast, no one kn^w when. Of course he knew all about the laws he was to eijforce upon her Majesty's subjects, the same as our American judge, I. L. Babcock, did oi' the laws he was called upon to administer among the American settlers. Although the following incident Is not exactly in the order of time in which we are writing, yet it illustrates the legal knowledge of Esquire Douglas so well that the reader will excuse me for giving it just here. The case occurred in the summer of 1846, I think in August. The Hudson's Bay Company and the British subjects in the country had changed from the open opposition policy to that of union with the provisional government, and some of the members of the company had been elected to office. Mr. Douglas had received a com- mission as justice of the peace and county judge from Governor Aber- nethy. A man by the name of McLame had taken it into his head to jump a claim belonging to one of the company's servants, near Fort Vancouver. The fact was duly stated to Esquire Douglas, who issued his warrant commanding the sheriff, a servant of the company, to arrest McLame. The sheriff picceeded with his warrant and posse, took McLame, brought him to the fort, and put him in irons to keep him * Senate Document, Twenty-sixth Oongrena, first session. No. 614. TRIAL OF McLAME. lot secure nntil he could be tried. The day following, the writ<'r ari-ived at the fort, and as be was an old acquaintance of Esquire Douglas, and al80 holding a commission of justice of the peace and judge of the county court, Enquire Douglas stated the case to him, and aslted his 'ftdvice how to conduct it. I inquired what it was McLaine had done. '* Why, he went upon the land of one of our people and set up a claim to it, and made some threats." " Did be use any weapons, or injure any one ?" " No ; but he was very insulting, as the men tell me ; used abusive language and frightened the men, and attempted to get them off the claim, is the most he did." " Well, Esquire, I think if you do not manage this case carefully you will have a devil of a muss among these fellows." " What do you think I had better do ?" says the Esquire. " If it was my case, as it is yours, I would call the court as soon as possible, and call the parties. McLame claims to know Homething of law, and he will plead his own case, or get some one that don't know any more about law than he does, and they will call for a nonsuit on account of some illegality in the warrant or pleadings, and the first show you have, give them a nonsuit, and decide against your own peo- ple. This will satisfy McLame and his party, and the matter will end there. The suit is a civil one, and should have been by notice and sum- mons, for * forcible entry and detainer,' instead of an arrest and con- finement as a criminal. They may attempt to make false imprisonment out of it. If they do, I would settle it the best way I could." I never learned the exact manner in which this case was settled. I think McLame received some compensation and the matter was settled. But the Esquire never fully recovered from the effect of tiiis legal attempt at provisional American wisdom, as he came as near involving the two governments in a national war in the San Juan boundary ques- tion, in 1849, as he did the country, in attempting to protect the unrea- sonable claims of the company's servants in 1846. As to law books or legal knowledge, the country in those early times could not boast of having an extensive law library or profound lawyers, and, as was to be expected, some new and strange lawsuits occurred. Of the following case we have no personal knowledge, and can only give it as related to an by parties present. T. J. Hubbard, of Cham- r"^o> 'i*<^ * native wife. She was clo'innd and coveted by a neighbor of his, who threatened to take her from him. Hubbard was armed, and prepared to defend his own supposed or real right of poss j:-sion from his covetous neighbor, who attempted to enter his cabin window, or space where a window might be put (in case the owuur had one to go ill *'U 4t I 198 HISTORY OP OREGON. there). Hubbard shot him while attempting to enter, and submitted to a trial. Kev. Mr. Leslie presided as judge. A jury was called, and the statements of all parties that pretended to know any thing about the case made. The verdict was, "Justifiable homicide." The petition which was gotten up about this time, says that " theft, mur- der, and infanticide, are increasing among them to an alarming extent." A fact was unquestionably stated in the petition, that justice and virtue were comparative strarigers in the country. Despotism and oppression, with false notions of individual rights and personal liberty, were strong- ly at variance. The leading men, or such as one would naturally sup- pose to be guides of the erring, seemed to have fixed a personal stand- ard for virtue, justice, and right, not difficult for the most abandoned to comply with. CHAPTER XXVn. Death of Ewing Young. — First public attempt to organize a provisional government — Origin of the provisional government. — First Oregon schooner. In the early part of this year, about the 16th of February, 1841, Mr. Ewing Young, having been sick but a short time, died. He left a large band of cattle and horses and no will, and seems to have had no heirs in the country. On the 11th we ^.nd most of the settlers present at the funeral. After burying Mr. Young, a meeting was called, over which Rev. Jason Lee presided. After some discussion it was thought best to adjourn to meet at the Methodist Mission. On tlie next day, the 18th, short as the notice was, nearly all the settlers were present, — Canadians, French, English, Americans, and Protestant missionaries and Jesuit priests. Rev. Jason Lee, for some cause not stated, was excused from acting as chairman, and Rev. David Leslie elected to fill his place. Rev. Gustavus Hines and Sydney Smith were chosen as secretaries. " The doings of the previous day were presented to the assembly and adopted in part." Why does not Mr. Hines give us all the proceedings of the previous day ? Was there any thing in them that reflected upon the difiposition of the reverend gentleman to control the property of the deceased Mr. Young, and apply it to the use of the mission, or dis- tribute it among its members ? We are well aware of the fact that, on the death of a person in any way connected with, or in the service of, the Hudson's Bay Company, they at once administer upon his estate, to the setting aside of the will of the deceased, as in the case of Mr. P. C. Paiubruc, which occurred the summer before Mr. Young's decease ; and, more recently, of Mr. Ray, who died at San Francisco. Mr. Ray was an active, energetic young man, had won the lieart and hand of Miss McLaughlin, youugest daughter of Governor McLaughlin, and by this marriage had three interesting children, a son and two daughters. By his trading and speculations with his private funds, he had acquired a handsome fortune for his young family. At his death the Hudson's Bay Company sent an agent to take charge of the property. He claimed that as Mr. Ray was a servant of the conipa . and in their employ, he had no right to acquire property outside of tucir business ; hence, the property belonged it :♦) ;: < i i -^ ..fi ! 200 HISTORY OP OREGON. to the company. The books were canceled, and left his estate in debt to the company, and hia family destitute. His widow was obliged to take in washing, Tvhich was given her by some American officers then at that place. By this means she supported herself and young family till she could obtain help from her father, who had withdrawn fi-om the company, and was then residing in Oregon City. This is as good an illustration of the Hudson's Bay Company's gen- erosity as can be given. They pursued Dr. McLaughlin and his chil- dren to the death. Their influence and statements have led the Ameri- can people to mistake the doctor's unbounded generosity to them as wholly due to the company, and changed the friendly feeling and re- wards due to L '•. McLaughlin for needed supplies in the hour of greatest peril to their own account, at the same time holding the doctor's estate responsible for evei7 dollar, as they did Mr. 'Ray's. As to Messrs. Shepard's and Olley's estates, they were both adminis- tered by the Methodist Mission, or some one or more of its members. 1 have never been able to learn the results, but have been informed that, as they were members of the mission, the little property they had was disposed of as per mission usage. In the case of Mr. Young, the set- tlera found themselves somewhat interested. As to any Frenchman or Roman Catholic, it was taken for granted, if lie was not the servant of the Hudson's Bay Company, his property went to the priest. The settlers were united in the opinion that some understanding or laws should be adopted to govern th^ settlement of estates, other than the custom adopted by the Hudson's Bay Company or the missions ; hence they all turned out, and were completely defeated by the opera- tions of the Jesuit and Methodist missions. A resolution was ready, prepared for the occasion : — " liesolved, That a committee be chosen to form a constitution, and draft a code of laws, and that the following persons compose that com- mittee : Rev. F. N. Blanchet, Rev, Jason Lee, Rev. Gustavus Hines, Rev. Josiali L. Parish ; Mr. D. Donpierre, Mr. M. Charlevo, Mr. Robert Moore, Mr. E. Lucia, Mr. Wm. Johnson." The committee first named in thp resolution contained the names of the three first-named clergymen. This was clerical law and constitution a little too strong. It was then moved to put upon the committee some that were not clergymen. The committee was finally made up of nine. Now comes the test of all, — the governor. Revs. Leslie and Hines, and Drs. Babcock and Bailey were prominent candidates. The prospects were that the three Protestant missionary candidates would divide that influence so that Dr. Bailoy would be elected. It will be borne in mind that Dr. Bailey was a man of strong English FIRST PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT MEETING. 201 prejudices, and opposed to religious societies and religion generally. He could secure the French Catholic vote, and the majority of the set- tlers. He was present at the meeting, with his Canadian, French, and Hudson's Bay servant voters, all trained to vote for him for governor. He nominated himself, and so disgusted the American settlers that they joined in the eflfort to defeat him. Mr. Hines was the prominent candidate to enter the field, and secure the leading influence in the government. That ofiice was the leading question, — Bailey could not be trusted, and Hines could not be elected ; hence the oflice of governor was discarded, and the committee instruct- ed to prepare a constitution and laws, to be executed without an execu- tive. This was a shrewd and cunning device, to say the least of it, one calculated to make the judicial and executive office one, in the same person ; which seemed by common consent to be Dr. I. K Babcock, a man equally as ambitious and aspiring as Dr. Bailey, but in good stand- ing in the mission, and a stranger to the settlers. This point gained, George W. Le Breton, a young adventurer, who came to the country in the emplc y of Captain Couch, on the brig Maryland, having a fair edu- cation, . ' generally intelligent and agreeable in conversation, who had been /ought up in good society, and was inclined to, or educated in, the Roman faith. ■ This young man was elected to fill the offices of clerk of the court and public recorder, as a compromise with the Jesuits. To harmonize the English element, "Wra. Johnson was elected high sheriff Zavia Ladaroot, Pierre Billique, and Wm. McCarty were chosen constables. Messrs. Gervais, Cannon, Robert Moore, and Rev. L. H. Judson were chosen justices of the peace. Here comes the climax of all wisdom :- • " It was then resolved, that, until a code of laws be drafted by the Legislative Committee and adopted by the people, Ira L. Babcock, the supreme judge, be instructed to act" — just as he pleased. Mr. Hines says in his book, 419th page — " according to the laws of the State of New York." I query whether there was a single copy of the laws of that State in the country for ten years after the last resolution t ^^ passed. I know there was none at the timt>, and only a single copy of the laws of Iowa two years after; hence, Ira L. Babcock was law-maker, judge, and executive to the settlement, just as much so as John McLauglilin was to the Hudson's Bay Company. To keep up the farce (for the whole proceeding deserves no other name), " it was then resolved to adjourn, to meet the first Thursday in June, at the new building near the Roman Catholic church." The r(!Cord proceeds: "Thursday, June 11, 1841. The inhabitants of the Wal- il ( * I [ I I. il 202 HISTORY OF OREGON. lamet Vnlley met according to adjournment, and the meeting was called to order by the chairman, Rev. Dayid Leslie. On motion, the doings of t^e former meeting were read, on which the committee for drafting a constitution and code of laws was called for, and information was communicated to the meeting by the chairman of the committee, that, in consequence of his not having called the committee together, no report had been prepared." His Jesuitical Reverence, F. N. Blan- ohet, was excused from serving on the committee, at his own request. The settlers and uninitiated were informed by his reverence that he was unaccustomed to make laws for the people, and did not understand how to proceed, while divide and conquer, the policy adopted by the Hudson's Bay Company, was entered into with heart and soul by this Heverend Father Blanchet and his associates. " On motion, it was then resolved, that a person be chosen to fill the place thus vacated in the committee for drafting a conbtitution and code of laws, and Dr. Wm. J. Bailey was chosen." The motion that follows sliows that the settlers were suspicious of influences operating against them to deprive them of a voice in their own government, for they then, " on motion, resolved that this com- mittee be instructed to meet for the transaction of their business on the first Monday of August next." Tb- f further instructed this commit- tee to report at a subsequent meeting, " to be held the first Thursday in October next. On motion, resolved, that the committee be advised to confer with the commander of the American exploring squadron now in the Columbia River, concerning the propriety of forming a provisional government in Oregon." " Resolved, That the motion to adopt the report of the nominating committee presented at a previous meeting be rescinded." Wore the settlers really in favor of an organization adapted to their wants, and contrary to the wishes of the Hudson's Bay Company and clerical gov- ernment then existing ? The above resolution shows the fact. They have handsomely relieved the Jesnits of their responsibility, and left them to work with their associates and co-laborers, — the Hudson's Bay Company and Indians. They, to soften matters, allowed the commit- tee to consider the nature of the government about to be formed, and the ofiicers necessary, and — " Resolved, That the c^iomittee to draft a constitution be instructed to take into consideration the number and kind of officers it will be necessary to create, in accordance with their constitution and code of laws, and to report the same at the next meeting." It was also resolved that the report of the nominating committee be referred to the Legislative Committee. OPPOSITION TO AMERICANS, 203 Mr. Secretary Hines does not give us the names of the nominating committee and the oflicers they first reported. The meeting held at or n^jar the Roman Catholic church on the 11th of June wns adjourned to meet at the Methodist Mission at eleven o'clock on the first Thursday in October following. Duly signed, David Leslie, chairman ; Gustavus Hines, Sydney Smith, secretaries. The whole humbug had been completed ; the Metliodist Mission party was safe ; the Hudson's Bay Company and Jesuits only wanted time to carry out their arrangements and drive the whole concern from the country, or make a grand sacrifice for the benefit of the Hudson's Bay Company's trade and mother church. The idea of resisting the American influence was no new one; it was announced as early as 1838. The combinations were ready to be made that, at the proper time, every Hudson's Bay Company's man felt certain, would accomplish the object they desired. They were ready and did invest their money upon the issue ? It is true other parties came in and formed combinations that they supposed themselves capable of destroying by a single word. They failed; and in 1865 we find them, the petitioners, with a, host of those they sought to rob, crying against their injustice. They ask for compensation for attempting to prevent the rightful owners of the country from occupying it. This is in keeping witli their whole course. Their impudence may carry them* through and win their case, which justice and truth should deny them. Mr. Hines says, page 240 : " I have previously stated that the origin of the attempt to form a kind of provisional government was the re- moval by death of the late Ewing Young, leaving, as he di .f,. > 1 1|.; r iii' v'l til i 204 HISTORY OF OREGON. States, under command of Captain Wilkes, and says, page 421: "In addition to this, the officers of the squadron were consulted on the subject of organizing the country into a civil compact, and were found to be decidedly opposed to the scheme, and recommended that the subject be allowed to rest. They encouraged the people in the belief that the United States government would probably soon extend juris- diction over the country." To the disgrace of the leader of that squadron, the general impression of all the early settlers of this country is, to the present day, that he understood and tasted the qualities of Dr. McLaughlin's liquors, and re- ceived the polite attentions of the gentlemen of the Hudson's Bay Com- pany with far more pleasui'e than he looked into or regarded the wants of this infant settlement of his countrymen. Mr. Hines says " the officers of the squadron decidedly opposed the scheme." And why did they do it ? Simply because the parties named above were opposed. They had absolute control of the persons and property of all in the country, and they scrupled not to keep and use their power to the last. The unconquerable energy of the Americans was this year mani- fested in the building of a schooner, of about forty tons burden, on a ^little island some four miles above the present city of Portland. R. L. Kilborn, of the party of Ewiug Young, Charley Matts, P. Armstrong, who was afterward killed in the Indian war on Rogue River, H. Woods, John Green, and George Davis engaged in this enterprise. They em- ployed Felix Hathaway, who was saved from the wreck of the William and Ann, as head cai*penter, and commenced their work. To obtain spikes and such irons as were required, thoy had it reported that they were going to build a ferry-boat to cross the Wallamet River. To ob- tain rigging, they induced the French farmers to go to Fort Vancouver and get ropes to use in the old Dutch harness for plowing. Dr. Mc- Laughlin having informed them in the start, that he did not approve of their scheme, and would furnish them no supplies. They, however, were not to be deterred in their undertaking. Procuring a whip-saw of the mission, and such tools as they could spare, these men commenced their work ; and when Captain Wilkes visited them, and found they had a substantial and sea-worthy craft well under way, he furnished them such articles from his stores as he could spare, and spoke favor- ably of their enterprise to Dr. McLaughlin, who became more liberal ; so that, with the assistance of Captain Wilkes, the mission, and such as they received from Dr. McLaughlin, the vessel was launched and made trips to California, under the command of Captain Joseph Gale, who returned to Oregon in 1843, and was elected one of our Executive Committee, with David Hill and Alanson Beers. fi m CHAPTER XXVm. Lee and Hines explore the Umpqua River. — Mr. Hines tells a story. — Massacre and plunder of Smith's party by the Indians. — Sympathy of the Hudson's Bay Ck>mpany. — E.xtract from the San Francisco Bulletin. The reader is requested to note the statements that follow, as they show influences operating that tell how active the enemies of the Protestant missions had been. Mr. Hines admits that he owed his own and Mr. Lee's life to the wife of Guinea. (See his journal, page 109.) He says : " During the evening Mr. Guinea came to us considerably excited, and warmly congratulated us on the safe guardianship his wife had exercised over us in our absence. He said that in all probability we should have been robbed of all we had, if we had not lost our lives, had it not been for the faithfulness of his wife and her brother. He told us that one of the chiefs of the clan Ave had visited was at the fort. Learning that we designed to visit his people on the coast, excited with the utmost fear, he hastened down the river and reported many evil things about us, intending there\)y to instigate the Indians to prevent us from going among them." Mr. Hines, can you vouch for the truth of this statement ? I be- lieve sincerely you have told the truth, for you even attempt to excuse the Indian for his fears, and have not the least suspicion of the sources from which the Indian received his instruction and is made to believe that you and Mr. Jason Lee had come with your medicine bag to de- stroy them. Let us hear Mr. Hines' excuse for the Indian's fears, in his own words. He says : " Mr. Lee had brought a fowling-piece with him, and had in his possession a patent shot-pouch. This was the thing that had alarmed the chief. One story he told was, that we had brought medicine in a bag that Mr. Lee wore on his neck, for the pur- pose of killing them all off; and that if we were permitted to come among them the fatal bag would be opened and they would all be destroyed." How did these Indians leam about the missionary medicine bag ? Our good friend, Guinea, Mr. Hines tells us, is from Montreal, and of a good family, — a Frenchman. This trip, it seems, was made in 1840, about the 26th day of October. Dr. Whitman had not yet gone to the States, but the medicine-bag story is tried with the Indians on the vm ^^fi'i I'! . 206 HISTORY OF OBKQON. jf ■■ J Umpqua. Guinea has a little too much Rense of moral responsibility to allow his Indians to commence the slaughter of Lee and Hines, as Dr. White had come with them and seen them safe at the fort, and had returned to the settlement. The medicine man of the Mctltodist iNlis- sion had escaped, and it was not best to commence ou these preachers. Madam Siwaah Guinea must accompany them, to watch and explain matters and protect them. Mr. Hines says, page 100 : " We had been informed by Mr. Guinea that there would be great dy^ger in our go'.ng among them alono, and indeed he appeared to stand in the utmost fear of them, of their hos- tility to the whites, and especially to the Anuricana.^* Can a reasonable man read tiiis simple narrative with the light of history, and facts piled on facts, with the stains of the blood of our countrymen all over the country, and not trace the cause of these foul murders to their true source ? While none but American traders and hunters were in the country, it was an easy matter to dispose of them, but when the American missionary comes among the natives, another element of opposition must be introduced ; moral teachings must be met by religious superstitions, to secure the victim, to advance the in- terests of an unscrupulous trade. Let us take another statement from Mr. Hines before we proceed with his political history. On page 106, in speaking of the closing remarks of the chief at the mouth of the Umpqua, he tells us, the chief " said he was very glad we had come to see them ; that their hearts toward us were like our hearts toward them ; that he wanted us to continue w.ith them another day and tell them about God ; that they had heard about us, and had been told that we were a bad peo- ple." Who told these wild Indians this f Was it an American that had been living among them and teaching them that his countrymen were a bad people ? " That they were glad to see us for themselves, and were convinced that what they had heard was a lie ; that they now be- lieve us to be good, and that they meant to be good also." Mr. Hines tells a story, as he received it from the Hudson's Bay Company gentlemen, to show that these Indians are very treacherous and not to be relied upon, especially those on the coast. It relates to a company of fur huntera composed of Smith, Sublet, and Jackson. At page 110 of his book, he says: "In this division Smith was to take the country extending from the Platte River by the way of Santa F6 to California ; then turn north along the Pacific Ocean as far as the Columbia River, and thence back into the interior to join the other partners of the company. The country was in the wildest state, but few white men having ever passed through it. But, nothing daunted, Smith and his companions marched through to California, and thence MURDER OF SMITH'S PARTY. 207 along the coast north as far as the Urapqua River, collecting in their course all the valuable furs they could procure, until they had loaded several pack animals with the precious burden [forty packs of furs]. On amving here, they encamped on the borders of the river near <.he place where they intended to cross, but, on examination, found it would be dangerous, if not impossible, to effect the passage of the river at that place. Accordingly, Smith took one of his men [he had two] an :fi J; M ■ tiii son's Bay Company's people in encouraging tbe Indian hostility and murder of all outside venturers upon their trading localities, as they are prompt to insinuate and affirm that the whites are the aggressors, and to arrest them for punishment." It is difficult to understand why our American government is so tolerant and generous to a foregn monopoly that has invariably sought and accomplished the destruction of its fur trade on its western bor- ders, and used its entire influence against American institutions and citizens ; hot hesitating to incite the Indians to the most inhuman and brutal murders. CHAPTER XXIX. i: 1 Miflsionariea leaving. — Hudson's Bay Company's Gold Exchange. — ^Population in 1842. — Whitman and Lovejoy start for the States. — The Red River emigra- tion. — American merchants. — Settlers not dependent on the Hudson's 3ay Com- pany. — Milling Company. — The Oregon Institute. — Dr. Elijah White. — Pfooeed- ings and resolutions of a public meeting at Wallamet. — Correspr^L'dence with the War Department. Rkv. a. B. Smith and wife, Coi-nelius Rogers, and W. H. Gray and ■wife had left the mission of the AmerJcan Board, on account of difficul- ties they had become fully satisfied would ultimately destroy the mission or drive it from the country. Mr. Spalding, it will be remembered, was. a man of peculiar temperament, ambitious and selfish. He could not endure an associate of superior talent, or admit himself to be infe- rior in understanding the native language. From the time the Jesuits arrived (in 1838), some rS his own pet Indians had turned Catholics and commenced a quarrel with hitrv. These facts seeiaed to annoy and lead him to adopt a course opposed by Smith, Gray, and Rogers. Still he found it pleased the Indians us a Mhole, and was assented to by the balance of the mission. Smith and wife left for the Sandwich Islands ; Rogers for the Wallamet in 1841 ; Gr^y and wife in 1842. During the exploration of the country by Commodore Wilkes' explor- ing squadron, Mr. Cornelius Rogers was found a very useful man. His knowledge of Indian lant'uages (which he was remarkably quick to acquire) and of Indian character geiier.illy enabled him to become a reliable and useful interpreter. T)ie officers soon became aware of the fiict, and employed him at once to assist and interpret for them. He was paid for his services in gold coin, which amounted to something over five hundred dollars. Not wishing to carry his coin about, he offered to deposit it with the Hudson's Bay Company. " Certainly, Mr. Rogers, we will receive your coin, and credit you upon our books twenty per cent, le&s, as the coin is not so valuable to us as our goods, at beaver prices." Mr, R. allowed them to take his coin and credit him with four hundred dollars in beaver currency. In a short time a purty of the squadron were to go by land to California. Mr. R. con- cluded he would go with them, and that his coin would be more con- venient than beaver orders on the company. He therefore requested them to return to hira the coin. " Certainly, Mr. Rogers," and handed P ! m P-i If" '■ ■ I ^lft iihi mHlPI ifl^H^ml ijH 1! ;^l< il ^^B 912 HISTORY OF OREGON. him back four hundred dollars less twenty per cent., — three hundred and twenty dollars. " How is this?" says Mr. R ; " I supposed from the state- ment you made on depositing this money with you, that that money was a drug to you, and now you wish me to pay you twenty per cent, for money I have left in your care, after deducting twenty per cent, for leaving it with you. You may consider this a fair and an honorable transaction ; I do not." He was told, " Such is our manner of doing business^'' and that was all the satisfaction he could get. He finally left his money and drew his goods, at what was called beaver prices, of the company. Nothing further of note occurred in 1841, except the loss of the Pea- cock, in which no lives were lost, and the extra efforts of the company to show to the officers of the expedition their good deeds and kind treat- ment to all Americans, and to prove to them that the whole country was of little value to any one. " It would scarcely support the few Indians, much lees a large population of settlera." 1842. — Our population, all told, in the beginning of this year, is twen- ty-one Protestant ministers, three Roman or Jesuit priests, fifteen lay members of churches, thirty-four white women, thirty-two white chil- , dren, and thirty-five American settlers — twenty-five of them with native wives. Total, one hundred and thirty-seven Americans. At the close of tlie year we had an emigration from the States of one hundred and eleven persons, — some forty-two families, — with two lawyers, A. L. Lovejoy and A. M. Hastings. The latter became the lawyer of Dr. McLaughlin, and relieved the settlement in the spring of 1843 of a num- ber of not very valuable settlers, by assisting them to get credit of the Hudson's Bay Company in procuring their outfits, giving their notes, payable iu California ; while settlers who remained could get no credit or supplies of the company, especially such as had asked protection of the American government. A. L. Lovtyoy started from Whitman's station to return to the States with Dr. Whitman. He reached Bent's Fort with him, but stopped for the winter, while Whitman proceeded on to Washington in time to save the country from being given up to British rule. For an account of that trip, which we give in another chapter, we are indebted to the Honorable A. L. Lovejoy. The Red River emigration, consisting of some forty families of Eng- lish, Scotch, and ' adian-French half-breeds, had been ordered from the Red River, or Selkirk settlement, to locate in the Puget Sound dis- trict, by the Hudson's Bay Company's governor, Simpson. This com- pany started across the plains with most of their property and families in carts, iu the spring of 1842, directed, protected, and guided by the company, and expected to become settlers, subject to it, in Puget RED RIVER SETTLERa di8 Sound. This was in fact a part of the original plan of the Puget Sound Agricultural Company, and these families were brought on to aid in securing and holding the country for the British government and the use of the company, — a plan and arrangement exactly similar to that adopted by the Hudson's Bp.y Company in 1811-12, to cut off the trade of the French Northwest Fur Company, by establishing the Selkirk settlement directly in the line of their trade. This Red River colony was a part of the company's scheme to con- trol and outnumber the American settlement of Oregon ; it beins: con- nected with the Puget Sound concern, and under the control of the Hudson's Bay Company, — which, by the decision of the commissioners, has won the company 1200,000 from our national treasury. A more infamous claim could not well be trumped up, and the men who awarded it should be held responsible, and handed down to posterity as unjust rewarders of unscrupulous monopolies. Not for this alone, but for paying to the parent monopoly the sum of $450,000, for their malicious misrepresentations of the country, their murders, and their perjury respecting their claims to it. As 'on as the Red River colony reached the country, they found that the Hudson's Bay Company on the west side of the Rocky Moun- tains was a different institution from that of the Selkirk settlement ; consequently a large number of the more intelligent among them re- fused to remain in the Puget Sound district, and found their way into the Wallaract and Tualatin districts, and were received and treated as Oregonians, or citizens of the provisional government. This had the effect to embitter the feelings of the ruling spirits of the company, and caused them to change their policy. They commenced fortifying Fort Vancouver, and had a war-ship, the Modeste, stationed in the Columbia River, while the fort was being prepared for defensive or offensive measures. This only increased the anxiety and hastened the effort to organize for self-defense on the part of the American settlers. In the mean time, Hon. Caleb Cushing, of Newburyport, Massachu- setts, had sent to the country a ship with 6np|)lie9. A. E. Wilson had established himself, or was about to, at Wallamet Falls as a trader, and some families were on their way by water from the States, — F. W. Pettygrove, Peter Foster, and Peter H. Hatch. Pettygrove arrived M-ith a small stock of goods. The same ship brought a supply for the Methodist Mission. The settlers were not dependent upon the Hudson's Bay Company for supplies as much as has been asserted. I am certain that many of them never received a tlollar's worth of the company's goods, except it might have been through the stores of Pettygrove, Wilson, or Aberne- { m i-i i. 1 = k j : U t i r ■M M ! ? it. 2U HISTORY OP OBEGON. thy. I know many of them were willing and did pay higher prices to their American merchants than they could get the same article for from the company's store, which was about this time established at Oregon City. Soon after, a trading-post and warehouse were established at Champoeg, and Mr. Roberts sent up with orders to kick, change, and beat the half-lmahel with a club in order to get more wheat at sixty cents per imperial bushel in payment for all debts due the company for the goods furnished to them at one hundred per cent, or more on London prices. During this year the Wallamet Milling Company was formed, and commenced to build a saw-mill on the island above the fHlls. Dr. Mc- Laughlin also commenced active opposition to American enterprise. The Oregon Institute was commenced this year, under the direction of the Methodist missionaries. They carefully guarded against all out- side patronage or influence getting control of their institution, by re- quiring a certain number of trustees to be members of their church in good standing. It was during the discussions in the organizing of that institution that the disposition on the part of that mission to con- trol not only the religious, but literary and political interests of the settlement, was manifested. The leading members took strong ground, yet hesitated when it was found they would be compelled to ask for outside patronage. However, they were able to commence operations with the Institute, and succeeded in getting up a building deemed suitable by the building committee. Dr. Elijah White returned to the country, as he supposed and fre- quently asserted, with unlimited discretionary powers from the Presi- dent of the United States to airange all matters between the Hudson's Bay Company, Indians, and settlers, and "although his commission did not specify in so many words, yet, in short, he was the governing power of the United States west of the Rocky Mountains." He entered at once upon the duties of his office, and such a muss as he kicked up all over the country it would require tlie pens of a Squibob and a Junius combined to describe. Rev. Mr. Hines has given to the world many useful notices of this notorious blockhead, and from his descriptions of his proceedings one would infer that he was a most important character in promoting the peace and harmony of the settlement and keeping the Indians q\iiet. I have always been at a loss to understand Mr. Hines, whether he is speaking of Dr. White's proceedings in sober earnest or serious burlesque. Either he v;as woefully ignorant of the character of Dr. While, or he was cajoled and flattered and made to believe the docto.- ossessed power and influence at Washington that no document he could show gave any evidence of. Be that as it may, Dr. White MEETING TO BECEIVB DR. WHITE. 21S arrived in tlie fall of 1842, in advance of the emigration. He pretended to have all power necessary for all cases, civil and criminal. He appointed temporary magistrates to try all cases as they might occut-; and such as related to Indians and whites, or half-breeds and whites, he tried himself, and gave decisions to suit his own ideas of justice. Usually, in the case of two settlers, where he had appointed a justice to try the case, he would argue the case for one of the parties, and generally win it for his client or favorite. We attended two of the doctor's trials, one in Tualatin Plains, the other at the saw-mill near Salem. In both of these cases the conclusion of those not interested was, that if such waft the justice to which we as settlers were reduced, our own energy and arms must protect us. At the meeting called to receive him, a committee, being appointed, retired, and, after a short absence, reported the following resolutions : — Resolved, That we, the citizens of the Wallamet Valley, are exceed- ingly happy in the consideration that the government of the United .States have manifested their intentions through their agent, Dr. E. White, of extending their jurisdiction and protection over this country. Hesolved, That, in view of the claims which the aborigines of this country have upon the sympathies of the white man, we are gratified at the appointment of an agent by the United States government to regulate and guard their interests. Resolved, That we highly approve of the appointment of Dr. E. White to the above office, and that we will cordially co-operate with him in carrying out the measures of government in reference to this country. Resolved, That we feel grateful to the United States government for their intended liberality toward the settlers of this country, and for their intention to support education and literature among us. Resolved, That it will give us the highest pleasure to be brought, so soon as it may be practicable, under the jurisdiction of our mother country. On motion, it was Resolved, That the report of the committee be adopted. Resolved unanimously. That the doings of this meeting be trans- mitted to the government of the United States by Dr. E. White, in order that our views and wishes in relation to this country may be known. The following communication shows the shrewdness of Dr. White, and the influence he was enabled to hold over Mr. Hines, who seems to have ignored all the doctor's conduct while a missionary, and considers him a suitable person to deal with the complicated relntions then cul- mbating on our western coast It is given entire, to place Mr. Hinet Mil ^ Jf ' M' 216 HISTORY OP OREGON. L'f I in his true character in the history of the country, though Dr. White does not deign to mention his name in his report to the department. We also give an extract from the report of the Commissioners of Indian Affairs, November 28, 1843, as found on fifth and sixth pages of Dr. White's ccport. Mr. Uines' letter is as follows : — Wallambt, April 3, 1843. To the Honorable Secretary of War;- Sib,: — I have the honor of addressing you a brief communication expressive of my views of the course pursued by Dr. E. White, sub- ageut of Indian Affairs west of the Rocky Mountains. I am not extensive! • acquainted with what properly belongs to the business of an Indian agent, but so far as I understand the subject, this agency requires the performance of duties which are of an onerous and complicated character. The country is quite extensive, and an intercourse is carried on between the whites and Indians in almost every part of it. The prin- cipal settlements are on the Wallamet River and Tualatine Plains, but there are whites at the mouth of the Columbia River, the Falls, and among the Wallawalla, Cayuse, Nez Perc6, and Snake Indians. Im- mediately after the arrival of your agent in this country, he received the most urgent calls from several of these places, if possible to come immediately and enter into such measures as would secure both the safety of the whites and welfare of the Indians. He entered upon his business with diffidence, though with great energy and decision, and his indefatigable efforts to promote the inter- ests of this country, with his untiring industry in the performance of his duties, entitle him to the warmest respect of the members of this infant and helpless colony, and to the confidence of the honorable department which has committed to him so important a trust. Although he has been with ns but a short time in his official capacity, yet it is generally believed that the measures he has adopted to regulate the intercourse between the whites and Indians, particularly in the Cayuse, Nez Perc(5, and Wallawalla tribes, are wisely calculated to secure the protection of the former against the aggressions of the savages, and to secure to the latter the blessings of harmony, peace, and civilization. Some time in November last news reached us from these formidable tribes that they were laying a plot for the destruction of this colony, upon which your agent, with characteristic decision, determined to pro- ceed at once to the scene of this conspiracy, and, if possible, not only to frustrate the present designs of the Indians, but to prevent any future attempts of the same character. White bment. [ndian of Dr. 843. li cation te, sub- to the Bct, this ous and ried on 'hepriu- lins, but alls, and ns. Im- veceived I to come both the ith great the inter- mance of 8 of this lonorable Although , yet it is ;ulate the e Cayuse, ecure the es, and to izotion. ormidable lis colony, ■ed to pro- ot only to uiy future REV. MR. HINES' LETTER. 8ir This laborious journey was undertaken, and, accordingly, he set out on this perilous enterprise in the dead of winter, being accompanied by six men, and though the distance to be traveled by land and water was little less than one thousand miles, and the whole journey was one of excessive labor and much suffering, yet perseverance surmounted every difficulty, and the undertaking was brought to a most happy issue. In the fitting out and execution of such an expedition much expense must necessarily be incurred, but I am fully of the opinion the funds appro- priated by your agent, for the purpose of accoraplisiiing the object of his appointment, have been judiciously applied. Not knowing the views I entertained in reference to the propriety of his course. Dr. White requested me to write to the honorable Secretary of War, definitely expressing my opinion. Considering this a sufficient apology for intruding myself upon your patience in this communication, allow me, dear sir, to subscribe myself most respect- fully, Your humble servant, GUSTAVUS HlNBS, Missionary to the Wallamet Settlement. Depahtmbnt of War, J Office of Indian ^Vffairs, Nov. 28, 1843. ) I submit a report from the sub-agent west of the Rocky Mountains, received on the 9th of August last. It furnishes some deeply-interest- ing and curious details re8i)ecting certain of the Indian tribes in that remote part of our Territories. The Nez Percos are represented to be "mare noble, industrious, sensible, and better disposed toward the whites," than the others. Tiioir conduct on the occasion of an import- ant meeting between Dr. White and their leading men impresses one most agreeably. The school established for their benefit i's very numerously attended, while it is gratifying to learn that this is not the only establishment for Indian instruction which has been made and conducted with success. There will also be found in this paper some particulars as to the soil, water-courses, etc., of the Territory of Oregon, which may be interest- ing at this time, when public attention is so much directed to the re^gion beyond the Rocky Mountains. Respectfully submitted, T. Hartley Ceawfokd. Hon. J. M. Porter, Secretary of War. ■'f ill I ',! .1 < Til H fill I ^■¥H : t, CHAPTER XXX. ■;. -ji Dispatch of Dr. White to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. — Ho praises the Hudson's Bay Company. — Hia account of tlie Indians. — Indian outrages. — Dr. "White's expe- dition to tlie Nez Percys. — Indian council. — Speeches. — Electing a chief. — Laws of the Nez Perces. — Visit to the Cayuses. — Doings of the missionaries. — Drowning of Mr. Rogers and family. — Greorge Geere. — Volcanoes. — Petition against Governor McLaughlin. Oregon, April 1, 1843. Sib, — On my arrival, I had the honor and happiness of addressing you a. brief communication, giving information of my safe arrival, and that of our numerous party, to these distant shores. At that time it was confidently expected that a more direct, certain, and expeditious method would be presented to address you in a few weeks ; but that failing, none has offered till now. I think I mentioned the kind and hospitable manner we were received and entertained on the way by the gentlemen of the Hudson's Bay Company, and the cordial and most handsome reception I met with at Fort Vancouver from Governor McLaughlin and his worthy associate chief factor, James Douglas, Esq. ; my appointment giving pleasure rather tjian pain, — a satisfactory assurance that these worthy gentle- men intend eventually to settle in this country, and prefer American to English jurisdiction. On my arrival in the colony, sixty miles south of Vancouver, being in advance of the party, and coming unexpectedly to the citizens, bearing tjie intelligence of the arrival of so large a re-enforcement, and giving assurance of the good intentions of our government, the excite- ment was general, and two days after we had the largest and happiest public meeting ever convened in this infant colony. I found the colony in peace and health, and rapidly increasing in numbers, having more than doubled in population during the last two ybai*8. English, French, and half-breeds seem, equally with our own people, attached to the American cause ; hence the bill of Mr. Linn, proffering a section of land to every white man of the Territory, has th« double advantage of being popular and useful, increasing such attach- ment, and manifestly acting as a strong incentive to all, of whatever nation or party, to settle in this country. My arrival was in good time, and probably saved much evil. I had THREE INDIAN TRIBEa 219 but a short season of rest nfler so long, tedious, and toilsome a journey, before information reached me of the very improper conduct of the upper country Indians toward the missionaries sent by the American Board of Commissioners, accompanied with a passport, and a desire for my interposition in their behalf at once. I allude to the only three tribes from which much is to be hoped, or any thing to be feared, in this part of Oregon. These are the Wal- lawallas, Cayuses, and Nez Perc6s, inhabiting a district of country on the Columbia and its tributaries, commencing two hundred and forty miles from its mouth, and stretching four hundred and eighty miles into the interior. The Wallawallas, most contiguous to the colony, number some three thousand, including the entire population. Tliey are in general poor, indolent, and sordid, but avaricious ; and what few have property, in hoi-ses and herds, are proud, haughty, and insolent. The Cayuses, next easterly, are less numerous, but more formidable, being brave, active, tempestuous, and warlike. . Their country is well watered, gently undulating, extremely healthy, and admirably adapted to grazing, as Dr. Marcus Whitman, who resides in their midst, may have informed you. They are comparatively rich in herds, independ- ent in manner, and not unfrequently boisterous, saucy, and troublesome in language and behavior. The Nez Perces, still further in the inte- rior, number something less than three thousand ; they inhabit a beau- tiful grazing district not surpassed by any I have seen for verdure, water privileges, climate, or hci;lth. The tribe forms, to some extent, an honorable exception to the general Indian character, being more noble, industrious, sensible, and better disposed toward the whites and their improvements in the arts and sciences ; and, though as brave as Cajsar, the whites have nothing to dread at their hands, in case of their dealing out to them what they conceive to be right and equitable. Of late, these three tribes have become strongly united by reason pf much intermarriage. For the last twenty years they have been generally well disposed toward the whites ; but at the time Captain Bonneville visited this district of country, he dealt more profusely in presents and paid a higher price for furs than Mr. Pambrun, one of the traders of the Hudson's Bay Company, established at Wallawalla, who had long dealt with^them, and was previously a general favorite. On Mr. Bonneville's leaving, the chiefs assembled at the fort, and insisted on a change of the tariff in their favor. Pambrun refusing, they seized him, stamped violently upon his breast, beat him severely, and retained him prisoner, in rather unenviable circumstances, till they gained, to a considerable extent, their object. Since that time, they have been more consequen- tial in feeling, and shown less deference and respect to the whites. On i\ iin ni ^.l>: 1f^; til ■ II viUi -:m H: f' I llillf 'f V 220 HISTORY OP OREGON. >l iA ■'■"■.7% the arrival of missioimries among them they have never failed to make, at first, a most favorable impression, which has, in most instances, un- f<»rtunately, led to too near an approach to familiarity, operating alike prejudicial to both parties. The Rev. Messi-s. Lee and Parker, who made each but a short stay among them, left with like favorable im- pressions. Their successors, Spalding, Whitman, Gray, and ladies, with others who remained among them, were at last driven to the con- clusion that Indians as much resembled each other in character as com- plexion. These worthy people, not well versed in Indian character, and anxious to accomplish a great deal in a short time, resorted to various expedients to induce them to leave off their wandering migratory hab- its, and settle down contiguous to them in herding and agricultural pursuits, so as to be able to send their numerous and healthy children to school. In these efforts they were zealous and persevering, holding out various inducements as so many stimulants to action, most of which would have operated well in civilized life, bnt generally failed with therfe Indians ; and whatever was promised conditionally, whether the condition was met or otherwise, there was no reprieve — the promised articles must come ; and sometimes, under circumstances sufficiently trying, had these missionaries been less devoted, they would have driven them from their post forever. The Indians, having gained one and another victory, became more and more insolent, till at last, some time previous to my arrival, they were not only obtrusive and exceedingly annoying about and in the missionaries' houses, but seized one of the clergymen in his own house,* without a shadow of provocation, further than that of treating a better neighboring chief with more respect than they, and insulted him most shamefully, there being no other white person within fifty miles, save his sick and delicate lady. Soon after, tliey commenced on Dr. "Whit- man; pulled his eara and hair, and threw off his hat three times in the mud at his feet. A short time after, the chiefs assembled, broke into the house, violently assailed his person with war clubs, and, with an ax, broke down the door leading to his own private apartment. It is gen- erally thought, and possibly with truth, that, on this occasion. Dr. Whit- man would have been killed, had not a party of white men arrived in sight just at this moment.f Never was such an outrage and insult more * Rev. A. B. Smith, who employed the Lawyer as his teacher in the Nez Pens^ lan- guage. Ellis was the chief who claimed the land, and had been at the Red River school. He was jealous of the Lawyer's influence with the American missionaries, and used his influence with the Hudson's Bay Company to drive Mr. Smith away. f We were present at Dr. Whitman's at the time here referred to, and know that this di£9oulty originated from Jesuitical teachings. ^li DR. WHITE'S STATEMENTa 221 nndescrving. He had built, for the express purpose of Indian accom- modation, a house of the same materials, and finished in like manner with his own, of respectable size, and joined to his, and at all times, night and day, accessible. In addition to this, they were admitted to every room in his house but one. This being closed, had like to have cost him his life. lie had hardly lefl for the States last fall, when, shocking to relate, at the hour of midnight, a large Indian chief managed to get into the house, came to the door of Mi-s. Whitman's bed-chamber, and had succeeded in getting it partly open before she reached it. A white man, sleeping in an adjoining apartment, saved her from violence and i*uin. The villain escaped. There was but one thing wrong in this matter on the part of Di'. Wliitman, and that was a great error, — leaving his excellent lady unprotected in the midst of savages.* A few days after this they burned down the mission mill on his premises, with all its appendages and considerable grain, damaging them not less than twelve or fifteen hundred dollars. About the same time, Mrs. Spalding was grossly insulted in her own house, and ordered out of it, in the absence of her husband. Information reached him of an Indian having stolen his horse near the same time ; he hastened to the spot to secure the animal; the rogue had crossed the river; but, immediately returning, he presented his loaded gun, cocked, at the breast of Mr. Spalding, and abused and menaced as far as possible with- out shooting him.f In addition to this, some of our own party were robbed openly of considerable property, and some twelve horses were stolen by night. All this information, coming near the same time, was embarrassing, especially as ray instructions would not allow me to exceed, for office, interpreter, and every purpose, $1,250 per annum. On the other hand, their passport, signed by the Secretary of War, made it ray imperative duty to protect them, in their persons, at least, from outrage. I did not long hesitate, but called upon Thomas McKay, long in the employment of the Hudson's Bay Company as explorer and leader of parties, who, from his frank, generous disposition, together with his univereal success in Indian warfare, has obtained an extensive influence among the abo- rigines of the country, and, placing the facts before him, he at once con- sented to accompany me to this scene of discord and contention. We took but six men with us, arraed in the best manner, a sufficent number to command respect and secure the object of our undertaking, — McKay * There wore good men left at the Htation ; besides, the influence of Mr. McKinlej was thought to be sufficient protection from any violence from the Indians. f This transaction is represented by Rev. Mr. Brouillet as being that Mr. Spalding threatened the Indian with a gun, — being a mistatie on the part of Rev. Mr. Brouillet. |i ii'- ■M" ' i H 222 HISTORY OP OREGON. assuring me, from his familiar acquaintance with thesA Indians, and their thorough knowledge of the use of arms, that if hostile intentions were entertained, it would require a larger party than we oould raise in this country to subdue them. Obtaining Cornelius Rogers as inter- preter, we set out on the 15th of November on our voyage of misery (as McKay justly denominated it), having a journey, by water and land, of not less than nine hundred and fifly miles, principally over open plains, covered with snow, and several times under the necessity of spending the night without wood or fire, other than what was made by a small growth of wild sage, hardly suflicient to boil the tea-kettle. The gentlemen, as we called at Vancouver, did every thing in their power to make the journey comfortable, but evidently felt anxious concerning our safety. We reached the Dalles, some two hundred and twenty miles from the Pacific, on the 24tli, having been detained by wind, spent several days with the Methodist Mission families, who welcomed us joy- fully, and made our stay agreeable and refreshing. Mrs. Dr. Whitman was here, having found it improper and unsafe to remain where she had been so lately grossly insulted. Her noble and intellectual mind and spirit were much depressed, and her health suffering; but still enter- taining for the people or Indians of her charge the feelings of a mother toward ungrateful cliildrcn. Our visit encouraged her. We procured horses and traveled by land to Wallawalla, 140 miles above, reaching the Hudson's Bay establishment on the 30th. Mr. McKinloy, the gen- tleman in charge, to whom the missionaries are indebti. '^ for many kind offices in this isolated portion of earth, resolvt i to nuvlre it a common cause, and stand or fall with us. We reached W ij'.atpu, the station of Dr. Whitman, the day following, and were shocked and pained at beholding the sad work of savage destruction upon this hitherto neat and commodious little establishment. The Indians in the vicinity were few and shy. I thought best to treat them M'ith reserve, but made an appointment to meet the chiefs and tribe on my return. Left the day following for the station of Mr. Spalding among the Nez Percys, some 120 or 130 miles from Wailatpu; reached it on the 3d of December, after a rather pleasant journey over a most verdant and delightful graz- ing district, well watered, but badly timbered. Having sent a private dispatch in advance, they had conveyed the intelligence to the Indians, many of whom were collected. The chiefs met us with civility, gravity, and dignified reserve, but the missionaries with joyful countenances and glad hearts. Seldom was a visit of an Indian agent more desired, nor could one be. more necessary and proper. As they were collecting, we had no meeting for eight and forty hours ; in the mean time, through my ablo M';^i MR MCKINLEY'S SPEECH. 228 interpreter and McKay, I managed to Becure confidence and prepare the way to a good understanding ; visited and prescribed for their sick, made a short call at each of the chiefs' lodges, spent a season in school, hearing them read, spell, and sing ; at the same time examined their printing and writing, and can hardly avoid here saying I was happily surprised and greatly interested at seeing such numbers so fur advanced and so eagerly pursuing after knowledge. The next day I visited their little plantations, rude, to be sure, but successfully carried on, BO far as raising the necessaries of life were concerned ; and it was most gratifying to witness their fond. < ss and care for their little herds, pigs, poultry, etc. The hour arriving for the public interview, I was ushered into the presence of the assembled chiefs, to the number of twenty-two, with some lesser dignitaries, and a large number of the common people. The gravity, fixed attention, and decorum of these sons of the forest was calculated to make for them a most favorable impression. I stated explicitly, but biiefly as possible, the design of our great chief in send- ing me to this country, and the- present object of my visit ; assured them of the kind intentions of our government, and of the sad conse- quences that would ensue to any white man, from this time, who should invade their rights, by stealing, murder, selling them damaged for good articles, or alcohol, of which they are not fond. Without threatening, I gave them to understand how highly Mr. and Mrs. Spalding were prized by the numerous whites, and with what pleasure the great chief gave them a paper to encourage them to come here to teach them what they were now so diligently employed in obtaining, in order that they and their children might become good, wise, and happy. After me, Mr. McKinley, the gentleman in charge of the Hudson's Bay establishment at Wallawalla, spoke concisely, but very properly ; alluded to his residence of some years, and of the good understanding that had generally existed between them, and of the happiness he felt that one of his brothers had come to stand and judge impartially be- tween him, them, and whites and Indians in general ; declared openly and frankly, that Boston, King George, and French, were all of one heart in this matter, as they, the Cayuses and Wallawallas should be ; flattered them delicately in view of their (to him) unexpected advance- ment in the arts and sciences, and resumed his seat, having made a most favorable impression. Next followed Mr. Rogers, the interpreter, who, years before, had been employed successfully as linguist in this section of the country by the American Board of Commissioners, and was ever a general favorite with this people. He adverted, sensibly and touchingly, to H I , .Jl 224 HISTORY OP OREGON. past difficulties between whites and Indians east of the mountains, and the sad consequences to every tribe who had resisted honorable measures proposed by the more numerous whites; and having, as he hoped, secured their confidence in my favor, exhorted them feel- ingly to adopt such measures as should be thought proper for their benefit. Next, and lastly, arose Mr. McKay, and remarked, with a manner peculiar to himself, and evidently with some emotion:*" I appear among you as one arisen from the long sleep of death. You know of the violent death of my father on board the ship Tonquin, who was one of the partners of the Astor company ; I was but a youth ; since which time, till the last five years, I have been a wanderer through these wilds, none of you, or any Indians of this country, having traveled so constantly or extensively as I have, and yet I saw you or your fathers once or more annually. I have mingled with you in bloody wars and profound peace; I have stood in your midst, surrounded by plenty, and suffered with you in seasons of scarcity ; we have had our days of wild and joyous sports, and nights of watching and deep concern, till I van'shed from among men, left the Hudson's Bay Com- pany, silently redied to my plantation, and there confined myself. There I was still, silent, and as one dead ; the voice of my brother, at last, aroused me ; I spoke and looked ; I mounted my horse — am here. I am glad it is so. I came ui the call of the great chief, the chief of all the whites in the country, as well as all the Indians — the son of the mighty chief whose children are more numerous than tlie stars in the heavens or the leaves in the forest. Will you hear, and be advised? You will. Your wonderful improvement in the arts and sciences prove you ar? no fools. Surely you will hear; but if disposed to close your ears and stop them, tlicy will be torn open wide, and you will be made to hear." This speech from Mr. McKay, whose mother is part Indian, though the wife of Governor McLaughlin, had a singularly happy influence, and ojjened the way for expressions on the other side, from which there had not hitherto been a sentence uttered. First arose Five Crows, a wealthy chief of fort,y-five, neatly attired in English costume. He .tapped gravely but modestly forward to the table, remarking: "It does not become me to speak first; I am but a youth, as yet, when compared with many of these, my fathers ; but my feelings urge me to arise and say what I am about to utter in a very few words. I am glad the cliief has come ; I have listened to wliat has been said ; have great hopes that brighter days arc before us, because I see all the whites united in iV"- matter; we have much SPEECH OF AN OLD OHIEP. 225 wanted Bomething ; hardly knew what ; been groping, and feeling for it in confusion and darkness. Hei'e it is. Do we see it, and shall we accept it ?" Soon the Bloody Chief (not less than ninety years old) arose, and said: "I speak to-day; perhaps to-morrow I die. I am the oldest chief of the tribe ; was the high chief when your great brothers, Lewis and Clarke, visited this country ; they visited me, and honored me with tl^ir friendship and counsel. I showed them my numerous wounds received in bloody battle with the Snakes ; they told me it was iivi good, it was better to be at peace ; gave me a flag of tnice ; I held it up high ; we met and talked, but never fought again. Clarke pointed to this day, to you, and this occasion ; we have long waited in expectation ; sent three of our sons to Red River school to prepare for it ; two of them sleep with their fathers ; the other is here, and can be ears, mouth, and pen for us. I can say no more ; I am quickly tired ; my voice and limbs tremble. I am glad I live to see you md this day, but I shall soon be still and quiet in death." The speech was affecting. Six more spoke, and the meeting ad- journed three hours. Met at the hour appointed. All the chiefs and priiK'ipal men being present, stated delicately the embarrassed relation existing between wliites and Indians in this upper country, by reason of a want of proper organization, or the chiefs' authority not being properly regarded ; alluding to some cases of improprieties of yoting men, not sanctioned by the chiefs and old men ; and where the chiefs had been in the wrong, hoped it had principally arisen from imperfecily understanding each other's language, or some other excusable cause, 'ispeciallyso far as they were concerned. Advised them, as t' ey were now to some extent prepared, to choose one high chief of the tribe, and acknowledge hira as such by univenial consent ; all the other sub- ordinate chiefs being of equal power, and so many helps to carry out ill .lis lawful requirements, which thoy were at once to have in writing, in their own language, to regulate their intercourse with Avhites, and, in most cases, with themselves. I advised that each chief have five men as a body-guard, to execute all their lawful commands. They desired to hear the laws. I proposed them clause by clause, leaving them as free to reject as to accept. They were greatly pleased with all proposed, but wished a heavier penalty to some, and suggested the dog law, which was annexed. We then left them to choose the high chief, assuring them if they did this unanimously by the following day at ten, we would all dine together with the chief, on a fat o.v, at three, himself and myself at the head of the table ; this pleased them well, and they set about it in good cheer and high hopes ; but this was IQ Hi, I'M « i 'it ■1 i. 'I ^ 1 i i Mi: II E 226 HISTORY OF OREGON. a now and delicate task, and they soon saw and felt it ; however, all agreed that I must make the selection, and so reported two hours after we left the council. Assuring them this would not answer, that they must select their own chief, they seemed somewhat puzzled, and wished to know if it would be proper to counsel with Messre. McKay and Rogere. On telling them that it was not improper, they left, a little relieved, and worked poor Rogers and McKay severely for many hours; but altogether at length figured it out, aijd in great good humor, so reported at ten, appointing Ellis high chief* He is the one alluded to by the Bloody Chief, a sensible man of thirty-two, reading, speaking, and writing the English language tolerably well ; has a fine small plantation, a few sheep, some neat stock, and no less than eleven hundred head of horses. Then came on the feasting ; our ox wm fat, and cooked and served up in a manner reminding me of the days of yore ; we ate beef, corn, and peas, to our fill, and in good cheer took the pipe, when Rev. Mr. Spalding, Messrs. McKinley, Rogers, and McKay, wished a song from our boatmen ; it was no sooner given than returned by the Indians, ard repeated again, again, and again, in higli cheer. I tliought it a good time, and required ail having any claim to bring, or grievances to allege, against Mr. Spalding, to meet me and the high chief at evening, in the council-room, and requested Mr. Spalding to do the same on the part of the Indians. "VVe met at six, sina . -^ded at eleven, having accomplished, in the happiest manner, moci mxious business. Being too well fed to be irritable or dis- P-- 1 to quarrel, both parties were ''rank and open, seeming anxious only to learn our opinion upon plain undisguised matters of fact, many of the difficulties having arisen from an honest difference of sentiment respecting certain measures. Ellis, the chief, having conducted himself throughout in a manner creditable to his head and heart, was quite as correct in his conclusions aiivl firm in his decisions as could have been expected. The next day we had our last meeting, and one full of interest, in which they proposed to me many grave and proper questions ; and, as it was nianifestly desired, I advised in many matters, especially in reference to begging, or even receiving presents without, in some way, returning an equiva- lent; pointed out in strong language who beggars are among the whites, and how regarded ; and commended them for not once troub- ling me, during my stay, with this disgusting practice ; and ae a tok"i> of respect, now, at the close of our long and happy meeting, thvy would please accept, in the name of my great chief, a present of afty '*' lie had been educated bj the Hudson's Bay Coinpan/ at Red River, and was •trongl/ attached to it. I li ! INDIANS ORGANIZED. 227 and was garden hoes, not for those in authority, or such as had no need of them, but for the chiefs and Mr. Spalding to disti-ibute among their indus- trious poor. I likewise, as they were very needy, proposed and ordered them some medicines, to be distributed as they should from time to tiirio be required. This being done, I exhorted them to be in obedience to their chiefs, highly approving the choice they had made, assuring thf n), 518 he and the other chiefs were responsible to me for thoir good lo'.'lr ''••:,. 1 should feel it my duty to see them sustained iw all lawful v;. ; ; : .0 promote peace and order. I then turned, and with good eifeci desired all the chiefs to look upon the congregation as their own children, and then pointed to Mr. Spitld'ng and lady, and told the chiefs, and all present, to look upon them as iheir father and mother, and t'-eat them in all respects as such ; and should they happen to differ in sentiment respecting any matter duriug iny absence, be cau- tious not to differ in feeling, but leave it till I should again return, when the chief and myself would rectify it. Thus closed this mutually happy and interesting meeting, and mounting our horses for home, Mr. Spalding and the chiefs accompanied us for some four or live miles, when we took leave of them in the pleasantest manner, not a single circumstance havingr occurred to mar our peace or shake each other's confidence. ..■ir.ce a note, previously prepared, giving some fur- rf'>)octing this tribe, and appending a copy of their 1\'".)8 have one governor or principal chief, twelve ■' -t equal power, being the lieads of the different vil- I shall here ; >'. ther inforn>"Sos? laws. The N subordinate clii lages or clttiis, wiv. t' r five officers to execute all their lawful orders, winch law they have printed in their own Isr^uage, and read under- standingly. The chiefs arc held iosponsible t ) the whites for the good behavior of the tribe. They are a happy and orderly people, forming an honorable exception to the general Indian character, being more in- dustrious, cleanly, sensible, dignified, and virtuous. This org-iuization was effected last fall, and operates well, and with their it ii; < b«; hoped, will succeed. A few days since Governor Mc- La- "ii; *:'• ; |i)tt**i|ciKi|t Ko intelligence from abroad has reached us this winter. Mount St. Helen, one of these snow-capped volcanic mountains, some 16,000 feet above the level of the sea, and eighty miles northwest of Vancouver, broke out upon the 20th of November last, presenting a scene the most awful and sublime imaginable, scattering smoke and ashes several hundred miles distfance. A petition started from this country to-day, making bitter com- plaints against the Hudson's Bay Company and Governor McLaughlin. On reference to it (as a copy was denied), I shall only say, had any gen- tleman disconnected with the Hudson's Bay Company been at half the pains and expense to establish a claim on the Wallamet Falls, very few would have raised an opposition. His half-bushel measure I know to be exact, according to the English imperial standard. The gentlemen of this company have been fathers and fosterers of the colony, ever, encouraging peace, industry, and good order, and have sustained a character for hospitality and integrity too well established to be easily shaken. I am, sir, sincerely and most respectfully, your humble and obedient servant, Elijah WnrrB, Sub-Agent Indian Affairs, W. B. M. T. Hjjktucy Crawford, Esq., Commissioner Indian Affairs. m owevcf danger of the .^^:;l!:: CHAPTER XXXL Letter of H. H. Spalding to Dr. White. — Account of hfs mission among the Nez Percys. — Schools. — Cultivation. — Industrial arts. — Moral character. — Arable land. —Letter of Commissioner of Indian Affhirs to the Secretary of War. My Dear Brothkb, — ^The kind letter which our mission had the honor of receiving from yourself, making inquiries relative to its nnm- bers, the character of the Indian tribes among whom its several stations are located, the country, etc., is now before me. The questions referring to Indian character are very important, and to answer them demands a more extended knowledge of character and habits, from personal daily observation, than the short residence of six years can afford, and more time and attention than I can possibly com- mand, amidst the numerous cares and labors of the station. I less regret this, as the latter will receive the attention of my better-informed and worthy associates of the other stations. Concerning many of the questions, I can only give my own half- formed opinions, from limited observations which have not extended far beyond the people of my imnicdi.ite charge. Our mission is under the patronage of the American Board, and was commenced in the fall of 1836, by Marcus Whitman, M. D., and myself, with our wives and Mr. Gray. Dr. Whitman was located at Wailatpu, among the Caynse Indians, twenty-five miles east of Fort Walla walla, a trading-post of the Hudson's Bay Company, which stands nine miles below the junction of Lewis and Clarke rivers, three hundred from the Pacific, and about two hundred from Fort Vancouver. I was located at this place, on the Clearwater, or Koos-koos-ky River, twelve miles from its junction with the Lewis River, one hundred and twenty miles east of Wailatpu. Mr. Gray left the same winter, and returned to the States. In the fall of 1838, Mr. Gray returned to this country, acc«>m- panied by Mrs. Gray, Messrs. Walker, Eells, and Smith, and their wives, and Mr. Rogers. The next season, two new stations were com- menced, one by Messrs. Walker and Eells at Cimakain, near Spokan River, among the Spokan Indians, one hundred and thirty-five miles north- west of this station, and sixty-five miles south of Fort Colville, on the Columbia River, three hundred miles above Fort Wallawalla ; the sec- ond by Mr. Smith, among !;he Nez Percds, sixty miles above this station. f*?! I- INDIAN SCHOOL. 285 There are now connected with this mission the Rev. Messrs. Walker and Eells, Mrs. Walker and Mrs. Eells ; at Cimakain, myself, and Mrs. Spalding at this station. Dr. Whitman is now on a visit to the States, and Mrs. Whitman on a visit to the Dalles, a station of our Methodist brethren. But two natives have as yet been admitted into the church. Some ten or twelve others give pleasing evidence of having been born again. Concerning the schools and congregations on the Sabbath, I will speak only of this station. The congregation on the Sabbath varies at different seasons of the year, and must continue to do so until the peo- ple find a sabstitute in the fruits of the earth and herds for their roots, game, and fish, which necessarily require much wandering. I am happy to say that this people are very generally turning their atten- tion, with much apparent eagerness, to cultivating the soil, and raising hogs, cattle, and sheep, and find a much more abundant and agreeable source of subsistence in the hoe than in their bows and sticks for digging roots. For a few weeks in the fall, after the people return from their buffalo hunt, and then again, in the spring, the congregation numbers from one to two thousand. Through the winter it numbers from two to eight hundred. From July to the 1st of October, it varies from two to five hundred. The congregation, as also the school, increases every winter, as the quantity of provision raised in this vicinity is increased. Preparatory to Bchools and a permanent congregation, my earliest attention, on arriving in this country, was ttirned toward schools, as promising the most permanent good to the nation, in connection with the written word of God and the preached gospel. But to speak of schools then was like speaking of the church bell, when as yet the helve is not put in the first ax by which the timber is to be felled, or the first stone laid in the dam which is to collect the water from whence the lumber in the edifice in which the bell is to give forth its sounds. Suffice it to say, through the blessing of God, we have had an increas- ingly large school, for two winters past, with comparatively favorable means of instrnction. But the steps by which we have been brought to the present eleva- tion, if I may so speak, though we are yet exceedingly low, begin far, far back among the days of nothing, and little to do with. Besides eating my own bread by the sweat of my brow, there were the wandering children of a necessarily wandering people to collect and bring permanently within the reach of the school. Over this depart^ient of ;abor hung the darkest cloud, as the Indian is noted for despising manual labor ; but I would acknowledge, with humble f ; f 'I ll i' ' I iW HISTOBY OF OREGON. 'II gratitude, the interposition of that hand which holds the hearts of all men. The hoe soon brought Iiope, light, and satisfaction, the fruits of which are yearly becoming much more than a substitnte for their for- mer precarious game and roots, and are much preferred by the people, who are coming in from the mountains and plains, and calling for hoes, plows, and seeds, much faster than they can be furnished, and collect* ing around the station in increasing numbers, to cultivate their little farms ; so furnishing a permanent school and congregation on the Sab- bath, from four to eight months, and, as the farms are enlarged, giving food and employment for the year. I trust the school and con- gregation will be permanent through the year. It was no small tax on my time to give the first lessons on agriculture. That the men of the nation (the first chiefs not excepted) rose up to labor when a few hoes and seeds were offered them, I can attribute to nothing but the unseen hand of the God of missions. That their habits are really changed is acknowledged by themselves. Th*? men say, whereas they once did not labor with their hands, now they do ; and often tell me in jesting that I have converted them into a nation of women. They are a very industrious people, and, from very small beginnings, they now cultivate their lauds with much skill, and to good advantage. Doubt- less many more would cultivate, but for the want of means. Your kind donation of fifly hoes, in behalf of the government, will be most timely ; and should you be able to send up the plows you kindly pro- posed, they will, without doubt, be purchased immediately, anr put to the best use. But to return to the school. It now numbers two hundred and twenty-five in daily attendance, half of which are adults. Nearly all the principal men and chiefs in this vicinity, with one chief from a neighboring tribe, are members of the school. A new impulse was given to the school by the warm interest yourself and Mr. McKay took in it while you were here. They are as industrious in school as they are on their farms. Their improvement is astonishing, considering their crowded condition, and only Mrn. Spalding, with her delicate consti- tution and her family cares, for their teacher. About one hundred are printing their own books with a pen. This keeps up a deep interest, as they daily have new lessons to print, and what they print must be committed to memory as soon as possible. A good number are now so far advanced in reading and printing as to render much assistance in teaching. Their books are taken home at nights, and every lodge becomes a schoolroom. Their lessons are scripture lessons ; no others (except the laws) seem to interest them. I send you a specimen of the books they print in NUMBER OF FARMS. S37 Bohool. It was printed by ton select adults, yet it is a fair specimen of a great number in the school The laws wliich you so happily prepared, and which were unani- mously adopted by the people, I have printed in the form of a small «cbool-book. A great number of the school now read them fluently. I send you a few copies of the laws, with no apologies for the imperfect manner in which they are executed. Without doubt, a school of nearly the same number could be collected at Kimiah, the station above this, vaeated by Mr. Smith, the present residence of Ellis, the principal chief Number who cultivate. — Last season about one hundred and forty onltivated from one-fourth of an acre to four or five acres each. About half this number cultivate in the valhy. One chief raised one hundred 0,1 "eventy-six bushels of peas last season, one hundred of corn, and undred of potatoes. Another, one hundred and fifiy of peas, one .. ..ed and sixty of corn, a lar'^c quantity of potatoes, vegetables, etc. Ellis, I believe, raised more than either of the above-mentioned. Some forty other individuals raised from twenty to one hundred bushels of grain. Eight individuals are now furnished with plows. Thirty-two head of cattle are possessed by thirteen individuals ; ten sheep by four; some forty hogs. Arts and seieneea. — Mrs. Spalding has instructed ten females in knit- ting, a majority of the female department in the schools in sewing, six in carding and spinning, and three in weaving. Should our worthy brother and sister, Mr. and 3Irs. Littlejohn, join us soon, as is now ex- pected, I trust, by the blessing of God, we shall see greater things than we have yet seen. From what I have seen in the fleld, the school, the spinning and weaving room, in the prayer-room, and Sabbath congre- gation, I am fully of the opinion that this people are susceptible of high moral and civil improvement Moral eharacter of the people. — On this point there is a great diver- sity of opinion. One writer styles them more a nation of saints than of savages; and if their refusing to mo^e camp for game, at his sug- gestion, on a certain day, reminded him that the Sabbath extended as far west as the Rocky Mountains, he might well consider them such. Another styles them supremely selfish, which is nearer the truth ; for, without doubt, they are the descendants of Adam. What I have above stated is evidently a part of the bright side of their character. But there is also a dark side, in which I have sometimes taken a part. I must, however, confess that when I attempt to name it, and hold it up as a marked exception to a nation in similar circumstances, without the restraint of wholesome laws, and strangers .to the heaven-bom fruits of ^lightened and well-regulated society, I am not able to do it Faults 'm -\M% ;M I i- qpiiwill^ii II MVIWIi ip jqppmiM(I - ! iij 238 HISTORY OF OREGON. they bave, and very great ones, yet few of them seemed disposed to break the Sabbath by traveliug and other secular business. A very few indulge in something iike profane swearing. Very few arc snperstitiously attached to their medicine men, who are, without doubt, sorcerers, and are supposed to be leagaed with a supernatural being (Waikin), who shows himself sometimes in the gray bear, the wolf, the swan, goose, wind, clouds, etc. Lying is very common ; thieving comparatively rare ; polygamy for- merly common, bnt now rare; much gambling among the young men; quarreling and fighting quite rare ; habit of taking back property after it is sold is a practice quite common, and very evil in its tendency. All these evils, I conceiv", can be traced to the want of wholesome laws and well-regulated society. There are two traits in the character of this people I wish to notice. One I think I can account for ; the omer I can not. It is often said the Indian is a noble-minded being, never forgetting a kindness. So far as my experience has gone with this people, the above is most emphatically true, but in quite a diffCTent sense from the idea there conveyed. It is true they never forget a kindness, but after make it an occasion to ask another ; and if refused, return insults according to the favors received. My experience has taught roe that, if I would keep the friendship of an Indian, and do him good, I must show him no more favor in the way of property than what he returns some kind of an equivalent for; most of oar trials have arisen from this Bource. I am, however, happy to feel that there is a manifest improvement as the people become more instructed, and we become more acquainted with their habits. This offe .sive trait in the Indian character I believe, in part, should be charged to the white man. It has been the universal practice of all white men to give tobacco, to name no other article, to Indians when they ask for it. Hence two very natural ideas : one is, that the white man is in debt to them ; the other is, that in proportion as a white r,ian is a good man he uill disch.arge this debt by giving bountifully of his provisions and goods. This trait in Indian character is capable of being turned to the disadvantage of traders, travelers, and missionaries, by prejudiced white men The last trait, which I can not account for, is an apparent disregard for the rights of white men. Although their eagerness to receive in- struction in school on the Sabbath and on the farm is Avithout a parallel in my knowledge, still, should a reckless fellow from their own number, or even a stranger, make an attack on ray life or property, I have no evidence to suppose but a vast majority of them would look on with indifference and see our dwelling burnt to the ground and our heads severed from our bodies. I can not reconcile this seeming want ARABLE LAND. 239 of gratitude with their many encouraging ctaracteristics. But to con- clude this subject, should our unprofitable lives, through a kind Provi- dence, be spared a few years, by the blefisiug of the God of missions, we expect to see this people Christianized to a great eritent, civilized, and happy, with much of science and vhe word of God, and many of the comforts of life; but not without many days of hard labor, and sore trials of disappointed hopes, and nameless perplexities. The number of this people is variously estimated from two thousand to four thousand. I can not give a correct estimate. At this station there is a dwelling-house, a schoolhouse, storehouse, flour and saw mills (all of u rough kind), fifteen acres of land under improvement, twenty-four head of cattle, thirty-six horses, sixty-seven sheep. Rev. Messrs. Walker and Eells, I hope, will report of Wailatpu ; but should they fail, I will say, as near as I can recollect, about fifty acres of land ?,re cultivated by some seventy individuals; a much greater number of cattle and hogs than among this people. Belonging to the station are thirty-four head of cattic, eleven horses, some forty hogs ; one dwelling-house of adobes (well rinished), .-i blacksmith's shop, flour- mill (lately destroyed by fire), and some forty acreb of land cultivated. Arable land. — The arable land in ilxis upper coimtiy is confined al- most entirely to the small streams aithough further observation may prove that many of the extensive ro'ling prairies are capable of pro- ducing wheat. They can become in'aabited only by cultivating timber ; but the rich growth of buffalo grapa upon them will ever furnish an in- exhaustible supply for innumerable herds of cattle and sheep. I know of no country in the world so well adapted to the herding system. Oattle, sheep, and horses are invariably healthy, and produce rapidly , "beep usually twice a year. The herding system adopted, the country U first put under regulations adapted to the scarcity of habitabl<> pi oes (say that no settlers shall be allowed to take up over twenty acres of land on the streams), and the country without doubt will sustain a great population. I am happy to feel assured that the United States government have no other thoughts than to regard the rights and wants of the Indian tribes in this country. And while the agency of Indian affairs in this country remains in the hands of the present agent, I have the fullest confidence to believe that the reasonable expectations in reference to the intercourse between whites and Indians will be fully realized by every philanthropist and every Christian. But as the Indian population is sparse, after they are abundantly supplied, there will be remaining country sufficient for an extensive white population. The thought of removing these tribes, that the country may come H ' i ': i i ^r 1 i L , 1 1 t 1 It •tJ '1 i u "■ ■ t i i t ■ Li A liM 240 HISTORY OP OREQCN. ■wholly in possession of the whites, can never for a moment enter the mind of a fiiunu of the red man, for two reasons, to name no other : First, there are but two countries to which they can be <-emoved, the grave and the Blackfoot, between which there is no choice r, second, the countless millions of salmon which swarm the Columbia sind its tribu- taries, and furnish a very great i>roportion of the sustenance of the tribes who dwell upon these numerous watei-s, and a substitute for which can nowhere be found east or west of the Rocky Mountains, but in herds or cultivating their own land. * * ♦ Your humble servant, Dr. WnnE, H. H. Spaldikg. Agent for Indian Affairs west of the Rocky Mountains. Departmbnt op War, ) Office of Indian Affairs, Nov. 25, 1844, ) Communications have been received from Dr. Elijah White, sub- agent for the Indians in Oregon Territory, dated, severally, November 15, 1843, and Miarch 18, 1844. * * * They contain ranch of in- terest in considerable detail. The establishment of white settlements from the United States, in that remote region, seems to be attended with the circamstanees that have always arisen out of the conversion of an American wilderness into a cultivated and improved region, modi- iied by the great advance of the present time in morals, and l)enevolent and religious institutions. It is very remarkable that there should be so soon several well-supported, well-attended, and well-conducted schools in Oregon- The Nez Perc6 tribe of Indians have adopted a few simple and plain laws of their code, which -will teach them self-restraint, and is the beginning of government on their part. It is painful, however, to know that a distillery for ilhe mnnnfacture of whisky was erected and in operation west of the Rocky Mountains, which, however, the sub-agent, sustained by the resident whites, broke up and destroyed. There was, in February last, an affray between a very boisterous and desperate Indian and his party and a portion of the settlers, which ended in the death of several of the combatants. This unfortunate affair was adjusted, as it is hoped, satisfactorily and permanently, by the sub-agent, though he seems to apprehend an early outbreak. I trust he is mistaken. Respectfully submitted, T. Hartlet Crawford. Hon. WniXAM Wilkins, Secretary of War. CHAPTER XXXII. Dr. E. White's letter to the Secretary of War. — Excitement among the Indians. — ^Visit to Nez Perc^5, Cayuaes, and Wallawallas. — Destitution and degradation of tho Coast Indinns. — Dr. White eulogizes Governor McLaughlin and the Hudson's Bay Company. — Schools and missions. — Mr. Jesse Appli'ijate. — Dr. White's second letter. — Letters of Peter H. Hatch and W. H. Wilson. — Seizure of a distillery. — Search for liquor. — Letter of James D. Saules. — Fight with Indians. — Death of Cockstock. — Description and character of him. — The Molallos and Klamaths. — Agreement with tho Dalles Indians. — Presents to Cockstock's widow. — Dr. White's third letter.— Letter of Rov. G. Hines to Dr. White.—Letter of W. Medill. Wallamet Vallky, Orsgon, \ November 15, 1843. j HoNORKD Sib, — Since my arrival, I have had the honor of add'-css- iog you some three or four communications, the last of wliich left ly in April, conveyed by the Hudson's Bay Company's express over the Rocky Mountains, via Canada, which I hope and judge was duly received. Immediately after this, I received several communications from mis- sionaries of the interior, some from the Methodists and others from those sent out by the American Board, representing the Indians of the interior as in a state of great excitement, and under much apprehension from the circumstance that such numbers of whites were coming in, as they were infoimed,, to take possession of their lands and country. The excitement soon became general, both among whites and Indians, in this lower as well tipper district ; and such were the constantly floating groundless reports, that much uneasiness was felt, and some of our citi- zens were under such a state of apprehension as to abandon their houses, and place themselves more immediately within the precincts of the colony. As in all such cases, a variety of opinions was entertained and oxrressed, — some pleading for me, at the expense of the general government, to throw up a strong fortification in the center of the col- ony, and furnish the settlers with guns and ammunition, so that we might be prepared for extremities. Others thought it more advisable for me to go at once with an armed force of considerable strength to the heart and center of the conspiracy, as it was represented, and if words would not answer, make powder and balls do it. A third party entertained other views, and few were really agreed on any one measure. 10 ';■ H [j! 1 i > II U8ly adopted, and with which all were so well pleased, Mr. Spalding, and Ellis, the high chief, with every other chief and brave of importance, and some four or five hundred of the men and their women, accompanied us to Wailatpu, Doctor Whitman's station, a distance of a hundred and twenty miles, where we met the Cayuses and Walhiwallas in mass, and spent some five or six days in gutting * Who wore the instigators of these alarms among the Indians? Mt INDIAN WOMEN ATTEND FEAST. 348 hief and nt'n and station, Cayuseft gutting matters adjusted and principles settled, so as to receive the CajnseB into the civil compact ; which being done, and the high chief elected, much to the satisfaction of both wliites and Indians, I ordered two fat oxen to be killed, and wheat, salt, etc., distributed accordingly, ♦ ♦ ♦ This was the first feast at which the Indian women of this conntry were ever permitted to be present, but probably will not be the last; for, after some explanation of my reasons, the chiefs were highly pleased with it ; and I believe more was done at that feast to elevate and bring forward their poor oppressed women than could have been done in years by private instruction. The feast broke up in the happiest manner, after Five Crows, the Cayuse chief, Ellis, and the old war chief of whom I made particular mention in my last report as being so well acquainted with Clarke and a few others, had made their speeches, and we had smoked the pipe of peace, which was done by all in great good humor. From this we proceeded to the Dalles on the Columbia River, where I spent two months in instructing the Indians of different tribes, who either came in mass, or sent embassadors to treat with me, or, at. they denominnte it, take my laws, which are thus far found to operate well, giving tliem greater security among themselves, and helping much to regulate their intercourse with the whites. Being exceedingly arxious to bring about an improvement and reformation among this people, I begged money and procured articles of clothing to the amount of a few hundred dollars, not to be given, but to be sold out to the industrious women, for m.ats, baskets, and their various articles of manufacture, in order to get them clothed comfortably to appear at church ; enlisted the cheerful co-operation of the mission ladies in Instructing them how to sew and make up their dresses; and had the happiness to see some twenty of these neatly clad at divine service,'and a somewhat large number out in the happiest mood to a feast I ordered them, at which the mission ladies and gentlemen were present. During these t^r.^ months I labored hard, visiting many of their sick daily; and by the most prompt aid kii.d attention, and sympathizing with them in their affliction, encouraging the industrious and virtuous, and frowning in language and Icoks upon I'le vicious, I am satisfied good w. J clone. They gave evidence of attachment ; anJ my influence was manifestly increased, as well as the laws more thoroughly under- stood, by reason of my remaining so long among them. During my up-country excursion, the whites of the colony convened, and formed a code of laws to regulate intercourse between themselves during the absence of law from our mother conntry, adopting in almost all respects the Iowa code. In this I was consulted, and ; f ■' i '"I . • A- 244 HISTORY OF OREGON. encouraged the meiisare, as it was so manifestly necessary for the col- lection of debts, securing rights in claims, and the regulation of general intercourse among the whites. Thus far, these laws have been of some force and importance, answer- ing well in cases of trespass and the collection of debts ; but it is doubt- ful how they would succeed in criminal affairs, especially if there should happen to be a division of sentiment in the public mind. The Indians of this lower country, as was to be expected, give con- siderable trouble, and are most vexatious subjects to deal with. In mind, the weakest and most depraved of their race, and physically, thoroughly contaminated with the scrofula and a still more loathsome disease entailed by the whites; robbed of their game and former means of covering ; lost to the use of the bow and arrow ; laughed at, scoff- ed, and contemned by the whites, and a hiss and by-word to the sur- rounding tribes, they are too dejected and depressed to fpel the least pleasure in their former amusements, and wander about seeking gener- ally a scanty pittance by begging and pilfering, but the more ambitious and desperate among them stealing, and in some instances plundering on a large scale. Were it not that greater forbearance is exercised toward them than whites generally exercise, bloodshed, anarchy, and confusion would reign predominant among us. But thus far, it is but just to say, the Indians have been, in almost every instance, the aggres- sors ; and though none of us now apprehend an Indian war or invasion, it appeals to me morally impossible that general quiet can long be secure, unless government takes almost immediate measures to relieve the anxieties and better the condition of these poor savages and other Indians of this country. I am doing what I can, and by reason of my profession, with lending them all the assistance possible in sickness, and sympathizing with tliem in their numerous auctions, and occasion- ally feeding, fensting, and giving them little tokens of kind regard, have as yet considerable influence over them, but have to punish some, and occasion the chLfs to punish more, which creates me enemies, and must eventuate in lessening my influence among them, unless the means are put in my ^inds to sustain and encourage the chiefs and well-disposed among them. Good words, kind looks, and medicine have some power; but, honored and very dear sir, you and / know they do not tell with Indians like blankets and present articles, to meet their tastes, wants, and necessities. Sir, I know how deeply anxious you are to benefit and save what can be of the withering Indian tribes, in which God knows how fully and heartily I am with you, and earnestly pray you, and through you our general government, to take immediate measures to satisfy the minds, and, so far as pos<)ib!5>, render to these Indians an equivalent for WHITE'S ARBITRARY MEASUREa 245 their once numerous herds of deer, elk, buffalo, beaver, and otter, nearly as tame as our domestic animals, previously to the whites and their fire- arms coming among them, and of which tiiey are now stripped, and for which they suffer. But, if nothing can be done for them upon this score, pray save them from being forcibly ejected from the lands and graves of their fathers, of which they begin to entertain serious fears. IVIany are becoming considerably enlightened on the subject of the white man^s policy, and begin to quake in view of their future doom ; and come to me from time to time, anxiously inquiring what they are to receive for such a one coming and cutting off all their most valuable timber, and floating it to the falls of the Wallaniet, and getting large sums for it; some praying the removal of licentious whites from among them; others requiring pay for their old homestead, or a removal of the in- truders. Co, sir, you see already I have my hands, head, and heart lull ; and if as yet I have succeeded in giving satisfaction, — as many hundreds that neither know nor care for me, nor regard iu the least the rights of the Indians, are now flocking in, — something more must be done, and that speedily, or a storm ensues. I remove all licentious offenders from among them, especially if located at a distance from the colony, and encourage the community to keep within reasonable bounds, and settle as compactly as the general intere.^t and duty to themselves will admit. The large immigrating party have now arrived, most of them with their herds, having left the wagons at "Wallawalla and the Dalles, which they intend to bring by land or water to the Wallaract in the spring. Whether they succeed in getting them through by land the last sixty miles is doubtful, the road not having been as yet well explored. They are greatly pleased with the cciutry and its prospects. Mr. Applegate, who has been so much in govei nment employ, and surveyed such por- tions of Missouri, savs of this valley, it is a country of the greatest beauty and the finest soil he has seen. The settlers are actively and vigorously employed, and the colony in a mof piosperous state, crops of every kind having been unusually good this season. The little unhappy difference between the American set- tlers and the Hudson's Bay Company, arising from the last spring's petition to our government, has been healed, and we have general quiet, — both parties conducting themselves very properly toward each other at present. And here allow me to say, the seasonable services in which hundreds of dollars were gratuitously expended in assisting such numbers of our poor emigrant citizens down the Columbia to the Wal- lamet, entitle Governor McLaughlin, saying nothing of his previous fatherly and fostering care of this colony, to the honorable considera- j 1 I'i I , ' I '"i . 946 HISTORY OF OREGOS. tion of the members of oar government. And I hope, as he is desirous to settle with his family in this country, and has made a claim at the falls of the Wallamet, his claim will be honored in such a manner as to make him conscious that we, as a nation, are not insensible to his numerous acts of benevolence and hospitality toward our countrymen. Sir, in the midst of slander, envy, jealousy, and, in too many instances, of the blackest ingratitude, his unceasing, never-tiring hospitality affects me, and makes him appear in a widely different light than too many would have him and his worthy associates appear before the world. The last year's report, in which was incorporated Mr. Linn's Oregon speech ard Captain Spalding's statements of hundreds of unoffending Indians being shot down annually by men under his control, afBicts the gentlemen of the Hudson's Bay Company, and is utterly without foun- dation, — no company or gentlemen ever having conducted themselves more judiciously among Indians than they uniformly have done in this country ; and I am of the governor's opinion, who declares, openly, there have not been ten Indians killed by whites in this whole region west of Fort Hall, for the last twenty years, nor do I know of that number, and two of those were killed by our citizens. What were destroyed by the Hudson's Bay Company sufferered for willful murder, none pretend- ing a doubt of the propriety of the course adopted.* There are now four schools kept in the colony, of which I shall speak more fully in my annual report : one at the Tui-' ijs, and received a heavy discharge in the palm of his right hand, lodging one ball in his elbow and another in his arm, two inches above the elbow-joint. A scuffle ensued, in which he fell with the Indian, crying out instantly, " Ho is killing me with his knife." At this moment, a mulatto man ran up, named Winslow Anderson, and dispatched Cockstock, by mashing his skull with the barrel of his rifle, using it as a soldier would a bayonet. In the moan time the other Indians were firing among the whites in every direction, with guns, pistols, and poisoned arrows, yelling fearfully, and many narrowly escaped. Two men, who were quietly at work near by, were wounded with arrows (Mr. Wilson slightly in the hip, and Mr. Rogers in the muscle of the arm), but neither, as was supposed, dangerously. The five Indians having shot their guns and arrows, retired toward the bluff east of the town, lodged themselves in the rocks, and again com- menced firing upon the citizens indiscriminately. Attention was soon directed that way, and fire-arms having been brought, the Indians were soon routed, killing one of their horses, and wounding one of them, thus ending the affray. Mr. Le Breton (the surgeon being absent from town) was removed immediately to Vancouver, where he received every attention ; but the canoe having been ten hours on the passage, the poison had diffused itself all abroad into his system, and proved mortal in less than three days from the moment of the horrid disaster. Mr. Rogers lived but one day longer, though but slightly wounded with an arrow in the muscles of his arm. Mr. Wilson has suffered comparatively little, but is not considered in a safe condition. This unhappy affray has created a general sensation throughout the 3olony, and all abroad among the Indians of this lower district. Now, )|l!i| ^ i i ) i!- 1 § ;t ill w ■\\\ -;UI 252 HISTOUT OF ORiiGOIT, m. while I am penning these lines, I am completely surriunrlcd by at least seventy armed Indians, just down from the Dalles of the Columbia, many of them the professed relatives of tiiC deceased, on the way to the falls of the Wallamet, to demand an explanation, or, in ether words, to extort a present for the loss of their brother. They appear well aftected toward me ; remarkably so, though armed to the teeth, and painted horridly. I am every moment expecting my interpreter, when I shall pi-obably learn particulars respecting their intentions. In the mean time, I will givfl a few particulurs respecting this deceased Indian's previous course, which led to the disaster, show- ing how much we need authorities and discipline in this oountry. As it is said, a negro hired Cockstock for a given time, to be paid in a certain hoi-se. Before the time expired, the negro sold the horse and land claim to another negro, the Indian finishing his time with the pur- chaser, according to agreement. Learning, however, to his chagrin and mortification, that the horse had clianged owners, and believing it a conspiracy against his rights, he resolved to take the horse forcibly; did so, and this led to a year's contention, many threats, some wounds, and at last to the tliree deaths, and may possibly lead to all the hor- rors of savage warfare in our hitherto quiet neighborhood. It was this identical Cockstock that occasioned much of tiie excitement last spring among the whites of the colony, actually driving several from their homes to ihi more central parts of the settlement tor protection. I saw and had an interview with the Indians in .lune following, and settled all differences, to appearances, satisfactorily ; but, four montlis subsequently, having occasioned the autiiorities constitnited among the 'Indians to flog one of his connections for vic.entl/ entering the house of the Rev. H. K. W. Perkins, seizing his ])erson, and attempting to tie, with a view to flog him, he took fire afresh, and in November last came with a slave to my house, with the avowed object of shooting me down at once; but finding me absent, after a close search in every part of the h' use, he commenced smashing the windows, lights, sasli, and all, of my house and oflice, with the breech of his gun ; and it is but just to say he did his work most effectually, not leaving a sound window in either. He next started hotly in pursuit of my steward, wbo was most actively retreating, but was soon overtaken and seized tiy the shoulder; his garment giving way saved the frightened young man from further violence. I returned late in the evening, — this iiaving occurred at three p.m., — when the villains were too far av.ay to i)e overtaken, though I Tiurflucd them with the Iwst men of the colons- during the whole night, and as long after as wo could trace thetn. This was regarded as a great out- iN INDIAN FEAST. 263 rage, and created a strong sensation throughout the community : es- pecially as none knew where to trace it until within a few weeks past. Some four weeks subsequently, fifteen Indians came riding into the neighborhood in open day^ painted and well armed. I was the first, with one exception, that observed them, and learned that they were Molallas and Klamaths, and felt confident tliey were on an errand of mischief, being well informed of their marauding and desperate habits. As this is quite out of their province, the proper homes' of the Klamaths being at least three hundred miles to the south, and the Molallas, Avith whom they intermarry, having their lodges in the Cascade Mountains, a distance of from forty to eighty miles, I resolved at once to turn their visit to account; sent my steward to Cliief Caleb's lodge, where all had arrived, he being a Callapooya, and with his band having pre- viously entered with me into the civil compact, and gave him a cordial invitation to call on me, with the chiefs of his district, in the morning, as I wished to see th^m and had son^e interesting and pleasing news to convey to them. The chiefs call ;d in the morning, none, however, appearing so pleased and happy as Caleb. Of this I took no notice, but entered into cheerful conversation with Caleb for a few moments, and then rose up and invited them to walk out and see my plantation and herds. When we reached the cattle, I, as by accident, or incidentally, asked Caleb if he was prepared to give a feast to his distant friends who had so lately and unexpectedly called upon him. Answering in the nega- tive, I told him to shooc down at once a fat young ox that was passing before us, and, while some were dressing it, others to come to the house and get some flour, peas, salt, etc., and go immediately back and feast his friends, lest they form a very unfavorable oinnion of us here. I need not say that the summons was promptly obeyed, and Caleb the happiest man in the world. Kow the rigid muscles of the stranger chiefs began tc i-elax ; in short, all distrust was soon lost, and, as they were about leaving for Caleb's camp, they found themselves constrained to inform me tiiat they came over with very different feelings from what they were now leaving us with, and were very glad they had listened to Caleb's advice, and called upon me. Professing to be very much engaged at the mometif^ I told them to go and dine, and at evening, or early the tbllowing morning, I would come with my friend, Mr. Applegate, and make them a call. They feasted to the full, and 1 found tl em in fine humor, and in a better condition to smoke than light. A^'.er some e.isual conversation I asked them how they would like to evitpr into tlie civil compact ; and, while they were discussing the sulyect, this Indian (Cockstock) came M i. ;■!■ 1 i ; 1 ■ < 'j 1 'f. i i ^i ,: 1 1 ! . ;■' 1 1 11 ;i V 'i ! m 254 HISTORY OP OREGON. first into ray presence, well armed, and appeared cold and distant, though I had no suspicion of his being the character who had so lately broken to pieces the windows in my house and office. They had no scruples in saying they were entirely willing, and should be pleased on their part to enter upon the same terms, but did not know how it r-^ight be regarded by the residue of their respective tribes. They engaged to meet me on the 15th March, with the residue of their people, and use their influence to bring about so desirable an object. The party left the same day, apparently in a cheerful mood, passed over the prairie singing, talking, and laughing merrily. As a part, however, were passing their horses over a difficult stream, the other part fell upon and massacred them in a most shocking manner, this villainous Cockstock acting a conspicuous part in the bloody affray. I repaired to the . spot without delay, as the whites were much excited, and wished to pursue and hang every one of them. 1 learned there had been unsettled feuds of long standing, and that in like man- ner, ten iKonths previously, these unfortunate wretches had shot down a fellow-traveler. On conveying this information to the citizens, all I believe were satisfied to stay at home, and remain quiet for the present. Thus much for this Indian affiiir, which, my interpreter having arrived, I have settled to-day with the Dalles Indians most satisfac- torily. As was to be expected, they wished presents for the death of their brother. I prevailed on all to be seated, and then explained the whole case. slowly and clearly to their understanding. I told them we had lost two valuable innocent men, and they but one ; and should our people lenrn that I had given them presents, "without their giving me two blankets for one, they must expect nothing but the hottest dis- pleasure from the whites, Afler much deliberation a.nong themselves, they, with one voice, concluded to leave the whole matter to my dis- cretion. I at once decided to give the poor Indian widow two blankets, a dress, and handkerchief, believing the moral influence to be better than to make presents to the chief or tribe, and to receive nothing at their hands. To this proposition they niost cheerfully consented, and have now left, having asked for and obtained from me a written certificate, stating that the matter had been amicably adjusted, It is to be hoped that it will here end, though that is by no means certain, as at present there are so many sources of uneasiness and discontent between the parties. As I said before, I believe it morally impossible for us to remain at peace in Oregon, for any considerable time, without the protection of m MILITARY PROTECTION NEEDED. 255 vigorous civil or military law. For myself, I am most awkwardly situ- ated ; 80 much so, indeed, that I had seriously anticipated leaving this spring ; but the late successful contest against the introduction of ardent spirits, i' connection with the excitement by reason of the un- happy disaster at the falls of the Wallamet, together with the fact of too many of our people being so extremely excitable on Indian and other affiiira relating to the peace and interest of the colony and coun- try, I have concluded to remain for the present, in hopes of being soon in some way relieved. I hope the draft that I have this day drawn in flxvor of John McLaughlin will be honored, as otherwise I may be thrown at once into the greatest difficulties, having no other house in this country where I can draw such articles as I require for necessary presents to Indians, to defray traveling expenses, etc. I have the honor to remain, with highest respect, your obedient humble servant, E. White, Sub-Agent Indian Aifairs. Hon. J. M. Porter, Secretary of War. Wallamet, March 22, 1844. Honored Sir, — The within accounts, as per voucher No. 1, drawn on the Hudson's Bay House at Vancouver, are in part pay for interpre- ters and necessary assistants in guarding and conducting me from point to point, in my late unavoidable excursions during the excitement of the fall of 1842 and spring of 1843, and other necessary voyages since, together with the presents in hoes, medicines, and clothes, to enable me to secure and hold a sufficient influence over the aborigines to pre- vent threatened invasions and serious evils to the colony and country. Those upon Mr. Abernethy and Mr. A. E. Wilson are for like pur- poses ; drafts upon these houses being my principal means of paying expenses in this country. As I hire only when requisite, and dismiss at once when no longer necessary, my interpreter's bills, including clerks and all assistants for the different tribes, do not exceed $300 per annum up to the present time ; notwithstanding, at oue time, for sixty days, I was under the necessity of hiring two men at (he rate of thrc'^ dollars per day each. Traveling expenses in 1842, three hundred and eighty dollars ($380). In 1843, three hundred and ninety-six dollars and fifty cents (^396.50). In presents for the two years and tn c months, two hundred and ninety dollars and sevenfy-five cents (f2')0.75) ; in medicines, hoes, and sun- dry useful articles, to encourage them and stiengthen my influence I r m 111 Hi III I I M|l iiiltl iM^iiiii \ ■ i ; ■ i 256 HISTORY OP OREGON". ill! if WW- among them, this being my only vay to succeed to any considerable extent. Presents become the more hidispensable from the fact of the long-continued and constant liberality of the Hudson's Bay Company toward the Indians of this country. Had all remained in as q\iiet a stat; as when the colony was small, and no jealousies awakened, most of tt.ose small expenses might have been avoided, but, unless a military poi'^t be at once established, or more means put into my hands to meet their increasing wants, my expense will be increased, and trouble multiply ; but at this moment, were one thousand dollars placed in my hands to iay nut judiciously in medicines, hoes, plows, blankets, and men, women, and children's clothes, to distribute annually, more security would be effected, and good done to the aborigines, than in ten times that amount expended in establishing and keeping up a military post, — such is their desire and thirst after the means to promote civilization. As this voyaging is most destructive to ray wardrobe, saying nothing of the perils and hardships to which it exposes me, shall I be allowed the sum usually allowed military officers, "which Esquire Gilpin informs me is ten dollars per each hundred miles? I will place it down and leave it to your honorable consideration, not doubting, sir, but you will do what is proper and right in the premises. I shall charge only for such traveling as w.is unavoidable in the execution of my official business. With highest respect, I am, dear sir. Your humble and obedient servant, Elijah White, Sub-Agent Indian Affairs, W. R. M. Hon. J. M. Porter, Secret ary of War, Washington, D. C. Wallamkt, Nov. 23, 1843. My Dear Sir, — As, in the order of Divine Providence, it appears to be my duty to leave this courtry in a few days to return to the United States, and, as I have had the pleasure f>f an acquaintance with all the important transactions in which you have been eng.iged, in your official capacity, since your arrival in this country in the fall of 1842, 1 consider it a duty which I eve to yourself, to bear my unequivo- cal testimony in favor of the course whioh you have generally pursued. Not pretending to understand what properly belongs to tiie office of an Indian agent, I Hatter myself that I .im capable of judging in reference to those matters whicih ar? calculated to effect the elevation REV. G. HINES' LETTER. m and proBperity of the Indians, and the peace and sec arity of those whites who settle in the In<^.ian country. As I can* net speak partico* larly concerning all your official acts in the country, permit me to refer to one expedition, which I consider to have been the most important of any in which you have been engaged, and in which I had the pleas- ure of being associated with you. I mean that long and excessively toilsome journey which you performed into the interior of this country early last spring. The causes which prompted you to engage in the enterprise, in my humble opinion, were the most justifiable. The whites in the country had been thrown into a panic by inforraatioa re- ceived from the missionaries in the interior, that the Indians were f')rm- ing a plan to effect the destruction of the white population. It was everywhere observed that our Indian agent should immediately repair to the infected region, and endeavor to quell the tumult, "for (it Ava8 repeatedly remarked) it was better for one man to expose his life than for the whole settlement to suffer." Without delay the exposure was made. And though life was not taken, yet, in accomplishing the object, you were compelled to pass through much difficulty, excessive labor, and great danger. The plans proposed to quiet the Indians, whom you found in a state of great excitement, were doubtless con- ceived in wisdom, and produced the desired effect. The expenses in- curred were no more than were absolutely necessary. And I doubt not, if the results of the expedition are coirectly represented, that our enlightened government will make an appropriation to cover all the expenses which accrued in consequence of the undertaking. With my most hearty and best wishes for your continued peace and prosperity, permit me to subscribe myself, yours, with feelings of un- altered friendship. Gustavus Hines, Missionary of the M. K Church. Dr. Elijah White, Sub-Agent of Indian Affairs west of Rocky Mountains. Depahiment of War, » OmcB OF Indian Affairs, Nov. 24, 1845. ) ******** Two interesting and very instructive reports have been received from the sub-agent west of the Rocky Mountains. They present that country in a new and important light to the consideration of the public. The advancement in civilization by the numerous tribes of Indians in that remote and hitherto neglected portion of our territory, with bo 11 'I ■'■■ \ I i ■''iHli i k^h . i i I, :' !-^! ti; I ■'■ ! B V i ! H r; 1: . m ; ■ ^i ^nmn 1 1 1 ' f I a.. ^ i||i| i] :1 = :lr 1 'I': li i68 HISTORY OP ORBQON. ■ ¥'H :!; . I ■:,: few advantages, is a matter of sarprise. Indeed, the red men of tfaat region would aim jst seem to be of a different order from those with whom we have been in more familiar intercourse. A few years since the face of a white man was almost unknown to theia ; now, through the benevolent policy of the various Christian churches, and the inde- fatigable exertions if the missionaries in their employ, they have prescribed and Avell adapted rules for their government, which are observed and respected to a degree worthy the most intelligent whites. Kumurous schools have grown up in their midst, at which their chil- dren are acquiring the most important and useful information. They have already advanced to a degree of civilization that promises the most beneficial results to them and their brethren on this side of the mountains, with whom they may, and no doubt will at some future period, be brought into intercourse. They are turning their attention to agricultural pursuits, and with but few of the necessary utensils in their possession, already produce sufficient in some places to meet their every want. Among some of the tribes, hunting has been almost entirely aban- doned, many individuals looking wholly to the soil for support. The lairds are represented as extremely fertile, and the climate healthy, agreeable, and uniform. Uuder thetie circumstances, so promising in their consequences, and grateful to the feelings of the philanthropist, it would seem to be the duty of the government of the United States to encourage their ad- vancement, and still further aid their progress in the path of civiliza- tion. I therefore respectfully recommend the establishment among them of a full agency, with power to the President to make it an acting superintendcncy ; and to appoint one or more sub-agents, whenever, in his judgment, the same may become necessary and proper. All which is respectfully submitted. W. Mkdili.. Hon. Wm. L. Maecy, Secretary of War. The reader will observe the clear statement of the United States Indian policy in the above communication. That schools, farming, and civilization are prominent. That the Indians, as the whole of this re- port indicates, arc rapidly improving under the instructions of the mis- sionaries in the interior, — Spalding and Whitman in particular. That' Dr. White, in this report, as contained in the previous chapter, attempts' to include Blanchet and associates as erecting mills, etc., for the benefit REMAREa 259 of the Indians, while tjpalding's and Whitman's stations were the only places where mills had been erected. These facts brought so prominently before the British and foreign mind their sectarian and commercial jealousies ; and national pride was BO excited that it knew no bounds and could not be satisfied short of the effort that was made in 1847-8. Subsequent Indian wars were but the spasmodic and dying action of the spirit that instigated the first. It will also be observed that this report brings out the bold efforts of our foreign emissaries to excite the Indians in the settlement, and to disturb and divide the American population on the question of an organization. CHAPTER XXXra. iN' 1[ ' ' I: t First council to organize a provisional government, — Library founded. — Origin of the Wolf Association — The Metliodist Mission influence. — Dr. Wliite exliibits his credentials. — First " wolf meeting." — Proceedings of the second " wolf meeting." — Officers. — Resolutions. — Bounties to bo paid. — Resolution to appoint a committee of twelve for the civil and military protection of the settlement. — Names of the members of the committee. A CONSULTATION was held at the house of Gray to consider the expe- diency of organizing a provisional government. In it the whole condi- tion of the settlement, the missions, and Hudson's Bay Company, were carefully looked at, and all the influences combined against the organi- zation of a settlers' government were fully canvassed. The conclusion was that no direct effort could succeed, as it had already been tried and failed, from the combined influence of the Hudson's Bay Company and the Roman Catholic and Methodist missions. To the writer, who up to this time had not fully understood all the causes of the failure, it was doubtful. Two plans were suggested ; one, at least, might succeed. The first was to get up a circulating library, and by that means draw atten- tion and discussion to subjects of interest to the settlement, and secure the influence of the Methodist Mission, as education was a subject vhey had commenced. We found no difficulty in the library movement from them, only they seemed anxious to keep from the library a certain class of light reading, which they appeared tenacious about. This was not a vital point with the original movers, so they yielded it. Tlie library prospered finely ; one hundred shares were taken at five dollars a share ; three hundred volumes of old books collected and placed in this institution, which was called the " Multnomah Circulating Library;" one hundred dollars were sent to New York for new books which arrived the following year. Now for the main effort to secure another position. It will be remembered that in the winter of 1836-7 the Wallamet Cattle Company was formed. All the settlers that could raise the funds entered heartily into the project, and such as had no means to advance money for stock at the time had succeeded in buying from those that would sell. Besides, part of the estate of Ewing Young had been sold and distributed, and the Hudson's Bay Company had also organized the Puget Sound Company, and had begun to distribute MOVEMENT FOR A PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT. 261 he expe- le condi- ny, were e organi- 3iiclusion tried and pany and •, who up ure,itwa8 seed. The [raw atten- ind secure a subject TOOveraent y a certain This was d it. T'ue five dollars 1 placed in g Library;" ooks which !ure another le Wallamct Id raise the no means to buying from Young had any had also to distribute cattle ; hence almost every settler, the missions, the Hudson's Bay Company, and some Indians were owning cattle. The wolves, bears, and panthers were very destructive to the cattle of all alike. Here was an object of sufficient interest to all, to bring a united action, and collect a large number of the settlers. Accordingly, a notice was given, requesting all interested in adopting some united action to get rid of the wild beasts, that were destroying our domestic animals, to meet at the house of W. H. Gray, on the 2d of February, 1843. This was the first move to the provisional government. While this wap being done in the valley, at Wallamet Falls, since Oregon City, the question of a provisional government was up before a lyceum held .at that place and debated warmly for several evenings, and finally voted down. Dr. John McLaughlin took the side of an independent government, Mr. Abernethy, afterward governor, moved that, in case our government did not extend its jurisdiction over the country in four years, that then the meeting would be in favor of an independent gov- ernment. This idea was favored by Dr. White, upon condition that the settlers would vote generally to elect him as their governor, as from the fact that he held the office of sub-Indian agent by the appointment of the President, he could officiate as governor, and it would be no ad- ditional expense to the settlers. This was a plausible argument, and had Dr. White been a man of moral principle and capable of under- standing his duties in the office he held, the settlers would without a doubt have adopted his suggestions ; but, unfortunately for him, they had lost all confidence in his executive and judicial ability, as also in his ability to deal with Indians. Besides, the leading members of the Methodist Mission were opposed to him on account of his shameful course while one of their number, though Mr. Hines seems to have held to his skirts during the greater portion of the time he was creating all the disturbance he was capable of among the Indians, and being the dupe of the Hudson's Bay Company. These facts were all known to the getters-up of the " Wolf Organi- zation," as it was called. In fact, Le Breton had participated in the discussions at the Wallamet Falls, and reported them to those of us in the valley. Our idea was, to get an object before the people upon which all could unite, and as we advanced, secure the main object, — telf-preservation, both for property and person. The " wolf meeting " was fully attended, and all took a lively interest in It, for there was not a man in the settlement that had not been a loser from wild animals. There was a little suspicion in this first meet« ing that more than protection for animals was meant. Dr. Ira L. Babcock, who was elected our chairman, and who, we I !| ., ■.;.i. iiii ! . s: ! I ;l i ; i * \b P'; Y f >t'J HISTORY OP OREaON. supposed, woald be the first to suspect the main object, seemed to discard the idea as foolish and ridiculous, as he thought " wo had all the protection for our persons that we needed in the arrangements already entered into, and the object for which the meeting was called was a good and laudable one ; we were all interested in it ; we had all lost more or less from the ravages of wild animals, and it became necessary to have a united effort to get rid of them and protect our property." This was the very point we wished to hold the doctor to. He had expressed the idea exactly, and placed it in a clear light. As settlers, we had nothing to do but submit to the rule of the Hudson's Bay Company, the missions, and Dr. White, and do all we could to protect their cattle and herds. The Oregon archives show that there were persons present who were prepared for the occasion. The remarks of our chairman were appro- priate, for it was self-evident that our domestic animals needed protec- tion ; we could not spend all our time to guard them, hence a united effort would accomplish in a short time, and at comparatively little expense to all, what would otherwise be impossible, scattered as our settlements were, with our domestic animals exposed to the ravages of wild animals known to be numerous all over the country. It was moved that a committee of six be appointed to notify a general meeting, and prepare a plan, and report the matter for the action of the settlers. The chairman was called upon to appoint a committee to call a pub- lic meeting. Gray, Beers, and Wilson, already known to the reader, and Gervais and Lucie, Canadian-Frenchmen, who came to the country with Wilson G. Hunt's party, and Baruaby, a French Rocky Mountain hunter, were appointed. These three men were the most intclligeiit and influential French settlers that were then in the country, having considerable influence with the Canadian-French settlers, and generally favored American settlement and enterprise. The preparation for the general meeting, which was moved by Alan- son Beers to be called at the house of Mr. Joseph Gervais on the first Monday in March next, at ten o'clock a. m., devolved on Gray, Beers, and Wilson. The giving of the notices, which Le Breton with his ready pen soon prepared, devolved on Gervais, Bamaby, and Lucie, Up to this time, no intimation of the proposed civil government had been given to any member of the missions, or the Hudson's Bay Com- pany. All was moving on harmoniously, and all were interested in caring for and protecting our domestic animals. The " wolf meeting," . nd what was to be done, was the subject of general interest. Le (reton and Smith were busy in finding out the men who could be re- 1::j I IflXBD INFLUENCEa 263 lied npon, and the men that would oppose the one great object wc liad determined to accomplish, bo that on the first Moiulay in March, 1843, the settlement, except the clergy, were all present. If my memory serves me, there was not in that meeting a single reverend gentleman of any denomination. James A. O'Neil, who came to the country with Captain Wyeth in 1834, and had remained in it, presided at this meeting. He was informed of the main object, and requested to hurry through the *' wolf meeting " business as soon as possible. It will be seen that we had plac ed before the settlement, the Hud- son's Bay Company, and both missions, an object they were deeply in- terested in. The clergy were just then all asleep, and so were the com- pany, for while they were all willing that we should pay our money, spend our time, and hunt wild animals to protect their by far the largest portion of property exposed, they did not suspect we were looking to a far more important object — our personal liberty ; hence the settlers' "wolf meeting" did not call for thtir attention, but they all gave it an encouraging word, and promised to contribute to its funds, which they did, till they saw the real object, when they dropped it without ceremony, or at least saw too late that their power was gone. The Methodic*, Mission influence was the most difficult to deul with. We were fully av are of their large pretensions to land, and of the con- summate duplicity of White, in dealing with all parties. White, to secure the approval of the Methodist Mission, encouraged thrir large pretensions to mission lands, and also spoke favorably of the Jesuit influence among the Indians ; while, if he had had two grains of com- mon sense and common honesty, he could have seen their influence was tending to destroy all of his, as well as all American influence in the country. Still hia supremely selflsh ideas of self-honor and official dig- nity led him to pursue a course disgusting to all parties. During the time between the first and second " wolf meetings," White was called upon in a public manner to cvhibit his authority from the President, which he was foolish enough to do. It was seen at once that he was in the country only as a spy upon the actions of the Hud- ton's Bay Company, while he assumed to make treaties with Indiana, and govern the country, and make pledges and promises, which no one believed the government would ever attempt to fulfill. As a matter of history and curiosity, the proceedings of the " wolf meetings " are copied from the Oregon archives, which Mr. Hines, it seems, did not even know had on existence, showing, by his own state- ments, that he was ao completely mixed up in his ideas of the origin of the provisional government, that though he is generally correct in hia statements, yet be fiiiled to distinguish the point of conception i'l < 1 I ;• ( ■■ i 1 V i t:\ ;, fiS M4 HISTORY OF OBEOON. and birth of the oldest State on the Paoiflc^ for I contend that justice to oar effort and a proper understanding of our rights should have ad- mitted us as a State instead of subjecting us to a Territorial annoyance^ .under such demagogues as were sent among ns up to the time we became a State. I^oceedings of a Meeting held at the Oregon Institute^ February 2, 1843. A public meeting of a number of the citizens of this colony was called at the house of W. H. Gray, in order to take into consideration the propriety of adopting some measures for the protection of our herds, etc., in this country. On motion, Dr. I. L. Babcock was called to the chair, who proceeded to state the objects of the meeting, and the necessity of acting. Mr. W. H. Gray moved, and Mr. Torn seconded the motion, *' that a committee of six be appointed to notify a general meeting, and report business, etc.," which motion was carried, and Messrs. Gray, Beers, Ger- vais, Wilson, Bamaby, and Lucie, were appointed said committee. Mr. Beers moved " that a general meeting be called at the house of Mr. Joseph Gervais, on the first Monday in March next, at ten o'clock, A. M.," which motion was carried. W. H. Wilson, Secretary. L L. Babcock, Chairman. Journal of a Meeting at the house of J. GervaiSy first Monday in March, 1843. In purauance of a resolution of a previous meeting, the citizens of Wallamet Valley met, and, the meeting being called to order, Mr. James O'Xeil was chosen chairman. Mr. Martin was chosen as secre- tary, but declining to serve, Mr. Le Breton was chosen. The minutes of the former meeting were read. The committee appointed to notify a general meeting and report business, made the following repoH, to wit : — " Your committee beg leave to report as follows : It being admitted by all that bears, wolves, panthers, etc., are destructive to the useful animals owned by the settlers of this colony, your committee would submit the following resolutions, as the sense of this meeting, by which tjhe community may be governed in carrying on a defensive and destructive war against all such animals. ^* Jiesolvcd, 1st. That we deem it expedient for this community to take immediate measures for the destruction of all wolves, pantliers, and bears, and such other animals as are l;noWn to be destructive to cattle, horses, sheep, and hogs. "2d That a treasurer be appointed, vtho shall receive all funds, and RESOLUTIONa 265 dinpense tho same, in acoordanoo with drafts drawn on him hy the oommittee appointed to receive the evidences of the destruction of the above-named animals ; and that he report the state of the treasury, by posting up public notices, once in three months, in the vicinity of each of the committee. *' dd. That a standing committee of eight be appointed, whoso duty it shall be, together with the treasurer, to receive the proofs, or evi- dences, of the animals for which a bounty is claimed having been killed in the Wallamet Valley. " 4th. That a bounty of fifty cents be paid for the destruction of a small wolf; three dollars for a large wolf; one dollar and fifty cents fur a lynx ; two dollars for a bear ; and five dollars for a panther. "5th. That no bounty be paid unless the individual claiming said bounty give satisfactory evidence, or present the skin of the head with the ears of all animals for which he claims a bounty. " 6th. That the committee and treasurer form a Board of advice to call public meetings, whenever they may deem it expedient, to promote and encourage all persons to use their vigilance in destroying all tho animals named in the fourth resolution. " 7th. That the bounties specified in the fourth resolution be limited to whites and their descendants. " 8th. That the proceedings of this meeting be signed by the chair- man and secretary, and a copy thereof be presented to the recorder of this colony." On motion, the report was accepted. ^ It was then moved and seconded that the report be laid on the table, which was carried. It was moved and seconded that the first resolution in the report of the committee be adopted, which was carried. It was moved and seconded that a sum be raised by contribution for the protection of our animals, which was carried. It was moved and seconded that the third resolution, as ilmended, be adopted, which was carried. It was moved and seconded that two collectors be appointed to receive all subscriptions, retaining five per cent, for collecting the same, and pay the amount over to the treasurer, taking his receipt for the same, which was carried. On motion, the fifth resolution was adopted. On motion, it was resolved " that no one receive a bounty (except Indians) unless he pay a subscription of five dollars." On motion, the seventh resolution was adopted. On motion, the eighth and ninth resolutions were adopted. i ■ I '. m U'$ \l ■1 ' % ' I 266 HISTORY OF OREGON. It was moved and seconded that the Indians receive one-half as much as the whites. It was moved and seconded that all claims for bounties be presented within ten days from the dme of becoming entitled to said bounties, and, if there should be any doubts, the individual claiming a bounty shall give his oath to the various circumstances ; which was carried. On motion, W. 11. Gray was chosen treasurer. It was moved that Messrs, McRoy, Gervais. Martin, S. Smith, Dougherty, O'Neil, Shortess, and Lucie be the standing committee ; which motion was carrie( i It was moved that G. W Le Breton and Mr. Bridgers be the coUect- oi's. Carried. On moticm, tke tiollowinc^esolutions were adonted : — " Resolvi'f'-. TosK. no \ mmrj be paid to any white, or his descend- ants, prev ue tinoe n ma subscription. " Hesorr .. lout the cta^Bcy of a minor child be paid to a parent or guardiaK. " Resolved, Tiat the abaft &r receiving subscripuons be drawn by Mr. Gray and ficLe Bwnain. " Resolced, Tkax. ^aaSei n Fort Vancouver, the Mission, and the Milling Compiiii - r"' '-• on saiaBcriptions, as payment." As a kind PravidfinBe wnsudd bxve it, the "~wolf meeting " at Mr. Gervais' house on the Waliamet Errer was one of tne most harmonious meetings I ever juttendtd. E ery isne seemed to feel that a unanimous war had been declared aguinj t lespoilers of our domestic animals that were dependent upon us ■ r ection. It was stated by one speaker '• . ..t no one would questibn for a mo- ment that this was right. This w :jr just and natural protection for our property in animals liable to be dtatroyed by wolves, bears, and pan- thers. IIow is it, fellow-citizens, with you and me, and rcr children and wives ? Have we any organization upon which we can rely for mutual protection ? Is there any power or influence in the country suiScient to protect us and all we hold dear on earth from the worse than wild beasts that threaten and occasionally destroy our cattle ? Who in our midst is authorized at this moment to call us together to protect our own, and the lives of our families ? True, the alarm may be given, as in a recent case, and we may run who feel alarmed, and shoot off our guns, while our enemy may be robbing our property, ravishing our wives, and burning the houses over 0'»r defenseless families. Common sense, prudence, and justice to ourselves deman'1 that we act consistent with the principles we have commenced. Ym". ORGANIZING COMMITTEE APPOINTED. 267 have mutually and unitedly agreed to defend and protect our cattle and domestic animait ; now, lellow-citizens, I submit and move the adoption of the two following resolutions, that we may hav- ;n-otection for our persons and lives as well as our cattle and herds : — " Resolved, That a committee be appointed to take into considera- tion the propriety of taking measures for the civil and military pro- tection of this colony. " Resolved, That said committee consist of twelve persons." There was not a dissenting vote in that meeting. Diu Babcock and White were not present, but prudence and policy gave them both a place upon the proposed committee of twelve, while we knew the feelings of the balance of the committee. Messrs. Dr. Babcock, Dr. White, O'Neil, Shortess, Newell, Lucie, Gervais, Hubbard, McRoy, Gray, Smith, and Gay were appointed said committee. HMHI rt'f CHAPTER XXXIV. First meeting of the committee of twolre. — All invited to participate. — ^The Rev. J. Leo and Mr. Abernetlij ridicule the organization. — Mr. Leo tells a story. — Letter from Governor Aberuethy. — Tho main question at issue. — Drowning of Cornelius Kogcrs and party. — Conduct of Dr. "White. — Methodist Mission. — Catholic boasts of con- versiona. By mutual understanding the committee of tM'elve first met at Wal- laratt Fall?, about the middle of March, 1843. My irnpression is that Dr. B.Tbcock was not present with the committee, and that Dr. White was chosen temporary chairman. G. W. Le Breton was secretary of the committee. A motion was made and carried to invite the citizens of the village to participate in the deliberations of the committee. Rev, Jason Lpp. Rev. Mr. Waller, Mr. Abernethy, R. Moore, in fact, nearly all the prominent men of the place, were present, and participated in the discussions. We found Rev. Jason Lee and Mr. Abernethy dinposed to ridicule the J roposed organization as foolish and unnecessary. Rev. Jason Lee in his argument illustrated the folly of the effort, by ,'elling us of a com- pany of militia gotten up somewhtre in Canada. H? said " the requi- site notice had been given, and all the people liable to military duty were present on the day to elect M^^ officers required for the company. When they had elected all their officers, there was ore private soldier left. ' Well,' says the soldier, ' you may march me, you may drill me, you may face me to the right, or to the left, or about face, just as much as you please, but for mercy's sake don't divide me up into platoons.'" Mr. Abernethy made a little attempt to ridicule the proposed organi- zation, in moving to amend the resolution recommending three justices of the peace and three constables. We are now in receipt of an expla- nation from the governor in reference to the qucRtion of an independent government, as debated at the Lyceum, which wo give verbatim, as it j/laces the governor with Jiis own explanation on that question, and I think gives us the correct statement of the case, and shows his policy, which was, to defeat not only the proposition for an independent gov- ernment, but any effi>rt for a i)rovisional one, for at least four years, — which were not only tho views of Mr. Abernethy, but those of Messrs. Loe, Leslie, Babcock, and Hines : — r8,— EFFORT TO ORGANIZE BROKEN UP. 269 PoiOT.AND, March 11, 1866. Dear Sir, — Allow me to correct one statement in your History of Oresron in the Gazette of 5th March. You epeak of a debate in a Lyceum, and say: " Mr. Abernethy moved that in case our government did not extend its jurisdiction over the country in four years, that t'nen the meeting would be in favor of an independent government." The facts are these ; We had weekly meetings for discussion. Mr. Hastings, Dr. McLaughlin's lawyer, offered a resolution, "That it is expedient for the Bettlei"8 on this coast to establish an independent government." This subject was warmly discussed, Mr. Abernethy being, with a few others, r-- osed to it. At the close of the discussion the vote was taken and de ; ' in favor of an independent government. Mr. Abernethy then offered the following : " Resolved, That if the United States extends iis jurisdiction over this country within four years, it v/ill not be expe- dient to form an independent government," as the subject for the next discussion. This was warmly discussed, many who voted for the first resolution saying if the United States government is extended over us, it is all we want, and voted in the affirmative. The resohition was carried, and destroyed the effect of the first resohition. You will see by this you have the thing all wrong. Yours truly, Geo. Abernethy. P. S. — Dr. White, I think, was present; am not ceituin. This inde- pendent government move was a prominent scheme of Dr. McLaughlin. The main question at issue before the committee at the Falls meeting was the office of governor. Dr. Bailey was in the Sandwich Islands; nothing was to be feared from him ; but Dn White was, to aay the least, nn impudent candidate. I have been informed that Dr. Bailey, an Englishman, came to that meeting February 18, 1841, with all his French voters trained to vote for himself for governor, nnd that he nominated himself, in opposition to Mr. Hines and Dr. Babcock, for that office, and conducted himself in such a manner that it disgusted some, and was the means of breaking up ihe proposed civil government, as what Americans there were then in the country found they would be outnumbered by the French and English (which was unquestionably the fact), and thus they Avould be completely at the disposal of English rule. Such being the case, much credit is due to the men who defeated that effort, and I see no reason why Mr. Hines, in his account, and as an actor in those meetings, should attempt to give a different impression, and say that "the officei-s of the squadron were consulted, and were found to bo decidedly opposed to the scheme." k liiii it! 1 k wt m' !• 5^ i 270 HISTORY OF OREGON. (Page 421 of his book,) This fact alone, and I have it from an actor and an eye-witness in the meeting referred to, is, to say the least, strange and unaccountable on the part of Mr, Hines. He either feared the influ- ence of Bailey, or the truth, which he withheld in the case, and leaves a wrong impression upon the minds of his readers. From the sickening, fawning, and contemptible course of Dr. White, the committee at the Falls meeting were induced to yield the point of an organization without an executive head, and by that means got a unanimous vote to call a public meeting to oi-ganize a provisional gov- ernment at Champoeg, on the 2d of May, 1843. This was effort number one of February and June, 1841, over again. Those of us who com- menced this move did not feel that we had gained much, still we hoped for the best and prepared for the worst as well aa the meeting at Cham- poeg on the 2d of Muy, 1843. We will let the provisional government rest till the 2d of May, 1843, while we take a look over the whole country, and at the actors in it, first stopping to drop a tear at the gra\ e of our friends as we proceed. On the 2d of February our best and most esteemed friend, Cornelius Rogers, with whom we had spent years of the kindest confidence and friend- ship, left our house for Oregon City, as his future residence and home, with his young wife, the eldest daughter of Rev. David Leslie, and her youngest sister. They took passage down the river with W. W. Ray- mond, a man who came to the country with the re-enforcement of the mission of 1839-40. He was at that time a member of the Methodist Mission, in good standing. Dr. Elijah White and Esquire Crocker, of Lansingville, Tompkins County, New York, were also in the canoe, one of the largest of Chinook manufacturing. They arrived all safe at Can- emah. It was let down stern first by a line, around a point of rocks just above the falls on the Oregon City side, since blasted away fot a canal and boat channel. In the eddy formed by the point of rock a large tvee iiad lodged, fonning a convenient landing, and occupying a large portion of the eddy water, so that it was necessary for the canoe to remain close to t^e log for safety from the swift current. There were two Indians to guide the canoe into this landing, one in the bow and one in the stem. The one in the stem escaped by jumping from the canoe and catching upon a piece of drift-wood on a rock just above the fall. White, as the canoe came alongside of the log upon which all were to land, being near the bow of the canoe, and not thinking, or per- haps caring, for any one but himself, jumped upon the side of the canoe, and with a spring, upon the log, before there was time for any one to secure the bow of the canoe, to prevent it from c winging into the cur- rent. The force of White's spring upon the oano« to reach the log Wer- Kon-i aniii MISSION STATIONS. 271 threw it into the current, which was too strong for Euymond and his Indians to hold, and in a moment it darted into the middle of the chan- nel, and the next moment was plunged broadside ever the falls, some twenty-five feet perpendicular. The force of the cm t-ent threw the canoe to the bottom of the fall, right side up, but the under-swell threw it back to the sheet of falling water, which filled and upset the cauoe in an instant. All that went over were lost. Raymond, who had attempted to hold the canoe, came over the point of rocks (a difficult place) and found White upon the log, and that he had made no effort to relieve the drowning party. Mr. Hines, I see, gives a more favorable account of this transaction for White. I think this the nearest correct, as Raymond gave the alarm, aM a boat was launched, and reached within ten feet of Mr. Rogei*s before he sank to rise no more. His and Esquire Crocker's bodies were found and interred. Those of Mrs. Rogers and her sister were never found. Rev. G. Hines, W. H. Gray, and Robert Shortess, were appointed by Judge Babcoak to appraise the estate of Mr. Rogers, which was found to be worth about $800, clear of all liabilities. His heirs at law resided in Utica, New York. Rev. Harvey Clark was appointed administrator, ■ dischai'ging that duty faithfully, and I think without compensation. None of the appraisers received a dime for their services. There fol- lowed this afBiction a severe storm, and an unusually high flood in the Wallamet River. The appraisers were detained several days on account of it, but finally reached their homes in safety. The Methodist Mission had extended their stations to Fort Nas- qnalla on Puget Sound and Clatsop Plains, and made an effort to establish a mission station on the TJmpqua River. At this last-named place the Indians had been prepared by the instructions they had received through the Hudson's Bay Company and the Jesuit priests to destroy Lee and Hines, and commence the slaughter of the settle- ment. (See Hines' account of the trip, pages 100 to 110 inclusive, m:ui« in 1842.) Messrs. Frost and Cowan had. become diBCfusted with <;^ir mis- sionary calling, and H^fy^. J>r. Richmond had aiso found Iub Xasqualla location not a a%»A>&h\e «•«, «r at least, he by some means had beconae convinced that he co«M sot benefit the Lidians about the fort, and made up his ramd >j leave. It will be rememi*rcd that .'icar-General Bronillet, of Wallawallu, in his iiltompt to prove That the " Catholic stations and stationary prieats " were early in tlie country, says '" a'most everv Indian tribe possessed Home Catholic memb«r«" a« early as iS4.o, and tli«t Mr. Demerse'.s labors among the Cayuses in 1 840 " had made there a mission so fruitful that 2T2 HISTORY OF OREGON. the Protestant missionaries had got alarmed and feared that all their disciples would abandon them if he continued his mission among tlicm." (Page 87 of " Protestantism in Oregon," by Brouillet.) Neither Hincs, Richmond, nor Smith could understand why it was that the Indians upon this coast and throughout the country were so different from the accounts they had heard and read of them up to T840. In June, 1853, had either of those gentlemen picked up the New York Preeman^a Journal, they would have seen the stateanent that, as early as 184u, •' almost every Indian tribe [on this eo*Pi] possessed some Catholic members." A little further along they would have been startled with the announcement, that these Jesuit missions had become " so fruitful tifet the Protestant missionaries had got alarmed and feared that all their disciples would abandon them." This was but the work of two years, — from 1838, late in the fall to 1840. This was, without doubt, a great triumph, and well does this Jesuit blow his trumpet ; and well he may, for he had the active aid of an unscrupulous monopoly who are said to be attempting the same thing with just such implements upon their own countrymen in Britiib Columbia. Why, I ask, have states and countries in Europe found it necessary to suppress that order of the Roman Church ? And why is England, to-day, hesitating to give this church in particular the same confidence she does to all others ? ; t? CHAPTER XXXV. Meetings to oppose organization. — Address of the French-Canadians. — Criticisms on it by the author. — The Jesuits. — Jesuit oath. — Article from the Cincinnati Beacon. Between tlie meeting of the committee of twelve at "Wallamet Fallb, about the 16th of March, and the called meeting by that com- mittee on the 2d of May, the priests and the Hudson's Bay Company were not idle. They held two distinct meetings, one at the falls and one at Vancouver, and two in the French Prairie at the Catholic church. At all of tlicse meetings the course to be pursued by the company and the Catholic and French settlers was discussed and decided. The re- sult of these meetings and discussions can be found on the 12th and 13th pages of the Oregon archives. Tiie names of the signers should have been given. This document seems to be dated the 4th of March, 1848. The meeting at Gervais' was on the first Monday of March. So this document seems to have been prepared by our Jesuit Blanchet, just about the time the "wolf meeting" was convening, and inanticip.i- tion of the move for a provisional government. I am certain it was not before any public meeting of the settlers, and that it was handed in to the committee of three appointed by the Legislative Committee to revise and arrange the laws for the meeting on the 5th of July, 1843. G. W. Le Breton, clerk of the Legislative Committee, handed it in, when it was examined by the committee of three, and handed back to him with the remark " it was well enough to keep it with the public papers, as it would show the influences operating, and who were opposed to our organization, and the reasons they had for their opposi- tion. At the meeting of May 2, all the signers of that document were present with their priests at their head, and voted to a man against the proposed organization. "Address of the Canadian citizens of Oregon to the meeting at Champoeg, March 4, 1843." It will be seen it should have been dated May 2. This mistake simply shows that it was prepared March 4, 1843, in anticipation of the action of the meeting to be held May 2, 1843. The address above referred to is here submitted as a matter of his- tory, and is as follows : — " We, the Canadian citizens of Wallamet, considering with interest 18 Hil rt 1 tl! % 374 HISTORY OF OREGON. i : i and reflection tlio subject which unites the people at the present meet- ing, present to the American citizens, and particularly to the gentlemen who called said meeting, the unanimous expression of our sentiments of cordiality, 1 desire of union and inexhaustible peace between all the people, in view of our duty and the interest of the new colony, and declare — "Ist. That we wish for laws, or regulations, for the welfare of our persons, and the security of our propo'iy and labors. " 2d. That we do not intend to rebt;l against the measures of that kind taken last year, by a party of the people ; although we do not approve of certain regulations, nor certain modes of laws, let those magistrates finish their time. " ,3d, Tliat we will not address a new petition to the government of the United States, because we have our reasons, till the line be decided, and the frontiere of the States fixed. " 4th, Tliat we are opposed to the regulations anticipated, and ex- posed to conseqiiences for the quantity, direction, etc., of lands, and whatsoever expense for the i ne lands, because we have no direct guaranty from tlie governmei , to come, and, perhaps, to-mon-ow, all those measures may be broken. " 5th. That we do not wish a provisional mode of government, too self-interested, and full of degrees, useless to our power, and overload- ing the colony instead of impi'oving it; besides, men of laws and science are too scarce, and have too much to do in such a new country. " 6th. That we wish either the mode of senate or council to judge the difficulties, punish the crimes (except capital penalties), and make the regulations suitable for the people. " 7th. That the same council be elected and composed of members from all parts of the country, and should act in body, on the plan of civilized countries in parliament, or as a jury, and to be represented, for example, by the president of said council, and another member, as a judge of peace, in each county, allowing the principle of recalling to the whole senate. " 8th, That the members should be influenced to interest themselves to their own welfare, and that of the public, by the love of doing good, rather than by the hope of gain, in order to take off from the esteem of the people all suspicions of interest in the persons of their representa- tives. " 9th. That they must avoid every law loading and inexpedient to the people, especially to the new arrivals. Unnecessary taxes, and whatever records are of that kind, we do not want them. " 10th. That the militia is useless at present, and rather a danger of REVIEW OP RESOLUTIONS. 276 bad suspicion to the Indians and a delay for the necessary labors ; at the same time, it is a load ; we do not want it, either, at present. *' 11th. That we consider the country free, at present, to all nations, till government shall have decided; open to every individual wishing to settle, without any distinction of origin, and without asking him any thing, either to become an English, Spanish, or American citizen. " 12th. So we, English subjects, proclaim to be free, as well as those who came from France, California, United States, or even natives of this country ; and we desire unison with all the respectable citizens who wish to settle in this country ; or we ask to be recognized as free among ourselves, to make such regulations aa appear suitable to our wants, save the general interest of having justice from all strangers who might injure us, and that our reasonable customs and pretensions be respected. " 13th. That we are willing to submit to any lawful government when it comes. " 14lh. That we do not forget that we must make laws only for neces- sary circumstances. The more laws there are, the more opportunities for roguery for those who make a practice of it ; and, perhaps, the more alterations there will be some day. " 15 th. That we do not forget in a trial that before all fraud on ful- filling of some points of the law, the ordinary proofs of the certainty of the fact ought to be duly weighed, so that justice may be done, and no shame given for fraud. " 16th. In a new country the more men employed and paid by the public, the 1' 58 remains of industry. " 1 7th. That no one can be more desirous than we are for the pros- perity, ameliorations, and general peace of the country, and especially for the guaranty of our rights and liberties ; and such is the wish we make for all those who are, or may become, our fellow-countrymen, etc., for long years of peace." Then follow our names and persons. Which, if our memory is correct, were not given or signed to the original document, for, if they had been, the document would have been noticed in tlie legislative proceedings, and some action taken upon it. It was considered by the revising committee, as an expression of the feelings of the subjects named in the twelftii paragrajjh, and that while they were opposed to the proposed organization they would act as per thirteenth paragraph. The second paragraph indicates an approval of previous political action. The tliird, their opposition to a connection with the United States. The fourth, their decided opposition to the proposed gov ernment. The fifth is a reason, and shows that tliey had no confidence in the ability of the people to make laws for themselves. ' : « ^: : ' i ■' it ! 1 1 ■J ' \ ^- \ • B^ 276 HISTORY OF OREGO.V. .i,|; r--i 'f • ^ The sixth indicates a preference for the Hudson's Bay Company's mode of government. The seventh shows a leaning to republican ideas of government. The eiglith to the government of the country by the clergymen in it. The ninth, opposition to taxes which the French, or the class represented in that protest, continually nfianifested in refusing to pay until compelled by legal or superior force. The tenth shows that they considered themselves safe from Indian hostility, and were only anxious to expose the weakness of the settlement by avoiding a show of military strength. The eleventh affirms the freedom of the country to all, and their right to occupy it without interference. The fourteenth, a childish reason against restraint, ITie fifteenth is con- siderably mixed ; it is advisory. We admit that the object of it is beyond our comprehension. The sixteenth looks to one man, or clerical rule. The seventeenth shows the ecclesiastical origin of the document, and a suspicion that in the future their conduct may be such that they may require a " guaranty " of their rights and liberties. We have an article, published in the Cincinnati Beacon, August, 1843, giving the oath taken by the Jesuits, and a short account of their objects and proceedings, which, as they had been introduced into Oregon by the Hudson's Bay Company in 1838, and commenced their operations as in the above document, we will copy the article entire, as we shall have occasion to speak of the part taken by them in the settle- ment of this country : — " The order of Jesuits was established by Loyola in 1535, having for its object the re-establishment of the pope's sway over the civil powers of the earth. " At that time it was found that a mighty effort was needed to regain to the pope what he had just lost by the Reformation, and this order was established for that object. Members of that society may be of any profession or of no profession, as they choose, and as best suits the object. They may prosecute tlieir own business as merchants in foreign countries, or serve in the meanest capacity, provided they can by stealth exercise some destructive influence on any or every form of government except that under the ' sacred confirmation of the pope.' " A dispensation is granted them, i, e., permission to lay aside all pro- fessions of regard to the Papal cause, and make outward professions to any religion or government they choose, if by so doing they can better ' do their utmost to extirpate tJte heretical Protestant doctrine, a)ul destroy all its pretended powers, regal or otherwise." "Of course they were soon found in all the political intrigues which so long distracted Europe, This is a prominent fact on the page of history. One after another of the European powers became aAvare of I ne. •which of ware of JESDITS' OATH. 277 )age thip, and each, especially of the Protestant powers, when their intrigues could no longer be endured, banished tlie Jesuits as seen above. We may a1 n. ■■■ 140 11-25 i 1.4 1.6 ^ 7 Photographic Sciences Corporation ■i3 WIST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. MSSO (716) S72-4S03 I :l 27(1 mSTOBT OF OREQON. and do my utmost to extirpate the heretical Protestant doctrine, and to destroy all Us pretended poteers, regal or otherwise. I do farther promise and declare, that notwithstanding I am dispensed with, to as- sume any religion heretical, for the propagating of the mother church's interests, to keep secret and private all her agents' counsels from time to time, as they intrust me, and not to divulge, directly or indirectly, by word, writing, or circumstance whatsoever ; but to execute all that shall be proposed, given in charge, or discovered unto me, by you, my ghostly father, or any of this sacred convent. All which I, A. B., do swear, by the blessed Trinity, and blessed Sacrament, which I am now to receive, to perform, and on my part to keep inviolably : and do call all the heavenly and glorious host of heaven to witness these my real intentions, to keep this my oath. In testimony hereof, I take this most holy and blessed sacrament of the Eucharist ; and witness the same further with my hand and seal, in the face of this holy convent, this day of Anno Domini, etc' " The Jesuits were banished from England in 1606. They were ex- pelled from France, a. d. 1764 ; from Spain and Sicily, a. d. 1767 ; from Portugal, A. D. 1789; and totally suppressed by Pope Clement XIV., A. D. 1773. Everywhere they were prosecuted and repelled as injurious to youth, and dangerous to all existing forms of government. The present pope has revived the order, and now wo find the Jesuits secretly and openly engaged again in their pernicious and wicked devices to re-establish his power in the United States, and in the Cauadas." ^i CHAPTER XXXVL The meeting at Charapoeg.— Tactics of the Jesuit party.— Counter-tactics of the Ameri- cans.— A division and its result. — Public record. — Opposition to clergymen as legislators. — Mr. Uines as an historian. — His errors. — Importance of Mr. Hines' history. — Extract. — Difficulty among the Indians. — Cause of the difficulty. Thk 2d of May, the day fixed by the committee of twelve to organ- ize a settlers' government, was close at hand. The Indians liad all learned that the "Bostons" were going to have a big meeting, and they also knew that the English and French were going to meet with them, to oppose what the " Bostons" were going to do. The Hudson's Bay Company had drilled and trained their voters for the occasion, under the liev. F. N. Blanchet and his priests, and they were promptly on the ground in the open field near a small house, and, tu the amusement of every American present, trained to vote " No" to every motion put ; no matter, if to carry their point they should have voted " Yes," it was "No." Le Breton had informed the committee, and the Americans generally, that tiiis would be the course pursued, according to instruc- tions, hence our motions were made to test their knowledge of what they were doing, and we found just what we expected was the case. The priest was not prepared for our manner of meeting them, and, as the record shows, " considerable confusion was existing in consequence." By this time we had counted votes. Says Le Breton, " We can risk it ; let us divide and count." " I second that motion," says Gray. " Who's for a divide ?" sang out old Joe Meek, as he stepped out ; " all for the report of the committee and an organization, follow me." This was so sudden and unexpected that the priest and liis voters did not know what to do, but every American was soon in line. Le Breton and Gray passed the line and counted fifty-two Americans, and but fifty French and Hudson's Bay Company men. They announced the count — "fift.y-two for, and fifty against." "Three cheers for our side," sang out old Joe Meek. Not one of those old veteran mountain voices were lacking in that shout for liberty. They were given with a will, and in a few seconds the chairman, Judge I. L. Babcock, called the meeting to order when the priest and his band slunk away into the corners of the f'-aces, and in a short time mounted their horses and left. The minutes of the meeting are as follows : — • :i if I ■II M ll m 1 ! ; ■ ' l J li 2S0 HISTORY OP OREGON. " At a public meeting of the inhabitants of the Wallamet settlements, held in accordance with the call of the committee, chosen at u former meeting, for the purpose of taking steps to organize themselves into a civil community, and provide themselves with the protection secured by the enforcement of law and order, Dr. L L. Babcock was chosen chairman, and Messrs. Gray, Le Breton, and Wilson, secretaries. '* The committee made their report, which was read, and a motion was made that it be accepted, which was lost. " Considerable confusion existing in consequence, it was moved by Mr. Le Breton, and seconded by Mr. Gray, that the meeting divide, pre- paratory to being counted ; those in favor of the objects of this meet- ing taking the right, and those of a contrary mind taking the left, which being carried by acclamation, and a majority being found in favor of organization, the greater part of the dissenters withdrew. **It was then moved and carried, that the report of the committee be taken up and disposed of article by article. "A motion was made and carried, that a supreme judge, with pro- bate powers, be chosen to officiate in this community. " Moved and carried, that a clerk of the court, or recorder, be chosen. " Moved and carried, that a sheriff be chosen. *' Moved and carried, that three magistrates be chosen. *' Moved and carried, that three constables be chosen. " Moved and cari'ied, that a ccmmittee of nine peraons be chosen, for the purpose of drafting a code of laws for the government of this com- munity, to be presented to a public meeting to be hereafter called by them, for their acceptance. " A motion was made and carried, that a treasurer be chosen. " Moved and carried, that a major and three captains be chosen. " Moved and carried, that we now proceed to choose the persons to fill the various offices by ballot. " A. E. Wilson was chosen to act as supreme judge, with probate powers; G. W. Le Breton was chosen to act as clerk of court, and recorder ; J. L. Meek was chosen to fill the office of sheriff; W. H. Wilson was chosen treasurer. " Moved and carried, that the remainder of the officers be chosen by hand ballot, and nomination from the floor. "Messrs. Hill, Shortess, Newell, Beers, Hubbard, Gray, O'Neil, Moore, and Dougherty, were chosen to act as Legislative Committee ; Messrs. Burns, Jiidson, and A. B. Smith were chosen to act as magistrates ; Mpssrs. Ebbets, Bridgers, and Lewis, were chosen to act as constables ; ]\Ir. John Howard was chosen major ; Messrs. Wm. McCarty, C. Mo- lloy, and S. Smith were chosen captains. CONSTABLES AND HAOISTRATES. 281 "Moved and carried, that the Legislative Committee make their report on the 6th day of July next, at Champoeg. "Moved and carriec^, that the services of tlie Legislative Committee be paid for at $1.25 per day, and that the money be raised by subscrip- tion. '' Moved and carried, that the major and captains be instructed to enlist men to form companies of mounted riflemen. " Moved and carried, that an additional constable and magistrate be chosen. " Mr. Compo was chosen as an additional magistrate. Mr. Matthew was chosen as an additional constable. " Moved and carrieil, that the Legislative Committee shall not sit over six days. " The meeting was then adjourned. •'The question having arisen with regard to what time the newly- appointed officers should commence their duties, the meeting was again called to order, when it was moved and carried, that the old officers act till the laws are made and accepted, or until the next public meeting. . • "Attest, " Q. W. Le Breton." i>'i It will be remembered by those present, that iu the appointment of the members of the Legislative Committee, Rev. J. S, Griffin was named as one of the committee. I am not positive that Mr. Griffin was present, but T remember that his nomination was opposeil, or any clergyman of any denomination having any thing to do with making laws for the set- tlers. It was stated as a reason, that their duties and calling were not such as qualified them to enact laws adapted to a promiscuous commu- nity; they, asamatter of conscience and duty to what they, as a general thing, considered higher laws, disqiialifii'd themselves to enter the halls of legislation as law-makers. Besides, the settlers had once placed it in their hands and requested them to aid in the enactment of suitable laws for the government and protection of the settlement. This request they had neglected and refused to comply with, and we had before us the example and influence of one who had openly opposed our efibrt. In placing upon this committee a reverend gentleman from one denomination, unity, >rt the ! to be !ar the agent of one nd and jhargcB he call travel, savage it down we had intry, it s should lange of the Nez nericans, to adopt I We will ding and ect he re- imoted to g so far as ibrun, and s for their Pambrun 1 induced increased tied, that jenced to ccustomed ided them While the American fur trader, Captaia Wyeth, was in the country, the company had increased their tariff, and paid the Indians more for their horses and furs, but as soon as he had been driven from the country, they reduced it to thtir own prices. The Indians did not understand why tlie company gave them so much less than the Americans, or Bostons, did for the same things. The principal chiefs of the Nez Perc6s and Cayuses were together in the attempt to get better pay for the property they sold to the com- pany, whose policy was to keep all the principal men down, and divide their power and influence, and prevent any large combinations among the tribes, — thus making it easy to control them. Tiiis statement of facts and policy I had from Mr. Pambrun and Mr. Ermatinger, both of the Hudson's Bay Company. Mr. Hines, on page 143, in speaking about the laws adopted by the Indians, seems altogether to ignore the fact that a desperate effort M'as then being made by the Hudson's Bay Company, as the conduct of the Indians plainly indicated, to drive all Aniericans from the country. The unreasonable punishments inflicted, and all other odious inferences, were tlie legitimate instruments to accomplish a specific object. The same was the case in the inferences drawn about Dr. Whitman's visit to the States. While Governor Simpson sends on his Red River set- tlers, and goes to Washington to secure the country to the British crown, Dr. Whitman and his mission become the special objects of mis- representation and hate among the Indians. His mill and all his grain are burned, while a large immigration of British subjects and the Jesuit missionaries are received Avith open arms. Dr. Whitman and the Ameri- can settlement must be stopped at all hazards. " An Indian is sent on snow-shoes to the* Buffalo Indians east of Fort Hall, for the purpose of exciting them to cut off the party that is expected with Dr. Whitman. The American government, according to Dr. White, is about to take possession of the country, and had sent him out as its first gov- ernor. He, to conciliate the Indians, adopts all the suggestions of tha Hudson's Bay Company, and succeeds to his entire satisfaction, with the aid of Mr. McKay. While he can do nothing to unite the settlers for their own defense, the divide-and-weakcn policy of the company is changed from Indians to the American settlers. White and Hines are equally useful to the company in doing the one, as they had been suc- cessful in the other. That the transaction related by Mr. Hines on his 146th page, under date of April 17, may be better underetood, we will, in the nest chapter, give a copy of the petition referred to. This document is mostly the work of Robert Shortess, and was signed by nearly every American in the country who bad an opportunity. M ^: m rs' r T;! !H !:, I :- I. i?r CHAPTER XXXVn. Whitman'i visit to Washington — A priest's boast. — A taunt, and Whitman's reply.— Arrival in Washington. — Interview with Becrotary Webster. — With President Tyler. — llh return. — Suocoasful passage of the Roclcy Mountaiua with two hun- dred wuijons. — His mill burned during liis absence. In September, 1842, Dr. Whitman was called to visit a patient at oli'' Fort WuUawalla. While tliere, a number of boats of the Iludson^s Bay Company, with several chief traders and Jesuit priests, on their way to the interior of the country, arrived. While at dinner, the overland ex- press from Canada arrived, bringing nv. ws that the emigration from the Red River settlement was at Colville. This news excited unusual joy among the guests. One of them — a young priest — sang out: "Hurrah for Oregon, America is too late ; we have got the country." " Now the Americans may whistle ; the country is ours I" said another. Whitman learned that the company had arranged for these Red River English settlers to come on to settle in Oregon, and at the same time Governor Simpson was to go to Washington and secure the settle- ment of the question as to the boundaries, on the ground of the most numerous and permanent settlement in the country. The Doctor was taunted with the idea that no power could prevent this result, as no information could reach Washington in time to pre- vent it. " It shall be prevented," said the Doctor, " if I have to go to Washington myself." " But you can not go there to do it," was the taunting reply of the Briton. " I will see," was the Doctor's reply. The reader is sufficiently acquainted with the history of this man's toil and labor in bringing his first wagon through to Fort Boise, to under- stand what he meant when he said, " I will see.''* Two hours after this convci-sation at the fort, he dismounted from his horse at his door at Wailatpn. I saw in a moment that he was fixed on some important object or errand. He soon explained that a special effort must be made to save the country from becoming British territory. Every thing was in the best of order about the station, and there seemed to be no important reason why he should not go. A. L. Love- joy, Esq., had a few days before arrived with the immigration. It was proposed that he should accompany the Doctor, which he consented to do, and in twenty-four hours' time they were well mounted and on their way to the States. They reached Fort Hall all safe ; kept south DR WHITMAN IN WASHINGTON. 2S0 id there . Love- It was nted to and on pt south into Taos, and thence to Bent's Fort, on the Arkansas River, when Mr. Lovejoy Itecame exhausted from toil and exposure, and stopped for tiie winter, while tl«e Doctor continued on and readied VVasliington. Thus far in this narrative I give Dr. \'.''iitniau's, Mr. Lovojoy's, and nay own knowledge. I find an article iij i.'io Pacific of November 9, from Mr, Spalding, which gives ns the n suit: — "On reaching the settlements, Dr Vhitn-xn found iliat many of tiie now old Oregonians — Waldo, Appi^yate, l);imt- e, Keizi-r, and others — who had once made calculations to come to Oregon, hntl ahandoncd the idea because of the representatiouo from WuHhington that every attempt to take wagons and 6x-teams through the Kooky "id Blue Mountains to the Columbia had failed. Dr. Whitman saw at once what the stopping of wagons at Fort Hall every year mcnnt. The representations purported to come from Secretary Webster, but were from Governor Simpson, who, magnifying the statements of ids chief trader. Grant, at Fort Hall, declared the Americans must be going mad, from their repeated fruitless attempts to take wagons !ind teams througli the impassable regions to the Columbia, and that the women and children of those -wild fanatics had been saved from a terrible death only by the repeated and philanthropic labors of Mr. Grant, at Fort Hall, in furnishing them with horses. The Doctor told these men, as he met them, that his only object in crossing the mountains in the dead of winter, at the risk of his life, and through untold suiTerings, was to take back an American emigration that summer through the mountains to the Columbia, with their wagons and their teams. The route was practicable. We had taken our wagon, our cattle, and our families through, seven yeare before. They had nothiiig to fear ; but to be ready on his return. The stopping of wagons at Fort Hall Avas a Hudson's Bily Company scheme to prevent the settling of the countiy by the Americans, till they could settle it with their own subjects from the Selkirk settlement. This news spread like wildiire through Mis- souri. The Doctor pushed o«i to Washington and immediately sought an interview with Secretary Webster,— both being from the same State, — and stated to him the object of his crossing the mountains, and laid before him the great importance of Oregon to the United States. But Mr. Webster livtd too near Cape Cod to see things in the same light with his fellow-Statesman who had transferred his worldly interests to the Pacific coast. He awarded sincerity to the missionary, but could not admit for a moment that the short residence of six years could give the Doctor the knowledge of the country possessed by Governor Simp- son, who had almost grown up in the country, and had traveled every part of it, and represent, it as one unbroken waste of sand deserts and 19 ii\ > ■ Vi ! 1 < ( J 'H ',B; '• i "f '■ 11 290 HISTOIIY OP OREGON. impassable monntaiiiB, fit only for the beaver, the gray bear, and the savage. Besides, he had about traded it off with Governor Simpson, to go into the Ashburton treaty, for a cod-fisheiy on Newfoundland. " The Doctor next sought an interview witlj President Tyler, who at once appreciated his solicitude and his timely representations of Ore- gon, and especially his disinterested though hazardous undertaking to cross the llocky Mountains in the winter to take back a caravan of wagons. He said that, although the Doctor's representations of the character of the country, and the possibility of reaching it by a wagon route, were in direct contradiction to those of Governor Simpson, his frozen limbs were sufficient proof of hts sincerity, and his missionary character was sufficient guaranty for his honesty, and he would there- fore, as President, rest upon these and act accordingly ; would detail Fremont with a military force to escort the Doctor's caravan through the mountains ; and no more action should >h; had toward trading off Oregon till he could hear the reiiiult of the expedition. If the Doctor could establish a wagon route through the mountains to the Columbia River, pronounced impossible by Governors Simpson and Ashburton, he would use his influence to hold on to Oregon. The great desire of the Doctor's American soul, and Christian withal, that is, the pledge of the President that the swapping of Oregon with England for a cod- fishery should stop for the present, was attained, although at the risk of life, and through great sufferings, and unsolicited, and without the promise or expectation of a dollar's reward from any cource. And now, God giving him life and strength, he would do the rest ; that is, connect the IMissouri and Columbia rivers with a wagon-track so deep and plain that neither national envy nor sectional fanaticism would ever blot it out*. And when the 5th of September, 1843, saw the rear of the Doctor's caravan of nearly two hundred wagons, with which he started from Missouri last of April, emerge from the western shades of the Blue Mountains upon the plains of the Columbia, the greatest work ever accomplished by one man for Oregoii was finished. And through that great emigration during that whole summer, the Doctor was their everywhere-present angel of mercy, ministering to the sick, helping the * They reR?hed Fort Hall in safety, but there, in the absence of Dr. Whitman from their camp, they were told by Captain Grant, in the interest of tins Hudson's Bay Com- p^iny, as others had been told before, that it was idle for wagons to attempt to roach tlie Columbia. For a time there was a heaviness of spirit amoD~ ^hose families, which, like the Israelites of old, nad penetrated the depths of the "great and terrible wilder- ness." But Dr. Whitman, on ascertaining what had happened, reassured them by his bold and manly words, saying to them, " My countrymen I you have trusted me thus •ftr ; believe me now, and I will tike your wagons to Columbia River ;" and he did to, and Oregon was saved by his patriotism to the Union. DR. WHITMAN'S CARE OF IMMIGRANTS. 291 1 the 0D,tO rho at fOre- ing to van of of the wagon ion, his Bionary i there- i detail through ling off I Doctor lolunihia lAmrton, desire of e pledge •or a cod- t, the risk thout the ce. And that is, k so deep roaid ever ear of the he started f the Blue work ever rough that was their lelping the rhitman from n'8 Bay Com- jmpt to rp»ch milies, which, irrible wUder- . them by his jgted me *''"' and he did t% weary, encouraging the wavering, cheering the mothers, mending wagons, setting broken bones, hunting stray oxen, climbing precipices ; now in the rear, now at the front ; in the rivers, looking out fords through the quicksands ; in the deserts, looking out for water ; in the dark mountains, looking out passes ; at noontide or midnight, as though tHose thousands were his own children, and those w.igons and flocks were his own property. Although he asked not, nor expected, a dollar as a reward from any source, he felt himself abundantly rewarded when he saw the desire of his heart accomplished, the great wagon route over the mountains established, and Oregon in a fair way to be occupied with American settlements and American commerce. And ' especially he felt himself doubly paid, when, at the end of his success- ful expedition, and standing alive at his home again on the banks of the Wallawalla, these hundreds of his fellow summer pilgrims, way- worn and sunbrowned, took him by the hand and thanked him with tears for what he had done. " During the Doctor's absence, his flour mill, with a quantity of grain, had been burned, and, consequently, he found but a small supply at his station on his return, raised by Mr. Geiger, a young man. But what he had in the way of grain, garden vegetables, and cattle, he gladly furnished the needy immigrants at the very low figure of the VVallamet prices, which was six hundred per cent, lower than what they had been compelled to pay at Forts Hall and Boise, and one half lower than they are to-day in the same country. And this was his practice every year till himself and wife and fourteen immigrants were murdered in the fall of 1847, because, as Vicar-General Brouillet says, 'they were American citizens ', and not, as I am bold to say and can prove, becai^se he was a physician. Shame on the American that will intimate such 1 thing ! This vica. -general of the Papal hosts on this coast does not ihank you for such an excuse. He tells you plainly it was to break up ihii American settlements on this coast. " Often the good Doctor would let every bushel of his grain go to the passing immigrants in the fall, and then would have to depend upon me for breadstufls for the winter and the whole year till next harvest, for liis own large family and the scores of immigrants who e^'ery year were obliged to stop at his station on account of sickness or give-out teams. Although the Doctor had done so much for his country, it seems his blood was necessary to arouse the government to take formal posses- sion of this coast, as it was his death by savages that sent the devoted J. L. Meek over the mountains to Washington, in the spring of 1848, to beg the government, in behalf of the citizens of this coast, to send us help, and to extend its jurisdiction over us." I H f.f' li: ■( ..r f »s CHAPTER XXXVin. Petition of the citizens of Oregon in 1843. — Complaints against the Hudson's Bay Company. — The Milling Company. — Kicking the half-bushel. — Land claims of Dr. McLaughlin. — ^Names of the signers. — Reasons for not signing. — Notice, deed, and bond of John McLaughlin. — Claim of Alviu F. Waller, Petition of Citizena of Oregon in 1843. 'f' To the Honorable the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled : — We, the undei-signed, settlers south of the Columbia River, beg leave respectfully to represent to your honorable body : As has been before represented to your honorable body, we consider ourselves citizens of the United States, and acknowledge the right of the United States to extend its jurisdiction over us; and the object of the pi'esent memorial is to ask that the protection of the United States may be extended to us as soon as possible. Hitherto, our numbers have been sraall, and the few difficulties that arose in the settlement were speedily and satisfactorily settled. But, as our settleraeut increases in numbere, so our difficulties increase in number and import- ance ; and, unless we can have laws to govern us that will be respected and obeyed, our situation will be a deplorable one. Where the highest court of appeal is the rifle, safety in life and property can not be depended on. The state of the country, its climate, resources, soil, productions, etc., has already been laid before your honorable body, in Captain Wyeth's memoir, and in fonner memorials from the inhabitants of this place. Laws are made to protect the weak against the mighty, and we fw'l the necessity of them in the steps that are constantly taken by tin' Honorable Huds5n'8 Bay Company, in their opposition to the improve- ment and enterprise of American citizens. You have been apj>riscd already of their opposition to Captain Wyeth, Bonneville, and others; and we find that the same spirit dwells with them at the present day. Some years ago, when the Hudson's Bay Company owned all the cattle in Oregon, they would not sell on any conditions; but they would lend their cows to the settler — he returning to the company the cows loaned, with all the increase ; and in case of the death of a cow, he ii.< mmmw wTK^^^t^ffm o'3 Bay a of Dr. le«d,aiid Oi ^ the k-er, beg consider right of 3bject of ed States iinmbers k'ttleraent ettleraeut id import- respected he liighest ill not be •oductions, n Captain iius of this uid we fet'l ken by the e improve •n a\»priscd and others; .resent day- I the cattle wouUl Uiui f tl»e co\vs »f a cow, he PETITION TO CONGRESS. 293 then had the privilege of paying for it. But after the settlers, at great risk and expense, went to California and purchased for themselves, and tliere was a fair prospect of the settlement being supplied, then the Hudson's Bay Company were willing to sell, and at lower rates than the settlcra could sell. In the year 1842, feeling the necessity of having mills erected that could supply the settlement with flour and lumber, a number of the inhabitants farmed themselves into a joint-stock company, for the pur- pose of supplying the growing wants of the community. Many of the farmers were obliged to leave their farms on the Wallamet, and go six miles above "Vancouver, on the Columbia River, making the whole distance about sixty miles, to get their wheat ground, at a great loss of iime and expense. The ciompany was formed and proceeded to select a site. They selected an island at the falls of the Wallamet, and concluded to commence their operations. After commencing, they were informed by Dr. McLaughlin, who is at the head of the Hudson's Bay Company's affairs west of the Rocky Mountains, that the land was his, and that ho (although a chief factor of the Hudson's Bay Company) claimed all the land op the east side of the Wallamet, embracing the falls down to the Clackamas River, a distance of about two miles. He had no idea, we presume, that the company would succeed. However, he erected a shed on the island, after the stuff was on the island to build a house, and then gave them permission to hnild under certain restrictions. They took the paper he wrote them, containing his conditions, but did not obligate themselves to comply with the conditions, as they did not think his claim just or reasonable. Many projects had been started by the inhabitants, but, for want of means and encouragement, failed. This fate was predicted for the Milling Company. But, after much labor and difficulty, they succeeded in getting a saw-mill erected, and ready to run, and entered into a contract to have a grist-mill erected forthwith. And now, as they have succeeded, whe/e is the Hudson's Bay Company? Dr. McLaughlin employs hands to get out a frame for a saw-mill, and erect it at Wallamet Falls ; and we find, as soon as the frame is up, the gear- ing, which has been made at Vancouver, is brought up in boats ; and that which cost a feeble company of American citizens months of toil and embarrassment is accomplished by the chief factor of the Hudson's Bay Company in a few weeks. He has men and means, and it is said by him that in two weeks his mill will be sawing. And what will be ■ /3 consequence? Why, if the Milling Company sell for $15 per thousand, he can sell for $12; if they reduce the price to $10, he can ■i ; I »' i '^ ^:i 1 < 1 i 'IMS i r ! I: - I W ! IP ft mmmm 294 HISTORY OP OREOOIT. come to |8, or |5, or $2 per thousand. He sayn he will have a grist- mill started as soon as he gets the saw-mill in operation. All the wheat in Oregon they are anxious to get, as they ship it to the Russians on the northwest coast. In the first place they measured the wheat in a half-bushel, called by them imperial measure, much larger than the standard measure of the United States ; this not answering, they next proceeded to kick the half-bushel with the foot to settle the wheat ; then they brought up a measure larger than the former one ; and now they fill this measure, then strike it three times with a stout club, and then fill up, and call it fair measure. Against Buch proceedings we need law that will be respected and obeyed. About twelve or fourteen years ago, the Hudson's Bay Company blasted a canal a few feet to conduct water to a mill they were going to build, the timber for which is nc^r lying at the falls rotting. They, however, abandoned the thing altogether, and built their mills on the Columbia, about six miles above Vancouver, on the north side '^f the river. In the year 1837, agreeably to orders lefl by Mr. Slacnm, f jouse was erected at the falls, to secure the claim for him. In 1840, the Methodist Mbsion erected buildings at the fnlls, and stationed two families there, and made a claim to sufficient land for their buildings, not interfering with any others who might wish to build. A short time previous to this, Dr. McLaughlin had a storehouse erected for the company, not occupied, however, further than to store wheat and other articles in, and as a trading-house during the salmon season. After this, in 1841, a shanty was erected, and a man kept at the falls, whose business it was to trade with the Indians for furs and salmon, and look out for the doctor's claim, he said, and to forbid persons building at the falls, as some had built, and others were about building. This man was, and still is, a servant of the Hudson's Bay Company. During the years 1841 and 1842, several families settled at the falls, when Dr. McLaughlin, who still resides at Fort Vancouver, comes on the ground, and says the land is his, and any person building without his permission is held as a trespasser. Without reference to any per- son's right or claim, he employs a surveyor to run out the plat ; and as a bill was before the Senate of the United States to grant to every white male inhabitant a mile square, he has a mile run out to suit liis views, and lays out a town plat at the falls, and calls it Oregon City. Although some, for peace' sake, asked him for the lots they had already in possession, and which he appeared very willing to grant, the doctor now felt himself secure, and posted up the annexed paper (marked A), PETITION TO CONGEESS. 2!)5 which is the original ; and all who had lots were required to pay Mr. Hastings five dollars for a deed of land which they knew very well the grantor did not own, but that Congress will pass a special act granting to each man his lot and improvements. Those that applied received (if they had a house on the lot) a deed, a copy of which is annexed (marked B) ; if they had no house, a bond was given for five dollars, a copy of which is annexed (marked C). To those that applied and paid their five dollars all was right with the doctor ; while those who considered his title to the land not good, and that therefore he had no right to direct who should build and who should not, had their lots sold to others. In one case the purchaser came to the original claimant and ordered him to stop digging the ground which he was preparing for a garden, and commanded him to remove his fences, as he had Dr. McLaughlin's bond in his pocket for the lots ; and if he did not move the fence he would, and take forcible possession. Those who desired to have no difficulty, and did not apply for a deed, have lost their lots, the doctor's promise, and all. And Mr. Hastings (the doctor's agent) is now offering for sale the lots on which part of the mission buildings stand ; and if he succeeds in finding a purchaser, they must either con- tend or lose their buildings. Dr. McLaughlin has held claims in other places south of the Colum- bia River : at the Tualatin Plains and Clackamas Plains he had huts erected, to prevent others from building; and siich is the power of Dr. McLaughlin, that many persons are actually afraid to make their situa- tion known, thinking, if he hears of it, he will stop their supplies. Let- ters were received here from Messrs. Ladd & Co., of the Sandwich Islands, in answer to a letter written by the late Mr. Ewing Young, for a few supplies, that orders were received forbidding tiio company's ves- sels carrying any goods for the settlers of Oregon. Every means will be made use of by them to break down every thing that will draw trade to this country, or enable persons to get goods at any other place than their store. One other item, anr* we are done. When the United States govern- ment officers of distinction arrive, Vancouver is thrown open, and every facility afl:brded them. They were even more coiwlescending to the settlei-s during the time the exploring squadron was in the Columbia; nothing was left undone to give the officers a high opinion of the Hon- orable Hudson's Bay Company. Our Indian agent is entirely de- pendent on them for supplies and funds to carry on his operations. And now your memorialists pray your honorable body that imme- diate action of Congress be taken in regard to this country, and good and wholesome laws be enacted for our Territory, as may, in your wis- ■;! : I ! !t 1 !',. 1- i-^' 296 HISTORY OP OREGON. iii dom, be thought best for the good of the American citizens residing here. And your memorialists will ever pray. Robert Shortess, A. E. Wilson,* W. C. Reraick,* Jeffrey Brown, E. N. Coombs, Reuben Lewis, George Davis, V. Bennett, J. Rekener, T. J. Hubbard, James A. O'Neil, Jer. Horregon, William McCarty, Charles Compo, John Howard,* R. W^illiams, G, Brown, John Tur- . ner,* Theodore Pancott, A. F. Wailer, J. R. Robb, J. L. Morrison, M. Crawford, John Anderson, James M. Bates, L. H. Judson, Joel . Turnham,* Richard H. Ekin, H. Campbell,* James Force, W. H. Wilson,* Felix Hathaway,* J. Lawson, Thomas J. Shadden,* Joseph Gibbs, S. Lewis, Jr., Charles Roy, William Brown, S. Davis, Joseph Yatten, John Hopstatter,* G. W. Bellomy,* William Brc»wn, A. Beere, J. L. Parish, William H. Gray, A. D. Smith,* J. C. Bridgors,* Aaron Cook, A. Copeland, S. W. Moss, Gustavus Hines, George W. Le Breton,* Daniel Girtman, C. T. Arrendrill, A. Touner, David Carter,* J. J. Campbell,* W. Johnson,* John Edmunds, W. Hanx- hurst, W. A. Ptieffor, J. Holman, H. B. Brewer, William C. Sutton. Sixty-five in all. fhe foregoing are all the names which appear to the petition printed as Senate document 105, and presented to the Senate at the first session of the twenty-eighth Congress. W. J. McDonald, Principal Clerk of Sec'y Senate. Washington, D. C, Jan. 5, 1866. Mr. George Abernethy declined to sign this petition through fear of injuring the Methodist Mission in its secular or business relations with the Hudson's Bay Company. Hugh Burns would not sign it because he did not wish Congress to be asked to coufirm his title to lots and improvements. Jason Lee, though he thought it right to petition Congress for protection, yet on account of his position as superintendent of the Method'mt Mission, and the influence of the > company against them should I c igu it, thought it best not to give his name. Dr. L L. B.'tbcock refused, because, by signing, he would lose his influence with the company. Walter Pomeroy, ditto. Dr. Bailey did not wish any protection from the Congress of the United /States. .* It is understood that the persons whose names are marked with on asterisk (*) are now dead ; the balance are supposed to bo still living. COMMENTS ON PETITION. 297 Rev. H. K. W. Perkins was ashamed of the petition. " What does Congress care about measuring wheat? or a contest between two milling companies ?" George Gay did not care any thing about it. Congress might do as it pleased ; he did not want its protection. The 'people in Tualatin Plains did not have an opportunity to sign or refuse for want of time to circulate it in that section. The bearer of it, William C. Sutton, was oh his way to the Statss across the Rocky Mountains. Through the influence of Dr. White, who had clandes- tinely procured a copy of the petition and the names attached, and had made an eflfbrt to prevent its rsaching Mr. Sutton, it had been delayed, but through the perseverance and promptness of Robert Shortess and A. E. Wilson, it was sent by Davis and Johnson and some Indians in an express canoe, and reached Mr. Sutton before he left the Cascades. For this service to his country and the persevering eflRarts of Mr. Shortess to maintain the rights of American citizens in it, he was early placed under the ban of the Hudson's Bay Company, and, it may be added, the Methodist Mission ; and reports prejudicial to him have been freely and persistently kept before the public mind, as also against any others that have taken an active part against the infamous and despotic course of that company. This is to weaken their testimony, and to ren- der them powerless to prevent the present proposed robbing of our national treasury. Instead of paying one dime to that company for doing all they dared to do to prevent the settlement of Oregon by Americans, a pension should be paid to Robert Shortess and many others who dared to raainta m the rights of the American people to this western coast. Vi hitman periled every thing and lost his life to save the country. Shortess has periled all, and. worn himself out in strug- gling imder an influence that took the life of Dr. Whitman and many others, for which this Hudson's Bay Company are now to receive pay. It is unnecessary for me to make a single remark in reference to this petition. It is a history in itself of the times and events then occurring. Mr. Hines refers to it as of little moment, and on page 150 says: "Not being one of the authors, but merely a signer of th^e petition, I did not come under the ban of the company; consequently, I obtained my out- fit for the expedition, though at first there were strong indications that I would be refused." We would infer from this, that the Hudson's Bay Company did not regard it as a serious matter, but in the next line he tells us : " We remained at the fort over night and a part of the next day, and, after a close conversation with the gentlemen in command^ were treated with great courtesy." ^ i ^ I ti ii. 208 HISTORY OF OREQOIT. This lets us iuto the whole mystery of the affair. The gentlemen in charge of the fort had become sat'miied that Mr. Hines in his visit among the Indians would not interfere with their arrangements already made with McKay and White ; in fact, that Mr. Hines approved of Dr. White's policy of uniting the tribes in the interior to accomplish the one great object ot the company. The docaments that follow are given to show the fact stated in the petition, as also the high-handed measures of the company and Dr. McLaughlin. A. Notice is hereby given to all whom it may concern, that those wlio have obtained grants of lots in Oregon City, will be expected to call upon L. W. Hastings, my authorized agent at Oregon City, and obtain a bond for a deed or deeds, as the case may be. Those who bold claims to any lot, and who comply with the above requisite, on or before the first day of February next, will be entitled to their lot or lots ; otherwise, the lots upon which they hold a claim will thereafter be subject to any disposition which the undersigned may think proper to make of them. John McLAuoHLnr. /aauary 18, 1843. Oregon Cmr, March 27, 1843. We, the undersigned, do hereby certify that the above notice of John M'^Laughlin was posted up in the most public places in this town. R. Shortess. A. E. Wilson. B. Deed — John McLaughlin to Walter Pomeroy. Enow all men by these presents, that I, John McLaughlin, of Fort Vancouver, in the Territory of Oregon, for and in consideration of the sum of one dollar, to me in hand paid by Walter Pomeroy, of Oregon City, of the Territory aforesaid, the receipt whereof is hereby acknowl- edged, have this day, and do, by these presents, remit, release, and for- ever quit claim unto the said Pomeroy, his heirs and assigns, all and singular, the following piece, parcel, and lot of laud, bounded and described as follows, to wit : Commencing at the northeast corner, run- ning thence southerly sixty-six feet to a stake, thence easterly one hundred feet to a stake at the place of beginning, being lot number four, in block number three, in the town of Oregon City, in the Territory of mmm DEKD AND BOND. 299 Oregon, which will more fully appear from a reference to the map and plan of said town : To have and to hold the same, together with all and singnlar the privi- leges and appurtenances thereunto in any wise appertaining or belonging unto the said Pomeroy, his heirs, executors, administrators, or assigns, forever. And I, the said McLaughlin, for myself, do vouch and declare that I am the true and proper claimant of and to the said premises and lot of land, and that I have in myself full power, good right, and suflicient authority to remit, release, and quit my claim in and to said lot and premises, in manner and form aforesaid. And I, the said McLaughlin, do hereby covenant and agree to war- rant and defend the said premises, together with the privileges and appurtenances thereunto appertaining or belonging, to the said Pom- eroy, his heirs and assigns, against all lawful claims of all persons whom- soever, the claims of the government only excepted. In testimony whereof, I, the said McLaughlin, have hereunto set my hand and affixed my seal, tliis the 2d of March, a. d. 1843. John McLaughun. [l. s.] Per L. W. Hastings, his agent. We, the undersigned, do hereby acknowledge that the above is a true and correct copy of the original. R. Shortess. A E. Wilson. C. Bond — John McLaughlin to Albert E. Wilson. Know all men by these presents, that I, John McLaughlin, of Fort Vancouver, in the Territory of Oregon, am held and firmly bound unto Albert E. Wilson, of Oregon City, in the Territory aforesaid, in the full sum of five hundred dollars, federal money ; for the punctual pay- ment of which, well and truly to be made, I bind myself, my heira, executors or administrators, firmly by these presents. In testimony whereof, I have hereunto below set my hand and affixed my seal, this the 20th day of December, a. d. 1842. Now, know ye, that the condition of the above obligation is such, that whereas the said Wilson hath this day, and doth by these presents, purchase of the said McLaughlin all and singular the following pieces, parcels, tracts, and lots of land, namely: Lots Nos. four and five, in block No. two, in the town of Oregon City, in the Territory of Oregon, ' 1 i: 300 HISTORY OF OREGON. as is more fully shown by the map and plan of snid town, and hath, and by these presents doth agree to build upon and improve each of the lots within the term of one year from the date of these presents. In con- sideration of which, the said McLaughlin hath, and doth by these presents covenant and agree to make the said Wilson a good and sufficient quit-claim deed for and to all and singular the above-men- tioned pieces, parcels, tracts, and lots of land, whenever he, the said Wilson, ^hall have complied with the above conditions on his part. Kow, if the said McLaughlin shall well and truly make, or cause to be made, the said deed to the said Wilson, upon th^ said Wilson's com- plying on his part with the above condition, then, and in such case, the within obligation shall become entirely void and of no effect ; otherwise to be and remain of full force and virtue. John McLaughlin. [i„ s.] Per L. W. Hastings, his agent. We, the underaigned, do hereby acknowledge the above to be a true and correct copy of the originaL B. Shortebs. A. E. Wilson. Our history would not be complete without these documents. It will be noticed in ]\Ir. Pomeroy's deed, as also all the other deeds given by Dr. McLaughlin, that he " warrants and defends " against all lawful claims of all persons whomsoever, the claims of the government only excepted. He would not insert United States government, for he expected the English would get the country. He asserts in his deeds, " And I, the said McLaughlin, for myself, do vouch and declare that I am the true and proper claimant of, and to the said premises and lot of land, and that I have in myself full power and good right." Any one questioning his power and authority was made to feel it in a manner more severe than that of any governor of a State or of the President of the United States. It was unfortunate that, at the time Dr. McLaughlin was making his claim to the land and his improvements at Oregon City, it was not known that he had, or would, sever his connection with the Hudson's Bay Company, and become an American citizen, as he afterward did. It was his connection with, and apparent control over, the affairs of the company, that created the strong American prejudice against him, and deceived many as to his intentions, besides giving occasion for a strong feeling in favor of Rev. Mr. Waller, who employed a Mr. John Ricord to prepare a declaration setting forth his claim to that location, as follows : — BEY. MR. WALLER'S CLAIM. 801 ** 2b the People of Oregon: " Fkllow-Citizenb, — Having been retained profeflsionally to establish the claim of Mr. Alvin F. Waller to the tract of land on the east side of the Wallamet River, sometimes called the Wallamet Falls settle- ment, and sometimes Oregon City, I consider it a duty to my client and to the public to state, briefly and concisely, the several circum- stances of his case, as they really exist, in order that his motives may not be impugned, nor his intentions misunderstood and misrepresented. " The public are already aware that my client commenced the occu- pancy of this farm in the spring of a. ». 1840, when no one resided at the falls, and that, in the course of that summer, he built his house, moved his family into it, and cleared and fenced a good portion of the land; from which, in the ensuing years A. d. 1841 and 1842, he raised successive crops of corn, potatoes, and other vegetables usually ciilti- vated by farmers. That he remained thus occupying undisturbed^ until the month of December, a. d. 1842, about two' years and six months, when Dr. John McLaughlin caused his farm to be surveyed, for the purpose of selling it in subdivisjons to American citizens. It has since been currently reported and quite generally believed that my client had renounced his right in favor of Dr. McLaughlin. This I am au- thorized to contradict, having perused the letter written by Mr. Waller, which not only contains no renunciation, but, on the contrary, is replete with modest and firm assertions of his rights in the premises ; oiFering at the same time to relinquish his claim if the doctor would comply with certain very reasonable and just conditions. Upon this offer the parties had come to no final conclusion until my arrival in the colony, when Dr. McLaughlin attempted to employ me to establish his claim, disregarding the rights of all other persons, which I declined doing. Mr. Waller thereupon engaged me to submit the conditions a second time to the doctor for his acceptance or rejection, which I did in the following words :— " ' 1st. That your pre-emptive line be so run as to exclude the island upon which a private company of citizens have already erected a grist- mill, conceding to them as much v»-ater as may be necessary for the use of said mills. " ' 2d. That Mr. Waller be secured in the ultimate title to the two city lots now in his possession and other lots not exceeding in supei-- ficial area five acres, to be chosen by him from among the unsold lots of your present survey. " ' 3d. That the Rev. Mr. Lee, on behalf of the Methodist Episcopal Mission, be, in like manner, secured in the lots claimed for the use . of lif if: ;!:^ uh ;-t: 802 HI8T0BT OF ORBOON. said mission.* They consist of church and parsonage lots, and are well known to the public. " I received a letter from Dr. McLaughlin, dated November 10, 1843, in answer to mine, in which he declines complying with the above con- ditions, and thus puts an end to the offer of my client to relinquish his right of pre-emption. Under these circumstances Mr. Waller has now applied to the Supreme Court of the United States, which, under the Constitution, has original jurisdiction of * all cases in law and equity, arising under treaties,' to grant him a commission for perpetuating the testimony of the facts in his case, de bene este. order that whenever Congress shall hereafter see fit to prescribe, b_ w, the conditions and considerations, he may be enabled to demand of the United States a patent ; also praying the court to grant him such other relief in the premises as may be consonant with equity and good conscience. " The legality of Mr. A. V. Waller's claim rests upon the following grounds : — " Ist. He was a citizen of the United States, of full aj^ w ftoe HISTOBT OF OBKOON. II tiiat he mast take that and be satisfied. They then hurried away, •aying that they should not be seen in that region again. It was ascer- tained that the Clackamas Indians had nothing to do with the stolen horse ; that it was a band of the Molal^as, the very same rascals that stole a horse from me two years before, ^ nd after having him in their possession several weeks, brought him down within a few miles of my house, where they encamped, anr^ where I went with one man and took him from the midst of more than fifty grim-looking savages.** This shows at least that Mr. Hines had peraonal courage. . ''On the 20th of April a letter was received in the settlement, written by H. B. Brewer, at the Dalles, which brings the latest intd- ligence from the infected region. This letter states that the Indians in the interior talk much of war, and Mr. Brewer nrges Dr. White to oome up without delay, and endeavor to allay the exdtement. He does not inform us that the Indians design any evil toward the whites, but says that the war is to be between themselves, but that the Boston people have much to fear. As the doctor, in his visit to the interior last October, left an appointment to meet the Wallawalla Indians and the Caynses, in their own country, on the 10th of May, and believiug that a great share of the excitement originated in a misunderstanding of the Indians, he came to the conclusion at all hazards to go among them. At the solicitation of the agent, I determined to accompany him on the expedition. " The great complaint of the Indians was that the Boston people designed to take away their lands, and reduce them to slavery. This they had inferred from what Dr. White had told them in his previous visit ; and this misunderstanding of the Indians bad not only produced a great excitement among them, but had occasioned considerable trouble betwixt them and the missionaries and other whites in the npper country, as well as influencing them to threaten the destruction of all the American people. Individuals had come down from Fort Wallawalla to Vancouver, bringing information of the excited state of things among the Indians, and giving out that it would be extremely dangerous for Dr. White to go up to meet his engagements. Their opinion was, that in all probability he and the party which he might think proper to take with him would be cut off. But it was the opinion of many judioi" as persons in the settlement, that the welfare of the Indians, and the peace and security of the whites, demanded that some persons qualified to negotiate with the Indians should pro- ceed immediately to the scene of disaffection, and if possible remove the cause of the excitement by correcting the error under which the indi»n» labored. Aooordbgly Dr. White engaged twelve men be* «1 INDIANS OPPOSED TO AMERICANa 807 •way, sascer- stolcu sis that in their »of my nd took tlement, est intd- > Indians White to ent. He le wlutes, le Boston e interior dians and believing >rstanding go among npanyhim ton people ery. This is previous r produced onsidcrable ites in the destruction from Fort :cited state e extremely nts. Their ;h he might it was the the welfare I, demanded should pro- (ible remove ir which the (l^e men he- ndes myself, mostly French-Canadians who had had mnch experience with Indians, to go with him ; but a few days before the time fixed upon to start had arrived, they all sent him word that they had decided not to go. They were doubtless induced to pursue this course throagh the influence of Dr. McLaughlin and the Catholic priests." !'■ Host lik<^ly, Mr. Hines, but you seem to be afraid to express a decided opinion, even after they have accomplished their object. " When the day arrived for starting, we found ourselves abandoned by every person who had engaged to go, except Mr. G. W. Le Breton, an American, one Indian boy, and one Kanaka. With the two latter the doctor and myself lefl the Wallamet settlement on the 25th of April, 1843, and proceeded on horseback to the Butte, where we foun^ Le Breton in waiting for us. He bad provided a canoe and a few pieces of pork and beef for our use on the voyage. ** Here we met a letter from Dr. John McLaughlin, at Vancouver, discouraging us from our undertaking in view of the difficulties and dangers attending such an expedition ; but we had counted the cost, and were not to be diverted from our purpose, though danger stared us in the face. We supposed that if the Indians entertained any hos- tile intentions against the whites in general, there could be no better way to defeat their purposes than to go among them ; convince them that they bad no grounds of fear; and that the whites, instead of designing to bring them into subjection, were desirous of doing them good. Prevented by one thing and another from setting sail, on the night of the 27th we slept on a bank of sand at the Butte, and next day proceeded in our little canoe down to Wallamet Falls, where we continued until the 29th. Here we received another package from Dr. McLaughlin, giving us information that Rev. Mr. Dcmerse, a Catholic priest, had just come down from the upper country, bringing intel- ligence that the Indians are only incensed against the Boston people ; that they have nothing against the French and King George people ; they are not mad at them, but are determined that the Boston people shall not have their lands, and take away tlieir liberties. " On receiving this intelligence from Mr. Demerse, Dr. McLaughlin advised the Frenchmen, who had engaged to go with Dr. White, to have nothing to do with the quarrel, to remain quiet at home, and let the Americans take care of themselves. He also expressed, in his let- ter, the opinion that all the people should remain quiet, and in all probability the excitement among the Indians would soon subside. " Not seeing sufficient reason to change our course, on tho morning of the 28th we left; our hospitable friends at the falls and (iontinued our course down the Wallamet toward Vancouver. At noon we had sailed f •r t ! :j ■ 1 :|l m ipip S08 HISTORY OP ORBaON. twenty miles, and stopped for dinner within five miles of tlio month of the Wallamet, on a low piece of ground, overgrown with liixtiriant grass, but which is always overflowed at the rise of the Columbia, or about the first of June. Weighed anchor after dinner, and at four o'clock, p. M., arrived at Vancouver. Called on Dr. McLaughlin for goods, provisions, powder, balls, etc., for our accommodation on our voyage up the Columbia, and, though he was greatly surprised that^ under the circumstances, we should think of going among those excited Indians, yet he ordered his clerks to let ua have whatever wo wanted. However, we found it rather squally at the fort, not so much on accotnit of our going among the Indians of the interior, as in cor ?quence of a certain memorial having been sent to the United States Congress, im- plicating the conduct of Dr. McLaughlin and the Hudson's Bay Com- pany, and bearing the signature of seventy Americans. I inquired of the doctor if he had refused to grant supplies to those Americans who had signed that document ; he replied tliat he had not, but that the authors of the memorial need expect no more fa v ore froyi him. JVb< being one of the authors, but merely a signer of the petition, I did not come under the ban of the company ; consequently I obtained my outfit for the expedition, though at first there were strong indications that I would be refused. " We remained at the fort over night and a part of the next day, and after a close conversation with the gentleman in command, were treated with great courtesy." if; CHAPTER XL. I 11 A. combination of facts. — Settlers alive to their danger. — Mr. Hinos' disparagement of the Methodist Mission. — Indians want pay for being whipped. — Indian Iionostj. — Mr. Hinea' opinion of the Indians' religioa. — Mr. Geiger'a advice. — Dr. McLaugMia'a answer to Yellow Serpent. — Baptiato Doreo. — Four conflicting influences. We now have before us a combination of facts and statements that no one living at the time they occurred will attempt to deny. Shortess and others still live to vouch for the truth of what is written. If Mr. Hines has shown the least partiality in his writings, it is strong- ly in favor of influences that were operating against him and the cause he advocated ; while such men as Rogers, Le Breton, Wilson, Whitman, and others still living, spoke and acted the American senti- ment of the country. Mr. Hines and Dr. White had received two packages from Dr. McLaughlin advising tliem not to go to the interior, and the Jesuit priest, Demei-se, had come down bringing word that the " quarrel " was not with the JPrench and English, and that Dr. Mc- Laughlin advised his Frenchmen to remain at home and let the Ameri- cans take care of themselves. Mr. Brewer is deceived as to the cause of the war rumors about him, and seems solicitous only about the In- dians. With all these facts, as given by Mr. Hines, with his ability and experience, we are at a loss to understand how it is that he could take notes and publish, in 1851, statements as above quoted, and then proceed with the account tliat follows, rather excusing Dr. McLaughlin and the priests in the part they are taking in attempting to crush tho American settlement, and actually aiding the Hudson's Bay Company iu combining and marshaling the savages to weaken and destroy his countrymen ! The writer docs not believe he intended to do any thing of the kind, yet the influences brought to bear upon him were such that he became an active instrument with Dr. White to accomplish the one great object of the Hudson's Bay Company and English government, and becomes tho apologist for a premeditated and deliberate murder of his country- men. Tho Whitman massacre he docs not even mention. The settlers were alive to their danger. They lad no head, no or- ganization, no one to look to for supplies or protection. They know that the sub-agent of the United States government was the dupe of i\W 1 1 '.\-i S '^U '*V I ■ 810 HISTORY OP OREGON. their worst enemy, and had betrayed them. They knew that it was the policy and disposition of the missions to keep them under their control. We are fully aware of the fact that the leading clergymen of all the missions attempt to deny the position above stated. But in the cove- nant of Mr. Griffin with Mr. Munger, he admits that the articles of compact and arrangement of the various missionary societies all affirm the one principle, that laymen or members of their societies were sub- ject to the orders and dictation of the clergymen, not only in religious, but all financial and secular matters, — hence the disposition and deter- mination on the part of these clerical gentlemen' to govern the early settlement of the country. The Hudson's Bay Company system of absolute government was favorable to this idea. The Jesuit priests, who combined their influence with the company, all contributed to oppress and keep down the settler. While the priests were active in combining and preparing the Indians in middle Oregon to rob and de- stroy the emigrant on his lonely, weary, toilsome way to this country, their agents and principal clerks were equally active in shaping matters in the various neighborhoods and settlements west of the Cascades. On the 156th page of Mr. Hines' book he gives us a short summary of the labors of Revs. Daniel Lee, H. K. W. Perkins, and Mr. H. B. Brewer : " They are laboring to establish a permanent mission at this place [the Dalles] for the benefit of the Indians, but with doubtful suc- cess." That the Methodist Mission should be misled and become ineffi- cient is not to be wondered at when such men as Mr. Hines, holding the position and assuming a controlling influence as he did, should ex- press himself in the language quoted above. The "doubtful success" attending all the missionary labors of the Methodist Mission was un- questionably attributable to the opinions of just such men, privately and publicly expressed, with corresponding "doubtful" and divided labors, while the ignorance of the religious supporters of the Roman missions enabled them to deceive their neophytes and patrons, and keep up their own missions and destroy those of the Protestants. i; Soon after Mr. Hines and party arrived at the Dalles, some twenty ■Indians assembled to have a talk with Dr. White, who had in his visit in the fall of 1842 prevailed upon this band to organize an Indian government by appointing one high chief and three subordinates to see that all violators of his rules were punished by being flogged for offenses that formerly were considered trifling and evidence of ,. native cunning and smartness. As was to be expected, some of the Indians would resist and use their knives and weapons in their own defense. it it -was tder their of all the the cove- irticlea of 3 all affinn , were sub- t» religious, and deter- n the early system of iuit priestB, tributed to >rB active in rob and de- his country, )ing matters ascadca. art summary ,d Mr. H. B. [ssion at this ^oubtful sue- >ecome ineffi- ines, holding id, should ex- tful success" ssion was un- nen, privately and divided >f the Roman •ons, and keep ts. some twenty lad in his visit lize an Indian ubordinates to being flogged i evidence of d, some of the in their own ANECDOTES OF INDIANS. SIX ' There is an interesting incident related by Mr. Hines, in reference to Indian character, on his 157th page: — " The Indians want pay for being whipped, in compliance with Dr. White's laws, the same as they did for praying to please the mission- aries, during the great Indian revival of 1839. Those appointed by Dr. White were desirous that his regulations should continue, because they placed the people under their absolute control, and gave them the power to regulate all their intercourse with the whites, and with the other Indian tribes. But the other influential men who were not in office desired to know of Dr. White of what benefit this whipping syB^' tem was going to be to them. They said they were willing it should continue, previded they were to receive shirts and pants and blankets as a rewai-d for being whipped. They had been whipped a good many times and had got nothing'for it, and it had done them no good. If this state of things was to continue, it was all cultus, good for notliing, and they would throw it away. The doctor wished them to understand that they need not expect pay for being flogged when they deserved it. They laughed at the idea, and separated." Just here the writer will give one other incident, related of Tallopi, an Indian belonging to the same tribe, as stated by Rev. Mr. Condon, of the Dalles : — " Yallop was requested to remain at the house of Mr. Joslin during the absence of the family, one cold day, and see that nothing was disturbed, witb the understanding that he was to go into the house and make himself comfortable till the family returned. On coming home they found the Indian outdoors under a tree, cold and nearly frozen. They inquired the reason of his strange conduct, and wanted to know why he did not stay in the house. Yallop said he went into the house and found every thing so nice and comfortable that by and by the old Indian came into him again and he wanted to steal all there was in the house, and the only way he could get over that feeling was to go out under the tree in the cold." Mr. Hines, in speaking of this same band, says, 158th page : " As a matter of course, lying has much to do in their system of trade, and he is the best fellow who can tell the biggest lie, make men believe it, and practice the greatest deception. A few years ago a great religious excitement prevailed among these Indians, and nearly the whole tribe, consisting of a thousand, professed to be converted, were baptized, and received into the Christian church ; but they have nearly all relapsed into their former state, with the exception that many of them still keep ap the outward form of religion. " Their religion appears to be more of the head than of the heaii| . I i iS ! |ili:i liN wmnmm 812 HISTOar OF OREOON. and though they are exceedingly vicious, yet doubtless they would be much worse than they are, but for the " — (" dcibtful success," as Mr. Hines affirms on his 156th page, while here he says) — ^* restraining in- fluences exerted by the missionaries." Mr. Hines has given us an interesting history of those early mission- ary labors, but the greater portion of his book relates to himself,-— to his travels on shipboard, and at the Sandwich Islands, a trip to China and back to New York, and his trip to the interior of Oregon. <' He eays : " The Cayuse Indians, among whom this mission is estab- lished, had freely communicated to Mr. Geiger, whom they esteemed as their friend, all they knew concerning it. When the Indians were told that the Americans were designing to subjugate them and take away their land, the young chiefs of the Cayuse tribe were in favor of proceeding immediately to hostilities. They were for raising a large war party and rushing directly down to the Wallamet settlement and catting off the inhabitants at a blow. They frequently remarked to Mr. Geiger that they did not wish to go to war, but if the Americans came to take away their lands and make slaves of them they would fight so long as they had a drop of blood to shed. They said they had received their information concerning the designs of the Americans from Bap- tiste Doreo, who is a half-breed son of Madame Doreo, — the heroine of Washington Irving's ' Astoria,' — understands the Nez Perce language well, and had given the Cayuses the information that had alarmed them. Mr. Geiger endeavored to induce them to prepare early in the spring to cultivate the ground as they did the year before, but they refused to do any thing, saying that Paptiste Doreo had told them that it would.be of no consequence ; that the Americans would come in the summer and kill them all off and destroy their plantations. " After Doreo had told them this story, they sent a Wallawalla chief — ^Yellow Serpent — to Vancouver, to learn from Dr. McLaughlin the facts in the case. "Yellow Serpent returned and told the Cayuses that Dr. McLaughlin said he had nothing to do in a war Avith the Indians ; that he did not believe the Americans designed to attack them, and that if the Avteri- Oaiia did gQ to war with the Indiana, the Jludson^s Bay Company vsmdd not assist them. After they got this information from the Emakus Myohut (big chiet), the Indians became more calm. Many of them went to cultivating the ground as fonnerly, and a large num- ber of little patches had been planted and sown befoi-e we arrived at the station." Mr. Hines soon learned that the reports about war that had reached die lower country were not without foundation. That the Indians still •FOUB INFLUENCES. Si 3 liad confidence in Mr. Geiger, and that they did not wish to go to war. The reader will observe the statement of the Indians after they had told Mr. Geiger they would fight if forced to do so. " They," the Indians, " said they had received their information concerning the dcaij^ns of the Americans from Baptiste Doreo." This half-breed is also an inter- preter of the Hudson's Bay Company, and an important leader among the half-breeds— next to Thomas McKay. After Doreo had told them his story, the Indians were still unwilling to commence a war against the Americans. They sent a messenger to Vancouver to consult Dr. McLaughlin, just as these same Indians in 1841 went to Mr. McKinlcy, then in charge of Fort Wallawalla, and wanted to know of him, if it was not good for them to drive Dr. Whitman and Mr. Gray away from that station because the Doctor refused to pay them for the land the mission occupied? Mr. McKinley understood their object, and was satisfied that there were outside influences that he did not approve of, and told the Indians, " Yes, you are braves ; there is a number of you, and but two of them and two women and some little children ; you can go and kill them or drive them away ; you go just as quick as you can and do it ; but if you do I will see that you are punished." The Indians • understood Mr. McKinley. Whitman and Gray were not disturbed after this. Dr. John McLaughlin we believe to have been one of the noblest of men while he lived, but, like Messrs. Ilines, White, Burnett, Newell, Spalding, and many others, influences were brought to bear upon him that led him to adopt and pursue a doubtful if not a crooked course. It was evident to any one conversant with the times of which we are writing that there were at least four elements or influences opprating in the country, viz,, the unasserted or quasi rights of the American government ; the coveted and actual occupancy of the country by the English Hudson's Bay Company and subjects, having the active civil organization of that government ; the occupancy of the country by the American missions ; and the coveted occupancy of the same by the Roman Jesuit missions. These four influences could not harmonize ; there was no such thing as a union and co-operation. The struggle was severe to hold and gain the controlling influence over the natives of the country, and shape the settle- ments to these conflicting views and national and sectarian feelings. The American settler, gaining courage and following the example and the track of the American missionaries with their wives, winds his way over the mountains and through the desert and barren plains down the Columbia River and through the Cascade Mountains, — weary, way- worn, naked, and hungry. In one instance, with his rifle upon his S,-i !' 1 : I it' :3 '1 814 BISTORT OF OBEGON. shoulder, and his wife and three children mounted upon the back of his last ox, he plods his weary way through Oregon City, and up the Wallamet, to find his future home ; and there the warm heart of the early missionary and his family is ready to feed, clothe, and welcome the wanderer to this distant part of our great national domain, in order that he may aid in securing Ore jon to its rightful inhabitants, and in forming a fifth power that shall supersede and drive away all foreign influences. For a time the struggle with the four influences was severe and doubtful ; but men who had crossed the Rocky and Cascade mountains with ox-teams, were not made to give up their country's cause in the hour of danger, though Britain and Rome, with their savage allies, joined to subdue and drive them from it. With the British Hudson's Bay Company, Roman Jesuit missions, savage Indians, American missions, and American settlers the struggle is continued. "»^ iiFmw CHAPTER XLI. Qoveraor Simpson and Dr. Whitman in Washinijton. — Interviews with Daniel Webster and President Tyler. — His cold reception in Boston by the Araorican Board. — Conducts a liirge emigration safely across the Rocky Mountains into Oregon. — The " Memorial Half-Century Volume." — The Oregon mission ignored by the American Board. — Dr. McLaughlin. — His connection with the Hudson's Bay Company. — Catholic Cayuses' manner of praying. ^Rev. C. Eells. — Letter from A. L. Lovejoy. — Description of Whitman's and Lovojoy's winter journey from Oregon to Bent's Fort on the Arkansas River. Governor Simpsox, of the Hudson's Bay Company, had reached Washington and been introduced to Mr. Webster, then Secretary of State, by the British Minister. All the influence a long-established and powerful monopoly, backed by the grasping disposition of the English government, can command, is brought to bear upon the ques* tion of the northwestern boundary. The executive of the American republic is about ready to give up the country, as of little value to the nation. Just at this time, in the dead of winter, an awkward, tall, spare-vi?* aged, vigorous, off-haud sort of a man, appeared at the Department in bis mountain traveling garb, consisting of a dark-colored blanket coat and buckskin pants, showing that to keep himself from freezing to death he had been compelled to lie down close to his camp-fire while in the mountains, and op his way to Washington he had not stopped for a moment, but pushed on with a vigor and energy peculiarly his own. It is but justice to say of this man that his heart and soul were in the object of the errand for which he had traversed the vast frozen and desert regions of the Rocky Mountains, to accomplish which was to defeat the plans of the company, as shown by the taunting reply of the Briton, " that no poioer could make known to his government the pur- poses of those who had laid their plans and were ready to grasp the prize they souyht.''^ While they were counting on wealth, power, influ- ence, and the undisputed possession of a vast and rich country, this old pioneer missionary (layman though he was), having no thought of him- self or of his ridiculous appearance before the great Daniel Webster and the President of a great nation, sought an interview with them and stated his object, and the plans and purposes of the Hudson's Bay Com- pany and the British government : that their representations of this «■ :■ <;.,?! I, ' \ ii''' 816 HISTORY OP OREGON. m i ■' '!^ country were false in every rcspoct a« regards its agricultural, miiicra!, and commercial value to the nation; that it was only to secure tlio country to themselves, that the false reports about it had been put in circulation by their emissaries and agents; that a wagon road to the Pacific was practicable ; that he had, in 1836, in opposition to all their false statements and influence to the contrary, taken a wagon to Boise; and that, in addition, wagons and teams had, in 1841, been taken to the Wallaniet Valley, and that he expected, his life being spared, to pilot au emigration to the country that would forever settle the question beyond further dispute. He asserted that a road was practicable, and the country was invaluable to the American people. Mr. Webster coolly informed him that he had his mind made up ; he was ready to part with what was to him an unknown and unimportant portion of our national domain, for the privilege of a small settlement in Maine and the fisheries on the banks of Newfoundland. There was but one other hope in this case. This old off-hand Oregon missionary at once sought an interview with President Tyler. He repeated his arguments and reasons, and asked for delay in the final settlement of the boundary question, which, to those high in office, and, we may add, tot.il ignorance of all that related to this vast country, was of small moment. But that Dr. Whitman (for the reader ImH already guessed tlio 'lame of our missionary) stood before the President of the Tlnite 1 Siat^'S the only representative of Oregon and all her future interests 'ind greatness, a self-constituted, self-appointed, and without a paniliei jelf-periled representative, pleading simply for delay in the settlement of so vast and important a question to his country, — that he should be able to successfully contend with the combined influences brought against him, — can only be attributed to that over- ruling power which had decreed that the nation, whose interests he represented, should be sustained. Mr. Tyler, after listening to the Doctor's statements with far more candor and interest than Mr. Webster was disposed to do, informed him that, notwithstanding they had received entirely different statements from gentlemen of the Hudson's Bay Company and theBritisdi minister, then in Washington, yet he would trust to his personal representation and estimate of the value of the country to the American people. Me said : " Dr. Whitman, in accordance with your representations and agreeable to your request, this question shall be deferred. An escort shall be furnished for the protection of the emigration you propose to conduct to that distant country." , It is with deep regret, not to say shame, that truth and justice compel us to give in this connection any notice of this faithful and devoted DR. WHITMAN'S BETURTU TO OREGON. 317 missioiiary's reception and treatment, on liis arrival in Boston, derog- atory to the Board whom ho had served so faithfully for acvon years. Insti-a. mission ignored. In this splendid, well-bound, and elegantly gotten up " Memorial Half-Century Volume," justly claiming much credit for the fifty past years of its labors, this Board )*as ignored all its errors and mistakes, and with one fell swoop of the pen consigned to obliTion, ^o far as its great standard record is concerned, one whole mission and a vast Indian population, as unworthy of a name or a notice in their record, further than as " Rev. Samuel Parker's exploring tour beyond the Rocky Mountains, under the direction of the Board, in 1835, .1830, and 1837, brought to light no field for a great and successful mission, bat it added much to the science of geography, and is remarkable as having made known a practicable route for a railroad from the Mis- sissippi to the Pacific." This shows a want of candor and also a dis- position to ignore all influences and causes of failure of one of their own missions, and directs the attention of the reader to foreign objects, leaving their missions to become an easy prey to avarice, the Indian tribes to ignorance and superstition, and their missionaries to be despised and superseded by Jesuits ; giving their enemies the benefit of that influence which they should have exerted to save their own missionary cause. Such being the case, we are not to wosder at the c^ld reception of Dr. Whitman, or the boundless influence and avarice of the men who compassed the early destruction of that mission ; and, failing to destroy the American settlement, that they should noM' seek to rob our national treasury as they sought to rob the nation of its rightful domain. After being defeated by the American settlers in the organization of the pro- visional government in 1843, by the provisional army of 1847-8, they now come forward with the most barefaced effroi'^^ry and claim mil- lions of dollars for a few old rotten forts. They have fallen to the lowest depths oi' crime to obtain compensation for improvements of no real value. As we said when speaking of the "combination of injuencts nnd no harmony," we beliave Dr. John McLaughlin to have been ons t»f tlie best and noblest of men ; yot the governing power of the Hudson's Bay Company would, if it were possible, have compelled him to starve the immigrants, and sacrifice all the early settlers of the country. Do you ask me how I know this ? I answer, by the oaths of good and true American citirsens, and by my own personal knowledge. These depoeitions oi- statements under oath but few of the readers of this history will ever see. In this connection we will give part of one deposition we listened to und penciled down from the mouth of the witness, who was the legal counselor and confidential friend of Dr. McLaughlin from the fall of ] 848 till his death. This witness, in answer to the inquiry as to wliat Dr. McLaughlin told him about the Hudson's A KOBLB MAN. 319 Bay Company's encouraging the early settlement of Oregon, said Dr. McLaughlin had not encouraged the American se'ilement of the country^ but from the fact that immigrants arrived poor and needy, they must have suffered had ho not furnished supplies on a credit ; that be could have wished that this had not been necessary, because he believed there were those above him who strongly disapproved of his course in this respect, affirming that it would lead to the permanent settlement of the country by American citizens^ and thus give to the United States gov- ernment an element of title to the country ; the United States govern- ment could not have a title to the country without such settlement, and I hese persons, thus alluded to as being dissatisfied, would report him to the Hudson's Bay Company's house in London ; that he ascer- tained finally that such complaints had been made, but that he still continued to furnish the supplies, because, as a man of common hum^ n- Uy, he could not do otherwise ; and he resolved that he would ^ a- tinue thus to do and take whatever consequences might result from it ; that the company's managing and controlling office in London did finally call him to an account for thus furnishing supplies as already stated, and for reasons indicated ; that he represented to them the circumstances under which he had furnished these supplies, alleging that as a man of common humanity it was not possible for him to do other- wise than as he did / that he foresaw as clearly as they did that it aided in the American settlement of the country, but that this he could not help, r iid it was not for him b"'t for God and government to look after and take care of the consequences; that the Bible told him, " If thine enemy hunger, feed him : if he is naked^ clothe him ;" that these settlers w/f-e not even enemies ; that in thus finding fault with him they quarreled with heaven (the witness said, " I do not know as that was the exact expression or word ") for doing what any one truly worthy the name of a man could not hesitate to do, and tliat he imme- diately concluded by iriiligniintly saying, " Gentlemen, if such is your order, I will serve you no longer," and from tliat day Oregon secured a warm and fuitliful friend in that old white-heaued man, and he a base and infamous enemy in tiiosc who claimed the title of the Honorable Hudson's Bay Company, who in 1866 are claiming all the credit and pay for this old man's generous and noble deeds. The readers of our liistory «'il'. oxcnse this inter; ujjlion in the nrdor of events, or rather the introdaction of this testimony at this time in our sketches, for we shall stiii have to ipoak of Dr. McLaughlin as the head of the Hudson's Bay Company, and continue him as a representa- tive of that influence, as also connected with the Roman Catholic efforts in the country ; for while we condemn and speak of base and II i !-i ; H l.i U i i i Mil i \.ri \f 320 HISTORY OP OREGON. ■ y %f M\ infamous acts in all alike, we will not forget the good and the no:iie. We have other items of testimony that reveal to us the deep-laid plana, the vast influence used, and efforts made, to prevent the American settle- ttient of this country, which shall be brought to light as wr oroceed. One other item we will now give as developed by the testimony above referred to. Dr. McLaughlin informed his attorney "that '.\c had pro- posed to the company's authority in London, that if iVt •"■ v -- aU. n bis cross-examination, by handing to the company's attorne; j ii>jic>v *>ne questions to be asked the witness : — Qxies. — " Do you not recollect that Dr. McLaughlin told you thri Sir George Simpson's complaint against hin^ v-r? "us allowing a credit of ten thousand pounds sterling to Bi' I.oj i3la!u;i.pfc, of the Catholic mis- sion, without any security ?" Ans. — " This is the first time I have heard of that transaction." Quea. — " Do you not know from what Dr. McLaughlin told you, that he gave large credits to the Catholic Mission while in charge of the company's business ?" plana, % settle- ;eed. r above 3(1 pro- ■ allow * aove assume ed, but nemory jtement that the ts above ances he bts thus on's Bay ! able to, in aristo- Ting, ar ' pred n a b&c piL vard £kn>i o iiim lor in, the in- y felt the Bay Com- is he had )any, who to excite il>, n bis lou tht 1 Sir credit of tholic niis- tion." i you, that irge of the THE COMPANY'S POLICY EXPLAINED. 321 Ang.—" I do not." In reference to the last two questions and answers, in lookinor over the items of account ngainst our government, something over this amount is stated as an item of claim for im;yrovem whites, and if they were not all of one heart they would be a"' ' o accomplish nothing. The chiefs should set the example and love each other, and not get proud and haughty, but consider the people as their brothers and their children, and labor to do them good, that the people should be obedient, and in their morning and evening prayers they should remember their chiefs. " Ellis remarked that it would not be proper for the Nez Perc6 chiefs to speak until the Cayuso people should receive the laws. The Cayuse chiefs replied : ' If you want us to receive the laws, bring them forward and let us see them, as we can not take them unless we know what they are.' " A speech was then delivered to the young men to impress them favorably with regard to the laws. They were told that they would soon take the places of the old men, and they should be willing to act for the good of the people ; that they should not go here and there and spread false reports about war; and that this had been the '|( h i If: Hi:;! '« 1 J 111 i ^ ■! 830 HISTOQT OF OREaON. cause of all the difficulty and excitement that had prevailed among them during the past winter." With the information which Mr. Ilines has already given us in the firat part of his ninth chapter, we would suppose he would avoid thJH apparently incori'ect statement to the Indians of the cauae of tlio difficulties then existing. Ho and Dr. White appear to have acted under the same influence with Dr. McLaughlin, and to have carried all their acts and counsels to the one object, which was to combine tlic Indians, and divide and destroy the settlement. lie tells us, in con- tinuation of the proceedings of this council, that " the laws were then read, first in English, and then in Nez Perc6." "Yellow Serpent then rose and said: 'I have a : -^e to you. Where are these laws from? I would that yon migh. ^ they were from God. But I think they are from the earth, because, from what I know of white men [a term claimed by Brouillet as belonging to the Hudson's Bay Company and Frenchmen], they do not honor these laws.' In answer to this, the people were infoimed that the laws were recog- nized by God, and imposed on men in all civilized countries. Yellow Serpent was pleased with the explanation, and said that it was accord- ing to the instructions he had received from others, and he was glad to learn that it was so, because many of his people had been angry M'ith him when he had whipped them ' >r crime, and had told him that.God would send him to hell for it, and he was glad to know that it was pleasing to God. '* Tilokaikt, a Cayuse chief, rose and said , * What do you read the laws for before we take them? We do not take the laws because Tawatowe says so. He is a Catholic^ and as a people we do not follow his worsliip.' Dr. White replied that this d\\ not make any difference about the law; that the people in the Statef< had different modes of worship, yet all had one law. " A chief, called the Prince, arose and saiJ : *I understand you gave us liberty to examine every law, — all the words and lines, — and as ques- tions are asked about it, we should get a better understanding of it. The people of this country have but one mind about it. I have some- thing to say, but perhaps the people will dispute mc. As a body, we have not had an opportunity to consult, therefore you come to us as in a wind, and speak to us as to the air, as we have no point, and we can not speak because we have no point before us. The business before us is whole like a body ; we have not dissected it And perhaps you will say it is out of place for me to speak, because I am not a great chief. ■ Once I had influence, but now I have but little.' " This was one of the principal chiefs of the tribe that assisted in tak- INDIAN SHREWDNESS. 831 ing Fort Wnllawftlla and tying Mr. Painbrun to compel him to give moro goodn fur horses and furs. " IIu was about to sit down, but was told to go on. He then said : * When the whites first came among at), we had no cattle ; they have given us none ; what we have now got we have obtained by an exchange of property. A long time ago Lewis and Clarke came to t^is country, and I want to know what thoy said about us. Did they say they found friends or enemies here ?* Being told that they spoke well of the Indians, the Prince said: *That is a reason why the whiter should unite with us, and all become one people. Those who have b' u here before you have left as no memorial of their kindness, by giving us presents. We speak by way of favor ; if you have any benefit to bestow, wo will then speak more freely. One thing that we can speak about is cattle, and the reason why we can not speak out now is because we have not the thing before us. My people are poor and blind, and we must have something tangible. Other chiefs have bewildered me since they came ; yet I am from an honorable stock. Promises which have been made to me and ray fathers have not been fulfilled, and I am made miserable ; but it will not answer for mo to speak out, for my people do not con- sider me as their chief.' [This was just what Mr. Pambrun, of the Hudson's Bay Compnny, had done to this Indian chief to break his power and destroy his influence with his tribe and his people. But let US hear him through.] ' One thing more ; you have reminded me of what was promised me some time ago, and I am inclined to-follow on and see, though I have been giving my beaver to the whites and have re- ceived many promises, and have uways been disappointed ; I want to know what you are going to do ?' " lilutin, or Big Belly, then arose and said that the old men were wearied with the wickedness of the young men ; that if he was alone ho coidd say ' Yes * at once to the laws, and that the reason why the young men did not feel as he foil, was because they had stolen property in their hands, and the laws condemned stealing. But he assured them that the laws were calculated to do them good and not evil. " But this did not satisfy the Prince. He desired that the good vhich it was proposed to do them by adopting the laws might be put in a tangible form before them. " He said that it had been a long time since the country had been discovered by -whites, and that ever since that time people had been coming along promising to do them good ; but they had all passed by and left no blessing behind them." Tills chief said that " the Hudson's Bay Company had persuaded them to continue with them, and not go after the Americans ; that if I 'if ^i \\ ' . ' -I ' > M J> Bill '■■ T't in » i HISTORY OP OREGOIT. I^'f 1 llr 'r ^ the Americans designed to do them good, why did they not bring goods with them to leave with the Indians? tliat they were fools to listen to what Suapies (Americans) had to r,ny ; that they would only talk, hut the company would both talk and give them presents" This Indian, as his speech shows, was shrewd, and thought he was certain to obtain his object, either from the Hudson's Bay Company or the Americans. He had been humbled by the company, and an Oit'er to buy him back had been made. lie bid for a higher price with the Americans. In doing so, ho naturally exposed the secret influence of the company, which is given in this book of Mr. Hines', as a matter of course, and he passes along without note or comment upon what ho saw, and lieard. "In reply to the last Indian speech, Dr. White told the Indians that he did not come to them as a missionary or as a trader." To Ellis and Lawyer, who called on tiiem in the evening to have a talk, " they said they expected pay for being chiefs, and wanted to know how much salary Dr. White was going to give them. Ellis said he had counted the months he had been in office, and thought that enough was due him to make him rich. They left at a late hour with- out receiving any satisfaction. In the council, efforts were made to induce the Nez Perces to unite under one chief in the fall of 1842, Thomas McKay had promised these chiefs large salaries and many presents that Dr. White and his government would give them as an inducement to form a union, knowing thu^ White had not the ability or means to make goor. his promises to them, and in this way any intiu- cnce as an agent of the American government he m'ght have would be lost in this tribe. " Ellis was a Hudson's Bay Indian, educated at the .led River settle- ment. Tlicy left this rnvate interview with White without any satis- faction, showing that the policy of the company was i)roducing its legitimate effect upon Ellis's mind. The Lawyer, however, underetood the matter in its true light. He explained to us the whole transaction, and the promises of McKa\ from the company. He thought Dr. White was foolish to let McKav talk so much for him and the Ameri- can government. " Some hundreds again assembled the next day (May 24) to renew the business relative to laws ; but the first thing investigated was the shooting of John, the Kanaka, by the Indian. John had gone to a lodge the day before, and m a dispute ill a trade he had dared the In- dian to shoot iiim. The Indian had seized his gur and fired it at John's head, making considerable of a hole in the scalp, but none in the scull. The Indian fled, but was brought back and found guilty and kept till I REV. J. LEE'S HORSES PAID FOR, the laws were adopted for sentence and punishment, and finally pun- ished with forty lashes on the bare back. " The Indians continued to speak in reference to the laws. Their speeches were grave, energetic, mighty, and eioqnent, and generally in favor of receiving the laws. After all had spoken it was signified that they were ready to vote whether they would take the laws or not, and the vote was unanimous in the affirmative. Having adopted the laws, it was now necessary to elect their chief, according to the provisions of the laws, and Tawatowe was nominated to the highest chieftainship. Some were opposed ; a majority were in favor, and while the question waa ]>ending [this Indiai' had not consulted his priest, or he would have declined at once on this first proposition to elect him chief], Tawatowe arose and said, ' My friends, I rise to speak to you, and I want you all to listen,' He then adverted to his past history, ai.d told them how much he had suffered in consequence of their divipjions and quar- rels. Tawatowe joined his influence with the Prince to get more pay from the Hudson's Bay Company for horses and furs, hence his tribe were encouraged to quarrel with and disrespect him. When we first arnved in the country he was seldom invited to tlie fort, and received no prr,»cnt8 from the company. He inquired of his jieople if they votild lay aside all their past difficulties and come uj^ and support him if he would accept of the chieftainship. "It was now time to close for the day, and the vote being put, Tawatowe was declared duly elected to the high chieftainship of the Cayuse tribe. "Dr. White bought of Mrs. Whitman a fat'ox and presented it to *lie Indians. Mrs. W. gave hem a li. hog, which they butchered and feasted upon at night. '' May 25. — A number of the ctnefs came early in the morning at Mr. Hines' request, to settle a difficulty concerning some liorsos which they gave to Rev. Jason Lee when he first came to Oregon in 1834, Mr. Lee having refpicsted Mr. Hines to come to some arrangement with them if jmssible. After a long talk we succeeded in settling with them by proposing to give them a cow for eacii horse that they had given to Mr. Lee. We found that the Indians always expected to bo well paid for a present." The Jesuit missionaries and the Iludson'r. Bay Company had repre- sented to the Indians that Mr. Lee's receiving their horses and not making them any jiresents was tiio same as stealing from them, and in lliis way the American missioiiary was regarded ao having stolen the Indians' horses. In the conversations and talks the Indiana had with Dr. Whitman about the land the mission occupied, tlie horses given to tl-4' '1' I • .. i pi !' mf^ Hi' . i 1 1", ^ t" mTi i ':! n L (II 334 HISTORY OF OREGON. Mr. Lee were generally mentioned. Dr. Whitman was anxioas that some arrangement shculrl be made to settle that matter as soon as he learned the facts in the case. The Indians, as per arrangement with Mr. Hines, did receive a cow for each horse given, and thus the matter was satisfactorily settled. The Indians havins: acrain assembled, Tawatowe came forward and said that he had made up his mind that he could not accept of the chieftainship, in consequence of the difference of hia religion from that of most of his people. Here is Jesuitism and Hudson's Bay, combined with ignorance and religious bigotry, and shows the influence then operating upon the savage mind. This Indian declared a reason why he could not accept the chieftainship, which, four yeara later, would have iixed at once a ci'ime upon that sect, without a shadow of doubt in their favor. As it was, the plan was deeper, and a Protestant Indian, or one that favored the Protestant cause and American missions, a younger brother of Tawatowe is selected. Tawatowe resigned, and his brother Five Crows is elected the American head chief of the Cayuso tribe, with the .ip- proval of the sub-agent of the United States. Bear these facts in mind as we proceed, that you may fully understand the deep-laid plots of the foreign influence then operating in tlie country to secure the M'hole or a large portion of it for themselves and their own government. In connection with this we will give one other incident as related by Mr. nines on his tour among the Indians, to show the shrewdness, as also the long premeditated baseness of the Hudson's B^y Company in their eflbrts to get rid of all American missionaries and settlers, and to bring on a war with the Indians. Mr. liines and party returned to the Dalles, and from there Mr. Hines embarked on one of the Hudson's Bay Company's boats with Mr. Ogden for Vancouver. A short dis- tance below the Dalles they were driven ashore by a wind storm. While there, Mr. Ogden told the following story of the killing of a medicine woman, or doctress : — " Mr. Ogden related some of his wonderful adventurer among the Indians, with whom he had resided more than thirty years. He wa« an eye-witness to a remarkable circumstance that transpired at the Dalles during one of his voyages up the Columbia. " He arrived at the Dalles on the Sabbatli day, and seeing a congre- gation of some three hundred Indians assembled not far from the river, he drew near to ascertain the cause, and found the Rev. II. K. W. Perkins dispensing to them the word of reconciliation througli a cru- cified Redeemer. There was in the outskirts of the congregation an Indian woman who had been for many years a doctress in the tribe, EVENTS AND INFLUENCES. 835 and who had just expended all her skill upon a patient, the only son of a man whose wigwam waa not far distant, and for whose re- covery sh*? had become responsible by consenting to become his physician. All her efforts to remove the disease were unavailing; the father was doomed to see his son expire. Believing that the doctress had the power of preserving life or inflicting death according to her will, and that instead of curing she had killed his boy, he resolved upoft the most summary revenge. Leaving his dead son in the lodge, he broke into the congregation with a large butcher-knife in his hand, and, rushing upon the now terrified doctress, seized her by the hair, and with one blow across her throat laid her dead at his feet." This stoiy is a very plausible one, as much so as the one Mr, Hines tells us on the 110th page of his book, about Smith, Sublet, and Dvipse's partner. There is an object in telling this story at this time to Mr. Hines, as much so as there w^as in a letter written by James Douglas, Esq., to S. N. Castle, Esq., and published in the March num- ber of the Friend, at Honolulu, '-' ndwich Islands, which we will give in due time. The reader will observe in these .- .et- hes that our effort has boon to Bpeak of all the principal events and promino' and prospective influ- ences in our early history, as in the year in whio'i tliey occrrred. In attending to other duties we have not been ablo to keep a^ close to dates and chronological order as we could wish; still, with patiencf ind perseverance we can restore the "lost history" of our ear y settlemeui upon this coast, so that the future historian can have the ■ laterial before him for an interesting chapter in the history of our country. We have, in addition to personal and public duties, to wade through an inmiense amount of what is called Oregon history, to er up dates and events tliat have been given to the public at .1 i : ii III i::. 1 *!;■ li'i m 338 HISTORY OF OREGON. them. W. H. Gray then by request adminitJterod an oath to the Speaker elect, that he would faithfully and impartially discharge the duties of his office as presiding officer of the present appointed Legisla- tive Committee of the people of Oregon, so help you God ; to which Beei-s said, Amen. The question arose as to the appointment of a clerk for the committee, when the members agreed, if necessary, to pay his expenses per diem, if no other means were provided. George W. Le Breton, a young man of active mind, ready with the pen, useful and agreeable, and practical in his conversation, having come to the country as an adventurer in a vessel with Captain Couch, was chosen secretary and duly qualified by the Speaker. The records of the proceedings, as published, seem to have left out the preliminary part of this Legislative Committee's proceedings. This is owing to the fact that the compiler had no peraonal knowledge of them, and perhaps sought information from those as ignora.it of the facts as himself; hence the meager and tinsatisfactory document given to the country. Most, or all of the proceedings thus far mentioned were with closed doors, as will be seen by the record published. It was not deemed important by Messrs. Newell, O'Neil, and Hubbard, to have any record of our daily proceedings, only the result or report. Messrs. Shortess, Beers, Gray, Dougherty, and Hill thought it best to keep a record, which was com- menced. " Waixamet, May 15, 1843. — ^The Legislative Committee met, and after the preliminary discussions above alluded to, came to order by electing Robert Moore, Esq., chairman, and G, W. Le Breton, secre- tary. " On motion of W. H. Gray, a committee of three was appointed by the chairman to prepaie rules and business for the house. This com- mittee (Messrs. Gray, Shortess, and Newell), at once, in a hasty manner, prepared eight rules, and suggested thfl business proposed for the com- mittee as a whole to perform. The nles were take" "^ iind adopted with scarcely a single objection. Tip to this time no one except mem- bers of the committee had been allowed a place in the house as specta- tors. " On motion, it was decided that the committee ait with open doors. O'Neil, Hubbard, and Dougherty favored the closed-door sessions, as they did not want to expose their ignorance of making laws. Newell thought we had better make as little display as possible, for it would all be known, and we might be ashamed of what we had done. " Shortess, Hill, Gray, and Beers were willing that all our efforts to mnke laws for ourselves should be fully known, and were ready to re- ceive .'nstructions and advice from any soui'ce. The .' ' red but not included in the original act, as reported and read at Champoeg, but was adopted at Champoeg. The report was duly referred to the revising committee, and the proviso left in the hands of Le Breton to be withheld or pre- ^•W" DOUBTFUL MISSION INFLUENCE. 845 Rented, as the occasion might require, in the final notion of the people. The large pretensions to lands by the Methodist and Catholic mis- sions were fully understood by the entire committee. They wished to curtail them as much as possible, and were fully aware that any direct action to this end would bring the whole influence of both missions against them. r^.l ' I «li!H ■J 'M ■') mi-*' CHAPTER XLW. Fourth of July, 1843. — Oration by Mr. Ilines: — Meeting of July 5. — Debate on the land law. — How the Jusuita and the Huason's Bay Companv secured their land claims. — Speech of the B,ev. G. Iliues against the proposed Executive Committee. — The committee supported by O'Neil, Sliortess, and Lee. — V^. H. Gray closes the debate. — The report of tlie committee adopted. — Committee appointed to report to Congress, anotlier to make a Digest of Territorial laws, and a third to prepare and administer an oath of otiice On the 4th of July ouv national anniversary was observed, and an oration was delivered by the Rev. G. Hines. The committee favored the selection of Mr. Hines as orator, that they might gain his views, and be ready to meet liim on the main questions that would be brought up on the fifth. In this, however, we failed, as he dwelt principally upon the subjects of temperance, the glorious deeds of our forefalhera on the other side of the Rocky Mountains, and the influences and bless- ings of the day. No Englishman, or foreigner, could have taken any exceptions to his sentimenin or language. On the 5th, Dr. Babcock, chairman of the meeting of May 2, being absent, tiie meeting was called to order by G. W. Le Breton, one of the secretaries of the May meeting. On motion, the Rev. Gustavus Ilines was elected president of the convention br acclamation. R. Moore, Esq., chairman of the Legislative Comudttee, presented his report, which was read by Secre- tary Le Breton, and on motion accepted. Rev. L, H. Judson moved that the report of tiie committee on Avays and means be accepted. This motion brought the land law up far discussion. Tiie LegisiativT Committee as a whole reported that law entire, to the proviso in the fourth article. ITpon the first part of that article a discussion arose be- tween Mr. Newell and the members of the JMethodist Mission, as to the right oi' any single individual to hold a claim of 640 acres upon a city or town site, or extensive water privilege. Mr. Moore agreed with Mr. Newell on that question, as he claimed one side of the Wallamet River at the falls, and Dr. McLaughlin the other. The Methodist Mission also chiimed a rigiit to the east side of the Wallamet, and tlio Milling Company claimed the island, iiDon which they were erecting mills, Mr. Newell opposed the fourth artit le, to favor Dr. McLaughlin ; the Metho- dist Mission and Milling Company favored the article on the groiuul that It secured thorn m their rights, and prevented a monopoly of that M\::. MISSION CLAIMS. 347 water-power by any single individual. Rev. Jason Lee was anxious to secure the rights and claims of the Methodist Mission. So far as the water privilege and town sites were concerned, there were no fears on the part of the committee, but in reference to the large claims of the Methodist Mission, there were fears that Mr. Lee and Mr. Hines would oppose our whole effort, and combine the influence of their mission against the organization. To satisfy Rev. Jason Lee, Le Breton pre- sented the proviso as contained in tlie fourth article, which removed his objection. The committee were well assured that the Jesuit missions would claim the same right to land, and in this way, the one mission would be induced to give up to curtail the other. This occurred as anticipated, only the Methodist Mission held on to their claims, and attempted to maintain them publicly, wliile the Jesuits did the same thing .-ilently, and by having their lands recorded in the supposed nameii of their members, or priests, the same as the Hudson's Bay Company recorded all their improvements and forts in the names of their different servants, so as to hold them for the company; the company and the Jesuits having, as tliey supposed, secured their own claims to land in the name of their respective servants, joined with the new immigrants, in condemning the large pretensions of the Metho- dist Mission, and in this way prejudiced the minds of the settlers against it for doing, openly, just what they had done in the names of their servants, secretly. On the final vote there were but few dissenting voices, except upon the adoption of the proviso. It may be askeu why the land law was brought up first. Tlie minutes as recorded on the twenty-third and twenty-fourth pages of the Oregon archives, show that Mr. Judson moved the adoption of the report of the committee on ways and means. Tills was all the minute that was made, as the business and discussion progressed. The report on the land law was deemed, by tlie com- mittee, to be of the fii*st importance, as all were personally interested in the law about land claims ; and upon the discussion of that report, they could learn the result of the whole effort, and the feelings of the people as to the permanence of the proposed government. The notice of the report of the committee on ways and means, on page 24, and of the proviso, is entered, to show that the amendments alluded to were made. We are of tiie opinion, that had Mr. Le Breton lived to copy hose minutes, he would have so changed them. He says such rmendment and proviso were adopted. To this fact we have affirmed under i ath as being a part of the provisional law adopted at that nnjeting. This brings ua to tlie first clause of the organic law, as adopted by the people in mass convention. i|M ]< I i I • :W\ m I, tmmmmim < Hh ' 'h "' ^ . I \:| 348 HISTORY OF OREaON". The preamble and first article were adopted on motion of Joseph McLaughlin, the second son of Dr. John McLaughlin, who took an active part in favoring the organization, against the wishes and influ- ence of his family. The second article was read, and, on motion of L. H. Judson, was adopted. The third, on motion of C. McRoy, and the fourth, on motion of Joseph Holman, were also adopted. On motion to adopt the fifth article, "on the executive power," it was plain to be seen that the Rev, Mr. Hines was swelling and becom- ing uneasy, in proportion as the Rev. Jason Lee appeared to be satisfied with the proceedings. He hesitated to put the motion, called Robert Moore, the chairman of the Legislative Committee, to the chair, and commenced : — "Mr. President, gentlemen, and fellow-citizens, — The Legislative Committee which you appointed to prepare certain laws, and perform a certain duty, have assumed to present for your approval something they had no right, in all the instructions given them, to present. They have commenced a course which, if not checked, will lead to the worst possible form of despotism. Grant them the privilege which they now ask, of imposing upon this settlement, upon you and me and our fami- lies, this hydra-headed monster in the shape of an Executive Commit- tee, and we have but the repetition of the Roman Triumvirate — the Ctesars upon the throne. We may be told by them, in excuse for the violation of plain and positive instru'"tions, that they found it diflicult to proceed with the organizing of a temporary government without an executive: and here they have brought before you this monstrosifi/ — this black bear — this hydra-headed monster, in the shape of an Execu- tive Committee ; and ask you to adopt it, as necessary to preserve your civil liberties and rights. " Gentlemen and fellow-citizens, — You have but to look to past his- tory, to warn you of the dangers of so palpable a violation of instnic- tions on the part of public servants. You instructed them to do a cert.iin work, to prepare certain laws. If they could not do as in- structed, lev them resign and go home. So far as they performed the duties assigned them, we can approve of their acts; but when they attempt to force upon us what we have not asked of them, but said to them we do not want this monstrosity with three bonds, yet they [per- sist in saying we do ; and have gone on and made their laws to cor- respond with this absurd and outrageous thing they call Fttecmine Committee. Is it wise, is it reasonable, that we should submit to it ? What assurance have we that the next Legislative Committee, or l)ody ii THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTER. 349 we may appoint, following the example set by this one, will not give us a king or emperor, and tell us it is necessary to complete our organi- zation?" Many of the persons present at Champoeg on the 5th of July, 1843, will recollect this speech, and the strong and empnatic manner in which it was delivered. Why Mr. Hines did not move to strike out the ex- ecutive clause has always been a mystery to us. When he had resumed his seat as president of the convention, Mr. O'Neil made a few remarks, explaining the position of the committee. Mr. Shortess followed, deny- ing the assumption of power attributed to the committee, or a disposi- tion to go beyond their instructions, and urged the necessity of a head or some controlling influence somewhere. Could we rely upon Captains McCarty, or McKay, or Smith to call out their companies ; or Major Howard? Should the military control the civil power? "The thing is absurd," said Shortess. Rev. Jason Lee could not see the proposed executive head of the proposed provisional government in the light Mr. Hines did. If it was thought necessary to have a government at all, it was necessary to have a head, and an executive, or the laws were of no eflect. It was arranged with the Legislative Committee, that Gray should meet Hines on this question, and make the last speech in favor of the executive department. Ilonce O'Neil and Shortess both spoke in fjivor of it. Dr. Babcock was opposed, on account of its going beyond pres- ent necessities, and looking too much like a permanent and independent government ; whereas we only wished to form a temporary one. He thought with Mr. Hines, tliat the committee had gone beyond their in- structions in providing for lliis executive power, still he was willing to abide the decision of tlie people. There was a little uncertainty as to Mr. Lee's final vote. Dr. Babcock was clearly against ns, Mr. Hines made but the one speech. From the course the debate had taken, Gray had no fears as to the final result, and waited until it was evident that no more opposing speeches would be made when he commenced : — "Mr. President and fellow-citizens, — The speech which we have just listened to, from our presiding officer, is in the main correct. It is true that the Legislative Committee were not instructed to bring before you an executive department in the laws and government you proposed to form, when you appointed your committee to prepare those laws. It is also true, that when that committee met, they found that they could r.ot advance one step in accomplishing the work you instructed them to perform, without some supervising influence, or power, somewhere ; in short, without a head. Their instructions were against a governor. They have provided an Executive Committee, in place of a single man '\ I ■A''^. Si»* mmm^fm Jill \\% ^ ji'ct of the resolution. Still, at the present d.iy, when the same reverend gentlemen are charged with having done all they could against the early settlers' government, they attempt to repel the charge, and take great credit to themselves for the perseverance of others in securing permanent laws and protection for themselves and the settlements. Messrs. Beers, Hill, and Oale, were chosen by ballot as the first Exec- utive Committee. Hujjh Burns, who had been ohosen at the May meeting as justice of the peace, had resigned, and Robert Moore was chosen to fill his place. The committee had prepared a full list of the laws of Iowa, to recom- mend for the :idoption of the people, which wns presented and read, some slight amendments made, and the list adopted. The report of the Legislative Committee was adopted as a whole; and on motion it was " Hesoloed, That the president of the convention assisted by the Rev. Messrs. Lee, Clark, and Leslie, be a committee to draft and administer an oath of ofiice to the civil officers elected on the 2d of May, 1843, and that said officers be required to subscribe to the same; and administer the oath to the supreme judge, who shall hereafter q(jalify all civil and military officers to be elected by the peo- ple." At this point, a question arose in the mind of the last-named committee, whether they would proceed that night to administer the proposed oath, or defer it till some other time. There were some earnest and determined men in that convention, who were not to be defeated at the last moment by the disposition of thesfj reverend gentle- men to delay the concluding ceremony of drafting and administering the oath of office to the persons the people had cliosen. To relievo them of all doubt as to the wish of tl.e convention (although il was If! i! mi i [ »«,;; ' Wi • W^^f mm^ 352 HISTOBT OP OEEQON. then nearly dark), it Mas moved and carried, " that the committee to qualify officers proceed to the performance of their duty, as far as prac- ticable, this evening." Judge Wilson was not present. '* Rev. Jason Lee noticed that Mr. Beers received the smallest number of votes given for any member of the Executive Committee. This to him, and probably to Messrs. Leslie and Hines, was unaccountable ; but not so to us, who understood the general feeling of opposition against the rule of the missionaries and their large claims to land ; as also the secret prejudices excited against them by the Hudson's Bay Company and the Jesuits, who attributed the entire govctnment movement to them, while the organization was that of the settlers unaided by any mission, except individual members of the Protestant missions. This was probably the reason for the proposition to delay qualifying the officers elected, and carrying out the decided wish of the convention. This fact simply shows a reluctant assent to the organization by the principal members of the missions. The French address showed the feelings of the French and Catholics, while the Hudson's Bay Company stood entirely aloof from it, and expected to defeat the whole move- ment by the influence of such men as the Rev. 6. Hines, Dr. White, Robert Newell, and the Indians. We have two copies of the organic laws adopted by the people at Champoeg ; one published by Charles Saxton in 1846, and the other by the compiler of the Oregon archives in 1853. That published by Mr. Saxton corresponds nearer with our own recollections of the facts of the case ; hence we will copy them as given by him. CHAPTER XLV. Oii^nic laws. — Resolutions. — Districts. — Militia law. — Land claims. — Certificate. The Legislative Committee recommend that the following organic lavas be adopted : — We, the people of Oregon Territory, for purposes of mutual protection, and to secure peace and prosperity among ourselves, agree to adopt the following laws and regulations, until such time as the United States ot ^^merica extend their jurisdiction over us: — Section I. Be it enacted by the free citizens of Oregon Territory, That the said Territory, for the purposes of temporary government, be divided into not less than three, nor more than five, districts ; subject to be extended to a greater number when an increase of population shall require. For the purpose of fixing the principled of civil and religious liberty as the basis of all laws and constitutions of government that may here- after be adopted, lie it enacted, That the following articles be considered articles of compact among the free citizens of this Territory. Article 1. No person demeaning himself in a peaceable or oi*derly manner shall ever be molested on account of his mor" : of worship or religious sentiments. Art. 2. The inhabitants of said Territory shall always be entitled to the benefit of the writ of habeas corpus and trial by jury, of a pro- portionate representation in the Legislature, and of judicial proceeding according to the course of common law. All persons shall be bailable, unless for capital offenses, where the proof shall be evident, or the presumption great. All fines shall be moderate, and no cruel or un- natural punishments inflicted. No man shall be deprived of his liberty but by the judgment of his peers, or the law of the land ; and should the public exigences make it necessary, for the common preservation, to take any person's property, or to demand his particular services, full compensation shall be made for the same. And in the just preser- vation of rights and property, it is understood and declared that no law ought ever to be made, or have force in said Territory, that shall in any manner whatever interfere with, or affect, private contracts, or engagements bona fide made and without fraud previously formed. 23 BH HISTORY OP OBEOON. Abt. 3. Religion, morality, and knowledge, being ueccsflary to good government and the happiness of mankind, schools and the means of education shall forever be encouraged. Art. 4. The utmost good faith shall always be observed toward the Indians, their lands and property shall never be taken from them with- out their consent, and in their property, rights, and liberty, they shall never be invaded or disturbed, unless in just and lawful wars, author- ized by the representatives of the people. But laws, founded in jus- tice and humanity, shall, from time to time, be made, for j-.eventing. injustice being done to them, and for preserving peace and friendship. Aet. 5. There shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in said Territory, otherwise than for the punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted. Skction II. Article 1. Be it enacted by the authority aforesaid. That the officers elected on the 2d of May instant shall continue in office until the second Tuesday of May, 1844, and until others are elected and qualified. Art. 2. An election for civil and military officers shall be held an- nually upon the second Tuesday in May in the several districts, at such places as shall be designated by law. Art. 3. Each officer heretofore elected, or that shall hereafter be elected, shall, before entering upon the duties of his office, take an oath or affirmation to support the laws of the Territory, and faithfully discharge the duties of his office. Art. 4. Every free male descendant of a white man, inhabitant of this Territory, of the age of twenty-one years and upward, who shall have been an inhabitant of this Territory at the time of its organiza- tion, shall be entitled to vote at the election of officers, civil and military, and he eligible to any office in the Territory ; Provided, That all persons of the description entitled to vote by the provision of this section, who shall emigrate to this Territory after the organization, shall be entitled to the rights of citizens after havin<; resided six months in the Territory. Art. 5. The executive power shall be vested in a committee of three persons, elected by the qualified voters at the annual election, who shall have power to grant pardons and reprieves for offenses against the laws of the Territory, to call out the military force of the Territory, to repel in- vasions or suppress insurrections, to take care that the laws are faithfully executed, and to recommend such laws as they may consider necessary to the representatives of the people for their action. Two members of the committee shall constitute a quorum for the tran.iaction of business. I i good ans of rd the 1 with- y shall iutbor- in jus- renting dship. itude in whereof 5 officers c second ed. held an- 9, at such ibitant of who shall organizti- civil and !f?, That all on of this trani/.ation, •esidcd six ee of three 1, who shall ist the laws , to repel in- re faithfully ■r necessary members of of business. ORGANIC LAWS. Abt. 6. The legislative power shall be vested in a committee of nine persons, to be elected by the qualified electors at the annual elec- tion ; giving to each district a representation in the ratio of its popula- tion, excluding Indians ; and the said members shall reside in the dis- trict for which they shall be chosen. Abt. 7. The judicial power shall be vested in a Supreme Court, con- sisting of the supreme judge and two justices of the peace; a Probate Oourt and Justice Court. The jurisdiction of the Supreme Court shall be both appellate and original ; that of the Probate Court and Justice Court as limited by law ; Provided, That individual justices of the peace shall not have jurisdiction of any matter or controversy when the title or boundaries of land may be in dispute, or when the sum claimed exceeds My dollars. Art. 8. There shall be a Recorder, elected by the qualified electors at the annual election, who shall keep a faithful record of the proceedings of the Legislative Committee, Supreme and Probate courts ; also record all boundaries of land presented for that purpose, and branils used for marking live stock ; procure and keep a record of the same ; and also record wills, deeds, and other instruments of writing required by law to be recorded. The Recorder shall receive the following fees, viz. : For recording wills, deeds, and other instruments of writing, twelve cents for every hundred words ; and for every weight or measure sealed, twenty-five cents. For granting other ofiicial papers and the seal, twenty-five cents ; for services as clerk of the Legislature, the same daily pay as members of the Legislature ; and for all other services required of him by this act, the same fees as allowed for similar services by the laws of Iowa. Art. 9. There shall be a Treasurer, elected by the qualified electors of the Territory, who shall, before entering upon the duties of his office, give bonds to the Executive Committee in the sum of fifteen hundred dollars, with two or more sufficient sureties, to be approved by the Ex- ecutive Committee of the Territory, conditioned for the faithful discharge of the duty of his office. The Treasurer shall receive all moneys belong- ing to the Territory that may be raised by contribution, or otherwise, imd shall procure suitable books in which he shall enter an account of his receipts and disbursements. Art. 10. The Treasurer shall in no case pay money ont of the Treasury but according to law, and shall annually report to the Legislative Com- mittee a true account of his receipts and disbursements, with necessary vouchers for the same, and shall deliver to his successor in office all books, moneys, accounts, or other property belonging to the Territory, as soon as his successor shall become qualified. ii !.i|l ■I !' i S i ii » f: ■ ) ■f,' .} ■ ' ; if! i ■ m 1 1 ■ I i ■ U ill 1,1 866 HISTORY OF OREGON. Abt. 11. The Treasurer shall receive for his services the sum of fivo per cent, upon all moneys received and paid out according to law, and three per cent, upon all money in the Treasury wb< ^ he goes out of office, and two per cent, upon the disbursement of mone y in the Treasury when he comes into office. AuT. 12. The laws of Iowa Territory shall be the lavs of this Terri- tory in military and criminal cases, where not otherwise ^trovided for ; and where no statute of Iowa Territory applies, the principle of common law and equity shall govern. Art. 13. The law of Iowa regulating weights and measures shall be the law of this Territory ; Provided, The Supreme Court shall perform the duties required of the commissioners, and the recorder shall perform the duties of the clerk of the county commissioners, as prescribed in §aid laws of Iowa; and proved, that sixty pounds avoirdupois shall be the standard weight of a bushel of wheat, whether the same be more or less than two thousand one hundred and fifty and two-fifths cubic inches. Abt. 14. The laws of Iowa respecting wills and administrators ^nall be the laws of this Territory in all cases not otherwise provided for. Aet. 15. The laws of Iowa respecting vagrants is hereby adopter; as far as adapted to the circumstances of the citizens of Oregon. Anx. 10. The Supreme Court shall hold two sessions annually, upon the third Tuesdays of April and September, the first sesmon to be held at Champoeg upon the third Tuesday of September, 1843, and the sec- ond session at Tu.ilatin Plains, upon the third Tuesday of April, 1844. At the sessions of the Supreme Court the judge shall preside, assisted by two justices; Provided, That no justice of the peace shall assist in try- ing any case that has been brought before the court by appeal from his judgment. The Supreme Court shall have original jurisdiction in cases pf treason and felony, or breach of the peace, and in civil cases where the sum claimed exceeds fifty dollars. , Anx. 17. All male persons of the age of sixteen years and upward, and all females of the age of fourteen years and upward, shall have the right to marry. When cither of the parties shall be under twenty- one years of ago, the consent of the parents, or guardians of such minors, shall be necessary to the validity of such matrimonial engage- ment. Every ordained minister of the gospel, of any religious denomi- nation, the supreme judge, and all justices of the peace, are hereby authorized to solemnize marri.ige according to law, to have the s;imc recorded, and pay the recorder's fee. The legal fee for marriage shall be one dollar ; and for recording, fifty cents. Art. 18. All offices subsequently made shall be filled by election and of five iw, and out of 'rcasury 13 Terri- led for; common , shall be perform [ perform ciibed in I eballbe be more ths cubic lally, upon to be bold id the sec- .pril, 1844. assisted by isist in try- al from his on in cases ascs where V( DISTRICTS IN OREGON. ballot in the several districts upon the day app such regulations as the laws of Iowa provide. 357 nted by law, and under 1. Resolved, That a committee of throo be appointed to draw up a digest of the doings of this Territory with regard to an organization, and transmit the same to the United States government for their in- formation. 2. IteAolvedy That the laws of Iowa — as laid down in the " Statute Laws of the Territory of Iowa, enacted at the first session of the Legislative Assembly of said Territory, held at Burlington, a. d. 1838-9, published by authority in Dubuque, Russell & Reeves, printers, 1839;" certified to be a " correct copy," by William B. Conway, secretary of Iowa Terri- tory — be adopted .as the laws of this Territory. Tlie Legislative Committee recommend that the Territory be divided into four districts, as follows : — First District, to be called the Tualatin District, comprising all the country south of the northern bound.ary line of the United States, west of the Wallamet or Multnomah River, north of the Yamhill River, and east of the Pacific Ocean. Second District, to be called the Yamhill District, embracing all the country west of the Wallamcf or Multnomah River, and a supposed line running north and south from said river, south of the Yamhill River, to the parallel of forty-two degrees north latitude, or the boundary line of the United States and California, and east of the Pacific Ocean. Tliird District, to be called the Clackamas District, comprehending all territory not included in the other three districts. Fourth District, to be called the Ghampoeg District, and bounded on the north by a supposed line drawn from the mouth of the Haunchaukc River, running due east to the Rocky Mountains, Avest by the Wallamet or Multnomah River, and a supposed line running duo south from said river to the parallel of forty-two degrees north latitude, south by the boundary line of the United States and California, and east by the summit of the Rocky Mountains. The Legislative Committee also recommend the above districts to be designated by the name of " Oregon Territory." The Legislative Committee recommend tluat a subscription paper be put in circulation to collect funds for defraying the expenses of the government, as follows : We, the subscribers, hereby pledge ourselves to pay annually to the treasurer of Oregon Territory the sum afiixed to our respective names, for defraying the expenses of government; Provided, That in all cases each individual subscriber may, at any time, 11 !.! «! J I* " ! !l \ I Jiiil - \ li. ll t ^ f 1 \ u.xiiMid k \ Y% 398 BISTORT OF ORBOON. l-f-! ti IS h 4 withdraw his name from said subscription upon paying up all arrearages, and notifying the treasurer of the colony of such desire to withdraw. Militia Law. Abticlb 1. The militia of this Territory shall be arranged into one battalion, consisting of three or more companies of mounted riflemen. Abt, 2. That in case of the vacancy of the office of major by death or otherwise, it shall be the duty of the Executive Committee to appoint another whose duty it shall be to serve in the place of such removed officer, until the annual election. Art. 3. That when a portion of country is so distant, or so situated, that in the opinion of the Executive Committee it would be inconvenient for persons residing therein to belong to an organized company, they shall be organized as a separate company under the command of a cap- tain appointed by themselves, and give due notice to the major of the battalion, and be subject to the same laws and regulations as the other companies of the battalion. Art. 4. That all companies shall meet once in each year for company inspection upon the last Tuesday in September, well mounted, with a good rifle, or musket, and accouterments for company inspection and military exercise. Art. 5. It shall be the duty of the major to notify each captain of a company to notify each member of his company of the day and place of each annual meeting of his battalion and company at least six days previous to such time of meeting. . Art. 6. It shall be the duty of each and every male inhabitant, over the age of sixteen years and under sixty, that wishes to be considered a citizen, to cause himself to be enrolled, by giving his name to the proper officers of the militia, and serve under the same, except such as arc hcro- bfler excepted. Art. 7. That fines shall be laid upon all who iail to adhere to the commands of the Executive Committee, and the same shall be expended for ammunition and arms, v/ithcat delay, and persons appointed to take charge of the magazine wherever the Executive Committee shall direct its location. Art. 8. It shall be the duty of the Executive Committee to appoint a ■urgeon to the battalion, who shall serve in bis profession when so or- dered by the Executive Committee. Art. 9. It shall be lawful for any commissioned officer in case of in- vasion, )r insurrection, to order out the militia under his command, providec' he has sufficient reason for so doing, and give immediate notice thereof to the Executive Committee. LAND LAW. 359 Art. 10. The militia of this Territory Bhall, with the advice and con- sent of the Executive Committee, be subject to the call of the authorized agcnta of the United States government until she may send troops to support the same. Land Claims, Abticlr 1. Any person how holding or hercafler wishing to establish a claim to land in this Territory, shall designate the extent of IiIh claim by natural boundaries, or by marks at the corners and upon the lines of said claim, recorded in the office of the Territorial recorder, in a book to bo kept by him for that purpose, within twenty days from the time of making said claim ; Provided, That those who shall be already in possession of land shall be allowed one year from the passage of this act, to file a description of their claims in the recorder's office. AuT. 2. All claimants shall, within six months from the time of recording their claims, make permanent improvements upon the same, by building or inclosing, and also become occupant upon said claims within one year of the date of such record. Art. 3. No individual shall be allowed to hold a claim of more than one square mile, or 640 acres, in a square or oblong form, according to the natural situation of the prei Ises, nor shall any individual be able to hold more than one claim at the same time. Any person complying with the provisions of these ordinances shall be entitled to the same process against trespass as in other cases provided by law. Akt. 4. No person shall be entitled to hold such a claim upon city or town lots, extensive water privileges, or other situations necessary for the transaction of mercantile or manufacturing operations ; Provi- ded, That nothing in these laws shall be so construed as to affect any claim of any mission of a religious character made prior to this time, of extent not more than six miles square. Approved by the people, as per minutes, Wallamet, July 5, 1843, A true copy from original papers. Attest George W. Lk Breton, Recorder. Certificate. This certifies that David Hill, Alanson Beers, and Joseph Gale were chosen the Executive Committee of the Territory of Oregon, by the people of said Territory, and have taken the oath for the faithful per. formance of the duties of their office as required by law. George W. Lk Breton, Recorder. Wallambt, Oregon Tbbritobt, July 6, 1843. is i:il' i if ■ X ■ CHAPTER XLVI. DeBcription of the State House. — Conduct of tlie French settlers. — Arrival of Dr. Whit- man'B party of immigrants. — Prosperity of tlie settlers.- -Change in the policy of the Iludsou's Bay Company. — Their exorbitant claims. A PRiMtnvK State House M'as built witli posts set upright, one end in the ground, i^'ooved on two sides, and tilled in with poles and split timber, such as would be suitable for tence rails; M'ith plates and poles across the top. Rufibeis and horizontal poles held the cedar bark, which "Was used instead of shingles ior covering. It was twenty by forty teet. At one end, some puncheons were jmt up ior a platform for the president ; some poles and slabs were placed around for seats ; three piuiius one foot wiae and about twelve feet long, placed njion a sort of fitake platform foi a table, for the use of the Legislative Committee and tint' clerks. Perfect order and decorum prevailed throughout the proceedings, bolder and more ^dependent portion of the French settlers parti- itcd in this convention, and expressed themselves pleased with the It. They looked to this organization to relieve them from British t"Tanny ; while by far the greater number of them kept aloof and r'jnsed to have any thing to do with, or to submit to, the organization. This arose from the advice tl>ey had received from th.; company, and tit- instructions of the priests who were among them, iis in the case of Dt:. White's effort to get a few of them to go with hin. to the interior, ou the report of threate'od Indian difficulties. The Hudson's Bay Com[)aiiy, as indicated in a communication to the Executive Committee, felt themselves abundantly able to defend themselves and their political rights. This year, through the influence and representations by letters, re- ports, and the personal efforts of that devoted friend to O'-tgon, Dr. Marcus Whitman, an immigration of eight hundred and seventy-five persons arrived in the fall, notwithstanding that deceitful servant of the Hudson's Bay Company, Grant, at Fort Hall, did all he could, under the instructions of the company, to induce as many as possible to go to California, by telling them all the frightful stories he and his men could invent, of their danger, and t?" UtJlculties they must encounter in getting through to the settlement - i) the Wallamet. This "ompany IMMIGRATION OF 1843. 361 Tiie immi^rnlion bronc;lit with them thirteen liundred head of cattle, of 1842 amounted to one hundred and thirty-seven men, women, and chii(hen, a limited supply of " I'le, and a number of wagons to Fort Hall, where they were induced to abandon most of them, through the false statements of the man in charge. The immigration of 1843, under the guidance of Dr. Whitman, brought most of their wagons, teams, and cattle through all sale. They opened the road to the Columbia, and the trail through the Cascade Mountains, which was only an obscure Indian trail quite difficult to pass in 1842, on account of brush, logs, and fallen timber. Our population, all told, now amounted to not far from twelve hun- dred. Among the immigrants of 1842 and '43 there were many excel- lent families, and intelligent, industrious, noble-hearted young men ; with a full proportion of miserable scoundrels. Most of the families soon found locations, and having some little means, with the assistance they could obtain from the Methodist Mission, .ind such as was brought by Captain Couch in the brig Maryland, and the barks Lausanne and Toulon, by Captain Crosby, sent by Mr. Cushing of Newburyport, soon commenced permanent improvements. The winter was mild and the larger portion of them Avere prosperous and happy in their new homes. The povisional government was formed and put in operation in July previous to the arrival of the large immigration of 1843. Supplies of tlour, sugar, and tea had been sent from the settlement to meet such a8 iiiiglit be in want on their way into the Wallamet Valley. Cvova. the time it was known that Dr. 'Whitman bad safely arrived in Washington, and the boundary line was not settled, the whole policy of the Hudson's Bay Company changed. Advances of outfits were made to such men as Hastings and his party, Burnett, and other prominent men. Employment was given to a select few, and every fincouiagement and inducement held out to assist as many as could be prevailed upon to go to California; while those who contemplated making Oregon a permanent home were denied supplies or employ- ment, especially those who had asked the protection of the American government. Those who proposed going to California could readily get all the supplies they required of the company by giving their notes payable in California. It was well understood by most of them when they gave their notes that they never expected to pay them. Two of them informed us that tbey did not intend to pay if they went out of the country, as they un- derstood it as equivalent to hiring, or giving them their outfit to induce them to IcMvc. This last remark applies particularly lo the immigration of 1842, and MliilJ^ 'I i III N 362 HISTORY OF OREGON. I* f P the company that went to California with Mr. Haetings in the spring of 1843. This policy continued up to 1847-8, when the company found themselves, as they supposed, through the inHuence of their Jesuit mis- sions and Indian allies, prepared to fully maintain their licensed mer- cantile privileges, but found themselves confronted by an army of five hundred brave and determinad men, and an organization sufficiently strong and united to compel them to again change their policy, thoug'i not their secret hatred. of what they termed American intrusion upon their imaginary rights in the country. In the seventeenth pi*ge of their memorial, they assert, "And they had therein and thereupon a right of trade which was virtually exclusive. * * * And such right , ;" radc, and the control, possession, and use of said Territory, for the . , .aes thereof, independent of their foreign commerce and the sale of timber, exceeding in total value the sum of two hundred thousand pounds sterling {$973,333.33)." This statement is made in behalf of that company as their profits in trade before and up to 1 846, which, together with the declaration of Dr. McLaughlin and Mr. Douglas, us found in chapter jifty-four, addressed to our Executive Committee under date March 11 aod 12, 1845, is sufficient to indicate the true policy of the company, which will be more fully developed as we proceed. .»«,'. 1/ ■,'//■'-,' '/.!■!?;(■ '='l'';" f it i 1 '• i • S " 1^ )i V ^ CHAPTER XLVH Actions Bpeak louder than words. — Efforts of tho Hudson's Bay Company to diaeourage immigration. — Account of tho two Jesuits, F. N. Elanchet and P. J. De Smet. — Protestant missionaries discouraged. — Important position of the Rov. G Bines. — Kecall of the Rev. Jason Lee. — Efforts of the Hudson's Bay Company ,o prevent emigration to tho Territory. — Statement of General Palmer. — Indian combinations. — The Donner party. — Mr. McBean's character. — Extent of Oregon at this timo. Reaching thoughts by actions. This the historian of the times has a right to do ; and by comparing the act and result, he can arriv e with almost mathematical certainty as to what the thought was that origin- ated the act, and produced the result. But we are not confined to this mode of reasoning. We have their own, and the statements of those favorable to them, to substantiate our conclusions. 1st. The inadvertent statement of F. Ermatinger, one of their chief traders, in 1838, that in case the American government attempted to take this country, the Hudson's Bay Company would arm their eight hundred half-breeds, ard with the aid of the Indians, drive Lack any force that could be sent across the continent to take it. Their navy could defend the coast. The Jesuits could influence the Indians. 2d. The arrangements made to bring to the country the Red River immigrants in 1842. 3d. The stationing of a ship of war at Vancouver to protect the company. 4th. The building of bastions at Fort Vancouver, and strengthening that post in 1845-6. 5th. The refusal of Mr. Douglas to furnish supplies to the provisional troo[ 1, sent to punish the parties engaged in the Wailatpu massacre. 6th. The supplying of Indians, by Mr. Ogdeii, with a large amount of war material, and his avowal not to have any thing to do with American difficulties. 1th. The letters and correspondence of Sir James Douglas. 8th. The positive statements of William MoBean. flth. The statements of Vicar-General Brouillet. 10th. The correspondence and letters of Bishop Blanchet. 11th, The testimony they have produced in support of their claims. 12th. The designs of tho British government as indicated by Jame) Edward Fitzuferald. It ! ij '.ii ' I 1 t I iff if' I Ills f'^ fl 364: HISTORY OP OREGON. IStli. The sending of American immigrants f'-nm Fort Hall and Oreffon to California. 14tli. The attempt to supply the Indians in the interior, by the aid of Romish priests, with a large amount of ammunition. 15th. The implacable hatred implanted in the mind of the Indian against Americans, through the influence of the Hudson's Bay Com- pany and the Jesuit missionaries brought to the country for that purpose. 16th. The strict rules of the company, and the continued effort to enforce those rules to the destruction of lifo and property. We now come to the thoughts which originated and caused the fore- going acts. T/tese American missionaries have done more to defeat lis, to settle the cotmtry, and defer the establishment of the boundary line, than all other efforts and causes combined. We must make another effort to destroy their influence, and drive them and their settlements from the country ; and thus secure it to the British crown, for the 'ise of the company, at the risk of a war between the two countries. It will be remembered that Messrs. Lee, Parker, Whitman, Spalding, Gray, and other missionaries, had their passports from the Secretary of War of the United States, giving them permission to travel through, and settle as teachers in, the Indian country; and that all military officers and agents of the government w^ere instructed to facilitate their efforts, and, if at any time it Avas necessary, afford tliem protection. These passports had been dnly presented to the Hudson's Bay Com- pany at Vancouver, and had the effect to prevent a direct effort to destroy or drive them from the country, as they had done to all who preceded them. Hence, an extra effort must be made to get rid of this American missionary influence, and the settlements they wore gathering arounci them. We will now proceed to give historical fads as connected with results. Two intelligent, jovial, yet bigoted priests had been brought to : !" country by the company. They had traveled all through it, and hae. These priests fully understood ti)e licensed riglits of the Hudson's Bay Com- pf^ny, and the efforts they wore making V, secure it to the British crown. They were also assurod that, iti cat.e tlie American Protestant influence could be driven from it, the Papal would become the prevailing religion, as in California and Mexico. Thev knew tht.t the English I f II ,, 1^ ■ : r aa' EFFORTS TO DESTROY MISSIONS. 365 Episcopal effort was an early and utter failure, and that no renewed effort would be ma'le in their behalf by the company, and that thoy were then using thei/ influence to drive the Wesleyan mission ariea from Moose Factory. Hence, they and their associates entered upop tlieir work with a zeal and energy only equaled by him who was tlieir first victim. F. N. Blanchet visited Canada, New York, and Home, and was made Bishop of Oregon. His associate, P. J. De Smet, gatli^ rod liis priests and nuns, returned to the country, and entered vigorously upon their missionary work, having the substantial aid of the Hudson's Bay Company, and the personal assistance of its members. Their cliurclies, nunneries, and schools sprung up as if by niagie in Fi-encli Prairie, Oregon City, Vancouver, the Dalles, Umatilla, Pen d'Oreille, Colville, and St. Marie. The Protestant missions in the couiitry were greatly annoyed by the unreasonable and threatenir v conduct of tlie Indians about their stations. They were demanding unreasonable pay for the lands upon which the stations were located, and paying but little or no attention to their American teachers. Th<> American missionaries were becoming disheartened and discouraged, and were beginning to ' abar.don their stations. Rev. A. B. Smith, of the Kez Perce mission. Dr. Richmond, from -N'asqualla, Rev. Messrs. Kone and Frost, from Clatsop, and Mr. Edwards had left the country. Rev. Daniel Lee, Rev. H. K. W. Perkins. Mr. Brewer, and Dr. Babcock, had all become dissatisfied, and thought tliey had found a plausible excuse for kiaving. A simple statement of a man in the cmpluj of the Hudson's Bay (/om- pany had more influence with them than their missionary vows and obligations to the churches that sent them out. They were not satisiied with leaving themselves, but made charges against the purest and bt.vst man ily, an inijKjrtaut instrvMnft aad apolo- gist ill tliis dw'p-laid scheme to rid the country of Pl^»be8tMit mission- aries anl American settlements. He was led to join his intluanco ipf I'l 111 1 T:^ !1 ' ijlll , ■ ,. , ii^ 1 '*^ f^ ■ ,ii i ' V i i ^Pl: ■t t 866 HISTORY OP OREGON. against his truest and best friend, who is called home and superseded, and the mission stations abandoned and broken up. Mr. nines, on pages 236-7 of his book, says : " With regard to the objections against Mr. Lee, arising from his not furnishing the Board with the desirable report concerning the disbursement of the large appropri,fiions, it should be observed that no such charge of delin- quency appears against liim, up to the time of the appointment of the great re-enforcement." Dr. White was known to be a bitter enemy of Rev. Jason Lee, and a willing tool of the Hudson's Bay Company. Mr. Hines, as his book, and the lettere he wrote to Dr. White and the Indian Department at Washington, show, was favorable to the pro- ceedings and policy of Dr. White and the Hudson's Bay Company. We understand, tlirough Rev. Mr. Geary, that Mr. Hines attributed to Mr. Lee's advice expenditures for buildings that were the pet objects of Mr. Hines himself; and thus Rev. .1. Lee, to gratify the wish of other?, yielded his own convictions of right, and in this way became an object of censure, which was the cause of his removal. The "changes inconceivably great with respect to the Indians of Oregon," which, Rev. Mr. Hines says " took place betwixt the time the great re-enforceraent was called for, and the time of their arrival in the Columbia River," were brought to bear, and had their influence and effect, upon him, in his Umpqua missionary trip, in his trip to the interior, in his representations to his Missionary Board, in his opposi- tion to the provisional government, and had their influence upon his missionary brethren. These men, Mr. Hines included, instead of studying the true interests of the country, — their obvious duty to the churches that sent them out, and the cause they represented, — were flattered and joled by the artful members of a foreign monopoly, and made to believe they had talents superior to the field in which they were placed by the influence and advice of the superintendent, Mr. Lee, forgetting the changes above intimated, and having no suspicions that a secret foreign influence was working to bring about the utter failure of their Indian missions; nor supposing that the brightest and best talents would secure the most attention, and the surest effort to render them dissatisfied. The whole statement about Mr. Lee's recaM, and the reasons assigned, appear to us to be imjust (though, perhaps, not intended) to the char- acter of Mr. Lee. It was after the great rc-enforcement spoken of, tliat the large expenditures referred to were made; hence, Mr. Hines' excuse confirms the charge, and he only attempts to change the responsibility to another; while Mr. Lee, like Dr. McLaughlin, is suf- fered to fall by tlie influence of his professed friends. GENERAL PALMER'S STATEMENT. 367 The Jesuit priests, co-laborers with the Ilutlson's Bay Company, did not hesitate to poison the minds of all who would listen to them against the Protestant missionaries and all their efforts ; neither did they hesitate as to the means, so long as a certain object was to be accomplished. Le Breton, Lee, and Whitman must fall by their influence. The character of others must suffer by their malicious slanders and false statements. See Brouillet. pages 20 and 21, in which he attempts to show that Dr. Whitman and others were in the habit of poisoning melons to prcA'cnt the Indians from stealing them, while the fact is, the Doctor encouraged the Indians to come and get mel- ons to eat freely, in order to induce them to cultivate for themselves ; and we are certain that no one at the station at that time thought of putting poison into melons. As we said, we are reading thoughts by words and acts, so as to arrive at a correct conclusion as to the thought that caused the act. The American missionaries and settlements must be driven from the country. To do this, the Indians that have heretofore been kept at war among themselves, must now be united. Some changes must be made ; Grant, of the Hudson's Bay Company, must occupy Fort Hall, and do all he can to turn immigrants to California, and rob such as per- sist in coming to Oregon. General Palmer says in his journal, page 43 : " While we remained at this place (Fort Hall) great efforts were made to induce the immigra- tion to pursue the route to California. The most extravagant tales were related respecting the dangers awaiting a trip to Oregon, and the difficulties and trials to be surmounted. The perils of the way were so magnified as to make us suppose the journey to Oregon almost impossible. For instance, the two crossings of Snake River, and the crossings of the Columbia and other smaller stieams, were represented as being attended with great danger. Also, that no company hereto- fore attempting the passage of these streams, succeeded but with the loss of men, from the violence and rapidity of the currents, as also that they had never succeeded in getting more than fifteen or twenty head of cattle into the Wallamet Valley. " In addition to the above, it was asserted that three or four tribes of Indians in the middle regions had combined for the 2nirj)ose of preventing our passage through their country. In case we escaped destruction at the bands of the savages, that a more fearful enemy — famine — would attend our march, as the distance was so great that winter would overtake us before making the Cascade Mountains. On the other hand, as an inducement to pui-sue the California route, we were informed of the shortness of the route when compared with 't\ .Mdt 'is 368 HISTORY OF OREGON. r rt ■»4 -r ■ t^-&-i!i ^ that to Oregon, as also of the many other superior advantages it pos- sessed." It is not our intention to go into the history of California, but give what strictly relates to Oregon and her people in tliose early times. In the paragraph we have quoted from General Palmer's journal, tlio reader will see a fiendish, a damning policy; and if our language; has any severer terms to express evil motives and intentions, kt liiiu use them, as belonging to the course pureued by that organization yclept Honorable Hudson's Bay Company, in attempting to ])revont the settlement of Oregon, and sending whole families to starve and perish, and become cannibals in the mountains of California, rather than tell the truth, and aid them in getting to Oregon ; as Avill be seen by the following extract from the Gold Hill (Nevada) News, concern- ing the horrible sufferings of " The Donner Party :" — "The world perhaps never produced a sadder and a truer story, nor one which will be so long remembered by many whose fortunes were cast on the Pacific slope in the eai'ly days of its settlement by the Americans. We personally knew one of the families that perished among the Donner party, and on reading the interesting letter in the Union it awakened in our memory a little incident in connection willi this sad calamity, which happened in the State of Illinois twenty years ago last April. At that time we were publisher of a newspaper in Putnam County, Illinois. Oregon and California were beginnnig to attract the attention of the Western people ; and in the spring ot 1846 a party of about fifty persons, farmers with their families, and young men, was made up in that county destined for Oregon. When the day of departure arrived, the whole party assembled in a village called Magnolia to agree upon camp regulations, appointment of officers, etc. As a journalist, we attended that meeting and published a full account of its proceedings. Among the party was " Uncle Billy Graves" anJ his family, consisting of father, mother, two daughters, and a son, tln! ages of the children ranging from fifteen to twenty years. Uncle Billy Graves wsm a well-to-do fiirmcr, with every thing comfortable about him ; and, having already reached the age of threescore, it was a matter of surprise to many that he should sell his farm and start oil' to make a new home in such a far-off and wild country as Oregon tluu was. But the country in Illinois was getting too tliickly settled for the old man, and he longed for the wild adventures of the far west, lie I)leaded and persuaded us to go with him, and to bring our olliec along, as Oregon would some day be a great country, and we would have llie credit of having been the first to publish a ne\V8])apcr in it. But cir- cumstances over which we had no control prevented us, allliough we THE DONNER PARTY. 3G9 certainly had the will and the wish just as Uncle Billy Graves advised. We remained in Illinois, and the Graves family joined with the overland party for Oregon. Letters written by the party during the summer were published in our paper. The last one Avritten by any of the Graves family was dated at Fort Laramie, and this was the last heard of the old farmer, lie joined the Donner party, which separated from the emigration to Oregon at Fort Hall, near the headwaters of the Columbia, and wending his way westward toward California, before its gold-fields were known in the world, he perished in the mountains, and his good old wife perished with liim. The son and daughters of the Graves family were among the persons who were rescued by the relief party of sailors and others who were sent out by the benevolent Americans at Sutter's Fort and San Francisco. A long letter written by one of the Graves girls was published in our paper in the year 1847, and which contained a full and sad account of the awful sufierings of the party. We shall never forget the manuscript of the letter. It was blotted all over with the tears which the poor girl shed while describing the sufferings of her famishing parents, their death, and the flesh of their dead bodies furnishing food for their starving children! Horrible ! horrible ! Let the bleached bones and skulls of the Donner party be gathered together and decently buried, for they once belonged to good Christian people." The Indians also have become deeply interested in their schemes to prevent the settlement of the country. We are told by Mr. Hines, on page 143, that they sent one of their chiefs on snow-shoes, in the winter of 1842-3, to excite or induce the Buffalo Indians to join them to cut off the immigrants that were expected to come to the country with Dr. Whitman. .Ml'. McKirdey, a professedly warm friend of Dr. Whitman, was removed from having charge of Fort Nez Perccs, and W^illiam McBean, who (Mr. Roberts, an old clerk of the Hudson's Hay Company, says) " is one of the d dcst scoundrels that ever lived," put in his place. The reader will not forget that we are speaking of events and move- ments in a country where an Indian in a canoe or on horseback or snow-shoes was our swiftest messenger, and that its boundaries included what is now the State of Oregon, the Territories of Washington, Idalio, and Montana, besides Vancouver Island and British Columbia. The Hudson's Bay Company was a powerful and unscrupulous mon- opoly, and the only representative of a vast empire on this western part of our continent. To possess the whole, or a valuable part of it, was an object worth using the influence they had spent years of labor and thousands (not millions, as they claim) of dollars to secure. 24 I 370 HISTORY OF OREGON. The time has now arrived when all is at stake. TTie American miasionary societies have accomplished what American commerce and fur traders have failed to do. The trouble is now between a " squaio- tocracy of British skin traders " and Italian and Belgian Jesuits on one side, and American missionaries and settlements on the other. The traders and Jesuits have nearly overcome the American missionary influence. The settlements are organized. The old policy to get rid of all opposi- tion fur traders, destroy Indian influence, and break up missions, must be tried, to prevent and destroy the settlements. The tlioughts expressed in this chapter have carried us in advance of the date of culminating events ; hence, we must return, in order that we may bring them in the order of their occurrence. ^rmnw H CHAPTER XLVm. 1844. — The settlements alarmed. — Indian attack. — Death of G. W. Le Breton. — Meeting at Mr. La Chapclle's. — Volunteer company formed. — The Modeste in the Columbia River. — The Legislative Assembly. — Names of the members. — Peter II. Burnett. — Mr. David Hill. — Oregon social standard. — M. M. McCarvor. — "Old Brass Gun." — A. L. Lovejoy. — Daniel Waldo. — Thomas D. Keizer. — Black act. — Prohibitory liquor law. 1844. — March 9th of this year found our settlements alive and in great alarm. The Indians in the vicinity of Oregon City had made an attack upon the town on the 4th instant, and three white men had been wounded and one Indinn killed. G. W. Le Breton was wounded while attempting to take the Indian that commenced the attack, by a ball enter- ing and breaking his arm, from the effect of which he died some twelve days after, and was buried at Vancouver, where be had been taken for surgical treatment. The other two received slight flesh wounds, although one proved fatal — probably made by a poisoned arrow. The Indians commenced the fight in open day, and continued it till their leader was taken by Le Breton, after his arm was broken. The Indian was placed under guard, and, on attempting to make his escape, was killed. Those who were with him, and took part in the fight, fled into the thick wood back of the town, and escaped. This account, which we h.ave received from other sources, will be seen to differ slightly from the one already given by Dr. White in his letter to the Secretary of War. A proclamation was issued by the Executive Committee, calling for an organization of the military forces in the settlement. It appears, from the record of those times, that but one company was organized in Champoeg District. The proceedings of that meeting, as noted by the writer, anil signed by the secretary, gives the fullest account we have, and properly belongs to the history of the limes. The, attempt to de- stroy the people and town at Waliamet Falls was made on the 4th of March ; the news was conveyed to the old mission and Salem on the 5th ; notices were immediately sent to the American population to meet on the 9th, with arms, to organize for defensive or ofiensive measures. In tlie mean time, each individual and family took such precautionary measures as were thought advisable, keeping guard over their se|)arate and individual possessions. Most of the French or Hudson's Bay Com- • \ ' '. r ■ ' »f! ill ttii^h IMAGE EVALUATION TEST T/!IGET (MT-3) I 1.0 I.I 11.25 Ug|2B |25 Itt I2ii |Z2 2.0 lU I U 11.6 V f Photographic Sciences Corporation #^ 4< \ iV \ ^^ ^ >^ '^rl\ 23 WEST MAIN STIEET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) S72-4503 6^ 872 HISTORY OF OREGON. pany's servants showed no alarm on the occasion, and very few of them turned out, or paid any attention to the military call, though the meet- ing was at the house of a Frenchman. The citizens of Champoeg having met on March 9, at the house of Mr. La Chapelle, in accordance with the proclamation issued, the meet- ing was called to order by one of the Executive Committee, and the proclamation read. Upon the suggestion of the executive, W. H. Wilson was chosen chairman of this meeting, and T. D. Keizer, secretary. The object of the meeting was briefly explained by one of the Execu- tive Committee, Hon. A. Beers, and the chairman. Information was called for concerning the depredations committed at Wallumet Falls on the 4th instant. Mr. Boers presented an official letter from Hon. D. Hill, one of the Executive Committee, which was read. Statements were made by Mr. Garrison respecting accounts received from other sources, and a letter was presented by the United States sub-Indian agent, from A. L. Love- joy, Esq., respecting the aflair of the 4th, which was read. Statements were made by Hon. A. Beers concerning the steps they had taken, and the orders they had issued. On motion, the United States sub-Indian agent was requested to give his views and advice on the subject. He accordingly related his pro- ceeding in reference to the matter ; said he was unprepared to give advice, or suggest what was best to be done in the present case. He was fully aware of the defenseless state of the colony and the dangers to which it was exposed. He knew the character of the Indian that was killed to be of the vilest kind, and that he had threatened nnd attempted the lives of citizens before. The agent said he had made an unsuccessful attempt to take him, and have him punished by the Cay- uses, to avoid the danger that might result from the whites punishing him themselves. This renegade had attempted to induce the Indians at the falls to burn the town ; and, faling in this object, he returned across the river. The citizens attempted peaceably to take him, but in the affray three whites were wounded, and one Indian killed. The agent thought a more efficient organization of the Territory necessary. Some remarks were made by W. H. Gray, and a resolution offered as follows : — Mtsolved, That in view of the facts presented, we deem it expedient to organize a volunteer company of mounted riflemen, to co-operate with other companies, to bring to justice all the Indians engaged in the affair of the 4th of March, and to protect our lives and property against any attempt at future depredations. FIRST VOLUNTEER COMPANY. 878 Carried unanimously. Whereupon W. H. Gray presented some arti- cles of compact as the basis of an organization of n volunteer company, which, on motion, and with warm expressions of approbation from the Uniteil States sub-Indian agent, were adopted, and immediately sub- scribed to by nineteen volunteers. The articles of compact allowed the company to elect a captain, lieu- tenant, and ensign, as soon as twelve men should be enlisted, so the company proceeded, by nomination, to elect their officers, to wit : For captain, T. D. Eeizer ; first lieutenant, J. L. Morrison ; for ensign, Mr. Cason. The captain gave notice to the company of his acceptance of the appointment, requesting them to meet at the Oregon Institute, armed and equipped, on the 1 1th inst, for company drill. On motion, the following resolution was adopted, viz. : — Mesoloed, That this meeting reccutmeiid to our fellow-citizens of this Territory, to orgiinize volunteer companies in their respective districts forthwith ; .and to rendezvous at the Oregon Institute, on Saturday, the 23d instant, at 12 m. Moved, that the proceedings of this meetintr be signed by the chair- man and secretary, and as much of them as is deemed proper be trans- mitted to other districts. Carried. On motion, adjourned. W. II. Wii.soN, Chairman. T. D. Keizer, Secretary. It will be seen by Dr. White's statement, that the Indian killed was a renegade from the Caynse or upper country Indians. lie w-is doing all he could to excite the Indians and get them to join in a general combination to destroy the American settlements in the Wallamet Val- ley. Dr. White, as he stated to the meeting, had now reached the utmost limit of his authority and influence. He knew not what to dn. He was too big a coward to propose any bold measure, and too mean to be trusted by the settlers; hence, if the rea, and border- ing on the Pacific Ocean ; but one claims as much right as the other, and both claim the right of joint occupancy of the whole without pre- judice to the claims of any other state or power to any part of said country. We have submitted to you this information, gentlemen of the Assem- bly, for two reasons : — Ist. To correct an error that occurred in our last communication to this body relative to the olaims of the United States and Great Britain to this country. 2d. That you may bear in mind, while legislating for the people of Oregon, the position in which this country stands with regard to ihof 9 claims. We would advise that provision be made by this body for the fram- ing and adoption of a constitution fur Oregon, previous to the next annual election, which may serve as a more thorough guide to her officers, and a more firm basis of her l.iws. It should bo constructed in such a mannpr as would best suit the local situation of the country, and promote the general interests of the citizens, without interfering with the real or pretended rights of the United States or Great Britain, except when the protection of life and property actually require it. We would suggest for your information that this government has now in its possession notes given by different individuals residing in the country, amounting to $3,734.26, most of which are already due. These notes are a balance in favor of Ewing Young, of Oregon, de- ceased, intestate, a. d. 1840, after all legal dues, debts, and damages are paid, that have come to the knowledge of the administrator or Probate Courts of Oregon up to this date. We would, therefore, advise that t'\ r HISTORY OP OREGON. these claimi should be collected and appropriatod to the benefit of the country, tho government being at all timus responsible for the pajnuent of them to those who maj hereafter appear to have a legal right to the ■ame. We would again cali yonr attention to a measure recommended in our last communication, to wit, the expediency of making provision for the erection cf a public jail in this country. Although the community has suifcred very little as yet for the want of such a building, and per- bnp2i another year might pass without its being occupied, which it is hoped may be the caie, yet wc are assured that it is better policy ^" have the building standing without a tenant than a tenant without the build- ing. And in order to promote industry and the peace and welfare of the citizens of Oregon, this government must be prepared to discounte- nance indolence, and check vice in the bud. We would now recommend to your consideration the propriety of making provision for filling public offices which now are or may become vacant by resignation or otherwise, previous to the next annual election. We would recommend that the act passed by this ai^sembly in June last, relative to blacks and mnlattoes, be so amended as to exclude corporal punishment, nnd require bonds for good behavior in its stead. We consider it a highly important subject that the executive of this government should have laws which may direct them in settling mat- ters relative to lands reserved by Indians, which have been, or may hereafler be, settled upon by whites. We would also recommend that provisions be made for the support of lunatics and insane persons in Oregon. With regard to the state of the treasury, we would refer you to the treasurer's report to this Assembly. We are informed that the number of immigrants who have come to this country from the United States during tho present year amounts to upward of seven hundred and fifty persons. We would recommend that the act passed last June, .defining the northern boundaries of Tualatin and Clatsop counties, be so explained as not to conflict with the act passed in this Assembly in June, 184.1, extending tiie limits of Oregon to fifly-four degrees forty minutes north latitude. And we would suggest, in conclusion, that to preserve the peace, good order, and kind feeling, which have hitherto exist ->d among tlie inhabitants of this country, depends very much upon the ciilm and deliberate judgment of this Assembly, and we sincerely hope that Oregon, by the special aid of Divine Providence may set an unpre- cedented example to the world of industry, morality, and virtue. # ^ NEGRO LAW NOT ENFORCED. 388 And although we may now be unknown as a state or power, yet we have the advantage?, by the united efforts of our incrensing populiition, in a diligent attention to agrioullnre, arts, and literature, of attaining, at no distant day, to as conspicuoi -in elevation as any State or power on the continent of America. But in order to carry this impi.rtant measure, and arise to that dis- tinguished station, it beconT'''< >.he dut,y of every citiisen of thid country to take a deep interest in its presen ami luture weltare. As descendants of the United St i'^PH nnd Great Britain, wo should honor and respect the countrios wliich gave us b^'th ; and, as citizens of Oregon, we should, by a uniform course of proccvJlng, and a strict observance of the rules of justice, equity, and republican principles, without party distinction, use our best endeavors to cultivate the kind feeling, not only of our native countries, but of all the powers or states with whom we may have intercourse. Signed, Osbobxe Russell, P. G, Stewaut. Executive Committee of Oregon. Dated, Wallamet Falls, Dec. 16, 1844. To the honor of the country, Peter H. Burnett's neijro- whipping law was never enforced in a single instance, against a white or black man, " as no officer of the provisional government felt it incumbent upon him- self to attempt to enforce it. The proposed constitutional revision was also strongly recommended by the Executive Committee, and the Lcgishitive Committee went through the farce of calling a convention, and increased the number of representatives, and called it a Legislature. In fact, the whole pro- ceedings seemed only to mix up and confuse the people ; so much so, that some doubted the existence of any legal authority in the country, and the leading m^i of the immigration of 1843 denounced the organ- ization as a missionary arrangement to secure the most valuable farming lands in the cotmtry. The Hudson's Bay Company, under the guidance of James Douglas and P. S. Ogden, carried forward their plans and arrangements by placing men at their posts along the line of the immigrant route, who were doing ail they could, by misrepresentation .ind falsehood, to deceive and rob those who were journeying to this country. But, says the sycophant, the early settlers of Oregon are greatly indebted to the Hudson's Bay Company for supplies of goods ond pro- visions sent to aid the starving immigrants. General Palmer tells us (page 42) that uour at Fort Hall, when he came along, was twenty dol- II i il 'II I i- \''A\ J. 384 HISTORY OF OREGON. lars per one hundred pounds ; cattle were from five to twelve dollars per head. They could not be prevailed upon to receive any thing in exchange for their goods or provisions, except cattle or money. Two to four cows, or two yoke of oxen for a hundred pounds of flour is great genei'osity, and renders the man who gives his last cow or ox to the company, under great obligations ; as much so as the early settlers and the company's servants were in taking care of their cattle for the little milk they could get from them, the compsmy claiming the cow and increase, and pay for any animal lost. This was Hudson's Bay Company's generosity to the early settlers I They found that through tlie influence of Burnett, Newell, Pomeroy, and a few other Americans, they could accomplish more than by direct! opposition, and therefore began to change their course, and manifest approval of the provisional government ; so much so, that Ermatiiiger, a member of the company, was elected treasurer in 1845, in opposition to P. Foster, who served in 1844. During the summer of 1844, Rev. George Geary arrived in the country, " clothed with discretionary power," and had the destiny of missionaries, laymen, property, and all, put into his hands. He superseded Mr. Lee. Mr. Hiiies returned from the Sandwich Islands, and they proceeded at once to dispose of the missionaries and property of the Methodist Mission. The stations at Clatsop, Nasqualla, and the Dalles were given up. That at the Dalles was sold to the American Board, that on Clatsop to Rtv. J. L. Parish, while the station at Nusqualla was abandoned by Rev. J. P. Richmond, who, with Rev. Messrs. Kone and Frost, had be- come dissatisfied with their Indian missionary labors, and returned to the States. Rev. Messrs. D. Lee and H. K. W. Perkins, Dr. Babcock, and Mr. Brewer had all made up their minds to leave the country. These missionaries, having enlisted in a cause surrounded, at the time of their engagements, with all the romance of early missionary life in the far west, as soon as they reached their field of labor, had found that romance and real life among the Indians did not accord with the feel- ings of their proud and supremely selfish hearts. They were not satis- fied with silently withdrawing from the count '•y, and encouraging others more capable and better adapted to the missionary work to come -> it ; but they joined with Dr. White, a bitter enemy '^f Rev. J. Lee, atid suc- ceeded in obtaining the latter gentleman's removal from the superin- tendency, and, through Rev. Messrs. Geary and Hines, the abandon- ment of their Indian mission. As an outside eye-witness of these transactions, we will state frankly our impressions as to the general closing up of the Methodist missionary II' THE COMPANY OBSTRUCT MISSIONARIES. 385 labors among the Indians. The special and general watchfulness of the Hudson's Bay Company, and their influence over the leading members of the mission, and the effort they made to counteract the moral and civil improvement of the Indians, was brought to bear both directly and indirectly upon the superior and subordinate members, the same as it had been upon the members of the missions of the American Board, and caused a division in sentiment as to the usefulness and results of mission- ary labor, and thus crippled their efforts, and caused many of them to join with Dr. White, and complain of Superintendent Lee, as an excuse to abandon the missionary work. While these influences were working their intended results upon all the American missionaries, the Jesuits, having explored the country, under the patronage and by the assistance of the Hudson's Bay Com- pany, were making extensive preparations to occupy it with their nm- sionarics, who were then being collected, and sent from Belgium and Canada to Oregon, under the direction of that arch-Jesuif, F. J. De Smet, and Bishop Blanchet. By the time tbey rrrived, the Methodist Indian missions were all disposed of; thus enauiiiig the Jesuits to fix their undivided attention and combine their united influence against the missions of the American Board, which all admitted were accomplishing a noble work among the tribes of their charge. As Mr. Fitzgerald says : " But the company not only get rid of mis- sionaries as soon as they can do so without dangerous unpopularity, but they obstruct them in the performance of their duties while in the country." (See page 189 of his work.) This opposition to the missionaries was not caused by the Indians, but the personal opposition of the company, as proved by Sir J. Pelly'a answer to thf> question, " Have you found a disposition on the part of the natives to receive moral and religious instruction." "Very great. There were a couple of young lads sent from the Columbia District, to whom the names of Pelly and Garry wore given ; these lads were revered by the natives, when they returned, for the religious instruc- tions they were enabled to give." (See page 195, of the work above quoted.) One Congregational and five Methodist ministers have left the coun- try with their iiimilies. Five Jesuit priests and as many nuns are com- ing to it. Eight hundred emigrants are plodding their way over the ni(.iintains and plains with ox-tcams, to find a home m this country. Tlio sub-Indian agent has worked himself quiet. The Indians arc waiting orders, watching the immigration, and getting ready to strike at the proper time. I' . ^^1 I ' I wmmmmmmmm mm 886 HISTORY OP OREGOU, Mr. Lease bad brought a band of five hundred hjead of California cattle to the countiy and disposed of most of them to the Hndson's Bay Company. The Oregon Printing-Press Association was formed, and about eighty shares, at $10 each, were subscribed, and the money sent to New York for press, type, and paper, by George Abernetliy, Esq., who, aftor the provisional organization in 1843, became a valuable sup- porter of all the best interests of the country. His integrity of charac- ter, consistent piety, and unbounded generosity, but few will question. From his position, and connection with the Methodist Mission, he has suflfered much pecuniary loss, from men who were ever ready to take undue advantage of a confiding and generous disposition. As a public ofiicer he always held a negative position, the tendency of which was to hold all in suspense, and wait for some future action, or to be carried forward by events that might occur. He could not be called a lea'der in any civil, religious, or political measure, yet he truly represented, in his public capacity, the organization of which he was a member. So far as he was capable, he held in abeyance all laws and measures, to what he considered would be the policy of the United States government at some future time. The natural result of this position was, to accomplish nothing definitely. Hence we find in all his public acts, this tender spirit, and want of decided action. Mr. Hincs started for the United States by way of China. The property of the Methodist Mission was distributed, and the settlere had increased; while the Hudson's Bay Company were busily prepar- ing to defend theif assumed rights by arming their forts and Indians in a manner so as not to excite suspicion, or alarm the American settle- ments ump wfmmm'm CHAPTER L. Dr. White's report. — Sei/.ure and destruction of a distillery. — Homicide of Joel Turnham — State of the Territory. — Trials of Dr. White. — The liquor law.— Revenue act. — Caso of the negro Saul. — The Indians kill an ox. — Other Indian difificultieB. — Indian expedition to California. — Death of the Indian Elijah. — State of tlie Territory. — Claim of the Hudson's Bay Company on the north bank of the Columbia. — Letter of Peter II. Burnett. — Tho Nez Perc6s and Cayuses. — Extract from the report of the United States Senate. Wk give the following extracts from Dr. White's Indian report and proceedings in Oregon, that the reader may be informed as to what he claimed to be his influence, and aleo the way he maneuvered with the Indians and settlers ; with his full account of the killing of the young Indian Elijah in Califoitiia The letters from the different missionaries show the condition of the American missions at the time. Mr. Lee and the Jesuit missionaries did not deem him the proper agent to report to. Notwithstanding, in his report, given in a previous chapter, he attributes to the Jesuit mis- sionaries improvements wholly made by the Americans, not from igno- rance of the fact, but from personal prejudice. It will be seen that the committee in Congress, to whom his report and petition was referred, deemed it equitable and just on general principles, and allowed it. Wallamet, November 4, 1844. Sin, — The Hudson's Bay ship Columbia sailing in a few days, via Sandwich Islands, for England, by the politeness of her ownere I have the honor of agnin addressing you, and certainly under circumstanced most favorable and gratifying. Since my last, forvarded in March, aside from two or three incidents of an unpleasant nature, the colony and country have been in a state of unusual quietness, and the season has been one of great prosperity. The legislative body, composed of nine members, met on the 24th of May, at the falls at Wallamet, and closed their short but effective ses- sion in nine days ; having passed, in due form, twenty-five bills, most of which were of importance to us in the regulation of our intei-course. A few of these laws I transmit to you, and would here remark, the taxes were in general cheerfully paid. The liquor bill is popular, and the laws of Oregon are honored. .- \ i 1 :. i I m i i WiPMMViP mm 888 HISTORY OP OREGON. The Liquor act not coming in force under sixty days from its passage, a few individuals (having clandestinely prepared, before its passage) improved this favored moment to dispose of all they could with any hopes of safety. Of this I was immediately notified, and hastened in from the Tualatin Plains, all the mischief, " as heretofore," being done in and about the town at the falls of the Wallamet. Liquor was in our midst, as was but too manifest from the noisy, vulgar, obscene, and even diabolical expressions of those who had pre- viously ever conducted themselves in a quiet and orderly manner. This was perplexing and exciting, as all professed ignorance ; and many opinions prevailed regarding the amount manufactured, and the number interested, and especially regarding the seat of mischief or point where distilled. I resolved, at whatever dj».Kger or cost, to nip this in the bud, pro- cured the call of a public meeting at once, and had the happiness to re- ceive the following expression from all but one convened : — •* Resolved, Tliat it be the sense of this meeting, that j. White, in his official relation, take such assistance as he may requii , and forth- tvith search out and destroy all intoxicating liquor that may be found in this vicinity or district of country. "P. G. Stewart. "John E. Long, ^Executive Chairman. " Secretary." I started with ten volunteers early the ensuing morning, anc' " nnd the distillery in a deep, dense thicket, eleven miles from town, at three o'clock, p. M. The boiler was a large-size potash kettle, and all the ap- paratus well accorded. Two hogsheads and eight baiTcls of slush or beer were standing ready for distillation, with a part of one baiTel of molasses. No liquor could be found, nor as yei had much been distilled. Having resolved on my course, I left no time for reflection, but at once upset the nearest cask, when the noble volunteers immediately seconded my measures, making a river of beer in a moment; nor did we stop till the kettle was raised, and elevated in triumph at the prow of our boat, and every cask, with all the distilling apparatus, was broken to pieces and utterly destroyed. We then returned, in high cheer, to the town, M'liere our presence and report gave general joy. Two houi-8 after my arrival, I received from James Connor, one of the owners, a written challenge for a bloody combat ; which ended last week in his being indicted before the grand jury, fined $500, and disfranchised for life. EESOUROES OF THE COUNTRY. 389 Six weeks since, an unhappy affray occurred between one Joel Tum- ham, late from MiBsouri, and Weblcy Hauxburst, of Wallamet, and serious threats passing from the former, a warrant was issued, and Tumham, resisting with a deadly weapon, was shot down by the officer; for which he comes before the gmnd jury to-morrow. Turn- ham expired at once, being shot with three mortal wounds through the neck and head, but with singular desperation fought and resisted to the last So far as I understand the public expression, all unite in acquitting the officer, who has ever been a harmless, quiet, good citizen; while Tumham was regarded as a most desperate and dangerous character all abroad, having left Missouri under circumstances most unfavorable to his reputation and quiet here, where he has been particularly sour, irritable, and quarrelsome; and was the more obnoxious as he was reputed brave and generally too stout for his antagonist November 8. — Since penning the last, the grand jury have unani- mously declared no bill; and here allow me to say, having accom- panied Judge Babcock to four of the courts embraced in the circuit of five counties, I have not seen in any country such uniform decorum and quietness as has prevailed throughout at these courts. Much of this mildness, sobriety, and good order, is doubtless attributable to the absence of all intoxicating drinks. The laws of this country, framed to meet present circumstances, are taking deeper and stronger root continually. And some are already suggesting, ''notwithstanding our infancy," whether, if longer left without a mother's protection, it will not be well to undertake to run alone. The resources of the country are rapidly developing, and the expec- tations of the people are generally high ; the mildness of the climate and the strength of the soil greatly encourage the large immigration of last year. For the last twelve months, mercury has ranged from 06 to 30 ; four-fiflhs of the time from 80 to 55 ; making an agreeable sum- mer and mild printer, grazing being good throughout; so much so that the jaded and worn-down animals of the poor immigrants fatted np greatly to their surprise, before spring, without feeding or the least attention. Crops of all kinds usually good, even to Indian com, and cheerful- ness prevails throughout since harvesting. As statements have l)een made in the States derogatory to our soil, allow me to say, it is believed, with the same cultivation, no country produces better wheats oats, peas, barley, potatoes, or any 'crop save Indian corn, for which the nights are generally too cool for a heavy growth. The wheat crops. I :.'i' -' RR' ll . mm mmmmi im im BISTORT OF ORSOOir. il^ being never injured by the frosts of winter or the rains of sammcr, as in tlie States, are remai'kably sure ; nor as yet have our crops been disturbed by flies or insects. Wheat crops are heavy, as you will judge when I assure you, from simply turning over the prairie in June, scattering the seed in October, and then with no further trouble than passing the barrow over it, ten acres upon my plantation grew five hundred and forty-one bushels and a half. The river flats, containing much alluvial deposit, are very rich ; the plains beantifal and verdant, being admirably watered, but gener- ally sparsely timbered ; the high lands well timbered and watered in many parts, the soil tolerable, producing herbage for an abundance of deer, elk, mountain sheep, etc. The entire Wallamet and Umpqua valleys, capable of sustaining a population of several millions, it is gen- erally believed can not be excelled, as a whole, for richness of soil, variety, grandeur, or beauty of scenery ; nor, considering the latitude, can be equaled in mildness, equability, and agreeableness of climate. Sincc^ last writing, abundance of limestone has been found at the month of the Columbia, and likewise in this valley, conveniently obtained, and proves of an excellent qnality. The Rev. Mr. De Smet arrived here in August last, bringing, as a part of his cargo, six priests and as many nuns, fine, hale-looking girls, very acceptable just now, particularly as the Met'uodist Mission is breaking up, and the half-breed Canadian daughters are rapidly multiplying. Having no pilot or chart to depend upon, and his commander a • stranger, he sailed in through the south channel, greatly to the sur- prise and alarm of all on. shore, but without injury or difficulty, not once touching, and reporting abundance of water for the heaviest burden ships. The sands are supposed to have changed and improved the channel ; but of this I know nothing, and am not a little skeptical. I am induced to attribute their success more to the fine day and small vessel thaa change of the snnds in their favor since Captain Wilkes left. Captain Couch, however, who has now been passing in and out heie for the last five years in the service of Mr. Ciishing, of Newbory- port, pronounces it a better port to enter than theirs, and says, with pilots, there will be little difficulty or danger. Our exports are wheat, beaver, salmon, and lumber, for which, in return, we obtain from the Sandwich Islands, sugar, molasses, tea, coffee, and other commodities brought there from China, England, and America. We are much in want o'f a currency and market, American mer- chants being as yet a slender reliance ; and in view of the large immi- *l^ mmm mimm UR. LITTLEJOHN'S LBTTBB. MM oVX grating parties of each year, we should be greatly distressed for necessary articles of wearing apparel, but for the most commendable spirit of accommodation on the part of the Hudson's Bay Company. Could some arrangement be entered into for us to supply the liavy of the Pacific with bread, beef, pork, fish, etc., we would thereby be much improved in our condition. This might, and perhaps ought to be done, in view of the encouragemento held out for our people to emigrate to tbi» country. Should it not be convenient for our ships of war to come to the Columbia for such supplies, they could be shipped to the Sandwich Islands, if required. But more of this another time. Having just taken the tour of the colony for the purpose of attend- ing the courts and visiting the schools, it afibrds me pleasure to say I felt amply rewarded. I found throughout health, cheerfulness, and prosperity, and, certainly, most surprising improvements for the short time 8inc« the settlers commenced. The decorum of the courts I have spoken o£, aud now have only to speak of the schools and Indians, and I am done, fearing I have already wearied your patience. For the want of means, the Methodist manual labor Indian school has lately been broken up, and this is now occupied as a boarding-school for white children of both sexes. The school is yet small, but well con- ducted, and promises usefulness to the colony. The school at the falls of the Wallamet and Tualatin Plains, and likewise the one under the direction of Rev. Mr. Blanchet, Catholic clergyman, are all small, — numbering from fifte'jn to thirty only, — but are all well kept and doing good. I feel solicitous on this subject, and am saying and doing what I can to encourage education, but, likb all other new countries, the people need and require their children much at home. Since the unhappy affair last spring, the Indians have been unusually quiet, and the summer has been spent without alarm. I sent my inter- preter, Mr. Lee, to the Wallawallas six Aveeks since, to make some presents to the chiefs, as a safe conduct to the immigrants down to this place, but having, as yet, nothing from him of interest, I addressed a line to Mr. J. B. Littlejohn, who is just down from there, and received the annexed reply ; all other statements are corroborative : — ' ^!| rt i'-. » tl V 1 " Wallambt, November 1, 1844. " Deab Sib, — It is with the utmost pleasure I undertake to give you what information I am able to do. I have resided with the missionaries of the American Board for two years past ; I have known their hearts, and am well acquainted with all they have done. Their influence among the Indians is by no means small, or their efforts vain, as their condi- tion is very much improved, both in a spiritnal and temporal point of mmmmfn^^ 89d HISTORY OB' OREGON. view. And, dear sir, your efforts among and for them have been mnch to their advantage, and at the same time not to the disadvantage of the misBioiiarics, but greatly to increase their usefuhiess among them. I have no doubt yon have labored with this motive in view. The Indians arc becoming civilized as fast or faster than any tribes concerning whom I am informed. Their anxiety for cattle, hogs, and sheep is vei-y great ; leading them to make most commendable efforts to obtain them, and their efforts are by no means vain. They have purchased a good num- ber from those who are emigrating to this country, by exchanging their horses for cattle. Thus, while their horses have been very useful to the immigrants, they have greatly benefited themselves. They are enlarg- ing their farms yearly, — improving much in fencing, etc. Quite a num- ber of families arc enabled to live from what they raise on their fanns, the milk of their cows, and their beef. There is perfect quietness ex- isting between them, and I have no doubt this state of things will con- tinue to exist. Many things that are interesting might be written, but time does not allow me to say more at present. " I am, dear sir, yours with the greatest respect, "J. B. LiTTLEJOHN." Tlins far the Indians have kept their treaties of amity with me aston- ishingly well, and it is thought we have now as much to hope as fear from them, if we succeed in keeping out liquor, which, by the grace of God, not a few of us are resolved to do, though we do not pass un- opposed, nor slightly opposed ; and had it not been for that most salu- tary liquor law, and the hearty co-operation of some of the friends of temperance with your agent, liquor would have already made ruinous havoc among us. The Methodist Mission, though we have not agreed on all subjects, has behaved very properly on this. And to it, in connection with the Honorable Hudson's Bay Company, will the colony be lastingly in* debted for its commendable efforts. Since my firet arrival, I have not received a line from the department save my last yeai-'s report. As my condition is peculiar, and not a lit- tle embarrassing, I should feel gpreatly obliged for an expression and further instruction from the department. I have had, as may well bo judged, much to contend with, in the midst of lawless Indians of so many different tribes, and lawless whites of so many nations, — some bred upon old whale-ships, others in the Rucky Mountains, and hundreds on the frontiers of Missouri. I have at times waded in deep pei"plexing difficulties, but am now greatly relieved by the colonial government, which as yet is well administered. B^ reason of this I now have less FIRST PROHIBITORY LIQUOR LAW. 393 to do, and sail in smootlicr Bcns, meeting with less opposition than heretofore, my proper official relations toward the whites and Indians heing better understood. I have the honor to be, etc., E. WniTK, Sub- Agent Indian Affairs, W. R. M. Hon. J. M. POBTBB, Secretary of War, Wpshington An Act to prohibit the Manufacture and Sale of Ardent SpiriU. Whereas the people of Oregon, now occupying one of the most beau- tiful and interesting portions of the globe, are placed in the most critical and responsible position ever iilled by men, owing, as ther do, import- ant duties to themselves, to their country, to posterity, and to mankind, as the founders of a new government and a young nation ; and whereas the introduction, distillation, or sale of ardent spirit.s, under the circam- Btances in which we are placed, would bring withering ruin npon the prosperity and prospects of this interesting and rising commnnity, by involving us in idle and dissolute habits, inviting hither swarms of the dissipated inhabitants of other countries, checking im' jigration, destroy- ing the industry of the country, bringing upon us the swarms of savages now in our midst, interrupting the orderly and peaceable administration of justice, and, in a word, producing and perpetuating increasing and untold miseries that no mind can rightly estimate ; therefore. Be it enacted by the Legislative Committee of Oregon asfoOow* : — Sectiox 1. That if any person shall hereafter import or introduce any ardent spirits into Oregon, with intent to sell, barter, or trade the same, and shall offer the same for sale, barter, or trade, he shall be fined the sum of fifty dollars for each and every such offense, which may be re- covered by indictment or by trial before a justice of the peace, without the form of pleading. Sec. 2. That if any person shall hereafter sell, barter, or trade any ardent spirits of any kind whatever, directly or indirectly, to any per- son within Oregon, he shall forfeit and pay the sum of twenty dollars for each and every such sale, barter, or trade, to be recovered by indict- ment in the Circuit Court, or before a justice of the peace, without the form of pleading. Sec. 3. That if any person shall hereafter establish or carry on any manufactory or distillery of ardent spirits in Oregon, he shall be subject to be indicted before the Circuit Court as for a nuisance ; and if con- victed, he shall be fined the sum of one hundred dollars, and the court ! rA \ M \ 894 HISTORY OF OHEOOir. r ■ Q '■ Bhall issue an order to the sheriff, directing him to seize and destroy the distilling apparatus, which order the sheriff shall execute. Src. 4. That it shall be the duty of all sheriffs, judges, justices, con- stables, and other officers, when they have reason to believe that this act has been violated, to give notice thereof to some justice of the peace or judge of a court, who shall immediately issue his warrant and cause tho offending party to be arrested, and, if such officer has jurisdiction to try such case, shall proceed to try such offender without delay, and givo judgment accordingly ; but, if such officer shall not have jurisdiction to try the case, he shall, if the party bo guilty, bind him over to appear before the next Circuit Court of the proper county. Sbc. 5. That all sales, barters, or trader, made under color of gifls or otherwise, with intent to evade this act, shall be deemed a violation of the same, and all fines and penalties recovered under this act shall go into the general treasury, and all officers receiving the same shall pay over to the sheriff, whose duty it shall be to pay the same into the treasury. Sec. 6. That this act shall not be so construed as to prevent any prac- ticing physician from selling such liquors for medicine, not to exceed one gallon at one time. Sec. 7. That the clerk shall make out a copy of this act and put the same up in Oregon City as early as practicable. Sec. 8. That this act shall take effect within sixty days from &t\i after its passage. Passed 24th June, 1844. M. M. McCabyer, Speaker. Attest : J. E. Loxo, Clerk. An Act to provide for Ways and Means. Be it enacted by the Legislative Committee of Oregon aa follows:— Sbctiox 1. That in order to raise a revenue for the purpose of defray- ing the expenses of the government, there shall be levied and collected a tax of one-eighth of one per cent, upon the.following property, at a fair valuation, to wit : All merchandise brought into this country for sale ; improvements in town lots ; mills ; pleasure-carriages ; clocks ; watches ; horses ; mules ; cattle and hogs. Sec. 2. Every male citizen over the age of twenty-one years, being a descendant of a white man, shall be subject to pay a poll-tax of fifty cents. Sec. 3. That it shall bo the duty of the collector of revenue to require of each and every merchant of Oregon to give him a statement of the amount of all merchandise on hand, in writing, to be stated upon oath or affirmation, which oath or affirmation the collector shall administer; PRIMITIVE TRIAL. D95 »nd said collector Hhall collect and receipt for the tax npon rqcIi mer- chandise, which receipt "hall servo said merchant for a license for the next year, commencing from the time given ; and that, when a mer- chant shall wish to renew his license, he shall give a similar statement of all merchandise received by him for sale in the preceding twelve months, and the collector shall only require him to pay tax upon the amount of said imports. Sec. 4. That any person refusing to pay tax, as in this act required, shall have no benefit of the laAvs of Oregon, and shall be disqualified from voting at any election in this country. Sec. 6. That the sheriff shall serve as ex officio collector of the rev- enue, for which he shall receive, as a compensation for his services, ten per cent, upon all moneys collected as revenue. Sec. 6. That the sheriff, before entering upon the duties of his office 88 collector of the revenue, shall enter into bond, with two or more good and sufficient securities, in a sum not less than five nor more than ten thousand dollars, to bo approved by the executive, which approval shall be written upon the back of said bond, and the said collector's bond shall be filed in the office of the clerk of the court. Sec 7. That the collector shall pay over to the treasury, on the first Monday in each and every month in the year, all moneys that may be in his hands, and get the treasurer's receipt therefor. Sec. 8. That it shall be the duty of the tribimal transacting county business to require the collector to settle with said court at each and every regular term of the court in Clackamas County. Sec. 9. The collector of the revenue shall make full payment into the treasury on or before the first Monday in December in each year. Sec. 10. The revenue of Oregon shall be collected in specie or avail- able orders on solvent merchants in Orcjyon. Sec. 11. That all acts and parts of acts contrary to this act be, and the same are hereby, repealed. Skc. 12. This act to take effect from and after its passage. M. M. McCabveb, Speaker. Attest : J. E. Long, Secretary. Oregon Territory, Tuaiatin District^ United States of America, May 1, 1844. Charles E. Pickett, plaintiff, in the name of Oregon Territory, threat- ening to incense the Indians, against Saul, a man of color. Complainant's oath and warrant issued, directed to J. L. Meek, sheriff, and summons for three witnesses, viz. : James Conner, William Hill, and Mr. Bird. ' = ■ \ HISTORY OP ORKQON. May 3. — SlieriflT made h'm return with defendant and witneB8cii, and jury of good and lawful men, viz., Philip Foster, W. C. Dement, J. W. Nesmith, John McCaddan, C. Spencer, and S. W. Moss, being duly sworn, returne "! r'i' fl!' 403 HISTORY OF OREGON. a thousand timr-s been by faithless savages and still more faithless whites, responsible, yet powerless and defenseless, in our unsettled state of things — to meet with this honest man, this real friend, though an Indian, gave me hearty pleasure. His thorough education at Rqd River molded him into more of the white man than Indian. His prudence and good management witli bis tribe sanctioned the choice that had been made, and all the whites spoke handsomely of his kind offices and obliging deportment, while immigrating through his country. Being satisfied of the safety and policy, I feasted him, and took at once unobserved measures to have him invited to every respectable place abroad, where t e ladies and gentle- men received him so cordially, and feasted him so richly and delicately, that he almost forgot the object of his embassy, and, I verily believe, thought extremely highly of the whites of Wallamet, however ill he might have thought of the conduct of the Californians. Being anxious to make this visit useful to him and his people, as well as pleasant, after spending a few days in visiting the schools, as well as the principal inhabitants and places of interest, I showed him my little library ; told him to make himself at home ; put on my farmer's garb :i.nd commenced working upon my plantation. He soon came out, accompanied by a wealthy cousin, and begged for tools to assist me. I loaned them, and found he was much at home in their use. He spent with me a enfficient length of time to cotivince me of the truth reported concerning his cheerfulness in labor, as well as his knowledge, applica- tion, and assiduity in business. He spoke sensibly of the advantages of industry, and the astonishing change that had been effected among his people by the cultivation of the soil ; assured me that every family or lodge now raised an abundance forborne consumption, besides having con- siderable quantities to barter with the whites. He says he raised, himsi'lf, the past season, six hundred bushels of peas, with a fine crop of wheat, po- tatoes, beans, etc. ; spoke properly of its moral and social effects. Wars were no longer talked of, and the chase was nearly abandoned ; the book and the Bible consumed their leisure moments. Polygamy, once so com- mon, was now done away with, except in two solitary cases, and not a lodge of his people but observed the Sabbath, and regularly attended morning and evening devotion. This was only corroborative of what I had previously heard from other sources. He spent ten days with me in the most cheerful, agreeable, and profitable manner, and at the close I felt myself the happier and belter for the visit ; nor did I marvel that his influence was increasing and the prospects of bis people brightening. Pardon me, for, in thinking of his vinit and dwelling upon his excel- lences, I had like t.o have forgotten bib agency. Learning from Dr. APPREHENDED DANGER 403 Whitman, who resides in their midst, how much they were all excited by reason of the treacherous and violent death of this educated and accomplished young chief, and perhaps more especially by the loss they had sustained ; and then, after suffering so many hardships and encoun- tering BO many dangers, losing the whole, — I npprehended there might be much difliculty in adjusting it, particularly as they lay much stress upon the restless disaffected scamps late from Wallamet to Califurnia, loading them with the vile epithets of " dogs," " thieves," etc, from which they believed, or affected to, that the slanderous reports of our citizens caused all their loss and disasters, and therefore held us respon- sible. He assured me that the Cayuses, Wallawallas, Nez Perces, Spo- kans, Ponderays, and Snakes were all on terms of amity, and that a portion of the aggrieved party were for raising about two thousand warriors of these formidable tribes and marching to Californi:i at once, and, uobly revenging themselves on the inhabitants by capture and plun- der, enrich themselves upon the spoils; others, not indisposed to the enterprise, wished first to learn how it would be regarded here, and whether we would remain neutral in the affiiir. A third party were for holding us 'responsible, as Elijah was killed by an American, and the Americans incensed the Spaniards, Ellis reminded me at the same time of the ill-success the chiefs met with in trading off their ten-dollar drafts for herds with the immigrants; which drafts I had sent up by Mr. Lee, my interpreter, to secure peace and safety while the immigrants were passing through their coimtry, the year before so many having been pillaged and robbed of their effects, through the inattention of the chiefs. Sir, how this affair will end is difficult to conjecture ; the general im- pression is, that it will lead to the most disastrous consequences to the Califurnians themselves, or to the colony of the Wallamet Valley. My principal fear is, that it will result in so much jealousy, prejudice, and dis iffection, as to divert their minds from the pursuit of knowledge, agriculture, and the means of civilization, which they have been for such a length of time so laudably engaged in obtaining. Should this be the case with these numerous, brave, and formidable tribes, the results to them, and to us, would be indeed most calamitous. To prevent such a result, I wrote, through Ellis, a long, cordial, and rather sympathizing letter to the chiefs of these tribes, assuring them that I should at once write to the governor of California, to Captain Sutter, and to our great chiefs respecting ' iis matter. With a view to divert attention, and promote good feeling, I invited all the chiefs to come down in the fall, before the arrival of the immigrants, in company with Dr. Whitman and Mr. Spalding, and confer with me upon thig m 'I ' M I f.r,iA 404 HISTOBY OF OREGON. Rubject ; at the same time, as they had been so unfortunate, to bring along their ten-dollar drafts, and exchange them with me for a cow and oalf each, out of my own herds. I likewise wrote them, that on condi- tion they would defer going to California till the spring of 1847, and each chief assist me to the amount of tM'o beaver skins, to get a good manual labor literary institution established for the English education of their sons and daughters (a subject they feel the deepest interest in), I would use every measure to get the unhappy affair adjusted ; and, as a token of my regard for them, would, from my private funds, give the chiefs five hundred dollars, to assist thorn in purchasing young cows in California. I likewise proffered, as they are so eager for it, to start the English school next fall, by giving them the services of Mr. Lee, my interpreter, for four months, commencing in November next. Ellis more than properly appreciated my motives and proffers, and said he was of the full belief the chiefs would accede to my propQsitioa ; spoke of the importance of the English school, and of the strong and general desire to obtain it. He left in high hopes of a continuance of peace and onward prosperity to his people. A few days later brought me into another excitement and difficulty at Va.icouver. Two young men, named in McLaughlin's communica- tion to this government (a copy of which, marked A, together with a reply, accompanies these dispatches), crossed the Columbia River, and, unobserved, in the midst of a little thicket something over half a mile from Fort Vancouver, felled some timber, threw up a few logs in the shape of a hut, intending soon to finish it, put up a paper npnn a contig- uous tree, stating that they had commenced nnd intended to establish a claim agreeably with ; here the note ended. Some one about the establishment, observing the paper and commencement of the hut, reported it to the governor, who sent down at once and had all the timber removed from the vicinity, the tree felled, and that, with the paper likewise, removed. They had hardly cleared the ground when the claimants arrived with a surveyor, and commenced surveying off a section of land, embracing the post first commenced upon. They were inquired of, at the itistance of Governor McLaughlin, as to their object and intentions. They at once laid down the chain, dropped all business, and walked up to the fort. Several respectable and influential Ameri- can citizens happened to be present on business, who, with myself, were respectfully invited to hear the discussion. Williamson, a modest and respectable young man, demeaned himself with propriety;, but Alderman, his associate, a boisterous, hare-brained young fellow, caused me (as occasionally others do) to blush for Araeri- [) bring ow nnd 1 condi- l47, and ; a good lucation interest djustcd ; ;e funds, ircbasing BO eager B services fovember )ffer8, and opQsitioa ; itrong and inuance of d diflBculty lommunica- iher with a River, and, half a mile logs in the on a conlig- establish a .e about the of the hut, had all the at, with the round when veying off a They were their object all business, jntial Ameri- with myself, aned himself hare-braineil sh for Aroeri- JUMPING A CLAIM. 405 can honor. His language was most severe, and, but for the sake of the country's quiet, could not have been endured ; the governor and Mr. Douglas displaying their usual calmness and forbearance. I heard the discussion for two hours ; and, becoming satisfied that no possible good could grow out of it, remarked that with the cheerful consent of both parties I would give my sense of the matter. Each readily consenting, I thought best to come up on the blind side of Alderman ; treated his measures with less severity, and himself with more consideration and respect, than he anticipated ; then spoke of Greenough's construction of the treaty between the two govern- ments (which I happened to have with me) ; of the immense district of country dependent upon this establishment for supplies in beef, pork, etc., and as evidence that they had no more land contiguous than was necessary for their purposes, spoke of the number of cattle and other stock that had died of starvation during the last winter; dwelt upon the importance of union and good feeling among all the whites, sur- rounded as we were by savages, in our weak and defenseless condition, and especially of the propriety of establishing correct precedents in our unsettled state, regarding land claims ; and, without advising par- ticularly either party, took my seat. Williamson and Alderman soon manifested a desire for a private interview, which resulted in a suspension of hostilities for the present, and probably an abandonment of the claim. Now, my dear sir, suffer me to write a few things concerning this country, which seemed to me strongly to demand the speedy attention of the members of our government. Take fifty men from the colony, of the most intelligence, firmness, and prudence, and anarchy and con- fusion follow. Suffer a free introduction of ardent spirits, and desola- tion, horror, dismay, and bloodshed ensue. Never were a people more illy prepared for self-government, nor more unfavorably circumstanced to succeed, — aside from the single fact of the absence of all intoxicating drinks. Sir, too great a portion of our population comes fro^i the western suburbs of civilization, for one moment's safety to us in our present con- dition. I know not but I have as much patience as most men, but am heartily tired of this state of things. Nor would I run the risk again, by land and water, from whites and savages, for the safety and quiet- noes of the colony and country, for all the wealth of earth. I have not shrunk from toil, danger, nor hardships, and though alone-handed and unsustained, black-balled and traduced, astonishing to say, my measures have yet succeeded. I think of the past with a clear conscience, yet at present, at peace as we are, I look upon our critical condition with an UiM ' i iii i -i '■%:. i': • Mil : )■■, .', ■ll ■ U' • r •U I ■ 1. > ,1: 1 ;•■ i ■(1 ) ( :=l 1 ' 1 ' nm lISI ■ 406 HISTORY OF OREGON. anxious, aching heart, feeling that the members of our govei-nment err exceedingly toward their citizens in Oregon. As I have so often said of this lower country, with its beauty, excel- lence of soil, and mildness of climate, it might be rendered the paradise of earth ; but, sir, every thing is jeoparded by the tardiness of our govern- ment measures; not only the poor, injured natives, but the whites gen- erally, have become wearied to impatience in waiting for an expression from our government, and disaffection, with a want of confidence, is taking the place of previous warm feeling and strong attachment. I regret this exceedingly, but feel it my duty to speak out in truth and distinctness upon this important point. I have said and done what I could to keep up confidence and hope ; but already demagogues are haranguing in favur of independence, and using the most disparag- ing language regarding the measures of our government as a reason for action. These are but the beginnings, and, though I ami glad to gay such sentiments do not generally obtain, yet they are more favor- ably listened to this year than last ; their natural results and practical tendency you will readily perceive. Your annual report of 1843 reachod me only a few days since, hav- ing been broken open on the way, then put into the hands of In- dians, and forwarded to me through that channel. And while I have to regret never having received any thing from your pen, be assured I am not insensible to the honor done me, in speaking as you did of my report, through yours of 1843 to the Secretary of War. I feel any kind expression from home the more sensibly, from the torrent of oppo- sition I have been forced to metv and contend with here ; but am happy to observe that my influence is increasing, and my measures are being better understood and appreciated. Influence here is most important ; I felt this strikingly a few weeks since. Three among the most correct and sensible men of the colony formed a co-partnership to enter largely upon the brewery business. They had already taken some steps ; and as the business promised to be lucrative, tlic probabilities were against me in attempting to dis- suade them from their purpose. I visited them, labored calmly, hon- estly, and faithfully, and felt the difference dealing or talking Avith men of sense and principle, over many with whom I have to do in Oregon, The interview broke up most agreeably, not an unpleasant sentence having passed ; the gentlemen engaging to give me their decision very soon. This was communicated to me two days after, in a delicate and handsome manner, which was entirely to my wishes, the business being altogether abandoned. This was most gratifying to me, as from such REVISION OF ORGANIC LAW. 40T ent err , excel- laradise ^overn- ,e(* gen- pression [ence, is nt. in truth id done lagogues lisparag- a reason glad to •re favor- practical ince, hav- Is of In- ile I liave assured I did of ray feel any of oppo- am happy are being It few weeks the colony y business, romised to ' ing to dis- ilmly, hon- Iking with e to do in it sentence jcision very elicate and liness being from such a quarter should beer be introduced, it would be impossible for us to prevent the introduction of stronger drink into the colony and iX)un- try, wliich, of all olherri, is most illy prepared to receive it. The colony, now numbering about four thousand, is in a most flour- ishing state, and I am doubtful if any like number are more pleased or better contented in our wide domain. The schools of the coantry dur- ing the last winter have been well sustained ; I have contributed to each, as was necessary, from ten to fifteen dollars, to pay rents, eta, and to encourage them forward in their laudable struggle to edacate their rising families, I attended the examination of the Methodist Institute school a few weeks since, and was most agreeably impressed regarding the insti- tution. The pleasant deportment and improved manners of the young ladies and gentlemen of the school, saying nothing of their astonishing ad- vancement in the different departments of literature, was a cause of the highest gratification. I have nowhere attended an examination, taking all things into the account, more creditable to the principal or institu- tion. I have called for a report, but am sorry it has not yet come to hand. Tlie branches taught are rhetoric, grammar, geography, arithmetic, reading, writing, and spelling. The most enlightened and best disix>sed are using their intiuence to strengthen the oi-ganiz.ition, and perfect the laws of the colony. Many are favorable to the adoption of a constitu- tion, by calling a convention for that purpose the present season. This being the most enlightened sense, and meeting with little op|>08i- lion, I am of the opinion it will prevail. Should this be effected, the constitution, accompanied with a petition, will probably be forwarded by a delegate from this country to Washington City the coming winter. As the friends of the constitution generally wish best to the country, and desire to have every thing so conducted as not to embarrass, but to meet with acceptance at home, I am solicited to be said delegate, and represent the wants of Oregon. A circulating medinm is greatly needed ; however, the enterprise and onward march of this people can not easily be repressed. Through the auspices of the Hadiion''s Bay Company almost every man, requesting and needing it, is helped to sufficient means to commence upon his section of land ; and, certainly, by far the greater number give evidence of well-placfl confidence. The prairies are dotted over with houses, and the fruitful fieWs are spread- ing out widely all around us. Moral and religious influence, I regret to say, is waning ; yet it is gratifying to observe 'in increasing interest upon the subject of schools and education ; a i I am happy to say 1 I .■i; I ' b 408 HISTORY OF OREGON. we have now eleven schools this side the monntains, most of them small, to be sure, but they are exerting a salutary and beneficial influence. Pardon the length and want of interest of my report. Did not duty hold me here, or had I fu- ds appropriated to travel abroad to explore this delightful region of surrounding country, from what I learn of vague reports I have little doubt but much interesting, curious, and important information might bo collected. But here I am, doomed to sit, watch, and sometimes almost fight for peace between whites and Indians — the question of right and wrong becoming more and more complicated continually ; while here, allow me to say, the settling these difiiculties necessarily costs me not a little. I believe most fully, in making a settlement with an Indian or tribe, to have it a happy, earnest, and hearty one ; and, in order to effect this, they require a present as a seal. And, sir, this is ray principal means of usefulness or influence over these poor, and, in many instances, injured natives. Their seeming confidence and regard makes one the more patient and cheerful in doing for them ; nor can I complain, as so many east of the mountains have been obliged to, of violated faith on the part of the Indians. From all I can learn, on much of which little reliance is to be placed, there appear to be about forty-two thousand Indians in the Territory, allowing it to extend to 54° 40' north latitude. Mr. Lee's (my interpreter) report accompanying this you will obser\'e. I would have accompanied him but for the season of the year, and the prevalence of the dysentery, which is sweeping off the poor natives of 'this lower country. This gave rise to Dr. Long's bill, which, I hope, will be honored, as it was a work of humanity as well as policy. I directed it, as I coiild not possibly attend to those and these at the same time, there being forty miles between us. I hope. Providence permitting, to have the pleasure of seeing you and the other gentlemen of the departments, at Washington, in a few weeks, or months at longest, after this reaches, and of explaining my accounts and reasons for expenditures. I had not expected to draft on the department this spring ; but there were no other means of settling with Governor McLaughlin, for the want of a circulating medium through which to operate. Inclosed is a letter from Peter H. Burnett, Esq., which I proposed forwarding in my last dispatches, but received too late for transmission. With great respect, I am, dear sir, your most humble and obedient servant, Elijah White, Sub-Agent Indian AflTaii-s, W. R. M. R, 31. REMARKABLE LETTER. 409 To the Citizens of Oregon : Gentlemen, — We take the liberty of infonning yon that a person named "Iloiiry WilliaraBon," some time about the 15th of February, this year, took the liberty of erecting on the premises of tlie Hudson's Bay Company a few logs, in the form of a hut, and wrote a notice upon an adjoining tree that he had taken a section of land there. This was done without our knowledge or consent, within a few hundred yards oi a house occupied by one of the Hudson's Bay Company's servants, and within the limits of their improvements. As soon as wo were infonncd of that proceeding, we had the tree cut down and the logs removed, in order to prevent any future difficulty with a pei-son who had, in a man- ner so unjustifiable, intruded on the Hudson's Bay Company's premises. The Hudson's Bay Company made their settlement at Fort Van- couver under the authority of a license from the British government, in conformity with the provisions of the treaty between Great Britain and the United States of Amcric.i, M-hich gives them the right of occu- pying as much land as they require for the operations of their business. On the faith of that treaty, they have made a settlement on the north bank of the Columbia River ; they have opened roads and made other improvements at a great outlay of capital ; they have held un- molested possession of their improvements for many years, unquestioned by the public officers of either government, who have, since tlie existence ■ of their settlements, repeatedly visited it ; they have carried on business with manifest advantage to the country ; they have given the protec- tion of their influence over the native tribes to every person who required it, without distinction of nation or party ; and they have afforded every assistance in their power toward develo[)ing the re- sources of the country and promoting the industry of its inhabitants. The tract of land they occupy, on the north bank of the Columbia River, is indispensable to them as a range for their flocks and herds, but otherwise of little value, being in part inundated every summer by the waters of the Columbia, and in part unimprovable forest land. Occupying the said tract of land by the authority of law, and under the protection of the British government, they can not submit to the infringement of lights so acquired ; and Ave, as their representatives, are bound to use every means sanctioned by the law whicli governs us against all trespassers on their premises, until otherwise directed by orders emanating from the Hudson's Bay Company. Permit us to assure you, gentlemen, that it is our earnest wish to maintain a good undei-standing, and to live on friendly terms with every person in the country. We entertain the highest respect for the provisional organization; and knowing the good it has effected, as i' ': 1^ \* ' : i "!■ i'lll .1, Ill ( i::i( »'!!« ii II Hi i i f 410 HISTORY OF OREOOX. well as the evil it has prevented, we wish it every success, an«l hope, as we desire, to continue to live in the exercise and interchange of good offices with the fratners of that useful institation. The advantages of peace and harmony, of tiie support and main- tenance of established rights, must be as evident to every member of the community as the evils flowing from a state of lawless misrule. With these considerations before us, we feel confident that every person who desires the well-being of the country, who wishes to see it prosperous and flourishing, will unite in putting down every course which may have a tendency to disturb the public peace, and in pro- moting, by every means in his power, the cause of justice, obedience to the laws, and mutual accommodation. With a fervent prayer to the Divine bestower of all good for the happiness and prosperity of every individual in the country, we have the honor to b6, gentlemen, your obedient servants, John McLAuonuy. James Douglas. Vancouvkh, March 18, 1845. GBNTLEMEif, — I am sorry to inform you that Mr. Williamson is sur- veying a [aocv- of land occupied by the Hudson's Bay Company, along- side oi" th'i? *■: i.ablishment, with a view of taking it as a claim ; and as he is an American citizen, I feel bound, as a matter of courtesy, to make the same known to you, trusting that you will feci justified in taking measures to have him removed from the Hudson's Bay Com- pany's premises, in order that the unanimity now happily subsisting between the American citizens and British subjects residing in this country may not be disturbed or interrupted. I bog to inclose you a copy of an address to the citizens of Oregon, which will explain to you our situation and the course we are bound to pursue in the event of your declining to interfere. I am, gentlemen, your obedient humble servant, J. McLaughlik. William Bailet, Osborne Russell, P. G. Stewabt, Executive Committee of Oregon. [The above documents must be considered a full declaration of war by the Hudson's Bay Company, as all future operations of theirs were merely preparatory to the final consummation and attack that was made through the Cayuses. The answer of our Executive Committee COMMITTEE'S REPLY. 411 acknowledged treaty rights that did not exist, as neither the sover- eignty of the soil, nor the boundary line, were settled, hence the joint occupancy of both as per treaty was good.] Obkgon City, March 21, 1845. Sir, — We beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letters, — one dated 11th of March, and the other 12th of March, — accompanied ,vith an address to the citizens of Oregoi). We regret to hear that unwarranted liberties have been taken by an American citizen upon the Hudson's Bay Company's premises, and it affords us great pleasure to learn that the offender, after duo reflec- tion, desisted from the insolent and rash measure. As American citizens, we beg leave to offer you and your much esteemed coUeascue our most u'l-atefiil thanks for the kind and candid manner in which you have treated this matter, as we are aware that an infringement on the rights of the Hudson's Bay Company in this country, by an American citizen, is u breach of the laws of the United States, by setting at naught her most solemn treaties with Great Britain. As representatives of the citizens of Oregon, we beg your accept- ance of our sincere acknowledgments of the obligations we arc umlor to yourself and your honorable associate for the high regard you have manifested for the authorities of our provisional government, and the special anxiety you have ever shown for our peace and prosperity ; and wo assure you that we consider ourselves in duty bound to use every exertion in our power to put down eveiy cause of disturbance, as well as to promote the amicable intercourse and kind feelings hitherto existing between ourselves and the gentlemen of the Hudson's Bay Company, until the United States shall extend its jurisdiction over us, and our authority ceases to exist. We have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servants, Osborne Russell. P. G. Stewart. JoHiT McLaugiiliit, Esq. TuALATiif Plains, November 2, 1844. Bear Sir, — Your communication of the 20th October, 1844, was duly received, and a press of business has delayed my reply till now. In relation to the subject of inquiry contained in your letter (being the natural resources of Oregon), I can truly say that I entertain a very high opinion of the great and decided advantages bestowed by nature upon this most interesting and beautiful portion of our globe. : ii -r «ty I ii'i; '3 412 HISTORY OP OREGON. I •V, Our facilities for commercial enterprise are most decided, as the rapidly increasing commerce of the great Pacific lies at our very door. The climate of this country is more equable, subject to fewer extromes than any, perhaps, in the world. I have been here about one year, and have found it most delightful, and I can truly say that it is the most healthy country I have ever lived in. During the present year, I have scarcely heard of a case of fever in the whole country. The timber of Oregon is indeed most superior, and constitutes a large por- tion of its wealth ; and we have not only the tallest, finest timber in the world, but we have everywhere water power to any desirnyle extent, suitable for propelling all kinds of machinery. The soil of this country is most excellent, and can be prepared and cultivated with less labor than that of any other country. Wheat is the great staple of the world, and as a wheat-growing country, this ranks in the very first class. The crop is not only of the best quality, but is always large, and there is no such occurren'^e as a failure of the wheat crop. For potatoes, melons, turnips, and garden vegetables generally, our soil is superior. Indian corn does not succeed well, and in fact we have no use fof it, as our cattle live all tiic year upon the natural pastures of the country. Since I have been hero, I have been myself engaged in farming occupations, and I have been astonished at the very small amount of labor required to cultivate a farm. Potatoes are planted, and nothing more is done to them until they are ready for digging, when they are not dug, but generally turned np with the plow. Peas are sown broadcast, like wh**'"'^, and are neither staked nor cultivated, and produce in great abundance. Plowing is done here froui the month of September until July, and wheat is sown from October to May, and potatoes are planted m Mo'-eh, April, and May. A team of two horses, with a very light, easy p. )w, can break prairie land, but a team of two yoke of oxen is most generally dsed. I am informed that timothy, clover, and blue grass all grow well in the soil of Oregon. For pasturage this country 's pre-eminent. Horses, cattle, and sheep require neither feed nor shelter, and keep fat all the yoar round. Hogs are raised here with partial feeding, and pork is generally fattened upon wheat, and finer pork I never saw anywhere. I omitted to tnention in its appropriate place that our harvesting com- mences about the 20th of July, and continues througliout the month of August; and during the present year we had no rain from about the 1st of July to the 15th of October, so that we had the finest weather for saving our cro'^s iinaginable. One thing that strikes the beholder of this country with greatest force, is the uiisurpasbable beauty of its scenery. We have snow-clad ^'^iia p. F. BURNETT'S LETTEH. 413 mountains, beautiful valleys, pure, rapid streams running over pebbly beda, with numerous cascades and vraterfalls, and trees of superior grandeur and beauty. The government of Oregon has grown up from necessity ; and per- haps no new organization has been adopted and sustained w^ith so much unanimity and good order. Every circumstance has tended to strengthen it. I attended the last term of the Circuit Courts in most of the coun- ties, and I found great respect shown to jiidiuiai authority everywhere, and did not see a solitary dnmken juryman, or witness, or spectator. So much industry, good order, and soljriety, I have never observed in any community. Our population seem to be exceedingly enterprising, and is making rapid progress to comfort and wealth. As yet, we have bad no murders, no i-obberies, thefts, or felonies of any kind, except one assault with intent to kill. Our grand juries have exliibited vy laud- able assiduity in discharging their duties, and criminals here will meet with certain and prompt punishment. Nature has displayed here her most magnificent powers, and our country has its full share of natural advantages. Our prospects are most brilliant. If we can keep out intoxication, and toe will do it, half a century will not roll away before there wul exist in Oregon one of the most industrious, virtuous, free, and commercial nations in the world. I have already protracted this communication beyoud its appropriate length, and will now close it by subscribing myself, Yours, etc., Petbb H. Burnett, Dr. E. Whitb. ijii ii Mil Wallamei, Orbgox, April 4, 1S45. SiK, — I have the honor and happiness of informing you, and through you, if it be your pleasure, the American public, that measures h.-^ve been taken by inysolf and the citir-cns in this coloiiy, to open a wagon route through from the upper part of this valley, the present season, directly to Fort Hall, or Green liiver ; tho pilot returning and escort- ing the immigrants thiough the nmoh shorter, easier, and every way more advantageous route. The immigrants will thereby be enabled to bring with them their herds, w.igons, and all their effects at once directly into the lieart of the Wallam^'t Valley; saving tliTcby an immensi> amount of toil, hardship, and sufferi^ig, saying nothing of the necessary destruc- tion and increased dan;,'er of the other route. Your humble and obi dient servant, E. WiiriE, Sub-Agent Indian Afi'airs, W. K. M. The messenger is leaving. t) llifi'! ^Hi I ^ii 4U HISTORT OP OREGON. ■ ■ Sa-' Obegok Crrr, March 4, 1845* Dr. K White: Sib, — In compliance with the request you made to me, that I should notice and communicate to you whatever I mip^ht deem of interest dur- ing my visit, in your employ, to the various In-^ian +ri'>es east of the Cascade Mountains, bearing to them presents • • fe^ ;;ir! -tuitions and advice from you in order to secure the safety a.. . j»':.te of the immi- grants in their passage through their country, the tuUowing is sub- mitted : — 1. The JSTez Perces. — ^Your acquaintance with this promising people renders it imnecessary for me to speak of their general character. I would simply remark, that their anxieties to become a civilized and lit- erary nation have suffered no abatement since I left, them in March last, aft«r passing the winter with them most pleasantly, as teacher, in the employ of Rev. H. II. Spalding, missionary. Ellis, with niost of the chiefs, was .absent, having gone to meet the immigrants, then in the vicinity of Fort Boise, with a view to furnish them provisions, and trade them horses for cattle. You are aware of their eagerness to ol: : ain domestic stock with all farming utensils, which I regard as one of the most interesting facts connected with Indian affairs west of t' Mountains. Avarice is doubtless the ruling passion of rr si ! and forms a capital upon which those engaged in Indian il:. operate for good or evil. With the Nez Perces, it has thus '' turned to good account, effecting results as beneficir.1 lo the whites "...i more salutary to the natives themselves, on tliis side the mountains, than has been effected on the other side by military force. Such is the prev- alence of this "love of gain" among the Indians, that all efforts to control them by motives held o".t to any other passion, must prove ineffectual, at least, while we are unable to awe them by martial parade. The individual difficalties existing between Jim»-c-, Timothy, and others, in relation to their claims on the valley, a' 't \\f Olcarwater Mission, are, for the time, put to rest, by the prom thsc > \ ill visit them soon, and have the matter properly ad justed. Thtu ; ops cdis year have been abundant, and they have f'lrMshed the immigrants large supplies of provisions, wMch, T i\w '^ajvi'v to say, were banered in good faith, and the trade conducted with mut'- lUy and good feeling on both sides, while I have to regret that Etiis and his people were unable to procure cattle to any extent worthy of notice. The presents were received, and the advice heard vith a most respectful attention. 2. 2'he Cai/U8€8 are also manifesting a spirit of enterprise, highly commendable. They too, have raised much grain and potatoes, and are li,,v-'*ky ? ';,..'y I neeu m LAWLESS BANDS OP INDIANS. 415 b 4, 1845. hat I should interest dur- I east of the -"litions and of the immi- iving is Bub- nising people character. I ilized and lit- n March last, eacher, in the I most of the s, then in the rovisions, and ness to oV.iuin as one of the of tVi> Uo'Ay If "'St. * ; J'.'.^Sl thus ^' 'T oeeu the whites ".'i lountains, than ch is the prev- t all t'W)rt8 to )n, must prove martial p irade. Timothy, and Olcarwater \ ill visit lifcu ; 'ops ciiis imigrants large iriered in good feeling on both were unable to presents were .tention. terprise, highly ,otatoe9, and are trading freely with the immigrants. A number of tlieir chiefs and prin- cipal men were absent at the time, having gone, in company with a party of Wallawallas, to California, with horses to trade for cattle. They have since returned, and I sincerely regret to learn the failure of this, their first expedition of the kind. The Spaniards and other whites treated them badly ; murdered one of the most promising young men of the Wallawallas, and the party returned without effecting the object of their trip. What influence this affair will have upon the conduct of these two tribes in reference to the next immigration passing through their countrie-i, time alone must determine. The iu\> less bands along the river, from Fort Wallawalla to the Dalles, are still troublesome to the immigrants; and the immigrants are still very iiiij.ru'lcnt in breaking off into small parties, just when they should remain united. Tl>a Indians are tempted by the unguarded and defens -h'ss state of the immigrants, and avail tliemselves of the opportu- nity to gratify their cupidity. Here allow me to suggest a thought. Tliese robbers furnish us a true miniature likeness of the whole Indian population, whenever they fail to obtain such things as they wish in excliange for such as they have to give. These are robbers now, be- cause they have nothing to give ; all others will be robbers when, with what they have to give, they can not procure what they wish. I am satisfied of tlie correctness of this conclusion, from all that I have wit- nessed of Inilian character, even among the praiseworthy Nt'Z Perces. And should the government of the United States withhold her protec- tion from her subjects in Oregon, they will be under the necessity of entering i'l^o treaty stipulations with the Indians, in violation of the laws nf the United States, a; preferable to a resort to force of .arms. Hitherto, the ituniigranis have had no serious difficulty in passing through tlio territory oi" these tribes; but tliat their passage is becoming more and mote a subject of interest to the Indians, is abundantly manifest. They collect about the road from every part of the country, and have looked on with amazement ; but the novelty of the scene is fast losing its power to hold in check their baser passions. The next immig'"><^i'^n will, in all probability, call forth developments of Indian character, which have been almost denied an existence among these peoplj. In- deed, sir, had you not taken the precaution to conciliate their good feelings and friendship toward the whites, just at the time they were meeting each other, it is to be doubted whether there had not been some serious difficulties. Individuals on both sides have been mutually provoked and exasperated during the passage of each immigration, and lliese cases are constantly multiplying. Much prudence is required on the pan of the whiter, and, unfortunately, they have very little by the I '. .' I ■'■'i I M6 HISTORY OP OREGON. time they reach the Columbia Valley. Some of the late immigrants, losing their horses, and very naturally supposing them stolen by the Indians, went to the bands of horses owned by the Indians and took as nany as they wished. You are too well acquainted with Indians to suppose tliat such a course can be persisted in without producing serious results. I am aware that this is looking at the dark side ; but sir, perhaps it is wis- dom to look at that side when it is more than half turned toward us, if, by looking, we can find some way to turn it back again. T look to Ellis, and the speedy action of the general government of the United States, as the brightest features in the prospect now before us. Your knowledge of my situatio'^ and circumstances render any apology 'unnecessary for this impertijct scroll. I remain, your humble servant, Dr. E. White, H. A. G, Lica. Sub- Agent Indian affairs, W. R. M. Oregon Tebbitort, July 8, 1846. To the Hon. the Secretary of the War Department : Deab Sir, — I beg leave, most respectfully, to submit a few thoughts for your consideration, relative to the course pursued by Dr. E. White, our late Indian sub-agent, now on the eve of leaving us. I would not venture to intrude upon your time, but for the reason that I am aware that Dr. White leaver with an anxious and laboring mind, in view of the state of liis finances, fearing, perhaps, a proper consideration might not be given to the situation and circumstances in which he has been placed in this isolated portion of our wide domain. I consider it but justice to Dr. White, to say, having crossed the mountains with him, that he exerted himself, and did much toward raising the first party that were of a suflicient number to travel independent of the trading companies to the mountains ; thereby opening the way, and making the first track to Oregon ; and since his arrival, by his promptness, decision, and firmness, we have been saved from the baneful influence and degradation of ardent spirits here, i:i our infant colony; and by his kind, conciliatory measures, active charity, and judicious conduct among the Indians, he has done much for them, and probably, in several instances, fended off the arrow of savage warfare. The indefatigable perseverance, expense, and time Dr. White has been at in ferreting out a road across the Cascade Mountains, * which * TLe Cascade ridgo of mountains was found to bo high and diillcult to pass ; and it ia doubtful with mo if the immigrants succeeded in crosaiug over with their wagons and effects, into tiie valley of the Wallamet. fVhite, lid not aw are ew of might 9 been it but b him, party rading aking ptness, flucnce and by onduct bly, in lite has I* which Iss ; and it lagons and MESSRS. LOVBJOY'S AND GILPIN'S LETTERS. 417 will intersect the old wagon road in the vicinity of Fort Hall, cutting oif some two or three hundred railcH of the worst portion of the road, entirely avoiding the Columbia River, and the dangers incident to these waters, by an inexperienced, worn-out, and fatigued immigration. By this new route, the immigrants will find themselves greatly relieved, and saved from immense trouble, as they will as readily reach the head of the Wallamet settlement, as they would, by the old, reach Wallamet ; avoiding the difficulties and dangers of the Snake and Columbia rivers. In conclusion, allow me to observe that the sacrifice one is obliged to make in funds of this country, to render tliem specie, or available drafls, is immense ; and it is almost impossible to do it at all, to any amount. Consequently, the doctor finds himself very much embar- rassed in his financial concerns, being obliged to draft on his govern- ment for his entire expenditures in his official capacity. ' Be pleased to accept, etc., my dear sir, While I remain youre. With due regard and great respect, A. Lawbknck Lovkjot. Orkgox, August 14, 1845. The following resolution was introduced and adopted in the House of Representatives of Oregon Territory, this day : — Hesoloed, That this House recommend to the favorable consideration of the government of the United States, the just claims of Dr. Elijah White, sub-Indian agent, to remuneration for the heavy expense by him incurred, in attempting to discover a southern pass through tha Cascade Mountains. M. M. McCabvbr, Speaker. Attest : J. K Loxg, Clerk. WASHmoTON Cmr, Dec. 9, 1846. Hon. W.Medill: Dear Sib, — Allow me to say a word in behalf of my friend. Dr. Elijah Wliito, Indian agent in Oregon, who desires to arrange at the department the accounts of bis four ycare' service in that Territory. Dr. White, with whom I passed the winter of 1844 upon the Wallf.met, h.as had imnumbered difficulties surrounding him, and has performed hi;* duties with great delicacy and happy success. My conviction is, that he has performed services in Oregon, both to whites and Indians, equal to those of several agencies combined, on our western frontier, at a very 27 ! M: m1 \i\ vtj I . ■J ! ' i «£-■ 1 aJMl HhH . ^ ^^IBSI^^B 1 3 ilyl 1 P| 1 1 418 HISTORY OF ORBGON. hr. idadequatc compensation, and with very stinted means. All whom I heard comment upon the administration of his office have accorded to him great praise for ardor and industry ; and those among whom he has officially acted will be gratified to hear that be has met a generous reception at the department. Yours, with great respect, WiLUAM GiLFIN. Wab Department, j Office op Indian Affairs, Jan. 6, 1846. J Sir, — ^The Secretary of War is desirous that you should return to your agency as early as practicable, and has authorized me to say that the Department will allow to you the sum of three hundred dollars ($300) to defray your expenses there. Instructions in relation to your duties will be given you when you reach this city, or will be forwarded to you at such place as you may designate. Au immediate reply will be expected. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, W. Medill. Dr. Elijah White, Lansingville, Tompkins Co., N. Y. Since the above requirement I have been detained here waiting the action of Congress upon the following bill, to release me from the responsibilities of ray government protested drafts, which, from the rapid influx of white population to that distant Indian country, the necessities of my position have compelled me to incur. I am now out of employment, and on heavy expenses, and under obli- gation, from important engagements, to leave for Oregon soon, in order to reach my destination this fall. Should the following report of the Senate committee prove satisfac- tory, and all be persuaded that I have acted correctly, and expended no more than the honor of our government and the necessities of my position required, I will feel greatly obliged if Congress, " now so much relieved from heavy national and public affairs," will take up my bill and pass it through informally, as these protested drafls crowd and embarrass me mucli. The Indian Department have reconsidered the case, and, as the report of the committee will show, done for me what they felt authorized to do ; and I now most respectfully pray your honorable consideration to the payment of the residue, that I may go back to the land of my adop- tion unembarrassed, and happy in the consideration vliat our Congreas REPORT ON PETITION OF DR. WHITB. 419 whom I rded to a he has generous htPiN. a 1846. retura to say that ed dollars when you 3 you may MBDItL. [waiting the le from the :>in the rapid le necesaiticB under ohli- oon, in order a rove satisfac- cxpendcd no )f my position m\w\\ relieved bill and pass embarrass me 4 , as the report authorized to )n9ideration to id of my adop- , our Congress will do right And that any email presents, and other reasonable expenses to conciliate Indians where our citizens are settling on their onbought lands, will be cheerfully met Should any member desire an explanation, please drop me a note, and I will call at the moment required. Only pray act, and let me be off; for I thirst to be on the prairies of the far west, making my way to the valley of the Wallaraet The documents from the Legislature of Oregon arrived and defeated the doctor. The following extract is from the report of the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs on the petition of Dr. White : — " Your committee finds this first charge to be the amount actually and necessarily expended by the petitioner, and believes it to be moderate and equitable, and that it ought to be allowed. "The second charge appears equally just, and to have been made in compliance with the instructions of T. Hartley Crawford, superintend- ent of Indian affairs, of February 9, 1842, and enforced by the resolution of the Oregon Legislature, expressing the hope that Congress will reim- burse the expenses of the petitioner thereby incurred. " The third charge is for moneys actually paid under the specified heads by the petitioner, and for which drafts are now under protest, being disallowed by the department These accounts, your committee finds, have been suspended by the department under a decision made to restrict the petitioner to the amount allowed by law to sub-agents, viz., $1,250 per annum in all. Your committee believes that these amounts are equitably and justly asked, and should be granted by Con- gress, although the committee approves of the decision of the depart- ment, and thinks, in cases like the present, that such extra allowances should be made only by Congress. " Your committee has had a variety of testimony before it, show- ing that the affairs of his position have compelled the petitioner t/i transact and regulate Indian relations among ten large tribes, and many more smaller ones, speaking different languages, and for the most part warlike, excitable, and suspicious people. The Indian popiilation, among whom he has been the only official organ, amounts to twenty-five thousand souls. The petitioner has been left to support himself by his solitary energies and exertions, without the aid of troops, annui- ties, or the awe which the power of the government exercises over Indians to whom it is known. The prices of all articles (especially provisions), and the wages of interpreters ;«Dd assistants, and the means \'l h ( M u U iiu 420 mSTORY OF OBEGON. of traveling and transportation are very high, and difficnlt to be pro- oared. " Your committee believes that the petitioner would be left without any compensation for four years of arduous, harassing, and vexatious Bervices, nnless the relief for which he prays be extended to him by Congress. ♦' The committee, therefore, reports the accompanying bill, and rec- ommends its passage, as sanctioned by the equity and justice of the case, and according with the uniform policy and practice of the Con- gress of the United States in similar cases." We wish to state that the reason for quoting Dr. White's report so extensively is from the facts embodied in it, wholly independent of his 8elf-lauding statement Did we not know that Mr. Cornelius Rogers and Mr. H. A. G. Lee were his advisers and interpreters, we would not quote him as at all reliable in any of his Indian councils or proceedings. CHAPTER LL IMS. — Public meetings to elect delegates to convention. — Candidates for gorernor.— Ifembera elected to the Legislative Committee. — Oath of office^ — Mr. Applegate*! announcement — Dr. McLaughlin's amphibiousness. — Description of the memben of the Legislative Committee.;— Business of the session. — ErmatiDger''s election con- tested. — Mr. Garrison's resolutions. — Anti-slavery resolution. — Organic Uw revised. — Improvements and condition of the country. 1846. — PuBUc meetings had been held in most of the districts, and nominations made for the Legislative Committee. Delegates were elected to meet at Champocg in convention, to nominate candidates for governor, supreme judge, and Territorial recorder. In this convention A. L. Lovejoy, George Abemethy, O. Russell, and Dr. Bailey were candidates for governor. After several ballotings, Mr. Lovejoy received a majority of the votesj and was declared the regularly nominated candidate. Mr. RusselFs friends were dissatisfied, and in the final vote at the June election, joined with Mr. Abemethy's friends and elected him, although he was absent from the country. This left the -old Executive Committee in power until after the meeting of the Legislative Committee, and revision of the organic laws, which was the first business the committee attended to, and submitted the amended organic compact to the people for their approval. The members elected were : — From Clackamas County : H. A. G. Lee, W. H. Gray, H. Straight. From Champoeg County : R. Newell, J. Jjl. Garrison, M. G. Foiay, and B. Lee. From Yamhill County: Jesse Applegate and A- Hendricks. From Tualatin County : M. M. McCarver, J. W. Smith, and David IlilL From Clatsop County : John McClure. The oath administered to this Legislative Committee shows the feel- ings of the mover (Mi\ Applegate) toward the Hudson's Bay Company. Oath of Officb. — "I do solemnly swear that I will support the organic laws of the provisional government of Oregon, so fiir as the said organic laws are consistent with my duties as a citizen of the United States, or a subject of Great Britain, and faithfully demean myself in office. So help me God." In starting from Missouri to come to this country in 1843, Mr. Apple- •■ m 422 HI8T0RT OF OREOON. g-:ite annoauoed to his traveling companions, as we have been crediblj informed, > hat he meant to drive the Hudson's Bay Company from the country. To reach the country independent of them, ho had sold or mortgaged his cattle to get supplies at Wallawalla. On arriving at Vancouver, he found Dr. McLaughlin to be much of a gentleman, and disposed to aid him in every way he could. The doctor advised him to keep his cattle and gave him employment as a surveyor, and credit ibr all he required. This kind treatment closed Mr. Applcgate's open ■tatements of opposition to the company, and secured his friendship ftnd his influence to keep his Missouri friends from doing violence to them. He carried this kuid feeling for them into the Legislative Com- mittee. At this point the amphibious disposition of Dr. McLaughlin (a terra applied to the doctor, by a member of the company, for his supposed Mendship to the American cause) began to develop itself; and in pro- portion as he favored American interests he fell in the estimation of the oompany and the English government. The oath of office presented by Sir. Applegate, and supported by Messrs. Newell, Foisy, McCarver, Garrison, Smith, and Hendricks, shows that these men were favorable to a union with the company or the English party in the country. This would have been right and honorable, had there been a corresponding honorable confidence on their part ; but, as the sequel will show, this was not the case. They were willing to favor our organization and give it a quasi support while it served their purposes and affonled them an opportunity to work for its final overthrow. As a citizen, Mr. Applegate has been one of our best ; as a politician, he has acted on the old Whig platform, that, with him, has never been revised. Though half the American continent has been changed since he adopted it, yet his political creed is the same as that announced by Hamilton in the Federalist. My first impression of him was, that lie was better versed in the principles of that party than in those of reli- gion, or the general interests of a new country. The fact that the Hud- . son's Bay Company, or rather Dr. McLaughlin, early secured his per- sonal friendship, was the cause of his losing caste among his IVIissouri friends, and also among the larger portion of the settlers that the com- pany were not disposed to favor. In his legislative capacity he was invaluable. His mind was clear and distinct, and he was generally cor- rect in his conclusions, lliough not a good debater, yet his mathemati- «al calculations, and straight lines, always came close to the mark. He was kind and obliging to a friend or favorite, but severe on his enemies. ^ ■ Mr. Abijah Hendricks, from the same county, was a plain farmer, UEUBERS OF THE LEGISLATURE. who followed the lead of Mr. Applegate, causing him to always count two in any vote. Mr. J. H. Smith, of Tualatin County, was also a plain farmer, and gen- erally voted with Mr. Hill. Mr. M. G. Foisy, from Cbampoeg, a Frenchman, followed the lead of Mr. Newell. Mr. Barton Lee was of the independent Democratic pro-slavfry school, generally voting against mission interests, from personal preju- dice, and was equally ignorant of and prejudiced against the Hudron's Bay Company; following the lead of H. A. G. Lee. J. M. Garrison was a perfect weathercock, and none could tell from his speeches or actions what his vote would be. H. Straight, of Clackamas County, was a man of strong prejudices and but little legislative ability, pro-slavery in sentiment, and strongly opposed to the company and mission influences. He generally voted with Mr. Hill, of Tualatin District. John McClure, of Clatsop County, a man of 15 Me appearance and gen- erally respected for his age, but, as a politician, having no influence — merely occupying a place. He was of the pro-slavery school — extremely bitter and sarcastic in his conversation against all who fell under his displeasure, yet liberal to personal friends, and kind to strangers ; but severe alike on the Hudson's Bay Company and religious societies. He was inclined in his own religious ideas to Romanism. H. A. G. Lee was a young man of talent, firmness, and unimpeachable character. He acted with caution, and gcner-'lly right He was not a verbose, but a conclusive debater. In short, i !i 5 vzords of a debate were uttered byMcCarver, and the conclusions and final action followed Lee, who was always ready, with Applegate and Gray, to do his full share of writing and labor. As we have before stated, the first business of this Legislative Com- mittee was, to revise and prepare an organic law, which could be sub- mitted for the adoption of the people. The whole number of voters was about eight hundred. While this was being done by a special committee consisting of H. A. 6. Lee, Newell, Applegate, Smith, and McClure, — one from each county represented, — another special committee, consisting of Gray, Ap- plegate, H. A. G. Lee, McClure, and D. Hill, were appointed to draft a memorial and petition, to be forwarded to the Congress of the United States, setting forth the condition, situation, relations, and wants of this country. These two objects occupied the greater portion of the time of this Legislative Committee, during their session of eleven dayp. I . t I i ^ 1 1 - t^ i ■1 ijll r i ' :i 1 :• ^'-m li t ,> ' i J H i i: 'ml ' ' ' W ' ' 1 i t, f ^' i' 1 ! j. hi '! I r--.l 424 HISTORY OF OREGON. On the third day of the session, the question aa to the legality of allowing Francis Ermatinger to hold the ofBce of treasurer came up, and it was finally decided that there were not sufficient grounds for contesting tho election. Ermatinger was then a member of the Hud- Mon's Bay Company, and so was Dr. McLaughlin. Hill and Straight were the only two who voted against Ermatinger's holding that office. I have no doubt, from the feeling and influence just then operating among the officers and serv.Mits of the company and English colonists (which subsequent events have proved), that they were laboring to divide the American influence, by coming in and 'npearing to act with U8. Ermatinger was popular among the Ame- ', and received the entire French vote, and was declared duly ele y the Legislative Committee. On th.c fifth day of tho session, J. M. Garrison (I think he was called Rev. in those days) brought in a set of resolutions which speak for themselves, " On motion of Mr. Gan'ison — " liesolvedy That whereas the people of Oregon, assembled en masse, did, on the 2d day of May, 1843, resolve that no tax should be levied upon this people, confii-ming the same bv tho adoption of the reiK>rt of the committee of wa^ •? and means, adopted by the Legislative Com- mittee and referred to the people en nioaae, and by them enacted on the 6th day of July, 1843 ; therefore, " Itesotved, That this house has no right to levy a tax of any kind, without the consent of the free votdrs of this Territory previously obtained. " Resolved, That all acts and parts of acts on that subject passed by the Legislative Committee were contrary to the express resolution and action of the people." These resolutions were referred tr committee of the whole, where they found a silent grave. Dr. White by this time is coming up for a big splurge. Our young fri'^nd IL A. G. Lee proposes to make him the bearer of our memorial to Congress, by introducing a resolution, " That the clerk be required to furnish to Dr. E. White a copy of the memorial to Congress, as soon as it shall be properly signed, as per resolution of yesterday." This resolution elicited a little discussion, and a statement that Dr. White was not to be trusted with any public document to the govern- ment, as he would more than probably change, or so arrange those documents as to secure his own personal ends, whatever they might be. By those unacquainted with Dr. White this was considered strange and unreasonable prejudice against him ; so that on the final question THE PIEST ORGANIC LAW. 48ft there were but Gray, Ilill, and St'/rxight who voted against placing the documents in liis hands. On the h)8t day of this session Mr. Applegato introduced a test ques- tion on tlie subject of slavery, precisely the same as that introduced by Garrison four days previous. ^^ Jieaolued,That this go ernment can recognize the right of one per- son to the services of another only upon bona-fide contiact made and entered into, and equally binding on both parties." Yeas — Applegate, Gray, Stiiith, McCarver, Garrison, Hill, II. A. G. Lee, Hendricks, and Foisy — 1 . Nays — Straight, B. Lee, and McClure — 3. We must now adjourn our Legislative Committee a few days, and see what is going on outside. The organic laws of the people first adopted at Champoeg, July 6, 1843, had been revised, and unanimously adopted by the Legislative Committee, and submitted for the vote of the people, July 26, 1845. On page 431 of Mr. Ilines' book, he says : "In the spring of 1844 anew Legislative Committee was elected, which embraced two or three law- yers, who arrived in the country the previous fall. This committee passed a vote recommending several impoitant alterations in the organic laws, which were found to be, in their practical operations, somewhat defective. As the people had not yet surrendered their law-making power into the hands of the Legislative Committee, it was necessary to call an election to ascertain the will of the people in relation to the pro- posed alterations and amendments. This election took place, and resulted in the adoption of the organic laws, with the proposed altera- tions and amendments, by an overwhelming majority. The principal alterations thus effected relate to the three powers of government, — the legislative, executive, and judicial. Instead of a committee of nine, whose acts were to be confirmed or rejected by a subsequent vote of the people, the legislative power was vested in a House of Representa- tives, to consist of not less than thirteen nor more than sixty-one mem- bers, possessing all the powers usual to such bodies. Instead of a committee of three, the executive power was vested in one person, to be elected by the qualified voters at the annual election, and possessing the powers common to the governors of the different States." We are unable to understand Mr. Hines when he says, " As the people had not yet surrendered their law-making power into the hands of the Legislative Committee, it was necessary to call an election to ascertain the will of the people." This statement shows the ignorance of Mr. nines as regards the organic laws adopted by the people of Champoeg. Mr. haxton, who was in the country at the time, and took copies of ? HI' > ! m HISTOKT OP OREGON .S'V those laws attested by Mr. Le Breton (which have already been given), found an organic law with an executive, legislative, and judicial depart- ment, the same as the committee of 1845, and all that was requisite Avas to revise, select out, and define the powers and duties of the several departments. As a matter of policy, and to harmonize and consolidate, as much as v'fis possible, all the conflicting interests and influences in the country, the presence of British subjects was admitted, their treaty rights were acknowledged by our laws, aud they were admitted to a voice aud rep- resentation in the provisional government. The liberal course pursued by the Legislature of 1845 has fixed the deep stain of ingratitude and infamy upon the British subjects who participated in our organization, and received its benefits and pro- tection, till they had completed their arrangements for its destruction, just as slavery grew under the fostering care of a liberal and generous government, and then attempted to crush and (lestroy its protector. From a review of Mr. Ilines' book, I find that he was on a tour from Oregon to New York by way of China during 1845 and 1846. This will account for his want of information regarding the polii ical events that were taking- place during that time; and also showt: the views ho entertained on leaving the countiy. Dr. McLaughlin had completed his saw-mill and flour-mill at Oregon City. The Milling Company had also put up mills at that place which were now in successful operation, aud the country generally was in a prosperous oon lition. Dr. Whitman had much annoyance and d'itfioulty with the Indians on account of interference and tales told the' by old Toupin, Doreo, Gervais, the priests, and others who were je.dous of his labors and success among them. He had purcliased the Dalles station of the Methodist Mission, and engaged Mr. Ilinman to occupy it until other arrangements could bo made. Mr. Spalding was engaged in improving his farm, also printing books in the Nez Perce language on his small press, and translating and printing portions of the Bible, for the use of the natives. He had a saw- mill and grist-mill at his station ; aud about three hundred of his In- dians, and one hundred at Dr. Whitman's, were cultivating patches of ground. Messrs. Walkcv and Eells were staying at Cimakain, ready to depart any time, as stated by Mr. Brouillet. On page 9 of his narrative, ho says : " A missionary of the Spokans, writing to Dr. Whitman, as early as 1830, has said: 'The failure of this mission is so strongly BROUILLET'S LEAVEN". 437 impressed upon my mind, that I feel it necessary to have cane in hand, and as much as one shoe on, ready for a move. I see nothing but the power of God tliat can save us.' " Query. — Where did Rev. Vicar- General Brouillet get this letter, and for what purpose did he preserve it ? Did he find it among Dr. Whitman's papers, when he was hunting them over to find the vial of poison to show the Indians as per deposi- tion in the case ? Brouillet continues: "These facts and statements prove clearly, I think, that there existed among the Indians, long before the arrival of the bishop of Wallawalla and his clergy, strong causes of dissatisfac- tion against the Protestant missionaries and the Americans in general, and that they formed a leaven that had been fermenting several years^ Tins statement of Vicar-General Brouillet is unquestionably true, but, unfortunately for him, he is standing on the outer line of the circle, and has no personal knowledge of inside influences ; hence he reasons from effect and guesses at the cause. He is anxious to so arrange cause and effect, as to remove suspicion of crime from a sect, and tboreby involves his friends and himself, and furnishes the strongest proof of the complicity and guilt of both in the crime alleged against them. The "leaven" that had been fermenting is just what we are bringing to light. The Hudson's Bay Company were repairing and strengthening their forts, under the plea that they wished some bastions from which they could salute her Majesty's ships on their arrival and departure from the river ; at the same time they were laboring to secure political influence in the settlements, t! "ugh their American dupes and tools. While combining tl.e Indian tribes, they were encouraging Jesuitical religious teachers an.ong t' «>m; and while preparing for self-defense, they were dividing the settlement into parties and factions. The Methodist Mission influence was but little, and mission credit was worse than greenbacks in 1864. As to commerce, it was nearly or quite under the control of the Hudson's Bay Company, also the market value of all produce in the country. ih . f I :?1 CHAPTER LH 1845. — Second session of the Legislative Committee. — Mr. McCarver removed from the office of Speaker. — Mr. Applegate's resolutions. — Protest of Gray, Foisy, and Straight. — A legislative incident, — Law against dueling. — Dr. White addresses the Legislature. — Resolutions. — Dr. White denies the right of the settlers to organize a provisional government. — McCarver signs documents without authority. — Reso- lutions by the house on the subject. — Impertinent letter from Dr. White to tlie house. — Wliite cornered by President Polk. — Incidents in White's temperance roovomonts. — Proposition to repeal all laws for the collection of debts. — The Cur- rency act. — Adjournment of the Legislature in August. — Meets again in December. — Proposal to locate the capital The Legislative Committee, at their second session, August 5, 1845, met under the revised and amended organic law, which had been previously adopted by the people by a majority of two hundred and three. There were between two and three hundred votes aga'nst the revision or amendments. Many voted against it, on account of its allowing the Hudson's Bay Company's English and French follovrers an equal voice Viith the Americans and others, and on account of its allowing the Legislature the power to regulate the introduction, manu- factni-e, and sale of liquors. McCarver "'.aimed that he was Speaker of the house, tmder the organic law aa revised. This caused some discussion and voting, and the introduction of a. resolution reqniesting him to resign his position as Speaker, which he declined to do. Gray moved tiiat the vote electing liim. Speaker of the ho\ise be reconsidered. McCarver tlien proceeded to organize the house, to suit his views of matters, by appointing new committtes, and went forward as if no previous committees liad been appointed. When his appointments were all made. Gray inquired if, in the opinion of Mr. Speaker McCarver, the house was properly organized. He replied that it was. Gray then appealed to the house, and was sustained, McCarver having denied his own position by appointing new committees. On motion of Mr. Straight, Mr. McCarver was removed from bis office as Speaker, and Robert Newell elected [tro tern. Applegate, for reasons never fully explained, introduced two resolu- tions, whicli show either a short-sighted view of matters, or a foolish policy on his part, to wit : — APPLEGATE'S RESOLUTIONa 429 "Resolved, That the people of Oregon are tiot, in the opinion of this house, morally or legally bound by any acts of the officers or agents of the people not expressly authorized or sanctioned by the instru- raeut in virtue of which they had their official existence. " Hesolved, further. That this house can not assume, in behalf of the people, the payment of any debt, or the refunding of any funds borrowed, or otherwise unlawfully contracted or obtained, without first obtaining the consent of the people." On motion, the vote referring said resolution to committee of the whole woo reconsidered, when the rules were suspended, the resolu- tion read a second time, and referred to committee of the whole. On the fifth day of the session, the resolutions of Mr, Applegate were called up, and Messrs. Applegate, Garrison, Hendricks, Hill, II. Lee, B. Lee, McClure, and Smith voted for, and Foisy, Gray, Straight, and McCarver against. Newell asked to be excused. These resolu- tions had the effect, designed or not, to destroy the credit of the pro- •^Isional government. On the sixth day of the n, Gray, Foisy, and Straight presented, and, on motion, were allowed lo enter, their protest against their adop- • tion, as follows : — ^^ Whereas, A reffolution, with a pream' V, containi g a direct and positive censure upon the proceedings of the Oregon g.>vemment, was introduced into this house by Jesse Applegate, assertinj.: that this house, and the people of Oregon, are n'^t morally r legally bound for any act of said government, to the payment of y debts contracted, or unlawfully borrowed, except they had previously obtained the con- sent of the people. " And whereas, From the wording of said resolut' wo construo- tions may lye placed upon it ; the one amounting t> )udiatlon of all debts heretofore contracted, or money borrowed ; tiio other implying a want of confidence in the agents and officers of this government ; therefore, " We, the undersigned, decidedly and solemnly protest against the adoption of any such resolutions or expressions by this house, as they not only do no good, but tend to great evil, in destx-oying the confi- dence of the people in the agents and officers of this government, without sufficient cause. " W. H. Grat. "M. G. F018Y. "Oregon City, Aug. 7, 1845. H. Straight. 'I7ie effect of these resolutions was at once manifest. Measures were taken to procure the launch of the Peacock (which had been left in ;! j ,1 ii ■ 1 I n Hi t m 1 Hf ' w ( ; 1 1 t 'tli;jb'i l! i lao HISTORY OP OREQON- the care of Dr. McLaughlin by Captain Wilkes), for a pilot-boat at the mouth of the Columbia. The doctor informed the committee that he was not authorized to give it in charge of any irresponsible parties, without an order from as high authority as that from which he had received it. Hence the launch was allowed to rot upon the beach at Astoria; Mr. McClure, from that place, being one who voted to repudiate responsibility on the part of the provisional gov- ernment. On the 11th of August, in the midst of business under the order of the day, Mr. Applegate came in, apparently under considerable excite- ment, and in quite an earnest manner asked that the rule be sus- pended, to allow him to present a bill to prevent dueling. No immedi- ate or pressing reason was assigned, but from the earnest manner of Mr. Applegate, and from what a number of the members knew, or pretended to know, the rule was suspended, Mr. Applegate's bill to prevent dueling read first time ; rule further suspended, his bill read by title second and third time and passed, and on his further motion, a special messenger, P. G. Stewart, Esq., was sent with it to the governor, lOr his approval and signature ; and in half an hour's time from its introduction and reading in the house it became a law in this vast country, bounded by the Russian possessions on the north, the Rocky Mountains on the east, California on the south, and the Pacific on the west. Not long after this telegraphic law on dueling was passed, it was dis- covered that a young man by the name of Holderness had considered himself insulted and slandered by some report said to have originated with Dr. White. Holderness was ?bout to send him a challenge, or at least there was a prospect that they might fight, if cither of tliem had the courage to do so. This law gave the doctor an honorable excuse to decline the challenge, and have Holderness indicted and punished for sending it. This matter was engineered through so handsomely by Mr. Applegate, that Dr. White expressed himself highly gratified and pleased. On the next day, the 12lli, Mr. Applegate was honored with an im- portant dispatch from Dr. White, which he presented in due form, together with a resolution of thanks to Dr. White, and an order was entered on the journal to have the doctor's communication filed for publication. This was not exactly what the doctor wanted, as the sequel will show. Ho had found that Applegate had the talent and influence requisite to carry through the resolutions necessary to accom- plish his purposes. He, having spent a part of the summer in running about the Walla- met Valley, made a trip over to the coast, and one into the Cascade exai mitt men tlic Wh; D ize a APPLEGATE'S AND DR. WHITE'S MOVES. 481 Mountains; wrote a journal of tbesc trips, and presented it to the house through Mr. Applegate. After White's journal was read, Applegato presented a resolution, that the thanks of this house are duo to Dr. E. White and his party for their meritorious exertions to find a passage through the Cascade Mountains, and that his account be filed for publication. On motion, White teas allowed to address the house, which he did in liis usual self-lauding, plausible manner, insinu- ating the great labor and benefit he had done, in keeping the Indians quiet and in exploring the country. His chaff and bombast secured the co'Operation of Robert Newell and Mr. Applegate. On the 14tb, Mr. Applegate informed the house that he had in his possession several ofiicial documents, belonging to Dr. E. White, which he was requested to lay before the house. The report and documents were received. On motion of Mr. Applegate — " Resolved, That, whereas the adoption of the amended organic law by the people of Oregon was an act of necessity rather than choice, and was intended to give to the people the protection which, of right, should be extended to them by their government, and not as an act of defiance oi disregard of the authority or laws of the United States ; therefore, *'■ It is further resolved, 1st. That, in the opinion of this house, the Congress of the United States, in establishing a Territorial government, should legalize the acts of the people in this country, so far as they are in accordance with the Constitution of the United States. 2d. That Dr. Elijah White, sub-Indian agent of Oregon, be requested to furnish a copy of the amended organic law to the Congress of the United States. 3d. That these resolutions be indoreed on said copy, with the vote of this house adopting the same." On the adoption of the above, the vote was unanimous, which vote was taken by yeas and nays ; and, on motion, llie house decided that the members should not sign their names to said resolutions. It will be seen by the statement of Applegate in the first part of this resoUition, or preamble, that he wished to deny an attempt to resist the govcriiment o' the United States on the part of the people and pro- visional governir.cnt ; and the fact that Dr. White had allowed him to examine his ofiicial papers, and present them to the Legislative Com- mittee, shows the manner ho was working with Applegate to get docu- ments, resolutions, and papers from the Legislature into his hands ; also the desperate effort there was made to get a unanimous vote favoring White as the bearer of those documents. Dr. White had from the first denied the right of the settlei-s to organ- ize a provisional goverment unless they would elect him as their gov- i: i { <" i] 432 HISTORY OF OREGON. ernor. Applegate is caught in his trap, as we shall see, and from that day he began to lose his influence, and soon found that he had conmut- ted an egregious mistake, notwithstanding he had obtained a unani- mous vote, to place those documents in Dr. White's hands. In order to head off McCarver, the house had voted that the members should not sign their names to the resolutions. McCarver could not withstand the temptation to get his name as Speaker of the Oregon Legislature before the Congress of the United States ; so, as soon as the documents came into White's hands, he went to the clerk and attached his name as Speaker of the house. Newell was not quite satisfied, or rather Dr. White was not ; so he got Newell to present a resolution, as follows : — " Resolved, That this house recommend to the favorable considera- tion of the Congress of the United States the just claims of Dr. E. White, sub-Indian agent, for a remuneration for the heavy expenses by him incurred, in attempting to discover a southern passage through the Cascade Mountains." In the afternoon session ihe resolution of Mr. Newell was called up, and, on its final passage, the yeas and nays were demanded, and were as follows : — Yeas — Messrs. Applegate, Foisy, Hendricks, H. Lee, McClure, Newell, Straight, and the Speaker — 8. Nays — Messrs. Gray, Garrison, Hill, B. Lee, and Smith — 5. So the resolution was passed. Dr. White waited for the passage of this resolution (keeping quiet as to McCarver's signing the others in violation of the order of the house), and as soon as it was safely in his pocket, left for Vancouver, on his way to the States. White had no sooner gone, than it leaked out that McCarver had signed the documents, and White had broken the seals, and destroyed private letters intrusted to him to convey to the States, and had made Garrison his confidant respecting breaking open and destroying the letters. Here was a muss on hand such as none out White and Mc- Carver could " kick up." Applegate was too much excited and insulted by these men to say any thing ; but he presented through B. Lee a resolution as follows : — '■^Resolved, That M. M. McCarver has been opposed to the organic law, as adopted by the people of Oregon ; and, contrary to the voice of this house in regular session, clandestinely, and in a manner unworthy the confidence reposed in him, placed his name to a copy of those lawn transmitted to the United States, thereby conveying a false impression ; a'ld did, also, sign his name to two resolutions, contrary to a diroct vt te of this house ; therefore, DOCUMENTS SENT FOR. 433 im thnt. omniil- unani- 1 orilcr •uld not and the e before t3 ciime name as her Dr. Hows : — maidera- ' Dr. E. ensea by ough the ailed up, and were McClure, ing quiet er of the ancouver, arver had destroyed ad made oying the and Me- ld insulted B. Lee a le le organic voice of unworthy those laws* npression ; to tt direct "Jo is further resolved. That we disapprove of the course he has pursued, and feel ourselves under the humiliating necessity of signify- ing the same to the United States government, by causing a copy of this resolution to accompany those documents." Which was received, and referred to committee of the whole. In the afternoon, Dr. J. E. Long, clerk of the house, A. L. Lovejoy, Smith, and Hill wore called before ttie house, and put on oath, to state what they knew of the matter. Mr. Applegate was chairman. The committee rose and reported that they had been engaged in investigat- ing tlie subject referred to in Mr. B. Lee's resolution, but had not adopted the resolution. McCarver had been allowed to explain his course. On motion of Mr. Applegate — ^'■Resolved, Tiiat, whereas a copy of the organic laws of Oregon, together with some resolutions, intended to be sent to the United States, have not been attested and dispatched according to tlie directions of th'S house ; therefore, ^'Resolved, That the clerk dispatch for them a messenger, to Van- couver, with authority to bring said documents back, and that he deliver them to the secretary, and that the expenses incurred be paid by the members of this house who voted for the resolution." On the adoption of which the yeas and nays were called, and were as follows : — Yeas — Messrs. Applegate, Gray, B. Lee, McClure, and Newell — 5. JVays— Messrs. Hill, Smith, and Straight — 3. So the reschition was adopted. Messrs. Foisy, Garrison, Hendricks, and the Speaker were excused from voting. On motion, the house went into committee of the whole, Mr. Apple- gate in the chair. The committee rose, and reported, that the resolution of B. Lee hav- ing been under consideration, was laid upon the table. It is but justice to state that the clerk of the house, J. E. Loof^, favored Dr. White's and Mr. McCarver's course, and allowed M '•Carve" to sign the documents he well knew the house did not wish him to t'«?n. A majority of the house weie inclined to believe that White had been slandered ; and had McCarver allowed the documents to go ns per vote. White's designs, as stated by his opponents, would not have been revealed ; so the messenger was sent for the documents on account of McCarver's course. August 16, 1845. — The House met pursuant to adjournment. The rules were suspended to allow the introduction of resolution!, when, on motion of Mr. McClure, it was 28 il i • 434 IIISTOET OP OEEGOK " Resohied, That, whereas the Speaker of this house has eigned cer- tain documents, ordered to be sent to the United States by a vote of this Legislatnre, from a mistaken sense of duty, and not from contumacy or contempt for this house ; therefore, " Resolved, That M. M. McCarver, said Speaker, have leave of ab- sence, for the purpose of following Dr. E. White to Vancouver ; and this house enjoins tliat said Speaker erase his name from said doca- nients, to wit, the organic laws, and two resolutions in favor of Dr. E. White." On motion of Mr. Applegate, it was ^^ Resolved, That it was not the intention of this house, in passing resolutions in favor of Dr. E. White, to recommend him to the govern- ment of the United States as a suitable person to fill any office in this Territory ; and, " Be it further resolved. That the clerk of this house forward, by some suitable person, an attested copy of this resolution, to the United States government." The house appointed J. M. Garrison, Speaker, pro tern. McCarver, being thus plainly invited, left tlie house, and found that the clerk's messenger had already gone for the documents. He returned in the afternoon and induced Mr. Smith, from Tualatin, to present the following resolution : — " Resolved, That the vote requiring the Speaker to go in qriest of Dr. E. White, for the purpose of erasing his name from certain documents in his possession to be by him conveyed to the United States, be recon- sidered, and the Speaker restored to the chair." On the 18th of August, the arrival of a letter from Dr. E. White was announced, which was read, as follows : — August 17, 1846. To the Hon., etc. : Gentlemex, — Being on my way, and having but a moment to reflect, I have been at much of a loss which of your two resolutions most to respect, or which to obey ; but at length have become satisfied that the first was taken most soberly, and, as it answers my purpose best, I pledge myself to adhere strictly to that. Sincerely wishing you good luck in legislating, I am, dear sirs, very respectfully yours, E. White. On the 20th, on motion of Mr. Applegate, it was " Resolved, That the secretary be requested to forward to the United States government, through the American consul at the Sandwich Islands, a copy of tiie articles of compact, as adopted by the people of DR. WHITE'S DUPLICITY. 435 led cer- vote of itumacy e of ab- rer; and id doca- »r of Dr. n passing e govern- ce in this ,rward, by be United found that [e returned present the pe3t of Dr. documents g, be recon- nt to reflect, ons most to ified that the •pose best, I ng you good o the United he Stmdwich the people of Oregon Territory, on the last Saturday of July, \. d. 1845 ; and that the same be signed by the governor, and attested by t!ie secrt-tary ; also, all resolutions adopted by this house relative to sending said documents by E. White, l.'ite Indian agent of this Territory ; also, a copy of the letter of E. White, directed to this house." These documents and papers, with depositions respecting White's opening and destroying private letters, were prepared, duly signed, and sent on to the Sandwich Islands by Captain Couch, of the Lausanne, and reached Washington just in time for President Polk to refuse White an important commission in New Mexico. The President, on receiving the documents and lenrning of White's course, asked an ex- planation, which he at first declined to give, on account of an attempt, as he nlleged, of some loto blackguards in Oregon to slander him. The legislative documents were referred to, when he fonnd he was cornered, and left the President's house without his appointment. Thus ended, for a time, the official course of a base snd unprincipled man, who seemed only to live and move for selfish ends. His influence as a missionary, and as an officer of the government, were alike vile and unprincipled. He sought friends and partisans on ly to deceive and betray them. Applegate, McC.irver, Garrison, Lee, McClnre, and Xewell were compelled to acknowledsre his deception. In fact, no one but the Hud- son's Bay Company could make any use of him, and with them he was considered an irresponsible man, and only useful as a tool to combine the Indians, and diviite and destioy the influence of the settlement, as he had done that of the j\Iethodist Mission. The history of Dr. White, as connected with Pacific City and Spirit- ualism, and his secret agency under President Lincoln's administration, are of small moment when compared with the moral blight he fixed on the cause of missions and religion, in his early relations in Oregon. All who have ever attempted to associate witli him, or assist him, have been made to feel his immoral influence. He made great professions of sus- taining the temperance cause, while acting as Indian agent, and still allowed the Hudson's Bay Company to do as they pleased with their liquors, without a single word of complaint or remonstrance to the American government, while he pursued a high-handed ami injudicious course toward the American citizen in his efforts to prevent the intro- duction or manufacture of liquors in the country. In his «ea1, he l»oarded a vessel of which Captain J. H. Couch was master, and asserted his right to search and seize all the liquors he had on board. Captain Couch, knowing his rights and duties better than the Indian agent did his, ordered his men to get ready a couple of swivels he had on l»oard. rang- ing them fore and afl along the vessel. He then said to Mr. IndLin ') i : M \ 'U !{ Ill 436 HISTORY OP OREGON. Agent . *' If you are able to take my ship, yon can search and seize her, and not otherwise." The doctor tbuud he was dealing with the wrong person, and left, to visit Mrs. Cooper, who had recently arrived in the country from Sydney, New South Wales, with a supply of liquors. He succeeded in getting a dram from " Old Mother Cooper," as she was called, and inquired if she had any more like it. The old woman had by this time a suspicion of his object, and informed him that, if she had, he could have no more. Soon after, he learned that Dick McCary had pat up a teapot dis- tillery somewhere near his own house. He then got a party of men and went down and destroyed the whole concern, except the kettle, which answered for a bell, upon which he beat and drummed on his way back to Oregon City, and then took an adz and stove a hole in it, thus destroying it. If this had been done on the ground, no exceptions would have been taken to it ; but White's proceedings disgusted the friends of temperance so much, that a few days after, when Newel! presented a communication from him to the Legislature, with a bill to prevent the sale of liquor, it was defeated — 5 for and 8 against. The governor, having confidence in the morality and honesty of the people, suggested in his message the repeal of all laws for the collection of debts. He seemed to be of the opinion, that as they had lived and prospered under the mission and Hudson's Bay Company's rule without any such laws, the same rule would apply to a more numerous and civ. ilized community. He was sustained in his opinion by Applegate, Hen- dricks, H. Lee, B. Lee, and Newell — 5 ; Foisy, Gray, Garrison, Hill, McCarver, McClure, Straight, and Smith — 8, were of a different opinion. This vote seemed to annoy Applegate, as he had taken an active part in shaping the governor's suggestions into a bill to prevent litiijation, and he seemed to insist upon the experiment being tried in a more ex- tensive manner in the government of Oregon. It is due to this legisla- tive body and to the governor to state, that none of thp;n had ever had any experience in law-making until they found ihemaelves in a country where there were no laws, and where the representatives were without law-books (with the single exception of acopj of the statutes of Iowa) to guide them. Tliey had to originate, revise, and do as the majority thought best, in all the laws presented. That they were adapted to the time and the peo))lc then in the country tbere can he no question. This shows the innate love of law and order ia the American people, as also a disposition to abide by and sustain right principles, though iiot imme- diately in the presence of prisons and punishment. Had there been no foreign influences in the country, it would, per- haps, have been safe to risk the governor's suggestion, and Applegate's CURRENCY LAW. 437 ize her, 1 in the rs. He she was [nan hai\ she had, apot dis- j of men 16 kettle, n his way in it, thus ona would friends of resented a revent the ;8ty of the u collection 3 lived and nle without us and civ- egate, Hin- •rison, HiH) snt opinion, active part t Ulii^ation, I a more ex- ihis legisla- ad ever had ill a country rere without tea of Iowa) the majority iapted to the jstion. This eople, as also -h i.ot imrae- t would, pcr- 1 Apph' crate's experiment. I arrive at this conclusion from my experience in four times crossing the continent, and in visiting tlie early mining regions of California, British Columbia, and Oregon. In all American cara- vans and mines, the company and miners make their own laws. In British mines, the government makes the laws, and the revenue officers enforce thera. So with tlie Hudson's Bay Company and Roman mis- sions : the committee in London, and the pope in Rome, give their subjects certain laws by which to be governed ; and whenever those laws come in conflict with the more liberal American idea of govern- ment, there is opposition ; for the disposition to oppress and the desire to be free can never harmonize. With the one is organized wealth and superstition, backed by irons, flogging, and ignorance. With the other is liberty and tiie love of right, sustained by intelligeiioe, honesty, and virtue. No one acquainted with the early history of the people of Oregon can fail to admire their virtue and stability, and the firmness they displayed in maintaining their natural rights. We have already explained the secret influences that were combined to hold them in a state of half-savage and half- religious or ecclesiastical vassalage, till some action should be taken by the United States government. This state of things did lot accord witii the feelings of a great major- ity of the people. They had ruled their own individual actions too long to submit quietly to any religious or political power, in which they had no voice. Hence they were ready for any mutual organiza- tion, that was of their own tshoice and creation. They adopted a system of currency suitable to the time and country. This system became necessary, from the known disposition of the Hud- son's Bay Company to oppress and force payment, in what did not then exist in suflicient quantity to meet the wants of the settlement ; besides, they Iield the commercial power ; and here again protection was re- quired. The I wo petitions to the Congress of the United States of 1840 and 1842 state their policy as to internal matters. Tlie first section of this currency law is : — " Jie it enacted by the House of Representatives of Oregon Territory : 1st. That, in addition to gold and silver, treasury drafts, approved orderfl on solvent merchants, and good merchantable wheat at the market price, delivered at such place as it iii customary for people to receive their wheat at, shall be a lawful tender for the payment of taxes and judgments rendered in the courts of Oregon Territory, and for the payment of all debts contracted in Oregon Territory, where no special contracts have been made to the contrary. " 2d. The personal estate of every individual, company, body politic or corporate, including his, her, or their goods or chattels, also town or h 11' *■ i % !1 i 't! i '■! ,t ^i- w M6 HISTORY OP OREGON. city property, or iinprovementB claimed and owned in virtue of occu pancy, secured and allowed by the treaty between Great Britain anf Oregon, do hereby certify that the foregoing act on ardent spirits is truly and correctly revised by me. John E. Loxg, Secretary. VA 1 I I i m' 442 HISTORY OF OREGON^. It will be seen in the final vote, that Foisy at first voted ugainst tliia bill; but Hendricks and B. Lee changed their vote and Foisy changed his; thus the liquor law remained as it was, and was published February 6, 1846, and remained in force till Satvirday, December 19, 1846. On December 4 of that year, the governor called the attention of the Legislature to this law, in the followir.g language: — "The act passed at the last session of the Legislature, entitled 'An Act to prevent the introduction, sale, and distillation of ardent spirits in Oregon,' is one J. should recommend for revision ; there are several points that arc thought to be defective. The organic law provides that the Legislature shall have power to pass laws to regulate the in- troduction, manufacture, or sale of ardent spirits. It is lield that the port'cr to prohibit the introduction, manufacture, or sale is not granted by the organic law. Another objection is that the fines collected under the act shall go, one-half to the informant and witnesses, and the other lialf to the officers engaged in arresting and trying : in fact, making the witnesses and judges interested in the case. The fourth section makes it the duty of any oflicer, or any private citizen, to act whenever it shall come to tiieir knowledge- that any kind of spirituous liquors are being distilled or manufactured in Oregon. It would be much better if it were made the duty of the sheriif of each county to act, whenever he should be informed that any liquor was being made or sold in his county, and authorize him to raise a sufficient pause to aid and assist him in en- forcing the law. We have, as a community, taken a high stand in the cause of temperance; among our earliest effi)rts may be found the abolishing of ardent spirits from our land, and to this, in a great meas- ure, may be attributed our peace and prosperity. No new country can be pointed out where so much harmony prevailed in its first settlement as in tl'is : laws, we had none, yet all things wont on quietly and pros- perously. I iiuve no doubt if ardent spirits are kept within their proper bounds, we sliall continue prosperous. "It is said by some we have no right to say what a man shall make or what ho shall not make ; yet, we find, in all largo cities, certain manufact ries are forbidden to bo carried on within the limits of the city, because they annoy the inhabitants, and hence are declared to be public nuisances, and by law are compelled to be removed ; and, if the city increase and extend to the place where .tliey are roloeatt'd, they are removed again. Intoxicating drink is an enormous public injury and private wrong ; its effects, in every way, shape, and form, are evil, and therefore should bo restrained within proi)er linuts by law. It de- prives the wife and children of the inebriate of tlio support and pro- tection they have a right to expect from him; it deprives th(^ community GOVERNOR ABERNETIIT'S MESSAGE. 448 it this av.ged )ruary i. On of the d 'An irits in several rovides the in- hat the granted d under le other king the inalies it it shall .re being tter if it never he 3 county, iui in eu- id in the Dund the uat nieas- lutry can ettlenieut and pvos- ;'ir proper liill make certain its of the ued to be nd, if the at(Ml, tlicy )lio injury 1, are evil, ,-. It tl"- and pro- onmuuiity of the labor which constitutes a nation's wealth, for it is a well-known fact that a nation's wealth is made up of individual labor, and every- day, therefore, lost by the laborer, caused by the eifects of alcoholic drink, is a loss to the community at large. Persons who have become habitually addicted to ardent spirits, heav'ing that we had excluded the poison from our land, and, believing tJiey never could be free if they re- mained near its influence, have left their homes and crossed the Rocky Mountains to escape the ruin that threatened them. Shall they be dis- appointed ? During the last year, persons taking advantage of the defect in our law, liave manufactured and sold ardent spirits. We have seen the effects (although the manufacture was on a small scale) in the midnight carousals among the Indians in our neighborhood, during their fishing season, and while they had property to dispose of; and, let me ask, what would be the consequences if the use of it should be giMieral in the country and among the diS'ercnt tribes of Indians in the Tei-ri- tory ? History may, hereafter, write the page in letters of blood ! And what are the consequences, as presented to us in the history of older countries, of an indiscriminate use of ardent spirits ? Almshouses, hos- pitals, prisons, and the gallows. I would, therefore, recommend that but one person, and that person a physician, be authorized to import or manufacture a sufficient quantity to supply the wants of the commu- nity for medicinal purposes; to dispose of" no liquor except when he knows it to be necessary, or on an order from a regular physician, stating that tlie person applying stands in need of it for medicinal pur- poses ; and to physicians to be used in their j)ractice ; the person so em- powered to import, manufacture, and sell, to keep a record of the quan- tity manufactured or imported; also, a record of the quantity sold, or disposed of, and to Avhom, and name of physician on whose certiflcate given. This would be attended with but little trouble, and might be required to be given under oath. Many articles require alcohol to dis- solve them; this could be done by taking the article to the person ap- pointed and having the alcohol put into the ingredients in his ])resence. Section filth I would recommend to be altered, so that the tines should go one-half to the informer, and the other half into the treasury. I would recommend that the penalties be increased. If the indis- criminati' sale of liquor be admitted an evil, no good citizen can wish to be engaged in it. Why should the majority suffer to benefit a few individuals? " I ha\ e said more on this subject than I should have done, did I not fear an attempt will be made to break down the barriers raised by the early settlers of this land. Much of our prosperity and happiness as a community depends upon your action in this matter." 1 >, 444 HISTORY OF OREGON. I am inclined to think that the governor was misinformed or mistaken in the statement that liquor had been manufactured in the settlement otherwise than by drugs and a composition called rot-gut, wiiich there were men in the country base enough to produce. Had the gov- ernor been more energetic and taken the matter in ha>id, no manufac- turing of liquors would have been a'lowad. He seems to have thrown himseii'back upon the faults of the law as an excuse for not seeing that it was executed as it should have been, and as it was executed in other places. Some of this drugged liquor was brought to Astoria by one George Geere, of Dr. White notoriety, and the citizens of Clatsop Plains beli.g notified of the fact, came over prepared for a fight, and found Geere, with his liquors, his pistols, and a seven-shooter rifle. They took him and his pistols and rifle, also his two kegs, and several bottles of liquor. The liquor they turned out on the ground, — took Geere before Esquire Tibbetts, and gave him a jury trial before six men of his own choice, who found him guilty. He was fined one hundred dollars and costs of suit, which was all given, by unanimous consent, to the county. When such a man as Governor Abernethy could excuse himself from acting and enforcing a law, because he thought the distribution of the fines imposed made the oflScers and witnesses interested persons, it is not surprising that men of no principle should engage in destroying their fellow-men. The fact is, that the men whom the people had hon- ored and trusted with their legal and executive duties were destitute of the firmness requisite to the position they occupied, with some few hon- ' orable exceptions. The people generally were in advance of their leaders in sustaining good and wholesome laws, hence but few cases of lawsuits or quarrels occurred. We will now give what we conceive to be the cause of the failure of the law. By a reference to the organization of the house in December, 1 845, it will be seen that the Hudson's Bay Company was represented by Messrs. Dr. W. F. Tolmie, Chamberlain, McDonald, Newell, and Peers. The liquor interest was represented by Messrs. Boon, Hall, Hembree, Looney, Meek, Summers, Sciaight, T. Vault, Williams, and tlie Speaker. Six of tlie liist-named representatives should have been fined for viola- tions of the law on a small scale, and all of the first on a large scale, as connected more or less with ilie Hudson's Bay Company, and selling and giving to their men and Indians. While the Hudson's Bay Coiiipimy yielded a quasi assent to the organization, and had their representatives in the Legislature, they were using their influence to curtail the privileges of American citizens. They were ready to vote against the maimfacture and sale of liquors, istaken tleraent li there ae gov- lanufac- throwu ing that in other i by one tp Plains id found hey took ottles of re before ' his own liars and c county, self from on of the sons, it is Icstroying f had hou- >8titute of ■> few hon- of their iV cases of failure of her, 1845, sciited hy an hile they were constantly bringing it to the country in their ships, and distributing it <,o suit their trade. The composition of the house was peculiarly American and antagon- istic to the Hudson's Bay Company. Any measure that gave to the company any advantage, such as it was urged the prohibitory law did, could not stand. Hence the friends of prohibition had to yield the point, on the ground of self-defense for national rights, and not from a disposition to consider the law unjust or improper. In other words, they licensed and sustained & great evil, to combat a privilege of equal evil, claimed and used by a foreign monopoly in our midst. When we take into account the facts as stated by ';he governor in his message, the actual condition of the country, the temporary nnture of our government, and all the combinations that were forming at the time the license law was passed, I think all will join with me in condemning the course of the men who cursed the country with such a law. It is asserted that the organic law provided that the Legislature shodld regulate this traffic. Very true; which they did by placing it in the hands of the practicing pliysician, where it belongs, and nowhere else. But these wise Solons of 1846 came to the conclusion thut three, two, or one hundred dollars was ample pay to the country for the loss of any man in it. That for three hundred dollars the whole country might be filled with poisonous rot-i/ut, and for two hundred the wholesale business might go on, while for one hundred the miserable victims of the business could be turned loose to degrade themselves and blight the hopes of kiudred and friends. I can count a hundred victims who have lost one hundred dollars' worth of property for every dollar received by the Territory, besides their own lives, in eonscqui'nce of this traffic. I can count five hundred families tiiat have suffered pov- erty ami want, insult and abuse, purely chargeable to this rvijuluting law of tliese men. We read in histories of the church, that the pope of Rome sold indulgences to commit certain sins which by the common law would be considered crimes, such .is adultery, theft, and even murder. The price of the indulgence was according to the crime to be committed. This law proceeds upon the principle of the amount of profits in the busine!>s, while its nature and etl'eot upon the community is lost sight of. Or, in other words, the government sells the indulgiMico to commit the crime proposed by the manufaetnrer or wholesale and retail de.tler. While the former law admitted that liquor as a med- icine might be useful, and placed it in the hands of the ])racticing physician, the license law puts ea<'h seller under a one thousand dollar bond to keep a quiet house. They were ready to license hdls all over ff lll 1 11 III i f 1 : 1 ■:% I'i ' ill m mm In , IR^ 1 ti ItiKI ill li if .': . H 1 : tr: 446 HISTORY OF OREGO^T. the land, provided the keepers would bind themselves not to violate the sanctity of the Sabbath. The morality and political economy of the basincss is forced to be satisfied with the amount paid as per law provided. This act, as a matter of course, opened all the liqnor shops of the Hudson's Bay Company and of all the unprincipled men in the country. To give a better idea of this liquor question, a letter of James Douglns, found in No. 10, volume 1, of the Oregon Spectator, June 11, 1846, is given. Mr. Parker, in his stump speech, alluded to the liquor law, and asserted that it was daily violated by the Hudson's Bay Company. Mr. Douglas attempts to refute the charge and sustain the law. The italics in the following letter are the author's : — "Mn. Editor, — In Mr. Parker's address to the electors of Clackamns County, delivered at the meetins* lately held in Oregon City, as re- ported in the Spectator of the 28th of May, I observe that he is pleased to point out Mr. Douglas, a judge of the County Court, who, he under- stood, was in the habit of selling ardent spirits. This may have suited Mr. Parker's purpose, W^hiie attempting to establish a position which appears to be a favorite with him, " that the oath of office binds a man to do just as he pleases !" As it can not, however, be supposed that I admire the mode of illustration he has chosen, and as I also happen to entertain a very different opinion touching the force and propriety of that oatli, I hope it will not be considered a breach of courtesy on my part, to offer, through the medium of your respectable paper, a direct and tinqualified denial of this charge of rum-selling, in the only sense it is plainly meant to be received, and can be considered at all appli- cable to the subject in question. As a particular favor, I ask Mr. Parker to bring forward a single proof in support of the assertion ho has so wantonly advanced. I refer him to all his fellow-citizens. I ask him to search the cotmtry from one extremity to nnother, and to put the question to each individual member of the community with the absolute certainty that not one person will be found who ever purchased ardent spirits from Mr. Douglas. A stranger in the country, evidently unac- quainted with its early history, Mr. Parker may not have been informed that the members of the Hudson's Bay Company have for many years past uniformly discouraged intemperance" (by a regular daily allowance of liquor to their men, as we shall see Mr. Douglas says) " by every means in their power, and have also made great and repeated pecuniary sacrifices to prevent the sale of ardent spirits in the country : an article, moreover, which forms no part of their trade, either with the white man or the Indian." (See Mr. Dunn's book, in which it is asserted the ml II MR DOUGLAS DEALS IN LIQUOR. 447 company sells to Indians, and Fitzgerald, page 162). "Mr. Parker does not indeed pretend to speak from his own personal experience of the fact, but on the authority of others ; and should any doubt still linger in his mind with respect to the correctness of what I have just said, he may perhaps have no objection to seek other means of arriving at the truth ; suppose, for instance, he was to try the experiment of negotiating a purchase, I venture to predict he would soon be con- vinced that Mr. Douglas is not in the habit of selling ardent spirits. " But let us inquire a little further into this matter. What could have induced a person of character to hazard an observation in public, which, he must know, would, if false, be as openly exposed. Mr. Parker must have had some grounds for his assertion ; he may possibly have heard, or he may have supposed that, her Majesty's ship Modeste was daily receiving sup|)lies at Fort Vancouver. If, with reference to these supplies, he had told his hearers that her Majesty's ship Modeste^ now stationed at Fort Vancouver, had, with other supplies for ship use from the stores of the Hudson's Bay Company, received several casks 'of rum; or if, referring to the company's own ships, he had stated that a small aUoioance of spirits is dailr/' served out to the ci'ewa of the company's vessels; and that other classes of the company's ser- vants, according to long-accustomed usage, receive, on certain rare occasionit, a similar indulgence, be wouM have told the plain ofid simple truth, and his statement would not this day have been called in ques- tion by me. "These acts, which I fully admit, and would on no account attempt to conceal, can not by the fair rules of construction be considered as infringing upon any law recognized by the compact which ice have agreed to support, in common with the other inhabitants of Oregon. [The same argument is used to justify Mr. Ogden in furnishing powder and arms to the Indians at the commencement of the Cayuse war.] "The framers of these laws, with a degree of wisdom and foresight which does them honor, never entertained the idea that a person, in becoming a member of the compact, thereby relinquished his distinctive national character, " On the contrary, British sul^jccts and citizens of the United States, casting aside every shadow of illiberal prejudice, extended to each other the right hand of good-fellowship,. for the purpose of mutual protection, to secure the peace and promote the prosperity of the coun- try, until protected by their respective governments. The compact was formed and perfected, upon that principle, and can rest with security upon no other foundation, " We are pledged, and do faithfully intend to support the organic nil 448 HISTORY OP OREGON. laws. They do not bind us to violate pre-existing engagements with our servants, nor to withhold from the officers of our government sup- plies of whatsoever kind the company's stores can provide. In the high character of tlie latter we enjoy the fullest security ai/ainst abuse to the detriment of the country. With all other parties we have most rigidly, and shall continue to enforce the prohibitory statutes of Oregon. My wish in addressing you, Mr. Editor, is to set Mr. Parker right in respect to this matter of rum-selling, and the people may rest assured that if my wishes could influence the community, there would never be » drunkard in Oregon. " James Douglas." Mr. Parker's answer, M'hich, like the letter of Mr. Douglas, is ad- dressed to the Spectator, says : — "Mr. Editor, — Our friend Mr. Douglas, in the Spectator oiihQ 11th instant, denies, in the most unqualified terms, the charge of rum-selling af Vancouver, and challenges me to the proof of the assertion, by call- ing individually on all of our fellow-citizens for testimony ; and no other alternative is left ftie but to proceed in accordance with his re- quest; he will, I am sure, pardon me if I seek this among the highest authorities, and I will produce one at least whose veracity will not, I am sure, be called in question by onr friend. " When I, in my speech, adverted to the fact that rum was sold at Vancouver, contrary to law, the statement was based on the thousand- tongued rumor, and I so qualified my remarks. But in iVIr. Douglas's confession, found in the paper alluded to, the matter of doubt is settled, and we are now furnished with the authority of no less a personage than Mr. Douglas himself. Hear his testimony. 'If,' says he, ' with reference to these supplies, he had told his hearers that her Majesty's ship Modeate, now stationed at Fort Vancouver, had, with other sup- plies for ship use from the stores of the Hudson's Bay Company, received several casks of rum ; or if, referring to the company's own ships, he had stated that a small allowance of spirits is daily served out to the crews of the comjjany's vessels ; and that other classes of the company's servants, according to long-accustomed usage, receive, on certain rare occasions, a similar indulgence, he Avould have told the plain and simple truth,' etc. " These facts, Mr. Douglas, who has charge of the trading-post at Vancouver, fully admits, and upon his testimony in the tnatter I place the most implicit confidence. It was not my intention to charge our friend with having kept a tippling-shop at Vancouver, and I Avish to correct such, if any there are, who may have come to such a conclusion; MIL PARKER'S RKPLT. 449 but I confess, I hntl not Bupposed that the law in relation to ardent spirits (and winch may be found in the first number of the Sjxi-tator) had been so wantonly disregarded. We know, from personal observa- tion, that rum in considerable quantities had found its way among our citi/cns from some quarter, and the disclosure here made famishes a key to the mystery, and we are now broadly told that casks of this (U'ticle have been furnished to her Majesty's officers platiKK»;oN CriY, Dec. 17, 1846. Gentlemen, — I return to your honorable body thf act entitled " An Act to regulate the manufacture and sale of wine and distilled spiritu- ous liquors," with my objections to the same. Previous to our orL,'anization as a provisional government, public sen- timent kept liquor from being manufactured or sold in this Territory. Heretofore, every act of the Legislature has been, as far as ardent spirits were concerned, prohibitory in character. The act lying before me is the first act that Ikis in any manner attempted to legalize the manufac- ture and sale of ardent spirits. At the session of the Legislature in June, 1844, an act was passed entitled " An Act to prevent the introduc- tion, sale, and distillation of anient spirits in Oregon," and, as far as my knowledge extends, tijc passage of that act gave satisfaction to tho great majority of the people throughout the Territory. At the session of December, 1845, several amendments were proposed to the old law, and passed. The new features given to the bill by those amendments did not accord with the views of the people ; the insertion of the words "give" and "gift," in the first and second sections of the bill, they thought was taking away their rights, as it was considered that a man had a right to give away his property if he chose. There were several other objections to the bill, which I set forth to your honorable body in my message. I would therefore recommend that the amendments passed at the December session of 1845 be repealed; and that the law passed on the 24th of June, 1844, with such alterations as will make it agree with the organic law, if it does not agree with it, be again made the law of the land. It is said by many that the Legislature has no right to prohibit the introduction or sale of liquor, and this is probably the strongest argument used in defenst- of your bill. But do you not as effectually prohibit every person who has not the sura of one, two, H! I li'l i i ' \ i: t ' 1 1* it 4 469 HISTORY OP OREGON. or three hundred dollars to p.iy for his license, as does the law now on the statute-book ? Are not your proposed fines and penalties as great or greater than those of the old law ? Where, then, is the l)enefit to the people ? There is no doubt in my mind, but that the law will bo evaded as easily, and as often, under the new law, as it was under the old, and, in addition to this, there will be the legal manufacturers, im- porters, and sellers, who will be able, under the sanction of law, to scatter all the evils attendant upon the use of alcoholic drinks. Wo are in an Indian country; men will bo found who will supply them with liquor as long as they have beaver, blankets, and horses to pay for it. If a quantity should be introduced among the Wallawallas, and other tribes in the upper country, who can foretell the consequences ; there we have families exposed out, off from the protection of the settle- ments, and perhaps, at the first drunken frolic of the Indians in that region, they may be cut off from the face of the earth. But we need not go so far ; we are exposed in every part ol v>ur frontier, and when difliculties once commence, we can not tell where they will cease. It has been proved before the House of Commons that one-half of the insanity, two-thirds of the pauperism, and three-fourths of the crimes of Great Britain may be directly traced to the use of alcoholic drink. The testimony of our most eminent judges in the United States shows that the same proportion of crime is attributable to ardent spirits in that country. Statistics might be produced, showing the enormous evil and expense of an indiscriminate use of liquor. As to revenue, the small amount received for licenses, instead of being a revenue, would be swallowed up in the expenses attending trials for crimes, etc., caused by the crime of these licenses. But, leaving all other countries out of view, let us consider our own state. Surrounded by Indians, -no military force to aid the executive and other oflicers in the discharge of their duties, not a solitary prison in the land, in which to confin'j offenders against the laws, and conse- quently no way of enforcing the penalties of the law, I think these things should call for calm and serious reflection, before passing your final vote on this bill. My opinion is, the people are opposed to legal- izing the introduction and sale of liquor in this land. I may bo mis- taken, and therefore should l>e in favor of the old law, or something similar should be adopted, of referring the whole matter to the ])oll8 at the next general election. If the people say "No liquor," continue to prohibit; if they say, through the ballot-box, "We wish liquor," then let it come free, the same as dry-goods, or any other article imported or manufactured ; but, until the people say they want it, 1 hope you will use your influence to keep it out of the Territory. ^OTE ON THE LIQUOR LAW. 458 It IB with regret that I return any bill unsigned, bnt I feel that we both have duties to i)erform, And when we think duty points out the way, I trust we may always be found willing to lullow it. Geo, Abkknetuy. To the Hon. the legislature of Oregon Territory. On motion of Mr. Hall, tlie communication was laid on the table. Afternoon Session. — At two o'clock the house met. A call of the house was made, and the scrgeant-at-arms dispatched for the absent members, who, after a short absence, returned, and reported that the absentees had been notified, and were now present. Thereupon, the further call of the house was dispensed with. The house then reconsidered the bill to regulate the manufacture and sale of ardent spirits, and, after some deliberation, the question being put upon the passage of the bill, it was decided affirmativcjly, by the following vote : — Yeas — Messrs. Boon, Hall, Ilembrce, Lounsdale, Looney, Meek, Summers, Straight, T. Vault, Williams, and the Speaker — 11. Mi 1/8 — Messrs. Cham br -lain, McDonald, Newell, Peers, and Dr. W. F. Toimie— 5. i\ \< , At St. Josephs, Elizabethtown, Iowa Point, Council Bluffs, and the Nishnabatona, were 271 wagons for Oregon and California. Allowing five to the wagon gives us about l,3o5 souls that crossed the Missouri at these points. The quantity of loose stock was estimated at 5,000 head. From Independence, Missouri, for Oregon, 141 men, 71 Avonien, 109 children, aud 128 wagons. From Independence, for California, 98 men, 40 women, 57 children, 320 oxen, and 46 wagons. Total, 1,8-^1 «ouls, as stated in Mr. Saxton's pamphlet, 1846. The larger portion of this immigration found their way into Oregon, notwithstanding the Hudson's Bay Company and Mr. Hastings did all they conld to turn them to California. A statement by Mr. S. K. Barlow shows that 141 wagons, 1,559 head of horses, mules, and horned cattle, and some 15 head of sheep passed on his road ; seven more teams passed after this report was made. Besides the number that came over the Mount Hood or Barlow road, there were some persons, with wagons, who attempted to come in on the Applegate route, and a number came down the Columbia River. This year, on the 2 1st of February, the brig Henry, Captain Kilborn, started from Newburyport for Oregon, with eight passengers, including women and children ; also the An//elo, Captain Hastings, from Boston, made the attempt, but failed. The brig Henry arrived late in 1846. Iji' «(4 HISTORY OP OKEGON. 5 On Thursday, February 5, 1846, the first newspaper published on the Pacific coast was issued irora the press of the Oregon Printing Associa- tion, at Oregon City. The originators of the Printing-Press Associa- tion were the same that started the Multnomah Circulating Library, the "Wolf Association, and the provisional government, in 1842-a. Constitution of the Oregon Printing Association. PREAMBtB. — In order to promote scienc?, temperance, morality, and general intelligence, — to establish a printing-press to publish a montlily, Bemi-monthly, or weekly paper in Oregon, — the undersigned do hereby associate mrselves into a body, to be governed by such rules and regu- lations as shall trom time to tir^<» be adopted by a majority of the stock- holders of this compact, in a regularly called and properly notified meeting. Articles of Compact. Article 1. This association shall be known by the name of the "Oregon Piintiug Association," and shall hold an annual meeting at Oregon City, on the first Tuesday of December of each year. Art. 2. Iia officers siiall be a president, vice-president, secretary, treasurer, and a Board of three directors, who ehall be elected annually ty ballot, and snail hold their offices until their successors are elected. Art. :i. It shall be the duty uf the president to preside at all the meeting!? of the association, to sign all certificates of stock, and drafts npon the treasurer for the payment of funds, and to preside at the meeting? of the Board of Directors. Art. 4. It shall be the duty of the vice-president to perform the duties of the president in case of his absence, by death, or by removal from office. Art. 5. * * * The secretary to attend, and keep a record of all the meetings of the association, and of the Board of Directors, and to publish the procecilings of the annual a id special meetings of the asso- ciation, and such portions of the proceedings of the Board of Directors as the Board shall direct from time to time ; to give one month's notice of all special meetings of the association. Art. 6. It shall be the duty of the treasurer to '•u&e charge of the funds of the association, and keep an account of all moneys received and disbursed, and pay out tlie same iu accordance with drafts drawn on Lira by the president, and signed as per third article of this compact; to give such security to the president as shall be deemed sufficient by the Board of Directors for the faitl a performance of his trust; to report the state of the treasury to the ! 'card of Directors quartcly, and to pay over to his successor in office all mnds of the associatiou. ^\ » CONSTITUTION OF PRINTING ASSOCIATION 455 Aet. "7, ♦ * * The officers and Board of Directors to raauagc and superintend, or proc*-. m a suitable person to da so, the entire printing and publishing associiition ; *to employ all persons required in the print- ing or editorial departments of tho press; to publish a full statement of their proceedings semi-annually; to draft and adopt such by-laws as may be deemed proper for their government, provided no by-law contravenes the spirit of these articles of compact; to declare a divi- dend of any profits arising from the printing establishment as often as they shall deem it expedient ; to fill any vacancy that may occur in their number ; three of whom shall constitute a quorum, and be com- petent to transact business. Aet. 8. The press owned by or m cormeotion with this association shall never be used by any party for the purpose of propagating sect- arian principles or doctrines, nor for the discussion of exclusive party politics. Aet. 9. The stock of this association shall consist of shares, of ten dollars each, payable in cash or its equivalent. Aet. 10. For every ton dollars paid to the treasurer of the associa tion, the payer thereof shall receive a certificate for the sa.ne, signed by ■'he president and countersigned by the secretary ; and for every such certificate, the holder lI»ereof, or his agent, on presenting to the Board of Directors satisfactory evidence that he is such, nhall be entitled to one vote in all the annual and special meetings ofthisaspociatioii ; shall receive pro rata of all moneys that may accrue from the profits of tho printing establishment, and be allowed to transfer his stock to any one, by certifying and indorsing his name upon the back ofihis certificate. Aet. 11. These articles, except the 8th, may be altered or amended at any annual or special meeting of the association, provided that the pro- posed amendment shall have been published in at least two numbers of the paper published by order of the association. Officersof the Association, W. G. T.Vault, President. J. W. Nesmitii, Vice-President. John P. Brooks, Secretary. Gkorge AnEUNETiiy, Treasurer. • John H. Couch, \ John E. Long, > Directors. R. Newell, ) Mtj i \ f The first editor of this paper was W. 6. T. Vault. A man more unfit for the position could scarcely have been found in the country. He professed to have been an editor of a paper in Arkansas, and blew 456 HISTORY OF OREGOfT. ¥ 1^' S* i and siyelled like the toad in the table, and whined like a puppy when le gave his valedictory, in the fifth nanib«r of the SpectaUir. lie says : ''We have atiiong us a class of tnohr/reh, neither Americuii nor anti-American, a kind of foreign, hypocritical go-betweens, — as we wmld say in the States, /ence men, — whose public declarations nre, ' All for the good of the public, and not a cent forself.' The political sentiraentH tfthe conductors were at variance with lii^." I\Ir. T. Vault was led to belit-vo that Mr. Newell was hin only friend, from the fact that he was absent from the meeting of the Board when his successor was appointed ; and complains of Dr. Long and J. W. Nesmith. Newell and '.<;/» acted together. II. A. G. Lee, who succeeded T. Vault as ed; . ,as far better qualified for the position, though he did not suit this same Board of Directors, as Newell was the maneuvering spirit. Lee was too strongly American in his sentiments, and too intelligent to be a dupe of the influence of wliich T. Vault complained. Mr, Dougla.s declares the position of the English element in the tenth number of the Spectator. Mr. S. Parker answers him in the eleventh numl'cr; and Mr. Lee, i'l the fourteenth number, tenders his thanks to the Board for relieving him. Tiie fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth numbers, each " run itself," as the expression is. On the eighteenth number, G. L. Gurry, Esq., took charge, to the twenty-sixth number, which completed the first volume of the paper. He continued his editorial position till the twenty-fourth number of the second volume, .^hen he bronglithis duties to a close by publishing a set of resolutions (jalculated to injure J. Q. Thornton, who had gone on to Washington to have a history of the country publiehed, and, as was supposed, to secure the best federal appointments for himself and his friends. One-half of the legislators believing that unfair and improper means had been used by Mr. Thornton and his friends, the other half not caring to vote against Mr. Thornton's proceedings, being, jierhaps, his real friends, the resolutions were lost by a tie vote. Mr, Curry, as editor of the Spectator, took sides against INIr. Thornton, and in favor of the objectionable resolutions, and publisheil them imder an editorial article, notwithstanding he had been requested, as he admits, not to publish them. Judge A. E. Wait succeeded Mr. Curry in the editorial department of the paper, and, by a foolish, vacillating course, continued to hold his ]x)Bition so as to please the Hudson's Bay Company and the Roman Catholic and Methodist influences in the country. The, paper, by this means, became of little value to its patrons and the cf ntry, and soon getting involved in its financial affairs, it waa sold and lost financially to the o'-lginal proprietors. ■T I '1 ■I 4 ^'h 3artmenl IlioUl his Roman [, by this lintl BOOH liancially CHAPTER LIV. The Whitman massacre. — Narratives of, by J. B. A. Bro^'ille^ and J. Ross Browne. — E.ttract from the New York Evangi-Ust. — Statements of Father Brouillot criticised. — Testimony of John Kimzoy. — Dr. Whitman at Umatilla. — Rotun.s liome. We have before us tw works purporting to give a true and authentic account of the Whitman massacre, — the one prepared by a Jesuit priest, J. B. A. Brouillet ; the other by one J. Ross .>rowne, special agent of the United States revenue department. As this part of our Iiistoiy was written before tliat of J. Ross Browne (j)urporting to be an official report to the 35th Congress, Ist session. House of Representatives, Executive Document No. 38) came into our hands, it is proper tiiat we should give tliis report a passirig notice. Mr. Browne, upon the second page of his report, says : " In view of the fact, however, that objections might be made to any testiiliony coming from the citizena of the Territory, and believing also that it is the duty of a public agent to present, as far as practicable, vnprejudiced statements, I did no^ permit myself to be governed by any representa- tiouH unsupported by reliable historical data." One would naturally conclude, from such a statement, that a candid, unprejudiced, and truti\ful report woidd be given ; but, to our astonish- ment, we find that fift^ ihree of the sixty-six pages of this official document arc an exact copy of the Rev. J. B. A. Brouillet's work, thus irulorsing, and placing in an official document, one of the most maliciously false and unreliable accounts that a prejudiced and deeply implicated sectarian could give, claiming such to be ^'' reliable historical data,'' — thus showing both his prejudice and ignorance in the conclu- sion he arrived at as to the causes of the Indian wars. Had J. Ross Browne been willing to lay aside his unreasonable soctai'ian prejudice, and listen to the positive testimony then in the country, he could easily have learned who were the prime cause of all the Indian wars in it ; or, had he made himself familiar (as he flip- pantly claims to have done) with the history of the English and Ainer- ican people, the policy of the English political and sectarian powers, and the commercial policy of the Hudson's Bay Crnipany, he would have escaped the folly of placing in an official document such palpable errors, and showing such willful ignorance of the subject ho was com- missioned to investigate. 458 HISTORY OP OTIRGON'. He says, on page 2, "It was a war of d'-ifivy, — bound to take i)lace whenever the causes reached their culminating poinC The " destini/ " and cuhninating point of tliat war was fixed by the Hudson's I5jiy Company and the Jesuit priests, as also the second and third wars with the Indians that followed, as we shall show by positive testimony of witnesses who are unimpeachable. Had J. Ross Browne carefully examined the tissue of statements prepared by Father Brouillet, he could have found statements like tliis on page 53 (38 of J. K. B.), " I knew that the Indians were angry with all Americans ; ''^ page 54 (39 of J H. B.), "^W that I know is that the Indians say the order to kill Americans has been sent in all direc- tions," There was but one party in the country that could issue such an order, wliich Brouillet well knew, and the testimony we shall give will prove. On his third page, he says : " The same primary causes existed in every case, — encroachments of a superior upon an inferior race." He then refers to the agitation of the Oregon question in the Senate in 1840-41; to Mr, Thurston's course as a delegate; the treaties with the Indians, etc., — showing conclusively the sources of his information, and his ignorance of the causes he professed to give a truthful and impartial account of, — barely alluding to the unwarranted assumjjtions of the British Hudson's Bay Company of an exclusive right to trade with the Indians, In fact, the whole report appears to be a studied effort to cover the prime causes of the difficulty, and of the Indian ware ho was comraissionod to investigate and report upon. It is not surprising that with the foreign emissaries then in the country, and the stupid ignorance or malicious bigotry of die United States agent, that such reports should be made ; but that tb^ govern- ment should adopt, and net upon, or publisli them, is indeed surprisin;; ; unless, as the history of the late rebellion shows, it was the design of those agents to involve the Avholo nation in an ultimate dismembernvent. and distinct, separate nationalities, under the auspices of Afri»ian, Ir,.r. Whitman and those at his station. Thi! ueccssity and importance of an extended iiad particular account ^ mi :c place u's r>!vy inl wars ;stimony atemcnts like this igry with \o is that all (Vuec- ; such an give will existed in ace." He : Senate in ■aties villi iformation, iilhful and ssuinptions ht to trade a studied the Indian en in the the United ^f govera- surprisino; ; design 'if enjbtrment. ifian, If/^-Mi- If a &. 'V-' olRci»'. yt' he .-widence honi ^ duo, ountry by 1 of hiftiory. the i-arde'- uiar account RBV. DR. TREAT'S ARTICLE. 459 becomes still more important from the fact that the Roman Jesuits in the country ha '9 succeeded in placing through such an agent their false account of the massacre iu a permanent government document, — thus slandering not only the dead, but the living, whose duty it becomes to refute such vile slanders by publishing the whole truth in the case. Besides, the very Rev. J. B. A. Brouillet, in n second edition of his false and absurd production, refers to this report of J. R. Browne, as addi- tional official evidence of the truth of his own false statements, previ- ously made through such agents, and such men fts Sir Jfimes Douglas, — compelling us, in vindicating tlie truth of history, to place before the reader more of the statements of parties itnpUcate8tablishment of Protestantism in the conntrv.' It is believed that tiio other evam^elical dcMiominations in Orego« have spoken with the same diHtinctnesa and the same confidence. " Valuable testimony is borne to the character of the missionaries who survived Dr. Wliitmitn, and who iiave been residents ' ' ■ labors, but thero !R not spaf^ lor it in thf prest>nt arti.. ~- ai: . to s»t, that, while title motives of Hon. J. Ross Browne, in appeiidiRc Fatter Brouillet's par.inhlet to his ' Letter,' and the reasons of ohe House of Representatives for publishing the same, are open to grave suspicion, facts and opinioos ^•h i 460 HISTORY OP ORROON. II have been elicited, which throw additional light upon the manifold bearinj^s and uses of tho missionary enterprise." On page 40 of Rev. J. U. A. Brouillet's " Protestantism in Oregon," and page 33 of J. Rosa Browne's report, we find, under date of Sep- tember 5, 184'?. that "tho Right Rev. Bishop Blanchet arrived at ol4 Fort Wallawalla (now called Wallula), where he was cordially nseeived by Mr. McBean, clerk in charge of said fort. He was ac- companied by tho superior of Oblatos and two other clergymen. He had the intention of remaining but a fcAV days at tho fort, for he knew that Tawatowe (or Young Chief), one of the Cayuse chiefs, had u house which he had designed for the Catholic missionaries, and he intended to l'o and occuj)y it without delay ; but tlm absence of the Young phief. who was hunting buffalo, created a difficulty in regard to the ociMipation of the house, and in consequence of it he had to wait longer than he wished." The house here spoken of was erected during the summer of 1837, before any Catholic missionaries were thought of, at least among the Indians, or by the American missionaries, and it was late in the fall of 1838 that Revs. Blanchet and Demerse passed down the Columbia River. These first missionaries of the Society of Jesus, wishing to do Mr. P. C. Pambrun, then clerk of the post, a special favor, baptized the infant son of the Young Chief, for whose benefit and occupation, Mr. Pambrun said, the company had ordered that house to be built. If it was designed for these priests, who was the designer? Mr. Brouiliet, in his narrative, says : — " On the 23d of September, Dr. Whitman, on his way from the Dalles, stopped at P\)rt AVallawalla. His countenance bore snfiicient testimony to the a itation of his heart. He soon showed by his words that he was deeply wounded by the arrival of the bishop. 'I know very well,' said he, ' lor what purpose you have come.' ' All is known,' replied the bishop; 'I come to labor for the conversion of the Indians, and even of Americans, if they arc willing to listen to mo.' The doctor ih mi con- tinued, in the same tone, to speak of many things. He attributed the coming of the bishop to the Young Chief's influence ! made a furious charge against the Catholics, accusing them of having persecuted Pi'otestants and even of having shed their blood wherever they had prevailed. He said he did not like Catliolics * * * that he should oppose the missionaries to the extent of his power. ♦ * * He spoke against the Catholic Ladder!* and said that he would cover it with blood, to show the persecution of Protestants by Catholics, He refused * A picture explaining tlio principal points of Catholic foitlL II I'lH DR. WHITMAN AND THE PRIEST3. 461 lanifold )rcgoTi," of Sep- vived at 3ordially was ac- leii. He t, for he licfs, had 9, and he ice of the in regard xd to wait : of 1837, raong the tlie fall of Colnrabia [ling to do , baptized ccupatiou, »e built. If the Dalles, testimony ds that he very well,' replied the ,nd even of ih Ml con- ributed the le a furious persecuted they had he should He spoke tver it with He refused r to sell provisions to the bishop, and protested he would not assist the inissionaries unless he saw thorn in starvation." It is barely possible that Dr. Whitman said all that this priest says he did. In that case, did he forfeit his own and the lives of all that fell with him? Tiiis narrative oi Protestantism reveals a dark page in our history, — one that should bo thoroughly investigated as well as under- stood by all. On the 24th page, 33d of Ross Browne's report, this priest says : — " A*fter such a manifestation of sentiment toward Catholics in general and priests in particular, the bishop was r.ot astonished in hearing some hours after that Dr. Whitman, on leaving the fort, went to the lodge of Piopioraoxraox (Yellow Serpent) ; that he had spoken a great deal against the priests ; that he had wished to prevail upon this cliief to co- operate witii him, in order that by the aid of his influence with the Cayuscs, Des Chutes, and Dalles Indians, he might be enabled to excite these nations against them, etc." That Dr. Whitman did as he is represented to have done no one ac- quainted with him will believe for a moment. But Bishop Blanchet's letter to Governor Abenu^hy is evidence conclusive that he and his priests had done o\;actly what they here say Dr. Whitman attempted to do. " During the months of October and November," Brouillet says " the Doctor came to the fort several times to render his professional services to Mrs. Maxwell and Mr. 1 nomas McKay ; he was a little more reserved than at the first interview, but it was always visible enough that the sight of the bishop and his clergy was far from being agreeable to him." It will be remembered that Mr. Brouillet is giving this narrative and speaking of a man whose blood had been shed in the cause of " Prot- estantism in Orer/im,^'' as he calls the title of his work, Avhicli he is writing to correct the impression that he and his associates were in some way concerned in bringing it about. In his allusions and state- ments, he seems to be anxious to prove that Dr. Whitman and all Prot- estants and Americans in the country arc guilty of the crime laid to the influence of the priests, and by giving these statements exjiects every- body Avill believe them to be wholly innocent. J. lloss Browne, in hia report, 3d page, agrees with this priest, and refers to supposed trans- actions {that did 7iot occur) in 1835. At that time there was not a band or tribe of Indians west of the Rocky Mountains but was ready to give land to any white man that would come and live in their country. This land question, as stated by Brouillet and Ross Browne, or the 'S;?j- cruachnKnits of a siqjcrior vpon an inferior race^' had no part in the t ' ' 1. H' 462 raSTORT OF OREGON. f-l '' i -4. ,! matter. It was a foreign national question, as we have already shown, and we now propose to quote these statements from his narrative, to nhow the intimate connection tliere was between the Jesuit priests, the Hudson's Bay Company, the Indians, and the Wliitman massacre. According to Brouillet, the bishop and liis priests remained at Fort Wallawalla from the 6th of September till the 26th of October (fifty days), enjoying the hospitality of Mr. McBean, and seeing Dr. Whitman occasionally, till, on the 26th, the Young Chief arrived. " The bishop ■wished to know of him if he wanted a priest for him and his young men, telling him that he could only give him one for the whole nation, and if the Cayuses wished to avail themselves of his services they would do well to come to an understanding together concerning the location of the mission. The chief told the bishop he wished a priest, and that he could have his house and as much land as he wanted." So far this Btatement bears tlie natural impress of truth, but mark the words here put into the cliief 's mouth, " hut as a means of reuniting the Cayuses who had been heretofore divided, and in order Xo facilitate their religious instruction, he suggested the idea of establishing the mission near Dr. Whitman's, at the camp of Tilokaikt." The previous history of this chief, as given by Revs. Hines, Perkins, and Dr. Wliitc, all goes to prove that he never made such a sugges- tion, and no one acquainted with Indian character Avill believe for a moment that he did. But the suggestion was without doubt made to him to impress upon his mind the importance of uniting with other bands of his tribe to get rid of Dr. Whitman, as shown by this priest in the council that was held on the 4th of November, by special request of the bishop sent to Tilokaikt on the 29th October, purporting to bo by request of the Young Ciiief The dates show, as per Brouillet, that the Young Chief was with the bishop on the 26th ; on the 29th the bishop sent for Tilokaikt ; and on the 4th of November the council was held, " at the bishop's request," who opened the meeting in the fort. At this meeting the proposition is said to have been made to the bishop to give him Dr. Whitman's station, first driving him away. Says T. Mc- Kay, in his statement to acquit these priests, speaking of this meeting on the 4th of November : " One of the chiefs told the bishop that they would send the Doctor oif very soon ; they would give him his house if he Avished. The bishop answered that he would not take the Doctor's house, that he did not wish him to send the Doctor away, and tliat tlicre was room enough for two missions.''"' This was, as understood by the Indians, "Tiie bishop intends to have a place near Dr. Whitman's, and he wishes us to dispose of the Doctor in some way so tliat ho can have a place where all the Cayuses can be instructed together in his religion." MR. KIMZEYS OATH. 463 In accordance with tlie. luulerstai'.ding had with the bishop and Cay- uses in this council on the 4th, this priest says (see p. 44 of Hrouillet, 34 of J. R. Browne) : " On tlie 8tli of November I went by order of the bishop to Wailatpu to look at the land which Tilokaikt had offered ; but he had changed his mind, and refused to show it to me, saying that it was too small. He told me that he had no place to give me but that of Dr. Whitman, whom he intended to send away. I declared to him a second time the same as the bishop had done at the meeting, that I Avould not have the place of Dr. Whitman. I then went immediately to the camp of Young Chief, to notify Jiim that I would take his house, since I was unable to procure a place from Tilokaikt." lie further says he returned to the fort on the 10th. and on the 11th, an associate. Rev. Mr. Rousseau, left with his men to repair the house, which was ready by the 26th, and on the 27th of November the bishop and his party started for the house, said to have been designed for them (of which there is no doubt). On their first arrival at Wallawalla, it would have been the wiser course for them to have accepted of it, instead of at- tempting, through the influence of the company, to get possession of Dr. Whitman's station, or the consent of the Indians, as they say they did, to locate near the station. Bat we have positive proof of tho design of Mr. McBean, tlie agent of the company, and the bishop, as given in the testimony of Mr. John Kimzey. He says : " On my way to this country with my family last fall (1847), I called at Fort Wallawalla to exchange my team and wagon for horses. There were at the fort two Roman Catholic priests. During my stay of about two days, Mr. McBean, in the presence of my wife, said, ' The fathers have offered to purchase Dr. Whitmaii's station, but Dr. Whit- man has refused to sell.' lie said they had requested the Doctor to fix his own price and they would meet it, but the Doctor had refused to sell on any conditions. I asked him who he meant by the fathers? He said ' 77(«! holi/ fathers, the Catholic jjriests.'' He said the holy fathers were about to commence a mission at the mouth of the Umatilla, — one in the upper part of the Umatilla, one near Dr. Whitman's statioa, if thci/ could not get hold of the station, one in several other places which I can not name. They hired 3Ir. Marsh, whose tools I brought, to do off a room for the priests at the fort. lie said, ' I>r. Whitman had better leave the country or the Indians icoidd kill him ; lee are determined to have his station.'' lie further said, 'Mr. Spalding will also have to leave lliis country soon.' As I was about leaving, Mr. McBean said : ' If you could pass as an Englishman, the Indians would not injure you ; if they do disturb you, sliow them the horses and the marks, and they will know my horses ; show them by signs that you are from the fort, fl. h ■fi-»^i 464 HISTORY OP OREGON. and thoy will let yon pass.' Tho Indians noticed the marks on the horses and did not disturb rae. "JOH» KiMZKY." " Subscribed and sworn to before me, at my office in Tualatin Plains [now Washington County], this 28th day of August, 1848. "David T. Lenox, Justice of tho Peace." This is fully confirmed by the oath of R. S. Wilcox, as having heard the statement from Mr. Kimzey the night after he left the fort, in camp at the mouth of the Umatilla, before the same justice of the peace. Mr. Wilcox says Mr. Kimzey was much alarmed, and really believed that it was the design of the priests' party to kill Dr. Whitman and drive the American missionaries out of the country. His reply was, "Tho Cath- olics have not got that station yet." Had we not the best English testimony, Fitzgerald's, and tho state- ments of P. J. De Sraet and Iloikin in their letters to their missionary society in Brussels, to show the connection of tho Hudson's Bay Com- pany with this transaction, the facts above stated would fasten tlie conviction of a strong and outspoken determination to overthrow tlio Protestant missions. It will be remembered that these throats and efforts to get rid of Dr. Whitman were made before the appearance of any sickness or measles among the Cayuses. Mr. Brouillet, on the 84th page of his narrative, says " But I affimi that such a demand has never been made to Dr. Whitman by any one of us." We are not dis[)osed to dispute Mr. Brouillet's affirmation, be it true or false. The truth is all we seek to know. The reader will not be particularly interested in the long details of statements made by this priest to show that they had no part in bring- ing about the destruction of the Protestant missions and the W^hitriiau massacre. Mr. McBean and Sir James Douglas have written exten- sively, together with P. II. Burnett, Esq., and this Rev. Vioar-General Brouillet, to show that nobody is responsible for that crime but the missionaries who were murdered and the Indians, while Rev. Messiv. Griffin and Spalding have attempted to fasten the whole crime upon the Roman priests alone. It appears from Mr. Spalding's account that he met Mr. Brouillet and the bishop at Wallawalla on the 20th of Novem- ber, and had a sectarian discussion with them, which he thought was friendly, yet from the fact that this priest barely alludes to the visit, and not a word of the discussion is mentioned, we infer that Mi: Spal- ding had the best of th? argument, and that he was entirely mistaken as to the friendly manner in which they could conduct their missions DR. "WHITMAN'S VISIT TO UMATILLA. 406 on the ZEY." in Plains *eace." ng heard , in camp ice. Mr. ,-cd Uiat it drive the rhe Cath- thc state- lissionary Bay Coin- fasten tlie •throw the ireats any any one mation, he details of in brinjx- Whitniau tten exten- !\r-General 10 bnt the ■v. Messrs. rime npon '.count that of Novcni- ,ouglit Avas o the visit, kt Ur. Spal- V uiistakou ir uaisslons in the same section of country. We will not attempt to rcconcilo tho conflicting statements of these mi.ssionary parties, hut will collect the most reliable facts and particulars of the tragic events in which these parties and the whole country became so deeply involved, — a part of them so strongly implicated. That the massacre was expected to take place in a short time, and that all the Americans at the station, and all in any way connected with, or favoring, the Protestant missions and American settlements in the country, were to be included in the ultimate overthrow of those upper, or middle Oregon missions, there can be no doubt ; as shown in the quotations we have given from our English Hudson's Bay Com- pany's historian and Sir Edward Belcher, and the efforts of the com- pany to colonize the country with English subjects from Red River, instead of encouraging them to come direct from England. It appears from the dates and accounts we have, that Dr. Whitman was sent for to visit Five Crow's lodge on the Umatilla, not far from the house to be occupied by the bishop and his priests ; that Mr, Spal- ding accompanied the doctor to visit some of the Protestant Indians In that vicinity; that the same day (the 27th of November), the bishop and his priests started from Walla walla to go to their station and occupy the house of Young Chief. They arrived at their places and learned that Dr. Whitman and Mr. Spalding were in the neighborhood. On the next day, Sunday, 28th, Dr. Whitman made a short call on them, and hastened home to attend on the sick about his place. While at the lodge of a French half-breed named Nicholas Finlay, the Indiana were holding a council, to decide and arrange the preliminaries of the massacre, with Joe Lewis, a Canadian-Indian, and Joe Stanfield, a Frenchman. Of this last-named man, Mr. Brouillet says : " As to Joseph Stanfield, I admit that he was bom and has been educated a Catholic." He lays great stress on the fact that this fellow had been tried and acquitted. He says: "Why should we pretend now to be more en- lightened and wiser than the tribunals have been, and judge him more severely than they have done." Dr. Whitman arrived at his station about twelve o'clock at night, attended upon the sick, and retired. That night an Indian had died. In the morning, the Doctor, as usual, had a coffin and a winding-sheet prepared, and assisted the friends in burying their dead. He observed, on returning to the house, that but two or three attended at the grave. As he returned, great numbers of Indians were seen gathering about the station ; but an ox had been killed, and was being dressed, which was supposed to be the cause, as the Indians on such occasions always collected in sxreat numbers, and often from a distance. 30 Mi : i1 ^, IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I li;|28 |2^ lu 122 |22 ^ l££ 12.0 I I 1.8 11.25 11.4 mm. d ^^ w / A Photographic Sciences Corporation 33 WIST MAIN STRKET WEBSTER, N.Y. I4SS0 (716) •72-4503 ^^:^^ '<^^ ^ .^ \ "6^ ^ '^ ^^^^^^^^^m mm^^m J CHAPTER LV. 'Ooeupattons of the Tictims immediately be'bre th» musaore. — ^Desoription of the mis- ■ion buildings. — ^The Doctor called into the kitchen to be murdered. — Joe Lewis, the leader in the massacre. — ^The scene outside. — The Doctor's house plundered. — Ifrs. Whitman shot. — Brutalities to the dead and dying. — Escape of some and murder of others. — Safety of the French Papists and the servants of the Hudson's Bay Oompany. — ^Fate of Joe Lewis. JoBBPH Stanfield had brought in the ox from the plainn, and it had been shot by Francis Sager. Messrs. Kimball, Canfield, and Hoffman were dressing it between the two houses ; Mr. Sanders was in the school, which ho had just called in for the afternoon ; Mr. Marsh was grinding at the mill ; Mr. Gillan was on his tailor's bench in the largo adobe house, a short distance from the doctor's ; Mr. Hall was nt work laying a floor to a room adjoining the Doctor's house ; Mr. Rogers was in the garden ; Mr. Osbom and family were in the Indian room adjoining the Doctor's sitting-room ; young Mr. Sales was lying sick in tho family of Mr. Canfield, who was living in the blacksmith shop ; young Mr. Bewley was sick in the Doctor's house ; John Sager was sitting in the .kitchen ^t partially recovered from the measles ; the Doctor and Mrs. Whitman, with their three sick children, and Mrs. Osborn and her sick child, were in the dining or sitting room. The mission buildings occnpied a triangular space of ground fronting the north in a straight line, about four hundred feet in length. The Doctor's house, standing on the west end, and fronting west, was 18x62 feet, adobe walls ; library and bedroom on south end ; dining and sitting room in the middle, 18x24; Indian room on north end, 18 X 26 ; kitchen on the east side of the house, 18 x 26, fireplace in the middle, and bedroom in rear; sch<)olroom joining on the east of the kitchen, 18 x 30 ; blacksmith shop, 160 feet east ; the house called the mansion on the east end of the angle, 32 x 40 feet, one and a half stories ; tho mill, made of wood, standing upon the old site, about four hundred feet from either house. The east and south space of ground was pro- tected by the mill-pond and Wallawalla Creek — north front by a ditch that discharged the waste water from the mill, and served to' irrigate the farm in front of the Doctor's house, which overlooked the whole. To the north and east is a high knoll, lesf than one-fourth of a mile dis- tant ; and directly to the north, three-fourths of a mile distant, is Mill THB DOCTOR CALLED TO BE MURDERED. 467 Creek. In a military or defensive question, the premises could be easily protected from small-arms or cavalry. While the Doctor was sitting with his family as above stated, several Indians, who had come into the kitchen, came to the door leading to the dining-r<>om, and requested him to come into the kitchen. He did so, taking his bible in his hand, in which he was read- ing, and shut the door after him. Edward Sager sat down by his side and asked for medicine. Tilokaikt commenced a conversation with him, when Tamsaky, an Indian, called the Murderer, and the one that told the bishop at Wallawalla he would give him the Doc- tor's station, came behind him, and, drawing a pipe tomahawk from under his blanket, struck the Doctor on the back of his head. The first blow stunned him and his head fell upon his breast, but the second blow followed instantly upon the top of his head, and brought him senseless but not lifeless to the floor. John Sager, rising up, attempted to draw a pistol ; the Indians before him rushed to the door by which they had entered, crying out, " He will shoot us ; " but those behind seized his arms and threw him upon the floor ; at the same time he received shots from several short Hud- son's Bay muskets, which had been concealed under their blankets. He was cut and gashed terribly with knives, his throat was cut, and a woolen tippet stuffed into it, — still he lingered. In the struggle, two Indians were wounded, one in the foot, the other in the hand, by each other. Mrs. Whitman, as soon as the tumult commenced, overhearing and judging the cause, began in agony to stamp upon the floor and wring her hands, crying out, " Oh, the Indians ! the Indians ! That Joe (re- ferring to Joe I^wis) has done it all !'' Mrs. Osborn stepped into the Indian room with her child, and in a short time Mr. Osborn and family were secreted under the floor. Without coming into the other rooms, the Indians lefl the kitchen, to aid in the dreadful destruction without. At this moment Mrs. Hays ran in from the mansion-house, and, with her assistance, Mrs. Whitman drew her dying husband into the dining-room, and placed his mangled, bleeding head upon a pillow, and did all her frightful situation would allow to stay the blood and revive him, but to no purpose. The dreadful work was done. To every question that was put to him, he would simply reply, " No," in a low whisper. After receiving the first blow, he was probably insensible. About this time, Mr. Kimball ran into the room through the kitchen, and rushed up-stairs with a broken arm hanging by his side. He was immediately followed by Mr. Rogers, who, in addition to a wounded T!' i : " : 468 HISTORY or OREGON. arm, was tomahawked in the side of the head and covered with blood. He assisted Mrs. Whitman in making fast all the doors, and in remov- ing the sick children up-stairs. Joe Lewis, a Roman Catholic Indian, is asserted, by those who have traced his course, to have come from Canada with the party of priests and French that crossed the plains in 1847, and by whom it is affirmed the measles were brought into the immigrant trains that year. The priests' party brought him to Boise, and there left him to find his way to Dr. WbitmanV. He attempted to make arrangements with an immigrant family to come to the Wallamet, but was afterward furnished with a horse and supplies, and traveled with a Cayuse Indian. While at Boise, making his arrangements with the immigrant family, he told them there was going to be a great overturn at Dr. Whitman'a and in the Walla- nut. How or what the overturn was to be, the party did not learn, but supposed it might be from immigration or some change in the govern- ment of the co'uitry. He arrived at Dr. Whitman's apparently desti- tute of clothes and shoes. He made himself at home at once, as he could speak English, French, and a little Nez Perce. He had been at the station but a few days, before the Doctor and the two Sager boys learned that he was making diHturbance among the Indians. Tlie Doctor finding some immigrant families who wanted a teamster, furnished him with shoes and a shirt, and got him to go with them. He was gone three days, and the second nigi.l ran away from the man he had agreed to go witli, and returned about the station. He spent most of his time in the lodge of Nicholas Finlay, the common resort of Stanfield and the Indians engaged in the scenes we are relating ; and was the leader in the Avhole affair. He was seen several times approaching the windows with a gun, but wlien Mrs. Whitman would ask, " Joe, what do yoa want ?" he would run away. The scene outside, by this time, had attained the summit of its fttry. The scrcims of the fleeing women and children, the groans and struggles of the falling, dying victims, the roar of musketry, the whistling of balls, the blows of the war-club, the smoke of powder, the furious riding of naked, painted Indians, the unearthly yells of infuriated savages, Belf-maddcned, like tigers, by the smell of human blood, — the legitimate fruits of Romish superstitions faithfully implanted in the savago mind. Mi's. Whitman remained by the side of her husband, who was pale and gasping in death. Two Americans wen) overpowered and cut down by tlie crowd under her window, which drew her attention, and gave an opportunity for an Indian, that had always been treate('. kindly by her, to level his gun. His victim received the ball, through the window, in her right breast, and fell, uttering a single groan. In a few moments THB KASSAORE. 469 ■he revivevas shot upon his bench. Mr. Marsh was shot at the mill ; ran a short distance toward the Doctor's house and felL Mr. Saunders, hearing the guns, rushed to the door of the schoolroom, where he was seized by several Indians, who threw him upon the ground amid a shower of balls and tomahawks. Being a strong and active man, he rose, though wounded, and ran some rods, but was overtaken, surrounded, and cut down. Mr. Hoffman was cut down, aJler fighting desperately with a knife, his body cut open, and bin heart and liver torn out. In the midst of all this fury and savage shedding of blood, no chU- drsn or servants of the HudsoiCs Bay Company, or Roman Catholics^ or such c« pro/essed friendship for that fait/iy were harmed in the least Finlay, a half-breed of the company's, who had formerly kept its horses, was stopping close to the station, assisting and counsel- ing with the Indians ; Joe Lewis selected the two Manson boys and a half-breed Spanish boy the Doctor had raised, and arranged to send them to the fort. Whoever this Indian was, or wherever he was from, he seems to have understood and acted fully and faithfully his part in the '^ great overturn'" that he said, while at Boise, was to take place at that station and in the lower country. How he came to know there was to be any change or overturn is yet a secret only to be guessed at. Mr. McBean says he returned to Boise and Fort Hall ; and Mr. McDonald, that he killed the guide to a company of United States troops in the mountains, and was himself shot •i fir :-, i ■*% i1 ii» CHAPTER LVL Comments on Vicar-Oeneral Brouillet's arguments against the Whitman massacre being the act of Catholics. — Joe Stanfield : Brouillet's story in his faror. — Murders on the second day. — Deposition of Daniel Young. — More murders. Vicab-Genebal Bbouillet, in his narrative of "Protestantism in Oregon," says : " I could admit that Joseph Jjewia, Joseph Stanjield, and Nicholas Mnlay, who mny have been seen plandering" (as proved on the trial of Stanfield), "were Catholics^ without injuring in the least the cause of Catholicism ; because, us in good reasoning " (Roman Catholic, of course), " it is never allowed to conclude from one particu- larity to another particularity, nor to a generality ; in like manner, from the guilt of three Catholics it can not be reasonably concluded that other Catholics are guilty, nor, a fortiori, that all Catholics are guilty and Catholicism favorable to the guilt." No man, set of men, or sect, not interested in the result of a measure or a crime, will ever use an argument like the one we have quoted from this prie&t. Dr. Whittnan and those about his station bad been slaughtered in the most brutal and cowardly manner, by a band of In- dians that this priest, his bishop, and associates, backed by the consent and influence of the Hudson's Bay Company, had brought about through the direct influence of these three men : all of whom knew, and con- sulted with the Indians as to the commission of the crime. And we have the strongest reason to believe that this priest and his party were, by their conversation, instructions, and direct teachings, adding their influence and approval to that horrid transaction. Besides, when the crime is committed, we find this name band of fur traders and priests protecting, shielding, advising, and assisting the murderers to the utmost of their power and influence, both in the country and in their foreign correspondence. If such facts do not implicate a party, we ask what will? The very book from which we are quoting, containing 108 pages, has not a single sentence condemning the course or crime of these men, but every page contains some statement condemning Spalding, Whitman, or some American supposed to belong to, or in favor of, the American settlements or missions. But let us return to further particulars of this Whitman massacre. We have gathered up the statements and facts on both sides of this STAKFIELD EXCUSED. 478 qaestion, and witb our own knowledge, previous to and since its occar- rcnce, we write with asBurance, if not with the best judgment in select- ing the facts and evidence to place the truth before the public. We were in the midst of describing that horrible scene of savage blood and carnage, when we stopped for a moment to inquire after the character of three of the prominent actors, in fact, the leaders in the tragedy. Brouillet tells us (on page 89 of his narrative, page 66 of Ross Browne) in extenuation of the guilt of StanGeld, that ^ the following circumstance, if true, speaks very highly in his favor, and shows that if he has at any time forgotten the good principles he had received in his infancy, once, at least, those principles prompted him to an heroic action. It was on the morning of the day that followed the massacre. There were several Indians scattered in the neighborhood of the mis- sion building?, but especially a crowd of Indian women was standing near the door of the house in which all the white women and children were living. Staniield, being then at a short distance from the house, Tilokaikt, the chief of the place, came up and asked him it* he had some- thing in the house. ' Yes,' said Stanfield, ' I have all my things there.* ^ Take tliem away,' said the Indian to him. * Why should I take them away ? they are well there.' ' Take them off,' he insisted, a sec- ond time. * But I have not only my things there ; I have also my wife and children.' ' Yes,' replied Tilokaikt, who appeared a little surprised, * yon have a wife and children in the house 1 Will you take them off?' * No,' replied Clanfield, ' I will not take them away, and I will go and stay myself in the house. I see that you have bad designs ; yon intend to kill the women and children ; well, you will kill me with them. Are you not ashamed ? Are you not satisfied with what you have done ? Do you want still to kill poor innocent creatures that have never done you any harm ?' ' I am ashamed,' replied Tilokaikt, after a moment's hesitation. ' It is true, those women and children do not deserve death ; they did not harm us ; they shall not die.' And, turning to the Indian women who were standing near the door of the house waiting with a visible impatience for the order to enter and slaughter the people in- side, he ordered them to go off. The Indian women then became enraged, and, showing them t^e knives that they took from beneath their blankets, thoy insulted him in many different ways, calling, him a coward, a teaman who would consent to be governed by a Frenchman y and they retired, apparently in great anger for not having been allowed to imbrue their hands in the blood of new victims. The above circum- stance was related at Fort Wallawalla to Mr. Ogden, by Staniield him- self, under great emotion, and in presence of the widows, none of whom t' H H 1 1 tM' i I w u 474 HI8T0BT OF OREOOV. contradicted him. An action of that nature, if it took place, would be, of itself, Bx^ffloient to redeem a great many foults.** We do not wish to question any good act this Frenchman may have done ; but the guilt of knowing that crime was to be committed, and that the Americans were to be killed around him like the ox he had brought to the slaughter, which he knew was to be the signal for its commencement ; and the manner he and his two associates conducted themselves on the ground ; the influence he had to stop the ninssacre at any time, and his robbing the widows and orphans in the midst of thu slaughter ; — these make up a complication of crime that none but the vilest will attempt to excuse. On the 30th of November, Mr. Kimball and Mr. Young, a young man from the saw-mill, were killed. Mr. Kimball, in attempting to go from his concealment in the chamber for water for himself and the sick ohildren, was shot by a young Indian, who claimed his eldest daughter for a wife as his lawful pay for killing her father. ' We will now give an original deposition which explains the killing of Mr. Young, and also of two other young men, who escaped the first and second, and became victims of the third more brutal slaughter. Deposition of Mr. Daniel Young relative to the Wailatpu Massacre. QuBSTioir. — When, and in what manner, did you learn of the mas- sacre? Answer. — I was residing with my father's family at Dr. Whit- man's saw-mill, about twenty miles from Wailatpu, where we had gone for the winter. My brother, a young man about twenty-four yeai-s of age, and about two years older than myself, had gone down to the station, the Tuesday before, with a load of lumber, and for provisions, and was expecting to return about the last of the week. Joseph Smith and family were also living at the saw-mill, except his oldest daughter, who was at the station. His family was out of flour and meat, and ours was now out of meat. On Saturday evening, he pro- posed to me to go down the next day for provisions. I did not wish to go down ; told him if he wanted provisions he could go. He said if he had a horse he would go. We offered him a horse. He still urged me to go, as there was no one, he said, to stay with his family. I went down on horseback on the Sabbath, being the next Sabbath afler the massacre. I did not go to the place till about an hour afler dark, and learned . nothing of the massacre till afler I had got into the house. In the room where I expected to find my brother, I found them eating supper, with several Indians in the room. At the table was Mrs. Hays, and Joseph Stanfield, and Mrs. Hall, with the remnant of her family. BTANFIELD'S PBETENDED UARRIAOB. 476 About a couple oi minutes after I went in, Joseph StaniieUl left the table and went out of the house (this was some time previous to the rast leaving the table), and was gone for about three hours, I knew not where ; but after he returned, he sr id he had started to go to Nicholas Finlay's, a half-breed's lodge, but had got lost. Nicholas had come in about half an hour before Stanii' la returned. In the mean time I had learned from the Indian Beardy, through Eliza Spalding (his inter* preter), of the massacre. This was in short sentences and much con< fused. Bcardy said, however, that the Doctor was his friend, and he did not know of it until a good many had been killed, and he was sorry for what had taken place ; he said the Indians said the Doctor was poisoning them, and that was the reason they did it, but he (Beardy) did not believe it. That he was there to protect the women and children, and no more should be killed. During the evening I also learned of the number that had been killed, and of those M'ho had escaped from the place ; but it was not known what had become of them. I was informed by Stanfield that my brother had met an Indian who had told him to go back and stay for a week, but another Indian told him he could safely go on for provisions, and that he would go with him. He went on to within half a mile of the mission. The Indians were said to have gone thus far with him. Stanfield said ho there found him dead, shot through the head near ono eye, and there ho buried him. Stanfield said also that evening that the Doctor was poisoning the Indians, which had caused the massacre ; that Joe Lewis had heard from an adjoining room one night the Doctor and Mrs. Whitman talk- ing of poisoning them, and that the Doctor had said it ^wx^ best to destroy them by degrees, but that Mrs. Whitman said it was be^it to do it at once, and they would be rid of them, and have all their land and horses as their own ; and that he (Joe Lewis) had told the Indians this before the massacre. Stanfield also asked me if I had heard of his being married. I told him I had heard from my brother that he was going to take Mrs. Hays for a wife. He said : " We are married, but have not yet slept together." I said : " Yes, I understand, you pretend to be married." He said : " We are married ; that is enough." I thought it strange why he was saved unless he was a Catholic, and during the evening took an occasion, when I thought he would not suspect my object, to ask Stanfield whether he was a Catholic ? He said, " I pass for one.^^ I slept with Stanfield that night ; did not retire till late. Next morning, Crockett Bewley, a young man about twenty-one or twenty- two, I should think, who was sick at the time of the first massacre, and whose clothes had been stolen (by Stanfield), came into the room f i Ml t ' 'i I '-i .. . i- 1 m ' 1 ^:? I' . 476 RI8T0RT OV OREaOir. wrapped in a blanket or a quilt. Bexeley teetned to itpeak of tht Doctor't poinoning the Indian* u» aotnething commonly reported among them as the cauao of the maesaure, but said he did not believe any thing of it, but he believed Joe Lewis teaa one of the leaders, and the Catholic priests lett e the cause of it. Stanfield replied, " You need not believe any such thing, and you had better not let the Indians hear you say that" and spoke in a voice as though he was somewhat angry Ooon after this, Bewley left the room ; Stanfield turned to me and said : " lie had better be careful hoto he talks ; if the Indians g< hold of it the Catholics may hear of it." As soon us I could do ii without being 8us^)ected, I sought an opportunity to cautior ^ewley about the danger I thought he was runnin * in speaking thus in the presence of Stanfiold, and asked him if he du not know of Stanfield being a Catholic? lie said he did not. I told him he might have known it from the fact of most French being Catholics. He replied he did not know of the French being Catholics more than any other people. I told him to bo cautious hereafter how ho spoke, and he said he would. Soon after the conversation with Bewley, I told Stanfield I must return home ; he said I must not, the Indian chiefs would be there after a while and would tell me what I must do ; said he did not think I could get off till the next day. We now commenced making a coffin for one of the Sager children that had died the night before. Soon after, the chief Tilokaikt came. He told me I could not go back till the next day, that he would then send two Indians bnck with me. I told Stanfield, in the chiefs pres- ence, that I had told my folks I should be back on Monday if I came at all. Stanfield told me in reply, that the chief says, " Then you may go;" Stanfield also said, "The chief says tell them all to come down and bring every thing down that is up there ; we want them to come down and take care of the families and tend the mill. Tell them, ' Don''t undertake to run away; if you do, you will be sure to be kitted;^ not be afraid, for they shall not be hurt." The chief had now done talking. Stanfield now told me to caution them, our people, at the saw-mill, as to what they should say / if they said any thing on the subject, " say that the Doctor was a bad man, and was poisoning the Indians." He had also before that told me the same. I got a piece of meat and asked for some salt, but he said there was none about the house ; afterward I found this waf> .lot the case. I then returned home, and informed our people as to what had taken place, and my father's first reply was, " The Catholics are at the bottom of it." Mr. Smith admitted it, but said, immediately, we must all become Cath- SMirn'S DAUOHTER OIVBN TO THK INDIANi m qUos for our safety, and before wo lefl the snw-mill, and aUcrwnrd, he said ho believed the Doctor was poiKoning, and believed it from what Joe Stanficld had told him before about the Doctur'a misusing the half- breeds and children at his mission. The next day, Tuesday, we went down to the mission, and arm ' ailer dark; found the young men, Bewley and Amos Sales, who wert sick at tho time of the firtt maHsacro, were both killed, and their boaios were lyin^ outside of tho door near thehouso where they lay * 'ting ilie night, and Staniield said he could not bury them until ho got tho i>ermis8ion of tho Indians. Tho next day Avo helped to bury them. Here I would say that the two Indians tho chief wished to send with me, as ho said, to see us safe down, as Stanfield inteipretcd to me at the time, wore tho chiers sons, and ho wished me to wait because Edward, Tilokaikt's son, had gone to tho Umatilla to the ffreat chief, to Hee what to do Avith the two young men who were sick. This, Stanficld told mo, was the business Avhich Edward Tiloknikt had gone for, and ho would not get back so as to go with mo that day. Three Indians, how- ever, arrived within an hour after I got to tho saw-mill, vi/., Clark Tilokaikt, Stikas and one whose name I never know, and came down apart of tho way with us next day. I learned from Mrs. Canfield .ind her daughter, that this same Edward Tilokaikt, after ho returned from the Umatilla, gave the first blow with his whip, and broke and run out of doors, when other Indians finished tho slaughter of tho sick men. While at tho station, Joseph Smith threatened mo with tho Indians if I did not obey him. I felt our condition as bad and very dangerous from the Indians, and feared that Smith would join them. lie sometimes talked of going on to the Umatilla to live Avith. them. His daughter was taken by tho chiers sons (first Clark, and in the second place, Ed- ward) for a wife. I told Mr. Smith, wore I a father, I would never suffer that, so long as I had power to use an arm ; his reply was, " You don't know what you would do ; I would not dare to say a word if they should take my own wife." I continued to regard our situation as exceedingly dangerous till wg got out of the country. After Avo had arrived at Wallawalla, I said, in the presence of Mr. MoBean, that I supposed there wore present some of the Indians who had killed my brother, and if I knew them I would kill them yet. 'Mv. McBean said, " Take care what you say, the very watts have eura.^^ lie was very anxious to get us safe to tho Wallamet. Q. — Would you suppose one who was acquainted at that place liable to get lost in going that evening to Finlay's lodge ? A. — I would not. It was in sight and a plain path to it, and was not more thar* twonty-five yards ofE i * f I m- 1 ■m 1 1 I" It u «mp«p m^'mm'w^' m mSTORT OF OREGON. Q. — ^When did you learn from your brother that Stanfield was going to take Hrs. Hays as a wife ? A. — Some two or more weeks before the massacre, somethiog was said as to Mr. Hoffman taking Mrs. Hays. - My brother says, " No, I heard Joe Stanfield say that he was going to take her as a wife.** Q. —Did your brother appear to believe that thb was aboat to take place ? A. — He did, and my brother talked aboat it, — made as bdiere it was going to take place. Q. — What opportunity had your brother to know aboirl this, more than yourself? A. — ^He boarded at the station, and was some of the time teaming from the saw-mill, and Mrs. Hays cooked for him and several others of the Doctor's hands, among whom was Stanfield. Q. — ^Why did you think Stanfield was a Catholic, as a reason for his being saved ? A. — Because I heard Dr. Whitman say at the mill, that the Catho- lics were evidently trying to set the Indians upon him, bat he thought he could keep it down for another year, when he would be salis^ I sup- posed he expected safety from the government being extended over the country. Q. — How did Stanfield seem to know that the chief wonld be there ailer a while, and would tell you what you might do as to going back to the saw-mill ? A. — I did not know. Q. — Why did you tell your people that you woald be back on Mon- day, if at all? A. — Because we were in an Indian country, and I remembered what I had heard the Doctor say at the Umatilla, and my brother had cot returned as expected. Q. — Had you any means of knowing what ^^ great chief ^ at the Umatilla, Tilokaikt spoke of, where his son Edward had gone to learn what to do with the sick young men ? A. — I had not. Q.— Did you know at that timo that :he bishop was said to be at Umatilla ? A.— Yes. Q.— Did you form in your own mind, at that time, any opinion as to whom Edward had gone to consult ? A.— I thought the term ''great chirf'^ might have been put in to deceive me, as Stantield had told me, the evening before, that the Catho- lics were going to establish a mission right away at that place, and that D. YOUNG'S STATEMENT. 479 they would protect the women and children, and I thought it might be the Catholics he was consulting, or it might be some great Indian chiet. This talk of establishing a station there continued for more than a week after we got down to the station. After I found Bewley and Sales were killed, I seemed to forget much until even after I had got down, and even to the plains, when the facts again came more clearly to my recol- lection, and I spoke of them freely to my parents and to others. (Signed,) Daniel Young. Sworn and subscribed to, before me, this 20th day of January, a. d. 1849, in Tualatin Plains, Oregon Territory. G. W. CoFFiNBVBT, Justloo of the Peace. ! *'» i U IS lipw^p 'WX r;* CHAPTER LVII. How the country waa aaved to the United States. — Article from the New York Eveniixg Post. — Ingratitude of the American Board. — Deposition of Elam Young. — Young girls taken for Indian wives. — Statement of Miss Lorinda Bewley. — Sager, Bewley, and Sales killod. In taking up our morning Oregonian of November 16, 1866, our eye lit upon the following aiticle from the New York Evening I^ost, which we feel assured the reader will not regret to find upon these pages, and which will explain the desperate efforts made to secure this country to the United States by Dr. Whitman, the details of whose death we are now giving from the depositions of parties upon the ground, who were eye-witnesses and fellow-sufferers at the fall of that good and noble man whose labors and sacrifices his countrymen are at this late day only beginning to appreciate. "We ask in astonishment : Has the American Board at last opened its ears, and allowed a statement of that noble martyr's efforts to save Oregon to his country to be made upon its record ? It has I it has 1 and here it is : — " We presume it is not generally known to our citizens on the Pacific coast, nor to many people in the Atlantic States, how near we came to losing, through executive incompetence, our just title to the whole immense region lying west of the Rocky Mountains. Neither has due honor been accorded to the brave and patriotic man through whose herculean exertions this great loss and sacrifice was prevented. " The facts were briefly and freshly brought out during the recent meeting at Pittsburg of the * American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions,' in the course of an elaborate paper read by Mr. Treat, one of the secretaries of the Board, on the ' Incidental Results of Missions.' "In the year 1836 the American Board undertook to establish a mis- sion among the Indians beyond the Rocky Mountains. Two mission- aries, Rev. Mr. Spalding and Dr. Whitman, with their wives, — tlus first white women who had ever made that perilous journey, — passed over the mountains with incredible toil, to reach Oregon, the field of their labor. After remaining there for a few years. Dr. Whitman bogau tc understand the object of the misrepresentations of the Hudson's* J>ay Company. He saw, contrary to the reiterated public statements of that company — DR. -WHITMAN'S KFFORTS TO SAVE OREGON. 481 ** 1. T}>at the land was rich in minerals. " 2. That emigrants could cross the Rocky Mountains in wagons, a feat which they had constantly asserted to be impossible. " 3. That the Hudson's Bay Company was planning to secure the sole occupancy of the whole of that counti-y, by obtaining a surrender of the American title into the hands of the British government. " Seeing these things, but not knowing how very near the British scheme was to its accomplishment. Dr. Whitman resolved, at every hazard, to prevent its consummation. He undertook, in 1842, to make a journey on horseback to Washington, to lay the whole matter clearly before our government by personal representations. Being a man of great physical strength and an iron constitution, he accomplished the long and perilous journey, and reached Washington in safety. The remainder of the story we will relate in the language of the Boston Congregationaliat : Reaching Washington, he sought an interview with President Tyler and Daniel Webster, then Secretary of State, and unfolded to them distinctly what was going on. Here he learned that a ti-eaty was almost ready to be signed, in which all this northwestern territory was to be given up to England, and we were to have in com- pensation greater facilities in catching fish. Dr. Whitman labored to convince Mr. Webster that he was the victim of false representations with regard to the character of the region, and told him that he intend- ed to return to Oregon with a train of emigrants. Mr. Webster, look- ing him full in the eye. asked him if he would pledge himself to conduct a train of emigrants there in wagons. lie promised that he ■would. Then, said Mr. Webster, this treaty shall be suppressed. Dr. Whit- man, in coming on, had fixed upon certain rallying-points where emigrants might assemble to accompany him on his return. He found nearly one thousand ready for the journey. After long travel, they reached Fort Hall, a British military station, and the commandant undertook to frighten the emigrants by telling them that it was not possible for them to go through with wagons; but Dr. Whitman i-e- assured them, and led them through to the Columbia, and the days of the supremacy of the Hudson's Bay Company over Oregon were numbered." Twenty-four years after that noble, devoted, faithful servant and missionary of theirs had received a cold reproof, after enduring one of the severest and most trying journeys of several thousand miles, his Board at home, and unreasonably cautious associates in Oregon, have consented to acknowledge that they owe to him a debt of respect for doing, without their consent or approval at the time, a noble, patriotic, and unselfish act for his country. 31 '. i| y • I • 482 HISTORY OP OREGON. And how shall we regard the cold indifference they have manifested to the present day, in regard to the infamous manner in which his life, and the lives of his wife and countrymen were taken, and the continued slanders heaped upon their names? Have they asked for, or even attempted an explanation, or a refutation of those slanders ? Their half-century volume speaks a language not to be mistaken. Mr. Spalding, his first and most zealous associate, attempted to bring the facts before the world, but the caution of those who would whitewash his (Dr. Whitman's) sepulcher induced Mr. Spalding to give up in despair, — a poor broken-down wreck, caused by the frightful ending of his fellow-associates, and of his own missionary labors. Ts this severe, kind reader, upon the Board and a portion of Dr. W liitman's associates ? We intend to tell the truth if it is, as we are endeavoring to get the truih, the whole truth, and as few mistakes as possible in these pages. Therefore we will copy another deposition relative to this massacre. Deposition of Mr. Elam Young. I met Dr. Whitman on the Umatilla, about the 1st of October, 1847. Ho engaged me to build a mill for him at his mission. As the lumber was not handy at the station, I moved up to the saw-mill to do a part of the work there. Some time in November, my son James, who was teaming for the Doctor, went from the saw-mill with a load of lumber for the mission station, and was to return with provisions for us. This was on Tuesday after the murder. Shortly after he had gone away, Mr. Sn..i. , who was also at the saw-mill, appeared to be very uneasy ; stated repeatedly that he was sure something had happened to him ; said he had a con- stant foreboding of some evil ; stated that Dr. Whitman was abusing the children at the mission, as he had understood by Stanfield ; fre- quently spoke against Dr. Whitman. The next Sunday, beginning to feel uneasy, I sent my second son Daniel down to the station, who returned on Monday and brought the news of the massacre. It instantly struck my mind that the Catholic priests had been the cause of the whole of it. This conviction was caused by repeated conversations with Dr. Whitman, together with my knowledge of the principles cf the Jesuits. Mr. Smith observed at the same time that we must all be Jesuits for the time being. Soon after Daniel returned, three Indians came up and told us we must go dqwn to the station, which we accord- ingly did the next day. When we got there it was after night ; we found that Crockett Bewley and Amos Sales had both been killed that day. The women told us that they had told the Indians, before we RECEPTION AT THE FORT. 483 came down, that we were Englibh, and we mnst not contradict it. The Indians soon began to question whether I was English. I told them I was of English parents, but born in the United States. A few days after we got there tv^o young women were taken as wives for the Indians, which I opposed, and was threatened by Mr. Smith, who was very anxious that it should take place, and that other little girls should be given up for wives. Was employed while there in making coffins and grinding for the Indians. While there. Miss Bewley was taken off to the Umatilla. Tried to comfort her as much as I could, believing she would be safer there at the Catholic station than cohere we were. First ten days we were constantly told that the Catholics were coming there to establish a. mission. Heard that Mr. Ogden had come up to Wallawalla to rescue us from the Indians. Went to grinding and preparing provisions for our jour- ney. Smith and Stanfield, who appeared to be very friendly with each other, had the management of the teams and loading, took the best teams and lightest loads, gave as the poorest teams and heaviest loads. On the way to Wallawalla they drove off and left us. The hind- most teams had to double in the bad places. Reached the fort per- haps half an hour after Smith and Stanfield had ; met Smith at the gate, who says : " Well, you have got along ?" " Yes." " It is well you did, for the Indians found out that j/ou were not an Englishman, and were determined to have your scalp.'''' I asked him, "How do you know this?" to which he made no reply. Went into the fort and met Mr. McBean and the priest ; supposed they would all rejoice at our escape, but their manner was very cold and distant. But Mr. Ogden greeted us cordially. The next day the Indians came into the fort in considerable numbers, and their actions were suspicious, and Mr. McBean seemed to interest himself very much in our belalf, and told us to be very quiet and to keep in our oron rooms, and be careful what we said, as the very walls had ears. [If this does not show the sneaking dog, wh.at does ? Ogden ia apparently all friendship, and McBean is A caution to the captives.] We arrived on Monday, and Mr. Spalling on Saturday after, and the next day all took boat for the lower country. Q. — Did your son give you any caution as to what to say when you reached the station. A. — He said Stanfield said we must say the Doctor poisoned the Indians. Q. — What did you learn about Mr. Rogers as having made a oon- fession. A. — Stanfield said that Mr. Rogers had made a confession that the HrlH 484 HISTORY ^P OREGON, Doctor had poisoned the Indiana. I replied, "Who knows this ?" TTe said Mrs. Hays and Mrs. Hall heard it. I afterward asked Mre. Hays if she did hear it. She replied, " We must say so now.'''' I afterward, at the station, told Stanfield he had better not mention that to Ameri- cans, for there was not one from Maine to Georgia that would believe it. He replied, " We must say so." I told him I never would. Q. — What conversation with the Doctor led you to believe the Catholics were at the bottom of the whole of it ? A. — That some yeare before (1841) he had had difficulty with the Indians, and he had found out satisfactorily where it came from, by charging the Indians of having been made jealous of a certain man. I do not recollect the name, but I think he said he was from Canada, and the Indians acknowledged it. [The difficulty here spoken of was about the horses given as a present to Rev. Jason Lee, on his way to Wallamet. The Indians had been told by the company's interpreter, old Toupin, that he had as good as stolen their horses, as he made them no presents in return, and they were encouraged to make that a cause of difficulty with Dr. Whitman.] At that time they had knocked off his hat, etc., but other Indians would obey him and pick it up, and so long as they would obey, he was satisfied of his safety ; but this had long since passed off. [The writer was present, and saw the whole per- formance here alluded to, the pa? liculars of which are given elsewhere]. And they were never in a better state until of late, when a body of priests and Jesuits had come in, and were constantly saying in their ears that this sickness came on them by the Americans; that the Americans were a very bad people, that the Good Being had sent on them as a punishment. Q. — Why did Mr. Smith appear anxious to have the young women given to the Indians ? A. — I do not know, unless to appease them, and get their affec- tion. Q. — Did the Doctor appear to wish to remain, against the wish of a majority of the Indians? A. — I heard him say repeatedly, if the Indians wished him to leave he would, but a large majority said he must not, and he thought the times would soon change. I understood h'lra to expect a change from the extension of government. Q. — Did your son Daniel say any thing, before you moved from the saw-mill, of having cautioned C. Bewley for speaking unadvisedly before Joe Stanfield ? , A. — Yes, he gave that ; that amounts to the same as he has given in his statement as giv( given that th accoun: encum ficient was ex inhuma Crows, to the REMARKS. 485 Q. — Did you have any fears, while at the station, that Mr. Smith Avas liable, bad the circumstances become more dangerous, to act with the Indians ? A. — Certainly I did, Q. — Did you get any reason why Bewley and Sales were killed ? A. — Though I did not get it directly from them, the Indian account was, the great chief at the Vmatilla said their disease tcould spread ^ but I believe it was because Bewley had spoken before Stan/ield unad- visedly. ^ (Signed,) Elam Young. M Sworn and subscribed to before me, this 20th day of January, 1849. G. W. CoPFiNBUBY, Justice of the Peace. What shall we say of these depositions, and the facts asserted under the solemnity of an oath, the witnesses still living, with many others confirming the one fact, that Roman priests and IludsorCs Bay men, English and Frenchmen, were all safe and unharmed in an Indian — and that American — territory, while American citizens were cut down by sav- age hands without mercy f Can we regard the conduct of such men in any other light than as enemies in peace? Without the aid of religious bigotry and the appeal to God as sending judgments upon them, not one of those simple-minded natives would ever have lifted a hand to shed the blood of their teachera or of American citizens. We see how faithful and persevering Joe Lewis, Finlay, and Stanfield were in their part, while the bishop and his priests, and Sir James Douglas, at Vancouver, were watching at a distance to misrepresent the conduct of the dead, and excuse and justify their own instruments, as in Mr. Douglas's letters to Governor Abernethy and the Sandwich Islands; and Vicar-General Brouillet's narrative, with more recent proceedings, which are given in another chapter. We intended to give in this connection the account of this tragedy as given by Vicar-General Brouillet, but it accords so nearly with that given by Sir James Douglas in his Sandwich Islands letter to Mr. Castle, that the impression is irresistibly forced upon the mind that the whole account is prepared by one and the same person ; hence we will not encumber our pages with more than a liberal amount of extracts, suf- ficient to show the full knowledge of the bishop and his priests of what was expected to take place at the Whitman station, and the brutal and inhuman part they tqok in forcing Miss Bewley into the arms of Five Crows, after that Indian was humane enough to permit her to return to the house of those, that Mr. Younfj, and all others who were igno- ! i f 'o» 486 HISTORY OP OREGON. rant of their vUeness, might naturally suppose would be a place of safety from such treatment. She that was Miss Bewley is now dead, but she has left on record the statement of her wrongs. We gi ve it a permanent place in our history, not to persecute or slander the Jesuit fraternity (for truth is no slander), but to warn Americans against placing their daughters and sons under any such teachings or in- fluences. Statement of Miss Lorinda Bewley. Q. — ^What time did the massacre commence ? A. — I think half-past one. Q. — Who fled to the chamber ? A. — Mrs. Hall, Mrs. Hays, Mrs. Whitman, Mr. Kimball, Mr. Rogers, — the three last wounded, — myself, Catharine Sager, thirteen years of age, her sisters Elizabeth, Louisa, and Henrietta, the three half-breed girls, — Miss Bridger, Mary Ann, and Helen, — last four very sick. After we got into the chamber the Indians broke in the windows and doors, filled the house and broke down the stair-door. Mr. Kimball advised to attempt the appearance of defense at the stairway. Mrs. Whitman and Mr. Rogers said, let all prepare for death. I found an old gun, and it was held over the staircase by Mr. Rogers. They appeared cool and deliberate in ordering all to prepare for death, when they were breaking up the house. The appearance of the gun appeared to check the Indians from coming up-stairs. A few words passed between Mr. Rogers and one of the Indians. Mr. Rogers said, " The Indians wish me to come down." Mre. Whitman objected at first ; some words passed between Mrs. Whitman and Mr. Rogere about his going down which I do not recollect ; finally Mrs. Whitman took his hand and said, " The Lord bless you ; go !" and he went nearly to the bottom of the stairs, but his head was all the time above the staira ; he was not there longer than two or three minutes. A few words passed between them, but I did not understand the language. Mrs. Whitman said, "The Indians say you have guns and want to kill us." Mr. Rogers says, " No, you wish to get us down to kill us." This seemed to be all they talked about. Mr. Rogers says to Mrs. Whitman, " Shall we let them come up?" Mrs. Whitman says, "Let one, Tamsaky, come up." Tamsaky came up and shook hands with us all, and spoke and advised us all to go down and go over to the other house, for the young men would burn the house; he led the way down while the Indians were hallooing wildly in the room below, but when wo had got down, the Indians bad gone out and were very still. While we were up-stairs the Doctor's face had been cut awfully to pieces, but be was yet breathing. Mi's. Q bad utor'a MISS BEWLET'S DEPOSITION. 48T Whitman saw him and said she wanted air ; they led her to the settee and she lay down. She appeared to think then, tliat we were going to be spared, and told us to get all the things irom the press we needed. I put a blanket I had over her, and got a sheet for myself, and we put a good many clothes from the press on the settee ; Mrs. Hall and Mrs. Hays got their arras full also. Mr. Rogers was going to take us over to the other house, and then come back for the sick children. This was Tamsaky's advice, as he said the Indians were going to bum the house. It was now getting dark. Mr. Rogers and Joe Lewis carried out the settee, over the bodies of the Doctor and John S-^ger, which were dreadfully n?;^ngled ; they passed through the kitchen, and through the outside door toward the end of the house occupied as the Indian room. Here, to our surpise and terror, the Indians were collected, with their guns ready ; the children from the school were huddled in the corner of the building. When the settee had gone about its length from the door, Joe Lewis dropped the end he was holding and the guns were immediately fired. Mr. Rogers had only time to raise his hands and say, " O my God, save me," and fell. I felt my fingers numb till next morning, from a ball that passed so near as to stin^ them. Mrs. Whitman received two balls when on the settee. I could not see what was don'e at the same time on all sides of me. On turning round I saw Francis Sager down jleeding and groaning. The children said an Indian hauled him out from among them and Joe Lewis shot him with a pistol. Mr. Rogers fell down by my feet and groaned loud. All three appeared in great agony, and groaned very loud. The Indian women were carrying off things, and the Indians were shouting terribly ; the Indians also started and cut Mrs. Whitman's face with their whips and rolled her into the mud. [This treatment of Mrs. Whitman will be explained In the statement of Stikas, as given from Mr. McLane's journal.] At this I attempted to escape to the other house. One of the Indians from Mrs. Wliitman caught me, — I had run about two rods, — when I screamed and he shook his tomahawk over my head, and I kept screaming, not knowing that he wanted me to hush ; then a great many others came round, and pointed their guns and shook their hatchets. I finally discovered they wanted me to be still, and when I was silent, one of them led me by the hand over to the mansion. Q. — Was Mr. Rogers wounded when he started into the house ? A. — Yes ; shot through the arm and tomahawked in the head. Q. — Did Mr. Rogers have any interview with the Indians after he got in until the one on the stairs ? A. — No. As soon as he got in the house was locked, and none got i 1 n 1 m 1' n >!' 1 \ IB 1 1 ' 1' ■; • ' 1 1 'r, r m 488 mSTORY OF ORBOON. in after that till we were all np-stairs, when they broke the doors and windows. Q. — Did the Indians have an interview with Mr. Rogers after the one on the Btairs, up to the time he was shot ? A. — No ; the Indians were not in the room, except Tamsaky and Joe Lewis, and we were all very still and Mr. Rogers was all the time in my sight, except as I stepped to the bed for the sheet, and I was very '^uick. Q. — Did you hear it reported that Mr. Rogers said he overheard Dr. and Mrs. Whitman and Mr. Spalding talking at night about poisoning the Indians ? • A. — No ; but after being taken to Umatilla, one of the two French- men said that the Indians' talk was that an Indian who understood English overheard such conversation. Q. — Did you consider Mr. Rogers and Mrs. Whitman were meeting their fate like devoted Christians ? A.— Yes. Q. — When did the priest arrive ? A. — Wednesday, while the bodies were being prepared for the grave. The bodies were collected into the house on Tuesday evening. Q. — Did the Indians bury a vial or bottle of the Doctor's medicine ? A. — ^They said they did. Joe Stanfield made the box to bury it in, and the Indians said they buried it. Q.— Why did they bury it? A. — They said the priests said it wcu poison. Stanfield and Nicholas were their interpreters to us. Q. — How did they obtain this vial ? A. — The Indians said the priests found it among the Doctor's med- icines, and showed it to them, and told them if it broke it would poison the whole nation. Q. — Was there much stir among the Indians about this bottle ? A. — Yes, a great deal. Q. — Why did the Indians kill your brother ? A. — Edward Tilokaikt returned from the Umatilla, and told us (after they had killed him) the great chief told them their disease would spread. Q. — ^Did your brother make any eifort to escape ? A. — He told me the night before be was killed that he was preparing to make an effi>rt to escape. I told him he must not, he was not able to walk. He said he had that day agreed with Stanfield to get liim a horse, and assist iiim away. I said, " What will become of me ?" He said, " I know you have been greatly abused, and all I care for my life MISS BEWLEY'S DEPOSITION. 4S9 is to get away, and make an eflfort to save you; but I may he killed before to-morrow at this time, but, if it is the Lord's will, I am prepared to die." This was Monday, a week from the first massacre. About three o'clock the next day my brother and Mr. Sales were killed, and / have always thought that Joe Stanjleld betrayed them. Q. — Did the Indians threaten you all, and treat you with cruelty from the first? A.— They did. Q. — Did they on Tuesday assemble and threaten your lives ? A. — Yes, and frequently threatened our lives afterward. (See state- ment of Stanfield by Brouillet, in a previous chapter, confirming the fact of his unbounded influence over the Indians.) Q. — When were the young women first dragged out and brutally treated? A. — Saturday night after the first massacre, and continually after that. Q. — When were yon taken to the Umatilla ? (Miss Bewley will answer this question after we hare given Vicar- General Brouillet an opportunity to state his part in this tragedy.) ii 1 :.;ill !• r* CHAPTER LVra. Yicar-Qenerol Brouillet'a statoment. — Statement of Istacus. — The priest finds the poison — Statemont of William Geigor, Jr. — Conduct of Mr. McBean. — Influence of the Jesuit missions. Wk left Vioar-Geaeral Brouillet ai liisbop Blanchet and his prienta on their way to their station on the ^ matilla, where they arrived on November 27. On the 28th, Brouillet says, page 47 : " The next dav being Sunday, we were visited by Dr. Whitman, who remained but i few minutes at the house, and appetired to be much agitated. Being invited to dine, he refused, saying that he feared it would be too late, as he had twenty-five miles to go, and wished to reac*^ home before night. On parting, he entreated me not t( fail to visit him when I would pass by his mission, which I very cordially promised to do. " On Monday, 29th, Mr. Spalding took supper with us, and appeared quite gay. During the conversation, he happened to say that the Doctor was unquiet ; that the Indians were displeased with him on account of the sickness, and that even he had been informed thut the Murderer (an Indian) intended to kill him ; but he seemed not to believe this, and suspected as little as we did what was taking place at the mission of the Doctor." The reader will note and remember the statement which follows : Brouillet says, on the 48th page of bis narrative, the 36th of J. Ross Browne's report:— " Before leaving Fort Wallawalla, it had been decided that, after visiting the sick people of my own mission on the Umatilla, I should visit those of Tilokaikt's camp, for the purpose of baptizing the infants and such dying adults as might desire this fuvor ; and the Doctor and Mr. Spalding having informed me that there were still many sick per- sons at their mis^iion, I was confirmed in this resolution, and made preparations to go as soon as possible. ".Aftet having finished baptizing the infants and adults of my mission, I left on Tuesday, the 30th of November, late in the afternoon, for Tilokaikt's camp, where I arrived between seven and eight o'clock in the evening. It is impossible to conceive my surprise and consternation when, upon my arrival, I learned that the Indians the day before had massacred the Doctor and his wife, with the greater part of the Ameri- BROUILLBI'8 STATEMENT. m cam at the tnisBion. I passed the night without Bcarocly dosing my eyes. Early tlic next morning I bajitized three siclc children, two of whom died soon allter, and then hastened to the scene of death, to offer to the widows and orphans all the assistitnce in my power. I found Ave or six women and over thirty children in a situation deplorable beyond description. Some had just lost their husbands, and others their fathers, whom they had seen massacred before their eyes, and were ex- pecting every moment to share the same fate. The sight of those persons caused me to shed tears, ^vhich, however, I was obliged to con- ceal, for I was the greater part of the day in the presence of the mur- derers, and closely watched by Ihem ; and if I had shown too marked an interest in behalf of the -lufferers, it would only have endangered their lives and mine ; these, therefore, entreated me to be upon my guard." The women that lived through tliat terrible sccnu inform us that this priest was as familiar and friendly with the Indians as though notliing serious had occurred. We have seen and conversed freely with four of those unfortunate victims, and all affirm the same thing. Their im- pression was, that there might be others he expected to be killed, and he did not wish to be present when it w-as done. According to the testimony in the case, Mr. Kimball and James Young were kilU'd while he was at or near the station. Broulllet continues, on the 40th page : — "Alter the first few words that could be exchanged under the cir- cumstances, I inquired after the victims, and was told they were yet unburied. Joseph Stanfield, a Frenchman, who was in the employ of Dr. Whitman, and had been spared by the Indians, Mas engaged in washing the corpses, but being alone, he was unable to bury them. I resolved to go and assist him, so is to render to these unfortunate victims the last service in my power to offer them. Wliat a sight did I then behold ! Ten dead bodies lying here and there, covered with blood, and bearing the marks of the most atrocious cruelty, — some pierced with balls, others more or less gashed by the hatchet. Di*. Whitman had received three gashes on the face. Three others had their skulls crushed so that their brains were oozing out. " I assure you, sir, that, during the time I was occupied in burying the victims of this disaster, I was far from feeling safe, being obliged to go here and there gathering up the dead bodies, in the midst of assas- sins, whose hands were still stained with blood, and who, by their manners, their countenances, and the arms which they still carried, sufficiently announced that their thirst for blood w-as yet unsatiatcd. Assuming as composed a manner as possible, I cast more than one glance aside and behind at the kuives, pistols, and guns, in order ■M iiiiii •(I 1 1 \: rl: 4d2 HISTORY OF OREGON. to assure myself whether there were not some of them directed toward me." The abpve extract is from a letter addressed to Colonel Gilliam. Tlie cause of the priest'n alarm is explained in a statement fonnd in the journal of Mr. Tj^li&ne, private secretary to Colonel Gilliam, while in the Cayuse country, taken from the Indians' statement in the winter of 1847-48. He was compelled to find the poison. Brouillet says: — "The ravages which the sickness had made in their midst, together with the conviction which a half-breed, named Joseph Lewis, had succeeded in fixing upon their minds that Dr. Whitman had poisoned them, were the only motives I could discover which conld have prompted them to this act of murder. This half-breed had imagined a conversation between Dr. Whitman, his wife, and Mr. Spalding, in which he made them say that it was necessary to hasten the death of the Indians in order to get possession of their horses and lands. ' If you do not kill the Doctor,' said he, ' you will be dead in the spring.' ** Statement of Istacus, or Stikas. In the first place, Joe Lewis told the Indians that the Doctor was poisoning. Tamsaky went to Camaspelo and told him he wanted to kill the Doctor, and wished him to help. He replieil, pointing to his child, that his child was- sick, and tliat was as much as he could attend to. Tamsaky then went to Tilokaikt, and he said he would have noth- ing to do with it. But his son and young men wished to do ik, and they contended so long that at last he said : " If you are determined to do BO, go and kill him." Afterward, the Indians presented a gun two different times to Tamsaky, and told him to go and kill the Doctor. He said ^e would not kill him. When the priests came, they got to quarreling ; the Catholic priests told them that what the Doctor taught them would take them to the devil, and the Doctor told them what the priests taught them would take them to the devil. After the priests told them that, the Indians said they believed it, for the Doctor did not cure them. After the Doctor was killed, the priest told the Young Chiff that it was true that the Doctor had given them poison ; before that, the Doctor had given them medicine and they died. After the m-issacre, all the Indians went to the priest's house (an Indian lodge near Dr. Whitman's station), and I said that I was going to ask the priest himself whether it was true or not, so that I could hear with my own ears. He (the priest) told them that the priests were sent of God. They did not . know how to answer him. The Five Crows told me that the prittt told him the Doctor was poisoning thein. I then believed it. TREATMENT OF MRa WHITMAIT EXPLAINED. ^93 They then went and killed the two sick men I asked the Indians, if he gave us poison, why did the Americans get sick ? [It is evident that this conversation took place at the camp of Tilokaikt, where Mr. Broui'ilet says he spent the night of the 30th of Novemher.] Afterward, they went to the Doctor's place, and the priest was there too, and they asked him where the poison was that the Doctor gave them. After searching some time among the medicines, he found a vial with somcihinj white in it, and told them, ^^Here it is." I tell you what I heard. The priest then told them that Mrs. Whitman had a father in the States that gave poison to the people there, and that he had given tins to her, to poison them all ; then they all believed. I told them that I did not believe that the Doctor was poisoning them ; I said I expected they brought the sickness with them from California, for many of them died coming from that place. Joe Lewis told them to make a box, and Beardy buried the vial in the square box, stating, if they did not, the Americans would get it and poison ihem all. 2^he head man of the 2)riests told them all these things, and the priest took all the best books to his house. The above is a true extract from th: journal of Mr. McLane, pri- vate secretary to Colonel Gilliam, the same as was read in my hearing to Mungo, the interpreter for Colonel Gilliam, when these statements were made, and he said it was true and correctly written. (Signed,) L. H. Judson. Sworn to and subscribed before me, this 25th day of November, 1848, Champoeg County, Oregon Territory. Aakon Purdt, Justice of the Peace. There are three important facts stated by this Indian which are con- firmed by other testimony. First. That the priest was upon the ground, or in at the death. Second. He was ready to overhaul the Doctor's medicines and hunt out some vial, and tell the Indians, " Here it is, — the medicine the Doctor has been killing yoii with." Third. That lie told them it was sent to the Doctor by Mrs. Whit- man's father, who poisoned people in the States. Tliis explains the terrible and brutal treatment of Mrs. Whitman's body, even after death. Brouillet says, '* Joseph Leteis had succeeded in fxing upon their 0: ^,^ 494 HISTORY OF OREGON. minds that Dr. Whitman had poisoned them^'' but Istacus, one of the first and most truthful Indians we became acquainted with in the country, tells us that the Indians did not believe Joe Lewis till the priest confirmed his statements, and this priest was required to show them the poison. It would not be strange, if, while he is compelled to hunt over the medicines of Dr. Whitman, to find any that he could call poison, and in exhibiting such evidence to the deluded murderers about him, that he should feel himself in danger, yet his whole conduct belies such a state- ment, for he well knew the ignorance of those about him as to any medicine he might select and call poison. This Indian's statement also explains the killing of the two young men. Sales and Bewley, and that as these priests " were sent of God," the disease of these young men would spread ; in other words, their tes- timony would convict the parties implicated. We find in this same letter to Colonel Gilliam, other statements that are important in the history we are giving. He says : " / knew that the Indians were angry with all Americaiu, and more enraged against Mr. Spalding than any other.''"' If this was the case, why did they not kill him first ? There is certainly some mistake in this statement of Mr. Brouillet, or else the Indians were too hasty, which is probably the case. The Indians were not quite as much '■'■enraged" against Mr. Spalding as his reverence, who claimed to know their feelings so well. Again, on tho 54th page (39th of Ross Browne), in answer to Mr. Spalding's wild, despairing cry, " But where shall I go?" he answers: " I know not ; you know the country better than I; all that I know is thatr the Indians say the order to kill Americans has been sent in all directions." How did this Rev. Father Brouillet know all this ? We have yet to learn that he ever gave a single American, except Mr. Spiilding, any information respecting their danger, — which he certainly could have done with perfect safety, by sending any one or all of them a written notice of the " order to kill Americans ;" but instead of warning them of their danger, he was present to show to the Indians 'a vial of Dr. Whitman's medicine and tell them it was the poison. The long list of statements collected and given to the world as reliable historical data, by ti.is priest, and embodied in an ofiicial report by J. Ross Browne, do but show the active part he, with his associate priests and the Hudson's Bay Company, took to destroy the American influence and settlements then in the country. Says the historian Bancroft : " It is the duty of faithful history to trace events not only to their cause, but to their authors." m m McBEAN'S PARTISAN EFFORT. 495 We will direct our attention for a short time to the proceedings of Mr. MtBean in charge of Fort Wallawalla (or Fort Nez Perces), in council with the Indians. From the statement of Mr. Wra, Geiger, Jr., who was at Dr. Whitman's station during the winter of 1846-7, teach- ing school, we learn tliat the Indians showed some dissatisfaction, and were called together by Dr. Whitman, to consult and decide what they would do. The Doctor proposed to them that a majority of the tribe should let him know definitely, and a vote was taken, and but two or three were found to favor his leaving. During this council Mr. Geiger and the Doctor learned that there had been conversation and a council with the Indians at the fort, by Mr. McBean. That he had informed them of the Mexican war between the United States and Mexico, and of the prospect of a war between the United States and England (King George men), and that he was anxious to know which side the Cayuses would take in the event of such a war. This question Mr. McBeau kept constantly before the Indians whenever they went to the fort. They would return to the station and say that Mr. McBean had given them more news ofthe prospect of war between the King George people and Americans, and that he wished to know which side they would take. Tamsaky, Tilokaikt, and one other Indian said they had told Mr. McBean that they would join the King George. Some said they had told him their hearts favored the Americans ; others professed to be on the " back-bone,''^ i. e., hesitating. All matters and causes of dissatisfaction between the Doctor's mission and the Indians were amicably settled. The Doctor and Mr. Geiger could not see why Mr. McBean should beset the Indians on that subject, unless it was to bring about what had been before, viz., to make allies of the Indians in case of war. On account of this dissatisfaction, the Doctor thought of leaving. Mr. Geiger says, "I told them I thought it their duty tj remain. I thought the Indians as quiet as communities in general ; in old places there were more or less difficulties and excitements." In the communication signed by Mr. Geiger, he is asked, " What was the cause of discouragement with the Doctor and Mr. Spalding at that time ?" A. — " The influence of the Roman priests, exercised in talking to the Indians, and though the French half-breed, Lehai, Tom Hill, a Delaware Indian, and othere." Q. — " What did the Indians mention was the instruction they re- ceived from Roman Catholics ?" "^ A. — "That the Protestants were leading tlem in wrong roads, *. c, even to hell. If they followed the Suapies (Americans) they would ill ii«. I |, lii W f III h 'it^; 496 mSTORT OP OREGON. continue to die. If they followed the Catholics, it would be otherwise with them ; only now and then one would die of age. That they would get presents, — would become rich in every thing." We have a statement made by Brouillet as to their influence among the Indiana on this coast, found on the 87th page of his narrative, "Protestantism in Oregon" (65th of Ross Browne). He says: — "Messrs, Blanchet and Demerse, the first Catholic missionaries that came to Oregon, had passed Walla walla in 1838, where they had stopped a few days, and had been visited by the Indians. In 1839, Mr. Demerse haa spent three weeks in teaching the Indians and baptizing their children. In 1840, he had made there a m' sion so fruitful that the Protestant missionaries had got alarmed, and feared that all their disciples would abandon them if he continued his missions among them. Father De Smet, after visiting the Flatheads in 1840, had come and established a mission among them in 1841 ; and from that time down to the arrival of the bishop, the Indians of Wallawalla and of the Upper Columbia had never failed to be visited yearly, either by Mr. Demerse or by some of the Jesuits, and those annual excumons had procured every year new children to the church. Almost every Indian tribe possessed some Catholic member," We can bear positive testimony as to the effect and influence of those teachings up to 1842 among the Upper Columbia Indians ; and it is to illustrate the bearing and result of those teachings, continued for a series of years upon the savage mind, and the influence of a foreign monopoly in connection with such teachers, that we bring these statements before the reader. The vast influence wielded by this foreign fur and sectarian monopoly was used to secure Oregon for their exclusive occupation. The tes- timony of Rev. Messrs. Beaver and Barnley, and Sir Edward Belcher, as given by Mr. Fitzgerald, and that of his Reverence Brouillet, as found on the 56th page of his narrative, all aflirm the close connec- tion of these two influences. Leaving out of the question the state- ment of many others, we have that of this priest. He says: — " Some days after an express reached us from the fort, informing us that our lives were in danger from a portion of the Indians who could not pardon me for having deprived them of their victim ; and this was the only reason which prevented me from fulfilling the promise which I had made to the widows and orphans of returning to see them, and obliged me to be contented with sending my interpreter" to the scene of the murder, to bring Miss Bewley to be trer.ted as the evidence in the next chapter will show. CHAPTER LIX. Continuation of Mi«S Bcwley's evidence. — The priests refuse her protection. — Forcibly taken from the bisliop's lionso by Five Crows. — Brouillet advises her to remain with her Indian violator. — Indecent question by a priest. — Mr. Brouillet attempts to got a statement from hor. — Two questions. — Note from Mrs. Bewley'. — Bishop Blan- chet's letter to (Jovcrnor Abernethy. — Conmionts on the Jesuits' proceedings. — Grand council at tlio bishop's. — Policy in forcing Miss Bewley to Five Crows' lodge. — Speeches by Camaspclo and Tilokuikt. — Killing of Elijah and the Noz Perce chief commented on. — The true story told. — Dr. White's report. — The grand council again. — Review of Brouillet's narrative. — Who were the real authors of the massacre. 3Ilss JJetolei/^s Dejiosiiion Continued. Q. — WiiEK were you taken to the Umatilla? A. — Just at night, on Thursday the next week after the first mas- eacre, having shaken with the ague that day ; slept out that night in the snow storm. Q. — Whose horses came after you ? A. — Eliza Spalding said they belonged to her father ; this led us to suppose Mr. Spalding was killed. Q. — When did you leave Umatilla ? A. — On Monday before the Wednesday on which we all went to Wallawalla. Q, — When did you reach Wallawalla ? A. — On Wednesday before the Saturday on which Mr. Spalding and company arrived, and we all started the next day for the lower country. Q. — Where did you spend your time when at the Umatilla ? A. — Most of the time at the house of the bishop; but the Five Crows (Brouillet's Achekaia) most of the nights compelled jne to go to Ins lodge and be subject to him during the night. I obtained the privilege of going to the bishop's house before violation on tlic Umatilla, and begged and cried to the bishop for protection either at liis house, or to bo sent to W^allawalla. I told him I would do any work by night and day for him if he would protect me. Jle said he loould do all he could. [The sequel shows hat in this promise the bisho]) meant to implicate and involve the Five Crows, should a war with the American settlement grow out of the massacre.] Although I was taken aa ^^ • »'-■ '1 I- ' 'I 498 HISTORY OF ORBaOU". to the lodge, I escaped violation the first four nights. There were the bishop, three priests, and two Frenchmen at the bishop's house. Tlie first night the Five Crows came, I refused to go, and he went away, apparently mad, and the bishop told me I had better go, as he might do us all an injury, and the bishop sent an Indian xoith me. lie took me to the Five Crows' lodge. The Five Crows showed me the door, and told mo I might go back, and take my clothes, wliich I did. Three nights after this, the Five Crows came for me again. Tlie hisho}^ finaUi/ ordered me to go; my answer was, I had rather die. After this, he still insisted on my going as the best thing I could do. I was then in the bishop's room ; the three priests were tliere. I found I could get no help, and had to go, as he told me, out of his room. The Five Crows seized rne by the arm and jerked me away to his lodge. Q. — How long were you at the Umatilla ? A. — Two weeks, and from Friday till ^londay. I Avould return early in the morning to the bishop's house, and be violently taken away at night. The bishop provided kindly for me while at his house. On my return one morning, one of the young priests asked me, in a good deal of glee, hoio I liked mg companion. I felt that this would break my heart, and cried much during the day. When the two Nez Perces arriv'd with Mr. Spalding's letter, tliey held a council in the bishop's room, and the bishop said they were trying to have things settled, lie said Mr. Spalding was trying to get the captives delivered up ; I do not recollect what day this was, but it was some days before we heard that Mr. Ogdenhad arrived at Wallawalla, When the tall priest (Brou- illet) that was at the Doctor's at the first was going to Wallawalla, after hearing of Mr. Ogden's arrival, he called me out of the door and told me if I went to the lodge any more I must not come back to his house. I asked him what I should do. He said I must insist or beg of the Indian to let me stop at his house; if he would not let me, then I must stay at his lodge. I did not feel well, and toward night I took advan- tage of this and went to bed, determined I would die there before I would be taken away. The Inilian came, and, on my refusing to go, hauled me from my bed and threw my bonnet and shawl at me, and told me to go. I would not, and at a time when his eyes were off I threw them under the table and he could not find tiieni. I sat down, determined not to go, and he jjiislied me nearly into the tire. Tlie Frenchmen were in the room, and the bishop and priests were passing back and forth to their rooms. Wiien the Indian was smoking, I went to bed again, and when he was through smoking he dragged nu* from my bed with more violence than the first time. I told the Frenchman La pries me t that : had said the D I tolc Frenc MISS BEWLET'g DEPOSITION. 499 to go into the bishop's room and ask him what I should do ; he came out and told me that tlie bishop said it was best for me to go. I told him the tall priest said, if I went I must not come back again to this house ; he said the priests dared not keep women about their liousc, but if the Five Crows sent me back again, why come. I still would not go. The Indian then pulled me away violently without bonnet or shawl. Next morning I came back and was in much anguish and cried much. The bishop asked me if I was in much trouble? I told him I was. He said it was not my fault, that I could not help myself. Tliat I must pray to God and Mary. He asked me if I did not believe in God ; I told him I did. We will not stop to comment on the simple narrative of this young woman. No language of mine will more deeply impress the reader with the debasing character of these " holy fathers, the Catholic priests," that served the Honorable Hudson's Bay Company and mother church 80 faithfully. It appears that Miss Bewley arrived at the bishop's on the 1 0th of December. On the 58th page of Brouillet's narrative (41 st of Browne's) we find the following language : — "On the 11th of December wo had the affliction to hear that one of the captives had been carried off from the Doctor's house by the order of Five Crows, and brought to him ; and we learned that two others had been violated at the Doctor's house." How seriously these holy fathers were afflicted. Miss Bewley has told us in language not to be misunderstood. Iler statement continues ; — ?^!!' '1 Last summer, when I was teaching school near Mr. Bass, the tall priest, whose name I have learned Avas Brouillet, called on me, and told me that Mr. Spalding was trying to ruin my cliaracter and his, and said that Mr. Spalding had said that I had told him (3Ir. S.) that the priests had treated me as bad as the Indians ever liad. I told him I had not said so. He said he wanted to ask me some questions, and would send the Doctor, who could speak better English ; he wished me to write it ; I told him I would rather not do it. When at the Umatilla, the Frenchmen told me that they were making arrangements to locate the priests, — two at Mr. Spalding's as soon as Mr. S. got away, and two at the Dalles, and they were going to the Doctor's next week to build a )iouse. This conversation was before Mr. Orjdon arrived atWallawalla. Q. — ^Did Dr. Whitman wish to Iiave Joe Lewis stop at his place ? A. — He let him stop at first only because he said he had no shoes nor clothes, and could not go on ; but when a gooil many, on account of 500 HISTORY OP OREGON, sickness, had no drivers, the Doctor furnished Joe with shoes and shirts, and got him to drive a team. He was gone three days, and came back, but the Doctor never liked it. I heard Mrs. "Whitman and the Sagoi boys say that Joe Lewis was making disturbance among the Indians. Q. — Did you ever hear the Doctor express any fears about the Cath- olics? A. — Only once ; the Doctor said at the table : " Now I shall have trouble ; these priests are coming." Mrs. Whitman asked : " Have tho Indians let them have land ?" He said : " I think they have." Mrs. Whitman said : " It's a wonder they do not come and kill us." This land was out of sight of the Doctor's as you come this way (west of the Btation). When the Frenchman was talking, at Umatilla, of going to build a house tliere, he said it was a prettier station than the Doctor's. (Signed,) Lobinda Bewlby. Sworn to and subscribed before me, this 12th day of December, 1848. G. Walling, Justice of the Peace, Clackamas County, Oregon Territory. We have another original statement of Miss Bewloy's, as taken by Rev. J. S. Griffin, which we will give as a part properly belonging to the above statement. Okegon City, February 7, 1 849. Questions to Miss Lorinda Bewley, in further examination touching the Wailatpu massacre : — Q. — Did the Five Crows, when you were taken to his lodge from the bishop's house by an Indian, s>jud you back with your things in apparent anger, or did he appear at that time to pity you ? A. — I thought at the time that I had good eWdence, from his manner and behavior to me at the lodge in giving me up, that he was disposed to pity me, and not to abuse me. Q. — Did you anticipate that evening that he would demand you afterward ? A. — No ; I did not think he was disposed to. Q. — What was this Five Crows' English name ? A. — Hozekiah (Brouillet's Achekaia). Q. — Did you have evidence that it was necessary for Hezekiah to hold you as a wile to save you from a general abuse by the Indians ? A. — I was overwhelmed with such evidence at Wailatpu, but saw none of it at the Umatilla. Q. — What was the order of conversation to you when the priest went to Wallawalla, after hearing of Mr. Ogden's arrival ? MISS PEWLET'S DEPOSITION. 501 A. — I besought him to do all he could at the fort to obtain my deliv- ery from bondage, and he said he would. A little after he called me to step out of the door from the rest, and told nie if I went with the Indian I must not come back to his house any more, when I burst out crying, and asked him what to do ; he said I must insist or beg the Indian to let me remain, or I must remain there. I begged him, as I was alone there, he would do every thing in his power to get Mr. Ogden to take me away, whether he could obtain all the prisoners or not. Q. — Did you know of the priests liaving baptized any at the time of the burial at Wailatpu ? A. — I did not ; but they were baptizing a gre,at many at the Umatilla, principally children; two the same day after I went there, and very frequently afterward. On Christmas day they baptized many. Q.: — Was it understood among the Indians that the families at the mill were English ? A. — Yes, sir; and Mr. Smith was an Englishman. Q. — Did the report reach the Indiiuis at Wailatpu before you went to Umatilla, that the Indians were told at the Fort Wallawalla that they must not kill any more Americans? A. — Yea, sir. This seemed to be generally understood. Q. — Was it made known to you captives Avhat Edward Tilokaikt wae gone to the Umatilla for ? A. — It was made known to us, after a council, that Edward was to go to the big chief at the Umatilla and see what was to be done with us, and especially with the young women ; and, after his return, he imme- diately commenced the massacre of the sick young men, and the next morning announced to us that the arrangement had been made for Hez- ckiah to come and take liis choice among the young women, and that Edward and Clark Tilokaikt -were then to take the other two. Hezekiah was a chief [the one appointed by Dr. White in 1843], and regarded by us, and I believe by others, as a single man. Edward and Clark were only the sons of a chief. Ilczekinh did not come ^^e me himself, but sent a man [Brouillet says, page 56 (Ross Browne, 40), the caution he received from Mr. 3fcBean " obliged me to be content with sending my interpreter"] and a boy for the young woman that was a member of Mrs. Whitman's family. The contract between my mother and Mrs. Whitman w-as, that I was to continue my studies with Mrs. Whitman, and take part with her in the instrnction and care of the children. Q. — After Mr. Rogers entered the house wounded, and closed the doors, did he have any conversation with Nicholas or the Manson boys? A. — No. Neither of them came into the house. LonixDA Bewlkt. i; ' ■ HP 602 HISTORY OP OREGON. Rev. J. S. Griffin says he is ready to testify to the fact that the above is a true statement, as made by Miss Bewley, and it was his own over- siglit at the time that her oath was not attached before a justice of the peace. There was no other person living at the time that could positively state the facts as given '>y Miss Bewley ; others have given their depo- sitions, which conBrni her statements, and show them to be the simple, unvarnished truth of the whole scone that jmssed before her, and her treatment by tliose "AoZy fathers, the hi»hop and his priests,'''' We are forced to confess, that, after studying and copying these old documents and papers, we dare not tnist ourselves to express an opin- ion, lest the reader should say our feelings have overcome our better judgment. Therefore we will simply ask a question or two» and let each reader answer for himself. What think you, kind reader, of the Hudson's Bay Company and Roman Catholic Jesuits, and priests and bishop in Oregon in 1847-8? Did not Dr. Whitman, liis wife, and all at bis missioi* sutfer, and many of them die, to save Oregon as a part of the great American Republic ? We know that a few of the poor miserably deluded Indians belonging to his mission have suffered an ignominious death by being hnng like dogs (a death, of all others, the most odious to them), and for what ? Simply because they M'crc deceived by those who knew at the time they wci'e deceiving them ; and who have since so managed us to deceive the Christian world, and bring falsehood to cover their participation in the transaction. We would not have been so particular, nor cofwied docwments so extensively, had we not before us a narrative of 108 pages, written by one of these " holy fathers,^'' Viear-Geueral BroulUet, jHirporting t» give the causes both remote and immediate of this boirible massacre; giving it the title of" Proiestmitism in On'(/on, account of the tmurder of Dr. Whitman, and the ungrateful cnUunnies of II. II. Spalding*, Protestant missionary," in which he searches back even before the arrival of Dr. Whitman in the country, and cites Rev. Mr. Parkei-'s firs-t supposed or imaginary statements to the Indians as a eanse of the massacre, which we know to be false and imfounded from the six years* early acquaintance we had with those Indians; and also from the per- sonal allusions he makes to transactions M'ith which we were intimately acquainted, aiwi know to be false in fact and inference. These state- ments of this priest and his associates, McBean and Sir James Douglas, have induced us to extend the particulars of that massacre beyond our original design in giving the history of Oregon. As he claims great credit for himself and associates, Stanfield in particular, in burying bis pri' up up cor ■^••■WIPPIP HYPOCRISY OP PRIESTS. 503 the dead, and showing kindness to the widows and orphans, we will give another item to show the character of the thl(if\ liar, and accom- plice ill that massacre, whom this priest is so ready in his narrative to claim as a saint. Mrs. Catharine Bewley says : " Dr. Prettyman said to me that Joe Stanficld told him at liie own honse, when the sheriff had him in custody, that ' the morning of the day when young Bewley was killed, he had gone into the room and had hid every thing in the room back of the bed he was upon.' This, the doctor thought, showed that ho was the cause of his being killed." Under date of Umatilla, December 21, 1847, Father Blanchet, bishop of Wallawalla, writes to Governor Abernethy as follows : — '' As soon as I had been informed what had happened, I instantly told the two chiefs near my house that I hoped the women and children would be spared until they could be sent to the Wallamet. They an- swered : ' We pity them, — they shall not be harmed ; they shall be taken care of, as before.' I have since had the satisfaction to hear that they have been true to their word, and that they have taken care of these poor people." In Father 15rouillet's narrative, page 57 (Ross Browne, page 41), he says : " On the 3d, the bishop called for the Young Chief and his brother Five Crows, in order to express to them how deeply he had been pained by the news of the horrible affair at Wailatpn, and to recommend to their cure the widows and orphans, as well as the men who had sur- vived the massacre. They protested to have given no consent to what had happened at Wailatpu, and promised to do all in their power for the survivors. " On the 10th wo received the painful intelligence that two other young men, who, being sick, had been spared by the Indians at the time of the first massacre, had since been torn from their beds and cruell}' butchered." The positive testimony in regard to these two young men is already before the reader. If' this bishop and priest do not act and narrate falsely^ we ash, What is faUehood ? After giving a description of the grand council held at the Catholic mission house by Tawatowe, Tilokaikt, Achekaia, and Camaspelo, Brouillet says, on page 67 : " Before taking leave of the chiefs, the bishop said to them all publicly, as he had also done several times privately, that those who had taken American girls should give them up immediately. And then all entreated Five Crows repeatedly to give up the one whom he had taken, but to no purpose." How does this compare with Miss Bewley's testimony ? i , \mH 604 niSTORY OP ORROON. Wo must fisk to he excused I'roin at present eorumentiufj fiirtluT upon the notes and extracts from the stiiteineiits of tlicse sevenil partieB. They are before you, reailer, not as fiction or imagination; tlicy arc transactions coiniected witi» the hi;»tory we are writing. The state- ments on the part of tliis l)ish(»p and his priests have been jjublished and extensively circuhited, aneen believed, and have had far too mturli influence in encouraging and sustaining tiiein among their deluded vietms; Ix'sides mystifying, and causing a ]»nb!ic sentiment to bo geiu»rally entertained derogatory to the Protestant and American missionary intiuence in Oregon. We have given an account of this bisliop and his priests on the first pommeiu-ement of tl»eir missionary ell'orts among tlie Cayuse Indians, and have followed them through their Idlx^vs, and tiu'ir legitijnate re- Hults, till we now eomo to the 10th of December, the day on which they received a wild, incoherent — not to isay injudicious and foolish — letter from Iltv. Mr. Spalding, which they gave, with n fiouriHh of tr.jmpets and shout of triumph, on their arrival in Wallamet, to be i)ubli»hed as evidence of their extensive iufiuence over the Indians, and to destroy the influence of Mr. Spalding as a missionary. In this they liave succeeded but too well, and for which we Bhould look closely into their proceed- ings with the Indians. IJrouilk*, on the 58th and Gist pages (41st and 43d of Drowne), in speakin^^ uf ilu. Nez Perces who brought Mr. Si)alding'» letter, says : — •' We li;»d '.vason to be astonished at that confidence of those Imlians, as we I'.uil i)ad as yet no opportunity of seeing ai.y on') of the Nez Perces since our anival in the country. " The two Nez Perce chiefs advised the Cayuses to take measures for avoiding a war witli Americans. They recpiested the bishop to write to Governor Aberncthy, begging him not to send up an army, but rather to come himself in the spring and make a treaty of peace with the Cay- uses, who promised that they would then release the captives of Wail- atpu, — promising besides to offer no injury to Americans until they heard the news from Wallamet. The bishop told them that he teas (jlctd of their proceeding, and was disposed to assist them to the extent of his power, but that he could not write without knowing the opinion of the Cayuses, and that as soon as he could learn this ho would send an express below. He then encouraged them to see all the chiefs a'x>ut it." From the above and subsequent statements and transactions, we have no reason to doubt tho truth of the bishop's remark, ^^that he was glad of their proceeding. '''' There can be no question that he did all he coid'd to help the Indians, and to defeat the provisional troops and government, as is proved by the evidence already given, and will INDIAN COUNCIL. 605 bo seen as wo proceed. He tells tiie Indiiins tliat lie could not write, without "knowing tlic opinion of the Cayuses ; he must be satisfied that they are all united, and when he has learned that fact, he can write with more assurance and eiFect to the governor. lie extends consolation and encouragement to Camaspelo on the 18th, and two days al'ter con- vencH the council .illuded to. •' Acccu'dingly, on Monday, 20th December, 1847, at the CathoHo Mission, the Cayuses assembled in grand council held byTawatowe (or Young C'hief), Tilokaikt, Achekaia (or Five Crows), and Camaspelo, all the great cliiefs of the Cayuses, in presence of many other great men (second chiefs) of the nation." This council was held just three months and three days after. IJrouillet says " that Bishop IManchet met Dr. Whitman at Wallawalla, and said to him, " All is known, I come to labor for the conversion of Indians, and even of Americans, if they are willing to listen to me." And wo say, to crush and drive the Protestant missions from the country, including their licretical settlements. We wish to give these foreign priestn the full benefit of their own state- ments, as we shall express fully our opinion of them ; besides, we presume that not one in a thousand will be able to understand the wonderful workings of Jesuitism among the Indians and the people of our coun- try, without extensive quotations from their books. The narrative continues : " About ten o'clock in the morning they all entered the mission house. The bishop was jiresent, together with Messrs. Rousseau, Ledaire, and myself [Vicar-General IJrouillet, the writer of the narrative we are quoting from]. After a deep silence of some minutes, the bishop explained to them the object of the meeting. He began by expressing to them the pleasure he felt in seeing them thus assembled for the purpose of deliberating on a most important subject, — that of avoiding war, which is always a great evil. lie told them that in matters of importance they should always hold a council and consult those who might be best able to give them good advice ; th.at in giving their advice separately, they were liable to be misunder- stood, and thereby expose themselves and their people \.o !^reat misfor- tunes ) that he was persuaded that if the chiefs had deliberated together they would not now have to deplore the horrible massacre of Wailatpu, nor to fear its probable consequences." The reader can understand how sincere these " holy fathers " were in saying " horrible massacre at Wailatpu," when, instead of calling on Dr. Whitman, as Brouillet says he " cordially promised to do," he went to an Indian lodge, learned of the massacre, and remained all night, writing, the Indians say, this false and infamous account of the transac- i 1 506 HISTORY OF OREGON. tion, to slander the dead and clear the guilty ; and the next morning baptized three of the Indian children before going to the assistance of the widovvsand orphans. The bishop told them " that two Nez Perce chiefs had asked him to write to the great chief of Wallamet (Governor Abemethy) to obtain peace, but that he could not do so without the consent of the Cayusei=." It will be remembered that up to the arrival of Dr. White, in 1842, as an official spy upon the proceedings of the Hudson's Bay Company. drawing the pay of a sub-Indian agent, the company had not allowed any effort to combine the Indians; but on the arrival of Dr. White, they at once made nseof iiim, and also of the bishop and his pritrsts, to form just the combinations they wished to make use of, to strike at the settlements at the proper time. Tawatowe, or Young Chief, was, up to the time of the taking of Fort Nez Percys, considered a head chief; but in consequence of the part he had taken in that affair his power had been broken. His brother, Five Crows, was advanced, and had become the fa\ orite of Dr. Whi'man, as well as of Dr. White, and was looked upon as friendly to the n:ission and the American cause. Miss Jiewlej/s heiny forct:^ tf' Itecomehi^ wife teas apart of the scheme to involve him in the tear then in contempla- tion, and to brinff about a union of the tribe tinder the very plausible reason given by this " holi/ father " and was one of the most important measures to implicate that humane and Protestant Indian in the tear measure noxo in discussion before this grand Indian council at the house of the bishop. The bishop says "that the propositions rrhich those chiefs wished to send were these : Ist. Tha^ Americans should not come to make war ; 2d. That they should send up two or three great men to make a treaty of peace ; 3d. That when these great men should arrive, all the captives should be released; 4th. H t thty would offer no offense to Americans before knowing the news from beloir, " The bisliop thon desired them to speak and to say what they thought of these proposition?. " Caraaspelo spoke first. He said he was blind and ignorant, anvl had despaired of the life and salvation of his nation, but that the words of the bishop had opened his eyes, consoled and encouraged him ; that he had confidence, and that he approved the propositions. "The chief Tilokaikt then rose to say that he was not a great speaker, and that his talk would not be long. He then reviewed the history of the nation since the arrival of the whites (^'rench people or Hudson's Bay Company) in the country down to the present time. Ho Buid that befoiH) they had been visited by white men the Indians were always at W!>r ; that at the place '.rhere Fort Wa'Iawalia now stood f" INDIAN COUNCIL. 507 nothing but blood was continually se:n ; that they had been taught by the whites that there was a God who forbids mow to kill each other." "A jewel of gold in a swine's snout." This is the Indian that assisted in killing Dr. Whitman, and engaged his attention while his companion gave the first blow ; and he afterward cut the Doctor's face honibly with a hatchet, while he was yet alive. But let us continue this " holy father's " lesson of peace and morality from the mouth of his converted Indian, for we have every reason to believe he is now fully converted to that faith, and has given us a specimen in the practice of the religion he has just commenced to learn. He says, " that since this time they had always lived in peace, aud endeavored to persuade others to do the same. lie eulogized Mr, Pambrun ; spoke of a Nez Perce chief who had been killed when going to the States ; afterward of the son of Yel- low Serpent, who had been killed by Americans in Calif< la; said that that they had forgotten all this. He spoke also of Dr. Whitman and Mr. Spalding, and fiuished by saying that since they had forgotten all, he hoped that the Americans would also forget what had been recently done ; that now they Avere even." \ This priest is careful to make his converted Indian tell a plausible story, as also to eulogize ^Ir, Pambrun and the Hudson's Bay Company, and to state that two Indians had been killed while in company with, or by Aniericans. As to the killing of the Xez Perce chief (so called), we know much more of it than this priest or his Indian. The Nez Perc6 was killed in open light witli the Sioux, at Ash Hollow, on the Platte River, after the party had fought ti.rce hours, and killed fifteen and wounded eight of the Sioux. He was no connection of this Cayuse tribe, and is only referred to for eSect. The bishop makes Tilokaikt tell a falsehood to shield a crime in himself and associates. The killing of Elijah, tito son <»f Yellow Serpent, is equally f:ili!(5 in the Btatemcnt of the face, and relation of the circumstarces. Dr. White, Bub-Indiun agent, etc., was never known to tell the truth when a false- hood would suit his plans and purposes better; as is evident in this case, which is given that tile reader maj' judge of its truth. Mr. Brouillet comments upon Dr. White's letter to the Department at Washington, April 4, 1346, as follows: " After speaking of some difli- cultics that occurred mi California betv\cen the Cayuses and Walla- wallas on one part, ind the Spaniards anil Americans on the other, on account of some stolen hones that the Cayuses and Wallawallas had taken from hostile Indians by fighting them [this is altogether a mis- take, as tiie horses belonged to the Amorioans and Spaniaru.-, and they had their Indians guarding them, and the party here referred to killed the h m 608 HISTORY OF OREGON. guard and attempted the life of an American], Mr. White passes on to relate a nuirdor there, committed coollj' by an American the fall previous npon the person of Elijah, the son of Yellow Serpent, the chief of the Wallawallas, in the following way : ' Tiie Indians had gone to the fort of Captain Sutter to church, and, after service, Elijah was invited into another apartment, taking with hirr Tu.i uncle. Young Chief, of the Umatilla River, a brave and sen; ;i::<{--tiiu.^* /'f the age of five and forty.'" This priest, on page 30 (J. :: .^s i;iuwne, page 28), makes Mr. McKinley say that in the fall of 1844, tiie Indianf, a short time after their return from California, met one day at Fort Walla- walla, seven hundred in number, all armed, and decided to walk down immediately upon the colony of the Wallamet, and that they could be stopped only by the Young Chief, who, by his entreaties, decided them to abandon their undertaking, and to go home. We are led to inquire, why did not these Indians, at this time, direct their attention to the American missions in their midst, and take their revenge then, instead of -,vaiting three years, and tlion, as Brouillet says, making this murder a caus/s of the massacre ? McBoan, and Bishop Blanf^het and his priests, were not then at the fort, nor among those Indians, t- aid them in avenging themselves on the innocent. But let us finish the account of this horrid transaction r , lio rart of our countrymen, as repeated by Brouillet to excuse ♦ c ^\ ■. . tuu massacre. He says the Young Chief wont into the room with ^''' j' &^h\ "while there in an unarmed and defonsoless condition, they oonmn.\»od menacing him for things alleged against the River Indians of this upper country, in which none of them had any participation ; called them indiscriminately dogs, thieves, etc." The truth is, that this party wont from the Cayuso country to California expressly to steal horses and cattle. This same educated Indian boy was the leader of the party in going to the fort. lit and the Young Chief were bulh arrested, and tried by a military court ; the chief was .acquitted o": i,! e* idence of the American referred to, as he saved his life, wl Eiij.o,- ;s \- for kill- ing him. Elijah waa condemned, and shot, to prevent ^ '; er similar parties from disturbing the scttlementH !)nd killing peaceable Indians in California. This is the reason, as ^i.. /[cKinley doubtless told lirouil- let, why the Young Chief u,.ca his in.''' r.e to prevent any attempt at retaliation. The narrative continues : "This American then observed, ' Yesterday you were going to kill me; nnv you must die,' and drawing a pistol — Elijah, who had been live or six years at the Methodist Mission, and had learned to read, write, and speak English respectivbly, said ELIJAH SHOT AT SUTTER'S FORT. 509 aid deliberately, 'Let rae pray a little first;' and kneeling down, at once commenced, and, when invoking tlie Divine mercy, was shot through the heart or vitals, dead upon the spot. Taking for truth an Indian report [which in this case suited this priest and Dr. White's purposes better than, a true statement of the facts would], this horrible aifair created considerable excitement [which, he tells us in another place, the Young Chief, who was present, Avas able to quell], and there is some danger of its disturbing the friendly relations that hitherto ex- isted between us here and all those formidable tribes in the region of Wallawalla and Snake River." T'''« I:7dlan story or tragedy is useful for three purposes. First, to show Dr. Wuitc'ri disposition to have his importance known to the department at Washington. Second, to show the disposition of this " holy father^ the Catholic jjriest,''^ to quote a case of the kind, to jus- tify the Whitman massacre by the Indians, and deceive his readers and the world as to the real cause of that transaction ; thus aiding us in bringing home the guilt of a crime wliere it belongs. Tliii'd, to show how capable he is of misrepresenting and falsifying historical facts, to excuse a foul murder of American citizens. He continues to quote Dr. White as follows : — " Learning from Dr. Whitm.an, who resides in their midst, how much they were all excited by reason of the treacherous and violent death of this educated and accomplished young chief, and, perhaps, more especially by the loss they had sust.ained, and then, after sutfer- ing so many hardships and encountering so many dangers, losing tlie whole, I apprehended there might be much difficulty in adjusting it, par- ticnl irly as they lay mucli stress upon the restless, dis.afFcctcd scamps, late from Wallamet to California, loading them with the vile e])ilhets of dogs, tl)icves, etc., from which they believed or aff'^cted to believe that the slanderous reports of our citizens caused all tlieir loss and disasters, and therefore held us responsible. lie, Ellis, the Xez Perce chief, assured me that the Cayuses, Wallawallas, Nez Perces, Spokans, Ponderays, and Snalcos were all on terms of amity, and that a portion of the aggrieved party were for raising a i)arty of about two thousand w.arriors of those formidable tribes, and march to California at once,* and, nobly revenging themselves on the inhabitants by capture and ])lunder, enrich themselves upon the spoils; while others, not indisposed to the enterprise, wished iirst to learn how it would be regarded here, and whether we would remain neutral in the affivir, A third ])arty * Brouillot, in hia haste to bring Dr. Wiiito to prove liis statements of tlio cnusea of tlic Whitman massacre, has foigolien that he was assured by Mr. McKinleythat thoy intendoil to go to the Wallamet, instead of California. 1 ! M '1 M mmam 51.0 HISTORY OP OREGON. were for holding us responsible, as Elijah was killed by an American, and the Americans incensed the Spaniards."* The above extract is quoted by Brouillet foi so base a purpose, that it seems necessary, in order to correct the errors of Dr. White and pened that, before the interpreter had proceedeil halt-way, the two boys were met on their way hither, escorted by Nicholas Finlay, it having been previously settled among the Indians that these boys should not be killed [Mr. McBean should have added, as ])er my in- Btructions] ; as also the American women and children [as per Joseph Stanfield's direction, as he had taken Mrs. Ilays for a wife, and several Indians were to have the young women at the station for wives]. Tilokaikt is the chief who recommended this measure. I presume that you are well acquainted that fever and dysentery have been raging here and in the vicinity, in consequence of which a great number of Indians liave been swept away, but more especially at the Doctor's ])lace, where he had attended upon the Indians. About thirty souls of the Cayuse tribe died, one after another, who evidently believed the Doctor jioisoned them, and in which opinion they were, unfortunately, confirmed by one of the Doctor's party. As far as I have been able to learn, this has been the sole cause of the dreadful butchery. In order to satisfy any doubt on that point, it is reported that they requested the Doctor to administer medicine to three of their friends, two of whom were really sick, but the third feigned sickness, and that the three were corpses the ne.xt morning. After they were buried, and while the Doctor's nien were employed slaughtering an ox, the Indians came one by one to his ouse, witli their arms concealed under their blankets, and, being all assembled, commenced firing on those slaughtering the animal, and in a moment the Doctor's house was surrounded ; the Doctor, and a young ;■ 1 11 520 HISTORY OF OREGON. lad brought up by himself, were shot in the house. His lady, ]^Ir. Rogers, and the children had taken refuge in the garret, but were dragged ddwn and dispatched (excepting the children) outsido, where their bodies were left exposed. " It is reported that it was not their intention to kill i[r., Rogers, in consequence of an avowal to the following effect, which he is said to have made, and which nothing but a desire to save his life could have prompted him to do. He said, ' I was one evening lying down, and overheard the Doctor telling Rev. Mr, Spalding that it was best you should all be poisoned at once, but that the latter told him it was best to continue slowly and cautiously, and between this and spring not a Boul would remain, when they would take possession of your lands, cattle, and horses.' "These are only Indian reports, and no person can beliere the Doctor capable of such an action without being as ignorant and brutish as the Indians themselves. One of the murderers, not having been made acquainted with the above understanding, shot Mr. Rogers.** This confession is made, as the reader will notice, and attribnted to Mr. Rogers, in order to give the coloring of truth to Joe L^. wis's state- ment. There appears, as will be seen by comparing the st.^tements of Vicar-General Brouillet's Indian council and this of McBean"s, a little doubt which to make the author of that story. Sir James Douglas has adopted McBean's statement, as the most plausible, in his report, as it is attributed to one of the Doctor^ own party. The whole tl.ing, as will be seen by the lestir.iony of Miss Bewley, is utterly i'alsc, and, as McBean has said, only ^.ndian reports' ; and, we will add, told to them by Sta?i/ield, Joe Lewi . and Finlay^ a French- man, an Ir.dian, and a half-breed, ull under the influence, and probably in the service, of the Hudson's Bay Company and priests. And McBean, Sir James Douglas, and Brouillet are more br«tiw«h than the Indians, in putting such reports in circulation. If they had no confi- dence in them, why did they repeat them, giving them the color of truth ? And wi)y do they pretend to say " his life would have been spared," and it was only a mistake that he was shot ? Bewley and Sales were brutally murdered the eighth day after Rogers wa."», for Bewley's saying he did not believe the stories about poisoning Indians, and that he believed the priests were the causi? of it. If the Doctor, and Mr. Spalding, and Mrs. Whitman were the only ones they thought injuring them, \vl>.y attempt to kill all the Americans at the station? Wiiy make tiie arrangements as extensive as Vicar-Cleneral Brou'llet tells Mr. Spalding they were (nn page 51 of his narrative, 38 of Ross Browne's report) : " / knew tha*. the Indians were angry with ali Ameri- 1 J MR. McBEAN'S LETTER. 621 IS cans, and more enraged against Mr. Spalding than any other ;" — on 54th page : " I know not ; you know the country better than I do. All that I know is, that the Indians say the order to k>U j^iericana has been sent in all directions,''^ Without the history of the Hudson's Ray Company and the North- west Fur Company before us, we would bt quite incapable of compre- hending the expressions and statements of this priest to Mr. Spalding. Were we ignorant of that history, and without a knowledge of the statements to which they have made oath in relation to their claims against our government, we could not understand these lettere of McBean and l^ouglas. We are also in possession of other facts, respecting the treatment of their own countrymen who have unfortunately fallen under tlieir dis- pleasure, which is here repeated upon Dr. Whitman and Mr. Rogers. We would cut all these communications short, and make a general statement, but we would be charged (as we have already been) with "stringing together statements without facts;" besides, all these Hud- son's Uay documents and statements have had a powerful influence to destroy the characters of good men who arc dead, and shield the vile f ondact of the guilty, who are still living. So far as McBean was concerned, he obej'ed orders as implicitly as Grant of the Hudson's Bay Company did, when he sent forty families, in 1846, into the tnonntainS of California, to perish in the snow with cold and hunger. McBean must assist in blackening the character of Whitman, Rogers, and Spalding, to protect that of the " holy fathers, the Catholic priests," McBean in his 'etter fui'her says : " It is well understood that eleven lives were lost a id thrP' wounded. It is also rumored that tlicy are to make an attack upon tiie fort ; let them come if they will not listen to reason ; though I have only live men at the establishment, I am prepared to give them a warm reception ; the gates are closed day and night, and bastions in readiness. In company with Mr. Manson's two sons was sent a young half-breed lad brought up by Dr. Whitman ; they are all here, and have got over their fright.'' This j)ortion of the letter is supposed, by Mr. Hinman, to have been put in by Mr. Douglas in place of chat which related to sending parties to destroy Americans at other j/laces ; and to show to tlie world that they were threatened by the Indians, as well as the Americans. The same as Brouilltt is careful to tell us that " he was afraid the Indians would kill him," and that the priests were not safe among them. " Tlie ringleaders in this horrible butchery are Tilokaikt, his son, Big Belly, Tamsak ^ , Istacus [a true friend of the Americans, who was fm h i ' i'i- " m it:->\ I ■ 522 HISTORY OF OREGON. only a witness of the murders], To winoulisk, etc. I understand from the interpreter that they were making one common grave for the dead. The houses \^re stripped of every thing in the sliape of pro|)ei-ty ; but when they came to divide the spoils, tliey all foil out among themselves, and all agreed to put back the property. I am happy to state the Wal- laioalla chief had no hand in the whole business." If this is true, the killing of the Wallawalla chiefs son in '.California could not have been one of the causes of the massacre, as alleged in the narrative of the very Rev. Mr. Brouillet. " They were all the Doctor's own people, — the Gayunes,''^ This we should expect, as it would enable those who wished to make their own guilt appear innocence. The Doctor's people alone were to commence killing the Americans. It is asserted by good authority, that a part of Mr. Spalding's, and the Indians at the Dalles, were ready to engage in the same business, from the same advice and orders. " One American shot another, and took the Indians'' part to save his own life.'''' This statement by McBean is made, as will be seen, to give the im- pression that tiiere was a quarrel among the Americans, and that they were ready to betray and shoot each other and take the part of the Indians. The reader will recollect that this shooting refers to the In- dian Joe Lewis, in killing one of the Sager boys, and is explained par- ticularly by Sir James Douglas in his Sandwich Islands letter, for the information of the American JJoard of Missions. This fact goes to show that Sir James iiad received a more j)articuliir and carefully pn^pared account thnn Mr. McHean had ; while the one was a summary, the other was the particulars so arranged as to implicate Dr. Whitman, Mr. Spalding, Mr. Ilogere, JMrs. Whitman, and anotlier American, to show that tlicy were not only ready to poison the Indians, but to kill and betray each other to save their own lives; thus showing the intimate connection and complicity of Sir James with the very rev. vicar-g'Hieral, in giving countenance to this infamous slander, and publishing it to the world over his own signatiirj, and using all his influence to shield and clear the instigators of the crime. It can not be urged that Sir James received his j)articidar informa- tion at some other time, for his letters to Governor Abornethy and the Sandwich Islands we' o dated, the one to the governor, December 7, 1847, in which he says, "A copy of Mr. Mcliean's letter lierewith will give you all the particulars knoion to us of this indescribably ])ainful event;" and the one to the Islands, December 9, 1847, in which ho gives more particulars. The impression ia irresistibly fixed in the mind, that Mr. Brouillet ir MK. McBEAN'S LETTKR. 523 spent most of the night, on arriving at Wailatpu (before the dead were buried), in Tilokaikt's lodge or camp, arranging and Avriting those state- ments and particulars, so that Sir James Douglas could give his ap- proval, and that they would go to the American Board of Missions and the friends of the murdered dead, with the sanction of his name, implicating the dead as having brought about this horrible massacre. Another reason for this impression is, that in all the public and private correspondence between any of these parties, there is, and always has been, the most intense anxiety shown to prevent the open discuasion of that transaction, as will be seen in the next paragraph in McBean's letter, and by the promptness with which Mr. Ogden reported to Bishop Blanchet ; Mr. Spalding's injudicious remarks to Major Magone on the trip do;vn the river; the manner of Mr. Spalding's very unwise and imprudent letter to the bisliop and his priests, was published and commented upon by tliem ; the ])romptness of Mr. Douglas to de- mand an explanation of Colonel Gillinm's supposed statement; tie refusal of the Hudso' ' Bay Company to furnish supplies to the pro- visional troops; and (act that the company did supply l,O80 pounds of powder, 1,800 pound^ of lialls anake others equally false appear probable. He continues : — " They unfortunately died, and from that moment it was resolved to destroy the )iiission." But we have positive testimony that the dest .^^lon of that mis- sion, with Mr. Spalding's, was determined upon, and so stated by McBean before an Indian was known to be sick in the tribe or at the station. Mr. Douglas says ; — " It was immediately after burying the remains of these th^ee pers'ons, that they repaired to the mission one after another, with their arms hid under their blankets. The Doctor was at the school with the children, the others were cutting up an ox which they had just killed. When the Indians were numerous enough to effect their object, they fell upon the poor victims, some with guns and others with hatchets, and their blcod was soon streaming on all sides. MR. DOUGLAS'S LETTER. 527 " Some of tlie Indians turned their attention toward the Doctor; he received a pistol-shot in the breast from one, and a blow on the head from another. He had still strength enouijh to reach a sofa, where he threw himself down and expired. Mrs. Whitman was dragged from the garret and mercilessly butchered at the door. Mr. Rogers was shot after his life had been granted to him. " The women and children were also going to be murdered, when a voice was raised to ask for mercy in favor of those whom they thought innocent, and their lives were spared. " It is reported that a kind of deposition made by Mr. Rogers in- censed the fury of this savage mob. Mr. Rogers was seized, was made to sit down, and then told that his life would be spared if he made a full discovery of Dr. Whitman's supposed treachery. That person then told the Indians that the Doctor intended to poison them ; that one night, when Mr. Spalding was at Wailatpu, he heard them say that the Indians ought to be poisoned, in order that the Americans might take possession of their lands ; that the Doctor wished to poison them all at once, but Mr. Spalding advised him o do it gradually. Mr. Rogers, after this deposition, was spared, but iii Indian, who was mot present, having seen him, fired at and killed him. "An American made a similar deposition, adding that Mrs. Whitman was an accomplice, and she deserved death as well as her liusband. " It appears that he concluded by saying that he would take the side of the Indians, and that he detested the Americans. An Indian then put a pistol into his hand, and said to him, ' If you tell the truth, you must prove it by shooting that young American ;' and this wretched apostate from his country fired upon the young man shown ' > him, and laid him dead at his feet. "It was upon the evidence of that American that Mrs. Whitman was murdered, or she might have shared in the mercy extended to the other females and children. " Suck are the details, as far as knoton, of that disastrous event, and the causes which led to it, 'Mr. Rogers' reported deposition, if correct, is unworthy of belief, having been drawn from him by the fear of instant de.;t.h. 'i'he other American, who shed the blood of his own friend, must be % villain of the darkest dye, and ought to suffer for liis aggravated crime." There is no evidence that Sir James Douglas ever exerted the least influence to arrest or punish one of those murderers; oji the contrary, there is evidence that the Hudson's Bay Company as-^isted them and facilitated their escape from justice, and supplied the Indians with arms and ammunition to carry on the war that followed. Particulars of the HI I- !, m li ! i ii;: 1 u ■ 1 1 'i J ■* ^• , »- ■ . i! If h I' \:h iJ 528 mSTORT OP OREGON. whole truth are given in another chapter. This letter of Sir James Douglas continues : — ** On the 7th instant, Mr. Ogden proceeded toward Wallawalla with a strong party of the Hudson's Bay Company's servants, to endeavor to prevent further evil. " Accompanying, you will receive a copy of a letter which I addressed to Governor Abernethy immediately after the arrival of the melancholy intelligence at this place. " All that can be collected will be considered important by the friends of Doctor and Mrs. Whitman in the United States, who will be anxious to learn every particular concerning their tragic fate. It will be a sat- isfaction for them to know that these eminent servants of God were faithful in their lives, though we have to deplore the melancholy cir- cumstances which accompanied their departure from this world of trial " I am, sir, your obedient servant, "Jahes Douglas." We now have before us the statements of all the parties concerned in the most inhuman and disgraceful tragedy that has darkened the pages of our history. The crime itself was most inhuman and brutal, but, being mixed with religious prejudice and sectarian hate, guided and brought about by foreign commercial influences under the direction of a British monopoly, it demands a national investigation. That Sir James Douglas knew more of the inception and ultimate designs of that transaction is evident from the prompt and careful manner in which he answered Mr. Ogden's remark, that it was brought about from religious causes; he affirmed that ^^ there might be other causes ;^^ and when he had read the dispatches, he said, " We tnust con- sider the poor man was in great perplexity, and might not know what to do^'' These two expressions of Sir James Douglas to Mr. Ogden and Mr. Hinman are the key that unlocks the wliole mystery in this desperate arrangement to hold this whole country for the exclusive benefit of that monopoly. As to the morality of the transaction, the great sympathy of Sir James and his conclave of bishops and priests, the church assumes all. The baptizing of three Indian children was of more importance to the church than all the suffering widows and orphans at that missionary settlement. The particular account, as given by Sir James, was of more import- ance than punishing the murderers, or even casting a suspicion, such as Mr. Ogden, his associate, had done, upon his accomplices in crime. These two letters show his duplicity, and the unblushing manner in REUARKS. 529 which he gives one statement to Governor Aberhethy, for Oregon, and another for the Board of Missions, and how careful he is to state cir- cumstances and false impressions as to the facts he pretends to give with so much sympathy and apparent interest in the fate of the murdered dead. There are but two other persons who have given us any information of this tragedy, on the part of the priests and the Hudson's Bay Com- pany. One of those was, at the time, in .charge of Fort Kez Percys. His account was sent to Sir James, — mutilated, and not as careltilly pre- pared for the people of Oregon as was this one for the great world beyond. The other is prepared by the very Rev. Mr. Brouillet, vicar- general of Walla walla, and given to the world to form an " interesting and authentic chapter in the histoTif of Protestant misaions^'' and con- tains all the imaginary circumstantial statements of the massacre, as given over the name of James Douglas, and officially in the report of J. Ross Browne, December 4, 1859. If these statements had firet appeared, as they now do, over the name and by the authority or affirmation of the very Rev. Mr. Brouillet, etc., all the world, as J. Ross Browne did, would have adopted the idea of Mr. Ogden, and said truly this was the result of opposition in religion. But Sir James Douglas proves, by his own statements and letters, and snbsequent conduct all through the war that followed, that it was not " opposition in religion alone." It was a predetermined arrangement of the ^^ powerful company, the practical monopoly of the far trade^'' which, in 1865, he affirmed this company held over the country in 1846. The profits of that business were not to be lost to his powerful com- pany by any missionary settlement in it. Are we correct in these conclusions ? The statements are given by the parties implicated. Wore we to allow our personal feelings and sec- tarian preferences to influence our conclusions, we would join in the gen- eral conclusion of lilr. Ogden ; but a full knowledge of the facts forces us to believe tlie statement of Mr. Douglas as being the most correct; nevertheless, we will not abate one iota of the scathing condemnsition justly due to the foreign sectarianism brought intO' the country to eflfeot the object of that corporation, nor of the scorn and infamy due to the immediate controlling actors — Bishop Blanchet and his priests — imder the garb of religion. We wish to keep as distinctly as possible before the mind the sep- arate part each party has performed in this great drama of which we have been writing. As we have before said, there were four distinct parties or influences in the country, and the Indian formed the fifth. The Hudson's Bay Company and the Roman priests combined and 34 %l fr 680 BISTORT OF OBEOON. fbrmed one; tfae nussionaries with the lettlera fonned another ; and the Indian waa between them. For a time, the American influence was the moat prominent, — aaj in 1 843, 1 844, and 1 845. In 1 846, Bishop Blanchet waa in Europe, mailing extensive preparations for missionary operationR in Oregon, corresponding in extent with those made by the Rev. Jason Lee in 1889-40. ** On August 19, 1847, Bishop Blanchet arrived in the month of the Columbia River, in the Morning Star^ Captain Menes, five and a half months from Brest, with five priests, three Jesuits, three lay brothers, :two deacons, and seven nuns.'* In addition to these, we had, overland, eight priests and two nuns that same year. These, with the priests already in the country, gave us twimty-fire of the Roman clerical order and fifteen nuns. This was n powerful and extensive efibrt to recover the lost foreign influence in the country. How well they succeeded is now a matter of history, and will enable the reader to understand the bold and defiant attitude of Mr. Douglas and his efiicient co-laborers. Bishop Blanchet and his priests, among the Indians. The missionary settlement at Wailatpn was the most important point in the whole upper country. The influence and position of those Indiana . were such, that special efforts were required to commence and carry on the destruction of all American settlements in the country. We come now to the letter of Hon. A. Hinman, properly belonging to this chapter. Fort Vancouvee, December 4, 1 847. Mr. George Abemethy : Dbab Sib, — A Frenchman, from Wallawalla, arrived at my place on last Saturday, and informed me that he was on his way to Vancouver, and wished me to assist in procuring him a canoe immediately. I was very inquisitive to know if there was any difficulty above. He said four Frenchmen had died recently, and he wished to get others to occupy their places. I immediately got him a canoe, and concluded to go :n company with him, in order to get some medicine for the Indians, as they were dying off with measles and other diseases very fast. I was charged with in- difference. They said Ave were killing in not giving them medicines, And I found if we were not exposing our lives, we were our peace, and consequently I set out fur this place. Th's side of the Cascades I was made acquainted with the horrible mnssaore that took place at Wailatpu last Monday. Horrid to relate! Dr. and Mrs. Whitman, Mr. Rogers, Mr. Osborn, Mr. Sanders, a school-teacher, the two orphan boys (Jolm and Francis Sager), together with all the men at that place, — eleven in all. Some are living at the saw>mill, which is situated about twenty miles da; ex HOJr. A. HINMA-N'S LETTER. 531 flrom the Doctor's. A party set out for that place to dispatch them; alno a party for Mr. Spalding's, to dispatch them ; and they are not satisfied yet, but a party is said to iiave started fur my place, and has, if true, reached there before this time. Oh I had I known it when I was at home. I can neither sleep nor take any rest, on account of my family and those with them, viz., my wife and child, the Doctor's nephew, Dr. Saffi'on, and Mr. McKinney and wife. If I had ten men I could defend myself with perfect ease, bj" occupying the meeting-house, which is very roomy and close. Tou see my situation, as well as Mr. Spalding's. I have perfect confidence in your doing all you can to get a party to come up and 8{)end the winter there, and likewise to go to the rescue of the women and children, and Mr. Spalding, if alivet which I think very doubtful. Delay not a moment in sending a few men for my protection ; a few moments may save our lives. I expect to leave to-morrow for home, and perhaps the first saluta- tion will be a ball. My family is there, and I must return if it costs my life. We are in the hands of a merciful God, why should we be alarmed ? I will close by say in q again, send a small force immediately without the delay of one day. Farewell. Yours truly, Alanson Hinmak. It will be seen that the main facts are given by Mr. Hinraan, with the designs of other Indian parties to cut off the Americans at Mr. Spalding's, the saw-mill, and at the Dalles, which Mr. Douglas omits in his letter to Governor Abernethy, but informs him of the Indians' threatened attack upon Fort Nez Percys (Wallawalla). That part of Mr. Douglas's letter relating to Mr. Rogers' sup- posed stutemcnt to the Indians, the brother (still living) has requested Mr. Douglas to explain; but no explanation has been given. We know, from the depositions given, that Mr. Douglas made the statement without evidence of its truth ; and it is evident he is too stubborn or proud to acknowledge or explain his error. There is one other fact in connection with this transaction that looks dark on the part of Sir James Douglas. It is shown in the dates of the several letters. Mr. Hinraan's is dated 'December 4; Mr. Douglas's, December 7 ; that to the Sandwich Islands, December 9. Now, between the 4th and 7th are three days. In a case of so much importance, and professed sympathy, — as expressed in his letter, — how is it, that three, or even two days were t 'I 682 HISTORY OP OREaON. allowed* to pass without (tending a dispatch informing Governor Abcmethy of what had happened, and of what was expected to take place? which last he had left out of his letter, and the copy of MoBean's ; but does inform him of the threatened danger ♦o Fort Nez Percys, as coming from McBean. Mr. Douglas is prompt to urge the removal of Mr. Spalding, but unreasonably slow to send an express twenty or thirty miles to notify the American settlement of its danger. We wish to say, once for all, that wo are not giving the private history or character of any man or set of men. Their publi<' conduct and proceedings are a part of our history. Mr. Douglas was, at the time we are writing, the acknowledged head of the Hudson's Bay Company, and, as such, acted and controlled the movemfntts o^'its mem- bers. Bishop Blanchet was the acknowledged head o.' 1., Roman Church, and, as such, acted with Mr. Douglas ; for while not one Roman priest, or a servant of either of these two parties M'ere dis- turbed or harmed in the least, all PYotPstant missionaries and American citizens were either killed, or driven from the upper country by order of that company. As Robert Newell asserts, under date of October 25, 1866 : " And they coiUd not have remained in the country a week without the consent and aid of that company, nor could any mission, in my opinion, in those days have been established in this (Wallamet) or that (Wallawalla) valley, without the aid and influence of the Hudson's Bay Company, nor could the settlers have remained in the country as they did up to 1 848, for the same reasons." • This statement is made by a gentleman who professes to know more of, and has been (witliout a question) more favored by the Hudson's Bay Company than any other American in the country. If his state- ment is true, which we have no doubt he believes it to be, then who is responsible for all the murders of American huntei's, trappers, mis- sionaries, immigrants, and settlers on their way to our country and in it. But we will not risk our conclusions upon the statement of an individual, who is totally ignorant of the policy of the company he undertakes to defend. We have, in addition, the sworn statement of Sir James Douglas as to the power and influence of his company, one year previous to the cutting off of the missionary settlement at Wail- atpu. He Bays, under oath : " Their posts were so arranged as to practically enjoy a monopoly in the fur trade, and they possessed an extraordinary influence with the nations west of the Rocky Mountains." (Answer to interrogatory in claim Hudson's Bay Company v. United States.) l^at this influence was exerted to destroy tliat mission there can be MR. OQDRN'S STATEMENT TO INDIANS. 688 I no question ; and that the same influence has since been exerted to spread, far and wide, statements originated by them and their ussooi- atcs to blast the character of the dead, and destroy the influence of the living in the cause of truth, is equally true. We And it stated in Brouillet's narrative that the most friendly and cordial relations existed between the Hudson's Bay Company and his mission ; so much so, that he is present by special invitation at Mr. Ogdcn's council for arranging the purchase of the captives. He informs us, on page 09, " Protestantism in Oregon," that Mr. Ogden told them that " the Hudson's Bay Company had never deceived them ; that he hoped they would listen to his words ; that the com- pany did not meddle with the afiuirs of the Americans ; that there were three parties ; the Aniericana on one side, the Gayuaea on the other, and the IVench people and the priests in the middle ; the com- pany was there to trade and the priests to teach them their duties ; ' Listen to the pricNts,' said he, several times ; ' listen to the priests ; they will teach you how to keep a good life ; the priests do not come to make war ; they carry no arms, — they carry but their crucifi.vcs,* and with them they can not kill.' Ho insisted particularly^ and at several times, upon the distinction necessary to be made between the affairs of the company and those of the Americans." The company's interests must not be interfered with. The profes- sions of sympathy found in Mr. Douglas's letters are all explained, when the facts are fully developed. The complaint of the company, as stated in the memorial presented to the commissioners, April 17, 1865 (Hudson's Bay Company v. United States, page 19), states that "among these circumstances may be specified the aggressive acts and the general conduct of American citizens, and of persons acting under the authority of the United States, commencing shortly after the 15th of June, 1846, and continuing from year to year, by which tlio rights of the claimants under that treaty were violated and denied, and their property and possessions were, in some instances, usurped and taken from them, and, in others, were necessarily abandoned. This course of conduct was, perhaps, to be expected, from the anomalous position in which the company was placed, — a foreign corporation exercising a quasi sovereignty and exclusive rights over territory transferred to a power whose policy in dealing with such territory was diametrically opposed to that which the company pursued, and from which they derived their profits." This complaint demands careful ooasideratioa at the present time. !i ■■ i lii \ h ■j; ; * The Oblates, who constantly carry a crucifix on tlieir breasts, were present 534 HISTORT OF OREGON. The statements of Mr. Ogden to the Indians, the memorial of the oom- *>any, and the t'jf^timony it has produced in snpport of its claims, the statemeuta aiid correspondence of the Jesait missionaries, all go to prove the settled policy of the company to maintain its ** quasi sover- eignty " and exclusive asserted nlainu to the country at the time of the Wailatpu massacre. That company, with less than half its then poTerfnl infloenee and capital, had oompelled the more powerful and active French-Canadian Northwest Company, numerically stronger than itself, to yidd and accept its terms of a union in 1821. They had driven from the country all American traders. They had, as they vainly imagined, secured &n influence in the provisional Ameri- can govemmrait sufhcient to control all danser from that source, while they were ready to let loose the Indiana upon the settlers, imd prepared to supply them with the mea'is to destroy or drive them from the country. the com- aims, the 11 go to MI sever- ne of the lenoe and Canadian jid accept rhej had, lal Ameri- rce, while prepared from the CHAPTER LXI. Preliminary oventa of the Cayuse war. — Messagre of Governor Abernethy. — Journal of the house. — ReaolutionB.— Assembling of the people at the call of the gov- emor. — Enlisting of men. — ^Namea of the volunteers. — Names of the officers. — Their flag. — ^Their departure. — Letter to Sir James Douglas. — His reply. — Commis- sioners return. — Address to the citizens. — Public meeting. — Report of commis- Bioners to the Legislature. — Messenger sent to Washington. — Memorial to Con- greBS.^^hampoeg County tax. — Strength of the settlement called for. — Bishop Blanchet's letter to Governor Abernethy. Message of Governor Abernethy. Obboox City, December 8, 1847. Gentlemen, — It is my painful duty to lay the inclosed communica- tions before your honorable body. They will give you the particulars of the horrible massacre committed by the Cayuse Indians on the resi- dents at Wailntpu. This is one of the mosn distressing circumstances that has occurred in our Territory, and one that calls for immediate and prompt action. I am aware that to meet this case funds will b? required, and suggest the propriety of applying to the Hudson's Bay Company and the merchants of this place for a loan to carry out what- ever plan you may fix upon. I have no doubt but the expense attend- ing this affair will be promptly met by the United States government The wives and children of the murdered persons, the Rev. Mr. Spalding and family, and all others who may be in the upper country, shoiild at once be proffered assistance, and an escort to convey them to places of safety. I have the honor to remain, gentlemen. Your obedient servant, Geobob Abbbnetht. To the Honorable Legislative Assembly, Oregon. Journal of the House, December 8, 1847 At two o'clock the house met. The sergeant-at-arms announced a special communication from the governor, which was read by the clerk. It consisted of letters from Messrs. Douglas and McBean, of the forts on the (volumbia, announcing the horrid murder of Dr. Whitman's family and others, accompanied by a letter from the governor, praying the immediate action of the house in the matter. Mr. Meek moved the reference of the oommunicatioos to a committee V ! 530 HISTORY OP OREGOIf. of the whole house, which was lost. Mr. Nesmith offered the follow- ing, which was adopted : — " Resolved, That tl»e governor be, and is hereby, aathon..jd and required to raise, arm, and equip a company of riflemen, not to exceed fifty men, with their captain and subaltern officers, and dispatch tliem forthwith to occupy tbe mission station at the Dalles, on the Columbia River, and hold possession until re-enforcements can arrive at that point, or other means be taken, as tho government thinks advisable." Messrs. Nesraith, Reese, and Crawford were appointed a committee to wait on the governor and inform him of said resolution. The communications concerning the Indian depredations were re- fei^red to a committee consisting of Messrs. Ford, Rector, and White. The committee appointed to wait on the governor concerning the resolution for raising a company of riflemen, reported that they had dis- charged iheir duty, and received, in answer, that the governor will use his utmost endeavors to accomplish the object. The governor called the people together in the evening, and, after the statements of the object of the meeting, some forcible and earnest remarks from Judge Nesmith and Messrs. Lee, Barlow, and others, the enrollment of the first company of Oregon riflemen commenced. The following true and noble-hearted men sprang to arms, and, in fif- teen hours from the time they had enrolled their names as defenders of Oregon, were on their way to protect their own and their countrymen's lives from Hudson's Bay Cnmpany, Jesuitical, and Indian savagism. We will give the names of this noble little band a place in the history of the country they were so prompt and ready to defend. They are as follows : — Joseph B. Proctor, J. S. liinearson, H. A. G. Lee, Thomas Purvis, J. Magone, C, Richardson, J. E. Ross, Isa-xc Walgamoutts, John G. Gibson, B. B. Rogers, Benjjimin Bratton, Samuel K. Barlow, Wm. Berry, John Bolton, George Moore, Henry W. Coe, William Buckmaii, S. A. Jackson, Jacob Witchey, John Fleming, A. C. Little, A. J. Thomas, <5eorge Westby, Edward Robson, Andrew Wise, D. AA'erson, J. H. McMellen, John C. Daiiford, W. M. Carpenter, Lucius Marsh, Joel McKee, H. Levallcy, J. W. Morgan, O. Tapper, R. S. Tupper, C. H. Devendorf, John Hiner, C. W. Savage, G. H. Bosworth, Jat^b Johnston, Stephen Cummings, George Weston. STARTING OP FIRST COMPANY. 537 Forty-two as noble and true men as ever breathed. They were soon organized under a set of energetic and brave young officers, who feared no danger, and were ready to meet in open fight the combined enemies of their country's rights upon the sliores of the Pacific, or in the moan- tains or valleys of Oregon. Their officers were : — Captain, II. A. G. Lee. First Sergeant, J. S. Rinenrson. First Lieutenant, J. Magone. Second Sergeant, W. Savage. Second Lieutenant, J. E. Ross. Third Sergeant, "Wm. Beny. • First Corporal, Stephen Curamings. Second Corporal, J. H. McMellen. Commissary, C. H. Devendorf. Surgeon, W. M. Carpenter, M. D. " At twelve o'clock on the ai'temoon of Tuesday, the company assem- bled at the City Hotel, wliere they were presented with an appropriate flag, by Judge Nesmith, in behalf of the ladies of Oregon City, witli an appropriate address. (No record of that address or of the names of the donors can be found.) Captain Lee, on the part of the company, nade an exceedingly liappy reply upon receiving the beautiful token of the patriotism of the lovely donors." Li two hours after, the company started, amid the firing of cannon and the cheers of the assembled citizens. It speaks well for our city, that in less than twonty-four hours this detachment was raised and had started for the scene of action. It is to be regretted that the editor of the Oregon Sjyectator, at the time these deeply-interesting events were occurring, should till the only public journal on the coast with accounts of persomil piques, and allow the remarks of Judge Nesniith and the reply of Captain Lee to pass with the meager notice we have quoted ; that the deeply-stirring events respecting the murder of his countrymen should find so small a place in his editorial. He tells us in this same paper that he means to keep us posted in the war news, but the next pajter is tilled with a personal war between liimself and the directors of the Printing Association, about some political resolutions that did no good or harm to anybody, except to show the party spirit then existing in the country, in which he is foolish enough to engage, and degrade his noble position as a journalist and editor, which compels us to look to other sources for facts relative to the history of those times. Our little army of braves were .iccoinpanied by Governor Abernethy and three commissioners to Vancouver, where they completed their outfit before proceeding to the Dalles. They arrived at Vancouver on the 10th of December. On the 11th, the commissioners addressed a letter to Mr. Douglas, requesting him to furnish supplies, as follows : — 638 HISTOBT OF OREGON. FoBT Vancouveb, December 11, 1847. To James D&uglat^ Esq. : Sib, — By the inclosed document yon will perceive that the under- signed have been charged by the Legislature of our provisional govem- .naent with the difficult duty of obtaining the means necessary to arm, eqLMp, and support in the field, a force sufficient to obtain full satisfac- tion of the Cayuse In^iz,iia for the late massacre at Wailatpu, and protect the >va:tc population of our common country from further aggression. In pursuance of this object, they have deemed it their duty to make immediate ar.pUcation to the Honorable Hudson's Bay Company for the requisite assistance. Though clothed with the power to pledge, to the fullest extent, the faith and means of the present government of Ovegon, they do not con- sider this pledge the only security of those who, in this distressing emergency, may extend to the people of this country the means of pro- tection and redress. Without claiming any especial authority from the government of the United States to contract a debt to be liquidated by that power, yet from all precedents of like character in the history of our country, ihe undersigned feel confident that the United States gov- ernment will consider the murder of the late Dr. Whitman and lady ns a national wrong, and will fully justify the people of Oregon in tak- ing active measures to obtain redress for that outrage, and for their pro- tection from further aggression. The right of self-defense is tacitly accorded to every body politic in the confederacy to which we claim to belong, and in every case similar to our own, within our knowledge, the general government has promptly assumed the payment of all liabilities growing out of the measures taken by the constituted authorities to protect the lives and property of those residing within the limits of their districts. If the citizens of the States and Territories east of the Rocky Mountains are justified in proinptly acting in such emergencies, who are under the immediate protection of the general government, there appears no voom to doubt that the lawful acts of the Oregon govern- ment will receive 3. like approval. Should the tempo.-ary character of our government be considered by you sufficient ground to doubt its ability to redeem its pledge, and reasons growing out of its peculiar organization be deemed sufficient to prevent the recognition of its acts by the government of the United States, we feel it our duty, as private individuals, to inquire to what extent and on what terms advances may be had of the Honorable Hud- ^il THE OOMMISSIONBRS' APPEAL. 8M son's Bay Company, to meet the wants of the force the authorities of Oregon deem it their duty to send into the field. With sentiments of the highest respect, allow us to subscribe our* selves, Your most obedient servants, Jbssb Applsgatk, \ A. L. LovBJOT, I Commissioners.* Geo. L. Curbt, J Captain Lee's company received their ontfit as per arrangements through the govemo»\ Air. Applegate, and Mr. Lovejoy, and proceeded to the Dalles. The commissioners returned to Oregon City, and on the 13th December, 1847, addressed the merchants and citizens of Oregon as follows : — Gentlxmex, — You are aware that the undersigned have been charged by the Legislature of our provisional government with the difficult duty of obtaining the means necessary to arm, equip, aud support in the field a force sufficient to obtain full satisfaction of the Cayuse In* dians, for the late massacre at Wailatpu, and protect the white popula- tion of our common country from further aggression. In furtherance of this object, they have deemed it their duty to make immediate appli- cation to the merchants and citizens of the country for the requisite assistance, f **** ***« Though the Indians of the Columbia have committed a great out- rage upon our fellow -citizens passing through their country, and residing among them, and their punishment for these murders may, and ought to be, a prime object with every citizen of Oregon, yet, as that duty 'more particularly devolves upon the government of the United States, and admits of delay, we do not make this the strongest ground upon which to found our earnest appeal to you for pecuniary assistance. It is a fact well known to every person acquainted with the Indian character, that, by passing silently over their repeated thefts, robberies, and murders of our fellow-citizens, they have been emboldened to the commission of the appalling massacre at Wailatpu. They call us women, destitute of the hearts and courage of men, and if we allow this • Mr. Douglas's reply to tlio above was, in stihstance, a refitml to advanef, the mtans atJted far in eonuquenoi of the stringent rules iaid doum fir hit government by the honu company . He, however, upon the secu/ily of the governor, and two of tlie commii- •ioners, advanced the amount necessary to fit out the first company of Oregon riflemen, $999.59. — (See report of Loan Commissioners, Oregon Archives, p. 323.) f The paragraphs here omitted are the same as those addressed to the H.idson's Bay Company. if i I ' Hi ¥ H"-\ m ill H. n SI !='.l' 1 1 640 HISTORY OF OREQONi wholesale murder to pass by as former aggressions, who can tell how long either life or property will be secure in any part of this country, or what moment the Wallamet will bo the scene of blood and carnage ? The officers of our provisional government have nobly performed their duty. None can doubt the readiness of the patriotic sona of the West to offer their personal service in defense of a cause so righteous ; so it now rests with you, gentlemen, to say whether our rights and our firesides shall be defended or not. Hoping that none will be found to falter in so high and so sacred a duty, we beg leave, gentlemen, to subsciibe oureelves, your servants and fellow-citizens, Jesse Applbgate, \ A. L. LovEJOT, I Commissioners. Geo. L. Cubby, ) On the evening of the 13th December, 1847, a public meeting of the citizens was called, and a public loan effected, and subscriptions com- menced for the equipment and supply of the army, as will be seen by the following report of the commissioners : — To the Jlonorable the legislative Assembly of Oregon Territory : The undersigned commissioners appointed by your honorable body for the purpose of negotiating a loan to carry into effect the provisions of an act entitled " An Act to authorize the governor to raise a regiment of volunteers," etc., have the honor to inform you, that, fully realizing the heavy responsibilities attached to their situation, and the peculiarly difficult nature of their duties, thev at once determined to act with promptness and energy, and to leave no fair and honorable effort untried that might have a tendency to a successful termination of their under- , taking. They accordingly proceeded to Fort Vancouver on the 10th instant, and there addressed a communication to James Douglas, chief fictor of the Hudson's Bay Company, a copy of which is already given. The commissioners had anticipated the unfavon-Able reply of Mr. Douglas, as agent of the Hudson's Bay Company, and its only effect was to heighten their zeal and to occiision them stronger hopes of a more satis- factory reliance upon the citizens generally of our common country. However, two of the commissioners, with the governor, became responsible fov the amount of the outfit for the first regiment of Oregon riflemen, being $999.59. Not at all disheartened by the unsuccessful issue of their mission, the commissioners returned to this city on the 13th instant, and at once entered into negotiations, the revelation of which herewith follows. r POSmOU OP THE BRITISH COMPANY. 541 The commissioners, through a public meeting held at Oregon City, on the night of the 13th instant, addressed the "merchants and citizens of Oregon," at which meeting, from citizens generally, a loan of about one thousand dollains was effected. * * • The commissioners are happy to state that they have succeeded in negotiating a loan of sixteen hundred dollars from the merchants of Oregon City, with, perhaps, a likelihood of a further advance. The commissioners feel well assured, from the interest manifested by our fellow-citizens in the matter, and the prompt action they have proposed to take in the several counties in the Territory to assist the commissioners in the successful discharge of their duties, that the government will ultimately succeed in negotiating an amount adequate to the present emergency of affairs. The commissioners would beg your honorable body, with as little delay as possible, to appoint appraisers, whose duty it shall be to set a cash valuation upon produce and other property, which may be con- verted into means to assist government in its present operations. Therefore, gentlemen, as we believe we can no longer be useful to our fellow-citizens as a Board, we hope to be permitted to resign our trust into the hands of the proper accounting officers of this govern- ment. We have the honor to remain, Jesse Applrgate, \ A. L. LovEJOY, Y Commissioners. Geo. L. Cubby, It will be seen by reference to this last report of the loan commis- sioners, and the answer to their letter of the 11th December, 1849, that Sir James Douglas had made up his mind to enforce "the stringent rules laid down for his government bi/ the home company.'''' In other words, the time had now arrived to allow the Indians and half-breeds in the country to destroy the missionary settlements that were begin- ning to extend beyond the Wallamet Valley ; and in case they succeeded in defeating the provisional troops, the settlement in the Wallamet would become an easy prey to the combined Indian forces, while the Iliidson's Bay Company would pursue its accustomed trade without any further interference from American settlements. In addition to the proceedings above referred to, the Legislative Assembly, on the 10th of December, on motion of Hon. J. W. Nesmith, — " Hesotued, That in view of our critical situation with the powerful tribes of Indians inhabiting the banks of the Columbia, and with whom we are actually in a state of hostilities, it is the duty of this Legislature to dispatch a special messenger, as soon as practicable, to Washington J. fl^'-l I n^'M m - 3^ ■ ''I'H 'f U 1 HISTOET or OREGON. Citj, for the purpose of seonring the immediate influence and protection of the United States government in our internal affairs." On the 11th December, Cornelius Gilliam was elected by the Legis- latiye Assembly, Colonel Commandant ; James Waters, Lieutenant* Colonel; H. A. G. Lee, Major ; and Joel Palmer, Commissary-General, in compliance with the bill passed on the 9th, authorizing the governor to call for one regiment of not to exceed five hundred men. On the 13th, Mr. Nesmith presented a bill to provide for sending a special messenger to Washington. On the 14th, on motion of Mr. Crawford, ** JReaolved, That a delega- tion of three persons be appointed by this house to proceed immediately to Wallawalla, and hold a council with the chiefs and principal men of the various tribes on the Columbia, to prevent, if possible, their coali- tion with the Cayuse tribe in the present difficulties." On the 15th, it was '■^Resolved, That the commodore of the United States squadron in the Pacific Ocean be solicited to send a vessel of war into the Columbia River for our relief, and to send such other assistance as may be in his power." A motion was adopted to appoint a committee of five to prepare a memorial to Congress. On the 10th, an act was passed appropriating one thousand dollars to defray the expenses of J. L. Meek, special messenger to Washington. On the 17th, Mr. Meek resigned his seat in the Legislative Assembly, preparatory to leaving for the United States with dispatches and a memorial to Congress. As to what those dispatches were, we have no copy or public docu- ment that gives us any information, but we presume he carried a copy of Mr. McBeau^s mutilated letter, and one of Sir James Douglas's, such as we have already given ; and also the following Memorial to Congress. " To the Honorable the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States in Congress assembled : "Your memorialists, the Legislative Assembly of Oregon Territoiy, would respectfully beg leave once more to lay before your honorable body a brief statement of tlieir situation and wants. *• Having called tipon the government of the United States so often in vain, we have almost despaired of receiving its protection, yet we trust that our present situation, when fully laid before you, will at onco satisfy yonr honorable body of the great necessity of extending the strong arm of guardianship and protection over this remote, but beau- tiful portion of the United States domain. MBMOBIAL or 1847. ** Our relations with the proad and powerful tribes of Indians residing east of the Cascade Mountains, hitherto uniformly amicable and pacific, have recently assumed quite a different character. They have shouted the war-whoop, and crimsoned their tomahawks in the blood of our citizens. The Cayuse Indians, after committing numerous outrages and robberies upon the late immigrants, have, without the tenMance o/pro' vocation or excuse, murdered eleven [seventeen] American citizens. Among the murdered were Dr. Marcus Whitman and his amiable wife, members of the American Board of Foreign Missions. '* Called upon to resent this outrage, we feel sensibly our weakness and inability to enter into a war with powerful tribes of Indians. Such outrages can not, however, be suffered to pass unpunished. It will be the commencement of future and more extensive murders, and our hitherto peaceful settlement will become the scene of fierce and violent warfare. We do not doubt the readiness of the people of this country to defend their lives and property, and to submit to all the p rivations incident to a state of war in a new and remote settlement like this. Circumstances warrant your memorialists in believing that many of the powerful tribes inhabiting the upper valley ot the Columbia have formed an alliance for the purpose of carrying on hostilities against our settlements. The number of white population in Oregon is alarm- ingly insignificant compared with the swarms of* Indians which throng its valleys. *' To repel the attacks of so formidable a foe, and protect our families and property from violence and rapine, will require more strength than we possess. We are deficient in many of the grand essentials of war, — such as men, arms, and treasure ; for them, our sole reliance is on the government of the United States ; we have the right to expect your aid, and you are in justice bound to extend it. For although we are separated from our native land by ranges of mountains whose lofty altitudes are mantled in eternal snows; although three thousand miles, nearly two-thirds of which is a howling wild, lie between us and the federal capital, yet our hearts are unalienated from the land of our birth. Our love for the free and noble institutions, under which it was our fortune to be born and nurtured, remains unabated. In short, we are Americans still, — residing in a country over which the government of the United States have sole and acknowledged right of sovereignty, — and under such circumstances we have the right to claim the benefit of its laws and protection. " Your memorialists would avail themselves of this opportunity to invite your attention to other subjects of deep and vital interest to the citizens of this Territory. Tlie very nature of our compact formed ^^ v\ ■'n iH F '■&; ! '! • i i 5« mSTORT Of OKlGOlr. between the oitizent of a republic and the subjects and official repre* Mntatives of a monarohjr, is such that the ties of political uni<^>n could not be drawn so closely as to produce that stability and strength suf- ficient to form an efficient government. This union between the demo- crats of a republic and wealthy aristocratic subjects of a monarchy could not be fbrmed without reserving to themselves the right of allegiance to their respective governments. Political jealousy and strong party feeling have tended to thwart and render impotent the acts of government, fVom its very nature weak and insufficiei^t." The deep, dark, and infamous schemes of a foreign monopoly and religious bigots were but just developing themselves ; but, thank God, there was strength enough in the provisional government, which was formed in the fiice of their combined opposition. They had yielded to its power, to gain time to organize their savage hosts to crush it ; calculating, no doubt, that the Mexican war would prevent assistance reaching us from the United States. The Indians, let loose upon the settlements, would soon clear the country. That snch was the general English idea, we know from two different Englis!. subjects. The one, a chief trader in the Hudson's Bay Company, who said all they had to do was to organize the Indians, under the direction of their eight hundred half-breeda, to drioe hack any American force. The other, a gold commissioner, a Mr. Saunders, direct from England, in speaking of the small number of troops the English government had in British Columbia, remarked to us, that if they had not troops enough to subdue the Americans in British Columbia, " aU they had to do was to let loose the Indiana upon them."" Such being the facts, it is not surprising that our Legislative Assem- bly should be made to feel its weakness, under this powerful combi- nation, — the British monopoly that had refused to furnish necessary supplies to the provisional troops sent to punish the murderers of our citizens. It was not yet apprised of the efforts made by Mr. Ogden to supply the Indians with munitions of war, and the determination of the company not to allow itself to be considered by the Indians as favor- ing the American settlement of the country. Mr. Hines' book, in which he says Dr. McLaughlin had announced to those Indians in 1843 " that in case the Americans did go to war with them, the Hudson's Bay Company would not assist them," had not yet been published. The memorial continues :— " In establishing a regular form of government, creating tribunals for the adjustment of the rights of individuals, and the prevention and \\ MEMORIAL OP 1847. Hi punishmciit of crime, a debt has afcumnlatcd, which, though an insig- nificant amount, your memorialisi can devise no ineauH of liquidating. The revenue laws, from not luing propcily executed, while they are ' burdensome to classes of our citizens and sections of country, are wholly disregarded by others, and whole counties, which for numerical strength are equal to any in the Territj:)ry, and fully participating in all the advantages of our compact, have jiever contributed any assistance in bearing the common burdens.* " To coerce obedience to our temporary government would at once destroy the great object which called it into existence, — the peace and liarmoiiy of our country. Anxiously looking forward to that happy period whvn we should again be under the protection of our revered and parent republic, we have rather endeavored to maintain peace by forbearance, hoping that the dan is and difficulties to be appre- hended from domestic discord and iium the sa\ ages around us, would be postponed until we became au acknowledged people, and under the protection of our mother country. " The action of your honorable body in regard to the land in Oregon would seem to justify the expectation that liberal grants would be made to our citizens ; yet the uncertainty of our title, and the uneasi- ness which is felt upon this subject, urge to press this subject upon your attention. Our citizens, before leaving their homes in the United States for Oregon, have had the strongest inducements held out by Congress to settle in this country, and their just expectations will not be met short of liberal donations of land. " On the subject of filling the offices that will be created in the event of the extension of the jurisdiction of the United States over this Ter- ritory, your memorialists would respectfully represent, that, as the pioneers of the American population in this country, the present citizens of this country have strong claims upon the patronage of the general government, and that it would be gratifying to have them filled by our fellow-citizens ; but as few of them of an equally deserving number can enjoy this mark of the approbation of our parent republic, and in view of our peculiar and difficult situation, it is the opinion of your memorialists that it will be better for the future prosperity of our country, and that the great mass of the people will concur M'ith them in requesting that important and responsible offices created here, such as the office of governor and the several judgeships, should be filled with men of the best talent and most approved integrity, without regard to their present location." * Champoeg County being one, and represented by Dr. R. Newell, then Speaker of the 1 I! i' house. 35 646 HISTORY OP OREGON. In relation to this last paragraph, emanating as it did from tho Legislative Assembly of Oregon, it may appear strange that a body of men possessing the talent and ability there was in that Assembly, should be so liberal in requesting that most of the important federal appointments for the Territory should be filled from abroad, or witli strangers to the condition and wants of the people ; but thu fact is plainly stated, and it becomes our duty to impart such information as will explain so strange a request. No one will contend for a moment that we did not have the men who were abundantly qualified to fill those offices, for they have since been filled with far better satisfaction to the country by men who were then in it, than by those sent by the federal government ; hence we are led to inquire what was the reason for this request. The general politics of the country, as intimated in the memorial, were Emjlish aristocratic and American democratic. The parties were nearly equally divided. At the same time, there was the pro- slavery influence laboring to so mold the Tv^.ritory as to bring it in as a slave State, though it had started free, and upon the most liberal principles of a free government. The democratic pro-slavery influence was not strong enough to secure the federal appointments without cousining with the English aristocrats, who looked upon African slavery with abhorrence. Under these circumstances, the democrats of this assembly became liberal, and naturally sought aid from that party in the United States to which the anti-slavery influence yielded, and took their chances in the federal appointments. There was also in this Assembly a strong personal feeling against Judge Thornton, who was supposed to be in the federal capital seeking the organiza- tion of the Territory, as also its governorship ; and, in that case, though Mr. Thoniton was then acting with the democratic party, should he become the governor, or one of the judges, the pro-slavery influence would be the loser. Hence the " rule or ruin " party chose to make the strange request found in this memorial. The closing paragraph seems to bo a flourish of vhetoric, and an appeal to Uncle SamuePs tender feelings. Notwithstanding, it took him till August 14, 1848, to say that Oregon should be a Territory under its protection. The remainder of the memorial is as follows : — " If it be at all the intention of our honored parent to spread her gi^ardian wing over her sons and daughters in Oregon, she surely will not refuse to do it now, when they are struggling with ail the ills of a weak and temporary government, and when perils are daily thick- ening around them and preparing to burst upon their heads. When n MESSENQKR TO WASIILVGTON. 547 the ensuing Bummer'a sun shall have dispelled the snow from the mountains, we shall look with glowing hopes and restless anxiety for the coming of your laws and your arms. "The accompanying documents will afford additional information concerning some of the subjects of which we have spoken. *' To insure the speedy conveyance of these papers to the federal government, your memorialists have elected J. L. Meek, Esq., a special messenger to bear the same, and respectfully ask your honor- able body to make him such compensation therefor as you may deem just. And your memorialists will ever pray, etc." It will be seen by a reference to the first day's proceedings of this Legislative Assembly that Dr. Newell Avas chosen its Speaker. In tracing the history of events, we find this man always intimately in council with the English aristocratic party in the country. Although he sometimes favored unimportant American measures, ho seemed always to guard carefully those in any way affecting the interests of this English monopoly. Champocg, the county he in part represented, was the most numerous in population and wealth, and by reference to the Spectator of February 4, 1847, we find the following: " Champoeg County tax. — There las been no tax for the year 1840, received by the treasurer from Champoeg County. How is this ? Who is to blame, and where is the honorable County Court of Champoeg County ?" This note explains the critical relations of the country and the scheming policy of the enemy we had to contend with, as also the pei-sonal bickerings among the Americans. When Mr. Crawford, on the 14th of December, intro- duced his resolution for a delegation of three persons to endeavor to prevent a coalition with the Indians, we find this measure deferred till near the close of the session, and this Honorable Hudson's Bay Company Speaker of the Assembly is one of the commissioners, as we shall see hereafter. On the 24th of December, Messrs. Nesraith, Rice, and Rector were appointed a committee to correspond with the American consul at the Sandwich Islands, and also with the commander-in-chief of the army and navy on this coast, in California, soliciting help from them. On the 25th, the house went into secret session for the purpose of conferring with the governor, colonel, lieutenant-colonel, and commissi'.ry-general, in relation to our Indian difliculties. The result of that secret council was embodied in a resolution pre- sented to the house by Mr. Nesmith. ^'■Resolved, That the executive, as commander-in-chief, has full power to adopt all measures necessary for the prosecution of the existing war, ; n i-i ml HISTORY OF OREGON. and that it is the opinion of this liouae, that it is expedient for tbt executive to issue orders for live hundred men, and trust to I'le patriot ism of the citizens of Oregon few their su]>port in tlie tiehl" It will be seen by this resolution thac there was sufficient reason to justify tihe calling of the whole strenr^th of the settlement into the field. The captives had reached tlie settlement, and his Heveren^e Sishop . Slanchet had seen proper to inform the governor, " that by going to war with the Cay uses to get redress for the murders cominiW>d at Wailatpu, he would have the whole Indian combination, or fonftrl- eration, against him. This, however, he must determine with his council," which we see was done, and the American settlement and Prott'stant missionaries gave them a cordial support. The Indian com- bination, wnicn. the Jesuit Brouillet says. Dr. Whitman attempted to form, is hem admitted by the bishop's letter to Governor .\bemethy to have been formed, and ready lo fight the American settlement. Who formed tkis confederation of Indian tribes is no longer a doubt. But we have kept our readers too long from the proceedings of our little army, under the command of Captain H. A. G. Lee, which we left on its way to the Dalles, to save that station from falling into the hands of the Indians. for the patriot eason to the field. Bishop hy going mitUd at ' ^onftd.' with his nent and ian com- mipted to ?methy to nt. Who t.t. igs of our which we icr into the mmm m CHAPTER LXIL The Cayuso war. — Letter of Captain Leo. — Indians friendly with the Hudson's Bay Company. — Conduct of Mr. .Ogdon. — His letters to Mr. Walker and Mr. Spalding. — Note of Rev. G. H. Atitinson. — Sir James Douglas's letter to Governor Abornethy. — A rumor. — The governor's replj'. — jV.nothcr letter from Sir James. — Mr. Ogden. — Extraordinary presents to the Fudians of arms and ammunition. — Colonel Gilliam's campaign. — Indian light. — Property captured. — The Des Chutes Indians make peace. — Captain McKay's company of British subjects join the army. — A nuisance. — " Veritas.'' — Nicholas Finl.ay gives the signal for battle. — Running fight. — Captain McKay's company. — Council held by the peace comrai^isioners with the Indians. — Governor Abernethy's address. — Speeches of the Indiana Camas- pelo, Joseph, Jacob, Old James, Rod Wolf, Timothy, ivichard, anil Kontiiok. — Letters of Joel Palmer, R. Newell, James Douglas, and William McBoan. — Who is responsible for the Cayuse war ? If the reader has carefully perused the foregoing pages, he will be able to understand the inovernents of our little army in the Cayuse war, as to the prime cause of which, the development of twenty-five years, and the monstrous claims of the Hudson's Bay Company, have relieved our present history from all mystery and doubt, and have enabled us to arrange and combine the facts, without fear of a truthful contradiction. Major H. A. G, Lee, in a letter dated at Wascopum, December 26, 1847, writes:— To Governor Abernethy : "Sir, — I reached this place on the evening of the 21st instant, with ten men, including Mr. Hinman, whom I met on his way to Wallamet at Wind River Mountain, thirty miles below. Tlie boats being wind- bound, and hearing from Mr. Hinman that a party of the Cayuses and river Indians liaayinents to make. Once more, use all the diligence possible to overtake us. " Yours truly, " P. S. Ogdej." * We place a note of Rev. G. H. Atkinson, D. D., in this eouv.i'r-'.- '^ show the influei^ces that have for a ser'u-s of years been ((per. ./ ii: how careful that unscrupulous monopoly was to combine its ii i < es, and to deal out its hospitalities, to secure a good word from a r»- verond Protestant divine, who was comiccted with tiic United States Horn* Missionary Board, whose character is unimpea, and to whom it refers for evidence of its generosity. We aw not surjvrised lo find / ., Vi i' ■■'■ i i' i;.. . -J. i , , ■ * Copiad from ihe criginnl letter. ! t ■■::mr,::: DR. ATKINSON'S NOTE. 553 revioua ence of ropriety le coun- le could e of the ift it. I 3r cxist- :EN." * ft-ise, and oiikl foel ()/ all the ker, does ) attcini>t s himself ;d by the Spalding 3, 1847. . d them in AVailatpu, yourself c(//i cmoitg in joining ie» to make ce possible I a r««'ev(md itep Horn* [o wfe'Oin it sod lo fnid Doctor Atkinson attempting to ease the weight of censure due to that overgrown monopoly, from the fact, that on his first arrival in the countrj' (after the Cayuse war), on one of the company's ships, unusual attention and kindness were evidently shown to him and his family by the company's agents, to gain his favorable representations of their proceedings, and a name for honorable dealing and generous treatment of missionaries, as intimated i:i his note. Doctor Atkinson says: — " The agents of the Hudson's Bay Company in Oregon furnished all the missionaries witli supplies at the usual trade rates until they could supply themselves from home." In this the doctor is mistaken, as we have shown in previous pages. He continues : — " After the dea^h of Mr. Whitman and family, Mr. Ogden, an agent of the company, brought the rest of the mission and the American families to the Wallaniet Valley, at conBiderable risk and sacrifice to himself. The guilt of the i)lol l.^ massacre Dr. Whitman and other Americans is understood to belong to the Jesuits." The letters above quoted, from Mr. Ogden and Captain Lee, sliow the doctor's groat mistake in this statement. JNIr, Ogden ran no risk, and made no sacrifice, as tlie Hudson's Bay Company presented their bills. and have been paid every dollar they had the impudence to demand of our government, for transporting the captive women and children to a place of safety, and for all the supplies they so reluctantly furnished to our provisional troops. We do not believe it is good morals, or divin- ity, to say nothing of })olitics, ti.* araise, encourage, or warm the ser|)ent that improves every opportunity to sting us with hie poisonous fiiugs. That company lias enjoyed the monopoly of tliis vast country, amd pre- vented its settlement too long, for any one to seek its ]n\nso or favor. We have another Utter from Sir James Douglas, wliich shows us more clearly the exact fM"sition of that monsti*r monopoly. It is as IjIIows: — "Fort Vaxcoo-^eu, Dec. 31, 1B47. '• T ' Oovernor George Ahernethy, Emj. : "■SIB, — A ruBJior havitnj^ been in circalation, for some days past, that it is (jreneral Gilliam's intention to lory contributions on the Hudson's Bay Comiiany's property, for th<' purpose of completing the orr;uit, Itj rhe present crituml fltale of our Indian rolatitnis, that tliorc si .11111 \k aw cntiro absoiitf of (ifiwtTust, and that the mont perfect unaniniuy sli-ndd exist anions; tiKu whites of every clasB. From my personal knowledge of G«««i«i ^iai- Ik'^ Ivr^^i^lf" HISTORY OF ORKGk)y. liam, and liis highly respectable character, I should be the last person to believe him capable of committing an outrage which may prove so disastrous in the immediate and remoter consequences to the peace and best interests of this country ; at the same time^ as tJie representative of a powerful British association, it becomes my duty to take instant MMSures for the protection of their property, until T receive, through you, a distinct disavowal of any such intention as herein stated. Diffi- culties of that nature were certainly not cor.templated by us when we dispatched a large part of our effective force into the interior for the purpose of receivinff the unfortunate women and children, the survivors of the massacre atWailatpu, who remained in the hands of the Indians. It was never supposed that our establishment would be exposed to insult or injury from American citizens, while we are braving the fury of tJie Indians for their protection." ^Vhat a powerful and noble company, and how much '"''fury of the Indians'''' tliey had to contend with, when they were handing them guns and ammunition by tlie quantity ; and all their servants and posts were unharmed by either whites or Indians, during all the Indian wars that have occurred on tliis coast. This letter continues : — " Such a proceeding would, in fact, be so inconsistent with every principle oi honor and sound policy, that 1 can not believe any attempt 'of the kind will be made; but I trust this explanation will satisfactorily account for any unusual precaution observed in the present arrange- ment of this establishment. " Trusting that this note will be noticed at your earliest convenience, I have the honor to be, sir, " Your most obedient, humble servant, " James Douglas, C. F., H. B. Co." Mr. Douglas, in this letter, has suddenly assumed a veiy honorable, as well as powerful position. As to his personal bravery, there is no question ; but as to truth, there is. He says, " I can not believe any attempt of the kind will be made," and then tells us not to be alarmed ; or, at least, as the " rumor having been in circulation," we must excuse him for his " uimsual precaution " in his establishment, while he has deceived, and intends to continue to deceive, the governor and the settlers as to his real motives of caution, and the deep-laid schemes that he and his "powerful liritish association^^ are bringing about, not against tlie "firy of the Indians," but against the^ American settle- ments. As was to be expected in those times, our governor and General Gilliam wilted right down, and the governor wrote ; — GOVERNOR ABERNBTHY'S LETTER. 555 it person prove so leace and itative of ;e instant >, through ed. Diffi- i when we or for the ; survivors he Indians, jd to insult fury of the fury of the iding them ;s and posts [ndian wars with every any attempt atisfactorily :nt arrange- convenience, vant, ' tl. B. Co." •y honorable, , there is no t believe any , be alarmed ; must excuse while he has rnor and the -laid schemes ing about, not iierican settle- and General' "Oregon City, January 3, 1848. "Sir, — I received your favor of 31st ultimo yesterday evening, and, in answering it, would thank you for your frankness in communicating with me on the subject. Having had conversation with Colonel Gil- liam on this subject, I can state that he has no intention of levying con- tributions on the Hudson's Bay Company's property for any purpose whatever. He will probably cross the Columbia River at the mouth of Sandy." This was the information that Mr. Douglas wished to obtain, as we have since learned from one of the company's clerks, and also the extent of information received from Mr. Lee by his express. " I trust nothing will occur that will in any way cause distrust among the whites during this crisis. The reports from above lead to the con- clusion that Messrs. Spalding, Walker, and Eells have been cut off, and the women and cliildren, spared in the first place, have since been mur- dered. Should these rumors prove true, we know that peace can not be restored between the Indians and whites without bloodshed." As near as we can learn. Governor Abernethy was disposed to follow the counsels of a writer in the Spectator, signed "Veritas," which was, to wait till spring opened, and then make a decent demonstration in the summer to punish the murderers. The energy of the people over- ruled his tender spirit, to use no harsher term, and pushed their forces up in the winter, which allowed most of the men to return in time to secure the following harvest, and produced the desired effect upon the Hudson's Bay Company and the Indians. The governor says : — " Captain Lee informs me that Mr. Ogden paid the Indians powder and ball for making the portage. The Legislature passed an act during their last session prohibiting the sale of powder, lead, caps, etc., to Indians. I trust you will see the necessity of complying with this act; it will be published in the next Spectator. " I trust the disavowal in this letter will prove satisfactory to you. I have the honor to remain, sir, , " Your obedient servant, " George Abernethy." The next day, the 4th of January, Mr, Douglas returned a long letter, which is as follows : — "Fort Vancouver, January 4, 1848. • George Abernethy, Esq. : " Sir, — I have to acknowledge yours of yesterday's date, and con- sider it perfectly satisfactory. I place little contidence in the late 656 HISTORY OF OREGON. •vO f4'M reports from the Dalles, and entertain sanguine hopes that they will prove unfounded. " The Indians have been always paid with ammunition and tobacco by our traveling parties, for passing boats at the portages of this river, and I can not see that Mr. Ogdcn had any reason to depart from the established practice on the occasion mentioned in your letter, as these Indians have no fellow-feelings with the Cayuses." This statement of Sir James is notoriously untrue ; the Cayuses have always had more or less trade with the Dalles Indians, in dried salmon, horses, etc., and have always been the superiors, and treated them as they pleased. Mr. Douglas has invariably cautioned us, in passing those portages, not to give ammunition, as it was against the rules of the company to do so, except to a very few, and in small quantities, and that for packing goods by tr>i8ty Indians. This sudden change from tobacco to powder is only a part of the policy now being executed. " These Indians behaved in the most friendly manner, and, I am con. vinced, will not enter into any combination against the whites, unless there be great mismanagement on our part. " In fact, when we consider the object of Mr. Ogden's journey to "Wallawalla [which we consider really to have been to inform the Indians, as he did, that the Hudson Bay Company would take no part in this quarrel between the Indians and Americans, and that the com- pany would supply them with anmiunition and aid them in the present war, we are not disposed to question but that the lives of some of the men that M'ere left Avould have been taken, but Ave doubt if any more women would have been killed, unless the company had consented to it ; but it answered for a plausible argument for Sir James, who says], and that the lives of sixty or seventy fellow-creatures were, under Providence, mainly dependent on the celerity of his movements, it can not be supposed he would allow any minor consideration to weigh one moment in his mind against the great object of their preservation. As he could not carry his boats over the portages of the tails without the assistance of the Indians, it would have been an act of great indis- cretion on his pa^rt to have excited alarm and created suspicion in their minds." Doctor Saffron, in answer to the Interrogatory, " In what Avay did you become acq, sixty- d, for which Six years ow, and was lericans and irderer; but e murdered, on, blankets, ny one occa- ?y had been .yuses ? Sir '■'• practically dinary influ- ssacre is the n the distinc- mcricans and d determined to suppress and crush the American settlements, if it could be done, by the Indiana. Tiiuy were now in a condition to furnish the Indians directly, or clandestinely, through their Jesuit missionaries, all tho ammunition required. Hence tho liberality of Mr. Ogden, and thecaro of Mr. Douglas to catch "« rumor'''' to defend Mr. Ogden's course; to manifest great sympathy for the sufferei-s, to deceive tho settlement in every way possible ; and refuse, under tho j)lea of the " struujent rules of the home departments^ to supply nnuiitions to the j)rovi- sional troops. On tho 23d of February, Colonel Gilliam, with fifty of his men, arrived at Wascopum, an express having been sent by Major Lee for him to hasten forward with his troops. On liis arrival, ho learned that the Des Chutes Indiana were hostile. Waa Mr. Douglas correct in his opinion ? The main body of his troops having arrived on the 27th, he started with 130 of his best mounted men, crossed Des Chutes, and ascended on its east or right bank. On the 28th, lie sent forward Major Lee Avith twenty men to find tho Indians, they all having fled from their usual encampments. At twelve o'clock at night, M.ijor Lee returned, having found the Indians, and made the following report, which we give in Major Lee's own language. He says : — *' We proceeded this morning up the river some twenty miles, when we discovered a considerable party of Indians witli their families, removing across tho plains, and evidently to station tliemsclves higher up the caiion, which was close by. We charged upon them, killed one, took two females prisoners, and several horses; the rest escaped into tho canon, which was close by. Expecting a large war party out immedi- ately, we hastened toward camp with the i^risoncrs, but had not pro- ceeded far Avhen wo discovered a large party of mounted Indians making after us with all possible speed ; we rode down into a small cafion, turned our horses loose below us, and prepared for battle, — tho In- dians by this time all around us on tho hills, tumbling down huge stones in our midst, and annoying us much with their savage yells, some with their arras. We were fighting some two or three hours, killed and wounded, I suppose, some six or eight, as they took care to keep at a respectful distance. They drew no blood from us, and got only in return for their loss their horses which we had taken, with four or five of ours that went out with them, unperccived, through a small cafion, during tlio engagement. Wo have all returned safe, though much fatigued." On the 29th of this month the whole of the camp moved to the mouth of the canon, at the Meek crossing. On the 30th, ton a. m., as they entered the mouth of the canon, the Indians appeared on the !^ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I tii 122 |22 2.0 Its u I 1^ """ M L25 yiiu 11.6 V] PhotogiHphic Sdences Corporation 33 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. USSO (716)872-4503 ^'^^V^ V <\ 560 HlfTORY OP OREGON. ' hills immediately above, drawn up in order of battle, to about their own number. The colonel ordered his horses and train to n safe position under a strong guard, dismounted his men, ascended the hill, drove and killed, as was supposed, some twenty or thirty Indians, with but one man (a Spaniard) slightly wounded, capturing forty horses, four head of cattle, and three hundred dollars' worth of personal property, which the colonel had sold to tho regiment, and credited to the pay- master, amounting to fourteen hundred dollars. Mr. Brown, first lieutenant, 6th company, died at Vancouver. Tho skirmishing and battle with tho Des Chutes Indians brought them to terms, and a treaty of peace was made with them. The anny was re-enforced by the arrival of Captain McKay's company of British subjects, as claimed by a writer in tho Spectator, of February 24, 1848, who says : — "The party consisted of two Canadians, fifty or sixty half-breeds, — all British subjects,^aunatnrcd, sensible, and yet apparently crasy In- dian, said: "The chiefs have all spoken; I have listened, and now I wish to speak a little. I have been much with the Americans and French ; they know my heart, can any one tell any thing bad of me ? In war with the Blackfeet, I and my father fought with the Americans, and my father was killed there. He (pointing to Mr. Newell) knows it. Last year I was in California at Captain Sutter's, and helped Captain Fremont, — not for pay, but from a good heart. I came home, and heard the Doctor was killed ! We heard that the whites were told we were with the Cayuses. We have not such hearts. I and my people are from the furthermost part of our country. We had heard there that you were coming to kill off the last Indian west of the mountains. We have never shed the blood of the Americans. We are glad to hear that you want none but the murderers." In the Spectator of March 23, 1848, we find the following letters : — " Wailatpu, March 4, 1848. « WiUiam McLean^ Esq. : ,. " Deab Sir, — I have been requested by Captain McKay to apprise you of the progress we have made in adjusting the difficulties between the whites and Cayuses, and I am happy to say that matters are assuming a favorable appearance. With your and his assistance, with that of a little forbearance on the part of the troops, I believe all that could be devised will be accomplished without further shedding of blood. " Captain McKay thinks that Captain Grant (of the Hudson's Bay Company) can travel through tlie country with perfect safety. Mr. Meek will leave the first of the week. Doctor Newell will write to Captain Grant, according to your request. In haste, I have the honor to subscribe, "Your humble servant, ♦♦JoKL Palmer." MR. DOUGLAS'S LETTER. 585 Dear Sir, — I only have time to say a word. Stikas was here yes- terday, and things look more favorable since Grervais arrived. Iteuh to go doien when your people go. I will be ready in a few days and come to the fort ; no time for particulars ; Mr. Meek leaves ta-nighL " With respects, yours, etc., •* R. Nkwklu** ** Four VANcotrvKR, March 15, 1848. " Oofaemor Abemetky, Etq. : **Dear Sir, — One of the company's servants has this moment arrived with dispatches from Wallawalla, of date the 7th instant; I hasten to communicate the intelligence received, for your infor- mation. The army had made its way to Wailatpn, and taken possession of the remains of the mission, the Cayuscs having been defeated, with considerable loss, some days previously, in a pitched battle near the Umatilla River ; and had since fallen back upon the Xez Perc6 country. Serpent Jaun«r, chief of the Wallawalla tribe, had visited the commissioners, and decided on remaining quiet ; the Xex Percys had in part also decided for peace, and were expected in camp within a few days. The remaining part of the tribe appeared still undecided about the part they would take, and will, no doubt, b^mnch influenced in their future conduct by the success which attends the operations of the army. 77ieir sympathies are with the Cayuses ; bat fear may restrain ^r»m from taking an open part against the whites. The Cayuses remain, therefore, without any open support from the more powerful tribes in their neighborhood, and in such clrcamstances can not bo expected to make a very protracted defense. « The accompanying copy of a letter from Mr. Palmer possesses modi of interest, and will put you in possession of further particulars. •* Our dates from Fort Colville are up to the 23d of January ; the Indians were all quiet and well disposed, though they had been severe stigPlerers from the measles and dysentery. Their detestation of the brutal conduct of the Cayuses has been openly and generally expressed, as well as their determination to oppose the repetition of such atroci- ties in the country. Messrs. Walker and Eells have been induced, by the fnendly protestations of the Indians about them, to continae their . ndence at ihe mission near Spokan. « We have letters from Fort Hall up to the 30th of December. A city has sprung up, as if by enchantment, in the midst of the desert, near the southern extremity of great Salt Lake. It contains a popobtion of 3,000, and numbers within its precincts 600 houses. One floar-mill was in operation, and four saw-mills were nearly finished. ♦' In haste, yours truly, " Jahes DorGLAa." 566 BISTORT OF OBEOOy. I 1 As to the letter of General Palmer, he has'informed us that, while he was attemptiog to effect an arrangement with the Indians, he was sat- isfied that MoBean was using his influence against the Americans, and doing all he could to keep up the hostile feelings then existing, bnt, by humoring and flattering him, he would do less harm than by opposing his self-conceit As to Dr. Neweirs note, it showed his disposition to crawl under the shade of MoBean and the Hudson's Bay ^^ people^ and to give them in- formation that would enable them to out off the messenger sent to Washington. General Palmer informed McBean that he would leave the first of the week. Newell says, " Mr. Meek leaves to-nighV Mr. Douglas is all friendship and affection. He has just learned that a large body of American people are in Salt Lake Valley, and that the Indians about the Spokan station are friendly, notwithstanding the measles and dysentery have been severe among them. The Indians had been defeated with considerable loss, but tlie ** sym- pathies of the Nez Perces are with the Cayusea.^ Whence did Sir James get this information ? When he wished to convince Governor Abernethy that Mr. Ogden had done right in giving powder and ball for making the portages at Des Chutes, he said, " These Indiaiu have no felloto-feeling with the Cayuses^ We will give another remarkable letter, in answer to the one Mr. Douglas refers to : — «» "Fort Nez Perces, March 4, 1848. " To the Commissioners, Messrs. Palmer and NeioeU: '' Gektlbmen, — ^I have to acknowledge your esteemed favor of this date, which was handed me this evening. " I am happy to learn that your success to effect peace has so far re- warded your endeavors, and that the Nez Percys are on your side. Previous to their visiting you, the most influential chiefs came to me, to know your real intention, which I fully explained, and addressed them at length. They left me well disposedj and, I am glad to learn, have acted up to their promise." a Put this statement of Mr. MoBean by the side of that of Sir Jamea Douglas, and how does it read ? March 7, *' Their sympathies are with the Cayuses.'* What are we to understand by such information given to two different parties ? Mr. MoBean professes to know the views of the Nez Percys, and, on March 4, tells the American commissioners he is huppy to learn they are on their side ; and, three days afler, writes to his superior, at Vancouver, " TTieir sympathies are with the Cayttses.'* General Palmer, nor any one else, need mistake the character of such a McBEAN'S INTERFERENCE. 607 man ; and we will give the company credit for ability to select their men to perform their appropriate business, and at the proper time. •' I now forward letters to Fort Hall and Fort Boise, and have to re- quest, in behalf of the cjmpany, that you be kind enough to get them forwarded by Mr. Meek. They are of importance. On their being delivered depends loss or gain to the company. "William McBxan. "T. S. — Please presen. my best respects to General Gilliam and Migor Lee." There are two remarkable facts in these two letters. The first, "the most influential chiefs" went to him, and he explp'r^ed the real intentions of the Americans, which, according to his repr rt to his superior, made them sympathize with the Cayuscs ; but to v jcomplish another object, he would have us believe he made them favorable to the Americans, and claims all the credit for doing so. This would have done very well, only it leaked out, in the speeches of the Indians, the part this agent of the company was playing. Query 1, How came the Nez Perces, who had always been friendly with the Americans, and never had ahed any of their blood, but always fought with and for them, to be at war — that it should require the consent or advice of McBean, or any other Hudson's Bay Company's servant or clerk, to go and make peace with friends ? Query 2. The importance of two letters to Forts Boise and Hall ? The lo88 or gain to the company was of more importance to him than the lives of the missionaries and all at the Dalles, for he would not allow his messenger to inform them of their danger. We have in their communications a specimen of a high and a low agent of that company during thp Cayuse war. The Caj/use tribe was always more dependent upon Fort Nez Percys for supplies than the Nez Perces, who have always had more or less intercourse with American traders. From the deposition of Mr. Geiger, wo learn that this agent (McBcan) of the company was in the habit of interfering with the affairs of the American Indians and missionaries, and from the deposition of Mr. Kimzey, that he was equally officious in favoring the Jesuit missions. And now, from his own officious letter, we learn his position in relation to the war then in progress ; that he was attempting to deceive the com- missioners, as to his operations and instructions to the Indians, is shown in the information he communicated to Mr. Douglas, and in the letter of Colonel Waters to Governor Abernethy. ^ Putting all these facts together, who is responsible for the massacre and the war with the Cayuses ? CHAPTER LXIIL Letter to General Lovejoy,— Call for men and ammunition.— Yankama chief. — ^Hii speech. — Small supply of ammunition. — Letter of Joseph Cadwallader. — Claim and a girl. — Combined Indian tribes. — Ladies of Oregon. — Public meeting. — A noble address. — Vote of thanlcs. — Address of the young ladies. — Death of Colonel Gilliam. —His campaign. — Colonel Waters' lettojr. — Doubtful position of Indiaiw. — Number at Fort Walla walla. — Results of the war. — Jesuit letters. — Fathers Iloikin and De Smet. — The Choctaws. — Indian confcdoracy. — Last hope of the Indian. — Jesuit policy. — The Irish in the war of the Rebellion. — Father Heckcr. — Boasts of the Jesuits. — Letter of Lieutenant Rogers. — Priests supply the Indians with arms and ammunition. — Ammunition seised. — Oregon Argui, — Discovery of gold. — No help for tho Indian. — Withdrawal of the Hudson's Bay Company to Vancouver.— Tha ■fflootb-tongued Jesuits yet remain. Let us now turn our attention from scenes of baseness and treachery to such as cnn not fail to draw forth the more noble sentiments of the heart. We find in the Old Spectator, April 20, 1848:— " Oeneral A. X. Lov^oy: "' SiE, — The following was written for the Ikpreaa, but in the huny and bustle of business, was omitted to be forwarded : To call the men (158) who fought on the Tukanon and Tuchct rivers brave were but common praise, — oiBcers and privates fought with unequaled bravery and skill. Captains Hall, Owens, and Thompson behaved with all that deliberate judgment and determined bravery that was requisite to so hard-fought and long-continued a battle. " The incomparable services of Sergeant-Major Birch, Quartermaster Goodhue, Judge-Advocate Rinearson, Sergeant Cook, Paymaster Mage 10, can not be passed unnoticed, and deserve their country's praises. Captains English and MoKay were not in the engagement — the latter being sick, the former returning from the Tuchet with the wagons and the stock. *' H. J. 6. Moxon, " Commanding at Fort Wascopum." "FoBT Wascopum, April 7, 1848. " Oeneral A. L. Lov^oy: " SiB, — ^We received your letter of instructions, by express, on the 3d instant, and I assure you it gave me great satisfaction to make them CAPTAIN MOXOITS INDIAN COUNCIL. 669 known to the troopH under my command. Since t '« promotion of Major Lee to the command, the boya have taken fresh courage ; though Bome of them can hardly hide their nakedness, they are willing under your promises to stick it out like men. " Give us five hundred men, and plenty of ammunition, with Colonel Lee at our head, and I think we will soon bring the war to an honor- able close. " Th^ Yankama chiefs came over to see us a few days ago, and stated that they had written to the white chief but had received no answer. [Who was the writer for the Indians ? No American dare remain in the country beyond the protection of the army.] T'.,ercfore they had come over to see him. They spoke to us as follows : — " * We do not want to fight the Americans, nor the French ; neither do the Spokans, a neighboring tribe to us. Last fall the Cayuses told us that they were about to kill the whites at Dr. Whitman^s. Wo told them that was wrong, which made them mad at us ; and when they killed them, they came and wished us to fight the whites, which we refused. We loved the whites ; but they said, if you do not help us to fight the whites, when we have killed them we will come and kill you. This made us cry; but we told them we would not fight, but if they desired to kill as they might. We should feel happy to know that we die innocently.' " I answered them as follows : * We are glad you have come, because we like to see our friends, and do not like to make war on innocent people. The Great Spirit we love has taught us that it is wrong to shed innocent blood ; therefore we wish everybody to be our friends. Our peace men long ago sent you word, that we did not come to make war on any but those murderers who shed the blood of our country- men, and insulted our women. When we get those wicked men we will go home, but those we will have ; if not now, we will fight until we do get them. We do not want to kill any but the murderers ; but all who fight with them, we consider as bad as they are. All tribes which receive them we must make war upon, because their hearts are bad, and we know that the Great Spirit is angry with them. We hope your nation will not receive them. We hope that you will not let your young men join them, because wo do not wish to kill innocent people. We hope, that if the murderers come among you, you will bring them to us ; then the Great Spirit will not be angry with you. We that fight do not care how many bacl people we have to fight. The Americana and Hudson's Bay Company people are the same a« one^ and you will get no more ammunition until the war is at a close.' '- — ' '-. - '-'■ '--- •< '.:- -=- - -' ■'- • -:-■-■ '-—-'- 670 HISTORY OF OREQOir. I I I i. I "I gave them a plow as a national giil, and told tliem that I gave that kind of a present beoau'so we thought tilling the ground would make them happy. They remained with us a day and night, and then left for their country with an aHHuranco of friendship. " The ammunition boats arrived here this evening, and I shall start to-morrow for WaiUitpu with nine provision wagons aou baggage wag- ons besides, and about one hundred men to guard them, leaving McKay's oompany to guard this place until Colonel Lee's arrival here. " The scanty supply of anunimition *en% us if almost disheartening. If the rumor that the Indians brought us this evening be true, I fear that we will have to shoot the moat of ^«, at the ludians before we can reach the boy8. The Indians reported here this evening tiiat the horse-guard at Wailatpu was killed by the Indians, and all the hor.ies run off I shall lose no time, I assure you, but will relieve them with all possible speed. *' Your obedient servant, "H. J. G. MoxojT, S. C. C. O. D." We will not stop to comment on the facts and points stated in this letter relative to the Tankama Indians and Captain Moxon'a remarks to them, but continue our narrative from a letter of Jesse Ca«lwallHtler from Fort Waters, April 4, 1848. At the time of writing, he did not know of Colonel Gilliam's death. He says : — " At present we are not in a very pleasant fix for fighiing, as we are but 150 in number, and nearly out of ammunition. Colonel Gilliam, with the rest of the men, left here on the 20th ult for the Dalles for supplies. We look for them in a few days, and hope to see more men with them. We look for the Indians to come upon us every day. They say they will give us one more fight, and drive us from the country. We expect they will number 1,200. The Cayuses, Nez Percys, Walla- wallas, Spokans, and Paluoes will all join and fight us, and you may expect a call for more men in a short time ; we are preparing for an attack. We are killing beef and drying it to-day. I think we can defend this post ; we shall do so or die in the attempt * * * « We can not complain of our living, so far ; we have a plenty of beef and bread, nearly all the time. We have found several eouihe* of wheat, peas, and potatoes. We have about thirty bushels of wheat on band, and the mill fi.tted up for grinding. , " I wbh you would see to my claim on Clear Creek, for I expect to return when this war is over, and oooupy it, witb some man's girl as a companion." The following proceeding^ of the ladies of Oregon City and vicinity, which was responded to all over the country, showing how the ladies TUU LADIES OF OREQOK. 571 of Oregon and thia Pacific coast can reopond to the coll of their country, found a welcome place in the columns of the Spectator. We understand that considerable clothing has been contributed by the ladies for the volunteers in the field. Such acts by ladies are highly commendable to them, and can not fail to have a favorable lii'^'M-ace in the army : — "At a meeting convened at the Methodist church, accor<^iiig to pre- vious notice, on the 12th instant, to consult upon the I means to aid in relieving t^'. lecessities of the soldiers, the meeting was called to order by Mrs. Hood, when Mrs. Thornton was called to t'le oimir, and M . Thurston (the wife of our first delegate to CoiigrcsR), was appointed secretary. Mrs. Thornton (whose husband was then in Washington, doing all he could for the country as a volunteer repre- sentative of its interests, while his noble wife was teaching school and ready to aid in sustaining our almost nuked army) briefly stated the object of the meeting, when, on motion, it was resolved to form a soci- ety, the object of which should be to aid and assist in supporting the war (Sanitary Society). On motion, the meeting proceeded to choose ofiicers, which resulted in the election of Mrs. Thornton, President ; Mrs. Kobb, Vice-President ; Mrs. Leslie (second wife of Ilev. D. Leslie), Treasurer ; and Mrs. Thurston, Secretary. " On motion, it v as voted to appoint a committee of three, whose duty it should be to assist the society in raising funds, etc. The president appointed Mrs. Hood (an active, energetic old lady), Mrs. Crawford (the wife of our first internal revenue collector), and Mrs. Herford, said committee. %i " Mrs. Robb then introduced the following address as expressive of the sense of the meeting, to be forwarded to the army with the clothing raised by the ladies, which, on being read, was unanimously adopted :— "'Orkqok Cnr, April 12, 1848. ,. " • The volunteers of the first regiment of Oregon riflemen will please accept from the ladies of Oregon City and vicinity the ardcies herewith forwarded to them. The intelligence which convinces us of your many hardships, excessive fatigues, and your chivalrous bearing also satisfies us of your urgent wants. " 'These articles are not tendered for acceptance as a compensation for your services rendered ; we know that a soldier's heart would spurn "With contempt any boon tendered by us with such an object; accept them as a brother does, and may, accent a sister's tribute of remem- brance — as a token, an evidence, that our best wishes have gone to, and II 573 niSTORT OF ORECK);^. -will remun with you in your privations, your marches, your battles, and your victories. ** ' Your fathers and ours, as soldiers, have endured privationb and sufferings, and poured out their blood as water, to establish undisturbed freedom east of the Rocky Mountains ; your and our mothers evinced the purity of their love of country, upon those occasions, by efforts to mitigate the horrors of war, in making and providing clothing for the soldiers. Accept this trifling present as an indorsement of an approval of the justice of the cause in which you have volunteered, and of your bearing in the service of our common country as manly, brave, and patriotic. *' * The war which you have generously volunteered to wage was chal- lenged by acts the most ungrateful, bloody, barbarous, and brutal. ** ' Perhaps the kindness which the natives have received at the hands of American citizens on their way hither, has, to some extent, induced a belief on the part of the natives, that all the Americans are " women" and dare not resent an oatrage, however shameful, bloody, or wicked. Your unflinching bravery has struck this foolish error froiti the mind of your enemies, and impressed them with terror, and it is for you and a brotherhood who will join you, to follow up the victories so gloriously commenced, until a succession of victories shall compel an honorable peace, and insure respect for the American arms and name. " • We have not forgotten that the soul-sickening massacre and enor- mities at Wailatpu were committed in part upon our sex. We know that your hardships and privations are great ; but may we not hope, that through you these wrongs shall not only be amply avenged, but also that you inscribe, upon the heart of our savage enemies, a convic- tion never to be erased, that the virtue and lives of American women will be protected, defended, and avenged by American men. ** ' The cause which you have espoused is a holy cause. We believe that the God of battle will so direct the destinies of this infant settle- ment, that she will come out of this contest clothed in honor, and her brave volunteers covered with glory. '* * The widows and orphans, made so by the massacre which called yon to the field, unite with us in the bestov/ment of praise for the valuable service already rendered by you ; and he who has already proclaimed himself the widow's God, Judge, and Husband, and a Father to the fatherless, will smile upon and aid yoar exertions. Fight on, then ! — Fight as you have fought, and a glorious victory awaits you.' **0n motion, a vote of thanks was tendered to Mrs. Ilood for her un- wearied exertions in behalf of the suffering soldiers. THE MOTHEBS AND DAX70HTEBS OF OREGON. 673 "Mrs. Robb moved. That when this society adjourn, it do so to meet at thb place again on the 26th instant. " On motion, it was then voted that the proceedings of this meeting, with the address adopted, be published in the Oregon Spectator. ''On motion, the meeting then adjoarned. •• Mrs. N. M. Thobnton, President "Mrs. K F. Thubbton, Secretary." The thought and sentiment manifested in the above proceedings and address allow the reader to look right at the heart and soul of our people. No one who reads our history will have occasion to blush or be ashamed to know that his father or mother crossed the vast moun- tains and plains of North America, found a home in Oregon, and fought back the savages, anu their mora savage foreign leaders. Oregonians^ the fact that your father or mother was a pioneer on this coast will redound to your honor, — as a reference to the deeds of our fathers and mothers, on the eastern part of our c mtinent, strengthened aad nerved our hearts, when the whole host of savage instruments of cruelty and barbarism were let loose upon us, and many of our dearest friends fell by their ruthless hordes! We know not who the author of that address is, but the sentiment — the soul — belongs alone to Oregon. In the same paper we find the sentiment still further illustrated in a declaration of a number of young ladies. We only regret that we have not their names ; the sentiment is too good to be lost, as it shows the finer and nobler sentiments of virtue and religion among the mothers and daughters of Oregon, in those trying times. Tlie communication is as follows : — "Wallamht Vallby, Obeook. " Response by youig ladies to the call of Captain Mozon for young men in the army. " We have read with much interest the late report from the army, and feel ourselves under obligations to reply to the appeal made to us in that report. We are asked to evince our influence for our country's good, by withholding our hand from any young man who refuses to turn out in defense of our honor and our country's right. " In reply, we hereby, one and all, of our own free good Avill, solemnly pledge ourselves to c mply with that request, and to evince, on all suitable occasions, our detestation and contempt for any and all young men, who can, but will not, take iip arms and march at once to the seat of war, to punish the Indians, who have not only murdered our friends, but have grossly insulted our sex. We never can, and i \ 574 HISTORY OP OREGON. never will, bestow our confidence upon a man who has neither patriot- ism nor courage enough to defend his country and the girls ;< — such a one would never have sufficient sense of obligations to defend and protect a vfife. " Do not be uneasy about your claims and your rights in the valley ; while you are defending the rights of your country, she is watching yours. Yon must not be discouraged. Fight on, be brave, obey your officers, and never quit your posts till the enemy is conquered ; and when you return in triumph to the valley, you shall find us as ready to rejoice with you as we now are to sympathize with you in your suffer- ings and dangers." (Signed by fifteen young ladies). Soon after the peace arrangements, as related in the previous chapter, the colonel and major left for the lower country. They arrived at the Dalles, where the colonel was accidentally shot by attempting to re- move a rifle from the hind end of one of his wagons ; the cap was burst, and he received the contents of the gun, which proved fatal in a few hours. In his death the country lost a valuable citizen, the army a good soldier, and hia family a kind husband and affectionate father. As a commander of the provisional troops, he succeeded probably as well as any man could \mder the circumstances. • The deep schemes of the British fur monopoly, the baser schemes of the Jernits, both working together, and in connection with the Indians and all the American dupes that they with their influence and capital could command, it is not surprising that, as a military man, he should fail to bring to justice the immediate or remote perpetrators of the crime he us expected to punish. In fact, but few at the present day are able to comprehend the extent and power of opposing influences. One of the commissioners informed us that from the time the colonel opened a correspondence with the priests, he appeared to lose his influence and power and control of the troops. He lacked an essential qual- ity as a commander — promptness in action and decision to strike at the proper time, as was manifest in his whole campaign. Yet, for this he is to a certain extent excusaole, as he had with his army the Indian peace commissioners, and was acting under the orders of a governor who was greatly deceived as to the prime movers in the war. One of the commissioners was notoriously the dupe and tool of the foreign monopoly in our midst, as his ovm history before and since has proved. He claimed to know exactly how to deal with the difficulty. This influence wa» felt by the troops, and generally acknowledged, and. A BUimiNa FIGHT. 675 as we know from the best of authority, was the cause of the colonel's being ordered to report at head-quarters. After lying at Fort Waters for a considerable time, his men becoming dissatisfied (as intimated in letters), he mounted his horse, and most of his mijn volunteered to follow him for a fight. He pursued what he supposed to be the correct trail of the murderers to a point on the Tukanon, and there fought a small party, and learned that the mur- derers were at the crossing of Snake River, some thirty miles distant. He continued his march all night. The next morning, the murderers having learned of his expedition in another direction, he came upon them and surprised their whole camp. An old man came out of the lodge and made signs of submbsion, and pretended that the murderers were not in his camp, bub that their cattle were upon the hills. This induced the colonel to order his men to gather the cattle and re- turn to Fort Waters (while Tilokaikt was then crossing the river), instead of attacking them, as he should have done. The Indians soon gathered their best horses, which were kept separate from the common band, and commenced an attack upon his cumbered, retreating column, till they came near the ford on the Tuchet, when a running fight was kept up, and an effort made to get pos- sesision of the ford by the Indians, which it required all the colonel's force to defeat ; and like the crow and the fox in the fable, while the colonel was giving the Indians a specimen of American fighting, he neglected his cattle, and the Indians drove them oS. But few were wounded on either side, though, in the struggle to gain the ford and bushes contiguous, there was swift running and close shooting, which continued till dark. The Indians retired with their cattle, and next day the colonel and his party, with the wounded, reached Fort Waters, and thence he obeyed the summons of the governor to return and report at head-quarters. While Major Lee is on his way with the body of Colonel Gilliam to the Wallamet, and to obtain recruits and supplies of arms and ammunition, we will see what Colonel Waters is about at Wailatpu, April 4, 1848. In his letter of the above date, he says : — " Since Colonel Gilliam's departure from this place, our relations with the supposed friendly Indians have undergone a material change ; not seeing any, either friendly or hostile, for several days, I concluded to send an express to Fort Wallawalla, and if possible to gain some informa- tion concerning their movements, as I had reason to believe from their long silence that th«.' .vas something wrong ; I accordingly addressed a short note to Mr. McBean on the evening of the 1st of April, and die- mmmmm 676 HISTORY OF OBEOON. patched two of my men with the same, charging them strictly to remain there during the day, and return, as they went, in the night. They re- turned yesterday in safety, and their narrative, together with Mr. MoBean's written statements, fully confirms me in my previous views. " The Wallawalla chief, notwithstanding his professions of friend- ship to Colonel Gilliam and the Bostons, now looks upon us as enemies. The law prohibiting the sale of ammunition appears to be his principal hobby. By refusing it to him and his people he says we place them on an equal footing with the guilty, and if this law is not abrogated, they will become murderers. This sentiment he expressed in the presence of ovj" express bearers. [The sentiment of Sir James Douglas, as ex- pressed in his letter to Governor Abemethy.] " There were then at the fort son ■ sixty lodges, aftd between two and three hundred warriors. Mr. McBean gave what purported to be in- formation where the murderers had gone, stating that Ellis and sixty of his men had died in the mountains with the moasles, and this had produced its effect upon our superstitious friends. " The Cayuses and Ne« Percys have had a big feast, which to my mind speaks m language not to be misunderstood. Mr. McBean further states, that the Paluce Indians, Cayuses, and part of the Nez Percys, are awaiting the American forces, to fight them on the Nez Percys, or Snake River ; but the signs of the times justify the conclusion' that we will be attacked nearer home, and much to our disadvantage, unless soon supplied with ammunition. They know our circumstances about as well as we do ourselves, both as regards ammunition and provisions, and it need not be thought strange if they act accordingly. " Welaptulekt (an Indian chief) is at the fort, and has brought quite an amount of immigrant property with him, which he delivered to Mr. McBean ; says he was afraid Colonel Gilliam would kill him, which was the reason of his not meeting him. This is the report of the men; Mr. McBean did not mention his name. My opinion is that we have nothing to hope from his friendship. " I see by General Palmer's letter to Colonel Gilliam, that he (Mc- Bean) refused to accept the American jffag, which was presented by his own Indians ; he, of course, had nothing to fear from them. " I have now given you the outlines of our unpleasant Hituation, and doubt not that you will make every exertion to forward us ammunition, and men too of the right stripe. I have exaggerated nothing, nor has any active cautiousness prompted me to address you upon this subject If they do come upon us, bo their numbers what they may, rest assured, while there is one bullet left, they will be taught to believe that the Bostons are not all dochemen (women). # iNPScrnHiR w tmimtAn. m r< i i wc^ i d l ltt ia- l«lii«g 4lEraiiA«<^ Mi^ Tii^^op dkd<)!l the S4th of M»reh. Or UMviu|f vi WW ■m*oppmvBny^ jcy miHfWMidK w tnw n more iiiiit- aWttyg l ii-jiiwlllm^Hi ilM i ii l iii^ ii'ie'>i |i ia tey-^^'Haf'-«»fliBriB^ Jbl to ^» fmfH^il^ 4>#'ll#««imiot^b«^ ptrtriMiihg thit entire hltt«r, tiHfftt iv«f M^« tlMiffil^ H ii i ll tn ^' I^H^^ltfllwClftii^hiiee dereleped, ifcii ytrfM «wdB-- is.>f aaHirdereri' thMiissltei, thtn gtiritig in ||i*iifii^«»i«^itt«(t tNlVMNMNIte ret^febi^ qiMlNfteiK' foi' « saeisesMM Ula- ai»BBiitl0i!^'a«ft«M>a^^ MliiiMff^dfN«^i«^n^i;kneit« ill place' of OalfOiiel €M^nm,^to«ilfeft^^'9liliiii 'i>l1lfc^©i Wimi t»|»ifc«f in the army. 'iTb^l;*^^ Weni eocAi |ktffe Hwy gaii iciwi'- '' iy ' >iai l i '#Hlli ri «i i»ati f't ^ ^^^ %»rtM as #«re iMt y p ni iii tta ^fl[teii qnent ; enlistments stopped ; and the attitude of the Irish mind before Mr. Lincoln's second election was one of disloyalty uid hostility to the government of the United States. " And these faots can not be changed by the habit which these people have of boasting aboat fighting our battles, and saving our country. By aotual examination of our muster-rolls, the simple truth appears to be, that only eight per cent, of ourgrrad army were of foreign birth ; the balance — ninety-two per cent.-^were native Americans, who retomed at length, worn and battle-scarred, to find their places on the lUSi mSTOBT OF ORBOON. farms, in the fketories, and elsewhere, filled by Irish who had songht safety and profit at home, while our boys were courting danger and death in battle. " It may be interesting to know when this change came over the Irish mind. What dampened their ardor, what quenched the glow of their patriotic impulse t The coincidence is so complete, that the cause is doubtless the same. " It will be remembered that Biobop Hughes went abroad during the second year of the war, as was supposed, by authority of our govern- ment to interest the Catholic sovereigns of Europe in our favor. Instead of this, however, the archbishop went direct to Rome, and straightway the popa acknowledged the independence of the Confederate States. His insignificance gave him impunity, and purchased our silence. But the act had its influence ; Biddy in the kitchen, Mike in the army, Pat- rick on the farm, and Mac in the factory, fell to cursing Mr. Lincoln as a tyrant and butcher. Enlistments among the Irish stopped from that time, unless it was bounty-jumpers and deserters. They banded to- gether to resist the draft, as in New York, where they rioted in blood for three long days, and only yielded to the overwhelming power of United States troops. The spirit that actuated these human fiends came from Rome, and to Rome must be awarded tlie sole honor of welcoming to the family of nations a Confederacy whose first act was treason, and whose last was assassination. Indeed, it was Rome that furnished the assassin and his conspirators against the greatest life of modern times. And that assassin struck not againt the life of a man, but against the life of the Republic ; and if guilt lies in the intent, then is Rome guilty of the nation's life. ♦* With snch a record, Rome vainly puts herself among the friends of our free institutions. She misjudged, we think, but she no doubt thought the time had arrived to destroy what had come of Puritanism. And for this, she was willing to be the ally of a government whose comer-stone was negro sl'^very. Are we still dreaming that Rome is changed, or that she has surrendered the hope of supplanting Protest- ant freedom on these shores ? Would not every Fenian lodge in the country rally to the help of the South, if there was a cliance to restore the old negro-hating oligarchy to power. *'It can hardly have escaped every observing man that the Irish mind is expectant and exultant in regard to this country. They do not con- ceal their belief that the Catholic Church is to rise to the ascendant here, and that Protestantism is to do it reverence. "But a few weeks since, Father Hecker, one of the lights of the Catholic Church in this country, said in a public lecture, in New SnRBWDNESS OF P. J. DE SMET. 583 York, that liia church had namhered eleven millions of our people, or one-third of our population ; and that if the memhera of his church ipcreased for the next thirty years as it had for the thirty years past, in 1900 Home would have the majority, and would be bound to take the country and rule it in the interest of the church. * And,' continued the reverend father, *I consider it my highest mission to educate our people up to this idea, that America is ours, and belongs to the church.' " It is all of a pattern. Rome during the war sought to ruin us in order to rule us. She failed in the first, but is no less tenaciously striv- ing to accomplish the last. In a future number we will hope to show how she means to do this through the freedmen." It appears that, when our government became apprised of the value of Oregon as a part of its domain, and was informed officially by the provisional government of the situation of afOiirs generally at the time of the Whitman massacre, at the same time the information was so arranged, and the circumstances so stated, that the government and people were generally deceived as to the cause and ultimate object of that transaction. It is clear that the Hudson's Bay Company designed to hold the country. It b also evident that British government ex- pected that the arrangements of the company were such that their title to tlio Oregon Territory was secured beyond a question. The far-seeing shrewdness of P. J. De Smet, S. J., in relation to his efforts and church influence, was in a measure superior to both ; for ho made use of both to secure his object and add to the numerical strength of his church, and by that means gain political consideration in the United States and in other countries. For instance, all the Indian children and adults they have ever baptized (as may be seen by their lettera to their society in Brussels) are counted, numbering two bun- dred and ninety-four thousand, — nearly one-half of their American converts. This, with all their foreign population, as claimed by them, and improperly allowed in the United States census, gives to that sect a political influence they are not entitled to ; and were the question agitated openly, as it was undertaken once secretly, the result would show their weakness. While that church professes the open Catholic faith, it still holds to its secret Society of Jesus, and through it has carried its missions and influence into every department of our American government, more especially into that of the Indians. General Grant seems to understand our Indian relations, and has advised the best plan for disposing of the Indian question, t. e., place it under the exclusive control of the military department ; and if an Indian becomes a settler, let him be protected as such. t ., 684 BISTORT or ORBUOSr. After tho greater portion of onr provisional troops had been dis- banded, lievti. £ells and Wallcer and their families were ordered oat «f the upper conntry, it not being deemed safe for them to remain, on acoonnt of hontilo Indians who wore notoriously friendly with every one olaiming to belong to the Hudson's Bay Company or to the priestH* party ; as asserted by Fatlier Hoikin, who says : " The eimntry is as sqfe for us as ever ; we can go firoely wherever we dcRirc. No one is ignorant that the black-gowns are not enemies ; those at least who are among the Imlians." Notwithstanding the order had been given, by Indian Agent Major Lee, that all the missionaries among those Indians should leave thr country till troops could be stationed to protect all alike, still not one of the Jesuit missionaries obeyed it. On the 2 1st of August, Lienteuaut A. T. Rogers writes to Qovemor Abernethy, as follows :— •* Fort Leb, WAacopuif, Aug. 21, 1848. '* Believing it to be my doty to let you know any thing of moment that transpires at this station, for this purpose I now address you. '*At about 2 o'clock, p. m., at this place, a boat arrived, cont^igned to the French priests who have taken up their residence hero, loaded with eight casks of powder; six of them 150 pounds each, and two of them 00 pounds each, making 1,080 pounds. I also took fitleen sacks of ballsy 100 pounds in each cask; three sacka of buck or goose shot, 100 pounds each, making 1,800 pounds of ball and buck-shot ; counted one sack of the balls and found about 3,000 balls. I also took three uoxes of guns ; opened one box, and fonnd twelve guns. ^ The general conviction at the fort was, that not more titan 500 pounds of powder in all had been forwarded for the army by the government, probably not even that amount. I was told by the priest from an interior station, as also by one at the Dalles, that the powder was for four stations, viz. : Cceur d' Alines, Flotheads, Ponderays, and Okanagons; and this had been purchased at Vancouver the year before. I judged that at least one-third of their outfit was ammunition. '"Three days previous to the arrival of the ammunition, four Indians, embracing their chief from tho Waiama village, near tho mouth of Des Chutes, came into the fort, much alarmed, saying there had been Cayuses to them, declaring that the priests were going to furnish them plenty of ammunition, and that they were going to kill off all the Americans and all the Indians about that place, and the Cayuses wanted them to join them ; said also that omt of fear of the Cayuses they had sent away all their women and children. We had the best of evidence that they were frightened, Oat of gomo four or five hundred SKI2I7BK OP AMMumrrosT. 685 ■ouls along the river, between the fort and the Chntes of ttie Colum- bia, not 3 soul was to bo aeea on cither aide, — all, thoy said, were bid in the mountainn. It was lome ten days before the Indians came from their liiding-plaoea. ''When the munitions came, Quartermaster Johnson swore he believed the priests designed tliem for the Cayuses; said also, a man in this country did not know when he was iu a tight place. " I must say I also believed it. ** A. T. RooBRS, Lieutenant Commanding Post." " The following editorial notice of the above letter is copied from the Oregon Spectator of September 7, 18i8 ; — ' •* By referc iie to the above letter by Lieutenant Rogers to Gov- ernor Aberiiutby, it will be seen that the arms and ammunition attempted to be taken into the upper Indian country by Catholic priests, have been seized by Lieutenant Rogers, and deposited in Fort i^c. Orders had been dispatched to Lieutenant Rogers to seize and detain those munitions. [A mistake of the editor. Lieutenant Rogers seized the ammunition, and wrote for orders.] Much credit is due to Lieutenant Rogers and the little garrison at Fort Lee for the prompt- ness and efficiency with which they acted in the matter. " We understand that there was no disposition on the part of the officers of the government to destroy or confiscate those munitions, but that they were detained to prevent their .transportation into the Indian country under the present juncture of affairs. " We had intended to have spoken upon the attempt by Catho- lic priests to transport su. h a quantity of arms and ammunition into the Indian country at this time, but as those munitions have been seized and are now safe, we abstain from present comment upon the transaction I'* K I m The above notice of the transaction, as given by Lieutenant Rogers, is a fair specimen of the man who occupied the place of an editor at the time this infamous course was being carried on in Oregon by the two parties engaged in supplying the Indians with war materials. No one will suppose for a moment that these priests ever bought or owned the powder and arms; their own private supplies may have been in the cargo, but the ammunition and arms were on the way into the Indian country, under their priestly protection, for the benefit of their masters, * From original letter. 5S» HISTORY OF OREGOX. i 1 the Hi'dson's Bay Company, who, as we have repeatedly proved, were acting in concert upon the prejudices and Buperstitioua of the Indians. Was it a great undeitaking for that company to drive a thousand or twelve hundred American settlers from Oregon at that time ? Robert Newell, already known to our readere, says, in speaking of missionaries and settlers, " They could not have remained in the country a wee^ without the consent and aid of that company, nor could the set- tleniTiave remained as they did up to 1848." We are willing to admit Mr. Newell's ]x>sition only In part. We know that company's power and influence in Washington and London; we also know fully what they attempted to do from 1812 to 1821, and only succeeded by a compro- mise with their opponent. * We also know all about their operations and influences in Oregon, and are ready to admit that they had the disposition to destroy the American settlements. We also know the extent of the effbi't made to establish a claim to the Oregon country by means of their French and Hudson's Bay half-breeds, and we are fully aware of their eflbrt to procure witnesses to substantiate their monstrous claims for old rotten forts and imaginary improvements. Knowing all this, we deny that that company had the courage, or would have dared to molest a single American citizen or missionary, only as they could Influence the Indians by just such means as they used to destroy Smith's party on the Umpqua^ drive Captain Wyeth and the American Fur Company from the country, and destroy Dr. Whitman's settlement. Any other course would have involved the two countries in a war, and led to an investigation of their proceedings and of their charter. " That company," says Mr. Fitzgerald, " have submitted to all man- ner of insult and indignity, and committed all manner of crime, and they dare not go before any competent tribunal for the redress of any real or supposed injury, or right they claim." This brings us to the reason that Mr. Douglas gave in answer to Mr. Ogden, in the presence of Mr. Ilinmnn, " There inight be other than tectarian causes" for the Whitman m««?acre, and herfe Ave have the united effort of priests and Hudson's Bay Company to attribute the massacre to -measles and superstition, while we have the positive testi- mony of Mr. Kimzey and others to show that the who!" was determined upon before any sickness was among the Indians. From the testimony of General Palmer, the Donner party, Mr. Hines, and Mr. Ogden, we find but the one effort ; which was, to prevent, or diminish as much as was possible, the settlement of the country. And why? To answer this question clearly, we have traced the early history of that monster monopoly in previous chapters, and given their proceedings in countries under their exclusive control. To illustrate more clearly the subject T ,!!F"JII"«W' •"WT^ ' Droved, were f the Indian8. a thousand or ime? in speaking of , in the country could the set- illing to admit .ny's power and iilly what they I by a compro- heir operations t, they had the also know the gon country by nd we are fully their monstrous Knowing all mid have dared y as they could destroy Smith''8 American Fur an's settlement, es in a war, and ir charter, itted to all man- sr of crime, and e redress of any in answer to Mr. ht be other than erfe we have the to attribute the he positive tcsti- ■« was determined )m the testimony I Mr. Ogden, we linish as much as hy? To answer y of that monster Sings in countries early the subject 'A OATHOtlO CITIZEN." 587 of the previous and prasent chapters, we will give an article we find in the Oregon Argua of February 9, 1856, eight years after the war. The article is headed : — "The Catholic Priests and t/ie War — '^1 Catholic Citizen^ attended to. " To the Editor of the Oregon Argus : " Sir, — For the pa<«t month I have noticed several virulent articles in each issue of your paper, all tending to impress upon the !nindsof your readers the idea that the Catholic priests wcra the hei' d and front of the present Indian difficulties ; and being fearful that your constant harping upon that one subject might render you a monomaniac, I am induced to submit to your Argus eyes a few facts in relation to the conduct of the Catholic priests prior to and during the present war. In your issue of the 8th inst., 1 find an article based upon the following extract from the official report of Colonel Nesmith : — " ' With sundry papers discovered in the mission building, was a let- ter written by the priest, Pandozy, for Kamaiyahkan, head chief of the Yankama tribe, addressed to the officer in command of the troops, a copy of which is communicated with this report. There was also found an account-book kej t by tliis priest Pandozy, which is now in the custody of Major Kaines. This book contains daily entries of Pandozy's trans- actions with the Indian^s and clearly demonstrates the indisputable fact that he has furnished the Indians Avith large quantities of ammuni- tion, and leaving it a matter of doubt whether gospel or gunpowder was his principaLrtock in trade. The priest had abandoned the mission, but it gave unmistakable evidence of being cared for, and attended to, during his absence, by some Yankama Indian parishioners.' " You then proieed with great sangfroid to pride yourself upon the correct 'position' which you took about a month previous, relative to the above subject, and presuming upon the safe 'position' which you thus assumed, you say the priests have in a measure prompted the Indians to the late outbreak ! A bold presumption, truly, when we find the puny evidence which you have to back your ' position.' You fur- ther assert as a fact, ' that in this, as in the Cayuse war, these priests have been detected iu the very act of conveying large quantities of powder in the direction of the camp of the enemy.' This, sir, is a fact which emanated from your own disordered im.igination, as during the Cayuse war no priest was ever detected in any such a position, and you know it; but then, it must be recollected that a little buncombe capital does not come amiss at this time, and if you can make it oif of a poor priest by publishing a tissue of groundless falsehoods against him, why even that is ' grist to your mill' " _^3^^' 588 HISTORY OF ORBOON. li M ** Tlie foregoing is a poi'tion of a communication which appeared in the Standard of December 13, over the signature of *A Catholic Citizen.' The writer of that article, in endeavoring to blind the eyes of hia reader?, and hia pretending to correct us in reference to certain statements we had made concerning a few things connected witU the present Indian war, as also the Cayuso war of 1848, in which the Cath- olic priests had by thdr intercourse with the savages created more than a suspicion in the minds of the community that they were culpably implicated in the crimson character of these tragedies, wisely intrenched himself behind a fictitious signature. Ho has thereby thrown the responsibility of some three columns of pointless verbiage, flimsy soph- istry, and Jesuitical falsehoods, upon the^ shoulders of an irresponsible, intangible, ghostly apparition, probably very recently dismissed from Bome sepulcher at Rome, or from the carcass of an Irishman just swamped in the bogs of Ireland. *' Seven or eight weeks have now elapsed since we called upon this Roman Catholic citizen to emerge from his hiding-place among the tombstones, and if he was really incarnate, with a body of flesh and bones, such as the rest of us have, to throw off* the mask, and not only give us a full view of his corporeal developments, but also to send us a copy of the book by v; aich he cleared Pandoay, and justified himself in issuing, from his sweat-house Vatican, his bull of excommunication against us. " We have thus fj»,r * harked ' in vain for a sound * from the tombs.* Like a true Jesuit, that loves darkness rather than light, he not only still persists iu keeping his name in the dark, and keeping the ' book ' we rightfully called for in the dark, but attempts to enshroud the whole ubject in total darkness, by making up his own case from 8u<;h parts of r'andozy's book as he chooses to have exposeil, and then thrnsting the whole manuscript into a dark corner of his dark-colored coat, and in order to darken what light we had already shed in upon the dark nest of Jesuits, among the dark-skinned and dark-hearted savages, he most solemnly denies as false tlie most important of the dark charges wo made against them, and then, after 'darkening counsel' by a whole column of 'words without knowledge,' by which, like the cuttle-fish, he darkens i' "^ waters to elude the hand of his pursuer, and then, under cover of all ..tis darkness, he dodges into his dark little sweat-house, and issues his terrible bull consigning ns to a very dark place, where the multitudes of dark Jesuits that have gone before ns have doubtless made it ' as dark as a stack of black cats.* But what makes the case Btill darker is, that while ' Catliolio Citiecn ' refuses to expose his per- sonal outlines to our ' Argus eyes,' but intimates that as ho is a member "A CATHOLIC CmZXS." of the Catholic Ghnrch, and of the Democratic party, if we let off a broadside npon either of these societies, and woand either of their car* casses, the one bloated on the blood of saints, and the other on the juice of corn, we shall of course inflict a material injorv' upon him, upon the principle that 'when one of the members suffers, all the members suffer with it ;' we say, that in view of tfie fact that after ' Catholic Citizen * has claimed to be a member of both the^e organizations, the Corvallis organ of the Sag Nichts and Jesuits has whet the razor of authority, and lopped him off, as a heterodox member, and consigned 1iim to the fires of damnation, because 'Catholic Citizen* has intimated that the two bodies were not identical, thus wisely enveloping him in a dark cloud, and translating him far beyond the reach of our guns, makes the case terribly dark indeed. *' * He (Catholic Citizen) displays the cloven foot of either direct opposition to the Democratic organization, or sore-head-ism and disaf- fection with that organization. ♦ * * We can hardly conceive that the author of that communication is a Catholic, or a friend of the Cath< die Church.' — Statesman of Dec. 25. "Thus it will be seen that the editor of the 'organ' takes him by tho top tutl, and applies the 'rapin hook' to his neck as a heretic, and not a genuine Catholic, because of his ' sore-head-iara and disaffection with the Democratic organization,' thus unequivocally asserting that the church and the cliquo are identical, or so closely identified that in plac- ing himself in opposition to the one, he proves that he is not a friend of the other. Now whether the action of the organ has been from a mali- cious desire to 'bury him out of our sight' as an 'unfruitful branch' of the Catholic and Democratic trunk, or whether he intended in mercy to wrap liim up in his Nessean shirt, and hide him from our view by deny- ing to him the only earthly position he assumed, it matters not par- ticularly to us. Wo shall probably teach him, or his ghost, in due lime, a lesson which we long since whipped into the tough and slimy hide of the biped who controls the Statesmtm, and which he and his ilk would do well to road in the welts that checker his back, before they make their onslaughts upon us, viz., whenever we state a thing to be true, you may n-st assured that it z« so, and by calling it in question, you may be sure you will provoke the proof. We are not of that class of lying editors who make false charges which they are not able to sustain, and we have never yet vouched for the truth of a statement, and been aft.erward compelled to back out of it. Whenever we make k mistake, on account of bad information, we are sure to make the cor> rection as soon as we are apprised of it, whether the statement affecti the character or interest of fnend or foe, or neither. I w t I 090 mSTOBY OF OREGON. " Your vile innaendo, that we wished to make a little buncombe capital off a poor eniveling priest, ia readily excused, knowing as we do your impressions from associating with political comrades who neither yield to nor expect justice or decency from their political opponents ; and presuming also that the moment yon stepped your foot upon American soil, witli your little budget of Irish rags, some demagogue put a loco- fooo hook into your nose, and led you off to the political pound to learn your catechism, so fast that the remaining half of the nether extremity of your old swallow-fork made a right angle with your stalwart frame. We know very well what sort of lessons yon h.^ve learned out of that catechism ; how you have been duped to believe that the principles of Jefferson and other old sainted Democrats were still cherished by the designing demngogues who have taken you in tow ; how we who oppose this office-hunting party are 'down upon Catholics and foreigners' simply because they are such ; and how yuu had only to put in the * dane dimocratthio ticket ' to insure yourself great and glorious privi- leges. Under this sort of training, it is not surprising to us th»t you not only expect us to persecute you to the full extent that a priest is sworn to ' persecute ' heretics, but that you are constantly in fear that the * Noo N'othins ' will soon be ladling soup fi-om a huge kettle that con- tains your quarters boiled up with Irish potatoes. " We were not led to make the remarks we did in reference to the ' priests because they were Papists, but because we had reason to believe they were traitors to our government, and were identided with tha savages in the present war. If Methodist, Presbyterian, or any other Protestant clergymen had rendered themselves equally obnoxious, we should probably have given our opinion at the time, that they deserved to be brought out of the Indian country, with all their * traps,' to un- dergo a trial before a jury for their lives. •' But, sir, to one of your falsehoods : — ".' Tou further assert as a fact, " that in this, as in the Caynse war, these priests have been detected in the very act of conveying large quantities of powder in the direction of the camp of the enemy." This, sir, is a fact which emanated from your own distorted imagination, as during the Cayuse war no priest was ever detected in any such a position, and you know W " Now, sir, we did not sappose that there was a man green enough in all Oregon (excepting, perhaps, the Statesman) to call our statement in question. We happen to be an old Oregonian onrself, and profess to y<^ pretty well posted in reference to many oocorrenoes which will loake up the future history of this lovely yet blood-stained land. The proof of our assertion we tuppoted ooald be come at by our file of WHO IS THE "CATHOLIC CITIZEN f" 691 the Spectator. The fact was still vivid in our memory. At the date of this transaction (August 21, 1848), there were three papers printed in Uie Territory: The Free Presa^ an 8 by 12 sheet, edited by G. L. Curry, present governor of Oregon, and the Oregon Spectator, a 22 by 32 slieet, edited by A. £. Wait, Esq., both published at Oregon City ; besides a serai-monthly pamphlet, printed in the Tualatin Plains, and edited by Rev. J. S. GriflSn. Although all of these papers at the time spoke of the transaction referred to, we believe none of them, ex- cepting the Spectator, contained the official correspondence necessory to make out our case. We supposed, and so did many others, that all the old files of the Speetatpr were long since destroyed, excepting tlie im- perfect one in our office. When * A Catholic Citizen' called our state- ment in question, we, of course, referred to cur 'tile' for proof, but to our astonishment this particular paper was missing, although the im- medi:ite precetJing and succeeding numbers were all there, embracing the whole summer of 1848. The missing number was accidentallij {f) mbplaced, of course, and the proof of that transaction supposed to be beyond our reach. By the kindness of a gentleman we have been fur- nished with the desired copy from his own tile." (See official note and letter as previously quoted.) " Now, will * A Catholic Citizen ' contend that our statement, in ref- erence to the * large quantities of powder,' is not fully covered by ' seven or eight hundred pounds of powder, fifteen hundred pounds of lead, and three boxes ofgunsJ* "A man who can unblushingly utter such a falsehood as he has been guilty of, to create a public sentiment in favor of these priests, is below contempt, and we feel our task of exposing him to be truly humiliating We have branded this goat with an L***, which will stick to his hide as long as Cain carried his mark ; and we now turn him out to browse for a while with B., who wears about a dozen of the same brands, under the pain of which we have sent him off howling. ' A Catholic Citizen' may feed on *ferrin ' till we get time to clap the same brand to him again, when we shall tie him up to the post and again scorch his wool" 1 1.5 In reference to the article, as quoted from the Oregon Argus, it is not certamly known who " Catholio Citizen " is, but the impression is that the production is from the pen of Hon. P. H. Burnett or Sir James Douglas, and not impossible from Robert Newell, with such assistance as he could obtain. If from either of those gentlemen, he may have been correctly in- formed as to the real owners of the munitions, but we can hardly believe 1 1 592 HISTORY OF OREGON. II I t Mr. Douglas or Newell would lay themselves liable to the falsehood chai^d upon them, as they were iu the country, and must have known of the £u3t8 in the case. Hr. Burnett was iu California, and may have been misled by his informant. Be that as it may, the munitions were found on their way into the Indian country in charge of the priests, and the remarks of the editor of the Argm^ W. L. Adams, Esq., shows the true history of the times, aad the continued effort of tho Jesuits and their neophytes to continue the Indian wars, to prevent the Protestant missionary stations from being reoccupied and the settlement of the country by the Americans, as intimated by Father Hoikin, in his letter to his society 'n Brussels. Our provisional array did not capture a single murderer or prominent Indian engaged in the massacre, though many of them were known to have been frequently with the priests and at Fort Wallawalla. Neither the priests, MoBcan, nor the indescribably sympathizing Sir James Douglas made the least eifort to bring the murderers to justice. A pj^rt of them were given up by the tribe, — tried and hung at Oregon City uuder the Territorial government of the United states. Judge Pratt presiding. In the trial, the same influence was used to get the murderers acquitted that had instigated and protected them in the commission of the crime. The discovery of gold in California took place before our troops had all returned ; the universal excitement in relation to it caused the deser- tion of a large portion of the Hudson's Bay Company's men, and almost an abandonment of the fur ti-ade in the counti*y for the time. They, however, still kept up the semblance of fur trade ; and, at the expiration of their parliamentary license in 1 858, withdrew to British Columbia and Vancouver Island to repeat upon their own people what they have practiced so successfully and so long upon the Americans. ..There is, connected with this foreign company, a sort of Jesuitical suavity of manner and boasting propriety that naturally deceives all who come within its influence. AU its titles and little performances of charity are sounded forth with imperial pomposity. The man that does not acknowledge his obligations to it for being permitted to remain in the country previous to the expiration of its parliamentary license, is considered ungrateful 1^ it, and by such aa Are blind to its infamous practices. '4 CHAPTER LXrV. ICuiona among the WcBtern Indiuis. — The Coeur d'AMne Mnsioii. — ^Protestaiit md Catholic uussioiu compared. — What the Americaa Protestant niiaaioiianes have done for the country and the Indians. — Extent of their influence^ progreaii aad improvements. — Patriotism of Dr. Whitman. Ant person who has read the previous pages of this Tolome will not char^^e us with being ignorant of missionary operations on onr western coast. Thongh we were but eight years connected in mechan- ical and business relations with them, still we have never lotrt nght of their labors, or their intellectual, moral, religions, political, or physical operations, nor of their personal conduct, or their adaptation to the work assigned them. We have spoken plainly our views, and im* pressions of the character, conduct, and influence of all prominent men in the country. Our main object has been to introduce the reader to the people of Oregon at the time in w^hich they were acting in a pnblie capacity. The private morals of the country have only been incident- ally drawn out by reference to a petition sent to Congress, signed by the Rev. David Leslie, in 1840. In that document Mr. Leslie docs himself and the country an injustice, by asserting that "thefi, murder, infiuiticidc, etc., are increasing among them to an alarming extent** (Senate Doc, 26th Congress, 1st Session, No. 514). Those charges Mf. Leslie no doubt sincerely thought to be true at that time, fix>m the occurrence of the two most serious crimes about the time .he wrotcu But such crimes were by no means common. It is oflcn asked, What good have the misnonarie* done to th« Jndians? If this question applied alone to the Jesuit misHouaries;, brought to the country by the Hudson's Bay Company, we wonld say unhesitatingly, Ifone at att. What few Indians there are now in the country that have been baptized by them, and have learned their religious catechisms, are to-day more hopelessly depraved, and are really poorer and more degraded than they were at the time ve visited them twenty-two years since, looking carefully at their moral aad pecuniary condition then and now. In proof of which we give ths following article : — " Cosur tP Aline Miuion. ** The old Mullan road from the Bitter Root or Missonia River to the CcBur d*AlSne Mission, shows to the traveler little evidence that 38 < ] 604 HISTOBT OV OREGON. it was ouce explored, laid out, and built by a scientific engineer. Decayed remnants of bridges are scattered all along the Coour d'Alune and St. Begis Borgia rivers ; excavations have been filled up by the dibrU of fallen timber ; huge bowlders that have roll her, and filing to the right and lefl to avoid the impassable barriers which the mountain tornadoes have strewn in your way. The gorges, through which the road sometimes winds to avoid the mountains of rooks that close in even to the edge of the main stream, are narrow, and so completely shaded, that the rays of the sun have never pen* etratcd, and one everlasting cold, chill dampness prevails. Our party were halted for an hour in one of those passes to allow the passage of a herd of two hundred Spanish cattle, and, although when we emerged from the canon we found the sun oppressively hot, I do not -remember ever to have suffered more from cold in any climate or in any altitude. The oppressiveness seemed to spring from something besides the mere ten^>erature. We found but one living thing in those narrow canons, and that was the most diminutive of the squirrel species. There was no Boog of birds or whir-r-r of partridge or grouse. It had the silence of the cold, damp grave. ^. ** After arriving within six miles of the mission, the caHon f the CcBur d*AI^ne opens out to about four miles in width, and you come suddenly to Mud Prairie, — a broad, open park, with hero and there a solitary pine, and the ground covered with a heavy growth of swamp grass, which stock will only eat when nothing better can be obtained. Two hours more, and the mission, with its stately church (so it appears iu the mountains), suddenly presents itself to view. " Dilapidated fences are passed, rude Indian houses made of ' shakes,* fields of wheat and vegetables overrun with weeds, and at last, making the one hundred and forty-sixth crossing. of the river, you halt your hungry and jaded horses in front of the rudest piece of architecture that ever supported a cross or echoed to the Ave Maria of the Catho- lic faith. Rude though it is, when we consider the workmen by wbom it was constructed and the tools employed, the feeling of ridicule and sqiiile of contempt will give way to admiration of the energy and (though I think nu8t»ken) seiU which nistMUMd the Jesnit &thoni THE OCEXm. D'ALBNB MISSION. 596 during what was to them, at that time, a most herculean labor. The building is 46 by 60 feet, and 30 feet posted, and was two yeara in process of construction. The workmen were two or three Jesuit priests, assisted by a few Indians, and the reverend fathers showed me a saw, an auger, an ax, and an old jack-plane, their only tools. It in situated on a little elevation from the main valley. On the left is the dwelling of the fathep«, and still to the lefl is the storehouse, hospital, workshop, and building* for the sick^ and crippled recipients of their benefactions. Around the slope of the elevation are scattered Indian huts and tepees, and at its base lies the resting-place of departed Indians who had died in the faith and gone to the hunting-grounds of the Great Spirit. In front of all, the Coeur dWlene, seemingly satisfied with the havoc which its furious progress had made, runs slowly and sluggishly along. The interior of the church is a curiosity. Here yon see the marks of an unfortunate stroke from a clumsy ax- man; there a big Indian had sawed a stick of timber half off in the wrong place ; in another spot, a little Indian had amused himself boring holes with the auger, while the joints ' broke ' like a log-house before chinking. I was told that in its original construction there was not a nail- used ; but lately some efforts have been made to smooth down the rough exterior by the addition of cornice and comer-boards. " The priests are very jealous of their claims to the territory around the mission, and regard the unlimited control of the Indians as a right which they have acquired by their self-sacrificing labors, and as a duty on the part of the Indians in return for the salvation of their souls and absolution from their sins. For my part, from an acquaintance with twelve tribes of Indians, among whom the gospel has been preached, and the forms, mysteries, and ceremonies of the Catholic Church intro- duced, I have failed to see a soul saved, or one single spark of Indian treachery, cruelty, or barbarism extinguished. The lamented General Wright thrashed the murdering propensities of the Cosur d^Al^e Indians out of them. The balance of their virtues — stealing, drinking, and supreme laziness — they possess in as large a share as they did before the heart of Saint Alene was sent among them. I would like to give a favorable portrait of this mission and its occupants, if I could. I would like to say that the reverend fathers were neat, oleanly, intelligent, hospitable individuals, but there are too many who travel that road, and it would be pronounced false. I would like to say they were sowing the seed of civilization and cultivating it successfully in the untutored mind of the poor red man, but truth forbids. I would at least be glad that they urged upon the Indians to obey the laws of this government and respect the property of its 590 HISTORY OF OREGON. citizens, bat most leave that task to some one who has never bought of them horse meat for bee^ and traveled for days on foot, because they would not, from pure deviltry, sell him one horse out of a band of two or three hundred. I say not these things with any reference to the Catholic Church or its belief, nor am I forgetful of what I have read of the Jesuits of St. Bernard and their acts of humanity ; but for the filthy, worthless, superannuated relics of Italian ignorance, who have posted themselves midway between the extremes of Pacific and Atlantic civilization, acknowledging no law save that of their church, I have not the slightest particle of respect, and believe with an old packer, ' that it was a great pity General Wright had not canded his threat into execution, and blown the den over the range.' "* These Indians were among the most honest, peaceable, and hopt^ftil of any west of the Rocky Mountains. The mission here spoken of is the one represented by Fathers De Smet and Hoikin as their most suc- cessful one west of the mountains. We have reason to believe that Colonel Dow's statements are correct, from remarks made by other travelers, as also from Father Josot's own confession. On the 61st page of " Indian Sketches," he says : " I have been hero nearly fifteen years ; I am not yet master of the language, and am far from flattering myself with becoming so. My catechist remarked to me, the other day, * You pronounce like a child learning to talk ; when you speak of religion we understand you well, but when you change the subject it is another thing.' That is all I want. I have at last succeeded in trans- lating the catechism ; I think it is nearly correct. You can hardly imagine what it cost me to do it ; I have been constantly at it since my arrival here ; I finished it last winter ; nevertheless it is short ; it has but fourteen lessons; it is based upon the first part of the Catechism of Lyons. Tins catechism is printed, not on paper, but on the memory of the children." According to Father Joset's own statement, it has taken him nearly fifteen years to learn their language sufficiently well to teach the chil* dren fourteen lessons in the catechism, about as much time as some of our Protestant missionaries have consumed in translating the whole of the New Testament, and a large part of the Old, into heathen languages, besides establishing schools, where they teach the people to read the pure word of God and practice its sacred principles, instead of follow- ing the traditions of men. Father Joset continue* : " From the end of November to Palm Sun- * From the Oregon fferald of iitj S, 186fi. ■^'^WPW^ ■ Vpviiil^ f.ip«l «p FATHER JOSET AND THE CCEUR D'ALENES. 597 day, on which day this ceremony (children's first communion) took place, they liad catechism at the chnrch three times a day, and it was rare tliat one missed the exercise ; besides this, there was a repetition every day, either before the chief or the catechist. I give catechism three himdred times a year. I doubt whether there is a catcclust in the world more utterly deprived of the means of encouraging his pupils. Some prayer beads would have been a great reward, but I could givo them nothing but a medal to each, as a memorial of their first com* munion." This reverend father, in speaking of the Church of the Sacred Heart, as it is called, says: **It is a magnificent monument to the faith of the CoBur d'Alfenes, who have given the lie to their name by its erec- tion. If it were finished, it would be a handsome church even in Europe. The design is by Father Ravalli ; it is ninety feet long by forty wide; it has twenty-eight pillars, two and a half feet square by twenty-five feet in height ; all the rest is of timber, and in pro- portion." Compare this with Colonel Dow's description of the same building. It will be seen, by the quotations we have given, how these "filthy, worthless, superannuated relies of Italian ignorance " employ th*?ru- selvcs and the Indians under their instruction. None but a b'.got or a Jesuit will pretend that such instructions tend to enlarge, to elevate, ov civilize the savage mind. We have only to look to eountries grown old under just such teachings, to see its legitimate results. From the lioman Catholic works before us, on the Oregon missions, embracing over eight hundred pages, one would conclude that over forty different tribes who have been visited by these Jesuits, in the ter- ritory of the United States, were all converted and Christian Indians, ready to shout, " Glory to God in the highest,'* and peace all over our Indian country. But Colonel Dow says he failed to see " one single spark of Indian treachery, cruelty, or barbarism extinguished " among the tribes he visited, who were taught by these priests. ' De Smet, the prince and father of Jesuitism in the Indian country, as early as December 30, 1854, five years before the Southern rebellion commenced, communicated to his society in Brussels his approval and desire to have all these Indians join the confederate United States, as their last and only hope. This measure, he says, the Protestant mis- sionaries strongly opposed. He says, also, that Harkins, the Choctaw chief, proposes the expulsion of the Protestant missionaries ; we add^ for their strong allegiance to their government, and their opposition to this Jesuitical confederate United States scheme (See his letter, " Western Missions," page 206). Such missionaries, we are forced to '- -H ■(^ HISTORY 07 OBKOOir. admit, have done no good to the Indians, and, we again repeat the question, IVhat good have the miuionariea done t The writer will answer, that before he lefl the Whitman station in 1842, there were three hundred and twenty-two Indian families among the Cayuse and Nez Perc6 tribes that had commenced to cultivate, and were beginning to enjoy the fruits of their little farms. About one hundred of them were talking about locating, and were looking for places and material for building themselves more permanent houses. We have never doubted for a moment that the Cayuse, Nez Perc^t, and Spokan tribes would, in twenty-ilvo years from the time the missions of the American Board were located among them (if let alone by the Hud- son's Bay Company and Roman priests), have become a civilized, indus- trious, and happy Christian people, ready to have entered as honorable and intelligent citizens of our American Republic. The unparalleled energy and success attending the efforts of the mis- sionaries among these two powerful migratory tribes excited the jealousy, and aroused the extreme opposition of the Hudson's Bay Company, and caused them to encourage the largest possible number of Jesuits to come to the country and locate themselves immediately in the vicinity of those missions, and use every possible influence to dissuade the Indians from attending the missionary schools, cultivating their little farms, or attending in the least to any instruction, except such as was given by the priests when they vsme to the Hudson Bay Company's forts for trade, as they camt> at stati i times to the fort, be- fore the American missionaries came to th' >?'.antry. The Jesuit mis- sionary teaching did not interfere with tl!i:H.iU the Methodist influence was snflicient, up to the arrival of the French priests, and four years after, to keep up a flourishing native school, notwithsta'^fMng the French half-breed children were withdrawn from them, and placed under the tuition of the priests on French Prairie. The result of that Jesuitical teaching is embodied in the law disfranchising all half-breeds, except American, from the privileges of American citizens, for the course they took in the Indian wars against the American settlements and government. T)ie larger portion of them, and especially those adhering to the company and the teachings of their priests, have gone into British Columbia, carrying with them an implacable hatred of our people and government. As to the good the American missionaries have done to the Indians on thig coast, we can point to-day, more than thirty years from the commence- ment of their labors, to improvements, made and kept up by the Indians, that M'ere commenced under the direction of those missionaries. We can point to Indian families who have strictly adhered to the Protestant religious forms of worship taught them by the American missionaries. We have the testimony of General Benjamin Alvord, of the United States army, on this point After saying (September 10, 1854) that the Nez Percus never shared in the hostile feelings of the Cayuses, declined to join in the war of 1847 against the whites, and Itave since steadily and repeatedly refused to do so, he proceeds as foUo/s : " In the spring of 1853 a- white man, who had passed the previous winter '.u the country of the Nez Percys, came to the military post at the Dalles, and, on being questioned as to the manners and customs of the tribe, he said that he wintered with a band of several hundred in number, and that the whole party assembled every morning and evening for prayer, the exercises being conduotcd by one of themselves, and in their own language. He stated, that on Sunday they assembled for exhortation and worship. The writer of this communication made re- peated inquiries, and these accounts have been confirmed by the state- ments of others who have resided among them. Thus, six years after the /orc'€«7 abandonment of the mission, its benign efilsots are witnessed among tliat interesting people." In addition to the above, we would add our own observations made in 1861 among those Indiana. That year they were more sorely tried % 1 m HISTORY OF OREGON. than ever before. Oold had just been discovered in their country, and thousands of unarmed miners were passing and repassing all through it. The disaffected Caynses were among them, urging them to join and rescue their country from the Bostons. We met some twenty-five of the chiefs and principal men, and conversed with them in the moat friendly and familiar manner about their country and their situation ; the old scenes of the mission ; the killing of Dr. Whitman and those at his station ; all the reasons assigned ; the causes and the result of the Doctor's death, and its effect on the' Caynses. Having no disposition to deceive them, we inquired distinctly if there was gold in their country. They told us frankly there was, and that they had seen h, as the Americans had taken it away. They then asked what they had better do ; — if it was not best for them to join the Caynses, and drive the Americans from their country. They said the agent had told them to keep quiet, and in a few years the whites would get out the gold and le^ve the country, and their buildings and improvements would be their own. We replied : There are two things you can do. These miners will come to yoi." ■ country ; they are bound to have the gold. Now, you can join the Cayuses, and go to killing them off if yon choose, but you will soon find yourselves in the condition of the Cayuses, — roving about, without a home or coimtry, and the more miners yon kill, the sooner you will be cut off, and your country occupied by strangers. Our advice is, that you remain quiet and improve your farms ; as fast as you can, educate your children ; become like the Americans, and live in peace with all who come to settle, or dig gold in your country. This course will insure you protection from the American people. We have reasjn to believe this advice wan followed in a measure, at least, as no whites have been killed by th^m, and they remain peace- able and friendly. In this same meeting they wished to know if Mr. Spalding couhl come back as their teacher. We inquired particularly how many of them wished him to come back, and found that a majority of the tribe were in favor of his return. He went back as their teacher; but we have since learned that such influences were brought to boar upon him, as made him feel that he was compelled lo leave the tribe. The mission right of the property, as we are fully assured, has since fallen into Jesuit hands, for the paltry sum of ♦500 in greenbacks. Who is responsible for the giving up of that mission, we are unable to say. No money consideration should ever have induced the American Board of Missions to relinquish their legitimate claim. We have not recently been permitted to visit the Indians at Rev. Mewrs. Walker and EcIIh' Btf\tion ; bti;, we havp the testinio?iv of oihers in regard to the good effect of the teachings ofth>nr missionaries upon ■tpgfiiipiliPBfw "n THE WHITMAN IN8TITUTB. them. Major P. Lagenbeel, who was in command of New Fort Col- ville for years, and also acted as Indian agent, said to Mr. Eells in 1861, "Those Indians of yours are the best I ever saw. I wish you would go back and resume missionary labor among them." Mr. Eells says, in the Mtsaionary Herald^ December, 1860 :— ** Some fifteen or twenty of these Indians spent a portion of last winter in Wallawalla. On the Sabbath a larger proportion of them than of the citizens of the place could be collected in a house of worship. I met them as my class in connection with the Sabbath school in the Congregational Church. As we were allowed our share of the time allotted to 8inging,wesang, in their tongue, the words which I arranged for them more than twenty-five years ago. So far as I have learned, their conduct in transactions with whites has beon less objectionable than that of the superior race." • We have frequently met individual Indians from about all those early stations, and found a most cordial greeting from them, and always a regret that they have lost their Boston teachers. We hav'» always regretted the course pursued by the American Board, in allowitio: those missions to be given up, as unwise and injudicious. If the men who first commenced them had not the courage to return and continue their labors, others should have been sent to take their places. The Whitman Institute has come np froin the ashes of that noble and devoted martyred missionary, Avhich to the writer looks like " white- washing the sepulchers of the prophets " whose death we iiave seemed to approve, by our silence (not to say cowardice) in not ferreting out and exposing the authors of that crime. Mr. Spalding h^s not been suKldined in his recent efforts among the Ne« Perces, but feels that he has been driven away from among his Indian brethren and disciples by Jesuit influence. The cowardly, timid, hesitating, the half-God and half-mamition Christian may say. What will you have us do ? We answer, Maintain the natural rights of men and Christians, and leave consequences to a higher po'ff'er. We have thus briefly summed up the labors of the Protestant and Roman missions, and shown the influence of eaclj upon the Indians on the western portion of our American continent. In further proof that this Roman Jesuit influence tends only to the destruction of the Indian race, I might refer to California, Mexico, and other countric-s where they have had the exclusive religious teaching of the people ; theresuH is the same. We know from long experience that it has always been the policy of the Hudson's Bay Company to place an opposing fjost or trader by the ■ . 1 ' 60S HiaroaY of OKBaoN. h side of an opponent in the fur trade. The same policy was adopted, and carried out by the Jesuits in regard to the Protestant missions in American territory. We will be told that the Hudson's Bay Company people were principally of the English Episcopal Church. This is true, and they, to satisfy the Christian sentiment of the English people, brought an Episcopal minister to Vancouver, and allowed a few in the vicinity of Moose Factory, where they wished to renew their fur licenie, but dismissed them as soon as possible after their object was accom- plished, for reasons already stated, and introduced these Jesuit ^nis- siouaries for no other purpose than to facilitate their trade among the Indians, and destroy the American influence in the country. But, thank God and the energy of a free people, the country, with all its untold wealth and prospective grandeur, is ours, and to-day, as we hear the lightning tap of intelligence, from the Old World to Oregon, we have not one solitary regret that thirty of the best and most active years of our life have been spent, in contending publicly and privately, by day and by night, in season and out of season, against that influ- ence. We know what it is to feel its power, as an assistant mission- ary, as a settler, as a representative and as an officer of the provisional, Territorial, and State governments. We have no complaint of per- '*onal uukindness to us, or ours ; but we feel that the withering con- it iination of every true American, and Englishman too, should rest ^.on the Hudson's Bay Company while that name is claimed by any association of men, for the unrighteous course they have been, and still are, pursuing. It is obvious that to the American missionaries our nation owes an honoi'able record, and the names of Dr. Whitman,. Rev. J. Lee, Mr. C. Shepard, Mr. C. Rogers, Rev. Harvey Clark, Mr. A. Beers, and Dr. Wilson, and Mrs. Whitman, Mrs. Spalding, Mrs. Lee, Mrs. Leslie, Mrs. Beers, and Mrs. Smith, among the dead, and many others still living, should find a prominent place in the catalogue of noble men and women who not only volunteered to civilize and Christianize the Indians, but did actually save this western golden coast, to honor and enrich the great Republic in the time of her greatest peril. It would be ungenerous to confine the answer to our question alone to the good that the early American missionaries did to the Indi:>ni^ cf our western coast. The whole country, now within the jurisdi' '. 'An of the United States, is more indebted to thoiu than most menarr willin*; to admit. The country, as all are aware, was first occupied by Astor's Company in 1811, followed by the Northwest Company in 1813, and by the Hudson's Bay Company in 1821. For twenty-three years the British W^' mm MLSSIONABT IMPROVEMENTa 608 IladBon'a Bay Company was scarcely disturbed by an American. No effort was made by it to comply with the conditions of its charter, in regard to the civil and religious instruction of the Indians, supposing that charter to have been valid. In 1832, the Indians themselves asked for the American missionary. They had previously asked the Hudson's Bay Company for religious teuchers, but they only allowed a few Indian boys to go to Red liver, there to receive a very limited English education, and return to be employed by the company as interpreters or traders. This did not satisfy the Indian longing for light and knowledge. The tribes in middle Oregon resorted to the Aniciii^au rendezvous, and, although there was little or no moral influence there, ihey discovered a more liberal and generous spirit among the Americans than among the Eng- lish or French. This led to further inquiry as to the cause, and by some means they concluded that it must arise from their religious notions or worship. They asked to see the Americans' sacred book, about which they had heard, as it was said that book told about the Great Spirit above. For a time they received packs of cards, but were not satisfio-l, — there must be something more. They sent some of their numb*;? to St. Louis, and as has been before stated, Mr. Catlin learned their < ' j^'-t.,, and gave the information that started the missions. ^. '*"•!)! 'a r>. a American missionaries were going to the country, the A xe'"''.:.''\ -'T traders were being driven from it. Rev. Jason Lee and assooiu, ' trerc allowed to locate in the Wallaraet Valley. He labored, rtuu me.. >;,"■' ly filled, gratuitously, the chartered stipulations of the company. As there were no women in this fi ."St missionary party, no fears were excited as to the supremacy of the soil, or the future occupation of the country ly the company's retired servants. In 1836, Dr. Whitman and Mr. Spalding and the?r wives arrived, with cattle and other material for a distinct and independent mission. T; ey at once commenced their labors, and sent for assistance by the -j'-'cand route. Rev. Mr. Lee received a re-enforcement by sea, with ■ limp a wife for himself and Mr. Shepard. Dr. Whitman and 'i,' Mr Kspalding's associates arrived overland ; more cattle were brought across the mountains, and, through the exertions and means of Mr. Lee and bis associates, cattle were brought through from California. Schools and farms were opened ; mills, houses, and churches built ; and more arid better improvements made by the missionaries, than were then owned by the company, with the single exception of a farm St Vancouver. I ii eo4 mSTORT OF OREGON. The American missionaries did not stop with, the mills and fanns, nor with cattle and swine. Sheep and a printing-press were hroaght firom the Sandwich Islands, and soon the Indian beholds the clean white paper made into a book, an Y". own thoaghts and words placed before him, and he is taught to reau "— 1 DR. WHITMAjrS EFFOBTS BEYIBWED. 605 We have occapied much more space than we woald, in giving quota- tions, knowing, as we do, the igncranoe there is in relation to oar early history, and the eflEbrts of the British Hudson's Bay Company and Roman Church to secure the exclusive control of Oregon. We will here give aa article which we find in the Miarionary Herald. The writer says: — ** While it is apparent from the letters of Dr. Whitman at the missionary house, that, in visiting the Eastern Statics in 1842-3, he had certain missionary objects in view, it is no less clear that he would not have come at that time, and probably he would not have come at all [which we know to be the case], had it not been for his desire to save the disputed territory to the United States. It was not simply an American question, however, — ^it was at the same time a Protestant question. He was fully alive to the efforts which the Roman Catholics were making to gain the mastery on the Pacific coast, and /m voaa firmly perauatled that they leere working in the interest of the Hudson^ a Bay Company, with a view to this very end. The danger from this quarter had made a profound impression upon his mind. Under date of April 1, 1847, he said : * In the autumn of 1842-3, 1 pointed out to our mission the arrangements of the Papists to settle in our vicinity, and that it only required that those arrangements should be completed to close our operations.' " To the statement of Dr. Whitman as here quoted from his letter to the Board, we can bear positive testimony. He did point out to his associates all the dangers to which they were exposed. " Dr. Whitman evidently regarded his visit to Washington, and his success in conducting the immigrants of 1843 [eight hundred and seventy-five souls] across the Rocky and Blue mountains, as settling the destiny of Oregon. In the letter just referred to, he said, 'It may be easily seen what would have become of American interests in this country, had the immigration of 1843 been as disastrous as were' the immigrations of 1845 and 1846.' [In both those years the route which he had selected was abandoned for another.] lu uonfirmation of this opinion, we find a writer in the Colonial Magazine using this lan- guage:— '"By a strange and unpardonable oversight of the local otHcers, missionaries from the United States were allowed to take religious charge of the population ; and these artful men lost no time in intro- ducing such a number of their countrymen as reduoec^ the influence of the British settlers to complete insignificance.' " The above quotation from the Colonial Magazine is but a repetition of evidence already given from other English testimony, relative to " : ,1 i' 606 HI8T0BT Of ORBQOir. their determination to hold the conrtry. We also hftve the expecta- tion of Chtef-Faotor A. McDonald, as expressed in 1842 to Rev. O. Eells : '* He also gave it as his opinion that if England should obtain the desired portion of Oregon, it would be made over to the Hudson's Bay Company." He thought that fifly years fh>m that time, the Hud- son's Bay Company's descendants would be the only occupants of the country. Dr. Whitman, in expressing an opinion npon the same subject, thought that fifty years from that time they would not be found. In the closing remarks of the article from which we have quoted the above, there is a strange mixture of truth and ignorance. The writer says : " It is not too much to say, perhaps, that Dr. and Mrs. Whitman lost their lives in consequence of the success of the endeavors already described. The immigrants of 1 847 carried diseases into the Indian coun- try, which proved very fatal to the aborigines. Some became suspicions of him ; some were exasperated ; and a few affirmed that he was poison- ing them with his medicines, to get them out of the way. It is believed by many, moreover, that the itoman Catholics were in a measure responsible as directly or indirectly, for the catastrophe of Wailatpo. But it is inexpedient to discuss this question at the present time." It is evident from this last quotation, that Sir James Douglas's letter for the information of the Board of Missions produced Its desired effect ; and it is only from the recent statements respecting that transaction, that the Board have allowed the subject to come before them ; they have asked and received from the most cautious missionary they have ever sent to the country, a statement of the facts in the case. He has complied with their request, and the result is a repetition of the slander of the murdered dead. We are unwilling to believe that the Rev. Mr. Treat, D. D., in this closing paragraph, intended to give the impression that he believed the statement ; yet we can not understand his object in reporting the statement made to blast the character of a good man, and to shield his murderers from the punishment due to their crime ; leaving the impression upon the mind, that it was the Indian supersti- tion* alone that were the cause of the massacre. Those who have read the foregoing pages will not be deceived as to those causes. Mr. Treat should have given us the benefit of his authority for that statement, as we are assured by the Indians themselves that there is not one of them that ever believed those reports till they were affirmed by the priests, and even then they doubted. We have been several times among the Indians of that tribe, and were present at the first consultation held with them by Indian Agent R. R. Thompson in 1853, and took partic- ular pains to inquire as to their belief in that matter. I oould not find one^ even MBong the Roman Ci^holio Indians, that would say he THE SCAPE-GOAT OF THE WHITMAN MASSACRE. COf bdi^ved that Dr. Whitman did as he is represented by the priests and the company to have done. The Indians invariably told me that tlie priests, Finlay, Stanfield, Joe Lewis, or Mr. McBean said so, bnt they believed Dr. Whitman was their friend, and their hearts bad wept and cr^ because they had consented to his being killed. It was to develop the facts and influences operating in oar eariy history that we commenced to write. It does not matter to as whence a statement comes or by whom it is made, if it does not cor- respond with the facts in the case, we intend to give what we conceive and firmly believa to be the truth ; letting snch as are ignorant of the facts, or have been deceived by commercial, religious, or sectarian state- ments, judge as to the correctness or truth of our conclasiona. A great crime has been committed in our land; — a poor, ignorant, and harmless and comparatively innocent people, have been charged with committing it through *^auper«titioua prejudices" which, if the very men who make the charge are to be believed, fixes the crimes upon their own heads, for they tell us that they were unharmed apiid the scenes of blood and murder, while gathering up the remains of the first mission- ary victims and consigning them to a common grave. Their messen- gers pass and repass all through the country, and mingle freely, and " r^oice '' that the ignorant murderers will come to them for advice, which is cheerfully given, and a pledge made to assist them to avoid its consequences ; while the commercial party in this great crime is handing over to the murderers munitions for defense, and to oontinoe the slaughter of American settlers, the Jesuitical party is eonfinning the doubtful mind of the Indians in the justness of the crime they have committed. Such were the parties seeking to control onr destiny firom 1834 to 1849, and such as we have quoted are the sentiments of men high in giving direction to trut^ and righteousness in a great nation in 1866-7. We feel, and admit, that our task has been most difficolt and ardu- ous, — to seek out and bring to light the truth in relaticm to events so momentous, and* consequences so important to the interests of diis western part of our continent. It would be far more gratifying to as to dwell upon the pleasing and happy influences and incidents that float upon the surfape of society ; but these are commonplace and the natural growth of circumstances, such as the most careless coold scarcely fail to observe. Oregon was ours, by right of discovery, exploration, and cession ; as well as settlement by Astor in 1811-12. A f.aa • jbmi af aojaaaom h— laatlyt'leoaid not do otiwnrifla'thaa to giva Ammm naked and vtavtiog paa]da to wear and to eat of oar staiea. They were n<^ oar eDaoaaear 1 did wbit I thanght vaa right, and* aiwtlaftTe ooasaqneaeea to CKnI and tha govenmnit, and if y4ia inoat npon my eompliaooa with your ndaa in tl^ partkn^r, lieiBaerwjfounolonffti^" Gontraat tiiia noble aentinient of Dr. MaLangUtn, though a Canadian- bora aali>|«et«»d wii^tMter ef dia Boommi Cat h o l ia Mth n tha eoMtoy, vi|h tliat^ hb ro eaaaaor, Sir Jaaiaa Dei^(laa$ «ho raAnad mapflUm to poninh the nrardarera and inmteat the AmaiiioMi aattlaaMnta^ kt having been an oAloar na«kr ^le proiriaional goTwnnient, and taken an oath to ]»roteot and dafimd it. Did it coaAtet with his intim as a British sabjeett The reiAson as- signed by Ua ibr his reihsal was, **the atringwandea laid down for hit govemmmi iff lAs Aom« MMMpoi^," which tha BoUa old Canadian said ha #ould resign his position sooner than obey* It is not diflonlt to sea that G^gon, daring tha existanoe of the pro- • viaional goT^mnaBt, was a eoont^ poss es s i ng paonliarly interesting relations to tha two nations who wai« olaisaing ita allq^ianiia and aov- «r«gnty. Had tha Hodaon's Buy Company been 'traa to ita own oountry, and anoowi^^ad tha sattiampnt of Ii^al British snbjaote in it, there is no question but, with tha fiKsilitias and oafntal at its command, it ooidd have saoatad tha oonntry b^ora am Amariean settlanient oonld tmre aeqnhrad my strangUi in 4t. Tha same was tha ease with California. Cue cnr two ah^ a year from 1895 to 1840, or even 1846, laaving a«rt tha Aeasan tad' J«aait missionariaa, aoidd have brought substaalhd Bnglbh finriKas^with i>^r Jbgliili ahaphdna, apid ihnned thair e aioni a s a»d ahaarhad tha Anwrioaa aiwionttry aattleniaota ■% it. Mid no ona would have questioned didbr rig^tt or attempte'a to BLINDNESS OP THE HUDSON'S BAT COMPANY. 609 defeat them ; but the £7,000 or more of dear profits in the fur trade, and native associations, were too strong. The country becomes valuable in its estimation, as others have improved and developed its wealth. The natives with the furs of the country were the only source of wealth to it, and especially to the home company in Loudon. If the least possible credit is due to it from any source, it is for its stupidity and ignorance as to the real value of the country, of which no one can give a true history without developing the avaricious character and degradbg influences and proceedings of that company; for it had, as we remarked at the commencement of our history, and as every one knows, the absolute control of it up to the organization of the pro- Tisional government in 1843. Those influences were active and in full operation up to 1842, when it was discovered, by Dr. Whitman and a few others, that the whole country was about to pass into the hands of the English, as was asserted by the over-zealous priest at Wallawalla : " The country is ours /'America is too late/ They may now whistle." An American heard, and to hear with him was to act. " ^the Board dismisses me, I will do what Jean to save Oregon to my country" was his remark to us, as he gave his hand and mounted his horse, to see what could be done at Washington. The result of that trip was the delay of the boundary question and an immigration and settlement, that no Hudson's Bay and Jesuit exterminating combinations have been able to overcome or drive from the country. 89 it, to CHAPTER LXV. Description of the face of the country. — Agricultural and mining productions. — Timber. —The Wallamot. — Columbia. — Dalles. — Upper Columbia. — Mountains. — Rivers.— Mineral wealth.— Climate.— The Northern Pacific Railroad. — Conclusion. Thus far I have confined myself to the history of the Hudson's Bay Company, the early settlement of the country, its public men, the pro- visional government, adverse influence, and the American and Jesuit missions. We will now proceed to describe its geographical and physical position and value. Previous to the treaty of 1846, all that portion of country lying south of the Russian possessions, west of the Rocky Mountains, and north of California, was called Oregon. By that treaty the 49th parallel was constituted the boundary line between the United States and the British possessions. In the act of Congress passed August 14, 1848, the boundaries were thus defined : '' All that part of the territory of the United States which lies west of the summit of the Rocky Mountains, north of the 42d de- gree of north latitude, known as the Territory of Oregon, shall be or- ganized into, and constitute a temporary government, by the name of Tlie Territory of Oregon." Unfortunately, though our national Con- gress contained many noble, intelligent, and talented men, none of them knew any thing about the country they were defining as Oregon Ter- ritory. Thomas H. Benton, about this time, made his famous Oregon speech. In it he declared that all north of the 49th parallel of latitude was only fit for the poorest and most meager animal existence ; that it was the "derelict of all nations," not fit for the subsistence of civilized man. This impression of Mr. Benton was received from high British — and no doubt he thought the most correct and relbble — authority. In fact, in the mind of this, and many other of our statesmen, the entire terri- tory was of but little value. It is scarcely necessary to say whence this impression arose, and for what purpose it was so persistently kept before the minds of our most eminent statesmen. The immense fur trade of the country, carried on at a nominal expense, was too profitable to allow the truth to be told, or an experiment to be made, to show the value of the soil, or the amount or variety of its productions. The soil, like AGRICULTURAL RESOURCES. 611 the fare and the natives, must be niiarcpresented, neglected, and slan- dered, that it may yield its silent income to avarice and idleness. The American missionary arrives in the country, and is assured by the Hudson's Bay Company that but a very small portion of the country is susceptible of cultivation ; that no extensive settlements can ever bo formed in it. These statements are made by men who have spent their lives in the countiy, and say they have tested the qnnlities of the soil faithfully, and found it to be unproductive. The missionaries partially believe these statements, and communicate to their friends in the east their doubts as to the extent and richness of the arable land in the country. In the mean time they must provide for their own subsistence. The Missionary Boards that sent them out are not able to pay the prices demanded for a continual supply of such food as can be raised in the country. This they knew and were prepared for it, and at once com- menced to experiment upon the soil for themselves. Their first effort astonishes and delights them. Instead of a hard, barren, unproductive soil, as they had been told, it proves to be a light rich clay loam all through the Wallamet Valley, and in the interior, a dark, mellow, inex- haustible alkali soil, of the richest kind, and, when properly cultivated, very productive. The missionary expenments are continued and extended. They soon begin to send glowing accounts to their friends of the richness of the valleys of Oregon — eight hundred bushels of potatoes, or from thirty to sixty bushels of wheat, to the acre. The American trappers and hunters gather into the Wallamet Valley, around the Methodist Mission. The Canadian-French, British subjects, who have become worn out and unprofitable to the company, are permitted to locate in the same valley, but, with the clumsy and imperfect farming implements furnished them, and their ignorance of farming, they were not able to accomplish much, and are still referred to, as proof of the worthlessness of the country. The American settler comes in, and proves the truth of the mission- aries' large farming stories, and finds that he can do, with two yoke of oxen, what it required six to do in the Mississippi Valloy — his labor producing dotible pay. He is more thart satisfied — he is delighted— with the soil, the climate, and country, and reports his success to his friends. By this time a few peaches and apples have been produced outside the inclosures and garden of Fort Vancouver, which convinces the American settler that fruit can be produced in Oregon ; and soon we find every known variety to be profitably cultivated. Tir,tber. — The fir, spruce, and hemlock are superabundant, all along the coast range, from California to Puget Sound. The fir, pine, oak, ash, and maple are abundant in the valleys of the Wallamet and Cow- 612 HISTORT OF ORBOON. litz, and on the western slopu of the Cascade range of moantains ; there is also an abundance of pine, fir, oak, and maple on the eastern slope. The Wallamet Valley is from forty to sixty miles wide, and one hundred and eighty long. It has less timber land than fine level prairie ; through which winds with its tributaries the beautiful Walla- met, skirted all along its banks and level bottoms with ootton-wood, ash, aider, oak, fir, yellow pine, yew, and soil maple, with a small amount of cedar. This river has its source in the Umpqna Mountains; and its tributaries in the Coast and Cascade ranges, — the main river running north, or west of north, till it joins the majestic Columbia. Its meandering streams, and valleys composed mainly of prairie inter- spersed with groves of oak, pine, fir, and cotton-wood, make up a scenery which for beauty and loveliness can not be surpassed. The Cascade range on the east is dotted, at intervals of from a hundred to a hun- dred and fifty miles apart, with towering, snow-capped mountains from 15,000 to 18,600 feet high, and is cut at right angles, midway between the California Mountains on the south, and Mount Baker on the north, by the great river of Oregon, the noble Columbia, which forces its resistless current over its rocky bed, till it finds its way to the ocean. Ascending this river from the ocean, for sixty miles, to the mouth of the Cowlitz, we find it lined on either bank with loily and dense forests of spruce, hemlock, cedar, and fir, with scarcely a sign of prairie ; from this up, the timber is interspersed with prairie, till we enter the Cas- cade Mountains, one hundred and twenty-five miles from the ocean, and ten below the Cascade portage, which is five miles long, — now made by railroad ; thence to the Dalles is thirty-eight miles, making fifty miles of the roughest and grandest river and mountain scenery on our continent. Old ocean in its mightiest heavings is but a placid lake, when com- pared with this fitly-five miles of mountain roughness, grandeur, and sublimity, from various points of which may be seen Mounts Baker, Rainier, St. Helens, Adams, Hood, and Jefferson, with others of less note, all raising their loftiy heads above the regions of perpetual snow. Prominent among them stands Mount Hood, about thirty miles south of the Columbia, towering to the height of 18,600 feet, with his ever- lasting white cap on, and overlooking the lovely valleys of the Walla- met to the south and west ; the Columbia and Cowlitz to the west and north ; and the great upper basin of the Columbia to the northeast, east, and southeast. From the Dalles we ascend this mighty river fourteen miles by rail, where the water has worn its crooked course ^^y^ppl RIVERS AND MOUNTAINa 618 amid solid basaltic rocks to uuknown depths, not exceeding a hundred and fifty feet in width, causing the river, in discharging its annual floods, to rise at this point over eighty feet in perpendicular height. At the end of the railroad the steamboat receives the traveler, when, as he ascends the river, the land on either side diminishes in height, till ho reaches Castle Rock, seventy-one miles above the Dalles. This is a lone pile of basaltic rocks having the appearance of sn old castle in the midst of a great plain to the east, south, and west of it. A large portion of this plain, lying along the river, is of course gravel and sand, dry, and comparatively barren ; yet producing the artemisia, sage, and a luxurious growth of wild mustard in the earl spring ; with but little grass, and abundance of the low sunflower. The lands back from the river are high rolling prairie, covered with rich bunch grass, having a light soil composed of pulverized basaltio aandstone. This soil, to the eye of the careless observer, though it is thickly set with the bunch grass, generally appears barren and worthless ; yet, with irrigation, or with winter grains, or grasses adapted to the soil, it can not be exhausted. Twenty-five miles above Castle Rock stands the thriving little town of Umatilla, at the mouth of the river of the same name, and nine miles above is Windmill Rook. In ascending the river fifteen miles from this place, the land on either side rises to some fifteen hundred feet above the level of the river which occnpie's the entire bottom from rocks to rocks on either side; when the land suddenly drops from this high plain which extends from the Blue Mountains on the east to the Cascade range on the west, forming, as it were, a great inland dam across the Columbia River, fitteen hundred feet high at the place where the river has broken through the dam. As you pass out of this gap, in looking to the north and east, the eye rests upon another vast, high, rolling plain, in the southeastern nart of which lies the beautiful valle ' of the Wallawalla. At the upper or eastern end was situated the Whitman or Cayuse Mission. Some six miles above is the flourishing town of Wallawalla. The most of this vast, high, rolling plain, and especially the valleys, have more or less of alkali soil; the high plains are similar to those we have just passed, — destitute of all kinds of timber, except at the foot of the mountains, and small patches of willow and cotton-wood, in some little nook or comer, near some spring or stream. . Imagine Wallawalla a little east of the center of a great plain ten miles wide, east and west, one hundred and eighty long, north and south, sit- uated just inside of this great monntsdn dam we have described ; with the majestic Cascade range of mountains on the west, the Blue Moon- 614 HISTORY OP OREGON, tains on the east, and this vast open plain covered with bunch grass, and no tree in sight, except upon the inountaius ; you can then form soma idea of the middle Columbisi plains. Ascending to the north one hun- dred miles, over the same high rolling plains, you begin to tind the yellow pine and larch ; not in dense forests, but scattering trees, the ground beneath being covered with a species of coarse, wild grass. These woods form a delightful change to the traveler after riding for days beneath the scorching rays of a summer sun. As you near the forty- ninth parallel, the timber increases in size, quantity, and quality. The soil ia light, and, when the frosts of winter give place to the sleet and rain of early spring, forms a soft, deep mud, till the ground becomes settled, which is generally about the fii-st of May ; then all this vast country is in full bloom, with its myriads of beautiful wild flowers. The northern portion of Oregon, now Washington Territory, is beautifully interspersed with timber and prairie, in good proportions, and has a rich clay soil. The whole country abounds in trap-rock and granite, singularly mingled with basalt. Near the mouth of Spokan River is found a splendid variety of marble ; some sections of it are of a pure white, while others are beautifully clouded with blue, brown, and green. The face of the country is not so uneven as that further south. Some sixty miles south of the forty-ninth parallel, we come to the mouth of the Okanagon Iliver, which is the outlet of a chain of lakes in British Columbia, from which it takes its name; it has an extensive and rich valley for settlement. At Colville, in the vicinity of the Kettle Falls, on the Columbia, are a United States military post, the Hudson's Bay Company's post, and a considerable settlement. Some fifteen miles from the mouth of the Spokan, and sixty from Kettle Falls, was located the Cimakain — or Rev. Messrs. Walker and Eella' — Mission. About sixty miles in a southeast- erly direction is the Coeur d' Alone Italiau Jesuit Mission. Turning to the north, east, and southeast, we enter the gold and silver raountiiiiis of the Pacific Slope; this range is cut through by the Snake River, or south branch of the Columbia. Millions of dollars' worth of treasure is taken out of the mines within these desolate and barren- looking regions, and untold millions still await the miner's toil. The reader will remember that we are now traveling east. This range is, on the north of Snake Rivor, called Salmon River Mountains, and on the south, the Blue Mountains ; thence, on to the souther:; portions of Ore- gon, it joins the Sierra Nevada and Cascade ranges, bends to the west, and, near the forty-secioud parallel, runs into those vast promontories that jut into the Pacific Ocean. -^ mmmmmmmm =s MININa ADVANTAGES. 616 19 Pt'isslng through thia range of Salmon River and Blue Mountains, which are not as high as the Cascade range, we descend into the great basin of the Rocky Mountains, which is intersected by high, broken ranges running east and west for about three hundred miles, to what is usually called the top of the Rocky Mountains, and the eastern bound- ary of this vast basin. The principal rivers which flow into and through this immense plaiu, are the Boise, Suake, Portneuf, Owyhee, and their tributaries. On the north is Clarke's or Flathead River, which runs northwest into the Columbia, near the portheru boundary of the United States; In all the northern portion of this great inland mountain plain there is an extensive placer and quartz mining country, besides numerous rich farming valleys, with an a.bundance of timber for all practical uses ; most of the rougli, rocky ranges of mountains being covered about half-way up their sides with timber, till you reach the open prairies along the main valley. To the south, and along Snake River, are the high barren sage plains, extending from the Rocky Mountains on the east to the Blue Mountains on tiie west. There are large tracts of aT^able land in the region just described, though to the wep.i y traveler coming from the green plains of Kansas or the valley of the Wallamet, every thing looks forbidding and deso- late, especially during the dry season. But remove the sage from any of these dry, barren places, and the rich bunch-grass takes its place. As well might the farmer expect his wheat to grow in a hemlock wood or cedar swamp, ao for any thing but sage to grow on these plains till that is destroyed. Hence, from the experiments we hav made on the soils of which we have been speaking, we are ccnfiden- liat the greater portion of the coiintry now and for years past pronounced barren and useless, will be found, with intelligent and proper cultivation, to rank among as good lands as any we have, and probably more desirable. As to timber, that must be cultivated till it becomes accustomed to the soil. Colton-wood is found in small quantities all over this plain, in the vicinity of streams and springs. The northeastern part of this basin is Montana ; the southwestern is Idaho. The mineral wealth of this ''oun- try, especially that of north Idaho and Montana, is inexhaustible. Gold, silver, copper, iron, lead, cinnabar, and tin, are found in abundance in these Territories, and in eastern and middle Oregon. " Owi/hee Bullion. — John A Post, internal revenue collector, fur- nishes the following resume of the bullion product from January 1 to November 1, 1866, as assayed by different parties. The figures are greenback valuation : — 616 HISTORY OP OREGON. January $36,632 81 February 62,874 00 March 15,640 85 April 11,959 25 * May 34,570 3i June 46,224 44 July 46,456 26 August 177,704 16 September 293,921 63 October 371,173 13 Total .-...$1,073,256 78 "During the early part of the year, Mr. Post says, there was a great amount of treasure seat out in various shapes, of which he could get no accoun t. To the foregoing must still be added the many tons of ruby silver, polybasite, eta, shipped just as it came from the Poorman mine, — enough, at a rough estimate, to increase the total to fifteen hundred thousand, at Ujast It is safe to say that the product of the present year will be two millions, and that of next year go beyond five millions." * " Treasure. — ^There has been shipped from this city during the past year, the sum of $8,070,(300 in treasure. The amount passing through private hands may be safiely estimated at $3,000,000, "f We take the following from an official report to the Secretary of the Treasury, a copy of which has been sent to Congress : — "From the best information available, the following is a near approximation to our total gold and silver product for the year ending January 7, 1867: — California $25,000,000 Nevada 20,000,000 MontaDa. 12,000,000 Idaho 6,600,000 Waslifaigton 1,000,000 Oregon ,. .. 2,000,000 Colorado 2,500,000 New Mexico 500,000 Arizona 500,000 Add for bullion derived from unknown sources within the States and Territories, unaccounted for by assessors and ex- press ooiiipanies, eta 6,000,000 Total product of the United States $76,:>30,00» "The bullion product of Washington is estimated by the surreyor' general at $1,500,000. That of Oregon is estimated at $2,500,000. In- * From the Oregonian. f From th« Portkmd HtnUL ■•^ifwmiMraMiftS CLIMATE. 617 telligent residents of Idaho and Montana represent that the figures given in the above estimate, so far as these Territories are concerned, are en- tirely too low, and might be doubled without exceeding the truth. The product of Idaho alone, for this year, is said to be $15,000,000 to $18,000,000. That of Montana is estimated by the surveyor-general at $20,000,000. Similar exceptions are taken to the estimates of Colorado, Nev Mexico, and Arizona." The climate, varies in the three sections of country we have described, exactly in the ratio of soil and timber. On the coast, contiguous to the ocean. \^'e have more rain than we reqaire. Like our superabundance of the tallest and best of fir-timber, there is so much of it that we would be glad if we could divide with the second and third places we have described. We have enough rain and timber to supply all the country; and perhaps, when we can cut down our tall trees, that filter the rain out of the clouds, they may get more and we less. Be that as it may, our winters are mild and rainy, our summers cool and pleasrint, with sufficient rain and ocean mi&t to supply the vegeta' creation with abundant moisture. In middle Oregon the winters are mild and frosty, with a small amount of snow — seldom severe ; farmers should feed stock a t- ith or six weeks ; summers warm, and sometimes sultry in July anr' August; rains in the spring and late in the fall, scarcely enough for the farmers' use. In the eastern plain or great mountain basin, the winters are cold and dry, snow and frost severe. Snow seldom falls to exceed two feet in depth, — average winters, eighteen inches, — but it falls deep upon the mountaini) and remains till it is melted by the warm winds and sun of early summer, causing the summer floods. The principal rise in the rivers is during the months of June and July. Less rain, spring and fall, than in middle Oregon ; Hummers dry and hot. In the northern part, the country is better supplied with rain. This m.ay arise from the ranges of the mountain currents of air and the winds from the South Pacific Ocean along the inland plains, and the cool atmosphere around our snow-clad mountains. We will leave further speculation on this point to those who have had more expeiience in such matters than our- selves. Taking the country as a whole, with our inexhaustible gold, silver, and other minerals ; our extensive farming valleys ; our vast forests of timber upon the borders of an ocean comparatively destitute of this essential element of civilization ; there is no plausible reason why this western portioh of the United States may not in a few years become the Rhode of industrious and thriving millions. 618 HISTORY OF OREGON. The Northern Pacific Hailroad. The following article on the Northern Pacific Railroad is from the pen of Mr. Philip Ritz : — "Having spent most of the last year in traveling through Washing- ton, Idaho, and Montana Territories, and having crossed the continent in midwinter, partly on both of the great railroad routes, and at the earnest request of Ex-Governor Smith, of Massachusetts, who is pres- ident of the xTorthern Pacific Railroad Company, and of some members of Congress, I compiled, while in Washington, the following statistics, on the practicability of the Northern route : — *' On the first section of the country from Puget Sound, there are two routes, both practicable ; one via the Columbia River, to the mouth of Snake River ; the other via Snoqualmie Pass and Yakima River, to the same point. On either route there will not be much heavy grading. There is on this section an abundance of the finest timber, excepting on that part of the Columbia from the Dalles to Snake River, and a short distance of the route from Yakima to the mouth of Snake River. " The second section, lying between the Columbia River and the Bitter Root Mountains, a distance of about two hundred and twenty miles, is over a rolling prairie country, with splendid grazing, and fine timber on the Spokan River, a distance of about one hundred miles. "On the third section, which includes the mountainous part, a distance of two hundred and fifty miles, and lyin ;i American continent, for it is the only part of the continent where two large rivers rise immediately together and flow in opposite directions — the Columbia cutting its way entirely through the mountains on a water level to the Pacific ; and the Missouri connecting with the great plains bordering on the lakes. The Rouky Mountains at this point are really BO low, that the miners, last summer, actually took large streams in ditches from the waters of the Missouri, over the divide to the P.ocifio side for mining purposes. In consequence of the low passes through to the Pacific, the climate is warmer than it is in the mountains in the latitude of Salt Lake City, 400 miles due south. I crossed the summit of the Rocky Mountains near Deer Lodge Valley, in Montana, on the 17th of December. There was no snow; the roads dry and dusty, and the weather mild and pleasant, and none of the streams frozen over. When I reached Salt Lake City, the snow on the Wasatch and Rocky Mountain ranges was twenty-six inches deep, and the night we crossed the Wasatch range, the thermometer stood at ten degrees below zero, and Green River and all those streams in the mountains had been frozen over six weeks, so that the stage rolled over on the ice. Such was the difference in the climate of the two routes. The dif- ferences in the real wealth and resources of the two routes is perhaps even greater than that of climate. The central route, after it leaves the mining country of Nevada, around Virginia City, passes up the Hum- boldt country toward Salt Lake, for a distance of 500 or 600 miles, over the most desolate and barren country on the American continent. The country has neither mines, timber, nor any otlier redeemable quality about it. Salt Lake V.alley is a small and rather fertile valley ; the only fertile spot for hundreds of miles. From Salt Lake City to Denver, a distance uf six hundred miles, the route lies over an alkali and sage plain. On the other hand, there is not one mile on the northern route that does not either furnish timber, graziusj, agricultural lands, or minerals, and, in 8o::-ie instances, all ^()gether. Montana is just in its infancy ; its mines scarcely prospected; and yet, last season, according to the report of the Treasury Department, Montana stood second on the list in the amount of gold prod iced ; California prcducing $25,000,000 ; Montana, $18,000,000; Idaho and Colorado, $17,0i!3,000 each; and Nevada, $16,000,000. " The mountains of Montana are a perfect net-work of quartz ledges, immensely rich in gold and silver. Five years from this time, I believe there will be as much as $40,000,000 if gold and silver taken from the mines of Montana per year ; more than one-fourth enough to build and equip the Northern Pacific Road, ready for use. There are also im- mense mines of coal, iron, copper, and lead, in the country. The north- 620 HISTORY OF OREGON. ern route crosses but one range of mountains, and that at a point which, BO far as the experience of white men have gone, is known to be as pass- able in winter as the Michigan Central Railroad. In deciding the ques- tion of relative distance, we must consider the entire distance between Liverpool and Canton. Say the mean latitude of the North Pacific route is 46 degrees, and of the Central 37|, and a difference of nine de- grees exists. Now a degree of longitude (longitude contracting as we approach the poles) is about six miles shorter on the former than the latter. There are 240 degrees of longitude between Liverpool and Can- ton ; this makes the navigator's distance, on the line of the North Pa- cific, 1,440 miles less than the Central. This longitudinal difference ia quite an item. This difference in distance is not the only item in favor of the northern route. It is an established fact that every sailing yessel, bound directly from San Francisco to Hong Kong, comes up to, and even beyond, the latitude of Puget Sound, before striking directly west, in order to take advantage of the wind currents of the Pacific Ocean. Time, these days, being an important consideration in commercial transactions, the argument would still be in favor of the North Pacific ror.te, admitting rates of transportation to be equal on both lines. But these rates would not be the same, even if the distance of the two were equal, for the reason that the country would be self-sup- porting on nearly every mile of the Northern route, while on the Cen- tral, for hundreds of miles between Salt Lake and Nevada, not a tie for the track, nor a stick, nor a pound of coal for fuel can be had. All these things must be brought from abroad. " Now, owing to adventitious circumstances, — the discovery of the precious metals in California, Nevada, and Colorado, and the settlement of Mormons in Utah, — the bulk of local business beems to be on the side of the Central route. But Montana will soon outstrip California in the yield of gold ; besides, the route passes through a country susceptible of settlement all the way from Lake Superior to Puget Sound, anil there h no doubt but that five years hence there will be as much locf.l business through Miimesota, Dakota, Montana, Idaho, Washington, and Oregon, as through Nebraska, Colorado, Utah, Nevada, and California. Acci'dent gives the Central route the present pre-eminence ; nature in- sures the Northern the final victory. " It is not generally known, the large amount of business that was done in Montana last season. From May, 1866, to October 1, 1866, C. C. Huntley carried, on his line of stages between Fort Benton and Helena, 2,500 passengers, and during the same period 9,500 tons of freight passed from Benton t-> Helena; 4,375 freight-wagons passed over the samQ route; iu steambo.its, with passengers and freight, I* THE NORTHERN PACIFIC RAILROAD. 621 arrived at Fort Benton from St. Louis and other points in the east, and this, be it remembered, is the first season that this trade has been car- ried on to any extent, and also, that this is but one point in the Terri- tory. It is really the commencement of a great trade, that will require a vast capital, and employ the energy and industry of a large number of pei-sons. " There are no less than four lolly ranges of mountains to cross on the Central route, the Rocky Mountains, at Bridger's Pass, being the most passable crossing ; the Wasatch, the Humboldt, and the Sierra Nevada are barely passable in summer. By the way of Pen d'Oreille Lake, on the Northern route, freight can be taken from the Columbia to the Missouri nearly all winter. Another advantage possessed by the Northern route is, that at present the distance is less than 600 miles between the head of steamboat navigation on the Missouri and Snake rivers, and when the boats are completed which are now building on the Pen d'Oreille Lake and Clarke's fork of the Columbia, the land travel will be reduced to about 390 miles. " Did time and space per nit, I might give further proof of the snp.> riority of the Northern route. In my comparative reasoning, I have made th^'se distinctions with no invidious feeling. The sooner San ''^'rancisco is connected by rail with New York, the better for Washing- ton and Montana, in common with all the mountain regions. It is gratifying to see our friends to the southward prosecuting their enter- prise with so much vigor. But I am perfectly satisfied in my own mind that the time will come when the trafficking wealth of Europe and Asia will be poured across the mouutains and valleys of Washington and Montana Terri^^ories. " Our prospecti it is true, look rather dull here at present, the whole energy of the Paciiic coast being concentrated in building the Central road, and for a short time we may expect dull times. The attention of capitalists can not be diverted from this enterprise much longer, and when once fully examined, there will be millions of capital ready to invest in it. " Let us open up the Mullan road and the lake route, and all other routes to the Missouri River, and invite travelers and emigrarts to come this way and see the advantages of this northern country, and then we will have no trouble in getting money to build a railroad.** CONCLUSION. As the reader will have discovered, we commenced our history with Oregon as it was in 1792. With the single exception of the feeble effort made by Mr. Astor in 1810-11, and Captain Wyeth in 1834-5, raSTORT OF OREGON no one ever attempted any thing like an organized opposition to tho British fur companies on the Pacific coast. In regard to Captain Wyeth, we admit with Mr. Newell that he was driven from the country " not by fair and open competition in the trade," and that he is entitled to much credit for his discernment and forethought in leaving when he did, for if he had not accepted the terms offered to him by Dr. McLaughlin, that gentleman said to us that the company would have insisted on other means being used to relieve its trade from his competition, so that whatever credit or honor there is due in the case belongs to Captain Wyeth's judgment and decision in accepting such compensation as the company chose to give, and not to the company for giving it ; for it was that, or a crime to be com- mitted in getting rid of him and his party ; and, as in the case of Smith and Dr. Whitman, to be charged upon the Indians. As Americans, we must not conclude that it could do a dishonor- able or mean act to our traders, hunters, missionaries, or even settlers. No one must presume to think that the Honorable Hudson's Bay Com- pany would ever conduct any but an honorable trade, or engage in any but an honorable business, in the country ; notwithstanding, its own countrymen charge it with having seized and sunk vessels belonging to them,, by running them ashore in Hudson's Bay ; robbed and fought with the Northwest Company before they combined their interests ; and had its own Governor Semple killed in fighting for its interests, be- sides all its transactions with its ov/n countrymen; this would be ungenerous and mean in the estimation of men unable to distinguish between a selfish and a generous act, or a cause and a crime of civilized and savage men. Missionary efforts were first made in the country by Rev. Jason Lee. He, being a Canadian-born subject, was received with lese objection than Ilev. Messrs. Parker and Spalding, and Dr. Whitman ; but, as has been shown, the English people expected to hold the country by the power and influence of theu' Hudson's Bay Company. The company, as such, could not act against the American mission- aries as it did against American traders and hunters ; hence, the Episcopal or Established Church influence from London was made use of, and a clergyman sent to Vancouver. While missionary operations were confined to the Wallamet Valley this was sufficient, but when those efforts were extended to the Cayuses and Nez Percys, and efforts were being made to establish missions further north by another res- ponsible religious society, the company became alarmed for its profits by the fur trade ; and by one of its own unprincipled, dishonorable, as well as hypocritical arrangements, under the specious pretense of tiiLuTiacaaB SUMMARY OF EVENTS. 698 having religious teachers to look after the moral and religions instruc- tions of its Canadian-French Catholic servants, it sent for, and con- tinued in its service^ the very religious order of the Roman Church that was at that time proscribed by the laws of the country from which it held its license. This showed the moral principle by which it was governed in relation to its own country. The interests of its trade were paramount to all moral principles or religious teachings ; and while it was professing warm friendship for one religious sect, it was encouraging secretly and openly an opposite and strongly bigoted one, to divide and distract the moral and religious sentiments of the ignorant natives ; claiming for itself an exclusive monopoly in trade, as being beneficial to the Indian race, which was admitted by all. This was the moral and religious condition of the wl\ple country when the American settlers came to it. They, with the Ameri- can missionaries, combined in forming a provisional government, and established a quasi independent American republic, with the condition that, whenever the United States government saw fit to extend its juris- diction over the country, this temporary government should cease. The English and French united with us in this organization, on con- dition that they should not be required to do any thing that would conflict with their duties as subjects of Great Britain. The reader will perceive that, in carrying out the plan laid down in our preface, we have been obliged to give the Hudson's Bay Company a prominent place in our history, as we have had to meet them in every step of our progress. No history of Oregon can be written, without acknowledging the immense influence that company held in the country, and the zeal and energy it put forth, in counteracting American ideas and influence. It was its original design to colonize and secure to the British crown all the countries which it might explore and occupy. And had it carried out that design, no American efibrt could have succeeded in securing the country to the government of the United States. But from a selfish, short-sighted, and mistaken policy ; and a blind per- ception of its asserted commercial rights, privileges, and powers, it " hunted up " the country, and expected to secure to itself undisturbed possession of the northwestern part of the continent. For this purpose, while it was destroying the valuable fur animals in what is now United States territory, it was protecting such as were to be found further north ; and by this means continued the enormous profits of its trade, for a series of years longer than it other- wise could have done. The discovery of gold on the Frazer River in 1868, the rush of miners, and the organizing of British Columbia, 624 HISTORY OP OREQOK. partially checked this fur company, and led to the formation of a sickly colony strangled in the embrace of an avaricious monopoly. To counteract tlie American and Pioteatant missionary efforts, it brought to Oregon the Roman and French Jesuits. To compete with the Ameri- cans in stock and agricultural products, it originated the Puget Sound Company. To outnumber the American settlers, it brought on a colony of half-breeds from Red River. While by the influence of its Jesuits it could destroy one branch of the Protestant missions, and bring on an Indian war, the settle- ment had gained strength sufficient to maintain independence without its aid. While the country has increased in population and wealth, this English monopoly has been decreasing in power and influence. While the Protestant religion has continued to wid^n and deepen its hold upon the American people, the Papal superstition has increased among the Indians, thus rendering them more iiopelessly depraved, and consigning them and their descendants to unending superstition and ignorance, or to utter oblivion as a race, to be superseded by an enlightened Christian, American people. With unfeigned thanks to all who have assisted us in this work, we take our leave, hoping the facts we have given will be useful, and abundantly reward the reader for his time and money. •az'w^MS \ formation of a monopoly. To ts, it brought to with the Ameri- -he Puget Sound ught on a colony troy one branch war, the settle- endence without I and wealth, this fluence. id^n and deepen ion has increased sleasly depraved, Jing superstition uperseded by an in this work, we 11 be useful, and ERRATA. Page 526, llth line from top, for "becamed," read "became." Page 568, 6th line from bottom, for " Moxon," read " Maxon." Also on pages 570 and 573 the same error occurs. Page 583, 19th line from top, for " that British," read " that the British." Page 592, 7th line from bottom, for" propriety," read " propensity." Page 602, 7th line from top, for " where," read " when." Page 613, 4th line from bottom, for " ten," read " one hundred."