IMAGE EVALUATION 
 TEST TARGET (MT-3) 
 
 
 ^^^ 
 
 5^ 
 
 fe 
 
 ^ 
 
 1.0 
 
 1.1 
 
 12.5 
 
 1^ 12.2 
 
 ■" 116 li 
 u Mi 
 
 lAO 
 
 L25 il.4 
 
 2.0 
 
 1.6 
 
 
 ^^ 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 w 
 
 v 
 
 /A 
 
 Photogr&phlc 
 
 Sdences 
 
 Corporation 
 
 23 WEST MAIN STREET 
 
 \ /EBSTER, N.Y. MS80 
 
 (716)872-4503 
 
 »."^ 
 
 ^^% 
 
 '^ 
 
 Aj .^ '^ 
 
 ^ 
 
I 
 
 
 CIHM/ICMH 
 
 Microfiche 
 
 Series. 
 
 CIHIVI/ICIVIH 
 Collection de 
 microfiches. 
 
 Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques 
 
 yi 
 
Technical and Bibliographic Notes/Notes techniques et bibliographiques 
 
 The Institute has attempted to obtain the best 
 original copy available for filming. Features of this 
 copy which may be bibliographically unique, 
 which may alter ?ny of the images in the 
 reproduction, or which may significantly change 
 the usual method of filming, are checlced below. 
 
 D 
 
 D 
 D 
 □ 
 D 
 D 
 
 n 
 
 Coloured covers/ 
 Couverture de couleur 
 
 I I Covers damaged/ 
 
 Couverture endommagde 
 
 r~~| Covers restored and/or laminated/ 
 
 D 
 
 Couverture restaurde et/ou pellicul^e 
 
 Cover title missing/ 
 
 Le titre de couverture manque 
 
 Coloured maps/ 
 
 Cartes gdographiques en couleur 
 
 Coloured init (i.e. other than blue or blacit)/ 
 Encre de couleur (i.e. autre que bleue ou noire) 
 
 Coloured piates and/or illustrations/ 
 Planches et/ou illustrations en couleur 
 
 Bound with other material/ 
 Reli6 avec d'autres documents 
 
 Tight binding may cause shadows or distortion 
 along interior margin/ 
 
 La re liure serr^e peut causer de I'ombre ou de la 
 distortion le long de la marge int^rieure 
 
 Blank leaves added during restoration may 
 appear within the text. Whenever possible, these: 
 have been omitted from filming/ 
 II se peut que certaines pages blanches ajout6es 
 lors d'une restauration apparaissent dans le texte, 
 mais, lorsque cela 6tait possible, ces pages n'ont 
 pas 6t6 film^es. 
 
 Additional comments:/ 
 Commentairas suppl6mentaires: 
 
 L'Institut a microfilm^ le meilleur exempiaire 
 qu'il lui e 6t6 possible de se procuror. Les details 
 de cet exempiaire qui sont peut-dtre uniques du 
 point de vue bibliographique, qui peuvent modifier 
 une image reproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger une 
 modification dans la m^thode normale de filmage 
 sont indiquds ci-dessous. 
 
 D 
 D 
 D 
 E 
 D 
 
 
 n 
 □ 
 
 Coloured pages/ 
 Pages de couleur 
 
 Pages damaged/ 
 Pages endommag^es 
 
 Pages restored and/or laminated/ 
 Pages restaurdes et/ou pelliculdes 
 
 Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/ 
 Pages d6color6es, tachet^es ou piqudes 
 
 Pages detached/ 
 Pages ddtachdes 
 
 Showthrough/ 
 Transparence 
 
 Quality of print varies/ 
 Quality indgale de I'impression 
 
 Includes supplementary mr^terial/ 
 Comprend du materiel suppldmentaire 
 
 Only edition available/ 
 Seule Edition disponibia 
 
 Pages wholly or partially obscured by etraia 
 slips, tissues, etc.. have been refilmed to 
 ensure the best possible image/ 
 Les pages totalement ou partiellement 
 obscurcies par un feuiliet d'errata. une pelure, 
 etc., ont 4t6 fitm^es d nouveau de faqon d 
 obtenir la meillaure image possible. 
 
 Th 
 to 
 
 Th 
 po 
 of 
 fill 
 
 Or 
 be 
 thi 
 sic 
 oti 
 fir 
 si( 
 or 
 
 Th 
 sh 
 Til 
 
 wl 
 
 Ml 
 d\\ 
 en 
 be 
 
 "fi 
 rei 
 m( 
 
 This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checlted below/ 
 
 Ce document est filrn^ au taux de reduction indiqui ci-dassous. 
 
 10X 14X 18X 22X 
 
 V 
 
 26X 
 
 30X 
 
 12X 
 
 16X 
 
 20X 
 
 24X 
 
 28X 
 
 32X 
 
The copy filmed here hes been reproduced thenke 
 to the generosity of: 
 
 r^--- 
 
 Library of the Public 
 Archives of Canada 
 
 L'exempiaire filmd fut reproduit grAce A la 
 gAnirosit* de: 
 
 La bibliothdque des Archives 
 pubiiques du Canada 
 
 The images appearing here are the best quality 
 possible considering the condition and legibility 
 of the original copy and in keeping with the 
 filming contract specifications. 
 
 Les images suivantes ont 6t6 reprodultes avec le 
 plus grand soin, ».ompte tenu de la condition at 
 de la netteti de rexamplaire film6. et en 
 conformity avec les conditions du contrat de 
 filmage. 
 
 Original copies in printed paper 'iovers are filmed 
 beginning with the front cover and ending on 
 the last page with a printed or illustrated impres- 
 sion, or the back cover when appropriate. All 
 other original copies are filmed beginning on the 
 first page with a printed or illustrated impres- 
 sion, and ending on the last page with a printed 
 or illustrated impression. 
 
 Les exemplaires originaux dont la couverture en 
 papier est imprim6e sont film6s en commenpant 
 par le premier plat et en terminant soit par la 
 derniire page qui comporte une emprelnte 
 d'impression ou d'illustration, soit par le second 
 plat, salon le cas. Tous les autres exempiaires 
 originaux sont film6s en commenfant par la 
 premidre page qui comporte une empreinte 
 d'impression ou d'illustration et en terminant par 
 la dernidre pa^te qui comporte une telle 
 empreinte. 
 
 The last recorded frame on each microfiche 
 shall contain the symbol ^»> (meaning "CON- 
 TINUED"), or the symbol V (meaning "END"), 
 whichever applit»8. 
 
 Un des symboles suivants apparaftra sur la 
 derniire image de cheque microfiche, selon le 
 cas: le symbols — ^- signifie "A SUIVRE", le 
 symbols V signifie 'FIN ". 
 
 Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at 
 different reduction ratios. Those too large to be 
 entirely included in one exposure ore filmed 
 beginning \r the upper left hand corner, left to 
 right and top to bottom, as many frames as 
 required. The following diagrams illustrate the 
 method: 
 
 Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent Stre 
 film6s d des taux de reduction diff6rents. 
 Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre 
 reproduit en un seul cliche, il est film6 d partir 
 de Tangle supArieur gauche, de gauche ii droite, 
 et de haut en has, en prenant le nombre 
 d'images n6cessaire. Les diagrammes suivants 
 illustrent la m6thode. 
 
 1 2 3 
 
 ; ,f ■/■ 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 

H I s T o R y 
 
 OF THE 
 
 DISPUTE 
 
 WITH 
 
 AMERICA; 
 
 fROM ITS ORIGIN IN IJ/^^, 
 
 WRITTEN IN THE YEAR 1 774, 
 
 By JOHN ADAMS, Esq^ 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 IPRINTED FOR J. STOCKDALE, 
 
 OPPOSITE 
 
 BURLINGTON. HOUSE, PjCCADI 
 M Dec LXXXIV, 
 
 LL V, 
 
^ 
 
 i 
 
 ^ 
 
 ■i 
 
 ,«* 
 
 tk: 
 
I 
 
 aM 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 OF t H £ 
 
 DISPUTE WITH AMERICA, 
 
 I HAVE intimated my intention of purfu- 
 ing the Tories through all their dark in- 
 trio-ues and wicked machinations ; and to 
 fhew the rife and progrefs of their fchemes for 
 cnllaving this country. The honour of invent- 
 ing and contriving thefe meafures, is not. their 
 due. They have been but fervile copiers of 
 the defigns of Androfs, Randolph, Dudley, and 
 Other champions of their caufe towards the 
 clofe of the laft century. Thefe latter Worthies 
 accomplifhed but little; and their plans had 
 been buried with them, for a long courfe of 
 years, until m the Adminiftrationof the late Go* 
 vemor Shirley, they were revived, by the per- 
 fons who are now principally concerned in car- 
 rying them into execu^iion. Shirley was an en- 
 
 B z terprizing 
 
( 4 ) 
 
 tcrprizlng man ; and having mounted, ncr 
 matter by what means, to the Chair of this 
 Province, he faw, in a young growing country, 
 vafl profpcfts opening before his eyes ; and he 
 conceived great defigns of aggrandizing him- 
 felf, his family, and his friends. Mr. Hutch- 
 infon and Mr. Oliverj the two famous Letter- 
 Writers, were his principal Miniftcrs. Ruflcll, 
 Paxton, Rugglcs, and a few others, were fub- 
 ordinate inflruments. — ^Among other fchemes^ 
 one was to raife a Revenue in America by au" 
 thority of Parliament* 
 
 In order to effed: their purpofe, ic was ne- 
 celTary to concert mcafurcs with the other 
 Colonies. Dr. Franklin, who was known to be 
 an adtive, and very able man, and to have 
 great influence in the Province of Pcnnfyl- 
 vania, was in Boilon in the the year 1754, and 
 Mr. Shirley communicated to him the profound 
 fecret, the great defign of taxing the Colonics 
 by Adt of Parliament. This fagacious Gentle- 
 man, and diftinguilhed Patriot, to his lafting 
 honour, fent the Governor an anfwer in writing, 
 with the following remarks upon his fcheme* 
 Remarks which would have difcouraged any 
 honcft man from the purfuit. The remarks 
 are thefe. 
 
 I 
 
 ♦)• 
 
 KS 
 
 THAt 
 
T 
 
 ( 5 ) 
 
 " That the people always bear the burthen 
 *' bcfl:, when they have, or think they have, 
 " fomc Ihare in the direction. 
 
 *^ That when public meafiires are generally 
 *' diflafleful to the People, the wheels ofGo- 
 ** vernmcnt muft move more heavily. 
 
 " That excluding the people of America 
 *' from all Ihare in the choice of a prand 
 ** Council for their own defence, and taxing 
 " them in I'arliament, where they have no Re- 
 *« prefentative, would probably give extren\c 
 *' diflatisfadtion. 
 
 hu 
 
 " That there was nb reafon to doubt the 
 " wlllingnefs of the Colonifls to contribute for 
 *' their own defence. 
 
 " That the People themfelves, whofe all 
 '* was at Hake, could better judge of the force 
 ^' neceflary for their defence, and of the means 
 " for raifing money for the purpofc, than a 
 " Britilh Parliament at fo grfeat a diftance. 
 
 " That natives of America would be as 
 " likely to confult wifely and faithfully fo 
 *' the fafety pf their native country, as the 
 
 Governor^ 
 
 is 
 
( 6 ) 
 
 " Croveinois fent froui Britain, wliofe ol-)je<J 
 ** is generally to make fortunes, and thcri 
 ** return home ; and who might therefore bef 
 *' expcftcd to carry on the war againfl: France^ 
 ** rather in a way by which themiclves were 
 •* likely to be gainers, than for the greatclt 
 ** advantage of the caufe. 
 
 " That compelling the Colonies toi pa/ 
 *' money for their own defence, without their 
 *' content, would flicw a fufpicion of their 
 *' loyalty, or of their regard for their country, 
 " or of their conuncn fenfe ; and would be 
 " treating them as conquered enemies, and 
 ** not as free Britons, who hold it for their 
 " undoubted right, not to be taxed but by their 
 *' own confcnt, given through their Reprefen- 
 ** catives. 
 
 /) 
 
 *' That Parliamentary Taxes, once laid on^ 
 ** are often continued, after the neceffity for 
 ** laying them on ceafes ; but that if the Colo- 
 *' nifls were trui^cd to tax thcmfelves, they 
 " would remove the burden from tlK* people 
 *' as foon as it ihould become uniTcccfiary for 
 " them to bear it any longer. 
 
 " That if Parliament is to tax the Colonie^^ 
 " their Affemblies of Reprefentativcs may be 
 " dirmiffed as ufelefs. 
 
 « That 
 
 ■I 
 
i 
 
 < 7 ) 
 
 f* That taxing the Colonics in Parliament, 
 M for their own defence againft the French, is 
 <' not more jufl, than it would be to oblige the 
 ♦' Cin(]ue Ports, and other coafts of Britain, 
 ** to maintain a force againft France, and tQ 
 *' tax them for this piirpofe, without allowing 
 <* them Rcprclentatives in Parliament, 
 
 *^ That the Colonics have always been in- 
 
 ** diredlly taxcxl by the Mother Country (be- 
 
 ** fides paying the taxes neceflarily laid on by 
 
 ** their own Afiemblies), in as much as they 
 
 ^' are obliged to piirchalc the manufadtures of 
 
 *' Britain, charged with innumerable heavy 
 
 ♦* taxes ; ibme of which manufadtures they 
 
 ■^* could m.ike, and others could purchafe 
 
 ^* cheaper at other markets. 
 
 *' That the Colonifts are befides taxed by 
 *' the Mother Country, by being obliged to 
 ^* cnrry great part of their produce to Britain, 
 ^* and accept a lower price than they might 
 ^' have at other markets. The difference is a 
 *f tax paid to Britain. - 
 
 ^* That the whole wealth of the Colonics 
 ^' centers at laft in the Mother Countrv, which 
 y enables her to pay her taxes. 
 
 ti 
 
 That 
 
( 8 ) 
 
 '' Tfi AT tlic Colonics have, nt flic hazard of 
 
 ** their lives and forruncs, extended the doiiii- 
 
 ** nions, and increalcd the cotnnicrcc and riches 
 
 ** oF the Mother Country ; that therefore the 
 
 *' Colonirts do not defervc to be deprived of 
 
 ** the native right of Britons, the right of 
 
 " being taxed only by Reprefcntativcs chofei^ 
 
 " by thcniiclvcs, 
 
 *' That an adequate Reprcfcntation in Par*» 
 *' liament would probably be acceptable to the 
 " Colonifts, and would bed unite the vicwsi 
 *' and interefts of the whole Empire.'* 
 
 The laft of thefe Propofitlons fecms not to 
 have been well confidered, becaufe an adequate 
 reprefentation in Parliament is totally imprac^ti-. 
 cab'e : But others have cxhaufted this fubjedt. 
 
 Whether the Miniftry at home, or the 
 Junto here, weie difcouraged by thefe mafterly 
 remarks, or by any other caufe, the project of 
 taxing the Colonies was laid afide ; Mr. Shirley 
 was removed from his government, and Mr* 
 Pownall was placed in his Head. 
 
 Mr. Pownall was a friend to Liberty, and to 
 ourConftitutioil, andfcemsto have had an aver- 
 fiontoall plots againfl cither, andconfequently to 
 
 have 
 
 I 
 1 
 
 •i 
 
 I: 
 
 ..:< 
 
w 
 
 (< 9 ) 
 
 'have glv^n his confidpnccta pth<)r pcrfons fljan 
 Hutchinfon and Oliver, whp, Hung with envy 
 againlt Mr.. Pra^t an;.l others, who had the \c^^ 
 in affairSj fot t;hcn*fclvc§^ by propagating flan- 
 .<lcrs againft the Governor amon^ the people, 
 and efpecially among the clergy, to raife dif- 
 contcnts., and make him uneaiy in his fcu^. 
 And P-ownall, avarfe to wrangling, folicitcd 
 to be recalled ; and after fome time. Mi;. 
 Bernard was removed froi^a New Jejrcy tp the 
 ;Chair of thl? Province. 
 
 Bernard was the man for rhe pvirpofc of 
 .the Junto — educated in the higheft principles 
 ,p)f Monarchy^ ik,illed enough in .law and policy 
 to do mifchiet avaricious and needy £it tl^e 
 fame tii^t, shaving a jqiumerovi^ family to pro- 
 •.yi,de forrr-be w^s aji inflrurnent, fuitablf in 
 itvery refpedt excepting one, for this Junto to 
 employ. The .e^<;eptiQn I meap yv&s blui^t 
 tfmnkaefs, very oppofite to t^h^t cautious c\ui- 
 jning, that deep diflit^ulation., tp w,hich th^y 
 rhad by l<?iig praftice difciplijpe^ themfelves. 
 However, they did n^t defpair of teaching hitti 
 •;this neceiTary artful quality by degrees; and 
 xhe event ihewed they were not wholly uafuc* 
 vCefsful in xk^'n endeavours to do it,. 
 
 :'L 
 
 Wmlt 
 
C .0 ) 
 
 - ♦?' While the Warlafted, thefe fimple Province^ 
 Were of too much importance in the conJuft 
 of it, to be clifgufled bv an open attempt agaihft 
 their liberties. The Juntb, therefore, contented 
 themfelves with preparing their ground, by ex- 
 tending their connexions and correfpondencie? 
 in England, and by conciliating the friendlhip 
 of the Crown Officers occafionally here, and in- 
 iinuating their defigns as neccifary to be under- 
 taken in fome future favourable opportunity, for 
 the good of the Empire, as well as of the Colonies, 
 
 ^\ The deiigns of Providence are infcrutable, 
 
 *-^It affords to badmenconjundiures favourable 
 
 'for their defigns, as well as to good. — The 
 
 ^crtriclufibn of the Peace was the moft critical 
 
 opportunity for our Junto, that could have pre- 
 
 fented.— -A Peace founded on the deftrudtidn 
 
 of that fyftem of policy, the moft glorious for 
 
 the nation that ever was formed, and which 
 
 Was never equalled in thecondudiof the Englifli 
 
 ■•(joyernment, except in the Interregnum, ^nd 
 
 ' J^erhaps in the'reign of Elizabeth ; which fyftem, 
 
 however, by its being abruptly broken off, and 
 
 'its chief Conductor difcarded before it was com- 
 
 ' pleated, proved unfortunate to the nation, "by 
 
 leaving it finking in a bottomlefs gulph of debt^ 
 
 ' Ppprcffed and bornf^ dgwn with taxes. 
 
 At 
 
( " ) 
 
 At tills lucky time, when the Britifh Finan- 
 cier was driven out of his wits, for . ways and 
 means to fupply the demands upon him, Bernard 
 is employed by the Junto, to fugged to him the 
 projeA of taxing the Colonies by Adt of Parlia- 
 
 ments 
 
 •\fij 
 
 
 '} OJ 
 
 .^i V 
 
 ...r 
 
 . I DO not advance this without evidence; I 
 iappeal to a publication made by Sir Francis 
 Bernard himfelf, the laft yearj of his own Select 
 Letters on the Trade and Government of Ame- 
 tica, and the Principles of Laws and Policy ap- 
 J)lied to the American Colonies* 
 
 
 1."f1 
 
 .:!/ .,.:: -uu-ZV 
 
 . !• 
 
 In the year 1764, Mr. Bernard tranfmitted 
 home to different Noblemen and Gentlemen^ 
 four copies of his Principles of Law and Polity, 
 with a Preface,, which protes inconteftibly, that 
 the proje<5t of new regulating the American Co- 
 lonies was not firft fuggefted to him by the 
 Minift.y, but by him to them* — The words of 
 this Preface are thefe :—^'' The prefent expec- 
 tation that a new regulation of the American 
 Governments will foon take place, probably 
 arifes more from the opinion the Public has of 
 the abilities of the prefent Miniftry, than from 
 any thing that has tranfpgired froih the Cabinet, 
 It cannot befuppofed^th^t th/.r penetracion can 
 «)verlook,ch^99?i;e^yi,of>fuch a regulation, nor 
 
 " Ci, " their 
 
 •J) 1 • rf » *^, 
 
1 
 
 tfieif pillblrc fpirit foil to cjn'ry' it Jritdffjftciitlonv 
 4hit k ftiSiy be a c|ue^ftion, whether the prefent 
 fe a proper tortile for this work ; moi'e urgent bu- 
 ^hefs may ftan'd befbre it;v'fome preparatory 
 Iteps may bfe i?e€^h^cd to-precede it ^ -but thefe 
 will only ferve to'poflponc As we may expeift 
 that this- reformation^ like all others, will be 
 bppbfct! by 'pO^erfui ptejudlees, it may ftbt be 
 kmifs to reafoh with therii at Icifure, ^nd endea-' 
 Vour to" t?dKe olftheir forde before thcfy become 
 bppdfcd to Gfe>Vehittielit»?' 
 
 
 Upovf thefe w6rdsy it is impomble-iiOt tb ob- 
 ferve, firft. That the Miniftry had never iigni- 
 feecl to hihl any intention of neW reguhting the 
 Colonies ;-^rtd th^rc'ft^re th'aHL it Washc w^o Offici- 
 fSilriy put therfi i^ibft th'e^iiifiiit 6f thisf Willv 
 iivlthia-Wil^y whkh Ms le'd^them hito fo' much 
 fWite.- Sccrotid,. The 'flattery with whidh he in- 
 fintiatcs tfh'dfe' projefts into the mttids of the Mi- 
 lHf!r)% is^maneris 6f abfdlike Neceffity,- Which- 
 th^ir grdat pertet^tion cotii^ ndt fiail to difco- 
 Vier, nor thfe?r gre!^ regard to-tbe PubHC'-Omit. 
 ^hird, ^he impbnunity with '#hieh he urges a 
 i^^ieedy atfebmpHfhment of his- ptetended refbr- 
 totfoh' df the Gv^^er nments; And,iburth , Hri^ 
 cohfdotifttefs tfett tfhefe fchfeWies- wouW be 6p- 
 poie^d, ilttoupiiead^s'toe^]^^^ 
 
 tui '^feifeidiee^ biily"^ thkt t>ppol5tion' whitth i^^^^ 
 
 ■^'--i ^ -'' America 
 
( t3 ) 
 
 Itmenca faj^s lias been diftated by found reafoify 
 true policy, and eternal juftice.- The lafl thing; 
 i ihaH take notice 6f is, the falfe infinuatlon, 
 that fuch new regulations were then generally 
 cxpedtedrf This is io abfolutely falfc, that ex-* 
 icept Bernard himfelf, and hrs Junto, fcarccly 
 -any body on this fide the water had any fufpi« 
 <;ion of it-*-iivfomueh, that if Bernard had made 
 '}>ublic at that time his Preface and Principles, 
 as he fent them to the Miniftry, it is much ta 
 'i)e doubted, whether he could have lived in this 
 •Country ; certain it is, he would have had no 
 ■friends in this Province, out of the Junto, 
 
 The intention of the Junto, was to procure 
 1 revenue to be raifed in America by Adt of 
 "Parliaments Nothing was further from theit 
 •deiigns and wiflies, than the drawing or fending 
 this revenue into the Exchequer in England, to 
 be fpent there in dtfcharging the National Debt, 
 ■^nd leflening the burdens of the people ther(^# 
 ••—They chofe to have the 6ngering of the mo- 
 tney themfelves.-^Their defign was, that the 
 money fliouM be applied, firlt in a targe falary 
 'to tbe^Gbvernor. This would gratify Bernard, 
 ^nd render him and all other Governors, nbt 
 'dnty Independent of the ptop'le, but flill more 
 •iiblblutely a flave to the will of the Miniftcr. 
 "They intended likewife arfalaryfpr the J-ieutc- 
 
 %•■ • -^« . 
 
 nant* 
 
T 
 
 . 1 
 
 ii 
 
 hi . I 
 
 ( H ) 
 
 tenant-Governor. This would appcafc Mr.Hut-J 
 chinfon. In Liie next place, they intended a fa- 
 lary to the Judges of Common Law, as well as 
 Admiralty. And thus the whole Government, 
 executive and judicial, was to be rendered wholly 
 independent of the people, (and their Reprer 
 fentatives rendered ufelefs, infignificant, and even 
 burthenfome) and abfolutely dependent upon^ 
 and under the dired:ion of the will of the Mini- 
 fler of State; — They intended further to new 
 model the whole Continent of North America ; 
 make an intire new divilion of it into diflindb, 
 though more extenfive and lefs numerous Co- 
 lonies, to fweep away all the Charters upon the 
 Continent, with the deftroying befom of an Adt" 
 of Parliament, and reduce all the Governmentis 
 to the plan of the Royal Governments, with a 
 Nobility in each Colony, not hereditary indeedy 
 at firft^ but for life; — ^They did indeed flatter the 
 Minifiry and people in England, with diftant 
 hopes of a revenue from America, at fome fu- 
 ture period, to be appropriated to national ufes 
 there. But this was not to happen, in their minds^ 
 for fome time. The Governments muft be iiew 
 modelled, new regulated, reformed firft, i\nd 
 then the Governments here would be able and 
 willing to carry into execution any Adts of Par- 
 liament, or meafures of the Miniilry, for fleecing 
 the people here to pay dohz^, orfupport pen- 
 - .„,, fioncrs 
 
 ':. a 
 
( «5 ) 
 
 fioners on the American Eftablilhment, or brlbo 
 Ele^ors, or Members of Parliament, or any 
 other purpofe that a virtuous Miniftry coulcj 
 defire. 
 
 K But as ill-luck would have it, the Britifh FU 
 nancier was as felfilh as themfelves, and inftead 
 of raifing money for them, chofe to raife it for 
 himlelf. — He chofe to get the revenue into the 
 Exchequer, becaufc he had hungry cormorants 
 enough about him in England, whofe cawings 
 were more troublefoine to his ears, than the 
 croaking of the ravens in America. And he 
 thdught if America could afford any revenue at 
 all, and he could get it by authority of Parlia^ 
 ment, he might have it himfelf, to give to his 
 friends, as well as raife it for the Junto here, to 
 fpend themfelves, or give to theirs. - -:. ' 
 
 I WILL proceed no further without producing 
 my evidence. — Indeed, to a man who was ac- 
 quainted with this Junto, and had an opportu- 
 nity to watch their motions, obferve their 
 language, and remark their countenances, for 
 thefe lafl twelve years, no other evidence is ne- 
 ceffary : It was plain to fuch perfons what this 
 Junto was about. But we have evidence enough 
 now under their own hands, of the whole of what 
 was faid of them by their oppofers, through this 
 whole period. 
 
 Governor 
 

 ; ■■■\ 
 
 iM : ' 
 
 ( ^« ) 
 
 f, CqvERNOR Berkard, in his fctt,er, July i^^ 
 1764, fays, " That a genQr^JJeforraationpf th^ 
 1' Aoieric^p iCiovernment^ would become not 
 *' only a defirable but a neceflary meafure/'-rrr 
 What his idea was, of a general reformation of 
 the Amerie^ft GoverntnejWiSi is to be learnt frpnj 
 his Principles of Law an4 i^oiky, which he fei^ 
 to thte Miwftry irt 1764,^^! ftiall.fe]€^ a few of 
 ^hcmin his owi^ words; : . '> - V— . . -,: f 
 
 € 1 
 
 ;: . His 29th propofirion 19, -^ T^e ri^e tiiat f 
 ** Britiih fubjedt fha^l not be bound by Jaws, oic 
 *^ liable to taxes, but what he feas confeijted t^ 
 ^' by his Reprefentatives, rrjuft be coijflhed t# 
 5* the inhabitants jof Great Bi>kaia only, ^nd i* 
 ^* not ftri(^ly;trMe evcB there.— ^30. The pajp- 
 ^< liameat of jGreat Britain, as well from itjs 
 ** rights of Sovereignty, as £rom occafional extr 
 ** gencies, has a right to make laws for, and 
 ;^* impofe taxes upoii its f^^bje^s in its external 
 *f Dominions, arlthough they are not reprefentr 
 <f ed m fuch P^rliamenl;.. Bufc, 31, Taxes iiij- 
 *^ poie<f upon the external Dc^ninions, ought tp 
 -" be applied tQ tjbe ufe ofthe people from who^J* 
 .^' they are raiifed. szj^ Xh^^^f-^^^*^'^^^^ of Gre^t 
 r^^ Britain has 9 right and duty to take care to 
 ** provide fQr the defeiRce of t)ie American Co- 
 *' Ibnies, efpeeiaMy a^ fvich Colonies are vnable 
 to defen4 iteraf^Jvesu 33' TKe ParU^s^ent 
 
 <c 
 
 _/ 
 
u 
 
 €i 
 <i 
 SI 
 
 (( 
 (( 
 «( 
 l( 
 i( 
 it 
 
 I 
 
 u 
 cc 
 
 He 
 
 €C 
 
 ice 
 cc 
 ff 
 le 
 t( 
 
 S( 
 iC 
 €C 
 
 (C 
 
 u 
 <c 
 
 * 
 
 ( I? ) 
 
 of Great Britain has a right and a duty to take 
 care, that provifion be made for a fuflicient 
 fupport of the American Governments. Be- 
 caufe, 34i The fupport of rhe Government 
 is V. je of the principal conditions upon which 
 a Colony is allowed the power of Lcgiflatiom, 
 Alfo, becaufe^ 35. Some of the American Co-, 
 lonies have Ihewn themfelves deficient in the* 
 fupport of their feveral Governments, botii> 
 as to Sufficiency and Independency;* 
 
 • J w t 
 
 I ( 
 
 i» 
 
 His 75th Propofition is, ** Every Americaa- 
 Government is capable of having its Confti-> 
 tutibn altered for the better. 76. The grantt. 
 of the powers of Governments to American^ 
 Colbniesj by Charters, cannot be underftood. 
 to be intended for other than their infant or 
 growing ftates; 77. They cannot be intend-^ 
 ed for their mature (late, that is, for perpe- 
 tuity, becaufe they arc in many things uncon- 
 flitutional, and contrary to the very nature of 
 a Britifh Government. Therefore, 78. They 
 muft bie fconfider^d as defigned only as tem* 
 pofary means for fettling and bringing for- 
 ward the peopling the Colonies, which being 
 effed:ed, the caufe of the peculiarity of their 
 Conftitution eeafes. 79. If the Charters can. 
 be pleaded againft the authority of Parlia-* 
 mentj they amount to aI^-^Henation of the 
 ;. • D " Dominion* 
 
W' 
 
 m 
 
 ( «8 ) 
 
 '» Dbminions of Great Britain, and are, irt effa^^ 
 *' adls of difmembering the Britifh Empire,. 
 ** and will operate as^ fiich, if care is not taken* 
 " to prevent it.- 83. The notion which ha* 
 *' heretofore prevailed", that the dividing Ame- 
 ♦* rica into many Governments,, and different 
 " modes of Government,, will be the means to- 
 *"* prevent ti 'r uniting to i^evolt,. is iU-found- 
 ** cd ; fince, if the Governments wei»e ever fo- 
 much confolidated,. it wiU be neceflary to* 
 have fo many diftincfl States,, as to^ make i 
 union to revolt impraifticable^ Whereas, 84. 
 The fplitting America into- man»y fraall Go* 
 ** vernlTientSj weakens^ the GovemWng Power,, 
 and ftrengthens that of the People, and there-^ 
 by makes revolting more probable, and more 
 practicable. 85. To- prevent revolts in fu- 
 ture times (for there is no room to fear them 
 in the preftnt) the mod efFeftual means woulrf 
 *"* be to make the Go\^ernments large and re- 
 *' fpedtable, and balance the powetfs of them- 
 ** 86. There is no- Government in America at 
 prefent, whofe Powers-are properly balanced ; 
 there not being in any of them a real and 
 diftindt third Legiflative Power,, mediating, 
 ** between the King and the People,, which i& 
 *' the peculiar excellence of the Britilh Gor>fti- 
 *' tution. 87. The want of fuch a third Legif-^ 
 <* lative Power adc' weight ta the Popular, ancit 
 
 lightens 
 
 *c 
 
 t< 
 
 €t 
 
 fit 
 
 tx 
 
 <X 
 
 €( 
 
 « 
 
 « 
 
 «< 
 
 t< 
 
 ti 
 
 In ^ 
 
t '9 ? 
 
 **= lightens the Royal Scale, fo as to dcftrof 
 •** the balance between the Royal and Popular 
 '*^ Powers. 88. Although America is not now 
 ** (and .probably will not be for many years to 
 come) ripe enough for an hereditary Nobili- 
 ty, yet it is now capable of a Nobility for 
 life. 89. A Nobility appointed by the King 
 for life, and made Independent, would pro* 
 bably give ilre»gth and iftability to the Ame- 
 rican Governments, as effediually a« an here- 
 ditary Nobility does to that of Great Britain* 
 90.. The refbriTjation of the American Go" 
 vcrnme^ts ihould not be contr<i>uled by the 
 prefent bouodaries of the Colonies; as they 
 were moftly fettled upon partial, -occafional^ 
 '* and accidental confiderations, without any 
 " regard to a whole^ 91. To fettle the Ame* 
 ** rican Governments to the greateft poffiblfi 
 advantage, it will be neceflary to reduce the 
 number of them ; in fome places to unite and 
 ^* x:onfolidate, in others to feparait^ and trans- 
 ** fer; and in general to divide by natural 
 *' boundaries, inftead of imaginary lines. 92, 
 ^* If ther^ fhould be but one form of Govern- 
 ^* ment eftaMiihed for all the North American 
 Provinces, it would greatly facilitate the re- 
 formation of them; fince, if the mode of 
 *^ Government was evexy where the fame, 
 people would be more indiifercnt under what 
 
 D ^ " divifion 
 
 .<( 
 
 ,i( 
 
 .<< 
 
 46 
 
 Xi 
 
 .6 6 
 
 ,<6 
 
 J66 
 
 ff 
 
 <t 
 
 ft 
 
 *( 
 
 *6 
 
 i( 
 
 <( 
 
 4t 
 
( *o ) 
 
 ,1 f 
 
 III 
 
 
 ^, „. 
 
 " divifion they were ranged. 93. No objcc-, 
 ** tions ought to iirife to the alteration of the 
 ** boundaries of Provinces fro'ii Pr()[)rietors, on 
 ** account of their Property, only fince there is 
 ** no occaiion that it lliould in the leaft affedt 
 <* the boundaries of Properties. 94. The prc- 
 *' Tent diltinc^tion, of one Government being 
 ** more free, o,r more popular than another, 
 *' tend to embarrafs and to weaken the whole j 
 " and fliould not be allowed to fubfilt among 
 ^* people fubjedt to one King and one Law, and 
 *' all equally fit for one form of Government. 
 *' 95. The American Colonies, in general, are, at 
 *' this time, arrived at that (late which quali- 
 ** fies them to receive the mod perfedt form of 
 ^^ Government, which their fituation and rela- 
 ** tion to Great Britain, make them capable of. 
 ** 96. The people of North America, at this 
 ** time, expedt a revifal and reformation of the 
 " American Governments, and are better dif- 
 -*' pofed to fubmit to itj than ever they were, 
 .** or perhaps ever will be again. 97. This is 
 .*' therefore the proper and critical time, to re- 
 jj ftfcaj the American Governments upon a ge- 
 *^ nerai, conftitutional, firm, and durable plan ; 
 /** ahd if it is not done now, it will probably 
 'ff every day grow more difficult, till at lail rt 
 ,*! becomes impradicable/'i j. t* - 
 
 »<■ iJ if*f r •''■"* ' ' ' ., .....''' 
 
 .V. , 
 
 yi 
 
 )k 
 
 Now 
 
( »I ) 
 
 ' Now let mc a/k you — if the Parliament of 
 Great Britain had all the natural foundations of 
 authority, wifdom, goodnefs, juftice, power, in 
 as great perfection as they ever exifted in any 
 body of men fince Adam's fall : And, if the 
 Englilh Nation was the mod virtuous, pure, and 
 free that ever was, would not fuch an unlimit- 
 ed fubjeftion of three millions of people to that 
 Parliament, at three thoufand miles diftance, be 
 real flavery ? There are but two forts of men 
 in the worl^, freemen and Daves — The very de- 
 finition of a freeman, is one who is bound by 
 no Law to which he has not confentcd. — Ame- 
 ricans would have no way of giving or with- 
 holding their confent to the Ad:s of this Parlia- 
 ment ; therefore they would not be freemen.— 
 But, when luxury, effeminacy, and venality are 
 arrived at fuch a Ihocking pitch in England ; 
 when both Electors and Elected are become one 
 mafs of corruption ; when the Nation is opprelT- 
 ed to death with Debts and Taxes, owing to 
 their own extravagance, and want of wifdom, 
 what would be your condition under fuch an 
 abfolute fubjedtion to Parliament ? You would 
 not only be ilaves — but the moft abjed: fort of 
 Daves to the worft fort of mafters ! 
 
 •.T-. ..,-.: ."1 
 
 : \^.,. 
 
 . Ministerial Writers, confclous that the 
 people of this Continent have the utmoft abhor- 
 c . . rence 
 
II t 
 
 M 1 
 
 III' > 
 
 ffttCf of Troafon nnH Rebellion, labovir fo avail 
 tficmfilvcs of the magic in thcfo words. — But 
 their artifice is vai",— -The people are not to bg 
 intiniidHtcd by hard words, from a necclliiry de- 
 fence of their Liberties : — Their attachment to 
 their Conftitution, fo dearly purchafed by their 
 own, and their Anceflurs blood and treufure ; 
 their avcrfion to the late Innovations ; their hor- 
 ror of Arbitrary Power and the Romilh Religion, 
 arc much deeper rooted than their dread of rude 
 founds, and unmannerly language. They do 
 not want the advice of an honeft Lawyer, (if 
 fuch an one could be found,) nor will they be 
 deceived by a difhoneft one. They know what 
 oflence it is to afremblc armed, and forcibly ob^ 
 flrudt the courfe of Juftice.— 'They have beeq 
 many years confidering and enquiring ; they 
 have been inftrudted by Minifterial Writers an4 
 their friends, in the nature of Treafon, and the 
 confequences of their own principles and atftions, 
 Tiicy know upon what hinge the whole difputc 
 turns. That the fundamentals of the Govern- 
 ment over them, are difputed ; that the Mini- 
 fler prercndSj and had the influence to obtain 
 the voice of the laft Parliament in his favour j 
 that Parliament is the only Supreme, Sovereign, 
 Abfolute, and Uuncontroulable Legiflative over 
 ail the Colonies; that therefore the Minifter, 
 and all his Advocates, will call Refiftance to 
 
( ii ) 
 
 Adls of Pnrliamcnt, by the names of Trcaf ■'*2 
 and Rebellion. But at the (iimc time, the;* 
 know, that in their own opinions, nnd in the 
 opinions of all the Colonies, Piirliainent has no 
 authority over them, excepting to regulate their 
 Trade ; and this not by any principle of Com- 
 mon Law, but merely by the content of the Co- 
 lonies, founded on the obvious neceflity of a 
 Cafe, which was never in contemplation of that 
 Law, nor provided for by it ; that therefore 
 they have as good a right to charge that Miai- 
 ftcr with Trealbn and Rebellion. For, if the 
 Farliament has not a legal authority to over- 
 turn their Conftitution, and fubjcdt them to fuch 
 A<5ts as are lately pafxl-d, every man, who ac- 
 cepts of any Commifllon, and takes any fteps 
 to carry thofc Adts into execution, is guilty of 
 overt A6ts of Treafon and Rebellion againll his 
 Majefty, as much as if he Ihould take arms 
 againft his troops, or attempt his facred life. 
 They know that the refiibnce againll the Stamp 
 A&, which was made throv;gh all America, was, 
 in the opinion of the Minifter, High Treafon ; 
 and that Brigadier Rugglos, and good Mr. 
 O^den, pretended at the Congrefs at New 
 York, to be of the fame mind, and have 
 been held in utter contempt by the whole 
 Continent ever iince ; bccaufe in their own opi- 
 mion, that Refiftance was a noble ftand againft 
 ,. Tyranny, 
 
I 1 
 
 t" ".' 
 
 '\ 
 
 1 1 \ 
 
 
 ■: I 
 
 i H ) 
 
 tyranny, and the only oppofition to it which 
 rould have been effectual* That if the Ameri- 
 can rcliftance to the Adt for dcftroying your 
 Charter, and to the Refolves for arrefling per- 
 fons here and fending them to England for trials 
 is Treafon, the Lords and Commons, and the 
 whole Nation, were Traitors at the Revolution* 
 
 THfeY know that all America is united in fen- 
 timent, and in the plan of opposition to the 
 claims of Adminiftration and Parliament. The 
 Junto in Bofton, with their little flocks of Ad- 
 herents in the Country, are not worth taking 
 into the account; and the Army and N*tvy^ 
 though thefe are divided amongft themfelvcs^ 
 are no part of America 2 In order to judge of 
 this Union, they began at the commenccmeRt 
 of the Difpute^ aiid run throuii,a the whole 
 courfe of it. — At the time of the Stamp A(ft^ 
 every Colony exprefled its fentiments by Re- 
 folves of their AlTemblies ; and every one agreed 
 that Parliament had no right to Tax the Colo* 
 nies. The Houfe of Reprefentatives of the 
 Mallachufet's Bay, then confifted of many per-* 
 fons, who have lince figured as Friends to Go-* 
 vernment ; yet every Member of that Houfe 
 concurred moft chearfuUy in the Refolves theii 
 pafled. The Congrefs, which met that year at 
 i»Jew York, exprefled the fame opinion in their 
 
 , Refolves- 
 
( ^5 ) 
 
 Refolves, afrer the Paint, Paper, and Tea AQ. 
 was paflcd. The feveral Affemblies exprefled 
 the fame fentiments, anJ when your Colony 
 wrote the famous Circular Letter, notwith-^ 
 (landing all the mandates and threats, and ca» 
 joling of the Minifler and the feveral Governors. 
 and all the Crown Officers through the Conti- 
 nent, the Aflcmblies, with one voice, echoed 
 their entire approbation of that Letter, and their 
 applaufe to your Colony for fending it, — In the 
 year 1768, when a non-importation was fug< 
 gefled and planned, by a few Gentlemen at a 
 private Club, in one of our large Towns, as foon 
 as it was propofed to the Public, did it not 
 fpread through the whole Continent ? — ^Was it 
 not regarded like the Laws of the Medes and 
 Perfians, in all the Colonies ? — When the Paint 
 and Paper Adt was repealed, the Southern Co-^ 
 lonies agreed to depart from the Affociation in 
 ^y things, but the dutied Articles ; but they 
 have kept ftridly to their Agreement againft 
 importing them, fo that no Tea has been im- 
 ported into any of them from Great Britain to 
 this da). — In the year 1770, when a number of 
 perfons were flaughtered in King-fcreet, Bofton, 
 fuch was the brotherly fympathy of all the Co- 
 lonies, Aieh their refentment againft an hoftile 
 Adniiniftration, that the innocent blood then 
 tV" " E fpilt. 
 
i 
 
 
 i»i- « 
 
 ( ^6 ) 
 
 fpWt, has never been forgotten, nor the mur-i. 
 derous Minifter and Governors, who brought 
 the Troops here, forgiven by any part of the 
 Continent, and never will be. — ^When a certain 
 maflerly Statefrnan invented a Committee of 
 Correfpondence in Bofton, did not every Colo-; 
 ny, nay every Country, City, Hundred an4 
 Town upon tlie whole Continent, adopt the 
 meafure — I had almoft faid, as if it had been 
 a Revelation from above, as the happieft means 
 of cementing the Union, and adting in concert ? 
 What proofs of Union have been given fincc 
 the laft March I Look over the Refolvesofthc 
 feveral Colonies, and you will fee that one un- 
 derftanding governs, one heart animates the 
 Whole Body. Aflemblies, Conventions, Con- 
 greffes. Towns, Cities, and private Clubs and 
 Circles, have been aftuated by one great, wife, 
 adtive, and noble fpirit, one maflerly foul, 
 animating one vigorous body. 
 
 I: 
 
 The Congrefs at Philadelphia have expref- 
 fed the fame fcntiments with the people of 
 New England ; approved of the oppofition to 
 the late innovations ; unajiimoufly advifed us to 
 perfevere in it, and aflured us, that if force is 
 attempted to carry thefe meafures againft us, 
 ^U America ought to fupport us. Maryland 
 
 and 
 
C 27 ) 
 
 i'l 
 V 
 
 fend the X-ower Counties on Delaware, have 
 already, to flievv to all the world their approba- 
 tion of the meafures of New England, and their 
 determination to join in them, with a genero- 
 lity, a wifdoni and magnanimity, which ought 
 to make the Tories confider, taken the power 
 bf the Militia into the hands of the people, 
 without the Governor ot Minifteri and efla- 
 biifhed it, by their own authority, for the de- 
 fence of the Maflachufets, as well as of thcni- 
 felves. Other Colonies are only waiting, to fee 
 if the neceffity of it will become more obvious. 
 Virginia, and the Carolinas, are preparing for 
 military defence, and have been for fome time. 
 When we conrider the variety of climates, foils, 
 religions, civil governments, commercial inte- 
 refls, Gcc. which were reprefented at the Cori- 
 grefs, and the various occupations, educations, 
 and characters, of the Gentlemen wko compofed 
 It; the harmony and unanimity which prevailed 
 in it, can icarcely be paralelled in any aflem- 
 bly that ever met. When we confider, that 
 at the kevolution, fuch mighty queitions as. 
 Whether the ^Throne was vacant or not ? And, 
 Whether the Prince of Orange Ihould be King 
 i)r not ^ were determined in the Convention 
 Parliatnent, by fmall majorities of two or 
 Three, ^nd four or five only; thp great ma* 
 
 £ & joritipf. 
 
( 28 ) 
 
 li ^ • ■ 
 
 Jorities, the almoft nnanimity with which all 
 great queftions have been decided inyourHoufe 
 of Reprefentatives, and other Aflemblics, and 
 efpecially in the Continental Congrefs, cannot 
 be confidered in any other light than as the 
 happiefl omens ; indeed, as providential difpen- 
 fations in our favour, as well as the cleareft de- 
 monftrations of the cordial, firm, radical, and 
 indiflbluble union of the Colonies. 
 
 
 h, 
 
 The grand aphorifn of the policy of the 
 Whigs has been, to unite the people of Ameri- 
 ca, and divide thofe of Great Britain. The re- 
 verfe of this has been the maxim of the Tories, 
 tiz. to unite the people of Great Britain, and 
 divide thofe of America. AH the movements, 
 marches, and counter-marches of both Parties, 
 on both fides of the Atlantic, may be reduced 
 to one or the other of thc^-^ kules.— I have 
 ihewn that the people of America are united 
 piore perfedtly than the mod fanguine Whig 
 could ever have hoped, or than the moft timid 
 Tory could have feared. Let us now examine 
 whether the people of Great Britain are equal- 
 ly united againft us. For, if the contending 
 Countries were equally united, the profpedt of 
 fuccefs in the Qiiarrel would depeaJ upon the 
 comparative wifdom, firmnefs, flrength, and 
 *■' ^ ^ '■ other 
 
(' ^9 )• 
 
 otiier advantages of each other. And, if fitcli 
 a'comparifon was made, it would not appear to 
 a demonftration that Great Britain could fo ea- 
 fily fubdue and conquer^ — 'It is not (o eafy a 
 thing for the moft powerful State to cbnquer a 
 Country a thoufand leagues off. — How many 
 years time, how mar»- millions of money did it 
 take, with five ami thirty thoufand men, to corr- 
 quer the poor Province of Canada ? And after" 
 all the battles and victories, it never would 
 have fubmitted without a capitulation, which 
 fecured to them their Religion and Properties* 
 
 BcTT we know that the people of Great Bri- 
 tain are not united againfl us.^— We diftinguiili 
 between the Miniftfy, the Houfe of Commons, 
 the Officers of the Army, Navy, Excife, Cuf- 
 toms, &c. who are dependent on the Minifl:ry, 
 and tempted, if not obliged, to echo their 
 voices ; and the Body of the People. We are 
 alfured by thoufands of Letters from perfons of 
 good intelligence, that the Body of the People 
 are Friends to America, and wifh us fuccefs in 
 our ftruggles againfl: the ciaims of Parliament 
 and Adminiftration. We know that millions 
 in England and Scotland, will think it unrigh- 
 teous, impolitic, and ruinous^ to make war upon 
 ws. Wc'know that London i^nd Briftol, the 
 - - two 
 
'* *.T 
 
 l'il -i 
 
 k t 
 
 ii 
 
 I'M I 
 
 ( 30 ) 
 
 Wo greateft Commercial Cities in the Eniprrci 
 have declared themfelves in the moft decifivel 
 manner, in favour of our Caufe : So explicitly, 
 that the former has bound her Members under 
 their hands to affift us ; and the latter has eho- 
 fen two known Friends of America, one attach*- 
 cd to us by principle, birthj and the moft ar- 
 dent affeAion ; the other an able Advocate for 
 us on feveral great occafions* We know that 
 many of the moft virtuous and independent of 
 the Nobility and Gentry are for us, and among 
 .them, the beft Biftiop that adorns the Bench, as 
 great a Judge as the Nation can boaft, and the 
 greateft Statefman it ever faw. We know that 
 ,the Nation is loaded with Debts and Taxes, by 
 the folly and iniquity of its Minifters, and that 
 without the Trade of America, it can neither 
 long fupport its Fleet and Army, nor pay the 
 intereft of its Debt. : '.. . %■ i ,> 
 
 But we are told, that the Nation is now unit- 
 ed againft us; that they hold they have a right 
 to Tax us, and Legiilate for us, as firmly as we 
 deny it. That we are a Part of the Britilh Em- 
 pire ; that every State muft have an uncontroul- 
 able power co-extenfive with the Empire ; that 
 there is a little probability of ferving ourfdves 
 by ingenious diftioftions bctweea external and 
 
 i internal 
 
( 31 ) 
 
 internal Taxes. If we arc not a part of the 
 State, and fubjedt to the fupreme authority of 
 Parliament, Great Britain will make us fo; 
 that, if this opportunity of reclaiming the Colo- 
 nies is loft, they will be difmembered from the 
 Empire ; and although they may continue their 
 allegiance to the King, they will own none to 
 the Imperial Crown. 
 
 To all this I anfwer. That the Nation is not 
 fo united — that they do not fo univerfally hold 
 they have fuch a right ; and my reafons I have 
 given before. That the terms, ** Britilh Em- 
 pire," are not the language of the Common Law, 
 but the language of News-papers and Political 
 Pamphlets. That the Dominions of the King 
 of Great Britain has no uncontroulable power 
 co-extenfive with them — I would afk by what 
 Law the Parliament has authority over Ameri- 
 ca ? By the law of God, in the Old and New 
 Teftament, it has none — By the Law of Nature 
 and Nations, it has none — By the Common 
 Law of England, it has none. For the Common 
 Law, and the authority of Parliament founded 
 on it, never extended beyond the four feas. — 
 By Statute Law, it has none ; for no Statute was 
 made before the fettlement of the Colonies, for 
 this purpofe ; and the Declaratory A^ made 
 & in 
 
 
li 
 
 t<> 
 
 N« 
 
 Hi 
 iilii 
 
 ( 3^- y 
 
 in 1 766, was made :vithout our confcnt, by a 
 parliament which had no authority beyond the 
 four Teas. What religious, moral, or political 
 Obligation then are we under, to fubmit to 
 Parliament as a Supreme Legiflative ? None 
 gt all. — ^When it is faid, that if we are not fubf 
 jcdt to the luprcme authority of Parliament, 
 Great Britain will make us fo, all other Laws 
 and Obligations arc given up, and recourfe is 
 had to the Ratio ultima of Lewis XlVth, and 
 the fuprema Lex of the King of Sardinia ; to the 
 law of brickbats and cannon balls, which can 
 |)e anfwered only by brickbats and balls. 
 
 • This language, " The Imperial Crown of 
 Great Britain," is not the ftile of the Common 
 Law, but of Court Sycophants. It was introduced 
 in allufion to the Roman Empire, and intended 
 ^o infmuate,that the Prerogative of the Imperial 
 Crown of England was like that of the Roman 
 •Emperor, after the maxim was eftabliihcd, 
 qued principi-plactiit Legis habetvigorem^ and lo 
 far from including the two Houfes of Parlia- 
 ment in the idea of this Imperial Crown, it was 
 intended to infinuate that the Crown was abfo- 
 lute, and had no need of Lords or Commons, 
 to make or difpenfe with Laws.— -;Yet even thefe 
 Court Sycophants, when driven Xfi an «xplaha> 
 
 tion. 
 
 % 
 J. 
 4 
 
( 33 ) 
 
 tiori, never clared to put any other fcnfe upoii 
 the words Imperial Crown, than this, That the 
 Crown of England was independent of France, 
 Bpain, and all other Kings and States in the 
 worldi ' , > . . • 
 
 »■' 
 
 JV , 
 
 t When Minifterlal Writers fay. That the 
 King's Dominions muft have an uncontroulable 
 Power, co-extenlive with them, I aflc whether 
 they have fueh a Power or not ? And utterly de- 
 iiy that they have by any Law, but that of Lewis 
 the XlVth, and the King of Sardinia.-^If they 
 have hot, and it is neceflary that they fliould 
 have, it then follows, that there is a Defedt in 
 what he calls the Britifh Empire : And how 
 ihall this Defedt be fupplied ? — It cannot be 
 fupplied conliflently with reafon, juftice, poli^ 
 ty, morality, or humanity, without the confent 
 t)f the Colonies, and fome new plan of connec- 
 <tion. But if Great Britain will fet all thefe at 
 defiance, and rcfort to the Ratw ultima, all Eu- 
 rope will pronounce her a Tyrant, and America 
 hever will fubmit to her, be the danger of dif- 
 iftbedience as great as it will* . ~ 
 
 , But there is no need df any other Power than 
 that of regulating Trade ; and this the Colonies 
 ever have been, and will be, ready and willing 
 4o concede to her,-— But ihe will iiever obtain 
 
 F from 
 
Mr 
 
 ' ' 
 
 • It 
 
 ( 34 ) 
 
 from America any further cohceflion while fli« 
 exilhi ' . 
 
 • We are then aiked, '* For what fhc protf (ftej 
 ** and defended the Colonies aguinft: the Mari* 
 ** time Power of Europe, from their firft fet- 
 ^' tlcment to this day ?" I anfwer, for her dwn 
 intereft ; becaufe all the profits of our Trade 
 centered in htr lap.-*-But it ought to be remem- 
 bered, that her Name, not her Purfe, nor her 
 ■Fleets and Armies, ever protected us, until the 
 laftWar; and then the Miniller who condudted 
 that War informs us, that the Annual Millions 
 from America enabled her to do it* . , , 
 
 We are then afked, for what ihe purchafed 
 New York of the Dutch ? I anfwer, ihe never 
 did. — The Dutch never owned it ; were never 
 more than Trefpaflers and Intruders there ; and 
 were finally expelled by conqucll. — -It was 
 ceded, it is true, by the Treaty of Breda ; and k 
 is faidin fome Authors, that fome other territory 
 in India was ceded to the Dutch in lieu of it. 
 But this was the tranfadtion of the King, not o£ 
 Parliament, and therefore makes nothing to the 
 -argument. — But admitting, for argument fake, 
 what is not a fuppofeable cafe. That the Nation 
 ihould be fo funk in floth, luxury, and corrup- 
 tion, as to, fuffer their Minifter to perfevere ui 
 ..::.:: 1 hia 
 
 m 
 
 t 
 
( 35 ) 
 
 %h mad blunders, and fend fire and fvvord againft 
 MS, how Ihall we defend ourfclvcs ? The Co- 
 lonies, fouth of Pcnnfylvania, have no men to 
 fpare, we arc told. — But we know better. — -We 
 know that all thofc Colonies have a back coun- 
 try, which is inhabited by an hardy, robuft 
 people, many of whom arc emigrants from New 
 England, and habituated, like multitudes of 
 New Englantlmen, to carry their fiizees or rifles 
 upon one ihoulder to defend themfelves againfl 
 the Indians, while they carry their axes, fcythes, 
 and hoes upon the other, to till the ground.— 
 Did not thofe Colonies furnifli men the lail 
 War ? — Did not Virginia furnifh men, one re- 
 giment particularly, equal to any regular regi- 
 ment in -the fervice ? — But " have you arms and 
 ammunition ?** I anfwer, we have ; but, if we 
 had not, we could make a fufficient quantity 
 of both. — What ihould hinder ? — ^We have ma- 
 ny manufa(flurers of fire-arms now, whofe arms 
 are as good as any j in the world. Powder has 
 been ma^e iiere, and may be again, and fo may 
 falt-petre. What fhould hinder ?^We have 
 all the materials in great abundance, and the 
 procefs is very iimple. But if wc neither had 
 them, nor could make them, we could import 
 them. — But " the Britifli Navy." — Aye, there's 
 the rub. — But let us confider.— How many 
 ^ips are taken to blockade Bofton harbour ?—« 
 
 F z How 
 
( 36 ) 
 
 How many fhips can Britain fparc to carry oi^ 
 this luinKiuc and political War, the objcd of 
 which is a pcppcr-corn ? Let her fend all the 
 ihips Ihc has round her Ifland. — What if hep 
 ill-natured neighbours, Trance and Spain, fhould 
 llrikc a blow in their abfencc ?-i-In order ta 
 judge what they could all do, when they arrived 
 here, we Ihould confider what they are all able 
 to do round the Illand of Great Britain. — We 
 know that the utmoft vigilance and ex(^rtions of 
 them, added to all the terrors of fanguinary 
 Laws, are not fufiicient to prevent continual 
 fmuggling into their own Ifland. — Are there not 
 fifty buys, harbours, creeks, and inlets, upon 
 the whole coaft of North America, while there 
 is one round the Ifland of Great Britain ? — Is it 
 to be iuppofed then, that the whole Britifli Na- 
 vy could prevent the importation qf arms and 
 ammunition into America ? 
 
 But what will you do for difcipline and fub«. 
 ordination ? I anfwer, we will have them in as 
 great perfedion as the ,cgular troops. — If the 
 Provincials were not brought in the lafl: War 
 to a proper difcipline, what was th^ reafon? 
 Becaufe regular Generals would not let them 
 fight, which they ardently wiflied, but employ- 
 ed them in cutting roads, — If they had been al- 
 lowed to fight, they would have brought the 
 
 War 
 
( 37 ) 
 
 War to a coBclnfion too foon, — The Provinclati 
 did lubmit to Martial Law ; and to the Mutiny 
 and Dcfertion At\ the laft War ; and fuch an 
 A<^ niay be made here by a Legislature, which 
 they will obey with much more alacrity thaa 
 ^n A6t of Parliament, ^ 
 
 The Militia arc commanded through th© 
 province, not by men who procured their com- 
 inillions iVom a Governor, as a reward for mak-» 
 ing themfelves pimps to his tools, and by difr 
 coveilnga hatred of the People; but by Gen- 
 tlemen, whofe eflates, abilities, and benevolence, 
 have rendered them the delight of the foldiers; 
 and there is an efleem and refped: for them vi- 
 fible through the Province, which has not been 
 vfed in the Militia. — Nor is there that unfteadi- 
 pefs that is charged upon them. In fome places, 
 where Companies have been fplit into two or 
 three, it has only ferved, by exciting an emu- 
 lation between the Companies, to increafe their 
 martial fpirit and fkill. 
 
 In a land War, this Continent can defend it* 
 felf againft all the World.— -We have men 
 enough ; and thofe men have as good natural 
 underftanding, and as much natural courage as 
 any other men. — If they were wholly ignorant 
 -^GW, the ymight learn the Art of War. But at 
 
 fea, 
 
f t. 
 
 S/ .1 
 
 ' i 
 
 ,,, 
 
 ( 38 ) 
 
 fca, we are defcnceleis. A Navy might burn our 
 fea-port towns. — ^Whut then ? Three hundred 
 and fifty thoufand Land-holders will not give 
 up their Rights^ and the Conftitution by which 
 they hold them, to fave fifty thoufand inhabi- 
 tants of maritime towns. — ^Will the Minifler 
 be nearer his market, after he has burnt a beau- 
 tiful town, and murdered thirty thoufand inno- 
 cent people ? 3o far from it, that one fuch 
 event would occafion the lofs of all the Colonies 
 to Great Britain for ever.— 'It is not fo clear that 
 cur Trade, Fishery, and Navigation, could be 
 taken from us. — Some perfons, who underftand 
 this fubjedt, are of a different opinion .-^-They 
 think that our T'*ade would be increafed, But 
 I will not enlarge upon this fubjed:, becaufe I 
 wiili the Trade of this Continent may be con- 
 fined to Great Britain 5 at lead as much of it a? 
 can do her any good to reitrain, 
 
 f 
 
 1^1^ 
 
 ■ The Canadians and Savages are brought In, 
 —Although we are fenfible that the Quebec 
 Adt has laid a fcundation for a fabric which may 
 be formidable, if not ruinous to the Colortes in 
 future times, yet v/e know that thefe times are 
 yet at a diftance ; at prefent we hoM the power 
 of the Canadians as nothing. — But we know 
 their difpofitions are not unfriendly to us. — The 
 Savages will be more likely to be our friends 
 
 than 
 
( 39 ) 
 
 than our enemies : But if they fhould not, W< 
 know well enough how to defend ourfelves 
 
 a^ainft them* 
 
 Is the three-pence upon 'fea our only grie- 
 vance ?*--Are we not in this Province deprived 
 of the privilege of paying ourGoveruors, Judges? 
 &c. — Are not trials by Jury taken, from us ? 
 —Are we not to be fent to England for trial > 
 • — is not a Military Government put over us ? 
 Is not our Conflitution demolilhed to the foun- 
 dation ? — Have not the Minillry Ihewn, by the 
 Quebec Bill, that we have no fecurity againft 
 them for our Religion, any more than our Pro- 
 perty, if we once fubniit to the unlimited claims 
 of Parliament ? — But this is fo grofs an attempt 
 to impofe on the moft ignorant of the people, 
 that it is a Ihame to anfwei it, , 
 
 Objla Trincipiis*-^^\^ the ihoots of Arbitrary 
 Power in the bud, is the only maxim which can 
 ever preferve the Liberties of any People.-— 
 When the People give way, their deceivers, be- 
 trayers, and deftroyers, prefs upon them fo fall, 
 that there is no refifting afterv^ards. — The na- 
 ture of the encroachment upon the American 
 Conflitution is fuch, as to grow more and more 
 encroaching. Like a cancer, it eats fafter and 
 fafter every hour.^-The Revenue creates Pen- 
 
 fioners. 
 
!l 
 
 ( 40 ) 
 
 iibnerS, atad the Pcafioners urge for more feevc* 
 hue. The people grow lefs fteady, Ipirited, and 
 virtuous, and the feekers more numerous and 
 more corrupt, and every day increafes the cir- 
 cles of their Dependants and Expedtants, until 
 Virtue, integrity, public fpirit, (impliclty, fru-» 
 gality, become the objeds of ridicule and fcorn i 
 and vanity, luxury, foppery, felfiihnefs, mean* 
 tiefs, and downright venality, fwallow up the 
 whole focisty. 
 
 elf i 'V ' 
 
 fl 
 
 '^ irtiiE ■ pfefeht tslamity feertis fo be nothing 
 more nor lefs, than reviving the plans of Mr* 
 "Berhard and the Junto. Surely this Party are, 
 fend have been, rather unpopular. — -The popular 
 l*arty did not write Bernard's Letters, who fo 
 long ago preffed for the demolition of all the^ 
 Charters upon thfe Continent:, and a PatliamC'fi- 
 tary Taxation, tofupport Government, and th^ 
 Adminiftration of Juftice in America. — The po- 
 "pular Party did not Write Oliver's Letters, who 
 inforces Bernard's plans ; nor Hutchinfon's, who 
 pleads with all his eloquence and pjit'hos for 
 J* ^diamentary Penalties, Mitiifterial Vengeance, 
 and an Abridgement of Englifh Liberties. 
 
 -ii. 
 
 , '"There is not in human nature a more won- 
 derful phsenomenon, norinthe whole theory of it 
 'a more in^.ricate fpetulation, than the ihiftings^ 
 ^"* turnings^ 
 
( 41 ) 
 
 furningSj windings, dnd evafions of a guilty 
 confcience« 
 
 The ftill ridiculous attempts of the Tories^ 
 to throw off the blame of our calamities from 
 themfeives to the Whigs, remihd me of the 
 ftory in the Old Teftament :-^When Jofeph's 
 brethren had fold him to the Ifhmaelites for 
 twenty pieces of iilver, in order to conceal their 
 own avarice, malice, and envy, they dip the 
 coat of many colours in the blood of a kidj and 
 fay that an evil bead had rent him in pieces and 
 devoured him. ' >: 
 
 . «■ '' ' 
 
 :r. 
 
 !''■ 
 
 ;l ' ;/ : 
 
 HoWEVEft, what the fans 6f Ifrael iiifehded 
 for ruin to Jofeph, proved the falvation of the 
 family j and I hope and believe that the Whigi 
 will have the magnanimity^ like him, to fup- 
 prefs their refentment, and the felicity of faving 
 their ungrateful brothers. 
 
 vl'^o 
 
 •^U 
 
 Th^re was never any pretence of raifing i 
 Revenue in America before the clofe of thc^ 
 war J and when the claim Was firft fet up, it gave 
 an alarm, like i warlike expedition againft us. 
 True it is, th?t fome duties had been laid be- 
 fore by Parliament, under pretence of regu- 
 lating our trade, and b} a collufion and com- 
 
 G bination. 
 
( 4* ) 
 
 I ■:, M 
 
 f1« 
 
 ,1 
 
 R 
 
 to'ation, between the Weit-India Planters aixf 
 the North-American Governors, fome y-ears be- 
 fore, duties had been laid upon molafTcs, &c. 
 tinder t"he fame pretence, but in reality merely 
 to advance the value of the eftates of the Plant-' 
 ers in the Weft-India Iflands, and to put forne' 
 p>lundcr, under the name of Thirds of Seizures,, 
 into the pockets of the Governors.-^But thefe 
 duties, tliough more had been collected in this- 
 Province than in any other in proportion, were 
 n^ver regularly cdilefted in any of the Colo- 
 hies. So ; vhe idea of an American Reve- 
 nue, for one y arpofe or another,- had never, at 
 this time, been formed in American minds^ 
 But the Minillerial Writers fay, ** She, Great 
 ;" Britain, thought it as reafonable that the Co- 
 ;** Ionics fliould bear part of the national bur- 
 f* then, as- that they Ihould llmre in th\; na- 
 '** tional benefit^"' . :. . 
 
 ■ i',-ji''^h' , 
 
 ■>r<' 
 
 tJpoN this fubjecft Americans have a great dea? 
 fo^fay*— -The National Debt,: befor-e the laft 
 war, was near an hundred millions^ Surely 
 America had no-fliare in running into that debt. 
 Where is the reafon then that flie Ihould pay 
 It ?— But a fmall part of the fixty millions fpent 
 in the laft war was for her benefit. Did not flie 
 bear her fullfhare of the burdeo-of tlie laft war 
 
 .■..:.,-. -. ' "iff 
 
( 43 ) 
 
 »D America?— rDid not this Province pay twelve 
 iliilllngs in tue pound in taxes, for the fiipport of 
 it ; and fend a fixth or feventh part of her fons 
 into a<^ual fervice; and, at the conclufion of 
 the war, was flic not left half a million fterling 
 in debt ? Did not all the reft of New-England 
 exert itfelf in proportion? What is the reafo^ 
 that the Malfachufets has paid its debt, and 
 the Britil'.i Minifler, in fourteen years of peace, 
 has paid fo little of his ? — Much of it might 
 have been paid iu this time, had not fuch ex- 
 travagance and peculation prevailed, as ought 
 to be an eternal warning to America, never to 
 truft fuch a Minifter with her money. What 
 is the reafon that the great and neceflary vir- 
 tues of limplicity^ frugality, and oeconoray, 
 cannot live in England, Scotland and Ireland, 
 as well as in America ? •,. . . 
 
 We have much more to fay ftill. Great Bri» 
 tain has confined all our trade to herfelf.— We 
 are willing flie fliould, as far as it can be for the 
 good of the Empire. But we fay that we ought 
 to be allowed as credit, in the account of pub- 
 lic burdens and expences, fo much paid in 
 taxes, as we are obliged to fell our commodi- 
 ties to her cheaper than we could get for them 
 at foreign markets. This difference is really a 
 '^ G z tax 
 
( 44 ) 
 
 *i 
 
 
 tax upon us, for the good of the Empire.^— 
 We arc obliged to take from Great Britain, 
 commodities that we could purchafc cheaper 
 clfewhere. This difference is a tax upon us, 
 for the good of the Empire. We fubmit to 
 this chearfully, but iniift that wc ought to have 
 credit for it, in the account of the expences of 
 the Empire, becaufe it is really a tax upon us, 
 -^Another thing. I will venture a bold afler- 
 tion : The three million Americans, by the 
 tax aforefaid, upon what they are obliged to 
 export to Great Britain only, what they are 
 obliged to import from Great Britain only, and 
 the quantities of Britilh manufactures, which in 
 thefe climates they are obliged to confume, 
 more than the like nu luer of people in any 
 part of the three kingdoms, ultimately pay 
 more of the taxes and duties that are appa* 
 rently paid in Great Britain, than any three mil- 
 lion fubjedts in the three kingdoms* — All this 
 may be computed, and reduced tp ftubbor^i 
 figures by the Minifter, if he pleafes. We can- 
 not do it. We have not the accounts, records, 
 ^c.r — ^Now let this account be fairly ftated, and 
 I will engage for America, upon any penalty, 
 that Ihe will pay the overplus, if any, in her 
 own conftitutional way, provided it is to be 
 applied for national purpofes, as paying ofFtl\e 
 
 National 
 
 ^ \j 
 
 V 
 
If 
 IF 
 
 ( 45 ) 
 
 National Debt, maintaining the Fleet, &c. not 
 to the fupport of a Standing Army in time of 
 peace, Placemen and Penfioners, &c. 
 
 Besides, every farthing of expence which 
 has been incurred, on pretence of protefting, 
 defending, and fecuring America, lince the lad 
 war, has been worfe than thrown away j it 
 has been applied to do mifchief. — Keeping an 
 army in America, h^s been nothing but a 
 public nuifance. 
 
 Furthermore, we fee that all the public 
 money that is raifed here, and have reafon to 
 believe all that will or can be raifed, will be 
 applied not for public purpofes, national or 
 provincial, but merely to corrupt the fons of 
 America, and create a fadtion to deftroy its in- 
 tercfl and happinefs, 
 
 . .■ . • 
 The authority of Parliament was never ge- 
 nerally acknowledged in America, — More than 
 a century lince, the MaiTachufet's and Virgi- 
 nia both protefted againft even the Ad: of 
 Navigation; and refufed obedience, for this 
 very reafon, becaufe they were not reprefented 
 in Parliament, and were therefore not bound 
 p— and afterwards confirmed it by their own 
 
 Provincial 
 
C 46 ) 
 
 Provincial Autliority. And from that time 
 t J this, the gtritral fcnfe of the Colonics has 
 ' .-n, that the authoiity of Parliainei>t was 
 confined to the regulation of trade, and did 
 not extend to taxation or internal legilla- 
 tion. 
 
 f| 
 
 P,l' 
 
 i^.i 
 
 ' % 
 
 u 
 
 But it has been faid, Adls of Parliament 
 for regulating our internal polity were fami- 
 Har, — This I deny. So far othcrwife, that 
 the Hatter's Ad: was never regarded-^the Adt 
 to deflroy the Land Bank Scheme, raifed a 
 greater ferment in this Province than the 
 Stamp A&. did, which was appeafed only by 
 pafiing Provincial Laws diredlly in oppofition 
 to it. — 'The Aft againft Slitting Mills, and 
 Tilt-hammers, never was executed here. — - 
 As to the Poflage, it was fo iifcful a regu- 
 lation, fo few perfons paid it, and they found 
 futh a benefit by it, that little oppofition was 
 made to it ; yet every man who thought about 
 it, called it an ufurpation. Duties for regulat- 
 ing Trade we paid, becaufe we thought it jufl 
 and neceflary that they fhould regulate the 
 Trade which their power proted:ed. As for 
 Puties for a Revenue, none were ever laid by 
 Parliaaient for that purpofe until 1764, when, 
 '•■ '■ ' -'• " "■'''■'■ ■'■ ■' ■ ■ ' '■ and 
 
( 47 ") 
 
 and ever fincc, its authority to do It has beeii 
 conftantly denied. ■ - <. ' ' 
 
 '■■' There is ambiguity in the word Subordina- 
 tion. The Whigs acknowledge a Subor lina- 
 tion to the King, in as ftridt and ftrong a fenfe 
 as the Tories. The Whigs acknowledge a vo- 
 luntary Subordination to Parliament, as far as 
 the regulation of Trade. What degree of Sub- 
 ordination, then, do the Tories acknowledge an 
 abfolute dependance upon Parliament, as their 
 Supreme Legiflative, in all cafes whatfoever, 
 in their internal polity as well as taxation ? 
 This would be too grofs ; for there is nobody 
 here who will expofe his underllanding fo muck 
 as explicitly to adopt fuch a fcntiment. 
 
 ( • ' f 
 
 '■i-i 
 
 €( 
 
 The Whigs were fcnfible that there was 
 *' no oppreflion that could be feen or felt." 
 The Tories have fo often liiid and wrote this to 
 one another, that I ibmctimes fufpe<ft they be- 
 lieve it to be true : But it is quite otherwife. 
 The Caftle of the Province was taken out of 
 their hands, and garrifoned by regular foldiers: 
 This they could fee ; aud they thought it indi- 
 cated an hollile intention and difpofition towards 
 them. They contrnually paid their money to 
 Collectors of Duties ; this they could both (te 
 and feci. An hoft of PlaccmcHj whofe whole 
 
 ^ufuicfs 
 
 ; * 
 
 m 
 
m 
 
 ( 48 ) 
 
 bufineft It was to collect a Revenue, were cbn^ 
 tinually rolling before them in their chariots s 
 Thcfe they faw. Their Governor was no longer 
 . paid by thcmfelves, according to their Charter, 
 but out of the new Revenue, in order to rcn«* 
 der their AfTemblies ufelefs, and, indeed, con- 
 temptible. The Judges Salaries were threaten- 
 ed every day to be paid in :hc fame unconftitU-« 
 tional manner. The dullclt eye-fight could not 
 but fee to what all this tended, viz. to prepare 
 the way for greater innovations and oppreffions* 
 They knew a MInifler would never fpend his 
 money in this way, if he had not fomc end to 
 anfwer by it. Another thing they both faw and 
 ,felt : Every man of every charafter, who, by 
 votlngj writing, fpeaking, or otherwife, had 
 favoured the Stamp Adt, the Tea Ad:, and 
 every other meafure of a Minifter or Governor, 
 ^ who they knew was aiming at the deflrudtion of 
 . their form of Government, and introducing 
 . Parliamentary Taxation, was uniformly, in 
 . fome department or other, promoted to fomc 
 ■ place of honour and profit for ten years to- 
 . gethcr ; and on the other hand, every man 
 , who favoured the people in their oppofition to 
 . thole innovations, was depreffed, degraded and 
 - pqrfecuted, as far as it was in the power of the 
 Government to do irt, •. 
 
 , 
 
 ^t^H\-\ „. 
 
 •\ 
 
 'f«I< 
 
( 49 ) 
 
 This they confidercd as a fyftema^lcal means 
 of encouraging every man of abilities to 
 cfpoufe the caufc of Parliamentary Taxation, 
 and the plan of dcllroying their Charter Pri- 
 vileges ; and to difcourage all from exerting 
 thcnifclvcs in oppofition to them. This* they 
 thought a plan to enflavc them, for they uni- 
 formly think tluit the deftruction of their Char- 
 ter, mnkijig the Council and Judges wholly 
 dependent on the Crown, and the People fub- 
 jed: to the iinlimittcd power of Parliament, as 
 their fupreme Legiflative, is flavery. They 
 were told that the Miniftry and their Governors 
 together, had formed a defign to enflavc them, 
 and that when once this was done, they had 
 the higheft rcafon to exped: Window-taxes, 
 Hearth-taxes, Land-taxes, and all others. And 
 that thcfe were only paving the way for re- 
 ducing the country to Lordfliips. Were the 
 People iwiftaken in thcfe fufpicions ? Is it noC 
 now certain, that Governor Bernard, in 1769, 
 had formed a defign of this fort ? Read his 
 Principles of Polity— and that Lieutenant Go- 
 vernor Oliver, as late as 1768 or 9, enforced 
 i;he fame plan ? Read his Letters. 
 
 It is true, that the People of this country in 
 general, and of this Province in fpecial, have 
 gn hereditary apprehenfion of, and averfion to 
 
 H LordfliipS 
 
h'*.. 
 
 ( 50 ) 
 
 Lordfhips Temporal and Spiritual. Their an< 
 ccftors fled to this wilderncfs to avoid them ; 
 they fuffered fiifficicntly under them in England; 
 and thcie are few of the prefent generation 
 who have not been warned of the danger of 
 them, by their fathers or grandfathers, and 
 enjoined to oppofe them, 
 
 It is curious to obfcrve fhe conduft of the 
 Tories towards the Clergy. If a Clergyman 
 preaches again^' the Principles of the Revo- 
 lution, and tells the People, that upon pain of 
 damnation they mull fubmit to«an eftablifhe(^ 
 •Government, of whatever charafter; the Tories 
 cry him up as an excellent man, and a wonder- 
 ful preacher ; invite him to their tables, procure 
 him Millions from the Society, and Chaplain- 
 ihips to the Navy, and flatter him with the 
 hopes of Lawn Sleeves. But, if a Clergyman 
 preaches Chriftianity, and tells the Magiftrates, 
 that they were not dillinguiflied from their 
 Brethren for their private emolument, but for 
 the good of the People ; that the People are 
 bound in confcience to obey a good Govern- 
 ment, but are not bound to fubmit to one that 
 aims at defl:roying all the ends of Government 
 —Oh Sedition I Treafon ! 
 
 The 
 
( 5' ) 
 
 . The Clergy in all ages and countries, and in 
 this in particular, arc difpofed enough to be on 
 the fide of Government, as long as it is toler- 
 able : If they have not been generally in the 
 late Adminidrations on that iide, it is a de* 
 monftration that the late Adminiftration has 
 been univerfally odious. 
 
 The Clergy of this Province arc a virtuous, 
 fenfible, and learned fct of men. 
 
 It is the duty of the Clergy to accommodate 
 their Difcourfes to the times ; to preach againft " 
 fuch fins as are moft prevalent, and recom- 
 mend fuch virtues as are mod wanted. For 
 example, if exorbitant ambition and venality 
 are predominant, ought they not to warn their 
 hearers againft thefe vices ? If public fpirit 
 is much wanted, Ihould they not inculcate this 
 great virtue ? If the rights and duties of 
 Chriftian Magiftrates ..ad Subjedts are dif- 
 puted, ihould they not explain them, ihew 
 their nature, ends, limitations and reftri^ions ? 
 
 Let me put a fuppofition : Juftice is a great 
 Chriftian, as well as Moral Duty and Virtue, 
 which the Clergy ought to inculcate and ex-» 
 plain. Suppofe a great man of a pariih ihould 
 for fevcn years together receive 600 pounds 
 
 H z fterling 
 
l ■<■ 
 
 
 i 5» ) 
 
 fterlihg a year, for difcharging the duties ol 
 ^n important Office, but during the whole time 
 ihould never do one adt, or take one jflep 
 about it. Would not this be great injuflice to 
 the Public ? And ought not the Parfon of that 
 parifh to cry aloud and fpare not, and fhew 
 fuch a bold tranfgreflbr his fms ? Shew that 
 juflice was due to the, Public as well as to an 
 individual; and that cheating the Public of 
 four thoufiind four hundred pounds Iterling, 
 is at leaft as great a fin as taking a chicken 
 from a private hen-rooft, or perhaps a watch 
 from a fob I 
 
 h I 
 
 We are told, " It is an univeifal truths that 
 " he that would excite a Rebellion, is at heart 
 *• as great a Tyrant as ever weilded the iron 
 ** rod of oppreflion." Be it fo ; we are not 
 exciting a P.cbellion. Oppofition, nay open, 
 avowed refiftancc by arms, againft ufurpation 
 and Uwlefs violence. Is not Rebellion by th^ 
 law of God, or the land. Hairpden, Ruflel, 
 Sidney, Somers, Holt, Tiliotfon, Burnet, 
 Hoadley, &c. were not tyrants nor rebels, al- 
 though fome of them were in arms, and the 
 others undoubtedly excited refiftance againft 
 the Tories. Remember the frank Veteran ac- 
 knowledges, that *^ the word Rel^el is a con- 
 «* veitible term,*' .. ^' ' '" 
 
 •■ •' As 
 
I 
 
 ( 53 ) 
 
 As a charge againft the Affembly xj? MaHa* 
 thufets, it has been faid, that one fet of Mcmb- 
 bcrs in Committee, had always prepared the 
 Refolves, &c» This is not true; but if it was,. 
 what wj!:id it prove ? Only that this fet of 
 men were thought by the Houfe the fittell: for 
 that purpofc. Can it ever be otherwife ? Will 
 any popular Afllmbly chufe its word Members 
 for the bcft fervices> Will an Ail<imbly of 
 Patriots chufe Courtiers to prepare votes 
 againft the Court ? No refolves againft the 
 claims of Parliament or Adminiftration, or the 
 meafures of the Governc- (excepting thofc 
 againft the Stamp A6t, and perhaps the anfwcrs 
 to Governor Hutchinfon*s fpeeches upon the 
 fupremacy of Parliamen':) ever pafled through 
 the Houfc, without meeting an obftacle. The 
 Governor had, to the laft hour of the Houfe*s 
 fxiO^ence, always feme ftckcrs and expectants 
 in the Houfe, who never failed to oppofe, and 
 offer the bcft arguments they could, and wer6 
 always patiently heard. That the lip'^ jf the 
 dilFcntients were fealed up ; that they fat in 
 filence, and beheld with regret, meafures they 
 dared not oppofe, are ground lefs fu^^geftions, 
 and grofb reflections upon the honour or cou- 
 rage of chofe Members. The debates of this 
 Jloufe were public, in4 evckry man who has 
 - . . attended 
 
C 54 ) 
 
 P 
 It' 
 
 ■II 
 
 f : 
 
 E , I' 
 
 ii' 
 
 
 attended the gallery, knows there never was 
 nioie frcedc^m of debate in any Aflembly. 
 
 4 
 
 The treatment this Province has received re* 
 fpcding the i\gency, fince Mr. Hutchinfon's 
 Adminiftration commenced, is a flagrant ex- 
 ample of injuftice. There is no law which re- 
 quires the Province to maintain any Agent in 
 England, much lefs is there any reafon which 
 neceffarily requires, that the three branches 
 fliould join in appointment. In ordinary times, 
 indeed, when a harmony prevails among the 
 branches, it is well enough to have an Agent 
 conftituted by all ; but in times when the 
 foundations of the Conflitution are difputed, 
 and certainly attacked by one branch or the 
 other, to pretend that the Houfc ought to join 
 the Governor in the choice, is a palpable ab- 
 furdity. It is equivalent to faying, that thc' 
 People fhall have no Agent at all ; that all 
 communication between them and their So- 
 vereign Ihall be cut off; and that there fliall 
 be no channel through which Complaints and 
 Petitions may be conveyed to the Royal Ear ; 
 becaufe a Governor will not concur in an Agent, 
 whofe fe -^iments are not like his ; nor will an 
 Agent or the Governor's appointment be likely 
 to urge accufations againft him with any dili- 
 gence 
 
< ss ) 
 
 gence or zeal, if the People have occaiiem ta 
 complain againfl hur. 
 
 Every private Citizen, much more every 
 Reprefentative Body, have an undoubted right 
 to petition the King ; to convey fuch Petitions 
 by any Agent, and to pay him for his fervice. 
 Mr. Bernard, to do him juftice, had fo much 
 regard to thefe principles, as to confent to the 
 payment of the People's Agents, while he ftaid. 
 But Mr, Hutchinfon was fcarcely feated in rhe 
 Chair as Lieutenant Governor, before w^e had 
 intelligence from England, that Lord Hillf- 
 borough told Dr. Franklin, he had a letter 
 from Governor Hutchinfon, foliciting an in- 
 llrudtion againfl: confenting to the falary of the 
 Agent. Such an infl:ruCtion was accordingly 
 foon fent ; and no Agent for the Board or Houfc 
 has received a farthing for fervices fince that 
 time, although Dr. Franklin and .. Bollan 
 have taken much pains, and one of them ex- 
 pended conliderable funis of money. There is 
 a meannefs in this play that would difgrace a 
 gambler : A manifefl: fear that the truth Ihould 
 be known to the Sovereign or the People. — 
 Many perfons have thought, that the Province 
 ought to have difmilTed all Agents from that 
 time, as ufelefs and nugatory ; this behaviour 
 amounting to a declaration, that we had no 
 
 chance 
 
( 56 ) 
 
 cBancc or hoprs of Juilice from fueh ft 
 Miaiiler. 
 
 i.. 
 
 v.- J 
 
 It . 
 
 !i 
 
 N 
 
 '.. I 
 
 'i 
 
 i 
 
 IS 
 
 
 But this Province, at ieaft as meritorious a» 
 any, has been long accuilomcd to indignities 
 and injuftice, and to bear both with unparaU 
 kllcd patience ; Others have piirfued the fame 
 method before and fmcc, but we have never 
 fieard that their Agents are unpaid. They 
 would fcarccly have borne it with fo much re-r 
 fignation. 
 
 Nero murdered Seneca, that he might pull 
 tip virtue by the roots ; and the fame maxim 
 governs the Scribblers and Speechifyers on the 
 iide of the MiniHer. It is fufficient to difcover,j 
 that any man has abilities and integrity, a 
 love of virtue and liberty ; he muft be rua 
 down at all events. Witnefs Pitt, Franklin, 
 and too many others, / 
 
 From the date of our Charter, to the time of 
 the Stamp Adt, and indeed fmce that time (not- 
 wlthilanding the mifreprcfentaLions of our 
 Charter-confiitution, as too popular and repub- 
 lican) the Council of this Province have been 
 • generally, on the fide of the Governor and the 
 Prerogative. For the truth of this, I appeal 
 ,to oui whole hiilory and experience. The, art 
 
 and 
 
ft 
 
 IS, 
 
 T 
 
 ( 57 ) 
 
 iand power of Governors, and efpecially the ne- 
 gative, have been a ftronger motive on the one 
 hand, than the annual election of the two 
 Houfes oh the other. — In difputes between the 
 Governor and the Houfe, the Council have ge- 
 nerally adhered to the former, and in many 
 cafes have complied with his humour, when 
 fcarcely any Council by Mandamus upon this 
 Continent would have done it. 
 
 But in the time of the Stamp A6t, it was 
 Found produ'^ive of many mifchiefs and dan- 
 gers, to have Officers of the Crown, who were 
 dependaftt on the Miniftry, and Judges of the 
 Superior Court, whofe offices were thought in- 
 compatible with a voice in the Legiflature, 
 Members of Councih 
 
 In May 1 765, Lieutenant Governor Hutchin- 
 lon, Secretary Oliver, and Mr. Belcher, were Offi- 
 cers of the Crown ; the Judges of the Superior 
 Court, and fome other Gentlemen who held com* 
 miffions under the Governor, were Members of 
 Council. Mr. Hutchinfon was Chief Juftide and 
 a Judge of Probate for the firft county, as well 
 as Lieutenant Governor and ^ Counfellor^ too 
 many offices for the great^ft and belt man in the 
 ivorld to hold, too much bufinefs for any man 
 lo do; befides that, thefe offices were frequently 
 
 I clafhing 
 
 t 
 
i»' 
 
 
 t« 
 
 ( si ) 
 
 clafhing and interfering with each other.— .If v/c 
 dther Jnfticcs of the Superior Court were Coun- 
 fellors, and nearly and clofely conncded witH 
 ^11111 by family alliances.— One other Juftice was 
 Judge of Admiralty during pleafure.^ — Such a 
 jumble of offices never got together before in 
 any Englifh Government.' It was found, in 
 ihort, that the famous Triumvirate, Bernard, 
 Hutchinfon-y and Oliver^ th-e ever-memorable^, 
 fecrct, confidential Letter-writers,, had by de- 
 grees, and before the People were aware of it^ 
 ercd:ed a: Tyranny in the Province, Bernard 
 had all the executive, and a negative in-the Le- 
 gillative : Hutchinfon and Oliver had el'cvated 
 to the Board fuch a colled:ion of Crown Officers, 
 and their own relations, as fo have too much 
 influence there : And they had three of a family 
 on the Superior Bench, which is the Supreme 
 Tribunal in all caufes civil and criminal, vcftcd 
 ivith all the powers of the King*s Bench, Com- 
 mon Pleas, and Exchequer, which gave them 
 power over every adt of this Court. This Jun- 
 to, therefore, had the legiflative and executive 
 in their controul, and mote natural influence 
 over the judicial, than is ever to be trufted in 
 any fet of men in the world* The Public, ac- 
 cordingly, found all thefe fprings and wheels in 
 the Conftitution fet in motion to promote fub- 
 iiiifliou to the Stamp Ad", and to difcountenance 
 - refiflance 
 
 t« 
 
., ^ 
 
 ( 59 
 
 ) 
 
 Tcfiftiince to it; and they thought they had a 
 violent prefumption, that they would for ever 
 l3C employed to encourage a compliance with 
 all Miniftcrial mcafures, and Parliamentary 
 claims, of whatever character they might be. 
 
 J . 
 
 The defigns of the Junto, how-ever, were 
 .concealed as carefully as poffible. Moft per- 
 fons were jealous; few were certain. When 
 ihe Aflembly met in May 1766, after the Stamp 
 Ad: was repealed, the Whigs flattered them- 
 felves with hopes of peace and liberty for the 
 future, Mr. Otis, whofe abilities and integri- 
 ty, whofe great exertions, and moft exemplary 
 facrifices of his private intereft to the public 
 fcrvice, had intitled him to all the promotion 
 which the People could beftow, was chofen 
 Speaker of the Houfe. Bernard negatived the 
 choice. It can fcarcely be conceived by a 
 ilranger, what an alarm this manoeuvre gave 
 to the Public. It was thought equivalent to a 
 jdeclaratlon, that although the P<:ople had been 
 fo fuccefsful as to obtain a repeal of the 
 Stamp Adt, yet they muft not hope to be quiet 
 long, for Parliament, by the Declaratory Ad:, 
 had alTerted its Supreme Authority, and new 
 taxations and regulations fliould be made; 
 and every man who Ihould dare to oppofe fuch 
 
 I 2. projeds. 
 
( 6o ) 
 
 ! 
 
 'i« 
 
 projedts, let his powers or virtues, his family 
 or fortune be what they would, fhould be 
 furely cut off fjrom all hopes of advancement. 
 The Electors thought it high time to be upon 
 their guard. All the foregoing reafons an4. 
 motives prevailed with the Electors ; and the 
 Crown Officers, and Juftices of the Superior. 
 Court, were left out of Council in the new 
 choice.-— Thofe who were eledted in their 
 places were all negatived by Bernard, which 
 was confidered as a frefh proof, that the Junto, 
 flill perfevered ii^ their designs of obtaining « 
 Reven\je. 
 
 M 
 
 *' The Governor," fay Minifterial Writers, 
 ** could do little or nothing without the Coun- 
 *' cil, by the Charter," — " If he called upon a 
 *' Military Officer to raife the Militia, — he was 
 *' anfwered, they were there already, &c."' 
 The Council, by the Charter, had nothing to do 
 with the Militia. The Governor alone had all 
 authority over them. The Council, therefore, 
 are -not to blame for their condu(3:. If the 
 Militia refufed obedience to the Captain Gene- 
 ral, or his fubordinate Officers, when com- 
 manded to affift in carrying into execution the 
 Stamp A<ft,or in difperfing thofe who were op- 
 pofing it, does not this prove the univerfal fenfe 
 
 and 
 
( 6l ) 
 
 and refolution of the People not to fubmit to it? 
 Did not a regular army do mor^ to James the 
 Second ? If thofe over whom the Governor had 
 the moft abfolute authority and decifive in- 
 fluence, refufed obedience, does not this Ihew 
 how deeply rooted in all mens minds were the 
 abhorrence of that powder whic^ ./as ufurping 
 pvcr them ? — " If he called upon the Council 
 ^* for their affiflance, they muft firft enquire 
 ^* into the caufe." An unpardonable crime, 
 no doubt ! But is it the duty of a middle branch 
 of legillature, to do as the firft Ihall command 
 them implicitly, or to judge for themfelves ? 
 Is it the duty of a Privy Council to underftand^ 
 ^he fubjcdt before they give advice, or only to 
 lend their names to any Edidl, in order to make 
 it lefs unpopular ? It would be a Ihame to an- 
 fwer fuch obfervations as thefe, if it was not for 
 their wickednefs. Our Council, all along, 
 however, did as much as any Council could 
 have done. Was the Mandamus Council at 
 New -York able to do more, to influence the 
 People to a fubmiflion to the Stamp Ad: ? Was 
 the Chair, the Board, the Septennial Houfe, 
 with the afliftance of General Gage and his 
 troops, able to do more in that City, than our 
 Branches did in this Province ? Not one iota. 
 JJor could Bernard; his Council, and Houlc, if 
 
 they 
 
■' 
 
 H, 
 
 ' ' 
 
 • \ •>'» 
 
 ( 60 
 
 thty IkuI been unanimous, have Inducctl fub^ 
 jnifTion. The People would have fpurned them 
 all, for they arc not to be wheedled out of 
 their Liberties by their own reprereniutives, 
 niiy more than by (Irangers. ** If he wrote 
 *' to Government at home to flrengihcn his 
 *^ hands, fomc officious pcrfons procured and 
 *' fent back his Icucrs." At laft it feems to 
 be acluiowledged, that the Governor did write 
 for a military force, t( ftrengthen Government. 
 For what ? To enable it to inlWcc Stamp Ads, 
 Tea Ad:s, and other internal regulations, the 
 authority of which the People were determined 
 never to acknowledge. ... \ 
 
 But what a pity it was, that thcfe worthy 
 Gentlemen could not be allowed, from the 
 deareft affcdtion to their native country, to 
 which they had every poflible attachment, to 
 go on in profound confidential fecrecy, prq-r ,- 
 curing troops to cut our throats, Ad:s of Par-f^y 
 liament to drain our purfes, deftroy our ^ 
 Charters and Aflembiies, getting eftates and 
 dignities for themfelves and their own families, 
 and all the while moll devoutly profefling to 
 be friends to our Charter, enemies to parlia-^j 
 mentary taxation, and to all penfions, without 
 being dctcdcd ! How happy ! If they could 
 
 have 
 
 m\ 
 
have annihilated all our Charters, and yet hnvo 
 "been beloved, nay deified by the People, as 
 friends and advocates for th<.'ir Charters. What 
 iiiaftcrly Politicians ! To have made thcnirelvca 
 Nobles for life, and yet have been thou['^ht 
 Very forry that the two Houfes were dcpri\ td 
 of the privilege of chnfing the Council, l^low 
 fagacious, to get large pcnfions for thcmfelvcs, 
 and yet be thought to mourn, that pcnfions 
 and venality were introduced into the country ! 
 How fweet and pleafant ! To have been the 
 mod popular men in the community, for being 
 ftaunch and zealous DifTcnters, true-blue Cal- 
 vinifts, and able advocates for public virtue 
 and popular government, after they had in- 
 troduced an American Epifcopatc, univcrfal 
 corruption among the leading men, and de- 
 prived the People of all lliarc in their Supreme 
 Legiflative Council ! I mention an Epifcopate ; 
 for although I do not know that Governors 
 tlutchinfon and Oliver ever diredtly folicited 
 for Biihops, yet they muft have fcen, that 
 thefe would have been one effed very foon, of 
 eftablifliing the unlimited authority of Par* 
 iiament. ^ ' \ f . 
 
 ♦- ' -. 1 V ' ■ 
 
 I AGREE, that it was not the perfons of Ber- 
 
 ^nard, Hutchinfon, or Oliver, that made them 
 
 obnoxious, but their principles and pradiices. 
 
 And 
 
i. 
 
 n 
 
 ( 64 ) 
 
 And I will agree, that if Chatham, Camden^ 
 and St Afaph, (I beg pardon for introducing 
 thcfe revered names into fuch company, and 
 for making a fiipj)ofition which is abfurd) had 
 been here, and profecuted fuch fchemes, they 
 ■would have met with contempt and execration 
 from this People. But, when it is faid, " That 
 *' had the intimations in thofe Letters been at* 
 ** tended to, we had now been as happy a 
 *' People as go^ d Government could make us;'* 
 ** it is too grofs to make us angry. We can do 
 nothing but fmile. — Have not thcfe intimations 
 been attended to ? Have not fleets and armies 
 been fent here, whenever they were requcfted ^ 
 Have not Governors, Lieutenant-Governors, 
 Secretaries, Judges, Attorney-Generals, and 
 Solicitor-Generals falaries, been paid out of the 
 revenues as they folicited ? Have not taxes 
 been laid and continued *' Have not Englifh 
 Liberties been abridged as Hutchinfon defiicd } 
 Have not ** penalties of another kind" been 
 inflid:ed, as he defired ? Has not our Charter 
 been deftroyed, and the Codicil put into the 
 King's hands, as Bernard requcfted ? — In ihort, 
 almoft all the wild pranks of this defperate 
 Triumvirate have been attended to and adopt- 
 ed, and we are now as miferabie as tyranny 
 can make us* 
 
 T«At 
 
 ,. ^ 
 
( is ) 
 
 r TRAt Mr. Hutchlnfon wad amiable atid t%» 
 emphry in fome refpedi, and very unamiablc and 
 tinexcmplary in others, is a certain crUth ; otheN 
 wife he never would have retained fo much po* 
 pularity on the one hand) nor made To perni- 
 cious a ufc of it on the othen His behaviour, 
 in f^veral important departments, was with abi- 
 lity and integrity, in ca^:s which did not affe^b 
 his political fyflcm 3 but he bent all his offices 
 to that. Had he continued ftcdfaft to thofe 
 Principles in Religion and Government^ which 
 in his former life he profefled^ and which alone 
 had procured him the confidence of the People^ 
 And all his Importance, he would have Hved and 
 <iied rcfpedred and beloved, and have done ho» 
 nouf to his native country 3 but by renouncing 
 thefe principles, and that condud which had 
 made him and all his Anceiiors refpefUble, his 
 chara£):er is now confidered, by all America, and 
 the belt part of the three kingdoms^ notwlth- 
 Handing the countenance he receives from the 
 Miniltry> as a reproach to the Province that 
 gave him birth, as a man who by all his actions 
 aimed at making himfelf great, at the expence 
 of the Liberties of his native country *-«This 
 Gentleman was open to flattery in io remark- 
 able a degree, that anv man who would flatter 
 hiu was fure of his friendihip^ and drety one 
 who WOUI4 ftoc was fure of his enmity iif*<-He 
 
 ".(ua ^ 
 
 K 
 
 was 
 
I) 
 
 i 
 
 m 
 
 'i. 
 
 > 
 
 j|ras-cf€«l,tnfot^s, In a ri^ipul^o^vs d^gt^y of tttry 
 iJjing that (i^y^ured his o^ypjpl^ns; an/d Cji^vi^Hf 
 incredulous of every thi;3g >yhieh made" sg^inifc 
 jth^m.— riyia ijj^tural abi-lfit^es, .which hav^ been 
 greatly ^CXfg^^j'jrated by pi?r(gijs whom h?e had 
 ^vanjged fo p^Mver, were far from being erf f^hje 
 firft rat^.'— HJ!* i.ncKiftry Was prodigious.— His 
 IciTipwkdgjs i^y chiefly in tjjue l^ws, and poiitjcs, 
 gnd hiftoxy of this Pivvinc€y iit which he l^ad a 
 ioug expi?rier,cer Yet with ail his sidv^atages, 
 ^e nev^r was maftcr of tbe Unc pharaifter ©f his 
 Active country, not ev^n of New England and 
 |;he MalTackufets Bay^^r-Throygh the whole 
 i-rpubkfcme period iince tlie laft war, he manw 
 feiWy m>ftock the temper, principles, and opi* 
 l^ions of this People. He had refolved upon a 
 fiyfiem, and never could'of would fee |:h« im;* 
 pra^icability of it* .: ,; 
 
 ... ' ■ '' • . 4 '.. .■ ., A 
 
 tw-u"!^, , .* */i * ^1,1 .«»»■< . I >j -■ ■•;i I r , : 1 
 
 ►lIt iS'Tcry triie that allhis sibtlmes, virtues, 
 kitercjfts, aad connedion^,. were jniufiicient ; but 
 for what ? Ta prevail on. the People to ^cquicfce 
 k the mighty claim of Parliamentary Autho- 
 rity js-r— The Coiiftitution wa^ i^ot gone*. The 
 fuggedion th^ it.was, i»-a vUe iknder. It had 
 as much vigour as ever,iand even the Governor 
 had as much power as ever, eiocepting in cafef 
 ivmch affieiSked that claim.rr*'* oThe fptrit," :&y 
 the M\wfi:€iial Wdte*:s^ i"^»»s;itculy .iscpi^bli- 
 «.7 ' «!.% can» 
 
« «>■ y) 
 
 
 ** can:/' It was not fo, in iiny one' caie"wlraf^ 
 €ver, any farther than the fpirit of the Britifh* 
 Conllitution is rcpublican.-^Even in the grand 
 fundamental Difpntc', the People arrangedrhem- 
 fclves under their Houfe of Rcprcfehtatives and 
 Council, with a^ rmuch order as evef, and coni»' 
 duded their oppoftti-Tln as rauch by th-e ConftW 
 idition as evcr^ \x, \i' true, their Conftitijitioi^ 
 was cmpioyed ag?iiiift'th« meafuiesof tki; Jauto,' 
 which cr£ated their ecnrity' to it.— ^-However, JD' 
 have ntixtfucJi aw horror of a rbpublicaa fpirit,^ 
 which 16 a' fpirit of true virtue,' iand honcfl in*' 
 idepeJSideiTce; I donpt mean on tht^King, but oi> 
 Men in "^PoweT^ This fpirit is f6 far from' being* 
 ancottipadble with the Bf itifh Goniftittmion^ that 
 it is^ ttlie ^eltcft giioGf y of it; and-th'e Nation has* 
 jdways been molt yrofperou3 wbjcai it 'has' mofb 
 f>r6vaiW, afid- beenf mod encouraged by the^ 
 Crowii, I wilh it inpreafcd in every part of the 
 world, efpcci!ally in America; and -r think tii«i 
 meaftnes the Tories are now purfuinjg, will in#» 
 creafc it to a degree that wilT infiare-'us^ in tlie 
 end R.edrefff of Grievances, and ahohappy E.6»«t 
 ^conciliation with' Great Britain rhi.r.v /uoq 
 
 1 ** GJovEKNOR' Hiitdiisifoh,*' vft 2sd told^ 
 **.ilpove to convince ua, by the ptiiiciples o£ 
 ** Government, our Charters, and Acknowledge 
 SiU K 2 *J ments-^ 
 
'k 
 
 I ■! 
 
 .It] 
 
 ( 6? ) 
 
 f* ments, that our Claims were inconfiftent with 
 *^ the Subordination due to Great Britain.*. 
 
 Suffer me to introduce here a little Hiftory. 
 In 1764, when the Syftem of taxing and new 
 modelling the Colonies was firft apprehended. 
 Lieutenant Grovemor Hutchinfon*s friends ftrugt 
 gled in feveral fucceflive Seffions of the General 
 Court, to get him chofen Agent for the Pro- 
 vince at the Court of Great Britain. At this time 
 he declared freely, " That he was of the fame 
 *f fentiment with the People, that Parliament 
 'f had no right to tax them ; but differed from 
 *^ the Country Party only in his opinion of the 
 *^ policy of denying that Right in their Peti- 
 ** tions, &c/^ — ^I would not injure him ; I was 
 told this by three Gentlemen who were of the 
 Committee of both Houfes to prepare that Pe- 
 tition, that he made this declaration explicitly 
 before tjiat Committee. I have been tcjjd by 
 other Gentlemen, that he made the fame declar 
 xation to them. It is poiiible that he might 
 make ufe of exprefiions ftudied for the pur<^' 
 pofe, which would not ftridkly bear this couii 
 Urudion. But it is certain, that they under- 
 wood him fo, and that this was the geneta^ 
 opinion of hv^ fentimepts until he came to thcf 
 
 ^hair»-t-Uyi;iii. ;.:.;.: .; . :.:/: .:....• .;;<; ^ ». 
 
 
 '■I 1 w '<~i 
 
 >• 
 
 T)tt« 
 
( «9 ) 
 
 The Country Party favv that this afpiring ge- 
 plus aimed at keeping fair with the Miniftry, 
 by fupporting their meafures ; and with the Peo- 
 ple, by pretending to be of our principles ; and 
 between both to trim himfelf up to the Chair, 
 The only reafon why he did not obtain an elec- 
 tion at one time, and was excufed from the fer- 
 vjce at another, after he had been chofen by a 
 fmall Majority, was, becaufe the Members knew 
 he would not openly deny the right, and aflurc 
 his Majefty, the Parliament, and Miniftry, that 
 the People never would fubmit to it. For the 
 fame reafon he was left out of Council. But he 
 continued to cultivate hla popularity, and to 
 maintain a general opinion atnong the People, 
 tjiat he denied the right in his private judgment; 
 and this idea preferved moil pf thofe who con- 
 tinued their efteem for him, 
 
 st 
 
 ';i-. 
 
 nu'- 
 
 ..•«■ r 
 
 -But upon Bernard^ removal, and hlif 
 taking the Chair as Lieutenant Governor, he 
 had no further expeftations from the People, 
 nor complaifance for their opinions. In one of 
 his firft fpeeches he took care to advance the 
 Supreme Authority of rarliament. This afto- 
 nilhed many of his friends. They were heard 
 to fay, ** We have been deceived. We thought 
 he had been abufed^ but we ^^owfind what has 
 
 . .. been 
 
li ' 
 
 I i^ 
 
 P ! 
 
 It ; 
 
 (.70 )) 
 
 bccB Taid (yi hirti is true. He is determined to 
 join in ch" tirfighs againft this coUntry."— *Aftef ,. 
 his prortiotion to the Governmenti finding that^ 
 the People had little cottfidencd in hinr, aacj: 
 Shewing that he had no intcreft at hoirjt to fup^ 
 port him, but what he had stcquired by joinnTgi 
 with Bernard, he determined to ftrike a boidf. 
 ftroke^ and, la a fbf mal fpeech to both Houftcs^ ' 
 beconfte a ChalripiOn for the unbounded Autho* 
 rity of Parliarrteftt over the Colonies; This her 
 thought would lay the Miniftry under an; obK^ 
 gatjon t0 fupport hirt^ ii^ the Gorcirmneiity of 
 elfe to provide for him out of it ; nbt eonfidcr- 
 3Bg, that {latihg that queiliori hufore tkat Af^ • 
 fenibly, and ca^lmg upon: thctii as' he diditddtf- 
 pute with him upo& itj was fcattei'in^^rebrands^i 
 arrows^, ; and dcathy irrfporr^ivlor] M'ibi ud: hn*: 
 
 The Houfe thus called upon, either to ac« 
 knowledge the unlimitftji Authtority of PsTHa^ 
 metit, or confute hi$ afgfuments^,; wer^ bisoainkii 
 by their duty to God, their Goantry anfl'Poftew! 
 rity, to give him a full dnd C3i:plitcit aqfwer.-'-*! 
 They proved inconteftibjy, that he was out inr 
 his fa<fts, inconfiftent witlh HmfeH, and iir every-' 
 principle of his' law hte had eoftiMitteda blun- 
 der. And although this cbuntry has fuflfered^ 
 f^verc calamui^s in confe^ucnce of thi^f^eech^k 
 
 f I 
 
( 71 ) 
 
 ^yet I hope they will not be ckirable ; but lii9 
 ruin was certainly in part owing to it.— Nothing 
 
 i-ever opened the eyes of the People fo much to 
 his defigns, excepting his Letters. If it was 
 out of his power to do us any more injuries, I 
 Should wilh to forget the pafl ; but as there is 
 reafon to feair he is ilill to continue his labours 
 againfl this country, although he is out of our 
 iight, he ought not to be out of our minds.— 
 This country has every thing to fear, in the 
 prefent (late of the Britiih Court, while the 
 Lords Bute, Mansfield, and North, have the 
 principal conduit of aiSairs, from the intrigues 
 of that man. 
 
 • ,>>»« ; 
 
 /'W •' < 
 
 .rrm 
 
 •'J,n VfAi IW.-s ,' 
 
 • We are then told " that DifafFe<ftion to Great 
 
 ^^ -Britain was infufed into the Body of the Peo- 
 
 ^* pic." The leading Whigs have ever fyfte- 
 
 matically, apd upon principle, endeavoured to 
 
 prefcrve the People from all difafFedtion to the 
 
 King on the one hand, and the Body of the 
 
 JPeople on the other ; but to lay the blame 
 
 .where it is juftly due^ on the Miniftry and their 
 
 inftrjiments... 
 
 • -t^' , ^K 4 > 
 
 - We are next conduced into the Superior 
 Court, and informed " that the Judges were 
 ^ dependent «n the annual grants pf the Ge- 
 
 fiXil 
 
 •* neral 
 
( 7* ) 
 
 II 
 
 Ih 
 
 «'l ; 
 
 
 • *' neral Court ; tliat their falarics were fniall irt 
 
 • •* proportion to the falaries of other Officers of 
 , ** lefs importance ; that they dften petitioned 
 
 ** the Affembly to enlarge them, without fuc- 
 '* cefs, and were reminded of their depend- 
 '* ence ; that they remained unfhaken artiid the 
 *' raging tempefls, which is to be attributed 
 
 • ** rather to their firmnefs than fituation/* : 
 
 That the falaries Were fmall, muft be allowed; 
 but not fmaller in proportion than thofe of other 
 Officers* All falaries in this Province have been 
 
 ^ fmalU It has been the policy of the country 
 to keep them fo ; not fo much from a fpirit of 
 parfimony, as an opinion, that the fervice of the 
 Public ought to be an honotary, rather than a 
 
 •lucrative employment; and that the great men 
 ought to be obliged to fet examples of fimpli* 
 city and frugality before the People, {; .^ii..- 
 
 ^> 4.y '^' t r ^AJ.. .'* 
 
 Jf-f *»V^,^.«» 
 
 But if we confider things maturely, and make 
 allowance for all circumflances, I think the 
 country may be vindicated. This Province, 
 during the lafl war, had fuch overbearing bur- 
 dens upon it, that it was neceffitated to eco- 
 nomy in every thing. At the peace Ihc was half 
 a million flerling in debt. She thoughjt it the 
 bcil policy, to get out of debt before fhe yaifcd 
 . ' th© 
 
It 
 
 e 
 
 ( 73 ) 
 
 the wages of her fervants, arid If Great firitairt 
 had thought as wifely^ ihe would not now have 
 had one hundred and fdrty millions to pay, and 
 ihe would never have thought of taxing 
 America; 
 
 Low as the wages were, it was found that 
 Urherievet a vacancy happened, the place wa« 
 fdlicited with much roore anxiety and zeal thart- 
 the kingddm of Heaven; 
 
 ANdtrtER caiife whith had its etteA wai 
 tills : The JvldgeS of that Court had alriloft al- 
 ways enjoyed fdme other office; At the time of 
 the Stamp Adtj the Chief Juftifce was Lieutenant 
 Governdr, which yielded him a profit j and a 
 Judge of Prdbate for the County of Stiffblk^ 
 which yielded him atidther prdfit ; and a Cduri- 
 felldr^ which, if it was ndt very ptofitable^ 
 gave hiiii an dppdrturiity of promoting his 
 family and friehds to other profitable dffices ; an 
 Opportunity which the country faw he moft 
 religiouily improved. Andther Juflice of this 
 Court was a Judge of Admiralty ; and another 
 •was Judge of Probate for the County of Ply- 
 tnouthi The People thought, therefore, that as 
 their time was not wholly taken up by their 
 Offices^ as Judges of the Superior Court, there 
 
 L ' was 
 
!:1 
 
 ( 74 ) 
 
 was ho rcafon why they (hould be paid as mucli 
 as if it had been. '. . * ^ ■ ' 
 
 - Another rcafon was this : Thofc Juftlccs had 
 not been bred to the Bar, but taken from Mcr- 
 chandizc^^ufbandry, and other occupations f 
 had been at no great ex pence for education or 
 libraries; and therefore the People thought that 
 equity did not demand large falarics, ; ir , 
 
 Whether all thefe arguments were fufficicnt 
 to vindfcate the People for not enlarging their 
 faiaries, 1 fliall leave to you, my friends, whofc 
 right it is, to judge. — But that the Judges pe- 
 titioned " often" to the Aflembly, I don't re- 
 member. I knew it was fufpedted by many, 
 and confidently affirmed by fome, that Judge 
 RufTell carried home with him in 1766, a Pe- 
 tition to his Majefty, fubfcribcd by himlelf 
 and Chief Juflice Hutchinfon at leafl, praying 
 his Majefty to take the payment of the Judges 
 into his own hands; and that this Petition, 
 together with the felicitations of Governor 
 Bernard, and others, had the fuccefs to pro- 
 cure the Adt of Parliament, to enable his Ma* 
 jefty to appropriate the Revenue to the fupporf 
 of the Adminiftration of Juflice, &c. from 
 whence a great part of the prcfcnt calamities of' 
 Amerifiat. have flowed. 
 
 That 
 
! 
 
 ( 75 ) 
 
 That the high Whigs took care to get them- 
 fclves chofen of the Grand Juries, I do not 
 believe. Nine tenths of the People were nigh 
 Whigs ; and therefore it was not eafy to get a 
 Grand Jury without nine Whigs in ten in it. 
 And the matter would not be much mended by 
 the new Adt of Parliament. The Sheriff muft 
 return the fame fetofjuror*^, Court after Court, 
 or elfe his Juries would be nine tenths of them 
 high Whigs ftill. — Indeed the Tories are fo en- 
 venomed with malice, envy, rage, and difap- 
 pointed ambition, that they would be willing, 
 for what I know, to be Jurors for life, in 
 order to give verdidts againft the Whigs. — 
 And many of them would readily do it, I doubt 
 not, without any other law or evidence, than 
 what they found in their own breads. The 
 foggeftion ©f Legerdemain, in drawing the 
 names .of Petit Jurors out of the box, is fcaa- 
 dalous. Human wifdom cannot devife a 
 fiiothod of obtaining Petit Jurors more fairiy, 
 and better fecured againfl a poffibility of cor- 
 ruption of any kind, than that eftablilhed by 
 our Provincial Law. They were drawn by 
 chance out of a box, in open Town Meeting, to 
 >vhich the Tories went, or might have gone, as 
 well as the Whigs, and have feen, with their 
 own eyes, that nothing unfair ever did or 
 could take ^ l^.ce. If the Jurors confided of 
 
 L 2 Whigs, 
 
( 76 ) 
 
 Whigs, it was ViccaiTfc rhc Freeholder? were 
 \V»Aig3 ; that IS, honcU men. 
 
 K 
 
 ** The Judges pointed put fcditious libels, 
 " on Governors, Magiftratcs, and the whole 
 f* GovernniCnt, to no efFedt, They did fo» 
 f* ■ — Bur the Jiaori thought fqme of thcfeno 
 f libels, but Iblcmn truths. At one trmCr I 
 *' have heard that all the news-papers for fcve- 
 ^' ral years, the Maflachufets Gazette, Mafla- 
 ** chufets Spy, &c. were laid before a Grand 
 f ^ Jury at once. The Jurors thought there were 
 •* multitudes of libels written Hy the Tories, 
 f* and they did npt know v^ j they fhould 
 " attack if they prefented them ; perhaps 
 f Governor Bernard, Lieutenant Governor 
 *' Hutchinfon, Secretary Oliver— poffibly the 
 ** Attorney General .---They faw fo many dif*; 
 f ficulties— they knew not what to do. 
 
 
 ^' We are told, the Whi^s once flattered 
 " themfelves they Ihould be able to divide the 
 f' Province |3etween them," I fuppofe it is 
 meant, that they Ihould be able to get the 
 honourable and lucrative Offices of the Province 
 into their hands. If this was true, they would 
 vv chargeable with only defigning what the 
 Tories have adhially done; with this difference," 
 that the Whigs would have done it by faving 
 
 the 
 
( 77 ) 
 
 the Liberties and the Conftltmion of the Pro- 
 vince — whereas the Tories hayc done it bv the 
 dcftrudtion of both. " ' 
 
 With regard to the Tea, the cafe is Ihortly 
 this : The Eaft-India Company, by their Con- 
 tradV with Government, in their Charter and 
 Statute, are bound, in confideration of their 
 important profitable privileges, to pay to the 
 public Treafury a revenue, annually, of four 
 hundred thoufand pounds llerling, fo long as 
 they pan hold up their dividends at twelve per 
 fcent. and np longer. 
 
 The miftaken policy pf the Miniftry, In ob- 
 flinately perfifting in their claim of Right to Tax 
 America, and refufing to repeal the duty on 
 tea, with thofe on glafs, paper, and paint, had 
 induced all America, except a few Merchants 
 in Bofton, mofl of whom were clofely corneft* 
 ed with the Junto, to refufe to import ten 
 from Great Britain ; the confcquence of which 
 was a kind of flagnation in the affairs of the 
 Company, and an immenfe accumulation of tea 
 in their ftores, which they could not fell. This, 
 among other caufes, contributed to affedt their 
 ^redit, and their dividends were on the point 
 of falling below twelve per cent, and confe- 
 gUfcntly the Government was upon the point of 
 
 lofing 
 
1' 
 
 I 
 
 u 
 
 ii ■ 
 
 ( 78 ) 
 
 1(31111^'; 400,000!. /Icrling a vf ar of rcvf nuf ,— 
 The Company Solicited the Miniftry to take off 
 the duty in America ; but they adhcrcin^ to 
 thi ir plan oi Taxing the Colonics, and eftabliili- 
 ing a precedent, framed an A«ft to enable the 
 Company to fend their tea dircdtly to America, 
 This was admired as a mafter-piece of policy. 
 It vyasi thought they would acconiplifli four 
 great piirpofes at once ; eftablifli their prcr 
 cedent of taxing America; raifcalargc revenue 
 there by the duties ; fave the credit of the 
 Company^ and the 400,900!. to the Govern- 
 ment. The Company, however, were fo little 
 plcaicd with this, that there were great debates 
 among tlic Diredtors, whether they fliould 
 rifque it, which were finally determined by a 
 majority of one only, and that one the Chair- 
 man ; being unwilling, it is faid, to interfere in 
 the difpute between the Minifler and the Co- 
 lonics, and uncertain what the rcfult would 
 be ; and thi$ fmall majority was not obtained, 
 as it is faid, until a fufficient intimation wa^ 
 given that the Company ftiould not be lofcrs. 
 
 When thefe defign$ were made known, it 
 appeared, that American Politicians were not 
 to be deceived \ that their fight was as quick 
 and clear as the Minifter's ; antl that they were 
 as ftcady to their urpofe, as he was to his. 
 
 This 
 
 

 ( 79 ) 
 
 This was thought by all the Colonies to In 
 the precifc |>oint of time when it became ab* 
 folutcly ncccflary to make a ftaml. If the tea 
 fhould be landed, it would be fold ; if fold, the 
 duties would amount to a large fum, which 
 would be inftantly applied to increafc the 
 friends and advocates for more duties, and to 
 divide the People ; and the Company would 
 get fuch a footing, that no oppofitlon after- 
 wards could ever be efrc'(5lual. And as foon af 
 the duties on tea Ihould be eflablilhcd, they 
 would be ranked among Poll-oftice fees, and 
 other precedents, and ufed as arguments both 
 of the right and expediency of laying on 
 others, perhaps on all the ncceilarles, as well 
 SIS conveniences and luxuries of life. The 
 whole Continent was united in the fentiment, 
 tha'. all oppofition to parliamentary taxation 
 mull be given up for ever, if this critical mo- 
 ment was neglected. Accordingly, New-York 
 and Philadelphia determined that the fhips 
 Ihould be fent back ; and Charleftown, that the 
 tea Ihould be ftored and locked up ; — this v/as 
 attended with no danger in that city, bccaufc 
 they arc fully united in fentiment and affection, 
 and have no Junto to perplex them. Bofton 
 was under great dift'culties. — The Confignec^s 
 at New-York and Piiladelphia molt readily 
 rt^figncd. — The Confignces at Bofton, the chil- 
 . . J dren, 
 
( 8o ) 
 
 f. 
 
 f! ! 
 
 I 
 
 ; P 
 
 tlren, coufins, and moft intimate connexions of 
 Governor Hutchinfonj rcfufed. I am very 
 forry that I €arnot ftira fmgle ftep in develop- 
 ing the caufes of my rountry*s miferies, with- 
 out flumbling upon this Gentleman. But fo it 
 isi From the near relation, arid fhofi: intimate 
 connedlion of the Cdnfignees with him, there 
 is great caufe of je^Ioufy, if hot a violent prc- 
 fumption, that he was at the bottom of all this 
 bufinefs ; that he had planned it, in hts Con- 
 fidential Letters with Bernard, and both of them 
 joined in fuggefting and recommending it to' 
 the MIniftry. V/'thbut this ftippofitioni it is 
 difficult lo account for the obftinacy with 
 which the Confignees refufcd to refign, and thd 
 Governor to let the veiiel go. However this 
 might be, Bofton is the only place upon the 
 Continent, perhaps in the world. Which eVef 
 breeds a fpecies of Mifanthropos, who will 
 pcrfift in their fchemes for their private intercity 
 witii fuch obltinacy, in oppcfation to the 
 public good ; difoblige all their fellow citizens 
 for a little pelf; and make themfelves odious 
 and infamous, when they might be refpcdtefl 
 »nd cfteemed. It muft be faid, however, ir^ 
 vindication cf the Tmvn, that this bi'eed if 
 fpawucd chiefly by the Junto — The Configrtees 
 would not rcfign; the Cuflom-houfe reftifcd 
 clearances ; Governor Hutchinfon refufed paflej 
 
 by 
 
( 8i ) 
 
 • ' • r 
 
 by the Caftle. The qutftion then was, with 
 many, whether the Governor, Officers and 
 Confignees fhduld be compelled to fend the 
 ihips hence ? An army and navy was at hand, 
 and bloodfhed was apprehended. At laft, 
 when the Continent as well as the Town and 
 Province, were waiting the iflue of this deli* 
 beration with the utmoft anxiety, a number of 
 perfons, in the night, put them out of fufpenfe, 
 by an oblation to Neptune. 
 
 ♦ r f 
 
 '-' •* The revenue was not the coniideration 
 '* before Parliament." Let who will it. But 
 if it was not, the danger to America was the 
 fame. I take no notice of the idea of a mono- 
 poly. If it had been only a monopoly (though 
 in this light it would have been a grievance) It 
 would not have excited, nor in the opinion of 
 any one, juflified the flep that was taken. Ic 
 was an attack upon a fundamental principle of 
 the Conftitution, and upon that fuppofition was 
 refifted, after multitudes of petitions tc no 
 purpole ; and becaufe there was no tribunal in 
 the Conflitution, from whence redrefs could 
 have been obtained. 
 
 ■ All men are convinced that it was imprac- 
 ticable to return the tea, and rendered fo hy 
 Mr, Hutch in Ton and the Bollon Confignees. 
 
 M WhcthiT 
 
( 8* ) 
 
 Whether to have flored it would have anfwered 
 the end, or been a Icfs mifchief than drowning 
 it, I Ihall leave to the judgment of the Public. 
 The other Colonies, it feems, have no fcruples 
 about it ; for we find that whenever tea arrives 
 in any of them, whether from the Eaft India 
 Company, or any other quarter, it never fails 
 to ihare the fate of that in Bofton. All men 
 will agree, that fuch fteps ought not to be taken, 
 but in cafes of abfolute neceflity, and that fuch 
 ncccffity muft be very clear. But n«oft people 
 in America now think, the deftruftion of the 
 Bolvon tea was abfolutely neceffary, and there-; 
 fore right and juft. It is very true, they fay^ 
 if the whole People had been united in fenti* 
 ment; and equally liable in their refolution, not 
 to buy or drink it, there might have been a 
 reafon for preferving it; but the People here 
 were not fo virtuous or To happy. The Britifh 
 Miniflry had plundered the People by illegal 
 taxes, and applied the money in falarlcs and 
 penfions, by which devices they had infidiouily 
 attached to their party, no inconfiderable num- 
 ber of perfons, fome of whom wei'^ of family, 
 fortune, and influence, though many of them 
 wereof defperate fortunes; each of whom, how- 
 ever, had his circle of friends, cc ine(^ions and 
 dependants, who were determined to drink tea, 
 both as evidenceof their fervility to Adminiflra- 
 
 tion, 
 
tion, and their contempt and hatred of the 
 People. Thefe it was impoffible to rcftrain 
 without violence, perhaps bloodfhed ; certainly 
 without hazarding more than the tea was 
 worth. To this tribe of the wicked^ they fay, 
 muft be added another, perhaps more nu- 
 merous, of the weak, who never could be 
 brought to think of the confequences of their 
 ad:ions, but would gratify their appetites, if 
 they could come at the means. What num- 
 bers are there in every Community, who have 
 no providence or prudence in their private 
 affairs, but will go on indulging the prefenc 
 appetite, prejudice or pafiion, to the ruin of 
 their eftates and families, as well as their own 
 health and charad:ers ! How much larger is the 
 number of thofe who have no forcfight for 
 the Public, or confideration of the freedom of 
 poflerity ! Such an abflinence from the tea, as 
 would have avoided the eftablifhment of a pre- 
 cedent, depended on the unanimity of the 
 People — 'a felicity that was unattainable. Muft 
 the wife, the virtuous, and worthy part of the 
 Community, who conftituted a very great ma- 
 jority, furrender their liberty, and involve their 
 pofterity in mifery, in complaifance to a de- 
 teftable, though fmall party of knaves, and t 
 defpicable, though more numerous company 
 of fools ? 
 
 M2 If 
 
h 
 
 "'1 
 
 J: 
 
 ( »4 ) 
 
 If Bofton could have been treated like other 
 places,-r-like New-York and Philadelphia, th^ 
 tea might have gone home from thence as it 
 did jfrom thofe cities.-^That inveterate, dcf- 
 perate Junto, to whom we owp ^11 Qur ^alamir 
 tie?, were determined to hurt us in this, as in 
 ^11 othcf cafes, as much as they could. It is to 
 \>e hopet} they will one day repent, and be for- 
 given J but it is very hard to forgive without 
 repentance. When the pews of this event ar? 
 rived in England, it excited fuch paffions in thp 
 Minifter as nothing could reflj-ain ; his refent- 
 ment was kindled into revcxige, rage and mad- 
 nefs; his veracity was piqued, as his mafler- 
 piece of Policv proved but a bubble : The bant- 
 ling was the fruit of a favourite amour, and nq 
 wonder that his natural affedbion was touchedj 
 when he faw it difpatched before his eyes. — 
 His grief and ingenuity, if he had any, were 
 ^ffetfted at the thought that he had mifled the 
 Eafl India Company, fo much nearer to dcr 
 ftrud:ion, and that he had rendered the breach 
 between the Kingdom and the Colonies almoft 
 irreconcileable ; his fhame was excited becaufe 
 Oppofition l^ad gained a triumph over him, and 
 the three kingdoms were laughing at him for 
 his obftinacy and his blunders : Inftead of 
 relieving the Company, he had haitened its ruin : 
 Inftead of cftablilhing the abfoluteand unlimited 
 
 Sovereignty 
 
( 85 ) 
 
 fovcrcignty of Parliament over the Colonics, he 
 had excited a more declfive denial of it, and relill- 
 ?incc to it. — An eledtion drew ni^h, and he dread- 
 ed the refentment even of the corrupted eledtors- 
 
 In this ftatc of mind, bordering on defpair, 
 he determines to ftrike a bold llroke. By at- 
 tacking all the Colonies together, by the Stamp 
 Aft, and the Paint and Glafs A&, they had 
 been defeated. The Charter Conftitution of the 
 Maflachufets Bay had contributed greatly to 
 both thefe defeats. — Their Reprefentatives were 
 too numerous, and too frequently elefted, to be 
 corrupted ; their People had been ufed to con- 
 ijder affairs in their Town-meetings : Their 
 Counfellors were not abfolutely at the nod of a 
 Minifler or Governor ; but were, once a year, 
 equally dependant on the Governor and the twu 
 Houfes.— Their Grand Jurors were el-^dive by 
 the People ; their Petit Jurors w n; turned 
 rpcrely by lot. The Junto rightly ji iged, that 
 by this Conftitution the People had a check on 
 every branch of power; and therefore, as lon^ 
 as it lafte4, Parliamentary Taxations, &c. could 
 never be inforced. 
 
 Bernard publilhes his Seleft Letters, and 
 his Principles of Polity : Hireling Garretteers 
 
 were 
 

 S6 ) 
 
 ^f re employed to fcrlbUle millions of lies againft 
 us, in pamphlets and news-papers ; and Setter* 
 employed in the coffee-houfcs, to challenge or 
 knock down all the advocates for the poor Maf- 
 fachufets. — It was now determined, inftead of 
 attacking the Colonic? together, though they 
 had all been equally oppofed to the plans of the 
 Miniftry, and the claims of Parliament, and 
 therefore, upon minifterial principles, equally 
 guilty, to handle them one by one; and to be- 
 gin with Bofton and the Maflachufets. The 
 deftrudiion of the tea was a fine event for fcrib- 
 felers and fpeechifyers to declaim upon; and 
 there was an hereditary hatred of New Eng- 
 land, in the minds of many people in England, 
 on account of her non-conforming principles* 
 ' — It was likewife thought there was a fimilar 
 jealoufy and animc^ty in the other Colonies 
 againft New England; that they would there- 
 fore certiinly dcfert her; that Ihe would be in- 
 timidated, and fubmit ; and then the Minifter^ 
 among his own friends, would acquire immor- 
 tal honour, as the mod able, fkilful, and un- 
 daunted ftateiman of the age. 
 
 The I\)rt Bill, Charter Bill, Murder Bill, 
 QikH"'' Bill, making all together fuch a fright- 
 ful fy Ilcm as would have terrified any People 
 
 who 
 
( 87 ) 
 
 who did not prefer liberty to life, were all con- 
 certed at once : But all this art and violence 
 have not fucceeded. This People, under great 
 trials and dangers, have difcovered great abili- 
 ties and virtues, and that nothing is fo terrible 
 to them as the lols of their liberties. — If thofe 
 arts and violences are perfifted in, and ItiU 
 greater concerted and carried on againll them, 
 the world will fee that their fortitude, patience, 
 and magnanimity, will rife in proportion. 
 
 ' The Whigs faw their ruin connefted with a 
 compliance with the terms of opening the " 
 Port. — They faw the ruin of their Country 
 connected with fuch a compliance, and their 
 own involved in it ; But they might have eafiiy 
 voted a compliance, for they were undoubtedly 
 a vali majority, and have enjoyed die cftecm 
 and affcAion of their fellow flaves to their lall 
 hours: Several of them could have paid for the 
 tea, and never have felt the lols. — They knew 
 they mull fuffcr vaflly more than the tea wis 
 worth ; but they thought they adeJ for Aiae- 
 rica and pcftcritv, and that the-) Ought not to 
 take fuch a itep without the adv loc of the Co- 
 lonies. — They have declared our caufe their 
 ©vvn- — chat they never will fubmit to a prece- 
 dent ia any part of die United Colonies, by 
 
 wnich 
 
h <* 
 
 II' r 
 
 ( 88 ) 
 
 which Parliament may take awaj' wharfs and 
 other lawful eftates, or dcmolilh charters ; for 
 if they do, they have a moral certainty, that in 
 the courfe of a few years, every right of Ame- 
 ricans will be taken away, and Governors and 
 Councils, holding at the will of a Minifter, will 
 be the only Legillatives in the Colonies, 
 
 If we recolle^ft how many States have loft 
 their liberties, merely from want of communi- 
 cation with each other, and union among them- 
 felves, we Ihall think that the Committees of 
 Correfpondence may be intended by Providence 
 to accomplifh great events. What the elo- 
 quence and talents of Demoflhenes could not 
 cffe(5t, among the States of Greece, might have 
 been efFedted by fo fimple a device. Caftile^ 
 Arragon, Valencia, Majorca, &c. all com- 
 plained of oppreffion under Charles the Fifth ; 
 flew out into tranfports of rage, and took arms 
 againft him — But they never confulted or com- 
 municated with each other. — They refilled fe- 
 parately, and were feparately fubdued. Had 
 Don Juan Padilla, or his wife, been pofTefTed 
 of the genius to invent a Committee of Corrc- 
 fpondence, perhaps the Liberties of the Spanilh 
 Nation might have remained to this hour. 
 
 . • ' Tiii^ 
 
 
 

 
 ' ( 89 ) 
 
 The People are told, that " they have been 
 " infidioufly taught to believe that Great Bri- 
 «* tain is rapacious, cruel, and vindidive, and 
 " envies us the inheritance purchafcd by the 
 * fweat and blood of our anceftors." The 
 People do not believe this — they will not be- 
 lieve it : On the contrary, they believe if it was 
 not for fcandals conftantly tranfmitted from this 
 Province by the Tories, the Nation would re- 
 drefs our grievances. — Nay, as little as they 
 reverence the Miniftry, they even believe that 
 the Lords North, Mansfield and Bute, would 
 relieve them, and would have done it long ago, 
 if they had known the truth. — The moment 
 this is done, *' Long live our gracious King, 
 *« and happinefs to Britain!" will refound from 
 one end of the Province to the other : But it 
 requires a very little forefight to determine, 
 that no other plan of governing the Province 
 and the Colonies, will ever reftore a harmony 
 between the two countries, but defifting from 
 the plan of taxing them, and interfering with 
 their internal concerns, and returning to that 
 fyftem of Colony Adminiftration, which nature 
 diiftated, and experience for one hundred and 
 fifty years found ufefuL 
 
 FINIS. 
 
i 
 
 NEW PUBLICATIONS 
 
 PRINTED FOR 
 
 J. ST'OCKDALE* oppofite Burlington- 
 House, Piccadilly. • * 
 
 ^ujl Pubiyhed in One Volume OHav^ containing 324 
 • ' ,• Pages t Boards t Price ^s. . . 
 
 I, \ Complete and Authentic DETAIL of the 
 J\ feveral DEBATES in the HOUSE of 
 COMMONS on the EAST INDIA BILL, «n 
 Thurfday the 27th of November ; on Monday the 
 ill of Dect mher ; and on Monday the 8th of De- 
 cember. Together with Authentic Copies of the 
 Two EAST-INDIA BILLS; the Arguments of 
 Counfel againft One of them ; the fev»iral Papers 
 containing a true Statement of the Company's Af-r 
 fiirs ; Lills of the Divifions, of the Ahlentees, and 
 Q^ thofe vyho retired before the Divifions commenced. 
 *^.* As feveral paltry Compilations on the fame 
 Stibjejfl are now in Circulation, the Public are 
 hereby c^^utionetl againft the Impofition ; and thofe 
 who are defirous of being furnifhed with the only 
 Genuine Account of the Debates on the India Bill, 
 are requefted to be careful to a(k for Stockda^le^s Com' 
 plcte and Authmtic Detail. ^ ,, i- . 
 
 2. A Full and Acctirnte ACCOTTNT of the 
 DEBATES on the EAST INDIA BILL, in the 
 HOUSE of LORDS, ^yn I'uelday the 9th, Mon- 
 day the 15th, Tuelday the i6th, and Wc'dnefday 
 the 17th of Dec. containing the Speeches deliveipfl 
 by the Noble Lords on each of thofe Days, togc^- 
 ther with tlie Arguments uled by the learned Coun- 
 fel, in behalf of the COURT of DIRECTORS, 
 and the COURT of PF.OPRIETORS, asjainft the 
 BILL; the whole compiled and revifed in the cpr- 
 ret^eA nrnmor i)olTible, and printed to bind up with 
 the DEBATES of the HOUSE of COMMONS, 
 juft pwblilhed, and which together, will form one of 
 the moft complete and authentic works of the kind 
 ever otTered to the Public. Price 2s. 6d. 
 
 3. THE CONSTITUTIONS of the feveral 
 INDEPENDENT STATES of AMERICA ; the 
 Declaration of Independence : and the Articles of 
 Confederation between the faid States. To which 
 are now added, the Declaration of Rights \ the Non-