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THE ACTIVE MILITIA OF CANADA, 
 
 Lecture deiiverei on the 24th February i8q2, before the Military 
 
 Institute at Toronto 
 
 BV 
 
 LT.-COL. O'BRIEN, M. P., 
 
 COMMANDINO THE 35TH BXiTALION OF ACTIVE MlI.ITIA. 
 
 The first part of Col. O'Hricn's lecture is Historical, and points to 
 the sources from which the various races comprising the population of 
 Canada derived those warlike instincts which manifested themselves 
 at so many subsequent periods in their history. It refers to the Pioneers 
 of New France, and to the Colonists in the British Provinces, and 
 especially those of New England ; and to the circumstances in the con. 
 dilion of these early settlers, which fostered and encouraged a military 
 spirit ; to the revolutionary war which drove into Canada the U.E. 
 Loyalists, and the powerful influence exercised by them in the further 
 development of that spirit ; and then traces through the subsequent 
 history of the country the effect which the spirit so developed had 
 upon many important occasions. 
 
 The second part of the lecture relates to the military spirit now 
 prevailing in the country, as manifested in the formation of the existing 
 militia force. In describing that, Col. O'Brien said : — 
 
 In 1855 began the formation of the force which has grown to be 
 a truly national one — the Active Militia — Her Majesty's Army in 
 Canada. No country has any right to claim the attribute of nr.tionality 
 which is not prepared, out of its own resources, to maintain order 
 within its borders, and to resist aggression from without. In 1855 the 
 jhen Province of Canada took the first step in that direction, and the 
 movement, being the voluntary action of the people, was proof of the 
 steady growth of the military spir I'hen came the Trent afTair, when 
 
02. 
 
 the people with one voice declared that, though the quarrel was an 
 Imperial, one, and for which they .were in no. sense responsibl.e^_they 
 were willinj;, as part of the Empire, to assume their share of Imperial 
 defence. The Fenian raids followed, directed iigainst Canada, not 
 because the Canadians had done any wrong to Ireland, but because 
 Canada, a portion of the British Empire, was most vulnerable to attack. 
 This was an important e|)och in our history. For the first time a 
 purely Canadian force, equipped with Canadian money, drilled and com- 
 manded by Canadian officers, took the field, for self-defence it is true, 
 but in an Imperial quarrel. The Trent affair and the Fenian raids 
 made two things clear : first, the alacrity with which, in case of need, 
 Canada would spiing to arms; secondly, the promptitude with which 
 Great Britain both could and would send forces to her aid. Shortly 
 after the Fenian raid the active force was organized nearly upon its pre* 
 sent footing, and with Confederation it was extended over the whole 
 Dominion. But before the Dominion had arrived at the years of man- 
 hood the Norlh-West rebellion gave a practical test of the spirit 
 of the people, and of the capacity of its force. The events of that 
 'period are too fresh in our recollection to require any special notice at 
 my hands. That it was from first to last a military achievement of 
 which neither the Government, the people, nor those engaged need be 
 ashamed, is, I think, generally admitted. It gave proof, at any rate, if 
 proof were needed, that the warlike spirit of the C inadians had kept 
 pace with their progress in other respects — that the shades of Wolfe and 
 Montcalm, of Brock and De Salaberry, of our U. E. Loyalist ancestors, 
 and of all the unnamed heroes of our earlier days, might look down 
 with pride upon the Canada of 1885, and rejoice to think that it was 
 wortny of its sires. 
 
 But it seems to me that the most satisfactory evidence of the 
 existence and steady growth of the military spirit of Canada is to 
 be found in the fact that such a force as we have now in this 
 country is, under existing conditions, maintained at all. Neither 
 to the officers nor men who compose it doej< it afford anything 
 of profit or advantage, either social, political or jiecuniary. In every 
 kind of business or industrial pursuit membership in it is a drawback. 
 To officers in particular it involves a loss of time and money, as well as 
 
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 a considerate amount of labour. The Government recognize the force 
 as a necessary element in our pohtical existence, but grudge it the 
 starvation allowance which Parliament willingly votes. Employers of 
 labour give it no encouragement— too often do their best to hinder it. 
 Yet, under such conditions it exists, and it flourishes. Why ? Simply 
 because in the hearts of the people there is an ingrained military spirit 
 which will find means of development. Because there is in them the 
 spirit of their forefathers — the spirit whose growth in the foregoing 
 re narks I have endeavoured to trace, whose manifestations at various 
 periods in our history I have tried to point out — the spirit which first 
 led to the settlement of America, and which was fed and nourished 
 by the very conditions of the existence of the early pioneers. We see 
 it displayed in the fierce contests for the sovereignty of North America. 
 It animated the captors of Louisburg, and it is raged in the breasts of 
 those engaged in the death struggle on the Plains of Abraham. It 
 nerved the U. E. Loyal'sts in the heroic sacrifice which drove them 
 from every enjoyment of life to exile, hardship and oenury. It led the 
 militia of i8)[ 2 to victory at Queenston, Lundy's I/me and Chateau- 
 gaay. It caused them to rise in fury in 1866 to repel the insensate 
 Fenian invasion, and to struggle for places in the ranks of those who 
 were sent to face the probable danger of the North-West rising. And, 
 more than all, its steady glow keeps alive, despite the drawbacks I have 
 mentioned, the force to which we are all i>roud to belong. 
 
 From the existence of the Active P'orce under present conditions 
 I draw another conclusion of great practical moment. I believe that 
 as at present constituted it is eminently suited to the country. It is so 
 iricxpensive, the whole cost being less than 25 cents per annum upon 
 each of the poi)ulation, that the most severe economist cannot find 
 fault on that score. Being a purely voluntary force, and chiefly support- 
 ed by the independent yeomanry of the c )untry, it involves no serious 
 burden upon our industrial resources, and affects only those who will- 
 ingly ass'ime the task. The headquarters of e.ich corps being local, 
 it enlists in its support a variety of local interests, and the people of 
 the locality take a pride and interest in the efficiency of the corps, and 
 willingly aid in its support. By simplv increasing the number of men 
 per company its numerical strength can .)e doubled without any 
 
additional cost for officers or staff, and that strength cou'd be kef)t up 
 by regular recruiting at the various company and regimental head- 
 quarters. To increase its efficiency in drill all that is necessary is to 
 call it out, for it has its own instructors always ready for use, and of 
 the aptitude of the men for learning all the duties of a soldier I need 
 say nothmg. Experience has shown that it can be rapidly assembled, 
 and rapidly mobilized. While democratic in theory, as regards the 
 social status of its oCficxTs, the men have a wholesome sense of discip- 
 line which checks too much familiarity between them and their officers, 
 even when the latter may be socially on the same level with themselves ; 
 and, as far as my observation goes, ihey most respect those oflicers who 
 most respect themselves, and have a proper idea of what is due, if not 
 to themselves, at least to the commission \vhi(.h they hold. But, say 
 our critics, the force is com[)osed of such shifting material that the 
 men drilled one year are gone the next, and therefore the money spent 
 upon them is wasted. To some extent this may be true, but, on the 
 other h \nd, the very weak point of the system has its advantages. It 
 keeps th^^ military spirit constantly fermenting. It diffuses a knowl- 
 edge of soldiering, however slight, through a lar;4e part of the adult 
 population, and there is always a nucleus of drilled men existing in 
 every corps who cling to it f.-om [Hire love of it, who set an example, and 
 give a pattern to the recruit, teach him his duties, instil into him a 
 proper sense oi esprit du corps, and impart an air of soldierly bearing. 
 In every regiment there are enough of such men competent lor the 
 position of non-commissioned officers, and frequently for that of commis- 
 sioned officers; enough also to take up and discharge all duties when the 
 regiment is called out, while the recruits are being instructed. And 
 the result is, taking the rural corps as a whole, that the ri giment can be 
 moved from one place to another, can hi put into a train and taken 
 out of it, marched into camp, mount its guards and pickets, pitch its 
 tents, issue and cook its rations, maintain the strictest discipline, and 
 all the time go on with its instruction in drill in a |)urpose-like and 
 business fashion, and making progress in every military dufy in a 
 manner tl^at astonishes the officer of the regular army. Now, can anyone 
 suggest a system better suited to the h.ibits and ideas of the people, or 
 one that will bring about as good results from the same expenditure either 
 
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 of money or industry? What possible system of a small regular force, 
 such as is suggested by some, could equal it for effective results in case 
 of any serious difticulty ? Having rc.id the endless suggestions and 
 criticisms which arc from lime to time poured forth through the press, and 
 having, what few of the critics have, a pretty thorough knowledge of the 
 present system, its weak as well as its strong |)oints, of its very apparent 
 deficiencies, and of its real capacity— the former much more plain to 
 the eye than the latter — I have no hesitation in saying that the present 
 force, mainly created and developed by the military spirit of the coun- 
 try, and mainly dependent upon it for support, has, by the very fact of its 
 existence at the present, proved itself well suited to the country, and to 
 the resources at its command. And I am conservative enough to 
 believe that we shall do better to imjjrove and develop a system which 
 has served us well in the past, and is serving us better in the present, 
 than in troubling ourselves with the speculations of those who are too 
 proud to enter the present force, and who spend their military spirit in 
 pointing out the deficiencies which we in the ranks are steadily striving 
 to overcome. 
 
 I have spoken of the difficulties under which this force is maintained, 
 which bear so hardly upon those engaged in it. Certainly the country, 
 which has such a force upon such easy terms, has no right to complain. 
 We, however, who have so long borne the burden, have the right to 
 ask that it be made less severe, as easily it might be. The best methods 
 of accom[)Iishing this could not properly be discussed in connection with 
 the subject now under consideration, but thus much may be said, that 
 the military spirit of which we have been speaking would sustain the 
 Government in any reasonaijle expenditure recjuired to meet existing 
 deficiencies, especially when that expenditure would go directly to the 
 im[)rovement of the rank and file, and not to those accessories which, 
 however useful, are not of absolute necessity. 
 
 But it will be asked, and the question is a pertinent one, and 
 must be answered— admitting your contention to be correct, and the 
 existence and growth ot this warlike spirit to be proved, of what value 
 is it — what are you going to make of it? A political necessity, the 
 conditions of which m ly change at any time, compels us now to spend 
 a certain sum upon military preparations, and in the spending of that 
 
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 money a few enthusiastic perion* like to employ themselves in playing at 
 soldiering. It amuses them, and it does not hurt the country; hut, after all, 
 what is it but mere pastime? The only |H>ssibility of war is one in whi(h 
 we should be powerless. Any attempt at resistance would be useless. We 
 should be as a child in the hands of a giant, and immediate submission 
 would be our inevitable lot. Now, I will not attempt to answer this 
 question from a military point of view, though seve Uy-five thousand of 
 such men as in foriy-eight hours the Minister of Militia could put in 
 the field simply by doui)ling the strength of existing companies, would, 
 backed by the sea and land forces which ten days would bring to our 
 assistance,be no despicable force. But as upon the answer largelydepends 
 the future of this country, I will answer it in the spirit in which it was 
 answered by Sir Isaac Brock just eighty years ago, when, with as heavy 
 odds agiinst him as we could have to meet to-day, he undertook the 
 defence of the Canadian frontier — a defence which but for his untimely 
 death would have been more si.ccessful and glorious than it was. He 
 did not sit down to consider whether with ten thousand men he could 
 meet him that came agaist him with twenty thousand. He simpi) told 
 the people of Canada that the country was theirs, and that it was their 
 plain duty, when wrongfully attacked, to take up arms in its defence. 
 And ill a similar spirit should we answer the cjuestion to-day. If we are 
 not prepared to defend our country and keep it ours, we should not 
 have undertaken to make it. We should not assume national respon- 
 sibilities unless we are prepared to accept the conditions with which 
 they are connected, and by which alone they can be maintained. And 
 till human nature is reformed, and Christianity really governs the 
 world, preparation for self defence, and the readiness to endure all that 
 it may impose, is the first of national necessities. We have gone 
 too far upon the path of national progress no.v to draw back from the 
 fulfilment of this obvious duty. We cannot shrink from it unless we 
 are prepared to abandon the work in which we have been engaged — to 
 show ourselves false to every sentiment of manhood and patriotism — 
 unworthy of our name and race, and of all the glorious traditions of the 
 past. There is then a legitimate field for the exercise of the warlike 
 spirit of our people, and an absolute necessity for its careful develop- 
 ment ; and while the work is one in which all should bear a part, 
 
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 yet mainly upon those who, in no idle spirit o( display, but with an 
 earnest desire to fit themselves for the sttrn duties of the field, have 
 undertaken the task of foriuin;^ our Militia into an efficient military 
 force, will rest the burden of showing that the growih of a military 
 spirit in Canada is no idle dream— that it is a real, living element in 
 our national life and our national progress, and as essential to its com- 
 plete development as any of those which it is the duty of govern- 
 ment to foster and encourage. Acting upon such a conviction we 
 should go manfully and steadfastly on with our work, satisfied that 
 while engaged in a task suited to our tastes and capacities, we are 
 also fulfilling a duty second to none in its importance and value to the 
 country — as much of benefit to it as of credit to ourselves. 
 
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