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0% yO'h^Mf A^ti-'Vix^a^^x

':*:

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THE . ;

Other Side of the Queftion:

* . /

It:

O R,

A DEFEN C

OF THE '^Ji'i^^^

LIBERTIES of North-America.

A N S WE R

*]? O A L A T E

l^RIENDLY ADDRESS

^^y

'W^

All Reafonablfe Americans,

The subject o* OUR

POLITICAL CONFUSIONS.

By A CITIZEN.

NEW'TORKi

?rittted by James Rivincton, fronting HANOVi»-SqyAR<,
' M,DgC,LXXIV.

'tri

HirO^I,^

**■ '^'

1 v'' '

•R

Other Side of the Queftion :

O R„

A DEFENCE

O F T H E

Liberties of North-America, fec^

Certain Friendly Addrefs to all reafciable
Americans, was jiift now put into my
hands. Some people perhaps have read it^
for I am told it was publifhed (ix days ago-, where-
fore, after perufing, itleems proper to make a fliort
anlwer to this pe.formance: not becaufe it is well,
written, or becaufe there is the lealt danger any
man will become a profelyte to the doarint-s con-
tained in it ', but for rhe following reafons, whichr
candor obliges me to mention.

First. I anlwer this pamphlet, for the very
purpofe wh'ch alone the pampi)Jet itfelf is likely
fm - ^o efi^d,— to encourage the pa, cr manutadory.

Secondly, I anfwer it for the fake of the Prin^

ter, who -nua be fadly out of pocket, by pubi ih-

ijig fuch woeiul performances: And tliertfor.^ he is

. A 2 hereby

: I

( 4 )

hereby requeued to print this in a large type, and
the like, fo as to make the moil on't.

Thirdly. I write, bee an fe from the futility of
the au:hor*s reafoning, no body clfe may think it
worth the trouble. And if fo, why then he would
very naturally conclude that he had written an excel-
lent unanfwerable treatife, which conclufion mi^ht
inflate the poor creature's vanity, in fuch man-
ner as to tempt him into other imprudencies of
the fame kind. The public thanks therefore will
be my due, for removing, or at leafl preventing a
common nufance.

Lastly. I am prompted to this undertaking
Out of regard to the fair-fcx. For many weak
women may be exceedingly frighted by that awful
compound of threats, and texts, and homilies.

Now tlien, gentle reader, having told thee the
origin. I f^iall next acquaint thee v/ith the charac-
ter of i?iis new acquaintance, which my Mafler
James hath introduced to thy hand.—- 1 will not, as
is too common with controverfial people, whether
politic, or polemic,: I will not, I fay, ufe any
acrimonious expreffions, againfl this unhappy author;
for whofe weaknelTes and wanderings, I have the
utmoft pity and compafiion. On the contrary, I
Ihall treat him with the greateft gentlenefs and re-
fped, owing in fome meafure to my very great reve-
rence for the Clergy, one of which he 'is, as I have
been informed. And truly lie frequent quotations
from fcripture, together with the illiberal language
contained in his pamphlet, will naturally lead folks
IP believe fo. For it unfortunately happens, that

the

I I

( 5 )

the generality of thefe Gentlemen,, from an iingai*
habit they acquire by abufing the poor Devil, arc
too apt to vility and afpcrlc th.eir neighbours. Some
exceptions there are, it mull oe acknowledged,
which may be attributed to this; that a few indivi-
duals have kept better company, and feen more of
the pol.te world, than the rcit of their order. But
alack and alas! I ftar me our author is rot one of
thefe rare b^rds, for the houfehold proverbs and
tales with which his piece is interlarded, -if I may
venture on fomediing' like his own language) n.ake
the odds at leail a pound to a penny againft him.

And now reader, if by chance thou art a Prefby-
terian, or Congregationalift, or other Diircnterfrom
the Epifcopaiian Church, to which I myftlf belong;
permit me to a pologize for the rude and opprobrious
terms made ufe of againft you by our author. Thefe
things ought in common charity to be forgiven, in-
afmuch as they feem to have proceeded from igno-
rance and the want of better language. — And do
not, I befeech you, conchide too haftily againft his
brethren, I have feveral friends and acquaintance
among them, who are really Gentlemen. Where-
fore it is my earneft defire, that if in the hurry of
compofition ^for I have but three days to write this
in the midft of other affairsj if I fay any thing lliould
fall from my pen, which can be conftrued a reflec-
tion on the Clergy, it is my defire that it fhould be
inftantly erazed. — I honour them much for tlieir
piety, learning, and ftridlly loyal attachment to our
Sovereign.

An old Mathematician (I think they call him Ar-
chuTiedes) had fuch confidence in his art and ma-
chines.

. r*'

6 )

'-k

eliinfs, as to decline he would Tiovethe earth itfelf,
if he coulu get a place to Itand on. But pkale your
worlhijjs, .wh.l." he was upon the thing which was
to be moved, had he worked his li.-art out,- 'twould
nocnavebudi;ed an inch.— In imtation of this ve-
nerable icrew-driver, may we not lay down the fol-
k^ing logical maxim. A man may prove impoffi-
biTi'ties if you will concede his poilulata. — Thus^
in order to demonftrace that black is white, or in
orher words, that black and white are the ' fame
thing, I afk only this admiffi on; that there is no
difference between them.

He who in convcrfation with half a dozen friends
iliouid in a finlar manner begin any arguiixnt
wiiatever, by afnrmi'ig the thing to be proved, w^uld
he notrailc a laugh at his expence? Now, all Ame-
rica contend:i for rights, which we aver to have
been invaded, violattd, deftrjyed, and a certain
Wi- ter attempts to prove this conteil, treaf:)nable anci
rebellious; v/ha: (hall we think of a writer, who
begins an addrefs on this IlibjeA, not to half a
dozen, or half a hundred bat to all reafonable
Americans, with the tbliovving propofiti n? "Of
" airthe iubjefts of Great- 3rirain, thof- who efide
'' in the American t^)lonies, are and mi.rht ftil! be
" eajoy ing the bcMe.its of an equitable nd free con-
*' ftitution." As to his quotation from an '* excel-'
lent writer," it may Ihew the Gentle nan's read n^^,
but can never help his a gu.uent •, and therefore I
Ihall pafs it over in filence, to the exaarnation of '
thofe excellencies, which he himfelf hath fabricated.

If by the term, fablefls of Great-Britain, he
means fobjeds to the King of Great-Britain, and

.^ i-ubordinate

^^^

>■■!**

I «

>,*^

^bord'nate to the Parliamonr of that Kinoff^om, k
is an inaccuracy, which, confidcrlng whaMollows,
may be eaiilv forgiven. But if thcie words are ml
tended to infinuate, that the people of America ar«
fubjta to laws made by the Parliament of Great-
Br tain, in all cafes whattvc r, then we fhall find,
that the firft ground this great Archim.tdes intends
to fix his reafoning machine on, is what follows.
Americans are fubjed to the wjll of a Parliament
which ^ihey have no vote in chocfin^, and bein^r fo
fubjtd, enjoy a free and equitable conftitutton.
To which 1 have only two fmall exceptions: firil,
thele are the very points to be pro\ed, and fecondly'
they mvolve a flat contrad'dion. Now then, fup!
poling thefe things admitted, after all, twill' them
and turn them as you pleafe, ftill mull you come
back in a circle to the place fiom wh nee you fet
out; flill lucklcfs Philofopher you grovel on the
CEi th.

Shortly after follows another falfe propofition.
Am.-nca contributes but afmall proportion to fup-
port the public expen es. This for argum.ent ake,
I wll grant. I will grant what I fuppofe lie meant-*
namely, that America contributes but little to defray
the public expences which other folks fupport. I
,,.am not captious in my temper, nor do I mean to
cavil about words, Ibr then I fhouid never have
done.

Then comes a page about Mofes, thunder, blind-
nefs, darknefs and deftruaion. As thefe things
,are qu te oitt of my way, I fliall not meddle with
them ; but proceed to the next, the fco- e of which
fcems to be this. Whether parliament hath been right

6r wrong, wc are bound by the laws of Heaven ta
obey its mandates. Ard in qiuiliry of good Chri-
lliiins, we miiu be ilibjectto the Minilters, be they
who they v/ill, for conlciLnce fake. Let who \^ill
be King, our author is Vicar of Bray. To eluci-
date all which dcdrines, he obferves, that if the
greatei-L tyrant on tarth ''Nero for inftance) fhould
ufurp and elbiblifh a domination over us, the harflicft
and mod cruel, yet f) heinous is the offence of dif-
turbing an eftubliflied governmenr, that a due regard
for the rights and 1 bcrt-es of mankind, would prompt
us to a pcuceable RibniifTion. To ih;s fubmiffion wc
are enjo'ncd, it Hems, by the Chriftian religion;
and to dfturbor threaten Tuch a government, is an
unpardonable crime, and has been confidered as
flic , in every age and nation of the world. All
which is mighty reafonable. Wherefore it follows
clearly, that theie perfons who, within the!e four or
five centuries, contended fur, aud by degrees efta-
bliflied our glorious conftitution. " A frame of
'«• government, fays our author, which has always
•'" been the wonder of the world, under the pro-
tedion of which, the fubjeds of Great-Britain
'are the happieft people on earth." I fay, t'iofe
pcrfons who have rendered thefe Britifh fubjeds fo
happy, and tranfmitted to them all the rights and
privileges they enjoy, thofe perfons, according to
the above dc dirine, muil be damned to all eternity
for their pains. — This may be religion, I am fure it
is not common fenfe. Bul be that matter as it will,
I fhall not hefitate to declare, in imitation of honeft
Sir*Toby ; I had rather truft God Almighty with
my foiil, than the Britilh Parliament with my eftate.
Moreover, for the honour of the Church of Eng-
land. I do entreat all Other Sectaries to believe, that,
^ very

( 9 )

Very few of its members hold the fame creed with
this writer.

However, having introduced Nero, Sain* Peter^
Saint Paul, and the Grand Turk, in company to-
gether; he dcfccnds from his pulpit, leaves thcfe
dignified, perfonages to fnift for themftlves, and
opens thedefign of his pamphlet: which he tells us,
is nc religion, " but to confider how far the con-
*' dudl of the colonies is to be condemned or jufti-
" fied by the maxims of found policy and prudence."
For it f-ems pretty well fettled even in his idea, that
riotwithflanding that fame Chrillian fyftem he talks
of " our temporal intereft and fafery, are confidera-
*' tions which all will regard -" in which opinion I
do moll heartily concur with him.

After this follows a little more declamation, which
you may fee if you have the pamphlet, if not, lend
for it to the Bookfellers, and you will find a fort of
, fyllogifm to fheW; that refcntment is unjuftifiable^
and complaint unreafonable^ if our legal rights have
not been invaded. — Legal rights, — arid why that
term, ^ legal rights? Do you mean, my Reverend
Sir, that any right (that of taxing ourfeivcs for in-
flance, if it be not confirmed by fome ftatute law>
is not a legal right; and therefore an invafion of fuch
right, will neither juftify refentment, nor authonfc
complaint ? I am afraid you do, — and yet I hoj^ e not;
for this alfo is.one point to be proved in fupport of
your hypothefis. fii the name of America I deny
it. But if you mean to fpcak fairly, and if by legal
rights you mean what you ought to make your own
argument conclufive, namely, thofe rights which
We are entitled to by the eternal laws of right rcafon ;

B. then

ill '

■<!(

{ 10 J '

then the remainder of your ta(k will be to fticw, tKa(f
our rights have not been invaded, and if that can'
be done, then to be fure our coifipUmcs are ground-
kfs.

Now then let us fee what the Friendly Addrefi
fays upon this fubjed. Why the firft obfervation
is, that the duty on tea is no tax -, for unlefs we pur-
chafe it we don't pay the (H ty, therefore it is quite in
our option, whether we will pay it or no.^ What
<;§n be more equitable ? — I remember, abaut twelve
y .ars ago, there was a madman in the Philadelphia,
hofpital, who imagined himfelf monarch of thp
country thereabouts -, and among other wild projcdls,
fuch as might be expeded from a creature in that
fituation, he had one to tax the air. But may it
pleale yourMajefty, will fuch atax.be right? Air
was always common- and free, in the tixf.e of your
Majefly's royal progenitors and predeceflbrs. Will
not your fubjects think this an arbiTary law, lilcc.
the poll tax ? Arbitrary ! cried the prince, enraged ;
and like the poll tax too ! What rebels ! Why, un-
Jf fs they breathe, they don't pay the duty, therefore
it is quite in their option whether they will pay it
or no. What can be more equitable. I pitied the,
poor m^n becaufe he was. mad.

But you fay tea is u luxury. In fomc rcfpcdls it
may be fo. And how, and where, fhall we draw a
line, between the luxuries and the conveniences of
life ? Or by what right can the one be taken away,,
^^hich will not affed.the other? Thofc who may
rightfully deprive us of luxuries, by the fame ruk ,
niay as rightfully deprive us of conveniences too,
Anflif in the plenitude of that power, which our

• author

■-Mmwmmmmm^m,mmmimmmmm

( " )

author fo apofliolically hath conferred, they Ihcvulft
deign to leave unto us the neccflaries of life, pray"
by what Hansard llaali we determine thcfc neccfiarif « ^

■Our bafeft beggars.

Are in the pooreft things fupcrfluous.
AU6w not nature more than nature needs,
Man's" life is cheap as beaft's..

But to return. — Our author next fuppofcs, that
he is arguing with fbme honeft American, whoihould.
deny the right of Parliament to lay this duty on tea.
To obviate this he quotes precedent/ The Amcri-
tan k then fuppofed to obferve, that the precedent
itfcif was wrong, wherefore no right coulcl originate
from it •, but that together with other ftmilar wrongs,
it ought to be done away. So is the argument ftatcd
hf himfelf. And he then, upon ii luppofition
that this tea duty is quite diftind from a tax at-
tempts tolhew, that Parliament had a right to levy
it, merely as a regulation of trade,. Pray read thi:
eighth and and ninth pages

«> 1 . 1 ■ .1' ...

Have you read them? — ^Why now your honour, l^
will undertake to confut© every thing contained therc^
T will undertake to fliew^ that the author^'s reaforting
docs not apply to his purpofe or fiibjeft, any tmrc
than the words Denmark and Ruflia, which as you.
fee are printed in large Italicks. — But what will it
fignify to take up fo much of your attention; when it;
is very like you had better be thinking on fome other'
affair. His confequence may be well fupporrcd on
rational ground; though, to his misfortune, h^
could not difcover it. The ri^ht of Great-Britain
U rsgidati the trad^c of the colonics, fhall be admitted,

»z Rut

~ \

iv'

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C 12 ).,

But that the duty on tea is a regulation of trade and
not a tax i this is the very matter in controverly.

We are now arrived at the confutation of one of
Mr. Locke's arguments j which, fays our author,
*' appears to me v/eak and fophiilcal." — The argu-
ment as quoted by himfeif, {lands thus: " If parli-
ament has aright to take from us one penny v/ith-
out our confent, it has a riglit to ilrip us of our
whole property." To confute which he obferves, .
*^ A right to do what is reafonable, implies not a
right to do what is unrcafonable." And after a iliort
fimilitude about father and Ibn, he fays, '* Cafes may
*' happen, in which it would be reafonable for Par-
*' liament to take from us fome fmall matter, though
" we were unwilling to p .rt with it; but the cafe
♦' can hardly be fuppofed, in which it would be rea-
*' fonable to take from us every thing,' unlefs we
« fhould have forfeited it.'' And fo concludes,
*' There can be no right to do wrong."' — And this is'
the confutation. — I was fome time puzzled to make
anything of it; but by comparing one part with
another, we may ^t lead guels" that he means what
follows: By the words, reafonable to take from us,
&c. Iprefume he intends, a right to take from us!
For, reafonabk*, in the proper fenfe of the word,
will not anfwer his purpofe at all; bccaufe if we in-
vert the propofition, it will be as reafon^Me for the
Legiflature of this province to take from the people
•©f England, a fmall matter without their confent.
But that any fuch right could exift, the author of
the Addrefs would hardly allow. Throughout th;..
admirable confutation therefore, let us fubftitutc
right for rcafjnable, and wrong for unrcafonablc,
^nd then it will ftand thu§ ; J right to do what h

' \. right :^

and

( 13 )

ri^ht^ implies not a right to do wbht is wrong. To tnks
fro7n us cm penny without cur ccnfent is rights but to
Jlrip us of our whole proferty is tvrong. '^iherefore;
Parliament may have a right to tal^e from us one penny ^
' without our con/ent, zvhich is right ; but this right does
' not nccejjarily imply ^ that Parliament has a right toftrip
. us of our whole property ^ which is wrong, therefore
Mr. Locke's argument is confuted. And in the iani«
way I will undertake to confute Euclid's Elements,
from one end to ihe other. — Examine this argument,
this fine argument. It refts upon the afiertion, that
in fome cafes Parliament may have a right to take a
fmall matter from us without our coiifent, which af-
fertion is the very thing denied. And fo the Gentle-
man's wits and faculties, after prancing and curvet-
ing through a whole fettion, bring him not one inch
nearer the end of his journey, than he was when h«
iirft ict out, •

' So here asrain he- labours at a diftin^llon between
the du*y on tea, and a tax. But as to any difference
betv/e n them, that you know is quite another affair.
No matter for the difference, provided there be a
diilindlion. May it pleale your Reverence, when-
ever you are at a lofs for matter to vamp up into the
fhape of another Addrefs •, I have a dozen or two
fuch diftindions, which are very heartily at your
Reverence's fervice, very heartily I do afiure you.

Ah ! what have we here } Another differtation on
the Britiih right of regulati ig American trade ? Yes.
Here it i:>,, hip and thigh, import and export, back
ftroke and foreftroke-, blcffings on us, I fay. What
a pity it is, that our author would not content him-
Iclf with a fimple alTertion here, as he has done in

thofe

r »4 J

W i

■$

■

thofc InflancM, which really required proof. Mbfi'
unfortunately, in endeavouring to cftablifh what wc-
would readily grant; he lays hisfoundation on argu-
nients, which would overthrow every principle of
American liberty. I declare, reader, it is not my
intention, to cheat you, by re-printing quotations
from the Addrefs. But unlcfs you have bought it^
JL do not know how otherwiie to manage matters.

The fame want of penetration, which led our
author to imagine Mr. Locke's argument weak an^
fophiftieal, now bewilders him widi a JackO'Lant-
horn, in the fhape of the word Englilhmen. His
drift is to Ihew, we may be bound by laws we do
.not confent to, and yet poficfs all the rights of
Englijh-m^n. For, fays he, Englillimen can have
no right to be exempted from t?he authority of aa
Englifh Parliament. After this he blunders a little
about majority and minority, hints at virtual reprc-.
fentation, and fays fomcthing-of Englifh American
ground. To anfwer which ai; once, thofc who da
not immediately perceive the fallacy, arc defired ta
confider, that the perfons who make laws for Eng-
land, are to be bound by them when they have done,
■ And that no cxiftence whatever, except Almighty
God, can have a natural right to make laws binding on
others, which the law-maker is exempt from. True
it is fuch power/ may be ufurpcd, or through politi-
cal neceflity conceded. Ufurped as the Britiin power
of taxing America, conceded as the power of regu-
lating trade, which after fuch concefllon, becomes
a right. Greater rights they cannot have; unlefs
fornc mode can be invented, to incorporate us into the
grand legiflature of the empire, on conftitutional
principles. But let us examine his Engliih argumen|.

( ts j

The word Engllfii above, is printed in Italicks, jmd.
(eparated from the word, men. In reading the fen*
tence, leave out En^lijh and the argument is gone.
Now I do aver, and will maintain, that to confent
to laws binding upon us, is one of thofe right!
which we enjoy as men, and not merely as Englifli-
men« In quality of rational and free agents, we
enjoy it. A right granted b)' our Creator, when he
formed us of the clod.' That gteat charter by which
he confirmed it,; may be read in the human frame:
A charter fealed with the breath of life. To thij
right every man is and mult be entitled -, it is annex-
ed as an inftperable appendage to ourcxiftcnce, and
aitho' the Efiglifh law h^th fecured it to the Englifh
fubje^i, yet a Frenchman or Turk is asrmuch enti-
tled to it, by the hw of nature. That this title
hatli not been ratifi^ by political inftitutions, is his
mSifcrtune, and / am forry for it.

^ So you fee, reader, all this trouble might hav©
been fpared, if the poor creature had not moft un-*
luckily laid hold of that faid word, Englifli : which
indeed from the face of his^ performance, he does -
not appear to underftand. The lafl part of the ar-
gument we are now upon, arifes from a fa6t I am not
inclined to difpute, though I do not believe it. He
avers that we have been offered reprefcntatives in the
Common's li^ ufe, if we would lend them over. Be
this as it may, I agree with him that we have done
wifely in not accepti^ig the offer if ever it was made.
Or in other words, to have accepted it, would havc^
b^een folly. Now then hear him. '' After refufmg
jt, they have no reafon to complain." That is to
fay, becaufe we have mt committed folly, we have
no right to compldin of injuftice. Yet this is an
4:4ir^6 tQ aU rsafgndk -^ericans. The

( Ifi >

^ The next attempt of this m^flcrly Addrcfs, Is m
impeacij thevald.tyof thofe coinpadls, which fevc-
rai colonies have made with the crown. Thefe com-
pa6ls can be confidered in no other light, than as
covenants by the King, in confidcration of fettling
the defart •, that he would proteci the fettlers and
their de ^endants, in the enjo. ment of their natural
rights. If his Majefly chufes to withdraw this pro-
tection — be it fo. The K^ng can do no wrong* But
I.wifli there had been a lineal "warrantee from his
min Iters. Some of them are of noble defcent, and I
have fo high an opinion of the honour of Britifh '
Peers, that I believe few of tiiem would infiingc
fuch folemn agreements. However, fuppofe the
King Ihould withdraw this prote6lion, — Are our
rights therefore annihilated .? No. Thofe rights were
conferred by the King of Kings, and no earthly
I^orentate can take them away.

Not long fince I faw a Letter from a Veteran^ td
the Officers of the Army at Boftun : 1 pray the au-
thor to receive my thanks, for the great pleafure
enjoyed in the reading of it. I think 1 could eafily
perceive in it, the traces of that manly, generous,
brave, and free difpofition-, which mark the charac*
ter of the Soldier and the Gentleman.

If, to his Ihare fomc little errors fall.

View his kind heart, and you forgive them all*

' I am almoft afraid to return Immediately to the
Addrefs, becaufe comparilbns are odious. Make
none, gentle reader, I befeecl thee-, but obferve
oui author here infinuates, that he hath flicwn,
!* that in reality no proper ri^bt of the colonies is in-
fringed

( 17 )

fringed by the late aft of Parliament." P'-nv now, how hath
he fiievvn'it? Why hf th.ec aficrtcns, r.o ;her of •vhi.h ',b ift
the leaft proved, as I took occ.fion to oMerve belbc in tiea^ ng
of them ref^eaively.— The fi'lt is, that th- duty on te i is n»
tax. The fecond, that if a tax, iMs a f.:iall n^, and i'arha-
ment hath a r"ght to take Ucm us a '"mall m.^pr ui^h u: our
confeut. And the third, that a man may be lighifully bound
by law 6 which he does not, and cannot affeut to.

Thcfc are The main pillars o" this form^'dablr argument; not
one of which harh the Ica.l folldlty : And thercf >re the prv;vi-
4ent author, fearful perhaps of the'r iiiftabili'y, be:or2 h- ven-
tures to chaVge us with fedirion, privy cunCpIra'-y a.id reb.ll on,
to anathematife us for falfe doftrine, he;e:y, a.id "chifra; or to
rep.oach us for hard uefs of heart, and contempt of his word
andcomma.nd; reverts to his original confidcr?tions, about pru-
dence and policy, on what he calls the fuppc^fition, and Ameri-
cans the fait, that wc have been really injured.

But thefe confiderations, do not feem to be well conHdercd ;
becaufe he takes it for granted in the iirft inftance, that rhe peo-
ple of Boflon were criminal in deftr- ;ying the tea. And the word
Bofton, fomc how or other fafcinating his imaginat"on, he is
hurried away with a torrent of invcft^ves. Ti;e deftiudion of
the tea, fays he, *• was a compound of the groflcit Injury and
«* infult, an aft of the higheil infolence to government, luch
" as mildnefs itfelf cannot overlook or forpive."^ The only-
fault of all this and fome more of the fame idnd is, that n is
rather mifplaced; for it would anfwcr tolerably well in a fermom
■Againft blafphemy.

■ Let me intreat the reader's attent'on to a fimple tale : Thofe
who arc inclined to doubt it, will hnd unqur-lhonable evidence
in a pamphlet, called, A true State of the Proceedings in
the Pailiament of Great-Britain, and in jlIic Province of th«
^aflachufetts-Bay, &c.

Intheyear 1761, 1762, 1763, the dufous condua of the^
Maflachufetts, was exemplary and a;knONvlrd^ei.— In 1764,
theftamp-aft was threatened, 'and a duty imp(.ied lor raifmg a
revenue in America. TheKoufe of J:eprelenratives re<oiv-d,
that it is unconftitutional, to take their money without their
confent. in 176c, the feveral Aucmblies petitioned againft the
Aamp-a(^ j whicti they had no right to do, becaufe // xt'^J ^t

( ti )

I''

.N.I

i'l

Momy Bill: confequently the petitions were difregardleiJ^
and the bill was pafTed. The Maflachufetts then propofed
a Congrcfs of Delegates from the feveral Aflemblies ; and th6
Congrefs petitioned the King : but the Congrefs was an uncon-
ftitutionfil body ; wherefore our gracious mafter (that year)
was afflifled with a great deafnefs. In 1766, the AfTembly
petitioned againll their Governor, ' one Francis Bernard^
for afiuming, with his Councrl, the powers of legiflation.
This accufation was very jult^ and therefore to make it was ve-
ry impertinent. A Non-importation in )\merica, opened the
cars of the Parliament in England ; and in 1766, the Stamp ASt
was repealed. In 1767, another revenue ail pafled; whereupon
the Aflcmbly of that province prefented a petition at the foot
of the throne ; and wrote to the other AiTcmblies to join in it
which was a piece of great prefumption. In 1768, the AfTem-
bly was ordered to refcind the rcfolve, by which thofe letter*
had been wiitten, on pain of diffolution ; which peremptory-
mandate produced a petition, and alfo a. letter to the fecretary
ofHatfe. About the fame time fome feamcn were prefled con-
trary to an aft of parliament-; the people of Bofton petitioned
their governor on thj.s affair ; but his Excellency had ntf bufinefi
to interfere in the Admiral's department. A vefTel alfo was
feized in a manner which irritated the mob, and they were fucK
icoundrels as to refent the infult ; confequently they were guil-
ty of treafon and rebeMion, for drubbing the worthy colledor*
An army was fent there immediately, but then there was aji
-aft cf parliament againfl quartering them on the people, there-
fore the governor iiTued his conimiffion, to difpenfe with the
aft, for a royal martyr had done fo before him. The people
then petitioned the governor to call an afTembly ; this was re-
fufed, for bufinefs could better be done without one. Difap-
pointed iii this, they appointed a convention, the members
whereof irritated by what they called their wrongs, pTefentei
.-ancther humble petition to the Kingj wherefore in 1769, the
troops, out of a jull: contempt for their pufdanimity, fhot'three
brace by way of flarting the covey. But it was impoifible his
JVIajeily's troops could have been the aggrefTors ; therefore there
mult have been an infurreftion of the people. This was clearly
the cafe alfo from Judge "Oliver's narration ; yet near an hun-
dred credible witnefTes, had the impudence to fwear, that his
narration was falfe. Confequently to repair the breach in his
charafter, it was neceffary that he fhould be appointed L. Me-.
iiant Governor, which happened accordingly. In 1769, the Af-
fcflibly prffcijtcd another petition, againft their governor Ber-
nard

if.

( J3 )

»jb4.. He prorogued the Affcmbly, went to EngUnd imir\.cdi*.
^tely, obtained an order for a hearing on thepctitiun upon th»
^Sth. Ot i-ebruary, and got the prorogation of vhe Ailcmbly con-,
tinued untU the 14th ot March. Notwithitanding ..ll this, th»
Afleuibiy never lupported their charge with any p;oot ; becaufe
the prorogations rendered it impoliibie ; coiilcquentiy the j)cti-
tion was groundiefs, vexatious and icandalous, as every body
will ealiiy lec. In the year 1772, 1773, ^^^^ AlFembly took the '
liberty to petition again, which was at leall forward and ill-bred,
wherelore no notice was taken ot what they alledged. In Dc-,
cember 1773, the dutiable Tea arrived. I have during th«
courle of this itory, cm t ted many things vt'hich were thought
very grievous by the j>eople of the Maliachuletts bay, for tlje
iakeof brevity, and becaule the recital of all their complainta.
might pofliLly inflame mens minds at this dangerous jundure ;
a tning I would wilh to avoid, for I have great refpect lor th?'
ffergy.

In December 1773, the (dutiable Tea arrived at Bollon. It
was evident that if this commodity was landed,^there would be
liiany purchalers among the governors creatures. JPrudencc
therefore required, that it ought to be fent back. The gover-
nor would not permit this, and the ntceflity was then clear,
either that the lea muil be delboyed, or the aft fubmitted to."
Wearied out with long opprelhon, and driven to delperation by-
repeated infulls, a few daring men went diiguiled to the fhip
and dellroyed the I'ea. — Upon this tale 1 fhali make no com-
ment, it needs none. But to relieve the reader's attention, I
Myiil mention an incident of a more lively complexion :—f
Two young gentlemen found a cat fitting pea.eab^y in one^
corner of the parlour : Sh? was a geucic animal, and a
good moufer. Young men love fun, fo they fliut the uoor
and windows, andfenited her about, till ihe and" they were hear-
tily tired : At length, in a violent leap from her perfecutors,-
the cat fell in the midfl of an elegant let of china : to lole a
China cup and fawcer, by means of a vile cat, was tpo much to
be patiently borne, and poor puis was murdered for not icam-*..
pering up the chimney.

Now after this uigrelHon, let us return to the pamphlet,^
and fee what is faid about the punilhment of this crime, whick'
piildnefs itieif could neither overlook nor forgive. A very mild
j^nilliment lays he, for it was only Ihutting up the port. Novk.

%uttipff'

i,,.

If;
. V

- vSt

( »«» )

»:

€t

<(
((
*t

'ftittttingap the port, was, as we all know, only deftrbying th«
trado ; . 'j ihat is only a tr'He, as we (haii lee by and by.
Sa e y, (.rie: our author) none who have as h'gli a lenle of
public guilt asofiT'vate, can t.h nkthis punilhrnent toofevere
fo. the crime, ccmfideicd under dl its agg::;vaticns.' For no
pe«.p;.*aje ejit'rlcd to the ule of any advantage, which rhey
vvaatoniy abule to the injury of ethers." Thefe obfcrvaticnt
are calculated to (hew tlipVqu'ity of the port bill ; let us leo
then, whether our author ha-h fortuna e.y IHi'.nl>led upon found
reaf: n in thi^; inlUac^-, afrer f.iUing fo <ften. — The advantage
whic.i the- Eoiloniaiis are deprived of, is their trade; and therc-_
fort heu trad." muil be die thing v.hich ihcy w utonly ibufed.
New, b/^Kit figure of fpeech, the deftruAion of the 7"ea can
be Called a m.i'..tt;r of f.ade, or wliat kind of trade it is, I am at
a lofs to coacelvs.— Do not lay, that this is a verbal criticifm.
Such ihing I refe.ve for authors of greater pe'rfpicuity. The
cqj'ty olev' y pui.i'nment depends on irs relation to the crime.
M> w allAsing, thai the deft)(^vers of the Tea, were guilty of a
vltient outriigeous riot ; I lliafl be glad to know, what kind of
rela on .h'"^e"';s in the nn.tuie of th'ngs, between a riot coriiniit-
ted by thirty or fo.ty men, and the ru'n of many honeft tradef-
nien, hy a to^al fupe fioa of that commerce on which they lub-
iiit. Yet < his is a MILD and a just punifhment. I have can-
didly exhibited the del ;qnencies of this people; were I to give
jjiem a nam*', nothing but that love of peace widch faiUtifies
evi- y mtun^ to obtain t, nothing but that Ihould prevent me,
fiom branding their conduit as a tamenefs under infults which
pr>.Vi. ke tliern.

'] );e ue\i a' tcmpt.of our wor'hy pamphleteer is to fljcw, that
th'-j vjnlfhjv^n- of the Boftonians, was not hafty and precipi-
tate. ' Ho reafons thus: la dammon cafes, a criininal
ou'^hr ^o '''€ heaid ; but this is an uncommon cafe ; courts or
jufliice au5;ht nor to '.oi^demn unheard, but the legiflature may,
Kv •'' ^<^t us icii\t:n:ze the intHnfic value of thele luggeftions.
Aledow ■ nlo a ihee^;, or a hovfe, or ravilhes your wife, or mur-
ders y u f.ith'^r. JuV.ce liolds up on high her equa; fyales ;
ihe cr' 's .uc aloud to the human heart, let him be heard in hia
defen.e; athcr ninety-nine guilty efcape, than one innocent
per ill : bu^ Ihou'd a man burn the tooth-pick of a court miftrels,
or pievnt tiiepiime minillerfrom pifiing in his pocket, or deilroy
fjnismully Tea, to fave his eitate; m fuch uncommon cafe, efpe-
ciaV.y if ninety-nine inno nt are to fuifer, lell one guilty efcape;
in fu "h jincommon cafe themax'mis, letthem not be heard. Dd
you ask why i The ajif>ver is plaia : If fuffercd to nwke s. defence,

they

( St )

(hey cannot be.conviaed.— So much for the cafe t Now for thft
tribunal. — If a man commits any of the crimes tihl m-Mtione4%
aguinll the known laws of the land, lubject to acertam penalty^
the maxim is, let him be h^ard. But ad to ihe lail io: t, pun.ih-
abie by a nevv law, in a new mode, both fiamed utter die tact
commuted, policy is of opinion, that ihey ihould not bchearJ,
lelt che varlets Ih^uid except to her mode of procecduigs .\ga:.iA
them. All which is addrefled to the retijcnaLle Americiuis.

But (fays hein thenext paragrapn) to uvuive ihe .naoccnt
with the guilty, is an inconven ence which always ncc;^ >rilf
attends puniihments intlicled on a people, v he^ner by Uv^a or.
man. And again, it was politically impofiibJe to ieicci the nuio-
cent of Bollon from the guilty. We ail renipmber he ... y < f
Sodom and vioraorrah. It is an excellent leHbn ro the i'rTUvr,. of
the earth. The inhabitants of tnefe cit'es, inia-.nouj ! y h-iir
vices to the lail decree, became fo obaoxious to the cupi 'uio
Being, that in aaige?, he refolved to aelboy the: u Ve. had cnere
been live men, only fi"-e men, who wa.ked upightiy Letcra
God ; had only live ihcn men dwelt in i.<;dom a.id viu -lorrah,
no fire had delcended from He.iven to conlume them. . ut alai !
Becaufe among thirty thouland foils m iiouon, rhiuy have
oftenucd; in vain ihail the multitude plead innucen-e, .is an
exemption from ruin. Blufli iiom.in.7 ! This is ihy p.-li ical
ncccllity, which mull hereafter jultity the laying i -at dctenceiefj
town in afhes, and drenching it in the blood of its uinabitants.

Merciful Heaven!

Thou rather with thy Iharp, and fulpi-'rous bolt^

Split'il the unwedgeable, and gnarled oak,

Than the loft myrtle. Yea, but man, proud man!

Dreil in a little briet authority;

Moll ignoiant of what he's inofl afiur'd,

Hisgiaily efience: Like an angty ape, .

Plays fuvh fantallicktrick-> before high Heaven,

As makes the Angels weep.

Becaufe thirty have offended, a whofe colony is punifhed. And
for what offence ? An oifence fo fmall, fo difproportlonately
puniflied, that the .eneral voice of the continent hatii declared,
that ttiey fuffcr in the caufe of American liberty. Here our au-
thor begins to le.ive the oaths of logic, and to enter -t.ie alleys of
Billinglgate. Beneath lus forming hand, American hberty
ftarts forth a monftcr ct licentioufnefs. And in his idea, to
fcrecB omaua;xabl?f«Uow-cr«fti:ui«» from that PVBtjg jusncg

whica

t " T

■t * 1

wTiich Icafh been created for them ; is giving fhelter to the raying^
enthuiialt, who hath murdered his prince. — Bold metaphori.
»nd Horld l.mguage, are the magnificent trappings of rcalb%
and truth ; and when tailhood or fuilv is thus arrayed, it pro-
vokes at once oar indignation and coutempt.

But neither bold metaphors, nor yet bold language, fervff
fome caufes fa well as bold u/Teitions. 1 liave heard of lawyers^
who by the auiltancc of ihat invincible front which is the pre-
fcriptive privilege of theirV profeffiun, frame evidence as they ga
alonj, and ipcilc fluently on fads which never exirted. In like,
manner and m humble imitation, to evince the propriety of the.
adl, for new mndeliing the government of Maiiachufets; our
author fcrnplcs not to alfirm, that ** no privileges are curtailed
*' by the ad, but fuch as had been abufed and fotfeited, over and
•« over, to the great injury and dillurbanceof th.at province, as.
** well as to the ,dilhonour and reproach of the ration." The
inftitutions of this ad, r\s to their matter I do not objed to; for
it hath long been my opinion, that the government of that co-
lony was in iti* form and compiedion, too like a Republic, for
fke true fpirit of our conilitut:on. But as .to the manner; even
iuppofmg thefe regulations to be a decree fubilantiaiiy j,uil, and,
made by a court having proper jurildidion, ftill there is mani^
fell imp'-opriety. — It is, and while I have exillence, it (hall be
my fenciment; that no man, no body of men, in any canfe,
before any tribunal, can be leg illy aftedcd by ?nv determination,
where an opportunity is nor given, for making a u -fc .ce. Had
this been done in the prefeat inftance, pe'l- ;^' "i. M^tjelty'it
Minillers would not have deemed them fo criminal, ai they novr
do. But waving this idea, 1 am fure the author of the Addrefg
at leatt, after the pointed aiTcrtions he has made, ought in com-
mon juiHce tohave Ihewn, how the privileges be fpeaks of had
beei'i (.!\.:"d and forftited. This, however he thought it prudent

T-:at Adminiftration is irritated with Bofton, that it hath
caufe to be irritated, I freely acknowledge: And this is the
caufe of the anger they feel, and the revenge they have taken^
The people of that town, and the colony it belongs to, havf
been forward and adive, in ftating anddeir nding, their right*
and liberties; they have addreifed, petitioned, and remonftrated
to Minillers, Parliament, and King; they have founded the
alarm, when the enemy attacked our priviltges ; and they have
been the grand obilacle to an American tyranny. If to do thu{

( *3 )

lb a forfeiture of privileges; if to do thin is an abufe of tliemi
whowouid hold Aich privileges on fuch tenth*? Molt readily d(J
I grant, thar it was ;i didionour and a reproach to the n;ilion,
and its rukis too ; that they fo often made ule of their right to'
petition and to rcmonftrate. "G'eat was the caufe, or iuch frc-
huent complaints would not have been obtruded. For this was
tiieir guilt, this was their impci linence j — luftering they coia-
plained.

We come now to the Quebec Aft. On this rubje6> I fhall not
minutely follow our author, for the fubltancc of what he favs,
being levelled at the following^ propofitions of the Congrefs ; tnat
the government of C;inada is rendered arbijrrary, that the people
are deprived of trial by jury, and that the Roman Carholick rc-
Kgion is eilablilhed; if F fhall be able to fhew th.it thefe propo-
£t:ons are true, th«n what hejuth faid to the contrary, will bt
of no avarl. And firft, what can be more arbitrary than this?
A Governor and Coijncil appointed by, and dependent on the
Crown, are the legiflature of a whole region. They may fit at
home, and frame edidts for the extremeit parti of that vaft pro-
vince, without any one check from the people. They ma^ tax
the colony as they pleafe, or hand it over to bo fleeced by the
Britifti Commons. They may invent new crimes, and affix to
them fuch new penalties, and make them cognizable befoicfuch
new Courts, as they fhall think meet at their icveieign will and
pleafure, they may feize and imprifon any member of the com-
munity;' or elfe more certainly and entirely, to ruin and opwefi
him, they may caufe fome minion of power to infcitute an action
for his whole fubftance, and try lym and condemn him, by the
Arbitrary principles, and more arbitrary judges of the civil law.
For, in the fecond place, it is clear to a demonllration, that trials
by jury cannot be had there now ; and it is equally clear that
they never can exift hereafter, unlefs the Governor and Council
chufe to r ilk and diminilh their power, by introducing this free
and generous branch of Englim jurifprudence. How probable
it is that they will thus put a curb on their own wantonncfs, I
leave any man in his fenles to determine. But thirdly, it is not
rivil tyranny alone, whif^h is planted in Quebec, to overfhadow
that immenfe country. From the fame poiibnfiusroot, aril'cs the
mo'i^ horrible religious tyranny, that my mind is capable of con-
ceiving. — What ellablifhment can any religion have in any
country on earth, unlefs it be a' legal provifion for the fupport
of its clergy? Look thro' Europe. See if Popery is in any other
Vianaer eli*bj;iiicd ia any one country, thaa by payment of
^ / tythc«

^'<^.

? 24 )

Cftljes, and prot«5l'on of Prieils. Is not this an cftabKfhment?
Is tt not more? Is It' not an encourap;CTnent ? He wha wtuld
go farther, mult relbn r) fire a'^.d fvvord ; tlie arguments of thofe
ba-barou-; ac^rs and nations, whofe ann.ils difguft humaniry.
But th' 4ije tio'i is, that when ■^ny man is conver'-rci, hib Ma-
jelly may T he oleafes encourage t!ie protel'tant Clergy as he
ple..Te:., out of 'th^ tythcs paid beftve to the Roman Pricft.
Allowing ^his a*-^um'^nt to h-^ve weicrh% which indeed it has
not; pray -h^/ Hkel"^^ood is there that any man' will be con-
ferred? Proteftant'im 's the. tender ch^d of freedom and fciencc:
How then cm it exilt in the bo. d boibm of ignorant defponfm?
Without the patronage of one earrhiy Iriend. Without a fingle
TSf^ to cover its nakednefs. In ancient days th*? Rom'fh Church
was a firm b irrier againft the incroachmcntd of Royal prerogative.
The Clerp-y dependent on the Pope as thrlr univerfal head, de-
fied the menaces of kingly power. ' Thus were p': pular privi-
leges in thoie times frequently proteaed by popular iuperllition.

- Our Minillers by a refinement of modern policy, have adopted
the Church of Rome as a twin filler to the Church of England.
Our fubtle Miniftsrs have placed the King of F,ng and in the-
fam^ fituation with the Roman pontiff Every dignitary of the
Church is dependent on him, hefidts which he hath full power to
appoint fuch Ecclefiafuca) Courts, with fich jiiriididions as he
fhall think meet. Thu^, all the bigotry, all the fuperllition of a
religion abqundingin both, beyond any which the world hath be-
held; al', all -is in^his Royal hand to be uied athisRoyalwilland
pleafjre. To this full fupremacy over their fouls, are joined the
fullrfl: temporal powers, both le2:iflative and judicial; fo that
iike the .ancient Patriarchs, heJs^King, Piiell and Prophet. To
finilh the dreadful fyflem, add all the executive powers of the
State, and enci'cle rhe whole with a ftanding army, 'tis then
complent. ^Thefe are f:ids? ^And whenever a wicked mon^^rch.
in vengeance fhail arii. ; then fliall we behold him, the civil
and religious tyrant, of a province which extends over hall ;lie
Continent of America. Such is the te- deiicy' of the Canada
Bill. V-ew it, confider it, ponder upon it, in the coolefl»
mod tcmporate difpofnion ; behold its ronfequcnces, and the

• mild ej^ of reafon will be clouded with a tear-. • .

The next part of the Addrefs is to ihcw, that t\\t other Colo-
nies nee 1 not trouble their heads about Bofcon or Quebec. As
to what he fays r^bnut Quebec. I b.dieve with him. tluat' there
is no intention of introducing Popery into the other colonies-
Our Minillers, or rather Mailers, hav^ more underllanding than

( i5 )

to entertain fo wild an opinion. Nor would I perfwade mart-*
kind to beconve Knights Krrant, and wantonly undertake tho
quarrels, and fight the battles of other people. But I will leave
it to any man, nay, I would almoU appeal to the author of the!
addrefs himfclf, to determine ; whether a country has not great
reafon to fear the lofs of its liberties, when furrounded by a mul-
titude of flaves ; efpecially when thofc fiaves are inbued witK
L>rinciplcs inimical to it, and united together in one common
mterell, profefTion and faith, under one common head, and fu^-»
ported by all the weight of a large empire. Daes not experi-
ence give additional force to every folicitous apprehenfion ?

His ideas about Bofton amount to this: that we fliould aft
like wife foxes, for fear of being docked : or, in plain Eiiglifh,
yievv with unconcern the deftrudion of that capital, without
daring to interpofe for its prefervation. I beg pardon for re-
peating a vulgar ftory : A Scotchman upon his arrival at an inn
filled with travellers, crept into bed between an Englifhmati
and an Irifhman: towards the morning the Engliihman wa»
awaked by an inundation from his new bed-fellow, " zounds^
** fays he, what are you about ?" Hoot, hoot, mon, cried th«
politic Scot, ** lye down quiet ; 1 iiave done worfe to him bc-
" hind me.'*

But i>.j author ci" the addrefs tclfs us : the difpute with Great-
Britain is ^e lam caprhia. I learnt a little Latin at fchool, fo
with the help of my fcholarlhip, and from what follows, I con-

jedure that this^means goats wool : That this to fay, all the

grievances America has laboured under for a dozen years paft^,
amount to a meer trifle ; which is fo ihockingly abfurd^that it
would be ridiculous to honour it with the ceremony of a con-
futation.

As to the thought of eftabliflung a republic in America,,
breaking off our connexion with Great-Britain, and becoming
independent : I confider it as the moft vain, empty, fhaUow,
and ridiculous projeft, that could poHibly enter into the heart
of man. I do not believe there are five hundred on the conti-
nent, who have the leal pretenfions to common fenfe, and who
would not rifque their dearefl blood, to prevent fuch meafures :
This fuppoAtion, therefore, and what relates to it, I confider
meerly ai« an introduction to his cenfures on the Congrefs, Thefe
ccnfures fecm to be the main bufinefs and intention of the pam-
phlet. Jf therefore in the avowed purpofe of it (a coaadcration

/ ■

i 2& ;

of the oppoiitlon in America on principles of prudence and poi'
Jicy) I ihvp. be able to fiiew, that the author is much miftakcn in
condeinnln^j thofe meafurcs which the Congrels hath adopted;
then all his" declamation upon that fubjeft,^will be as the idle
wind, v/hichpaflethti.vay and is heard no more.

Thef^rft reflefiions he cafts on this refpeftable body, are for
adopting the Suffolk refolves. The aljperit^ and bitternefs
which appears in thispart of the pamphlet, are to be attributed
to the great warmth of the reverend compufer. Reproaches from
aiji^ angry man are eafily forgiven ; avid that meeknefs of difpo-
lltion 'which attends the miniitcrs of peace, will I hope mode-
rate the unchriftian tranfports of our authors zeal, as foonas his
miilakes are difcovered. l^y a member of the Congrefs, whofe
h-onor and veracity ftand unimpeached, I am authorized to de-
clare, that the Congrefs did not adopt the Suliblk refolves. That
t\tk refolves were never fo much as read lor debate ; and that
upon the common reading, the fenfe of that body was, that it
was proper to recommend moderate and pacific condud, fup-
I>orted_by firmnefs and rcfolution. The language of the Con-
grefs, in confequence of this determination, is as follows :

, I

Refolvcd unanimoiijly^

That we thoroughly approve the wifdom and fortitude, with
which oppofition has been hitherto conduiSled; and earneftly re-
commend a perfeverance in the fame firm and temperate conduft,, .
as expreifed in the lefolution &c. Now then I appeal to the
world, whether this is the cordial approbation of an independent •
government. Whether it is a tranfport of joy on the news of
revolt. Whether it is a league with the worft enemies of A-,
racrica, fuicly it i.-^ not. I'he fair reputation of thofc Gentle-
men who compofcd the Congrefs, render fuch imputations
almcft unpardonable. It is a duty therefore incumbent on the
author of the Addrefs, to make fome public acknowledgement;
many did indeed exped that fome conftitution would have been
pointed out, to fccure and eltablilli the freedom of America,,
and the fovereignty of that fupreme legiflature, which ought
certainly to govern the whole empire. This is a confummation
devoutly to be willied for, but it is not the work of a moment.
Eefider,, it might have been thought prefumptuous in them to
undertake what is properly the bufinefs of the Britifh Parlia-
ment, and the refpeaive legiflaturcs of the Continent. Why

then

I 1

)

. I

then arc thofe pcifons, who have gcncroufly devoted their fer^
vices to the Public, why are they to be cciifured, for ii f:n of
omifiion ; which at any rate is pardonable on the fcore of human,
infirmity ?

Much paperisconfumedin the Addrefs, to paint thofe horrors
which await on civil w::r. To this 1 have no objcftion. For
there is not a creature livingr, to whom fuch a profp^-iS is nwre
terrible than myfelf. And I dare iay, a candid dcfcripdon of
rny own feelings on the fubj'^.dt, would convey as gsnuin* mirks
of deteftation for that horrible catnftrophe, ss the laboured pe-
riods of the author before u:i. Cut I fee no reafons for fuch appre-
hchiions. Neither do I think that man a friend to either coun-
try, who fpeaks of war betv/een them except in the {tile of con-
tempt. To imagine that Ai.-erica can cope with Great Britain,
is the excefs of ftupidity. And even if we were capable of the
conteft, were we certain of obtaining victory, I iliould pray that
, the hand in which I hold my pen, might wither e'er it drew the
fword. — But let not the dieud of power, draw off our attention
from the purfuit of freedom. Let us in every inftance follow
that example which our author recommends. In imitation o*"
the inhabitants of Rye; whenever either duty to the mother
country, or enthufiafm'in thecaufe of humanity, dial I hurry us
beyond the true line, of patriotifm or obedience,^ let uptake
tiieearliell opportunity to re trad our errors, and acknowledge
our miftakcs.-r-Refiilance againil opprcffion, is the undoubted
privilege of mankind; but civil refiilance alone, is jufduable in
civil fociety.

I come now to what our author hath faid of the non-importa»
tion agreement. — This he likens to the cutting- off an arm, for
a lore on one of the fing;.-*.". Simih'cs are very agreeable and
proper, where they tend to throw ligiit on the fubjscl. — Nov/,
if a man hath a fore on his finger, he v/ill naturally put a piai-
ilcr to it. If the finger gvov/s worfc, and he grov.s timid, he
icnds for a furgeon. If the topical applications of the furgeon'
are inelncacious, and a gangrene cnfues, the p:ut3 mc Icariiied,
and the bone cleanfcd. li\ this fails of fucccis, and corruption
fpreads along the limb, and threatens the vltrds, the only heps
which remains is from amputation. True it is, the patient ma/
loofe much blood, by the incifion of his arteries, and death ;t-
felf may be the confequence. But by undergoing it he has a
iihance for life, and otherwife his cafe is derperatc. As an en-

D 2,. couragement.

.,^,j»^-^»*»^--'irtiiii^

( 28 )

•ouragcment in fuch difficult emergencies, the fcriptures tell us,
if thy member ofFeudeth thee, cut it ofF, and caft it away.

Now, reader, let me entreat your patience a little while longer.
Pray obferve. The liberties of this country have been infringed
in an article of trade. Common fenfe informs us, that if one
iinpofition is admitted, another will follow. Petitions and re-
monilrances, have been prefented in vain. When we refufed
the dutiable commodity, it was almoft forced upon our accc st-
ance. No hope therefore remains from common efforts. And
the queftion is reduced to this fhort alternative : Which is moft
advantageous, commerce or freedom? One o- the other, we
Jnuit forego. The one for a time, or the other forever. I will
wave the common obfervation, which is level to the loweft capa-^
city, that without freedom trade cannot flourifh. But I muft
beg leave to examine, from reafon and experience. Whether x
ceflation of trade will not procure us relief?

Nothing is more evident, than that the trade between Britain*
and the northern colonies, brings yearly very large fums of
monr'y to the latter. That the balance of all the other trade
fhe enjoys, is on the whole againft her. And that her annual.
txpen':es amount to an enormous fum, great part whereof is
paid into foreign countries, as intereftfor the national debt Is
-It not then equally evident, that a fufpenfion of her contmerc«
with us, mull'greatlydiftrefsher? And to heighten this diftrefs,
what can be more eifedual than to embarrafs her trade with the
iflands ? Every good heart would wiih to avoid this, and it ii
not our fmalleU misfortune, that to make men reafon, we mut
make them feel. H^-^ppy would it be if the authors of our m'i-
fery, were the only fufFerers. To e£fc£l this defirable purpofe
VrC had but one way, which v/as to iiiijure the revenue, in fuch
manner as toliokl them up to the refentment of the nation j
and tliis has been done. — The wifefl mcafures may fail, but
thefe at leafl promifc fucccfs.-— Great-Britain may indeed very
eafily put an entire Itep to all our commerce. But this (if we
may believe the Addreis) is a mild puniflimenton Bofton. And
if fo, why cannot we all undergo it ? No, fays he, inflidedon
all of us, it Vv^ould be very fevere. It would fo,but I truft not
lulling. Will a ftoppage of our trade, pay the debts we owe
ia England? Will {hutting up our ports, breed failors for the
j^avy of Britain? Millions in Europe are fed by the American
plough ; while bread can be purchafed on this contiijent will
. |l\ey I|;arve ? Will the 'Monarchs of France and Spain fee their

^ fubjeds,

•ai4V..-*i*.«a!£#"

iiWirinj^iiiiii

( 29 )

febjcfti perifli, that Americans m.iy be reduced to flavery ? All
thefe things may happen, and after all, this country is capable
c^ fupporting its inhabitants.

Great are the difficulties we labour under, and many are the
obftacles we mull furmount. For the road to freedom and
virtue, is not ftrewed with flowers, but fprinkled with thorns.
Perhaps our fortitude is not equal to the ♦^afk, if fo, we deferve
the confequences. But remember, that tl.e mother-country
muft fufFer with her colonies : Remember, that a Non-Impor-
tation has once procured a redrefs of our grievances. Remember
that Concord is the parent cf fuccefs. Remember, that th©
worft which can poflibly bef^il us, even at the laft, is that very
flavery which we muft now refift or fubmit to. OAmericans!
thefe confiderations are fubmitted to you. Attend, and xiiay
the God of wifdom, who foreknoweth all human events, fo di-
j-eA you, as is moft comformable to the myfterious intentions of
ins Divine Providence. For the good of his creatures, muft be
the will of him who is infinite, goodnefs.

•fT'

POSTSCRIPT.

/ thought it right to m»et the author on his own ground^
end therefore no notice is taken in the foregoing Jheets^ cf
that very equitable Bill^ which tnakes offences in the co-
lonies ^ triable in England. A Bill by which the mofi
criminal ^artizan of government may b9 fcreened from pu^

nifhment

ipe^hiit.^

«JBMfJi«tW»^

.u_i.

■""''ii''*i|l*-if""''lii{iti

-'riT--— 'V"

-•**■.

•jgs?**^*'-*<feii

.P O S T. S C R I P t.

ni/hmeni. A BUI b- which any porman m'Amerka^m^
he Urn from all the tender eft connetlions^oflife-, dragged
in chains acrofs the Atlantic ^cean^ and left there frtmd-
kfs andforiorn^ with the blejfed alternative to ftarve or
hang. This alfo is piblic juftice'—mild ^unifimtnt^atii
folitical iiecejfity.

I. .&

Ik.

#f.?*

dragged
^ friend"
arve or
it — ani

,y^

??^ .

MiM ,

I >-.