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 POLITICKS," 
 
 
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 OR, THE 
 
 MODERN SYSTEM 
 
 Examined and Refuted} 
 
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 WHEREIN, v'^-: ; 
 
 The Natural Strength of Germany 
 and France are compared ; 
 
 The Nature of the Ballance of Power 
 
 explained; 
 
 And our Inability to maintain, in our prefent 
 Circumftanccs, a War on the Continent, is 
 demonilrated. 
 
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 GERMAN POLITICKS. 
 
 THERE are certain Seafons when not 
 to be Serious, is not to be Senfible ; 
 not to confider Publick Affairs, is to 
 be inexcufably Carelefs and Indolent, 
 and not to follow the Lights we receive, is to be 
 Pufilanimous and Difhoneft. Suck a Seafon I take 
 the prefcnt to be ; we have already raifed as many 
 Taxes "^s well can be raifed, which I prove from 
 the Mortgaging the Sinking Fund ; that can be 
 juftified from no other Caufe. We are in Debt 
 as much as we well can be, as is evident from cur 
 parting with the very Equity of Redemption, 
 and taking up upon that, which was defigned for 
 paying off our old Scores. We are in Difficulties 
 enough with one War, and yet are threatned with 
 much greater, in Cafe, under our prefent Circum- 
 ftances, we (hould venture upon another. Such 
 is our Condition, and therefore if ever we are to 
 think, if ever we are to employ our Underftand- 
 ings, if ever we are to a6l like wife Men, or to 
 behave like People that know what they are about, 
 this is the Time. If we fleep now, we had as 
 good never wake, if we do not exert ourfelves at 
 this Crifis, we may, indeed, have time enough 
 for Repentance, but the Seafon of Amendment 
 will be paffed ; we may deplore our paft Con- 
 du6l, but that will not recall it ; we may weep for 
 our Folly, but we (hall never be comforted ; the 
 
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 Staff will be out of our Hands, and we ftiall fird 
 f ourfelves, where many foolifh Nations have been 
 , found before, in the Gulph of Political Defpair. 
 As a Man mufl: be arrived at a very hardened 
 State, who does not tremble at the Apprehenfion 
 of feeing his Country in fuch a Situation, fo I 
 think we can never pay too great a Tribute of 
 Praife to our prefent Governors, who have left it 
 in the Power of every Man to fpeak his Senti- 
 ments frtely in fuch a Jundlure, and have chofen 
 raiher to bear indecent Refledlions upon them- 
 felves, than in the midft of fo many, and fo great. 
 Dangers to curb the Liberty of the Prefs, by which 
 alone we can hope to be quickened to a proper 
 Senfe of our Condition. I know there are fome 
 who give another Turn to this, but for my Part, 
 as I am confcious of no other Motive, to the ufing 
 this Liberty, than the Defire I have of acquitting 
 myfelf to my Country, fo I fhall always efteem it 
 the higheft Ad of I njuftice to afcribe that to a 
 wrong Principle, which feems to flow more na- 
 ' turally from a right one; and under a juft Senfe 
 of this, I prefume our great Men Ihew io much . 
 Indulgence to the Prefs, and I fliall ufe it in that 
 way, and with all the Freedom, which can be ex- 
 peded, from one who knows no Party, owns na 
 Patron but the Publick, who has been for many 
 Years a ftudious Obferver of whatpaft on the great 
 Theatre of the World, and who was never in fo 
 much Pain about any Tranfadion he beheld there- 
 on, as he is at prefent. 
 
 There is undoubtedly in private Life no Cha- 
 rafter more unworthy of Love, more juftly or 
 more generally punifhed with FLite, than Selfifli- 
 nefs, andyct fomewhatof this Nature is ablblute- 
 ly necefTary to prefcrve a Power of being other- 
 wife i he who is carelels of his own Concerns, 
 
 will 
 
 
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 will foon have it out ofhis Power to relieve, how 
 much Feeling foever he may have for the Wants 
 of others. It is the fame Thing with Nations, if 
 they Regard nothing but their own Inrereft, they 
 will neccflarily become Hateful and Hated, they 
 will provoke the Envy of their Neighbours, and 
 their own Condiw^ will a(lbrd fuch Colours for at- 
 tacking and dcftroying them, as will give a Shew 
 of Juftice even to the Workof Mahcc. This was 
 the Cafe of the Carthaginians^ they were Sellifh to 
 the laiit Degree, and this made them mod alTiduous 
 in cheir Commerce, this again made them Rich, 
 when they were fo they grew Proud and Inlblent, 
 which naturally brought on them Difficulties^ Dif- 
 trefles, and in the End Deflrudioin. But though 
 Sclfilhnefs be fobad an Ingredient in Policy, when 
 it is there in too great a Degree, yet we ntuft take 
 Care not to leave it totally out ; a Nation prodigal 
 in fupporting others, and vainly fond of having 
 fine Things faid to her by her Neighbours, may, 
 be led into fuch Expence s, as it is out of her 
 Power to fiipport, may even, ip a juft Caule be 
 drawn to Ruin by Profufipn,' and be undone her- 
 felf by a prepofterous Defire of living Others, 
 This was the Cafe d Sweden under Charles XII • 
 He was not content with repreiTing Ads of Hofti* 
 lity againft his own Kingdom, he would needs be 
 the Protedor of diftreffed Princes* and the Savi- 
 our of enflaved Nations ; nay, at laft he extended 
 his Care of Mankind fo far, as to fet up like ano- 
 ther Hercules for the Pulling down of Tyrants j 
 but his firft Expedition, in that way, proved his 
 laft, his generous Enthu iafm undid him, and 
 which was worfe ftill undid his Subje6ls. , / 
 
 We fee therefore, that Moderation is alike ne* 
 ceffary in all Things, and that it is a Rule in Po- 
 licy, as well as Prudence, not to be Righteous 
 
 B 2 over- 
 
 
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 (4) 
 
 overmuch, that is, not to be madly and fantaf- 
 tically defirous of obtaining all the World's good 
 Word, and being fo perfedly dilinterefted out of 
 a Thirft of Praife, as to forgo that Profit, which 
 is neceflary for our own Prefervation. It is juft, 
 it is laudable, to have a hearty Concern for the 
 Welfare of our Neighbours, buc the very Reafon 
 that convinces us of this, convinces us much more 
 ftrongly, that it is not either juft or laudable to be 
 negligent of our felvcs. Yet fo it is, that while 
 Chriftianity feems, and I am very forry to fay it, 
 to have but little Influence over the Conduft of 
 Individuals, its Maxims, over-drained, feem to 
 be the Rudiments of Modern Politicks ; for other- 
 wife, how ihould it come to pafs, that in Order 
 to be thought true Britons^ and good Subjects, 
 we are enjoined, over and above our AfFeflion for 
 6ur King and Country, to love certain Neigh- 
 bours of ours, not only as well, but better than 
 Ourfclves. Charity is moft certainly an excellent 
 Thing, but even with Refpe6t to that, there is an 
 old Proverb, and a ^rue one, that Cbariiy begins 
 at Hom\ If I am ill of a Fever, my Neighbour 
 has no right to expeft that I fliould go to fee him, 
 becaufe he has got a Cold, much Icfs, that I 
 fhould fend him my Apothecary and Phyfician, 
 and pay thofe he thinks fit to call, when I have 
 infinitely more need of Medicines than He. If 
 a Man is weak enough to call this Charity, I don't 
 doubt but he may find Neighbours wife enou 
 
 gh 
 
 to footb him in his Folly, and to keep him run- 
 ning about, as long as he has Strength to ftand 
 upon his Legs ; but I know what his Family 
 will think all the while ; and I know that the 
 Cafe is much the fame, if transferred from a Man 
 to a Nation. 
 
 
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 (5) 
 
 We have for a Century laft paft. been extreme- 
 ly puzzled, as to the proper Rule of our Behavi- 
 our, towards a certain Thing called the Ballance 
 of Europe ; fometimes rifking all for its Service 
 has been cfteemed the higheft Point of Heroifm, 
 at other Times it has been regarded as downright 
 Knight- Errantry ; and as the oppofite Parties pre- 
 vailed. Men have been admired and laughed at 
 by turns, for their Attachment to, or Contempt 
 of this Principle. Nay at this very Hour, fomc 
 are wife Men and Fools, Saints and Devils, Pa- 
 triots and Traytors, in different Companies, mere- 
 ly as People's Notions vary, about the Importance 
 of this fame Ballance of Power. Of late Years in- 
 deed our Notions have grown narrower in this, 
 as in moft other Refpefls, and inftead of the Bal- 
 lance of Power in Europe^ we have chiefly con- 
 fined our Cares to the Ballance of Power in Ger" 
 many. If this has been preferved, all in the O- 
 pinion of our moft knowing People, went well, 
 but if ever it tottered, or through our being at fb 
 great a Diftance, if we but apprehended it to tot- 
 ter, then were we to run one and all to fet it ftrait, 
 to Ihift the Weights in the feveral Scales, 'till we 
 thought it ftood even, and upon this perhaps fbmc 
 of our Neighbours, who were nearer, thought ita- 
 wry, and then to tugging went they, which brought 
 us into the Scrape again. Thus we have gone on, 
 and thus we are like to go on, tothenofmall 
 Sorrow of fome, who think we are quite miftaken 
 in our Notions about this Matter, and that if we 
 do not fpeedily difcover our Miftake, we may 
 bring ourfelves into fuch a Condition, as may ren- 
 der all Difcoveries too late. 
 
 I know the Rifk a Man runs of being thought 
 a Tory, a Jacobite, or an Incendiary, for talking 
 at this Rate \ but I know that a Man muft always 
 
 rifk 
 
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 ( 6 ) 
 
 rifle fomcthing who will defend the Truth, and 
 therefore I give myfcif no great Concern about 
 what People may call mc, in Confcquence of my 
 Writing this Pamphlet. I have Hudied thfA 
 Point with Labour and Dili^nce, and I am fui« 
 ly fatisfied, I can fet it in a true Light, that h to 
 fav, I can point out that middle Path, that Road 
 or Moderation, in which we ought to tread, if 
 we have any Regard for ourfeJves, as well a& SoM 
 the Germans ; by treading in which we may fave 
 purfelvcs, and do them good at the fame Time, 
 acd out of which if we are once carried by any <brK 
 of Political Enthufiafm, we fhall be certainly un- 
 done, and then who will take Care of the Ballance 
 of Power in Germany, who will be follicitoui for 
 the Safety of lower Saxony^ who will be Proteq- 
 C0CS;pf the Laud of the Ele£I^ when we are gone ? 
 Let |hem think of this who take no Care of us } 
 latthem who have fuch TendernLfs for our hdlf 
 Prcthrcn, have fome Bowels for thpfe of the whoJ^ 
 Blood J let Common- $enfe iijpply the Place of 
 Natural Afifedion, and if not to Prudence, let us 
 owe. our Safety to Cunniijg at Icail:. Now tQ 
 m^ke all this evident, and to leave no Englifiman 
 who will take the Pains to confidcr, and who ha$ 
 Senfe enough to underftand a Thing of this Nature 
 wlieiv he has confidervd it, tlie very ieafl: Reafon £0 
 to doubt about it, I flpall pro^^ed j^ e;Kamioe ^;f€( 
 5'hree following Points. . *'"• . ' . \'.. , 
 
 I FiFft, I fhali confider the Ancient State of 
 Q^rtifiany^ what was heretofore underltood by the 
 fel'iance of Power in that Part of Europe, and 
 the -Concern their Neighbours had for it. Tho 
 Power that the German Princes had in thole early 
 Pays, the Ufes they made of it, and in Confc- 
 quence thereof the Figure they made, and fh^ 
 Ri^k tjhey ftopd m, with Regard to the other 
 . 'I : Powers 
 
 
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 (7) 
 
 Powers of Europe, but particularly with Regard 
 to England. 
 
 Secondly, I fhall apply myfelf to the Exami- 
 nation of the prefent State of Germany, with Re- 
 gard to the fame Points, more efpecially the Bal- 
 lance of Power there ; the Grandeur of the Im- 
 perial and Ele£foral Dignities -, the Capacity of 
 the Germanic Body to refift, or if they find itnc- 
 ceflary to reduce the Power of France ; and the 
 Relation which in its prefent Circumftanccs thit 
 Country has, or may be fuppofed to have to 
 Britain. 
 
 Laftly, I fhall take Notice of the anci'^nt and 
 prefent Circumilances of the Inhabitants or this 
 Ifland, as well in Regard to their Properties and 
 Commerce, as to their Intereft in Refpe(5t to their 
 Concerns on the Continent, and that great Con- 
 cern of all the Ballance of Power in Europe ; 
 with fome Thoughts as to what it has coft us, 
 What it may coft us, and what at this Jundure wc 
 may be able to expend about it. 
 
 Clnverius, who has written with great Learning 
 and Judgment theHiftory of the ancient Germans^ 
 has very fully (hewn, that, all Circumftances con- 
 fidered, the Nation inhabiting this vaft Tra6l of 
 Country, made a greater Figure in thofe early 
 Days, than (he does now, having frequently ex- 
 tended her Conquefts on every fide, and Peopling 
 by this means moft of the Northern and Weftern 
 Parts of Europe. The ancient Germans were, as 
 all Writers agree, a Generous, Brave and Gallant 
 People, pafTionately fond of Liberty, and v/ho 
 were content to be free, in a very indifferent 
 Country, rather than ri(k being Slaves, by fub- 
 mitting themfelves fo abfolutely to the Will and 
 Diredion of a fingle Perfon, as was requifite in 
 Order to conquer a better. In Procefs of Time 
 
 their 
 
 I 
 
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 (8) 
 
 their Manners and their Form of Government al- 
 tered, and which is a little extraordinary it has 
 now and then reverted to itsfirft Principles. For 
 Inftance, the Original Government of the German 
 Nations, like the Original Government of our 
 own Kland, was by petty Princes who governed 
 their little Sovereignties, not at Will, but accord- 
 ing to a Scheme of Laws, fandtified by common 
 Confent, with an Occafional Dependance, on a 
 fupreme Chief, or great Commander, who in 
 Times of Difficulty was chofen to a Sort of Dic- 
 tatorihip. Charles the Great, and the Emperors 
 his Succefibrs, were however Princes of another 
 Sort, for they poffeffed a Kind ofabfolute Domi- 
 nion •, but finding it neceffary to appoint feveral 
 Officers, Come for executing Juftice, and others 
 for diredting Military Affairs ; and difpofing of 
 thefe as they thought convenient, in the feveral 
 Provinces of their Empire, thefe Officers by 
 Degrees enlarged, their Power, tranfmitted it to 
 their Defcendants, and eftablifhcd again, in a great 
 Meafure, that very Kind of Government, which at 
 firft prevailed. 
 
 As Powerful as thefe ancient Emperors were, 
 and as much as they were inclined to a flume to 
 themfelves the Prerogatives of the/io»M«Monarchs, 
 whom they pretended to fucceed, yet .they were 
 not able to give Law to their Neighbours, not- 
 withftanding the vaft Extent of Territory they 
 poflefTed, and the great military Power, which 
 they had always in their Hands. Charles the 
 Great, who was Mailer of Germany, France, Italy 
 and Part of Spain, made a League with the 
 Scofs ; and when he attempted to prefcribe Bounds 
 to one of our Saxon Princes, he treated that Inter- 
 pofition with Contempt, and the Emperor was 
 afterwards glad to court his f riendlhip. When 
 
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 (9) 
 
 the Empire became Eledlive, it was an Honour 
 to which Princes of all Countries afpired, and 
 amongft the reft the Englijh. Richard Duke of 
 Cornwall Son to King John^ and Brother to Hen* 
 ry III. was crowned Emperor at Aix la Chapelle^ 
 on the id of May, 1257, and this Piece of Va- 
 nity coft the Nation immenfe Sums of Money, of 
 which when the Germans had got all they could, 
 they fairly turn*d him out ; and having likewife 
 drained confiderable Sums from Alphonfo, furna- 
 med the wife King ofCaJfile, they fet up RodoJph 
 Count of Hapsburgh^ from whom the Houfe of 
 /'ujlria are defcended. He was fuceeded by A' 
 dolphus Count of Najjau, who was oppofed by 
 Albert Son to the late Emperor, and we took 
 Part in the Quarrel ; Adolphus ferved in cir Ar- 
 my againft the French, and at that Time we were 
 weak enough to put ourfelves to a vaft Expence, 
 to enable that Emperor to recover the Kingdom 
 of Aries : For this Purpofe we fent over to the 
 "Emptror Ado Iph, a vaft Swm of Money, to raifc 
 Troops for the Support of the common Caufe, 
 which he employed in the Purchafe of Tburingiay 
 for his Family ; and Albert of Aujlria taking 
 Advantage of this wrong Step, and being power- 
 fully fupported by France, attacked, defeated and 
 killed the Emperor Adolph. On the Death of 
 Lewis of Bavaria, the Ele«5tors chofe Edward 
 III. King of England, but he was too wife a Prince 
 to be cheated by the Shadow of a Sovereignty, 
 or to run into any Expences about it ; and there- 
 fore he wifely declined accepting chis Offer, that 
 he might not embarrafs himfelf, or exhauft his 
 Subjects. Throughout this Period of Time, the 
 Policy of the German Princes, was plainly directed 
 to the lingle Point of making the moft of the Im- 
 perial Diadem, by oifering it to luch foreign 
 
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 Tfiftcesas were remarkable for their Ambition and 
 "Wealth; and as loon as they had extradbtd as ^^j. 
 much from them as they could, they always forud ^ ' 
 ■fome Pretence or other for fettingup a Country* 
 of thetrown, under whofe Proteftion they 
 
 man 
 
 might enjoy the Riches derived to them, in thii 
 Manner, from other Nations, until fuch Tfme 
 as the HoUfex>f !^»/?r7tf became fb powerful, as 
 ID put an End to thefe Sort of PraAiccs, by af- 
 fiiming a new Kind of Influence, which though 
 it left the Appearance of Eleftion, fecured an 
 Hereditary Defcent of the Imperial Dignity irt 
 their Family. >'"^^/^*^^ . * .^ • 
 
 ■\ I am very far frorti blaming this Difpofition in 
 the German Princes, bccaufe it wa« founded on a 
 Spirit of true Patriotifm, by which they conver- 
 ted all Things to the Service of their Country ; in 
 which they fought, by all the Methods poffiblc, 
 to fix the Power and Riches of Europe : A Prin- 
 ciple from which they have never hitherto varied, 
 ferther than the VicilTitudes natural to fublunary 
 Things have 'rendered it necefTary ; and in thele 
 Variations, they have fhewn fuch Prudence, fuch' 
 Firmnefs, and fucli Warmth of publick Spirit, 
 as is not only extremely commendable, but wor- 
 thy alfo ot Imitation 5 that is, not to Difguife my 
 Thoughts, it ought to put other Nations on adling 
 upon the like Princi[)les, that they may preferveand 
 promote their own Happinels. It was from this 
 Motive, that in the thirteenth Century, feveral 
 free Cities in Gerf}ian\\ by leaguing themfelves to- 
 gether, created that furprizing Republick, intitled 
 the Teutonic Hanfe^ by which they engrofTed all 
 the Trade of Europe, for above two hundred Years, 
 to themielves. It is indeed a great pity that we 
 have not a clear and diftindt Hiftory of this won- 
 derful AfTociation, which docs more Honour ta 
 ^■■- - '- ■ ■•■:■: : ■:;■ . ... -.-^-^y^,:: Commerce, 
 
 
 4 
 
 '.'jii.: 
 
as 
 
 % 
 
 *y 
 
 i il^) 
 
 Commerce, than aoy Thing vwe m<ft*wlthejthef 
 in Ancient or Modcr>n>HJ(l:pfy:i tjifr Power, .Jn? 
 flucnce and RicbcVwef 5Qt/y; CAtfiage, Vemci 
 Genoa, and H^tani not uj^qepr^d. By the. prudenii 
 Regulations of the German Hqnfe TiO\vn«, Chej? 
 not only fecured 'all the Trad^ of their own Couft-r 
 try to fhemfelves, and cn4nggedthat of the Norfb^ 
 without RivaJs, but they iike wife affociated For 
 reign Cities fe as to have the Direction of TradQ 
 6very where, but particularly here,: where theif 
 Privileges were fo extenfiv^, thait in was with 
 great Difficulty the Natives broke through them i 
 and nothing but the Spirit of H(nry VIH. and 
 the Wifdom of fome Couniellors about his Son 
 Edward VI. could have delivered us from their 
 Oppreflion, or opened a Paflage for the Englijb 
 Traders, to export their own Commodities and 
 Manufactures, or import thofe of foreign Coun- 
 tries freely, without paying fuch exorbitant Tri* 
 butc, to thefe German Monopolizers, as was ab- 
 folutely inconfiftent with our Intercft as a free 
 People, and a trading Nation. Such as are cu- 
 rious may apply themfelves for Information to 
 Strype*s Memorials, HollingP^ead^ and other 
 Writers, who have recorded, though very imper- 
 fedly, the Struggles of our Anceftors upon this 
 Subjeft. From hence it clearly appears how 
 deep Reach the Germans have always had, and 
 how zealoufly they have bent their Endeavt urs to 
 aggrandize themfelves at the Expence of other 
 Nations, and to bind them by Treaties, Alliances, 
 Charters, and every other pofllble Method, to 
 facrifice their own natural Intereft, to their Friend- 
 Ihip for the German People. In the Reign of 
 Queen Elizabeth^ the Power of the Hanfe Towns 
 was upon the decline, and yet their Spirit remained 
 unbroken ; they faw, and took Advantage of 
 
 C 2 her 
 
 v -(.-. 
 
JfH" 
 
 •■W •■* I »" 
 
 5^"V 
 
 '• ^w 
 
 ^mwi 
 
 ^^B 
 
 ( 12 ) 
 
 her DifEculties, they aflifted the Spaniards againfl: 
 her, by every Method they could devife, by fur- 
 niihing them with Provifions, Artillery, Ammu- 
 nition, Tranfports, and even Ships of War, it 
 the fame Time, that under Pretence of there being 
 no War between England and the Empire, they 
 would have protefted their Subjects and Veffels, 
 as if they had belonged to a Neutral State. But 
 that wife Princefs was not to be terrified or chea- 
 ted, (he bore with thefe Grievances at firft, 'till 
 by the Exercife of a Naval War, Ihe had raifcd 
 a confiderable Maritime Power, and then ihe 
 treated thefe People as they deferved, ordering 
 her Admirals to fink, burn, and take all 
 fuch VeiTels belonging to the Hanfe Towns, 
 as they Ihould find in the Service of the King of 
 Spain^ or his Subjedts ; and they executed this 
 with fuch Vigour and Aftivity, as foon put it out 
 of the power of the Hanfe To\vns to (hew their 
 Malice towards her Government, by any other 
 Methods than grumbling, complaining, and 
 exciting the States of the Empire againft her, 
 which gave that Queen an Opportunity of ex- 
 tinguifhing all their Privileges here, and of en- 
 gaging mod of the German Merchants fettled in 
 her Dominions, to enter into the Englijh Com- 
 panies of Commerce, which fhe eredled,and which 
 gave the laft Blow to German Tyranny, and 
 cfFedlually eftablifhed our own Navigation. 
 
 The Power of the Houfe of Ai^ria came to 
 its Height under Charles V. who was at the fame 
 Time King of Spain^ Sovereign of great Part of 
 Italy^ and all the Low Countries. The Conduft 
 of this Prince, changed the whole Syftem of Ger- 
 many^ for as he had nothing at Heart but the 
 Grandeur of his Family, which led him to Mea- 
 i'ures dire<5lly repugnant to the Intereil of the 
 ' ■ ^ Empire, 
 
 I 
 V 
 
^m 
 
 K^Jt 
 
 ^fim 
 
 ( 13 ) 
 
 'ilmpirc, fo the German Princes grew extremely 
 uneafy at the extravagant Growth of his Power, 
 as well as at the ill Ufe, they thought, he made 
 of it. The Religious Dlfturbances that then broke 
 out, afforded Pretences for both Parties to aflb- 
 ciate and arm themfelves, for the Defence of their 
 refpedtive Caufes. The Proteftants entered into 
 a defenfive Alliance at Smalkald, which in the 
 Year 1535 was renewed, and had then fo formi- 
 dable an Appearance, that the Emperor could 
 not forbear teftifying his Refolution to diiTolve it. 
 The Proteftants, under John Frederick Eledlor of 
 Saxony^ and Philip Landgrave o^HeJJe^ immedi- 
 ately took the Field with 100,000 Men, and if 
 they had attacked the Emperor with the fame 
 Expedition, they had, in all Probability, efiedtu'* 
 ally fecured both their civil and ecclefiaftical Li- 
 berties, againft the arbitrary Dcfigns of that ty- 
 rannical and fraudulent Prince. But their Slow- 
 nefs gave him Time, not only to raife a puidant 
 Army, but to create a dangerous Diverfion,by the 
 Help of Maurice of Saxony^ Coufin to the Eledlor, 
 fo that the next Year, the Emperor beat the laft- 
 mentioned Prince, in a decifive Battle, near 
 Muhlbergh^ and took him Prifoner ; proceeding 
 afterwards with fuch Severity, as to pafs on him 
 Sentence of Death; and the Landgrave of HeJJe, 
 having fubmitted himfelf upon the Emperor's 
 Faith, was in Breach of it, put in Prifon. 
 
 This Defeat of the Proteftants, gave the Em- 
 peror the Opportunity he wanted, of fecuringthe 
 PoflefTions of his Family, at the Expence of the 
 G -man Intereft; for in the Year 1548 he enga- 
 ged or rather forced the States of the Empire, to 
 take upon them the Guaranty of the Circle of 
 Burgundy^ which comprehended not only the 
 Dutchy and County of that Name, but alfo all the 
 
 Low 
 
 
"^P**-""^!^^^^ 
 
 IF 
 
 i*; 
 
 P^ 
 
 ri:| 
 
 Low Countries ; involving the Empire, thereby' 
 Ui all the Difputes that afterwar4s happened be- 
 tween the 5/><««/^ Branch of *hi$ Family, and the 
 frencb^ about thofe Prpvfices, wiih which they 
 would oiherwife have had nothing to do. And 
 in Virtue of this Guaranty, it is that Colonel 
 Mentzdy in his late Manififto« threatens to de-f 
 tach from the French Monarchy t\^ Franche- 
 Ceme^ and the Dutchy oi Burgundy^ as halving 
 been difmemba-ed from the Empire ; though the 
 Reader will obferve, that the placing them under 
 the Protedion of the Empire, was in EfFedt, a Force 
 upon the States, and brought about entirely by the 
 Policy and Puiflance of this mighty Prince, who 
 therein confidered the Safety of his own Family, 
 ]:ather than the Intereft of the Germanic Body, 
 But ^ all great Oppreffions of a Nation, naturally 
 powerful, have a diredt .Tendency to excite their 
 own Rcdrefs, by ftirring up great Men to thofe 
 Remedies, which the Nature of the Cafe Ihew 
 can alone prove fuccefsful, fo the German Princes, 
 ^nd efpccially the Proteftants, finding themfclvcs 
 in CirCumftances fo yneafy, and fearing that the 
 Emperor would proceed to flill greater Lengths^ 
 refolved to have recourfe onc^ more to Arms. In 
 Shis Enterprize they had for their Chief, <hat very 
 Maurice Elcdor of Saxony, who became fo by 
 the Favour of the Emperor, in Prejudice of his 
 Coufin the Ele(5tor John Frederick ; and as Mau- 
 rice faw the mifchievous Confequences of the di- 
 latory Cond\i6t of th^ Allies of Sma/kaU, he took 
 his Meafures fo fecretJy and fuccefsfuUy, that he 
 very narrowly miffed feizing the Emperor at /«- 
 fprucky from whence he fled away by Torch- Light. 
 This Blow had a terrible Etled upon the Empe- 
 ror's Affairs, who found hi mfelf obliged tocom- 
 promife Matters with the Proteftants, by the Trea- 
 ty 
 
 
 M. 
 
 
 i 
 
VJt>L 
 
 1 I* 
 
 f:" 
 
 ■# 
 
 ■■-S*: 
 
 ie- 
 
 ■:i*;A.j 
 
 
 Ml 
 
 (15 ) 
 
 ty of Pajfau: Irf this Difpute the Confederates 
 n\a&. ufe of th6 Affiftanceof f/^«ry the Second of 
 France, but as they took no Care of his Intcreft, 
 in making this Peace, he feized Metz, Toul and 
 Verdun, which the French have kept ever fince ; 
 and for the Recovery of which, Colonel Mentzd 
 declares in his Manifefto, that the Allies were ad- 
 vancing towards the Frontiers of France 5 thus 
 the Reader perceives that the German Empire fuf- 
 fered this great Diminution of Power and Terri- 
 tory from the exorbitant Ambition of the Houfc 
 of Auftria. 
 
 The Affairs of Germany during the Reigns of 
 the fucceeding Emperors, Ferdinand, Maximilian, 
 and RedoIpbyWcm iitiodthly enough; for the Houte 
 of Auftria being now parted into two Branches, 
 the Germans were the better fatisfied with the Im- 
 perial Line. But the ¥.nv^(x Matthias, a bold,en- 
 terprifing and ambitious Prince, and withal a great 
 Enemy to the Proteftants, took fuch Meafures, as 
 made the Wounds of Germany break out a-fre(h, in 
 the famous War of thirty Years, waged chiefly by 
 the Calvinifts, or, as they are ftiled in Germany, 
 the Reformed, at the Head of whom wcte the 
 Eleftor Palatine, and the' Landgrave of /i^^^- 
 Cajfel, who framed a new League, and intitled 
 it the Evangelical llnhja In the beginning of 
 thefe Difturbandes thcf' Empferbr diefd ; and the 
 Bohemians rej^ctind/Kis vNcfj^cw Ferdinand II. 
 whofuceedcd fiihi -m' the Etnpirei chofe Frederick 
 Eleftor Paldtitfe,"'f6r* ^heir^King, who married 
 the Daughter bf our James ' J. who fpenf a*great 
 "deal of Money, though to very little Purpoie, for 
 the Service ot his Son in Law ; and is very un- 
 accountably blamed, by mod" of our Hiftorians, 
 for not running headlong into a War, with which 
 he had very lictle, if any thing to do. The Em- 
 peror's 
 
fiili 
 
 lil 
 
 ( i6 ) 
 
 peror's Succefs was fo great, and his Moderation 
 fo little, that it alarmed many of the Princes of 
 the Empire, who had no Share in the Beginning 
 of the Troubles, in Confcquence of which^ the 
 Princes and States of lower Saxony^ thought fit to 
 clcdl Chriftian IV". King of Denmark their Gene- 
 ral ; to whom our Charles I. fent a large Sum of 
 Money, for the Support of the Proteftant Caufe: 
 He was foon beat by the Emperor's General Count 
 Tilly ; and this frefli Succefs raifed the Emperor's 
 Spirits to fuch a Degree, that he began to opprefs 
 the Proteftants every where, and brought them in- 
 to the lowed Diflrei which induced them in 
 an AiTembly at Leipjick, to call in the famous 
 Guftavus Adolpbus^ King of Sweden^ to their Af- 
 fiftance ; thus that great War, which coft the 
 Germans fo dear, took rife entirely ftom the over- 
 bearing and tyrannical Temper of the Emperors of 
 the Houfe of Auftria, ^ This War continued du- 
 ring the Reign of Ferdinand III. and after the 
 Death of the King of Sweden ; 'till in the End, the 
 Emperor was fo much weakened, and his heredi- 
 tary Countries exhauftcd to fo great a Degree,' 
 that he found himfelf under an abfolute Neceffity 
 of making Peace, which he did at Munjierin, 
 1648. . i : ■ \ 
 
 By this Treaty, or rather by that oiOfnahurgh^ 
 which was a Kind ol Preliminary to that of M«»- 
 fiery the King of Sweden had the beft Part of Po- 
 tnerania^ the Archbifhoprick of Bremen^ the 
 Biflioprick of Verden and other Places yielded to 
 him ; and the Archbiflioprick of Halberftadt^ 
 the Principality of Minden^ the County of Z/^/- 
 ftein^ and the Archbifhoprick of Magdekourgb 
 were given up to the King of Denmark ; the lo- 
 wer Palatinate was reftored to the Eledorof that 
 Name j Metz^ Toul and Verdun were yielded to 
 
 the 
 
 :l 
 
 ^» 
 
 >'ft 
 
 
■>x 
 
 V 
 
 '•:,*- 
 
 f I 
 
 :w; 
 
 ii-m 
 
 ( 17) 
 
 the Crown of France, together with BrifaCy Sunt- 
 gau. Part oi Afface, and Philipsburgh ; with this 
 view, that an eafy Entrance into the Empire 
 might be fecured to all thcfe Princes \ fo jeal- 
 ous were the States of the Empire, at that Time, 
 of the Power aud Policy of the Houfe of Aufiria ; 
 and of fuch NecefTity did they efteem it, to have 
 the Means of calling in thefe puiflant Protcftors, 
 in Cafe fucceeding Emperors, and the Eledors of 
 ' Bavaria, who hitherto had always fided with the 
 Imperial Family againft the Proreflants and 
 France, fhould refume their old Projects. This 
 Treaty of Munfter, was then looked upon as the 
 Bulwark of the Germanick Conftitution ; and 
 \ therefore amongft the Medals of Lewis XIV. we 
 find one very remarkable (truck upon this Occa- 
 " fion. France is therein reprefented (landing be- 
 fore an Altar, upon which is depided the Cadu- 
 ceus, interwoven with two Horns of Plenty ; 
 the Genius of France has in one Hand a Branch of 
 ' Olive, in the other a Ballance, the Emperor's 
 Crown lying in one Scale, and thofe of the Princes 
 of the Empire in the other, by which it is retained 
 in Equilibrio; under the Feet of France lies a 
 'Yoke, which is fuppofed to have been taken from 
 the Necks of the German States j The Legend of 
 this Medal is Libertas Germanise, i. e. The Liberty 
 of Germany ; and in the Exergue, Pax Monafle- 
 riencis 1648 ; the whole informing us, that thro* 
 the Interpofition of France, the Liberty of Ger- 
 many was reftored by the Peace of Munjler in 
 , 1 648. Thus you fee what was looked upon as the 
 Ballance of Power in Germany ac this Time, how 
 its Confticution was fixed by the Affiftance of fo- 
 _ reign Powers, called in by the Princes and States 
 oi Germany, to preferve them from being fwallow- 
 ed up by the Power of the Houfe of Auftria. 
 
 D • V You 
 
 fcr 
 
{ 
 
 \ vJ 
 
 •ill 
 
 Vim 
 
 .yi, 
 
 You (ce th.it all this was done without the Inter- 
 vention of Egu!fid^ or without our gettinp; or lo- 
 fing any thing thereby ; though at the Beginning 
 of the Qiiarrcl, we had interpofed in Favour of 
 the Germain Princes, and in Conjunction with the 
 '• Northern Kings. You fee likewife how France 
 acquired her firft Footing in Alface^ and the Pof- 
 fefllon of fcveral Places, which Colonel Mentzel 
 fays are flios ily to be taken from her ; in fine, 
 you will obferve, that by this very Treaty, all the 
 Conquefts hitherto made by France^ are given up, 
 and yielded to her, in the ftrongcft Terms, by a 
 Treaty, upon which the prcfcnt Conftitution of 
 Germany^ the Rights, Privileges and Pofleflions 
 of all the Princes and States therein arc abfolutely 
 founded. A Treaty ratified and confirmed by ma- 
 ny fubfequent, I may fay by all fubfequcnt Trea- 
 ties, and which ifit fhould be overturned, by re- 
 claiming all that is given to France therebyj muft 
 neceflarily induce new Difturbances in Germany^ 
 perhaps more dangerous in their Confcquences, 
 than any that have followed upon the Difputes about 
 the Pragmaiic San£iion, Thefe I fay are Things 
 you difcover at firft Sight, from the bare Detail of 
 
 ■ what has formerly happened in this Country, 
 and which cannot be denied by any who are com- 
 petently verfid in Modern Hiftory, and who are 
 content to make Ufe of their Knowledge, for the 
 Support of Truth> rather than the Maintaintance 
 of their own Prejudices. ^ j^, _ 
 
 ^ Thencc forward the Affairs of C^rw^wy' acquired 
 a new Face ; the Fle£lors and Princes confidered 
 the French King as their folc Support, and the 
 Emperor continued notwithftanding to purfue his 
 old Scheme of treating them as his Subjedls ; this 
 occafioncd perpetual Difputes and Quarrels in the 
 Empire, and afforded the French King, I mean 
 
 Lewis 
 
( 19 ) r.^.!^' • 
 
 Lewis XIV. the mod ambitious and vvirhal tu<^ 
 moft abJc Monarch of his Time, to rake fiicli 
 Advantages of the Diftr.idtions of the Empire, as 
 have given rife to all the Doubts and Fears, that 
 |iiave terrified the Friends to the Ballance of Power 
 ^ in Europe ever fince. Lewis knew how fumctimcs 
 ; to deceive the Emperor, and at others to cheat 
 .the feveral Princes of the Empire, i/ito Treaties, 
 .vifibly injurious to the common Interefts of G^rw^- 
 »y, by pretending to fupport them from I'ime to 
 Time, in their private Views, either by Money 
 or Troops. Thus when he had formed his Scheme 
 ^ of overrunning the D«/rZ;, he thought fit firft to 
 \ -^yc up the Hands of the Emperor, and therefore 
 having Intelligence of certain Troubles that had 
 .arifen in Hungary^ and of which being at fuch a 
 \Diftance, it would have been a Thing extremely 
 .difficult for him to have turned to any Account; 
 • he caufed it to be infinuated to the Emperor Leo- 
 ,poIdy that having nothing more in view than enjoy- 
 ing peaceably the Dominions yielded to him, by 
 feveral Treaties, particularly thsitofJix la Cha- 
 pelle^ by which he acquired Burgundy ; and pre- 
 I lending to ftand in fear that Spain and the Stales- 
 General would endeavour to ravifli them from 
 him, by a new War, into which they might 
 have Hopes of drawing the Emperor, on Ac- 
 , count of his near Relation in Blooil lo his Catho- 
 lic Majefty, and of his clofe Conntrction with the 
 . States i he therefore teftified an Inclination to 
 conclude, purely for the Sake of prefer ving Peace, 
 .a defenfive Alliance with his Imperial M.ijeRy, 
 by which they tnight reciprocally engage not to 
 afflft each others Enemies. Into this Snare the 
 ' Emperor fell, and fuch an Alliance was adually 
 \ concluded on the ift of Novt:?nhtT 1671 at yir?:- 
 na ; by the laft Article of which, the contracting 
 
 D 2 Parties 
 
 '*»«>. 
 
 % 
 
i! 
 
 11 (m 
 
 
 'm 
 
 h'' i 
 
 ( 20 ) • 
 
 'Parties promifc to keep it abfolutely fecret. The . 
 Emperor flattered himfelf, by Means of this Trca- ' 
 ty, he had it entirely in his Power to aft as he 
 thought fit towards his difcontcnted Subjedts ; and ^ 
 his mod Chriftian Majefty, on the other Hand, ■ 
 faw himfelf perfedlJy covered from any Apprc- ^ 
 henfions on this fide, and of Confequence har all >' 
 the Leifurelie could defire for perfecting the i^ro- w 
 jeft he had formed, of humbling, or rather dc- f* 
 ftrcying the D«/ci?. ■' ';< » < » -/, ^^ 
 
 As for the Princes of th: Empire, hehad^'-und > 
 means to fecure many of them in his Intereft : He 1 
 flattered the Eledlor of Bavaria with the Hopes ■' 
 of a Marriage 5 the Eleftor Palatine i^ood indebt- > 
 ed for his Dominions, and for his Dignity, to the v 
 Interpofition of France in the Treaty ofMunJlen ■■' 
 the Ecclefiaftical Electors, together with the ■■ 
 Bilhop of Murtjter, and fome other Princes, were ^ 
 his by Inclination, and promifed, that in Cafe of 
 a Rupture, they would preferve a ftrift Neutra- 
 lity, at lead, which was all he could defire. The * 
 Eledlor of Brandenburgh alone penetrated the - 
 Views of France^ and could not be drawn into any 
 Engagements, and therefore when the French > 
 Scheme came to be executed he boldly and hon^;ft- ' 
 ly ventured to affift the Dutch, Yet after all, 
 when the Eyes of the whole World were open, 
 
 , when the Emperor, the K'mgof Spain ^ and many * 
 of the German Princes faw the NecelTity of enter- 
 ing at all Events into a War, which in its Confe- 
 quences mult be fatal to themfelves, the Duke of 
 Hanover ihought to prefer his private Views to the 
 publick Safety, and aftually entered into a Treaty 
 with France^ dated the ioi\i of December 1672, 
 by which he undertook to affift the French King 
 againft the Elc(ftor of Brandenburgh^ in Cafe that 
 Prince continued to fuccour the Dutch. This 
 
 plainly 
 
 IB 
 
^( 21 ) i . . 
 
 plainly (hews how impoflibie ii is to fecurethe 
 German Princes in the true Intcreft of Germany^ 
 and how little Reafon there is to hope that they 
 fhould be drawn toadunanimouflyagainftFr<j»f^, 
 let the Reafon s for their ading in fuch a Manner, 
 be ever fo cogent or apparent. All the World 
 knows what Iffue that War had, and every Body 
 who is acquainted with the Hillory of thofe 
 Times, rnulx fee that the Power and Infolence of 
 France, will always create fuch Alliances upon the 
 Continent, as will be fufficient to reftrain it. The 
 Parliament of England forced Charles II. to a- 
 b.indon his Scheme of aflifting todeftroy thtDutcb ; 
 the Emperor and Spain came into the V/ar, tho* 
 with fome Reludance, and the French King, af- 
 ter confuming much Blood and Treafure, found 
 himfclf under a Neccflity of fubriiittingtoaPeace, 
 which was concluded at Nimegum, in 1676 ; by 
 which, though he reaped fome Advantages, yet 
 they were far (hort of what he expe(fled, and in 
 • Truth of what thev had coft them : So that if ma- 
 ny Accidents had not concurr'd to divide and dif- 
 tra6l the ^ovttrs o^ Europe, he would fcarce have 
 been able, with all his Policy, to have reftored 
 his AfFaits to fuch a Degree, as to have been 
 able to make the Figure he did in the next War. 
 After the Revolution, the Condud of the French 
 King united againft him almoft all the Princes on 
 the Continent, as well as the Maritime Powers, 
 infomuch that It will be the Wonder of Pofterity, 
 hiow the Kingdom of France was able to refift fo 
 many Enenaies at once. To underftand this, we 
 ■ rerd only to confider the Advantages whichL^w/j 
 XIV. obtained by the Miftakes and Mifintelli- 
 gence of the Allies. The Emperor remained ftill 
 in his old Difpofition, and made fo many Efforts 
 towards eftablifhing an illegal Power over the 
 
 Princes 
 
r;'t! 
 
 11 
 
 ( 22 ) "'^■^ 
 
 Princes and the States of Germany^ that notwith- 
 ftanding he was able to awe the Empire into act- 
 ing againft France^ yet nciany of its Princes held 
 a fccret Correfpondence with that Crown, from an 
 Apprehenfion, th^t if France was reduced as low 
 as the Confederates feemed defirous of feeing her 
 reduced, it muft then be a Prey to the Power of 
 the Houfe of Auftria, On the other Hand, Eng- 
 land and Holland bore much too large a Share in 
 the Expence of that War, which involved them 
 in Debts and Difficulties, with which they had 
 much ado to ftruggle, and at the fame Time, the 
 Coldnefs and Inaftivity of the Princes of the Em- 
 pire, and the Pride and Poverty of the Emperor, 
 who ready to p. omife, and ever failing in perform- 
 ing his Promifes, deprived them of the Advan- 
 ,tages they might otherwife have gained, and left 
 France an Appearance of Superiority, though in 
 Truth, fhe was much inferior in Force to the Al- 
 lies. So that at laft all Parties being weary, a 
 Treaty of Peace was concluded at Ryfwick^ wh* :h 
 rather pacified than compofed the TroubJcs of 
 Europe y and left both Parties at Liberty to form 
 fuch Negotiations, as might enable them, in Cafe 
 of a new War, to atchieve what they had rclpec- 
 tively intended when they entered into this. 
 
 The Reader will eafily difcern tha^ the Weak- 
 nefs of the Empire, in this and in the fucceeding 
 War, was not owing to want of Force, but to a 
 want of Refolution, and of a Defire of adually per- 
 forming what they feemed to intend. The Truth 
 of the matter was, that in Virtue of his hereditary 
 Dominions, and the Influence of his Authority, 
 the Emperor was in a Manner Mafter of the Im- 
 perial Diet, and engaged the Empire to enter in- 
 to Wars with France^ as often as he found it con- 
 venient for his Intercft : But as many of the Prin- 
 ces 
 
 I 
 
 ■"I 
 
% 
 
 f- 
 
 S- .4 
 
 vi' 
 
 '•C; 
 
 (23) 
 
 ces aded in the firft War with great Reludance, 
 ahd with little Fidelity, fo in the lad War the 
 Eledlors of Bavaria and Cologn, declared abfolute- 
 ly for France and Spain againft the Emperor, and 
 this as the Reader may fee by coT\M{m^Lainberti*i 
 Colledlions, nbt without very plaufible Reafons, 
 fdr adling as they did. Yet ifterall this, one 
 needs only to caft one's Eye over the following 
 Scheme of the Force of the Empire, fettled and 
 eftablifhed by its Conftitution, in Order to be con- 
 vinced, that if the States of which it is compofed, 
 would, aft firmly and with unanimity, they muft 
 be at all times able not only to check France^ but 
 even to force that haughty Crown, to accept of 
 fuch Terms as they fhould think requifite for their 
 Safety. This Scheme of the German Power was 
 founded on the Proportions they were obliged to 
 furnifli in Cafe of a War, and the Number of Men 
 they have raifed upon particular Occafions. 
 
 ^ ^he Ecclefiafiical Princes are able to raife 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ Meniz' 
 Treves- 
 Cologne- 
 
 Saltsburgh — — * — — - — 
 The Bifhop of Munjler* 
 '•^-Leige- 
 
 Wurtsburgh- 
 Bamhurgh — 
 Paderborn'" 
 'Osnaburgb — 
 
 ' The Abbot of Fuldr^- 
 Th^ other Biiliops of the Empire 
 together- -'■ 
 
 Men 
 
 6,000 
 
 6,000. 
 
 6,000 
 
 8,000 
 
 8,000 
 
 8,000 
 
 2,000 
 
 5,000 
 
 3,000 
 
 2,500 
 
 6,000 
 
 i 6,000 
 
 Carri ied over 
 
 66,500 
 
. r 
 
 .»•»■ 
 
 ii 
 
 
 IK" 
 
 m'-:^'fi 
 
 -I 
 
 
 
 . J . ( L< 
 
 (2+) 
 
 *:jii: tl-^ y '•''''^ ^'"^ -^^. ^ > Men . - 
 Brought over 66,500 
 
 
 ^ma 
 
 The Abbies and Provofllhips of 
 the Empire 
 
 } 
 
 8,000 
 
 4 liT -^f-ii-i ■'•. <■' ;i*^t4..o > ^ . f •*-■( -f:'^*,-.. 
 
 ■ I ' ' ' ^> ? 
 
 t 
 
 Total of the Ecclefiaftical Prmces 74,500 
 
 U 
 
 
 , ',!il •»■ 
 
 3 V > .J 
 
 
 ST/^^ Secular Princes are able to raife^ ^^ 
 
 >ii '<^ 
 
 ■J 
 
 ^Hungary ■ — 
 Bohemia^ S Heft a j 
 
 The Emperor for^ and Moravia 
 
 f ; ^ ' ,,,. v., Auftria and his 
 
 u » . (^other DonTiinions 
 
 The King of Pr«^^- 
 
 30,000 
 000 
 
 \ 30 
 
 ,000 
 
 ii,. 
 
 The EleSor of Saxony- 
 The Eledor Palatine- 
 
 The Duke of tVirtemhergh 
 
 The Landgrave oiHeJfe-CaJfeU 
 The Prince of Baden* 
 
 The Prince of Brunfwick Lunen- 1 
 
 hurgh^ or FJedlor of Hanover J ^ * 
 The Duke of Hulftein — 
 The Duke of Mecklenburg- 
 The Princes of Anhalt^ 
 
 - 40,000 
 -25,000, 
 
 — 15,000 
 -15,0001, 
 .- 15,000' 
 - 10,000 
 
 000 
 
 1 2,000 
 
 15,000 
 
 6,000 
 
 — 6,000 
 
 ■ 30,000 
 
 10,000 
 
 10,000 
 
 The other Princes and Imperial } 
 I . Towns of the Empire i ^ ' 
 
 t. ^ . Total of the Secular Princes — 379,000 
 ,, Total of the Ecclef Princes — 74,500 
 
 Tot.il of Forces of the Empire 453,500 
 
 The Prince of Lawenhurg- 
 The Ele6bor of Bavaria — 
 
 The Dukt^o^ Saxony 
 
 The Princes of Naffau 
 
 There 
 
( 25 ) 
 
 1- 
 
 '* 
 
 ♦ l 
 
 There is one Thing more that I muft touch 
 upon before I quit this Part of my Subje61:,and that 
 is the Figure the Princes of the Empire ftood in 
 formerly with Refpeft to England, In the Reign 
 of Hsnry VIII. the Emperor himfelf took Eng'^ 
 lijh pay, and fought under the Banner of that Mo- 
 narch i it is not likely therefore that in thofe 
 Days, the Princes of the Empire were thought 
 much fuperior in Rank to our Nobility. The 
 Cafe is indeed fomewhat altered fmce, for the Ger- 
 man Princes are grown greater and more indepen- 
 dant, and the Power of the Englifi Nobi- 
 lity is as much declined fince that Time. Under 
 the Reign of Queen Elizabeth^ we had more fre- 
 quent Intercourle with the German 1 ;inces •, but 
 even then they were not confidered in any extra- 
 ordinary light here, as appears by fome Grants of 
 Fcnfions, very far fhort of modern Subfidies ; 
 fcarce fo many Shillings as we now gi\ . them 
 Pounds, which the Reader may find in Rymer^s 
 Colleflions. King James I. married his eldeft 
 Daughter to the Eledlor Palatine^ then called the 
 Paljgravff, which was not thought a very advan- 
 tageous Match in thofe Days, as appears by her 
 Mother's calling her Goody Pal/grave, and yet 
 this Marriage obliged us to interfere more than we 
 had done before with the Affairs of Germany, and 
 in a Manner very litde to our Advantage. In 
 the Time of Charles I, the Eledor Palatine took 
 Refuge here with his two Brothers Rupert and 
 Maurke. As for the Eledor he remained with 
 the Parliament, who paid him, for a time, a great 
 deal of Refpeft •, the two younger Brothers ierved 
 
 hisMajefty's Army, where, though they were 
 
 m 
 
 Princes of the Blood, and both very accomplilh'd 
 
 Soldiers, the Haughtinefs of their Tempers, and 
 
 the Roughnefs of their Manners, did his Majefty 
 
 c , * E irreparable 
 
i 
 
 
 I 
 
 I' *' V 
 
 h 
 
 m 
 
 HI A' 
 
 (26.; 
 
 irreparable Mifchief. Charles II. in the 1 ime of 
 his Exile took Shelter at Cologfi, was kindly re- 
 ceived by the Duke oi^ Neuoourgb, and treated 
 with great Refpedt by the Imperi:\l Diet, of which 
 he retained a grateful Remembrance as long as he 
 lived, and during the Courfe of his Reign held a 
 friendly Correfpondence with the Emperor and 
 moft of the Princes, as appears from Sir fVilliam 
 Templets Memoirs, and more particularly from the 
 Life of Sir Leoline Jenktns. A Treaty of Mar- 
 riage was once fet on Foot between the Duke of 
 Tork^ and an A^chdutchtfs of In/prucb iSind when 
 the King was at War with the Dutch^ he gave 
 large Subfidies to the Bi (hop of Munjiery who in 
 return invaded the Territories of the States, and 
 gave them a great deal of Trouble. The CiOfe 
 Correfpondence between King J^w^j II. and the 
 Court of France^ hindered his having much to 
 do either with the Emperor or Empire, which 
 proved of greatDifadvantage to him,and in the End 
 was one of the principal Caufesof theSuccefsof the 
 Revolution. After which we came to have a clofe 
 Conjundion with theEmperor,and a very friendly 
 Intercourfe with feveral Princes of the Empire, to 
 whom we paid large Subfidies, for theTroops they 
 thought fie to lend, for the Service of, what was 
 called, the common Caufe , and io which, exdu- 
 fivc of the Sums they got by the War, they feem*d 
 to have at leaft as much Intereft as we. So that 
 while the Engli/h and Dutch were fighting the 
 Battles of the Empire, as well as their own, they 
 paid the Gerwan Princes for their Affiftance ; 
 and rhofe Princes received vaft Sums annually, for 
 doing what, according to the then Syilem of 
 Things, they fhould have done out of a pure Re- 
 gard to their own Intereft, fince they all of them 
 had Pretenfions upon France, and expeded Satis- 
 
 fefliODk 
 
 ■ i! 
 
 m^ 
 
■t 
 
 faftion, refpe^lively, as to their Demands, when- 
 ever a general Peace came to be made ; and thus 
 by a Felicity peculiar to G^rwjw Politicks, their 
 lels powerful Neighbours not only fought on their 
 Side, but paid them likewife for fighting for them- 
 felves. 
 
 We are now come to the Second Part of our 
 Task, in which we are to examine the prefent 
 State of Germany^ with RefpeA to its own Power, 
 and the Relation it has to the reft of Europe, It 
 will previous to this be neceffary to obferve, that 
 by the prefent State of Germany^ I mean the Con- 
 dition that great Country is in, fince the Imperial 
 Title has been transferred from the Houfe of Auf- 
 tria to that of Bavaria. This I muft take leave 
 to fay is, in my humble Opinion, a Circumftance 
 agreeable to moft, and not unpleafant to any of 
 the Princes of the Empire, They felt fufficiently 
 the Weight which his hereditary Dominions gave 
 to every Emperor of the Houfe of Auflria^ and 
 were uneafy enough under it, becaufe they fiw that 
 it was conftantly direded to the lecuring his own 
 Dominions, and aggrandizing his own Family ; 
 with which the States of the Empire thought they 
 had no immediate Concern. This Difpofition was 
 extremely remarkable in the three laft Monarchs 
 of that Houfe, Leopold, J ofeph s.nd Charles: The 
 former was an ambitious, crafty and obftinate 
 Prince, infinitely more defirous of making him- 
 felf abfolute at home, than formidable abroad ; 
 his Maxims of Government rendered him the 
 weakeft Prince in Europe, notwithftanding the 
 Extent of his Dominions ; his love of arbitary 
 Power, kept the Hungarians, who have fo nobly 
 defended his Grand-Daughter, almoft always Re- 
 bels, and his Bigotry made the People of Bohe- 
 mia Slaves." His Uiage of the Houfe of Bavaria 
 
 E 2 drove 
 
 -•^ 
 

 m 
 
 'IT: 
 
 drove them to a clofe Conjunftion with France^ 
 and his Pride, Parfimony, and pofitive Adhe- 
 rence to his own Notions loft him the Succefllon 
 of Spain. The Emperor Jofepb was in forae 
 Meafure the Reverfe of his Father, for though he 
 had as much Haughtinefs, yet inftead of being 
 indolent he was fierce and arrogant, full of the 
 Grandeur of his Houfe, and very little inclined to 
 find out the Diftin^ion between Slaves and 
 Subjefts. He was always expeding mighty Suc- 
 cours from his Allies, and always deficient in 
 what he promifed for the Support of the common 
 Caufe. His Behaviour towards the Princes of the 
 Empire, made them backward ih every thing ; 
 and as our glorious General, the Duke of Marl- 
 borough^ told fome of their Minifters, at a Confe- 
 rence, their Negligence infpired France with 
 Hbpes, which alone prevented her accepting the 
 Terms offered by the Allies \ and indeed it was 
 on this fide only, that throughout the whole War 
 the French had any Advantage, except in Spain^ 
 where the German Politicks defeated all the Mari- 
 time Powers could do in Support of the German 
 Intereft. Charles VI. was raifed to the Empire by 
 the Endeavours of the Allies, and he difcovered 
 even before his Eledion the Genius of his Family, 
 by declaring he would not accept the Imperial 
 Crown, on the Terms it had been worn by his 
 Brother and Father, and the Capitulation was ac- 
 cordingly altered to fuit it to his Humour. His 
 fevere Government of the Italians^ drew tliem to 
 plot againft him, and to intrigue with France Sind 
 Spain ; as his Ill-ufage of the Houfe of Savoy ope- 
 ned a PalTage to thofe Armies, which deprived 
 him of Naples and Sicily^ and very narrowly mif- 
 fed of driving him entirely out oflsaly. His Be- 
 haviour to this Nation was i^ot the moft grateful ; 
 
 and 
 
 !*■ 
 
 '^ 
 
( «9 ) 
 
 and kis Conduft in refped to the Dutchf was far 
 from anfwering the Oblijgations he was under to 
 that Republick. HisobftinateRefufal of all Terms 
 of Accomodation with Spain^ for a long Time 
 kept the Ballance of Power fludkuating, as his ^d- 
 den and unnatural Conjunction loft it, by the 
 Turn that Alliance gave to the Politicks of the 
 Maricimc Powers. His War with the lurks waft 
 ]ll-contrivv<;d and worfe executed; and his Depen* 
 dance upon France to the laft, from an Appre- 
 henfion that Zeal for Religion would bind her to 
 his Intereft, was an Error for which his Family 
 has fmarted feverely fmce. Taking therefore all 
 this together, I make no Scruple of faying that 
 the Power of the Germanic Body is increaled by 
 this Change *, and that there is more Reafon to ex- 
 peft the Princes and States of the Empire ihould 
 vigoroufly exert their Force, now they are free, 
 then there was to hope it, while they were under 
 the Influence of an Emperor who confidered them 
 abfolutely as his Subjeds, and yet confined his 
 Cares to the Inhabitants of his hereditary Domini- 
 ons, or rather of the upper and lower Auftria, 
 
 This I know will be confidered by many as a 
 Political Paradox, and by fome as a dangerous 
 Maxim, the Belief of which ought by all means 
 to be difcouraged. But this moves not me ; I write 
 from no other Motive than from the Love of 
 Truth and my Country, for which Reafon, I 
 think myfelf as little bound to conceal whatever I 
 have Reafon to think may be divulged to her Be- 
 nefit, as to publiih what may gratify the Prejqi- 
 dices of particular Perfons, and yet prove little to 
 her Advantage. It is a Jeft for any Man to pique, 
 himfdif upon being an Enemy to France^ or a 
 Friend to Germany ', the fole Charadteriftick here 
 of a Patriot, is his Love to Britain -» for whoever 
 
 facrifices 
 
»...• 
 
 m 
 
 lU 
 
 iliii 
 
 t 
 
 ij' 
 
 , * 
 
 Im 
 
 (30) 
 
 lacrificcs his native Country to Fondnefs, or Fury 
 to an ill-judged Partiality, or an ill-timed Re- 
 fentment, is certaiinly a weak if not a wicked Man, 
 let his Quality be what it will, or his Reputation, 
 even for the Knowledge of foreign Affairs, ever fo 
 well eftablilhcd.. The great Point now is thorough-.' 
 ly to underftand the Queftion before us, that is 
 to fay, what is the true Strength of the G^rw^w/V^ 
 Body, how far they need, and to what degree, it 
 is in our Pov ;r to aflift them. This I fay is the 
 Queftion, at prefent, moft material to Britain^ 
 for if it be not thoroughly and timely under ftood, 
 we may run the Hazard of exhaufting ourfelves, 
 to fuch a Degree, as we may never be able to re- 
 cover. In reipeft to this very Circumftance, how 
 t^tal may any Miftake be about it? If the State of 
 Germany is bettered by this Change in the Empire, * 
 and our Welfare depends fo much, as it is gene- 
 rally thought to do, on the Security of the Ger- 
 marticBody, we fhould be adually fighting againU: 
 ourfelves, if we Ihould ufe our warmeft Endea- 
 vours to overturn our new Syftem, and reftore the 
 old one ? But perhaps fome Proofs will be expec- 
 ted of the Truth of what I fay, and thefe I fhall 
 Jay down in very few Words. Firft then, it ap- 
 pears that fuch an Emperor freely elefted is mofl 
 agreeable to the German Conftitution •, and it is a 
 general Rule in Policy, that the Force of a Na- 
 tion is then greateft, when the Spirit of its Govern- 
 ment is in its utmoft Vigour. Secondly, it is 
 moft likely that the Princes and States of Germa- 
 ny, will exert themfelves moft under an Emperor 
 from whom !hcy have much to hope, and nothing 
 to fear 5 which will be always the Cafe, fo long 
 as they are not governed by a Prince, whofe here- 
 ditary Dominions give him more Power, than 
 even their conjundive Force would be able t^ deal 
 
 . ^yy * a • • W •«« 
 
 with. 
 
.?* 
 
 .(30 
 
 with. Thirdly, the Authority which fuch an Em- 
 peror may acquire by a wife and upright Admini- 
 ftration , will adually raifc a new Power in Ger- 
 many i the Houfe oiAuftria ftill retaining its for- 
 mer Strength, together with the Means of exerting 
 it more freely. Thefe Reafons appear to me ex- 
 tremly cogent, and I can yet add another, which 
 .mud prove conclufive, and it is this, that his Ma- 
 jclly, as Eleftpr of Hanover^ gave his Vote for 
 his prefent Imperial Majefty, which he would ne- 
 ver have done, if he had not conceived his Ele6lion 
 agreeable to the Intercft of the Germanick Body ; 
 ,he who thinks otherwife, and would afcribe his 
 Vote to the Terror of French Arms, and the Dan- 
 ger of the ElecSborate, is unacquainted with the 
 Firmnefs of his Majefty's Temper, and mud be 
 at once an Enemy to the Royal Family, and no 
 great Friend to his Country* yi *t// j 'i;i?j vc ti'' 
 After clearing this Point, which I think I have 
 effed;ually done, I (hall proceed to another, which 
 is the prodigious Growth of Power amongft.the 
 German Princes. The King of PruJJia^ is at Icalt 
 ten Times more confiderable a Potentate, than the 
 antient Eledor of Brandenburgh ; as the Reader 
 will eafily difcern, if he confults that manual of 
 modern Politicks, M. Van Hoey's Letters. There 
 he will fee I hut the French Court confider his 
 Power as a Ballance to their own, and reprefent it 
 as fuch to the States, which they would never have 
 done, if they had not thought it plaufible at lead, 
 if not clear to a degree of Self-Evidence i his late 
 Conduct with Refpe^tto France^oughtnot at all to 
 leficn our Opinion ofhis Power, fince it is not rea- 
 fonable to believe, that a Prince who has fuch ex- 
 tenfive Territories, and withal fuch boundlefs Am- 
 bition, fhould ever think of becoming dependant 
 on any other Powcr> or even of entering into fuch 
 ■ ,1 Meafures, 
 

 t^^ 
 
 v> 
 
 ill 
 
 If. 
 
 • ii.i 
 
 ( 32 ) 
 
 Meafures, as might encreale its Influence in Ger^ 
 many^ to fuch a Degree as might endanger his 
 own Safety ; this I fay is a thing not only impro- 
 bable but altogether impoflible ) and therefore we 
 ought to confider this Prince as one of the greatefl: 
 Powers in Germany^ and a Power too that will be 
 continually growing. I fhati readily admit that 
 this may be in fome Rcfpefts a difagrceable Pro- 
 fpe^b, but in the Light, in which we are now to 
 confider it, it is apparently otherwile. France 
 might much more eafily fwaHow up Five, or Six 
 little Principalities, than flie could conquer fo great 
 a Force, as this Monarch an and has brought into 
 the Field, which Confidcration may with like 
 Juftice be applied to othsr Princes, that we (halt 
 mention j and therefore their Grandeur muft be 
 regarded as a true Barrier againft the Power of 
 France^ unlefs we imagine they can be wheedled 
 into Slavery, and if fo, I doubt the Maritime 
 Powers cannot force them to be free, v ..i k. . . * ^ 
 The King of Poland^ as Eieftor ofSaxvtty, is 
 alfo much more potent than h-is PredecefTors, and 
 as he lives in a very good Correfpondcnce with all 
 the Princes of his Family, he is able to do much, 
 whenever he is forced to exert his utmoll Strength. 
 I am fenfible, it is a common Opinion, that his 
 Kingdom is of little ufe to his Eledlorate ; but I 
 know too, that fuch as fay this, are not very well 
 acquainted with the Maxims of German Princes, 
 who have always a warm, and laudable Atfedion 
 for their Hereditary Dominions. Befides the 
 Revenues of Poland, are very confideraWe, little 
 fliort, if I am rightly informed, of our civil Lift i 
 and as the King does not refide much at Warfaw^ 
 and has always abundance of Polijh Noblemen 
 about his Court, there muft be a great deal faved, 
 and the Electorate muft be long ago indemnified 
 
 for 
 
r- 
 IKi's 
 o- 
 'e 
 left 
 be 
 tac 
 o- 
 to 
 ice 
 iix 
 :at 
 ito 
 ke 
 all 
 be 
 of 
 ed 
 le 
 
 ( 33 ) ^^^^ «»^ :: 
 
 for die neceflary Expcnccs of the Ele(51ion. Add 
 to this, that his Polijh Majefty might eafily cm- 
 ploy the whole Forces of that Kingdom in Ger* 
 many, if he fhoutd cither engage in a Quarrel, 
 agreeable to, the Senfe of his Polijh Siibjt6ls, or 
 ihould be attacked, without any juft Ground, in 
 his own Dominions. We know what a Figure the 
 late King Attguftus made, and we can therefore 
 eafily Conjefture, wh^t may be in the Power of 
 any other enterprifing Prince of the Saxpt Line : 
 We ought alfo to take into the Account, the Re- 
 lation between this Family and the Houfe of 
 Auflria^ to which, according to the Pragmatic 
 San(5lion he is next Heir, and at no fuch Diftance, 
 as to render it impoflible, that the prefent Gene- 
 ration fhould (ee the Dominions of both Houfcs in 
 one Hand', and then he ^ould be very near a 
 Match for Ff^nce, without any Afliftance. ■ 
 •• The Eh^ior of HanovsTy is certainly a very 
 rich and powerful Prince ; much more fo than his 
 Anceftors. Our late King by Marriage, and by 
 Purchafc, doubled the Strength, as well as the 
 Extent of his Doininions; and if the Peace of 
 Germany was once fettled, I do not doubt but fur- 
 ther Acquifirions might be inade. Bcfides, the 
 Princes of his Family, who are now in a Manner 
 dependant on the Eltftorate, are very powerful ; 
 and the Alliances the prefent King has made in 
 Germany^d.TQ fuch as already Itrengthen him much, 
 and mult in Time do it more. So that to ima- 
 mne France couW at any time awe his German 
 Territories, is a Notion very ill founded, they 
 might do it once indeed, by a Concurrence of odd 
 Accidents, but I believe Nobody that confiders 
 how dear the French have paid for thislaft Enter- 
 prize of theirs, will believe that they will fuddenly 
 truft a great Army in the Heart o( Germany again ; 
 -' F dpsicially 
 
 
 4 
 m 
 
*fl 
 
 
 *• (34; 
 
 cfpecially if right Mcafurcs be taken to cemertt 
 firmly thoic Powcfrs, thac ought to have a natural 
 AfFc<ftion tor each other, and who have certainly 
 the lame Intercft, whatever ditferent Views they 
 may fometimcs, through Pafllon, Pique, or an ill 
 regulated Ambition, be tempted to purfue. Thefc 
 Sort of DcJufionsarc but momentary, and it their 
 Neighbours were not too much alarmed by them, 
 the Laws of the Empire, the Interpofition of other 
 German Princes, and the Reprcfentations of their 
 own Subjeds, would foon bring them back to a 
 right Scnfc of Things. 3ut it upon every little 
 dilbrdcr in the lower Saxony^ it is conceived that 
 the whole Syftem of Europe is fhaken, and there- 
 fore new Alliances mull be formed, there will be 
 no End of fuch Commotions-, bccaufe it will be 
 vifibly the Intercft of feveral Princes to promote 
 fuch Difturbances, purely for the Sake of obtain*, 
 ing Subfidies, and letting out their Troops at a^ 
 very high Rate, which draws immenfc Sums ot 
 Money into Countries, where heretofore very^ 
 litde of it was to be feen, and which is perhaps of; 
 Hill greater Confcquence 10 thofe who pay it, fur- 
 niflics the Means ot fetting up and carrying on^ 
 Manufa(5tures, that other wile would never have, 
 been thought of, whereby thofe who are the Dupes^. 
 of this Sort of Germmi Politicks, at once exhauft 
 themlelves, and cut off the Means, by wjiich,,' 
 Part of their Money might be brought back) 
 again. , ,;.^ 
 
 It will I dare fay appear a greater Paradox thaiv* 
 any I have yet advanced, when 1 infift on thcf 
 Emperor's being a very powerful Prince, as ^lec^? 
 tor of Bavaria^ but whoever confuiers that hi3^ 
 Eleflorate, and the \\^i^tx Palatinate^ fubfifted foi 
 long his own, two i'r^;;^i>, and tvfo /hJirian^Ar-- 
 mici), andrcmcmbe: sat the fame Time, that there is. 
 
 
 teii 
 
 fii'iiinr 
 
T 
 
 'I 
 
 •Tii 
 
 \i\ ,1-). 
 
 ('1 
 
 :(is) . . . 
 
 a wide Difference between a ruined Country, and 
 a loft one, will believe alfo that I have Rcalbn on 
 my Side. I know very well, that it nniy be replied 
 that it is not only ruined but a loft Country to 
 him at prcfent ; but I dare prophefy that it will noc 
 he long fo, and I hope when this Prophecy is ful- 
 filled, that People will be content to believe, that 
 German Princes are thebeft Judges ot their own 
 Interefts, and will Iboner or later convince the reft 
 of Europe, that they are fo. His Father likewife 
 loft this Country, but he recovered it, not fo much 
 by the Interpofition of Fr^wc^, as by the vifible 
 Concern exprcfTed for him, by that very Diet, 
 which put him under the Bann of the Empire : 
 We fee at prefent how great RefpecSt is paid him, 
 ftript as he is of his Dominions, :it Frankfort, and 
 I doubt we ftiall foon fee that his Diftrels will raife 
 him more potent Friends, than ever were his 
 French Auxiliaries. But to return to our Subjedl ; 
 the Eledorate of Bavaria, and the upper Palati- 
 nate are rich and fruitful Countries, fo that if evejr 
 the P2mpetor is peaceably eftabliflied at Munich^ 
 and is able to form his Court there, he will foon re- 
 pair the Damages his Country has fuftained by 
 this deftruflive War, and this is a n'^w Advantage 
 that arifes from transferring the Imperial Crown 
 from one Family to another, and muft appear fo 
 to fuch as are proper Ji dges of the Power and In- 
 fluence of an Emperor, in providing nobly for all 
 the younger Branches of his Family. I Ihali not 
 fay much of the Eledor Palatine, or of the Eccle- 
 fiaftical Eledors; but this I think is felf evident, 
 that whatever Inconveniences their Subjecfbs may 
 have fuffered by the Paflage of fb many Armies 
 through their Countries, yet the prodigious Sums 
 of Money, fpent amongft them by the Englijh and 
 french, muft have greatly increafcd their Wealth, 
 
 F 2 and 
 
i 
 
 i'l 
 
 Is'. ; 
 
 ii^- 
 
 M 
 ^m 
 
 (36) 
 
 and fupplied them with iuch Mcansfir carrying 
 on their Mar.ufaftures and Commerce as they 
 could never otherwife have acquired. 1 do not 
 fay that particular People have found their Advan- 
 tage in this, but the whole muft have done it ; for 
 if ready Money is brought into a Country, and left 
 there, that Country jiiull be riclier, than it was 
 beiore. t ■' 
 
 ^i..,i 
 
 
 : v'^i 
 
 
 The Landgrave of HeJJe, who is at prefent King 
 of Sweden^ is much too confiderable a Prince, to 
 be pafTed over in the Account of German Poten- 
 tates, without particular Notice ; his Family have 
 been always diftiiiguifiied in the Difputes of Ger- 
 fnany^ by the Wifdom of their own Condu6t, and 
 by the gallant Beb-^.viour of their Subjeds. It is 
 true that his Dominions are not large, or the 
 .Country remarkable for its Fertihty ; it is likewife 
 true, that it is fplitinto feveral Principalities, and 
 featcd in the Part of Germany leaft favourable to 
 Trade ; and yet under all thefe Difficulties, the 
 Landgrave of Hejfe is, after the Eleiflors, the 
 rneft confiderable Prince in Germany^ and the pre- 
 sent Emperor has thought fit to raife him to a Le- 
 .vel with the Eledors, in every thing except Tttlej 
 and this, notwithftanding we have 6,000 of his 
 Troops in our pay, who were once within three 
 ^Day's Mairch of a Battle, with the Emperor's Auxi- 
 liares, and made afterwards as good a Figure, as 
 any of the German Troops in our pay. I do not 
 believe that Hejfe^ has loft any thing by the Land- 
 grave's being raifed to the Dignity of King of 
 Sweden^ but though I have the higheft Eftcem for 
 ^ . the great and amiable Qiialities of his prefent Swe- 
 ;, diJJo iMajefty, yet I ihould not care to have it put 
 .' upon me to prove, that Sweden has reaped any 
 '' fiiighiy Advantage, from his Adminiftration ; 
 though 1 believe l.im to be as brave-a Man, and 
 
 J ■ as 
 
T 
 
 ( 37) 
 
 as good a King, as ever fat upon that Throne. 
 I know however that there have been M^lecon- 
 tents in that Country, who have infinuated that an 
 ovcrweaning Fondnefs for his Family, and an 
 earneft Defire to have the Crown of Sweden pals 
 through the collateral Branch, as well as the Do- 
 minions of Hejffey and fome Negotiations entered 
 into, for this Furpole, with a certain Crown, as 
 famous for family Attachments, gave rife, or at 
 Jeaft gave Strength to that Party, which has fmce 
 changed the whole Syftem of Affairs in the Norths 
 and given his Swedijh Majcfty the Succeflbr in the 
 World, which we may fafely fay, he was leaft 
 inclined to. But however he may have managed 
 Affairs in the North, where he confidered himfelf 
 as a Kind of Political Father- in -Law, he has been 
 moft certainly a vfery tender Parent to his Subjeds 
 in Germany^ and though it mr^y be objected that 
 he hasexpofed their Perfons for the Sake of Gain, 
 by letting out his Troops to feveral Princes for 
 many Years together, yet I think I may affirm, 
 that except in the late unlucky Battle of Br^unatt^ 
 they were as iafe in the Exercife of their Military 
 Fundlion, as if they had remained in their Black- 
 fmiths Forges, and were only better paid, fo that 
 new Silver is as Plenty in /i/^<?, as in any Coun- 
 try in the Empire ; tho* heretofore, 1 have been 
 credibly informed, they made ufe of Leather, 
 ftampt with the Landgrave's Arms, to fupply 
 the Place of Money. 
 
 To thefe I might adc' the Duke of Wirtemberg^ 
 a very great and potent Prince ; the Counts of 
 Najfatt, the Princes of Baden ^ and many others ; 
 but that I avoid Prolixity, and mention no more 
 than what I am obliged to by my Subjed:. Laft 
 of all I (hall fliut up what I have here to fay, as 
 to the prefent Power Qi Germany ^ wid\ obfcrvin^ 
 
 that 
 
^rf 
 
 (?8) 
 
 i ^i* •? 
 
 %'' 
 
 IT- 1.: 
 
 1.1 1.; 
 
 that the Queen o^ Hungary has now near 200,000 
 regular Troops in her Service, and if we may be- 
 lieve what the Vienna Gazette has lately told us, 
 concerning the Declaration of Count Palfi^ Pala- 
 tine of Hungary y that befides recruiting the Troops 
 of that Nation, they could fupply her with 
 86,000 more, without exhaufting their Force, to 
 a degree of endangering the Safety of that King- 
 dom 1 we may fay of the French^ with Refpcd 
 to the Houfe of Auftria, what the late King of 
 Poland faid of Charles XII. wintering in Saxony^ 
 that he never knew *lill then the Worth of his 
 SuhjeBs. We mufl likewife remember, that fince 
 this War began, the Bohemians have been fpared, 
 that is to fay, the Queen of Hungary has not re- 
 ceived from them any Supplies of Men or Money, 
 proportionable to what flie would have done, in 
 Cafe that Kingdom had not became the Seat of 
 War. Upon the whole therefore I think it fully 
 and clearly appears, that the Force of the Houfe 
 of Mftria, is not at all leffened by transferring the 
 Imperial Dignity to another Family, and which 
 it is not impo(rible,may inTime be of great Ufeto 
 the Houfe of Auftria itfelf. As it is, we have feen 
 the Queen of Hungary do much mere than any Em- 
 peror of her Family has ever done, though it is 
 clear that they might have done it, as well as 
 fhe, and no doubt would have done it, if they 
 had not found other Powers inclined to do things 
 for them, fome upon one Principle, fome on 
 another, for every kind of Enthufiafm has been 
 favourable to the Houfe of Atiffria. The Caufe of 
 Chriflendoni brought John Sobieski^ King of 
 Poland, to the Relief of Vienna, when it was be- 
 (]ged by the Turks in 1685 : And the Care of the 
 common Caufe brought the Duke of Marlborough 
 with the Army of the Allies to Blenheim in 1704, 
 ^■■• when 
 
39 ) 
 when the Houfe o^Auflria was again on the Point 
 of being cruftied by its own Weight, but never 
 'till now was it faved by its own Force, which 
 fhews now great an Injury we do to this moft il- 
 luftrious Family, when we are too hafty, or too 
 bountiful in our Succours. It is for thelntereft of 
 Europe that the Houfcof ^«/?n^2 fhouldbe fup- 
 ported, that I admit, but would it hurt the Intereii 
 of Europe^ would it in the leaft Prejudice the 
 common Caufe, if the HguIc oiAuftria was in a., 
 Condition to fupporc itfelf? But it maybe faid^; 
 that if you truft to this, it might be overwhelmed 
 on a fuddcn, and then all AiHilance will come too,/ 
 late. Overwhelming of a fudden, a Power able 
 to raife 200,000 regular Troops, and having aKi 
 ways two thirds of that Number in pay, is a. Para- 
 dox with a Vengeance. Befides the Houfe of 
 Auftria have been heretofore extrerpely apt to. 
 ir'»\ake their own Strength, of which I will give 
 :', ricader a moft extraordinary Inftance. The 
 Kingdom of Hungary had been always eledive, 
 yet in the Year 1683, the Emperor Leopold de- 
 manded in a Diet at Prefiourgh^ that it ihould 
 be made Hereditary, for this moft finguiar 
 Reafon ; that he had fpent more Money in de- 
 fending that Kingdom from the Turks^ than it 
 was worth, and therefore he conceived he had as 
 good a Title to it, as to the reft of his hereditary 
 Dominions, This Emperor little thought that 
 in half a Crimry, the Inhabitants of this worthlefs 
 Kingdo v^\ %mgary^ would not only fecure but 
 recover hii r .rcditary Countries, from theftrongeft 
 and beft conuudled Confederacy, that ever was 
 formed againft his Houfe. i ,, , 
 
 By this Time I hope I have fully made good 
 what I promifed, as to the fecond Point, and have 
 fliewn that with RefpcJt to the Power ot France, 
 
 and 
 
 v>;a 
 
il If ■'■ 
 
 Is. I ■ 
 
 
 • ^" ( 40 ) 
 
 and the Ballance of Europe^ the latter is not in 
 Danger frou- any real Weaknefs of the Germanic 
 Body, in proportion to the former, but from the 
 Want of Unanimity, Public Spirit, and generous 
 Concern for their Country, in the feveral Princes 
 and States that compofe that moft auguft Affem- 
 bly, the Diet of Franc fort. If therefore we are 
 truly inclined to aflift the Germans^ in the moft 
 uitful Way te them, and the Icaft burthenfome 
 to ourfclves, we ought to fend over to them fome 
 of our great Patriot Speakers, who overturned the 
 kft Adrtiiniftration by their Ekxjuence, and who 
 it is thought will very foon have little elfc to do, 
 as Miffionarics^ to propagate right Principles, to 
 infpire them with Conftancy, Steadinefe, and above 
 all Frugality in prNic Affairs, which would foon 
 fet them above the ' \ of Foreign Succours, and 
 enable them, if they . jught it neceflfary, to take 
 from France^ all that in many Ages fhe has ever 
 purk)ined from the E.-.^iife, even in half a Cam- 
 paign. That this is no Chimerical Projeft, or 
 
 Repetition of the E of S rh <:rude 
 
 Notions, of marching at once to Patis^ fb highly 
 ridiculed by thofe who yet would encourage us 
 to maintain a War for the Behalf of the Em- 
 pire, without its Confent, may appear from 
 the following Scheme of the prefent Strength of 
 Germany^ which never will ( by any competent 
 judgej be concefted, compared with the utmofl: 
 Force of France^ that as, the Infallible Author 
 of Fa^ion Deleted informs us, Pi^^e 122. of the 
 Second Edition^ cannot bring Three Hundred 
 Twenty Thoulind Men into the Field, though 
 her very Being were at Stake. 
 
 •■U 
 
 
 The 
 
 ¥.m . 
 
( 41 ) 
 
 ;is>--' 
 
 The Queen of Hungaty and Bohemia^ 
 .or in other Words, the Houfe of Au- 
 
 . ftria in its prefent Situation — - 
 
 The King of Pruffia^ according to the 
 
 exadieft Lift of the Forces now in his 
 
 • Service^ which if it 1/^as neceffary he 
 
 might poflibly augment to double the 
 
 , Number ■» 
 
 The King of Poland^ as Elcdlor of 
 : .Saxony^ according to the Number of 
 ^ Men in his Service, in the Month of 
 
 June^ 1741 —- — ■■ -^ " 
 
 His Imperial M*jefty, as Elector of 
 . Bavaria^ who in the prefent War has 
 
 had on Foqt at once— ^ — *~ — ^ 
 
 His Britannic Majefty, as Eledor of 
 
 . Hanover ^ — -^' ■ ' • » 
 
 The Eledlor Palatine- — — ■ » 
 
 The Landgrave of Hejfe Cajfel- 
 
 rf 
 
 
 Men', 
 
 200009 
 
 150000 
 
 75000 
 
 45000 
 
 30000 
 30000 
 
 2400Q 
 
 The Reft of the Princes of Germany^ ac- 
 cording to their prefentEftablifhments, 
 taking in the Troops of the Circles — 240000 
 
 794000 
 
 !'l ' 
 
 This is fo fair and moderate a Calculation, 
 that it cannot with any Reafon bequeftioned^ but 
 if any one will fuggeft that the Intrigues oi France 
 may engage the Northern Crowns, or the Emprefs 
 of Ruffia to create a Diverfion, which however 
 would be very improbable, if the States of the 
 Empire were united, the Kings of Pchnd and 
 Pruffia might be left to deal with them, and even 
 then the Germanic Body might without any Diffi- 
 
 G ' culty 
 
■pi* i! 
 
 w 
 
 V'r. 
 
 m 
 
 W '' 
 
 
 .1 
 
 I 
 
 ( 4^ ) 
 
 cu^ty bring down 350,090 Men upon France^ 
 which, with the AiTAiancc ot the Fleers of the Ma- 
 ritime Powers, would oe rriuch more than fufRci- 
 ent to reduce the Houle of5<?«r^o«,powertul as fhe 
 is to Realbn ; or if that could not be done, to fuch 
 a Situation, as might render her unrealbnable- 
 nefs uneafy only to Inch as have the Misfortune to 
 be her Subjc6ls, Specially after (he has ex- 
 haufted the IVcalures and Inhabitants of her Do- 
 minions to llich a Degree, as it is notorious fhe 
 has done, within thcfe fcven Years paft. 
 
 The Notions that we have entertained of the 
 DiftrefTes of the Germans, and of their Inability 
 to refill France, have been owing partly to their 
 own Reprefeniations, which to be fure were fuch 
 as fuitcd bed their own i nterefts, and partly from 
 the Views of great People at Home, who found 
 their private Advantage in fupporting thefe Mif- 
 reprelentations. It is not however to be denied, that 
 France, has had all along confiderablc Advantages 
 in her Difputes with the Emperor and Empire, 
 biK this, as we have b-fore fhewn, was owing to 
 the Dread that moft of the Members of the Em- 
 pire had of the Power of the Houfe of Aujlria^ 
 which rendered them afraid of its Succefs, and 
 well pleafed whenever it was humbled, though 
 partly at their own Expence. If any cnj fhould 
 demand, why fince the ¥oxcq oi Germany is fo 
 great, and the Ufurpations of France io many, 
 the Princes and States of the Empire do not unite 
 to do themfelvcs J u It ice, and feftore to their 
 Country, what has been pared from it by that 
 perfidiousPower.ImuftfiythisQueflion which im- 
 portsusmore than we are awaie of,is not very hard 
 to anfwcr, and the Reader will find himfelf in a 
 wndicion to do it effe<^ually, if he confiders the 
 
 ' :■ following 
 
 '% 
 
T"T 
 
 (42 ) 
 
 following Remarks, which he will find not only 
 bounded on Reafon, but verified by Experience. 
 
 It is firft of all to be confidcred, that the great 
 Powers in Germany have more Refpeft to their 
 own particular Views, for the aggrandizing of 
 their Families, by enlarging their Dominions than 
 to the common good of Germany, which has al- 
 ways given the French an Opportunity either of 
 detaching them from the common Caufe, as they 
 did the Electors of Bavaria or Cologn in the Be- 
 ginning of the laf- War •, or of prevailing upon 
 them, to do them private Services, which was 
 the Cafe in King William's War, when feveral of 
 the Princes, whofe Names it would not be alto- 
 gethe .0 convenient to mention at prefent, be- 
 trayed uie Councils of the Allies, and in fome Ca- 
 fes went further to earn the Penfions they privately 
 received from that Court. This Ihews that the 
 Lofles they fuftained in that War, was not fo 
 much owing to the Power of France, as to their 
 own Jealoufies and Avarice, and is a Demonftra- 
 tion of the Weaknefs of the French, who have 
 always trufted more to their Intrigues and to their 
 Money, than to the Force of their Arms. In the 
 next Place, let us obferve that the Elcftors and 
 other Princes, whofe Dominions are on the Fron- 
 tiers of the French Territories, were extremely 
 awed by a Power fo much fuperior to their own. 
 Since in all Wars between the Empire and France^ 
 the Houfe of Aujlria, and the greater Princes, 
 were Gainers, while thefe States and their Subjeds 
 were conftant Sacrifices, the French t2L\i\n^ 2l Plea- 
 fure often in revenging upon them, the Difap- 
 pointmcnts they met with elfewhere ; as for ex- 
 ample, in the War in 1672, the French committed 
 fuch horrid Cruelties in the Pnlalinate^ that the 
 Elc(^or Palatine fenta Challenge toM. Turrenne^ 
 
 G 2 whiclv. 
 
L* i 
 
 ■!'!■ I 
 
 ( 44 ) 
 
 ^hich that General refufed to accept, without the 
 Leave of the King his Matter. Now though this 
 Dread of the French is certainly an Inducement to 
 fuch Princes to a(^, as if they were in the Intereft 
 of France^ yet we can never fuppofe that it really 
 ^inclines them to that Intereft, nor can we doubt 
 if they had a proper Opportunity, they would 
 forbear returning the French, the many Complir 
 ments of Fire and Sword which they are at prefent 
 in their Debt. But then we ought, thirdly, to re- 
 mark, that both the greater and IcfTer Princes of 
 Germany have aiflually found, or thought they 
 ihave found their Account, in Nurfing, as it were. 
 Wars in their own Country, by letting out their 
 Troops for Hire, receiving Subfidies, and catchr 
 -ing now one Piece of a Country,and then another, 
 ;ii*; Occafion offered. Let us butconfider the im- 
 • menfe Sums that were paid by England and Hol- 
 land for Auxilliaries in the laft War, which did 
 
 ■ not fall fliort of 20000000 Guilders annually ; 
 let us remember what large Remittances have been 
 
 'made from Time to Time ever nnce, for the Hire 
 of Troops, that Princes were to hold in Readinefs, 
 though they were never called upon, fo much as 
 
 ■to march ; and let us not forget what it has coft 
 
 ■ France within thefe Five, and ourfelves, and the 
 Dutch too within thefe Three Years, to furnifh 
 
 . Fuel for the Wars in Germany, and we fliall eafily 
 /perceive that confidcrable Profit may be made even 
 of this Trade of Confufion -, for I think that even 
 the Author of Fa^wn denied allows, that of all 
 the Money ient into Germany, not a Penny of it 
 finds its Way back again, as it does out of other 
 Countries, but when the War is over, which drains 
 them of their fuperfluous People, that were bred 
 up only to the Trade of Blood, their Princes fit 
 . down in Peace, and enjoy tbie Riches that have 
 
 been 
 
^•^ 
 
 T 
 
 45 ) 
 
 been acquired in this manner from other Nations. 
 
 . A fourth Remark is this, that even the Pradlice 
 beforementioned, how little agreeable foever it 
 may be to their true Intereft, confidered in a po- 
 
 • litical Light, yet has by Accident proved a great 
 Addition to their Strength, by increafing the 
 Forces of Germany^ and rendering the Care and 
 Pifcipline of their Troops the principal Study of 
 many, I might fay mod of their Princes ;• fo that 
 it is now a quite different Thing from what it was, 
 with Refped to a German Army. Whenever a 
 Confederacy is formed, and the Armies are to take 
 
 - the Field, new hafty Levies are by no means, nc- 
 
 , ceffary, they have regular Foix:es ;enough to form 
 whatever Armies they pleafe, and thefe in a Con- 
 dition to march at an Hour's »warniiJg, with pro- 
 
 t per Trains of Artillery, and whatever elfe isrcqui- 
 fite for a modern Campaign. Their Officers are 
 numerous, and withal Men of Courage and Ex- 
 perie x^ fo that 50000 Gtrmans^ are an equal 
 Match for 50000 French Troops, even on their 
 
 . own Frontiers, and an Over - Match for 70000 
 if they pafs the Rhine ^ and venture into Germany^ 
 as Experience has demonftrated. I fhall conclude 
 with obferving. Fifthly, that as the German Princes 
 and States have been but very lately releafed from 
 the Influence of an Aujirian Emperor, which as I 
 have Ihewn was a Kind of Influence extremely 
 detrimental to their Intereft, fo it is not a little un- 
 certain,what ufe they may make of their Freedom; 
 but the Probability is that they will ufe it for 
 their own Security. This is evident, that in her 
 laft Attempt, France did not depend upon her 
 own Power, or upon the numerous Armies fhe 
 fent into Germany^ but principally upon her Alli- 
 ances with German Princes, and the Difcoveries 
 they made of their Inclinations to lay hold of the 
 
 prefent 
 
i^^"^ 
 
 ^^^ 
 
 iii.: 
 
 % 
 
 
 n.'f 
 
 i-i 
 
 - (46) 
 
 prefent Jundlurc, to fecure thcmfelves againft all 
 future Apprehcnfions, from the Power of the 
 Houfe of Aaflria^ by difmembring its Dominions, 
 and dividing them among themfclvcs. It was this, 
 and principally the Share the King of Pruffia of- 
 fered to take in it, that drew France into adling 
 as fhe did, contrary to the Sentiments of Cardinal 
 Fleury, who, with great good 5enfe, maintained 
 that even the Accomplifhment of this Projedl would 
 prove prejudicial to France. '^ ■ ^'' 
 
 The ancient and prefent State of Germany being 
 thus compared, I think it is impoflible for any 
 reafonable Man to doubt, that the latter is infini- 
 tely fuperior to the former. Notwithft;^nding 
 what Ciuverius has advanced, who fpeaks only 
 of the Extent of Territory, for in his Opinion the 
 ancient Germany comprehended the three Northern 
 Kingdoms ; but Extent of Territory, and a Mul- 
 titude of barbarous People is a ftrength far in- 
 ferior to that of a well governed and a well dif- 
 ciplined Nation. It is alfo evident, that for many 
 Centuries Germany has been the natural Ballance to 
 France, and in that Refpect of great Confequence 
 to Europe. But then there is another Thing to be 
 obferved, which is this, that the Force oi Germany 
 was always fuperior to that of Fr^z«<:^, and became 
 of equal Weight, only by the Variation of the 
 Ballance of Power in Germany. If the Emperor 
 Charles V. could have made himfelf as abfolute 
 there, as he had done in Spain, and the Low 
 Countries, and even in Italy, by overturning their 
 refpedtive Conftitutions ; he would unqueftionably 
 have been too hard for France, which was the 
 Reafon that our Henry VIII. oppofed him, and 
 joined with Francis I. the Pope, and othvT Italian 
 Princes, The Reformation created a new Ballance 
 of Power in Germany, in Refpe(5l to which our 
 **- -l Concern 
 
'^*- 
 
 , C 47 ) 
 
 Concern for Religion obliged us frequently to take 
 a Pan, as ic afterwards did the King of Sweden ; 
 and as I have fhewn the abfolute Ncceflity of 
 having Recourfe to foreign Powers to poize the 
 Weight of the Houfe of Auftria^ and the popilh 
 Prir.CL's who adhered to it, made the German 
 Princes conceive it their Intcreft, to give a Part 
 of their Country, on one fide to thcFrench^ and on 
 the other to the Kings oi Sweden ?ind Denmark, 
 After the Treaty of Munfter^ or to fpeak more 
 correftl/, after the Treaties of fFeftpbalia, which 
 comprehend thofe of Ofnabrugh and Munjier, the 
 old Bailance of Power took Place, and from that 
 Time it became very difficult for the Maritime 
 Powers, to diftinguifh their own Intereft with 
 Refpe(5t to Germany ; for on the one Hand, ic 
 was frequently neceffary to fupport the Emperor, 
 in order to preferve the Bailance of Europe, and 
 on the other Hand, it was fometimes as neceflary, 
 both from religious and political Confiderations, to 
 aflift the German Princes, in order to preferve the 
 Bailance of Power in Germany, the Fludtuation of 
 whicfj, and the crafty Management of the Scales, 
 has been for feventy Years paft the true Source of 
 the French Power. This was firil difcovered by 
 Cardinal Richlieu, and has been the great Secret 
 of all their Minifters ever fince, though none of 
 them ever under Hood it fo well as the lall. It 
 was the original Opinion of Cardinal Fleury^ 
 that France ought to have executed her Guaranty 
 of the Pragmatick Sandion in the utmolt Stridt- 
 nefs, nay even to have given her Intereft, in the 
 enfuing Ele<5tion to the Duke of Lor rain -, for 
 this plain Realbn, that it would have prclcrv^d 
 the old Bailance, which they knew by Kxperience 
 they were very well able to manage, for their own 
 Advantage. But as he very wifely obrervecl, the 
 
 raifing 
 
'ftiMI 
 
 (48) 
 
 
 raifing the Eleflor oi Bavaria to the Empire, Waa 
 dcftroying the old Ballance, in order to eftablirfj 
 a new one, the Effects of which could not be known 
 or forefecn, and as to the Partition of the Aujlrian 
 Dominions, it might as well prove the Ruin of 
 France as of that Houfe. For in Order to bring 
 this about, there was a Ncccflity of uniting the 
 Houfcs of Bavaria^ Saxony, and Brandenbourghf 
 and in Cafe they had carried their Point, and had 
 fixed themfelves in the entire PofTeflion of the 
 Dominions of the Houfe of Aufiria^ any two of 
 chcfe Powers without, and any one of them in 
 Conjun^lion with the Empire, muft have been 
 an Over-Match for France. As it is not the Power 
 only, but the very Sai'ciy of that Nation, I might 
 fey the Being of it, hangs at prefcnc on a fingle 
 Thread \ whenever the prcfent Emperor dcfetts 
 them, the French muft be fooner or latter undone. 
 How far depriving him of his heredicury Domini- 
 ons, exhaufting them to the lail Shilling, and 
 blowing up all his Fortreflcs may further this 
 Purpole, or how far a pubiick Declaration, that 
 the Power of the Houfe of Aujiria, is to be ref- 
 tored, in its utmoft Extent, may contribute there- 
 to, or to the proper Eftablilhment of a Ballance oi" 
 Power in Europe, is a Point noteafily to bedif- 
 cuffedjthoughit certainly is of the laft Importance^ 
 and that upon which the Safety, Peace and Prof- 
 peri ty of all £«rci/)f muft depend. . :,,, i,i 
 
 We are now advanced to the Third, which 1 
 efteem the hardeft Part of this Treatife, but as 1 
 hope I have hitherto maintained the Character of 
 a fliir and diligent Writer, fo I fliall fparc no 
 Pains in what is to follow, not fo much from any 
 Profpeft of Praife, as from an earneft Defire of 
 doing the Nation Service, which I muft certainly 
 
 do 
 
 'Killi' 
 
( 49 ) 
 
 do, if I ran cither excite a Spirit of Frugnlity> 
 or obli the Patrons of our prefent expcnfive 
 Meafurcs, to exhibit their Reafons for them in a 
 clearer and more conveni^^.t Manner, than they 
 have hitherto done, fothat either we may fave our 
 Money, or beHitisfied that it is fpent to fome pur- 
 pofc. In making fuch an Enquiry, we Ihall 
 but follow the Steps of our Anccftors, who never 
 patiently fubmitted, to the raifingof heavy Taxes, 
 without expoftulating with thofc who had the 
 Management of them, as to the Motives of their 
 impofing, and the Manner in which they were cm- 
 ployed. They had like wife Concerns abroad as 
 well as we, and took a great deal of Pains fo to 
 manage them, as that they might be to their 
 Advantage. One would conceive therefore, fince 
 the Form of our Government is dill in a great 
 Meafurc the fame, that fome Benefit might be rea- 
 ped from a Review of their Conduft. To avoid 
 however running into a dry, tedious, and in fomi 
 Meafurc ufelefs Deduction of Fafts, I will :on- 
 tent myfdfwitha few obvious Reflcftions, on fuch 
 Capital Points as fecm to be common both to 
 them and to us. ^ * 
 
 One of the mod ancient, and lead varied Max- 
 ims of our Government, feems to have been the 
 Love of Peace, in preference to all the Advantages 
 that could be propofed from Conqueft, all the 
 Reputation that might arife from Valour and 
 Vidbory, and all the Benefits that might refulc 
 from fixing the Ballance of Power to our liking: 
 Thus in the fifth Year of our vidlorious Edward 
 III. it appears by the Roll^, that a Parliament was 
 called in order to devife how Peace might be bed 
 procured. In the feventeenth of the fame Prince, 
 we find on the Rolls a Petition of the Lords and 
 Commons, entreating him to make Peace with 
 
 H France^ 
 
7W 
 
 wm^ 
 
 m 
 
 I';--;.)! 
 
 :«; 
 
 Ml 
 
 \m' 
 
 If 
 ^1 , 
 
 
 :^^ 
 
 
 (5°; 
 
 France, and advifing him to demand the Medi- 
 ation of the Pope, which it fcems he did, but to 
 little Purpofe, tor the War ftill continued, fo 
 that in his twentieth Year, he found it requifite to 
 dirc<5l the Bifhops and Clergy throughout the 
 Land to open to the People, in their Sermons, 
 the jufl: Caufcs of the War, the great Unwilling- 
 nels of the King to caufe the Effufion of chriftian 
 Blood, the Obltinacy of the Enemy, and the hard 
 Neccflity he was under of continuing the War. 
 Two Years afterwards we find him acknowlcdge- 
 ing in Parliament, that the War had brought 
 gravia Omra £sf muUa M«/<7, heavy Burthens, and 
 great Mifchiets on his Pfople, wherefore he de- 
 clares it was his Intention to p;j over in Pcrfon to 
 France, in order to treat of Peace, direAinginthc 
 mean Time his Bifhops, Clergy and People to of- 
 fer up humble and devout Prayers to God, to di- 
 red this Adlion to the Glory of his Creator, the 
 Peace of his native Country, and the Advantage 
 of the whole Chriftian World, which he believed 
 could not follow but from a firm Amity with his 
 Neighbours. I fpeak all this out of the Record, 
 and much more I might alledge to the fame Pur- 
 pofe undtr this and other Reigns i fo little Truth 
 is there in the common Opinion, that our Kings 
 heretofore were altogether abfolute, and governed 
 as ihey thought fit, without any Relpedt cither to 
 the good ot their Subjeds, or to the Sentiments 
 tliey hiid of them. As a furd^er Proof of this, I 
 cannot help taking Notice of another Record in 
 the fiime Reign, which is ftill preferved in the 
 Tower, whcrem the King fays, tint not through' 
 his own Dcfire, but fiom the unforclcen Events of 
 War, he had been driven to vaft Expences, he 
 therefore, addrefting himielf to the Archbifhop of 
 Cantcrturyy prays, i^wd cum Fopulus Regni fui 
 
 variis 
 
 m 
 
 M 
 
 M 
 
:%■ 
 
 ■f 
 
 ^J" 
 
 '"••w.:- 
 
 ■( 51 ) ■ 
 
 Tariis OnerihusTellagiis 6? Trnpojitionibt-j^ ut idt m 
 Arcbiepifc. Indulgent i arum murteribus, pins Ex- 
 bortationibu: i^ aliis modis eundem Populmnphcare 
 ftudeaty ^ ipfum Regent excufet, that fince the 
 Subjeds of hi3 Kingdom were over-charged with 
 many Burthens, Tallages and other Impofitions, 
 the faid Archbifliop would by grant of Indulgences, 
 feafonable Exhortations and other Ways endeavour 
 to pacify the People, and excufe the King. We 
 may conclude from hence, that the beft and braved 
 of our Kings were no Enemies to the jufc Liberties 
 of the Subjeds, but naturally cxpefted that in 
 Cafe their Expences exceeded thfcir fettled Income, 
 fo that they were forced to afk the Aid of their 
 Subjefts, they (hould become anfwerable to them 
 for the Sums levied upon them \ and this you fee 
 docs not extend only to the laying Accounts before 
 a Parliament, but the giving full Satisfaftion to 
 the Nation. King Edward did not fear his Sub*- 
 jcfts Dilbbcdience, his own Power and the Laws 
 of the Land fecured that, but what he apprehended 
 was the Lofs of their Affedlion, he thought it was 
 the Part of a Tyrart to rule over the Bodies, and 
 exhaufttheEftatesof his People, and that it be- 
 came a King to have Dominion over their Hearts. 
 • There was anorhcrPoint in which they were no 
 Ifefs clear, and that was the AfFeding, under pre- 
 tence either of Glory or Gain, to preferve great 
 Dominions on the Continent. Matthew Paris 
 tells us, that fVilliam the Conqueror made it his 
 fole Bufinefs to fcrapc together Money, juftly, or 
 injuftly was all one to him, and when he had got 
 it, he tranlported it to Normandy ; of his Soa 
 IVilliam^ he fays, that to keep that Province he 
 tiead England^ and he fays much the fame thing 
 of Henry I. The fmie Reflc6lions occur in our 
 bcft Writers, as to every Reign, while we had 
 
 H 2 any 
 
 

 
 rl' 
 
 m 
 i ■? ? ' 
 
 
 
 m 
 
 ! ■ ■; 
 
 m 
 
 
 im\ 
 
 -^ r ( 52 ) 
 
 any Footing in France, and even the keeping of 
 Calais was a Burthen to us, fo that gut of pure 
 Policy Queen Elizabeth never ilruggled heartily 
 for its Recovery. But what principally galled the 
 Englijh, under the Princes of the Norman Race, 
 was their being Subjedls, in Refpeifl to their foreign. 
 Dominions, to the King of France. They were 
 at their Wits End when they faw their royal Let- 
 ters addreflf^d to the French Monarch, in thefe 
 Words, To our Sovereign Lord the King of 
 France. They could not help thinking themfelves 
 a Province, while their Princes were obliged to> 
 ufe this Style, and with a View to fhake it off, 
 they fo frequently confented to their King's laying 
 claim to that Crown, which yet upon Reflecftion 
 they found attended with as mortifying Gircum- 
 ftances. On this account, we find that by two 
 Acts of Parliament, the firft in the fourteenth of 
 Edward III. and the Second in the Eighth of 
 Henry V. they provided that the Subjedls of Eng- 
 land (hould owe no Obedience to the King as 
 King oi France, nor the Kingdom of Englandho, 
 in any wife fubjecled by fuch a Union to that 
 Crown. At laft, in the feventeenth of Henry 
 VI. when a Supply was demanded for the Reco- 
 very of that Crown, the Commons anfwered plain- 
 ly, that the gaining France would only afford a 
 Colour for the King's going often abroad thither, 
 by which Abfence he muft necefTarily occafion 
 great Decay, and Defolation to this State, befides 
 tranfporting of our Money, which would enrich 
 that Country, and impoverifh their own, and 
 therefore they refufcd it. No Man certainly, who 
 has a real Coiicern for his Country, can deny that 
 our Anceilors reafoned right, or can hefitate a 
 Moment, whether lie ought to applaud their Con- 
 dud, or not, who preferred their own Safety, 
 
 and 
 
 [f#i 
 
 
■(■"' 
 
 ( 53 ) - ^- r ^ 
 
 and the'Eafe of their Pofterity to this fond Paflioiv 
 of the King's for a DeftrudUve Grandeur on the 
 other Side of tfce Water. / . A^-,-^; -^ < . i- ^.«.. 
 We find yet another Circumftance which gave 
 our Fore- fathers great Pain, and that was the Sub- 
 fidies, which fome of their Monarchs thought fie 
 to pay to foreign Princec^ in order to ferve them 
 as Auxiliaries. Edward I. paid the Nobility of 
 Brabant^ an annual Subfidy of thirty thoufand 
 pounds, to afTiO: him againfl: the French King ; 
 for the fame purpofc, he afterwards thought fit to 
 grant ioo,©oo to the Earl oi Flanders ; no lels 
 than a Million to the Earl of Guldersy and 
 i,6oo,QOO to the Duke of Lorrain^ and all to 
 little or no purpofc. Edward IH. fell into the 
 &me Soare, and expended immenfe Sums of Mo- 
 ney with a like View •, and fo did many others of 
 our Princes, to the great Grief of their Subjects, 
 who frequently complained that they were impove-. , 
 riflied to gratify the avaritious Defires of Foreig- 
 ners, that were never to be fatisfied. Such Com- 
 plaints werefometimesdifpleafing to our Princes, 
 who could not endure being croffed in their favou- 
 rite Defigns, but this however did not difcourage 
 their Subjedls, or hinder them fromfpeaking their 
 Minds freely : Thus when Richard il. 'v his 
 ftrange Management, both of foreign and ^i<,.nc{' 
 ticks Concerns, came to be in fuch Diftrefs, that 
 he demanded of the Houfe of Commons, a Sup"5ly 
 for the Maintenance of his Houlhold, they pl( Jed- 
 extreme Poverty in Barr to his Relief, compUining 
 that all good Money was tranfported abroad, and 
 that they were forced to make fhift with what was 
 debafed to carry on the littieTrade they hadatHome j 
 that by his fruitlds War, the Prict*. of Wool was 
 fallen, to their utrer Impoveriflim.ent i they added 
 that the King's Wants were orrcafioned by the Ill- 
 management 
 
.»-«.r*t 
 
 Hii 
 
 u:^ 
 
 
 
 . ( 54 ) 
 
 management of his Revenue, and therefore they 
 demanded in the firft Place, that his prefent Ojffi- 
 cers fhpuld be removed, confenting at Jaft to tax 
 , themfelves, with this Limitation, that their Mo- 
 ney fliould be received, expended, and accounted 
 for to themfelves, and by Treafurers of their own 
 Eledion. Such are the Precedents tranfmitted to 
 us by former Times, fuch in Days of Yore was 
 the Spirit of the Englijh Nation, fuch were the 
 Rights they aflumed, as derived to them by the 
 Conftitution, that very Conftitution which we ftill 
 enjoy. vSome Favourers and Flatterers of a Court 
 may pofTibly treat thefe as old mufty Remarks, 
 drawn out of mouldy Records, to ftir up Sedition 
 and Difcontent. Biit whatever they may fay, I 
 think it my Duty to remark that it was by thefe 
 Steps our Fore- fathers maintained their Freedom, 
 and tranfmitted to us theLibcrties wenow enjoy.It is 
 moft true they were not themfelves conftantly pof- 
 feRed of them, but there never was aTimc in which 
 they did not claim them, nor was it faid in tl^e 
 Petition of Right to King Charles I. or in the Bill 
 of Rights which pafTed foon after the Revolution, 
 that thefe were new Privileges granted to, or 
 extorted by the People 5 hut they are cxprcfly con- 
 feffed to have been always theirs, and thofe Laws 
 are declaratory only of the Liberties tranfmitted to 
 lis from the moft ancient Timefs. 
 
 Xhe Ballance of Power in Europe^ though per- 
 haps, that fpecific Phrafe might not be ufed, was 
 an old minifterial Scheme, for en^ iging the Peo- 
 ple to p.irt with theirMoney, without telling them 
 that the King, befidesthe Expences of his Govern- 
 ment, froni which they enjoyed Protedion, expec- 
 ted large Sun-i5 out of their Pockets to gratify his 
 Ambition •, For preventative Wars, like preven- 
 tative Phyfick, ha'v"^, rarely had any other FfFear 
 
 with 
 
 A. 
 

 - ( ss) 
 
 with u3, than to llir 111- humour's, and fo ack! 
 Factions at Home to Broils abroad. Ic mult how- 
 ever be admitted, that even our wifcft and moft 
 cautious Princes have not been unattentive to the 
 Affairs of the Continent, but then their Attention 
 has never drawn them into Wars, but on u.c con- 
 trary proved the Means of keeping their Neigh- 
 bour's out of them j whereas Princes, of another 
 Character, who were fond of Parade, and never 
 thought themfelves Monarchs fo much as when 
 they had an Army for their Retinue, have Hved in 
 a continual Buftle, and brought both themfelves, 
 and their Subjeds to the deepeft Diftrefs ; for we 
 may lay it down as aThing certain,that thisNation 
 has always thriven by Peace, and fuffered by War, 
 except where it has been made in Defence of our 
 juft Rights, and chiefly by a Naval Force. To 
 lay this down as my Opinion, is doing Nothing; 
 to enter into a long Hiitorical Detail in fupporc 
 of what I have faid, would be impofing a nced- 
 lels, as well as tedious Task upon the Reader, 
 to avoid therefore both Errors, I Ihall content my- 
 felf with a few Remarks upon three of the moft 
 confiderable Reigns, in our Hiftory, which will 
 fully demonftrate the Dodrine for which I plead, 
 to be as well fupported by Experience, as it is vi- 
 fibly founded on Reafon, and I befcech the Rea- 
 der to confider, what the Confequence mult be of 
 Meafurcs irreconcileable to neither,fupported only 
 by bold Aflertions, and florid Declarations, which 
 when examined to the bottom, are found to be 
 repugnant to both. 
 
 Henry VII. was juftly ftiled xhtEngliJh Solomofty 
 and a moft wife Prince he was, in whatever Light 
 we confider him. He united the Lines of Ji?r^ 
 and Lancajier^ and became thereby the Founder 
 of a new Family. He reformed our Conftitution, 
 
 and 
 
it-' 
 
 ..'j<M<,^ 
 
 m 
 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 ''■ I- 
 
 
 'I 
 
 
 
 r 
 
 I 1 
 
 1 ; 
 
 (5M 
 
 and by opening to the Commons an Highway 
 to Property, became the Author of our Libcnies, 
 as in the moderate Demands he made» through the 
 Courfe of his Jong Reign, he fhewed himfclf the 
 Father of his Subjcds. He fhewed his Power 
 by arming once againft France, and his Wifdom 
 by accepting a certain Advantage, to lay down his 
 Arms, rather than Risk an uncertain War. He 
 contracted AlJiances with all foreign States, and 
 punctually fulfilled them ; he declared himfelf the 
 Patron of Sciences and Commerce, and he effec- 
 tually encouraged both. Under his Aufpice, it 
 was the famous Cahi difcovered Newfoundland 
 and North-America ; but though this wife Prince 
 iieglefted nothing that might redound either to the 
 particular Advanuge of his Family, or to the 
 general good of his Subjedts, yet he prudently 
 avoided foreign Wars, and contented himfelf with 
 becoming the Arbiter of Europe^ by aggrandizing 
 his own Kingdom, through the laudable Arts of 
 a fleady Policy, which preferved his People for 
 many Years in profound Peace. It is indeed ob- 
 ieded to his Memory, that he was too thirfty a 
 Prince, happy Objcdion ! when fhall we fee it 
 made again ? It is like wife fa id, that he put pe- 
 nal Statutes too flri(5tly in execution, which our ce- 
 lebrated Hiftorian the famous Lord Herbert of 
 Cberbury^ tells us brought a fevere^ and arbitrary 
 Judgment, on the Inftrumcnts of his OpprcfTion 
 Empfon and Dudley. There is fome Truth in the 
 former, for defining to live on his own Revenue, 
 he endeavoured to make the mofl of it, and there- 
 fore refumed many of the Offices which had been 
 granted by Edward IV. and Richard III. But 
 the latter is ibfolutely flilfc, as the Reader may fee 
 in the Lord Chief Juftice Jnderfon's Reports, 
 
 where 
 
 0- 
 
'^ 
 
 ^^ 
 
 (57) 
 
 Vihttt we have the Record of Empfon^s Convic- 
 tion at large ; which proves that this crafty 
 Lawyer was hie by an Indiftmenr, drawn by one 
 of his own Profeflion, and found guihy by a 
 common Jury ; and yet this mighty Revenue 
 with all thefe Arcs, was raifed no higher than 
 jf 120,000 a Year, as appears from a Itated Ac- 
 count of D«^/tfy's, which is yer in being. Out of 
 this Rcvenuej'bcfidcs what he expended in build- 
 ing the famous Chappel at Weftminfter^ and his 
 noble Palace at Richmond^ he left behind him a 
 Treafure, which confidenng the Age he lived in, 
 if we had not fo many great Authorities agreeing 
 in the Account, we could fcarce be brought to 
 credit, fmce it amounted to no lefs, than Four 
 Millions and an Half in ready Mooe-y. /* #.v). \ 
 . His Son and SuccefTor Henr'^ VIII. pursued 
 quite a.diifcrent Condudt, he was a more buftling 
 though not a. more aftive Prince than his Fa- 
 ther, and fo fond of holding the Bailance of 
 Power, that he would needs have a Finger in 
 every Quarrel, that happened throughout Eu- 
 rope; he raifed ten times as much upon his Sub- 
 jects as his Father had done, befides fquandering 
 away all the Treafure he left him, and this chief- 
 ly by aflifting foreign Princes, from one vain- 
 glorious Motive or other. Thus pretty early in 
 his Reign, he remitted valt Sums for the ufe of 
 the Emperor Maximiliany to enable him to be- 
 come Mafter of ihe City of Verona in Ital^^ by 
 which wife Condud his Minifter, Cardinal fVol- 
 /^y, ttrlls us, nullum aliud fa5lum^ nift Damnum i£ 
 Dedecus peperit, nothing accrued to him but Lofs, 
 and Di (honour ; for when the Emperor had got 
 the City, he not only gave it up to the King of 
 France, but threatned to join with that King a- 
 gainft his Bcnefad:or Henry^ believing as Cardinal 
 , . 1 fVolJey 
 
M 
 
 mi 
 
 , ;* 
 
 I ': 4 
 
 /I t 
 
 'fi 
 
 'f 1,1 
 
 ■ if- 
 
 "I 
 
 m 
 
 
 ^< 
 
 '>»;ii^ 
 
 :»...• ■....I •*.. 41 
 
 (58; 
 
 /i^cZ/zfy fays in the fame Lctter,that as his Majcf- 
 ty had been formerly perfuaded,fo now he might 
 lie bullied out of his Money,by Huffing and hard 
 "Words. Yet he pcrfifted for many Years in the 
 fame Sort of Meafures, plundering his Subjedks 
 ac Home, that he might make a mighty Figure 
 abroad, 'till at lait though he was ftiil dreadful 
 here, he became fu ridiculous there, that an lia^ 
 lian Wit drew him in the middle of a Triangle, 
 with Mojes^ Chrift and Mahomet^ at the three 
 Corners, with thcfe Words proceeding by a La- 
 bel out of his Mouth, ^0 me vert am nefcio^ 
 which Way to turn me I know not ; as if after 
 all the flir he had made about Religion, he 
 would have turned Jew^ nay Turk, to have got rid 
 of his NeceiTities. Yet this Monarch did not 
 want Parts, or good Privy- Councilors, but his 
 hafty, boiilerous, tyrannical Temper kept them 
 all fomuch in Awe, that to gratify his Humour, 
 they facrificed their own Judgments, and which 
 was infini.ely worfe, facrificed the Good of their 
 Country, w Ay - ,. ---'a^:!; v .,.,.. .,,^>. • w 
 
 His Daughter Elizabeth inherited her Grand- 
 fifither's Virtues, without being tainted with her 
 Father's Vices, fhe came to the Crown not only 
 from a private Condition, but from a Prifon, 
 where one could fcarce have imagined fhe had 
 iludicd the Art of Government; fhe found the 
 Nation in mod wretched Circumftanccs, diftref- 
 fcd and impoverifhed at Home, and at the fame 
 Time engaged in a War abroad, in Support of 
 an Intereft oppofite to her own. Her Finances 
 were not only exhaufted, but the Strength of 
 the Nation fo impaired,that there was not a For- 
 rrefs in a Condition of Defence, or a Squadron of 
 Ships fie for Service. Befidesall this fhe had a 
 Pretender to her Crown, with a very plaufible 
 
 Tide, 
 
■ 
 
 yl 
 
 (59) 
 
 Title, to which a great Part of her Subjet^s 
 Were much affeded, and the mod potent Prince 
 on the Continent firft a fufpeded Friend, and in 
 Titae an open Enemy ; yet from all thefe Diffi- 
 culties fhe delivered herfelf, with very little Af- 
 fiftance from her Subjedls, and by that Time 
 Ihc had reigned ten Years, had faved ^700,000, 
 which fcrvcd her when flic came to be involved 
 in very great and withal unavoidable Expences. 
 She was obliged to interfere with the Affairs of 
 her Neighbours, to prevent the Ruin of her 
 own, (he fcnt a great deal of Money into Scotland^ 
 but then (he kept the Nation in confrant depen- 
 dance ^ (healTided the Dutcb^ but would not take 
 Words in full Payment, (he was pleafed per- 
 haps that they owned upon their Coin, the very 
 being of their State to the Favour of God and the 
 Affiftancc of Queen Elizabeth^ but (he took for 
 all that cautionary Towns by Way of Pawn for 
 £800,000 which (he had lent them. She ex- 
 pended upwards of £400,000 in elevating the 
 Houfe oi Bourbon, but then (he did it to raife a 
 Competitor to Philip II. of Spain, who had often 
 attempted the Conqueft of her Dominions. In 
 the midft of thefe dangerous Wars, and prodigi- 
 ous Expencesi (he was truly a Mot!^ jr to her Peo- 
 ple, and in the ftridleft Senfe of the Word, the 
 Miftrefs of her Miniftersi (he humbled the Pride 
 of the haughty Dudley, 2Lnd as appears from his 
 own Letters could never be made the Dupe even 
 of Cecil*s Cunning. In (hort (he was in every 
 Refped a Queen; when the NecelTitiesof the 
 State required it, (he asked her Subjects for Mo- 
 ney without Ceremony, and it was given her 
 without Grumbling. Once it fell out, that the 
 fuppofed Necefiity blew over, after the Money 
 was raifed, but (he was too wife a Woman to 
 
 I 2 pocket 
 
 \P 
 
 I-' 
 
 :!' 
 
*■ .^7 
 
 »■,.! 
 
 
 ( fio ) 
 
 pocket it, (lie made a better ufe of it, (hfl r«- 
 turned it to her Subjedls. In all her long and 
 glorious Reign, Ihe received by Grants from Par-? 
 liament not quite Three Millions. Such was 
 ihatPrincefs who lived theDelight and Wonder of 
 her own Age, as her Reign, and her Government 
 mud be the Afton-lhment of ours. Such were 
 ihcMeafurcs by which (he fecured Safety to her?- 
 felf, Honour to her Subj^-6ls, and ar the fame 
 Time preferved the Ballance of Power in Europe^ 
 without being a Dupe to Foreigners. ..,*^. .^ ,^14 
 uvThe great and general Complaint almod of 
 every Writer, who has touched the Reign of her 
 SucceiTor, is that he was no Hero. He fpent a 
 great deal of Money in the Caufe of his Son-in- 
 Law, the Eledor Palatine, but he did not care 
 to engage the Nation in a War, with the Houfe 
 oi Auftria^ upon his Account; his Negotiations 
 vi'ith Spain were ill conduded, how well foe ver 
 they might be attended ; and his intermeddling in 
 Holland, about the Ele<5tion of Divinity Profef- 
 fors, appears as jufily ridiculous to us, as per- 
 haps fomc Ads of our own may look in the Eyes 
 of Pofterity. But with all the Faults and Fail- 
 ings of this pacifick, or if you will, this pufilani* 
 mous Prince, yet under his Reign, it was that 
 our Trade extended to all Partsof the World, 
 and the Commons of England grew rich. Thefe 
 are Fads that cannot be difputed, if we rely upon 
 thofc Authorities, or give Credit to fuch Tefti* 
 monies, as would convince us in any other Cafe, 
 For if we look into that great Colledion of Voy- 
 ages, that was made by Dr. Purcbas, we (liall 
 there find thatalmoft every beneficial Branch of 
 Trade, with which the Nation is now bleffed, 
 was attempted, if not fettled at this Timei and ic 
 has been long ago obferved that the Wealth ac- 
 cruing 
 
 
* :* 
 
 (6i) „ . 
 
 cniing from hence, occafioned in a great Mea* 
 fure, shofe Heats in Parliament, which dif- 
 turbed his Governmenr. It was therefore no bad 
 Advice that his Minifters gave, to avoid foreign 
 Wars during thefe domeftick.Diftradions. They 
 faw plainly to what the Humour of the People 
 tended, and rightly judged that the Eagernefs 
 which fome exprcfTcd forWar abroad was found- 
 ed in the Hopes of turning it to the Advantage 
 of their Fadion at Homei this appeared more 
 plainly afterwards, when many of our martial 
 Mobility and Gentry, who had been trained up 
 ^n the Wars in Germany^ threw themfelves into 
 the Parliament Army. '^ < t^iv i^Mi^K tai* 
 King Charles I. found a War with Spain ready 
 prepared for him, when he ci»me to the Crown, 
 with an empty Exchequer, and his Kingdom full 
 (C^ Fears, Jealoufies and Difcontents ; he embar* 
 ked foon after in a French War, and endeavoured 
 to make himfelf popular by giving AITillance to 
 the French Proteftants, but failed in part and in 
 the whole ; fcr he was neither able to do them 
 good, or perfuade his own Subjects that he hearti* 
 ly intended it > though it appears from the Duke 
 of Rohan*s Memoirs, who was belt able to dif- 
 cern, and mod likely to fpeak Truth, that the 
 King was extremely earneft in theAfF?ir, and 
 would have effectually fuccou^ed the Proteftants^ 
 if he had cither had better Minifters, or more 
 obedient Subjedts. But it fo happened that not 
 only in this, but in another Inftance, when by 
 fitting a great Fleet to Sea, he difappointed a 
 Scheme entered into by the French and Dutch 
 for dividing the Spanijh Netherlands ^ he not only 
 difturbed his own Quier, but provoked his Neigh- 
 bours to feek Revenge, which was all he got by 
 incerferiivg with Affairs on the Continent. Buck- 
 
 ingham*$ 
 

 I'll t: 
 ■1. ■•• 
 
 it: I' 
 
 W 
 
 u li 
 
 
 
 iHghdnC% languid Adminiftration ruined hino, that 
 Favourite's fondnefs for his own Family,: he No- 
 liops he had infufed into the King's Head, that 
 «U who didiked his Meafures were Enemies Co 
 th« King's Authority, drew his Mijefty to aA 
 in fuch a Manner, as if he had preferred being 
 Prote(^or cif the Buckingham Fadion, to the 
 being King of three great Nations. At lad he 
 fflw his Elrror in feme Meafure, but took an odd 
 Way of amending it } he raifcd fVtntworth^ the 
 warmed Pcrfecucor of his late Minifter, to the 
 fame envied Height of Power, which drove the 
 Party he left from Difcoiuent to Difaffeftion ( 
 ihey oppofedand mfreprefcnted every thing the 
 King did, JibcUcd him as a Friend to Popery 
 ^d FtattM^ while themfelves were deep in French 
 and Popifli Intrigues. They were continually 
 repreiiisneing all the Errors of his Government ill 
 the ftrongeft Lights, and made ufe of his Incli^ 
 nation to be well with his Subjeds, to flrip hint 
 cif his juft Prerogatives, and to overturn the 
 Ballance of our Conftitution. Ail this could ne^ 
 vcr have happened if he had ftudied the Prefer- 
 nation of Peace, and living within theCompafs 
 of his Revemic, from the Time he afcended the 
 Throne, and either taken in, as was once prp- 
 pofed, all the Patriot Chiefs, or had never taken 
 off IVentwortb^ whofe cnterprifing Genius prov'd 
 the King's Ruin, and his own ; leaving thereby 
 a moft inftru£live Leflbn to future Kings and 
 
 Mintfterf. #>?'»-« •♦ •- -• * ^^ 
 
 The next Government that was fettled in Eng" 
 lattd\ifSLS that of the Parliament, and though no 
 Man has » greater Abhorrence than I, for that 
 unnatural Rebellion, to which they owed their 
 Power, yet I muft fincerely profefs that they ma- 
 naged fo wifely, and for the (hort Time they 
 , held 
 
■( 63 ) ^ 
 
 field it, made their Country much it)ore confider- 
 able, than it ever was before, chirfly by their 
 fteady Condudl in refpedt to foreign Affairs i 
 they courted indifferently the Fnendfhip and 
 Alliance of all the Princes and States of Europe^ 
 and at the fame time (hewed a noble Refolutiofi 
 to do themfelves Juflice, againd any that either 
 qurftioned their Authority, or attempted to di^ 
 trefs their Subjedls. This it was that induced 
 them to bear fo much as they did with Spain^ 
 where their Ambaffador had beenm^rderfd^ be* 
 caule they knew the Confequenc6 of the Spanifi 
 Trade to India ; and this prompted them to exert 
 themfelves fo vigouroufly againft the Dutch, not- 
 withftanding the low State of their Marine, at the 
 tin it that War began. Their Succefs was [the Ef* 
 ftd: of their Heroic Refolution, and chat Zeal 
 with which they applied themfelves to the pro* 
 ▼iding effedually whatever was neceffary for the 
 publick Service. But the Ambition oiCromweUy 
 and the infatiable Avarice of fomeprinciple Com- 
 manders in their Army, foon put an End to their 
 Cov/mment, and fet up that of a fingie Perfon, 
 without any Colour of Right, but what he de- 
 rived from his Power over his Soldiers. The 
 ProtcdVor Oliver adted upon Principles oppofiie 
 to thofe of the Parliament 5 for whereas they 
 ftudied the Nation's Intereft, he purfued his own. 
 The Figure he made in Europe was entirely ow- 
 ing to >:he Conduft of the Parliament, and when 
 he came to govern alone, he adled worfe than 
 any of our Princes had ever done *, for he ftript 
 the People at Home of every fort of Liberty, 
 while he facrificed their Intereft abroad tO thofe 
 of his Tyranical Government, and upftart Famv* 
 ly. He entered into a War with Spain^ in order 
 CO plunder her Colonies, and he failed in this De- 
 
 fjgn. 
 

 P'ivi 
 
 m 
 
 m 
 
 ^iilK:' 
 
 'I 
 
 lir'r 
 
 
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 (64) 
 
 lign by refufing the Soldiers and Sailors theif 
 Share in the Plunder, which was abfolutely the 
 Caufe of their flian^eful Behaviour in Hifpankla* 
 He concurred in raifing the Power of France to 
 fuch a Heigh:, as it could never otherwife 
 have arrived at, and furniflied Mazarine with the 
 Means of humbling the Houfe of Auftria to fuch 
 a Degree, as hath incailed upon us all the Ex- 
 pence we have fince been at, to fupport that Fa- 
 mily againft France, In fhort, we owe either 
 to his want of Knowledge, or to his want of Ho- 
 ncfty, all the Confufions that followed in Europe, 
 as wc owe to his overturning the Power of the 
 Parliament, the Lofsof that fupreme Authority, 
 to which they would have raifed this Nation, in 
 rcfpedl to its Neighbourff; for they hadajuft 
 Notion of the Ballance of Power, and knew 
 how to have held the Scales, even without that 
 haughty Air of dilating to all they had any 
 Concerns with, which was his great failing, and 
 fromwhich,notwithftanding by an unaccountable 
 Partiality, he derives moftof his Reputation. 
 
 I wi(h the curious and impartial Reader wouldf 
 examine this Matter carefully, for I dare affure 
 him, chat thefc Obfcrvations are founded on Fads, 
 and that they are not made with a View of ferv- 
 iiig any Party, or to prejudice any Syftem, but 
 purely if the Thing be pradicable to come at 
 Truth. Yet to open the Matter a little further, 
 let me obferve that in all this Period of Time, if 
 vVe except it may beTen Years, we were gaining 
 immenfe Sums by Trade \ f<jr from the Peace 
 with Spain^ in the Beginning of the Reign of King 
 James^ to the Year 1641, we were moftly in 
 Peace, and exported vail Quantities of our Com- 
 modities and Manufadt'ires into all Parts of the 
 Worldi and tor the lliort Wars in which we 
 
 were 
 
 ij2* 
 
( 65 ) 
 
 were engaged, though they weakened the Go- 
 veriiffjent they did not muchdiminifli the Strength 
 ojf the Nation, for they were managed by our 
 FJccts, the Expences of which pafling only from 
 Hand to Hand amongll ourfeivcs, could not 
 gfOUly hurt the Nation ; and even for our civil 
 .Wars, they did nor until within the twoor three 
 lad Yttus occafion much detriment to our Com- 
 OTEcrce* And to Ihew that I am abfolutely impar- 
 dal, and have not the leaft Inclination to mif- 
 reprefent any Government, that has fubfifted in 
 this Ifland, 1 will readily admit, that the im- 
 mediate Mi(ch\d ofCramweil's ill-grounded V/ar 
 with Spain^ was in fome Meafure ballanced by 
 the Money brought into the Nation by Admiral 
 Montague i but at the fame time I infifl: it was 
 ballanced only in Part, for the great Blow given 
 by Blake to the Spaf?iards, hurt us as much as ic 
 did them, though ic certainly railed the Reputa- 
 tion of our Maritime Power, and is delervcdiy 
 reckoned the boldeft Adion that ever was per- 
 formed by the Engliji Navy. Ic was in thofe 
 Days computed, that befides the Silver we took, 
 the Spaniards loft between 7 and 8,000,000/. 
 Sterling, of which according to the Courfe of our 
 Trade before the War, we muft have received 
 upwards of 3,000,000/. befide, this fo weakeneci 
 the Houfe of Auflria, that (he never afterwards 
 recovered it, which brought great Kxpences 
 upon us, from our being obliged to defend her 
 Dominions in the Netherlands. To evince the 
 Truth of this, I (hall prefently produce from the 
 Records of the Mint, an Account of the Money 
 coined within this Period, which will put the 
 Matter out of Qucftion •, but before I do this, I 
 heg leave to make fome further Obfervarinns. 
 The Mifchief occafioned by Cromwell^ War 
 
 K with 
 
 I. ■* 
 

 w 
 
 
 .. ! .&!i 
 
 tt'l 
 I ,1 
 
 iji-i:i 
 
 .«''• > 
 
 (66; 
 
 with Spain^ was not only felt in the Lofs of our 
 Trade with that Nation, in the caking of our 
 Ships by Spaniards ^^ind of Privateers under their 
 Colours, by the Weakening the Houfc of Auftria 
 and Strengthening the Houfeof Bourbon^ but alio 
 by the entircLofs of fo large a Sum as 7,000,000/. 
 in Silver, to the whole trading World; fo that 
 this wrong-headed Notion of diitrcfling the Spani- 
 ards brought irreparable Damage to us, and to 
 the reft of the trading Nations in Europey with 
 whom the whole of that Sum muft in Time have 
 been laid out, and have continued to circulate to 
 this Time ; befide« we had then a large BalJance 
 of Trade, arifing from the particular Ballances 
 of mod Nations we dealt with, and as they drew 
 the Silver, with which they paid thtfe Ballances, 
 from Spain y we muft have been confiderable Lo- 
 fers in our general Trade, as well as by the pe- 
 culiar Detriment we fuftered from not having our 
 Share of that Money, to which our diredt 1 radc 
 with Spain might have intitled us. Thefe are 
 Points that deferve to be confidered, bccaufe I 
 doubt we are yet too much of Opinion, that ia 
 all Wars, the Damage done to the Enemy is juft 
 fo much gained to ourfeives, whereas a Multitude 
 ofunforefcen Accidents may render it otherwife, 
 and as in the prefent Cafe, make the Enemies 
 JLofs our own too. For as the Trade of any 
 Nation cannot be driven to Advantage, without 
 a certain Quantity of current Cafh, fo the Trade 
 of Europe y and indeed of the Univerfe, requires 
 in like Manner a proportionable quantity of 
 Bullion, the leffening ot which muft be attended 
 with the fame Inconveniences, as the leffening the 
 Quantity of running Cafli in any particular 
 Nation. On the whole therefore I fay that our 
 living fo great a Part of this Period in profound 
 
 Peace, 
 
 \M 
 
W.i ■ii,«i^l"lj,,;ij|u,iiij| 
 
 ^nr 
 
 . , *;?■ 
 
 Peace, our concerning ourfelves but little with 
 the Affairs on the Concinent, and fending abroad 
 fcarcc any Money upon that Account, proved 
 the Means of our obtaining a great Ballance of 
 Trade in our Favour, which brought annually 
 confidcrable Sums of Gold and Silver into this 
 Country, the Proportion of which, if not the 
 exad Quantity, may be garhered from our 
 Coinage, which, for Reafons I have not Room to 
 mention here, was very regular, all that Time, 
 ferving in this Refped as a confimercial Baro- 
 meter, by which the Strength and the Wealth 
 of the Nation might beeafily meafured 5 and now 
 therefore I come to that Account, which I have 
 promifed during this Space of Time. 
 
 ^n Account of the Money coined in England, 
 fdr Fifty Eight Tears. ,, , 
 
 7. 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 Fro m 051cher 1 5 9 9 , to March 
 
 1619. 4,779,314 13 4 
 
 From March 161 9, to March 
 
 \6^^, 6,900,042 II I 
 
 Yrom March 1638, io March 
 
 i^57' . ... ., , , . 7.733.521 13 4 
 
 " ' ^ > ^ V ; 19,412,878 17 9 
 
 After t^e Reftoration of King Charles II. the 
 Condu6l of the Court ot Great Britain^ had a very 
 great Influence upon all the Afl^airs of Europe* 
 This was extremely well underftood by the fa- 
 mous Earl of Clarendon^ who though cenfured 
 by Bilhop Burnet, for interfering too much in 
 foreign Affairs, yet we who live at a greater 
 
 K 2 Diftancc 
 
 'l¥. 
 
I; ''!*(■ 
 
 m 
 m 
 
 fl: 
 
 IJijI) 
 
 P 
 
 : , ( 68 ) . ^ ' 
 
 Diftance from his Times, and confcquently are 
 better able to difcern how far his Maxims were 
 founded in Truth and Experience, and how far 
 they were juftified or condemned by Events, are 
 bound ID think in another Manner ; for in the 
 firft Place, it is very certain that the Earl op- 
 pofed the Sale of Dunkirk to the French, thouglf 
 he was one of the Commiflioners impowered to 
 treat for ir> becaufe he forefaw that this would 
 raife a Clamour at Home, and ilrengthen ch© 
 Hands of the FrencbKlng abroad. His Scheme 
 of Politicks was founded on a very few Maxims, 
 from which he thought there was no deviating 
 without Danger. He was delirous of maintaining 
 as long, and as far as it was poflible a general 
 Peace, and for entering into fuch Alliances, as 
 might reftrain the French Power, without cx- 
 haufting our own. From thefe Motives he op- 
 pofed the flrfl Dutch War, in that Reign, be- 
 caufe, how juft foever theGrounds of it might be, 
 his Sentiments were that the Maritime Powers 
 ought always to live in the ftrideft Unity^ Af- 
 ter that War was concluded, and the Earl of 
 Clarendon banifhed, the King for fome time ma- 
 naged his own Affairs, and for the Space of Fif-_ 
 teen Months was eftcemed by all Europe the 
 greateft, wifeft, and honeftfft Prince that ever 
 filled the Britifi Throne. For in that Space, of 
 Time, viz. in January 1668, he concluded the 
 famous tripple Alliance, by which in Conjunc- 
 tion with the States-General, and the Crown of 
 Sweden, he fct Bounds to the Ambition of France^ 
 and effectually fecured the Peace of Europe : Yet 
 all the Force mentioned in this Treaty to be fur- 
 nifhed on either Side, wns no more than Forty 
 Menof War of different Rate^, 6000 Foot, and 
 400 Horfe, or an Ecjuivaltn: for them in Mc- 
 
 . 
 
r 
 
 ■ \4 'I 
 
 ( 69 ) 
 
 ney. So long as this Treaty fubfiftcd, he '^^ a 
 powerful and a happy Prince. But when by the 
 Adls of France^ and rhc Caballing of hisawn Sub* 
 jeds he was drawn from it, he ceafed thence for- 
 ward to 3e cither a great of a happy King, and 
 fpcnt his Life in continual uneafinefs. The War 
 of 1672, though it might not be groundlefs, wa$ 
 moft certainly infamous, fince he thereby facri- 
 ficed the Interefts of his Subjects, and the Liber* 
 ties of Europe, to gratify h»s Refentments. He 
 adted in this upon Cromwell's Motives, and wirh 
 the fanle execrable View, that is, he endeavoured 
 to eftablifh an arbitary Authority by the Aflfif- 
 tanceof France, and in order to this afted in di-* 
 reft Repugnance to the Rules of right Policy, as 
 well as againft the Inclination of his Subjefts, 
 But the King was then in the Hands of the very 
 word Miniftry, with which this Nation was ever 
 curft, a Crew of renegado Patriots, who had op- 
 pofed the King, while he afted upon right Prin- 
 ciples, and had ruined by their Arts the beft Mi- 
 nifter the Nation ever had. Thefe Men had for- 
 ced themfelves into Power, and endeavoured to 
 preferve it by flattering him with a Scheme of 
 abfolute Authority. As they had ferved their 
 Country without Sincerity, fo now they ferved 
 the King without Loyalty j and when from a 
 Forcfight of the Mifchiefs their mad Manage- 
 ment would have brought upon him, his Majefty 
 refufed to go their Lengths, Buckingham and 
 Sbaftsbury turned Patriots again, that is to fay 
 pretended to be fo, and perplexed his Affairs as 
 long as he and they lived. By this (Irange Con- 
 dad, by this Want of Steadinf'fs, by his minding 
 Pieafure too much, and Bufinefs too little, the 
 King loll: the Confidesictr of his Subjedls, and 
 Allies, and thenceforward fell into a Dependence 
 
 on 
 
: ■• ■■■> 
 
 M 
 
 t ^ 
 
 (7° ) 
 
 on Francif which was not only contrary to his 
 Incereft, but far enough from being agreeable to 
 his Inclinations. This led him to think of go- 
 verning by Corruption, the meaneft and moft dan- 
 gerous Method an Englijb Monarch can ever pur- 
 Uie, and which fooner or later has been and will 
 be the Ruin of every Prince who is drawn to it. 
 Inftead of confulting his Parliament as the free 
 Reprefentatives of his People, he endeavoured 
 by Places and Penfions, to make them the Crea- 
 tures of his Will, and the Supporters of an illegal 
 Power, by which he deftroyed his own Credit, 
 and theirs, which will be evcrlaftingly the Cafe 
 of any Prince who afts upon fuch Maxims. 
 
 But it fo fell out, that there was at that Time 
 too great a Portion of public Spirit for him to 
 fubdue. Some of the Members who had been his 
 bcft Friends, and that too from Principle, revolted; 
 particularly Sir Thomas Clarges, Brother-in-Law 
 to the Duke of Memarle, who infifted in Parlia- 
 ment on feeing public Money fairly accounted 
 for, which raifed fuch an Oppofiiion, as all the 
 Weight of the Crown, all the Intrigues of its 
 Miniilers, and all the Influence of both King and 
 Miniftersjcould never conquer. This produced 
 fuch Reft rift ions as put it out of the Power of the 
 Court, to purfue either foreign or domeftick 
 Schemes for eftablifhing arbitary Power, with 
 any Succefs ; rhis obliged the King to live upon 
 pretty good Terms with the Df//^/^, whether he 
 would or not, and defeated his Conjundion with 
 the French in fpght of his Teeth : which put 
 him out of Love with Parliaments, as that railed 
 a Spirit of DifafTcftion, that ended in the Deftruc- 
 lion of his Family. Yet this Situation of Affairs 
 as it had fome ill, fo it had many good Effeds, 
 with Regard to the Nation. On the one Hand, 
 
 \i .the 
 
 $ ' 
 

 ( 70 
 
 the King was retrained from ailing as he inclined 
 to do, av leaft during feme Part oT his Reign, in 
 Favour of France ; and on the other Hand, ic 
 kept the Nation from launching too far into Wars 
 upon the Continent, about the Concerns of other 
 People, for which even at that time, there were 
 fome who had too warm an Inclination. It ob- 
 jiged his Majefty to great Circumfpcdlion in his 
 Condudb, and perhaps conftrained him to do man/ 
 Things that were highly for the Benefit of his 
 Subjects ; fuch as fending ftrong Fleets into the 
 Mediterranean^ and forcing the pyratical States of 
 Barbary into Treaties, that have fecured our 
 Commerce ever fmce. By thefe Methods the 
 publick Revenue was kept within ju(t Bounds, 
 and Minifters were compelled to make up fair 
 Accounts ; the Money of the Nation was kept at 
 Home, for except a very few Subfidies during the. 
 Dutch Wars, we did not feed the Avarice of fuch 
 princes as make a Market of their People. It 
 fecured to us an extcnfive and beneficial Trade, 
 and as we had then no great (landing Army, no 
 formidable Number of Officers belonging to the 
 Revenue, no publick Debts or Taxes out of the 
 Reach of Parliamentary Infpeftion, the Nation 
 grew immenfely rich, as appears from the riling 
 ol the Cuftoms, for as thele had been farmed at 
 400,000/. in the Year after the Reftoration % 
 which in the lad Year of Queen -E/zzak/^ had 
 been let for 36,000/. fo before the Death of King 
 Charles II. they arofe to 800,000/. which ihews 
 bow much Trade was improved in fo little aTime, 
 our Navy was greatly increafcd, and the Ton- 
 nage of our trading Ships doubled, according to 
 theComputations of Dr. D^i;^»<2«/, who likewife 
 fays that our Coin was encreafcd four Millions and 
 ^ Half, which Ihews what a mighty Ballance of 
 
 Trade 
 
 I; 
 
V* 
 
 Iflij 
 
 
 
 ■■If 
 
 '.' lit- .-d*' 
 
 '(72) 
 
 Trade muft have been all this Time in our Fa- 
 vour; and yec I chink I may be juftiBed in faying 
 that during his whole Reign, there was not ont 
 Year with another above a Million and a Haif 
 raifed upon the Nation by Authority of Parila'- 
 inent, and yet, as we have already fccn, the Af- 
 fairs of the Continent were not ncgleftcd, the 
 Power ofFr^»c^ was in agoodMeafure reftrained, 
 and the Treaty of Mime^n^ made under King 
 Charles's Mediation, fixed the Tranquility 6i' 
 Europe^ upon as juft and lafbing a Foundation 
 as any laid for it by future Alliances. 
 
 I (hall not pretend to give any Account of the 
 Poiitick&of the next Reign, they are but too weli 
 known already. King James notwith (landing 
 the Experience he might have reaped, frofli M« 
 Brother's Misfortunes, entered into a clofe Con« 
 juodtion with Frj/vf^, which, to fpeak fairly and 
 impartially, was his Ruin. If he did it from re^ 
 JigiQUS Views, he certainly facrificed his political 
 Intercfts. If his Endeavours to extend his Pre* 
 rogative to proted and promote Papifts, m 
 make ufe of corrupt Lawyers, to weaken and 
 decide away the Conilttution of this Kingdom, 
 which is, and ought to be as much a Rule to the 
 King, as to the Subjcdts, if I fay he made the 
 Revolution necellary at Home, his Complaifance 
 for France produced the Means of accompiifliing 
 it abroad, not only by engaging Holland, but the 
 Emperor, SpaiUj and fome of the Princes and 
 States of Germany^ to concur in bringing it about, 
 which they would never have done, let our civil 
 or religious Grievances been what they would, 
 if he had had any juft Notions of the Ballance of 
 Power in Europe, In this Refpcd he was truly in- 
 fatuated, for he not only difobliged his natural 
 ' » > " Ti - ~ - '*' :7 • • -;. Allies, 
 
 ye,. 
 
Fi- 
 ring 
 oiut 
 
 riia'- 
 Af- 
 the 
 
 ned, 
 
 Cing 
 6i 
 
 cioii 
 
 •tt 
 
 ' (73) 
 
 Jlllics, but even the Popehimfclf, by following 
 ihe French King's Councils : So that it is no won^ 
 der, that a Prince who employ'd the fmall Time 
 he far upon the I'hrone, in driving his Subjects 
 into Difaffedion, and who loft the Hearts of his 
 Army, by a fooliih Partiality tor /ri/^ Papifts, 
 and at ;he fame Titpe compelled the Powers on 
 the Continent, to prefer their own Prefcrvatioa 
 to thole geperal Principlesof good Neighbour- 
 hood, v^fhich form the Law of Nations, fliould 
 Ipfe his 'Dominions, ar^d be driven in his old Age 
 to eat the Bread of his Betrayer, and tolixc an* 
 l^xWe in that Country to which he had facrificed 
 his owq. All this was but very natural, and his 
 Brother King Charies had forefeen it, which mad^ 
 hinfi rcfolve, if he had lived, to have thrown off 
 all Refpe<St for France^ and to have aimed at re-s 
 covering the Hearts of his Subjects, and the true 
 Reins of Government, which he had in a Manner, 
 loft by his Miftakes. But though King 7^'«^'^ 
 was fo unhappy as not to profit by hisBrother'3 
 Example, yet we have reafon to hope that his 
 Fate will be a warning to ail future Kings. If 
 he had known how to have contented himfelf with 
 a moderate Share of Power, with an ample Re- 
 venue, and the reasonable Obedience of his Peo- 
 ple-, ifhehad confulted their Intereft only, if he,, 
 who undcrftoodTrade,as well as ever Prince did, 
 he had cultivated fuch foreign Alliances as were 
 ijecciTary to fecure it ; he might have reigned 
 Long and happily over a great and free People, 
 he might have held the Ballance of Power, and 
 l^e might have given an equitable Law to Europe, 
 Bat this unlucky Prince, in part mifguided by his 
 ow,n Inclinations, inpartraifled by the artificial 
 lf|^t,terics of afubtle Minilter, who me^nt,^ and 
 «y,hp accomplifhcd his Ruin, would needi) depart^ 
 
 L from 
 
 :« . .t 
 
 •<4> 
 
tm 
 
 lii 
 
 
 U 
 
 m 
 
 '< I 
 
 ■f'l 
 
 1 ' 
 
 ii 
 
 i!5* 
 
 > « 
 
 f 74 ; ' 
 
 from the ordinary Maxims of Ootrcrhmciit,d6» 
 duccd from, not to fay prefcribcd by, ourCon- 
 ftirution, and hoped ibmetimi:^ by ciofeting 
 Members, at others by awing thetH, by diftri* 
 buting Places of Power and Profit an^ongft hil 
 Creaiuffs, by keeping up a large ilanling Arvnji 
 and bymaking al) the ufe he could of the Infkience 
 of his Revci.ue to eftablifh a new Sort of Govern- 
 ment, that he might bring back an old Super- 
 ftition ; but he found to his Ooft, that an EngUJh 
 Monarchjwhowill not be the King of his People^ 
 lias Revenues, Armies and Fleets in vain i and 
 that when in hiis Imagination he is ftrongell, and 
 neareft his Purpofe, he is in the greatelt Danger 
 of being nothing at all. ^ 
 
 We are now come to that Period of Time, in 
 which we hunched out fuch immcnfe Sums for 
 the carrying on a foreign War, I mean after, and 
 in Support of the Revolution ; it was juftly and 
 prudently forcfcen, by fuch as "ime then into 
 the Management of Affairs, thu toraife fuch 
 Sums as were wanting, by the ordinary MethodSj? 
 and within the Compafs of the current Year, was 
 a Thing not pradlicable, efpecially confidering 
 tlie Eafe the People had enjoyed tinder the two 
 I'ait Reigns. There was a mighty Difference be- 
 tween raifing two Millions, and more than Five \ 
 and therefore there was no Difficulty in finding 
 out, that fome Slight was neceffary to prevent 
 the Peoples feeling it *» our Miniflers hit upon 
 that very readily; inftead of creating Funds fuf- 
 ficicnt for the Service of the War, they created 
 Funds for raifing the Interefl of fuch Sums, as 
 might be neceffary for thut Purpofe, which, be^ 
 fides the great End of raifing Money, without 
 the Peoples being fenfible of ir, aniwered many 
 other Ends of almoft equal Importance. In the 
 ■' • ^ firft 
 
 mki. 
 
9m • 
 
 (ys) 
 
 Hrft Place ie tntrbduced a new Trade, I mean of 
 Stock- Jobbing, in which the Friends of the Go- 
 vernment dealt to very great Advantage. Ic 
 enabled the Miniftry, by having thefe advan- 
 tageous Lights in their Power, to draw off Num- 
 bers, who would otherwife have oppofed them» 
 fay bartering private Advantage in exchange for 
 Publkk Spirit. It afforded an Opportunity for 
 augmenting the Officers of the Revenue, for cre- 
 ating a Multitude of new PoAs, and thereby en- 
 larging the Power of the Crown, by means more 
 effcdual, and at the fame Time, far lefs invidi- 
 ous, than the old Way of, the Prerogative. It 
 like wife contributed not a little to thefirengthcn- 
 ingof the Government*, for as the monied Intereft 
 by degrees came to be deeply engaged, fo of 
 Gonfecjucnce, .abundance of wealthy People, 
 were attached from the Confideration of iheirFor- 
 tunes, more firmly, than they could have been 
 any other Way, to the new Syftem. I mighc 
 proceed to reckon up many more Advantages, 
 but thefe are fufficient to fhew what the true Mo- 
 tives were, upon which the Governiiient went in 
 eftabl idling this Methoi of railing Money, fo 
 ftrange to our Conftitution, and which in a Courfe 
 of Time» has in a Manner new moulded it ; and 
 all built upon this (ingle Principle of the Necefli- 
 ty of reducing the Power oi France^ and prefer v- 
 in^ the Ball a nee of Europe, :.:!>*. ;♦; .*. ^i.«: 
 
 To place this perplexed Subjeft in the cleareflE 
 Light poflible, it will be proper to obferve, what 
 the Pretences were for making this extraordinary' 
 Chanfi;e-, fince ic would be abfurd to imagine, 
 that if any of the Motives before- mentioned, had' 
 beeninfiiVed on to theReprefcntatives of the Peo- 
 ple, they would ever have confented to fuch a 
 Change, becaufe fo manifeftly to the Prejudice of 
 
 I - L 2 their 
 
1" T 
 
 m 
 
 
 
 
 If; 
 
 
 a 
 
 3'..' 
 
 m 
 
 ( 
 
 ( ?(>)' 
 
 their Conftitutcms, and becaufc the Weigh* of 
 Influence was not as yet grown ftrong enough to 
 introduce fuch a Change, without plaufible Pre* 
 tences. In the firft Place then, ic was alledged, 
 that this Method was in reality an Eafe to ttrn 
 People, fince it enabled them to carry on a nc* 
 ceflary War, without levying upon thcnn, im^ 
 mediately, more then they were able to payl 
 It was in the next Place faid, that as the War 
 -would be but of a (hort Continuance, and great 
 Advantages would accrue to the Nation by the 
 Peace, it would bean eafy Thing to difchargo 
 the Debts contracted during the War, when th© 
 Nation was leaft able to pay, by larger Impo-i 
 fuions after the Peace, when by thelncreafcof 
 Trade the People would be in a better Condition 
 ;o bear them. Now iha< thefc Principles were 
 miilaken, if not fallacious, I fhall make appear 
 in vtry few Words. Dr. Davenant in his D'lU 
 courfcs on the publick Revenues and Trade of 
 fingland, obfcrves, that the Revenue of the 
 Crown in i688 was about two Millions. The 
 Houfe of Commons, in an Addrefs toQuecnr 
 ^Jifje, prefcnted February 12, 1702, inform her^ 
 that from iVov^OT^^r 5, 1688, to March 8, 1701.^ 
 the Sum of 45,568, 725^. 19J. 2d.\qr. (aSum) 
 never known to be raifed in very many Reigns be- 
 lore) had been levied on the Subjedt, and iffued 
 out of the Exchequer for the Service of ihe late 
 War, to PaymaftersandTreafurers. But as ic 
 is certain, that a very large Part of this Expence 
 was induced by the Manner of raifing it, and by 
 the Additions of Premiums and Difcounis, it may 
 very well be computed, that the whole Expence 
 of the War, might have been carried on by an 
 additional Levy of ^.ooOyOOoLperJnnum, and fo 
 ilic whole Expence on thePcopJe raifed from two 
 
 IIVM 
 
 to 
 
 
 14 
 
. , < 77) _ 
 
 to ftx M)inon8;'and that this nliglit hkve bitei^ < 
 very well borne, dr at leaft rtiuch 'more eafily; 
 ihan ihc Method that wlas taken,' appears [fr'owt 
 hence, that at the Clofe of the War, Dr. Lhve^ 
 tiartt, in the Work before cited, connputcs thi 
 Revenue, than n':fcffary, at 5i3 55*472/. upoh ' 
 "wWith he makes the following 1 very jodicioui 
 Refledbn'^ J^ .v^>m^'f •»'.h f^^d* wi*ti y©. ,utV' 
 \ilt'^may he here foii, that ifwipay above Flvi ' 
 Millrons fer Annum, our Condition is not bettered 
 by the Peace ; but fuch as argue this Way do^not^ 
 eonfider, that if the War was continued^ for Exam* '" 
 ple^ this Teary befides the annual \ Faymeiit of 
 q,200,ooo\. from the Funds nowtxifimg^ then mum 
 have been r at/id for the Fleet and y4r»iy5,ooo,oiooll 
 in^the whole 8,300,0001. that is tqfay,:thert migbi 
 have been levied, wiihittthe Tear, i ahous five MiU 
 lions i and for the Refi we muji have tun into a new 
 Debt. -■••» '^' •'J i. /J ..;:^/ -niO ^A-^vy ,t*t.ff 
 
 This ObfervatioMf Hren*th*eni iHro of mine td 
 Demonftrations. Wr firft I fay, that' if we were 
 able toraife upward* of Five Millions at the clofe 
 of the War, we rtiuft have been much better abld 
 to have raifed Six at the Beginning, efpecially, 
 if it be confidered, that at this End of the War^ 
 we fliould have been difcharged of Four, and 
 therefore the Pretence of eafing the People^wats a 
 mere Pretence, invented to cover the fecret Dew 
 figns of thofe, who had in View the cftablifhing 
 the Power of the Government, that is their own j 
 for the Author of F-3^io« deteBed^ tells us plainljr; 
 that by Revolution Principles, we are tounder- 
 ftand a perpetual Whig Adminiftration, I fay^ 
 Secondly, that the latter Pretence was as iti 
 founded, or to fpeak more exadlly, was as void 
 of Foundation as the former ; for it appears, by. 
 the foregoingCalculationSjwhich I will venture tq 
 
 fay 
 
 i: 
 
mm' 
 
 ■ 
 
 I 
 
 'SI 
 
 M 
 Pi 
 
 (78) 
 
 fi^y arc the beft that can be had, that at the End 
 ptthe War w<; were obligecj 10 raile 5,355,472/. 
 apd yet had a Debt of betw^er^ Seventeen and 
 Eighteen MillJon§, and a Necefljty upon us, if 
 the War had codrJnued, of raifing the next 
 Year 8,300,000/. Judge then, what Probability 
 then; Was of paying the Debt ^ontradledia the 
 War, by new rmpofitions, during a Time of 
 peace 1 and judge fronj Elcperiencfe, I mean by 
 Experience of later Times, how far this Kind of 
 reafdning was then, or ever will be worthy of 
 Credit I do not fay this to difqredit King Wil^ 
 Ham's Government, or to hurt th^ Reputation of 
 his Minifterj i for if the Syltem laid djwn in 
 fa£Ut>n DekSied^ was the Syftem they went upon, 
 undoubtedly they adted right, for the Methods 
 they purfued, plainly raifcd, as they have fmce 
 inoft«fFe(!:lually fupported, that Syitem. But it 
 is a diffei ent Cafe with Refped to the Point I am 
 labouring, which is to ihew the Confequences 
 that this Change had, with Regard to the Cirt 
 cumftances of the Inhabitants of th-j-fe Nations j 
 for though I profcfs myfelf tohav^ a due Refpedt 
 for the Whigs, yet (with their Pcrmifilonj I 
 acknowledge that I have a much deeper Concern 
 for my Country. 
 
 ButthefeMifchiefs, however confiderable, are 
 yet nothing in Refped to another, which is but 
 little attended to, and that is the Opportunity, 
 which the Creation of this artificial Wealth affords 
 of running thfi Nation into a monftrousExpence, 
 by which private Men may indeed be Gainers, 
 but the Public muft fuffer deeply, though filent- 
 ly and imperceptibly. For there was this Dif- 
 ference, between the Foreign War carried on 
 afier the Revolution, and all the Wars carried on 
 before it, that we never tdt a Diftrefs proper 
 
 tionabJe 
 
 • 
 
■>. t"~ 
 
 tionable to the Expence ic coft us, and therefore 
 the Bulk of the Nation were not at all fenfible of 
 the Danger of running into fuch a War again j 
 and as this Method has been puf fucd ever fincc, 
 ^e have gone on mcreafing, irt a!l outward ap- 
 pearance, in Tfadeiind Riches, which has given 
 Countenance to the mighty Demands made upon 
 us, for the Support oT the Ballance of Power, 
 when in reality we have been in a Condition 
 leaft able to compfy with them *, and as this is a 
 Matter of the laft Importancie, as it is indeed the 
 one Thing neeeffary to be underttood, I hope the 
 Reader will bear with me, ifl lay outa lar^e 
 proportion of my own Time, and take up fome 
 of his, in order thoroughly to 'icplain it. 
 
 ' It is a thing very evident, t&ac the Increafc 
 #kI Decreafe of Coin ant Bullion, are the true 
 Signs of a flouriftiing or decaying State of any 
 Nation *, and the Reafon is plainly this, becaule 
 if the inhabitants of any Country live within 
 Bounds, their Frugality, with a reafonable Pro- 
 portion of Iriduftry, muft neceffarily draw great 
 Sums of Money into that Country, by varioun 
 Channels; whereas if any People through Lux- 
 ury, Idlenefs, or foreign Wars run into fuch 
 Expences, as they cannot afford, the Ccnfequencc 
 muft be, that as a Nation they will grow poor, 
 of whicii the Scarcity of Cjin and Bullion will be 
 a certain Mark. This happened frequently in 
 former Reigns, and forced our Princes upon 
 ftrange Expedients; King Henry III. granted 
 Letters Patent to the Archbifhop oiTork^ to im- 
 power him to pawn his Jewels; and the great 
 Edward I. granted the like Letters Patent to 
 Giles Andover, Edward III. pawned his Jewels to 
 pay certaiti Foreign Mercenaries their Wages, 
 as appears by th^- clofc Rolls, in the Tower, of 
 
 the 
 
.;«■;■ 
 
 4 1 
 
 m 
 
 ( 80 1) 
 ♦the, fir ft Year of his Reign ; and fFal/tfigbamth^ 
 ''jyiftorian, cells Mh that Edward the Black 
 Prince <was forced, to coin his Flafe to pay his 
 Troops. BuH.iyvhat is ftill more extraordinary, 
 Ed'wardlW, p^wfi|ed the Imperial Crown of this 
 Realm three firpcs, zs Henry V. did once ; and 
 that we may not imagine thefe are old Stories, 
 and do not concern us, I mull take Notice th^c 
 .Queen Eiizabeth^- in the Utter Part of h^r Reign, 
 taking info her princely Confic'zracion, th? great 
 Inco;iveniency that muft arife from demanding 
 more Money of her Subjeffcs than they could well 
 lpare,chofe rathefi to raife Money upon the Crown 
 : Jewels, Jn order to defray the great Expences 
 Ihe was at in Parts beyond the Seas. I cite thefc 
 as fo many Cafes in Point, to (hew th?t foreign 
 Wars, and foreign Negotiations have ,. etofore 
 reduced us into very diftreifcd Circutpftances, 
 iince 1 think it muft be lakenfor granted;[h^t the 
 PejpJe could dp no moif, when their Pna^ej 
 .weiie obliged to do fo much. , j .,{.» in' 
 
 ^f When therefore it was thought rcquifite to en- 
 ter fb warmly into die Affairi of the Continent* 
 as we did after the Revolution, it was eafily fore- 
 feen, that any Diftrcfs of this Kind would be at- 
 tended with untoward Confequcnces, and oblige 
 the Nation to cpnfider the Importance of the War 
 in another Light, than it was thought fit for 
 them »:o fee it, therefore to folve, this Difiiculty 
 our Butch Privy-Counfellors introduced a Method, 
 which had been before pradi fed in their Country, 
 and this was creating a Paper-Credit, or rather a 
 Paper- Currency, by which all the ufes of Cadi 
 were fo well anfwered here at Home, that it be- 
 came an eafy Matter, to tranfport large Sums 
 abroad, without our feding the Inconvcniencies 
 immediately; and as Practice has rendered this 
 
 *more 
 
 m i 
 
• 9 
 
 filack 
 )ay his 
 linary^ 
 of this 
 and 
 jtorics, 
 ce tb^c 
 Reign, 
 
 great 
 anding 
 
 d well 
 Crown 
 [pences 
 e ihefc 
 foreign 
 etofore 
 ftances, 
 
 Primes 
 
 ! toen- 
 
 ncinenc, 
 ily fore? 
 J be j\t- 
 
 oblige 
 he War 
 fit for 
 ifficulty 
 4cthod, 
 buntry, 
 rather a 
 )f Cafh 
 It it be- 
 e Sums 
 niencies 
 cd this 
 
 ■ more 
 
 X 
 
 i J- 
 
 ( 8i ) 
 
 taore familiar, fo we now fee that Paper-Cur- 
 rency manages the Trade of the greatcft Part 
 of this Ifland *, from whence I knew our Poli- 
 ticians imagine we receive mighty Benefits, but 
 which at the fame Time, in my Opinion, is at- 
 tended with foroc few Inconveniences ; for this 
 reafon, becaufe if it were otherwife, the Mode of 
 Reafoning ufed by thefe Politicians would prove 
 too much, fince in the Manner they put it, the 
 more we run in Debt the richer we mufl: be. In 
 Order to remove the Obfcurity under which this 
 Subjcdt labours, let us eonfider, .- 
 
 'That our Debts and our Paper will not pay foreign 
 Troops, or even our own in foreign Countries ; in or- 
 der to that ibere mull be real fVeallh employ* d, that 
 is fuch fVealth as bath an intrinfic Value in all Coun- 
 tries *, whence it appears, that thoje Things which pa fs 
 for the Equivalents with Money at Home, are mere 
 paper abroad \ fo that however \':e may amu!e<?^c6 
 other y we mutt pay Foreigners. As long therefor s 
 as our Sttuation engages us either in expenftve ffars^ 
 erexpenjive Negotiations, it folloivs, that I here will 
 be a great Drain upon us for Money, but no Call on 
 that fide for uur Paper, In order to fupply ibis^ 
 what do we do ? Do we bring in la^ge 'Jhtantitics of 
 Gold and Stiver, that is impoJj''.ble, -Trade only can 
 Jupply that, and Trade always Jujfe^s in '-fvne of ac^ 
 tual IVar, or flu Equating Peace, But what do we 
 do, why wti contrail frijb Dtbts, by Means of which 
 an additional ^antity of Paper- Money comes to be 
 circulated, which enables us fo part ivUb Gold and 
 Silver, without its being tmmeduUcty miffed. On the 
 whole therefore, the Evil which cur Ancejlors fuffered 
 by Foreign f^ars, is not removed but palliated ; the 
 Burthen upon us is as great as evfr, we have only 
 erected a Column, upon which while we pitch it, 
 
 M we 
 
ifc: 
 
 I'**** 
 
 'I 
 
 si? 
 
 )l 
 
 
 
 ( 82 ; 
 
 w^ ^9 w/ immediately feelit. But this is not all^ kt_ 
 us refleSi alfo^ « 
 
 That the only Way by which one Nation can gain by 
 another^ is by bringingthat other intofuch a Situation 
 as to oblige her to export her Coin and Bullion to you 
 without lie/ource, by 'Zihich I mean^for J. would have 
 my Reader I underjiandwhat I mean^ as well as what 
 I fay^ injucha Maimer^ as ib at the Nation^ fo ex- 
 porting her Coi>i^inay have no demand for it again^ in 
 any Shape whatever. In Order to make this clear^ 
 I muft have Recourfe to FaSls, A Utile after the 
 R(' tion, fuch as looked clofely into the Commercial 
 Co 's of tH: Nation^ came to be of Opinion that 
 we 'ted on too great a Trade with France, notwitb- 
 ft ana I, ig this Trade was then carried on entirely in our 
 own Bottoms. The Reajon was, becaufe we took too 
 great a ^mntity of French Commodities^ and paid 
 the Ballance in Coin or Bullion ; and therefore it was 
 thought neceffary to put a Stop to a Trade which 
 drained us of our Money ^ and ferved only to enrich 
 our too powerful Neighbour. But //&^ Du t c h, who in 
 Matters of this Nature^ are without Difpute^ the 
 wifeft People in Europe, carry on a lofing 
 Trade with us, and that to a much higher Degree 
 than ours ever was with France, and yet they 
 never thought ft to put a flop to it, for this plain 
 Reajon, becaufe nolwitbftanding they pay us a large 
 Ballance in Money, they export the Commodities they 
 take from us, and by that Means repay themfelves 
 with Intereft, Tbefe two Injiances fully explain what 
 is meant by exporting Coin and Bullion., and export- 
 ing it without Rejource. I proceed therefore to the 
 Lift Conftderatlon, which is. 
 
 That by whatever Method a Neceffity is created of 
 e.'iponifjg Money or Bullion out of any Country with- 
 cut Rejource, is in the Nature of a lofing Trade -, fo 
 that conft(iucnily if a Slop be not put to tty the Nation 
 
 ftibjeii 
 
 it 
 
^ 
 
 ' (83 ) 
 
 fiihje5l to fuch Br aim ^ niuji certainly and fpeeSily hf 
 undone. For as it is imtoffihle to diffinguifh tbeCrown- 
 Piece fpenl by a Soldier^ from the Crown -Piece [pent 
 by a Merchant^ fo it is fimply impr-f/ible to make any 
 Diflin^ion between the Money carried abroad^ by our 
 having the Ballance of Trade againfl us, avd the Mo* 
 n^y fent abroad to pay or tofupport Joreign Troops, or 
 even to pay or to fupport our own. I fay between 
 thefe there is ahfnlutely no Diftintfion but One, and 
 that is, we can with much greater Enfe and Certain* 
 ty put a Stop to the latter, than we can to the former. 
 If therefore a Nation is undone by this, it muft be 
 through their ozon Fault, or that of their Governor s^, 
 though they may begrievoujly diflrejjed by that, with' 
 out any great Failing either in themfelves, or their 
 Rulers, For though IVcr be an Evil, and a very 
 great Evil in a tr/iding Country, yet there are Na* 
 tions^ who either from the Bent of their Genius, their 
 Circumjlances and Situation, or from their Want of 
 all other Trade, make a Trade of this. It is appa-^^ 
 rent therefore, that with Refpeuf to thefe Nations^ 
 the Time of War, or at leafl the Time of Confufion is 
 aflually more agreeable, becaufe more beneficial than 
 a Time of fettled Peace and Tranquility. It follows ^ 
 that it can never be the Interefi of any of their Neigh* 
 bour to feed or promote this Humour, becaufe while it 
 turns to the Benefit of thefe Dealers in War, it muft- 
 prove the Dejlru^ion of fuch as live in another Way^- 
 and procure ihe Means of living by other and better 
 Methods, 
 
 To vindicate the Truth of my Affcrrions, I 
 might Inftance the Republick of Sparta amongft 
 the A nC'Cnts, and the Canton of ^^rwf among the 
 moderns. The former by declining all other 
 Trades but that of War, drew to rhemfelvcs the 
 beft Part of the Gold and Silver in Gr^<'f<? *, and 
 if they had not opened a PafTage for it by difpen- 
 
 M 2 
 
 lliS 
 
h 
 
 hi 
 
 m 
 
 m 
 
 m 
 ■ >■] 
 
 .ij.-! 
 
 ■ '(84) : 
 
 fing with the Laws of Lycurgus, and departing 
 from their Frugality and martial Meafures, they 
 muft have cngroffed the Power and the Money of 
 that Part of the World, and have prefcribed fuch 
 Terms to iheir Neighbours, as would have fcrvcd 
 their Piirpofe beft. As to the Canton of Berne^ 
 they are at this Hour pofleffed of a prodigious 
 Treafure, amafled by letting out their Sub)cAs 
 to foreign Princes, and though it fervfes^ tb«m 
 only for a Refource in Timeof Need, yet it may 
 fo far ferv€ us, as it fhews the Confequencc of 
 furnishing a Nation with Money, from whom 
 there is no getting it again. . f*,*"*. . 
 
 Thefe Things being premifed, the Reader will 
 very cafily conceive, how War comes to be ftrift- 
 ly fpeaking, what I have called it, a Trade in 
 Geftnany. Ido not mean by a Trade, fimply a 
 Mode of Gain to the Princes who let out their 
 Men for Hire,but a much higher Kind of Trade, 
 • Sort of Commerce, beneficial to the whole 
 Country. For, whatever other People may 
 imagine, I lay it down as a Thing abfolutely 
 certain, that the Germans are by much the moft 
 able Politicians amongft the Modern?. The 
 Italians indeed are in fome Meafure in Pofleffion 
 of that Reputation ; but whoever con fiders that 
 except Venice and perhaps Savoy, there is not an 
 an independant S are in Italy, and at the fame 
 Time reflects that Great Britain, SiKyeden^ Den- 
 mirk, and -Tufc^ny. are all g'overntd by German 
 Princes, and that the Imperial Prince of /?«/7/^ 
 is a Gerruin Jikewife, will not think me altogether 
 m the wrong. And this Power of their Princes, 
 has been the Effed of their new Policy, built al- 
 tos;€ther upon this Maxim, that Wrt by proper 
 Managtmcnt n)ay be made a Trade. When 
 heretofore the Hans Towns flourilhed in that 
 
 Country, 
 
 i^# 
 
,,i 
 
 (85) 
 
 Country, ihey comrived to monopolize Trade, 
 •nd were fo fuccefsful in their Contrivances, thai 
 no Country could carry on any Trade, withouc 
 their running away with the bed Part of th^ 
 profit ; the Scene is now changed, ntoft of thofe 
 great Cities have been fwallowed up by the Am* 
 biitonofthe Princes in their Neighbourhood 1 
 and it is a Wonder that both Princes and Citieg 
 were not fwallowed up by the Ambition oWhariet 
 ¥i7 Wkh his Family they ftruggled for a Time 
 with great Difficulty, but fince then they have 
 not only ft ruck out this new Trade of War, but 
 found a Way to make other Nations maintain it. 
 Since the Treaty oi Munfter^ all the Wars in 
 Germany have been fed by foreign Moroey. The 
 Houfe o^ Anuria was fupported by the Riches of 
 Sfatni and fuch as oppofed the Houfe oi Aufttin^ 
 by the Wealth of France ; and in the laft general 
 War, when the Houfe of Amflria had no longer 
 Spain to fupport her, that Deficiency was amply 
 fiapplied by us, and by the D«/ii> ; fo that not- 
 withftanding Multitudes of private Perfons might 
 be beggared, and particular Provinces might be 
 ruined, that is for a Time, yet Germany^ or to 
 Ipeak with greater Propriety, xhtGerman Nation, 
 mufthave been very confiderabie Gainers, by the 
 immenfe Sums of Money poured into their Coun« 
 try by theWar. < - .;:.:... 
 
 f But to come clofer to the Point, let us confider 
 what Germany got by the long Train of Nego- 
 tiations which foceeded theTreaties oWirecht and 
 Baden, In the firfl Place, the late Emperor drew 
 immenfe Sums from Italy, and the Noblemen he 
 fmt thither as Vice- roys. Governors, and Gene- 
 rals, returned home again with vaft Eftates. 
 Yet he bore very iittle Part of theExpenceof that 
 War, fupported by whc Quadruple Alliance. Ii 
 
 appears. 
 

 
 M 
 
 % 
 
 ft* 
 
 / ( 86 ) '' ■'-"" 
 
 appears by Sir George Byng*s Expedition to Sicily^ 
 that it coft us more, than it did him, to conquer 
 that Kingdom \ and every Body knows into what 
 Condition both Sicilies fell, afrer that they had 
 been but a few Years in the hands of the Germans, 
 Before and after that Time, We and the Butch 
 paid very large Subfidies to many of the German 
 Princes, for Troops we had no Occafion to em- 
 ploy, fo that the whole of thofe Subfidies were 
 clear Gains to the Germans, When Italy was 
 drained, and the Maritime Powers did not part 
 from their Coin quite fo freely, the Emperor 
 clapt up a Treaty with Spain^ which as ufual was 
 maintained by prodigious Subfidies from that 
 Crown, and fubfifted in full Force, as long as 
 Spain found Money to pay them ; which made it 
 abfolutely neceffary for the Hanover Allies ta 
 open their Purfes alfo, and to fend Millions of 
 Florins, in hard Money, into Germany^ and this 
 too whilft the Oftend Company was running away 
 with their Trade, the only Means by which they-i 
 wereenabledtobearfuchExpences. Atlaft, indeed 
 a War broke out, that was extremely fatal to tha " 
 Hoafeof Auftria, But why? Becaufe the Mari- 
 time Powers took no Share therein; which fliew$ 
 that it is they fupporr the Expcnce of general i 
 Wars, upon what Principle foever they arc drawn 
 into them. 
 
 To fum up all, that isnecelTary to be faid, on 
 this Occafion, let us confider what Sums of Mo- 
 ney have rolled, from all Sides, into Germany^ 
 fmce the Opening of the prefent War. The 
 French make no Scruple of owning, that the very- 
 Preparations requifue thereto, I mean the Sub** 
 fidies granted to, the Emperor, and other German 
 Princes, and the Money furnifhed for Magazines, 
 Forage, and other Neceffaries before their Troops 
 
 cncercd 
 
 
f.f^ 
 
 ■»* »► V 
 
 
 r..\ 
 
 (87) 
 
 entered Germany^ amounted to 5,000,000/. Ster- 
 line : And yet the late Cardinal de tleury is ac- 
 cu^d of ilarving the Caufc, notwichftanding ihefe 
 prodigious Remittances. After this the French 
 maintained an Army of upwards of 100,000 Men 
 for two Years, which cannot be computed at lefs 
 than 9,000,000/. Sterling. But to prevent any 
 Difputes about this Computation, I am content 
 to throw in all that was fpent and loft in Fortifi- 
 cations, Artillery, Military Stores, Baggage, 
 Ranfoms, &c, and take the whole at 15,000,000/. 
 including alfo the Subfulies, that were all along 
 paid to the Allies of France, To this we arc to 
 add, all that it has coft us, the Dutch, and the 
 Cz^tiina, which I prefume will not be thought 
 over calculated at 5,000,000/. and then we lee 
 what an immenfe Quantity of Silver and Gold 
 muft in the Space of a very few Years have tra- 
 velled into that Country, from whence 1 think 
 all the World agrees not a finglc Shilling is ever 
 like to return. If therefore we rcfled; upon the 
 Certainty of all this, fince I prefume nobody 
 imagines that the Germans will fell their Country 
 and their Blood for Promifes or Paper, and at the 
 fame Timeconliders how many Years are requi- 
 red to bring in fuch a Sum of ready Money into 
 any Country by the Baliance of Trade, we Ihall 
 be thoroughly fatisfied, that this kind of Miliiia 
 Commerce is a very compendious Method of 
 collcding Riches, and as the Power of Germany 
 is likewife encreafed by it, as their Army grows 
 daily more numerous and better difciplincd, ic 
 may afford fome future Profpeds, which defervc 
 the ferious Atceniion of our Politicians *, by which 
 I mean fuch Politicians, as ftudy ours, and not 
 the German Interell. 
 
 Ic 
 
1 I 
 
 r 
 
 |i 
 
 
 • ' ( 
 
 ( 88 ) 
 
 ft may be fiid, and very probable it will be 
 faid, chat a private Man, who has no other Light! 
 ihan thofeafforded him by his Studies, cannot be fo 
 proper a Jjdge of chefe Matter^as our Staccfmen, 
 who r»iay be prefumed to have greater Abilities, 
 and who have mofl: certainly more favourable 
 Opportunities of improving them i but to this I 
 anfwer,thata9we are not atprefent famous forcon- 
 ftancly preferring Merit ; the Height of a Man's 
 Station ought not, to be eftcemed the Standard of 
 his Abilities*, and on the other Hand, as there 
 have been fometimcs great Men who were no 
 Politicians, fo perhaps there is no Abfurdicy in 
 faying, that a Man may be a Politician, though 
 he is not great. Policy like all other Sciences is 
 founded upon Principles, feif-evident in them^ 
 lelves, and from which good Senfe alone will e- 
 able a Man of tolerable Experience to make De* 
 dudlions ; and I prefume to fay further, that what 
 I have delivered is not only founded on Reafon, 
 but is exadtjy agreeable to Experience ; for 
 while we have been cither Fighting or Negotiac* 
 ing away our Money, and thereby enriching our 
 Neighbours; the Nation has been growing gra- 
 dually poorer ; for had it been otherwiie, we 
 ihould have leflened, whereas it is but too certain 
 that we have rather increafed our Debts. Our 
 Trade may poflTibiy fupporc us, and even pay 
 the Inrercfl of rhcfe Debts, 'till we fall into feme 
 Method or otherof difchargmg them, which muft 
 be done by leflening our publick Expences, but 
 if inftead of doing this, which Reafon and the 
 invariable Maxims of true Policy point out to us, 
 we fuffer ourftlvcs to be laiked into the oppofite 
 Method by warm S atcl'mcp, there can be nothing 
 more apparent, than thac as Queen Anne's War, 
 added to the Debt of King I^Wiam*s, foche pre- 
 
 fent 
 
ble 
 is I 
 
 Ofl- 
 
 . . ; ( 89 ) ■"' ' " 
 
 tent Wa.r^ cfpccially in its prefcnt Management, 
 i^ilJ add to the heavy Load that was left upon us 
 by the Jail; and what the Confequen e of this 
 iDuft be, requires no mighty Forefight. We 
 begirt ah-eady to talk of reducing the Intereft of 
 the Funds, which is at the Bottom reducing the 
 Principal 5 and if we compute the Number of 
 Years between thofe Redu^ions, it is pretty ODuch 
 the fame Thing,- as if our Publick Funds, like 
 bur Land Eftates were fubjpdt to Taxes 5 for if 
 both arc diminifhed in the fame Time, and pret- 
 ty nearly in the fame Proportion, it matters not 
 hiuch whether thele Diminutions do, or do not go 
 under different Names, fince it comes to the fame 
 Thing at laft J and private Men find iheir Proper- 
 iifcs as effeftually Icflened one way as the other. 
 All this is,* or I have thrown away a great deal 
 of Pains, perfcdtly plain aitd clear j and I hope 
 t^ill not be thought the lefs certain, or icfs wor- 
 thy of Notice, for being fo. 
 
 It will be hecefTary however in order to ren- 
 der this Treatife more ufeful and fitter to anfwer 
 the End for which it was writien, to apply the 
 pi 'ncipal Points laid down therein to the prefenc 
 Situation of Affairs 5 for this I think not only ex- 
 pedient at this Time, but very allowable i. by 
 which t mean that it is not only agreeable to the 
 intereft of the Nation, but ought co be fo like- 
 Wife to fuch as have th Diredlion of publick 
 Affairs, fince nothing m import, them more, 
 than that Truth, in fuch Matters as thefe,fhould 
 be rendered fo manifcll, as not to admit either 
 of Doubt or Evafion. A. late Author, who is 
 fuppofed to bfi much in i-^avour with. th'^Grear* 
 and to be withs.! pretty deep in .he Secret of their 
 Meafur?*" has taken no friiall Pains ^o pcrfuadc 
 his Coa^^ -Men, that the finglc Rule of their 
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 Conduft, Ihould be an Oppofition to Pfance i (b 
 that provided they conilantly crofs ,thc Dcfigns 
 of that Power, they need never regard what 
 Seeps they take, or what Sums the caking thofe 
 Steps may coft them. Th'»a I muft confefs fccms 
 to be very extraordinary Dodtrine, and at the 
 fame Time fuch as deferves very ferious Conside- 
 ration *, for if this be our true Intereft, it is fuch a 
 one as never Nation had before, and fuch as 
 no other Nation now profefles but ourfelves* 
 Yet as extraordinary as it is, I do not think it 
 ought to be condemned without Examination, or 
 a contrary Conduct recommended without Rea- 
 fons given for its Support, which is what I have 
 attempted ih the foregoing Pages; wherein, I 
 pfefume to fay, that 1 have made it clear from 
 Reafon and Experience, from all the Principles 
 of Policy, and all the Lights of Hiftory, that 
 the following Points are certain and indifputable 
 Truths, viz, * - «:; --. ^ 7 ' ' • V*- 
 
 *Tbat the Germans, cbnfidered as a Nalidh^ have 
 hen always extremely attached to their own Interefts, 
 and have conftantly fatrificedto it whatever Engage- 
 ments they have entered into with Str angers ^ upon 
 this Principle^ that the Good of their own Country^ 
 was the Fundamental Principle of true Poiiticks^ as 
 Self'PreJervation is faid to be of the Law of Natures 
 and this is laid down, not with any View oflejfening 
 or dif par aging thofe of whom it is faid, but on the 
 contrary, to tftabitfofo wife andjufi a Maxim, from 
 the Authority of fo regarded a People, If we are to 
 admire and value the Germans for other Things, 
 furely we ought not to pafs by that ^ality, tuhicb is 
 mofi confpicuous in their ConduSi 5 / mean their Pa^ 
 triotifm, their flrin, inviolable and moff laudable At- 
 tachment to their own Country^ at the Expence of 
 all others; which though fome deftgning Politicians 
 
 may 
 
 )w 
 

 \?. 
 
 ■A 
 
 ( 9^):5^: ) 
 
 may reprefent it as a narrow Bottomy hnotwitb' 
 ftanding tbeovJy Bottom upon which true rational and 
 invariable Policy can Is founded. For as Self-h" 
 tereft and Social^ wbeuftriSlly confidered^ are found 
 to bethefame^ fo if the Inhabitants of every Country 
 would mind their own Interefis^ it is plain the In- 
 tereft of the whole would be purfued i providence 
 having fo ordered it^ that each State looking to its 
 ojon Concerns J Jbdl produce not only good to itfelf^ 
 out to its Neighbours j and therefore to quit this Prin- 
 ciple is to quit our own Bujinefs^ and entrench upon 
 
 That the Inhabitants 0/ Germany, have wifely j \y-. 
 honeftly^ and virtuoujly preferred their Liberty and ,;•; 
 Independancy to all other Confiaerationsy and for this 
 Reafin called in the /iffl/iance qf French, Swedes, 
 Panes, and other Nations^ in order to prevent their 
 I^reedomfrom being dedroyed by the Ambition of the 
 Houfe (?/Auftria. This Conduct of the Princes and "s\ 
 States of Qermany, brought about the Treaties of -s 
 WeftpUalia, hy which the Conjiitution of the Empire ^^ 
 is fettled, and the Ballance ef Power therein legally 
 and effehudlyfecured. From hence it has followed^ 
 that whatever our great Minifters might believe^ or 
 rather might endeavour to make this Nation believe^ 
 the Germans in general have always confidered fuch 
 Powers^ as have fupporiedthe Authority of the Houfe 
 ^Auftria, as mtjiaking the true Inter eft o/Ger- 
 many ; and inadvertently contributing to the altering 
 that Ballance^ which it was their own Inierefl^ as 
 well as the Inter eft of the Germans, toproteit and 
 preferve \ becaufe it is the Freedom of this Nation that 
 makes it formidable to the French, and ufeful to its 
 Allies. All which Jhews the Neceffity of our diftin- 
 guifhing rightly as to the Ballance of Germany, if 
 we mean in earneft to fecure the Ballance of Europe; 
 and from the tVant of Care in this Particular^ it has 
 
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 ( 92.) :^ ) 
 
 heen that our Confederacies baifefctMifirently/tic^ 
 ceededi tiotwithftanding^ thift we bad in Reality, a^ 
 well ^s in appearance, a Power on otfr fide infinitehyi > 
 fupcrior to that of France, if we bad known how 
 to ufeit, or rather how io judge rightly, afpurowff 
 Intereft, and tbofe of the Germans. -■■^^-■^>',i>>f^^: ^'^^i>- 
 
 'That we have been abfolutelymijldken ih aitrlM 
 huting one while to the fFedknefs of the German 
 Princes, at . another Time to their fVickednefs and 
 Perfidy, their not crufhing the French in the two 
 laft general fVars \ when in Reality the^ failed of 
 Succefs, not through IV ant of Power, but Want of 
 Will: They did not Fancy, as fome People on tbit 
 Sideof the Water did, c^ at leajl pretended fo to do^ 
 that ^eir Intereftftoere Diametrical Oppofttf to thoje 
 cf France % but they judged it requifite to leave fuch a 
 Strength in that Power, as might for ever fecure to 
 tbem^the Advantages, which by the AJftJiance of that 
 Power, they bad gained by the Treaty o/"Weftph.alia,\.'- 
 This fecret JnclinatioH for France, which, wewerei 
 f leafed to Call bf the infamous Name of Treachery^ 
 appeared to them in the L^ght of Patriotifm ^ for 
 they wifely diftinguifbed between a blind Fondnefs for 
 their Country, and a Rational Concern for their be^ 
 ing Free in that Country. They hated the Frencl^ 
 heartily i fo long as tbey bad Reafon to fear them, but 
 they loved tbemfelves too well to fuffer this Paffion fo 
 far to get the better of their Underftandings, ashy 
 undoing France, to leave it in the Power of the then 
 Imperial Family, to undo themfelves. Tbefe voere 
 then, thefe ever will be the Principles of their Cojf' 
 du6l, and if we have not Penetration enough tojee it, 
 or Senfe enough to regulate our Conduct therebf^ this 
 will not alter their Schemes, though it may perhaps 
 ruin us. 
 
 That theprefent War in Germany is afrefh Proof 
 ^f the Truth of thefe Maxims^ and is fo fat from pro^ 
 
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 ■'■■ - (9H-^)' * 
 
 wing that the GtftAm Pfinees either af'e\ orheUevi v 
 tbemfelvesy inferior to the Power of France^ that it tx 
 provei the dire^ contrary ; for it is certain^ that if ""' 
 ^bej bad imagined^ the whole Power of the French :\ 
 Monarchy in any Degree equal to^ much lefs far 'y 
 greater than, their owh^ they would never have fuf- \X 
 feredfucb mighty Armies to have entered their Coun^ C 
 try quietly, ffut it if plain they a^edfrom quite an- \\ 
 other Motive^ they made ufe of the French Tower ^ -^ 
 to puU down th(H of which tbey were equally afraid, Wi 
 pot doubting but when this was done, that tbey would u 
 have been able to have kept the French within pro* v\ 
 per Bounds \ which from the foregoing Computation of H 
 the prefent Strength of Gtrtn^ny^ and even from tbeiX 
 Cohfequences of this fVar^ calamitous as they are^ IV> 
 fbink it plainly appears tbey were, I do not pretend "«% 
 to fay, that what the German Confederates did was ^^^ 
 juft or right, but be that as it will, plain it is, thai :^ 
 they were not at aU miftakeni and ti>at if France bad 
 , carried her Point in Gerniany, fie tvould rather di 
 have gratified her Pique to the Houfe (/ Auftria than 
 have provided for bfr ownSecurity \fince defiroyingtbt^s i I 
 pallance of Power inGermzvywill he found whenever {A 
 fie comes to underftand it rightly, to he no more her In*lK 
 tereft than it is ours, upon which Foot alone the pub'^^^ 
 lick Tranquility muft be again eftablified, m .<.■% ^^a^. ^ 
 That the prefent Situation of Things in Germany, a :\ 
 is notfo much the Effect of French Power, or French ? 
 Intrigues, as of the Inclinations or rather Policy of 
 ^ the Princes and States of Germany, the Houfe of v 
 Auftria only excepted. Hence this Unanimity in ^-v-\ 
 leSiingtbe prefent Emperor, and their Zeal and Con»< - > 
 fiancy infupporting him, though fiript of his beredi* "\ 
 tary Dominions, If we conjider the Thing in a dif* > 
 ferent Light, that has no Manner of Effe^ on them \ 
 for if it had, the Diet would certainly havo declared 
 againJlFrsince, after the Battle of Deccingen, when 
 • .- there 
 

 (94)^ 
 
 fhers was nothing wanting^ hut fitcb a Declaration 
 to have carried the War into the Heart of France, 
 l%h enables us to make Senfe of Colonel Mentzc\*t 
 J)etlaration^ and to aecoiintfor the Ina£livity of the^ 
 Campaign^ after fo entraordinary a Piue, ^at 
 Deelaration was undoubtedly made^ with a View to 
 feel the Pulfe of the Diet, and if thai bad beat higb^ 
 the moft vigorous MeafureS would gertainly have been 
 furfued', hut as it did not ^ itheeame expedient, to 
 fay the Truth, it became necejfary, to temporife^ Uill 
 a new Plan could he formed. But furely after having 
 puflted Matters fo far^ as $o be thoroughly convinced 
 that we have neither Power enough tofirce^ or fV>- 
 licy enough to perfuaie A&^ Germanick fi^^, that alt 
 Things are to hefaorifleed to thegratif^ng mtr Hatred 
 cr Fear 0/ France, we ought in Time to turn our 
 Thoughts hornewardi in Order to tcAeCareofour 
 ewn Concerns, , .. . . >-. 44^ ^u.^ . ^^ ; 
 
 Upon doing tKti, lE phlnfy a^p^w, from: 
 the fame Lights of Reafon and Experience, v, • x- , 
 
 That foreign Wars have been equally fatal /<?Eng^' -d 
 Y\ih- Princes i and to the Englifh Nation, and thai^-^^ 
 homever they may at fome times contribute to raife tbe^-^ 
 Reputation of either Ithey have in theEnd weakned the \, 
 Power and deftroyed ibeHappine^s of both. This has been i 
 rendered clear from the Hiftory of various Reigns,^ .♦ 
 Jhewn to be the Senfe of our Kingj, from their pri^ 
 vate Letters and publiek Declarations-, and proved > 
 to be the Sentiments of our Anceflors from the moft 
 euthentick Records, On the other Hand, it has 
 heen as fully demonftr at ed, that a contrary ConduStU 
 has been the Source of the Wealth, Trade, and In^ '. 
 fiuence of thefe Kingdoms^ in the fever al Reigns which \ 
 make the mofi fhtning Figures in our Chronicles ,^f9 ^^\ 
 that if we will either truft t$ the Opinions ofoursii*\ 
 Aneeftors, to the Evidence arifing from Eic per ience\^\ 
 of pafl Times, or to our own Reafon^ we mufi ^#v;v 
 . , con- 
 
 ^\ 
 
 ,A 
 
 3 
 
 
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mm 
 
 
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 €' 
 
 .1 
 
 
 (95) 
 
 convinced^ that Peace and afleadyRegard to our oivn 
 Jnterefti are the only Means by which our Liberties 
 €an be fecuredy our Trade extended^ and our Authori- 
 ty^ with xlejpeti to our nearefi Neighbours in parSi^ 
 oilar^ and ail Europe in general, effeSlually ejia- 
 blijhedy and for ever maintained, ''\"^ vv^r- t-rij 
 <■ 2 ^hat whenever we have been drawn to depart from 
 thefe Maxims^ to gratify the Ambition of our Kings, 
 or the Notions of our Minijiers, we have been driven 
 hack to them by a Series of Misfortunes, which might 
 have been eaftly forefeen, and of Confequence without 
 Difficulty avoided. For in the Frofecution of fucb 
 Views we have been made continually the Tools of 
 others, not only without the leaft vifible Advantage, 
 hut even to themanifeji Prejudice of ourf elves, This 
 we have from Time to Time acknowledged, though we 
 have as frequently relapfed, and upon every Relapfe 
 have been forced to recur to right Meafures, by finding 
 wur/elves deceived in our ExpeSiations, exhaufted of 
 our Treafure, and deferted by tbofefor whom we were 
 fo unreafonably prodigal. Neither has this been our 
 Cafe only, but the Cafe of every other Nation po£effed 
 with a Romantic Zeal for fettling the Rights of Man- 
 kind, and of interfering with the Prerogative of 
 Providence*, which was jo clear to that great and 
 boneft Statefman John de Witt, that he wifely laid 
 it down, in his Maxims for the Condu£i of the States 
 of Holland, that this was a Point always to be a- 
 voided I nor does it appear at this Day that his Coun- 
 trymen have forgot his Advice, which Ifpeak to their 
 Honour, as well as for the Infiru£iion of ourfelves. 
 
 That tbrogh thefe repeated Mijlakes,we are at laji 
 fallen intofuch a Conaition, that nothing but a fettled 
 Refolution of opening our Eyes at lafi, and of keeping 
 them open, can fave us from Ruin, Our Taxes are 
 fo high, that, according to the mofi moderate Com* 
 futation, they amount to upwards of thirteenShillings 
 
 tn 
 

 m 
 
 
 m 
 
 f Ik^7^^ Pound \ which adds fucb dndrtificidlfVeiibi 
 ■^ to the intrinfic Vaht df our ManufaSlureSy as puti 
 
 * it in the Power offime of our Neighbours^ particular' 
 
 * ly the Dutch and French, to underfell us^ and out of 
 •i the Power of moft Foreign Nations to puhhafe tbenii 
 
 if we were not undetfold i fuchis the Cafe with te^ 
 
 f peSi to our Trade abroad. But in Regard to our Con- 
 
 , duSl at Home^ Things ateflill in d much worfe State; 
 
 a. For on one Handi our vaft public Debt may bejufi^ 
 
 % ly confidered as aPuHdforlMeneJs and Luxury ^ and ari 
 
 i kunatural Method of making imaginary H^ealth 
 
 i produce real Intereft to tbi DefiruSlion of private 
 
 \€redit^ hy which Measts ii becomes a dead Wiigbt on 
 
 ^ Trade J while, on the other Hand^ the Money raifed 
 
 I for the Intereft of this Debt is drawn from the Ldndi 
 
 V and Manufactures of this Kingdom % fo that by the 
 
 i moft prepofterous Policy i that was ever introduced ifi 
 
 •^ any Nation^ the Induftrious are taxed tofuppoH the 
 
 '\ IdlCi and tbofe who labour hardeft to get their Bread i 
 
 % are obliged to part with one third rfthat Breads to 
 
 '^ fucb as will do nothing, x^j? rwv '3\ 
 
 ^ That as thefe Hardfbips would h grieijous oh any 
 
 < Nation^ fo in any trading Nation they are intoUerablei 
 
 fince they light the CanMeatbotb Ends^ and con fume 
 
 f.us as faft as our bittereft Enemies can wiflj • For 
 
 % while they load our foreign Trade^ tbsy abate our do- 
 
 meftick Induftryy and as the^ prevent out getting Mo» 
 
 ney if we could earn it, fo they binder us from earning 
 
 itt if we could get it 5 the Proof of thefe FaQs is ob- 
 
 1 tfious in the Progrefs made by foreign Nations^ beating 
 
 us out of our Tradey which they never could have 
 
 z- done, if the Price of our Goods had not been raifed 
 
 through the Increafe and Multiplicity of our Taxes ; at 
 
 ^the fame fime^tbat through the Lofs of Induftry^ and 
 
 the mighty Progrefs of Luxury ^ our Manners have 
 
 been moft amazingly corrupted^ and this Corruption 
 
 , has rendered it poffible to keep us for many XtarSi in 
 
 this 
 
 '>\ 
 
 'VM: 
 

 ( 97 ) 
 
 tbu untoward Situation^ and muftftill keep us fo^ if 
 there is not fucb a Portion of publick Spirit left among/l 
 usy as being properly^ J mean legally dire^ed, may 
 enable us to Jhah it offy and refume our old Virtues^ 
 together with thefteady Purfuit of our own Inter efls, 
 ' That all Things conjidered^ this Task, however 
 arduous i muft be under taken^ and that/peedHy, if 
 zve will efc ape final DeJtru£iion is certain \ fence it is 
 evident i that we are already in fuch Circumjtances^ 
 as to have Advocates for the public Debt, by which 
 I mean raifing Money by mortgaging the Credit of 
 the Nation, equal in Strength to theLanded Intereft » 
 and by the Concurrence of Accidents^ fometimes fu- 
 perior to them, as appeared in the defeating Sir 
 John Barnard*j three per QtnuScheme. Becaufe it is 
 viftble, that if vje proceed in remitting abroad on 
 any Pretence wbatfoever^ a larger Proportion of 
 Wealth than is brought in by theBallance of Trade^ 
 we mujl necejjdrily beggar ourfelves to enrich and 
 fupport our Allies. Becaufe we are drawn into this 
 from a fallacious Appearance of Riches, which arifes 
 from the very Strength of Paper Credit, and which 
 will be found fallacious only, if we continue to ex- 
 port our Cafh and Bullion^ the Continuance of which 
 mtongfi us is the fole Means of fupporting it \ be'- 
 iaufe the Truth and Certiintyof all that has been 
 J aid may be put out of doubt^ by confidering this 
 undeniable Fa£t, that at a Time when Rents are 
 every where falling, the Poors Rate every where 
 increafeng, and the Cufloms daily diminijhing, a 
 Handful of}t^s, who never employed five Hands at 
 Home, in any other Way than adminiftering to 
 our Luxury f and who never exported any Thing 
 abroad, except perhaps our Coin, are able to lend 
 
 the Public Milhons,---^'^ If this is not a De- 
 
 monjlration that Indufiry and Trade are finking, 
 
 and that nothing can fave us, but a timely Inter- 
 
 . .- . O pofition 
 
np?^ 
 
 'i't"t 
 
 
 (98; 
 
 fofttion of Frugality andPublick Spirit^ 1 think 
 Sceptifm ought to take Place of Reaf on in PolitickSf 
 as it has already done of Authority in Religion, 
 > 1 have now performed all I promiled, and 
 fupplied the candid and impartial Reader, to 
 the bed of my power, with all the Lights, that 
 arc neceflfary, to enable him to judge lenfibly of 
 the prefcnt State of Affairs, of the ConduA hither- 
 to purfued, the Conduct wc fhould have purfufd^ 
 and the Condudl we ought ftill to purtue, for our 
 own Benefit, and the Security of our Neighbours. 
 I have laid down nothing without afllgning Rea- 
 fons, and fupporting thofe Reafons by the Evi- 
 dence of Fads ; and I have at the fame Time a- 
 voided, with the utmoll Care, whatever might 
 feem to carry the leaft Appearance of Perfonal 
 Refledion. In handling this Subjedl^, and in 
 handling it in this Manner, I have had the Satis- 
 faction of chat Part of my Countrymen in view, 
 who have no other ExpeAations from the pur- 
 fuit of political Meafures, but wha: muft follow 
 from the Reditude of thofe Meafures*, for I knew 
 well enough, before I fee Pen to Paper, that fuch 
 as have an Intereft in carrying on a tedious and 
 uncertain War upon the Continent, were never 
 to be facisiied, that is, fo long as they are in their 
 prefenc Situation, for it is idle to argue againd 
 Intereil; he who is thoroughly pofTeired with it 
 fhuts his Ears to Reafon. 
 
 But however thefe Men may diflike, and de- 
 claim againll this Work at prefenc i I am precty 
 confident, that when by a purfuit of their own 
 Meafures, if they are permitted to purfue them, 
 their Situations are changed, and they come to 
 be poffeflfed of large Properties, they will then 
 alter their Sentiments, rejedl thtir former Plan, 
 and efpoufe mine* This being a Fa6l, I can only 
 
 ., . render 
 
 '' 
 
 -K 
 
( 99 ) 
 
 render Ir probable by (hewing that I have Ex* 
 perienceon my Side. Many of thofe whoefpoufe^ 
 the Caufe of War vigoroufly in the Days o^ 
 Qi^ien Anne^ and in the Beginning of the late 
 Reign (hewed, or pretended to (hew, the utmoft 
 Ze^l for hanging up thofe who brought about a 
 Peace, became afterwards, when fuch a Change 
 as I before mentioned had happened in their own 
 Circumftances, as warm Advocates for paciHck 
 Mcafures. I do not fay this with any View of 
 blaming them for this Change in their Condufk, 
 for let Men have gone Wrong ever fo long, it is 
 always laudable for them to go right at laft; and 
 if to their Care of preferving Peace, they had 
 joined an affiduous Application to the promoting 
 Trade, reducing the publick Debt, and lefTening 
 our Taxes, they had mod certainly prevented the 
 prefcnt Difputesj for it isanunqucftionableTruth; 
 and they have themfelves owned it, that nothing 
 but the embarraffed State oi Great-Britain y could 
 encournge France to refume her ambitious De^ 
 figns, or infpire her with any probable Hopes 
 of carrying them into Execution. 
 
 If therefore this be true, and there be general-* 
 ly fpeaking fuch a Repugnancy between the In- 
 terefts of Great Britain and the Intereft of i^r^w^, 
 while this Third of Dominion governs her Coun- 
 cils, it' is plain, that to fecure ourfelves, and to 
 thwart them, the only Method left in our power, 
 is to aft with the greateft Oeconomy at Home, 
 and to avoid entering into fuch Meafures abroad, 
 as mud oblige us to be at fuch an Expence, as 
 will neccflarily fubjed us, not only to our prefent 
 Load of Debts and Taxes, but to a much greater. 
 If it (hould be objeded that the prefent apparent 
 "Wealth of this Nation, our great Plenty of Plate, 
 jewels, and other valuable Effefts, and the 
 
 O 2 great 
 

 i 
 
 Ml 
 
 ^9. 
 
 '■'4' ' 
 
 m y 
 
 I 
 
 (^- *i 
 
 ■%» 
 
 I .*<K i. ^ ' 
 
 ( 100 ) 
 
 great Quantity of Specie that circulates fccmi to 
 fhew that there is no Weight in thcfe Arguments, 
 and that we are ftill ina Condition to carry on our 
 Share of a general War, without any Danger of 
 Ruin. I rouft beg Jeave to offer the following 
 Particulars to the Confideration offuch as believe 
 there is any Weight in this Objcdlion. That this 
 is a Matter not capable of the necefTary Proofs 
 I mean fuch a Proof as is requifite to fupport the 
 Objedion i for Wealth in particular Hands, or 
 Wealth in particular Places, is no certain Sign of 
 the general Riches "^a Country, but rather the 
 contrary ; and I dcfire that every fcnfible Man 
 would examine, and refleft, whether Plate, 
 Jewels, and valuable Effedts, are more conr 
 foicuous in the Houfes of Traders, Manufacturers 
 rarmers,and fuch like indu{lriousPeopIe,whocan- 
 not enrich themfelves, without enriching the Na- 
 tion, or whether they are in the Hands of another 
 Sort of People, who may, who indeed muft grow 
 rich, by the Purfuit of Meafures beneficial to 
 themfelves, however deftrudlive to the Nation. 
 That all this Shew of Wealth depends intirely 
 upon our publick Credit, while that fubfills we 
 muft preferve it, if that ftiould fail thi»muft va- 
 nifl). A Man deeply in Debt, may have his 
 Houfe richly furnilheu, but if his Creditors fall 
 ppon him, he who had yefterday a Cupboard of 
 Plate, may to-morrow want an Earthen Cup for 
 his Small-Beer. That it is not impofllble our 
 very Specie may be owing to our publick Debts, 
 for while all Europe is in Confufion, while we are 
 raifing Money upon Intereft, and the publick 
 Faith of this Nation is rcjgarded (as I hope it ever 
 ^ilJ)asan indubitable Security, it is highly pro- 
 bable that our Neighbours, while they are po<- 
 fcfTcdofany Money, will fend it over hither, in 
 •^f.<yi^, . * > ' order 
 
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 "^ .(,•■«• T^ 
 
 :'itU '*'" 
 
 CO 
 
 i) 
 
 ( loi ) 
 order to make the mod of it, and at the fame 
 Time have it in a Place of Security, which will 
 at once account for the keeping up of our Stocks, 
 notwithftanding our entering into a War, and 
 our finding Money for the Maintenance of that 
 War, though from the Want of a Ballance of 
 Trade in our Favour, we might be otherwife in- 
 capable of fupplying it. But what will all ihis 
 end in ? If we Ihould be prefs'd for our Debts, is 
 it poflible for us to pay them, when we cannot 
 raife Money for the Service of the current Year, 
 without running many Millions in Debt ? If oti 
 the other Hano^ the publick Creditors (hould be 
 contented with receiving only the Intereft of their 
 Debts, as they Hand at prefent, mud this Coun- 
 try be for ever mortgaged, muft ourfelves, and 
 our Pofterity, live not only without Eafe, but 
 withour Hope? Let thefe Particulars I fay be 
 confidered, and then let the Objeftion have all 
 the Weight that it deferves. I do not labour to 
 eflablifh a Syftem, but to come at the Truth, 
 
 It is with the f^me View to Truth, that I in- 
 cline to confidcr this Point in another Light, that 
 is, on a Suppofition that the Faft on which the 
 Objedbion is grounded may be true.I will fuppofe, 
 agreable thereto, that Plate, Jewels, Pidtures, Fur- ^ 
 niture, and whatever elfe a Spirit of Luxury re- 
 quires for its Gratification, abound amongft us 
 more at prefenr, than in any other Period of 
 Time ; nay, I will go ftill further, and fuppofe, 
 as fuch as make the Objedlion do, that in Point 
 of Manufactures, Shipping and Trade, we are in 
 a Condition much fuperior to our Anceftors. 
 Yet what of all this? If we are truly rich, we aft 
 as if we were miferably poor, and if we continue 
 to do fo, we muft become really poor. We have 
 for thirty Years laft pall, raifed as much upon ' 
 
 the 
 

 li M 
 
 T'l t 
 
 9 » it 
 
 ( 102 ) 
 
 the People, to pay the Intercft of the publick 
 Debt, as if properly applied would have defrayed 
 the current Service of the Year. Let any honeft 
 fendble Man lay his Hand upon his Heart, and 
 fay whether it is wife and honed to raife upon the 
 People juft as much again as there isany Occafion 
 for. If we are really rich, why arc we in Debt ? 
 Whofe Intereft is it to keep us in this Situation, 
 to anticipate our Funds, and to apply that to the 
 Payment of Intereft, which if raifed in a proper 
 Time, and appropriated to proper Purpofes, 
 would have kept us from paying Intereft at all ? 
 If we are really poor, fo poor as that it is neccffary 
 for us to run in Debt, as a Nation, for the cur- 
 rent Service of the Year, that is for what is requi- 
 site to fupport our Government ; why do we boaft 
 our Riches, or why do we purfue fuch a Condudt, 
 ^s muft draw us into fo vafl: an Expence, as if wo 
 werereally rich,muftfooner or later render us poor* 
 
 Thefeare Queftions that any Man who thinks 
 a little mull be tempted to ask, and they are 
 Qiicftions that the ableft of our Politicians, let 
 him think as long as he will, can never anfwer to 
 any reafonable Man's Satisfaftion. 
 
 But if all that has been faid fhould go for no- 
 thing, if we muft lay afideall Thoughts of our 
 own Affairs, all Concern for our own Condition, 
 all Regard for the Fate of our Pofterity,in order 
 to fecure the Ballance of Power, and preferve 
 Things from going to Wreck on the Continent; 
 I fay if this be all we have to think of, let us know 
 why, to what Purpofe, and hov/ long we are to 
 think of this. I have already (hewn, that with 
 Refpedt to the Intereft of Great Britain^ we have 
 generally fpeaking run into great Miftakcs, about: 
 the Ballance of Power, and by running into thefe 
 
 Miftakesy 
 
*r 
 
 ( 1^3 ) 
 Miftakcs, have never been able to attain oiir 
 End, how right foever our Intention might have 
 been, if we could have obtained it : and I have 
 (hewn that our late Meafurcs have been grounded 
 on the fame Miftake that ruined us formerly. If 
 it be faid that we muft fulfil our Treaties, (hew us 
 thofe Treaties, aud let us know what we are to 
 fulfil. It cannot furely be thought reafonable, 
 that we fhould affift the Queen oi Hungary^ totis 
 viribusy before the Dutch are under the fame 
 Obligation. Let us always ad: the Part of juft 
 and faithful Allies, but let us not always z£t the 
 Part of Principals in every Quarrel •, let us not 
 take upon us a greater Share, than if we were 
 Principals it would becor us to take ) let us not 
 do our own Parts, and at the fame time pay othtr 
 Powers for doing theirs. Above all let us know 
 what is to be done. We have been told by great 
 Authority that we might, laft Campaign, have 
 hurt the French more if we would j let us hear the 
 Reafons why we did not, let us know who we arc 
 to hurt,or whether we are to hurt any Body next 
 Campaign. Let us know what will content us, , 
 and whether having that, will not create a new 
 War. The Queen o^ Hungary gave up Silefia to 
 the King of PruJ/ia ; Ihe now holds Bavaria as an 
 equivalent for Silejia* L.et us know if the King 
 of Prujja is content with that, or whether if fhe 
 quits this Equivalent, he will concur in procuring 
 her another -, if not, what are we doing ? If fhe 
 muft fet down at laft without an Equivalent, be- 
 caufe the German Princes and States would think 
 her too powerful if (he had one, why fhould not 
 Things be now adjuftedon the beft Terms pofTible, 
 without running us into any further Expence ? In 
 the two laft Wars wehadfome Rules to go by, 
 why fi.ould we not have fome Rule in this? Thele 
 
 are 
 
 m 
 
• * 
 
 SI—- — ^r^ -- 
 
 ■Ml 
 
 ■-.■**.;jr*^-f'* 
 
 ( 164 ) 
 
 are Queftions fit to be asked, and fit to be an- 
 fwered; fince it is moil evident, that if we go on, 
 but a very few Years, at the Rate we have done 
 for fome Years pad, the Event muil be fatal to 
 us, whatever becomesof the Bal lance of Power. 
 As I have all along made it my Bufinefs to a- 
 void invidious Topicks, fo I have been parti- 
 cularly careful not to enter into the prefenc Grand 
 Difpute, about the Expediency of employing 
 Hanoverian Troops. It is very natural for Princes 
 to have a warm AfFeftion for their hercditarySub- 
 jeds, and fuch as they conceive particularly 
 bound to them by the Ties not only of Duty, but 
 AtFc6lion. This was the Cafe of the Emperor 
 Charles V. who preferring his Countrymen, the 
 Flemings, to the higheft Offices civil and military, 
 provoked a Rebellion in Spai/jj the fupprefling of 
 vhich proved the Ruin of the Spani^ Liberties* 
 A ftrong Partiality in Favour of their Arch- 
 Ducal Subje(5bs, was no lefs fatal to the German 
 Branch of the AujirianUmt, for while they treated 
 the Hungarians as Vaffals, and the Bohemians as 
 Slaves, they were in reality Mailers of neither; 
 but on the contrary, (Irong Indances of a certain 
 and eternal Truth, that cxceflivc Dominion in- 
 ilead of being the Source, is in reality the Bans 
 of Power ; which further appears by the mighty 
 Stand made by the Queen of Hungry, not in 
 Virtue of her Authority over the Bodies, but of 
 her Influence over the Minds of her Subjcdls* 
 Partiality of the fame Nature proved very de- 
 ilruflive to our7^;w« I. whowas extravagantly 
 fond ofhis.^rc'////^Countrymen,by which he loft the 
 Hearts of his Englijb Subjedls, and fcaitercd thofe 
 Seeds of Difcontcnt, which afterwards grew up 
 into a Harveft of Rebellion. Yet it mull be al- 
 lowed, (hac there is on the other Hand, very 
 
 * ftrong 
 
r\ , ( 105) 
 
 (Irong Prejudices in the Subjefts of the fami 
 Prince againft each other, which ought to be 
 confidered as well as that Partiality, which is al- 
 ways natural, and fometimes laudable. Thd 
 greaceit Misfortune of all, and that againft which 
 every free People ought to guard moft, is the 
 Treachery of fome of themrelves,who may endea- 
 vour to make court to the Humour of their 
 Prince, at the Expence of his Interells and thofe 
 f of the Nation. Such Men will make ufe of a 
 thoufand fpecious Pretences, fupported by a 
 founding, noify, obflreperous Eloquence ; fuch 
 Men will affedt to feem what they are leaft, and 
 put on the Air of Patriots, that they may ac- 
 complifti the Work of Parricides ; in refpedb to 
 fuch Men what (hall we do ? Why let us follow 
 the Advice of St. Peter ^ that we may avoid the 
 Snares which they lay for us, and the Slavery 
 into which they would bring us : For he faith. 
 Beware oftboje^ who while theypromife Liberty 
 are themfelves the Servants of Corruption : for 
 of whom a Man is overcome^ fthat is, deceived or 
 bribed) of the fame he is brought into Bondage. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
 P 
 
 ven