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iHHasi^nss'

1862 FOUNDERS* DAY 1917

THE UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELF'"A

DEDICATION

OF THE

MEMORIAL ROOM

Orator

HONORABLE WILLIAM RENWICK RIDDELL

Jurtke of the Suprem? Court of Oitario. Toronto. Canada

PHILADELPHIA

November 24

19t7

roi. \ni-.H.^' :>AV ''•'/

Dl-:DlCATiON

MEMC^RiAi IKjOM

•NORABLI-, NMLLiAM H.ENWiCK RiDDW.L

r:il.L\UF.iFHl.\

No»-iT.Ur ."■!

N|7

1862 FOUNDERS* DAY 1917

THE UNION LEAGUE OF PHILADELPHIA

DEDICATION

OF THE

MEMORIAL ROOM

Orator

HONORABLE WILLIAM RENWICK RIDDELL

Jiutice of the Supreme Court of Ontuio. Toronto, Canada

PHIUDELPHIA

November 24

1917

1862 FOUNDERS* DAY 1917

UNION LEAGUE

Philadelphia, November 24, IQH-

Mr. GmBBEL.— Gm</«n«i of The Union LMfK/.— Fifty
and five year, ago a te,. faithful m ha.ing the form
and seeking to demonstrate the p< r of patnoutm,
founded The Union Lrague of Philadelphia. It was
bom in a gieat crisis. The n.^n who formed it loved the
Liberty and Unic J the Un *a States more than they
loved life. In the oarkest hour of the War of the Rebel-
lion they put themselves and all they had, and all they
hoped to be into the support of the nation. There was
not a trace of self-seeking in all their labors so long sus-
tained. They never faltered and the> never counted the
cost of their fidelity. Ten regiments were raised and
equipped and sent to the support of Abraham Lmcoln m
his defense of the Constitution and the Flag. [Applause 1
Day and night these our frefathers, with an eye smgle
to the ;:ountry's preservation, spent themselves m

sacrifice.

Tonight we gather to again celebrate the courage, the
ability, and the complete success of these our ancestors.
We glory in their history and rejoice in our patnotic
descent from them. With devout thanksgiving we lay
our Laurel and our Rosemary upon this altar raised to
their memory, and pray that in this our day of trial
we may be found worthy ol our descent. May the Ood
of our Fathers inspire us with the courage and aaive

devotion of The Union League of 1862. [Applause.]
May our children be inspired in coming years by the
history of The Union League of 1917 [applause], and so
the object of our fathers be established and their works
follow them.

Fifty and five years have brought to this organization
numbers and possessions not dreamed of by the Found-
ers. The country they helped to save has grown to great
wealth and power. Its borders have spread beyond the
western seas. With Jacob it may say, "With my staff
I crossed this Jordan and now I have become two bands."
Our national isolation of 1861 has disappeared, never to
be seen again. We have seen the troops of the United
States marching through the streets of London and Paris.
The Stars and Stripes have floated over Parliament
House in Westminster and have been carried at the
Shrine of Napoleon. Pershing has bent at the tomb of
Lafayette and said a thing that will become historic
[applause], and down through the ages will ring his cry,
"Lafayette, the Americans have come."

This very night, as we sit here, our country's defenders
— your defenders, and my defenders — are fighting in the
trenches in France and sailing British waters, defending
British and other ships from the devils of the deep.
[Applause.]

What does this all mean.' Simply this, that in the
bloody struggle of 1861-1865, during which this Union
League was born, government of the people, by the peo-
ple, for the people was saved in these United States, in
their isolation, from a domestic autocracy. Now, in our
intimate world-wide relations of 19 17, we must preserve
our charter of freedom from destruction by a foreign

autocracy. [Applause.] Since Sumter was fired upon
nothing has been heard more ominous of danger to these
United States than the Kaiser's warning. I will stand no
nonsense from the United States."

My friends, we celebrate this fifty-fifth anniversary m
another struggle for the very thing for which our fathers
fought. Our responsibility is that we defend our inher-
itance If we fail their sacrifices were in vain. Upon us
has fallen a greater task than fell to them, and I say it
advisedly, we shall succeed solely by the same willing
sacrifice of men and treasure. The world is now paying
a penalty for our lack of preparedness. But we have
begun. We have raised billions for defense, and these
United States will never spend one cent in tribute. There
are dark days ahead of us. Again the call is for men and
our best again are going, and, thank God, again nses fronr.^
their ranks, "For three years or during the war.
[Applause.] We who cannot go will sustam them by a
our powers and all our possessions. Our patriotism will
not end by hanging our flags from the third-story win-
dows of our houses. Every soldier and every sailor going
abroad must know he has all the possessions of the
United States and the heart of every American, man and
woman, in the United States supporting him. [Applause.]
To this full measure of devotion this Union League of
1917 pledges itself with all that it has and with all that it
can get, appealing to the patriots' God for success.

I said there are dark days ahead of us, but that does
not mean that while we face the problem, we minimize our
strength, nor do we minimize our determination, but with
one heart, with one voice and with one object, and that
not a selfish one, the United States faces the greatest test

to which they have ever been put, and again, The Union
League pledges itself to support the Government of the
United States. [Applause.]

Gentlemen, for generations this country of ours has
been separated on its northern border from another
country by four thousand miles of boundary line, upon
which there has not been a fort, a cannon, or an armed
force. In comfort we have looked across at each other and
said, "Behold how good and how pleasant it is for brethren
to dwell together in unity." These two countries have
shown the world, in such measure as has not been demon-
strated anywhere else in the world, the peace that lies
in democracy. Today, Canada and these United States
are fighting to make the world safe for democracy and
in that still greater task that lies beyond us, beyond the
war in which we are engaged, Canada wi'l be found side
by side with the United States fighting that greater battle
in making democracy safe for the world.

It is our great privilege to have with us tonight as our
guest of honor, a distinguished Canadian who knows us
and understands us; one who has addressed more people
on this side of the line than any other Canadian living.
Yale University called him last year to deliver the Dodge
Foundation lectures on "Responsibilities of Citizenship."
In our Liberty Loan campaign which we have just
finished so gloriously, in the northern part of New York
State when they thought they needed a little extra gin-
ger, they called our guest of honor from Canada to come
to the United States to speak in the Liberty Loan cam-
paign, and those of you who know him were not sur-
prised when you found the loan was over-subscribed. In
addition to this, gentlemen, he has been my valued friend

for many years and I am the better man for having

known him.

It gives me great pleasure to introduce to you, to
address you on "The American and Democracy, the
Honorable William Renwick Riddell. Justice of the
Supreme Court of Ontario.

Hon. William Renwick Riddell. Mr. President and
Gentlemen of The Union League:-! never consider myself
a foreigner or an alien in the United States of America
[applause], and I never less considered myself an alien
or a foreigner than I do at the present moment when I
am received by The Union League of Philadelphia. Afret
the kind words, sir, which you have used concerning
me tonight and, especially when I see before me and over
my head, my own flag, I am at home, and I call you
my own, bone of my bone, and flesh of my flesh-1

am one of you.

I am peculiariy proud in being asked to address you
upon this occasion, the important anniversary of the
year, not with a personal, but with a national pride;
because this honor is in no small degree a courteous
recognition of the fact that my country is to be taken
into consideration in the United States, and, therefore.

in the world.

But a few years ago. as years are counted in the hie
of a people. Canada was, in the minds of many if not of
most Americans, not much more than a geographical
expression, connoting a narrow fringe of .nore or less
civilized settlements on the Arctic side of the "American
Lakes" with a vast expanse of barren territory behmd,
given up to wild animals and scarcel- less wild men.

eking out a scanty and precarious livelihood by hunting
and trapping, procuring northern furs for the benefit of
the inhabitants of a more benign and luxurious clime.

Now, Canada, with her ships on every sea, her com-
merce in every mart, with modest pride ranks herself
beside the older and stronger and greater nation to the
south, and demands recognition as a sister — and she has
that claim allowed. The celebrated Greek, cordially and
candidly admitted that, had he been born in a small
island instead of in Athens, he never would have achieved
greatness, so, I, having no claim to eminence except the
fact that I am a Canadian, am quite sure that I should
not have been called upon to address a club of this impor-
tance and assist in this event, were it not that my country
is now consiu-ired worth while. And, there is another, a
warmer and a dearer thought, one which fills me with
greater satisfaction and delight, and that is that not only
the invitation itself, but the manner of the invitation and
the subject upon which I am arked to address you, clearly
show that in your eyes, although — or should I say because?
— Canada is one of the free, self-governing nations consti-
tuting the far-flung British Empire, bound with the silver
cord of loyalty to the Great Mother across the sea, you
have the heartfelt conviction that in everything that is
worth while, worth taking into consideration in the present
tremendous crisis of the world's history, the United
States and Canada are on . [Applause.]

"Fellow-citizens," I may not call you with legal and
technical accuracy — as I heard an American the other
day address an audience in Toronto — bcv se, by the
rules of internati.''- al law, you and I are foreigners and
aliens to each otiier; but by a right which as far tran-

■

scends the rules of international law as the heavens are
above the earth, by the eternal law, by the elemental anu
essential law of human nature, by that law which God
Almighty has placed in the bosoms of every one of us, I
claim you as brothers. [Applause.] You are, I have
said, bone of my bone, fiesh of my Hesh, for in as true a
sense as though they were natural persons bom of the
same father and mother, these peoples, the United States
and Canada, call each other sister, with mutual love,
with mutual confidence, aye, and with mutual pride and
admiration. [Applause.]

And the fact that the American early devoted him»-if
to the cause of democracy and has consistently sustain..d
i , has had .10 little to do with the consummation which hss
^o long been devoutly wished and hoped for and now at
last has come to pass. I am not one of those who believe,
or pretend to believe, that democracy was born on the
Fourth of July, 1776, and that her Sirthplace was upon
this continent; I do not believe, nor do you believe, that
Freedom was unknown and non-existent before the Dec-
laration of Independence. Philosophical students of the
history of law and political institutions are fond of drawing
the distinction between the Roman and the Germanic con-
ception of the relation of the ind-zidual to the state:
they point out that in the Roman .'leory, the individual
has no rights which the state is bound to respect, that
laws for the protection of the individual are mere volun-
tary concessians by the state, concessions, which, at its
discretion, i. may withdraw; while, according to the early
Germanic conception, the rights of the individual are not
based upon some voluntary, modifiable and revocable
law of the state, but that personal rights are bom with

him, they follow him everywhere, and decrees derogatory
therefrom are null ."^nd void.

How far the modem German has gone frum his ances-
tral principle, we need not now pause to consider, nor
shall we here trace the natural if not inevitable sesult
of the two theories in the conception of international
relationships.

What is democracy? Democracy is not a form of
government. Republics in form may be autocracies in
fact or oligarchies in fact. The republics, so-called, of
ancient Greece; the republics, so-called, of medieval
Italy; the republics, so-called (many of them), of Cen-
tral and South Am*"ica during our own times could not
36 fustly dignified by the name of republics as we under-
stand the word; and the Roman reo publica was far from
being a republic. What, I ask, was the form of govern-
ment when Napoleon was First Consul of the Republic of
France ?

Nor because the /orm of government is monarchical
or even autocratic, is it necessarily undemocratic. Eng-
land has yet a king; George the Fi.'th has the same titles
which his predecessor, Henry the Eighth, and his prede-
cessor, John, had centuries ago. The army is his and
the navy, and all transactions are in his name, but our
King, thank God, unlike some of his predecessors, con-
tents himself with reigning, and leaves the ruling to his
people to whom it rightly belongs. [Applause.] You all
know, of course, the well-known distinction between the
English king and the American president: The English
king reigns but does not rule and the American president
rules but does not reign.
Democracy is a manner of thought, a bent of the mind

and «,ul. it is the spirit which giveth Uf^-not the form,
the husk, the external, the letter which kiUeth.

What, then, is the history of our race? Those splendid
savages, or half savage*, who lived near Jutland, the only
tribes in Central Europe which refused to bow the knee
to Imperial Rome, the ancestors i blood of many, m
democ-acv of, I hope, all of us, the Angle, the Saxon and
Jute, ruled ead. man his own family. Their chiefs -vere
not chosen by God, r'aey were chosen by the people; the
final authority rested with the people not with an irrespon-
sible overlord, and the chief vho did not satisfy the people
was unfrocked as quickly as-nay much more quickly
than-an American mayor. They were not trouoleu by
constitutional limitations or hampered by charters wmch
confined the election to certain particular days a-.d cer-
tain particular mon hs in certain particular years- the
polls were always or ^n in those days. They had a true,
although an undeveloped and embryonic democracy.

Through al' he welter of Saxon ;m(J Norman tinres.
the spirit of < cmocracy never died; even the iron Con-
queror himself never conquered the independent Enghsh-
man Through the times of the Plantagenet, the Lan-
castrian, the Yorkist and the Tudor, down to the time
of the Stuarts, every now and then democracy mani-
fested itself in some form or other. From John, the
astute, wily and able king-(those make a great mistake
who think King John was a fool: he was not a fool, but
an exceedingly able king)-his subjects extorted a char-
ter the Great Charter which contains, ;.s m solution, the
principles of democracy, awaiting but the shock to
become crystallized. The first Charles lost his head
because he did not understand that the people were

determined to rule; his son lost his throne because he
listened to the conventional flatteries of courtiers and
believed these to be the voice of his people.

The Bill of Rights in 1689 laid down principles of
democracy in a more systematic form; and democracy
waj well advanced before George Washington was bom.
Freedom of speech; freedom of the press; freedom of
assembly and petition; no taxation without representa-
tion; no gift or benevolence to the king unless made by
a free Parliament freely elected by a free people and
debating freely: these principles the Fathers of the
American Revolution brought with them, either in per-
son or by their ancestors, to this continent. It needed
but a series of sensible and sympathetic monarchs, or
even one such monarch, to have democracy fully devel-
oped in England before the American Revolution.
Unfortunately, near the end of the eighteenth century,
a pig-headed, half-crazed, ill-trained, ill-balanced German,
educated by a fool of a German woman, whose voice he
never forgot, "George, be a king, George, be a king,"
in the providence of God and by t'le accident of birth
and religion, came to the throne of vhe United Kingdom
and believed he had been sent of God to govern not only
the islands but also this great continent. The Colonists
of the Thirteen Colonies did not desire 1 leave the
British Empire — none more loyal than they — but they
did desire and were determined to govern themselves;
and when it came to the point where they had to choose
between governing themselves and continuing part of
the British Empire, they did not hesitate long. Self-
government was theirs and they determined — even though
it meant leaving the British Empire — they determined

to govern themselves. The Coloniiti were advancing no
new doctrine: they were but applying to their own case
the principles which they had brought with them across
the ocean. But it is their immortal and never-fadmg
glory that they cast into the scale their fortune and their
lives; and that after a weary and perilous struggle, they
emblazoned, sun clear, as in the skies, the principles of
democracy, never again to be dimmed by King or Kaiser,
by Philistine or obscurant.

You will not ask a Canadian, I dare say, to believe
or to sav that the Fathers of the American Revolution
were any more patriotic, any more able, any cleaner, any
more honest than those who opposed them. A large
proportion of the American Colonists, not far from
half, and perhaps more than a half, thought that while
the king and his govemn ' were unwise, even wicked,
yet that in the progress of time, proper government
would be granted to them; and they opposed the Fathers
of the American Revolution. These United Empire Loy-
alists, as we proudly call them, these Tories as they are
called with contempt in your school histories, have suf-
fered the same fate as their predecessors in the previous
century— it is the old story of the Roundhead and the
Cavalier over again. One class of men so attached to
Liberty that they will cast off all bonds, break away
from all old fashions, and separate themselves from the
heritage passed down to them by their forefati rs, in
order that they may be free. Others, desiring freedom
with a true desire, may shun the name of traitor, and
may desire to hold fast the old bonds and the beloved con-
nections they have inherited. These United Empire
Loyalists have, in the United States, suffered the same

fate in name and fame as the Cavalien in the Revo-
lution against Charles the First suffered or would have
suffered had there been no Restoration. In Canada,
their name and fame is that of the Cavaliers after the
Restoration and during the times of Charles the Second.
Those men in 1783, when the independence of the United
States was admitted, made their way into the northern
wilderness, and made their home in that Canada from
which I come and of which I am so proud— that Canada
which is now even more than she has been for fifty years,
your sister country, the old feuds forgotten. Of these
men who sacrificed everything they had from devotion
to the Empire and Flag, who refus'^d to barter their fealty
for their confiscated lands, our Canadian poet sings— they

"Got them out into the Wilderness,
The stem old Wilderness;
But then— 'twas British Wilderness!"

" . . . . they who loved
The cause that had been lost— and kept their faith
To England's Crown and scorned an alien name,
u'-Passed into exile; leaving all behind
Except their honor. . . .
Not drooping like poor fugitives they came
In exodus to our Canadian wilds.
But full of heart and hope, with head erect
And fearless eye, victorious in defeat.
With thousand toils they forced their devious way
Through the great wilderness of silent woods
That gloomed o'er lake and stream, till higher rose
The Northern Star above the broad domain
Of half a continent, still theirs to hold.
Defend and keep forever as their own,
Their own and England's till the end of time."!.^^

But those men, noble and truly patriotic men as they
were, were like Falkland, and his fellows who, honest
themselves, trusted m the autocratic and therefore
untrustworthy Charles, and followed their king to the

detriment of their freedom. So these United Empire
Loyaliit. with all their proud record may be thought to
have faile^l to attain to our conception of democracy m
that they kept their faith to the detriment of their own
political freedom.*

• TheUit and moit «igr«nt iniult to thm heroic men ^•'''^^
f«, tl- «r«Lnt vear when they were compared to the prowlmg brood
5 tSrto.^Anfo"hrif" iledfnow the cur., of thi. R.PubUc J can-
no, blt^«expri.i the Canadian', feeling of indignation at thw com-
;:;i^n"h.n'bTr«<Iing a letter to a New York newpaper from a
Canadian.
"To tht Editor of Tk* Niw York Timts: .

A «<5 many American joumalUtt are at preawit companng the
«Tiri« of T/Revltion' with the padfiau ""f P"^™'"* J»J

today Again.t thi. 1 beg to record my «™P»'««'« P^l^^red^y
.Sed n-orie. of the Resolution.' remembered and honor^ by

e*nS come. They compriaed at the breaking out of armed ho.-
tiS. a le«t one-half of the entire populatK>n of the tl""**" " "
oni^ but being unorganized were at a great diwdvantage. A. it
wa. they St and bled and died or offered the .polling of their
r^d. and WuUy went into exile for their pn"«pl«- A. > r««
Keir devotion to a loat cau.e (or a cau.e that .eemed to be lo.t)
we have thrSnion of Canada today, with a P0P«>«"°" ""Jy' f
Tot fuUy. three time. a. great a. that of the original "jolting «l-

"r-lrrVucr'a.'-''' • ^-— Tiirand^TeSt^^^

rkrc^^c^^the'4. ■<> -<» Pr«n "'J*-' r St"
•Tori«' Their patriotiam. ..ch put the whole above the part,
«•,. Tthink all fair-minded American, will admit, ju.t a. glonou. and
TuVt^. wotJhy of e.pect a. that of their opponent.. In ju.t.ce to the
Tmory oftLe heroic, high-minded (if from your . . .tandpomt
muTaken) men. I mu.t enter a vigorou. prote.t agw.s- «X™Vr"f
Them with the aforementioned gentry. Th? Lop''"« °[„^r,"2^!
w«e men who fought and lo.t and won. and there i. no better Amen-
TanatTaTn Today than their deacendant. in Canada. Their monument
Tthc great ^iTon of Canada, and you American, have ,u.t a.
much rea.on to be proud of them a. we Canadian.. ^ ^ ^^^^

•'WoLFViLLE. N. S.. Nov. 8. 1917-"

It it idle to ipeak of the American Revolution being
produced or being caused by a tax here, an impost there, a
stamp here, tea xent there: these were the meie occasions,
but th* cause was that the American knew that he .ould
govern himself and he was determined that he should
govern himself. It is equally idle to speak of it having
been a rising against Britain at large. The better part of
England sympathized with the American colonists — and
when I say the better part of England, I mean precisely
what I say, not perhaps the larger number of Englishmen,
but a large number of the greatest minded and best
Englishmen sympathized with the American colonies.
All of Scotland, practically, sympathized with the Amer-
ican Colonies in their struggles; and when they had suc-
ceeded there was no country more rejoiced than tiie better
part of England and the greater part of Scotland.
[Applause.] I know how hard it is for some Americans
to understand that England has always taken a pride in
this great nation, this great United States. I know some
of you find this hard to believe, because I have seen the
books you read at school, one of the teachings of which
was that England is the sworn enemy of the United States.
That is a lie, it never was true; and if it ever h^J a sem-
blance of truth, even that semblance of truth has gone
years and years ago. England has always been proud
of the United States; but what signifies vastly more than
that may not be so manifest. Democracy in England was
drooping, was almost smothered by Royal power, but on
the triumph of America it was heartened and, ever since
that time, the democracy of England has looked to the
democracy of the United States as an inspiration. The
great example of the United States has had a tremendous

influence in England, which it now at democratic at any
nation on the face of God't earth. While there never wat
any republican lentiment in Canada that wat not negli-
gible and there it not today, the United Empire Loyaliitt,
while they intitted upon remaining a part of the Britith
Empire and upon living under the old flag under which
they were bom, remembered alto that they came from
freedom-loving landi where they had had telf-government,
and which were determ-ned to continue to have telf-
government; and they never quie tubmitted to any
tyranny on the part of England thereafter. In every
country there are obttructionit^s; in every country there
are reactionariet, and when in Canada a ttruggle arote
between the reactionaries and democracy, we alwayt
looked down acrott the international boundary to the
example of the United Statei, and the United Statet hat,
for generationt, been an inipiration and an example for
the people of my country; we too in Canadi> are at demo-
cratic at it it postible for any people to be.

It may be that Canada would have been at democratic
at the it today had there never been an American Revo-
lution, but that democracy almotr certainly would have
been extorted by force, and it would have been bom amidtt
the roar of the cannon and the flath of the bayonet and
not in the quiet of the Council Chamber. That Canada
and the rett of the British Empire today are free, is due
largely to the example of American democracy in 1776.
I have often said that the embattled farmers who stood
and fired the shot heard round the world, their lines uneven
but unyielding, owing little to the drill sergeant but much
to the strong and gallant heart, fought not only for them-
selves and the rett of thote of the Thirteen Coloniet, and

the great States that were to proceed from the Thirteen
Colonies, not only for their descendants for generation
after generation in these United States, but they stood
there for Canada too, for Australia and New Zealand,
and South Africa, aye, for England herself and all that
makes the British Empire worth while. One Bunker Hill
was enough: the bitter but salutary losson was learned.
One Revolution was enough; the lesson was learned, and
hard as it was for a proud strong nation like Britain, she
learned that her children would not submit to be gov-
erned by her, as they knew they were fitted to govern
themselves — and so colonial self government was bom.

"We must be free, or die, who speak the tongue
That Shakespeare spake, the faith and morals hold
Wh^ch Milton held."

The democracy today is the offspring, almost directly,
of the democracy of the Fathers of the American
Revolution.

Years went by and years went by for a half century
and more after the foundation of this great Republic
wherein freedom was proudly asserted and men were
supposed to be free — but freedom was denied to twenty
per cent of the inhabitants of these States. The negro
had no rights which the white man was bound to con-
sider or respect. Now, very often, those who are engaged
in a war do not really know the whole substance of the
war, do not fully comprehend what it is about. When
Miltiades led that splendid charge down on the plains of
Marathon and drove the Persians headlong into the marsh,
the Greeks were fighting not simply for the freedom of
Greece or of Athens, but for all Greek philosophy without
which religion would not be what it is, or science or

learning— they were fighting for Greek art, whether in
gold or ivory or marble or winged word, without which
this life would not be much worth living— they were
fighting against the autocrat and his system. A thousand
years afterward, on the plains of Chalonssur-Mame, the
Romans met the hordes of the Huns, under Attila, whom,
under the name of Etzel, the Kaiser recommended as a
model to his soldiers when about to depart for China
(and I must say, they rather improved on the model—
Genseric, King of the Vandals, the Kaiser seems to have
adopted as his own model, for Genseric was a hypocrite
and a Uar, as well as a brute), these Roman soldiers did
not know for what they were fighting. They supposed
they were fighting in order that the Hun should not have
Gaul, but they were in reality fighting to determine
whether Europe, and, therefore, the world, should be
Christian or pagan, civilized or savage.

When the Civil War broke out, a great many people
did not know what its real meaning was — ^you will remem-
ber your great President, after whom this Hall has been
named, to whom it is dedicated, and to whose memory it
shall always be a fitting monument for generation after
generation, was long willing that the erring sisters might
come back into the Union; if they had done so, they would
have been allowed to come back to the Union and retain
their domestic institution at least for a time. Even to
this day, many of my friends in the South contend and
protest more vigorously and with transparent honesty
that the Civil War (your late Governor said there was
no Civil War but a Rebellion, but to avoid controversy
I call it the Civil War) was not concerning slavery at
all. It was a question of state rights, I have been told at

least a dozen times, by my friends in the South; but
everybody knows, as was known before the war came to
an end, that that war was about slavery, and that that
war was waged that there should be real democracy in
these United States, that a man's blood or his color should
not make him the slave or the servant of another. It
was, I think, in most cases, the recognition of that fact
rather than the spirit of adventure or the desire of gain
which induced fifty thousand young Canadians to offer
their services in the Northern Armies. In that bitter
conflict, when the hand of the soldier on either side was
red with the blood of a brother, the sympathy of Canada
was almost wholly with the North; and in the Mother
Country, the Lancashire and Yorkshire operatives, suf-
fering hunger and in many cases starvation, refused to
allow their representatives in Parliament to protest
against the blockade.

True, there was a class opposed to the North, but those
who complain of the conduct of Britain during the Civil
War, will do well to see how it was considered in the
South !

The way of the transgressor is hard, but so is and more
abundantly that of the neutral — if anyone doubts it, let
him ask President Wilson !

And, in that great war for freedom, for civilization, for
democracy, stood at the very front, that great man whom
you commemorate today and to whom you dedicate this
hall, Abraham Lincoln [applause] — Abraham Lincoln,
sir, was the beau ideal of democracy. He was the first
true, fully democratic President — democratic, indeed, with
a small d, not a large one. [Laughter.] The distinction
may be nice, but it is substantial. The first President,

George Washington, was an English gentleman, an aristo-
crat, a man who really loved the common people bat m
the same way the squire in England loves the common
people on his estates; but he knew and they knew that
they were not his people in the sense of being regarded
as equals. The Adamses, both of them, were autocrats
with but the faintest tinge of democracy in their make-up.
Jefferson was a theoretical democrat: his democracy,
sir, was of the type of the French Revolution. He was
steeped to the lips in French philosophy and French
democracy, a democracy whic». ^. that time, whatever it
may be during the last few years, sir, had a fatal defect,
had a fly in the ointment. No man can be a good demo-
crat, unless he believes that all men are by blood the
children of God, and he cannot believe that unless he
believes that there is a God and that that God takes an
interest in His children. [Applause.] We may pass over
Madison, Monroe, Pierce, and persons of that class.
General Jackson was a Democrat with a large D, it may
be the father of Democracy with a large D. His concep-
tion of democracy was that "to the victors belong the
spoils:" his conception of true democracy was, "If I can
thrash you, I am going to do it," a democracy of the kind
that is very rampant in some countries today. There is
no other President who is worth mentioning in the same
category, in any way near the same category as your great
President Lincoln. Lincoln did not know the people in
the same way as George Washington knew them, looking
from above, down below. He did not know them in the
same way as Jefferson knew them, indivrtuals, units
coming upon this worid by chance and having no certain
future beyond this world. He did not know them as

Jackson knew them, divided into two classes, one r' which
ought to have everything and the other ought to have
nothing. He wa born amongst them, he was one of
them, and there uever was a finer saying or one which
better indicates the humanity of his heart than his saying,
"God mnst love the common people; He has made so
many of them." One of the common people himself, he
loved them as his own : he loved them because he was one
of them and knew them; and he loved them because he
knew that the future of the world depends, not upon King
or Kaiser or philosopher or man of high station, but upon
the common man. I say to you, that Lincoln, whom you
celebrate today, is the greatest democrat the world has
ever seen, in the true sense of the world. [Applause.]

The United States by its heroic sacrifice of men and
money, pouring out its blood and gold like water in that
magnificent struggle well earned the position of leader in
the world's democracy.

Then came these later days — in the summer of 1914,
the peace of the world was broken by the clash of arms.
Britain and the other democratic nations tried hard to
keep the peace, but certain of the autocratic nations felt
that the time nad come when they could have what they
wanted; and war was declared. Even then, Britain,
divided from Europe by the Channel, might have remained
out of the war; but she had pledged her word, and when
another nation which had also pledged its word made
that tiger spring across the boundary of Belgium and
flew at the innocent, ravaged, killed and destroyed, the
great and generous heart of Britain, hating war, loving
peace leaped within her bosom; she declared war, and
Canada, her fairest, most beautiful daughter, hesitated

not one moment, but sent the message across the sea
to the great Mother, "Our last dollar and our last
man." [Appbuse.] Canada has given nearly 450,000
volunteers to the cause, a number corresponding to over
6,000,000 in the United States; there are 30,000 young
Canadian boys whose tombs we know in France and
Flanders, and 5,000 more, buried, «ve know not where,
whether blown to pieces or buried in the t nches—
35,000 men of our best and bravest and noblest are
dead. I come from a city of 450,000 inhabitants, and
she has sent 60,000 men under arms; she mourns more
than 3,000 dead. My University of Toronto has nearly
S,ooo graduates and undergraduates fighting for civiliza-
tion; 300 have made the last sacrifice. We refuse to
repent; we have done right.

Gentlemen, when we were fighting, we looked across
the international boundary for leadership and sympathy;
hv^ we received none officially. We fought on and on ; our
boys have shown what Canadian lads could do and we are
proud of them, yes, and, you are proud of them, for they
are looked upon as your very own; they are to you almost
American boys, born though they were, north of the
international line.

Those of us who knew the American people, as I
thought I did, were puzzled. It almost seemed that they
had for the time being abdicated their well-won leader-
ship. We heard a great deal in official circles of peace
without victory, of neutrality even in thought and of
struggles in which the United States had no interest.
We heard nothing officially of democracy, of truth and
honor of fidelity to the pledged word, of C. -istianity, or
humanity. But, we saw the carpet inside out. We did

not see the pattern which the ingenious workman behind
the screen was with marvelous skill weaving out, thread
by thread and shuttle by shuttle until at last, sir, in
April of this year, it flashed upon us like a vision, the
splendid work of the President of the United States, that
you should go into the war, not a divided nation, but a
nation unanimous, united in soul in a passionate and
insistent demand for justice and right — a demand by the
whole nation and not by a section of it only. Before, we
saw the carpet inside out; we see the right side now;
and, thank God for that great pattern which, in the
Providence of God, your President has worked out, in
view of the whole world — the American nation, one and
undivided in an insistent demand for justice and
righteousness.

Now, as I suggested before, the occasion and the cause
of wars are two different things entirely. Aristotle said
with keen insight — than whom no greater philosopher
lived, a writer to be read and read and read again — he
said that "Occasions of war may be small and manifest,
the causes of war are great and obscure." The occasion
for Britain going to war was the brutal invasion of Bel-
gium: the occasion for the United States going to war
was the brutal invasion of neutral rights on the sea and
the breaking of a promise on the part of the Germans.
America had no call to go into this war so far as her
financial position was concerned; she had no treaty to
keep, no pledge to implement, no trade to seek, there
was no territory which she desired. She hated war;
she desired to keep out of war and tried hard to be neutral
in act and word, if not in thought ("neutrality in
thought" I never understood, unles- '«■ menns negation

»4

of all thought, which is the easiest of all virtues, and the
most universally practised). She tried hard to be neu-
tral, and after the horrors of Belgium on land were
paralleled on the sea, when the Lusitania was sunk and
the corpses of American men and women, women, and,
God help us, American babies dotted the ocean, even
then, America said, "I will hold my hand: I shall not
go to war unless absolutely necessary," and hoped against
hope. She received another promise, a promise made to
be broken. As the nations of Europe knew in their hearts
that the swashbuckling ruflSan would some time or other
break out in war upon beautiful Europe, but hoped against
hope, because the wish was father to the thought, that
war might be kept off for some years— so, the United
Stftes knew in its heart that the promise made by
Germany would be broken whenever it seemed conve-
nient to Germany. And it was broken; and then at last
the flame of indignation broke out and this great people
found themselves at war for justice and right, for inter-
national law and international decency.

But, had Belgium never been invaded, had the U-boat
never been invented or if invented never used as a weapon
of wholesale murder, a war of this kind must necessarily
take place. This, my friends, is a phase, the most ter-
rible phase— I pray to God it may be the last phase — of
that eternal struggle which began before Lucifer fell from
Heaven, and will continue till the day when He maketh
up His jewels. A war Letween right and wrong, a war
between our God and the German Woden; a war between
our Christ and the bloodthirsty gods of the German
nation; the struggle of Bethlehem and Galilee and
Calvary with Potsdam and Berlin and Vienna.

?¥S»iH|fc>*y.fc:>^^\

There are only two systems of government, either
government by the people or government over the peo-
ple; and it makes no difference whether that government
over the people is by an individual or a caste or a class,
so long as the power is not given by the people but is
exercised in their despite. In autocracy, the autocrat,
filled with the sense of his own greatness, believes he is
sent of God to govern over the nation; and his people,
if they take him at his word, necessarily believe that they
are favored above all the other peoples on the earth. They
do not believe, with the Apostle, that God hath made of
one blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face
of the earth. They believe their nation is separate and
distinct. In medieval times it used to be said, "Keep
no faith with infidels;" during the times of slavery it
often happened that slave dealers and owners would
keep no faith with the slave, and too often it was not
thought dishonorable to break faith with the Indians;
yet these promise-breakers would keep their word pledged
to an equal. My friends, as was said by your great Presi-
dent with that keen vision which can come only from a
profound, accurate and philosophical study of history —
an autocrat cannot be trusted to keep faith. An autocrat
is of necessity a liar ex officio.

A free government, government by the people, is a
different kind of government entirely, — it is a government
of equality, a government of righteousness.

As has been said so often there are only two rules of
international conduct worth considering. One is "Might
makes right: Might is right; I can, therefore I ought and
will." That is the rule of the autocrat. The other is,
" Right is right; and because right is right to follow right

were wiidom in the scorn of consequence." This is the
rule which has kept our two nations in harmony, in peace
for over a hundred years.

Democratic nations are willing to do the right: they
believe that other nations have rights which they are
bound to respect. The autocrat necessarily believes that
he is sent by God and that any opposition to him must be
blasphc '.y : and as might is best shown in war. the theory
naturally arises that war is good in itself. If we have a
nation or a number of nations who hold the theory that
might is right, the time must come when these nations
shall put that theory into force. It may be, for years,
generations, centuries, in preparation; and the time may
not come speedily; but the time will come when these
nations will believe they are in a position to impose their
will upon the other nations, and unless the other nations
lie down, war is sure to come.

"Surely we come of the blood, .lower to blew than to ban,
And little used to lie down at the bidding of any man.

If you have an autocratic nation like Germany, a
democratic nation which will not lie down, like Britain
and the United States, war is necessary and unavoidable.
If there never had been a Belgium, a Lusitania or a
U-boat, this war at some time must needs have come.
The battlefield, the battle line, at some time must needs
be set ; and thank God it is set with the democratic nations
standing shoulder to shoulder. Now will be drowned out
that feeling of jealousy, even hatred, which has arisen
between these great English-speaking nations through the
unwise actions of those on each "«ie of the Atlantic and
each side of the international boundary-now we shall
have together and united these great Hags of the red the

'WTf^^^^^mM^^^M^. i^

white and the blue, the same colon, but differently
arranged, floating side by side as they are in the trenches
of France and Flanders, floating together not only on the
fields of battle, but on the fields of peace, not only this
year and next year, but the next century, the next
millennium, and, please God, until time shall be no more.
For, my friends,

Iv. precious blood its red ii dyed.

Its white is honor's sign.
In weal or ruth its blue is truth.

Its might the power divine.

and, please God, those flags shall never again fly in oppos-
ing camps, but will float as they do today side by side
in the greatest of all causes.

Now, it would be amusing if it were not so terrible,
to contemplate the trial balloons which are sent out by
the German looking towards peace; he thinks to "bless
himself in his heart, saying— surely I shall have peace
though I walk in the imagination of mine heart." There
is no peace that the Allies can accept, r. n dare to accept,
except the peace wh-ch kisses righteousness, for "the
work of righteousness shall be peace, and the effect of
righteousness, quietness and assurance forever." We
must, notwithstanding these trial balloons and the vain
hope of peace, fight on and on and on until there is a
military victory, until the brute is tamed. The brute
must be brutally beaten; that is the only logic he under-
stands. [Applause] The world must be made safe for
democracy; and it can be safe for democracy only when
the autocrat finds that democracy is too strong for him
and war does not pay. We are fighting, you and I,
your people and mine — I will say no more "your people

and mine," but your and my people, our people, became

they are the same people-our people muit fight on and

on and on until victory is obtained; and in domg that we

are not fighting, sir, against the Germans, we are fighting

not only for Britain, Canada, the United States, but for

Germany and the Germans. We hope that they are not

sinning against the light, but that they are mistaken and

misled, and we hope that they may soon come to see the

light. If they are sinning against the light, then we

hope they may experience a change of heart and repent

in sackcloth and ashes, and become a new people. Then,

when they have determined to become a new people,

the infinite capacity for taking pains, the marvelous

industry, the diligence, tne discipline, the patriotism,

and the national feeling of the German, will necessarily

make Germany again great, but great in another sense;

a great nation loved and respected, and not loathed and

dreaded by the rest of the world, not hated and feared as

she is today. The great tragedy, my friends, in this war,

is not the death of so many people-they would have died

anyway at some tim the tragedy of this war is not so

much the destruction of material wealth-that would

have gone, that is something a man cannot take with him

when he goes the long journey-but the tragedy of this

war is the self-disclosure of Germany, Germany showing

her true heart to the world; when that heart is cnanged,

and a new and better because democratic Germany is

come, the worid will be changed, and then will be seen

upon this earth what the poet saw in Heaven.

" I dreamt that overhead
I saw in twilight grey
The Army of the Dead
Marching upon its way,
29

If/.. .M^t^::^'S^^:X^fMt^-^iX%:

So still and pauionleu,
With facet so tercne.
That scarcely could one gucM
Such men in war had been.

"No mark of hurt they bore,
Nor smoke, nor bloody tain;
Nor suffered any more
Famin\ fatifue or pain;
Nor any lust of hate
Now lingered '.r\ trieireyi —
Who have fulfilled their fate,
Have lost all enmities.

"A new and greater pride
So quenched the pride of race
That foes marched side by side
Who once fought face to face.
That ghostly army's plan
Knows but one race, one rod —
All nations there are Man,
And the one King is God.

"No longer on their ears
The Bugle's summons falls;
Beyond these tangles spheres
The Archangel's trumpet calls;
And by that trumpet led
Far up the exalted sky.
The Army of the Dead
Goes by, and still goes by.

"Look upward, standing mute;
Salute!"*

[Applause.]

Hon. Hampton L. Carson: — I move that the thanks
of The Union League be extended to Mr. Justice Riddell
for his profound, eloquent and inspiring address.

[Motion unanimously carried.]

* These beautiful lines by Barry Pain I make no excuse for repeat-
ing. I have recited them before on similar occasions, and repeat
them at the request of one in whose judgment I have profound
confidence.— W. R. R.

Mr. Gribbel:— Mr. Justice Riddell, allow me to thank
you in the name of The Union League.

Mr. Riddell:— Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, I
brought with me a manuscript here, but I could not
read it. When I saw that Hag (pointing to the Canadian
flag, the British flag with the Canadian arms in the fly)
flying opposite your own flag and when I saw your kindly
fac.8 looking, up in mine, I could not read it. I have
spoken to you from my l.eart. God bless you; God bles»
The Union League. [Great applause, audience rising.)

Edwin S. Stuart:— I have been asked by the Art
Association of The Un^on League to say a few words upon
this, the fifty.fifth anniversary of Founders' Day. This
beautiful room in which we are assembled, visible to us
now for the first time, has been created by The Union
League as a perpetual memorial to those who offered
their services to their country during the great crisis of
1861-1865. It has been aptly called the Hall of Fame.
But let me urge you never to regard it as a mausoleum.
The men whose names look down upon us from these
walls, still speak through their lives and their deeds.
There is another title that, I think, might, very fittingly,
be applied to this room. It might well be called "Temple
of Inspiration," because in it we have, in its beauty and
purpose, an addition to this building, that appeals with
striking force to all those noble principles tha'. The
Union League represents. Here, in enduring bronze,
are the names of every member of The Union League
living or dead, whether officer or private soldier, who
offered his services in defense of his country. Every
name appears before you. The Union League has

3»

existed for fifty-five years, and were it not for the high,
unselfish and patriotic sentiments and ideals that give it
birth and still inspire it, it would not have survived to
celebrate this anniversary. Any member of The Union
League who does not understand, if such there be, that
this is a federation of men formed to accomplish exalted
aims and purposes does not know what was back of it
at its foundation and what it should stand for today.
This room— call it "Hall of Fame," or "Temple of
Inspiration" or by any other appropriate name — will
remain as a lasting testimony and proof to our succes-
sors through the years that are to come of the pure and
lofty motives of the founders. At the present time, our
country is facing what is perhaps the gravest crisis in the
history of the Republic. We should be fully awake to
the situation; because it is not a time for idle talk, reck-
less or hysterical statements, unjust or unfair criticism;
but it is emphatically a time for every man, for every
American citizen, whether he be such by birth or adop-
tion, absolutely and unreservedly to support the Presi-
dent of this nation in every effort made to maintain the
honor, integrity and safety of the United States of
America. [Applause.]

After the President delivered his address to Congress
leading to the declaration of war against Germany, The
Union League was the first organization to respond and
offer its services, and what it did in the past for President
Lincoln, it will do for President Wilson. [Applause.]
Our flag is now carried at the head of our troops some-
where in France; let us remember this glorious truth,
and let us impress it upon the mind of every American,
now and always; that flag has never been carried in an

Lta.

unjust cause, and has never been unfurled except for the
benefit of mankind, therefore it has never gone down in
defeat. [Applause.]

The Art Association of The Union League felt that this
room would not be perfert, and would not be adequately
adorned for presentation to the League, unless it were
truly a memorial room. It was believed that it would be
a Temple of Inspiration when embellished with the
names of the men you see here, and hallowed by the
statue of the man whom they upheld and sustained, and
whose ideals brought this League into being. And as I
look upon this statue of Lincoln, there comes to my mind
a remembrance of that great, strong, patriotic spirit who
stood at his right hand, invincible through his confidence
in the justness of his cause, Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary
of War: and I recall the words, prophetic in the light that
followed, that fell from his lips, as he stood at the death-
bed of Lincoln and gazed at his lifeless body, undaunted in
spirit, but bent with grief: "Now he belongs to the
Ages ! " That utterance has been amply verified, for now,
fifty and two years after Stanton thus gave expression to
his reverence and sorrow, the memory of Lincoln's life
and deeds remains firmly imbedded in the affection and
respect of the entire worid. All over the earth, wherever
the peoples thereof enjoy liberty or are fighting to win it,
Lincoln is venerated as are the prophets of old. If any
of the younger members of the League should ever be
asked what inspired its foundation, let them bring the
questioner to this room, and facing this statue and the
names around it exclaim: "This is what inspired it!"
Around and about this statue are the names of all mem-
bers of The Union League who rallied to the defense of

r,-^^-

their country. The great majority have gone before but
there are many survivors and they have the supreme satis-
faction of reading their names upon the tablets. There
are veterans of the Rebellion, members of The Union
League, here tonight, who saw, and talked with Lincoln,
the Great Emancipator; and it seems peculiarly appro-
priate that, on this occasion, there are among us, two men
who were at Lincoln's side at the Battle of Fort Stevens,
on the Seventh Street Road near the City of Washingtr ti.
They stood with him on the parapet of the fort on the
only occasion when a President of the United States was
under fire in actual battle while in office. The other
officer in the group was wounded so severely that he car-
ried its serious effects to his grave, though he survived
many years.* The two members of the League who were
with Lincoln in battle are Colonel James W. Latta and
Major William A. Wiedersheim.

I see around me, as I have said, veterans of the War
of the Rebellion whose active work is done. I see also
many young men— strong, active, full of fire and courage
—in the uniforms of the Army and Navy of the United
States who are going to fight to preserve the very same
principles for which these veterans fought and for which
Lincoln died— Liberty and Democracy. These young
men are to take up and carry on the work of their pre-
decessors, and care must be taken that the names of every
member of the League who fights to perpetuate the
achievements of the heroes of 1861-1865 shall be added
to those we now see here. Whenever I look upon a pic-
ture of Abraham Lincoln, I think: There is a man who

*C. C. V. Crawford, Assistant Surgeon, lozd Pennsylvania Volun-
teers.

had no hate in his entire nature. No act of his was ever
di«ated by hate; his nature was love. Hate never won
any cause. In this war it has driven our enemies to the
commission of unutterable atrocities, the murder and
outrage of innocent women and children; rt has msti-
gated them to break treaties and agreements and violate
the laws of nations-but it has never won a cause. And
T want to say tonight, that just as surely as I am standmg
e, hate won't win the fight upon which we have

And now, in the name of. and on behalf of, the Art
Association I present to The Union League th.s statue
of Abraham Lincoln. This room would be mcomplete
without it. And as the years pass, and younger men
take our places-the places of you and of me-let them
see to it, that when this war is over, there be placed here
the names of the members of The Union League who made
sacrifices and fought over seas for the cause that Abra-
ham Lincoln fought for-the freedom of humanity. For
that ause Abraham Lincoln died; and for it every
American today, whether on the battlefront or in his own
country, will be willing to sacrifice everything in order to
win the fight and secur. the triumph of democracy.
[Applause.] For, as the I'esident has said: This war
means grim business." It is not a holiday affair; not a
re parade with flags fly ng and bands playing. It is
'real war upon an unprecedented scale. America expects
every man to make a sacrifice. There is a call to un.versa
service in this stupendous effort to establish for all
futurity the principles upon which the American Republic
was founded. This will be the final struggle to settle
permanently the rights of our own people and of the

peoples of the world — the weak sis well as the strong— to
enjoy unmolested the freedom of conscience, aspiration
and aaion that God intended should be the natural and
inalienable prerogatives of mankind. And after the vic-
tory is won the man who did not contribute his share to
the triumph of so holy a cause will be unhappy indeed.

Mr. Gribbel: — ^The statue will be unveiled by the
patriotic saint of The Union League, Mr. George P.
Morgan. [Applause.]

Mr. G. p. Morgan: — Mr. President, and gentlemen,
it is pleasant to be here, but I am here in the place of one
of our members, dear to every member of The Union
League, who has been sorely stricken, and to whom our
hearts go out in sincere sympathy. General Benson
gave much time and much thought to the preparation of
these memorials, both as a member of the Board of
Directors and as chairman of the Committee, arranged
and prepared the list of names entitled to be placed on
this roll of honor. This motto of this great organiza-
tion is identical to that of the great modem President,
"Love of Country Leads." How many memories I
recall as we read the names on these tablets. This
statue and these inscriptions make this holy ground;
make this an epoch night in -he history of The Union
League.

We are assembled this evening to unveil a statue in
lasting bronze, of the greatest American, whose one aim
was to preserve the Union, and we have surrounded it
with these tablets recording the names of our members,
dead and living, who tendered their lives, if need be, for
their country in that great conflict which was to decide

whether this wuntry was to remain as a Union of States
or to be destroyed.

It is fitting that The Union League should do this.
Its walls have been engrossed with this motto. This
monument of Abraham Lincoln is of the patriot who by
the grace of God lived to see victory for the cause and
then fell at the hands of a cowardly assassin withm forty
days after the second inaugural. These words will
remain forever enshrined in the hearts of every true
American. The success for which he strove has made it
possible for the United States to take part today m thi.
war for humanity against barbarism and has placed them
clearly in the front rank of the on-marching columns.

Mr. Gribbel:— Governor Stuart, for and on behalf
of The Union League, with profound appreciation, I
accept this statue. Through the continuing generosity
and sound judgment of the Art Association this house
has been enriched with a notablt line of art treasures.
In the gift of this statue you have touched the heart-
strings of The Union League and have made our patri-
otism articulate by this superb portrait of him whose
service was the inspiration of our birth. Here this
statue shall stand for the generations to come as the sign
and symbol of our mission and our enduring ideal. For
it we, and those who shall come after us, will hold for the
Art Association an endearing gratitude.

Members of The Union League, we gather to set apart
this room as sacred to the memory of those of our mem-
bers, who in the dark days of 1861 to 1S65 sprang to the
defense of the Flag. On these tablets their names and

rank are spread in bronze, not so imperishable as the

<\s^>'^W-

glory of their accomplishment. Their victory in 1865
makes possible the raising of the Flag of Liberty and
Union by these United States in the battle for world
freedom in 19 1?-

Most of these whose sacrifices we honor have joined
the battalions of Heaven, receiving the eternal decora-
tion; for "Greater love hath no man than this that a man
lay down his life for his friend," but by the favor of a
benign Providence there gather in this company tonight :

William W. Allen
Silas H. Alleman
Charles D. Barney
Jacob £. Barr
Clarence S. Bement
R. Dale Benson
Oliver C. Bosbyshell
Wendell P. Bowman
F. Amedee Bregy
Henry W. Brown
Henry C. Butcher
Howard Butcher
James Butterworth
Charles C. Butterworth
Richard Campion
William H. Carpenter
Robert Carson
J. Solis Cohen
John Conaway
Theodore Cramp
George K. Crozer
Henry J. Davis
A. J. DeCamp

Henry S. Huidekoper
Lane S. Hart
Samuel Horner, Jr.
John B. Hutchinson
Jacob E. Hyneman
John Story Jenks
Theodore Justice
Daniel A. Keyes
Josiah Kisterbock, Jr.
James W. Latta
James G. Leiper
Richard T. MtCarter
Robert K. McNeely
Frederick McOwen
George V. Massey
Samuel Moore, Jr.
George P. Morgan
C. Stuart Patterson
George G. Pierie
William K. Ramborger
William H. Ramsey
George Rice
Samuel D. Risley
3*

Edward J. Durban
Edgar W. Earle
Albert D. Fell
David N. Fell
John O. Foenng
James Forney
Edward H. Godshallc
William Grange
Robert M. Green
John W. Hampton
William W. Hanna
Charles H. Harding
John B. Harper
Alfred C Harrison
Thomas S. Harrison

Frank H. Rosengarten

William H. Sayen

Samuel S. Sharp

Richard M. Shoemaker

Powell Stackhouse

Thomas C. Stellwagen

George Stevenson

John M.Walton

Joseph K. Weave

John A. Wiedersh*. m

Willaim A. Wiedersheim
John Willing
Robert N. WiUson
John S. Wise

John D. Williamson
whose names these tablets bear.

Your Board of Directors in 191 5 appointed as a commit-
tee of veterans of the War of the Rebellion and requested
them to report a list of members who had served in the
armed forces of the United States in tl.e War of the

Rebellion.

R. Dale Benson, Chairman
George P. Morgan H. S. Huidekoper

O. C. Bosbyshell Horace Neide

Theodore E. Wiedersheim C. Stuart Patterson
James W. Latta Richard T. McCarter

To these veterans, by their request, was added Colonel
L. E. Beitler, as Secretary. The magnitude of the task
was not appreciated when it was imposed upon this
committee.

General Horace Neide and General Theodore E.
Wiedersheim passed to their reward before the task was

finished, and General R. Dale Benson lies ill tonight,
unable to be with us. The records of over fifty years
were searched and tonight we have as the result of this
committee's devotion these authenticated tablet records.
Amid all the records of The Union League these names
are our most precious assets. Stripped of them and the
inspiration of their example and sacrifice, we should be
poor indeed.

Five honorary members of The Union League, whose
names appear upon these tablets:

General Philip H. Sheridan,

Major-General Oliver Otis Howard,

Brevet Major-General Galusha Pennypacker,

Admiral George Dewey,

Rear Admiral J. A. Winslow,
received the "Thanks of Congress for distinguished
service."
On these tablets are also the names of—

Brevet Major-General John F. Hartranft,

Lt.-Colonel Charles M. Betts,

Brevet Brig.-General Henry H. Bingham,

Brevet Major-General Charles H. T. Collis,

Brevet Major William H. Lambert,

Brevet Major-General George W. Mindil,
(Medal awarded twice)

Brevet Major-General St. Clair A. Mulholland,

Colonel Robert L. Orr,

Colonel Henry S. Huidekoper,

Captain Frank Furness,
who received "The Medal of Honor."

Colonel Henry S. Huidekoper, the last surviving Field

Officer of the Third Division of the First Corps of the
Army of the Potomac, is still with us in health and
strength.

Major Lane S. Hart and Major O. C. Bosbyshell, the
only surviving members of The Union League who were
with their regiments in the battle and explosion of the
mine at Petersburg in 1864, are among our number
tonight. Major Bosbyshell was the first soldier who was
wounded in the War of the Rebellion, having been struck
on the head in Pratt Street in Baltimore on the 18th of
April, 1861. We rejoice it left no permanent damage
either to his head or to his heart.

As Governor Stuart has said, two living members of
The Union League, whose names are inscribed on these
tablets, stood in the presence of President Lincoln when
he was under fire in the siege of Fort Stevens during the
rebel raid at Washington in 1864, and none are held in
higher regard here than these:
Colonel James W. Latta,
Major William A. Wiedersheim.

The Union League is rich also in having among its
living possessions the only surviving member of the
League, Captain John O. Foering, ./ho, after participating
in all the campaigns of the Army of the Potomac up to
Gettysburg, marched with Sherman to the sea and later
through the Carolinas to the final surrender of the
Confederacy.

Another unique characteristic of these Memorial
Tablets should be called to your attention. It is a dis-
tinction not granted to any other organization in the
country, namely, that these tablets bear the names of

4«

r IB*

fifty-two members of the Philadelphia Washington Greyt.

Devoutly do we pray that down the corridors of this
Union League house there shall follow us generations of
.nembers, whose one and only object of membership here
shall be to secure to their children, undiminished, our own
birthright of Representative Government under the
Constitution received by us from the Fathers.

To this end we dedicate this Memorial Room, this our
Hall of Fame, as the shrine of an enduring Love of
Country.

As Abraham Lincoln was supported in the flesh and
spirit by Grant, Sherman, Sheridan, Hancock, Meade,
Thomas, Gregg, Farragut, and these our members, it is
very fitting that in this Memorial Room these bronzes in
their positions shall proclaim th? historic fact.

This dedication we make waile we here re-dedicate
ourselves and this Union League to the support of the
President of the United States in the present war in the
spirit of the immortal words carved above the Memorial
Tablets that "Government of the people, by the people,
for the people shall not perish from the earth."

Gentlemen, as an illustration of the influence of this
memorial room allow me to submit to you a very signal
proof. That influence of your patriotism reinforcing the
history of the past fifty-five years and the courtesies that
have been extended by you to those who have gone before
you, down through the years have made such a deep
impression upon a patriot still at work in the city of
Washington that he writes me a letter and sends to The
Union League the most treasured possession he and his
family own. Let me read the letter:

Wa«hj«ctoii, D. C, November 19. I9«7

To the Presidtnt and Board of Dirtetors of

Tkt Union Ltagut 0/ Philadtlphia,

Pkiladtlpkia, Pa.

Gentlemen:— My attention hat been called to the fact that The
Union League is. on the 24th instant, dedicatinR its " Memorial Room
and unveiling a life-size Statue of Abraham Lmcoln. I understand
that the new Room is to contain the League's Lincolniana.

1 am under th« impression, though I am not sure, that I »»" th«
only survivor of those who on the morning of the i Jf h of April, 1865,
saw that greatest of all Americans draw his last breath. The vir-
cumstanres under which 1 was drawn into the scene "f. f"»y^P*»'-
trayed in the final chapier of a little publication called The Com-
mander's Year," which 1 send herewith and beg your acceptance of.
The shorthand notes of the evidence I took before Secretary Stanton
and Chief Justice David K. Carter, then of the Supreme Court of the
District of Columbia, in the rear parlor of the Peterson House, I trari-
scribed into longhand while yet sitting in the room where the evi-
dence was taken. I had an idea that I would like to preserve not only
the shorthand notes but the original transcription made under such
dread surroundings and 1 did so, giv-ng to Secretary Stanton the next
afternoon another copy of the evidence in longhand.

My son, Mr. James A. Tanne., residing in your city now, put them
into shape for permanent preservation md, believing that they are of
considerable interest to the general public owing to the circumstances
surrounding their creation and believing that they will become more so
as the years pass, I write to say that if you care to give the voiame a
place among the treasures you may now possess or may naturally
gather in the future regarding President Lincoln. 1 «h'll be glad to
present -:hem to you in perpetuity, lin:ited only to the life of Ihe
Union League. If the League should ever discontinue its Lincolniana
display or sever its official connection therewith. 1 would like to have
it understood that the testimony shall be returned to my heirs.

I am delighted to know of your project and, rer-.embering with
pleasure the many courtesies I have had at the hands of your organiza-
tion and its individual members, I make this proffer with great pleasure
ar d with no further object in view than the hope I have that it may
a«id somewhat to the interest taken in your collection.
I am, gentlemen, with great regard.
Your obedient servant,

(Signed) James Takkee.

And into our possession as a trust, gentlemen, has come
this volume. There are the original stenographic notes
that Corporal Tanner made in the parlor -ftiile Lincoln

was dying overhead; and the transcript of the notes in
his own handwriting which he made the same night in
the same house.
[Adjourned.]

"Wk'

MEMORIAL TABLETS

Ht'SOlMHl MKMBHRS

rHlLIP H SHKRIDAN

intlM A ■WINSLOW

IIISJ'.MIN HARRISON
'AUI.IAM MKINLET

JOHN R^_BROOKE

(11,1 Vr R OTIS HOWARD

J.WII) M ML R TRIE ORHJG

iiAl i ..MA !l SNYPACKtR

PINNSTLVANIA

iliHS WHlTt GFAKr
iiHN IRlDl.RiL HARTRaNFT

HI Sin WARTTN HOYT
1A.V4KS AHUAMS B1:AVT.R

SA.MriL WHITTAHER PENNrPACKUl

^HPfVi: Al-ICLFf

INllS RHESBR tiXm.KH

> LOWAIID AllUims MTERASCH,,;
James »ANH.SACNf\' JOSH?M ASHBKOOK
iAMti I. SI AIBIKTSOS 'flCHARDLEWKAamUBT

OWN TICIMAS AUIENRIEC
t - *AHD BAILEY

ill.Aj Ai DKli H

WILLIAM ALLFN

JOHN I A ALi.E^

WILLIAM W ALLiN SAMUEL E VM-X

IIAIPH W P ALLhN

aiAALEJ HElfltri«E5

..T UlvrOK HIT.

'S GBORCE V KANKI

CinUANn ANURAUl WRAHTON lAXKM

rui.Qmil. AHAlilliONU LUAJILES D_tAXHr(

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,ACOB KBT EAldk a\T'

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EDWIN NOriH BENbON HCWAJU) BUTCHE* {

FRAJJK C BENSOn"^**^ cTa

I DALE lENSON *__UM£S BLi'l lULwjKEI

CluRQE A lARHAWjf Ji>(N*«L«IIUiKnX£R

CHARLES M BKTTS ? GBORCS^C

ALEXANDER WDDLE HENBTT CAKE
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JOHN WCELOW WILUAm' CAM

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MtNRT" H BINOHAM W ILUAMH CAMPSSU

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JAMES T BINGHAM lAMES D CAMrtBU

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HORACE BINNrr J. RICKAJID CAMTTOB

t I U'lLLIAM C BIRD

MCHARD R CAMT JK

JUHN FRANK BLACX EMLBN N CARfBIT* ,^

A'lUlAM BLAOtBURNK MMES E CARKKT

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WILLIA.U BLANCHARi) JOHN Q OUnVTIB t

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JOHN BLAKELHT LOUIs' H CAJIPENTE* .

JOHN BLAKISTON

WILUAM H CARKNTW

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ALB P COLBSBERRl lAMES DOAK i.

UmUH R Caj«UN JOHN DO»S0»( A.

CHAIU.tiHTCOLI.IS RItHARU'DOHACAH.
_HARUEi R COW ELL JACOB N DONALWO*

lOHN F C0NAWA1

JHli^AS COOPER

ROBERT W DOWNING :
EDWARD J DURfliH

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AMUFLW CRAWKdU) MAURJCE E PAGAN
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iHJRr.E H CRO!>MAH DAVID NfWLlN PELL

lOHN G CRQITON

R05WELL G PELTUS

1 ATTHtW H CRTI R JOSEPH C KERCUSOK

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a;J.I C FERliUSSON

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